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A COMPAEATIVE STUDY OF THE MAYAS AND THE LACANDONES
arci^aeological 9!nsit(tute of America
REPORT OF THE FELLOW IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY
1902-1905
A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE MAYAS AND THE LACANDONES
ALFRED mT TOZZER, Ph.D.
NEW YORK
PUBLISHED FOB THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA BY
E\}t IHacmillan Compang
64-66 Fifth Avenue
LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., Ltd.
1907
Norfanoti ^Brrss :
J S. Gushing & Co. — Berwick & Smith Co.
Norwood, Mass., U.S.A.
£"S no
gAKCROfT
PREFACE
The following report is based upon the field work carried on principally in Yucatan and Chiapas, Mexico, during the years 1902, 1903, 1904, and 1905 as Fellow in American Archse- ology of the Institute. A more detailed account of the exact time and places where the work was undertaken may be found in the brief reports that I have given each year to the Com- mittee of American Archseology and published in the Supple- ments to the American Journal of Archceology^ Vols. VI, VII, VIII, and IX.
The report is entirely ethnological in character. The former Maya culture is touched upon onl}^ in relation to that found at the present time. Where there is any connection between the two this has been brought out, but no attempt has been made to' sketch any phase of the ancient culture.
The linguistic part of the report is not included in the present volume. As it forms a unit in itself, it will be pub^ lished as a separate contribution. It will include a treatment of the Maya grammar together with a comparative study of the Maya, Tzeltal, Choi, and Chontal dialects of the Maya stock.
I desire at this time to express my appreciation and thanks to the three original members of the Committee on American Archaeology, Mr. Charles P. Bowditch, Chairman, Professor F. W. Putnam, and Professor Franz Boas. To Mr. Bowditch, through whose initiative and aid the Traveling Fellowship in American Archaeology was founded, and to Professor Putnam, both of whom have given unsparingly of their time in advice and counsel both before and during the four years of the Fellowship, and to Dr. Boas, who has been of great aid in his advice on the linguistic side of the work, I am deeply grateful.
I owe special thanks to Mr. Edward H. Thompson, American Consul at Progreso, Yucatan, for the many weeks spent on
vi P EFFACE
his delightful plantation at Chichen Itza, and to Mr. and Mrs. W. M. James of Merida for their many acts of kindness. To Don Audomaro Molina and Don David Casares and their families, I am grateful for an insight into the life of the capital of Yucatan.
My actual field work would have been doubly arduous but for the kind attentions and hospitality of friends connected with many of the large mahogany companies in southern Chiapas. The Compania Mexicana Sud-Oriental of Belgium through Mr. Luis Pelegrinni, Mr. Robert Herzog, and Mr. Alfonso Altes ; the American Trading Company of New York through Mr. Pedro V. Rubio and Mr. D. N. Carrington; the Compania Romano of San Juan Bautista, Chiapas, through Don Roman Romano, the Vice President, and Don Domingo Morgadanes; and the Bulnes Company, also of San Juan, through Don Enrique and Don Quentin Bulnes, have all placed many facilities of travel at my disposal.
This is not the time and place to enlarge upon the obliga- tions I feel myself under to each and every one of the persons named, in addition to a large number of others. It is always a regret that the conditions of the country are such 'that, in many cases, one is compelled to accept hospitality and favors which he can never hope to repay.
A. M. T.
Harvard University, June, 1906.
CONTENTS
PAGR
Fhefacb V
Introduction 1
Maya and Lacandone . . . . . . . . ,. . 1
Maya and Lacandone, linguistically considered . . . . . 1
Name and derivations 3
Habitat 4
Number 6
History (summary) 7
Mayas and Yucatan 7
Lacandones and Chiapas . . . 12
Habitat 14
Position .14
Archaeological remains .14
Orography 15
Rivers 16
Soil 17
Geological formation 17
Rainfall . .18
Seasons 18
Climate . 18
Mineral v^ealth 19
Flora 19
Fauna 22
Personal Characteristics 24
Physical 24
Stature and head form .24
Physical strength , . . .24
Color of skin and hair ; texture of hair 25
Health 26
Artificial flattening of head 26
Mental 27
Intellect . . 27
Morality 27
Condition on the haciendas of Yucatan 27
Drunkenness 28
Clothing . 29
Lacandones .29
Mayas . . 31
SociXl Characteristics 33
External relations 33
vii
Vlll CONTENTS
PAGE
Social Characteristics (cont.) External relations {cont.)
Lacandones 32
Isolation and its causes 34
Mayas 36
Permanence of language ........ 36
Interrelations 37
Internal relations 38
Permanent settlements 38
Descent and inheritance 39
Family imperfectly constituted 39
Totemic divisions and their locations .40
Divisions as regards precedence in birth 42
Political life 43
Honor paid to chief of settlement 44
Family life 44
Leadership 44
Morality . „ .45
Marriage rite 45
Polygyny .45
Fecundity 46
Naming of children . . 46
Puberty rites 47
Mortuary customs . . 47
Ideas of future life 47
Sociology of Mayas 49
Industrial Activity . . . 51
Agriculture 51
Food and the preparation of food 51
Crops 53
Hunting 53
Fishing 54
Navigation 54
Weaving 55
Cloth making ' 55
Hammocks and carrying nets 56
Baskets 57
Manufacture of bows and arrows 57
Varieties of arrows 59
Flint chipping 60
Arrow release . . . . . 61
Arrows as ceremonial objects 61
Pottery making 62
Mayas Jis potters . . . ^ 62
Lacandones as potters 62
Apiculture 63
Fire making 63
House building 63
CONTENTS IX
PAOB
Artistic Activity 65
Decoration 66
Absent among the Mayas 66
Gourds for food and drink among the Lacandones .... 66
Figure of winged serpent on cliff at Lake Petha .... 69
Sacred incense-burners of the Lacandones 69
Ceremonial gourd rattle 70
Ceremonial robe .70
Sacred hut, or hermita 72
Personal decoration 72
Music 73
Games 76
Dancing . . . .77
Keligion 79
Lacandones 79
Ideas expressed 79
General character . . . 80
Gods 80
Number ' 80
Character and attitude toward the natives 81
Residence 81
Pilgrimages . 81
Finding of incense-burners 81
Connection with ancient culture 81
Use by Lacandones .84
Survival of older form 86
Changes of form 86
Representation 87
Idols of stone 87
How obtained 88
Their place in the incense-burners 88
Renewal of hraseros^ or incense-burners ... 89
Functions of the hraseros 89
Detailed description of hraseros 89
Different types 90
Sacred hut 91
Great secrecy and privacy observed . . ... 92
Names of gods 93
Those represented in an encampment 99
Mode of selection .99
Divination by leaf 100
Divination by hands 100
Use to determine offering 101
Kinds of offering 102
Possession of set of idols and hraseros 103
Priestly duties .104
Ceremonies . . . . , 106
Women excluded 106
X CONTENTS
PAOB
Religion (cont.) Lacandones (cont.) Ceremonies (cont.)
General form 105
Renewal rites for braseros 105
Time of year 106
Preparation 106
Braseros, braseritos, and drum 107
Number in an encampment • .107
Shelter erected 108
Method of manufacture 108
Akna, the handled incense-burner . . . . 110
Ceremonial robe Ill
Interior of ceremonial hut Ill
Stages to every offering made to the braseros . . . .116
Character of chants . . . 117
Daily gift of posoZ to old 6raseros 117
Copal placed in the incense bowls 118
Jicaras oi posol "plRced 119
Shell blown at east of sacred hut 119
Posol administered to braseros, to the east of hut, to those
on the shelf, and to the ceremonial drum . .119
Shell blown at east of hut 120
Copal lighted in incense-burners 120
Chant with leaves in smoke of incense .... 121
Chant over members of family with leaves . . . 121
Second administration of posol 122
Variations of rite 122
Posol distributed 122
Rite of offering baltie, buliwa, meat, and fillets to the old
braseros 123
Preparation 123
Making baltSe 123
Chant during fermentation 125
Purification 125
Board of nodules of copal 125
Male and female nodules 125
Survival of form .126
Purification 127
Jar filled with baltSe 128
Buliwa placed before the braseros and idols . . . 128 Mixture of cocoa placed . . . . . . .128
Nodules of copal placed 128
BaltSe and cocoa placed in jicaras 128
Jar refilled 129
Second and third set of jicaras of baltde placed before the
braseros 129
Bark fillets offered 129
CONTENTS XI
PAGE
Religion (cont.) Lacandones (cont.) Ceremonies (cont.)
Renewal rites for braseros (cont.) Rite of offering baltse, etc. (cont.)
BaltSe administered to braseros and other points . . 129
Jicaras of baltie around jar distributed .... 130
Women enter sacred inclosure 130
Second administration of baltSe from jicaras around jar . 130
Shell blown at east of hut 130
Buliwa offered 130
BaltSe before braseros offered 131
Board of nodules offered at east of hut .... 131
Drum beaten 131
Potion of baltSe to all present 132
Board of nodules offered inside hut . . . ' . . 132
Second potion of baltSe to all present .... 132
Third administration of baltSe from jicaras around jar . 132
Nodules distributed in braseros 132
Dishes of meat placed 133
Jicaras refilled around jar 133
Fourth administration from jicaras around jar , . . 133
Jicaras of baltSe around jar distributed .... 133 New fire kindled . . . . . . . .133
Palm leaves distributed 134
Copal nodules in incense bowls lighted .... 134
Chant with leaves in smoke of incense .... 134
Third potion of baltSe given to all 134
Chant with leaves over family ...... 134
Meat offered 135
BaltSe and meat administered to the braseros and the
other points 135
Fifth administration of baltSe from the jicaras around
the jar 135
Jicaras around jar distributed 135
Period of general drinking 135
Obligatory drunkenness • 136
Piercing ear with stone point ..... 137
Placing body over fire of copal 137
Buliwa and meat distributed among those present . . 137
Women enter sacred inclosure 138
General feasting begins ....... 138
Necessity of consuming all the baltSe .... 138
Fillets distributed 138
Last offering of posol to old braseros .... 138
New braseros and braseritos brought in . . . . 138
Condition of old braseros 139
Cleaned and idols extracted 139
Xll
CONTENTS
Religion (cont.) Lacandones {cont.) Ceremonies (cont.)
Renewal rites for braseros (cont.) Rite of offering baltse, etc. (cont.)
Old braseros placed at one side of hut
New braseros installed in their place .
Offering of baltde .... Idol placed in bowl of incense-burner
Board of nodules made
Offering of achiote Spots painted Second day in life of new braseros
Offering of posol Third day, offering of baltSe .
Tamales of corn placed
Jar filled with baltSe from hollow log
Jicaras of baltSe placed before braseros and braseritos
Shell blown at east of hut
Baltie administered to sacred ollas .
Nodules of copal placed and spattered with baltSe
Baltse distributed in jicaras from those around jar
Cigars made of first tobacco and offered .
Second administration of baltSe
Distribution of baltse from jicaras around jar
Third administration of baltse .
Jicaras of posol brought in and offered
Fourth administration of baltse
Nodules of copal offered at east of hut
Nodules of copal offered inside hut .
Fillets of bark offered ....
Nodules of copal distributed in braseros and braseritos
New fire made
Nodules of copal lighted .
Different articles painted with achiote
Chanting with leaves in smoke of incense
Chanting with leaves over family
Offering of frejoles placed .
Tamales and frejoles offered Necessity of giving first fruits
Tamales and frejoles administered
Baltse in jicaras before sacred ollas, tamales, and fre joles distributed . An exchange of offerings
Fillets and cigars distributed Fourth day in life of new braseros .
Offering of posol and balls of ground corn Fifth- day
Offering of posol and cocoa
CONTENTS xiii
PAGE
Religion {cont.^ Lacandones {cont.) Ceremonies {cont.)
Renewal rites for braseros (cont.)
Sixth day 145
Offering of posol and balls of ground corn . . . 145
Seventh day 145
Offering of posol and cocoa 145
New braseros placed on shelf 146
Ceremonial hut carefully swept 146
Old braseros placed in nets and carried to cliff . . . 146
Braseritos carried and deposited at Petha .... 147
End of rite 147
Rite on undertaking a journey 147
Nodules made 147
Chant with leaves in smoke of incense 147
Chant over members of family about to depart . . . 147
Simple offering of copal 148
Pilgrimage to home of a god 148
Journey - . 148
Celebration of rite 149
Divinatory rite in woods 150
Mayas 151
Many survivals of ancient rites 151
Causes of success of Spanish missionaries 151
Catholic religion in Yucatan 152
Cosmical conceptions 153
Four periods to history of the earth 153
Seven heavens above the earth and their inhabitants . . .154
Other spirits among the Mayas 156
Ceremonies 159
Offering to Catholic santos 160
Harvest rite 160
Baltse offered 160
Nine tortillas made 160
Offering to four cardinal points 161
Rite in milpa to spirits of the winds 161
Rite for rain 162
General ceremony for rain 162
Rite on departure for hunting 162
Corral rite 162
Divination 163
By crystal 163
By corn 163
By ring 164
New fire rite 164
Conclusions 164
Chants 169
Bibliography 191
LIST OF PLATES
PLATE
I. Diego de Landa, first Bishop of Yucatan. II. 1. Usumacinta River above Tenosique. 2. Usumacinta River above Tenosique.
III. 1. Grand Cenote at Chichen Itza.
2. Lacandone woman carrying child on hip.
IV. 1. Group of Lacandones from Petha.
2. Group of Lacandones from the Lacantun River. V. 1. Lacandone bark dress.
2. Lacandone mother and child. VI. 1. Lacandone boy and girl.
2. Two Maya women and child. VII. 1. Maya from Chichen Itza.
2. Two Mayas in working costume. VIII. 1. Lacandone settlement from the east.
2. Lacandone settlement from the south.
3. Shelter of the Lacandones. IX. 1. Maya woman grinding corn.
2. Maya woman molding and baking tortillas. X. 1. Lacandone shooting with native bow and arrows.
2. Lacandone youth shooting fish with bow and arrows. XI. 1. Lacandone woman spinning. 2. Lacandone woman weaving. XII. 1. Lacandone loom.
2. Lacandone hammock.
XIII. 1. Front of the ceremonial robe of the Lacandones.
2. Back of the ceremonial robe of the Lacandones.
3. Maya woman modeling a pot.
XIV. 1. Lacandone shell necklace.
2. Olla used in collecting the soot from burning copal.
3. Lacandone native oboe.
XV. 1. Design on ceremonial robe of the Lacandones.
2. Typical Lacandone incense-burner.
XVI. 1. Incense-burner from Labna, Yucatan.
2. Incense- burner from Cozumel, east of Yucatan.
3. Incense-burner from the Hondo River, British Honduras.
4. Incense-burner from the Hondo River, British Honduras. 6. Lacandone incense-burner.
XV
XVI
LIST OF PLATES
PLATE
XVn. 1. Incense-burner from the State of Oaxaca.
2. Head of an incense-burner from the south of Yaxchilan. S. Head of an incense-burner from the south of Yaxchilan.
4. Incense-burner from the south of Yaxchilan.
5. Incised incense-burner of the Lacandones. XVIII. 1. Mayas dancing.
2. Lacandone offering two braseritos in a rite. XIX. 1. Clay animal of the Lacandones.
2. Smallest type of the Lacandone incense-burner.
3. Handle of an incense-burner from the UUoa River, Honduras.
4. Wooden bark beater.
XX. 1. Interior of ceremonial hut of the Lacandones from the northeast.
2. Ceremonial drum of the Lacandones.
3. Lacandone chanting before old braseros.
XXI. 1. Incense-burner, offering of baltse, leaves, and a cigar.
2. Lacandone chanting with leaves. XXII. 1. Lacandone youth with his share of offering of posol.
2. Lacandones making baltse.
3. Two logs containing baltse.
XXIII. 1. Board for offering nodules of copal.
2. Nodule of copal found in Yucatan.
3. Nodule of copal found in Yucatan.
XXIV. 1. Leader in rite sitting before jar of baltse.
2. Jar containing baltse.
3. Lacandone offering board of nodules of copal. XXV. 1. Lacandone with slain monkey.
2. Lacandone making ceremonial fire. XXVI. 1. Lacandone with spotted poncho and ceremonial fillet.
2. Interior of sacred hut from the northwest. XXVII. 1. Interior of sacred hut from the south.
2. Lacandones carrying out the "dead" braseros. XXVIII. Three atlantes from Chichen Itza. XXIX. 1. Three Mayas offering posol to the spirits of the wind. 2. Maya offering posol.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS IN TEXT
PIO. PAGE
1. Woman weaving, from Codex ' . .66
2. Lacandone bow and arrows 58
3. Package of flint flakes for arrow points 60
4. Incised designs on jicaras for baltie 66
5. Incised designs on jicaras for baltie . . . . . . .66
6. Incised designs on jicaras for baltse 66
7. Incised designs on jicaras for baltse 67
8. Incised designs on jicaras for baltie 67
9. Incised designs on jicaras for baltie 67
10. Incised design of men on jicaras 67
11. Incised design of men on jicaras . . 67
12. Incised design of men on jicaras 67
13. Incised designs on jicaras for baltse 68
14. Incised designs on jicaras for baltse 68
15. Incised designs on jicaras for baltse 68
16. Incised figure on cliff, Lake Petha 68
17. Painted figures on cliff. Lake Petha 69
18. Figure from Codex showing face painting 73
19. Lacandone gourd rattle 76
20. Figure with rattle, from Codex . . . . . . . .75
21. String figure of chicken's foot 76
22. String figure, " sawing wood " 76
23. Stick game of the Mayas .77
24. Jade idol of the Lacandones 87
25. Idol inside jar, from Codex 88
26. Lacandone incense-burner, Petha type 91
27. Offering in bee rite, from Codex 98
28. Molding or carving incense-burner or idol, from Codex . . . 109
29. Baking incense-burner, from Codex . . . . . . . 109
30. Painting idol or incense-burner, from Codex 109
31. Painting idol or incense-burner, from Codex 109
32. Handled incense-burner of the Lacandones 110
33. Plan of interior of sacred hut, or hermita 112
34. Figure in Codex offering leaves 121
35. Top of male nodule of copal 125
36. Male nodule of copal, side view 126
37. Female nodule of copal, side view 126
38. Copal offered in bowls, from Codex 126
39. Figure gathering rubber, from Codex 127
40. Jar for baltSe, from Codex 127
xvii
XVlll
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
FIO.
41. Figure offering board of nodules of copal, from Codex
42. Figure offering board of nodules of copal, from Codex
43. Blood rite, from Codex
44. Figure showing drunkenness, from Codex . 46. Carrying the incense- burner, from Codex
46. Incense-burner or idol covered with copal, from Codex
47. Figure offering meat to incense-burner or idol, from Codex
48. Figure offering corn to incense-burner or idol, from Codex
49. Smoking rite, from Codex
PAOE
131 131 136 137 139 139 140 140 143
LIST OF CHANTS
NO. PAGB
1. A set of bow and arrows offered to the gods when a boy arrives at the
age of puberty 169
2. Eclipse of sun 169
3. Divination for name of god whose presence is desired . . . .170
4. Divination for name of offering desired by the gods .... 171 6. Distribution of copal in the braseros during the process of the manu- facture of the new incense-burners 171
6. An offering of posol placed in jicaras before the line of braseros . . 173
7. An offering of posol administered to the braseros .... 173
8. An offering of posol administered to the brasero bf Usukun . . 174
9. An offering of posol offered at the east of the sacred hut . . . 174
10. An offering of posol administered to the braseros on the shelf . .174
11. An offering of posol administered to the drum, Qaiyum . . . 174
12. Palm leaves distributed to the participants in the rite . . . .175
13. Palm leaves held over the smoke of the burning incense . . . 175
14. Chant over a young boy with the palm leaves consecrated in the smoke
of the incense 175
15. A jicara of posol distributed to each of the participants . . . 176
16. Individual offering of a particle of the gift of ^oso2 . . . . 176
17. Chant given during the fermentation of the ceremonial drink . . 177
18. Purification of the ceremonial drink contained in the hollow log . . 178
19. Purification of the nodules of copal 178
20.. An offering of baltse and cacao placed before the braseros . . 179
21. An offering of bark fillets to the gods 179
22. Baltde administered to the braseros in behalf of the gods . . . 180
23. An offering of baltse at the east of the sacred hut .... 181
24. A jicara of baltse distributed to each of the participants . . . 181
25. Answer of those receiving the gift of baltse 181
26. A jicara of baltse given to each of the members of the family of the
leader of the rite 181
27. Individual offering of a small portion of the gift of baltse . . .181
28. Buliwa offered to the braseros in behalf of the gods . . . .181
29. Baltse offered to the braseros in behalf of the gods .... 182
30. The nodules of copal about to be offered to the gods .... 182
31. The nodules of copal offered at the east of the ceremonial hut . . 182
32. The nodules of copal offered to the braseros inside the ceremonial hut
in behalf of the gods 183
33. The nodules of copal distributed in the braseros 183
34. An offering of meat placed before the braseros in behalf of the gods . 184
XX LIST OF CHANTS
KO. PAGK
35. A potion of the ceremonial drink given to the leader .... 184
36. A gift of meat offered to the braseros in behalf of the gods . . . 184
37. An offering of meat and buliwa administered to the braseros . . 184
38. The offering of meat and buliwa presented at the east of the ceremo-
nial hut 185
39. The offering of meat and buliwa distributed to the participants . . 185
40. Individual offering of a particle of the gift of meat and buliwa . . 185
41. The last offering of posol to the old braseros 186
42. The old braseros cleaned and the idols removed 186
43. The first offering made to the new braseros and the idol placed inside
the bowl 186
44. An offering of posol given to the new braseros in behalf of the gods . 187
45. An offering of baltse administered to each of the braseritos . . 187
46. An offering of baltie given to the ceremonial jar .... 188
47. A gift of tobacco given to the braseros in behalf of the gods . . 188
48. A gift of posol offered to the braseros in behalf of the gods . . . 188
49. A gift of frejoles offered to the braseros in behalf of the gods . . 188
50. A gift of frejoles and tamales administered to the braseros . . . 188 61. The chant used when a journey is to be undertaken . . . . 189
KEY TO THE PRONUNCIATION OF MAYA WORDS
The vowels and consonants have their continental sounds with the following exceptions : —
S. like u in hut
ai like i in island
k (Beltran's c) ordinary palatal k
q (Beltran's k) velar k
g (Beltran's o) ts explosive or fortis
o (Beltran's tz) ts non-explosive
s (Beltran's x) like sh in hush
ts (Beltran's ch) like ch in church
ts (Beltran's cfe) ch explosive
p (Beltran's pp) p explosive
t (Beltran's fh) t explosive
INTRODUCTION
The Mayas of Yucatan and the Lacandones of Chiapas, Mex- ico, and the upper Usumacinta River both belong to the same branch of the great Maya-Quiche linguistic stock. There is no distinction made between the people of these two localities when they are taken in connection with those of the less closely allied branches of this linguistic family, the Quiche, the Choi, the Tzeltal, the Mam, the Pokom, and the Huaxteca groups. The Mayas of Yucatan together with the Lacandones are usu- ally designated as forming the Maya proper, and I shall limit myself in this study to a consideration of this group alone.
The Maya of Yucatan and the Lacandone are separated only by a slight dialectical difference. This is now about the only common ground on which to judge the people of the two locali- ties. A comparison of the life and customs of the two sections affords a most striking example^ of the effect of Spanish contact upon a portion of a once homogeneous people, one part having lived in close and intimate relations with Spanish influences since the time of the Conquest, and the other entirely free from all close contact with the Spanish-Mexican element of the population.
In speaking of the Maya of Yucatan, the typical native of the country will be considered, not a resident of one of the large towns or cities, but the Maya who lives in one of the small Indian pueblos scattered everywhere throughout the pen- insula. In the eastern section of Yucatan, there was to be found not long ago what one might call the pure Yucatan Maya. In the southernmost sections of the peninsula, he still exists.
In eastern and southern Yucatan there are three different settlements of Mayas which are practically independent. The Mayas occupying the eastern portion of the peninsula have
1
2 MATAS AND LACANDONES
never been completely conquered by the Mexican troops sent against them. The last general uprising was in 1847. The stronghold of the suhlevados hravos (fighting insurgents) was called Chan Santa Cruz. This was destroyed by the Mexican troops and the site is now occupied by them as a camp. The Indians live in the bush and keep up a guerrilla warfare with the Mexicans sent against them even up to the present time. Travel in this portion of the peninsula, unless one is accom- panied by a detachment of Mexican soldiers, is dangerous, owing to the untrustworthiness of these Indians and to their fear of allowing a Mexican spy to ascertain their true condition. Mr. Sapper ^ estimates these Indians formerly to have numbered about forty thousand and now to be not more than a fourth of this number.
In the southern portion of the peninsula of Yucatan, west of Belize and north of Peten, there are two practically independ- ent Indian states, that of Ixkanha in central Yucatan, which has intercourse with Campeche to the westward, and that of Icaiche farther to the south, which carries on trade relations with Orange Walk in British Honduras. These states, according to Sapper,"^ numb^ respectively eight thousand and five hundred. They were formerly in league with the Indians of Chan Santa Cruz, but in 1853 they made a treaty with the Mexican government, thus arousing the hatred of their former allies. These two Indian states have full independ- ence in internal affairs, and they in turn recognize the authority of Mexico, and their officers have nominally to be confirmed by the central government of Mexico. These people stand half- way between the civilized Mayas to the northward and the Lacandones to the south. I have no personal knowledge of these Indians, and they will not be considered in the following report.
For my comparison, I shall take the Lacandone as he is
1 Sapper, 1895, pp. 197-201 ; 1904, pp. 623-624. I have availed myself of this article for the greater part of the facts in the account above. [Articles are referred to by date and the titles may be found in the bibliography at the end.]
INTRODUCTION 3
found to-day, unchanged and untrammeled by Spanish contact, and the Maya proper of Yucatan, a being now essentially Mexican, but still retaining, however, his native dress, lan- guage, general mode of living, and fundamental ideas con- cerning religion.
The term " Maya " will be used as meaning, not the people linguistically considered and taken as a whole, but simply the native population of Yucatan. I shall touch upon the ancient culture of the Mayas only as it is shown as surviving among the people of the present time.
Both the Mayas and the Lacandones call themselves mas- sewal. This comes from the Nahuatl word masehualli (plural masehualtin), meaning the lower class of working people. This name is thought by some to have been given to those of the inhabitants who originally come from Mexico. It is now applied to all the natives of the country without distinction. The white people of the land know the Indians of the peninsula as Mayas and the Lacandones as Caribes. This later name is of course inappropriate, as the inhabitants of Chiapas have no connection with the tribe commonly known as Caribes, which was originally found in northern South America.
The name " Lacandone " has been given to the natives of Chiapas and the upper Usumacinta River by writers to dis- tinguish them from the Mayas proper of Yucatan. The name is probably a debased form for Lacantun, which means, in Maya, great or massive rocks. The form ton is used for tun in several dialects of the Maya, and we would then have Lacanton. The surd t may easily have been mistaken for the sonant d. Mistakes in mixing the surd and sonant are common in the native place names as recorded by the Spaniards. The term " Lacantun " is still found in its correct form in the name of one of the rivers flowing into the upper Usumacinta, on which settle- ments of this people are found. It has seemed best to retain the name Lacandone as designating the people about whom we are to speak. This is done in order to avoid confusion, inas-
4 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
much as most of the early Spanish authorities use this form of the word, although it has no derivation in Maya. Mr. Seler considers that the right term is Acandon, as used by Alonso Ponce in 1586. ^ This name would be derived from acan, to groan or to thunder, and tun or ton, stone. Mr. Seler further suggests that the term may also have been applied to an idol. Stephens speaks of the Candones or " unbaptized Indians who live as their fathers did." 2 These were in all probability the same people as the present-day Lacandones.
Early historians when speaking of the Mayas in general always include the Lacandones and the Itzas, who inhabited the country around Lake Peten in Guatemala. At that time, all three people had practically the same language, religion, and customs. After the conquest of the Itzas in 1697, the province was held only by a small garrison of Mexican troops for over half a century, when it was finally made into a criminal colony. The people now inhabiting this portion of the country around Lake Peten are a peaceful, quiet lot, and are more Mexican in character than Maya.
The Lacandones inhabit the territory to the south of Tenosi- que, Tabasco, and west of the Usumacinta River in the state of Chiapas, the country drained by the rivers Lacantum and Lacanha, which unite with the Chixoy, or Salinas, to form the Usumacinta. The country of the Lacandones is crossed and recrossed by rivers and streams, thus furnishing an abundant water supply. The soil is fertile owing to the many rivers and the dense tropical vegetation. There are several large lakes in the territory occupied by the Lacandones.
Many of the early writers and some even down to within a comparatively few years ago have made a twofold division of the Lacandones, — the eastern Lacandones, living on the Rio de la Pasion and east of the Usumacinta, a harmless agricultural people who spoke Maya ; and the western Lacandones who spoke Choi or Putum, a dialect of the Maya stock. ^ The
1 Seler, 1901, pp. 5, 6. 2 Stephens, 1841, Vol. II, p. 195.
8 Berendt, 1867, p. 425.
INTRODUCTION 5
Lacandones of Lake Petha, who would naturally belong to the western division, do not speak Choi, but Maya and a Maya differing very slightly from that spoken in Yucatan, as will be shown in the linguistic part of this study. This former classi- fication has broken down, and there is no longer any reason to suppose that there is a body of Lacandones speaking the Choi dialect of the Maya stock. ^ In the names of a few of the gods worshiped by the Lacandones at the present time, and in the painting of the face during some of the religious rites, there seems to be some slight variation as one travels from the east to the west. This may point to some original differ- ence in the composition of the people.
As far as could be ascertained both from observation and inquiries, there seem to be no large settlements of this people in any part of the country. They are very much disseminated, living in small family groups, each with its animal totem. As far as I know, there is only one family of Lacandones living near the banks of the Usumacinta River, and also only a single family on the lower Lacantun. Within the last five years the whole country has been overrun with mahogany cutters, and their canoes are constantly passing up and down the rivers. As a consequence of this intrusion, the Lacandones have pressed back farther into the interior and have made their homes on the smaller streams flowing into the Usumacinta and Lacantun.
Concerning their number, one hestitates in giving even an estimate, inasmuch as they are scattered over so wide a range of country. Mr. Sapper is nearer the truth, it seems to me, in his earlier statement, in which he places the number of Lacandones as between two hundred and three hundred.^ In a later publication ^ he places the number at five hundred, although he questions the accuracy of this numeration.
1 Seler (1895, pp. 21-53; 1904, pp. 75-122) speaks, of a letter he received from Mr. Sapper denying the fact of a western body of Lacandones speaking Choi. Mr. Sapper also states that the Lacandones who held out so successfully against the constant expeditions sent against them by the Spaniards spoke the Maya proper in part at least.
2 Sapper, 1897, p. 259. » Ibid., 1904, a, p. 9.
t) MAYAS AND LACANDONES
The Mayas, on the other hand, may be numbered by the tens of thousands. Brinton estimates the number of pure Mayas as two hundred thousand and those of mixed blood as number- ing one hundred thousand. ^ Mr. Sapper estimates the num- ber of Mayas in Yucatan, Campeche, Chiapas, Tabasco, Peten, and British Honduras as three hundred thousand. ^ Whole villages and cities in Yucatan are composed entirely of Mayas. In the eastern section until a very few years ago, as has been stated, they held undisputed control.
The country occupied by both these dialects of the Maya stock furnishes the inhabitants with game of all kinds and many fruits and vegetables which grow wild.
Both the Lacandones and the Mayas are inherently a moral people. They have a certain code of conduct and live up to that with great faithfulness. The family life of the Lacan- dones is both simple and pure. Polygyny is practiced. When the men are not engaged in hunting and fishing, they are busy in the observances of their religious ceremonies, carried on before their incense-burners in behalf of the family gods. The main object of these rites is to cure diseases and to avert evils.
The family life of the Maya proper is for the most part good. The Mexican looseness in this respect, as in many others, has come in to take the place of the simple and natural conditions formerly existing. The natives of the cities and towns naturally feel more heavily the effect of the contact with these new influences.
The religion of the Lacandone is clearly a survival of that described by the early historians as existing throughout Yuca- tan at the time of the arrival of the Spaniards in the sixteenth century. In the peninsula at the present time, owing to the influence of the energetic Spanish priests and missionaries, there is existing a nominal Catholic religion. In the less populated districts, however, the fundamental religious ideas of the na- tives savor greatly of the former religion of the country. There are, moreover, rites still carried on which are native in character. 1 Brinton, 1882, p. 19. 2 Sapper, 1904, a, p. 9.
HISTORY
The Mayas in all probability are not indigenous in Yuca- tan. The myths and early historians tell of a twofold mi- gration into Yucatan in the earliest times, one from the east, or more exactly from the southeast, and the other from the west or southwest.^ The migration from the east was much less numer- ous than that from the west. Brinton identifies the eastern ar- rival as a sun myth, but the other is supported by the chronicles of the Mayas, and certainly has some historical importance.^ If we accept the idea of the two migrations, we can assume that they were composed of people of the same stock, possess- ing the same language, customs, and religion. The situation of the ruins in Yucatan and the country to the southward seems to give weight to the idea of a twofold migration. There is a line of ruined cities stretching southeast into Honduras and another to the southwest toward the River Champoton.
The eastern migration is supposed to have had among its members the culture hero, Zamna, or Itzamna, to whom is as- cribed the invention of the characters used by the early Mayas in writing.
After many years of wandering, Chichen Itza became the headquarters of this eastern migration.
At a later date the second and westerly migration from Tabasco and Champoton took place under the command of the Tutul-Xius.
According to the early chronicles, the Chanes, or Itzas, who had founded Chichen Itza, also established at a later date settle- ments at Izamal and T-ho, the present site of the city of Merida.
Chichen Itza was governed by three brothers, one of whom 1 Molina, 1896, p. xii. 2 Brinton, 1882, p. 20.
7
8 MATAS AND LACANB0NE8
absented himself from the kingdom. The remaining two be- came tyrannical, internal discord broke out, and civil war re- sulted. Chichen Itza was finally abandoned, and, after many years of wandering, the Itzas established themselves in Chan- Peten.i Here there was prosperity for many years. For some motive not clearly shown, a move was made to the north- ward and the city of Mayapan founded. At the same time war was made against the Caciques of Izamal and Motul with the aid of the Xius, who had come from the southwest and founded the city of Uxmal at a time previous to the settlement of Mayapan.
It was in ahau two of the Maya chronology that the famous confederation was made among the cities of Uxmal, Izamal, Ma- yapan, and Chichen Itza, which had been reestablished after the return of the Itzas from the south. It was probably during this confederation, which lasted over two hundred years, that Kukulcan came to Yucatan from the southwest. According to the early accounts, he brought the ideas of religion found existing among the Mayas at the time of the Conquest. After he had seen his ideas carried out, he departed as mysteriously as he had come.
Civil war broke out immediately after the withdrawal of Kukulcan, between the cities of Chichen Itza and Mayapan. Izamal espoused the cause of Chichen Itza. The leader of Mayapan called to his aid the Nahuas, who had settlements in Tabasco. With the help of this foreign force, Chichen and finally Izamal fell under the power of Mayapan.
The ruling power at Mayapan fell to the house of Cocomes. Owing to the tyranny of one of the kings of this family, the Tutul-Xius, who up to this time had not joined against Maya- pan, made an uprising which was entered into by the former inhabitants of Chichen and Izamal. The city of Mayapan and the power of the Cocomes were destroyed. A son alone was saved by being absent from the city at the time of the up- rising.
1 Brinton, 1882, p. 96.
HISTORY 9
On the return of this surviving member of the family of the Cocomes, his followers gathered around him and they founded the city of Tibulon in the district of Zotuta.
One of the former priests of Mayapan was the founder of the family of Cheles in the district of Izamal. The Tutul-Xius founded a new capital at Mani. After the destruction of Maya- pan, Yucatan was divided for the most part among the three families of the Xius, the Cocomes, and the Cheles, among whom there existed the most intense hatred. There was a state of constant warfare.
This, briefly, is the history of Yucatan up to the time of the arrival of the Spaniards. The accounts are often conflicting, and there are many places where the myths and the early chronicles are silent.
In 1502 on the fourth and last voyage of Columbus, when the expedition was in the Gulf of Honduras, an Indian canoe was encountered which had probably put out from the shores of Yucatan. This was the first news in Europe of the exist- ence of Yucatan.
In 1506 two of the companions of Columbus set out to in- vestigate the former vague reports. They were in the Gulf of Honduras, and, "turning to the northward, discovered a great part of Yucatan."^
In the year 1511 Geronimo de Aguilar and Yaldivia were shipwrecked on the coast of Yucatan. Valdivia and four of the sailors were, according to the early accounts, sacrificed by the natives of the country and afterward eaten. Aguilar and another companion, Guerrero, who were reserved until a later time, managed to escape into the country to the southward.
In 1517 Francisco Hernandez de Cordoba set sail from Cuba for Yucatan. He touched first at the Isla de Las Mujeres and then sailed round the northern side of the peninsula and to the south as far as Campeche. The natives stoutly resisted the Spaniards at every opportunity. In the following year the governor of Cuba, Diego Velasquez, sent Juan de Grijalva to 1 Herrera, 1601-1615, Dec. I, Libro VI, Cap. XVII.
10 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
the new land. Francisco de Montejo, who later played a great part in the history of the country, accompanied this expedition, as well as Bernal Diaz del Castillo. They landed at Cozumel, and they, also, went around the north of the peninsula and down the western side to Tabasco.
In 1519 Hernando Cortes set sail in company with Montejo to take possession of Yucatan in the name of Spain. They rounded Cape Catoche and landed at Cozumel. They finally retraced their course and went to Tabasco and the Boca del Terminos. The Indians often showed great courage in their resistance to the advance of the Spaniards.
In the year 1526 Montejo, who had accompanied both Gri- jalva and Cortes, came to Yucatan with his son. The former was the first Adelantado of the country under a grant from the king of Spain. After great difficulty, he made a settlement at Chichen Itza, which, later, he was compelled to abandon on ac- count of the hostility of the natives. In 1535 he was finally driven from the country. In 1540, however, after a long strug- gle, he conquered part of Campeche. About this time he dele- gated all his powers to his son, who returned to Yucatan and conquered it again in behalf of the king.
In 1542 the city of Merida was founded on the site of the native Maya settlement of T-ho, and Valladolid w^as made an encampment in the following year. In 1546 an Indian insur- rection broke out, and the Spaniards in Valladolid were mur- dered almost to a man. ^
There was no large attempt made at Christianizing the na- tives until the year 1546, when one hundred and fifty missiona- ries were sent over from Spain. It was in this year that Bar- tolome de Las Casas arrived at Campeche. He was one of the earliest of the historians of the country. Villalpando settled at about this time at Campeche, where he founded a convent, and later at Merida, where another convent was established.
In the year 1548 the province of Yucatan was made subject to Mexico.
1 Cogolludo, 1688, Bk. V.
HISTORY 11
About 1551 Diego de Landa was sent to Yucatan as a mis- sionary (PI. I). Twenty years later he was made Bishop of Merida. He took energetic measures to exterminate the native religion and convert the Mayas to Christianity. His book, entitled " Relacion de Las Cosas de Yucatan," is one of the few authorities from which a start can be made in studying the calendar system of the early Mayas. His account of the customs and ceremonies of the natives at the time of the Con- quest is the best that we possess.
Bernal Diaz del Castillo, a companion of Cortes, is another historian who wrote in this century. His accounts are gen- erally considered more truthfully drawn than those of his master.
The first half of the seventeenth century is marked by the number of Spaniards who visited Yucatan and the Country to the south. They returned and wrote full accounts of the history of the country and of their travels. Many of these men came to Yucatan and Tabasco as missionaries. Antonio de Remesal was a visitador of the Dominican order from 1613 to 1617. While in Central America, he wrote his " Historia de las Provincias de Chiapa y Guatemala." ^ Antonio de Herrera was an historian under Philip II of Spain. In the first quarter of the century, he wrote a work entitled " Historia general de los hechos de los Castellanos en las islas y tierra firme del mar Oceano." Diego Lopez de CogoUudo, a Spanish Franciscan, spent the second quarter of the century in Yucatan. His " Historia de Yucatan" is the best authority on the early history of the country down to 1655. Torquemada and Lizana were other historians who belonged to this century.
Since that time Yucatan has been taken up, more or less at length, in all the histories of Mexico and many of those of Central America. The best of the more recent books is one written by a native of Yucatan, Don Juan F. Molina y Solis, " Historia del descubrimiento y conquista de Yucatan con una resena de la historia antigua." A second volume has lately
1 No attempt at bibliographical fullness has been made in the works noted.
12 MAYAS AND LAGAN DONES
been published, bringing the history down to the end of the sixteenth century. Later volumes will follow, bringing the work down to the present time.
In regard to the history of the Lacandones, we know very little. The people of Peten are supposed to have come from the north at the first appearance of the Spaniards. In 1525 Cortes made his famous journey through Tabasco, Chiapas, and Guatemala to Honduras. The Indians whom he describes inhabiting this territory were undoubtedly Lacandones.
In the year 1537 Las Casas and Piedro de Angulo set out to Christianize the Indians of the Tierra de G-uerra^ now known as Vera Paz, part of the territory through which Cortes had passed on his way to Honduras. The missionaries realized that as long as the Indians lived scattered through the country, the work of conversion would be slow. They endeavored, therefore, to gather the natives into towns. This they suc- ceeded in doing only in part.
The Lacandones seem to have resisted all the attempts at Christianization. In 1555 they, together with the natives of Acalan, slew with their arrows two priests and thirty of the Indians of Vera Paz who had yielded to the teachings of the missionaries. 1
Four years later a determined attempt was made against the Lacandones. The expedition set out from Comitlan, reached the settlements of the Indians, and drove all before them. The victory was not followed up, however, and no definite results of submission were accomplished.
Various attempts were made at about this time to conquer " the powerful tribe " of the Itzas, whose stronghold was on an island in Lake Peten in Guatemala. In 1618 two missionaries left Merida for Peten, from which, two years later, they barely escaped with their lives. ^ Two years after this a Franciscan went from Bacalar to Peten, where he was treacherously put to
1 Villagutierre, 1701, Bk. I, Chap. IX, X.
2 Ibid., 1701, Bk. II, Chaps. II, III.
HISTORY 13
death. 1 Again, in 1646, another vain attempt was made, this time from Campeche and up the Usumacinta River.
In 1675 and again ten years later, more successful attempts at Christianizing the Choles were made, but all endeavors to conquer the Lacandones met with failure.
In the year 1695 a combined effort was made to conquer these Indians. One expedition moved from the province of Vera Paz, another from Gueguetenango, and a third under the command of Barrios from Ocosingo.^ The last two expe- ditions met at a place called Dolores. Here an effort was made to found a town of Lacandones; but gradually, family by family, they slipped away until even the site of the town has long since disappeared. In 1696 all the expeditions from the south were abandoned.
Don Martin de Ursua had come forward with a plan to build a military road from Merida through the country of the Lacandones to Santiago de Guatemala. He was made acting governor of Yucatan during the absence of the governor in Mexico, and thus he was able to make a start toward carry- ing out his plan. After the failure of several of the leaders whom he had sent against the Itzas of Peten, Ursua decided to take the field in person. In 1697 he left Campeche. After a hard struggle, he captured the stronghold of the Itzas on an island in Lake Peten. Two years after, owing to internal discords, the settlement at Peten was abandoned and General Ursua returned to Yucatan.
Various vain attempts were made to Christianize the Lacan- dones down to the beginning of the last century. Since that time they have been left completely to themselves.
1 Cogolludo, 1688, p. 689.
2 Villagutierre, 1701, Bk. IV, Chap. X, p. 249.
HABITAT
The Lacandones, concerning whom the writer has personal knowledge, live in the State of Chiapas, Mexico, principally along the waters of the upper Usumacinta River (PI. II, Figs. 1 and 2) and the rivers Lacantun and Lacanha. These rivers unite with the Chixoy, or Salinas, to form the Usumacinta, which flows northward into the Gulf of Mexico. Concerning the Itzas of Guatemala, and especially those around and near Lake Peten, I have no personal knowledge. It is supposed that these people withdrew somewhere about 1550 from the northern part of the peninsula, owing to the approach of the Spaniards. 1 It was through the country of the La- candones that Cortes passed on his arduous march from the Gulf of Mexico to Honduras. ^
From Peten northward stretches the main body of Mayas proper, occupying the whole peninsula of Yucatan. The in- habitants of the state of Campeche are sometimes excluded from the Mayas proper, as the dialect of the Maya spoken by them varies slightly, as does that of the Lacandones, from that spoken throughout the rest of the peninsula.
The territory occupied by both the Lacandones and the
1 Cogolludo, 1688, Bk. IV, Chap. XIV, p. 507: " Estos Indios Itzaex son de nacimiento YucathScos y originarios de esta tierra de Yucath^n, y assi hablan la misma lengua Maya que ellos. Dizese, que salieron del territorio y juris- diccion que oyes de la Villa de Valladolid, y del Pueblo de Chichen Ytza, donde oy permanec^ unos de los grandes edlficios antiguos que se v6n en esta tierra."
2 This is described in his fifth letter to the king of Spain. It is impossible to follow accurately the march of Cortes step by step through this country, as there is no longer any trace of many of the names given either in his account or that of Bernal Diaz who accompanied him. The letters of Cortes are pub- lished in many places, as in Kingsborough, 1831-1841, Vol. VIII, p. 401 (see also Cortes, 1866). An English translation of the fifth letter was published by the Hakluyt Society, 1868.
14
HABITAT 15
Mayas is rich in archaeological remains.^ With the exception of the ruins on the border between Guatemala and Honduras, the cities of Copan and Quirigua, there are few large centers of archseological interest not included within the country occu- pied by the Mayas and Lacandones. The ruined cities scat- tered over the entire northern part of the peninsula of Yucatan are in the same territory as that occupied by the Mayas proper. The ruins of Palenque are upon the northern and the ruins near Ocosingo in Chiapas on the western edge of the country occu- pied by the Lacandones, whereas the ruins along the Usuma- cinta River are in the very center of the territory occupied by this people. A large part of this latter region is practically unexplored. Mahogany hunters have traversed the whole area, and mounds and remains of ruined structures are constantly being reported throughout this territory of southern Chiapas and northern Guatemala.
The country ^ occupied by the people of the Maya stock to be considered may be regarded as continuous,^ stretching, from the peninsula of Yucatan on the north, southward, including the department of Peten, Guatemala and the states of Chiapas and parts of Tabasco, Mexico. Just as the people of the north and south differ in customs, so also do the physical conditions of the two districts.
The peninsula of Yucatan is generally level, with slight eleva- tions of not more than two hundred feet, due mainly to erosion. Owing to the formation of the country, the hydrographic conditions of Yucatan are peculiar. It is only in the extreme south of the peninsula that we find any rivers. The limestone formation, however, admits of numerous underground streams. Natural sinkholes, called in Spanish eenotes, after the Maya
1 For the best general accounts of the Maya archseological remains, see Ste- phens, 1841, 1843 ; Charnay, 1887 ; Maudslay, 1889-1902 ; Holmes, 1895-1897 ; and Maler, 1901-1903.
2 For a detailed account of the geography of Yucatan, see Casares, 1905.
^ The Huastecos, on the River Panuco, north of Vera Cruz, speak a dialect of the Maya, and they form the only exception to the fact of the continuity of the territory occupied by the Maya-speaking people.
16 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
word oonot,^ are found everywhere throughout the peninsula (PL III, Fig. 1). The first settlements were made around these natural reservoirs. These eenotes may have underground connection with one another, altliough no current is perceptible in them. Water can be obtained at nearly every point in Yucatan if a well of sufficient depth is sunk.
A very thin layer of soil covers the generally level but rough base of limestone which crops out everywhere. The soil, owing to its shallowness, is not as fertile as that of Chiapas. For cer- tain products, however, it is admirably fitted, especially for henequen or hemp. In central Yucatan there is one good-sized lake called Chichancanab. Further to the south, in the vicinity of Bacalar, there are a number of smaller lakes. ^
The country to the south of Yucatan has features entirely different. The territory of Peten may be considered a plain, but the state of Chiapas, where the greater part of the Lacan- dones live, is mountainous. Mr. Sapper divides the mountain- ous territory into two parts, one composed of a chain of mountains and the other of a mountain mass.^
The territory occupied by the Lacandones is watered by
1 Dr. L. J. Cole of Harvard University has been making a study of the v^ater system of Yucatan. The results of these investigations will soon appear in print. Attention is especially called to a late paper by a Yucatan gentleman, Don David Casares, 1905.
2 The best map of this region is that found in Sapper, 1895 and 1904, to virhich reference has been made. Mr. Sapper has traveled through a large portion of Yucatan.
Count Maurice de P^rigny of the French Geographical Society has lately re- turned from a trip into the interior of Yucatan, and we may hope for an early report on this interesting territory.
2 Sapper, 1897, p. 178 : " Das Gebirgsland des nordlichen Mittelamerika schei- det sich in zwei schon landschaftlich leicht zu unterscheidende Abtheilungen ; ein Kettengebirge in den nordlichen Theilen und ein Massengebirge in den stidlichen Theilen des Gebirgslandes.- Das hauptsachlich aus mesozoischen und tertiaren Ablagerungen bestehende Kettengebirge des Staates Chiapas bildet aber keineswegs die unmittelbare Fortsetzung des Kettengebirges von Mittel- guatemala. . . . Das Kettengebirge von Mittelguatemala besteht nur in seinen nordlichsten Bestandtheilen aus mesozoischen und tertiaren Ablagerungen, wahrend slidlich davon eine palaozoische und dann einige archaische Ketten folgen."
/ HABITAT 17
many rivers.^ In addition to the two main rivers, the Lacan- tun and the Lacanha, which unite with the Chixoy or Salinas to form the Usumacinta, there are a number of other good-sized rivers, together with a countless number of smaller streams and brooks which interlace the country. There are four large lakes included in the territory occupied by the Lacandones, Laguna Petha, Laguna Anaite, and Laguna Lacanha in the state of Chiapas and Laguna Peten in Guatemala, around which the famous Itzas once centered. These lakes, together with the rivers, assure a never-failing water supply, besides furnishing an abundance of fish and water fowl of many kinds.
The soil, often of considerable depth, is very fertile, owing to the large decay of vegetation and the many rivers. The waters of the lakes and of the larger rivers which have washed away the outer soil are highly saturated with lime, so that, in general, the settlements of the Lacandones are found on the smaller streams, in small arroyos^ where the water has had no force to penetrate to the subsoil beneath. In traveling northward at right angles to the rivers flowing into the Usumacinta, which flows northward, one is constantly climbing one ridge only to descend again to the bed of a river and then up again over the watershed of the third.
The whole peninsula of Yucatan is of limestone formation, mainly tertiary but partially of the cretaceous period. ^ Over- lying the older rock and shell conglomerate there is a soft lime- stone (Maya tun) in process of hardening. There is a still harder, whiter, and more compact stone (Maya tetunits).^ Through- out the limestone formation, nodules of flint are found. This geological formation of lime furnishes an abundant supply of excellent building stone easily workable and admirably fitted for sculpture. This fact is noted in Yucatan and also in the coun- try occupied by the Lacandones in the remains of ancient build- ings and temples which have been described by travelers since
1 For the best map of this region, see Maler, 1901-1903, PL I.
2 For a detailed study of the geological formation of Yucatan, see Casares, 1905. * See p. xxi for a key to the pronunciation of the Maya words.
18 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
the earliest occupation of the country by the Spaniards. In Chiapas and Tabasco there is much igneous and sedimentary rock.
Owing to the trade winds, the mountainous portion of the territory — and, as I have said, this is the part occupied by the Lacandones — has a large precipitation, and is, as a consequence, heavily timbered. Yucatan, on the other hand, has not a suffi- cient elevation to retain the moisture from the trade winds of the north, and the mountains in the south collect all the moisture coming from the Pacific. The country is consequently very dry except in the regular rainy season. The forest growth on the peninsula is generally small and singularly even. Some early authorities account for this from the fact that, according to the earliest accounts, Yucatan was visited by a terrific hurricane which laid low all the vegetation. ^
Owing to the mountainous formation, the rainy season among the Lacandones is not sharply marked as in Yucatan. There, the season of rain lasts from May until September and the re- mainder of the year is very dry. In Chiapas the dry season is of much shorter duration. The rains continue until January or February, when they give place to a dry season interrupted by occasional showers from February to April, when the regular wet season begins.
The climate of Chiapas and the upper Usumacinta is generally not healthful. With care, however, places may be found on high land away from the river bottoms where one may live in com- parative security from fevers. The climate seems to have a more noticeable effect on the Mexicans than upon the natives, who are generally healthy, owing, no doubt, to their greater care in the selection of their camp sites.
The climate of Yucatan, on the other hand, is much drier and more healthful. Calentura and other forms of fevers are less common than in any other part of southern Mexico. In many of the early Belacidnes^ or reports sent to Spain regarding the
1 Landa, 1864, p. GO.
HABITAT 19
conditions in the country, there is a distinction made between the healthfulness of Yucatan as compared with the moist charac- ter of the country to the southward and its consequent unhealth- fulness.
Owing to the great evaporation, cold nights follow days of intense heat. On the average, the temperature is lower in Chiapas than in Yucatan.^
The country occupied by the Mayas and the Lacandones seems to be lacking in precious metals. The land is not so poor in useful minerals. Salt is obtained in Yucatan by evaporating sea water. In Chiapas the Indians formerly boiled in earthen pots or evaporated in shallow pans the brine obtained from salt mines. At the present time the Lacandones procure their salt in trade from the Mexicans. The one utensil, found in every household throughout Yucatan, the region of the Usumacinta, and every other part of Mexico as well, is the stone metate iov grinding corn (PI. IX, Fig. 1). They are usually made of a vol- canic rock, andesite, or basalt. Sometimes they are made of flint. This latter has always been an important stone among the Mayas. The Lacandones flake and chip points of flint for their arrows (p. 60). Arrow points and knives are occasion- ally found of obsidian. At El Cayo, on the Usumacinta River, Mr. Maler has named carnelian, syenite, jadeite,^ ofite, hema- tite, white marble, and petrified wood. ^
Flora. — To attempt to give a complete account of the flora of the country occupied by the Mayas and the Lacandones would be to give a catalogue of the plants and trees which grow in the tierra caliente, or warm country. I shall therefore limit my- self exclusively to those which are made use of by the Indians in their daily life. These in themselves unless curtailed would include almost as. many as would come in the former list, inas- much as the native makes use of practically every tree, plant,
1 For a detailed account of the temperature of Yucatan, see Casares, 1905, p. 213.
2 The stone called jadeite is in all probability serpentine.
3 Maler, 1901-1903, p. 84.
20 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
and shrub for food, medicine, or in the practice of some of his arts. I shall take up first the woods which have been of most help to the Indian. The Lacandones use the mahogany tree in the manufacture of their canoes (tsem), hollowing out of a single log, by fire and the machete^ a boat often thirty feet long. Logwood {Hcematoxylon campechianum ^} is found throughout the territory occupied by both these branches of the Maya stock. The Lacandones use it for the foreshaf ts of their arrows and for coloring. The guayacan^ or lignum vitse (G-uaicum sanc- tum)^ furnishes an excellent wood for making bows, as it is flexible and at the same time very strong. The leaves of the ramon (^Alicastrum brownei, Maya os) are used extensively in Yucatan for fodder, as there is little grass in the country. The gum of the Protium heptaphyllum is used as an incense in the religious ceremonies of both the Mayas and the Lacandones. It is called copal by the Mexicans and pom by the natives.^ The sap of the rubber tree (Castilloa elastica, Maya qiq) is also used as incense among the Lacandones. A pitch pine (Maya t6te) is used for light in making journeys by night. It burns with a slow steady flame. From the bark of a tree called in Maya baltse there is manufactured an intoxicating drink used extensively in the religious rites of the Lacandones and in certain of the cere- monies of the Mayas of Yucatan. A large variety of pliable vines (Spanish bejuco, Maya aq) grow in the country, and these are put to various uses. The leaves composing the roofs of the native huts are tied to the framework by these vines, and the frame itself is held together in the same manner. Baskets and the wickerwork doors of the houses are made of the vines.
1 For the botanical names, I have, for the most part, followed Charles F. Millspaugh, 1896-1904.
2 Cf. an early account of the use of copal in the " Relacidn del Pueblo de Mama" (1580), 1900, Vol. XI, p 169, "... ay un arbol que llaman los yndios pom ; sera tan grande como una gran higuera dandole algunos golpes al Rededor y dejandolo dos dias destila de si una Resina como trementina exceto ques mas dura y muy blanca Uamanle los espanoles copal y huele muy bien y tiene muchas virtudes con lo qual se curan los yndios . . . usaban mucho los naturales deste ^ahumerio que les afrecian sacrificio a sus dioses, el qual dicho arbol ay en esto dicho pueblo y acuden en busca del demas de veynte leguas a la Redonda."
HABITAT 21
They are used in all the places where rope and twine would be used among a more civilized people. There are two varieties of hejuco which furnish water to the traveler in the forest. A piece six feet long often yields a half pint of water.
A number of kinds of palms are found in Yucatan and Chiapas. The leaves of many of the varieties are used as roofs to the native huts. One of the most common kinds used in this con- nection is Sahal mexicana^ guano in Spanish (Maya Ian). The ceiha {Bomhax ceiba^ Maya yastse) is a tree which plays a part in the religious beliefs of the people (p. 154).
Of fruits we find a large number, many of which grow wild. The chicosapofe (^Sapota achras^ Maya ya), the mamey (Ijucuma mammosd)^ anona (^Anona squamosa)^ guanahana {^Anona muri- cata)^ guayaha (^Psidium guajava)^ tamarindo (Tamarindus indica, Maya patsuhuk), aguacate (^Persea gratusima^ Nahuatl ahuacatl), mango (^Mangifera indiea')^ cocoanut QCoeos nucifera')^ cocoyol (^Acrocomia mexicana, Nahuatl cocoyotl), papaya (^Papaya carica, Maya put), and the cacao (^Theohroma cacao ^ Maya Sau) are found throughout most of the territory occupied by the Mayas. The lemon (^Citrus limonum)^ the lime (^Citrus limetta'), the sour and sweet orange (^Citrus vulgaris and Citrus aurantium)^ two varieties of bananas (^Musa sapientum, Maya bos, and Musa paradisiaca, Maya mlya), and the pineapple (^Anonas satiras) are cultivated by many of the Mayas of the peninsula in little gardens often surrounding their huts. Bananas, limes, and a small tomato {Ly coper sicum esculentum^ Maya beyantsan, Nahuatl tomatl) are grown by the Lacandones. The achiote (^Bixia orel- lana^ Nahuatl achiyotetl) and chayote QSecluum edule^ Nahuatl chayotli) are found among both the Mayas and the Lacandones.
The camote (Convolvulus batatas^ Maya is, Nahuatl camotli), yuca (^Manihot utilissima, Maya oin), frejoles (^Phaseolus vul- garis^ Maya buul), a flat bean called in Maya ip, chili (^Cap- sicum haccatum^ Nahuatl chilli) are grown in the fields, together with the corn (Maya isim) among both the Mayas and the Lacandones. Cotton (Maya taman) is cultivated especially among the latter people.
22 MATAS AND LACANBONES
Tobacco (Maya quo) and sugar cane are grown in small quantities both in Yucatan and Chiapas. In Yucatan there are several large sugar plantations, where anis^ the drink of the country, is made. The northern half of the peninsula of Yucatan, owing to the shallowness of the soil overlying the limestone, is singularly fitted for the cultivation of henequen (^Agave rigida elongata or Agave sisalana). From a commer- cial standpoint this is by far the most important product of the country.
Many varieties of gourds grow in both regions. They are called in Spanish ficaras, after the Nahuatl word xicalli. In Maya, luts is the name given to one variety ( Crescentia cujete). They are universally used among both the Mayas and the Lacandones for vessels of all kinds, and a certain variety make canteens for carrying water on journeys.
Fauna. — As with the flora, so with the fauna, the list will be limited to include only that part used principally for food among the Mayas and Lacandones. A complete list of the animal and bird life in the country of the Mayas would take in with few exceptions all the animals and birds found in the colder portions of the torrid zone.
Game in abundance is found everywhere throughout Yucatan and Chiapas. In Yucatan we find at least two species of deer (^Odocoileus toltecus^ and Hippoeamelus pandora^ Maya ke), two species of wild turkey (^Meleagris mexicana and Agriocharis ocel- lata, Maya kuo), the wild boar (^Tagassu angulatum^ Maya qeqem), the partridge (^Eupsychortyx nigrogularis, Maya wan), quail QDactylortyx thoracicus sharpei, Maya bets or kos), the arma- dillo ( Tatu novemcinctum^ Maya wets), and a large number of less important animals which are hunted for game. In the country inhabited by the Lacandones there should be added the ocelot QFelis pardalis)^ the mountain lion (^Felisconcolor)^ the jaguar (^Felis onca^ Maya balum or tsakmul), the tapir QTapirella dowi), two specimens of monkeys (^Ateles vellerosus, Maya maas,
1 1 am indebted to Dr. Cole for the scientific names.
HABITAT 23
and Sdimiri orstedii^ Maj^a baao), two species of parrot {Amazona alhifrons and Conurus aztec, Maya tut), the badger {Taxidea taxus^ Maya kotom), and the Tepeizquinte (^Agouti paca). Alligators (Maya ayin) and turtles are abundant in the rivers and lakes. Iguanas (hu) are rarely eaten, although they are very common in Yucatan. Snails (Melania lexissima^ Maya Sot) furnish a means of sustenance among the Lacandones.
A species of dog was known before the advent of the Spaniards. It is described in the early accounts as having no hair, with only a few and sharply pointed teeth and small ears and that it did not bark.^
An interesting study and one well worthy of attention would be an attempt at identifying the many kinds of fauna repre- sented in the three Maya Codices ^ and in the bas-reliefs found on the ruined buildings. Many different kinds of animals are to be noted, and in some cases they may be clearly made out.^ Among the Nahuas, ten of the twenty day signs represent the heads of animals : cipactli, crocodile ; cuetzpalin, lizard ; couatl, snake ; magatl, deer ; tochtli, rabbit ; itzcuintli, dog ; ogomatli, ape ; ocelotl, jaguar ; quauhtli, eagle ; and cozcaquauhtli, vulture.
1 » Relacion de la Ciudad de Merida," 1900, Vol. XI, p. 63: ". . . ay perros naturales dela tierra que no tienen pelo ninguno, y no ladran, que tienen los dientes ralos e agudos, las orejas pequenas, tiesas y levantadas — a estos engordan los yndios para comer y los tienen por gran rregalo — estos se juntan con los perros de espaiia."
2 The Troano, published by Brasseur de Bourbourg in 1869 and 1870 ; the Cortesianus, a part of the preceding manuscript, published by Juan de Dios de la Rada y Delgado in 1893 ; the Dresden, published by Forstemann in 1880 and again in 1892 ; and the Peresianus, published by Leon de Rosny in 1887, are the most available editions of the three Maya pre-Columbian manuscripts.
8 Compare the mythological animals represented in Schellas, 1897 and 1904.
PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS
The whole Maya race is short in stature. The male Lacan- done is of slightly higher stature than the Maya of Yucatan. The women of both sections are about equally short. ^ The Mayas of Yucatan are a strongly brachy cephalic race. The Lacandones who were measured exceed the Mayas in the cephalic index. They are probably the most brachycephalic of any of the Mexican and Central American peoples.^
The whole Maya race is physically a most capable one. The Lacandone is here again slightly ahead of the Maya in this respect. The complete isolation of the Lacandone has freed him from assuming the tamed and subdued character that is often noted in the Maya proper. Both the Maya and Lacandone have broad foreheads and broad shoulders, stand erect and walk with remarkable ease and grace. The Lacandones often make long journeys on foot to the shrines of their various gods. The women accompany the men on these trips, often carrying a child astride the hips (PI. Ill, Fig. 2), together with another swung on £C net on the back. Landa regards this custom of carrying children astride the hip as the cause of the many cases of crooked legs among the Mayas. ^ This may well be the true cause of this deformity.
The Lacandone women are physically nearly as capable as the men, often cutting the firewood for the use of the family, besides helping the husband in the clearing away of the forest
1 Sapper (1904, p. 11) distinguishes between a short type in northern Yucatan, a taller, more slender type in central Yucatan, and a short, thick-set type in southern Yucatan.
2 In a short series of nineteen both of the Mayas and of the Lacandones, the index for the Mayas was 85.4 and for the Lacandones 86.5. Starr (1902, p. 51), in a series of one hundred men and twenty-five women, found the mean cephalic index to be 85. His mean measurement for the stature of males was 1552.4. This seems to me to be a little low.
^ Landa, 1864, Chap. XX, p. 112 : " Que los Indios de Yucatan son bien dis- puestos y altos y rezios y de muchas fuer9as y comunmente todos estevados, porque en su niiiez, quando las madres los Uevan de una parte a otra, van ahorca- jados en los quadriles."
24
PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS 25
in preparing the ground for sowing. The Maya women, on the other hand, are much more delicate as a general thing, and would be physically incapable of enduring some, of the hardships which the Lacandone women have to suffer.
The features of the Mayas as a whole are often very strong and noble. They are a prognathous race. The women of Chiapas do not have the beauty so often spoken of in connection with the native women of Yucatan.
The color of the Lacandone is a golden brown slightly lighter than that of the native of the peninsula. Discoloration of the skin was noted in one family of the Lacandones. This is more common however among the Mexicans occupying the same country. The hair of the Lacandone is black and often has some curl. In the children, it is often bleached by the sun to a reddish hue. The hair of the Maya proper is in general perfectly straight. The Lacandone men as well as the women wear the hair long. It thus serves as a pro- tection for the neck and shoulders.^ In one settlement only did I see any one with short hair (PI. IV, Fig. 2). When those with short hair were conducting a religious rite, a piece of cloth was tied over the head and hung down behind. This was not noted in the case of those whose hair was long. The women wear it simply tied at the back and not in the knot as seen among the Maya women. The Lacandone man very often has considerable hair on his face and especially on the tip of his chin, where it is allowed to remain.^ The heads on the incense-
1 Landa, 1864, Chap. XX, p. 114 : " Que criavan cabello como las mugeres ; por lo alto quemavan como una buena corona."
Villagutierre, 1701, Bk. VIII, Chap. XII, p. 498: " Traian las cabelleras largas, quanto pueden crezer : Y assi, es lo mas dificultoso en los Indios el reduzirlos k cortarles el pelo, porque el traerlo largo es senal de Idolatria. Y los Sacerdotes de sus Idolos, nunca las peynavan trayendolas emplastadas, y enredadas en mechones ; porque las untavan eontinuamente con la sangre de los que sacri- ficavan."
2 This is in accordance with what we find on many of the sculptured figures ■which are shown as possessing a beard. In only a few cases in the Maya Codices do we find figures represented with beards. For a detailed discussion of the ap- pearance and dress of the figures shown in the inscriptions and manuscripts as compared with the accounts given by the early travelers, see Schellhas, 1890.
26 MAYAS AND LACANB0NE8
burners of the gods are represented as having beards. This idea of the gods having hair on the chin is doubtless the reason why the men never pull out the hair or shave, as do the natives of the peninsula.^
As a race, the Mayas are healthy. The Lacandones use great care in the selection of their camp sites and generally hold themselves completely aloof from the Mexican element of the population, who they fear will bring them fevers and colds. They have great powers of endurance, making, as has been stated, long journeys on foot and often carrying heavy burdens on the back suspended by a strap over the forehead. The children, when old enough to walk, are accustomed each to carry his proportionate load when going to and from the fields.
Other than a possible slight flattening of the skull in front, owing to the custom of suspending burdens from the forehead,^ the Lacandones do not artificially deform their crania. The Mayas of Yucatan have the slight flattening of the head in front as well. They too have the universal custom of sus- pending burdens on the back, a part of the weight of which comes on the forehead. ^ The Mayas are not as erect as the Lacandones, and when under a heavy load they run in a slow and even gait. They too are capable of making singularly long journeys on foot, often under heavy burdens.
The sacral spot is found on very young infants of pure Indian blood. It vanishes usually after the first year of birth. It is variable in size and usually of a purple color.*
1 This is not in accordance with Landa (1864, Chap. XX, p. 114), who speaks of the Mayas as pulling out the hairs of the face. "No criavan barbas, y dezian que les quemavan los rostros sus madres con panos calientes, siendo ninos, por que no les naciessen, y que agora crian barbas aunque muy asperas como cerdas de tocines."
2 This slight flattening doubtless has some effect on the cephalic index, and may partially explain the extreme brachy cephalic character of the heads measured (p. 24, note 2).
3 Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XX, p. 114: "Y que tenian las cabe^as y frentes lianas, hecho tambien de sus madres por industria desde ninos."
* Starr (1903) observed it on children of pure blood of less than a year old, but notes that it was lacking in children of mixed blood.
PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS 27
Among the early Mayas, tattooing was practiced. ^ The women, according to the early accounts, filed their teeth, and the mothers artificially deformed the heads of their children.^ No traces of these customs have been found either among the present Mayas or the Lacandones.
Writers have often remarked upon the great neatness of the Mayas. This is, indeed, a very evident fact. In spite of the scarcity of water in some places, bathing is almost a daily custom, and even considering the fact that the dress of both the men and the women is of white material, it is very seldom that one sees a soiled garment. The methods of cooking among the Mayas are remarkable for their cleanliness. As much can- not be said of the Lacandones, who are far below the Mayas in respect to personal and domestic cleanliness.
Intellectually the Lacandones who have been encountered do not rank as high as the Mayas of the peninsula, who are gen- erally quick to learn, quick to understand, and think with considerable rapidity. The mental processes of the Lacan- dones seem to act with much more slowness.
The Maya race is inherently a moral one.^ The morals of the Lacandones are good. Their family life is happy, and even with a multiplicity of wives, there is seldom any occasion for discord and strife. They view with disgust the loose morals and the infidelity of the Mexicans with whom they come in contact. They have the strongest of family attach- ments and great respect for old age.
Morally as well as physically the Mayas proper rank below the Lacandones. The second may be the result of the first and both the result of their condition. The working force on the large henequen haciendas^ which cover the whole northern
1 Landa, 1864, Chap. XXI, p. 120 : " Labravanse los cuerpos y quanto mas, tanto mas valientes y bravosos se tenian."
2 Ibid., Chap. XXXI, p. 182. A skull found at Labna, Yucatan, now in the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, has the teeth filed into points. Many of the mask-like snouted figures composing the decoration on the fa9ades of the ruined structures in northern Yucatan have the teeth represented as filed.
8 Cf. Sapper, 1905.
28 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
part of the peninsula, is composed entirely of Mayas. So important is this branch of industry that a separate and dis- tinct set of laws has grown up to regulate the relations between the owners of the haciendas and their workmen. On all the large plantations improved methods have come in, much to the betterment of the native. It has now been acknowl- edged that success is in proportion to the health and comfort of the natives. It has taken many years, however, to arrive at this opinion. Improved dwellings, medical care, and better superintendence is doing much to raise the condition of the Indian. According to law, a native as long as he is indebted to another virtually belongs to the owner of the debt. The servants on the haciendas all have debts against them ranging sometimes as high as one thousand pesos. At the present time labor is very scarce in Yucatan, and it is often only after a struggle that an Indian is allowed to pay his debt, and thus becomes free.
Drunkenness is a very great evil throughout the whole peninsula, and does much to destroy the physical well-being of the native. On the haciendas the laborers are often more or less intoxicated on Sundays and feast days. It is regarded as a thing that cannot be helped by the white men of the country. On week days the men are held in check by the mayordomo. On many of the plantations in the morning and again at night each man is given a drink of anis^ the beverage of the country.
Among the Lacandones drunkenness is seen, but it is always in connection with their religious rites. It does not have the evil effect as noted in Yucatan. It is considered a part of the obligation of the feast in behalf of the gods that the partici- pants should become intoxicated. The gods are said, however, not to like wranglings and disputes. Consequently, these seldom occur. Dancing and singing are pleasing to the gods, and these are indulged in by the participants in the cere- monies.
The Lacandones are generally truthful, honest, and mild except when exasperated, and sometimes with good reason, at
PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS 29
the acts of their Mexican neighbors. The Mayas are not as generally truthful, although mild and gentle except when under the influence of liquor. Both the Lacandone and the Maya are naturally hospitable and generous.^
Clothing. — As in everything except language, so in clothing, the Lacandone ditfers from the Maya of the peninsula. The native male of Chiapas wears in addition to the loin cloth (qaSnSk) which stretches several times around his body, with the ends hanging down behind and in front,^ a single cotton garment oi poncho form (sikul) (PL IV, Figs. 1 and 2).^ This garment is woven in two pieces of cloth and the two sewed together lengthwise, with the exception of openings for the arms and for the head. The dress hangs to the knees. Formerly, and even now, in some remote localities far removed from any trading center, this garment is made of maguey fiber or from the bark of a tree (PI. V, Fig. 1).*
The Lacandones wear no head covering of any sort and seldom any protection for the feet. When they are at work in their fields, they sometimes wear a sandal of leather fastened to the foot by a cord passing over the toes and over the heel.
1 Cf . Landa, 1864, Chap. XXIII, p. 134: "Que los Yucataneses son muy partidos y hospitales, porque entra nadie en su casa a quien no den la comida o bevida, que tienen de dia de sus bevidas, de noclie de sus comidas."
^ Ibid., Chap. XX, p. 116: "Que su vestido era un listen de una mano en ancho que les servia de bragas y cal^as y que se davan con el algunas vueltas por la cintura, de manera que el un cabo calgava dalante y el otro detras."
Also cf. "Relaci(5n de los Pueblos de Campocolche y Chochola," 1900, Vol. XIII, p. 189 : "... los bestidos antiguos destos yndios era andar en cueros sola- mente sus verguengas con una venda que algunas de ellas a cinco e sets varas cenydas y dadas tres e quatro bueltas por los quadriles e por debaxo de las piernas e quedavale un rramal por detras y el otro por delante de manera que le tapava todo con las nalgas de fuera y todo lo demas del cuerpo."
This band is seen represented in both the Maya Codices and the bas-reliefs. Cf. Schellhas, 1890, p. 218.
3 Villagutierre, 1701, Bk. VIII, Chap. XII, p. 498: "Sus vestiduras, de que usavan, eran unos Ayates, 6 Gabaches, sin Mangas, y sus Mantas, todo de Algod6n, texido de varios colores."
* The articles pictured throughout the paper are without exception in the Peabody Museum of Harvard University, Cambridge. The ethnological speci- mens, with but few exceptions, were collected by the writer, and, owing to the
30 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
The Lacandone women wear the same poncho-like garment as the men.i In addition to this, they also wear a scant skirt (pik) reaching from the breasts to the ankles (PI. V, Fig. 2). 2 This is held in place by a band of cloth wound several times around the waist, forming a wide belt (uhetSebinnoq) which is concealed by the upper garment. In one of the settlements visited, the women wore simply the poneho-like upper garment, which came down below the knees, thus dispensing with the skirt altogether. The women, as well as the men, never wear any covering for the head or any protection for the feet. The children often go entirely nude until the age of two or three years, when they wear clothes the exact counterpart of those worn by their fathers and mothers (PI. VI, Fig. 1). Every man usually has two garments, one woven by his wife of the native cotton, and another made of the common cotton cloth of Mexi- can manufacture. The woman usually wears the hand-woven skirt, but the upper garment is often made of calico or of white cotton cloth. The skirt is woven in fine colored lines.
The Lacandone^ women wear a bunch of gayly colored bird feathers and the breasts of small birds hanging from the back of the hair where it is tied. They are also further adorned with necklaces, often wearing as many as twelve strings of beads and seeds (PI. V, Fig. 2).^ These necklaces are com- posed principally of small black seeds (tSankala) which have to be strung when green. A very effective necklace is made of red berries (qante). Job's tears (^Ciox lacryma^ Maya suk- paen) are grown extensively, and these are strung and worn especially by the children. One necklace was seen made of mussel shells hung as pendants from a cord (PL XIV, Fig. 1).
kindness of the council of the Institute, they were turned over to the Peabody Museum.
1 In the Maya manuscripts in most instances where women are represented, the upper portion of the body is shown uncovered.
2 Cf. representations from the Codices pictured in Schellhas, 1890, p. 220.
8 Necklaces of many varieties and often very elaborate are shown on both male and female figures in the Codices and on the bas-reliefs. Cf. Schellhas, 1890.
PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS 81
From the lower ends of the strands of seeds there often hang pendants of various sorts, among which are pieces of bone, bits of sweet-smelling wood, and the skulls of very small monkeys. These are in the nature of charms. The Mexicans when travel- ing through this part of the country often bring in for barter strings of glass beads. These are highly prized by the natives.
Small children often have single bird feathers tied at inter- vals on the hair at the back of the head. These seem to have no other purpose than decoration.
In certain of the ceremonies, the men and women have a narrow band of fiber bark (huun),^ colored red, and tied around the forehead (PI. XXVI, Fig. 1). The decoration of one's person, such as facial painting, will be taken up under ornamental art (p. 72).
The Mayas of Yucatan are much more picturesque in their dress than the Lacandones. The dress of the women is of the same general form as that of the women of Chiapas.^ The material, however, is quite different. It is of the whitest linen or cotton cloth,^ of Mexican or American manufacture, as contrasted with the coarse and rough garment of the Lacandone woven in the primitive loom from cotton of his own raising and spinning.
The Maya woman cuts her upper garment (yupte), called in Spanish hipil after the Nahuatl word huepilli, very wide and full. The opening for the neck is square, the edge of which, together with the bottom of the garment, is decorated with a band of the finest needlework in bright colors and
1 This is also the Maya term for book or paper. The bark of the tree is pounded out so thin that it resembles paper. It was this sort of bark of which the ancient manuscripts were made.
2 Cogolludo, 1688, Bk. IV, Chap. V, p. 188, thus describes the dress of the women at the time he wrote : "Las mugeres usan de Uaipiles que es una vesti- dura, que coge desde la garganta hasta la media pierna, con una abertura en lo superior por donde entra la cabe9a, y otras dos por lo superior de los lados por donde salen los bra§os, que queda cubiertos mas de hasta la mitad, porque no se cine al cuerpo esta ropa, que tambien les sirve de camisa."
^Cf. Ibid., p. 187: "Visten ropas de algodon blanquissimo, de que hazen camisas, y calgones, y unas mantas como de vara y medio en quadro, quell aman tilmas, 6 hayates."
32 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
often by an edging of hand-made lace. The ordinary every- day dress of the woman has, in place of the embroidery, a band of cotton cloth stamped with a simple design colored or in black (PI. VI, Fig. 2). The skirt (plk), which is worn longer than among the women of Chiapas, is of the same white material as the hipil. This is also decorated with the embroid- ery and the lace. In the small hamlets the women often wear simply the skirt when at work around the hut or in the fields.
The hair of the Maya woman is worn tied at the back of the head in two loops (sinta). The women cover their heads with the rebosa (bots), a long scarf either of cotton or of brightly colored silk, wound around the shoulders and over the head (PL VI, Fig. 2). The women of the cities and larger towns wear gold earrings and elaborate gold chains on which are usually hung the medals of the Catholic Church.
The Maya men wear breeches (SkuieS) of white cotton cloth and a simple shirt of the same material, usually hanging outside the breeches (PI. VII, Fig. 2). When working in tlie fields they invariably wear a piece of cloth tied around the waist, which serves as an apron (tSiknaknoq). Those who live in the cities often have the shirt made of some colored cloth. In this case it is longer, contains two pockets near the bottom, and the apron is usually dispensed with. In the fields, the men ordinarily divest themselves of the shirt and wear only the short breeches with the apron (PL VII, Fig. 2). The head is always covered with a wide-brimmed hat of braided straw.
The women wear slippers of modern manufacture and the men sandals (Sanapqewel) of leather, attached to the foot by a strap or rope passing between the first and second toes (PL VII, Fig. 2).i
1 The figures represented in the Codices are seldom shown with any protec- tion for the feet. On the bas-reliefs sandals are more common, but they are shown as attached by two cords passing between the first and second and the third and fourth toes, a method different from that now in use where only one cord is employed. Cf. Schellhas, 1890, pp. 215-216. Some figures in the Codi- ces are shown as wearing sandals with a piece behind coming up over the heel.
SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS
The relations of the Lacandones to those around them are generally slight. The greater part of the country occupied by this people is under grant by the government to companies formed for the exploitation of mahogany. These companies have headquarters on the rivers and from these settlements as centers radiate temporary camps called monterias, which are found practically everywhere throughout the territory occupied by the Lacandones. The Indians thus have a limited contact with the Mexicans who live in these logging camps. They visit these monterias when they are in need of salt; and the Mexicans, on the other hand, when passing to and from the different camps, visit the Indians, more often stealing than buying bananas and tobacco from the Lacandones. This com- paratively slight contact with the Spanish population has all come within the last five years. It seems up to the present time to have had no perceptible influence on their daily life. The Indians still keep up their ancient rites, undisturbed by the Mexicans, whom they never allow to approach, or see their idols or any of the ceremonies. The Mexicans regard the Indians as quite beneath their notice other than as curiosities.
In the customs and rites of the Lacandones, no trace of the early Spanish Catholic contact is to be found. After repeated attempts the early explorers and missionaries, owing to their ill success, finally gave up their idea of converting the Lacandones (p. 13). A little farther to the north, the natives of Palenque, who speak another dialect of the Maya, are all good Catholics. Their former religion, as is the case in Yucatan, has given way to that brought in by the Spanish missionaries. These people were much more accessible than were the inhabitants of the interior of Chiapas.
33
34 MATAS AND LACAND0NE8
Galindo (1834) makes the following significant remark con- cerning the pureness of the Lacandones . of the Maya stock: " La seule portion de pure race restant de cette grande nation [Maya], se reduit a quelques tribus eparses, habitant principale- ment les bords des rividres Usumasinta ... la totalite de leur territoire fait, politiquement parlant, partie du Peten."
Sometimes in one of the monterias there is found a Lacandone who has adopted the life and customs of the Mexicans. His hair is short, and he is not readily to be distinguished from his fellow-Mexican. This desertion of the family gods is not common. The Lacandones regard such a course as a bad breach of conduct. The seceding Indian, on the other hand, thinks it an upward move. He often renounces his family, and in some cases he refuses to understand his native tongue.
With the exception of the few Indians who have renounced their tribe for good and all, no case of intermarriage between the Lacandones and the Mexicans has been observed. The slight contact between the two races is shown in the very cur- sory knowledge of Spanish by the Lacandone, and the very few Maya words known by the Mexicans of the country. Those Lacandones who live in the vicinity of the logging camps understand a few Spanish words necessary in trading with the Mexicans. There are only a very few who are able to carry on any connected conversation in Spanish.
Mr. Sapper ^ gives as a- reason for the freedom from Spanish influence and control the fact that they " even then " were a nomadic people. The Lacandones are an agricultural rather than a nomadic race. That they are a nomadic people seems to be disproved by the fact that they are divided into totemic divisions, which may still be identified with certain localities.
1 Sapper, 1897, p. 259: " Auch in der Conquista-Zeit ist ihre Zahl schon ziem- lich beschrankt gewesen, und auch damals waren sie schon wenig sesshaft, wie man aus den Nachrichten alterer Schriftsteller entnimmt, und aus der Verpfle- gungsschwierigkeit fiir die Truppen und der steten Veranderung der Lacan- donenwohnsitze erklart es sich auch in erster Linie, weshalb das in den unzu- ganglichen Urwaldern hausende Volk nieraals unter die Botraassigkeit der Spanier gekommen ist."
SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS 35
They are primarily an agricultural people, and a wandering life would be impossible. It is true that a change of residence is made as often as the fields become barren, but the new site is in the immediate neighborhood of the former home. Their whole manner of life is entirely at variance with that of a nomadic character. Finally, the collection of incense-burners made by each encampment as representatives of the gods, together with the sacred shrine where they are kept, would seem to show a certain permanence in their dwelling place. We must, I think, look for another cause for the failure of the Span- ish to make a permanent impression upon the life and customs of the Lacandones, such as they were so successful in doing among the Mayas of Yucatan and in other parts of Mexico. If one but reads the Fifth Letter ^ of Hernando Cortes to Charles V of Spain, describing the expedition to Honduras, and the less colored account by Bernal Diaz,^ he will readily see the main cause of the ill success of the Spanish in the territory drained by the Usumacinta. In a country where, as in eastern Yucatan, there are no natural impediments in the way of progress such as rivers, swamps, or high mountains, it was only after repeated outbreaks and insurrections that the main body of the Mayas of Yucatan were compelled to acknowledge the superior force of Spanish arms and Spanish religion. Even to this day, a part still hold out against Mexican rule. It is not then surprising that, in a habitat where the natural difficulties at certain sea- sons of the year are practically unsurmountable, the Spanish were unsuccessful with a people of the same race as those whose allegiance was gained only partially under the most favorable of natural conditions. The accounts given by Cortes of the difficulties he suffered in crossing Chiapas and Guatemala are no exaggerations, and this was the very country occupied by the Lacandones.
Another cause which may have prevented any prolonged attempt of the Spanish to conquer the natives of the upper Usumacinta was the natural poverty of the country in the way 1 See note 2, p. 14. . 2 Djaz, 1632.
36 MAYAS AND LACANBONES
of mineral wealth. An inborn courage, the love of liberty, and the fact of the dissemination of the natives may be ascribed as other causes of the prolonged independence of the Lacan- dones. There is no reason to suppose, however, that these people are any more sincere in their observances of the old rites than once were those farther to the north together with the natives of the peninsula.
The two people at one time were, in all probability, one in customs and religion as they now practically are in language, because, as will be shown later, the customs described by Diego de Landa and the other early missionaries and historians as existing in their time are identical in many ways with those now carried on by the Lacandones. These two sections of the Maya stock are separated by a range of mountains which has proved to be a dividing line between the two fields as regards contact with Spanish influence.
As to the relation of the Mayas of Yucatan with people of another blood, one very interesting fact comes out, a fact noted by all historians and writers on the inhabitants of the peninsula. The Spanish, as seen throughout Mexico, Central and South America, came into the country with their language, religion, and customs. Unlike any other part of the vast territory in the new world governed by a Spanish-speaking population, Yucatan stands almost alone in the fact that the native lan- guage has survived and has not been superseded by the language of the Spaniards, conquerors in all other respects. In most of the states of Mexico, with the exception of Yucatan, very little remains of the native tongue. It is only found in isolated communities where there is little or no contact with the Mexican element. In Yucatan, the conditions are much differ- ent. Whether in Merida, its largest city, with an ever increas- ing European population, or in the fastness of the suhlevado Indians, the native language has still survived. The Mayas almost without exception speak their mother tongue, and the white people of the country often speak Maya more or less fluently. On the haciendas which cover the whole northern
SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS 37
part of the peninsula, the mayordomos invariably speak Maya to the servants, and even the owners frequently use the same tongue when addressing the field hands. Books are printed in Maya and sermons are frequently given in it in the churches. The priests almost without exception have a knowledge of the language.
The contact with Mexican influence has also failed to change the native manner of dressing. Tradition is so strong on this point that if an aspiring Indian assumes the American or Spanish custom of dress, he is eluded and made fun of until he is quite ready to resume the cotton pantaloons and shirt of his race. In most respects, however, other than language and dress, the Maya of Yucatan is practically one with the Mexican. What remains of the native beliefs and religion has been altered so that it coincides more or less faithfully with the ideas of the Catholic Church.
The Lacandones have been described as an agricultural rather than a nomadic people. The Mayas as well do not seem to have a wandering spirit. They usually are born and die in the same place and their children after them. If the fathers are in- dented servants on the haciendas^ the sons usually become so, although they do not as a rule inherit the debts of their fathers. It takes usually more energy than the Mayas possess to over- come the inertia necessary in making a new move.
The Lacandones recognize the Mayas of the peninsula as speaking the same language and as members of the same tribe. They observe, however, a difference when speaking about them. They say that the Mayas of Yucatan have different Santos^ meaning the protective saints of the Catholic Church as contrasted with the native gods of the race. They recognize, moreover, a closer relation between themselves and the Mayas proper, than between themselves and the natives living to the northward around Palenque, who speak the Choi dialect of the Maya stock. This is not as closely allied to the dialect spoken by the Lacandones as is that of the natives of Yucatan. There is a much closer relation, however, between the Lacandones and
38 MAYAS AND LAC AN BONES
the Itzas of Peten, than between the former and the inhabit- ants of the peninsula to the northward. By some authorities, the Itzas and the Lacandones are regarded as the same people. Constant trade communications were kept up between the settlements on the Usumacinta and its affluents and those of Peten.
The Mayas recognize the Lacandones as speaking the same language, but as a people very slightly connected with them, inasmuch as their customs differ so considerably. When any mention is made of the Mayas of Tabasco and Chiapas, they are always described as no son cristianos.
The divisions of the Lacandones among themselves show the remains of a once well-regulated system, now more or less broken down. The natives live in widely scattered settlements, two or three related families together.
The Lacandones move their encampments, as has been stated, from place to place, but only within a very narrow range. As soon as the fields around a settlement become barren, a new site is found in the immediate vicinity. Thus a family always lives in the same general locality, and there is a certain idea of per- manence in their method of living absent in that of a truly nomadic people. The changes of encampment usually come every three or four years. There is no rule that on the death of a member of the family, a new home must be found. This is sometimes done, but it is always owing to the supposed or real unhealthfulness of a certain locality, rather than to any tribal custom.
These settlements are usually made on the site of a corn field (PI. VIII, Figs. 1, 2, and 3). Each consists of a sacred hut, where all the religious observances are carried on, and where the gods of the family are kept (p. Ill), a smaller hut or sheltei where the food is prepared for the offerings made to the idols, and one or more domestic huts. Sometimes two families live in the same house but occupy separate ends. The domestic life of each family is distinct. There is little idea of communal
SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS 39
life other than that side touching the religion and the possession of the fields.
Each encampment has four trails leading to it, corresponding to the four cardinal points. ^
As has been stated concerning the Nahuatl race at the time of the Conquest,^ so it is true of the Lacandones of the present time, they " have achieved progress to descent in the male line." The oldest son of the first and principal wife is the main heir. The younger sons receive a part of the inheritance, consisting principally of the idols of the gods. If there are no sons, the brothers of the dead man inherit his possessions. The land is held in common, so that property in land does not exist. Daughters do not inherit any of the personal possessions of their father. As would be expected from the fact that the women take no part in the observance of the religion, they oc- cupy an inferior place in the household. A widow usually lives with the oldest son, and as head of the family it is his duty to support her.
Mr. Bandelier calls attention to the curious fact that among the early Mexicans certain grades of consanguinity are called by the same names, showing that the modern descriptive system for relationship appears in a minority of cases only. From this he infers that the Mexican family was yet but imperfectly con- stituted at the time of the Conquest.^ Among the Lacandones we find the same thing true. The title Yum is given to the father, the paternal uncles and the eldest son of the oldest uncle, the future head of the family. Brothers, sisters, and cousins call each other by the same name. The oldest brother or male cousin is called Sukun, the oldest sister or female cousin, Kik. The oldest children are thus distinguished as to age and sex. The younger brothers, sisters, and cousins of both sexes all have the same name, "Wioin.
1 Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XXXV, p. 210: "Uso era en todos los pueblos de Yucatan tener hecho dos montones de piedra, uno en frente de otro, a la entrada del pueblo por todas las qnatro partes del pueblo. ..."
2 Bandelier, 1879, p. 567. ^ Ibid., p. 570.
40 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
Each family branch bears the name of some animal. This is transmitted through the male line. Inasmuch as the members of one line of descent generally live in the same neighborhood, the animal names become associated with certain localities. Landa makes no mention of the family totem names. He says, however, that it was considered a sin for members of the same family to marry. ^ Now, although not frequent, one sometimes finds a marriage existing between two people of the same family connection, thus bearing the same animal name.
Whatever there may have been of the idea of the totem and totemic devices in regard t6 the animals, it has been lost, and nothing remains but the mere animal name of the division. The animal totem is called youen, the general term for rela- tive. The kid (yuk) painted on the ceremonial robe (PI. XV, Fig. 1) is the only example found where there was any approach to a representation of a totemic device. There seems to be a common practice of keeping in captivity the animals connected with the settlement in a totemic signification. Monkeys, doves, and small birds were noted as kept as pets, especially by the women.
The names of eighteen animal divisions were obtained. The location given may be taken only approximately, as it was im- possible to obtain an accurate idea of the situation of the differ- ent gentes. The people who live in the vicinity of Lake Petha^ belong to the maaS (Spanish mico') or monkey gens. Near Anaite, on the Usumacinta River, live the koton (Spanish tejon} or badger gens and the sanhol gens. The Mexicans of the country call the sanhol the cabeza hlanca. The qeqen (Span- ish jahaliifi) or wild boar, the kitam (Spanish puerco del monte)^ the ke (Spanish venado) or small deer, the yuk (Span- ish cahritu) or kid, the tSilup (Spanish golondrina)^ and the sup gens are all located near the shores of the Lacantun River. It was impossible to obtain a more accurate idea of their situa-
1 Landa, 1864, Chap. XXV, p. 140: "y muchos avia que nunca avian tenido sino una (mujer) la qual ninguno toraava de su nombre, de parte de su padre."
2 See map in Maler, 1901-1903, Plate I.
SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS 41
tion. Near Tenosique are founds the qambul (Spanish faisan) or pheasant, the balum or tiger, and the mo or macaw gens. Near the monteria of San Hipolito (a few leagues north of Lake Petha) are to be found the harleu (Spanish tepeizquinte) and koi (Spanish cojolito i) gens. Near El Cambio, on the Chan- cala River, are located the wan (Spanish perdiz) or partridge, the tut or parrot, and the baao (Spanish saraguato) gens. The akmaS (Spanish mieo de noche) gens is said to be located at Peten in Guatemala.
In addition to the animal name which every person bears, there is another designation which is very indefinite. The people of the qeqen and kitam gens are also given the name kow5, and those of the kotom and sanhol divisions, the name tas, which has the meaning level. Those who belong to the maao gens are also known by the term Jcarsia. This word seems to be more Spanish than Maya in form. The Mexicans of the vicinity know this particular settlement by the latter name, whereas they are in total ignorance of the divisions according to animal names. Sapper speaks without comment of the G-arcias seemingly as a division of the Lacandones.^ The balum gens has the other designation puk, the root of the verb meaning to destroy anything made of earth. It is impos- sible to tell on what this second classification is based. There seems to be no special class of objects used as names. The same words are found used as surnames among the Mayas of Yucatan. Kow6 is the name of a family living near Valladolid.^ This second designation among the Lacandones may be the remains of a once elaborate system of social organization with divisions made up of families and groups of families joined together with bonds of relationship.
The native speaks of the animal names noted above as in- yonen, my relative, so that there seems to be a close bond
1 This is from the Nahuatl word cojoUtli. 2 Sapper, 1897, pp. 262, 263.
3 Among others there were noted as surnames among the Mayas, tian, little ; boS, black ; meg, beard ; tuS, a falsehood ; eq, palo de tinta ; and oap, the rattler of a snake.
42 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
between all the people bearing the same name and the animal itself.
There is another name corresponding to the Spanish word tocayo^ or namesake. This is also the name of an animal, but it is not handed down from father to son as in the former case, but seems to be given as regards priority of birth. The first son is usually given the name Qin, sun, and his secondary ani- mal name is Baao, monkey. ^ The first daughter is called Naqiu, (from na, house), and she also shares the same animal name as her oldest brother. The second son to be born is usually given the name Qaiyum, singing god, and his secondary animal name is Sanhol (Spanish caheza hlanca). The second daughter is called Naqaiyum, and she is also associated with the sanhol as is the second son. The third son is called TSanqin, little sun, and the third daughter, in the same way, NatSanqin. There are other names found in use, Bol, a verb meaning to distribute food, and Nabol, the corresponding name given to the girl. I could not make out what son and what daughter bore these names, but those who possessed it had as their secondary animal names, Qimbol, a species of snake. It seems from the meaning of the word bol that the domestic head of the family may have had this designation. If this is the case, it seems probable that the persons having this name did not always occupy the same relative position in the order of age in the famil3^ In one case I found the name Bol given to the oldest son, but in all other cases he bore the name Qin. It may come out on further inves- tigation that there may be a difference as regards naming the first son in respect to his mother, whether or not she is the wife first married or a later one.
Each of the pairs of names — Qin and Naqin, Qaiyum and Naqaiyum, TSanqin and Natdanqin, Bol and Nabol — has as their special possession secular songs relating to the animals whose names they bear.
1 It will be noted that the baao is also found as one of the names in the primary animal classification.
SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS 43
Thus, to sum up, we find a number of different names used by the Lacandones.
(1) They address each other by the terms of relationship to themselves, cousins and brothers being considered the same.
(2) Each family has an animal name which is transmitted from father to son.
(3) There is some larger division, and certain families are united under one name. This has not been successfully worked out.
(4) Each person in the family bears a name as regards the order of precedence of birth.
(5) Each person in the family bears an animal name which varies as the name under (4) varies. All first sons have the same name and the same animal name.
It may be well to investigate in detail the form of govern- ment of the families among whom most of the rites described were witnessed. Two brothers, Qin and Chanqin, of the maao gens, had married two sisters of the qeqen family. These two families live in peace under the same roof; each, however, with its own distinct camp fire and food. The older brother rules supreme in the little settlement, and it is he who decides all questions which may come up. A half league away lives the aged mother of the two brothers together with a grandson, the child of her oldest son who is dead. Two of her daughters also live in this encampment. They are both married to a man of the same gens. The grandson, Qin, the heir of the oldest son, would naturally be the head of the encampment. He is still youiig and unable to carry out the demands of the religious ceremonies. These are therefore undertaken by the husband of his two aunts and not, as might at first be supposed, by one of the uncles.
One may see in this the faint remains of the matriarchal system, where, on the death of the oldest son and during the childhood of the heir, the regency is held, not by the deceased man's brothers, but by the husband of his sister.
There is little or no need of concerted action or of any
44 MAYAS AND LACANBONES
central government among the Lacandones, living, as they do, separated into self-sustaining communities.^ When a man gives a feast, he invites all his neighbors far and near. He is the lord of the ceremony, however, and holds absolute control within the little settlement where it is observed. The others are his guests, and they all pay him honor and obedience as their host.
A pleasing custom always observed among the Lacandones is seen in the greeting and taking leave of the giver of one of the feasts by the guests. A set form of speech is used and the giver of the feast is addressed by the title Yum, father or lord. At the entrance to the sacred inclosure each person utters the following words, Bininkinwile inyume, I come to see you, my lord. The person addressed always bids him enter, Orken. In taking leave the form is Bininka tinna, I am going to my house. The guest never leaves, however, until the giver of the feast has given him permission to depart, Sen, go. The members of the family of the host are also addressed singly by their titles of relationship to the speaker as Bininkin- wile inkik, I am coming to see you, my sister. Among the Mayas, the form used in taking leave is more in the nature of asking permission, Sikeni, may I go? and the answer is Sen, go. This custom is not carried so far among the Mayas as among the Lacandones.2 Every one present in a hut is not individ- ually addressed when one is leaving, as among the latter people.
The family with the father at the head is the unit in the social organization of the Lacandones. A group of related families seems to form the gens. There is no evidence that we can safely accept which shows any larger division than the gens There is no need for a larger unit. Wars have disappeared, and there is no cause for the compact form of society where strength
1 Margil, 1696, gives an interesting account of the social organization of the Lacandones.
2Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XXIII, p. 132: "Porque en el progresso de sus platicas, el menor por curiosidad suele repetir el nombre del officio 6 dignidad del mayor."
SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS 45
is needed to resist an enemy or where each family has its portion of labor to perform in order to sustain the whole, as among people of a higher social status. Among the Lacandones, family is isolated from family, each with its own fields. The different functions of society are carried out by the members of the family. The father, assisted by his oldest son, clears the forest to make the fields and carries on the rites of their re- ligion, while the mother and the daughters spin and weave the cotton into clothing, grind the corn, and carry on the ordinary work of the household. Their part in the religious life con- sists in the preparation of the food and drink to be offered the idols in behalf of the gods. The family thus seems to be the unit also in the religious life. The gods are, for the most part, family deities rather than tribal.
The gathering of the families of the same gens occurs at certain of the important rites. The daily and weekly cere- monies carried on before the incense-burners are performed by the male members of the family.
The morals of the family are strict. Prostitution or adultery seldom occurs. Until marriage the daughters remain under the strict control and care of their fathers. The father of the boy seeks the bride, and she comes to live in his home.^ There are exceptions to this rule, as in the case cited before, where the husband had married the two sisters and had come to live at their home. The marriage ceremony is not complicated. There is an offering of posol and baltSe to the gods, and the man and woman eat together as a sign that they are man and wife. After marriage, a man and woman never again eat with their parents. If one is visiting at the home of his father and mother, he eats apart from them. A widow, all of whose sons are married, is thus compelled to eat alone.
Polygyny is not an uncommon thing among the Lacandones.
No instances have been observed of a man having more than
three wives. The women all live together, and the duties of
the household are divided and shared amoug them. There
1 Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XXV, p. 140.
46 MAYAS AND LACANBONES
seems always to be a favorite wife. Usually she is the first one married. It is she who brings to her husband, in the sacred in- closure, the food and drink prepared by the wives to be offered to the gods. A woman is regarded in the relationship of aunt (oSna) to the children of her husband by another wife.
Polyandry has been reported among the Lacandones, but the fact has, I think, never been established.
Among the Mayas of Yucatan, the man has to make a present to the parents of the girl, and it is he who pays for the clothes necessary for the marriage.
The fecundity of the Maya race is large but not excessive.^ Marriages generally take place at a very early age. One often finds mothers of thirteen and fourteen, which shows the quick development of the girl into the woman. At child birth there is a special ceremony held before the idols, where prayers are offered up in behalf of the mother and her child. A pregnant woman wears around her neck a cotton string (kutS). This is to preserve the life of the embryo. After the child is born, the mother places the string around the neck or the leg (see PI. XXVI, Fig. 1) of some one who is ill, usually a male relative. If it is taken off, the child dies and the man loses the beneficial effect of its presence. It is effective for about a year. Children are kept at the breast a much longer time than among white people. 2
Children among the Lacandones are usually called by the terms of their relationship to the speaker. This is especially true of brothers, sisters, and cousins who address each other as brother and sister. The eldest son of a family bears the name Qin until the* death of his father, when he receives the title Yum. The eldest daughter is named Snuk (the large one),
1 Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XXXII, p. 192 : " Son muy fecundas y tempranas en parir, y grandes criaderas por dos razones, la una porque la bevida de las manaiias que beven caliente cria mucha leche y el continuo moler de su maiz y no traer los pechos apretados les haze tenerlos muy grandes donde les viene tener mucha leche."
2 lUd.^ Chap. XXX, p. 180 : "Mamavan mucho, porque nunca dexavan de darles leche pudiendo, aunque fuessen de tres o quatro anos."
SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS 47
and the younger daughters are usually called TSasnuk (little ones). These names are in addition to those used in connec- tion with animal names.
In Yucatan the child is always carried astride the hip. Among the inhabitants of Chiapas, the custom is also common (PL III, Fig. 2). Here the very small* children are often suspended in a net on the back of the motlier, the net being supported by a cord passing over the forehead.
There seem to be no elaborate puberty rites. When a boy arrives at the age of manhood, the father offers a bow and a set of arrows to the gods in behalf of the boy, with a prayer be- seeching them to make his son a good hunter. After this the boy may take an active part in all the rites, and it is at this time that he assumes the loin cloth. A girl, on arriving at the age of puberty, wears the bunch of bird feathers suspended from the back of the head.
Ages are reckoned as regards the number of dry and wet seasons that have passed. YaSqin, the first sun, is used to desig- nate the dry epoch, and hahal, from ha, water, the rainy season. I was unable to find any trace of the ancient system of reckon- ing time.
The mortuary customs furnish a means of ascertaining the ideas concerning death and a future life. The belief among the Lacandones is, that w4ien a person dies, his "pulse," as it is expressed (upiSanuqab), goes below, to live in the underworld with Kisin (p. 95), and the heart goes above, to remain with Nohotgakyum, the main god. Among the Lacandones, the body, lying on its back, is placed in a grave about two feet in depth. On the abdomen a bundle of ground corn is deposited for making posol and tortillas. Parallel sticks are laid crosswise the body, followed by a layer of palm leaves. On these the earth is piled until the grave is filled and a mound about a foot high is made. Ashes are sprinkled over the mound, and at each of the four corners there is placed a small figure made of palm leaves and representing a dog. These are sup- posed to accompany the soul as guardians to its final resting
48 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
place. ^ Around the grave is a line of small sticks about four inches apart. On the top of each stick is a bit of cloth dipped in beeswax. Each male member of the family of the deceased plants and lights three or more of these rude candles, and each woman and child two.^ A shelter of palm leaves is finally built over the grave. From the roof there is suspended a gourd filled with posoU another with water, and a third containing tortillas.^ This food, together with that placed directly on the
1 Seler (1900-1901, pp. 82-83) gives an interesting parallel of the Nahua idea of the dog and his connection with death. He paraphrases Sahagun as follows : "The native Mexican dogs . . . barked, wagged their tails, in a word, behaved in all respects like our own dogs, were kept by the Mexicans not only as house com- panions, but above all for the shambles, and also in Yucatan and on the coast land for sacrifice. The importance that the dog had acquired in the funeral rites may perhaps have originated in the fact that, as the departed of both sexes were accompanied by their effects, the prince by the women and slaves in his service, so the dog was consigned to the grave as his master's associate, friend, and guard, and that the persistence of this custom in course of time created the belief that the dog stood in some special relation to the kingdom of the dead. It may also be that, simply because it was the practice to burn the dead, the dog was looked on as the Fire God's animal and the emblem of fire, the natives got accustomed to speak of him as the messenger to prepare the way in the kingdom of the dead, and thus eventually to regard him as such. At the time when the Spaniards made their acquaintance, it was the constant practice of the Mexicans to commit to the grave with the dead a dog,' who had to be of a red-yellow color, and had a string of unspun cotton round his neck, and was first killed by the thrust of a dart in his throat. The Mexicans believed that four years after death, when the soul had already passed through many dangers on its way to the underworld, it came at last to the bank of a great river, the Chicunauhapan, which encircled the underworld proper. The souls could get across this river only when they were awaited by their little dog, who, on recognizing his master on the opposite side, rushed into the water to bring him over." ( Sahagun, 3 Appendix, Chap. I.)
2 The idea of candles in connection with the burial rites may be of Spanish origin, although there is no suggestion of the cross in connection with the burial ceremony.
3Cf. Cogolludo, 1688, Bk. XII, Chap. VII, p. 699: "Que en muriendo la persona, para sepultar el cuerpo, le doblan las piemas, y ponen la cara sobre las rodillas . . . abren en tierra, un hoyo redondo. . . . Al rededor le ponen mucha vianda, una xicara, un calabago con atole, falvados de maiz, y unas tortillas grandes de lo mismo, que han lleuado juntamente con. el cuerpo, y assi lo cubren despues con tierra."
Also cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XXXIII, p. 196: "Muertos los amortajavan hinchandoles la boca del maiz molido que es su comida y bevida que llaman koyem."
For a later account, cf. Sapper, 1897, p. 265: " Bei den Lacandonen im
SOCIAL CHABACTERISTICS 49
body, is to furnish sustenance on the journey which the soul (piSan) takes to the home of the main god of the Lacandones. After its arrival at the final resting place, its welfare is assured. The water contained in the gourd, hung in the shelter, is to wash the hands before the food is touched, and the four dogs, as has been noted, are supposed to accompany the body on its journey as protectors. The parallel sticks placed ovei* the body are to guard it from being devoured by the animals of the forest. Otherwise the animals might consume the body and then they might be killed and eaten, in turn, by the people. This would be considered as one of the greatest crimes known to the Lacandones. The ashes placed on top of the grave symbolize the warmth given to the soul to protect it from the cold.
Incineration is no longer practiced in any form.^
Among the Mayas of Yucatan, a burial is usually carried out according to the customs of the Catholic Church. Food and drink, however, are placed on the grave.
Trade is carried on to a limited extent by the Lacandones among themselves. Cocoa berries, masses of copal^ wax, rubber, and bunches of feathers are often used as the mediums of ex- change as in former times. ^
Sociology of the Mayas. — There is little that can be said concerning the sociology of the Mayas. They live under the laws of the Mexican Republic. In the pueblos they elect their own presidente for the town. All the former forms of tribal division are completely lost. Polygyny is not allowed to exist, and it is not openly carried on. The morals of the family are loose. Prostitution is common. Landa speaks with surprising candor of the morals of the natives before and after the entrance
ostlichen Chiapas soUen die Leichname ira Walde auf einen Holzrost in einer nur handtiefen Grube gelegt und mit Laub und Erde destreut werden, so dass sie also den Thieren zum Frasse dienen konnten."
1 Cf. Landa, 1864, p. 198.
2 Cf. " Relacidn de Mutul," 1900, Vol. XI, p. 87 : " Los tratos y contrataciones y grangerias que ay entre los naturales y espanoles son mantas de algodon, cera, y miel, y sal, y otras cosas de mantenimiento, que benden unos a otros y en cacao que se trae de laprobincia de tabasco y de onduras."
50 MAYAS AND LACAnDONES
of the Spaniards into the country.^ When one takes into con- sideration the fact that the account was written by a priest of the people whom he criticises so harshly concerning the evils which they have brought into the country, the statement has great weight.
1 Landa, 1864, Chap. XXXII, p. 186: " Preciavanse de buenas y tenian razon, porque antes que conociessen nuestra nacion, segun los viejos aora lloran, lo eran a maravilla."
INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITY
Agriculture. — Agriculture is necessarily very crude among both the Mayas and the Lacandones, owing to the nature of the ground and the lack of modern tools and methods. It is prac- tically identical in both localities. Corn, the staple product and the fundamental article of food, is cultivated after the manner of the country. There are several kinds of corn found among the Mayas and the Lacandones, and they are distinguished chiefly by their colors.^ Some of the varieties are found in every settlement and encampment. In December or January a site well exposed to the sun is selected, and the trees are felled and the undergrowth cut away. During the succeeding months of the season of drought, the fallen trees become well dried. Just before the rainy season sets in, during the middle of April or the first of May, the mass of underbrush and trees are burned, thus clearing and enriching the ground at the same time. At the coming of the rains, the corn is placed in the ground, which has had no preparation other than the clearing and burning of the trees.
The preparation of the corn for food may well be regarded as a separate industry. The greater part of the time of the women is thus taken up. Most of the corn is eaten in the form of tortillas. The corn is first soaked overnight in an alkali to remove the hulls. In Yucatan, limestone is burned to furnish this alkali. In Chiapas, it is often difficult to find limestone which is pure enough for this purpose. The shells of the fresh- water snails are burned as a substitute. A strong lye is also obtained from the ashes of the bark of the mahogany tree.
1 Among the varieties of corn are sSkiim or Snuknal, a large white corn ; tSSktgotg or tSakSnuknal, a large red variety ; tSEktSikinoonot, a small red corn ; qangim, a yellow kind ; and tSikinoonot, a blue variety.
51
52 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
The corn is ground moist on the stone metate (Nahuatl met- atl) (PL IX, Fig. 1). As seen among the Mayas, the stone is slightly concave, is inclined, and supported on three legs. The crusher is long and round, and extends beyond the edges of the metate. The corn is often ground over six or seven times, until it is in the form of a fine paste or batter. This is then made into tortillas (PL IX, Fig. 2). In Yucatan the ordinary form of tortilla is about four inches in diameter, whereas among the Lacandones the size often approaches nine or ten inches.
There is a form of tortilla (op) called in Spanish tostados or totopostle (Nahuatl totopochtli). These are browned and re- semble more nearly the cracker. The totopostle are made in large numbers at one time, and are used as desired by simply warming them in the ashes.
Another form in which the maize is largely used is called posol (maao), a drink. The corn is first boiled without lye and then ground moist as before. Masses of this are then wrapped in banana leaves, and it is used as desired. These bundles of ground corn furnish the principal food when journeys are undertaken. A handful of the corn is mixed thoroughly with water. This forms a most refreshing as well as a nourishing drink. The corn in this form is considered better if it has soured.
TiokosSka is a drink made of the ground corn used in making tortillas mixed with warm water and taken hot. Saqnum is made of the corn treated with lye mixed with water and the whole boiled together. Qa is a drink made from corn ground dried after being roasted.
The third way in which the corn is used is in the form of tamales. The maize serves as a covering for an interior of chile^ meat, or frejoles. The whole is then wrapped in a large leaf and boiled or steamed. Among the Lacandones a great quan- tity of these tamales are made of corn and frejoles. They are called huliwa^ and are one of the principal offerings made to their gods in the religious rites (p. 102).
Throughout Yucatan, as well as Chiapas, the Mexicans and
INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITY 53
other inhabitants have very generally adopted the food native to the country.
In the fields between the hills of corn are planted camotes (is),^ a species of sweet potato. When fully grown, their presence in the ground is indicated by a slight cracking in the surface of the soil. A pointed stick is all that is used in digging them out. Yucca (oin), a farinaceous plant, is also grown in the same field with the corn as well as a small tomato (beyantSan). Frejoles (buul), a species of black kidney bean, form with the tortilla the daily food of the Maya. The beans are boiled and eaten with chile. Sugar cane and bananas are grown extensively.
Among the Lacandones tobacco (quo) finds a place in their fields. Native cotton (taman) is extensively grown. This is spun, woven, and made into clothing. In Yucatan the prin- cipal product outside of the corn (iSim) is henequen (soskil). The cultivation of this plant would be impossible but for the presence of the natives. The entire working force on the haci- endas is composed of Mayas.
Hunting. — Next to the cultivation of corn, the hunt fur- nishes the most important means of obtaining food. The La- candones use the bow and arrow (PI. X, Fig. 1) ^ in killing their game, which ranges in size from the smallest birds up to the mountain lion. The Indians have great accuracy of aim and put great force into sending the shaft. The description of the bow and the several kinds of arrow will be taken up later (p. 57). The necessit}^ of offering meat to the idols of the gods in their ceremonies causes the Lacandone to devote much time to the hunt. They often leave the hut before daybreak
1 For the botanical names, see under Flora, p. 21.
2 Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XXIX, p. 170 : "Que tenian armas offensivas y defen- sivas. Ofensivas eran arcos y flechas que llevavan en su cargaje con pedernales por caxcillos y dientes de pescados muy agudas, las quales tiran con gran des- treza y fuerza."
Also cf. Sapper, 1897, p. 261 : "Zur Jagd verwenden die Lacandonen noch immer Bogen und Pfeile, letztere mit Feuersteinspitzen, welche sie mittelst eines Hornmeissels spalten."
64 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
and return late at night, and very seldom with empty hands. All the Mayas of the peninsula, together with the Lacandones who live nearest the settlements of the Mexicans, use in place of the bow and arrow the old muzzle-loading musket and the powder horn. The natives of both localities are skillful in imitating the cries and calls of animals and birds. The cry of the young venado is very faithfully reproduced by a horn whis- tle, which the natives manufacture. Often a large number of Indians will join together for a general hunt, and the results are divided on the return.
Venado^ a small deer, and wild turkeys are the principal game in Yucatan. Partridge and quail are also plenty. In the re- gion of the Usumacinta River, practically all the animals known to the colder parts of the torrid zone abound. Monkeys of several varieties furnish a constant source of food.^
Fishing. — The natives of the coast of Yucatan engage exten- sively in fishing. Owing to the lack of rivers and lakes, how- ever, the greater part of the Mayas of the peninsula have no knowledge of the industry. Among the Lacandones it is quite different, as rivers and lakes abound and they are well stocked with fish. Among the most important are the saktan or nahwa (Spanish sardina)^ sohom, tSSklau, which is a red fish, makabil, tsakbil, and tSSkal. Turtles and turtle eggs form a large supply of food. As many as four hundred or five hundred eggs are sometimes found in one hunt. Fresh-water crabs and snails (tot) are numerous. The natives of Chiapas have a primitive way of catching fish. They shoot them from the end of a canoe with a wooden-pointed arrow (PI. X, Fig. 2). They are very expert in this. They also have come to know the use of the hook and line, and they are skillful in making nets. A spear about eight feet long is sometimes used in catching fish and turtles. This has a detachable point hung by a cord.
Navigation. — Along the coast of Yucatan, especially on the eastern side, on the Usumacinta River and its tributaries, and on the lakes of Chiapas and Guatemala, navigation is engaged 1 See p. 22 for a more complete list of animals hunted for game.
INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITY 55
in extensively by the natives. As has been noted (p. 9), Columbus on his last voyage encountered a canoe some way out at sea which probably came from Yucatan. The early Mayas and the Lacandones of the present time use the cayuco^ or dugout (tSem). It is made of a mahogany log, and is often thirty or more feet in length, three feet in breadth, and capable of carrying fifteen or twenty men.
Weaving. — The Mexican influence seen throughout the pen- insula, with the exception of the narrow strip along the eastern coast, has robbed the Mayas of many of their former arts and industries by furnishing them with substitutes, — the gun for the bow and arrow and cotton cloth for the hand-woven clothing. The Lacandones, however, still keep up the practice of their for- mer arts of spinning and weaving, basket and pottery making, and the fashioning of the bow and arrow. There is some fear that the arts of spinning and weaving, long since vanished from Yucatan, will also disappear from among the Lacandones in another generation. They now buy the cotton cloth of Mexi- can manufacture for their commonest clothes. Every Indian along the Usumacinta still has his cotton patch, however. The wives gather the product and spin it upon a spindle composed of a slender pointed stick about ten inches long, which passes through a small ball or disk either of wood or bone. The spindle is twisted between the fingers as the lower end rests in a small gourd, which is either held between the knees or placed on the ground in front of the person. The mass of unspun cotton rests on the shoulder, and, as it is spun, it is wound on the spindle (PL XI, Fig. 1). The coarse yarn thus made is used directly in the loom. The colored thread used in making a w^oman's skirt is usually obtained from the Mexicans in trade.
The loom is of the same form as is seen among the Mexican Indians (PI. XII, Fig. 1), the Pueblo peoples, and the Navajos. The position of the loom is horizontal rather than vertical, as among the Navajos. The Lacandone loom has two bamboo reeds fastened to the finished cloth to hold it out to the desired width, as the piece of cloth woven is often eight
66
MAYAS AND LACANDONES
or ten feet long. As it is finished it is wound up on the top cross stick. A shuttle is used in weaving the plain garments. The end of the loom where the work is being done is fastened by a band around the waist of the weaver ^ and the other end is tied to a post or tree. The worker then sits as far back as possible from the post to give the required tension (PI. XI, Fig. 2). 2 The cloth is always woven in One straight piece, and is sewed together afterward in forming either the poncho- like upper garment of the men and women alike or the scant skirt of the women. The looms are all about the same width, which is not over two and a half feet.
Another form of weaving is seen in the manufacture of
hammocks. According to Don Juan Molina Solis,^ the hammock is not, as is commonly supposed, native to the Mayas of Yucatan, but its use was introduced by the Spaniards, who first brought it from the island of Santo Domingo. The hammock is now used uni- versally throughout Yucatan by the Mexicans as well as by the Mayas. A swinging seat much like a hammock is suspended in a tree and used by hunters at night. This, according to Mr. E. H. Thompson, is native to the country, and may be the ancestor of the hammock.* The hammocks are all of native workmanship, and are
Fig. 1. Tro-Cort. 79, c.
1 Compare the loom used among the Pokomchi Indians pictured by Sapper, 1904, a, Plate IV, Fig. 2.
2 Fig. 1 shows an interesting parallel taken from the Codex Tro-Cortesianus. 8 Molina, 1896, p. 247.
* An Italian Ms. in the British Museum by Galeotto Cey ( Viaggio e Relazione delle Indie, 1539-1552) has upon the margin of one of the pages an interesting ink sketch of a hammock, called amaccor* probably the first picture of a ham- mock from the Indies.
INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITY 57
usually made of henequen. This is first twisted into cord by rolling it on the bare knee with the palm of the hand. The strands are then woven on frames set up in the domestic hut. The Lacandones also use the hammock for sleeping. They make them only for their own use, and it is almost impossible to find one which may be bought. The cord is a species of agave fiber, and is twisted in the same manner as in Yucatan. The hammock, however, is quite different. It is not woven in the strict sense of the word, but is composed of parallel cords knotted together at intervals of about six inches (PI. XII, Fig. 2). The finished hammock is only about three feet wide and seven feet long, whereas that of Yucatan is often sixteen feet long and can be stretched out to a great width. The Lacandone hammock, owing to the nature of its construction, cannot be stretched. The natives of Chiapas also make a ham- mock with the ordinary checker-board weave.
Still another form of weaving among the Lacandones is seen in the manufacture of the carrying nets or bags which are carried supported on the back by a strap or cord going over the forehead. These are used principally to bring corn and other products from the milpa. These bags are made of agave fiber, and are netted rather than woven.
Baskets are made both by the Mayas and the Lacandones. They are crude affairs, however, and have little or no artistic value. Coiled basketry is unknown. The form usually taken by the Maya baskets is that of a wide-mouthed bowl with straight sides. Bird cages of basketry are often made in both localities. These are round and come to a point at the top. When the huts of the natives have doors, as is the case in most parts of Yucatan, they are usually made of vines or hejucos woven on upright sticks.
Manufacture of Bows and Arrows. — The Lacandones seem to devote all their artistic strength to the manufacture of their bows(tSulul orpooptSe) and arrows (hul orherlerl) (Fig. 2, p. 58). These bows and arrows in their shape and finish certainly show a love of the beautiful in their fashioners. The bow
I
58
MATAS AND LACANB0NE8
#
'\
is made of the wood of the guayacan or lignum vitse (^Guaicum sanctum)^ which is especially adapted by reason of its strength and elasticity. The only tool used in the manufacture of the bows and arrows is the machete^ now to be found every- where throughout most of the ter- ritory occupied by the Lacandones. The natives who live between Lake Petha and Ocosingo in Chiapas seem to be the principal fashioners of the bows. They get out the wood, shape it rudely, and then barter it with the Lacandones of other regions. The wood of which the bow is made is full of pitch. This is extracted by heating in the fire. Heat is also used in straightening and shaping the arrows. The bow is usually a little shorter than the person for whom it is intended. The general length is about five feet six inches. They are nearly straight, curving slightly in the direction op- posite to that when drawn. The cross section of the middle of the bow approaches an ellipse, the larger di- ameter about an inch. This decreases toward the ends, which are round in cross section and about a half inch in diameter. The bow string is made
Fig. 2. Lacandone bow and arrows (after Maler) : a, bow ; h, bird bolt ; c, wooden pointed arrow for fish and small game ; d, stone-pointed backed arrow ; e, stone-pointed arrow. Scale : i.
INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITY 59
of twisted agave fiber. The upper tip of the bow is called uni, its nose ; the middle of the back upatS, its back ; the middle of the front utan, its middle; and the end resting on the ground utSun, its stem.i
The arrows in their finish are works of art. They are of three kinds, according to their intended use. The arrows used with the largest bows are about four feet six inches long, with the exception of the bird bolt, which is slightly over four feet. All the arrows have two clipped feathers (uSik, its wing) at the end, at right angles to the notch for the bow string. This notch is made in a separate piece of wood, which is in- serted into the hollow end of the reed forming the shaft of the arrow. The feathers are from the buzzard (balunkuk or kon- toq), two species of parrots (mo and oiman), and two species of hawk (ekpip and suktSitS). Both feathers on the same arrow are usually from the same bird. Large quantities of feathers are usually kept on hand. Each is strung upon a cord, and the whole carefully wrapped in bark fiber until they are used.
A set of arrows is usually composed of twelve: a bird bolt (pakat) (5, Fig. 2), four unpointed (c, Eig. 2), two stone- pointed and the foreshafts barbed (c?, Fig. 2), and five stone- pointed and the foreshafts either square or round (g. Fig. 2). The bird bolt is made of a hollow reed (Spanish carrizo or cafia hrava). It is very light in weight. The point is made of wood and is very blunt. This arrow is designed for use in capturing birds alive, as it stuns rather than kills them. All the arrows other than the bird bolt are made with a shaft (her- lerl) and foreshaft (tSuste). The shaft is always made of the same hollow light reed as the bird bolt, and is about two feet ten inches long for use with the bow of five feet six inches. The foreshaft is about one foot eight inches long, and is either round in cross section or square. This is made of several
1 For a detailed discussion of the Lacandone bow and arrow and a compari- son with those of other Central American peoples, see Sapper, 1903, p. 66, Figs. 15-17, d.
60
MAYAS AND LACANDONES
kinds of wood. The palo de tinta or logwood (eq) is often found. The chicosapote (s&kya) is also a common wood for the foreshaft.^
The foreshaft is tipped with a stone point (toq) generally of flint 2 but sometimes of obsidian, bone, or glass. The base of the point is sunk in a notch (upak) in the end of the fore- shaft, which is afterward wound with sinew heavily coated with wax. By holding the end over the fire for a moment, the wax melts and the whole is rubbed smooth, making a firm joint. The point of insertion (uqas, its band) of the foreshaft
Fig. 3. Package of flint flakes from which arrow points are made. (After Maler.)
into the hollow reed which is the shaft is wound firmly with the waxed sinew (tSukikib).
The chipping of the flint is easily and quickly done by means of a knuckle bone or piece of steel. The chipping of the flake from the large core is done after heating the latter in the fire. The flake which is to be pointed is held in the left hand between the thumb and forefinger, the former being pro- tected by a piece of bark fiber. The bone or steel is held in the right hand. The point is easily made into the desired shape by pressure alone. ^
1 The names in Maya for some of the varieties of wood employed in the fore- shafts, some of which I have been unable to identify, are as follows : qiis, moste, t§^ya, uqaqt^e, kektde, and kuktSe.
2 Fig. 3 (after Maler, 1901-1903, p. 37) shows a package of flint flakes from which arrow points are made.
8 Cf. Sapper, 1897, p. 261: "Ich selbst habe nicht Gelegenheit gehabt, das Verfertigen von Pfeilspitzen mit anzusehen ; dagegen sah ich am See Pet Ha in Chiapas zu, wieein Lacandone abgebrochene Pfeilspitzen wieder scharfte; er
INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITY 61
In every set of twelve arrows, there are usually two whose foreshaft is cut into barbs either on one or both sides. This arrow (tututS) is used for shooting monkeys in order that it cannot be pulled out. For shooting fish and small birds an arrow is used of the same form as the stone-tipped arrow with the stone point lacking. The wooden foreshaft is simply sharpened.
The arrow release is the " primary release," with the arrow between the thumb and the second joint of the forefinger. Owing to the great length of the arrow, the bow, when pulled, has necessarily to make a large arc in order that the arrow may be aimed correctly. The male children have arrows suitable to their size, which they always carry with them. They early become expert in shooting.
The bows and arrows are often used as ceremonial objects. They are made and presented to the idols in behalf of the gods as a prayer for success in the hunt. Two round spots of red paint are placed on the shaft of the arrows when they are thus oifered. When a son arrives at the age of puberty, the father offers a set of arrows and a bow to the gods (Chant No. 1^).
The bark stripped from a young ceiba (yaStSe) is used to wrap around the bow and arrows as a sort of quiver. During the last few years, the Mexicans living in the monterias adjacent
riss mit der unteren Kante eines starken Messers Splitterchen um Splitterchen von der Pfeilspitze weg, die er fest in der Hand hielt, und nach kaum einer Minute war aus den abgebrochenen Trumm eine kleine scharfe Pfeilspitze geworden."
Professor Saville of Columbia University has kindly placed at my disposal the following unpublished communication of Dr. Hermann Berendt to the American Ethnological Society, November 12, 1873, regarding a method of arrow chipping: "The mode of making arrow heads from flint stone, still in use, among the Lacandones is very similar to that already described by Colonel Jones. The nucleus being placed on the calf of the leg, a sharpened deer horn is used as a chisel and a piece of hard wood as a hammer to separate the flakes. It is probable that the same proceeding was known in Yucatan, for while living in Campeche a sepulcher was opened, and in an earthen bowl, besides some obsidian and flint implements, a deer horn was found with identically sharpened points."
1 This and succeeding chants will be found at the end of the volume.
62 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
to the settlements of the Lacandones have found that there is a market for the bows and arrows in the Mexican towns. As a consequence, some of the less retiring of the natives have been persuaded to make sets of bows and arrows for sale. It is very seldom, however, that they will consent to part with those they actually use in hunting, as in many cases these also have some ceremonial use.
No trace of the bow and arrow has been found in Yucatan, although we have many references to their use by early writers for offensive weapons.^
Pottery Making. — Pottery making still exists in Yucatan in the manufacture of the earthen water jars. A centre of this industry is in Ticul, south of Merida, Yucatan. The jars are used by the women throughout the peninsula in carrying water from the cenote or well to their huts. The usual form of vessel has two handles opposite each other. They are made by hand with the help of a smooth wooden paddle. The mass of wet clay rests on a square block of wood which is turned by the feet of the modeler as he sits on a stool before the pot (PI. XIII, Fig. 3). This may be an interesting and early form of the potter's wheel. ^ After the jar is shaped by hand, it is baked in a wood fire to complete it. An interesting survival of form but with the change of material is seen in the jars which are now made of tin. They are of the same shape as the earthen ones. These are used in great numbers by the natives living around Palenque in the state of Chiapas. The shape of the pots makes them admirably fitted to be carried on the hip, as is the universal custom.
Among the Lacandones the jar-shaped water pots are not found, as all the water is carried in large hollow gourds. Earthen vessels of all sizes, however, are made by the natives
1 Cf. " Relacion de la Ciudad de Merida," 1900, Vol. XI, p. 41 : " Las armas con que los yiidios peleaban en la guerra eran arcos de palo y flechas de canas delgadas con puntas de pedernal," and in "Relacion de Tahzib," 1900, Vol. XI, p. 187, " — peleaban con arco y flechas puesto un pedernal en la punta."
2 Cf. Mercer, 1897.
INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITY 63
of Chiapas. Bowls for food are modeled by hand, the clay- resting on a banana leaf which readily turns on the board on which it rests. The clay incense-burners of the Lacandones will be described in detail later, when taking up the religion of the Lacandones (p. 84). The ceremonial drum is also another example of the potter's art among these natives. It is often of a graceful shape and with the same crude, mask-like face seen on the incense-burners (PI. XX, Fig. 2). Jars of a slightly different shape from that of the drum are made for holding the ceremonial drink (baltse). These pots have a much shorter neck than those of the drums, and rest on three very short legs (p. 114). Some of these also have the crude head on one side. It is smaller, however, and much more insignificant than the head on the drum.
Apiculture is practiced among both the Mayas and the Lacandones. Among the latter people it has a ceremonial sig- nificance. Hollow logs are placed inside the sacred house of the gods, and the deposition of the honey by the bees has a religious meaning. ^
Fire Making. — Under the head of industries would come the making of fire. The flint and steel is known throughout Yuca- tan and a part of the territory of the Lacandones. In certain of the ceremonies among the latter people, it is necessary to make new fire. The simple "two-piece" apparatus is used (PL XXV, Fig. 2). An upright stick is twisted between the palms of the hands and one end of the stick rests in a groove of a horizontal one which lies on the ground. The friction thus made ignites some tinder made of logwood shavings, which in turn is used to light the wood already prepared for the fire.
House Building. — The dwellings of both the Mayas and the Lacandones are practically identical in construction. The only difference is that the house of the native of Chiapas is really little more than a shelter and often has no sides and doors as do the houses in Yucatan. The usual form of house found through-
1 The bee industry, probably from a ceremonial standpoint, is pictured at great length in the Codex Tro-Cortesianus, 103-112.
64 MAYAS AND LACANB0NE8
out the peninsula is oblong with rounded ends. There are two doors opposite each other in the sides which face the street or path on which the house is located. In the native huts in the towns of Yucatan, at either side of the door facing the street, there is a protruding wall connecting the house with the stone wall which invariably starts at either side of the entrance to the hut. The better type of Maya dwellings always has a smaller and less carefully built structure in the yard behind, where all the cooking is done.
The framework of the roof rests on four forked posts, which stand at each corner of the house. The roof is thus independ- ent of the sides and walls, which are made either of slender sticks set close together and covered with mud or palm leaves, or of rock and plaster, the form usually seen in the villages. In the early Relaciones references are made to the palm- leaf huts as being more healthful than those built of stone. ^ The steep roof, which comes down very low, is made of palm leaves tied to a framing by flexible vines. ^ The parts of the frame itself are also tied with thfe vines or bejueos. The doors are usually made of wicker work. ^
The huts of the Lacandones seldom have rounded ends and often no sides. The roof, especially that of the ceremonial shelter, comes down very low and serves in place of walls. The gable ends, however, are open. In the material used and the method of construction, the huts are identical with those of the Mayas (PI. VIII, Figs. 1, 2, 3).
1 " Relacion ce Quizil y Sitipeche," 1900, Vol. XI, p. 219 : " Comunmente Ids yndios hazen sus casas de madera y baragon cubiertas de paja y de hojas de palmas que en algunas partes ay en abundancia aunque pudieran hazerlas de piedra por aber mucha en la tierra, — dizen que lo hazen por mas sano bebir en las casas de paja que de piedra por causa de las calores que hazen desde el mes de abrill hasta setienbre."
2Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XX, p. 110 : "Que la manera de hazer las casas era cubrirlas de paja que tienen muy buena y mucha, o con hojas de palma que es propria para esto."
8 For a detailed drawing showing the construction of the Kekchi home, which resembles in general plan that of the Maya, see Sapper, 1904, a, Plate V.
ARTISTIC ACTIVITY
Decoration. — In the decorative art, the Mayas are very low in the scale of human culture.
The kind of civilization which the Maya has received from the Spaniards has rendered him an impossible subject for a study of primitive art. The Lacandones, on the other hand, one would imagine might furnish a fertile field for this study. They are, however, nearly as destitute of any evi- dences of artistic activity as are the natives of the peninsula.
An attempt at decoration among the Lacandones is found on the gourd vessels in which they offer posol and baltSe to the idols in behalf of the gods. The designs (Figs. 4-15, pp. 66-68)^ are remarkably crude in their conception. They are made by incised lines on the rounded surface of the gourd. It was impossible to obtain a satisfactory explanation for any of the figures except those which were said to be men. These are curiously drawn, showing the ribs and backbone. The greater part of the designs are star-shaped figures surrounding the slight projection where the stem of the gourd has been broken off. Many of the vessels have parallel wavy lines running around them. The name uhotal, the generic name for decora- tion or adornment, was the only answer to questioning in regard to the significance of the designs. However full of symbolism these designs may once have been, it is lost among the Lacandones of the present time. The figures certainly have no hieroglyphic significance. Mr. Sapper mentions the designs he saw on the drinking vessels, but he does not seem to attach any importance whatever to the meaning of the figures.^
1 For an interesting design on a gourd vessel, see also PI. XXI, Fig. 1.
2 Sapper, 1897, p. 262.
65
a, b, designs on opposite sides of jicara for baltse ; c, design on bottom of same jicara; d, decoration at stem end {uisuts) ; e, a man (winik) ; /, decoration at blossom end (uyit or utob).
b
Fig. 5.
a, side of jicara for baltse; b, bottom of same ^tcara.
Fig. 6.
a, side oi jicara for baltse ; b, bottom of same jicara ; c, stem end.
66
Fig. 8. Fig. 9.
Figs. 7-9, designs on jicaras for baltse.
v<:
nm
^\
//^V-J
Fig. 10.
i'.
O O
SP
.. ''f
Fig. 11.
w
rn
I t-niD A J
Figs. 10 and 11, a and b, designs on opposite sides of jicaras for baltse.
Figs. 10-12 represent men.
67
Fig. 13. Designs on jicaras. (After Maler, 1901-1903, Figs. 6 and 7.)
Fig. 15. Design on jicara. (After an unpublished drawing by Maler.)
Fig. 16. Figure on cliff, Petha. (After Maler.)
ARTISTIC ACTIVITY
69
Figure 16 ^ shows a design made on the face of a high cliff which rises directly from the water in Lake Petha in Chiapas. Behind this cliff, as will be described later (p. 148), a rite performed in behalf of one of the gods was witnessed. I was unable to obtain a satisfactory explanation of this figure other than that it was done by the god who inhabited the cliff. Besides this design, there are several hand prints in red, some parallel lines, and a crude human figure (Fig. 17). Undoubt- edly the latter designs were made by the Lacandones now inhabiting the country. It is probable, on the other hand, that the figure of the two-headed serpent (Fig. 16), from the nature of the design and the method of carrying it out, was made by a people who possessed a higher artistic level than that which the Lacandones of the pres- ent time seem to have attained.
The incense-burners of the La- candones show decoration of two kinds, a crude attempt at sculp- ture and at painting (PI. XV, Fig. 2). The result cannot be said to be in any way artistic or carefully carried out. The head
has a roughness which even its ugliness cannot hide, and the decoration is correspondingly crude. The red paint is made of the aehiote berry (^Bixa or ell ana}, which is ground and mixed with water. The black is the soot formed in burning eopal gum under an overturned olla. This making of soot has a ceremonial significance which will be described later (p. 71),
Fig. 17.
Figures on cliff, Petha.
(After Maler.)
1 1 have taken this drawing from Maler (1901-1903, p. 30, Fig. 9), as my sketch of the same figure is inferior, since it was impossible to trace it as Mr. Maler has done, or even to get anywhere near it on account of the lowness of the water below the cliff on which the drawing occurs.
70 MAYAS AND LACANBONES
as also the meaning of the shape and decoration of the incense- burner (p. 84).
Besides these ollas for burning incense, there are other objects which show decoration. The gourd rattle (Fig. 19, p. 75), used as an accompaniment to the singing in certain of the rites, is decorated with red and black lines which, as far as could be ascertained, have as little significance as the lines on the gourd vessels. The round part of the rattle is divided into quarters by double red lines (uolbal, anything written) running from the knob of copal on top to the place where the handle of reeds is inserted. Between the double line there is a row of holes (uSbil uwitS). At the lower end of the handle are thirteen streamers made of fiber bark colored red and decorated with cross lines.
The chief priest in certain of the ceremonies wears a robe (PI. XIII, Figs. 1 and 2) decorated with a design in red and black (PI. XV, Fig. 1).^ The red in this case is made from the achiote berry and logwood. The black is the soot of the copal mixed with the extract made of the logwood, which, as in the former case, serves as a mordant. The garment is woven by hand and is white, with the exception of two fine red and blue lines which are woven on each edge of the cloth. The form of the robe is the same as the ordinary poncho^ worn by the men and women alike. As has been noted before, the cloth in the native loom is narrow, and two strips have to be sewed together to give the desired width to the garment. The seam comes in the middle of the front and back. As the red and blue line is woven into the very edge of the cloth, this sewing together makes a double line of red and blue in the center of the front and back, in addition to the other decoration, which is painted. The two lengths are sewed together with white
1 1 did not see this robe used in any of the rites. From the nature of its deco- ration and the slight information that could be obtained, it seems to be for use in a rite performed when rain is desired.
Cogolludo, 1688, Bk. I, Chap. V, p. 21, mentions a long robe found in one of the sacred huts and states that it belonged to one of the priests.
ARTISTIC ACTIVITY 71
thread, with the exception of a small portion about halfway down the front and back, where red and blue threads are used. The other decoration is all done with paint. The whole gar- ment is thickly spotted with red and black dots. With the excep- tion of a zone about a foot in width at the top of the garment and another at the bottom, there is scattered at less frequent intervals than the dots a design of a broken circle in black with red and black dots in the center, the number of which vary from three to six. This circle may represent the earthen cover which is placed over the burning copal to collect the soot for the manufacture of the black paint (PI. XIV, Fig. 2). This process has a ceremonial object as well. The rounded in- terior of the cover represents the dome of the heavens and the soot collected in it is symbolic of the black rain cloud. The god of rain is called Mensabak (the maker of the black powder or soot). It is probable that the figures of the broken circles on the ceremonial robe represent the bottom of this cover used to collect the soot, not only when it is desired for paint, but in certain of the rites when rain is needed. The breaks in the circles are the holes at the bottom edge of the cover which allow the air to enter. The dots inside the circles and over the other parts of the garment may represent the rain.
About halfway down the poncho in the center of the right side is represented in solid black a female kid (yuk),^ and on the opposite side a male of the same animal. The kid is not, as one might suppose, the totemic animal of the encampment where the robe was made. The reason for its portrayal could not be ascertained. Below this animal on either side is a group of concentric circles in red and black. These are said to be the breasts (uylm) of the robe. Outside these circles toward the side of the garment is a star-shaped figure representing a tarantula (toi) of a harmless variety. This is said to have been the first thing the owner of the robe had seen after
1 Yuk, among the Lacandones, is translated by the Spanish word cabrito, a young goat. Among the Mayas, yuk is given to the venado Colorado.
72 MAYAS AND LACANBONES
he had begun to decorate the poncho. This was probably not undertaken until after a rite of some kind had been performed.
Down the center of the robe on either side, just outside the red and blue line woven in the cloth, but only in the middle zone described before, is a broken line in alternate red and black. The term uoibal, its writing, is given as the name of the line. Around the edge of the garment are groups of semicircular concentric lines of red and black inclosing usually two dots. The word uyokil, its feet or border, is the only explanation that could be obtained for this part of the decoration. This robe shows the most elaborate attempt at ornamentation found among the Lacandones.
Besides this ceremonial garment, the ordinary poncho shows signs of decoration. Red paint is offered to the gods (p. 141) as a part of one of the rites. It is then used to decorate the clothes of the participants in the rite in question. Spots of the paint are scattered over the whole garment without any seem- ing order (PL XX VT, Fig. 1). These fade in time to a yellow. In some cases the poncho of the leader of the ceremony has circles made upon it representing the breasts seen in the cere- monial robe.
There is also an attempt at decoration seen in the ceremonial hut. On the ends of the two cross beams and also near the tops of the upright posts on the western side of the hut, on either side of the hanging shelf where the idols are kept, there are two circles of red. These may represent the red bands of fiber bark (huun) used in some of the rites to tie around the heads of the participants. In one instance the circle contained a cross inside, which may have had some astronomical significa- tion. The hollow log (tSem) which serves as a reservoir for the ceremonial drink also has the two red circles painted upon it for the same signification.
The decoration of the person is not especially marked. After the rite where a gourd of red paint is offered to the gods (p. 141), in addition to the painting of the ponchos, the
ABTISTIC ACTIVITY 73
faces of the participants are also painted. The men have spots of red upon the chin and on the forehead and short lines under the ejes.^ This is the same decoration seen on the incense-burners. The leader in this rite has two circles of red running around each ankle and wrist. These probably corre- spond to the two circles on the beams and post of the cere- monial hut, on the reservoir for baltSe, and on the arrows when offered to the gods. In one case observed, a baby had his legs entirely painted with the red color.
Among the natives on the Lacantun River, in place of the spot of red in the middle of the forehead, there is a line of red running down from the center of the forehead to the end of the nose, and the lines under the eyes are longer than those seen on the faces of the natives at Lake Petha. The spot on the chin fig. is.
is the same in both cases. This difference in ^^®^' ^' ^•
painting has some totemic or tribal difference which I was unable to make out. It may, however, be coincident with the two different types of incense-burners and with the different gods found in the two places. No painting of the body with a black color according to many of the early accounts was observed.
Music. — Music plays a surprisingly small part in the daily life of either the Mayas or the Lacandones. They cannot be said to be a musical people. The contrast is very marked when one is accustomed to hear the singing and playing of the Mexicans. Very few of the Mayas have good voices and their singing is harsh and unmusical. The grossest discords do not seem to be noticed.
In addition to the many modern musical instruments which have been brought into the country, the Mayas have a few which are clearly a survival of the time when music played a part
1 Figure 18, a figure from the Dresden Codex, shows spots of black paint on the chin and forehead.
74 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
in their ceremonies. One example of the musical bow was observed. 1 This was made of a flexible rod and the sinewy fiber of a tree as the string. The cord is made to vibrate between the lips much in the manner of the Jew's harp as it is struck with a stick. Distinct musical sounds are thus produced.
The drum is found made of a hollow log with two tongues of wood of different thickness which are struck with a beater. This same form of drum is found among the natives of Mexico, and it may have been brought into Yucatan by early settlers from that country.
Among the Lacandones the ceremonial drum is still used (PI. XX, Fig. 2). This is made of an earthen jar with the mouth covered with a piece of skin. The drum stands on a base made of twisted vines. It is struck with the palms of the hands. There are often two placed side by side in the cere- monial hut and beaten at the same time. This form of drum always has upon one side* a head fashioned in clay similar in all respects to that seen on the incense-burners. The drum is a god in itself and called Qaiyum, the singing god.
The conch-shell trumpet is also used in the rites of the Lacandones. It is blown in a single note after food has been offered to the idols. This is to call the gods to come down and partake of the offerings which have been placed on the lips of the incense-burners.
Among the Lacandones a crude form of xylophone was ob- served. It was in such imperfect repair that it was impossible to ascertain the scale used among the Mayas. The idea may easily have been introduced by the Mexicans living in Chiapas, as the marimba is common among them.
A very interesting form of reed oboe (PI. XIV, Fig. 3) is used quite extensively among the Lacandones. The mouthpiece consists of a quill inserted in the end of the hollow reed. The opening where the sound is produced is built up and surrounded by a mass of pitch. There are five finger holes. This flute is often used as a ceremonial object and offered to the gods. In 1 Cf. Saville, 1897, pp. 272-273.
ARTISTIC ACTIVITY
75
such a case red paint is placed around each of the finger holes.^
The Lacandone ceremonial rattle (soot) has been mentioned under the head of decorations (p. 70). It is composed of a round gourd through which there runs a wooden stick (Fig. 19). At the top, the end of the stick is held in place by a knob of copal gum. The other end of the stick serves as the center of the handle, and is sur- rounded by six or eight slender reeds, the upper ends of which pierce the gourd in a circle around the center hole where the main handle enters. These reeds are bound around the handle by a winding of bark, and the ends of the strips of bark hang down in
thirteen streamers
from the lower part
of the composite
handle. 2
A sort of rude
guitar (petSaktSe) is
made of a flat and
thin rectangular
board with cross
pieces at either end,
over which five
strings of henequen are strung. There
is no way of tightening the strings,
and there is no approach to a scale. The Maj^as of Yucatan make a whistle of horn with which they imitate the cry of the young deer. They use this in hunting.
1 StaiT (1902, a, Fig. 15) describes and pictures a similar flute, but with four finger holes, used among the Nalmas in the dance called el Toro de Cuero. See also Seler (1899) for representations of flute and other musical instruments found in the Codices.
2 Ibid. Fig. 24 is a picture of a rattle used among the Mayas and made in a simi- lar way as regards the handle. Cf. also Fig. 20, from the Codex Tro-Cortesianus.
Fig. 19. Lacandone rattle.
Fig. 20. Tro-Cort, 67. a.
76 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
Writers on the Mayas in the days of the Conquest make mention of the tortoise-shell drum, a trumpet of the twisted gourd, and a sort of guitar with two arms opposite each other. ^ No examples of any of these musical instruments were observed either among the Mayas or the Lacandones.
Games. — The natives of Yucatan still practice some of their old games. There is often difficulty in separating these from the games of later origin introduced by the Mexicans.
Yucatan is no exception to the rule of the almost universal presence of the string game, or " string figure." The figure where three loops meet in the center and called by the Navajos
the hogan or hut is called among the Ma3^as the " chicken's foot " (umotSkaS). I am not sure, how- ever, that the knot in the center is the same (Fig. 21). There is a figure which, after being made, is operated by two persons,
^^«' 21- Fig. 22. called "sawing wood" (tinbuh-
String games of the Mayas. v t • ix rr«i
tSe, I am sawing wood). There are four loops (Fig. 22) : a is held in the mouth ; the ends of the saw, h and ^, are held in either hand; and c?, the end of the wood to be split, is held by the second person. As the ends, h and <?, are pulled out from the center in a sawing motion, the end d is correspondingly shortened.
The wooden top (polbiritS) of the ordinary shape is found among the Mayas. The peg is a part of the top itself. A game is played by drawing a circle on the ground in the center of which money or grains of cocoa are placed. The aim is to knock outside the ring with the top the objects in the center. This is undoubtedly European in origin.
A game corresponding to the American game of " jack stones " is played with kernels of corn. The name in Maya is pulanqam and in Spanish tirar y eoger.
^ Sapper (1891, p. 893) mentions a two-armed stringed instrument which he saw among the Lacandones. This form probably arises from European influence.
ARTISTIC ACTIVITY 77
A bull roarer is made of the dry pod or berry of a tree (piston). The pod, which is nearly round and hollow, has three holes cut in it. When whirled in the air on the end of a string, a pleasing musical sound is made. This instrument is said to have taught the early Mayas how to whistle.
Four grains of corn with one side colored black are used in a gambling game (baSal iSim). The winning throws are two black or all black sides uppermost.
A game called wSkpel pul (to throw six) is played with five sticks (Fig. 23), each about three inches high, set in a circle with a sixth in the center. The pieces are made of a certain kind of wood which has branches starting out opposite to each other (a and 5). Each stick has grooves cut in the upper end (<?), and running in number from one to six. The game is to knock down one or more of yv
the sticks by standing at a distance and throwing coins, cocoa berries, or seeds.
The Mayas of Yucatan fly kites, and are quite successful in making fire crackers and rockets. The two latter accomplishments were of course introduced by foreigners.
Dancing. — Dancing once played a very im- portant part in the ceremonial life of the fig. 23. Mayas. Special dances were given at certain ^*^^^ ^^^^ "^ *^® times of the year. There were often dances for the men and others for the women at the different festivals of the Maya year. The few dances which are now reported as taking place among the Mayas are generally of mixed origin (PL XVTII, Fig. 1). The Stol dindipalito dances are both strongly Mexican in character, although the native elements still remain to some degree. 1
1 Mr. E. H. Thompson has made a special study of the Stol Dance with bio- graphic and phonographic records, and at some future date I trust that we may have a paper from him on this subject. I was not fortunate in witnessing one of these dances. Mr. Starr saw the Stol Dance in 1891 and he gives (1902, a, pp. 18-19) the following description: "The ztoles, formerly danced every carnival season in Merida, is falling into disuse. . . . They [the dancers] are
78 MAYAS AND LACANBONES
The Lacandones of the present time have no definite and set
dances. They perform a slow movement with the feet in time
to the shake of the rattle in several of the rites. It seems to
have no close connection, however, with the progress of the
ceremony.
Indians, or are intended to represent them. Their dress is peculiar, characteris- tic, and, in part at least, survival. In the company w^e saw there v^ere fourteen dancers and a standard bearer ; of the dancers seven represented females and wore the usual female garments and necklaces of coral beads, gold chains, pen- dants, etc. ; their breasts were indicated as exaggeratedly developed. The other dancers wore the usual men's white shirts and drawers, but the latter had a red stripe down the side of the leg ; jingling hawkbells were hung to various parts of the dress ; red fajas (belts) were worn about the waist. Most of the dancers wore sandals. All wore crowns, consisting of a circlet of tin, from which rose two curving strips of tin, which crossed above the middle of the head ; from this circlet at spaced intervals rose four feathers — either real feathers or imita- tions in tin. Two of these crowns, with real feathers and of unusual magnifi- cence, denote the king and queen. Under these crowns, covering the top of the head and hanging down behind over the shoulders and back, were gay red and blue kerchiefs. All were masked, mostly with old bits of brown cloth, with eye perforations and with nose and chin pinched up and developed by tying. The men wore a baldric, or bandolier, which was probably of ancient type. It was wide, square at the ends, made of cotton, with inwoven designs — geometrical, animal, bird, etc. — in colors; at the ends hung bivalve shells. The rattles used had an oval body set into a conical bunch of splints, uniting downward into a handle ; these rattles were painted gayly. Fans were carried by most of the dancers ; they had a wooden frame and handle, decorated with the national colors ; the body was made of the handsome feathers of the ocellated turkey ; the handle is made of the turkey's leg. There were two musicians, one with a pito, or whistle, with a small mouthpiece gummed at the end of a long tin tube pierced with note holes ; the other carried a painted tin drum of the huehuetl type ; this he played with his hands. . . . The standard con- sisted of a long pole, surmounted by a tin disk, representing the sun's face with a protruding tongue ; on the cotton banner were painted the sun, two men danc- ing, a sel'pent, and the words Suhurhio de Santiago, 1900. The leader of the dance, the queen, carried a cord of San Francisco, with which to strike un- skilled performers and intruders. Besides their own musicians, they had an accompanying band, which played music like their own ; it played before and after the dancing and when the company passed from house to house. During the dance itself the pitero and drummer perform. The music was peculiar and may be both old and Indian. The words sung were Mayan. ... At the begin- ning of the dance, the king, queen, and two musicians were in the center, the dancers circling around them in a double circle ; they then forined into two files, facing, alternately, men and women ; salutes were given and pairs danced ; a man danced, first with one, then with the other, of his immediate neighbors. There was a good deal of indecent suggestion in the dance. The fans and rattles were used in graceful movements, among which crossings were frequent."
KELIGION OF THE LACANDONES
I SHALL assume from the very beginning that the religious life of the Lacandones of the present day is a survival, not only of the former religion of this one branch of the people, but of the ancient Mayas of Yucatan as well, if not of the whole Maya stock. Grounds for this assumption are furnished by the frequent similarities which will be pointed out between the religion now existing among the Lacandones and that of the Mayas of the peninsula at the time of the Conquest as described by Padre Diego de Landa in his " Relaci6nes de Las Cosas de Yucatan," and by other Spanish priests and explorers.
It has seemed best to take up first in detail the religion of the Lacandones of the Usumacinta region, and finally that of the Mayas of Yucatan. With a knowledge of the religious rites of the Lacandones, parallels may be more easily seen in the remains of rites now being carried on by the nominally Catholic subjects in Yucatan.
Padre Landa states that the Mayas had great fear of death and disease.^ This is seen to-day in all the ceremonies of the Lacandones in honor of their gods. The principal aim of these rites seems to be that of a supplication for life and health. The prayers used are, without exception, propitiations and supplications made to the gods to ward off dangers and diseases in exchange for the sacrifices offered to them.^ The
1 Landa, 1864, Chap. XXXIII, p. 194 : " Que esta gente tenia mucho temor y excessivo a la muerte, y esto muestravan en que todos los servicios que a sus dioses hazian no eran por otro fin ni para otra cosa sino para que les diessen salud y vida y mantenimientos."
2 Cf . the same idea expressed in an account of the natives written in the latter part of the sixteenth century, " Relacidn de Cicontiim," 1900, Vol. XI, p. 201: "Adoraban a ydolos de piedra y barro y de palos que hazian de sus manos, y era para pedir la salud y hazienda buenos temporales. "
79
80 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
spiritual side of the religion is, of course, always uppermost, as with all uncivilized and semi-civilized people. Brinton says, "The earliest hymns and prayers do not, as a rule, contain definite requests, but a general appeal to the god to be pres- ent, to partake of the feast which is spread, . . . and to con- tinue his good offices toward those who call upon him." ^
Both the Mayas and the Lacandones believe in a future life and in a place filled with everything good, where, with the exception of suicides, every one sooner or later goes. There is a conductor who accompanies the piSan or soul to its final resting place. Food is given for this journey, but at its com- pletion human aid is no longer necessary for the happiness of the departed spirit. ^
The Lacandones are not at the lowest stage of religious experience. Their entreaty for life and health is not purely personal and selfish, as the wife and children are always mentioned in the prayers. The personal ego enlarges into that of the family, and the beginning of altruism is formed. As the wife has no part in the ceremonial life of the tribe, her welfare has necessarily to be looked after by the husband.
The ethical side of religion, as distinguished from the spiritual, is almost wholly lacking among the Lacandones. The social consciousness of this people acts with little strength outside the family, or possibly beyond the small totemic divi- sion. The general fear of death, with a desire for the per- petuation of the species, and the specific and local dangers of fever and the bite of serpents are the causes of religious observance among the Lacandones.
Gods. — There is a hierarchy of gods, each of whom seems to have a different function to perform and possesses different attributes. Landa mentions the names of thirty-six gods and goddesses in describing the ceremonies celebrated in the months of the Maya year. In a few cases the names of the gods as given by the early authorities correspond to the names of those now being worshiped among the natives. The mere
1 Brinton, D. G., 1897, p. 104. 2 cf. Mortuary Customs, p. 47.
RELIGION OF THE LACAND0NE8 81
name seems to survive often when the functions and attributes either have changed or have vanished completely.
With one or two exceptions, the gods are more or less friendly and well disposed toward the natives. They are of both sexes, and are supposed often to inhabit the interior of cliffs. The ruined temples found throughout the country ^ are believed to be the shrines and homes of some of the gods. Each god has a distinct dwelling place, which is usually on the borders of a lake or river.
Frequent pilgrimages are even now made by the Indians to the ruins. 2 Rites are performed there, as is shown by the finding of incense-vessels and the remains of burned copal in the rooms of the ruined structures.
Almost constant references occur in the books of early travelers and missionaries, as well as in those of later explorers, concerning the finding of incense-vessels and copal in the ruined structures.^
1 As has been stated, at Piedras Negras and Menche or Yaxchilan on the Usumacinta River, there are large ruined cities, as well as many smaller ones on several tributaries of the river. For a map of the ruins, see Maler, 1901- 1903, PL I.
2 Sapper, 1897, p. 265: "Bis vor Kurzem kamen eine Anzahl Lacandonen (wahrscheinlich von Lacanja aus) nach den Ruinen von Menche Tunamit um ihre Feste zu feiern und ihren Gottern zu opfern, w^obei sie ihre Opferschalen im Tempel zurtickliessen. Genaueres iiber den Verlauf ihrer Feste ist aber nicht bekannt."
3 For early accounts, see CogoUudo, 1688, Bk. IV, Chap. VII, p. 193 : " Hall6 en una de las dos Capillas cacas ofrecido, y senal de copal (que es su incienso) de poco tiempo alii quemado, y que lo era de alguna supersticion, 6 idolatria recien cometida."
Villagutierre, 1701, Bk. IV, Chap. XIV, p. 264 : "... era el Adoratorio de los perversos Idolos de aquellos Lacandones, donde se hallaron muchos de ellos, de formas raras, como assimismo cantidad de gallinas muertas, Brasseros, con senales de aver quemado copal y aun se hallaron las cenizas calientes, y otras diversas, rediculas, y abominables cosas, pertenecientes k la execucion de sus perversos Ritos, y Sacrificios."
Landa, 1864, Chap. XXVII, p. 158: "Que tenian gran muchedumbre de idolos y templos sumptuosos en su manera, y aun sin los comunes templos tenian los senores sacerdotes y gente principal oratorios y idolos en casa para sus oraciones y of rendas particulares. Y que tenian a Cuzmil y P090 de Chiche- niza en tanta veneracion como nosotros a las romerias de Hierusalem y Roma y
82 MATAS AND LACANDOJSTES
In an important ruined center, to which the name the Ruins of Tzendales has been given, on the Rio Colorado, an affluent of the Tzendales and this in turn of the Lacantun, which unites with the Chixoy or Salinas to form the Usumacinta,^ there was found by the writer in one of the rooms of the best preserved of the structures five incense-burners of the type ordinarily made by the Lacandones. These were arranged on the floor in a line in front of a stela, sculptured only on one side and at right angles to it. This stone was not in its original
assi les ivan a visitar y offrecer dones, principalmente a la de Cozmil, como nosotros a lugares santos, y ya que no ivan, siempre embiavan sus offrendas. Y los que ivan tenian de costumbre de entrar tambien en templos derelictos, quando passavan por ellos a orar y quemar copal."
For later accounts, see Charnay, 1882, p. 88 : ". . . se trouvent une multitude de vases d'une terre grossi^re et d'une forme nouvelle; ce sont des bols de dix k quinze centimetres de diam^tre sur cinq k six de hauteur, dont les bords send orn^s de masques humains repr^sentant des figures camardes et d'autres k grandes nez busqu^s, v^ritables caricatures oil Part fait complfetement d^faut. Cependant il faut bien remarquer cette difference de types qui pourrait designer deux races. Ces vases servaient de bruler parfums, et la plupart sont encore k moiti^ pleins de copal. . . . Nous retrouverons de ces mgmes vases dans tous les edifices qui paraissent avoir 6t6 destines au culte."
Maler, 1901-1903, pp. 64, 88, 90, 123, 136, and 162.
Maudslay, 1889-1902, Text, Vol. II, p. 46, and 1883, p. 200. In the latter place, in speaking of the ruins of Yaxchilan, Mr. Maudslay says: "In nearly all the houses, I found earthen pots, partly filled with some half-burned resinous substance. . . . They were in great numbers round the idol in the house I lived in. Some looked newer than others, and many were in such positions that it was clear that they had been placed there since the partial destruction of the houses. I have little doubt that they have been made and brought by the Lacandon In- dians, who still live in an untamed state in small communities on the banks of these rivers, and if my conjecture be correct, it may be that the fact of these Indians still holding in reverence the temples built by their ancestors, and mak- ing offerings of incense, has lent strength to the story which for many years has been current in Central America, that there exists an inhabited Indian city hidden away in the forests, and still flourishing as in the days of the Conquest." (Cf. Stephens, 1841, Vol. II, p. 195.)
Sapper, 1891, pp. 891, 894 : " Sie pflegten die opferschalen an Ort und Stelle zuriickzulassen und als ich (am 21, Juli 1891) dieser Ruinen (Yaxchilan) besuchte, fand ich audi wirklich noch zahlreiche von diesen opferschalen vor, wenngleich zum grossten teil zerbrochen."
1 These ruins are of much importance, and I hope at some future date to give a more extended notice of them. They are on the land owned by the Compaiiia Romano.
RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 83
position, but had probably " been brought in from its place in front of the building and set up in the center of the back wall of the room in question. The bas-relief represented a priestly character. The entire room showed signs of the burning of incense, as the walls and ceiling were completely blackened.
The incense-burners found showed signs of age. They were covered for the most part with a deep calcareous deposit often noted on the walls of the ruined buildings. Signs of paint still remained, and this was in most cases on the surface of the incrustation of lime, showing that, in all probability, the incense- burners were allowed to remain in the ruins and were redeco- rated from time to time when they were employed in carrying out a religious rite.
The temples and sculptures in each of the ruined cities are supposed to have been made by the early ancestors of the race. This belief is common among the Mayas as well as among the Lacandones. It is most natural therefore that the natives should visit these buildings and believe them to be inhabited by the gods of the race.
In order that we may not rely too strongly on this fact of pilgrimages to the ruined centers, and the seeming adoration of certain sculptured figures as pointing to a direct connec- tion between the old and new cultures, and, furthermore, as showing the continuity of the whole, I will suggest another possible explanation. It is not at all unlikely nor unnatural for an intruding people gradually to connect unusual natural features, which to them seem unnatural and new, with their idea of the supernatural. This does not necessarily limit itself to natural phenomena, and we may easily imagine that on the discovery of immense structures of stone, these buildings would appear, as far as they were concerned, as if built by some supernatural agency. These ruined cities, even if in a com- paratively ruinous condition, might well have been gradually included in the religious conceptions of the people, so that the whole system of their mythology would come in time to be centered around the ruined stone structures.
84 MAYAS AND LACANBONES
Now that the country is being overrun with mahogany- hunters, the Lacandones have refrained from visiting the ruins lying in the common routes of travel and leaving their incense- burners, as those deposited in the past have either been appropriated or destroyed by the Mexican visitors.
These incense-burners are used by the Lacandones in their religious ceremonies. Each family or group of connected fami- lies living together possesses several of the incense-burners or hraseros. There was no instance noted where there were bra- seros for all the gods. The selection and number of the idols and incense-burners depend on well-defined rules, which will be given later (p. 99). In one encampment there were forty of the sacred oUas, but no instance was observed where there were the large number recorded by Cogolludo.^
The incense-burner, or hrasero (PI. XV, Fig. 2), is a combina- tion of a bowl for burning incense with a grotesque face mask on one side of the olla.'^ They are made of native clay by the Indians who use them. In the bowl, on the edge of which is the head, copal is burned, and on the protruding lip of the face offerings of food and drink are made in behalf of one of the gods.
The early historians speak of idols of wood and stone as well as those of clay. They also mention the incense- vessels as if they were separate from the idols. ^ It seems at first as if the ollaB which we have described have a double function, that of an idol as represented by the grotesque head and of an incense-
1 Cogolludo, 1688, Bk. IX, Chap. XII, p. 502 : " Gran multitud de Idolos, tanto, que dize el Padre Fuensalida, que parece no se puede contar, porque para cada cosa, que sentian tener necessidad."
2 It has been suggested that the face of these incense-burners is represented as if in the open mouth of some animal. For a good example of this idea, see Peilafiel, 1890, PI. 48, Fig. 107. For a discussion of this point, see Seler, 1895 and 1904, p. 85. Nadaillac (1884, p. 296) pictures a vessel which shows some similarity to the common form of incense-burner of the Lacandones. He describes it as representing the head of a priest covered with human skin.
8 Landa, 1864, Chap. XL, p. 242 : " La hazian cada ano y demas desto reno- vavan los idolos de barro y sus braseros, ca costumbre era tener cada idolo un braserito en que le quemassen su encienso."
RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 85
burner as shown in the bowl. This, it will be found, is in part true.
That there were in use among the early Mayas of Yucatan ollas of clay identical with the braseros, or incense-burners, with the grotesque head now used by the Lacandones, is probable from a description of some idols of clay used at Valladolid in the early days of the Spanish occupation ^ as well as a few examples found in connection with archaeological work.
Plate XVI, Fig. 1, shows a small incense bowl with the gro- tesque head upon the rim of the oUa. This is from the ruins of Labna, and shows the same idea as is seen in the incense- burner of the Lacandones of the present time, that of a bowl for burning incense and a head representing a god of some kind.
Plate XVI, Fig. 2, shows an incense-burner from the Island of Cozamel.2 This is a very interesting specimen, in that, instead of the large lip on which to place the offering, as in the braseros of the Lacandones, there is a shelf -like projection below the mouth on which an offering of some sort is represented in clay.
1 "Relacidn de la villa de Valladolid, escrita por el cabildo de aquella ciudad por mandado de su Majestad y del muy ilustre Senor Don Guillen de Las Casas, Gobernador y Capitan General, Abril de 1578," 1881, Vol. II, p. 185; also 1900, Vol. XIII, pp. 27, 28 : "AdOraban unos fdolos hechos de barro k manera de jarrillos y de macetas de albahaca, hechos en ellos de la parte de afuera rostros desemejados, quemaban dentro de estos una resina llamada copal, de gran oler. Esto les ofrecian d estos Idolos, y ellos cortaban en muchas partes de sus miembros y ofrecian aquella sangre. . . . Para estos sacrificios y sus areytos usaban beber y emborracharse con un vino que ellos hacian de una corteza de un arbol que Uaman baleze y miel y agua."
Also p. 178 (1881) and p. 19 (1900) : " Tenfan sus fdolos en la casa de arriba hechos de barro, de la forma de macetas de albahaca, muy bocadeadas, con sus pies y en ellos hechos rostros mal ajestados y disforraes de malas cataduras, echaban dentro de este idolo una resina que llaman copal a manera de incienso, y esta reverencia ofrendaban y quemaban que daba de sf muy gran oler, y con esto hacen contino sus ritos, ceremonias y adoraciones."
Also, " Relacion de los pueblos de Popola, y Sinsimato y Samiol," 1900, Vol. XIII, pp. 44, 45: "Usaban de adorar unos jarrillos hechos en ellos rostros de- semejados, teniendolos por sus ydolos quemavan dentro y ofresian una rresina llamada copal ques como trementina elada, de gran oler, y se cortavan en muchas partes para ofrecer la sangre a aquel ydolo."
2 This specimen was collected by Mr. E. H. Thompson.
86 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
The band encircling the upper part of the bowl may well rep- resent one of the bands of bark similar to those placed around the rims of the incense-burners of the Lacandones as offerings to the gods before they are tied around the heads of the partici- pants in the rites (p. 129). This specimen has three holes in the bottom.
Plate XVI, Fig. 3, shows an incense-burner of the bowl variety^ which seems to be a transition form. In place of the head we find a conventionalized representation. The five knobs of clay above that which seems to stand for the head is a conventional- ized method of representing the hair. This same idea is seen in a modern incense-burner collected by the writer in Chiapas (PI. XVI, Fig. 5). It is an entirely different type from those usually seen. The face constitutes a part of the jar itself, and the hair is represented by the five knob-like bits of clay on the edge of the bowl. In the incense-vessel from the Hondo River these knobs are on the front rather than on the rim of the bowl. There are five in each case, and there can be little doubt that they represent the hair shown in the usual form of brasero of the Lacandones by vertical pieces of clay painted alternately red and black (PI. XV, Fig. 2).
Plate XVI, Fig. 4, shows another brasero from the Hondo River. In this the conventionalized head is seen as in the former incense-burner from the same locality. The represen- tation of the hair by the five knob-like projections has been enlarged into an ornamentation for the entire rim of the bowl.
We thus find these different types of incense-burners belong- ing to the older culture period of Yucatan and the country to the south, together with modern examples which agree with them more or less perfectly.
The greater part of the in cense- vessels found in the ruins of Yucatan and throughout the other regions of Maya culture contain no trace of the head. It is difficult to decide which is the older form, the simple plate or bowl for burning incense or
1 This bowl is from the vicinity of the Hondo River on the boundary of Yuca- tan and British Honduras. The specimen is now in the Peabody Museum.
RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 87
the bowl combined with some form of head. If we consider the type of bowl with the knob-like projection as a transition form, we are led to the conclusion that the most primitive form of incense-burner was the bowl on which was represented the whole body at first,^ and then the head of a person or animal. This form of brasero is found in many parts of Mexico.
Among the isolated Mayas of Chiapas and the south, the original form of the incense-burner with the head may have survived,^ whereas, in Yucatan, the olla with the head had, for the most part, at the time of the Conquest, given way first to the conventionalized head and then to its disappearance altogether. This is simply given as a hypothesis and is worthy of extended investigation.
It has been found that the idol proper, the stone image as representing the god, still exists among the Lacandones. Fig- ure 24 shows one of these idols. It is of jade. These idols are placed inside the incense-bowls and over them the incense Fig. 24.
is burned.^ Collections of jade ornaments Jade head used as idol by
,. n T ' ^ 'j^ijiij the Lacandones.
contain many iigures which, without doubt,
were formerly used as idols in the same manner as those found to-day among the Lacandones. Mr. Maler reports a collection of jade ornaments taken from a mound near Merida by one Rafael Quintero and finally given to a General Gonzalez of Mexico. There were five idols of jade which showed signs of fire and from the same excavation some jade medallions or
1 Cf. PI. XVII, Fig. 1, and also a vessel from the Isla de Mugeres pictured in Salisbury, 1878, PI. I, Fig. 4.
2 Plate XVII, Fig. 5, shows the most elaborate type of incense-burners found among the Lacandones. The two specimens of this type seen did not con- tain the head, but each clearly showed where it had once been. From appear- ances the head was evidently much smaller in proportion to the bowl than those of the usual form. "We may find in this a sign of the coming disappear- ance of the head.
^ Figure 25, p. 88, from the Codex Tro-Cortesianus, may intend to show an idol inside an olla.
88 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
breastplates showing no traces of ever having been in contact with fire.
These idols of the Lacandones are sometimes of stone other than jade. They all are guarded with the greatest secrecy. They have been handed down from generation to generation, and are believed, originally, to have come each from the home
of the respective god whom it repre- sents.
An ancestor of the family is sup- posed to have made a pilgrimage to the home of each god, and there obtained the carved stone, an image of the god. There is therefore the strongest feeling for the gods of the Fig. 25. family, although new idols are made
Tro-Cort. 100, d. from time to time. Now, as it was
explained, it is almost impossible to obtain a carved stone as representing a god whose presence is desired in the encamp- ment, but the pilgrimage must be made, and a stone, usually nothing more than a pebble, is brought back from the home of the god and placed in the incense-burner. ^
The Lacandones of the present time, judging from their utter lack of artistic skill and execution as seen in the decoration of their gourds and other religious utensils, as well as in the mod- eling of their braseros, are practically incapable of fashioning any images in stone.^ Consequently, when an entirely new idol is desired, a stone is employed with little or no artificial shaping. In one instance, in place of the usual incense-burners, pieces of unworked stone about eight inches square were used
1 When one of these journeys is made, an incense-burner of a smaller size and containing no idol is taken and left as an offering to the god in question. Mr. Maler (1901-1903, p. 123) tells of finding three new incense-burners in one of the rooms in the ruins of Yaxchilan. Compare also references to finding incense- burners in the ruins (p. 81, note 3).
2 The serpentine figure pictured by Maler (1901-1903, p. 92) from Budsilha may be an attempt at carving by one of the early Lacandones. Other crude figures and faces in stone often seen in collections may show attempts at manu- facturing these idols even down to the present time.
RELIGION OF THE LACAND0NE8 89
on which to burn the incense. These had been brought from the ruins of Yaxchilan. They seemed to be more iii the nature of incense-burners than of idols.
A renewal of the incense-burners takes place at frequent in- tervals, and the idols of stone are then taken from the old and placed in the new ollas. We do not encounter these idols in the ruins at the present time as we do the incense-burners. The latter which are found are either " dead," and thus have had the stone removed, or they are in the nature of servants who are supposed to carry out the demands of the gods, and these never contain the stone (p. 87).
In spite of the fact that the idol proper is deposited inside the brasero, this latter in itself has a twofold function, that of idol and bowl for burning incense. It is to the head on the olla that the offerings are made in behalf of the god represented by the idol behind and inside the bowl. The grotesque head of clay is an idol in itself, in that it is a representation of a god of a much inferior capacity, whose duty it is to carry the offerings to the main deity to whom he is dependent. In the rite where the incense-burners are renewed, there are also made a large number of smaller ollas of the same shape as the larger ones, but not containing any stone as representing a god. This is the class of ollas that are usually found in the ruins. They are in the nature of offerings to the gods, to aid them in carrying out their demands (PL XYIII, Fig. 2).
For convenience, I shall call the large ollas containing the idols of stone braseros, the term used by Landa, and the smaller incense-burners braseritos. Each of the latter belongs to a cer- tain one of the gods represented by the idols in the larger ollas.
The Lacandones do not, as far as my observation has gone, possess idols of wood or clay objects which might be taken for idols other then the heads on the braseros.
Plate XV, Fig. 2, shows one of the braseritos, the head of which is much larger in proportion to the whole than are the heads on the bowls of the larger size. The olla represented is five inches across and three inches high. More often they are larger,
90 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
measuring seven inches in diameter and five inches in height. ^ The red and black stripes on the top of the head and below the mouth represent the hair and beard respectively. The lines of the same two colors on the front of the bowl are counter- parts of the decoration supposed to exist on the dress of the god. The raised red spot on the forehead between the eyes and the short line above and below the eyes have their counterpart in the painting of the face of the participants in certain of the ceremonies (p. 141). No explanation could be obtained for these markings nor for the red-and-black star on either side of the mouth, other than that the latter were the cheek bones of the god. The ears are shown as protruding spots at either side of the face, and are painted black, in the centre of which is a small hole. The large and prominent nose is painted black on the end, and has two large elongated slits as nostrils. In many of the braseros the teeth are shown and are painted alternately red and black.
The decoration of both the hrasero and hraserito is in general the same. The differences are very slight. In the painting of the smaller class some have red and black lines crossing the vertical ones in front of the bowl. These with the cross lines are regarded as female in sex.
Among the Lacandones who live to the south and east of Yaxchilan, there is a slightly different type of incense-burner (PI. XVII, Fig. 2). The eyes differ from those of the Petha type (Fig. 26). The nostrils are round dots rather than slits and the mouth is very small. The forehead elevation is lacking.2
There is another type (PI. XVII, Figs. 2 and 3) from east and south Yaxchilan differing in the arrangement of the upper
■^ The largest that was seen measured 6 inches in height to the top of the bowl. The height to the top of the head was 9^ inches. The diameter of the bowl was 8| inches.
'^ Charnay (1887, p. 443) notes finding incense-burners of the two forms in the ruins of Yaxchilan, and he states that the difference of type may point to two different races. As I have before noted, this difference may coincide with a difference noted in painting the face and in the use of certain gods.
BELIGION OF THE LACANDONES
91
part of the head from that just described. In place of the con- ventional arrangement of the hair, there is a rope effect.
There is still another type of brasero among the Lacandones. This is composed of a larger bowl (PI. XVII, Fig. 5), with a design similar to that seen on one of the gourds (PL XXI, Fig. 1). On the one pictured the head is gone, but one similar in decoration seen in a settlement of Lacandones on the Lacantun River had a head very- much smaller in proportion to the size of the bowl than those of the regular Petha type.
The Lacandones assert that in for- mer times the in- cense-burners were made in other forms, some pos- sessing arms and legs. These are seldom made or used now.
In one of the encampments, small animals made of clay were noted (PI. XIX, Fig. 1). One of these had on its back a minute bowl for holding copal. This was never used in any of the rites and seemed to serve as a plaything for the children. It may well have been a degraded survival of the time when animals made of clay were offered to the gods as sacrifices.
Plate XIX, Fig. 2, shows one of the hraseritos identical in shape with the larger varieties, but used by the children in learn- ing the sequences of the religious rites and the chants employed before the idols and incense-burners.
As belonging to the gods themselves, the braseros are kept with great care and observance. In every collection of huts
Fig. 26. Incense-burner of the Lacandones.
92 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
there is always one which is larger than the others. This is used exclusively for the observances of the rites in behalf of the gods. 1 The domestic and religious life of the Lacandones are always carried on in separate places. The sacred hut has its own fire and its own utensils, which are exclusively used for the celebration of the religious observances. To bring any food into the domestic hut renders it unfit to be offered to the gods. Great secrecy and privacy in regard to the rites inside the sacred hut, together with its contents, are carefully ob- served. In many settlements this hut is surrounded by a screen of palm leaves to protect it from the prying eyes of the occasional Mexican visitor. Sometimes when there are important rites in progress all the trails leading to the settle- ment are stopped up with underbrush. Any attempt at approach to the sacred inclosure is absolutely denied the outsider.2
It seems to be an especially bad omen if the sight of any of the braseros is obtained by a foreigner. With difficulty one may induce the Indians to talk about their gods when admis- sion to the sacred hut or any approach to it would be denied even at a time when there is no rite in progress.
Outwardly, the hermita, or house of the idols, is the same as the domestic habitation (PI. VIII, Figs. 1, 2, and 3). It is thatched with palm leaves which come down very low, thus affording an effective screen to the interior of the hut, as there are no sides. The two ends are entirely open, and it is around these that the tall fence of palm leaves is built if they point
1 Cf. Villagutierre, 1701, Bk. IV, Chap. XIV, p. 264 : " Y la otra (casa) aiin mas grande, que todas las otras, era el Adoratorio de los perversos Idolos de aquellos Lacandones, donde se hallaron nmchos de ellos, de forraas raras."
2 Cf. Sapper, 1897, p. 263 : "In der Cariben-Ansiedelung am Pet Ha dagegen wurde mir der Zugang zur Ermita verwehrt ; meine Fuhrer aber besuchten die- selbe unbemerkt und machten mir eine Beschreibung davon, welche im Allge- inelnen mit meinen friiheren Erfahrungen von Izan zusammenstimmte."
Also ibid.y p. 265 : " Aber scheue Geschopfe, die jeden Versuch, iiber ihrer Religion zu sprechen (so weit ihr sehr gebrochenes Spanisch so etwas iiberhaupt gestatten wiirde), rait grosser Entschiedenheit zuriickwiesen. "
Also Sapper, 1891, pp. 892-895.
RELIGION OF THE LACAND0NE8 93
toward a path or trail by which the Mexicans are likely to approach the encampment. The house is oblong, with the long sides to the east and west.
The list of gods found existing among the Lacandones of tKe present time numbers fifteen. This list is by no means ex- haustive. No collection of idols in any one community repre- sents all the gods, but only those who have shown themselves as well disposed toward the people among whom they are to exist.
The major deity among the natives of Chiapas is called NohotSakyum (the great father). The same god, called NohotS- yumtSak, is found to-day among the Mayas of Yucatan. He is one of a class of spirits dependent only on Ul Gran Dios, introduced by the Spaniards. NohotSakyum is at the head of Lacandone pantheon. It is to him that the greatest rever- ence is paid. Two flowers, tSaknikte (^Plumeria rubra) and sSknikte (^Plumeria alba), are considered the father and mother respectively of NohotSakyum. These two flowers are used in some of the rites, one of each kind being placed on the mouth of the brasero containing the idol of NohotSakyum. In the prayers given before the idols, the other and lesser deities are invoked to come and carry the sacrifices offered and present them to "the great lord." His power is wholly beneficent. He does not use it at all times, however, but withdraws it and denies it as he sees fit. The method of ascertaining whether or not a god is willing to have himself represented by an idol and brasero in any encampment will be described later (p. 99). Nohotiakyum of the Lacandones lives at the ruins of Yaxchilan. The Lacandones of Lake Petha stated that Nohotiakyum lived near Anaite. Now Anaite is a short distance south of the Usumacinta River, about midway between Piedras Negras and Yaxchilan or Menche. The location of the homes of the gods given by the Petha Lacandones was only in general terms. The direction " near Anaite " may well be either the ruins at Piedras Negras to the north or those of Yaxchilan to the south. It is stated that there are ruins at the home of NohotSakyum. Later, however, in a settlement much nearer the vicinity of the
94 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
ruins themselves, it was definitely stated that Nohot§akyum and many of the other gods inhabited the ruins of Yaxchilan. This city is in an easterly direction from the encampment near take Petha, where most of the observations were made. More- over, the spirits of the east, Yalanqinqu, are regarded as the servants of this main god. The sun itself occupies an inferior place in the pantheon. It is regarded as a servant ready to carry out the commands of his master, NohotSakyum. Many of the constellations and the spirit of the thunder are regarded as other servants of "the great lord." It is supposed that at the end of the world NohotSakyum will wear around his waist as a belt the body of Hapikern, a very bad spirit in the form of a snake, who draws people to him by his breath and slays them.
NohotSakyum has a daughter called Ertub (the little one) or Upal (his child). She lives at Yaxchilan in the same locality as her father. He also has several sons. None of them are represented in any of the collections of idols in any of the en- campments visited by the writer, and their names have not been made out.
NohotSakyum is one of four brothers. Yantho is the oldest of the four and seems to rank as second in importance to NohotSakyum. His home is on the Usumacinta River near Tenosique, in some high cliffs.^ He has the spirit of the north, ^amanqinqu, associated with him in his work, and his home is situated in the north in respect to the country occupied by the Lacandones. Among the Lacandones on the Lacantun River, the god Yantho is said to belong to another part, and in a few other cases there seems to be a distinction made in regard to the gods between the natives around Lake Petha and eastward of Ocosingo and those on the Salinas and Lacantun. This is a question on which it will be necessary to have much more material before we can decide with any definiteness. It may, as I have stated before, point to a time when the Lacandones were not as homogeneous as they now appear to be.
1 Undoubtedly the cliffs are those at Boca del Cerro. See Maler, 1901-1903, PI. I.
RELIGION OF THE LACAND0NE8 95
The second brother, according to age, is called Usukun, which in Maya means his older brother. He is thus named in respect to NohotSakyum. This god lives in a cave. He has the earth- quake, Kisin, as his servant, and is not of good intention. His idol is usually found, however, in every collection of the sacred ollas^ but it is always placed apart from the rest, as if its presence would be harmful when in the vicinity of the braseros of the other gods. The idol of Usukun is not neglected, however, but it is placated with offerings of food and drink as are those of the other gods.
The younger brother of NohotSakyum is called Uyioin. This word has the meaning "his younger brother." He lives at Yaxchilan in company with the gods who make that place their residence. His power is always for the good.
It is probable that the four brothers are identified with the four cardinal points, with NohotSakyum representing the east (yalanqin) as the leader. Yantho is clearly associated with the north (Samanqin). A god called Mensabak seems to be identi- fied with the west (tSiqin) rather than either of the two other brothers. The god associated with the south (noholqin) has not been made out. It is quite probable that the four brothers are the same as the four NukutSyumtSakob found existing among the Mayas of Yucatan (p. 155).
Next in importance to the four brothers is the goddess Akna (the mother). She is considered the mother of certain of the lesser gods as NohotSakyum is the father of many of the gods. The exact relation existing between him and Akna has not been satisfactorily made out. Akna is the goddess of childbirth. Prayers and offerings are made especially to her on the birth of a child. When serving in this capacity she is called istsel. This is the same deity mentioned by the early authorities as goddess of medicine and of childbirth.
The latter has a husband called AqantSob^ or TSitSaktSob.
1 The literal meaning of this name is the squint-eyed one (tSob) crying aloud
(aqan).
96 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
Landa^ mentions that in the year whose dominical letter was Cauac, in order to avert certain calamities, idols were made to the demonios, one of whom was called " Chichak-chob." ^ Among the Lacandones AqaDtdob or TSitSaktSob is one of the favoring deities. Both he and his consort, Akna, live at Yaxchilan.
A god named loana lives also at Yaxchilan. The similarity of the name of this god with that of Itzamna, also written Zamna, one of the culture heroes of the Mayas, is very striking. In the Lacandone pantheon, neither the position of loana nor that of another god called loananohqu points to any close con- nection between them and the Itzamna of old, as they both occupy places far inferior to that of NohotSakyum and his three brothers. In one settlement loana was said to be the caretaker of the underworld, but he seems in no way to be connected with the idea of death.
We thus find in many of the names given to the gods of the Lacandones survivals of names stated by the early historians as the names of the gods of the Mayas at the time of the Conquest. In only a few cases, however, do the attributes of a god remain unchanged.
The name of the other culture hero of the early natives of Yu- catan, Ququlcan (written Kulkuloan), is still retained among the Lacandones as the name of a mythical snake v/ith many heads, living only in the vicinity of the home of NohotSakyum. This snake is killed and eaten only at the time of great national peril, as during an eclipse of the moon and especially that of the sun.
In a high cliff on the western shore of Lake Petha, there lives the god loananohqu, and on the opposite side of the lake the diety called KakotS. The home of the former is the only one that has been located precisely. This is due to the fact that the abode of the god was visited in company with some Indians who went there to burn copal and offer sacrifices. The rite in connection with this will be described later (p. 148).
iLanda, 1864, Chap. XXXVIII, p. 230.
2 This word written 'according to the system adopted by the writer would be T&itdaktdob.
BELIGION OF THE LACAND0NE8 97
The god named Qaq (fire) lives near Tenosique. Among the early Mayas there was a goddess called Suhuikak (virgin fire). This god of the Lacandones may be connected with her, as new fire has to be jnade at certain points in the various rites (p. 133).
KananqaS (caretaker of the forest) lives near the monteria of San Hipolito, a few leagues north of Petha. As his name im- plies, he seems to be the god of the forest. There is a class of spirits in Yucatan bearing the same name. They are the gods of the woods. What is found as the name of a single god among the Lacandones often appears as the name of a class of spirits among the Mayas of the present time. This latter idea is perhaps the outgrowth of the Spanish influence to bring about a subordination of the Maya gods to the many saints of the Catholic Church.
Mensabak^ lives near San Hipolito. He is probably identi- fied as the god of rain, as has been explained (p. 71). He is also called Yumkanasabak.^ The latter name seems to be used when he is appealed to in behalf of a sick person. Just as Nohotdakyum has the spirits of the east to aid him, so Mensabak has for his helpers the spirits of the west (TSiqinqu). He has a brother called pibani, of whom there is little known.
Nohqu is a god living at Yaxchilan. The same name is found in combination in the name of the god loananohqu. They are probably two distinct gods however. Nohqu is a name given to a class of spirits among the Mayas who are the guardians of the milpa.
Qaiyum (singing god) is the god of music, and his brasero is always in the form of an earthen drum (PI. XX, Fig. 2). He is said to live in the sky.
sakapuk is a god of unknown attributes. His name means a hill of white earth, which may denote the character of the locality near Anaite, where the god lives.
1 The literal meaning of this word is men, the maker of, and sabak, black powder or soot.
2 The literal meaning would be 3nim, the god ; kana, above ; sabak, the black powder. Freely it is the god who is above the rain cloud.
98
MAYAS AND LACANDONES
Fig. 27. Tro-Cort. 104, b.
There is a god of the bees.^
It seems as if there were separate ideas among the different settlements of the Lacandones regarding the residence of the gods other than the few most important ones. That each en- campment had its own special gods in addition to a few pos- sessed in common, seems probable. In a settlement visited on
the Lacantun, Icananorku, KakotS, Sukapuk, and MensabSk were not found, although their names were recognized.
Besides the main deities, there are a large number of lesser gods or spirits whose duty it is to aid the gods in carrying out their work, ^tabai is the name of a class of spirits living in the stones of the forest. The same group of spirits is also now found in Yucatan. They are of evil nature. A god called Tabai without the female particle d is mentioned as a deity of the Mayas at the time of the Conquest. This is but another example of the fact of the survival of the name of the god to the present time with a change of attributes.
Tanupekqu (the spirit who is moving) is the god of the thunder. He announces the approach of the rain. As has been stated, he is one of the servants of NohotSakyum.
Tanuhaoqu (the spirit who is striking or whipping) is the god of the lightning. He drives the storm, and the flash of the lightning is his whip.
The sun, Qin, is one of the lesser gods. His consort is the moon, called Akna. She has no relation to the other goddess bearing the same name. When there is an eclipse of the sun, it is said that Nohotdakyum is ill. Rites are held and offerings are made to the gods.^ Every one abstains from secular work
1 Figure 27 shows a rite, probably an offering of corn (kan) in some form in honor of the bee god. In Codex Tro-Cortesianus, pp. 103-112, there is a long portion which has to do with the bees.
2 The rite does not differ from those which will be described. See Chant No. 2.
RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 99
of all kinds, and each family remains in their own home during the period of an eclipse. All kinds of animals may be freely eaten. An eclipse of the moon is a less serious event. It is regarded as a sign that the daughter of NohotSakyum is ill. A rite (Chant No. 2) is celebrated as in the case of an eclipse of the sun. I was not successful in finding a god whose office seemed to deal with death, although it is certain that this god of death played a most important part among the early Mayas, as seen in his constantly occurring figure in the manuscripts. It is not impossible that some of the gods of the Lacandones may be identified with those represented in the Codices.
The gods are all more or less well disposed toward the people with the exception of USukun. All have to be propitiated in various ways, however, or they are supposed to send fevers and other forms of sickness.
All the gods named in the previous list are not usually rep- resented in any one encampment. Only those are found to whose shrine a pilgrimage has been made and a stone either carved or otherwise brought back.^ These journeys cannot be made at will, but only after the god has shown himself as willing to receive such a pilgrimage.
There are two methods of divination by which it may be ascertained whether or not a god is willing to have his idol placed in the sacred hut, thus showing his consent to come and exert a beneficent influence over the encampment in question. These acts of divination may only be perforrbed by the father or oldest son of the settlement, and it is only they and their direct line who understand the rite. Chanting is a necessary part to this ceremony of divination.
1 In the encampment where a greater part of the rites to be described took place there were braseros containing the idols of Yantho, Upal, Akna, loananohqu, Aqantgob, Nohqu, KakotS, Mensabak, Kananqag, Oibana, Usukiun, and Qaiyum. In an another encampment visited, there were hraseros with their hidden idols of Nohotiak3aim, Yantho, Upal, loananohqu, Men- sabak, loana, Aqantiob, Akna, Qaq, Sakapuk, Usukun, and Qaiyum. All these, as will be described later (p. 101), did not take part in any one rite, but only those who showed themselves as willing to accept the offering of the special rite.
100 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
One of these rites is performed with a strip from the leaf of a pahu, and a part of the detached stem. The leaf is folded in the middle from side to side. Starting with the folded end, the leaf is rolled around the stem. The rite proper is then ready to begin. The stem and the leaf are rolled on the palm and fingers of the left hand, starting at the wrist with the fingers and palm of the right hand. The stem thus rolls in the same direction as the leaf is placed around it. The thumb and fingers of the left hand grasp the roll until the thumb and fingers of the right can start the motion again, with the stem and leaf at the wrist of the left hand. This motion is contin- ued with frequent spitting on the hands until the end of the chant (No. 3) in which the name of the god occurs concerning whom the divination is desired. The leaf is then unwound from around the stem. If the latter is still in the same posi- tion in regard to the folded end of the leaf, it is a sign that the god is unpropitious in regard to the question asked. If, how- ever, the stem is between or inside the folded end of the leaf rather than outside, the chanter knows that the petition is granted. It will be seen that, during the rolling between the palms, if one end of the leaf takes an extra turn around the stem or, as quite the same thing, one of the ends of the leaf unrolls by a single revolution, one of the halves of the leaf will be turned over, and, on unwinding, the stem will be found inside rather than outside the folded end as it was at first. ^
There is another method of divination quite distinct from the first, but employed for the same purpose. The hands are placed together palm to palm and the fingers bent so that the nail of each finger on one hand may rest on the very edge of the nail of the corresponding finger of the other hand. The thumbs are not brought into play. This is a difficult act, and for a novice it is almost impossible. During the chant, which is the same as in the former rite of divination, the hands are held in this position, with the finger nails edge to edge, until the chanter
1 The pointed character of the ends of the leaf aids the untwisting or extra winding of one of the ends during the rolling motion between the palms.
RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 101
reaches the name of the god for whom the inquiry is held. The palms are then spread apart. If the nails still remain edge to edge, it is a sign that the god is willing to have his idol placed in the sacred inclosure. If one of the nails should slip over the edge of the other opposite, the omen is evil, and it is in this way that the god shows his unwillingness.
Sometimes before the fingers are placed together nail to nail there is a preliminary movement. The thumb and forefinger of the left hand are placed together nail to nail at the hollow on the inside of the arm opposite the elbow. The forearm is then measured off in spaces of about two inches by the thumb and forefinger. At each measurement the nails of the two digits must join edge to edge. This is carried to the top of the thumb of the right hand, when the part previously described of joining each finger of one hand to the corresponding finger of the other is carried out.
I have spoken of these acts of divination as if they were carried out principally to ascertain the willingness or unwilling- ness of a god to have a pilgrimage made to his shrine in search of an idol of the god in question. These journeys are made at very infrequent intervals, and they are becoming more and more rare. The principal use to which the divinatory rites are put is to ascertain if a god whose idol is already in the sacred hut is willing to exert his beneficent influence in some special rite. If the augury is of evil omen, the hrasero^ together with its idol, is not placed on the altar of palm leaves with those to whom the offerings are to be made, but it remains on the shelf where all the ollas rest when a rite is not in progress.^
1 In the encampment where most of the rites described were witnessed, three of the braseros with their idols remained on the shelf during all the rites observed, those of Akna, Kananqad, and Oibana. A year later, those of Kananqag and Oibana were still found remaining on the shelf during the rites, as they were not disposed to exert a good influence over the encampment as shown by the act of divination. There was a change however. Mensabak, who, the year before, had been placed on the altar with the others who were well dis- posed, now remained on the shelf ; and Akna, who, the previous year, had been kept on the shelf, was now used in all the rites. In the other encampment where the gods have been named, the idols and braseros of Qaq and S&kapuk
102 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
The rites of divination are employed to the accompaniment of a different chant (No. 4) to ascertain the particular kind of offering desired by the gods in some special rite. In some encampments the gods as a whole enjoy one variety of offer- ing as shown by divination, and in a neighboring settlement an entirely different kind of offering is desired. The character of the offerings given to the gods is most varied. ^ The gifts not only differ from place to place but from time to time. Each form of ceremony seems to have its special offering. The most common of all contributions is that of copal gum. This is either offered in crude lumps (pom) or worked into special forms (sil) (p. 125). The copal is burned as incense, and a pleasant odor is produced.
Another form of incense is made by burning the sap of the rubber tree. This is often combined with the copal as a gift to the gods, qiqiluka.
An intoxicating drink, baltse, and called in the chants ha, is another frequent offering together with different kinds of posol (maao). In the chants posol is called tsula or sul. There are many combinations of food and drink offered to the incense- burners in behalf of the gods, and in some cases the quantity is brought into account. Posol made with honey has the name kabitumaaoil ; po8ol with cocoa, ominuka. Offerings of baltse in different quantities are called napdil (something measured with the fingers) and wiobil (something snapped with the fingers). The name eroe is given to an offering of a small gourd of baltSe. An offering of thin and brown tortillas is called tikinawa, a form of tortillas made with wood yatsewa, and a tortilla made in the form of a cup lekuwahil. Norwa or tutiwa is a gift of thick tortillas to the gods. Buliwa is a tamale made of frejoles (buul)
seldom showed themselves as willing to be placed on the altar with the others in the celebration of a rite. These ollas remaining on the shelf were not entirely neglected. There were offerings made to them of food and drink, but copal was never burned in them nor was there any continued chanting made before them. 1 Space does not allow me to enter upon a discussion of the identification of several of the kinds of offerings represented in the Codices, but this in itself would be a fruitful study.
RELIGION OF THE LACAND0NE8 103
and corn. Cocoa mixed with baltse is called uyonin. There are two offerings in which meat figures, baqiluka and ututil. Bands of bark are offered as fillets to the gods. They are called huun. A gift of these fillets together with baltse is called huuninuka. The bow and arrows are given to the gods at cer- tain rites. An offering of red paint made of achiot^ berries (kusu) is common. In some of the ceremonies, flowers are presented to the braseros in behalf of the gods. Offerings of certain kinds of fish (tsaklau and sSktan) are made in some of the rites. In addition to these offerings, a part of all the first fruits of the fields must be given to the gods each year.
I have not been able to make out the strict rule regarding the possession of a separate set of these idols and braseros. At first one might suppose that each totemic division worships at a single place where there is located a collection of idols more or less complete. This is not so except where members of the same gens live in the same encampment.
In the two encampments of the maao gens, where most of the rites described were observed, the two sets of sacred oUas together with their idols originally belonged to the same encampment. It will be seen (p. 99, note) that there is only one idol of NohotSakyum in the two encampments, whereas both settlements possess idols of many of the other gods. The du- plicate set was obtained in more recent pilgrimages. The idol of NohotSakyum originally belonged to the father of the three brothers Qin, Chankin, and the one who had died (p. 43). By inheritance and pilgrimage, the father had come into the possession of the idols of a greater part of the gods. On his death they were divided among his three sons, the eldest obtaining the idol of Nohotsakyum and the brasero used at the time in connection with it, together with his share of the other idols with their incense-burners. The two younger sons took their part of the idols and the corresponding braseros, and made a new encampment for themselves not far away. These two collections of idols were gradually enlarged by pilgrimages to the home of the gods until each encampment contained those
104 MATAS AND LACANBONES
of the main gods, with the exception of that of NohotSakyum, of whom there was but one idol in the two settlements. This seems to show that there is some rule in regard to the posses- sion of but one idol of the main god in a single family line.
Priestly Duties. — Landa makes reference ^ to a priestly class which shows a well-defined system of organization : Chilan, or priests ; Chac, sorcerers and physicians ; and Nacons, assistants. It is to the first of these classes that one would naturally turn to find explanations of the questions which we would like answered concerning the system of hieroglyphs and that of the calendar together with the closely allied subject of the religion and the ceremonial rites. This class seems to have vanished completely, and we have remaining in isolated districts only the gente rustica. In Yucatan one finds a class of men who claim to know how to read the future through a crystal or by some other means (p. 163). These people bear the title Men, from the root of the verb meaning "to know how."^ They are generally an ignorant and unintelligent class of people. They may be the descendants in office of the class of priests formerly called Chac, as they combine the power of healing with that of forecasting the future.
One is not surprised to find that the Lacandones of the present time seem to have no priests. The religion has ceased to be in any way national, and the function of priest is carried out by the head of the family in each encampment as in the most primitive form of human society. In one case the leader of the settlement, in taking charge of a rite, placed around his neck a string of seeds like those worn by the women. This may have had some ceremonial importance as showing his priestly function. The rigid authority of the father and husband over the members of the family is perhaps the outcome of the place he holds in the religious life. Visitors at ceremonial rites, how- ever old they may be, are allowed only to assist the head of the family in the duties of the feast. The women and children of an encampment, together with the families of the near neigh-
1 Landa, 1864, Chap. XXVII. a cf. Garcia, 1905, pp. 52-57.
. RELIGION OF THE LACANBONES 105
bors, remain in the domestic huts while the husbands and older boys are inside the sacred inclosure taking their parts in the rites.
Ceremonies. — There are no ceremonies where the women take any active part other than in the preparation of the offerings in the shelter adjoining the sacred hut.^ At the close of a rite they are allowed to enter the inclosure and take a part in the general feasting. This exclusion of the women from any share in the religious life is a question of sex rather than of any family connection.
All the ceremonies of the Lacandones follow the same general idea, that of burning incense in behalf of the gods in the braseros and offering food and drink on the extended lip of the face on the incense-bowl. The rites vary only in regard to the nature of the articles offered. Sacrifices are always accompanied by chants or prayers which cover the whole variety of human experience met with by an Indian from his birth to his death. The ceremonies to be taken up do not cover this whole field, but they may be taken as sufficient criteria by which to judge of the nature of the others.
The rites described occurred in the two neighboring encamp- ments, the people of whom I have already mentioned. The carihals^ as the settlements are called by the Mexicans of the country, are situated one league and a half east of Lake Petha in Chiapas, near the trail running from Tenosique and La Ilusion to Ocosingo. The people are the same individuals whom Mr. Maler describes as living on the shore of Lake Petha.2
I shall take up in detail the ceremony in which the sacred ollas or braseros are renewed. There are many minor rites
1 Cf. Cogolludo, 1688, Bk. XII, Chap. VII, p. 699: "Todos los Indies v£tn sierapre a la adoracion de el Idolo ; las mugeres no se hallan presentes, sino sola la doncella, que haze el pan a los Ministros de el deraonio."
Cf. also Landa, 1864, Chap. XL, p. 278: "Venido pues el ano nuevo, se juntavan todos los varones en el patio del templo solos, porque en ningun sacrificio o fiesta que en el templo se hazia, havian de hallarse mugeres."
2 Maler, 1901-1903, Chap. V.
106 MAYAS AND LACANBONES
which will be touched upon, but they are all similar to some part of the renewal ceremony. ^
Theoretically, there must be a renewal of the incense-burners each year. In practice, however, it does not always take place, owing to the great amount of work necessary in carrying out such a rite and the large quantity of corn consumed in the repeated offerings to the gods. To keep within the letter of the law, there is always at least one incense-burner made each year, and if the season has been a fruitful one, and there is an abundance of corn, the whole ceremony is celebrated.
Regarding this renovation of the incense-vessels, there is a very pleasing parallel found in Landa.^ In the month Chen or Yax, which roughly corresponds, according to the author, to our December or January, a festival called Ocna was celebrated in honor of the Chacs, whom the people regarded as the lords of the field.3
The whole ceremony as observed among the Lacandones stretches over considerably more than a month. In the two celebrations of this series of rites witnessed, they began about the middle of February and lasted until nearly the end of March. I could find in the dates of the various parts of the ceremony no correlation to the phases of the moon or of any constellation, although it seems as if something of this sort must, at one time, have been the regulating factor. The time of observing the rite depends in great part on the ripening of the products of the milpa. It is in these rites that all the first fruits of the field must be offered to the gods before anything may be eaten by the people. The work of making the new milpa is usually postponed until the renewal ceremony is completed.
1 The word "ceremony " will be used as signifying a succession of rites held for a single purpose.
2Landa, 1864, Chap. XL, p. 242. (See quotation in note, p. 84.) Ibid., Chap. XL, p. 278: " Para celebrarla con mas solemnidad, renovavan en este dia todas las cosas de su servicio, como platos, vasos, vanquillos, serillas, y la ropa vieja, y las mantillas en que tenian losidolos enbueltos."
3 The word tSak (chac) is seen in the name of the main god in the pantheon, Noho(tS)-tSak-yum, and also in the name of the rain gods found among the Mayas of Yucatan, NukutS-yum-tSak-ob (p. 155).
BELIGION OF THE LACANBONES 107
The general idea in this series of rites for the renewal of the sacred ollas is that these hraseros die and new ones must be made to take their places. ^
Before the rite can take place where the hraseros of the previous year are given their last offering and the sacred idol removed, the new ollas must be made together with a large earthen drum and a large number of braseritos. The latter are supposed to aid in the general ceremony as additional servants of the gods.
Each of this smaller class of ollas belongs to a certain one of the idols contained in the larger incense-vessels. Although these braseritos are all very much alike as regards shape and decoration, they can be distinguished by their owners each from the other, and the leader knows to which one of the main gods each belongs. As an offering is administered to each of these braseritos, the chant denotes in what way the gift is to be dis- posed of. Some of the braseritos are given directly to the gods represented by the larger incense-burners, who act as the agents of the idol contained in their bowls, and others of the braseritos are given to the gods to serve as messengers to carry the offering to NohotSakyum.
In one encampment where the renewal rites were observed there were thirty-two of the common form of braserito. Four were given to AqantSob for his own use, two to Meusabak, two to Nohqu, two to Yantho, two to Upal, and four to loananohqu and KakotS, and all for their individual use (atilili) .2 Four others were given to loananohqu for him to carry to NohotSakyum (akubtik yum).^ KakotS was given, in addition to those for his own use as servants, four to aid him in carrying the offering to the main god and another four to help in taking the sacrifice
1 Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XXVII, p. 158: "Bien sabian ellos que los idolos eran obras suyas y muertas y sin deidad, mas que los tenian en reverencia por lo que representavan, y porque les avian hecho con tantas cerimonias, en especial los de palo."
2 Atilili, for yourself or for you as your right. It occurs in the chants.
3 Akubtik-yum, you restore it (the ofEering) to the father. The idea is that he originally gave it.
108 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
to AqantSob. The relative importance of the gods in this en- campment as regards their willingness to cure may be made out from the respective number of braseritos given to each god. AqantSob seems to be the most well disposed of the gods repre- sented in the settlement, and loananohqu and KakotS, although having four of the braseritos as their own, still must play the role of messengers, and they each have four of the small oUas given them, with the express command to restore (kub) the offer- ing to NohotSakyum, and, as was seen, KakotS has, in addition, four others to carry to AqantSob. The prominence given to the latter god is probably due to the fact that in the rite of divina- tion the name of this god has always appeared as a good omen or that some one has been cured under the direction of this god. In the manufacture of the two kinds of incense-burners, the braseros and the braseritos, certain definite restrictions are made. A small shelter of palm leaves must first of all be built in a retired spot at some distance from the regular encampment.^ Here a quantity of clay and quartz sand are brought together and the work of modeling the sacred ollas begun. The very greatest secrecy is observed, and the women are on no account allowed to approach the shelter where the new incense-burners are being made. The modeler places a mass of clay on a portion of a banana leaf, which in turn rests on a low wooden stool. The bowl of the brasero is made first, chiefly by means of the fingers. A small paddle of wood is used to smooth down the surfaces. 2 On the edge of the bowl, a flat piece of wet clay is placed as the foundation for the head. The nose, hair, eyes, and mouth are made and stuck on afterward. Through the center of the bottom of the bowl a single hole is made, and at
1 Landa, 1864, Chap. XL, p. 308 : " Venida la madera hazlan una casilla de paja cercada donde metian la madera y una tinaja para en que echar los idolos y alii tenerlos atapados como los fuessen haziendo . . . y con estos aderegos se encerravan en la casilla el sacerdote y los chaces y el official, y comengavan su labor de dioses."
2 Figure 28 may show the shaping by means of a wooden paddle, although it seems more likely that the implement in the hands of the workman is of stone, and in that case the carving of a stone idol is probably represented.
RELIGION OF THE LACAND0NE8
109
both sides similar holes, one above the other, for ventilation. The ollas are allowed to dry several days, when they are baked for a few hours in a bed of hot coals. ^ After the baking, the
Fig. 28. Tro-Cort. 97, b.
Fig. 29. Tro-Cort. 100, b.
bowls are ready to be decorated as has been described (p. 69). ^ The white paint is made of chalk, and put on over all the surface of the oUa. The red color, made from the achiote berry, and the black, of the soot collected from the burning copal, are put on with a brush composed of a stick, on the end of which some cotton is wound.
At the first of these renewal ceremonies witnessed, there were twenty-six ollas made, all identical in form with one exception.
Fig. 30. Tro-Cort. 99, d.
Fig. 31. Tro-Cort. 101, b.
Eight were of the larger size, and were to contain the stone idols of the gods, the other eighteen were smaller and were
1 According to Forsteraann (1902, p. 138), Fig. 29 shows a clay idol being baked in an oven. The head is the same as that in Figs. 25 and 28, and is similar to god C, of Schellhas (1904, p. 19).
2 Figures 30 and 31 may show the painting of the incense-bowls with the end of a leaf. Figure 31 shows the same form of head.
110
MAYAS AND LACANBONES
Fig. 32. Handled incense-burner of the Lacandones.
made to contain no idols. Of this number of smaller ollas, one differed from all the others in form (Fig. 32 and PI. XX, Fig. 1). Below the head on the edge of the bowl there stretched a round projection of the same material as the bowl, about six inches long and an inch in diameter. The end was flattened and represented a hand. This olla may be described
as a form of incense-bowl with a handle. This shape is met with, but without the head, in the remains of the older cul- ture. In the Peabody Muse- um there are several clay arms with closed hands which might well have served as handles to ' incense-burners in the same way as the arm and hand represented by this olla of the Lacan- dones. ^ The handled incense-burner with the head on the side of the bowl, however, has not been met with as far as I know among other than the Lacandones. The ends of most of the ancient handled incense-burners represent the mouth of an animal, usually that of a serpent. It may be that the offerings of food were placed in the mouth of these animal heads on the ends of the handles, as we find at the present time the food placed in the mouth of the common form of brasero without a handle. But on the handled incense-burners of the Lacan- dones, it is on the outstretched hand rather than on the mouth of the brasero that the offerings of food and drink are placed. This handled olla is called Akna, the mother. It never appears except at this ceremony, when the new braseros are installed. The name of the renewal rite as given by Landa^ is Ocna. These two terms are undoubtedly the same; and the name of the whole rite may take its name from that of the idol with the projecting arm, as this is regarded as the ceremonial mother of the new ollas. She seems to have no relation to the other and
1 Cf. PI. XIX, Fig. 3.
2 Landa, 1864, Chap. X, p. 242.
BELIGION OF THE LACAND0NE8 111
more important goddess who bears the same name. The latter is the mother of many of the main gods, whereas the former is the ceremonial mother of the braseros themselves. This olla with the projecting arm plays an unimportant part in the several rites.
In a later ceremony witnessed at another encampment from that just described, there were forty oUas (Fig. 33,. p. 112), only seven of which were of the larger variety. The others were braseritos, and all of the same form with the exception of the ceremonial mother, whose olla has just been described. In addition to the sacred ollas there is also made in preparation for the renewal ceremony a ceremonial drum to take the place of that used during the previous year. Sometimes two drums are made at this time. These as well as the braseros are sup- posed to die each year.
The drum is composed of a clay jar (PI. XX, Fig. 2) about twenty inches high. Over the top of the jar is stretched a piece of the hide of the tepeizquinte for a head. The whole drum is painted white. On one side near the top there is a head similar in all respects to that found on all the sacred ollas. This head, as it has been explained, represents one of the lesser gods called Qaiyum.
The modeling, baking, and painting of all the ollas occupies at least four weeks, and it is carried on, as has been stated, with the utmost secrecy, away from all except the men of the immedi- ate family who are to celebrate the feast. These men, during this period of preparation, as well as throughout the entire rite, sleep in the ceremonial hut where the old idols are kept.
At this time of preparation a new ceremonial robe is started (PI. XV, Fig. 1). The cotton must be spun and woven by an old woman of the tribe, and a widow.^ All the work has to be done in the sacred inclosure. This robe is for the leader of the ceremony.
I have already spoken of the exterior of the sacred hut (p. 64). A description of the interior would be of assistance
1 Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XXXVI, p. 222 : " . . . Les mandava el demonio ofrecerle liardillas y un paramento sin labores ; el qual texessen las viejas."
112
MATAS AND LACANDONES
COCO
o
^ ^-^
<<>
C2
o
o
Q
r\
\J
r\
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-,, /^ |
2 |
) |
|
«-*. L |
||
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- |
- |
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Fig. 33. |
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Plan of sacred inclosure of the Lacandones. |
||
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a, TOW of hraseros. |
q, log for baltse. |
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b, rows of braseritos. |
r, offering for Usukun. |
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c, row of baltse. |
5, ceremonial fire. |
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d, row of buliwa. |
t, cover to make soot. |
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e, olla with arm. |
1, brasero of Kakots. |
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/, board of copal. |
2, brasero of Nohqu. |
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g, jicaras to be filled. |
3, brasero of Yantho. |
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h, jar for baltse. |
4, brasero of Aqantsob. |
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j, seat of leader. |
6, brasero of loananohqu |
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k, seats of others. |
6, brasero of Akna. |
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I, drum, Qaiyum. |
7, brasero of Upal. |
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m, shelf for ollas. |
8, brasero of Mensabak. |
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n, dead braseros. |
9, brasero of Kananqas. |
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0, log of water. |
10, brasero of Oibana. |
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p, log for sugar cane. |
11, brasero of Usukun. |
u
BELIGION OF THE LACANBONES 113
to a better understanding of the rites as they progress.^ I shall speak of it as it appears during the progress of the re- newal ceremony after the new braseros have replaced those of the previous year, and the braseritos are arranged in front of the latter. There is, in addition, an offering of baltSe before the braseritos (Fig. 33).
When a ceremony is not being observed, the incense-burners rest on a hanging shelf (m. Fig. 33), in the middle of the western side of the sacred hut.^ They are arranged in one or two rows, with their heads always facing the east.
A carpet of palm leaves covers the ground on the western side of the hermita directly in front of the hanging shelf. During the celebration of a rite, the sacred ollas are arranged in a row along the carpet of leaves stretching north and south (a, Fig. 33, also PI. XX, Fig. 1). The layer of green on which the braseros rest together with the offerings made to them, I shall hereafter call the altar. ^ The heads on all the braseros face the east, which is the one point toward which everything and everybody in the sacred inclosure turn when the impor- tant parts of the rites are being carried out. It must not be supposed, however, that the other points of the compass are neglected. When the leader blows his shell trumpet to call the gods to come and partake of the offering, he often turns to the other points as well as to the east.
Directly in front of the line of the main ollas or braseros in the interior of the hut are the braseritos (5, ^, 6, Fig. 33).
1 1 have thought it best to describe in detail the interior of one of these hermita. The arrangement was essentially the same in all those visited, so that the description may be taken as a general statement.
2 Sapper (1891, p. 893) describes the interior of the sacred hut of a Lacan- done settlement which he visited on the Rio de la Pasion : "... Sah ich die zahlreichen thonernen, mit einer vorstehenden gesichtsmaske geschmiickten Opferschalen, welche, mit Kopal und Wachs gefulit, auf einigen Hangebrettem auf der westseite des gebandes standen ; davon befand sich ein niedriger Tisch, auf welchem Wachskerzen abgebrannt worden zu sein schienen. Eigentliche Gotzenbilder habe ich nicht bemerkt, sofern nicht etwa die Gesichtsmasken der Opferschalen daf iir angesprochen werden miissen."
3 In one settlement the incense-burners during the celebration of a rite were placed upon a low table instead of on a carpet of palm leaves on the ground.
114 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
The faces on these also point toward the east. They are em- ployed each year only in this ceremony of the renewal of the incense-burners of the gods, after which they are deposited under a cliff near Lake Petha.
In addition to the ollas of the main gods and the smaller oUas of the servants of the gods, there are usually other in- cense-bowls included in the collection possessed by the settle- ment. They are not arranged on the altar of leaves, but remain on the suspended shelf when the others are taken down for the celebration of a rite (8, 9, 10, Fig. 33). These ollas^ as it has been explained, belong to the gods who are not well disposed at this special rite toward the people of the encamp- ment. They do not for this reason (ind a place with the others on the altar. They cannot be entirely neglected, however, and at intervals they are given offerings of food and drink.
At the northwest corner of the hut, the ceremonial drum is situated (Z, Fig. 33, also PI. XX, Fig. 2). The head on the drum faces the east.
A short distance in front of the altar and near the eastern side of the hut is a jar (j\ Fig. 33, also PL XXIV, Fig. 2) containing the ceremonial drink. From this the gourds are filled which later are placed in front of the lines of sacred ollas. The jar often has a small head on one side, much smaller and more insignificant than those on the drums or incense-burners. The head faces the altar rather than the east.^
In front of the jar to the west a carpet of palm leaves is spread. On this the gourds rest when being filled with the baltse contained in the jar (^, Fig. 33).
Directly behind the jar and grouped on either side are several short-legged wooden stools ^ Q\ k, k, k, k, Fig. 33). The one behind the jar (J^ and facing the ollas is occupied
1 A circle painted in red is sometimes found in place of the clay head on the jar. This is the case on the jar shown in the figures. It may be that the design on the upper jar (Fig. 25, p. 88) and a similar one near the top of the jar (Fig. 46, p. 139) are conventionalized representations of this head.
2 Cf. Sapper, 1897, p. 262 : *' Am Pet Ha beobachtete ich zudem niedrige Stuhl- chen mit vier Fiissen."
RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 115
during the ceremony by the leader or giver of the feast. The other seats are used by the participants in the rite. The assistant of the leader sits at his right.
At the southwest corner of the hut, the old incense-burners of the previous year, which are supposed to be dead, are grouped on the ground (n, Fig. 33). The heads face the west rather than the east, and each bowl contains a shell of the cocoa bean turned bottom up and covering the head on the edge of the bowl. These shells are used in giving the sacred ollas a last oblation before they are carried away and deposited under a cliff.
The ceremonial rattle (Fig. 19, p. 75) hangs from the roof at the northern side of the suspended shelf, as well as the reed oboe. The cover used to collect the soot from the burning copal for making the black paint also finds a place in the ceremonial hut, together with gourds and bark boxes in great numbers which hold the stores and various supplies employed in the different rites. Everything to be used in any way in the ceremonies has to be kept in the hermita. The bows and arrows and the flint points seem also to be made in this house, and here they are always kept.
A large number of the lower jaws of several kinds of animals, especially of the deer, the monkey, and the wild boar, were ob- served sticking into the inside of the thatched roof. These no doubt serve as reminders, possibly as counts, of sacrifices of meat made to the idols. ^
Hollow logs containing hives of bees are often found in one corner of the sacred hut.
In the general neatness of this sacred building there is a great contrast to the usual appearance of the interior of the domestic huts.
In front of the house to the east are two logs (jt?, q^ Fig. 33) about eighteen inches in diameter, lying on the ground. They are hollowed out for the greater part of their length (PI. XXII, Fig. 3) and the hole inside covered over with the exception of
1 Sapper (1891, p. 893) notes the presence of the lower jaws in the hermita which he visited, together with bird feathers doubtless serving a similar purpose.
116 MAYAS AND LACANBONES
a small opening near the end. Small sticks are laid crosswise at intervals over the opening, and on these palm leaves are placed. These logs serve as reservoirs for the ceremonial drink. It is in these receptacles that it is mixed and allowed to ferment.^ Just below the opening left in the top, where the liquid is dipped out, there are two circles in red. These correspond to the pair of circles on the two posts and beams at the western side of the hut, on either side of the hanging shelf. These, as has been stated, are probably the same in signification as the bands of bark fiber colored red and tied around the fore- heads of the participants in certain of the rites.
A short distance to the east of the sacred hut and in front of one of the hollow logs is a single incense-burner facing the east (11, Fig. 33). This belongs to the god Usukun and con- tains his idol. His influence is not wholly for the good, and his idol is not allowed to form one of the collection inside the hermita.
To the north of the hut is another log (o. Fig. 33). This con- tains water, and it is here that the leader and his assistants al- ways wash their hands both on entering and leaving the sacred inclosure for any secular duties outside.
A screen of palm leaves often surrounds the sacred hut to- gether with the three logs and the olla under the tree.
With every sacrifice made to the idols there are usually three stages. The article is brought in and "placed" before the idols, or, as it is expressed in the chants, "restored" to them. This act is sometimes carried out without chanting. The gift is then " offered " to the braseros and their idols as a sacrifice, and the gods are asked to come in person and partake of the offering. Finally the food and drink are " administered " to the heads on the incense-burners in behalf of the god. Posol and baltse are placed on the mouths of the figures on the side of the bowls with a spoon and on the end of a roll of palm leaves respectively, whereas an offering of meat or buliwa is placed on the lip of
1 In one encampment the logs were lacking, and the baltse was made in large earthen vessels.
BELIGION OF THE LACAND0NE8 117
the hrasero with the fingers. This offering and administration of food and drink are always accompanied by chanting.
The chants generally describe the acts being performed to their accompaniment, in addition to offering up prayers for health and freedom from pain and death. There is consider- able rhythm to the chants of the Lacandones. Syllables are elided, lengthened, and slurred. On this account, it is often difficult to identify the sounds as having any meaning. The voice is pitched high and is often tremolo. The chants do not seem to be fixed and unchangeable, as one finds among many Indian tribes. They are, instead, very elastic. With the ex- ception of certain fixed phrases, they can be lengthened or shortened and made to fit the nature of the case in behalf of which they are offered. Sometimes the god whose hrasero and idol is being addressed is named in the prayer, at other times the simple title Yum is given him. The general order of chant begins with an explanation of what is being done and the name of the god to whom the sacrifice is being offered, with a petition for the spirit of the hrasero to carry the gift to the god represented by the idol inside the bowl and to whom the spirit belongs as a servant. The chants usually end with the name of the person or persons in behalf of whom the offer- ing is made. If the rite is short in that there are not many gods to whom offerings are to be made, a prayer for protection against fever and the bites of snakes and tigers is often added. Thus, it will be seen that, almost at will, the leader may arrange his chant, keeping, however, to certain forms of speech.
Renewal rite. — I shall now take up a detailed description of the rites held in celebrating the ceremony of the renewal of the sacred ollas. Some days before a beginning is made in making the new incense-burners, the old hraseros are taken down from the shelf for the final time and placed on the altar of palm leaves. For the next six weeks, or during the time when the ollas are being made, there is a daily offering of posol made to the old hraseros who are about to die and be superseded by the new ones.
118 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
This daily gift of posol is varied at intervals by a more elab- orate rite. These rites are kept up until the new hraseros are molded, baked, and painted, when they are brought to the sacred hut; and the stone idols, concealed in each case under the copal ash of the old oUas, are removed and placed in the bowls of the new hraseros. During certain portions of this time the men do not wash, and they live separated from their families.^
From the beginning of the renewal ceremony to the end, the men of the encampment sleep in the sacred hut as a protection to the hraseros, which remain on the altar of palm leaves from the time when these daily offerings of posol are made, mark- ing the beginning of the decline and death of the old hraseros, until the subsequent installation of the new ollas.
The daily offering of posol is a simple rite, usually taking about two hours. This takes place generally in the morning, after which the men return to the secret shelter, where the work of manufacturing the new ollas is carried on. Each night the women of the encampment are kept busy grinding the corn for the offering of posol for the following day. This is carried on in the small shelter to the west of the sacred hut and in. which all the food offered to the gods in the different rites is prepared. In the morning the ground corn is mixed with water in a large earthen bowl holding several gallons.
The first act in this daily rite is placing rough lumps of copal gum inside the bowls of the incense-burners. This is done by the leader of the rite, usually the head of the encampment. These pieces of incense are not in the form of nodules and arranged on a board as will be seen in a later rite ( PI. XXIV, Fig. 3), but simply masses of the gum taken from a large supply contained in a shallow gourd. The men present all turn their backs as this preparatory act is being performed. The women do not enter the sacred inclosure until the very end, when the
1 Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XXVII, p, 156 : " Y abstenianse de sus mugeres para la celebracion de todas sus fiestas. • • • Y en algunas ayunos de sus fiestas no comian carne ni conocian sus mugeres."
Also cf. ibid., Chap. XL, p. 278 : "Para esta fiesta • • • y abstenerse de sus mugeres."
RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 119
general feast begins. As in all the other offerings, the hraseros of the main gods and especially that of NohotSakyum, if one is possessed by the encampment, receive a larger supply of copal than the ollas of the less important gods. The brasero of Usukun at the east of the sacred hut is not neglected at this distribution of copal.
As has been noted, during the time of these last rites to the old hraseros the men of the encampment are engaged in the work of making new incense-burners. A chant is made (No. 5) at the distribution of copal which describes the work in progress in making the new ollas.
The leader then leaves the inclosure and goes to the neigh- boring shelter, where he receives at the hands of his wife, two at a time, jicaras or gourds filled with posol.^ Great care is taken to have the outside of the vessel free from all traces of the liquid. Many of the jicaras are decorated with incised drawings (Figs. 4-15, and PL XXI, Fig 1). The leader brings in the gourds two by two and places them in front of the row of hraseros on the carpet of green leaves (PI. XX, Fig. 3). To prevent them from falling over, they rest on rings woven of a pliable vine. The hrasero of Usukun in front of the sacred hut has a single jicara of the posol deposited before it. The chant (No. 6) does not differ greatly from that used when the copal is distributed. The beginning, however, is quite different. As the leader stands before the line of hraseros with a gourd of the liquid in each hand, he begins a low droning sound which increases in intensity until he has stooped down and placed the jicara before the olla to which it belongs when the regular chant begins.
At the completion of the depositing of the posol^ the leader goes to the eastward of the hut and blows five long blasts on the conch shell, thus calling the gods to come in person.
With a long-handled spoon (huyup), the bowl of which is
1 The number of jicaras offered varies. In the daily rites there are usually three given to each of the hraseros, one in behalf of the children, one in behalf of the wife, and one in behalf of the man himself.
120 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
not more than an inch in diameter, the giver of the feast administers to the head on each of the braseros a small particle from each of the gourds oiposol by placing it upon the mouth of each one. This act thus consecrates the entire contents of each jicara to the use of all the gods represented by the braseros by giving a part for the whole. It is quite as necessary, however, that, at the end of the rite, the entire contents of the gourds shall be consumed by the leader and his assist- ants.
During the feeding of the braseros^ the chant (No. 7) is repeated as many times as is necessary until all have been given the offering. The incense-burner of Usukun is given j>o8ol in the same way. The chant (No. 8) is shorter than that used before the other gods.
The leader, standing at the east of the sacred hut and facing the east in the direction of the home of NohotSakyum, spatters a small particle of the posol from the end of the spoon into the air. He utters a short prayer (No. 9) as he does this.
It is at this time in the rite that the braseros whose owners are not well disposed at the time are given an offering of the posol contained in the jicaras. These incense-burners, as it has been explained, remain on the suspended shelf. The chant is unimportant (No. 10). The leader also places a particle of the posol on the head of the ceremonial drum, uttering a prayer (No. 11) which simply explains his action.
The conch shell is then blown a second time as after the depositing of i\\Q posol. To each man present the leader next gives two palm leaves and to each youth a single leaf. In some of the rites these leaves are preserved for future use. In such a case they are folded together and tied with small shreds of the leaf (PL XXI, Fig.l). Usually, however, they are for immediate use.
In the daily act of offering posol a ceremonial fire is not made. The ordinary fire, always burning in the sacred hut, is used to kindle two pine sticks, which in turn are employed to ignite the copal placed inside each of the braseros. There is no chanting
RELIGION OF THE LACAND0NE8
121
during this act. A fire sending out dense clouds of black smoke is soon burning in each olla.
After the copal is all kindled, the leader asks every one an implied question (No. 12) requesting permission to continue. He then takes his place, together with his son, at the western side of the line of blazing braseros. The other participants in the rite also gather round and all begin their individual chanting (No. 13), waving at the same time the leaves^ in the smoke of the burning eopal. Every one seems to repeat the same chant, but it is not done in unison. The result is quite unintelligible and confusing. The same words are repeated over each of the gods represented by the idols in the braseros. There is no seeming order in the chant- ing. At intervals the men rub the palm leaves over their own shoulders. The copal in the brasero under the tree at the east of the hut is also lighted, and each person goes there for a moment and waves his leaves in the smoke. The chanting does not cease until the fires have begun to die out in the ollas.
Every man then leaves the in closure and goes to the domes- tic hut where the women and children are gathered. Each father sits down behind his family, chants, and taps each one with the palm leaves (PI. XXI, Fig. 2). These are the medium by which the efficient and healing power of the gods as revealed in the smoke of the incense is carried to those who need it. If any special part of the body is afflicted, it is tapped and rubbed at greater length with the leaves. There seems to be much liberty used in the chant given at the same time (No. 14). It varies according to the circumstances and condition of the person in whose behalf it is uttered.
Fig. 34. Tro-Cort. 56, a.
^ Figure 34 may show a figure carrying a bundle of these leaves.
122 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
At the completion of this general rite over the members of the family, the men return to the inclosure, and a second admin- istration of posol is made to the braseros by the leader.
The daily act of offering posol is sometimes varied at this point. When the men return after having chanted with the leaves before the members of the family, the leader sometimes brings in from the adjoining shelter two jicar as of a preparation made of cocoa berries and beaten into a froth. He distributes the contents of the two gourds among the jicaras resting in front of the braseros and containing joosoZ. This is all done in silence. Instead of the posol as in the shorter rite, this cocoa, which re- mains floating on the top of the latter, is administered with the long spoon to the heads on the braseros in behalf of the idols inside the bowl.
Low wooden stools are arranged in a semicircle along the eastern side of the hut (k, Fig. 33) and the men occupy them at this time, all facing the east. The leader gives each man a single jicara of posol^ or of the posol mixed with cocoa, saying a few words as he does this (No. 15).
It is the duty of every one to answer, Bai, yes. The assistant then gives a similar gourd to the giver of the feast, who sits in the middle (/, Fig. 33), and he is addressed with the same for- mula as he, in his turn, had addressed to the others.
Each man offers the contents of his jicara in the first place to the gods living in the four cardinal points by spattering a small portion from the end of his spoon and chanting (No. 16).
As has been stated, it is one of the obligations of a feast that every one shall eat and drink every particle of the offering con- tained in the gourd given him by the leader. The inside of the jicara is even cleaned by rubbing the hand around it, and the spoon is treated in the same way until not a drop of the offering remains unconsumed.
Usually no more than the immediate family take part in this rite, and each of the male mem'bers has received a single gourd of the posoL There still remain, therefore, in front of the bra- seros many jicaras of the offering. From these a third adminis-
RELIGION OF THE LACAND0NE8 123
tration is made to the sacred oUas with the same chant (No. 7). These gourds are then distributed among the men by the leader, and he is also given an equal number by the assistant in addition to the one which had rested in front of the brasero of Usukun at the east of the ceremonial hut.
The men then carry their gourds of posol which they cannot drink outside the inclosure to their families, as there is no obli- gation concerning any of the jicaras except the first. The men return to the sacred hut again and drink what they had saved out for themselves (PI. XXII, Fig. 1). On starting every new gourd of the offering, the contents is spattered in the same way as the first had been.
ThepoBol remaining in thQ jicaras after every one of the family has had all he desires is poured back into the large olla where it had been mixed, and this is consumed during the day and night. During the progress of these rites, the people have no necessity of preparing food other than the posol and the other offerings directed by their religion.
At least twice during the time of manufacture of the new braseros, a more elaborate rite is performed before the old in- cense-burners, consisting of an offering of baltSe, buliwa, meat, and fillets of bark ^ in addition to the regular offering of posol just described.
The posol rite comes as usual in the morning, and in the late afternoon the other offerings are made. The rite often lasts far into the night.
The name of the principal food or drink offered in the cere- mony is used roughly to designate the rite. BaltSe is the offering most favored by the gods. This is a fermented drink made from the bark of a tree called baltSe (Spanish pitarilla')^ mixed with wild honey or sugar cane and water.^ The honey employed
1 See list of offerings made to the gods, note, p. 102.
2 Cf. Landai 1864, Chap. XXII, p. 122 : " Y que hazen el vino de miel y agua, y cierta raiz de un arbol que para esto criavan con lo qual se hazia el vino f uerte y muy hediondo."
Cf. also Aguila, 1639, p. 17 : " Los Indios naturales dessa Nueva-Espana hazen un cierto vino que se llama Pulque, en lo quae dizque en los tiempos que hazen
124 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
is usually gathered in the forest; but in some instances, where special devotion is desired, hollow logs are placed in one corner of the sacred hut, and into this the bees deposit their honey^ which is afterwards used in making the ceremonial drink. The honey thus made is never used by the people with their daily food, as this would be considered a sacrilegious act. This collection of honey in hollow logs made for the purpose is com- mon among the Mayas, although it has lost its ceremonial sig- nificance. Among the latter people the god of the bees is called Kananholkan, the keeper of the door of the sky.
In appearance the baltSe is milky white, sour to the smell, and at first very disagreeable to the taste. It contains a small per cent of alcohol, as it is allowed to ferment. Drunkenness, the desired result, is obtained by drinking large quantities. ^ The early accounts speak of this custom of drinking large quantities of baltSe as most healthful, and that after the com- mon use of it was prohibited by the Spaniards, the natives suffered in consequence. ^
Owing to the necessity of fermentation, the baltSe must be
sus fiestas, y en todo el mas tiempo del ano echan una raiz, que ellos siebran para efeto de echar en el dicho vino, y para le fortificar, y tomar mas sabor en ello, con el qual se emborrachan ; y assi emborrachados hazen sus ceremonias, y sacrificios, que solian hazer antiguamente."
iCf. Villagutierre, Bk. VIII, Chap. XII, p. 498 : "Losvarones • • • gastavan lo mas de el tiempo en idolatrar, baylar, y emborracharse, a todashoras, y tiem- pos con los fuertes Brebages, que saben confeccionar."
Cf. also " Relacion de Dohot, y Cabecera de Tetzimin," Vol. XIII, p. 207: *' Hazian un vino da agua e myel y hechavan una rrayz que llaman balche en su lengua y hechavanlo en uuos vassos de palo a menera de artesas grandes que hazian a treynta e quarenta e a cinquenta arrobas de agua e cocia e hervia alii dos dias ello solo por si e haziase una cosa muy f uerte y que olia mal, y en sus bayles andando baylando les y van dando desto a bever en unos vasitos pequenos y a menudo, y en breve espacio se emborrachavan."
2 Cf. " Relacion de la Ciudad de Valladolid," 1900, Vol. XIII, p. 28 : "Este vino dicen les causaba sanidad porque con el se purgaban los cuerpos y lanzaban por la boca muchas lombrices, criabanse robustos y los viejos vivian mucho tiempo y frescos."
Cf. also "Relacidn de Tequite," 1900, Vol. XI, p. 106: "No biben tanto agora porque los rreligiosos les an quitado esta custunbre y esto a sido muy dafloso para sus saludes aberselo quitado dizen los rreligiosos que se embo- rachaban con este bino sobredicho."
RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 125
made before the day set for the rite to come off. A large supply of the bark of the tree is collected and placed in one of the hollow logs made for the purpose and situated at the east of the sacred hut {q, Fig. 33). In the second hollow log (^, Fig. 33) a quantity of honey or, if this is lacking, a large supply of sugar cane together with water is placed. If the sugar cane is used, the whole is pounded until the juice is extracted (PI. XXII, Fig. 2). The sirup is then strained and poured into the log containing the baltSe bark. The log is left uncovered (PI. XXII, Fig. 3) and the contents allowed to ferment, sometimes for not more than a single day. After the fermentation has gone far enough, parallel sticks are laid across the log and on these palm leaves are laid. The rain must in no way reach the contents of the log. A chant is made before the open log during the process of the fermentation (No. 17).
A few hours before the rite is to begin in which the baltSe is to be offered to the gods, a bit of copal is burned in a piece of bark directly in front of the log. Five grains of corn are heated in the fire of the burning copal., and a prayer is made (No. 18), asking the gods to free the baitSe from the evil effects, as regards health and comfort, produced by drinking it.
Preceding the opening of the rite, there is also prepared, on a flat and thin board (batatSe) (PI. XXIII, Fig. 1) with a handle on one side, what I have called nodules of copal (PI. XXIV, Fig. 3). In one case there were eighty of these arranged in ten parallel rows of eight each. They are of two forms as representing the two sexes, and they are offered in place of men and women in order to carry out the demands of the rites. Those representing men are bidden to go out into the forests and pro- fig. 35. cure game for the gods, and those representing Top of male
. - , nodule of copal.
women are supposed to grind the corn and make the different offerings presented to the gods. These nodules are made first in the form of a truncated cone by the aid of paddles of wood. Those male in sex are fashioned by placing a small ball of copal in the center of the flattened top of the
126
MAYAS AND LACANDONES
cone and then completely surrounding this with eight other small and round bits of copal (Figs. 35 and 36). The female nodules (Fig. 37) are made by placing three flattened round disks of the gum, one on top of the other, on the flattened top of the nodule. The significance of these sexual characteristics is not clear. Five of the ten rows on the board are male in sex and five female. They are arranged alternately.
Fig. 36. Fig. 37.
Copal nodules used by the Lacandones.
Plate XXIII, Figs. 2 and 3, shows balls of copal found in Yu- catan and with little doubt a remnant of the former culture of the
Mayas. They are painted with a greenish blue color. In the general shape and size and in the arrangement of the bits of gum incrusting the top, there is a striking similarity to the male nodule (Fig. 36) offered at the present time to the gods of the Lacandones.
Large masses of the gum in low bowls have been found in connection with archaeological work in Yucatan. On the top of many of these offerings of incense the gum is
Fig. 38. Dres. 11, b.
RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES
127
Fig. 39. Tro-Cort. 102, b.
arranged in the same checkered fashion as on the smaller nodules. 1
In front of several of the nodules of copal, as arranged on the flat board, there is placed a crude resemblance to a human figure made of the gum of the wild rubber tree. There seems to be no general plan of the position of the nodules before which the figures are placed, nor is there any distinction in the figures them- selves as to sex. Rubber in a crude form is a frequent offering of the Lacandones.2 It is often mixed with the copal and both placed in a rough mass in the incense-burners. Balls of rubber are often found embedded in the ancient masses of copal found in excavations, so that here again we find survivals of ancient materials and forms.
The copal nodules arranged on the board are called sil, a gift.^ This is the same name given to the hraseritos which are made at the same time as the new braseros and form a part of the renewal rite. Both are designated as to sex, and both are used in the light of servants to aid the gods in carrying out the de- mands made upon them by the giver of the feast.
As soon as the nodules have been made and arranged as de- scribed on the board, a small piece of copal, resting on a bit of bark, is burned and waved in the air over the nodules. This is to purify them and cause them to assume consciousness as
1 Cf . Fig. 38, from the Dresden Codex, which may show these bowls of copal.
2 Cf. Fig. 39, from the Tro-Cortesianus, which may show a skirted figure gathering the sap from a rubber tree.
^ The Spanish word gente, people, is given both to the nodules and to the braseritos.
Fig. 40. Tro-Cort. 62, a.
128 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
shown by the chant (No. 19). The board is then put aside to be used later in the celebration of the rite.
The jar described as facing the line of ollas and resting on the carpet of leaves (PI. XXIV, Fig. 2) is filled with baitse contained in the hollow log.^ A loosely woven cloth is used as a strainer to keep the liquid free of pieces of the baltSe bark.
Vessels made of the shell of a kind of squash and filled with an offering of buliwa are next brought in and placed in front of the line of braseros.^
Buliwa 3 is a square and flat tamale made of corn and frejoles and folded in a palm leaf. These form one of the common offerings to the gods.
At this time there is also brought in from the adjoining shelter a single jicara containing a paste made of ground cocoa berries. The board of nodules finds a place in the middle resting on two of the dishes containing buliwa (as in the rite shown in/, Fig. 33). The handle points to the south and it is tied by a palm leaf to the other leaves on which the hraseros and the offerings rest. When the board is to be used, it is carefully untied. At the north and south side of the board of nodules there is an ear of corn. This is to guard the copal from the evil spirits who might otherwise come and carry away some of the nodules.
After these preparations have been completed, the wife of the leader * enters the sacred hut with a wooden beater used in beating the native chocolate to a froth. The gourd containing the ground cocoa is handed her together with a single jicara of poaol which has been brought in. With the beater she makes a thick foam of the posol and cocoa, a part of which she places in each of the jicaras gathered around the jar (g, Fig. 33), as her husband fills them with the baltSe contained in the jar.
1 Figure 40, p. 127, may show one of these jars.
2 The number of ollas of buliwa and meat varies. There is usually no more than one vessel of each for each of the hraseros.
8 More correctly it is written buuliwa from buul, frejole, wa, tortilla. * If, as in many cases, there is more than one wife, it is the oldest who officiates.
RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 129
A gourd thus filled with the ceremonial drink and the foaming cocoa is placed in front of each of the braseros to the ac- companiment of a chant (No. 20).
This act exhausts the contents of the jar, which is again filled from the hollow log. The wife beats up more cocoa, which she places on the top of a second set of jicaras as they are filled with baltSe. These are placed in front of the line of incense- burners between them and the vessels containing the buliwa. A third jicara containing baltSe and the preparation of cocoa is immediately given to each of the braseros^ and the same chant is repeated as at the placing of the first and second set of gourds.
Strips of bark pounded out thin over a log by means of a grooved stick are a frequent offering to the gods (PI. XIX, Fig. 4). The bark is cut about an inch wide and soaked in a mixture of water and the wood of the Palo mulatto (tSakaS). This gives a pinkish color to the strips. Several pieces of the bark, cut about three feet long, are tied around the rims of the braseros^ and a chant describing the act is given (No. 21). Each of the strips seems to be placed in behalf of some one in the encampment. A piece of the bark is also tied around the drum and another around the neck of the jar containing baltSe (PI. XXIV, Fig. 2).
Up to this time the gourds containing the ceremonial drink have simply been placed in front of the line of braseros. The contents are now administered to the heads on the incense- burners. The leader does this with a roll or cigarette made of palm leaves, by dipping it into each of the gourds, after which he places it on the lower lip of the brasero. He chants (No. 22) during this operation.
He then takes an emi^ty Jicara and partially fills it by dipping the roll of leaves into all the gourds of baltSe in front of the braseros. With the gourd thus filled, he goes to the east of the sacred hut and spatters the contents from the end of the roll of leaves into the air in the several directions where the gods are thought to live. This is done in quite the same manner and
130 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
for the same purpose as the posol is thrown in the air in the rite of the morning. The chant is also about the same (No. 23).
The braseros remaining on the shelf and the drum are also fed from the jicara containing a few drops from the baltSe in each of the gourds in front of the incense-burners.
To each man and boy who occupy seats around the leader, a gourd of baltSe is given from those around the jar. The leader addresses (No. 24) each person as he stands over him with a vessel of the liquid. The recipient answers him with a set formula (No. 25). To the members of his family the leader uses slightly different words (No. 26). The latter then takes his seat behind the jar of baltSe (PI. XXIV, Fig. 1), and his chief assistant- arises and takes another jicara from those around the jar. This he places in the hands of the leader as he utters the same sentence as the other had given (No. 26) before the members of his family.
Every one holds his gourd in both hands until the leader, by dipping his fingers in the jicara given him, spatters a small parti- cle of the baltSe in the several directions. There is a short prayer (No. 27) made at the time. After he has done this, the others follow his example, and all drink the contents of thQiv jicaras.
The women of the encampment together with those who have come from the neighboring settlements now enter the inclosure and take their places at the northern or southern sides of the sacred hut. The leader gives to each one a jicara of baltSe filled directly from the jar, after having taken a sip from each one. He chants (No. 24) as he has done before the men. The women retire soon after with their gifts.
By this time the jar is empty and it is refilled again from the log. From the gourds around the jar the braseros are admin- istered baltSe, after which the leader blows the shell trumpet at the east of the hut.
The vessels containing the buliwa are held up, two at a time, by the leader,^ and offered to the gods in a chant (No. 28),
1 In one of the rites witnessed a single small gourd containing meat was brought in at this time, and from this a small particle of meat was placed by
reJjIGion of the lacandones
131
which differs greatly from those previously given in the mode of its delivery. It is given much more slowly and there is more rhythm. The words and syllables are joined together, and others seem to be added to fill out the measure. It is very difficult to give a satisfactory translation of this slow chant.
The three jicaraa of baltSe in front of each of the braseros have, up to this time, remained untouched. They are now held up, two at a time, and offered to the gods. A chant, as usual, accompanies this act (No. 29).
The board on which the nodules are arranged is now taken up by the assist- ant and pointed toward every one present, same time a short formula (No. 30).
Fig. 41. Tro-Cort. 81, b.
He repeats at the He then takes the board to the east of the hut (PI. XXIV, Fig. 3), where, holding it by
the handle, he extends it at arm's length to the east and also to the south, the west, and the north. At certain intervals he runs and faces the braseros in the hut as he utters a spirited chant (No. 31).^
During this act the drum is usually beaten by a boy, who sits on the ground behind it and strikes the head with the palms of his hands. The leader often sits at this time at the northwest corner of the hut, singing softly to the accompaniment of the ceremonial rattle, which he shakes ^
the leader on the mouth of each of the braseros. The chant was the same as when all the dishes of meat were brought in (No. 34). After the incense-burners had been administered to, a portion of the meat was thrown in the air at the east of the hut, followed by an offering to the braseros on the shelf and to the drum.
1 Figures 41 and 42 may represent the boards of nodules, although this is not at all certain. The knotted design in Fig. 42 is found upon some ancient shallow bowls in which remains of copal were found.
'^ This is not an essential part of the rite. It is one of the ways in which the leader shows his religious fervor.
Fig. 42. Tro-Cort. 101, c.
132 MAYAS AND LACANBONES
(Fig. 19, p. 75). The decoration on the rattle is made of holes and lines of black and red paint. There is no set song or chant used with it at this time.
While the assistant is at the east of the hut with the board of copal^ a second helper administers a potion of baltSe to all the men present from a single jicara containing a small quantity from each of the gourds around the jar. The assistant then returns to the hut with the board of nodules. In the same manner as at the east of the hut, he points the board at each man present and utters the same formula (No. 31). After he has pointed it, furthermore, in the several directions in the air, he stands be- fore the line of hraseros and the rows of offerings and chants (No. 32). The prayer is slow and dignified and is the same in character as that given when the vessels of buliwa are offered.
During the preceding chant, a second potion from the single gourd of baltSe is given to the leader and the other male partici- pants in the rite.
At the conclusion of the slow chant with the copal nodules, the hraseros are again administered baltse from that contained in the jicaras around the jar. The chant (No. 22) is the same as at the previous occasions when baltse was placed on the lips of the incense-burners. A jicara is also taken to the east, where some of the contents is spattered in the several directions in which the gods live. The head on the drum and the hraseros on the shelf are also finally fed.
The leader than takes the board of copal and goes to the western side of the line of hraseros. With a stick moistened in baltSe, he removes from the board one by one the nodules of the gum and distributes them in the bowls of the incense-burners. He places some in the center of each oUa, after holding each one for a moment before the mouth of the figure on the bowl in which it is to rest. Much partiality is shown in this distribu- tion. The hraseros of the most important of the gods receive five or six of the nodules, whereas those of some of the less im- portant deities receive only one or two. A chant (No. 33) is given during this operation.
BELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 133
The leader now brings from the adjoining hut, where all the offerings are prepared, dishes or alias filled with the roasted meat of a monkey (PI. XXV, Fig. 1), placing them at first in front of the ollas of buliwa. Afterwards he holds up each dish in turn as he chants (No. 34).
After the large dishes of meat have thus been placed before the braseros, the jar is again filled from the reservoir of baltSe in the hollow log and brought back to its place. At each refill- ing of the jar there must be a consecration of its contents to the gods before any can be distributed among those present. So it follows that an administration of this new baltSe must be made (Chant No. 22). This time some of the foamed cocoa is added to the jicaras as they are filled with baltSe. Some of the con- tents of every new jar of the liquid must also be spattered at the east of the hut, as well as offered to the drum and the hraseros on the shelf. ^
After the baltSe in the jar has thus been consecrated by an of- fering to the sacred ollas^ a libation to the east, to the hraseros on the shelf, and to the drum, jicaras are filled and distributed by the leader to all those present. As each person receives his gourd a short prayer is said as before (No. 24). The leader is given his baltSe by the assistant, and it is the latter who spatters a particle with his fingers toward the several points of the com- pass where the gods are supposed to reside.
After a considerable period of drinking, in which many of the gourds are refilled from the jar, new fire is kindled by the leader and his assistant working together (PI. XXV, Fig. 2). This is done by the simple "two-stick" method, the wooden drill twisted between the palms and revolving in the notch of a hori- zontal stick of softer wood. The lower stick or " hearth " has
1 At this point the assistant sometimes fills a jicara with the liquid from the jar and, with a smaller one, he dips out a little and administers it to the leader, saying at the same time a few words (No. 35), which are answered. The giver of the feast then takes the gourd of baltSe together with the smaller one and re- peats the act with all those present. This rite is only another way of conse- crating the baltSe in the jar by taking a part for the whole. This takes the place of offering it to the gods on the end of the roll of leaves.
134 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
BO gutter running from the notch to the edge, as is often the case in this form of fire-drill. By friction the tinder, placed beneath the horizontal stick, is heated and finally kindled. Among the Lacandones the tinder consists of shavings of log- wood resting in a corn husk. As soon as the fire is kindled, it is handed to the wife, who enters at this time and whose duty it is to light, by means of it, the wood already prepared. This whole ceremony of making new fire finds an interesting parallel in several of the rites mentioned by Landa. Burning of copal and the offering of food are also the common features in the early ceremonies of the Mayas.^
During the operation of making the new fire, the leader hands to his assistant two palm leaves and to every other man and boy present a single leaf. In the camp fire kindled by the wife, the leader then lights two pine sticks and with these he sets fire to the nodules of copal in the incense-burners. During this opera- tion every one turns his back to the altar where it is being done. The bands of colored bark are taken from around the rim of the sacred ollas and placed in the palm leaves behind during the burning of the copal.
The leader, closely followed by the assistant and then by all the others, goes behind and to the western side of the row of braseros. Holding the palm leaves in the smoke of the incense, they all chant (No. 13) as at a similar time during the offering of posol. The assistant administers a potion of baltse in a small jicara to the men and boys as they are thus engaged. After the fires have begun to die out in the braseros, each leaves the inclosure and goes to the domestic hut, where the rite over the family is carried out as described before (p. 121).
After the more personal rite has been performed over the
1 Landa, 1864, Chap. XL, p. 300: "Y abaxo en el patio tendian todos cada uno sus idolos sobre hojas de arboles que para ello avia, y sacada lumbre nueva, comen^avan a quemar en muchas partes de su encienso, y a hazer ofrendas de comidas guisadas."
Also ibid.. Chap. XL, p. 280 : " Comengavan todos sus oraciones devotas y los chaces sacavan lumbre nueva ; quemavan el encienso al demonio y el sacerdote commen^ava a echar su encienso en el brasero."
RELIGION OF THE LACAND0NE8 135
members of the families of the participants, the men return to the sacred hut, and the low shallow vessels containing the meat are offered to the gods by the leader. He stands facing the hraseros as he recites a chant (No. 36), which in character is the same as that offered when the board of nodules is presented to the gods. It is slow, dignified, and measured, and there seems to be even a greater disregard for grammatical structure than in the ordinary chants. It is impossible to obtain equivalents for many of the words. They are probably terms whose mean- ing has long been lost.
The different offerings still remain to be administered (p. 121). The leader places a particle of the meat and a pinch from the middle (oubuliwa) of some of the tamales on the lip or mouth of each of the clay heads on the hraseros^ paying, as usual, special attention to the ollas of the most important of the gods by giving them the offering several times. Taking a small particle of corn from the middle of two or three of the buliwa in each dish seems to consecrate all the contents of the vessels. The leader recites a chant (No. 37) throughout this whole rite.
At the conclusion of giving the offering to the hraseros in behalf of the gods, the leader takes a particle from one of the tamales and a small portion of meat and gives this part of the offering to the hrasero of Usukun at the east of the sacred hut. The leader next throws a minute portion of the combi- nation of the meat and the buliwa into the air at the east of the inclosure. The other points of the compass also receive an offering. The chant (No. 38) is the same as that given when the baltSe is thrown into the air at the east of the house.
The heads on the sacred ollas are still again and for the last time fed with the baltse from the end of the palm leaves. The chant (No. 22) is the same as before. A jicara of the liquid is given to each of the men present. Each is invited to drink (No. 24) by the leader, and they all spatter a portion of the baltse as an offering to the gods before they drink any.
After the gourds given to the participants are emptied, they are refilled by the leader from the jar in front of him. No
136
MAYAS AND LACANDONES
order seems now to be observed in the drinking. Some drink jicara after jicara almost without stopping. Every one, with the exception of a few of the women, seems to think it his duty to become intoxicated. ^ The younger boys are no exception to the rule. Many are naturally sick, but this seems only to be a reason for drinking more. There is no disorder as might be expected. Every one goes about it in a most solemn manner as a religious duty to perform. Those intoxicated sing and
^••^
ooool ••• oooo •^ oooo ••• o^^j
Fig. 43. Tro-Cort. 95, a.
dance a little, but there is no quarreling. This is explained by the fact that the gods are said to dislike anything of the sort.
At this time, when in a state of intoxication and as an act es- pecially pleasing to the gods, the ear is sometimes pierced with a stone arrow point and the blood allowed to drip down upon the hraseros containing the idols. This custom seems to be dying out, as it is only the oldest men who carry it out. It was a common practice among both the early Nahuas and Mayas to draw blood from various parts of the body, but more espe- cially from the ear.^
1 Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XXXVII, p. 226 : " Se juntavan a hazer sacrificios y offrendas al demonio, y a hazer una solemne borachera todos ; ca era fiesta gen- eral y obligatoria."
Also ibid., Chap. XL, p. 266: "Alia tenian gran fiesta, y en ello se embor- achavan los seiiores y sacerdotes, y las principales. " Margil, 1696, refers to the compulsory drunkenness.
2 Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XXXVIII, p. 232 : " Despues de hecho toda braza, la allanavan y tendian muy tendida y juntos los que avian bailado, avia algunos
BELIGION OF THE LACAND0NE8 13T
In addition to the obligatory drunkenness and the piercing of the ear, there is another act sometimes performed by the Lacandones of the present time and clearly a survival. If the natives are in a state of sufficient zeal and ecstasy, they place their bodies over the burning copal as they offer up their chants to the gods.^
After the drinking has kept up for some time, the acts of the ceremony are again taken up. The shallow dishes of buliwa and the ollas of meat are now dis- tributed among the men and boys present. There is a short formula (No. 39) given at the time. The leader now exchanges a tamale from those in front of him with x. ^ ^ ,
JpIG. 44.
every other person, and the others do the Tro-Cort. 109, a. same with each other so that every man has a tamale from the dish of every other person. The meat is not divided in this way.
que se ponian a passar descalgos y desnudos como ellos andavan por encima de aquella braza de una parte a otra y passavan algunos sin lesion, otros abra9ados, y otros medio quemados, y en esto creian estava el remedio de sus miserias y nalos agueros, y pensavan era este su servicio muy agradable a sus dioses."
Also ihid., Chap. XXVIII, p. 160 : " Que hazian sacrificios con propia sangre Unas vezes, cortandose las (orejas) a la reconda por peda§os y alii los dexavan en senal."
Ihid.^ Chap. XXXV, p. 214 : " Otros derramavan sangre, cortandose las orejas, y untando con ella una piedra que alii tenian de un demonio Kanal-Acantun."
Ibid., Chap. XL, p. 308: " metian consque se sajar o sacar sangre de las orejas."
Cf. Aguilar, 1639, p. 81.
Mrs. Nuttall, 1904, treats the subject of blood offering in Mexico exhaustively. She gives a group of figures from the Maya Codex, Tro-Cortesianus (p. 95), which I reproduce (Fig. 43). There are three men and one woman in the act of piercing the ear with a stone knife and allowing the blood to stream down into what seem to be bowls, Mrs. Nuttall calls to mind the fact that Landa states that the women did not make blood offering, and yet here we find one pictured as carrying out this act of devotion.
1 Cf." Relacion de Valladolid," 1900, Vol. XIII, p. 27 : " Y por todas cuatro partes del fuego hacia sus cirimonias y rociaba con el las brasas, y luego man- daba le quitasen los alpargatas y entraba por encima de la braza rociando, y tras el toda la procesion de yndios, y pasaba este alquin sin se hacer mal alguno."
Eigure 44 indicates drunkenness according to Forstemanu (1902, p. 149).
138 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
Before eating any of the offering, the contents of each vessel is further consecrated by throwing a particle of the meat and of the buliwa into the air to the four cardinal points to the ac- companiment of a short prayer (No. 40).
After this, the wives and children join the men in the sacred hut and a general feasting begins.^
If any baltse still remains in the hollow log, it must be con- sumed before the rite is declared ended. In such a case the jar is refilled and from this jicara after jicara is filled and given to the participants. This is carried out until there is no more baltse remaining in the log, the jar, or the jicaras. The rite then ends.
The bands of fiber bark which have been replaced around the edge of the hraseros after the copal had burned out remain in the same position during the night. In the morning they are taken off by the leader and tied around the foreheads of the participants of the rite (PI. XXVI, Fig. 1). These are worn for the remainder of the day.
This rite of offering baltse, buliwa, meat, and the bark fillets is a very common one among the Lacandones. It is celebrated not only in behalf of the old incense-burners which are about to be superseded, but it is also undertaken before the new hraseros and at frequent intervals throughout the year. There are many variations in minor details, but there is a general order to the succession of the different acts.
On the day when the new incense-burners are completed there is an offering of posol made to the old hraseros both in the morning and again in the afternoon. The rite does not differ from that described (p. 118) as taking place daily during the manufacture of the new ollas. The chants (No. 41) alone differ slightly.
Towards evening of this last day the new hraseros and the smaller ollas or hraseritos used in carrying out the rite of installation are brought into the sacred hut from the shelter in
1 Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XL, p. 280 : " Despues deste saumerio comian entre todos las dones y presentes y andava el vino, haste que se hazian unas unas."
RELIGION OF THE LACAND0NE8
139
the fields where they have been made.^ There is a hrasero to replace each of those which are supposed to die at this time.^ There seems to be no fixed rule concerning the number of braseritos^ to be made and used in the rite. This seems to depend on the time at the dis- posal of those who give the feast, upon their inclination in the matter as regards the ne- cessity of propitiating the gods, and on the state of the harvest.
The old braseros are filled to overflowing with the remains of the copal burned in all the previous rites of the year.^ All vestiges of the colors of the former decoration have long since vanished, and they appear as blackened masses of burned pitch (PI. XX, Fig. 3) which almost covers the formerly well-defined head on the edge of the bowl. All this copal ash is carefully removed and the stone idol resting on the bottom is extracted. This is all done to the accompaniment of a chant (No. 42). These idols are regarded with the greatest possible reverence, and as
Fig. 45. Tro-Cort. 61, b.
Fig. 46. Tro-Cort. 96, c.
1 Figure 45 may show the bringing in of the new braseros wrapped up in palm leaves.
2 In one of the two renewal ceremonies witnessed, in addition to the seven large braseros made to replace the seven of the encampment, there were two others representing Aqantgob and Tumkanasabak. Thus these two gods had two sets of braseros consecrated in the rite, one set belonging to those of the encampment where the ceremony was being carried out and the other to the braseros of another settlement. It was in this second camp that the nephew resided, the son of the oldest brother who was dead, and the two extra braseros were for him, as in this latter settlement there was no renewal rite performed that year. Two of the old braseros with their idols, representing AqantSob and Tumkanasabak, had been brought over to the former camp and here the incense-burners had been renewed and consecrated in the rites.
^ For the number of braseritos made in the ceremonies witnessed, see p. 107.
* Figure 46 may show the incense-burner containing the idol, which is com- pletely covered with the remains of the copal. In this case the head of God C, according to Forstemann's designation, would possibly be the idol, and the scroll figure on the upper part of the bowl would stand for the face on the brasero.
140
MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
they are taken out they are laid on palm leaves. It is at this
time that the old hraseros are given a last offering of posol, each
from a separate shell of the cocoa bean. These old incense- burners are then placed in a group at the western side of the hut with their heads facing the west (n, Fig. 33, p. 112) and a shell of the cocoa bean over each one. Thus they die, and each is superseded by a new olla.
The stone idols remain rest- ing on the leaves all night. Early the next morning an offer- ing of baltSe is made to the new hraseros, which have been placed in the position formerly occu- pied by the old incense-bowls (a. Fig. 33) and with the heads facing the east. The hraseritos are arranged in lines in front of
the row of the large incense-burners. The heads of those in
the smaller class also face the east (5, 5, 5, Fig. 33, and PL
XXVI, Fig. 2). As the assistant
places the offering of baltSe on the
mouth of the brasero, the leader de- posits the stone idol of the respective
incense-burners in the bowl and it is
immediately covered with copal (Chant
No. 43). The regular rite of offering
baltSe, meat, buliwa, and fillets of bark
is then undertaken in the same way as
described (pp. 123-138). i
The board of nodules is prepared and distributed among
the hraseritos as well as among the larger ollas. Each of the
1 Figure 47 may represent the offering of meat and Fig. 48 of corn to the new incense-burners. The shelter is clearly shown in Fig. 48.
Fig. 47. Tro-Cort. 65, a.
Fig. 48. Tro-Cort. 97, a.
RELIGION OF THE LACANB0NE8 141
smaller incense-burners also receives a part of every offering. Tlie hraseros naturally have most of the attention in the rites. They each receive sometimes as many as seven or eight of the nodules of copal^ whereas the braseritos do not obtain more than one or two.
The chants in each case, as has been explained, designate whether the inferior god represented by the braserito is to give the offering directly to the main god whose servant he is and for the use of the god in question (atilili), or for this main god to restore the offering in turn to NohotSakyum.
In addition to the usual offerings made at this time, there is a gift of achiote. The berry is ground and mixed with water, making a vivid red paint. A small gourd containing this mix- ture is brought in and placed in front of the rows of incense- burners directly after the nodules of copal have been taken from the board and distributed in the bowls of the several ollas. After the copal is lighted, the leader places a spot of the achiote with his fingers on the chin of each of the braseros and braseritos and a similar spot on the forehead of each. The head on the drum, the ollas on the shelf, and that of Usukun at the east of the hut are treated in the same way. The two round circles on the logs containing the baltSe are renewed with the paint, as are also the circles on the two western supports of the house. The red lines on the rattle and on the ceremonial oboe are repainted. The leader then has a spot of red painted on his forehead and another on his chin similar to those placed on the heads of the sacred ollas. Two lines are also painted around the wrists and ankles of the leader. His poncho is dotted over with the achiote (PI. XXVI, Fig. 1) in addition to the other decoration. Finally all the other men, fol- lowed by the women, have their faces marked in the same way as that of the leader, and their ponchos are spotted with the red. The leader alone has the lines around the arm and leg. There is no chant accompanying this operation of painting.
On the day following the substitution of the new ollas, they
142 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
are given an offering of posol similar in all respects excepting the chant (No. 44) to the previous daily rites when posol is offered to the old hraseros (p. 118).
On the third day in the life of the new incense-burners, a rite differing in some part from that performed on the first day (p. 138) is undertaken. Owing to a few details which are new, it may be well to review briefly the different acts in the rite performed on this day.
BaltSe is made in advance and purified by burning incense and heating the grains of corn beside the log.
Early in the morning of this third day, earthen dishes con- taining tamales made simply of corn (norwa) are placed in front of the lines of incense-burners, both large and small.
The jar is filled with baltSe and from this thirteen jicaras are filled and placed on the altar of leaves (PI. XXVII, Fig. 1). The leader in his chant designates which jicara shall go in front of each brasero and whether it is for the god himself or to be carried by him to NohotSakyum. The shell trumpet is then blown and the jar refilled.
Six more gourds are furnished with baltSe and, with a rolled leaf, a particle is taken from each of the Jicaras and placed in a single gourd from which all the incense-burners are fed. The chant is the same as at the previous rite (No. 44), with the ex- ception of the words addressed to each of the hraseritos (No. 45). The olla of Usukun at the east of the hut and those of the gods not taking part in the ceremony on the shelf are also given an offering of the ceremonial drink.
The nodules of copal prepared in advance are sprinkled with the baltSe, and an offering of the drink is held up to the head represented by a few red lines on the ceremonial jar. A short formula is said at this time (No. 46).
The jicaras around the jar are distributed to those present, who chant (No. 27) and spatter a small portion of the contents before drinking.
The first of the tobacco of the year is used in making an offering of cigars. Each is lighted in the new fire, held for a
RELIGION OF THE LACAND0NE8 143
moment in front of the mouth of one of the sacred ollas ^ (Chant No. 47), and finally leaned up against the head of the incense- burner to which it has been offered (PL XXI, Fig. 1). Every product of the field must thus first be offered to the gods before it can be serviceable for common use.
The braseros and braseritos are again administered baltle, after which the leader sprinkles the lines of ollas with the liquid. A short chant is made at the same time (No. 23).
Each man present is now given a second jicara of baltSe from those around the jar, for his own consumption.
A slow chant (No. 29) is repeated as the heads of the incense- burners are fed still again, and the jicaras around the jar are distributed a third time to the par- ticipants in the rite. The ollas are fed again from new gourds filled with baltSe from the jar.
Jicaras of posol are next brought
in and offered to the gods. The
leader and his eldest son do this at
the same time, each holding a gourd
in each hand (Chant No. 68). The
tamales of corn and the posol offered
Fig. 49. at this time are made from the first Tro-Cort 88 b
corn of the year.
A potion of baltSe from the gourds around the jar is given to the braseros and braseritos. The first set oi jicaras placed on the altar of leaves still remain untouched. The brasero of Usukun and those on the shelf are not neglected in this re- peated offering of baltSe from the jar.
The leader, sitting behind the jar, repeats a slow chant (No. 29) as he dips the cigarette of leaves in the seyeral jicaras around the jar. With this roll he administers the liquid to the heads on the sacred ollas.
A single gourd of baltSe under which are two palm leaves
1 Cf . Fig. 49, where a god is sitting upon the sign of the earth (caban) and smoking.
144 MATAS AND LACANBONES
crossed at right angles is placed in the hands of the leader. He chants (No. 27) as the assistant spatters part of the con- tents with his fingers, and drinks.
The board of nodules is now offered at the east side of the hut as in previous rite. The bands of bark are taken from a large earthen olla^ where they have been colored, and are hung in front of the rows of sacred vessels.
The board is next offered to the hraseros inside the hut after being pointed to every one present. The chant is the same as before (No. 32). The bands of colored bark are now placed around the rims of the incense-burners. Each of the hraseros has at least one of the fillets, and the hraseritos have the bands stretching across their heads, one strip serving for three or four of the smaller class of ollas. A band is tied around the drum, and the hrasero of Usukun also receives a fillet.
The nodules of copal are next distributed in the bowls of the incense-burners (Chant No. 33). The offerings of baltSe are repeated until there is none remaining in the jar or in the hollow log.
Palm leaves are now given to each one present, and a new fire is made with which to light the copal in the incense-burners. During the burning of the incense, the bands of bark are laid at one side.
At the same time as the copal is being lighted, the different ollas are being painted, with the achiote^ together with the drum and the rattle. The leader and the others present are also painted in the same way as in a previous rite (p. 141).
The one who gives the feast closely followed by the other men, and the boys old enough, now approach the blazing ollas and hold their leaves in the smoke as they recite a prayer (No. 13).
Seven earthen dishes of cooked frejoles are now brought in and placed in front of the other offerings before the incense- burners. This is done without chanting. The gift is then offered by holding each dish up and making a prayer (No. 49). The corn tamales which were brought in at the very beginning
BELIGION OF THE LACAND0NE8 145
of the rite are also offered to the gods with the same chant. The frejoles as well as the corn of the tamales are the first of the season. This whole renewal ceremony might well be called an offering of the first fruits, as it is always held at the time of year when the tobacco, corn, 2indi frejoles are beginning to ripen.
The tamales and the frejoles^ after being placed and offered, are next ready to be administered to the different hraseros and hraseritos in behalf respectively of the gods and the lesser spir- its whom they represent. A small particle is taken from one or two tamales in each dish and a few beans from each vessel. The joint offering is then placed on the mouth of each of the incense-burners (Chant No. 50).
The first set of jicaras of baitSe remaining before the sacred ollas^ together with the dishes of tamales and frejoles^ are now distributed among the men present. Each exchanges a portion of the contents of each dish with each of the others, and, after the usual consecration of a portion to the gods, a general feast- ing begins.
The bands of bark and the cigars remain before the sacred ollas until morning, when they are distributed. The men wear the fillets and smoke the cigars (Fig. 49).
On the fourth day in the life of the new hraseros^ an offering of posol is made. Into each jicara of the drink as it is being made there is added a ball of corn, ground and roasted. Such an offering is called sSkha. The rite differs in no way from the regular ^osoZ ceremony previously described (p. 118).
On the fifth day, posol of the usual kind is offered to the gods. Cocoa berries are ground, and a part of the ground cocoa is added to each jicara of the posol and the whole frothed by the wooden beater.
The sixth day is marked by an offering of posol with the balls of roasted corn, the same kind of gift as is given on the fourth day.
On the seventh and final day of the ceremony of consecrating the new incense-burners, the offering oi posol and cocoa is made in the exact order as in all the other rites in which posol is given
146 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
to the gods. At the conclusion of the act, when the jicaras of posol have been distributed to those present, the leader stands behind the assistant and each of the others and repeats a for- mula (No. 15). The assistant then says the same words behind the leader. This simple act is really the end of the ceremony.
Nothing more remains to be done but to place the incense- burners in the places on the shelf formerly occupied by the old hraseros when there was no rite in progress. The seven new and freshly painted ollas are, accordingly, deposited on the shelf in two rows. The braseritos are placed on a shelf at the northwest corner of the hut until there is opportunity to carry them and deposit them in their final resting-place together with the old and dead hraseros. Great care is observed in placing the ollas on the shelves. The heads of the bowls are never for an instant turned in any other direction than toward the east. The olla with the projecting arm is wrapped in a banana leaf and tied with a band of the colored bark. All the palm leaves on which the incense-burners rest during the progress of the rites are gathered up into a pile with the stems pointing toward the south. The ground on which the seven ollas of the main gods have rested is swept with the utmost care, and every particle of copal ash fallen on the leaves is collected and made into a bundle. The leaves and sweepings are carried and deposited on a pile (tSak) at the north of the sacred hut containing all the refuse from the ceremonies for years past.^
On the day following the last offering of the consecration rites, the old and dead incense-burners of the previous year, which for the past seven days have remained undisturbed at the western side of the hut, are carefully placed in carrying nets, together with the olla with the projecting arm, and the earthen drum, which is also considered to be dead. The men then take these nets, with their contents, on their backs (PI. XXVII, Fig. 2) and go to a cliff a short distance to the west of the encampment. Here they leave the dead hraseros at the bot-
1 Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XL, p. 278 : " Varrian sus casas y la vasura y estos peltrechos viejos echavanlo fuera del pueblo al muladar y nadie . . . tocava a ello. "
RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 147
torn of a large mass of rocks and place the olla with the project- ing arm above the others on a higher part of the ledge. These incense-burners have ceased to be of service, and their places have been taken by the new hraseros containing the stone idols taken from the former. Travelers who report finds of incense- vessels may well have happened to find these depositing places of the old and dead ollas^ deprived of the idols they once had. There is no chanting when this final act is carried out.
The braseritos used in the consecration rite are taken in the same way to a place on the shore of Lake Petha, where they are also hidden under a cliff.^
With this act the ceremony is over and the men turn their attention to making the new fields for the next crop. The new hraseros have been installed, and when they are not in use in any of the rites, they remain on the suspended shelf. There is no more occasion therefore for the men sleeping in the sacred hut as was necessary when the hraseros and all the smaller ollas remained constantly, day and night, upon the altar of palm leaves.
It must not be supposed that, now that the installation of the new incense-burners with their idols has been completed and the old ones disposed of, there is an end for a time to the rites. The new hraseros are used in the performance of ceremonies at very frequent intervals.
When any long journey is to be undertaken, the gods are first of all appealed to. A board of nodules of copal is made and purified as has been described (p. 125). This is offered in a slow chant (No. 32) to the gods, and the nodules are then distributed in the hraseros of certain of the gods known to be well disposed toward the undertaking. This is ascertained by one of the acts of divination (p. 99). One of the men chants (No. 51) over the smoke of the burning copal as he waves the regular bundle of palm leaves. If the person who is to make
1 Each settlement probably has a special place of its own where the dead hraseros are deposited.
148 MAYAS AND LACANBONES
the journey is a woman, the man carries the leaves to the do- mestic hut, where the woman is waiting. He chants (No. 51) over her as he taps her feet with the leaves. In some instances a more elaborate rite is undertaken at this time. Posol is made and offered in addition to the gift of incense.
The simple burning of rough pieces of copal in the braseros may be undertaken in order to invigorate some leaves to be used in curing some simple ailment.
As has been stated (p. 81), the Lacandones are in the habit of making pilgrimages to the spots where they believe their gods to live. These journeys are not uncommon to the homes of gods whose dwellings are in the neighborhood of the encamp- ment in question. The people living near Lake Petha are in the habit of visiting the shrine of the god loananohqu, who lives in an immense cliff on the shore of the lake. These trips are undertaken from a spirit of devotion to the god and a desire for protection from the evils of the spiritual world, which this god is able to grant. As will be seen from the nature of the chants used in the rites of the Lacandones, there is, in addition, the idea of thankfulness for past and present favors.
Inasmuch as one of these pilgrimages was witnessed, it may be well to describe it in detail. The start was made from the encampment about five in the morning. The father of the family led the way along the narrow trail. He carried most of the materials for making the sacrifice in a net on his back, sus- pended by a strap from" the forehead. The eldest son came next with his bow and arrows. He had a burden in proportion to his years. He was followed by his two sisters, each of whom had loads of greater proportions than their ages w^arranted. The wife drew up in the rear. She had the youngest boy in her arms and another on her back in a net suspended b}^ a strap across the forehead. After about two hours of walking, the side of the lake was reached. All embarked in one of the native canoes for the cliff where the god lived. This proved to be the rock which has been described as having on its face a painting of a double-headed serpent (Fig. 16, p. 68).
BELIGION OF THE LACANB0NE8 149
Close beside the figure on the cliff there is a large crevice in the face of the rock, said to be the entrance to the home of the god. It was in this cavelike formation that the sacrifices were made in honor of loananohqu. The greatest solemnity characterized the ceremony. The god was supposed actually to be present during the performance of the rite. The writer was not allowed to land from the canoe, nor were any of the family other than the father and the eldest son, who carried out the ceremony. As the water was very low in the lake, the canoe was some distance below the ledge of rocks serving as an altar. It could not be seen whether or not there were any hraseros used in connection with the rite. There were certainly none carried from the encampment. It is quite probable that one or more of the hraseritos were used in the rite as the conveyers of the offering to the god. The whole face of the rock was heavily smoked, showing that these pilgrimages were not uncommon.
The ceremony followed the same general lines as the others which have been described. The offering, owing to the distance and the difficulty of bringing anything liquid, consisted only of nodules of copal and buliwa.
The father held up the dishes containing the tamales of corn and frejoles^ and gave the customary chant (No. 28). The nodules of copal were made on the spot and arranged on a board which was kept on the ledge for the purpose. This board of copal was held up and offered in the usual way, and the copal then distributed in two clusters on the rocky ledge. A particle from the middle of each buliwa was also placed on the ledge, after which the gum was lighted and the leaves held in the smoke. A prayer directed especially to loananohqu was made.^
After the leaves had been impregnated with the virtues of the god by holding them in the smoke of the incense burned to him, the father came down to the boat with the leaves and chanted in turn over each member of his family. He then re- turned to the cliff, where he prayed for a short time longer. After the father and son had eaten several of the tamales given 1 1 was unable to obtain the text of this chant.
150 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
to the god, they came down to the canoe, bringing the remainder of the offering. All then joined in eating the buliwa, which was the only thing they had brought to eat. The actual rite did not last longer than two hours, and the rest of the day was spent in hunting turtle eggs and fishing.
The daily thought and life of the Lacandones are centered around the religious element. An instance of this is seen in an incident witnessed by the writer. The father, the head of the encampment and the leader in the preceding rite, together with his family, was on his way to the neighboring settlement of the Indians. He was some distance in advance of the wife and children. As he stopped to wait for them, he gathered a palm leaf, pulled off the lowermost petal, and tore a shred lengthwise from the leaf. Rolling the leaf between the palms of his hands, he performed the divinatory rit^ described (p. 100) in order to receive an answer to questions which were troubling him. The chant used in this rite showed the cause of his anxiety to be his son, whom he feared would not live to grow up.
There is a ceremony observed just before a mother is deliv- ered of a child. The father offers the usual offerings to the gods and prays for a safe delivery, for the recovery of the mother, and the life and growth of the child. He asks for the good health of the mother and child during the period of suckling (utSukutSutS), for freedom of fear for the child, and finally the power of walking.
RELIGION OF THE MAYAS
The surprise is not great at finding survivals of ancient be- liefs as described by the early Spanish priests and historians among the Lacandones, who have been more free from outside influence than almost any other people of Mexico and Central America; but among the practically civilized Mayas of Yucatan, one is indeed amazed to find so much still remaining of the an- cient religion under what at first appears to be a most rigid conformation to the beliefs of the Roman Catholic Church.
In the less populated districts one can find rites being cele- brated similar in a great part to some of the ceremonies found among the Lacandones, but with the addition of a cross of wood set up before the offering to carry out the idea received from their Catholic teachers. The symbol of the cross seems to free the rite of any heretical character that it might possess from the standpoint of the Catholic clergy. Many of the early Spanish accounts speak of the first population of Yuca- tan as not being worshipers of idols, but as possessing religion not differing greatly from that introduced by the Spaniards.^ This idea evidently is a result of the Spanish teaching.
There is one great cause for the success which crowned the efforts of the early Spanish missionaries in establishing a new forn; of worship in Yucatan. Instead of introducing an en- tirely new set of ideas and strange forms of devotion into the country, the old ideas were used as a foundation on which to build the new teaching. The rites native to the country were
1 Cf. " Kelacidn de Quizil y Sitipeche," 1900, Vol. XL, p. 215 : "... Los prim- eros pobladores de chihinisa no fueron ydolatras hasta que Rul Rau capitain mexicano entro en estas partes el qual enseno la ydolatria o la nesesidad come ellos dizen los enseno a ydolatrar — tubieron notizia de un criador de todas las cosas de la criazion del cielo y de la tierra y de la cayda de lusifer de la ynmor- talidad del any ma y del 9ielo y del ynfierno y del delubio general."
151
152 MATAS AND LACAND0NE8
changed until they agreed more or less faithfully with those of the new religion.
We may certainly question the accuracy of some of the early accounts of the missionaries concerning the speed with which the natives threw aside the religion of their race and adopted that of the Conquerors. The early priests without ex- ception speak of the ease with which the natives were induced to discard their former religious ideas. It was probably not until the Mayas were greatly weakened by the continued attacks of the enemy and after years of submission to the su- perior force that the Catholic religion was in any way established in the country. In the accounts of the immense numbers of baptisms administered to the native race there can be placed little reliance, as undoubtedly there were a large number of " repeaters, " as each new convert usually obtained from the hands of the king's missionaries certain gifts in the way of clothing.
In the cities and towns throughout Yucatan there are churches and cathedrals. In the smaller villages, the priests come but once a year to christen children, to hear confession, and to bless unions that have already taken place. In many of the smaller settlements in the interior, even the yearly visit is done away with, and the natives live without the slight restraining influence of the padre. Each hut has its santo^ which usually consists of the picture of the Virgin Mary. Saint days are celebrated often with a grand carousal, which sometimes assumes grand proportions. At frequent intervals along every road and trail, crosses of wood have been erected. When travelers pass a new cross, they always deposit a stone or pebble at the base. The natives touch their hats when passing one of the crosses. Yucatan is thus virtually a Catholic country. Underneath this, however, there is much that is fundamentally native in their religious ideas.
Landa and the other early priests and historians give a large amount of material on the ceremonial life of the Mayas, the yearly festivals and those celebrated in the different months
BELIGION OF THE MAYAS 153
of the Maya year, but, as in the case with the Lacandones, it will be possible to take up only those forms of rites which seem to show some connection with those carried on at the present time. I shall also enter upon a discussion of the early ideas of the mythology of the Mayas found recorded in the early histo- ries only in so far as they touch upon the beliefs of th6 present day.
With a knowledge of the most important of the rites of the Lacandones, it will be interesting to take a survey of a few of the ceremonies now carried on in some of the less populated dis- tricts of the peninsula. These usually have no close connection with the affairs of the Church, although they are recognized by the priests and are not openly prohibited, inasmuch as these rites, as I have before noted, are freed from possessing any heretical character by having the symbol of the cross interwoven in their structure together with the names of several of the Catholic saints.
In order to understand the ceremonies, it will be well to know something of the cosmical conceptions of the Mayas of the present time. According to the information obtained from the Mayas in the vicinity of Valladolid, this world is now in the fourth period of its existence. In the first epoch there lived the Saiyamwinkoob, the Adjusters. These composed the primi- tive race of Yucatan. They were dwarfs and were the ones who built the ruins. This work was all done in darkness be- fore there was any sun. As soon as the sun appeared, these people turned to stone. Their images are found to-day in many of the ruins (PI. XXVIII). It was at this period that there was a road suspended in the sky, stretching from Tuloom and Coba to Chichen Itza and Uxmal. This pathway was called kuSansum or sXbke (white road). It was in the nature of a large rope (sum) supposed to be living (kusan) and in the middle flowed blood. It was by this rope that the food was sent to the ancient rulers who lived in the structures now in ruins. For some reason this rope was cut, the blood flowed out, and the rope vanished forever. This first epoch was separated
154 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
from the second by a flood called Haiyoqokab (water over the earth).
In the second period of the history of the earth there lived the " oolob," the Offenders. Again a flood destroyed the greater part of the world, after which the Masehualli, or Mayas of the present time, came into power. Still again there was a flood which gave way to the fourth period. In this last epoch, there is a mixture of all the previous peoples inhabiting Yucatan. This last flood was called "hunyekil," or "bulkabal" (the im- merging)- The Catholic priests take advantage of this belief in the various epochs to teach that, in the last flood, all the spirits of the race were killed excepting three who escaped in a canoe, " Dios yumbil^ Dios mehenhil^ and Dios Espirito Santo^'''' the Maya expression for the Trinity.
The Masehualli, or Mayas of the present time, state that their ancestors were among those who lived in the first period of the earth's history.
According to the natives of Yucatan, there are seven heavens above the earth, each of which has a hole in the center, one di- rectly above the other. According to one idea, a giant ceiha (yaStSe), growing in the exact center of the earth, rears its branches through the successive holes in the heavens until it reaches the seventh, where ^^ El Gran Dios^^ of the Spaniards lives. It is by means of this tree ^ that the dead spirits ascend from one world to the other until they reach the topmost one, where they finally remain. Another explanation is that there is a ladder made of vines running from the earth up through the holes in the heavens to the seventh, and it is by this vine that the souls ascend.
Below the topmost plain occupied by the God introduced by
1 The ceiba tree (Bombox ceiha) plays a great part in the mythology of the Mayas. One was supposed to have grown in Valladolid. It was cut down, but it grew again and had four branches, one for each of the cardinal points. A cenote was directly beneath the tree. A hawk lived in the topmost branch, the spirit of the tree. The bird's cry was " sukl, sukf," and this was the name given to the town, which later was changed by the Spaniards to Valladolid. For a probable representation of this tree, see Codex Tro-Cortesianus, pp. 75, 76.
RELIGION OF THE MAYAS 155
the Spaniards, in the sixth heaven, there lives a class of spirits called NukutSyumtSakob.i The former gods of the Mayas have been relegated to the role of spirits under the dominion of Ul Gran Dios, In many cases, where among the Lacandones there is found a single god, among the Mayas of the present time there is a class of spirits. One of these spirits, called Nukut- SyumtSakob, would be called NohotSyumtSak,^ and it is this term, witli a change in the arrangement of the syllables, No- hotg(tS)akyum, that we have found given to the main god of the Lacandones (p. 93). Among the Mayas this class of spirits is also called Aoenuloob, or simply YumtSakob. They are regarded as old, white-haired, and as having beards. They are described as being very fond of smoking. These are gods of rain and carry out the commands of the God of the seventh heaven. In addition to these attributes they are the protectors of human beings. According to the early authorities, the rain gods were called " TSak " (written Chac). A rite for rain is still carried on by the Mayas. It is called by the reduplicated term tSatSak (p. 162).
On the fifth plain above the earth reside the protecting spirits of the milpaB or fields, Qu^ob, and of the forest, A^kananqaSob.^ YumqaS (written Yumkash) is given as a god of the fields among the early Mayas. To each of these classes of spirits rites are performed which will be described later.
The fourth heaven is occupied by a class of spirits called A^kananbaltSeob. This word has the meaning " the protectors of the animals."
In the third heaven live the spirits who are not well disposed toward man, A^qaqasbalob.*
The gods of the winds live on the second plain: A^^laqinqu,
1 They are called by the Spanish name regaderos^ from the verb regar, to water, to moisten.
2 Nukuti is the plural form of the adjective nohoti, meaning great.
8 The a^ seen in many of these proper names is the masculine prefix, con- trasted with the feminine form S.
* This word is made from the reduplicated form of the adjective meaning bad, qas.
156 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
god of the east wind, A^tSiqinqu, god of the west wind, A^noholqinqu, god of the south wind, and A^Samanqinqu, god of the north wind. The early Mayas had a spirit of the wind called Iq (written Ik).
In the first heaven above the earth lived the Yumbalamob. They are for the special protection of '' cristianos.'" They are invisible during the day, but at night they are awake and remain seated at the crosses set up at the entrance of the pueblos. There are four of the Yumbalamob, one for each of the cardinal points. They mount guard over the town and protect the peo- ple from the animals of the forest and other dangers. The pieces of worked obsidian often found throughout Yucatan are supposed to have been used by the Balamob to cut through the wind, and by the sounds thus produced to make signs to their companions stationed at the other entrances to the town. These obsidian flakes are also used to hurl at animals who are about to attack men.
Below the earth is the abode of Kisin, the earthquake and god of the underworld (metnal). He is a god of evil. The YumtSakob send down the rain which refreshes the earth. This makes the ground cold and uncomfortable for Kisin, so that he makes a wind in the sky to drive away the rain clouds. It is in this underworld that the spirits of those live who have com- mitted suicide by throwing themselves into a eenote} or by some other means. The spirits of all people who die go here for a short time, after which they pass through the several heavens, finally arriving at the seventh, where they live in happiness forever. The souls (piSan) of men who have died in war and of women who have died in childbirth go directly to the upper world, without the intermediate residence in metnal. The Mayas have always believed in a future life, but it is hard to tell how much influence the Catholic teaching has had on the ideas they now entertain.
The soul of a dead person is called piSan. This is the same
1 This would seem to be the most common form of voluntary death.
BELIGION OF THE MAYAS 157
term used by the Lacandones. The god who conducts the spirit of the dead to the several abodes is called TSasapiSan. Among the Lacandones, we have seen (p. 47) how the spirit is provided with food for the journey. Among the Mayas as well food is placed on the grave to provide for the welfare of the spirit until it reaches the seventh heaven. It is believed that a priest will come at the end of the world, and by the sense of smell he will separate the true Indians from those of mixed blood.
In addition to the gods whose names have been given as inhabiting the different heavens, there are a number of other spirits whose attributes vary, and who are supposed to live in one of the several abodes of the gods.
A^qinSok is described as owner of the days. The spirits who have protection over the bees are called KananSuSob, and the owners of the medicinal herbs are named Sitbolontun. Brinton gives this same term to the gods of medicine. Suhuiqaq is the spirit of the new fire, a god of healing. The Lacandone god, Qaq, may be identified with this god of the Mayas. A^kuStal is the god of birth. The mythical serpent, Ququlkan, of the Lacandones is called Quqikan among the Mayas. • It is described as a many-headed snake living in the sky. At intervals it comes to the earth to a place below the home of the red ants (sai). A^makiq (the one who locks up the wind) is a spirit to whom an appeal is made when there are very strong winds working damage to the crops.
As among the Lacandones, the thunder is called tanupekqu. The gods of rain, YumtSakob, are said to be rushing everywhere in a storm, and they use the thunder to announce their coming. The lightning, tanuhaoqu, is the whip with which they lash their horses. The rain gods carry bows and arrows and often fell trees in their journeys. Sometimes the points of their arrows are found in the midst of the forest. This is the ex- planation given when a meteorite is found. Among some of the Mayas, it is believed that where a meteorite ^ falls, there a 1 Tiinqaq, literally suspended fire.
158 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
lake will afterward be found filled with alligators. As has been noted, the YumtSakoq are great smokers. Comets are explained as the cigars which are being thrown away by the rain gods.
As among the Lacandones, both the sun and his consort, the moon, are regarded as servants of the main god. The deities themselves never do any real work, and as the sun and moon are continually in motion, they cannot be regarded as anything more than servants. It is considered a bad sign to point to the sun or moon. When the sun or moon is in eclipse, it is believed that an evil being (qaqasbal) is biting them.^ A great noise is made to frighten the animal away. The children are struck so that they will cry .2 No trace of this idea can be found among the Lacandones. The former belief that a great noise must be made is found among the Mexicans. Its origin may possibly be traced to them.
There are a great number of spirits among the Mayas of the present time who are ill-disposed toward men. Stabai is a term used both by the Lacandones and the Mayas both now and at the time of the Conquest. It is given by Brasseur de Bourbourg as a god of the chase. Among the Lacandones, it is a goddess residing in the rocks of the forest. Among the Mayas, it is the name given to a class of demons of snake form living in caves. They lie in wait, ready to spring out in human form and capture men. These they carry into the underworld, or throw them into a cenote. They are sometimes female in form, and sit in the forks of trees combing their hair. The YoyoltSe are in the same class as the Stabai. Each of their steps is half a league in length. They walk in the night and shake the houses as they pass. The Pulahoob ^ are a class of spirits corresponding
1 When the sun is in eclipse, the expression is tun tSibi Yumqin.
2Cf. Cogolludo, 1688, Bk. IV, Chap. 4: "En los eclipses de Sol, y Luna, usan por tradition de sus passados, hazer que sus perror ahuUen, 6 lloren, pellizcandolos el cuerpo, 5 las orejas, y d^n golpes en las tablas, y bancos, y puerta. Dizen que la Luna se muere, 6 la pican un genero de hormiga, que llaman Xulab." For similar account, see Aguilar, 1638, p. 73.
8 Literally Pulahoob means the throwers out. The Spanish term is hechicero, a witch.
Cf. Aguilar, 1639, p. 74: " Tambien ay Indios hechizeros que con ensalmas
RELIGION OF THE MAYAS 159
to our idea of witches. They are employed to work evil toward wrongdoers. Their power can be exerted only over evil. If a person is supposed to be a murderer, and the family of the murdered man want him killed if he be the guilty one, one of the hechiceros (pulahoob) is invoked, and a small human figure in clay is made. In this effigy a thorn is placed either in the head or heart. This is then secretly buried in the door- way of the supposed murderer's hut. As he passes over it, he immediately becomes ill. If the man in question is guilty, he dies ; otherwise he recovers. If one desires to send calentura to punish a wrongdoer, chili is rubbed on the clay figure to be buried. Another method of punishing a culprit is to place poison in his food, other than in anything made of corn. This composes the main offering of food made to the gods, and there- fore is not suited to be used in such a connection. If the per- son who eats the poisoned food is guilty, vomiting forth tarantulas, snakes, earth, ashes, and pieces of crystal, he finally dies in great agony. If, on the other hand, he is innocent, the poison does him no harm.
The spirits of cold, Yumikeel, and of heat, Yumqaq or YumtaSkwil, are evil in nature. They are the ones who send fevers of many kinds. There is a spirit, called Faqok, who wanders around in the night and attacks women. There are spirits of evil everywhere and all are waiting to work harm unless certain charms are carried and rites performed to coun- teract their mischievous inclinations.
Ceremonies. — There are no remains of idols among the Mayas. Incense-burners are found, but they are simple bowls with no suggestion of a head attached, as we have seen exist- ing among the Lacandones. Some of the incense-burners are made in the form of animals with the bowl for burning copal
curan a las mordidos, o picados de viboras, y culebras, que ay infinitas de casca- bel ; los quales rabian, y se les pudren, las carnes, y mueren. Y el remedio, que les di, por averlo oido, es que bevan escrementos de hombre, o el 9111110 de limones ..."
160 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
on the back of the creature (cf. PI. XIX, Fig. 1). The Santas'^ possessed by the Mayas of the present time are furnished by the Catholic Church. There is a rite, much of which is native in character, now carried on before these pictures of the saints which have taken the place of the idols of the Lacandones. This rite is called hahaltan. Clay incense-burners are made in a bowl shape and in these live coals and copal are placed. Palm leaves are used to scatter the smoke of the incense, but not, as among the Lacandones, to carry away any of the beneficial effect of the presence of the god (p. 121). The priest or leader of the rite takes the bowl of smoking incense in his hand as he prays. When there is no olla, a piece of bark is used in which to burn the copal. A hotSilip is made as a further offering to the santo. This is a pole on which there are a graduated series of shelves or platforms, the smaller being at the top. Each of these shelves holds offerings of food for the santo, among which are figures of birds made of bread (tSitSiwa).
A ceremony of thanksgiving (uhanlikol^) is performed among the Mayas similar in some respects to that existing among the Lacandones at the time when the first fruits of the milpa are offered to the gods (p. 103). This rite among the Mayas is celebrated in the field after the harvest of corn is gathered. BaltSe, similar in all respects to that made by the Lacandones, is made at a place somewhere outside the domestic hut several days before the rite is to occur. Chili is added to the honey and the baltSe bark. Nine jicaras of the drink are prepared and a pile of large and thick tortillas (tutiwa). Between each two of the tortillas there are placed either frejoles, cooked and mashed, or pepita (sikil), the seeds of the calahasa. On the topmost tortilla of this sandwich-like mass, a cross is made with the pressure of the finger. This tutiwa is then placed in the
1 This is the same word used among the Mexicans of Chiapas in referring to the incense-burners of the Lacandones.
2 This term is formed from the root of the verb to eat, banal, and the word for milpa, kol. Literally, it means the milpa, its offering of food.
BELIGION OF THE MAYAS 161
middle of a table in the field where the corn is grown. Around this pile of nine tortillas, dishes of deer meat are placed, together with cigars made of the first tobacco of the year rolled in corn husks, and the nine Jicaras of baltse. In addition to these offerings, several tortillas are placed in a large earthen olla and on top of these a meat soup is poured together with baitSe, finally the livers of several chickens are deposited on top of the mass in the olla and above these the two feet of a hen.i
A bit of the contents of each of the dishes is thrown to the east, south, west, and north as a gift to the spirits residing in the four quarters of the sky. A chant is then made, and all the saints of each pueblo are invited to come and partake of the offering. After the prayer, each man comes, and, as he kneels down in front of the table, the priest places a part of the tortilla in his mouth and gives him some of the baltSe to drink. Here we find the transition stage between the rite as described as performed among the Lacandones (p. 130) and the office of communion as carried out by the Christian Church. A dish of the meat and a piece of the tutiwa are finally given to each one present, when the regular feasting begins.
As among the Lacandones, the daily routine of life is filled with religious rites which recur as uniformly as the seasons. Toward the close of the period of drought, before the milpa can be burned properly, a rite must be performed invoking the spirits of the wind to come so that the fire may spread and a good burning be the result. This rite is called usSkaikol.^ A shelf is made in the milpa of poles stretching between the trees. On this, facing the east, nine Jicaras of posol are placed (PI. XIX, Fig. 1). Directly behind the gourds of posol, a cross of two sticks is set up in the ground (PI. XIX, Fig. 2).
1 Cf. Landa, 1864, p. 254 : " En medio ponian un gran manojo de varillas secas atadas, y enhiestas, y quemando primero de su encienso en el brazero, pegavan fuego a las varillas, y en tanto que ardian, sacavan con liberalidad los eora- 9ones a las aves y animales, y echavanlos a quemar en el fuego."
2 Literally, the meaning is the milpa (kol), its offering of posol (sSka). This posol must be made of the corn from the ends of the cob.
162 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
This serves as a medium by which the posol is given to the spirit owners of the field, Ahkananqasob.
This offering is left for a few hours and the fires are started. After they are well under way, the burners return to the offer- ing of posol and the owner of the milpa spatters with the end of a leaf a particle of the contents of each jicara to the east, south, west, and north. There is no chant in this rite. After the spirits in the four cardinal points have thus been given an offering, the posol is drunk and the work of burning continues.
A similar offering of posol is often made after the corn is planted. This is to propitiate the rain gods, YumtSakob, so that they will come and bring the rain.
A more general ceremony for rain, called tSatSak, is entered into by all the people of a pueblo at the time of a great drought. Each contributes his share of corn, honey, frejoles, and pepita. The corn is ground and made into nine large tortillas^ and the other gifts are placed between the different tortillas. This offering, together with dishes of meat, is placed in a field as in the rite of uhanlikol. lAU the men then make a noise like the toads (muts), after which a small portion of the offerings is scattered to the four cardinal points. A general feasting then begins.
A simple offering of posol is made near the house before the departure on any extended hunting trip. The posol is for the owners of the animals, A^kanabaltSeob. This rite is called us&kaipon.^ A short chant is made at the departure and again on the return.
There is a rather elaborate ceremony carried out, usually in January, in behalf of the cattle. This is called by the half Maya, half Spanish, name Locorral.'^ This rite, now performed for the domestic herds, probably had its rise in a similar rite directed to slightly different ends. A quantity of baltSe is made and a pole (pabitSe) is planted in the center of the corral. "Wantul, the spirit who guards the cattle, is supposed to come
1 Literally, the meaning is the gun (oon), its (u) offering of posol (saka). 2Cf. Garcia, 1905, pp. 63-68.
RELIGION OF THE MAYAS 163
and haver around the pole during the celebration of the rite. The lasso (tapkani) of Wantul, made of a hejuco, is placed on the pole. A man goes far into the forest with a gourd of baltSe. He bellows like an ox as he goes along. Two vaqueros go in search of the ox-man. As soon as they find him, they lasso him and bring him back to the corral. He is tied to the pole, after which he is released and immediately begins to kick and behave in the manner of a wild bull. He is lassoed again and is given twenty-five cuts with the end of the lariat. All the men present also strike the unruly ox-man. The priest then recites a short chant. He spatters the baltSe carried by the man who impersonates the ox in the direction of the four cardinal points and then gives it to all those present, when the rite closes.
There is a ceremony in behalf of the caretakers of the bees, UkananSuSob, called Uhanlikab. Posol is placed in the jicaras in the same way as in the rite in the milpa (p. 160).
The rites of divination are no less important a factor in the life of the Maya of the present time than in that of the Lacandone. The Catholic priests have done much to stamp out this custom, but it is to be found, however, as are many of the other rites, only in the less densely populated parts of the peninsula. All the divinatory rites must necessarily be per- formed by a man skilled in the use of the different means of divination. This class of men is called in Spanish yerhateros^ and in Maya men, meaning to understand, to know how. It is they who are skilled in the use of the herbs and medicines of the country. They are also versed in the means employed to look into the future and forecast coming events.
The most common way to predict the future is by a crystal (sastun or sashom), which is supposed to contain a virgin. The rock must first of all be awakened to consciousness. This is done by placing it in a vessel containing baltSe. The men then holds it to the light. Clouds may sometimes be seen in it, it is said, and in these the priest reads the future. When a crystal is lacking, eighteen grains of corn (wo^) are used in
164 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
much the same way. They are made to live by offering five jicares of posol for nine days to the Yumbalamob occupying the first heaven. After this, each grain is held up separately and examined before a lighted candle. They are then made into two groups of nine each and thrown on the floor. The men reads the future in the relative positions they take as they fall from his hand.
A ring is sometimes used for divination. It is placed in a vessel containing baltse, tobacco, and nine leaves of a tree called in Spanish hoja de viento. In the movements of the ring among the leaves, the future is foretold. In this again we find the number nine an important factor in the rite. In all the offer- ings there seem to be two Jicaras, two tortillas, two grains of corn, or two leaves for each of the four cardinal points, and one for the heavens directly above, thus making nine in all.
Sickness of many kinds is supposed to be cured by virtue of the properties contained in fire kindled by two sticks (p. 133). This new fire is called by the names of one of the gods, Suhuiqaq. A stone heated in this fire imbues water with a magical power to cure calentura.^
We find, as we have seen, much of importance still preserved in the life and customs of the natives of Yucatan and the country to the southward. I have tried to bring out through- out this paper the results of European contact upon what was once in all probability a homogeneous people, the Mayas under the influence of Spanish rule since the earliest days of the Conquest and the Lacandones who have singularly been left to themselves after the first vain attempts at Christianizing them.
The remarkable preservation of the native Maya language in Yucatan, together with the dress and many domestic customs, to say nothing of the survivals of the native religious ideas throughout the peninsula, points to a wonderful vitality, and to some inherent power against any change, which is possessed
1 Starr (1902, a, pp. 15-22) gives a number of cases of religious ideas among the Mayas at the present time regarding charms and the cure of diseases. Cf. also Garcia, 1905, and 1905, a, and Palma y Palma, 1901.
RELIGION OF THE MAT AS 165
in a rare degree by the Mayas of Yucatan. If, in language, dress and in much of the religion, survivals are found among the civilized Mayas of the north, it may rightfully be expected that among the Lacandones, than whom no people in Mexico and Central America has been more free from outside influence, we should find a far closer relation between the former culture and that existing at the present time. I have tried to point out the more relevant of these survivals, the pilgrimages to the ruined cities, the use of the stone idols and clay incense-burners, the latter being renewed at certain intervals, the copal nodules found in the ruins and also in use to-day, the ear cut with the stone knife, compulsory drunkenness, survivals of the names of many of the gods, identity of rites pictured in the codices with those celebrated at the present time, and the similarity in the character of the offerings. Thus we might go on find- ing more and more examples of survivals in the life of the Mayas and the Lacandones. But in spite of all this, the Mayas, and more especially the Lacandones, are very low in the scale of culture. They have no creative genius whatso- ever, nor have they appreciation for anything artistic. If these people are the descendants of those of master minds who con- ceived and carried out the ancient culture found throughout the country, it is hard to explain why the temples and sculp- tures in their midst do not serve to keep up or even to revive any latent power which it would seem they ought to possess. But among the Lacandones and Mayas as well, there is no one, as far as can be made out, who is able to give us the slightest possible aid in deciphering the hieroglyphic inscriptions. Their mind is a blank upon this subject, not, I am sure, from any desire of secrecy, but from absolute ignorance. I have tried in every way that human ingenuity can devise to test the Lacandones on their knowledge of the hieroglyphic writing, and all without results. I then repeat, that I feel positive that it is not due to an unwillingness to disclose knowledge forbidden to an outsider, but to pure ignorance, that my attempts have met with failure.
166 MATAS AND LACANDONES
We have, I think, an explanation for this. The culture was far in its decline at the time of the Spanish Conquest. Some of the ruined cities in northern and eastern Yucatan were un- doubtedly occupied at this time, but to the southward, the ruined centers of Copan, Quirigua, and Palenque were buried in the depths of the forest, and all their life and activities had ceased long before the Spaniards came into the country. In- tense civil strife and warfare with the Nahuas and more bar- baric tribes to the north and with the Central American tribes to the south were one of the causes of this decline in the life of the Mayas. But there is another reason, which goes far towards explaining the ignorance of the Lacandones of any- thing pertaining to the question of the hieroglyphs. The early Spanish accounts speak almost without exception of this knowledge of the hieroglyphic writing being a possession only of the priestly class and of a few of the nobles, and conversely, that it was not shared by the common people.^ The priests
1 Lizana, 1633 (quoted by Brinton, 1882, a, p. xxi): "La historia y autores que podemos alegar son unos antiguos caracteres, inal entendidos de muchos, y glossados de unos indios antiguos, que son hijos de los sacerdotes de sus dioses, que son los que solo sabian leer y adivinar, y a quien creian y reverenciavan como a Dioses destos."
Ponce, p. 392 : " Estas letras y caracteras no las entendian, sino los sacerdotes de los idolos (que en aquella lengua se Hainan 'ahkines'), y algun indio principal."
Landa, 1864, p. 42 : " Que los de Yucatan fueron tan curiosos en las cosas de la religion como en las del govierno, y que tenian un gran sacerdote que llama- van Ahkin-Mai, y por otro nombre Ahau-Can-Mai, que quiere dezir el Sacer- dote Mai o el Gran Sacerdote Mai, y que este era muy reverenciado de los seilores el qual no tenia repartimiento de indios, pero que sin las offendas, le hazian presentes los senores y que todos los sacerdotes de los pueblos le con- tribuian : y que a este le succedian en la dignidad sus hijos y parientes mas cercanos, y que en este estava la Have de sus sciencias, y que en estas tratavan lo mas, y que davan consejo a los seiiores y respuestas a sus preguntas ; y que cosas de los sacrificios pocas vezes las tratava sino en fiestas muy principales, o en negocios muy importantes ; y que este proveia de sacerdotes a los pueblos quando faltavan, examinandoles en sus sciencias y cerimonias, y que les encar- gava las cosas de sus officios y el buen exemplo del pueblo y proveya de sus libros y los embiava, y que estos attendian al servicio de los templos, y a en- sefiar sus sciencias y escrivir libros de ellas. Que enseiiavan los hijos de los sacer- dotes, y a los hijos segundos de los senores que llevavan para esto desde nifios, si veian se inclinavan a este officio. Que las sciencias que enseiiavan eran le
RELIGION OF THE MAYAS 167
and the members of the higher classes did not submit without a struggle to the conditions of practical slavery imposed upon them by the Spanish conquerors. Moreover it was the special desire of the Spanish priests to stamp out all remembrance of the native religion, and this was only possible by first putting an end to those possessing this dangerous knowledge. As a consequence we have at the present time no one remaining whose duty it is to keep alive this ancient teaching of the hieroglyphic writing.
On the other hand, the larger dependent class, without whose labor the great artificial pyramids and elaborate working in stone would have been impossible, would naturally have an acquaintance with the ceremonial side of the religion without possessing a knowledge of the fundamental conceptions under- lying it, as would be expressed by the hieroglyphic writing. This element in the population has as its descendant the Lacandones of the present time, who have kept up what there is yet remaining of the former rites. We find, as we have seen, the ceremonial side still existing in the many survivals, but as for explanations touching upon the deeper significance of the religion and reasons for the line of thought necessary to ex- plain the hieroglyphic writing, we meet with disappointment.
We pass from the long and slow beginnings in the far-dis- tant past to the culmination of the culture still in the past and far on its way downward when the first Spaniard set his foot on this continent. From the heights reached in the develop- ment of the hieroglyphic system and noted in the remains of the ruined structures found throughout Yucatan and Central America, we come to what we find to-day, a few scattered families living out their own lives, hidden in the depths of the forest, alone and forgotten.
cuenta de los anos, meses y dias, las fiestas y cerimonias, la administracion de sus sacramentos, los dias y tiempos fatales, sus maneras de adivinar y sus pro- phecias, los acaecimientos, y remedios para los males, y las antiguedades, y leer y escrivir con sus libros y carateres con los quales escrivian y con figuras que significavan las escrituras."
CHANTS TEXT AND TRANSLATION
No. 1
A set of bow and arrows offered to the gods when a boy arrives at the
age of puberty- He kin tSakuntiki u halal,^ Yume 3 I am about to redden his set of bow and arrows, O father. He u halal in oen* Yume T§ihi See his set of bow and arrows my son, oh father. When he is
ku qasi^ ketS. TSihi
grown, he will make offerings to you. When he is grown,
ku oa tetS huun Yume.
he will give you an offering of a fillet, oh father.
No. 2 Eclipse of sun
Sipt^k Yume 6 ma'^ ubalal hun
Most excellent father, do not permit to be hidden the one qaq.^ Hoqok t^ktal hen bortiketS
fire. Come out, warmth, I will pay you (with an offering),
sipt^k Yume. Hoqok t^ktal oroil, inwilik yum
most excellent father. Come out, warmth, poor, I see the god uiutan. Manan insipil. Ma tin takal,^
pinched. In nothing have I erred. I do not associate with
1 To make red spots of achiote as a sign that they are offered to the gods.
2 Uhal or uhalal is the same as uhulul, his set (Juego).
8 This is a title given to all the gods and refers to the one to whom the offer- ing in question is made.
4 From the word pentik to bring up, to rear. The sentence reads, see my son's set of bow and arrows.
s Literally, the meaning is growing up, he will remind you (by means of offerings).
6 This refers to Nohotiakyum, who has the sun for his servant.
■^ The negative has the idea of prohibition. The verb is in the passive.
8 This is a name given to the sun. He is also called Yumqin.
® The form t^kal is intransitive ; literally, I am not an associate.
170 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
Yume ma tin takik in lak^
any one, O father, I do not associate with my companions, O
Yume.
father.
No. 3
Divination for name of god whose presence is desired
QerqertSkanina ^ kai yal u tan ^ kani ^ kai
for him to tell his name in the sky, for him to
yal u tan tin qer ma umamao tani
tell his name in my hand, do not permit to be false the name
tin qer. Mat§ en pokbeni ^ u tan
in my hand. Take possession of me, to be received his name,
ma umamao tani tin qer kai yal
do not permit to be false the name in my hand, for him to tell
u tan kani odilan * yal u tan
his name in the sky, in the home of the gods, tell his name
tin qer yal u tan kani. Ma
in my hand, tell his name in the sky. Do not permit him tuoik en"^ tin qerki. Osilan yal u
to lie to me in my hand. In the home of the gods, tell his tan. Odilan pokben iqi^
word. In the home of the gods, to be received the message.
Mats en. KiantSe^ kolki, lo
Take possession of me. Inside (is) the stem
Ked yal u tan tin qer. Maben umulik
For him to tell his word in my hand. May he not hide it
1 Very often a plural form is not used when a plural sense is clearly shown.
2 This term is incapable of translation. It probably denotes the action of the divinatory rite. Qer is the word used among the Lacandones for hand rather than the usual form qab.
* The division into syllables is purely arbitrary.
* It is difficult in all cases to explain the addition of the vowel i at the end of words.
^ Pokben is equivalent to qamben.
* In Yucatan, the term oiilal is given to the home of the spirits who own the bees.
■^ Literally, to lie me. The form is transitive.
* Literally iq means the wind,
8 This word is omitted when the second form of the divinatory rite is under- taken. There are other slight differences.
i** The name of the god about whom the intelligence is desired is inserted at this place.
CHANTS 171
tin qer. Kukit5ker. Kuhaul
(the word) in my hand. He tells the truth. He is concluding u tan tin qer. Heu likike hei -wai yu tal. Kuhaul
his word in my hand. He will rise if it is good. He is con-
u tan tin qer. eluding his word in my hand.
No. 4
Divination for name of offering desired by the gods
TSulai Tva ku qatik^ yum.
An offering of posol if he may care jfor it, the god. An
TSula vra. ku oiboltik yum. Bal
offering of posol if he may desire it, the god. Anything (as)
u matan ku qatik, Yumki.^ Ba5 ku qatik, tdula?
his gift he may like, O god. What does he like, an offering
Bag ku oiboltik, tSula?
of posol f What does he desire, an offering of posol P He Heiulikil,* heiuyuStal.* Hen'^ bortiketS in
raises himself, he is reanimated. I will pay to you my offer-
tgula teti.
ing of posol to you.
No. 5
Distribution of copal in the hraseros during the process of the manufac- ture of the new incense-burners.
Tan in kubik ^ in pom ketS tiala
I am restoring my offering of copal to you for you (in turn) kubik tik'^ yum tiala nasikV
to restore it to the father (your master), for you to raise it up
1 Tliis is an example of the sort of chant given to ascertain if the god or gods are willing to accept an offering of posol. The name of the other offerings is inserted in this place in turn.
2 The idea is if he has a taste for it.
8 It is hard to explain the presence of the vocative when all the verbs are in the third person.
* This probably refers to the supposed readiness of the god in question to give an answer to the questioning.
^ Hen, a contraction for he-in.
^ The idea is of giving back as an offering of thanks and a prayer for con- tinued blessings a part of that originally sent by the gods.
' Kubik tik is equivalent to kubtik.
8 The food is given to the spirit represented by the alia who acts as a servant to carry the offering to the god represented by the idol within the olla.
^ Nasik is equivalent to naksik.
172 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
tik yum. Hen bortiketS in tSula tetS
to the father. I will pay you my offering of copal to you
uhel a kunya tiala kubtik yum.
again for your welfare for you to restore it to the father.
Hen bortiketS in tdula tetS tiala tilili.^
I will pay you my offering of copal to you for you yourself.
Tan in mertik in sil tetSki 2 ^hel a
I am making my gifts to you again for your
kunya. Bininkin ^ pok in sil tetS, ma tu
welfare. I am about to dry my gifts to you, may they not
buhul ma ulakal u hoi in sil
crumble, may they not separate (as to) their heads, my gifts
tetS,* ma tu wakal in sil tetS, ma tu
to you, may they not crack, my gifts to you, may they not paSal in sil tetS. II ^ in mertik in sil tetS,
break, my gifts to you. See me making my gifts to you, O Yume. Ma tu lubul tSakwilki. Bininkin pulik
god. May not fall (upon me) fever. I am about to place
etS yoko tumu lak.^ II in mertik in sil
you (the idol) in the new brasero. See me making my gifts
tetd uhel a kunya. II in mertik in sil
to you again for your welfare. See, I am making my gifts to tetd tia yol in palal. Ma u n^ktantik
you for the health (of) my children. May not trample (them) yahil, ma u n^ktantik keel,
under foot any harm, may not trample them under foot cold, ma u nSktantik tSakwil. Orqen, ta Sibal '^,^
may not trample them under foot fever. Enter, walk, a vrilik in pal, akune in pal.
see my son, cure my son.
1 A part of the offering is also given to the spirit of the brasero, represented by the head, for his own consumption.
2 The name of the god to whom the offering is being made is inserted here. ^ Literally, I am going.
* Freely, may the heads of my gifts to you not separate from the bowls.
^ II is the root of the verb to see. It is joined so closely to the personal pro- noun as almost to constitute one form of pronoun.
® Literally, olla.
■^ The quick change from the first infinitive to finite forms cannot be ex- plained.
^ Sibal is equivalent to dimbal.
CHANTS 173
No. 6
An offering of posol placed in jicaras before the line of hraseros
Tan in kubik in tdula tetd tial a kubik
I am restoring my offering of posol to you for you to restore tik yum.i it to father. (The remainder of the chant follows No. 5 in
the main.)
No. 7
An offering of posol administered to the hraseros
In tSula tetS ITume tan in lutgik ^
My offering of posol to you, O father, I am dipping out
ta tdi uhel akunya, tiala tal
upon your lip again for your welfare, for you to come and
akunik in palal, tiala yemen.^ Uboli a wok tiala
charm my sons, for you to descend. Retard your feet in order
^0v^ukik in tSula* tetS. In tSula
to drink my offering of posol to you. My offering of posol to tetS ITume, tan in oaik tet§ tiala kubik tik
you, O father, I am giving you for you to restore it to the yum. In tiula tetS Yume, tan in oaik
father. My offering of posol to you, O father, I am giving
teti tiala tilili uhel a kunya. TSae le
it to you for you yourself again for your welfare. Take this
tdula tiala kub tik yum. T^ae le
offering of posol for you to restore it to the father. Take this
tdula tiala tilili. Tiae le tdula
offering of posol for you yourself. Take this offering of posol
1 When an offering of posol is placed during the making of the milpa the chant is as follows : —
Tiliken kugtal in qas et§. Ma in tS^ in w^ok.
1 alone am enjoying life, I sacrifice to you. Do not allow me to cut my foot. Tan in mertik in kol. Tiani woli. Ma in lak
I am making my milpa. For this I have health. Do not allow the bottom of
tSete utSuntSe. Tan in mertik in kol, kuookul
my foot to injure, a sharp stick. I am making my milpa^ when it is finished I kin qasik et§. will sacrifice to you.
2 This word is used when it is desired to express the act of dipping some- thing out of a vessel with a spoon.
3 One would expect the form wemen in the second person.
* As each time " my offering of posol " is said, a particle of the liquid is placed on the mouth of the brasero.
174 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
tiala ku matan. TSae le tSula uhel a
for you, his gift. Take this offering of posol again for your
kunya, tial u kudtal, in palal. T§ae le
welfare, in behalf of them enjoying life, my sons. Take this
tdula tial u ^ kuStal in Tvatan. Tdae
offering of posol in behalf of her enjoying life, my wife. Take
le tdula tial in kuStal tiliken^in
this offering of posol in behalf of me enjoying life, I alone I
qas etS.
sacrifice to you.
No. 8
An offering of posol administered to the brasero of Usukun.
Tan in lutdik ta tM, Usukun, ITume in
I am dipping out upon your mouth, Usukun, my father, my tiula. offering of posoL
No. 9
An offering of posol offered at the east of the sacred hut
Tal u hol^ tetS Yume mutiite tial (Here) comes its top to you, O father, accept it for the
yol in palal, in Yume. Tial yol * in viratan
health (of) my sons, my father. For the health (of) my wife
tiala m^ik tiala wukik. TSae le tiula
for you to eat, for you to drink. Take up this offering of posol
tiala matan. for your gift.
No. 10
An offering of posol administered to the braseros on the shelf (The chant is the same as that given before Usukun, No. 8, with the name of the god in question substituted for Usukun.)
No. 11
An offering of posol administered to the drum, Qaiyum
(The chant is the same as No. 8, with Qaiyum substituted for Usukun.)
1 The pronoun is really the subject of the verb, which is not a participle in form.
2 The objective pronoun ; literally, I am alone. 8 Literally, its head.
* As each phra^ is spoken a particle is spattered.
CHANTS 175
No. 12
Palm leaves distributed to the participants in the rite
MutSite pok a baki.^
Take (the leaves),warm (in the fire of the incense) your ?(Ieaves).
Bininka oipite a sil.^
I am going to cleanse your gifts, (may I ?)
No. 13
Palm leaves held over the smoke of the burning incense
Tan in tSuk a buoil, tian i -w^oli, tiliken
I am absorbing your smoke, for this I am well, I myself am kuStal. In qas et§. Ma u tiiken kan.
enjoying life. I sacrifice to you. May not bite me the serpent.
Ma u tdiken balum. Tian 1 "vsroli.
May not bite me the tiger. For this I am well. (Cause to) Pate yahil.3 Pate tSak-wil. Ma u n&ktantik
cease evil. (Cause to) cease fever. May not trample under
yahil, tiani yol,^ in palal. Ma u
foot evil (my sons), for this they are well, my sons. May not
n^k tantik tiakwil, tiani yol.^ in
trample (my sons) under foot fever, for this they are well, my palal tiani yol in "watan.
sons, for this she is well, my wife.
No. 14
Chant over a young boy with the palm leaves consecrated in the smoke of
the incense
Kune^ in pal, in yume, upate^ yahil,
Guard my son, my father, (cause to) cease any evil, (cause
1 The meaning of the phrase is clear, but the exact significance of ba is not clear.
2 The sentence is addressed to each man, and each is supposed to answer Bai, yes.
^ There is a very interesting parallel in a single line of a prayer noted by Mar- gil, 1696. " Ofrecen copal diciendo, Macom, ilia hau tzaon (oa on) an apom. Macon (evidently, from the context, the name of one of the idols) no nos aparees ay esta tu copal."
* Freely, as a result of the freedom from evil and fever, they are well now, and the prayer is directed toward the future.
s Guard or charm.
6 I cannot explain the presence of the vowel u at the beginning of the form. The form seems to be imperative.
176 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8
upate tiak-v(ril. Ma a siptik^ un^ktantik
to) cease fever. Do not injure (by having) trample him under
yahil. Ma a siptik un&ktantik
foot evil. Do not injure (by having) trample him under foot tSakwil. Ma a siptik utSibite kan
fever. Do not injure (by having) bite him (my son) the serpent in pal. 2 Ma a siptik ukimin. Tu ku baSal
my son. Do not injure (by sending) death. He is playing, in pal;^ TSihi ku oaik tet§ tSula
my son. When he is grown up, he will give you an offering of
ku oaik teti pom. TSihi
poBol^ he will give you an offering of copal. When he is grown
ku oaiktetS wa. TSihi
up, he will give you an offering of tortillas. When he is grown
ku oaik tetS huun. ^^ TSihi
up, he will give you an offering of fillets. When he is grown
ku qas etS.^
up, he will sacrifice to you.
No. 15
A jicara of posol distributed to each of the participants
Kulen, wuk' in tSula tetS.
Sit down, drink my offering of posol to you.
No. 16 Individual offering of a particle of the gift of posol
Tal u hoi, tetd in Yume, in tSula
(Here) comes its top to you, my father, my offering of posol
1 The imperative does not seem to be used with ma when it has the idea of prohibition. This is all in the second person and is addressed to the god. Freely, do not allow evil to trample him (my son) under foot. In Chant No. 13, mau- n&ktantik is in the third person. Freely, may evil not trample (my sons) under foot.
2 The usual order in Maya is verb, subject, object.
8 The noun subject following the verb and in apposition to the pronoun ex- pressed in the verb is common in Maya.
* Huim, literally, is paper. It is used to designate the bark pounded out thin and used as fillets.
fi The whole range of offerings is often mentioned,
8 The chant used over the other members of the family does not differ greatly from that given over the son.
' In Yucatan the imperative would drop the w.
CHANTS 111
tetS tial yol in palal. tal u hoi tetS,
to you for the health (of) my sons. (Here) comes its top to you,
in yume, tial yol in watan.
my father, for the health (of) my wife.
No. 17 Chant given during the fermentation of the ceremonial drink
Sameai hule 2 tin qer,8 samea 1
The wood of the baltSe pass over my hands, the wood of the hule^ tin wok. Ten wa bolenki.
baltSe pass over my feet. I am the one who carries out the office
Ten vra ioalenki.
of the first priest. I am the one who carries out the office of
Ten tulin tSake. Ten
the second priest. I am the one chosen to warm it. I am the tulin lokbanse.-* Ten tulin pikutS^
one chosen to cause it to boil. I am the one chosen to stir it yete tSakau.^ Tin "w^alkiJ Ten tin
with a stick. I am mixing it. I am the one who causes it lokbanse. Ten wa bolen.
to boil. I am the one who carries out the office of the first
Ten w^a ioalen.
priest. I am the one who carries out the office of the second
He in oake yaSiko, larti^ malu» qinam.
priest. I will cure it (with) green chili, this relieves the pain. He in oake yaStSawa, 10 larti baila tu tSital.n
I will cure it (with) " Indian cA^7^V' this thus causes one to lie down.
1 This is the name given to the tree the bark of which is called baltSe, and from the latter the ceremonial drink is made.
2 Hul is the root of the verb used when one is described as putting on his coat, hulik tin qer, or trousers, hulik tin wok. The idea is of passing something over the hands and the feet.
3 See Chant 3, note 1.
* Labanse is equal to lokanse and is translated freely by the word ferment.
fi Literally, to press away with the bottom of the foot.
6 Tiakau is the wood called "■ palo mulatto.''''
' "Walki is equivalent to waltik, to place that which is below above, to stir.
8 Larti is equivalent to lerti.
^ Malu, literally, " goodens."
10 A particle of the different kinds of chili is thrown into the baltde as it is in the process of fermentation. Each is supposed to free the liquid of an evil effect coming as a result of drinking large quantities.
^ There then follows a prayer to protect the fermenting liquor as it lies in the open log from the wasps and bees of all kinds who might come and drink some of the baltSe. This is considered to be especially displeasing to the gods and consequently harmful to men.
178 MAYAS AND LACANBONES
No. 18
Purification of the ceremonial drink contained in the hollow log
Terpen!! Torp! Ten tin tSistal,^ tSis
Break! Break! I am making incense, incense (beside?) the tSen^ (be). Terpen! Torp! Ten tin malu Sehi.*
hollow log. Break I Break ! I am the one who relieves the vomit. Ten tin malu uyelaholal. Ten tin
I am the one who relieves the burning headache. I am the one
ma uqu^ utSe utSem.^
who does not permit to get wet the sticks of the hollow log. Ten tin malu hup nakJ
I am the one who makes good the movements of the bowels.
No. 19 Purification of the nodules of copal
Torpen! Torp!^ In kinti.^ KuSleno !
Break! Break! I am half warming (you). Be alive! Aheno ! ^^ Ma (ba) ka "wenen amerte. Ten tin -wasa
Awake ! Do not sleep (but) work. I am the one who awakened
1 The idea is for the heat of the copal burned in the bark to cause the grains of corn heated in the fire to burst. The same word is used to describe the break- ing of an eggshell by the newly born chicken.
2 TSistal is equivalent to pultal.
8 Literally, tSem is cayuco, the Spanish name given to the dugout canoes, which the hollow logs for holding the baltie greatly resemble.
* The purification rite is supposed to free the ceremonial drink from all the evil effects coming as a consequence of drinking large quantities.
fi The root qu or qui is equivalent to tgul, to wetten.
« Great care is taken not to wet the cross sticks (tSeutSem) placed along the open top of the hollow log to prevent the covering of palm leaves falling into the contents of the log.
■^ There then follows a prayer that there be no constipation and a plea for the release from any other evil effects. Kisin, the inhabitant of the under world, is placated so that he will not become angry at having left on any portion of the ground the refuse of the body.
8 Grains of corn are heated in the same way as in the purifying rite over the open log of baltSe. See note 1, Chant No. 18.
^ This and all that follows is addressed to the nodules of copal.
10 I cannot explain the final o on these forms. There are many cases where there are additional sounds added to a form which cannot readily be explained. In other cases, sounds seem to be dropped. In the preceding word (kinti) the form would, according to the Maya of Yucatan, have a final k sound.
CHANTS 179
kutal. Ten tin lisa^ kutal tuyok
(you) to life. I am the one who raised (you) up to life above
dikal.^ Ten tin kudtinta. Ten tin
the board. I am the one who reanimated (you). I am the one
-w^asa kutal. Ten tin lisa
who awakened (you) to life. I am the one who raised (you)
kutal. Ten tin t&ku baker. Ten
up to life. I am the one who built up the skeleton. I am
tin t^ku hoi. Ten tin t&ku
the one who built up the head. 1 am the one who built up the
satot. Ten tin t^ku tamen. Utenanetg^
lungs. I am the one who built up the liver. For you an
napdil.* Utenanet^ vriobil.* Ten tin
offering of baltSe. For you an offering of baltSe. I am the one
lisa kutal. Kusleno ! Aheno !
who raised (you) up to life. Awake ! Be alive I
No. 20
An offering of baltSe and cacao placed before the braseros
Tan in nasik in ha^ tetS yetel u Sau.
I am raising up my offering of baltSe to you with its cacao. Tan in oaik tetS in ha tiala kubik tik
I am giving j^ou my offering of baltSe for you to restore it to the yum. Tan in oaik tet§ in ha tiala tilili.^
father. I am giving you my offering of posol for you yourself.
No. 21
An offering of bark fillets to the gods
H§la tSae huunki. Tin latS kuntik ta^ hoi
Now accept the fillet. I am binding it around your head, uhel a kunya tiala kunik in palal. Tdihi,
again for your welfare for you to guard my sons. When they
1 Lis is the root of the verb meaning to pile up, and explains the process of making the nodules. The idea is that each is constructed similar to the human body with all of its organs.
2 Sikal is the flat board on which the nodules rest. ^ Utenanetg is equivalent to utQaletS and atilili.
* These two terms are the names of special offerings of baltSe. See p. 102. s Literally, water. This is the term given in the chants to an offering of baltie.
6 This chant follows No. 5 very closely.
' The t has a prepositional value and is not part of the possessive.
180 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
in palal, ku qas eti. Tiae
are grown up, my sons, they will sacrifice to you. Accept the huunki^ tiala kubtik yum. Tin lat§ kuntik
fillets in order to restore it to the father. I am binding it around
ta hoi tial kunik in Tvatan u mertik maao, u mertik
your head for you to guard my wife who makes posol, who makes
"wa. tortillas.
No. 22
Baltie administered to the braseros in behalf of the gods
Ha 2 tan in lutSik ta tSi.
An offering of baltSe I am dipping out upon your mouth.
Tan in oaikteti ha uhel a kunya
I am giving you an -offering of baltse again for your welfare
tiala kubtik yum. Ha tan in
for you to restore it to the father. An offering of baltSe I am
lutSik ta tii tiala tilili, tiala tal
dipping out upon your mouth for you yourself, for you to come avrilik. Emen, ile. Tan in bortiketS. Ha
and see. Come down, observe. I am paying you. An offering tan in lutSik ta tSi tiala Tvukik,
of baltSe I am dipping out upon your mouth for you to drink, uhel a kunya. Ha tan in oaik tetd
again for your welfare. An offering of baltSe I am giving you
ta tgi, uhel a kunya. Ukuital in,
on your mouth, again for your welfare. Are enjoying life, my palal. ha tan in oaik tet§. Uku^tal
sons. An offering of baltSe I am giving you. Is enjoying life, in -w^atan. Ha tan in oaik tet§ ta tii
my wife. An offering of baltse I am giving you on your mouth
uhel a kunya. In kuStal tiliken in qas
again for your welfare. I am enjoying life I alone I sacrifice
etg.8 to you.
1 The spirit of the brasero is addressed, and, as usual, asked to restore the offering to the god to whom he is dependent.
2 See p. 179, n. 5.
8 There is a part following which is the same as the last part of Chant No. 7, with the change of the word tdula to ha.
CHANTS 181
No. 23
An offering of baltde at the east of the sacred hut
(This is the same as Chant No. 9, with the change of the word tSula to ha.)
No. 24 AJicara of baltSe distributed to each of the participants (This is the same as Chant No. 15, with the change of the word tSula to ha or pokba.)
No. 25 Answer of those receiving the gift of baltde
Bai, hen "wukike ketS. Yes, I will drink to you.
No. 26
A jicara of baltSe given to each of the members of the family of the leader
of the rite
Uken!
Drink! (The answer is simply Bai, yes.)
No. 27 Individual offering of a small portion of the gift of baltSe (This is the same as Chant No. 16, with the change of the word tsula to ha.)
No. 281
Buli-wa offered to the hraseros in behalf of the gods
Tiba buliwa, norwa,
In person, (accept) the offering of tamales^ the offering of thick
heretSwa,^ baha heretSTvati,^
tortillas.^ the offering of tortillas^ many an offering of tortillas,
yumbiliwati, oubiliwati,*
an offering of tortillas folded in leaves, an offering of thick
1 In the chants which are characterized by a slow delivery there is an almost total absence of grammatical structure. (See p. 130.)
2 Hereto is equivalent to hurutg, from hutg, to grind. ^ Syllables are often added to fill out the measure.
* These are all terms for different combinations of offerings of com.
182 MAYAS AND LACANBONES
kakotSwa, tortillas folded in leaves, tortillas divided in halves, tortillas
oSkot^Tva bahuntqin, bahunthaap.
divided in thirds, for many days, for many years (have I offered
them).
No. 29
Baltic offered to the braseros in behalf of the gods
Tiba norkite, ba norkite,
In person receive with pleasure, thus receive with pleasure, ba natio boki, ba natio bukarutiki^ norkite,
thus far is the odor, thus far is the odor of vanilla, receive with
umanen eti kuital.^
pleasure, causes it to come to you the fact of its being alive. Umanen eti iq, bahuntqin bahunt
Causes it to come to you the wind, for many days, for many haap. Umanen etd kuital
years. Causes it to come to you the fact of its being alive,
umanen eti iq. Norkite
causes it to come to you the wind. Receive with pleasure, ba natio bukaruti, ba natio boki.^
thus far is the odor of vanilla, thus far is the odor.
No. 30
The nodules of copal about to be offered to the gods
Bininka nasik in sil.
I am going to raise up my gifts.
No. 31
The nodules of copal offered at the east of the ceremonial hut
Tan in nasik in sil teti tial a vtremen awilik in
I am raising up my gifts to you for you to descend and see my sil.^ Tan in titdik teti in sil tial a
gifts. I am holding in my hands to you ray gifts for you
wemen awilik ak&nik.
to descend and see and learn.
1 The pod of the vanilla bean is added to the baltge during fermentation.
2 After fermentation sets in the baltSe is supposed to have life. 8 There follow several words which are incapable of translation.
* Bahonqu is often added at this place. This term is applied to the gods taken collectively.
CHANTS 183
No. 32
The nodules of copal offered to the braseros inside the ceremonial hut in
behalf of the gods
Tiba, yan dikalki tulis kisanki ^
In person (accept), here is the board of nodules full of ? tulis qiqi- "YsLU dikalki
full of the gum of the rubber tree. Here is the board of nodules tulis kisanki, tulis qiqi suhuiqinki,^
full of ? full of the gum of the rubber tree, at daybreak,
suhuiaqerki,8 selepqinki,^ selepaqerki,
at the beginning of night, in the afternoon, in the early morning,
emennasbinqinki, ^ emennasbinaqerki,
the sun in its course from east to west, the night in its coarse, tSuyupqinki,^ tguyupaqerki, selepqinki, selepaqerki,
at midday, at midnight, in the afternoon, in the early morning, suhuiqinki, suhuiaqerki, bibiskanki*^ bibismuyal,
at daybreak, at the beginning of night, alternation of sun and
bahuntqinki, bahunthaap. Suhuiqinki,
shade, for many days, for many years. At daybreak, at the
suhuiaqerki, selepqinki, selepaqerki,
beginning of night, in the afternoon, in the early morning, tulis kisanki, tulis qiqi? '^ol ismatan.
full of ? full of the gum of the rubber tree, health is your
Tikukinta yoko yok,
gift (your right). I made them to sit down on (their) feet,
dikalki. (on) the board.
No. 33 The nodules of copal distributed in the braseros (The chant is the same as the first part of No. 5. The word pom is changed to sil, gifts. The former word is used only when the copal is in rough lumps.)
1 The meaning of kisan is not clear. The final syllable ki is the same as that added to many other words to fill out the measure, and has no meaning.
2 Literally, virgin day.
^ Literally, virgin night. Aqer is equivalent to aqab, as qer, hand, is the same as qab.
* Literally, the sun on one side.
^ A more correct form would be naksemenbinqin, the sun in its ascending and descending course.
' Literally, the sun suspended.
'' Bibis means to widen. The idea is that the heavens (kan) appear and then disappear, owing to the clouds (muyal).
184 MAYAS AND LACANBONES
No. 34
An offering of meat placed before the braseros in behalf of the gods
Tan in kubik in tut etS tial a kubik
I am restoring my offering of meat to you for you to restore it tik yum, tial a nasik tik yum. Tan in oaik
to the father, for you to carry it up to the father. I am giving it
tetS uhel a kunya, tial a tilili in tut
to you again for your welfare, for you yourself my offering of
meat to you.
No. 35
A potion of the ceremonial drink given to the leader
Tan in titiik tial a -wukik uhel a
I am holding it in my hands for you to drink again for your kunya.
welfare.
No. 36
A gift of meat offered to the braseros in behalf of the gods
Tiba, in tutal. In oamati
In person (accept) my offering of meat. I gave it to you in
ututal, pokbaki/ in Yumki,
the past the offering of meat, the cooked offering, my father,
bahuntqin, bahunthaap, heretSbSk heretSseep,^ tSukutS
for many days, for many years, ground meat, fine posol^ cooked
bSik, heretSb^k, heret^seep.^ Ba ututal, ba
meat, ground meat, line posol. This, the offering of meat, this,
ututal, in Yumki, bahuntqin, bahunthaap.
the offering of meat, my father, for many days, for many years.
Umana bahuntqin, umana bahunthaap.^
Many days are coming, many years are coming.
No. 3T
An offering of meat and buliwa administered to the braseros
Tan in lapik ta tSi, Yume, in norwa ^
I am placing upon your mouth, O father, my offering of
1 Literally, the offering warmed or the thing warmed.
2 Literally, the corn ground fine for posol.
* Seep is equivalent to qeyen.
* The idea is, I have done this for many days and many years in the past, and I will make the offering many days and many years in the future.
^ The term buliwa is seldom used in the chants. Norwais used in its place.
CHANTS 185
tetS, in tut, uhel a kunya,
tamales to you, my offering of meat, again for your welfare,
in norwa tetS, in tut (t)etS, Yum,
my offering of tamales to you, my offering of meat to you, ,
tan in oaik tetS in norwa tetS,i in tut
I am giving you my offering of tamales to you, my offering of etS, uhel a kunya,^ uhel ukuStal in palal,^
meat to you, again for your welfare, again are living my sons, uhel ukuStal in lak. again are living my wife.
No. 38
The offering of meat and buliwa presented at the east of the ceremonial hut
Tal uhol in tut (t)etg, in
(Here) comes the top of my offering of meat to you, my offer- norvra tetS, Yume. TSae in tut
ing of tamales to you, O father. Take my offering of meat to (t)etS in nor-wa tetS, tial u kudtal
you, my offering of tamales to you, in behalf of them, enjoying
in palal, tial u kuStal, in watan, umertik
life, my sons, in behalf of her, enjoying life, my wife, who makes maao, umertik wa.
posol, who makes tortillas.
No. 39 The offering of meat and buliwa distributed to the participants
Tan in oaik tetS humpe lek* tut uhel a kunya.
I am giving to you one vessel of meat again for your welfare. Tan in oaik tet§ humpe lek nor-wa uhel a kunya.
I am giving you one vessel of tamales again for your welfare.
No. 40
Individual offering of a particle of the gift of meat and buli-wa
Tal u hoi tetS in norw^a tetS
(Here) comes its top to you my offering of tamales to you, Yume. Tal u hoi tetg in tut
O father. (Here) comes its top to you toy offering of meat (t)etS, Yume. to you, O father.
1 Literally, I am giving it to you, my offering, etc.
2 The meaning is, for your added welfare.
8 This is difficult to translate. The meaning is, cause my sons to have an added allotment of life.
* Lek is a vessel made of the calabasa, a squashlike vegetable.
186 MATAS AND LACAND0NE8
No. 41 The last offering of posol to the old braseros
He kin lutSik ta tSi in tSula tetS.
I will dip out upon your mouth my offering of posol to you. He kin lutiik itgil a l&kil i in tSula tetS tial a
I will dip out into your olla my offering of posol to you for you
nakal kulul ta tSak.^ poki
to climb and sit down upon your resting place. It is ended
a Sau. Ooki a tSula.
your offering of cacao. It is ended your offering of posol. pokin qas etS. ookin bortik etS.
I have finished sacrificing to you. I have finished paying you
(with offerings)'
No. 42
The old braseros cleaned and the idols removed
Bin in kin oatSe taho tguk,^ Yume. Baka
I am going to clean by removing the ash, O father. All the tin tatatSetik uSan^ in na teti.
time I am digging with a stick the palm leaves, my house for you.
No. 43
The first offering made to the new braseros and the idols placed inside
the bowls
H, in lutSik ta t§i, Yume, qam-
See, I am dipping out upon your mouth, O father, the first ki. II, in lutgik ta tM tetg
offering. See, I am dipping out upon your mouth to you the qamki uhel a kunya yokol a tumu ISk.
first offering again for your welfare within your new olla. Tin qapkuntik u San, in (n)a5 tetS, Yume.
I place it (the idol) inside its palms, my house to you, O father.
1 A particle of the offering of posol is placed inside the olla at this time.
2 Tiak, literally bed, is the name given to the shelf where the braseros are kept when a rite is not in progress. In this chant the word refers to the rock on which the old and dead braseros are placed at the end of the renewal ceremony,
8 This is the copal ash of the previous sacrifices.
* The idea seems to be that the copal corresponds to the paims (San) covering a house in that the ash protects the idol within.
s The house refers to the new olla, the resting place of the idol.
CHANTS 187
H, in pulik yokol utumu 15k, Yume.
See, I am placing it (the idol) inside the new olla, O father.
II, in masik u San, in (n)a teti yokol utumu
See, 1 am changing its palms, my house for you within the new
lak. II, in bortik etS uhel a
olla. See, I am paying you (with offerings) again for your
kunya. H, in bortik etS yokol a
welfare. See, I am paying you (with offerings) within your tumu ISk uhel a kunya. Tin wala tetSki.i II,
new olla again for your welfare. I promised you (this). See, in oaik tetS qiqi yokol
I give you an offering of the gum of the rubber tree within the utumu 15k. n in paik teti yokol a tumu 15k napdil,
new olla. See, I give you within your new olla an offering of a matanki, uhel a kunya. Huun tin latSkuntik
halthe, your gift, again for your welfare. Fillets I bind around
ta hoi yokol utumu 15k, uhel a kunya, yetel
your head within the new olla, again for your welfare, with
kab. TikinnaTva, in bortik etd. In kibasik
honey. Totopostle, 1 am paying you. My offering of baltSe
et§, hen bortiketie yokol a tumu 15k uhel a
to you, I will pay you within your new olla again for your
kunya.2 welfare.
No. 44 An offering of posol to the new hraseros in behalf of the gods Tan in nasik in tiula teti. Koten ilik
I am raising up my offering of posol to you. Come and see a 15kil. Emen ilik a 15kil, Yume.^ KuS,
your olla. Come down and see your olla^ O father. Live, O 15k, in qas eti. olla, I sacrifice to you.
No. 45
An offering of baltie administered to each of the braseritos (The chant follows the first part of No. 22. The braseritos are called sil, gifts, in sil tetS, my gifts to you. This is the
1 Literally, I told it to you.
2 There often follows a promise to make other offerings.
8 The name of the god to whom the brasero belongs is often added after the title Yume, This is true in all the other chants.
188 MAYAS AND LACANDONES
same name given to the nodules of copal, and both play the part of servants.)
No. 46
An offering of baltSe given to the ceremonial jar
He kin lutSik ta tM, in balki,
I am about to dip out upon your mouth, my great olla, a small uqimalu a matan.
offering of baltSe, your gift.
No. 4T
A gift of tobacco given to the braseros in behalf of the gods
He la kuo, tin oaik tetS, u hol,i Yume. QaS 2
Here is tobacco, I give it to you, its top, O father. A cigar, tu in ouoihe, Yume.
then, I will smoke, O father.
No. 48 A gift of posol offered to the braseros in behalf of the gods
Tiibas in tSula. Ba tSula.
In person (accept) my offering of posol. Thus, the offering Bahuntqin, bahuntaap, umanabahuntqin,
oi posol. For many days, for many years, many days are coming,
umanabahunthaap.^ Tiba, tSulaki.
many years are coming. In person, (accept) the offering oi posol.
No. 49 A gift oifrejoles offered to the braseros in behalf of the gods
He, u hol,^ a buul tin oaik tetS, Yume. He in
Here, its top, your frejoles I give to you, O father. I will hantike. (afterwards) eat them.
No. 50 A gift oifrejoles and tamales administered to the braseros (The chant is the same as that used when the meat and the buliwa are administered (No. 37), with the change of intutets to inbuultetd.)
1 The hoi refers to the first tobacco of the year.
2 Qas, literally, is bundle.
8 This chant is delivered slowly and is the same in character as that given when the nodules of copal are presented to the braseros inside the sacred hut (No, 32). * See Chant No. 36, note 4. 6 See Chant No. 47, note 1. The frejoles are the first of the season.
CHANTS 189
No. 51
The chant used when a journey is to be undertaken
Ma utdibal kan^ ma
Do not permit to bite (him) the serpent, do not permit to
utiibal balum. Tukubin .^ Ma
bite (him) the tiger. He is going Do not permit to
ukanan yok. Ma ula tSetik
be tired the feet. Do not permit the bottom of the foot, to cut,
utSuntSe.2 a sharp stick.
1 The name of the person is inserted at this place.
2 There often follows a prayer for freedom from fever and other hardships. (See Chant No. 14,)
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1841, Incidents of travel in Central America, Chiapas and Yucatan;
2 vols., New York. 1843, Incidents of travel in Yucatan ; 2 vols., New York. Troano Codex, see Brasseur de Bourbourg, 1869-1870. Villagutierre Soto Mayor, Juan.
1701, Historia de la Conquista de la Provincia de el Itza, reduccion, y pro- gresses de la de el Lacandon, y otras naciones de indios barbaros, de la niediacion de el reyno de Guatimala, a las provincias de Yucatan, en la America Septentrional, Madrid, 4°, pp. 660.
Plate I.
Diego de Landa, first bishop of Yucatan and author of " Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan." From a painting in the Cathedral at Izamal, Yucatan.
Plate n.
Fig. 1. — Usumacinta River, seven leagues above Tenosique, lookina" southward.
Fig. 2. — Usumacinta Kiver, seven leagues above Tenosique, looking
northward.
Plate IIL
Fig. 1. — The grand cenote at Chichen Itza, Yucatan.
Fig. 2. — Lacandone woman carrying child on hip.
Platk IV.
Fig. 1. — Group of Lacandones near Laguna Petha, Chiapas.
Fig. 2. — Group of Lacandones on the Lacantun Kiver.
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Plate VI.
Fig. 1. — Lacandone boy and girl, showing the method of dressing the children.
Fig. 2. — Two Maya women and child, showing the costume of the women.
Plate VIL
Fig. 1. — Maya at the Temple of the Tables, Chichen Itza.
Fig. 2. — Two Mayas in working costume, from the vicinity of Valladolid, Yucatan.
Plate VIII.
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Fig. 1. — A typical settlement of the Lacandones, showing the huts almost hidden in the growing corn. The roof in the foreground is that of the ceremonial hut, and directly behind that of the shelter, where the offerings are prepared. The roof at the left is that of the domestic house. The view is from the east.
Fig. 2. — A view of the same settlement as that shown in Fig. 1 from the south, showing the character of the forest sur- rounding the portion cleared.
Fig. 3. — A typical shelter among the Lacandones, show- ing the open ends and the manner in which the sides are protected by the overhanging roof.
Plate IX.
Fig. 1. — Maya woman grinding corn with stone metate.
Fig. 2. — Maya woman molding and baking tortillas.
Plate X.
Fig. 1. — Lacandone shooting with native bow and arrow.
Fig. 2. — Lacandone youth shooting fish with how and arrow from the end of a canoe.
Plate XI.
Fig. 1. — Lacandone woman spinning the native cotton. The spindle rests in a gourd and the mass of crude cotton rests on the shoulder.
Fig. 2. — Lacandone woman beginning the weaving of a piece of cloth on
the native loom.
Plate XII.
Fig. 1. — Lacandone loom, with utensils for weaving.
Fig. 2. — Poitiou of Lacandone hammock.
Plate XIII.
Figs. 1 and 2. — The front and rear view of the ceremonial robe worn by the leader of the encampment where most of the rites were observed. He carries in his right hand the ceremonial rattle.
Fig. 3. — Maya woman modeling a water jar, showing the method of turning the vessel with the foot.
Platk xrv.
Fig. 1. — Lacaudoue shell necklace.
Fig. 2. — Olla used to place over the burning copal in which to catch the soot.
Fig. 3. — Lacandoue oboe.
Plate XV.
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Fig. 1. — Design in black, red, and blue on ceremonial robe.
Fig. 2. — Typical Lacandone incense-burner of the type found in the vicinity of Lake Petha, Chiapas.
Plate X\
[G. 1. — Incerise-burner found in ruins of Labna, Yucatan.
Fig. 2. — Incense-burner from the Island of Cozumel, off the eastern coast of Yucatan.
'iG. 3. — Incense -burner from the Hondo River.
Fig. 5. — Lacandone incense-burner, the exact locality of which is unknown.
IG. 4. — Incense-burner from the Hondo River.
Plate XVII.
Fig. 1. — Incense- burner from Zachila, Oaxaca.
Fig. 2. — Head of an incense- burner of the type usually found to the south and east of Yaxchilan.
Fig. 3. — Head of an incense-burner of the type usually found to the south and east of Yaxchilan.
Fig. 4. — Incense- burner of the southern Yaxchilan type.
Fig. 5. — Incised incense-burner.
Plate XVni.
Fig. 1. — Mayas dancing.
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Fig. 2. — Lacandone chanting before two hraseritos in a consecration rite. The remains of an offering of food is seen on the mouths.
Plate XIX.
Fig. 1. — Animal of clay made by the Lacandones and now used by the children as a plaything. The real function of the bowl on the back of the animal is a receptacle for holding the incense.
Fig. 2. — Lacandone incense-burner of the smallest type, used by the father in instructing the boys concerning the observances of the religious rites and especially in that of chanting. It is used, within certain bounds, by the children as a plaything.
Fig. 3. — Arm from a handled incense-burner from the Ulloa River, Honduras.
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Fig. 4. — Wooden beater for pounding out bark cloth.
Plate XX.
Fig. 1. — Group of incense-burners from the northeast corner of the cere- monial hut. The hrasero with the projecting arm is seen in the front row. The flat board for offering the nodules of copal is in the background. The hammock in the foreground is the one in which the leader of the encamp- ment sleeps during the progress of the renewal rites.
Fig. 2. — Ceremonial drum of the Lacandones, showing the head similar to those of the braseros and the method of attaching and tightening the head of the drum.
Fig. 3. — Lacandone chanting before the old incense-burnei-s to which an offering of posol contained in the gourds had been made. The carpet of leaves on which the braseros and the offering rest is seen. This rite is be- fore the "death" of the old ollas, when they are replaced by a new set together with a large number of braseritos. These old incense bowls are blackened by the smoke of many offerings of incense.
Plate XXI.
Fig. 1. — A typical incense-burner of the Lacandones, with its offering of baltde contained in the gourd, together with a cigar made of the first tobacco of the year. The palm leaves in front of the brasero are those used to wave in the smoke of the incense at the same time as a chant is in progress.
Fig. 2. — Lacandone, with palm leaves, chanting in behalf of the child before him. The bark fillet is also seen around his head.
Plate XXH.
Fig. 1. — Lacandone youth with his share ot an offering of posol after it had been administered to the gods.
Fig. 2. — Lacandone pounding the sugar-cane to extract the juice in one of the hollow logs in which the ceremonial drink is mixed. The log cov- ered with palm leaves on the extreme right is that in which the baltie is allowed to ferment.
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Fig. 3. — The two hollow logs containing the ceremonial drink. That on the right is uncovered and shows the baltse in process of fermentation. In front of the log slightly to the left is the jar which is filled with baltde from the log, and from which the gourds are filled.
Plate XXIIl
Fig. 1. — Board on which nodules of copal are offered to the gods in a body before being taken off and distributed in the incense -burners. Collected by Mr. Maler.
tGS. 2 AND 3. — Nodules of copal found in connection with archaeological work in northern
Yucatan.
Plate XXIV.
Fig. 1. — A leader in one of the Lacandone rites sitting on the low wooden stool behind the jar containing the ceremonial drink, with which he is filling the. gourds to place before the incense-burners.
Fig. 2. — Jar containing balt§e, with the low seat of the leader directly behind it and the jicaras to be filled with the ceremonial drink. The cere- monial band of bark is seen around the jar. The cloth on the top is that used in straining the baltSe.
FrG. 3. — Lacandone offering the board of nodules of copal at the east of the ceremonial hut.
Plate XXV.
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Fig. 1. — Lacandone with slain monkey, the meat of which is about to be offered to the gods.
Fig. 2. — Lacandone making ceremonial fire.
Plate XXVI.
Fig. 1. — Lacandone, showing poncho spotted with achiote and the cere- monial band of bark around his head.
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Fig. 2. — Group of incense-burners (hraseros and hraseritos) from the northwest corner of the sacred hut. The ceremonial drum is seen at the left of the post.
Plate XXVII.
Fig. 1. — Group of incense-burners from the south, showing the round gourds containing an offering of baltSe and flat vessels containing buliwa. The ceremonial drum is seen in the background at the left.
Fig. 2. — Lacandones with carrying nets containing the "dead burners which they are carrying to deposit under a cliff.
incense-
Plate XXVIII.
Three of the fifteen figures once supporting an altar which stood at the entrance of the Upper Chamber of the Temple of the Tigers, Chichen Itza. These and similar figures are supposed to represent the Saiyamwinkoob, who lived in the first period of the existence of the world.
Plate XXIX.
Fig. 1. — Three Maya brothers offering nine gourds ui ^. cc. in their milpa to the spirits of the wind.
Fig. 2. — The owner of the milpa offering the nine jicaras of posol, showing the cross set up under the line of gourds.
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