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Complete Collettion OF THE Hiftorical, Political, and Mifcellaneous
WO R KS John Milton.
Both ENGLISH and LATIN. With fom Papers never before Publith’d.
Khe Second Holume,
‘The Contents whereof follow in the next Leaf.
AMSTERDAM, Finith’d in the Year M. DC. XC. VIII.
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THE
~-CONTENTS
OF THE
Second Volume.
IKONOCLASTES: In anfwer to a Book intitul’d, is Eikon Bafilike, The Portraiture of his Sacred Majefty in
his Solitudes and Sufferings. P. 443. To which is annex'd the King’s Prayer compared with the ‘Prayer of Pamela in Sidney’s Arcadia. P. 527. King Charles the Firft’s Commi/fion to the Trifh from Edinburgh, by which they juftified the Maffacre of the Proteftants. P.528. The Articles agamft the Marque/s of An- trim, with K. Charles the Second’s Letter to the Irifh Council in his favor. P. [525] And the Earl of Anglefey’s Memorandum, P. (528.
es Ther of Kings and Magiftrates: proving that it is lawful, and hath been held fo through all Ages, for any who have the Power, to callto account a Tyrant, or wicked King, and after due conviction, to depofe and put him to death, if the ordmary Magiftrate have neg lected, or deny'd to do it: And that they who of late fo much blame depofing, are the Men that did it themfelves. P. 529.
Obfervations on the Articles of Peace between James Earl of Or- mond for K. Charles 1. on the one hand, and the Irifh Rebels and Papifts onthe other band: And ona Letter fent by Ormond to Col. Jones Governor of Dublin; and a Reprefentation of the Scots Pref- bytery at Belfaft in Ireland. To which the faid Articles, Letter, with Col. Jones's Anfwer to it, and the Reprefentation, &e. are pre- fix'd. P. 5.45. |
A Defence of the People of England, in anfwer to Salmafius’s Defence of the King. P. 557.
Letters of State to moft of the Sovereign Princes and Republics of Europe, during the Adminiftration of the (ommonwealth, and the Pro- teétors Oliver and Richard Cromwel. ?. 659.
A Treatife of (vil Power in Ecclefiaftical (aufes, fhewing that it is not lawful for any Power on Earth to compel in Matters of Religion:
Pi 74h (onfide-
The Contents of the Second Volume.
(Confiderations touching the likelieft Means to remove Fiirelings out of the (Church. Wherein is alfo difcours’d of Tithes, (hurch-Fees, Church-Revenues, and whether any Maintenance of Minifters can be fettled by Law. P. 757.
A Letter to a Friend concerning the Ruptures of the (ommonwealth ; publifhd fromthe Manufcript. P.779.
The ready and eafy way to eftablifh a free (Commonwealth, and the Excellency therof compar'd with the Inconventences and Dangers of re- ad:nitting Kingfhip in this Nation. P. 783. ;
The prefent Means, and brief Delineation of a free (Commonwealth, eafy to be put in prattice, and without delay. In a Letter to General Monk. Publifh’d fromthe Manu/cript. P. 799.
Brief Notes upon a late Sermon, titled, The Fear of God and the King, preach’d and fince publifh'd by Matthew Griffith D.D. Chaplain to the late King. Wherm many notorious wreftings of Scrip- ture, and other Falfities are obferv'd. P. 801.
Of true Religion, Herefy, Schifm, Toleration, and what beft Means may be usd againft the growth of Popery. P. 807.
A brief Hiftory of Mufcovia, and of other le/s known (Countries lying Eaftward of Ruflia as far as Cathay. Gather’d from the Writings of feveral Eye-witneffes. P. 819.
A Declaration, or Letters Patents for the Eleétion of John III. King of Poland ; containing the Reafons of his Eleétion, bis great Virtues and Merits, bis eminent Services in War, efpecially in his laff Vittory againft the Turks, 8c. Tranflated from the Latin. P. 839.
Of Education. To Mr. Samuel Hartlib. P. 845.
Accedence commenc’'d Grammar, [upply'd with Rules for the ufe of fuch as are defirous to attain the Latin Tongue, &c. ®. 851.
FOUR TRACTS
I — — =
FOUR
TRACTS
Publifhed in the Years 1649, and 1650. aps be oF)
J. EIKONOKAWETHE: In Anfwer to a Book Tntituled, "EMaY BaoAien, The Portrature of his Sacred Majefty in his Solitudes, ¢c.
II. The Tenure of Kings and Magiftrates, prov- ing that it is lawful to call to account a Tyrant or wicked King, ee.
III. Obfervations upon the Articles of Peace with the Irifh Rebels, on the Letter of Or- mond to Col. Fones.
IV. A Defence of the People of te de in
an{wer to Salmafius’s Defence of the King.
Amsterpam, MDCXCIV.
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eT KO NiO K -A,A LS tT HSS
In Anfwer to a Book Intitld, e1xa'n sastarxns The Portrature of his Sacred Majesty in his Solitudes and Sufferings.
Prov. 28.15. As a roaring lyon and a ranging bear, fo is a wicked ruler over the poor people.
16. The Prince that wanteth underftanding, 1s alfo a great oppreffor , but he that hateth covetoufneffe, {ball prolong his days.
17. A man that doth violence to the blood of any perfon, fball fly to the pit, let no man ftay him,
Saluft. Conjurat. Catilin. Regiuin imperium, quod initio, confervande libertatis, atque augende reipub. causa fuerat, in fuperbiam, dominationemque fe convertit.
Regibus boni, quam mali, fufpedtiores funt, femperque his aliena virtus formi- dolofa eft.
Quidlibet impune facere, hoc fcilicet regium eft.
Publifhed by Authority.
The Preface.
: O defcant on the Misfortunes of a Perfon fall’n from fo high a Digni- ; ty, who hath alfo payd his final debt both to Nature and his Faults,
is neither of it felf a thing commendable, nor the intention of this
Difcourfe : Neither was it fond Ambition, or the vanity to get a Name prefent or with Pofterity, by writing againft a King. I never was fo thirfty after Fame,nor fo deftitute of other hopes and means better and more cer- taine to attaine it: for Kings have gain’d glorious Titles from their Favourers by writing again{t private Men, as Henry the 8rhdid againft Luther ; but no Man ‘ever gain'd much honour by writing againft a King, as not ufually meeting with that force of Argument in fuch Courtly Axtagoni/ts, which to convince might add to his Reputation. Kings moft commonly, though ftrong in Legions, are but weak at Arguments ; as they who ever have accuftom’d from the Cradle to ufe thir Will only as their right hand, their Reafon alwaysas thir left. Whence unexpectedly conftrain’d to that kind of combate, they prove but weak and pu- ny Adverfaries : Neverthelefs,for their fakes who through cuftom, fimplicity, or want of better teaching, have not more ferioufly confider’d Kings, then in the gaudy Name of Majefty, and admire them and thir doings asif they breath’d not the fame breath with other mortal Men, I fhall make no fcruple to take up (for it feems to be the challenge both of him and all his Party) this Gauntlet, though a King’s, in the behalfe of Liberty and the Common-wealth.
And furder, fince it appears manifeftly the cunning drift of a factious and de- feated Party, to make the fame advantage of his Book, which they did before of his Regall Name and Authority, and intend it not fo much the defence of his former Actions, as the promoting of their own future Deligns ; making thereby the Book thir own rather then the Kings, as the benefic now mult be thir own more then his: now the third time to corrupt and diforder the minds of weaker Men, by new Suggeltions and Narrations, either falfly or falla- ciouily reprefenting the ftate of things to the difhonour of this prefent Go- vernment, and the retarding of a gencral Peace, fo needfull to this afflicted
J iAJ hing Nation,
C 444 )
Nation, and fo nigh obtain’d 4 I fuppofe it no Injurie to the dead, but a good decd rather to the living, if by better information giv’n them, or which is anough, by onely remembring them the truth of what they themtelyes know to be heer mifaffirmed, they may be kept from entring the third time unadvifedly into Warr and Bloodfhed: for asto any moment of folidity in the Book it felf, {tuft with naught els but the common grounds of Tyranny and Popery, fugar’d alittle over ; or any need of anfwering, in refpect of ftaid and well- principl’'d men, I take iton me asa work aflign’d rather then by mechos’n or af- tected; which was the caufe both of beginning it fo late, and finilhing it fo lea- furely in the midft of other imploiments and diverfions. And if the late King had thought fufficient thofe Aniwers and Defences made for him in his life time, they who on the other fide accus’d his evill Government, judging that on their be- half anongh alfo hath bin reply’d,the heat of this Controverfie was in likelyhood drawing to an end; and the furder mention of his deeds, not fo much unfor- tunate as faulty, had in tendernefs to his late Sufferings been willingly forborn; and perhaps for the prefent age might have flept with him unrepeated, while his Adverfaries, calm’d and allwag’d with the fuccefs of their Caufe, had bin the lefs unfavourable to his Memory. But fince he himfelf, making new appeal to Truth and the World, hath left behind him this Book as the beft Advocate and Interpreter of his owne Actions, and that his Friends by publifhing, dif- perfing, commending, and almoft adoring it, feem to place therein the chief ftrength and nerves of thir Canfe, it would argue doubtlefs in the other Party great deficience and diitruft of themfelvcs, not to meet the force of his Reafon in any Field whatfoever, the force and equipage of whofe Arms they have fo cit’n met victorioully. And he who at the Bar ftood excepting againft the forme and manner of his Judicature, and complain’d that he was not heard 5 neither he nor his Friends fhall have that caufe now to find fault ; being mett and debated with in this op’n and monumental Court of hisowne erecting; and not onely heard uttering his whole mind at large, but anfwer’d: which to dae effe- ctually, if it be neceflary that to his Book nothing the more refpect be had for being his, they of his own Party can have no juft reafon to exclaim. For it Were too unreafonable that he, becavfe dead, fhould have the liberty in his Booke to fpeak all evill of the Parliament; and they, becaufe living, fhould be expected to have lefs freedom, or any for them, to {peak home the plain truth of a full and pertinent Reply: As he, to acquit himfelfe, hath not fpar’d his Adverfaries to load them with all forts of Blame and Accufation, fo to him, as in his Book alive, there will be us’d no more Courtfhip then he ufes; but what is properly his owne guilt, notimputed any more to his evill Counfel- lors (a Ceremony us’d longer by the Parlament then he himfelf defir’d) fhall be layd heer, without Circvmlocutions at hisownedore. That they who from the firft beginning, or but now of late, by what unhappinefs I know not, are fo much affatuated, not with his Perfon only, but with his palpable Faults, and dote upon his Deformities, may have none to blame but thir owne folly, if they live and dye in fuch a ftrook’n blindnefs, as next to that of Sodom hath not happ'nd to any fortof men more grofs or more mifleading.
Firft then that fome men (whether this were by him intended or by his Friends) have by policy accomplifid after death that revenge upon thir Ene- mies, which in life they were not able, hath bin oft related. And among other Examples we find that the laft Will of C«far being read to the people, and what bounteous Legacies he had bequeath’d them, wrought more in that vulgar audience to the avenging of his death, then all the art he could ever ufe to win thir favor in.his life time. And how much thir intent who publifh’dthefe overlate Apologies and Meditations of the dead King, drives to the fame end of ftirring up the people to bring him that Honour, that Affection, and by confequence that Revenge to his dead Corps, which he himfelfe living could never gain to his Perfon, it appeares both by the conceited Portrature before his Book, drawn out to the full meafure of amasking Scene, and {ett there to catch Fools and filly Gazers, and by thofe Latin words after the end, Vora dabunt que Bella negarunt 5 intimating, that what hee could not compafs by Wax hee fhould atchieve by his Meditations : For in words which admit of various fenfe, the libertic is ours to choofe that Interpretation which may beft mind us of what our reftlefs Enemies endeavour, and what we are timely to prevent.
And
€ 445)
And heer may be well obferv’d the loofe and negligent curiofity of thofe who took upon them to adorn the fetting out of this Book; for though the Picture fett in Front would martyr him and faint him to befoole the people, yet the La- tin Motto in the end, which they underftand not, leaves him as it were a po- litic Contriver to bring about that Intereft by faire and plaufible words which the force of Armsdeny’d him. But quaint Emblems and Devices bege’d from the olde Pageantry of fome Twelfe-nights entertainment at Whireball, will do but ill to make a Saintor Martyr: and if the people refolve to take him fainted at the rate of fuch a Canonizing, I fhall fufpect their Calender more < thenthe Gregorian. In one thing I muft commend his opennefs who gave the Ti- tlefto this Book, rimayv Bander, that isto fay, The King’sImage, and by the Shrine he drefles out for him, certainly would have the people come and wor- fhip him: For which reafon this Anfwer alfovis intitl’d, Iconcclaftes, the famous Surname of many Greek Emperors, who in thir zeal to the Command of God, after long tradition of Idolatry in the Church, tooke courage and broke all faperftitious Images to pieces. Bot the people, exorbitant and exceflive in all thir motions, are prone oftimes not to a religious only, but to a civil kind of Idolatry inidolizing thir Kings, though never more miftak’n in the object of thir worfhip; heretofore being wont turepute for Saints thofe faithful and courageous Barons who loft thir lives in the Field, making glorious War againft Tyrants for the common Liberty, as Simon de Momfort, Earle of Lei- ceffer, againft Henry the Third ; Thomas Plantagenet Earle of Lancafter, againit Edward the Second. But now with a befotted and degenerate bafenefs of Spi- rit, except fome few who yet retain in them the old Englifh Fortitude and love of freedom, and have teftifi'd it by thir matchlefs deeds, the reft imbaftardiz’d from the ancient Noblenefs of thir Anceftors, are ready to fall flat and give adoration to the Image and Memory of this Man, who hath offer’d at more cunning fetches to undermine our Liberties, and put Tyranny into an Art, then any Brittifh King before him: which low dejeétion and debafement of mind in the people, 1 muft confefs I cannot willingly afcribe to the natural difpofition of an Englifhman, but rather to two other Caufes: firft to the Prelats and thir fellow-teachers, though of another Name and Sect, whofe Pulpit-ftuffe both firft and laft, hath bin the Doétrin and perpetuall infufion of Servility and WretchednefS to all their Hearers, and their Lives the type of worldlinefs and hypocrify, without the leaft true pattern of Vertue, Righteoufhefs or Selfe-de- nyall in their whole practice. 1 attribute it next to the factious Inclination of wioft men divided from the Public by feveral ends and humours of their owne. At firft no Man lefs belov’d, no Man more generally condemn’d then was the King ; from the time that it became his Cuftom to break Parlaments at home, and either wilfully or weakly to betray Proteftants abroad, to the beginning of thefe Combuftions. All men inveigh’d againft him ; all men, except Court Vafials, oppos’d him and his tyrannicall Proceedings, the Cry was univerfall , and this full Parlament was at firft unanimous in thir diflike and proteftation againit his evill Government. But when they who fought themfelves and not the publick, began to doubr that allof them could not by one and the fame way at- tain to thir ambitious purpofes, then was the King, or his Name at leaft, asa fit property firft made ufe of, his doings made the beft of, and by degrecs julfti- fied : which begot him fuch a Party, 2s after many wiles and ftruglings with his inward feares, imboldn’d him at length to fett up his Standard againit the Parlament. When as before that time, all his Adherents, confilting moft of Uiffolute Swordmen and Suburb-royfters, hardly amounted to the making up of one ragged Regiment, ftrong enough to aflault the unarmed Houle of Com- mons. After which attempte, feconded by a tedious and bloody War on his Subjects, wherein he hath fo farr exceeded thofe his arbitrary Violences in time of Peace, they who before hated him forhis high Mifgovernment, nay fought againft him with difplay’d Banners in the Field, now applaud him and extoll kim for the wifeft and moft religious Prince that liv’d. By fo ftrange a Me- thod amongft the mad Multitude is a fudden Reputation won, of Wildom by wiliullnefs and fubtle fhifts, of Goodnefs by multiplying evill, of Piety by en-
deavouring to root out true Religion. But ic is evidentthat the chief of his Adherents never lov’d him, never ho- nourd either him or his Caufe, but as they took him to fet a face upon their own malignant
€ 446 )
lignant Defignes, nor bemoan his lofs at all, but the lofs of their own afpiring hopes ; like thofe captive Women whome the Poet notes in his Iliad, to have bewaild the Death of Patreclus in outward fhow, but indeed their own condi- tion.
TAT eOKAOV TESDaow, CQav d KuTaV wd” Exoicy, Hom. Iliad. 7.
And it needs muft be ridiculous to any Judgement uninthrall'd, that they who in other matters exprefs fo little fear either of God or Man, fhould in this one particular outftripp all Precifianifm with their fcruples and cafes, and fill mens ears continually with the noife of their confcientious Loyaltie and Allegeance to the King, Rebels in the mean while to God in all their actions befide: much lefs that they whofe profefs’d Loyalty and Allegeance led them to direct Armes againft the King’s Perfon, and thought him nothing violated by the Sword of Hoftility drawn by them againft him, fhould now in earneft think him violat- ed by the unfparing Sword of Juftice, which undoubtedly fo much the lefs in vaine fhe beares among men, by how much greater and in higheft place the offender. Els Juftice, whether moral or politicall, were not Juftice, but a fals Counterfeit of that impartial and Godlike Vertue. The onely griefe is, that the Head was not ftrook off to the beft advantage and commodity of them that held it by the Haire: which obfervation, though made by a com- mon Enemie, may for the truth of it heerafter become aProverb. But as to the Author of thefe Soliloquies, whether it were the late King, as is vulgarly beleev’d, or any fecret Coadjutor, and fome ftick not to name him, it can add nothing, nor fhall take from the weight, if any be, of reafon which he brings. But Allegations, not Reafons, are the maine Contents of this Book, and need no more then other contrary Allegations to lay the Queftion before all Men in aneev'n Ballance; though it were fuppos’d that the Teftimony of one Man in his own Caufe affirming could be of any moment to bring in doubt the Autority of a Parlament denying. Butif thefe his faire-fpok’n words fhall be heer fairely confronted and laid parallel to his own farr-differing deeds, ma- nifeft and vifible to the whole Nation, then furely we may look on them who notwithftanding fhall perfift to give to bare words more credit than to opn deeds, as men whofe Judgment was not rationally evinc’d and perfwaded, but fatally ftupifi’d and bewitch’d into fucha blind and obftinate belief: for whofe Cure it may be doubted, not whether any Charm, though never fo wifely mur- mur’d, but whether any Prayer can be available.
I, Upon
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€ 447) i. Upon the Kings calling this laft Parlament.
HAT which the King laics down here as his firft foundation, and as it were the head {tone of his whole Structure, that He call’d ths laft Parlament, not more by others advice, and the neceffity of bis affairs, then by his own chois and inclination, is to all knowing men fo appa- rently not true, that a move unlucky and inaufpicious fentence, and more be- tok’ning the downfall of his whole Fabric, hardly could have come into his Miad. For who knows not that the inclination of a Prince is beft known either by thofe next about him, and molt in favor with him, or by the current of his own Aétions ? Thofe neereft to this King, and molt his Favorites, were Cour- tiersand Prelates; Men whofe chief ftudy was to find out which way the King inclin'd, and to imitate him exactly: How thefe Men ftood affected to Par- laments cannot be forgott’n. No Man but may remember it was thir continual exercife to difpure and preach againit them ; and in thircommon difcourfe no- thing was more frequent, then that they hoped the King fhould now have no need of Parlaments any more. And this was butthe copy which his Parafites had induftri- oufly taken from his own Words and Actions, who never call’d a Parlament, but to fupply his neceffitiess and having fupp!y’d thofe, as fuddenly and ignomi- nioufly diffolv’d it,without redreffing any one greevaice of the People : Sometimes chooling rather to mifS of his Subfidies, or to raife them by illegal courfes, then that the People fhould not {till mifs of thir hopes tobe reliev’d by Parlaments. © The firft he broke off at his comming to the Crown, for no other caufe then to protect the Duke of Buckingham againft them who had accufed him, belides other hainousCrimes, of no lefs then poyfoning the deceafed King his Father. And {till the latter breaking was with more affront and indignity put upon the Houfe and her worthieft Members then the former. Infomuch that in the fifth yeare of his Raign, in a Proclamation he feems offended at the very rumor of a Parlament divulg’d among the people, asif hee had tak’n it for a kind of Slan- der, that Men fhould think him that way exorable, much lefsinclin’d : and for- bids it as a prefumption to prefcribe him any time for Parlaments; that is to fay, cither by Perfwafion or Petition, or fo much as the reporting of fuch a Rumor : for other manner of prefcribing was at that time not fufpected. By which fierce Edict, the people, forbidd’n to complaine, as well as forc’d to fuf- fer, began from thenceforth to de{pair of Parlaments; Whereupon fuch il- legal actions, and efpecially to get vaft fumms of Money, were putin prattile by the King and his new Officers, as Monopolies, compulfive Knighthoods, Cote, Conduct and Ship-mony, the feizing not of one Naboths Vineyard, but ot whole Inheritances, under the pretence of Forreft, or Crown-Lands ; Corrup- tion and Bribery compounded for, with impunities granted for the future, as gave evident proof that the King never meant, nor could it ftand with the rea- fon of his Affairs ever to recall Parlaments: having brought by thefe irregular courfes the peoples Intereft and his own to fo direct an oppofition, that he might forefee plainely, if nothing but a Parlament could fave the people, it muft ne- ceflarily be his undoing. ‘
Till eight or nine years after, proceeding with a high hand in thefe Ehormi- ties, and having the fecond time levied an injurious War againft his native Coun: trie, Scotland; and finding all thofe other fhifts of raifing mony, which boreout his firft Expedition, now to faile him, not of his own chois and inclination, as any Child may fee, but urg’d by ftrong neceflities, and the very pangs of State, which his owne violent Proceedings had brought him to, hee calls a Parlament 5 firft in /reland, which only was to give him fourSubfidies, and fo to expire; then in England, where his firft demand was but twelve Subfidies, to maintaine a Scotch Warr, condemn’d and abominated by the whole Kingdom, promiling thir greevances fhould be confider’d afterwards. Which when the Parliament, who judg’d that Warr it felf one of thir main gteevances, made no haft to grant, not enduring the delay of his impatient will, or els fearing the conditions of thir grant, he breaks off the whole Seffion, and difmifles them and thir gtcevances with fcorn and fruftration.
Mach
€ 448 )
Much lefs therefore did hee call this laft Parlament.by his own chois and ip- clination ; butvhaving firft try’d in vaine all undue ways to procure mony, his Army of thir own accord being beat’n in the North, the Lords petitioning end the general voice of the People almoft hiffing him and his ill-acted repalitic off the Stage, compell’d at length both by his wants, and by his fears, upon meer extremitie he fummond this laft Parlament. And how is ir poflible that hee fhould willingly incline to Parlaments, who never was perceiv’d to call them but for the greedy hope of a whole National Bribe,his Subfidies ; and never lov’d, never fulfill’d, never promoted the tiue end of Parlaments, the redref of greevances; but {till put them off, and prolong’d them, whether gratify’d or notgratify’d; and was indeed the Author of all thofe greevances ? To fay therefore that he call’d this Parlament of his own chois and inclination, argues how ljttle truth wee can expect from the fequel of this Book, which venturesin tire very firft period to affront more then one Nation with an untruth fo remark- able, and prefumes a more implicit Faith in the people of England, then the Pope ever commanded from the Romifh Laitie; orelsa natural fottifhnefs fite to be abus’d and ridd’n? While in the judgement of wife Men, by laying the foundation of \his defence on the avouchment of that which is fo manifeftly un- true, hehath giv na worfe foile to hisown caufe, then when his whole Forces were at anytime overthrown. They therefore who think fuch great Service cen to the Kingsaffaires in, publifhing this Book, will find themfelves in the end miftaken, if fenfe and-right mind, or but any mediocritie of knowledg and re- membrance hath not quite forfak’n men. i
But to prove hisinclination to Parlaments, he afirmes heer, To have always
thought the right way of them moft fafe for his Crown, and beft pleafing to his People, What he thought we: know not, but that he ever took the contrary way we faw; and from his own actions we felt long agee what hee thought of Parlaments or of pleafing hisPeople: a furer Evidence than what we heare now too late in words. He alleges, that rhe caufe of forbearing to convene Parlaments was the [Parkes which fome mens diftempers there ftudied to kindle. They were indeed not temper’d to his temper 5 for it neither was the Law, nor the rule by which all other tem- pers were to be try’d , but they were efteem’d and chos’n for the fitteft men, in thir feverall Counties, to allay and quench thofe diftempers which his own in- ordinate doings had inflam’d, And if that were his refufing to convene, till thofe men had bin qualifi'd to his temper, that is to fay, his will, we may eafily con- jecture what hope ther was of Parlaments, had not fear and his infatiat pover- tie in the midft of his excellive wealth conftraind him. .
Hee hopedby his freedom and their moderation to prevent mifunderftandings. And wherefore not by thir freedom and his moderation? But freedom he thought too high a word for them, and moderation too mean a word for himfelf: this was not the way to prevent mifunderftandings. He ftill feard paffion and prejudice in other men, notin himfelf: and doubted not by the weight of bis own reafon to counterpoife any Fattion ; it being fo eafie for him, and fo frequent, to call his obftinacy reafon, and other mens reafon Faction. Wee in the mean while muft believe that wifdom and all reafon came to him by Title with his Crowne; paflion, prejudice, and faction came to others by being Subjects.
He was forry tohear with what popular heat Elettions were carri'd in many Places. Sorry rather that Court-Letters and intimations prevail’d no more, to divert, or todeterr the people from thir free Electionof thofe men, whom they thought beft affected to Religion and thir Countries Libertie, both at that time in dan- ger tobe loft. And fuch men they were, as by the Kingdom were fent to ad- vife him, not fent to be cavill’d at, becaufe elected, or to be entertained by him with an undervalue and mifprifion of their temper, judgement, or affection. In vaine was aParlament thought fitteft by the known Laws of our Nation, to advife and regulate unruly Kings, if they, inftead of hearkning to advice, fhould be permitted to turn it off, and refufe it by vilifying and traduciag thir advifers, or by accufing of a popular heat thofe that lawfully elected them.
Hés own and his Childrens intere(t oblig’d him to feek, andto preferve'the love and welfare of bis Subjecis. Who doubts it ? But the fame intereft, common to all
Kings, was never yet available to make them all feek that, which was indeed batt or
( 449 ) for themfelves and thir Pofteritie. - All men by thir own and thir Childrens intereft are oblig’d to Honeftie and Juftice : but how little that confideration works in private men, how much iefs in Kings, their deeds declare beft.
He intended to oblige both Friends and Enemies, and to exceed their Defires, did they bugpretend-to any modeft and fcber fenfe ; miftaking the whole bufinefs of a Parlament. Which mett not to receive from him Obligations, but Juftice s nor hee to expect from them thir modefty, but their grave advice, utter’d with freedom in the public cavfe. His talk of modefty in thir defires of the common welfare, argues him not much to have underftood what he had to grant, who mifconceav’d fo much the nature of what they had to defire. And for ober fenfe, the expreflion was too mean, and recoiles with as much difhonour upon himfelfe, tobe a King where fober fenfe could poflibly be fo wanting in a Parlament. /
The odinm and: offences which fome mens rigour, or remiffne[s in Church and State had contratked upon his Government, hee vefolved to bave expiated with better Laws and Regulations. And yet the worft of mifdemeanors committed by the worft of all his favourites in the hight of thir dominion, whether acts of rigor or remifinefs, he hath from time to time continu’d, own’d, and tak’n upon himfelf by public Declarations, as oft’nas che Clergie, or any other of his Snftruments felt themfelves overburdn’d with the peoples hatred. And who knows not the fuperftitious rigor of his Sundays Chappel, and the licentious remifinefs of his Sundays Theater accompanied with that reverend Statute for Dominica/ Jigs and Maypoles, publifht in his own Name, and deriv’d from the example of his Father Fames ? Which teftifies all that rigor in Superftition, all that remif{nefs in Religion to have iffu’d our originally from his own Houfe, and from his own Autority. Much rather then may thofe general mifcarriagesin State, his pro- per Sphear, be imputed to no other perfon chiefly than to himfelf. And which of all thofe oppreflive Acts or Impolitions did he ever difclaime or difavow, till the fatal aw of this Parlament hung ominoufly over him? Yetheer hee f{mooth- ly feeks to wipe off all the envy of his evill Government upon his Subftitutes and under Officers; and promifes, though much too late, what wonders he purpos’d tohavedon in the reforming of Religion; a work wherein all. his undertakings heretofore declare him to have had little or no judgment : Nei- ther could his breeding, or hiscours of life acquaint him with a thing fo fpi- ritual. Which may wellaflure us what kind of Reformation we could expect from him ; either fome politic form of an impos’d Religion, or els perpetual vexation and perfecution to all thofe that comply’d not with fuch aform. The like amendmenthe promifes inState; nota ftep furder then bis Reafon and Con- feience told bimwas fit to bee defir’'d, wifhing bee had kept within thofe bounds, and not fiffer'd bis own judgment to bave bin ever-bornin fome things, of which things one was the Earle of Straffords execution. And what fignifies allthis, but that ftill his refolution was the fame to fet up anarbitrary Government of hisown, and that all Britain wasto bety’dand chain’d totheconfcience, judgment, and rea- fon of one Man ; asif thofe gifts had been only his Peculiar and Prerogative, intail’d upon him with his fortune to be aKing ? When as doubtlefs no man fo obftinate, or fo much a Tyrant, but profefles to be guided by that which he calls his Reafon and his Judgment, tho never fo corrupted ; and pretends alfo his Confcience. In the mean while for any Parliament, or the whole Nation to have either reafon, judgment, or confcience by this rule, was altogether in vaine, if it thwarted the King’s Will ; which was eafie for him to call by any other more plaufible name. And thus we find thefe faire and f{pecious promi- fes, made upon the experience of many hard fufferings, and his moft mortifi’d retirements, being throughly fifted, to contain nothing in them much diflerent from his former practices, fo crofs and fo averfe to all his Parlaments, and both the Nations of this Hand. What fruits they could in likelyhood have produc’d in his re{torement is obvious to any prudent forefight.
And this isthe fubftance of his firft Se€tion, till wee come to the devout of it; model’d into the form of a privat Pfalter. Which they who fo much admire the Arch-Bifhops late Breviary, and many other as good Afanuels and Hand- maids of Devotion, the lip-work of every Prelatical Liturgift; clapt together, and quilted out of Scripture-phrafe, with as much eafe, and as little need of Chriftian diligence or judgment as belones to the compiling of any ordnary
mm anc
( 450 )
and falable piece of Englifh Divinity that the Shops value. But He who from fach a kind of Pfalmiftry, or any other verbal Devotion, without the pledge and ear- neft of futable deeds, can be perf{waded of a zeal and true righteoufnefs in the perfon, hath much yet to learn, and knows not that the deepeft gpolicy of a Tyrant hath been ever to counterfet Religious. And Ariftotle in his Poli- tics hath mentioned that fpecial craft among twelve other tyrannical Sophifins. Neither want we examples: Andronicus Comnenws the Byzantine Emperor, though a moft cruel Tyrant,’ is reported by Nicetas to have beenaconftant reader of Saint Pauls Epifties; and by continual ftudy had fo incorporated the phrafe and {tile of thattranfcendent Apoftle into all his familiar Letters, that the imica- tion feem’d to vie with the original. Yet this availd not to deceave the people of that Empire, who notwith{tanding his Saints vizard, tore him to peeces for his Tyranny. From Stories of this nature both antient and modern which a- bound, the Poets alfo, and fom Englifh have been in this point fo mindfull of Decorum, as to put never more pious words in the mouth of any perfon then of aTyrant. Lfhall not inftance an abftrufe Author, wherein the King might be lefsconverfant, but one whom wee well know was the Clofet Companion of thefe his folitudes, William Shake[peare, who introduces the Perion of Richard the third, {peaking inas high a ftrain of pictie and mortification as is utterd in any pallage of this Book, and fometimes tothe fame fenfe and purpofe with fome words in this place ; I intended, faith he, not onelyto oblige my Friends, but mine Enemies. Thelike faith Richard, Ait 2. Scen. 1.
I do not know that Englifhman alive,
With whom my foule ts any jott at odds,
More then the Infant that is born to night;
I thank my God for my humilitse.
Other ftuff of this fort may be read throughout the whole Tragedie, where- in the Poet usd not much licence in departing from the truth of Hiftory, which delivers him a deep diflembler, not of his’affections onely, but of Reli-
ion.
: In praying therefore, and in the outward work of Devotion, this King we fee hath not at all exceeded the worlt of Kings before him. But herein the worlt of Kings, profefling Chriftianifm, have by farr exceeded him. They, for ought we know, ftill pray’d their own, or at leaft borrowed from fit Au- thors. Butthis King, not content with that which, although in a thing holy, is no holy theft, to attribute to his own making other mens whole Prayers, hath as it were unhallow’d and unchriftn’d the very duty of Prayer it felf, by borrowing to aChriftian ufe Prayers offerd toaHeathen God. Who would have imagin’d fo little feare in him of the true all-feeing Deitie, fo little reve- rence of the Holy Ghoft,- whofe office is to dictat and prefect our Chriftian Prayers, folittle care of truth in his laft words, or honour to himfelf, or to his Friends, or fenfe of his afflictions, or of that fad hour which was up- on him, as immediatly before his death to pop into the hand of that grave Bifhop who attended him, as a {pecial Relique of his Saintly exerciies, a Prayer ftol’n word for word fromthe mouth of a Heathen Woman praying to a Heathen God; and that in no ferious Book, but inthe vain amatorious Po- em of Sir Philip Sidneys Arcadia; aBook in that kind full of worth and witt, but among religious thoughts and duties not worthy to be nam’d; nor tobe read at any time without good caution, much lefs in time of trouble and affiicti- on to be aChriftians Prayer-Book? It hardly can be thought upon without fom laughter, that he who had ated over us fo ftately and fotragically, fhould leave the World at laft with fuch a ridiculous exit, as to bequeath among his deifying friends that ftood about him fuch a piece of mockery tobe publifht by them, as muft needs cover both his and their heads with fhame and confufion. And fureit was the hand of God that let them fall, and be taken in fuch a foolifh Trapp, ashathexpos’d them toall derifion, if for nothing els, to throw con- tempt and difgrace in the fight of all Men upon this his idoliz’d Book, and the whole rofarie of his.Prayers ; thereby teftifying how little he accepted them from thofe who thought no better of the living God than of aBuzzard Idol, that would be ferv’d and worfhipt with the polluted trafh of Romances and ai
cadjas,
C 451 ) cadias, without difcerning the affront fo irreligioufly and {0 boldly offer’d him to hié face.
Thus much be faid in general to his Prayers, and in fpecial to that Arcadian Prayer us'd inhis Captivity ; anough to undeceive us what efteem we are to fet upon the reft.
And thus farr in the whole Chapter we have feen and confider’d, and it cannot but be clear to all men, how and for what ends, what concernments and neceflities the late King was no way induc’d, but every way conftrain’d to call this laft Parliament : yet here in his firft Prayer he trembles not to a- vouch as in the ears of God, That he did st with an upright intention to his Glory, and his peoples Good: of which dreadful Atteftation how fincerely meant, God, to whom it was avow'd, can only judg ; and he hath judg’d already, and hath writt’n his impartial Sentence in Characters legible to all Chrift?ndom ; and be- fides hath taught us that there be fome whom he hath giv’n over to delufion, whofe very Mind and Confcience is defil’d, of whom Saint Pau! to Titus makes mention.
II. Upon the Earle of Strafford's Death.
elt, if ic be well weizh’d, that ever was Auricular. For he repents
heer of giving his Confenr, though moft unwillingly, to the moft {eafo-
nable and folemn piece of Juftice that had bin done of many years in the Land: But his fole Confcience thought the contrary. And thus was the welfare, the fafety, and within a little, the unanimous demand of three populous Nations to have attended ftill on the fingularity of one Man’s opinionated Confcience’; if men had always been fo tame and fpiritlefs, and had not unexpectedly ‘found the grace to underftand, that if his Confcience were fo narrow and peculiar to it felf, it was not fit his Authority fhould be fo ample and univerfal over others: For certainly a private Confuence forts not with a publick Calling, but declares that Perfon rather meant by nature for a private Fortune. And this alfo we may take for truth, that he whofe Confcience thinks it fin to put to death a capital Offendor, willas oft think it meritorious to killa righ- teous Perfon- But let us hear what the fin was that lay fo fore upon him; and as his Prayer giv’n to Dr. Fuxton, teftifies to the very day of his death, it was his gene the Bill of Straffords execution : A Man whom all men look’d upon as one of the boldeft and moft impetuous Inftruments that the King had to advance any violent or illegal Defign. He had rul’d Ireland and fom parts of Exg- land, in an arbitrary manner ; had indeavour’d to fubvert fundamental Laws, to fubvert Parlaments, and to incenfe the King againft them; he had alfo endea- vour’d to make Hoftility between England and Scotland: He had counfel’d the King to call over that Irifh Army of Papifts, which he had cunningly rais’d, to reduce England, as appear’d by good Teftimony then prefent at the Confultati- on: For which, and many other Crimes alleg’d and prov’d againft him in 28 Articles, he was condemn’d of High Treafon by the Parlament. The Commons by far the greater number caft him; the Lords after they had bin fa- tisfi'd in a full Difcourfe by the King’s Sollicitor, and the Opinions of many Judges deliver’d in their Houfe, agreed likewife to the Sentence of Treafon. The People univerfally cri’d out for Juftice. None were his Friends but Cour- tiers and Clergymen, the worft at that time, and moft corrupted fort of Men ; and Court-Ladies, not the beft of Women; who when they grow to that in- folence as to appear active in State-Affairs, are the certain fign of a diflolute, degenerat, and pufillanimous Common-wealth. Laft of all the King, or rather firft, for thefe were but his Apes, was not fatisfi'd in Confcience to condemn him of High Treafon; and declar’d to both Houfes, That no fears or refpetts whatfoever fhould make him alter that Refolution founded upon his Confcience. Ei- ther then his Refolution was indeed not founded upon his Confcience, or his Mmm 2 Confcience
Te next Chapter is a penitent Confeflion of the King, and the ftrang-
C 452 )
Confcience receav’d better information, or els both his Confcience and this his {trong Refolution ftrook fail, notwithftanding thefe glorious words, «to his ftronger fear ; for within a few days after, when the Judges at a privie Coun. fel, and four of his elected Bifhops had pick’d the thorn out of his Confcience, he was at length perfwaded to figne the Bill for Strafford’s Execution. And yet perhaps that it wrung his Confcience to condemn the Earl of High Treafon is not unlikely ; not becaufe he thought him guil:lefs of higheft Preafon, had half thofe Crimes bin committed againft bis cw. privat Intereft or Perfon, as appear'd plainly by his charge againft the fix Members; but becaufe he knew himfelf a Principal in what the Ear! was bet bi Accellory, and thought nothing Treafon againft the Common-wealth, but agaivit hi felf only.
Had he really fcrupl’d to fentence that for }reafon which he thought not treafonable, why did he feem reio.vd by the Judges and the Bifhops ? and if by them refoiv’d, how comes the {cruple ber agin ? it was not then as henow — pretends, The importunities of fome, and the fear of many, which made him fign, but the fatisfaction giv’n him by thofe Judges and ghoiily Fathers of his own choofing. Which of him fhall we believe ? for he feems not one, but dou- ble; either here we mult not beleeve him profefling that his Satisfaction was but feemingly receav’d and out of fear, or els we may as well beleeve that the {crup!e was no real icruple, as we can belceve him heer againft himfelf before, that the fatisfaction then receiv’d was no real fatisfaction: of fuch a variable and fleeting Confcience what hold can be tak’n? But that indeed it was a facil Confcience, and could difitmble fatisfattion when it pleas’d, his own infuing AGtions declar’d; being {oon after found to have the chief hand in a moft de- tefted Confpiracy againit the Parlament and Kingdom, as by Letters and Ex- aminations of Percy, Goring, and other Confpirators came to light; that his intention was to refcue the Earl of Strafford, by feizing on the Tower of London; tobring up the Englifh Army out of the North, joyn’d with eight thoufand Irifh Papifts rais’d by Strafford, and aFrench Army to be landed at Portfmouth againft the Parlament and thir Friends. For which purpofe the King, though requefted by both Honfes to disband thofe Irifh Papifts, refus’d todoit, and kept them ftillin armesto his own purpofes. No marvel then, if being as deeply criminous as the Earl himfelf, it ftung his Confcience to adjudg to death thofe mifdeeds whereof himfelf had been the chief Author : no mar- vel though inftead of blaming and detefting his Ambition, his evil Counfel, his violence and oppreffion of the People, he fall to praife his great Ab:lities, and. with Scolaftick Fiourifhes beneath the decencie of a King, compares him tothe Sun, which in all figurative ufe and fignificance beares allufion to a King, not to a Subjeét: No marvel though he knit Contradictions as clofe, as words can lie together, not approving in his judgment, and yet approving in his fub- quent reafon all that Strafford did, as driv'n by the nece(fity of times, and the temper of that people ; for this excufes all his Mifdemeanors : Laftly, no maryél that he goes on building many fair and pious Conclufions upon falfé and wicked Premi- fes, which deceave the common Reader, not well difcerning the antipathy of fuch Connexions: but this is the marvel, and may be the aftonifhment of all - that have aConfcience, how he durft in the fight of God (and with the fame words of contrition wherwith David repents the murdering of Uriah) repent his lawful compliance to that juft act of not faving him, whom he ought to
- have deliver'd up to fpeedy punifhment, though himfelf the guiltier of the two. If the deed were fo finful to have put to death fo great a Malefactor, it would have tak’n much doutlefs from the heavinefs of his Sin, to have told God in his Confeffion, how he labour’d, what dark Plots he had contriv’d, in- to what a League entred, and with what Confpirators againft his Parlament and Kingdoms,«to have refcu’d from the claim of Juftice fo notable and fo dear an Inftrument of Tyranny ; which would have bin aStory, no doubt, as plealing in the ears of Heav’n, as all thefe equivocal Repentances. For it was fear, and nothing els, which made him fain before both the fcruple and the fa- tisfaction of his Confcience, that is to fay, of his mind : his firft fear, pre- tended Confcience, that he might be born with to refufe figning; his latter fear being more urgent, made him find a Confcience both to fign, and to be fa- tisfy'd. As for Repentance it came not on him till a long. time after; when he faw he could have fuffer’d nothing more though he had deny’d that Bill, For how
could
| C 453 )
could he underftandingly repent of letting that be Treafon which the Parla- ment and whole Nation fo judg’d ? This was that which repented him, to have giv’n up to juft punifhment fo ftout a Champion of his Defigns, who: might have bin fo ufeful to him in his following civil Broiles. It was a worldly Repentance, not a confcientious; or els it was a ftrange Tyranny which his Confcience had got over him, to vex him like an evil Spirit for doing one act of Juftice, and by that means to fortify his Refolution from ever doing fo any more. That mind muft needs be irrecoverably depravd, which either by chance or importunity, tafting but once of one juft deed, fpatters at it and ab- hors the relifh ever after. othe Scribes and Pharifees, Wo was denounc’d by our Saviour, for {training at a Gnat and {wallowing a Camel, though a Gnat were to be ftrain’d at: But to a Confcience with whom one good deed is fo hard to pafs down as to endanger almoft a choaking, and bad deeds with- ouc number, though as big and bulkie as the ruinof three Kingdoms, go down currently without ftraining, certainly a far greater woe appertains. If his Confcience were come to that unnatural Dy/cra/y, as to digeft poyfon and to keck at wholefom food, it was not for the Parlament, or any of his King- doms to feed with him any longer. Which to conceal he would perfwade us that the Parlament alfo in their Confcience efcap’d not fome touches of re- morfe for putting Strafford to death, in forbidding it by an after-ad to bea Precedent for the future. Butin a fairer conftruction, that act implid rather a defire in them to pacifie the King’s mind, whom they perceav‘d by this means quite alienated , in the mean while not imagining that this after-act fhould be retorted on them to tie up Juftice for the time to come upon like oc- cafion, whether this were made a Precedentor not, no more then the want of fuch a Precedent, if it had bin wanting, had bin available to hinder this.
But how likely is it that this after-act argu’d in the Parlament thir leaft re- penting for the death of Strafford, when it argu’d fo little in the King himfelf, who notwithftanding this after-act, which had his own hand and concurrence, if not his own inftigation, within the fame year accus’d of High Treafon no lefs than fix Members at once for the fame pretended Crimes which his Confcience would not yield to think treafonable in the Earl: So that this his futtle Ar- gument to faft’n a repenting, and by that means a guiltinefs of Strafford’s death upon the Parlament, concludes upon his own head ; and fhews us plainly that either nothing in his judgment was Treafon again{t the Common-wealth, but only againft the King’s Perfon; a tyrannical Principle ; or that his Confcience was a perverfe and prevaricating Confcience, to icruple that the Common- wealth fhould punifh for treafonous in one eminent Offender, that which he himfelf fought fo vehemently to have punifht in fix guiltlefs perfons. If this were that touch of Confcience which he bore with greater regrett then for any other fin committed in his life. whether it were that proditory Aid fent to Rochel and Religion abroad, or that prodigality of fhedding blood at home, to a million of his Subjeéts lives not valu’d in comparifon of one Strafford, we may confider yet at laft what true fenfe and feeling could be in that Confcience, and what firnefs to be the Mafter-confcience of three Kingdomes.
But the reafon why he labours that we fhould take notice of fo much tex- dernefs and regret in his Soul for having any hand in Strafford’s death, is worth the marking e’re we conclude: He hop’d it would be fome evidence before God and Man to all pofteritie that he was farr from bearing that vaft load and guilt of blood layd upon him by others: Which hath the likenefS of a futtle Diflimulation, bewailing the blood of one Man, his commodious Inftrument, putto death moft juftly, though by him unwillingly, that we might think him too tender to fhed willingly the blood of thofe thoufands, whom he counted Rebells. And thus by dipping voluntarily his fingers end, yet with fhew of great remorfe, in the blood of Strafford, whereof all Men cleer him, he thinks to fcape that Sea of innocent blood wherein his own guilt inevitably hath plung’d him allover. And we may well perceave to what eafie fatisfactions and purgations he had inur’d his fecret Confcience, who thinks by fuch weak policies and oftentations as thefe to gain beliefand abfolution from underftanding Men.
Kil, Upon
| € 454 )
III. Upon bis going to the Houfe of Commons.
Houfe of Commons, there needs not much be faid; for he confefles it to be an act which moft men whom he calls his Enemies cry d fhame up- on, indifferent men grew jealous of and fearfull, and many of lis Friends refented, as a motion arifing rather from paffion then reafon: He himfelf in one of his An- {ers to both Houfes made profeflion to be convine’d that it was a plaine breach of thir Privilege ; yet here like-a rotten building newly trimm’d over, he repre-
(esr t his unexcufable and hoftile march from the Court to the
fents it fpecioufly and fraudulently, toimpofe upon the fimple Reader ;_ and feeks _
by fmooth and futtle words not here only, but through his whole Book, to make fome beneficial ufe or other even of his worft mifcarriages.
Thefe Men, {:ith he, meaning his Friends, knew not the jujt motives and preg- nant grounds with which I thought my felf furnifhed; to wit, againft the five Mem- bers whom he came to dragg out of the Houfe. His beft Friends indeed knew not, nor could ever know his Motives to fuch a riotous act: and had he him- fel'e known any jult grounds, he was not ignorant how much it might have tended to his jultitying, had he nam’d themin this place, and not conceal?d them. But to fuppofe them real, fuppofe them known, what was this to that violation and difhonour put upon the whole Houfe, whofe very dore forcibly kept ep’r, and all the paflages neer it he befett with Swords and Piltols cockt and menacd inthe hands of about three hundred Swaggerers and Ruffians, who but expected, nay audibly call’d for, the word of Onfet to begin a flaughter.
He had difcover'd as he thought unlawfull core[pondencies which they had us'd, and Engagements to imbroile bis Kingdomes, and remembers not his own unlawful Correfpondencies and Confpiracies with the Irifh Army of Papifts, with the French to land at Port/mcuth, and his tampring both with the Englifh and Scotch Army to come up againftthe Parlament: the leaft of which attempts by whom- foever, was no lefs then manifeft Treafon againft the Common-wealth.
If to demand Juftice on the five Members were his Plea,for that which they with more reafon might have demanded Juftice upon him (1 ufe his own Argument) there needed not fo rough affiftance. \f hee had refolv’d to bear that repuls with pa- tience,which his Queen by her words to him at his return little thought he would have done, wherefore did he provide againft it with fuch an armed and unufual Force? But his heart ferv’d him not to undergoe the hazzard that fuch a defpe- rat {cuffle would have brought him to. But wherfore did he goe at all, it be- hooving him to know there were two Statutes that declar’d he ought firft to have acquainted the Parlament who were the Accufers, which he refus’d to doe, though ttill profefling to govern by Law, and fill juftifying his attempts againft Law: And when he faw it was not permitted him to attaint them but by 2 fair tryal, as was offer’d him from time to time, for want of juft matter which yet never came to light, he let the bufinefs fallof his own accord ; and afl chofe Pregnancies and ju(t motives came to juft nothing.
He had no temptation of difpleafure or revenge againft thofe Men: None but what he thirfted to execute upon them, for the conftant oppofition which they made againft his tyrannous Proceedings, and the love and reputation which they therfore had among the people. ;
He mift but little 10 have produc’d Writings under fome Mens own hands. But yet he mift, though their Chambers, Trunks, and Studies were feal’d up and fearcht; yet not found guilty. Providence would not have it fo. Good Provi- dence that curbs the raging of proud Monarchs, as well as of madd Multi- tudes. Yet he wanted not fuch probabilities (for his pregnant is come now to pro- bable) as were fufficient toraife jealoufies in any King’s beart: And thus his preg- nant motives are at laft prov'd nothing but a Tympany, or a Queen Adaries Cu- fhion; for in any Kings heart, as Kings go now, what fhadowie conceit or groundlefs toy will not create a Jealoufie ?
That he had defign'd to affaule the Honfe of Commons, taking God to witnefs, he utterly denies; yet inhis Anfwer to the City, maintains that any cour([e ta
ence
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lence had bin very juftifable. And we may then guefs how far it was from his defign : However it difcover’d in him an exceflive eagerne!s to be aveng’d on then that crofs’d him; and that to have his will, he {tood not to doe things’ never fo much below him. What abecomming fight it was to fee the King of England one while in the Houfe of Commons, by and by in the Guild-Hal among the Liveries and Manufactures, profecuting fo greedily the track of five or fix fled Subjects; himfelf not the Solliciter only but the Purfivant, and the Apparitor of his own partial Caufe. And aithough in his Anfwers to the Parlament, he hath confefs’d, firft that his manner of profecution was illegal, next that as he once conceiv’d he had ground anough to accufe them, fo at length that he found as good caufe to defert any profecution of thems yet here he feems to reverfe all, and againft promife takes up his old deferted Accufation, that he might have fomething to excufe himfelf, inftead of giving due reparation, which he always refus’d to give them whom he had fo difhonour’d. That I went, faith he of his going tothe Houfe of Commons, attended with - fome Gentlemen, Gentlemen indeed, the ragged Infantrie of Stewes and Bro- thels ; the {pawn and fhipwrack of Taverns and Dicing-Houfes: and then he pleads it was no unwonted thing for the Majefly and fafety of a King to be fo at- tended, efpecially in difcontented times. An illuitrious Majeftie no doubr, fo attend - ed; abecomming fafety for the King of Exgland, plac’d in the fidelity of fuch Guards and Champions: happy times, when Braves and Hackfters, the on- ly contented Members of his Government, were thought the fitteft and the faithfulleft to defend his Perfon againft the difcontents of a Parlament and all good Men, Were thofe the chos’n ones to preferve reverence to him, while he enter’d unaffir'd, and full of fufpicions, into his great and faithful Counfel ? Let God then and the World judg whether the Caufe were not in his own guilty and unwarrantable doings: The Houfe of Commons upon feveral Examinations of this buifnefs declar’d it fufficiently prov?d that the comming of thofe Soul- diers, Papiftsand others with the King, was to take away fome of thir Mem- bers, and in cafe of oppofition or denyal, to have fall’n upon the Houfe in a ho- ftile manner. This the King here denies, adding a fearful Imprecation againft his own life, If he purpofed any violence or oppreffion against the Innocent ,then,faith he, let the Enemie perfecute my Soul, and tred my life to the ground, and lay my Honour in the duff. What need then more difputing ? He appeal’d to God’s Tribunal, and behold God hath judg’d and done to him in the tight of all men according to the verdiat of his own mouth: To be a warning to all Kings hereafter how they ufe prefumptuoufly the words and proteftations of David, without the fpirit and confcience of David. And the King’s admirers may heer fee thir madnefs, to miftake this Book for a monument of his worth and wifdom, when as indeed it is his Doomfday Booke , not like that of William the Norman his Pre- deceflor, but the record and memorial of his Condemnation; and difcovers whatever hath befal’n him, to have bin haft’ad on from Divine Juftice by the rafh and inconfiderat Appeal of his own lips. But what evafions, what pre- tences, though never fo unjuft and emptie, will he refufe in matters more un- known, and more involv’d in the mifts and intricacies of State, who, rather then not juftifie himfelf in a thing fo generally odious, can flatter his Integritic with fuch frivolous excufes againft the manifeft diflent of all men, whether Enemics, Neuters, or Friends. But God and his Judgments have not bin mock’d ; and good men may well perceive what a diftance there was ever like to be between him and his Parlament, and perhaps between him and all amendment, who for one good deed, though but confented to, askes God forgivenefs ;
an from his worft deeds done, takes occafion to infift wpon his rightcouf- nefs.
gies | IV. Upon
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IV. Uponthe Infolency of the Tumults.
; E have here, I muft confefs, a neat and well-couch d invettive a- gainft Tumults, exprefling a true fear of them inthe Author ; but yet fo handfomly compos’d, and withal fo feelingly, that, to make
a Royal comparifon, I believe Rehoboam, the Son of Solow, coulc not have compos'd it better. Yet Rehoboam had more caufe to inveizs again{i them ; for they had fton’d his Tribute-gatherer, and perhaps had as little fpar’d his own Perfon, had he not with all {peed betak’n him to his Charret.. But this King hath ftood the worft of them in his own Houfe without danger, when his Coach and Horfes, in a panic feare, have bin to feek, which argues that the Tomults at Whiteball were nothing fo dangerous as thofe at Sechem.
But the matter here confiderable is not whether the King, or his Houfhold Rhetorician have made a pithy declamation againft Tumults, but firft whether thefe were Fumults or not; nexcif they were, whether the King himfelf did not caufethem. Let us examin therfore how things at that time ftood. The King, as before hath bin prov’d, having both call’d this Parlament unwillingly, and as unwillingly from time to time condefcended to thir feveral acts, carry- ing on a disjoint and privat intereft of his own, and not enduring to be fo crofs’d and overf{waid, efpecially in the executing of his chief and boldeft In- ftrument, the Deputy of Ireland, firft tempts the Englifh Army, with no lefs reward than the fpoil of Londen, to come up and deftroy the Parlament. That being difcover’d by fome of the Officers, who, tho bad enough, yet abhorr?d fo foul a deed, the King hard’nd in his purpofe, turns him next to the Scotch Army, and baites his temptation witha richer reward ; notonly to have the facking of London, but four Northern Counties to be made Scottifh, with Jew- els of great value to be giv’n in pawn the while. But neither would the Scots, for any promife of reward, be bought to fuch an execrable and odious treache- ry ; but with much honefty gave notice of the Kings defign both to the Parla- ment and City of London. The Parlament moreover had intelligence, and the people could not but difcern that there was a bitter and malignant party grown up now to fucha boldnefs, as to give out infolent and threatning fpeeches a- gainft the Parlament it felf. Befides this, the Rebellion in Ireland was now broke out , and a Confpiracy in Scotland had been made, while the King was there, again{ft fome chief Members ofthat Parlament; great numbers here of un- known and fufpicious perfons reforted to the City. The King beingreturn’d from Scotland, prefently difmifles that Guard which the Parlament thought neceflary in the midft of fo many dangers to have about them, and puts another Guard in thir place, contrary to the privilege of that high Court, and by fuch a one commanded, as made them no lefs doubtful of the Guard it felf. Which they therfore upon fome ill effects thereof firft found, difcharge; deeming ic more fafe to fit free, tho without a Guard, in op’n danger, then inclos’d with a faf- pected fafety. The people therfore, left thir worthieft and moft faithful Pa- triots, who had expos’d themfelves for the public, and whom they faw now left naked, fhould want aid, or be deferted in the midft of thefe dangers, came in multitudes, tho unarm’d, to witnefs their fidelity and readinefs in cafe of any violence offer’d to the Parlament. The King both envying to fee the peoples love thus devolv’d on another object, and doubting left it might utterly difable him to do with Parlaments as he was wont, fent a Meflage into the City forbid- ding fuchreforts. The Parlament alfo both by what was difcover’d to them, and what they faw in a malignant Party (fome of which had already drawn blood ina Fray or two at the Court Gate, and ev’n at thir own Gate in Weft- minfter- Hall) conceaving themfelves to be ftill in danger where they fate, fenta moft reafonable and juft Petition to the King, that a Guard might be allow’d them out of the City, whereof the Kings own Chamberlain, the Earl of Effex, might have command ; it being the right of inferiour Courts to make chois of thir ownGuard. This the King refus'd todo, and why he refus’d, the very next day made manifeft : For on that day it was that he fallied out from White- hall, with thofe trufty Myrmidons, to block up, or give affault to the Houfe of
' Commons,
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Commons. He had, befides all this, begun to fortify his Court, and enter- tain’d armed Men nota few 3 who ftanding at his Palace Gate, revil’d, and with drawn Swords wounded many of «the People, as they went by un- arm’d, and ina peaceable manner, whereof fomedy’d. The pafling by of a multitude, tho neither to St. George’s Feaft, nor toa Tilting, certainly of it felf was no Yumult ; the expreilion of thir loyalty and ftedfaftnefs to the Par- lament, whofe lives and fafeties by more than flight rumors they doubted to be in danger, was no Tumult. If it grew to be fo, the caufe was in the King himfelf and his injurious retinue, who both by hoftile preparations inthe Court, and by actual aflailing of the People, gave them juft caule to defend themfelves.
Surely thofe unarmed and petitioning people needed not have been fo for- midable to any, but to fuch whofe confciences mifgave them how ill they had deferv’d of the people , and firft began to injure them, becaufe they juftly fear’d it from them , and thenafcribe that to popular Tumult, which was occa- fion’d by thir own provoking.
And that the King was fo emphatical and elaborat on this Theam againit Tu- mults, and exprefs’d withfuch a vehemence his hatred of them, will redound lefs perhaps than he was aware to the commendation of his Government. For befides that in good Governments they happ’n feldomeft, and rife not without caufe, if they prove extreme and pernicious, they were never counted fo toMonarchy, but to Monarchical Tyranny; and extremes one with ano- ther are at moft antipathy. If then the King fo extremely ftood in fear of Tumults, the inference will endanger him to be the other extreme. Thus far the occafion of this difcours againft Tumults; now to the difcourfe it felf, voluble anough, and full of fentence, but that, for the moft part, either f{pe- cious rather than folid, or to his caufe nothing pertinent.
He never thought any thing more to prefage the mifchicfs that enfued, than thofe Tu- mults. Vhen was hisforefight but fhort, and much miftak’n. “Thofe Tumults were but the mild effects of anevil and injurious reign; not figns of mifchiefs tocome, but feeking relief for mifchiefs palt : thofe figns were to be read more apparent in his rage and purpos’d revenge of thofe free expoftulations and clamors of the people againft hislawlefs Government. Not any thing, faith he, portends more God's difpleafure againft a Nation than when he fuffers the clamours of the Vulgar to pafs all bounds of Law and reverence to Antority. It portends rather his difpleafure againft a tyrannous King, whofe proud Throne he intends to overturn by that contemptible Vulgar; the fad cries and oppreflions of whom his Royaltie regarded not. As for that fupplicating people, they did no hurt <i- therto Law or Autority, but ftood for it rather in the Parlament againft whom they fear’d would violate it.
That they invaded the Honour and Freedom of the two Houfes, is hisown ofici- ous accufation, not feconded by the Parlament, who had they feen cauf@P were themfelves beft able to complain. And if they fhook and menac’d any, they were fuchas had more relation to the Court than to the Commonwealth ; Ene- mies, not Patrons of the people. But if their petitioning unarmed were an invafion of both Houfes, what was his entrance into the Houfe of Commons, befetting it with armed men? In what condition then was the honour and free- dom of that Houfe ?
They forebore not rude deportments, contemptuous words and ations to himfelf and his Court.
It was more wonder, having heard what treachercus hoftility he had defign’d againft the City and his whole Kingdom, that they forbore to handle him as people in thir rage have handl?d Tyrants heretofore for le{S offences.
They were not a {hort sigue, but a fierce quotidian Fever. We indeed may belt fay it, who moft felt it; for the fhaking was within him, and it fhook himby his own defcription worfe than « Storm, worfe than an Earthquake, Belfhazzars Palfy. Had not worfe fears, terrors, and envies made within him that com- motion, how could a multitude of his Subjeéts, armd with no other weapon then Petitions, have thak’n all his joints with fuch a terrible Ague? Yet thac the Parlament fhould entertain the leaft fear of bad intentions from him or bis party, he endures not, but would perfwade us that men fcare themfelves and o- shers without caufe: forhe thought fear would betothema kind of Armor, and his defign was, if poflible, todifarm all, efpecially of a wife fear and fufpicion ; for that he knew would find weapons. Noa He
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He goes on therfore with vehemence to repeat the mifchiefs done by thefe Tumults. .They firft petitioned, then protetted, dittatenext, and laftly cveraw the Parlament. They remov’d obftruttions, they purg’d the Houfes, coft out rotten mem- bers. \f there were a man of iron, fuch as Tals, by our Poet Spencer, is feign’d to be the page of Juftice, who with his iron Flaii covld do all this, and expe- ditioufly, without thofe deceitful forms and circumftances of Law, worfethan ceremonies in Religion , 1 fay God fend it done, whether by one Tal, or by a thoufand.
But they fubdwd the men of confcience in Parlament, backd and abetted all [e- ditions and [chifmatical Fropofals againft Government ecclefiaftical and civil. ;
Now we may perceive the root of his hatred whence it {prings. It was not the King’s grace or princely goodnes, but this iron Fleil, the People, thatdrove the Bifhops out of thir Baronies, out of thir Cathedrals, out of the Lords Houfe, out of thir Copes and Surplices, and all thofe Papiflical innovations, threw down the High-Commiffion and Star-chamber, g2ve usa Triennial Par- lament, and what we moft defir’d ; in revenge whereoi he now fo bitterly in- veighs againft them : thefe are thofe fediticus and {chifmatical Propofals then by him condefcended to as acts of Grace, now cf another names which de- clares him, touching matters of Church and State, to have been no other man in the deepeft of his Solitude, than he was before at the higheft of hisSov- ranty.
But this was not the worft of thefe Trmults, they plaid the halty Afidwives, and would not fray the ripening, but went firaight vo ripping wp, and forcibly cut ome abortive Votes. ,
They would not flay perhaps the Spanifh demurring, ard putting off fuch wholfom acts and counfels, as the politicCabinet at Whitehall had no mind to. But all this is complain’d here as done to the Parlement, end yet we heard not the Parlament at that time complain of any violence from the people, but from him. Wherefore intrudes he to plead the caufe of Parlament againft the people, while the Parlament was pleading thir own caufe againfthim, and a- gainft him were forced to feek refuge of the people? ?Tis plain then that thofe confluxes and reforts interrupted not the Parlament, nor by them were thought tumultuous, but by him only and his Court Facticn.
But what good manhad not rather mant any thing he moft defired for the public geod, than attain it by [uch unlawful and irreligicw means? as muchas to fay, Had not rather fit till, and let his Country be tyranniz’d, then thatthe people, find- ing no other remedy, fhould ftand up like Men, and demand thir Rights and Liberties. This is the artificialeft piece of finene{s to perfwade Men to be Slaves, that the wit of Court could have invented. But hear how much better the Moral of this Leflon would befit the Teacher : What goodman had not ra- sae a boundlefs and arbitrary “power, and thole fine Flowers of the Crown, call’d Prerogatives, then for them to ufe force and perpetual vexati- on to his faithful Subjeéts, nay to wade for them through Bleed ard civil War ? So that this and the whole bundle of thofe following fenterces may be apply’d _ better tothe convincement of his own viclent courfes, than of thofe pretended Tumults.
Who were the chief Demagogues to fend for thofe Tumulrs, fome alive are not igno~ rant, Setting afide the affrightment of this Gcblin word; for thehing by his leave, cannot coin Englifh, as he could Mory, to be current (and ‘tis believ’d this wording was above his known Stile and Orthography, and accuf:s the whole compofure to be confcious of {cme other Author) yet if the People were fent for, embold’nd and diretted by thofe Demagogues, who, faving his Greek, were gocd Patriots, ard by his own confeflion Aden of fome repute for Parts and Piety, it helps well to aflure us there was both urgent caufe, and the lefs danger of thir coming.
Complaints were made, yet no redrefs could be cbtain’d. The Parlament alfo complain’d of what danger they fate in from another party, and demanded of him a Guard, but it was not granted. What marvel then if it chear’d them to fee fome ftore of thir Friends, and in the Roman, not the pettifogeing fenfe, thir Clients fo neer about them; a defence due by nature both from whom it was offer’d, and to whom, as due as to thir Parents; tho the Court ftorm’d and fretted to fee fuch honour giv’n to them, who were then “eel
thers
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thers of the Common-wealth. And both the Parlament and People complain’d, and demanded Juftice for thofe aflaults, if not Murders done at his own doors by that crew of Rufflers, but he, inftead of doing Jultice on them, jultifrd and abetted them in what they did, as in his public Anfwer to a Petition from the City may be read. Neither is ic flightly to be pafs’d over, that in the very place where Blood was firft drawn in this Caufe, as the beginning of all that fol- low’d, there was his own Blood fhed by the Executioner : According to that fentence of Divine Juftice, In the place where Dogs lickd the Blood of Naboth, fhall Dogs lick thy Blood, ev'n thine.
From hence he takes occafion to excufe that improvident and fatal error of hisabfenting from the Parlament. Whenhe found that no Declaration of the Bi- foops could take place againjt thofe Tumults. Was that worth his confidering, that foolifh and felf-undoing Declaration of twelve Cypher Bifhops, who were im- mediately appeacht of Treafon for that audacious Declaring? The Bifhops peradventure were now and then pull’d by the Rochets, and deferv’d another kindof pulling; but what amounted this to the fear of his own Perfon in the Streets? Did he not the very next day after his irruption into the Houfe of Commons, than which nothing had more exafperated the people, go in his Coach unguarded into the City ? Did he receive the leaft affront, much lefs vio- lence in any of the Streets, but rather humble demeanors and fupplications ? Hence may be gather’d, that however in his own guiltinefs he might have juftly fear’d, yet that he knew the people fo full of aw and reverence to his Perfon, as to dare commit himfelf fingle among the thickeft of them, at a time when he had moft provok’d them. Befides in Scotland they had handled the Bi- fhops in a more robuftious manner , Edinborough had bin full of Tumults, two Armies from thence had entred England again{t him: yetafter all this he was not fearful, but very forward to take fo long a Journey to Edinborough , which ar- gues firft, as did alfo his rendition afterward to the Scotch Army, that to Eng- land he continw’d till, as he was indeed, a ftranger, and fullof diffidence; to the Scots only a native King, in his confidence, tho not in his dealing towards them. It fhews us next beyond doubting, that all this his fear of Tumults was but a meer pretence and occafion tak’n of his refolved abfence from the Parla- ment for fome other end not difficult to be guefs’d. And thofe inftances wherein valour is not to be queftion’d for not fcnffling with the Sea, or an undif- ciplind Rabble, are but fubfervient to carry on the folemn jeft of his fearing Tu- mults ; if they difcover not withal the true reafon why he departed, only to turn his flafhing at the Court Gate to flaughtering im the Field, his diforderly bickering to an orderly invading; which was nothing els but a more orderly diforder.
Some fufpetted and affirin’d that he meditated a War, when he went firft from White- ball. And they were not the worft heads that did fo, nor did any of his former atts weak'n him that, as he alledges for himfelf; or if they had, they cleer him only for the time of paflingthem, not for whatever thoughts might come afterinto his mind. Former actions of improvidence or fear, not with him unufval, cannot abfolve him of all after-meditations.
He goes on protefting his mo intention to have left Whitehall, had thefe horrid Tumultsgiv’n him but fair Quarter, as if he himfelf, his Wife and Children had been in peril. But to this anough hath bin anfwer’d.
Had this Parlament, as it was ‘in its firft Eleftion, namely with the Lord and Baron Bifhops, fate full and free, he doubts not but all had gon well. What 5 al is this of his to us ? whofe not doubting was all good mens greateft
oubt. :
He was refolv’d to hear Reafon, and to confent fo far as he could comprehend. A hopeful refolution : what if his reafon were found by oft experience to com- prehend nothing beyond his own advantages, was this a reafon fit to be intruft- ed with the common good of three Nations ?
But, faithhe, as Swine are to Gardens, fo are Tumultsto Parlaments. This the Parlament, had they found it fo, could beft have told us. In the mean while who knows not that one great Hog may do as much mifchief in a Garden as many little Swine ? He was fometimes prone to think, that had he call’d this laft Parlament to any other place in England, the fad confequences might have bin pre- vented, But changeof Airchanges not the mind. Was not his firft Parlament
Nnn 2 at
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at Oxford diflolv’d after two Subfidies givn him, and no Juftice receiv’d? Was not his laft in the fame place, where they fate with as much freedom, as much quiet from Tumults as they could defire, a Parlament, both in his account and their own, confifting of all his Friends, that fled after him, and fuffer’d for him, and yet by him nicknam’d, and cafhiered for a A4angril Parlament, that vext his Queen with their bafe and mutinows motions ? as his Cabinet-letter tells us. Where- by the World may fee plainly, that no fhifting of place, no fifting of Members to his own mind, no number, no paucity, no freéddom from Tumults could ever bring his arbitrary wilfulnefs, and tyrannical Defigns to brook the leaf fhape or fimilitude, the leaft counterfet of a Parlament.
Finally, inftead of praying for his people as a good King fhould do, he prays to be deliver’d from them, as from wild Beafts, Inundations, and raging Seas, that - bad overborn all Loyalty, Modefly, Lams, Fujtice, and Religion. God fave the People from fuch Interceffors.
V. Upon the Bill for Triennial Parlaments, and for fetling this, &c.
other for fetling this was at that time very expedient; and in the Kings
own words no more then what the World mas fully confirm’d he might in Fuftice, Reafon, Honour, andConfcience grant them for to that end he affirms to have don it.
But whereas he attributes the pafling of them tohis own act of Grace and Willingnefs, as his manner is tomake Vertues of his neceflities, and giving to himfelf all the praife, heaps ingratitude upon the Parlament, a lictle memory will fet the clean contrary before us 5 that for thofe beneficial Ats we ow what we ow to theParlament ; but to his granting them neither praife nor thanks: The firft Bill granted much lefs than two former Statutes yet in force by Edward the third; that a Parlament fhould be call’d every year, or ofter, if need were : nay froma far antienter Law-Book call’d the A4irror, it is affirm’d in a late Treatife call’d Rights of the Kingdom, that Parlaments by our old Laws ought twice a year to be at Loxdon. The fecond was fo neceflary that nothing in the power of man more feem’d to bethe ftay and fupport of all things from that fteep ruin to which he had nigh brought them, then that Act obtain’d. He had by hisill Stewardfhip, and, to fay no worfe, the needlefs raiffig of two Armies intended for acivil War, begger’d both himfelf and the Public; and befides had left us uponthe fcore of his needy Enemies for what it coft them in thir own defence againft him. To difingage himand the Kingdom great fums were to be borrow’d, which would never have bin lent; nor could ever be repaid, had the King chanced to diffolve this Parlament asheretofore. The Errors alfo of his Government had brought the Kingdom to fuch extremes, as were in- capable of all recovery without the abfolute continuance of this Parlament. It had binels in vain to go about the fetling of fo great diftempers, if he, who firft caus’d the Malady, might, when he pleas’d, reject the Remedy. Not- withftanding all which, that he granted both thefe Acts unwillingly, and as a meer paflive Inftrument, was then vifible ev’n to moft of thofe men who now will fee nothing.
At pafling of the former Act he himfelf conceal’d not his unwillingnefs ; and teftifying a general diflike of thir actions, which they then proceeded in with great approbation of the whole Kingdom, he told them witha mafterly Brow, that by this Att he had oblig’d them above what they had deferv’d, and gave a piece of Juftice to the Common-wealth three times fhort of his Predeceflors, as if he had bin giving fom boon, or begged office to a fort of his defertlefs Grooms.
That he pafs'd the latter Act againft his will, no man inreafon can hold it
queftionable. For ifthe February before he made fo dainty, and were fo loth to
hk Bill for Triennial. Parlaments was doubtlefs a good Bill, and the
€ 461 )
to beftow a Parlament once in three years upon the Nation, becaufe this had fo oppos’d his conrfes, was it likely that the Afay following he fhould beftow willingly on this Parlament an indiffoluble fitting, when they had offended him much more by cutting fhort and impeaching of High Treafon his chief Favourites? It was his fear then, not his favour, which drew from him that Act, left the Parlament, incens’d by his Confpiracies againft them, about the fame time difcover’d, fhould with the People have refented too hainou‘ly thofe his doings, if to the fufpicion of their danger from him he had alfo added the denial of this only means to fecure themfelves. ‘
From thefe Acts therfore in which he glories, and wherewith fo oft he up- braids the Parlament, he cannot jaftly expect to reap ought but difhonour and difpraife ; as being both unwillingly granted, and tke one granting much lefs then was before allow’d by Statute, the other being a teftimony of his violent and lawlefs Cuftom, not only to break Privileges, but whole Parlaments; from which Enormity they were conftrain’d to bind him firft of all his Predeceflors ; never any before him having giv’n like caufes of diftruft and jealoufie to his Peo- ple. As for this Parlament, how far he was from being advis'd by them, as he ought, let his own words exprefs.
He taxes them with sdoing what they found well done: and yet knows they undid nothing in the Church but Lord Bifhops, Liturgies, Ceremonies, High Commiflion, judg’d worthy by all true Proteftants to be thrown out of the Church. They undid nothing inthe State but irregular and grinding Courts, the main grievances to be remov’d ; and if thefe were the things which in his opinion they found well done, we may again from hence be inform’d with what unwillingnels he remov’d them; and that thofe gracious Acts wherof fo frequently he makes mention, may be englifh’d more properly Acts of fear and diflimulation again{t his mind and confcience.
The Bill preventing dillolution of this Parlament he calls Ax unpsrallel’d At, out of the extreme confidence that his Subjecis would not make ill ufe of it. But was it not a greater confidence of the People to put into one Man’s hand fo great a Power, till he abus’d it, astofummon and diffolve Parlaments ? He would be thankt for trufting them, and ought to thank them rather for trufting him : the truft ifluing firft from them, not from him.
And that it was a meer truft, and not his Prerogative, to call and diffolve Parlaments at his pleafure; and that Parlaments were not to be diflolv’d, till all Petitions were heard, all Greevances redreft, is not only the aflertion of this Parlament, but of our antient Law-books, which averr it to be an un- writt'n Law of commonRight, fo ingrav’n in the Hearts of our Anceftors, and by them fo conftantly enjoy’d and claim’d, as that it needed not enrouling. And if the Scots in thir Declaration could charge the King with breach of their Laws for breaking up that Parlament without their confent, while matters of greateft moment were depending; it were unteafonable to imagin that the Wifdom of England fhould be fo wanting to it felf through all ages, as not to provide by fome known Law, writt’n or unwritt’n, againft the not calling, or the arbitrary diflolving of Parlameats or that they who ordain’d thir fum- moning twice a year, or as oft as need requir’d, did not tacitely enact alfo, that as neceflity of affaires call’d them, fo the fame neceflity fhould keep them undiffolv’d till that were fully fatisfi'd. Were it not for that, Parlaments, and all the fruit and benefit we receave by having them, would turn foon to meer - abufion. It appears then that if this Bill of not diffolving were an unparallel’d Ac, it was a known and common Right which our Anceftors under other Kings enjoy’d as firmly asif it had bin grav’n in Marble; and that the infringement of this King firft brought it into a writt'n A@: Who now boafts that as a great favour done us, which his own lefs fidelity then was informer Kings, con- {train’d us only of an old undoubted Right, to make a new writtn A&. But what needed writt’n Acts, when as antiently it was efteem’d part of his Crown- Oath not to diflolve Parlaments till all Grievances were confider’d ? whereup- on the old A4odé of Parlament, calls it flat Perjury, if he diffolve them before, as I find cited ina Book mention’d at the beginning of this Chapter, to which and: other Law-tractats I refer the more Lawyerlie mooting of this point, which is neither my element; nor my propet work heer ; fince the Bock which I have
fA
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to an{wer pretends to reafon not to autorities and quotations: and I hold reafon to be the beft Arbitrator, and the Law of Law it felf.
*Tis true, that good Subjetts think it not juft that the King’s condition fhould be worfe by bettering theirs. But then the King muft not be at fuch a diftance from the people in judging what is better and what worfe ; which might have bin agreed, had he known (for his own words condemn him) as well with modera- tion to ufe, as with earnefinefs to defire his own advantages. ;
A continual Parlament he thought would keep the Common-wealth in tune. Judg, Common-wealth, what proofs he gave that this boafted profeflion was ever in his thought.
Some, faith he, gave out that I repented me of that fetling At. His own atti- ons gave it out beyond all fuppofition; for doubtlefs it repented him to have eftablifh’d that by Law, which he went about fo foon after to abrogate by the Sword.
He calls thofe Acts which he confefles tended to thir good, not more Princely then friendly Contributions: As if to do his duty were of courtelie, and the dif-. charge of histruft a parcel of his liberality , fo nigh loft in his efteem was the birthright of our Liberties, that to give them back again upon demand ftood at the mercy of his Contribution.
He doubts not but the affections of his People will compenfate his fufferings for thofe atts of confidence: And imputes his fufferings to a contrary Caufe. Not his confidence but his diftruf? was that which brought him to thofe fufferings, from the time that he forfook his Parlament; and trufted them ne’re the fooner for
what he tells of thir pietie and religious ffritinefs, but rather hated them as Pu- 4
ritans, whom he always fought to extirpate.
He would have it beleev’d, that to bind his hands by thefe Atts argu’d a very fhort forefight of things, and extreme fatuitie of mind in him, if he had meanta War. If we fhould conclude fo, that were not the only Argument: neither did it argue that he meant Peace; knowing that what he granted for the pre- fent out of,fear, he might as foon repeal by force, watching his time; and deprive them the fruit of thofe Acts, if his own defigns wherin he put his truft took effect.
Yet he complains, That the Tumults threatw’d to abufé all Atts of Grace and turn them into wantonne{s. 1 would they had turn’d his wantonnefs into the grace of not abufing Scripture. Was this becoming fuch a Saint as they would make him, to adulterate thofe facred words‘from the grace of God to the atts of his own grace ? Herod was eat’n up of Worms for fuffering others to compare his voice to the voice of God ; but the Borrower of this Phrafe givesmuch more caufe of jealoufie, that he lik’n’d his own atts of grace to the acts of God’s Grace.
From profanenefs he fcarcecomes off with perfet fenfe. / mas not then sn a capacity to make War, therefore | intended not, I was mot ina capacity, there- fore I could not have giv’n my Enemies greater advantage then by fo unprincely in- conftancy to have featter'd them by Arms, whom but lately 1 had fettl'd by Parla- ment. \Nhat place could there be for his inconftancy todo that thing wher- to he was in nocapacity ? Otherwife his inconftancy was not fo unwonted, or fo nice but that it would have eafily found pretences to fcatter thofe in revenge whom he fettl’d in fear.
It bad bin acourfe full of fin as well as of hazard and difhonour, Trues but if thofe Confiderations withheld him not from. other actions of like nature, how can we believe they were of ftrength fufficient to withhold him from this ? And that they withheld him not, the event foon taught us.
His letting fome men go up tothe Pinacle of the Temple, was atemptation to them to caft bim down headlong. In this Simily we have himfelf compar’d to Chrift, the Parlament to the Devil, and his giving them that Act of fetling, to his letting them go up to the Pinacle of the Temple. A tottring and giddy Act rather then a fetling. This was goodly ule made of Scripture in his Solitudes : But it was no Pinacle of the Temple, it was a Pinacle of Nebuchadnexzar’s Palace from whence he and Monarchy fell headlong together.
He would have others fee that All the Kingdoms of the World are not worth gaining by ways of fin which hazard the Soul, and hath himfelf left nothing unhazarded to keep three. He concludes with fentences that rightly fcand,
make
€ 463 ) make not fo much for him as againft him, and confefles that the At of fettling was no fin of bis Will, and we ealily believe him, for it hath bin clearly prov’d a fin of his unwillingnefs.
With his Orifons { meddle not, for he appeals to a high Audit.. This yet may be noted, that at his Prayers he had before him the fad prefage of his ill fuccefs, -As of a dark and dangerous Storm, which never admitted his return to the Port from whence he fet out. Yet his Prayer-Book no fooner fhut, but other hopes flatter’d him ; and thir flattering was his deftruction.
VI. Upon bis Retirement from W eftmintter.
as in a garb fomwhat more poetical then for aStatift: but meeting
with many ftrains of like drefs in other of his Ellaics, and him hear- ing reported a more diligent reader of Poets, then of Politicians, I begun to think that the whole Book might perhaps be intended a piece of Poetrie. The words are good, the fiction fmooth and cleanly , there wanted only Rime, and that they fay is beftow’d upon it lately. Buttothe Argument.
I ftapd at White-Hall tell I was driv'n away by fhame more than fear. I re- traét not what I thought of the fition, yet heer I mult confefs it lies too op’n. In his Meflages and Declarations, nay in the whole Chapter next but one be- fore this, he affirms that The danger wherein bis Wife, his Children, and bis own Perfon were by thofe Tumults, was the main caufe that drove him from White-Hall, and appeals to God as witnefs : he affirms here that it was fhame more then fear. And Digby, who knew his mind as well as any, tells his new- lifted Guard, That the prsncipal canfe of his Majefties going thence, was to fave them from being trod in the dirt. From whence we may difcern what falfe and frivolous excufes are avow'd for truth, either in thofe Declarations} or in this penitential Book. Our Forefathers were of that courage and feverity of zeal to Juftice and their native Liberty, againft the proud contempt and mifrule of thir Kings, that when Richard the Second departed but from a Committee of Lords who fate preparing matter for the Parlament, not yet allembl’d, to the re- moval of his evil Counfellors, they firft vanquith’d and put to flight Robert de Vere his chief Favourite ; and then coming up to London with a huge Army, ‘requir’d the King then withdrawn for fear, but no furder off then the /eer, to come to Weffminiter. Whichhe refufing, they told him flatly that unlefs he came they would choofe another. So high a Crime it was accounted then for Kings to abfent themfelves, not from a Parlament, which none ever durft, but from any meeting of his Peers and Counfellors which did but tend towards a Parla- ment. Much Jefs would they have fuffer’d that a King for fuch trivial and vari- ous pretences, one while for fear of Tumults, another while fur fhame to fee the, fhould leave his Regal Station, and the whole Kingdom bleeding to death of thofe wounds which his own unskilful and pervers Government had inflicted.
Shame then it was that drove him from the Parlament, but the fhame of what ? was it the fhame of his manifold errors and mifdeeds, and to fee how weakly he had plai’d the King? No; But to fee the barbarous rudene{s of thofe Tumults to demand any thing. We have ftarted here another, and | believe the trueft, caufe of his deferting the Parlament. The worft and ftrangeft of that Any-thing which the people then demanded, was but the unlording of Bi- fhops, and exjx ling them the Houfe, and the reducing of Church-Ditcipline to a conformity with other Proteftane Churches ; this was the Barbarifm of thofe Tumults: and that he might avoid the granting of thole honeft and pious demands, as well demanded by the Parlament as the People, for this very caufe more then for fear, by his own confeflion here, he left the City ; and in a moft tempeltuous feafon forfook the Helm and Steerage of the Com- mon-wealth. This was that terrible dny-ching from which his Confcsence and his Reafon chofe to run rather then not deny. Yo besimpartun’d the removing of evil Counfellors, and other grievances in Church and State, was to him aa
intolerable
oe E Simily wherwith he begins I was about to have found fault with,
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intolerable oppreffiem If the Peoples demanding were fo burd’nfome to him, what was his denial and delay of Juftice tothem?
But as the demands of his People were to him a burd’n and oppreffion, fo was the advice of his Parlament efteem’d a bondage ; Whofe agreeing Votes, as he affirms, were not by any Law or Reafon conclufive to bis Fadgment, For the Law, it ordains a Parlament to advife him in his great Affairs; but if it ordain alfo that the fingle judgment of a King fhall out-ballance all the wifdom of his Par- lament, it ordains that which fruftrats the end of its own ordaining, For where the King’s judgment may diflent to the deftruction, asit may happ’n, both of -himfelf and the Kingdom, there Advice, and no furder, is a moft infuf- ficient and fruftraneous means to be provided by Law.in cafes of fo high con- cernment. It being therfore moft unlike a Law, to ordain a remedy fo flen- der and unlawlike, to be the utmoft means of all publick fafety or prevention, as Advice is, which may at any time be rejected by the fole judgment of one man, the King, and fo unlike the Law of England, which Lawyers fay is the quinteflence of Reafon ; we may conclude that the King’s negative voice was never any Law, but an abfurd and reafonlefs Cuftom, begott’n and grown up either from the flattery of bafeft times, or the ufurpation of immoderate Princes. Thus much tothe Law of it, by a better evidence then Rowles and Records, Reafon. ‘i
But is it poflible he fhould pretend alfo to Reafon, that the judgment of one Man, not asa wife or good Man, but’as a King, and oft times a wilful, proud, and wicked King, fhould outweigh the prudence and all the vertue of aneleéted Parlament ? What an abufive thing it were then to fummon Parlaments, that by the major part of voices greateft matters may be there debated and refolv’d, when as one voice after that fhall dafh all thir Refolutions ?
He attempts to give a reafon why it fhould, Becanfe the whole Parlament re- prefents not him in any kind. But mark how little he advances ; for if the Par- lament reprefent the whole Kingdom, as is fure anough they do, then doth the King reprefent only himfclf; and if a King without his Kingdom be in a civil fenfe’ nothing, then without or againft the Reprefentative of his whole Kingdom, he himfelf reprefents nothing, and by confequence his judgment and his negative is as good as nothing; and though we fhould allow him to be fomething, yet not equal or comparable to the whole Kingdom, and fo nei- ther to them that reprefent it.
Yet here he maintains, To be no furder bound to agree with the Votes of both Houfes, then be fees them to agree with the will of God, with his juft Rights as a King, and the general good of his People. As to the freedom of his agreeing or not agreeing, limited with due bounds, no man reprehends it; this is the Queftion here, or the Miracle rather, why his only not agreeing fhould lay a negative bar and inhibition upon that which is agreed to by a whole Parla- ment, though never fo conducing to the publick good or fafety. To know the will of God better then his whole Kingdom, whence fhould he have it? Certainly Court-breeding and his perpetual converfation with Flatterers was but a bad School. To judg of hisown Rights could not belong to him, who had no right by Law in any Court to judg of fo muchas Felony or Treafon, being held a party in both thefe cafes, much more inthis; and his Rights how- ever fhould give place to the general good, for which end all his Rights were givnhim. Laftly to fuppofe a clearer infight and difcerning of the general good, allotted to his own fingular judgment, then to the Parlament and all the People, and from that felf-opinion of difcerning to deny them that good which they, being’ all Freemen, feck earneftly and call for, is an arrogance and iniqui- ty beyond imagination rude and unreafonable , they undoubtedly having moft autoritie to judg of the public good, who for that purpofe are chos’n out and fent by the People toadvife him. And if it may bein him to fee oft rhe ma- jor part of them not in the right, had it not bin more his modeftie to have doubted thir feeing him more oft’n in the wrong ? ,
He pafles to another reafon of his denials, Becaufe of fome mens hydropic un-, Satiablenefs, and thirft of asking, the more they drank, whom no fountain of Regal boun- tie was able to overcome. A comparifon more properly beftow’d on thofe that came to guzzle in his Wine-cellar, then on a fréeborn People that came to claim in Parlament thir Rights and Liberties, which a King ovght therefore to
grant,
€ 465 ) ,
grant, becaule of rightdemanded ; not to deny them for fear his bounty fhould be exhauft, which in thefe demands (to continue the fame Metzphor) was not fo niuch as broach’d 5 it being his duty, not his bounty to grant thee things. Putting off the Courtier, he now puts on the Philofopher, and fententioully difputes to this effect, That reafon ought tobe us’dto men, force and terror to Beals, that be deferves tobe a Slave who captsvates’ the rational foveranty of bis Snil, and liberty of his Will to compulfion ; that he would not forfeit that freedom which cannot be deni'd him as a King, becanfe it belongs to bim as a Man and a Chvriftian, though to preferve his Kingdom , but rather dye enjoying the Empire of bis Soul, then live in fach a vaffalage, as not to ufe bis reafon and confcience to like or diflike as a King. Which words of themfelves, as far as they are fenfe, good and philofophical, yet in the mouth of him who toengrofs thiscommon liberty to himfelf, would tred down all other men into the condition of Slaves and Beafts, they quite lofe their commendation. He confefles a rational foverantie of Soul, and free- dom of Will in every man, and yet with an implicit repugnancy would have his reafon the foveran of that foveranty, and would captivate and make ufelefs that natural freedom of willin all other men but himielf. But them that yeeld him this obedience he fo well rewards, as to pronounce them worthy to be Slaves. They who have loft all to be his Subjects,may ftoop and take upthe reward. What that freed om is, which cannot be denied bim as a King, becaufe 1 belongs to him as a Man and. aChriffian, \underftand not. If it be his Negative Voice, it con-
- cludes all men who have not fuch a Negative as his againft a whole Parlament, to
be neither Men nor Chriftians: and what was he himfelf then all this while, that we denied it him as a King ? Will he fay that he injoy’d within himfelf the lefs freedom for that? Might not he,both as a Man and asa Chriftian,have raignd within himfelf in full fovranty of foul, no man repining, but that his outward and imperious Will muftinvade the civil Liberties of a Nation? Did we ther- fore not permit him to ufe his reafon or his confcience, not permitting him to bereave us the ufe of ours’ And might not he have enjoy’d both as aKing, governing us as Free-men by what Laws we our felves would be govern’d ? It was not the inward ufe of his reafon and his confcience that would content-him, but to ufe them both as a Law over all his Subjects, in whatever he declar’d as a King to like or difike. Which ufe of reafon, moft reafonlefs and unconfcionable, is the ntmoft that any Tyrant ever pretended over his Valilals.
In all wife Nations the Legiflative Power, and the judicial execution of that Power, have bin moft commonly diftingt, and in feveral hands ; but yet the for- mer fupreme, the other fubordinat. If then the King be only fet up to execute the Law, which is indeed the higheft of his Office, he ought no more to make or forbid the making of any Law agreed upon in Parlament, then other inferi- or Judges, who arehis Deputics. Neither can he more reject a Law offerd him by the Commons, then he can new makea Law which they reject. And yet the more to credit and uphold his caufe, he would feem to have Philofophy on his fide, ftraining her wife dictates to unphilofophical purpofes. But when Kings come fo low, asto fawn upon Philofophy, which before they neither va- lo’d nor underftood, ’tis a fign that fails not, they are then put to their laft Trump. AndPhilofophy as well requites them, by not fuffering.her gold’n fayings either to become their lips, or to be us’d as masks and colours of inju- rious and violentdeeds. So that what they prefume to borrow from her fage and vertuous Rules, like the Riddle of Spbizx not underftood, breaks the neck of thir own caufe.
_ But now again to Politicks: He cannot think the Majefty of the Crown of Eng- Jand to be bound by any oronation Oath ina blind and brutifh formality, to confent to whatever its Subjedts in Parlament fhall require Nhat Tyrant could prefume to fay more, when he meant to kick down all Law, Government, and bond of Oath? But why he fo defires to abfolve himfelf the Oath of his Coronation would be worth the knowing. It cannot«but be yielded that the Oath which binds him to performance of his Truft, ought in reafon to contain the fum of what hischief Truft and Office is. But if it neither do enjoin nor mention to
_ him, asa part of his duty; the making or the marring of any Law, or {crap
of Law, but requires only his aflent to thofe Laws which the People have alrea- dy chos’n, or fhall choofe (for fo both the Latin of that Oath, and the old
Englifh, and all reafon admits, that the People fhould not lofe under a new King Ooo what
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what freedom they had before) then that Negative Voice fo contended for, to deny the pafling of any Law which the Commons choofe, is both againft the Oath of his Coronation, and his Kingly Office. And if the King may deny to pafs what the Parlament hath chos’n to be a Law, then doth the King make himfelf fuperiour to his whole Kingdom; which not only the general Maxims of Policy gainfay, but ev’n our own ftanding Laws, as hath bin cited to him in Remonftrances heertofore, that the King hath two Superiors, the Law, and hu Court of Parlament. But this he counts to be a blind and brutifh forma- lity, whether it be Law, or Oath, or his Duty, and thinks toturn it off with wholefom words and phrafes, which he then firlt learnt of the honeft People, when they were fo oft’ncompell’d to ufe them againft thofe more truly blind and brutifh formalities thruft upon us by his own command.
As for his inftance, in cafe He andthe Houfe of Peers attempted to enjoyne the Houfe of Commons, it bears no equalities for he and the Peers reprefent but themfelves, the Commons arethe whole Kingdom.
Thus he concludes his Oath tobe fully difcharg’d in governing by Laws already made, as being not bound to pafs any new, #f his Reafon bids him deny. And io may infinite mifchiefs grow, and a whole Nation be ruin’d, while our general good and fafety fhall depend upon the privat and overweening Reafon of one obftinat Man, who againtt allthe Kingdom, if he lift, will interpret both the Law, and his Oath of Coronation by the tenor of his own Will: Which he, himfelf confefles to be an arbitrary power, yet doubts not in his Argument toimply, as if he thought ic more fitthe Parlament fhould be -fubject to his Will, then hetotheir Advice, a man neither by nature nor by nurture wife. How is it poflible that he in whom fuch Principles as thefe were fo deep rooted, could ever, tho reftor’d again, have raign’d otherwife then tyrannically ?
He objects, That Force was but aflavifh Method to aifpel bis Error. But how oft’a fhall it be anfwer’d him, that no force was us’d to difpel the error out of his head,but to drive it from offour necks ? for his error was imperious, and would command all other men to renounce their own reafon and underftanding, till they perifh’d under the injunction of his all-ruling error.
Healleges the uprightnefs of hisintentions to excufe his poflible failings; a Pofition fals both in Law and Divinity : Yea contrary to his own better prin- ciples, whoaffirms in the twelfth Chapter, that The goodne/s of a mans intention will nut excufe the fcandal and contagion of his example. His not knowing, through the corruption of Flattery and Court-principles, what he ought to have known, will not excufe his not doing what he ought to have don; no more than the fmall skill of him who undertakes to be a Pélot will excufe him to be mifled by any wandring Star miftak’n for the Pole. But let his intentions be never fo upright, what is that tous ? What anfwer for the reafon and the National Rights which God bath giv?n us, if having Parlaments, and Laws, and the power of ma- king more to avoid mifchief, we fuffer one mans blind intentions to lead us all with our eyes op’n to manifeft deftruétion %
And if Arguments prevail not with fuch aone, Force is well us’d 5 not to car- ry on the weaknefs of our Counfels, or to convince bis Error, as he furmifes, but toacquit and refcue our own Reafon, our own Confciences from the force and prohibition laid by bis ufurping error upon our Liberties and Underftand- ings. Ned thing pleas’dhim more, then when his judgment concur’d with theirs, That was to the applaufe of his own judgment, and would as well have pleas’d any felf-conceited man.
Yea in many things be chofe rather to deny himfelf thenthem. That.is to fay in trifles. For of his own Interefts and perfonal Rights he conceaves himfelf Mafter. To part with, if he pleafe, not toconteft for, againft the Kingdom which is greater then he, whofe Rights are all fubordinat to the Kingdoms good : And in what concerns Truth, Fuftice, the right of Church, or his Crown, no man fhall gain his confent againft bis mind, ‘What can be left then for a Parlament, but to fit like Images, while he ftill thus either with incomparable arrogance aflumes to himfelf the beft ability of judging for other men what is Truth, Juftice, Goodnefs, what his own or the Churches right, or with unfufferable Tyranny reftrains all men from the enjoyment of any good, which his judgment, though erroneous, thinks not fit to grant them; notwithftanding that the Law and
Is
€ 467 ) his Coronal Oath requires his undeniable aflenteto what Laws the Parlament a- gree upon. .
Re bad rather wear a Crown of Thorns with our Saviour. Many would be all one with our Saviour, whom our Saviour will not know. Vhey who govern il} thofe Kingdoms which they had a right to, have to our Saviours Crown of Thorns no right at all. Thorns they may find anow of their own gathering, and their own twifting ; for Thorns and Snares, faith Solomon, are in the way of the froward : but to wear them, as our Saviour wore them, is not giv’n to them that fufler by thir own demerits. Nor is a Crown of Gold his due, who | cannot firft wear a Crowa of Lead; not only for the weight of that great Office, but for the compliance which it ought to have with them who are to counfel him, which heer he terms in {corn An imbafed flexiblenc/s to the various and oft contrary djitates of any Factions, meaning his Parlament , for the queftion hath bin all this while between themtwo. And to his Parlament, though a numerous and choife Aflembly, of whom the Land thought wifeft, he imputes, rather then to himlelf, want of reafon, negleét of the Public, intereft of Parties, and particularitie of private will and pajfion ; but with what modefty or likelihocd of truth, it will be wearifon to repeat {0 oft’n.
He concludes with a fentence *fair in feeming, but fallacious. For if the confcience be ill edif'd, the refolution may more befit a foolifh then a Chriftian King, to prefer a felf-will’d confcience before a Kingdoms good ; efpecially in the denial of that which Law and his Regal Office by Oath bids him grant to his Par- lament and whole Kingdom rightfully demanding. For we may obferve him throughout the difcours to allert his Negative power againft the whole Kingdom ; now under the fpecious Plea of his confcience and his reafon, but heretofore in a lowder notes Without us, or againft our confent, the Votes of either or of both Hon- fes together, muft not, cannot, fball not. Declar, May 4. 1642.
Wich thefe and the like deceavable Doctrines he levens alfo his Prayer.
VIL Upon the Queens departure.
hear a Husband divulge his Hofhould privacies, extolling to others the
vertues of his Wife ? an infirmity not feldom incident to thofe who have leaft canfe. But how good fhe wasa Wife, wasto himfelf, and be it left to his own fancy 5 how bad a Subject is not much difputed. And being fuch, ic need be madeno wonder, tho fhe left a Proteftant Kingdom with as little honour as her Mother left a Popih.
That this is the firft example of any Proteftant Subjetts that have tak’n up Arms againft thir King a Proteftant, can be to Proteltants no difhonour; when it fhall be heard that he firft levied War on them, and to the intereft of Papifts more thenof Proteftants. He might have giv’n yet the precedence of making War upon him to the Subjects of his own Nation, who had twice oppos’d him in the op’n Field, long ere the Englifh found it neceflary todo the like. And how groundlefs, how diffembled is that fear, left fhe, who for fo many years had bina- verfe from the Religion of her Husband,and every year more and more,before thefe difturbances broke out, fhould for them be now the more alienated from that to which we never heard fhe was inclind? Butif the fear of her Delinquency, and that Juftice which the Proteftants demanded on her, was any caufe of her a- lienating the more, to have gain’d her by indirect means had been no advantage to Religion,much lefs then was the detriment to loofe her furder off: It had bin happy if his own actions had not giv’n caufe of more f{candal to the Proteftante, then what they did againft her could juftly fcandalize any Papitt.
Them who accus’d her, well anough known to be the Parlament, he cenfures for Men yet to feek thir Religion, whether Doftrine, Difcipline, or good manners 5 the reft he fooths with the name of true Englifh Proteftants, a meer fcifmatical name, yet he fo great anenemy of Scifm.
O00 2 He
iL: this Argument we fhall foon have faid ; for what concerns it us to
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He afcribes radene/s and barbarity, wor fe then Indian, to the Englith Parlament 3 and all vertue to his Wife, in {trains that come almoft to Sonnetting : How fit to govern men, undervaluing and afperfing the great Councel of his Kingdom, in comparifon of one Woman. Examples are not far to feek how great mifchief and difhonour hath befall’n to Nations under the Government of effeminate and uxorious Magiftrates, who being themfelves govern’d and overfwaid at home under a feminine Ufurpation, cannot but be far fhort of {pirit and autority without dores to govern a whole Nation.
Her tarrying here be could not think fafe among them who were fhaking hands with Allegeance, to lay fafter hold on Religion , and taxes them of a duty rather then
acrime, it being juft to obey God rather then Man, and impoflible to ferve _
two Mafters. | would they had quite fhak’n off what they ftood thaking hands with ; the fault wasin thir courage, notin thir ceufe.
In his Prayer he praies that the dfloyzlty of his Proteftant Subjetls may not be a hindrance to her love of the true Reli:ion, and never prays, that the diflolutenefs of his Court, the fcandals of his Clergy, the unfoundnefs of his own Judgment, ‘the lukewarmnefs of his Life, his Letter of compliance to the Pope, his per- mitting Agents at Rome, and the Pope’s Nuntio here, may not be found in the fight of God far greater hindrances to her converfion.
But this had bin a futtle Prayer indeed, and well pray’d, though as duly as a Pater-nofter, if it could have charm’d us to fit ftilland have Religion and our Liberties one by one fnatch’d from us, for fear ieft rifing to defend our felves, we fhould fright the Queen, a ftiff Papilt, from turning Proteftant. As if the way to make his Queen a Proteftant, had bin to make his Subjects more then half-way Papilts.
He prays next that bis conftancy may be an antidote againft the poyfon of other mens example. is conitancy in what? Not in Religion, for it is op’nly known that her Religion wrought more upon him, then his Religion upon her; and his op’n favouring of Papifts, and his hatred of them calld Puritans, made moft men fufpect fhe had quite perverted him. But what is it that the blindnefs of hypocrify dares not do? It dares pray, and thinks to hide that from the eyes of God, which it cannot hide from the op’n view of man.
VIL Upon bis repulfe at Hull, and the fate of the Hothams.
‘ULL, a Town of great ftrength and opportunitie both to Sea and Land-Affairs, was at that time the Magazin of all thofe Arms
which the King had bought with mony moft illegally extorted
from’ his Subjects of England, to ufe in a caufelefs and moft unjuft Civil War againft his Subjects of Scotland. The King in high difcontent and an- ger had left the Parlament, and was gone toward the JVorth, the Queen into Holland, where fhe pawn’d and fet to fail the Crown-Jewels (a crime heretofore counted treafonable in Kings) and to what intent thefe fums were rais’d, the Parlament was not ignorant. His going northward in fo high a chafe, they doubted was to poflefs himfelf of that ftrength, which the ftore- houfe and fituation of Hal might add fuddenly to his malignant Party. Hav- ing firft therefore in many Petitions earneftly pray’d him to difpofe and fet- tle, with confent of both Houfes, the military Power in trufty hands, and he as oft refufing, they were neceflitated by the turbulence and danger of thofe times to put the Kingdom by thir own autority into a pofture of defence 5 and very timely fent Sir Yobn Hotham, a Member of the Houfe, and Knight of that County. to take Hui into his cuftody, and fome of the Train’d-bands to his aflittance: Neither had the King before that time omitted to attempt the fame, ~ firft by Colonel Legg, one of thofe who were imploy’d to bring the Army up again{t the Parlament, then by the Earlof Newea/tle under a difguife. And Letters of the Lord Digby were intercepted, whercin was wilht that the King would declare himfelf, and retire to fome fafe place, other information caine from abroad, that Aull was the place defign’d for fome new enterprife. But
€ 469 )
But thefe Attempts not fucceeding, and that Town being now in cuftody of the Parlament, he fendsa Meflage to them, that he had firmly refolv’d to go in Perfon into Jreland, to chaftife thofe wicked Rebels (for thefe and worfe words he then gave them) and that toward this work he intended forthwith to raife by his Commillions, in the Counties near Weftchefter, a Guard for his own Perfon confifting of 2000 foot, and 20ohorfe, that fhould be arm’d from his Magazine at Hul/, On the other fide, the Parlament, forfeeing the King’s drift, about the fame time fend him a Petition, that they might have leave for neceflary caufes to remove the Magazin of Hull tothe Tower of Lon- don ; to which the King returns his denial; and foon after going to Hull, attended with about 400 horfe, requires the Governour to deliver him up the Town: whereof the Governour befought humbly to be excus’d, till he could fend notice to the Parlament who had entrufted him, wherat the King much incens'd, proclaims him Traitor before the Town Walls, and gives immediate order to ftop all Paflages between him and the Parlament. Yet he himfelf difpatches poft after poft to demand juftice as upon a Traitor, ufing a ftrange iniquity to require Juftice upon him whom he then waylaid and debarr’d from his appearance. The Parlament no fooner underftood what had pafs’d, but ‘they declare that Sir Yobn Hotham had done no more then was his duty, and was therfore no Traitor.
This relation being moft true, proves that which is affirm?’d here to be moft falfe ; feing the Parlament, whom he accounts his greateft Enemies, had more confidence to abet and own what Sir Yohn Hotham had done, then the King had confidence to let him anfwer in his own behalf.
To {peak of his patience, and in that folemm manner, he might better have forborn ; God kuows, faith he, it affeited me more with forrow for others then with anger for my felf, nor did the affront trouble me fo much as their fin, This is read, I doubt not, and beleew’d: and as there is fome ufe of every thing, fo is there of thi, Book, were it but to fhew us, what a miferable, credulous, deluded thing ‘hat creature is, which is call’d the vulgar ; who notwith{tand- ing what they might know, will beleeve fuch vain-glories as thefe. Did not that choleric and vengeful act of proclaiming him Traitor before due procefs of Law, having bin convinc’d fo late before of his illegality with the five Mem- bers, declare his anger to beincens’d ? doth not his own relation confefs.as much ? and his fecond Meflage left him fuming three days after, and in plain words teltifies his impatience of delay till Hotham be feverely punifh’d, for that which he there terms aninfupportable affront.
Surely if his forrow for Sir Fobn Hotham’s fin were greater then hisanger for the affront, it was an exceeding great forrow indeed, and wondrous charitable. But if ir ftirr’d him fo vehemently to have Sir Pohn Hotham punifht, and not at all that we hear to have him repent, it had a ftrange operation to be call’d 2 forrow for his fia. He who would perfwade us of his forrow for the fins of other men, as they are fins, not as they are fin’d againft himfelf, mult give us firft fome teftimony of a forrow for his own fins, and next for fuch fins of other men as canot be fuppos’d a direct injury to himfelf. But fuch compuncti- on in the King no man hath yet obferv’d; and till then, his forrow for Sir Fohn Hotham’s {in will be call’d- no other then the refentment of his repulfe; -and his labour to have the finner only punifh’d, will be call’d by aright name, his revenge.
And the hand of that cloud which caff all foon after into darknefs and diforder, was his own hand. For aflembling the Inhabitants of York.fhire, and other Counties, horfeand foot, firft under colour of a new Guard to his Perfon, foon after, being fuppli’d with Ammunition from Holland, bought with the Crown- Jewels, he begins an op’n War by laying Seige to Hull: which Town was not his own, but the Kingdom’s 3 and the Arms there, public Arms, bought with the publick Mony, or not hisown. Yet had they bin his own by as good right as the privat Houfe and Arms of any man are his own; to ufe either of them in a way not Payiats but fufpitious to the Common-wealth, no Law permits. But the King had no proprietie at all cither in Mul/ or inthe Magazin: fo that the following 44axims which he cites of bold and difloyal Undertakers may belong more juftly to whom he leaft meant them. ; After this he again relapfes into the praife of his patience at Hull, and by his overtalking of it, feems to ais
ther
( 470 ) ther his own confcience, or the hardnefs of other mens belief. To me the more he praifes it in himfelf, the more he feems to fufpect that in very deed it was notin him, and that the lookers on fo likewife thought.
Thes much of what he fuffer’d by Hotham, and with what patience; now of what Hotham fufler’d, as he judges, for oppofing him: He could nor but cbferve how God not long after pleaded and aveng’d his canfe. Moft men are too apt, and commonly the worft of men, fo to interpret and expound the judgments of God, and all other events of providence or chance, as makes moft to the jufti- fying of thir own caufe, though never fo evil ; and attribute all to the particu- lar favour of God towardsthem. Thus when Saul heard that David was in Keilah, God, faith he, hath delrvered him up into my hands, for he w {hut in. But how far that King was deceav’d in his thought that God was favouring to his caufe, that ftory unfolds; and how little reafon this King had to impute the death of Hotham to God’s avengement of his repulfe at Hal, may eafily be feen. For while Hotham continu d faithful to his truft, no man more fafe, more fuc- cefsful, more in reputation then he: But from the time he firft fought to make his peace with the King, and to betray into his hands that Town, into which before he had deny’d him entrance, nothing profper’d with him. Certainly had God purpos’d him fuch an end for his oppofition to the King, he would not have deferr’d to punifh him till then, whenof an Enemy he was chang’d to be the King’s Friend, nor have made his repentance and amendment the occafi- on of lis ruin. How much more likely is it, fince he fell into the aé& of dif- . loyalty to his charge, that the judgment of God concurr’d with the punifh- ment of man, and juftly cut him off for revolting to the King? To give the World an example, that glorious deeds done to ambitious ends, find reward anfwerable, not tothir outward feeming, but to thir inward ambition. Inthe mean while what thanks he had from the King for revolting to his caufe, and what good opinion for dying in his fervice, they who have ventur’d like him, or intend, may here take notice.
He proceeds to declare, not only in general wherfore God’s Judgment was upon Hotham, but undertakes by fanfies, and allufions to give acriticifm upon every particular : That bis head was divided from his Body, becaufe his heart was divided from the King, two heads cut off in one family for affronting the head of the Common-wealth, the eldeft fon being infetted with the fin of the Father, againjt the Father of bis Countrie. Thefe petty glofles and conceits on the high and fe-_ cret Judgments of God, befides the boldnefs of unwarrantable commenting, are jo weak and fhallow, and fo like the quibbl’s of a Court-Sermon, that we may {afely reck’n them either fetcht from fuch a pattern, or that the hand of iome houfhold Preift foifted them in, left the World fhould forget how much he was the Difciple of thofe Cymbal Doctors. But that Argument by which the Author would commend them to us, difcreditsthem the more: For if they be fo cbvious to every fancy, the more likely to be erroneous, and to mifconceive the mind of thofe high fecrecies, whereof they prefume to determin. For God judges not by human fancy.
But however God judg’d Hotham, yet he had the King’s pity : but mark the reafon how prepofterous , fo far he had his pity, as be thought he at firft atted more againft the light of his conf{cience then many other men in the fame canfe. Que- ftionle{s they who a& againft confcience, whether at the Bar of human, or di- vine Jultice, are pitied leaft of all. Thefe arethe common grounds and verdiéts of Nature, whereof when he who hath the judging of a whole Nation, is found deftitute under fuch a Governour, that Nation muft needs be miferable.
By the way he jerks at fome mens reforming to models of Religson, and that they think all is gold of Pietie that doth but glifter with afhew of Zeal. We know his meaning, and apprehend how little hope there could be of him from fuch ‘language as this: But are fure that the pietie of his prelatick Model glifter’d more upon the Pofts and Pillars which thir zeal and fervencie gilded over, then in the true works of fpiritual edification. &
He is fory that Hotham felt the jujtice of others, and fell not rather into the hands of bis mercy. But to clear that, he fhould have fhewn us what mercy he had ever us’d to fuch as fell into his hands before, rather then what mercy he intend- ed tofuch as never could come to askit. Whatever mercy one man might have expected, ‘tis too well known the whole Nation found none; though fe be-
ought
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fought it oft’n, and fo humbly, but had bin fwallow’d up in blood and ruin, to fet his private will above the Parlament; .had not his ftrength fail’d him. Yee clemency he counts a debt, which he ought pay to thofe that crave it 5 [ince we pay not any thing to God for bis Mercy but Prayers and Prasfes. By this reafon we ought as freely to pay all things to all men 5 for of all that we receive from God, what do we pay for, more then prayers and praifes ? we look’d for the difcharge of his Office, the payment of his Duty to the Kingdom, and are paid Court-pai- ment withempty fentences that have the found of gravity, but the fignificance of nothing pertinent.
Yet again after his mercy paft and granted, he returns back to give fentence upon Hotham, and whom he tells us he would fo fain have fav'd alive, him he never leaves killing with arepeated Condemnation, though dead long fince. It was ill that fome body ftood not neer to whifper him, that a reiterating Judg isworfethenatormentor. He pities him, he rejoices not, be pities him again , but ftill is fure to brand him at the tail of his pity with fome ignominious mark, either of ambition or difloyaltie. And with a kind of cenforious pity aggra- vates rather then lefs’ns or conceals the fault : To pity thus is to triumph.
He aflumes to foreknow, that after times will difpute, whether Hotham were moré infamous at Hull, or at Tower-hill. What knew he of after times, who while he fits jadging and cenfuring without end, the fate of that unhappy Father and his Son at Tower-hill, knew not that the like fate attended him before his own Palace-Gate 5 and as little knew whether after times do not referve a great- er infamy upon his own Life and Raign.
He fays but over again in his Prayer, what his Sermon hath preacht , How ac- ceptably to thofe in Heav’n we leave to be decided by that precept which forbids vain Repetitions, Sure anough it lies as heavie as he can lay it upon the head of poor Hotham.
Needs he will faft’n upon God a peece of revenge as done for his fake , and takes it for a favour, before he know it was intended him: which in his clofet had bin excufable, but in a writt’n and publifh’d Prayer too prefumpruous. Ec- clefiaftes hath a right name for fuch kind of Sacrifices.
Going on he prays thus, Let not thy Fuftice prevent the objecis and opportunities of my Mercy. To folly, orto blafphemy, or to both fhall we impute this ? Shall the Juftice of God give place, and ferve to glorifie the Mercies of a Man? Alt other Men who know what they ask, defire of God that thir doings may tend to his glory; but in this prayer God is requir’d that his Juftice would forbear to prevent, and as good have faid to intrench upon the glory a Man’s Mercy. If God forbear his. Juftice, it muft be fure to the magnifying of his own Mercy : But herea mortal man takes the boldnefs to ask that glory out of his hand. It may be doubted now by them who underftand Religion, whether the King were more unfortunate in thishis Prayer, or Hotham in thofe his fufferings.
LX. Upon the lifting and raifing Armies, &c.
_ ter; only to what already hath not bin f{pok’n, convenient Anfwer fhall be givn. He begins again with Tumults; all demonftration of the Peoples Loveand Loyalty to the Parlament was Tumult; thir petitioning, Tumult ; thir defenfive Armies were but /ifted Tumults , and will take no notice that thofe about him, thofe in a time of Peace lifted into his own Honfe, were the beginners of all thefe Tumults; abufing and aflaulting not only fuch as came peaceably to the Parlament at London, but thofe that came petitioning to the King himfelf at York. Neither did they abftain from doing violence and outrage to the Meflengers fent from Parlament 3 he himfelf either count’nancing or conniving at them.
He fuppofes that His recefs gave us confidence that he might be conquer’d. Other men fuppofe both that and all things els, who knew him neither by nature warlike,nor experienc’d,nor fortunate , fo far was any Man that difcern’d aught from efteeming him unconquerable ; yet fuch are readief{t to imbroil others. .
me
|: were an endlefs work to walk fide by lide with the verbofity of this Chap-
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But he had a Soul invincible. What praife is that? The Stomach of a Child is oftimes invincible to all correction. The unteachable man hath a foul to all reafon and good advice invincible s and he whois igtractable, he whom nothing can perfwade, may boait himfelf invincible; when as in fome things to be overcome is more honeft and laudable then to conquer.
He labours to have it thought that his fearing God more than Man was the ground of his fuflerings , but he fhould have known that a good principle not rightly underftood may prove as hurtful asa bad, and his fear of God may be as faulty asa blind zeal. He pretended to fear God more than the Parlament, who ne- ver urg’d him to do otherwife 5 he fhould alfo have fear’d God more then he did his Courtiers, and the Bifhops who drew him, as they pleas’d, to things in- confiftent withthe fear of God. Thus boafted Saul to have perform’d the Com- mandment of God, and ftood in it againft Samuel, but it was found at length that he had fear?d the People more then God, in faving thofe fat Oxen for the worthip of God which were appointed for deftruction. Not much unlike, if not much wors was that fact of his, who for fear to difpleafe his Court and mungrel Clergy, with the difloluteft of the People, upheld in the Church of God, while his power lafted, thofe Beafts of Amalec, the Prelats, againft the advice of his Parlament and the example of all Reformation ; in this more un- exculable then Saw, that Saul was at length convinced, he to the hour of death fix’d in his fals perfwafion, and fooths himfelf inthe flattering peace’ of an er- roneous and obdurat con{cience ; finging, to his foul vain Pfalms of exultation, as if the Parlament had aflail’d his reafon with the force of Arms, and not he on the contrary their reafon with hisArms, which hath been prov'd already, and fhall be more hereafter. ;
He twits them with his Ads of Grace; proud, and unfelf-knowing words in the mouth of any King who affects not to be a God, and fuch as ought to be as odious in the ears of a free Nation. For if they were unjuft acts, why did he grant them as of grace ? If juft, it was not of his grace, but of his duty and his Oath to grant them. }
A glorious King be would be, though by his fufferings: But that can never be to him whofe futferings are his own doings. He fains 4 bard chors put upon him either to kall his Subjes, or be kil?d, Yetnever was King lefs in danger of any violence from his Subjects, till he unfheath’d his Sword againft them “thay long after that time, when he had {pilt the blood of thoufands, ‘they had ftill his Per- fon in a foolifh veneration. Z
Hecomplains, That civil War mujt be the fruits of bis feventeeen years raign- ing with fuch a meafure of Fuftice, Peace, Plenty, and Religion, as all Natsons ci- ther admird or envi'd. For the Juftice we had, let the Councel Table, Star- chamber, High Commiffion fpeak the praife of it, not forgetting the unprince- ly ufage, and, as far as might be, the abolifhing of Parlaments, the difplacing of honeft Judges, the fale of Offices, Bribery and Exaction, not found out to be punifh’d, butto be fhar’d in with impunity for the time tocome. Who can number the Extortions, the Oppreflions, the public Robberies and Rapines com- mitted on the Subjeét both by Sea and Land under various pretences ? Thir polleffions alfo tak’n from them,, one while as Forreft-Land, another while 2 Crown-Land; nor were thir Goods exempted, no not the Bullion in the Mint ; Piracy was become a project own’d and authoriz'd againft the Subject.
For the peace we had, what peace was that which drew out the Englifh to a needlefs and difhonourable Voyage againft the Spaniard at Cales? Or that which lent our fhipping to a! treacherous and‘ Antichriftian War againft the poor Proteftants of Kochel our fuppliants ?. What peace was that which fell to rob the French by Sea, to the imbarring of all our Merchants in that Kingdom? which brought forth that unbleft expedition to the Ifle of Rhee, doubtful whether more calamitous in the fuccefs or inthe defign, betraying all the flower of our military Youthand beft Commanders toa fhameful furprifal and execution. This was the peace we had, and the peace we gave, whether to friends or to foes abroad. And if at homeany peace were intended us, what meant thofe billeted Souldiers in all parts of the Kingdom, and the defign of German Horfe to fubdue us in our peaceful Houfes ? Bi eh
For our-Religion, where was there a more ignorant, profane, and vitious Clergy, learned in nothing but the antiquitie of thir Pride, thir pa 5
an
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and Superftition ? whofe unlincere and levenous Doctrine, corrupting the ped= ple, firft taught them loo{nefs, then bondage , loofning them trom all found knowledg and ftri€tnefs of life, the more to fit them for the bondage of Ty- ranny and Superftition. So that what was left us for other Nations not to pity rather than admire or envy all thofe feventeen years, no wife ‘man could fee. For wealth and plenty ina Land where Juftice raigns not, is no argument of a flonrifhing State, but of a neernefs rather to ruin or commotion.
Thefe were not fome mifcarriages only of aGovernment, which might efcape, but a univerfa] diftemper, and reducement of Law to arbitrary Power ; not through the evil councels of fome men, but through the conftant cours and practice of all that were in higheft favour : whofe worft actions he frequently avow d and tcok upon himfelf, and whofe Perfons when he could no longer pro- tect, he efteem’d and favour’d to the end; but never otherwife then by con- {traint, yielded any of them to due Punifhment; thereby manifefting that what they did was by his own Autority and Approbation.
Yet heer he asks Whofe innocent Blood he hath fhed, what Widows or Orphans tears can witnefs againft him? After the fufpected poyfoning of his Father, not inquir’d into, but fmother’d up, and him protected and advanc’d to the very half of his Kingdom, .who was accus’d in Parlament to be the Author of the fact, after fo many Years of cruel War on his People in three Kingdoms. Whence the Author of Truths manifeft, a Scotchman, not unacquainted with affairs, pofitively afirms, That there hath more Chriftian Blood Geta hed by the Com- miffion, approbation, and connivance of King Charles and his Father James in the « latter end of thir raign, then in the Ten Roman Perfecutions. Not to fpeak of thofe many Whippings, Pillories, and other corporal inflictions wherewith his raign alfo before this War was not unbloodie; fome have dy’d in Prifon under cruel reftraint, others in Banifhment, whofe lives were fhortn’d through the rigour of that Perfecution wherewith fo many years he infefted the true Church. And thofe fix Members all men judg’d to have efcap’d no lefs then capital danger ; whom he fo greedily purfuing into the Houfe of Commons, had not there the forbearance to conceal how much it troubl’d him, That the Birds were flown. \f fom Vultur in the Mountains could have op’nd his Beak ‘intelligibly and fpoke, what fitter words could he have utter’d at the lofs of his Prey ? The Tyrant Nevo,though not yet deferving that name,fet his hand fo un- willingly to the execution of acondemn’d Perfon,as to with He had not known Let- ters. Certainly for a King himfelf to charge his Subjects with High Treafon,and fo vehemently toprofecute them in his own caufe,as to do the Office of a Searcher, argu d inhim no great averfation from fhedding blood, were it but to fatisfie his anger, and that revenge was no unpleafing morfel tohim, whereof he bim- felf thought not much to be fo diligently his own Caterer. But we infift rather upon what was actual then what was probable.
He now falls toexamin the caufes of this War, asa difficulty which he had long ftudied to find out. Jt was not, faith he, my withdrawing from Whitehall 5 for no account in reafon couldbe giv'n'of thofe Tumults, where an orderly Guard was granted. Butif itbea moft certain truth that the Parlament could never yet obtain of him any Guard fit to be confided in, then by his own confeffion fome account of thofe pretended Tumults may in reafon be giv’n, and both concern- ing them and the Guards anough hath bin faid alreadie.
Whom did he protect againft the Fujtice of Parlament ? Whom did he not to his utmoft power? Endeavouring to have refcu’d Strafford from their Jutftice, tho with the deftruction of them and the City ; to that end exprefly command- ing the admittance of new Soldiers into the Tower, rais'd by Suckling and o- ther Confpirators, under pretence for the Portugall; not to repeat his other Plot of bringing up the two Armies. . But what can be difputed with fuch a King, in whofe mouth and opinion the Parlament it felf was never buta Fattior, and thir Juftice no Juftice, but The dittates and overfwaying Infolence of Tumults and Rabbles? and under that excufe avouches himfelf openly the general Pa- tronof moft notorious Delinquents, and approves thir flight out of the Land, whofe crimes were fuch, as that the jufteft and the faireft trial would have foon- eft condemn’d them to death. But did not Catiline plead in like manner againft the Roman Senat, and the injuftice of thir trial, and the juftice of his flight from Rome? Cefar alfo, then hatching Tyranny, injected the fame fcrupulous de-
Ppp murs
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riurs to ftop the fentence of death in full and free Senat decreed on Lentulus and Cethegus, two of Catilines accomplices, which were renew'd and urg’d for Strafford, «He voutfafes tothe reformation, by both Kingdoms intended, no better name then Innovatson and ruin both in Church and State. And what we would have learnt fo gladly of him in other paflages before, to know wherein, he tclls us now of hisown accord. The expelling Bifhops out of the Houfe of Peers, this was ruin tothe State, the remeving them root and branch, this was ruin to the Church. How happy could this Nation be in fuch a’Governour who count- ed that thir ruin, which they thought thir deliverance; the ruin both of Church and State, which was the recovery and the faving of them both ?
To the pafling of thofe Bills againft Bifhops, how is it likely that the Houfe of Peers gave fo hardly thir confent, which they gave fo eafily before to the attaching them of High Treafon, 12 at once, only for protefting that the Par- lament could not act without them? Snrely if thir rights and privileges were thought fo undoubted in that Houfe, as is heer maintain’d ; then was that Pro- teitation, being meant and intended in the name of thir whole fpiritual Order, ‘ no Treafon; and fo that Houfe it felf will becom liable toa juft conftruction
either of injuftice in them for fo confenting, or of ufurpation, reprefenting none but themfelves, to expect that their voting or not voting fhould obftruct the Commons: Whonot for five repulfes of the Lords, no not for fifty, were to de- fift from.what inthe name of the whole Kingdom they demanded, fo long as thofe Lords were noneof ourLords. And for the Bill againft root and branch,
.tho it pafs’d notin both Houfes tillmany of the Lords and fome few of the Commons, either intic’d away by the King, or overaw’d by the fence of thir own Malignancy, not prevailing, deferted the Parlament, and made a fair rid- dance of themfelves 5 that was no warrant for them who remain’d faithful, be- ing far the greater number, to lay afide that Bill of root and branch, till the return of thir fugitives ; a Bill fo neceflary and fo much defir’d by themfelves as by the People.
This was the partiality, this degrading of the Bifhops, a thing fo wholfom in the State, and fo Orthodoxal inthe Church both ancient and reformed, which the King rather then aflent to, wall either hazard both hrs own and the Kingdoms ruin, by our juft defence again{ft his force of arms, or profrate our confciences in a blind obedience to himfelf, and thofe men, whofe fupertition, zealous or unzealous, would inforce upon us an Antichriftian tyranny in the Church, neither Primitive, Apoftolical, nor more anciently univerfal, then fom other manifeft corruptions.
But he was bound, befides his judgment, by a moft ftritt and undifpenfable Oath to preferve that Order and the rights of the Church, If he mean the Oath of his Co- ronation, and that the letter of that Oath admit not to be interpreted either by equity, reformation, or better knowledg, then was the King bound by that Oath to grant the Clergie all thofe Cuftoms, Franchifes, and Canonical Privi- leges granted to them by Edward the Confeflor , and fo might one day, under pretence of that Oath, and his confcience, have brought us all again to Popery. Bat had he fo well remembred as he ought, the words towhich he fwore, he might have found himfelf no otherwife oblig’d there, then according to the Laws of God, and true profeffion of the Gofpel. For if thofe following words, Ejtablifi’d in this Kingdom, be fet thereto limit and lay prefcription onthe Laws of God and truth of the Gofpel by manseftablifhment, nothing can be more abfurd or more injurious to Religion, So that however the German Emperors or other Kings have levied all thofe Wars on thir Proteftant Subjects under the colour of a blind and literal obfervance to an Oath, yet this King had leaft pretence of all. Nor is it to be imagin’d, if what fhallbe eftablifh’d come in queftion, but that the Parlament fhould overfway the King, and not he the Parlament. And by all Law and Reafon that whichthe Parlament will not, is no more eftablifh’d in this King- dom, neither is the King bound by Oath-to uphold itas.athing eftablift’d. ~
Had he gratifi'd, he thinks, Amtiepifcopal Faction with bis confent, and facrific’d the Church-government and Revenues td the fury of their covetoufnefs, &c. an Army had not bin rais’d, Whereas it was the fury of his own hatred to the profeflors
- of true Religion which firft incited him to perfecute them withthe Sword of War, when Whips, Pillories, Exiles, and Impris’nments were not thought fuf- ficient. Tocolour which he cannot find wherewithal but that ftale pretence of Charles the fifth, and other Popifh Kings, that the Proteftants had only an
intent
(475 intent to lay hands on,the Church-revenues, a thing never in the thoughts of this Parlament, till exhaulted by his endlefs War upon them, thir neceflity feis’d on that for the Commonwealth, which the luxury of Prelats had abus’d before to a common milchief.
Lis confent to the unlording of Bifhops (for to that he himfelf confented, and at Canterbury the chief feat of their pride, fo God would have it) was froim bis firm perfwafion of thir contentednefs to fiffer a prefent diminution of thesr rights. Can any man, reading this, not dilcern the pure mockery of a Royal content, to delude us only for the prefent, meaning, it feems, when time fhould ferve to revoke all? By this reckning his confents and his denials come all to one pafs : and we may hence perceave the wifdom and the integrity of thofe Votes which voted his Conceflions atthe lle of W/ighe for grounds of a lafting Peace. This he alleges, this controverfie about Bifhops, to be the true frate of that diffe- rence between him and the Parlament. Forhe held Epifcopacy bsth very Sacred and Divine. With this judgment, and for this caufe he withdrew from the Par- lament, and confefles that fome men knew he was like to bring again the fame judgment which he carried with him. A fair and unexpected juftification from his own mouth afforded to the Parlament, who notwithftanding what they knew of hisob{tinat mind, omitted not to ufe all thofe means, and that patience to have gain’d him.
As for Delinquents; he allows them to be but the neceffary confequences of his and their withdrawing and defending. A precty {hift to mince the name of a de- linqugnt into a neceilary confequent: what isa Traitor, but the neceflary con- fequence of his Treafon ? what a Rebel, but of his Rebellion? From this conceit he would infer a pretext only in the Parlament to fetchn delinquents, as if there hed indeed bin no fuchcaufe, butall the delinquency in London ‘Yumults. Which is the overworn theme, and ftuffing of all his difcourfes.
This he thrice repeats to be the-true {tate and reafon of allthat War and De- vaftation in the Lands and that of all the Treaties and Propofitions offerd him, he was refolv’d mever to grant the abolifhing of Epifcopal, or the eftablifhment of Presby:ertan Government. { would demand now of the Scots and Covnanters (for fol call them as mifobfervers of the Cov’nant) how they will reconcile the prefervation of Religion and their Liberties, and the bringing of delinquents to condign purifhment, with the freedom, honour, and fafety of this vow’d refolution here, that efteems all the Zeal of thir proftituted Cow’nant no better then 4 noife and {hem of pictic, aheat for reformation, filling them with prejudice, and ob- firukting all equality and clearnefs of judgment in them. _ With thefe principles who knows but that at length he might have come to take the Cov’nant, as o- thers whon) they brotherly admit have don before him ? and then all, no doubt, had gon well, and ended in a happy peace.
His prayer is moft of it borrow’d out of David; but whatif it be anfwerd him asthe Jems, who trufted in A4zofes, were anfwer'd by our Saviour , Vhere is one that accufeth yon, ev’n David, whom you mifapply.
He tells God that his Enemies are many, but tells the people, when it ferves his turn, they are but 4 faction of fome few, prevailing over the major part of both Ho fes.
God knows he had no palfion, defign or preparation to imbroyle bis Kingdom sn a civil War. True; for hethought his Kingdom to be Ifachar, a ftrong A/s that would have couch’d down between two burd’ns, the one of prelatical fuperftition, the o- ther of civil tyrannie : but what paflion and defign, what clofe and op’n prepa- ration he had made to fubdue us to both thefe by terror and preventive force, all the Nation knows.
_ The confidence of fome mex had almoft perfwaded him to fufpelt his own innocence. As the words of Saint Paul had almoft perfwaded -dgréppa to be a Chriftian. _ But Almoft in the work of repentance is as good as Not at all.
God, faith he, will find out bloody and deceitful men, many of whom have not liv'd out balf thir days. \t behov’d him to have been more cautious how he tempted Gods finding out of blood and deceit, till his own years had bin furder fpent, or that he had enjoy’d longer the pe of bis own violent Counfels. ,
But inftead of warinefs he adds another temptation, charging God to kom thar the chief defign of this War was either to adeftroy his Perfon, or to force bis Fudgment. And thus his prayer from the evil practice of unjuft accufing men to God, arifes to the hideous rafhnefs of accufing God before men, to know that for truth,whiclr allen know to be moft fals. Ppp2 He -
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He prays That God would forgive the People, for they know not what they do. It is an eafie matter to fay over what our Saviour faid; but how he Jov’d the Peo- ple, other Arguments then affected Sayings muft demonftrate. He who fo oft hath prefum’d rafhly to appeal to the knowledg and teftimony of God in things fo evidently untrue, may be doubted what belief or efteem he had of his forgive- nefS, either to himfelf, or thofe for whom he would fo fain that men fhould hear he pray’d.
X. Upon-their feixing the Magazins, Forts, &c.
of this Civil War, fince the beginning of all War may be difcern’d not
only by the firft act of Hoftilitie, but by the Counfels and Preparations foregoing, it fhall evidently appear that the King was ftill formoft in all thefe, No King had ever at his firft coming to the Crown more love and acclamation from a people; never any people found worfe requital of thir loyalty and good affection: Firft by his extraordinary fear and miftruft that thir Liberties and Rights were the impairing and diminifhing of his Regal Power, the true Original of Tyranny : next by his hatred to all thofe who were efteem’d reli- gious ; doubting that thir Principles too much aflerted Libertic. This was quickly {een by the vehemence, and the caufes alleg?d of his perfecuting, the other by his frequent and opprobrious diflolution of Parlaments ; after he had demanded more money of them, and they to obtain thir rights had granted him, then would have bought the Turk out of Area, and fet free all the Greeks. But when he fought to extort from us, by way of Tribute, that which had bin offer’d him conditionally in Parlament, as by a free People, and that thofe Extortions were now confum'd and wafted by the luxurie of his Court, he began then (for ftill the more he did wrong, the more he fear’d) before any Tumult or Infurrection of the People, to take counfel how he might to- tally fubdue them to his own will. Then was the defign of German Horfe, and Souldiers billeted in all parts; the Pulpits refounded with no other Doétrine then that which gave all Propertic to the King, and Paflive Obedience to the Subject. After which innumerable formes and fhapes of new Exadtions and Exacters overfpread the Land: Nor was it anough to beimpoverith’d, unlefs we Weredifarm’d, Our Train’d-Bands, which are the truftieft and moft proper ftrength of a free Nation, had thir Arms in divers Counties tak’n from them = other Ammunition by defign was ingrofs’d and kept in the Tower, not to be bought without a Licence, and at a high rate.
Thus far, and many other ways were his Counfels and Preparations before- hand with us, either to a Civil War, if it fhould happ’n, or to fubdue us without a War, which is all one, until the raifing of his two Armies againft the Scots, and the latter of them rais’d to the moft perfidious breaking of a folemn Pacifi- Cation.
After the beginning of this Parlament, whom he faw fo refolute and unani- mous to releeve the Common-wealth, and that the Earl of Strafford was con- demn’d to die, other of his evil Counfellors impeach’d and imprifon’d, to fhew there waneed not evil Counfel within himfelf fufficient to begin a War upon his Subjects, though no way by them provok’d, he fends an Agent with Letters to the King of Denmark requiring aid againft the Parlament, endea- vours to bring up both Armies, firft the Englifh, with whom 8000 Irifh Pa= pifts rais’d by Strafford, and a French Army were to join; then the Scots at New- caftle, whom he thought to have encourag’d by telling them what mony and horfe he was to have from Denmark. 1 mention not the /rifh Confpiracie till due place. Thefe and many other were his Counfels toward a Civil War. His Preparations, after thofe two Armies were difmifs’d, could not fuddenly be too op’n: Neverthelefs there were 8000 Jrifh Papifts which he refus’d to disband, though intreated by both Houfes, firft for reafons beft known to himfelf, next under pretence of lending them to the Spaniard; and fo kept them ee 2
€
T put the matter fooneft out of controverfy who was the firft beginner
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ed till very near the month wherein that Rebellion broke forth. He was alfo raifing Forces in London, pretendedly to ferve the Portugal, but with intent to feize the Tower. Into which diverfe Cannoncers were by him {ent ; the Court was fortifi'd with Ammunition and Souldiers new lifted, follow’d the King from London, and appear’d at King/fon fome hundreds of horfe in a warlike manner, with Waggons of Ammunition after them; the Queen in Aolland was buying more ; the Inhabitants of York/hire and other Counties were call’d to Arms, and actual Forces rais’d, while the Parlament were yet petitioning in
eace.
s As to the A&t of Hoftilitie, though not much material in whom firft it began after fuch Counfels and Preparations difcover’d, and fo far advanced by the King, yet in that act alfo he will be found to have had precedency, if not at London by the aflault of his armed Court upon the naked People, and his at- tempt upon the Houfe of Commons, yet certainly at Awl, firft by his clofe Practices on that Town, next by his Seige. Thus whether Councels, Prepa- rations, or Acts of Holtilitie be confidered, it appears with evidence anough, though much more might be faid, that the King is truly charg’d to be the firit beginner of thefe Civil Wars. To which may be added as a clofe, that inthe Ifle of Wight he charg’d it upon himfelf at the publick Treaty, and acquitted the Parlament.
But as for the fecuring of Hui and the publick ftores therin, and in other places, it was no furprifal of his Strength , the cuftody whereof by Autority of Parlament was committed into hands ‘molt fit and moft refponfible for fuch a truft. It were a folly beyond ridiculous, to count our felves a free Nation, if the King, not inParlament, but in his own Perfon, and againft them, might ap- propriate to himfelf the ftrength of a whole Nation as his proper goods. What the Laws of the Land are, a Parlament fhould know beft, having both the life and death of Laws in thir lawgiving Power : And the Law of England is, at belt, but the reafon of Parlament. ‘The Parlament therefore, taking into thir hands that wherof moft properly they ought to have the keeping, committed no fur- prifal. . If they prevented him, that argu’d not at all either bis innocency or un- preparednefs, but thir timely forefight to ufe prevention.
But what needed that ? They knew bis chiefelt Arms left him were thofe only which the antient Chriftians were wont to ufe againft thir Perfecuters, Prayers and Tears. O facred reverence of God, reipect and fhame of men, whither were ye fled when thefe hypocrifies were utter’d ? Was the Kingdom then at all that coft of Blood to remove from him none but Prayers and Tears ? What were thofe thoufands of blafpheming Cavaliers about him, whofe mouths lee fly Oaths and Curfes by the volley , were thofe the Prayers ? and thofe Caroufes drunk to the confufion of all things good or holy, did thofe minifter the Tears? Were they Prayers and Tears that were lifted at York, mufter’d on Heworth Moore, and laid Seige to Hall for the guard of his Perfon? Were Prayers and Tearsat fo high a rate in Holland, that nothing could purchafe them but the Crown-Jewels? yet they in Holland (fach word was fent us) fold them for Guns, Carabins, Mortar-peeces, Cannons, and other deadly Inftruments of War, which when they came to York, were all no doubt by the merit of fome great Saint fuddenly transform’d into Prayers and Tears; and being divided into Regiments and Brigades, were the only Arms that mifchiev’d us in all thofe Battels and Inecounters.
Thefe were his chief Arms, whatever we muft call them, and yet fuch Arms as they who fought for the Common-wealth have by the help of better Prayers vanquifh’d and brought to nothing.
He bewails his want of the Militia, wot fo much in reference to his own protettion as the peoples, whofe many and fore oppreffions greeve him. Never confidering how ill for feventeen years together he had protected them, and that thefe miferies of the people are ftill his own handy work, having {mitt’f them like a forked Arrow fo fore into the Kingdom’s fides, as not to be drawn out and cur’d with- out the incifion of more flefh.
He tells us that what he wants in the hands of Power he has in the wings of Faith and Prayer. But they who made no reckning of thofe Wings while they had that power in thir hands, may éafily miftake the Wings of Faith for the Wings of Prefumption, and fo fall headlong. i
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We mect next witha compirifon, how apt let them judg that have travell’d to Mecca That the Parlament have hung the Majeltie of King{hip 1 an airy imagi- nation of Regalsty, between the Privileges of both Houfes, like the | omb of Adahomet. He knew not that he was prophecying the death and burial of a Turkih Tyran- ny, that {purn’d down thofe Laws which gave it life and being, fo long as it endur’d to be a regulated Monarchy.
He counts ic an injury #9¢ to bave the fole power in himfelf to help or hurt any; and that the A4litia whick he holds to be his undoubted Right, {hould be. difpos'd as the Parlament thinks fit: And yet confelles that if he had it in his aétual difpo- fing, he would defend thofe wham he calls bes good Subjetts from thofe mens vio- lence and fraud, who would prfoude the World that none but Wolves are fit to be trufled mith the cuftody of the Shepherd and bis Flock, Surely if we may guefs ; whom he means here, by knowing whom he hath ever moft oppos’d in this Controverfic, we may thén allure ovr felvs that by violence and fraud he. means that which the Parlament hath done in fetling the Militia, and thofe the Wolves, into whole hands it was by them intrufted : which draws a clear con- fiflion from bis own mouth, that 1 the Parlament had left him fole. power of the Militia, he would have us’d it co che deitruction of them and thir Friends.
As for fole power of the A4@/st2a. which he claims as a Right no lefs un- doubted then the Crown, ithath bin oft anough told him, that he hath no more autority over the Sword then over the Law; over the Law he hath none, eliher to eftablifh or to abiogate, to interpret, or to execute, but only by his Courts and in his Courts, whereof the Parlament is higheft: no more therefore hath he power of the A4iliusa which is the Sword, either to ufe or to difpofe, but with confent of Parlament; give him bat that, and as good give him all our Laws and Liberties. For if tlie power of the Sword were any where fepa- rate and undepending from the power of Law, which is originally feated in the higheft Court, then were thai power of tne Sword higher then the power of Law, and being at one mans dilpofal, might wh<n he pleas’d controul the Law, and enflaveus. Such power asthi; did the King in op’n terms challenge to have over us, and brought thoufands to help tim win it ; fo much more good at fighting then at uncerltanding, as to perfwade themfelves that they fought then for the Subjects Libertie. ry :
He is contented, b.caufe he knows no other remedy, to refign this power for his own time, but not for his fucceffors: So diligent and careful he is that we fhould be flaves, if not to him, yet to his Pofterity, and fain would leave us the Legacy of another War about it. But the Parlament have done well to remove that queftion: whom, as his manner is to dignify with fome good name or other, he calls now a many-headed Hydra of Government, full of fattious diftrattions, and not more eyes then mouths. Yet furely not more mouths, or not fo wide as thedillolute rabble of all his Courtiers had, both Hees and Shees, if ther were any Males among them.
He would prove that to govern by Parlament hath 4 Adenftrofitie rather then Perfettion ; and grounds his Argument upon two or three eminent Abfurdities Firft by placing Councel in the Senfes, next by turning the Senfes out of the head, and inlieu therof placing Power fupreme above fenfe and reafon; which be now the greater Monftrofities ? Furder to difpute what kind of Govern- ment is beft, would bea long Theme ; it fufficeth that his reafons here for Mo- narchy are found weak and inconfiderable.
He bodes much horror and bad influence after his ecetips. He {peaks his wifhes ; but they who-by weighing prudeutly things paft, forefee things to come, the beft Divination, may hope rather all good fuccefs and happinefs, by removing that darknefs which the miftie cloud of his Prerogative made between us anda peaceful Reformation, which is our true Sun-light, and not he, though he would be tak’n for ®ur Sun it felf. And wherefore fhould we not hope to be govern’d more happily without a King, when as all our miferie and trouble hath bin either by a King, or by our neceflary vindication and defence againft him. ' aed oe
He would be thought infore?d to Perjurie by having granted the Militia, by which his Oath bound him to protect the people. If hecan be perjur’d in
granting that,why doth he refufe for no other caufe the abolifhing of Epifcopacy? But
EEE
€ 479 ) But never was any Oath fo blind as to fwear him to protect Delinquents againft Juftice, but to protect all the people in that order, and by thofe bands which the Parlament fhould advife him to, and the protected confide in; and not un- der the thew of protection to hold a violent and incommunicable Sword over us as readie to be Jet fall upon our own necks, as upon our Enemies; nor to make our own Hands and Weapons fight againft our own Liberties.
By his parting with the AGjlitsa he takes to himfelf much praife of his affi- rance im God?s protettion, and to the Parlament imputes the fear of not daring to adventure the injuftice of their attions upon any other way of fafety. But whertore came not this allurance of God’s protection to him, till the AG/itia was wrung outof his hand ? it fhould feem by his holding it fo faft, that his own Actions and Intentions had no lefs of injuftice in them, then what he charges upon others, whom he terms Chaldeans, Sabeans, andthe Devil himfelf. But Fob us’d no fuch Adilitia againft thofe Enemies, nor fuch a Magazin as was at Hull, which this King fo contended for, and made War upon us, that he might have wherwithal to make War againft us. .
He concludes, that although they take all from him, yet can they not obftrutt biz way to Heav'n. It wasno handfome occafion, by faining obitructions where they are not, to tell us whither he was going: he fhould have fhut the door, and pray’d in fecret, not here in the High Street. Private Prayers in publick, ask fomething of whom they ask not, and that fhall be thir reward.
XI. Opon the Nineteen Propofitions, &c.
F the nineteen Propofitions he names none in particular, neither fhall the Anfwer : But he infifts upon the old Plea of bis Confcience, Honour and Reafon wing the plaufibility of large and indefinite words, to defend himfelf at fuch a diftance as may hinder the eye of common Judgment from all diftint view and examination of his reafoning. He would buy the peace of, bis People at any rate, fave only the parting with bis Confcience and Honour. Yet {hews not how it can happ’o that the Peace of a People, if otherwife to be bought at any rate, fhould be inconfiftent or at variance with the Confcience and Ho- nour of a King. ‘Till then we may receave it for a better fentence, that no- thing fhould be more agreeable to the Confcience and Honour of a King, then to preferve his Subjects in peace, efpecially from Civil War.
And which of the Propofitions were obtruded on him with the point of the Sword, till he firft with the point of the Sword thruft from him both the Propofitions and the Propounders ? He never reck’ns thofe violent and mercilefs Obtrufi- ons, which for almoft twenty years he had bin forcing upon tender Confciences by all forts of Perfecution, till through the multitude of them that were to fuffer, it could be no more call’d a Perfecution, but a plain War. From which when firft the Scots, then the Englifh were conftrain’d to defend themfelves, this thir juft defence is that which he calls here, Thir making War upon his Soul.
He grudges that fo many things are requir'd of bim, and nothing offer’d him in requital of thofe favours which he had granted. ‘Nhat could fatiate the defires of this Man, who being King of England, and Mafter of almoft two Millions yearly, was ftillin want; and thofe aéts of Juftice which he was to do in duty, counts done as favours, and fuch favours as were not done without the avari- tious hope of other rewards befides fupreme Honour, and the conftant Revenue of his place?
This Honour, he faith, they did him to put him on the giving part. And fpake truer then he intended, it being meerly for honours fake that they did fo, not that it belong’d to him of right: For what can he give to a Parlament, who receaves all he hath from the People, and for the Peoples good ? Yet now he brings his own conditional Rights to conteft, and be preferr’d before the Peo- ples good ; and yet unlels it be in order to thir good, he hath no rights at all ; raigning by the Laws of the Land, not by his own; which Laws are ut ae
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hands of Parlament to change or abrogate as they fhall fee beft for the Com- mon-wealth; evn to the taking away of Kingfhip it felf, when it grows too mafterful and burd’nfome. For every Common-wealth is in general defin’d, a Societie fofficient of it felf in all things conducible to well being and commo- dious life. Any of which requifit things, if it cannot have without the gift or favour of a fingle Perfon, or without leave of his private reafon or his con{ci- ence, it cannot be thought fufficient of it felf, and by confequence no Common- wealth, nor free; but a multitude of Vaflals in the pofleflion and domain of one abfolute Lord, -and wholly obnoxious to hiswill. If the King have power to give or deny any thing to his Parlament, he muft doit either as a Perfon feveral from them, or as one greater ; neither of which will be allow’d him: not to be confider’d feverally from them ; for as the King of England can do no wrong, fo neither can he do right but in his Courts ‘and by his Courts ; and what is le- gally done inthem, fhall be deem’d the King’s Aflent, though he as a feveral Per- fon fhall judg or endeavour the contrary ; fo that indeed without his Courts, or againft them, he isnoKing. If therfore he obtrude upon us any publick mif- chief, or withhold from us any general good, which is wrong in the higheft de- gree, he muftdo it as a Tyrant, not asa King of England, by the known Max- ims of our Law. Neither can he, as one greater, give aught to the Parlament which is not in thir own power, but he muft be greater alfo then the Kingdom which they reprefent : fo that to honour him with the giving part was a meer civility, and may be well term’d the courtefie of England, not the King’s due. -
But the incommunicable Fewel of bis Confcsence he will not give, but referve to himfelf. \t feems that his Confcience was none of the Crown-Jewels ; for thofe we know were in Holland, not incommunicable to buy Arms againft Subjects. Being therefore but a private Jewel, he could not have done a greater pleafure to the Kingdom then by referving itto himfelf. But he, contrary to what is here profefs’d, would have his Confcience not an incommunicable, but a uni- verfal Confcience, the whole Kingdom’s Confcience. Thus what he feems to fear left we fhould ravifh from him, is our chief complaint that he obtruded up- onus; we never forc’d him to part with his Confcience, but it was he that would have fore’d us to part with ours.
Some things he taxes them to have offer'd him, mhich while he had the maftery of bis Reafon, he would never confent to. Very likely; but had his reafon mafter’d him asit ought, and not bin mafter’d long ago by his fenfe and humour (as the breeding of moft Kings hath bin ever fenfual and moft humour’d) perhaps he would have made no difficulty. Mean while at what a fine pafs is the King- dom, that muft depend in greateft Exigencies upon the fantafie of a King’s Rea- fon, be he wife or fool, who arrogantly fhall anfwer all the Wifdom of the Land, that what they offer feerns to him unreafonable ?
He prefers his /ove of Truth before his love of the People. His love of Truth would have led him to the fearch of Truth, and have taught him not to lean fo much upon his own underftanding. He met at firft with Doétrines of unac- countable Prerogative; inthemhe refted, becaufethey pleas’d him ; they ther- fore pleas’d him becaufe they gave him all: and this he calls his love of Truth, and prefers it before love of his peoples peace.
Some things they propos’d which would have wounded the inward peace of bis Confcience. The more our evil hap, that three Kingdoms fhould be thus pe- fter’d with one Confcience; who chiefly fcrupl’d to grant us that which the Parlament advis’d him to, as the chief means of our publick welfare and Refor- mation. Thefe fcruples to many perhaps feem pretended, to others, upon as good grounds, may feem real ; .and that it was the juft judgment of God, that he who was focruel and fo remorcelefs to other mens Confciences, fhould have a Confcience within himas cruel to himfelf; conftraining him, as he conftrain’d others, and in{naring him fuch ways and counfels as were certain to be his de- ftruction.
Other things though he could approve, yet in honour and policy he thought fit to deny, left he fhould feem to dare deny nothing. By this means he will be fure, what with Reafon, Confcience, Honour, Policy, or Puntilios, to be found never unfur- nifht of a denial : Whether it were his envy not to be overbounteous, or that the fubmiflnefs of our asking ftirr’d up in him a certain pleafure of denying. Good Princes have thought it thir chief happinefs to be always granting; if
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good things, for the things fake ; if things indifferent for the peoples, fake, while this man fits calculating varietieof excufes how he may grant leaft, as if his whole ftrength and royaltie were plac’d in a meer negative.
Of one Propofition efpecially he laments him much, that they would bind him to ageneral and implicit confent for whatever they defir’d. Which though I find not amongthe nineteen, yet undoubtedly the Oath of his Coronation binds him to nolefs; neither is heat all by his Office to interpofe againft a Parlamentin the making or not making of any Law ; bat totake that for juft and good legally which is there decreed, and to fee itexecuted accordingly. Nor was he fet over us to vie wifdom with his Parlament, but to be guided by them: any of whom pofibly may as far excel himin the gift of wifdom, as he them in place and dig- nitie. But much neerer is it to impoflibilitie that any King alone fhould be wiler then all his Councel, fure anough it was not he, though no King ever before him fo much contended to have itthought fo. And if the Parlament fo thought not, but defir’d him to follow their advice and deliberation in things of public concernment, he accounts it the fame propolition, as if Sampfon had bin mov’d to the putting out his eyes, that’ the Philiftias might abufe bim. And thus out of an unwife or pretended fear left others fhould make a fcorn of him for yielding to his Parlament, he regards not to give caufe of worfe fufpition that he made a fcorn of his regal Oath.
But to exclude him from all power of denial feems an arrogance , in the Parlament he means : what in him then todeny againft the Parlament? None at all by what he argues: For, by petitioning, they confefs their inferioritie, and that obliges them toreft, if not fatisfid, yet quieted with fuch an Anfwer as the will and reafon of their Superior thinks fitto give. Firft petitioning, in better Englifh, is no more then requefting or requiring ; and men require not favours only, but their due, and that not only from Superiors, but from Equals, and Inferiors alfo. The nobleft Romans, when they ftood, for that which was a kind of regal honour, the Confulfhip, were wont ina fubmiflive manner to go about, and beg chat higheft dignity of the meaneft Plebecans, naming them man by man 3 which in their tongue was call’d Petstio confislatus. And th: Parlament of England pe- tition’d the King, not becaufe all of them were inferior to him, but becaufe he was fuperior to any one of them, which they did of civil cuftom, and~ for fa- fhions fake more then of duty ; for by plain Law cited before the Parlament is his Superior. .
But what Law in any trial or difpute enjoyns a Free-man to reft quieted, though not fatisfied with the will and reafon of his fuperior? It were amad Law that would fubject reafon to fuperioritie of place. And if our higheft con- fulrations and purpos’d Laws muft be terminated by the Kings will, then is the will of one man our Law, and no futtletie of difpute can redeem the Parlament and Nation from being Slaves: neither can any Tyrant require more then that his willor reafon, though not fatisfying, fhould yet be refted in, and determin all things. We may conclude therefore that when the Parlament petition’d the King, it was but meerly form, let it beas foolifh and abfurd as he pleafes. It cannot certainly be foabfurd as what he requires, that the Parlament fhould confine thir own and all the Kingdoms reafon to the will of one man, becaufe it was his hap to fucceed his Father. For neither God nor the Laws have fub- jected us to his will, nor fet his reafon to be our Sovran above Law (which mult needs be, if hecan ftrangle it in thebirth) but fet hisperfon over us in the fovran execution of fuch Laws as the Parlament eftablifh. The Parlament therefore without any ufurpation hath had it alwaies in thir power to limit and confine the exorbitancie of Kings, whether they call it thir will, thir reafon, or thir confcience.
But this above all was never expected, nor is to be endur’d, that aKing, who isbound by Law and Oath to follow the advice of his Parlament, fhould be per- mitted to except againft them as young State/men, and proudly to fufpend his following thir advice, until bis feven years experience had {hewn bir how well they could govern themfelves. Doubtlefs the Law never fuppos'd fo great an arro- gance could be in one man; that he whofe feventeen years unexperience had almoft ruin’d all, fhould fit another feven years Schoolmafter, to tutor thofe who were fent by the whole Realm to be his Counfelors and Teachers. And
with what modelty can he pretend tobe a Statefman himfelf, who with his Fa- Qqq thers
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thers Kingeraft and his own did never that of his own accord which was not di- rectly oppofit to his profeffed Intereft both at home and abroad; difcontenting and alienating his Subjetts at home, weakning and deferting his Confederats abroad, and with them the common caufe of Religion? So that the whole courfe of his raign, by an example of his own furnifhing, hath refembled Phaeton more than Phebus, and forc’d the Parlament to drive like Fehw; which Omen tak’n from his own mouth God hath not diverted.
And he on the cther fide might have remembred that the Parlament fit in that body, not as bis Subjects, but as his Superiors, call’d, not by him, but by the Law; not only twice every year, but as oft as great affairs require, to be his Counfellors and Dsttators, tho he ftomac it 3 nor to be diflolv’d at his pleafure,
but whenall greevances be firft remowd, all Petitions heard and anfwer'd. This |
isnot only Reafon, but the known Law of the Land,
When be heard that Propofitions would be fent him, he fate conjecturing what they would propound ; and becaufe they propounded what he expected not, he takes that to be a warrant for his denying them. Bnt.what did he expect? he ex- pected that the Parlament would reinforce fome old Laws. But if thofe Laws were not a fufficient remedy to'all greevances, nay were found to be greevan- ces themfelves, when did we lofe that other part of our freedom to eftablifh new ? Hethought fome injuries dun by himfelf and others to the Commonwealth were tobe repair’d. But how could that be, while he the chief offender took upon him to be fole Judg both of the injury and the reparation ? He ftaid till the advantage of bis Crown confider'd might induce bim to condsfcend to the Peoples good. When- asthe Crown it felf with all thofe advantages were therfore giv’n him, that the peoples good fhould be firft confider’d; not bargain’d for, and bought by inches with the bribe of more offértures and advantages to hisCrown. He look’d for moderate defires of due Reformation ; as if any fuch defires could be immode- rate. He look’d for fuch a Reformation both in Church and State, as might pre- ferve the roots of every greevance and abufe in both ftill growing (which he calls the foundation and effentials) and would have only the excrefcencies of Evil prun’d away for the prefent, as was plotted before, that they might grow fatft anough between Triennial Parlaments to hinder them by work anough be- fides from,ever ftriking atthe root. He alleges, They fhould have had regard to the Laws in force, tothe wifdom and pietie of former Parlaments, to the ancient and univer fal prattife of Chriftian Churches. As if they whocome with full autority to redrefs public greevances, which oftimes are Laws themfelves, were to have thir hands bound by Laws in force, or the fuppofition of more pietie and wif- dom in thir Anceftors, or the practice of Churches heretofore, whofe Fathers, notwithitanding all thefe pretences, made as vaft alterations to free themfelves from antient Popery. For all antiquity that adds or varies from the Scripture is NO more warranted to our fafe imitation, then what was don the Age before at Trent. Nor was there need to have defpair’d of what could be eftablifh’d in lieu of what was to be annull’d, having before his eyes the Government of fo many Churches beyond the Seas ; whofe pregnant and folid reafons wrought fo with the Parlament, as to defirea uniformity rather with all other Proteitants, then to be a Schifm divided from them under aconclave of thirty Bifhops, and a crew of irreligious Priefts that gap’d for the fame preferment.
And whereas he blames thofe Propofitions for not containing what they ought, what did they mention, but to vindicate and reffore rhe Rights of Parlament in- vaded by Cabin Councils, the Courts of Fu/tice obftrudted, and the Government of Church innovated and corrupted ? All thefe things he might eafily have ob- ferv’d inthem, which he affirms he could not find: but found thofe demanding in Parlament who were looke upon before as faciious in the State, and {cifmatical st the Church, and demanding not only Tolerations for themfelves in thir vanity, novel. ty, and confufion, but alfo.an extirpation of that Government whofe Rights they had a mind to invade. ‘Nas this man ever likely to be advis’d, who with fuch a pre- judice and difefteem fets himfelf againft his chos’n and appointed Counfelers ; likely ever to admit of Reformation, who cenfures all the Government of o- ther Proteftant Churches as bad as any Papift could have cenfur’d them? And what King had ever his whole’Kingdom in fuch contempt, fo to wrong and dif- honour the free elections of his people, as to judg them whom the Nation thought worthieft to fit with him inParlament, few els but fuch as were pzuifhable ?
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the Lams: yet knowing that time was, when tobe aProteftant, to be a Chrifti- an was by Lawas punifhable as to be a Traitor, and that our Saviour himfelf coming to reform his Church, was accus’d of an intent toinvade Cefars right, as good a right as the prelat Bifhops ever had; the one being got by force, the
other by fpiritual ufurpation, and both by force upheld.
He admires and falls into an extafie that the Parlament fhould fend him fuch a horrid Propofition, asthe removal of Epifcopacy. But expect from him in an exta- fie no other reafons of his admiration then the dream and tautology of what he hath fo oft repeated, Law, Antiquitie, Anceftors, Profperity, and the like, which will be therfore not worth a fecond an{wer, but may pafs with his own comparifon, into the common fewer of other Popifh arguments.
Had thetwo Houfes fu'd out their Liverie from the wardfhip of Tumults, he could fooner have believ’d them. It concern’d them firft to fne ont thir Li- verie from the unjuft Wardhhip of his encroaching Prerogative. And had he al- fo redeem'd his overdated minority from a Pupilage under Bifhops, he would much lefs have miftrufted his Parlament, and never would have fet fo bafe a character upon them, as tocount them no better then the Vailals of certain namelefs men, whom he charges to be fuch as bunt after Fattion with their Hounds the Tumults. And yet the Bifhops could have told him, that Nimrod, the firit that hunted after faction, is reputed by antient Tradition the firft that founded Monarchy 5 whence it appears that to hunt after Faction is more properly the Kings Game, and thofe Hounds, which he calls the Vulgar, have bin oft’n hol- low'd to from Court, of whom the mungrel fort have bin entic’d ; the reft have not loft their {cent, but underftood aright that the Parlament had rhat part to att which he had fail’d in ; that traf? to difcharge, which he had brok’n ; that eftate and honour to preferve, which was far beyond his, the eftate and honour of the Commonwealth, which he had imbezl’d.
Yet fo far doth felf-opinion or fals principles delude and tranfport him, as to think the concurrence of bis reafon to the Votes of Parlament, not only political, but natural, and as neceffaryto the begetting, or bringing forth of any one compleat atl of public wifdom asthe Suns influence is neceffary to all natures produttions. So thatthe Parlament, it feems, is buta Female, and without his procreative Rea- fon can produce no Law: Wifdom, it feems, to a King is natural, to a Par- lament not natural, but by conjunction with the King: yet he profefles to hold his Kingly right by Law 5 and if no Law could be made but by the great Councel of a Nation, which we now term aParlament, then certainly it was a Par- lament that firft created Kings, and not only made Laws before a King was in being, but thofe Laws efpecially whereby he holds his Crown. He ought then to have fothought of a Parlament, if he count it not Male, as of his Mother, which to civil being created both him and the Royaltie he wore. And if ic hath binantiently interpreted the prefaging fign of a future Tyrant, but to dream of copulation with his Mother, what can it be lefs then actual Tyran- ny to afirm waking, that the Parlament, whichis his Mother, can neither con- ceive or bring forth any autoritative Act without his mafculine coition? Nay that his Reafon is as celeftial and life-giving to the Parlament, as the Sun’s in- fluence istothe Earth: What other notions but thefe, or fuch like, could fwell up Caligula to think himfelf a God ?
But to be rid of thefe mortifying Propofitions, he leaves tyrannical evafion unaflaid ; firft that they are not the joint and free defires of both Houfes, or the ma- jor part next, that the chois of many Members was carried on by Fattion. The former of thefe is already difcover’d tobe an old device put firft in practice by Charles the fifth, fince Reformation: Who when the Proteftants of Germany for thir own defence join’d themfelves in League, in his Declarations and Re- monftrances laid the fault only upon fome few (for it wasdangerous to take no- tice of too many Enemies) and accufed them that under colour of Re- ligion they had a purpofeto invade his and the Churches right , by which po- licy he deceav’d many of the German Cities, and kept them divided from that League, until they faw themfelves brought into afnare. That other Cavil a- gainft the peoples chois puts us in mind rather what the Court was wont to do, and how to tamper with Elections: neither was there at that time any Faction more potent, or more likely to do fucha bufinefs then they themfelves who com-
plain moft. Qqq2 But
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But he mujt chew [uch Morféls, as Propofitions, cre he let them down. So let him ; but if the Kingdom fhall tafte nothing but after his chewing, what does - he make of the Kingdom but a great Baby? The ftraitnefs of his Confcsence will not give him leave to {wallow down fuch Camels of facrilege and injultice as others do, This is the Pharifee up and down, J am not as other men are. But what Camels of injuftice he could devour, all his three Realms were witnefs, which was the caufe that they almoft perifh’d for want of Parlaments. And he that will
_be unjuft to man, will be facrilegious to God 5 and to bereave a Chriftian Con- {cience of libertie for no other reafon then the’narrownefs of his own Con- {cience, is the moft unjuft meafure to man, and the worft facrilege to God. That other, which he calls Sacrilege, of taking from the Clergy that fuperflu- ous Wealth, which antiquitie as old as Conjtantsne, from the credit of a divine Vifion, counted poyfon inthe Church, hath bin ever molt oppos'd by men whofe righteoufnefs in other matters hath bin leaft obferv’d. He concludes, as his manner is, with high commendation of his own unbsafs'd rectitude, and believs nothing to be in them that diflent from him, but Faction, Innovation, and par- ticular Defigns. Of thefe Repetitions | find no end, no not in his Prayer ; which being founded upon deceitful Principl’s, and a fond hope that God will blefs him in thofe bis Errors, which he calls honeft, finds a fit anfwer of St. fames, Ye ask, and receave not, becavfe ye ask amifs. As for the truth and fin- ceritie which he praies may be always found in thofe his Declarations to the people, the contrariety of his own actions will bear eternal witnefs, how little careful or folicitous he was, what he promisd or what he utter’d there.
XII. Upon the Rebellion in Ireland.
HE Rebellion and horrid Maflacre of Englifh Proteftants in Ireland, to the number of 154000 by their own computation, although fo fud- _ den and fo violent, as at firft to amaze all men that were not accef- ’ fory ; yet from whom, and from what counfels it firft {prung, neither was, nor could be poffibly fo fecret, as the Contrivers therof, blinded with vain hope, or the defpair that other Plots would fucceed, fuppos’d: For it cannot be ima- ginable that the Irifh, guided by fo many futtle and /talsan heads of the Romith Party, fhould fo far have loft the ufe of reafon, and indeed of common fenfe, as not fupported with other ftrength then thir own, to begin a War fo defpe- rate and irreconcilable againft both Englandand Scotlandat once. All other Na- tions, from whom they could expect aid, were bufied to the utmoft of thir own moft neceffary Concernments. It remains then that either fome autoritie, or fome great aflifttance promis’d them from England, was that wheron they chiefly trufted. And as it is not difficult to difcern from what inducing Caufe this Infurrection firft arofe, fo neither was it hard at firft to have apply’d fome effectual Remedy, though not prevention. But the aflurance which they had in private, that no remedy fhould be apply’d, was, it feems, one of the chief reafons that drew on thir undertaking.
Seeing then the main incitement and autority for this Rebellion muft be needs ' deriv’d from England, it will be next inquir’d who wasthe prime Author. The King here denounces a Malediction temporal and eternal, not fimply to the Au- thor, but to the malitious.Author of this bloodfhed; and by that limitation may exempt, not himfelf only, but perhaps the Irifh Rebels themfelves, who never will confefs to God or Man that any blood was fhed by them malitioufly ; but either in the Catholick Caufe, or common Liberty, or fome other fpecious Plea, which the Confcience from grounds both good and evil ufually fuggefts to it felf, thereby thinking to elude the direct force of that imputation which lies upon them. :
Yet he acknowledges it fell out as a moft unbappy advantage of fome mens malice again{t him: but indeed of moft mens juft fufpicion, by finding in it no fuch wide departure or difagreement from the {cope of his former Counfels and Pro- ceedings. And that he himfelf was the Author of that Rebellion, he denies
both
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both here and elfewhere, with many Imprecations, but no folid evidence : What on the other fide againft his denial hath bin afhirm’d in three Kingdoms, being here briefly fetin view, the Reader may fo judg as he finds caufe.
This is moft certain, that the King was ever friendly to the lrifh Papifts, and in his third year, againft the plain advice of Parlament, like akind of Pope, fold them many {ndulgencies for mony, and upon all occafions advancing the Popifh Party, and negotiating under-hand by Priefts, who were made his A- gents, ingag’d the Irifh Papifts in a War again{ft the Scotch Proteftants. To that end he furnifh’d them, and had them train’d in Arms, and kept them upthe only Army in his three Kingdoms, till the very burft of that Rebellion. The Summer before that difmal October, a Committy of molt active Papitts, all fince in the head of that Rebellion, were in great favour at White-Hal; and admitted to many private Confultations with the King and Queen. And to make it evident that no mean matters were the fubject of thofe Conferences, at their requeft he gave away his peculiar right to more then five Irifh Counties, for the payment of an inconfiderable Rent. They departed not home till wichin two months before the Rebellion ; and were either from the firft break- ing out, or foon after, found to be the chief Rebels themfelves. But what fhould move the King, befides his owninclination to Popery, and the preva- lence of his Queen over him, to hold fuch frequent and clofe meetings witha Committy of Irifh Papifts in his own Houfe, while the Parlament of England fate unadvis’d with, is declar’d by a Scotch Author, and of it felf is clear anough. The Parlament at the beginning of that Summer, having put Straf- ford to death, imprifon’d others his chief Favourites, and driv’n the reft to fly ; the King, who had in vain tempted both the Scotch and the Englifh Army to come up againft the Parlament and City, finding no compliance anfwerable to his hope from the Proteftant Armies, betakes himfelf Jaft to the Irifh, who had in readinefs an Army of eight thoufand Papifts, and a Committy here of the fame Religion. And with them who thought the time now come to do eminent fervice for the Church of Rome againft a Puritan Parlament, he concludes that fo foon as both Armies in England fhould be disbanded, the Irith fhould appear in Arms, matter al] the Proteftants, and help the King againft his Parlament. And we need not doubt that thofe five Counties were giv’n to the Irifh for other reafon then the four Northern Counties had bin a little before offer’d to the Scots. The King in Aaguft takes a journey into Scotland, and overtaking the Scotch Army then on thir way home, attempts the fecond time to pervert them, but without fuccefs. No fooner come into Scotland, but he laies a Plot, fo faith the Scotch Author, to remove out of the way fuch of the Nobility there, as were moft likely to withftand, or not to furder his defigns. This being dii- cover'd, he fends from his fide one Di#on‘a Papift Lord, foon after a chief Rebel, with Letters into Ireland , and difpatches a Commiflion under the Great Seal of Scotland at that time in his own cuftody,commanding that they fhould forthwith, as had bin formerly agreed, caufe all the Irifh to rifein Arms. Who no fooner had receiv’d fuch command, but obey’d ; and began in Maflacre, for they knew no other way to make fure the Proteftants, which was commanded them ex- prefly ; and the way, it feems, left to thir difcretion. He who hath a mind to read the Commiffion it felf, and found reafon added why it was not likely to be forg’d, befides the atteftation of fo many Irifh themfelves, may have re- courfe to a Book, Intitl?’d, The Myfferse of Iniquity.
After the Rebellion brok’n out, which in words only he detefted, but under- hand favour’d and promoted by all the offices of friendfhip, correfpondence, and what poflible aid he could afford them, the particulars whereof are too many to be inferted here, I fuppofe no underftanding man could longer doubt who was Author or Inftigator of that Rebellion. If there be who yet doubt, I refer them efpecially to that Declaration of Fuly 1643. concerning this matter, A- gainft which Teftimonies, Likelyhoods, Evidences, and apparent Actions of his own, being fo abundant, the bare denyal of one man, though with im- precation, cannot in any reafon countervail.
As for the Commiflion granted them, he thinks to eyade that by retorting, that fome in England fight againft him, and yet pretend bis autority. But though a Parlament by the known Laws may affirm juftly to have the King’s Autority infeparable from that Court, though divided from his Perfon, it is not pas
that
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that the Irifh Rebels who fo much tender’d his Perfon above his Autoritie, and were by him fo well receav’d at Oxford, would be fo far from all humanitie, as to flander him with a particular Commiflion, fign’d’ and fent them by his own hand. ‘
And of his good affection to the Rebels, this Chapter it felf is not without witnefs. He holds them lefs in fault then the Scots, as from whom they might alledg to have fetcht thir smctation ; making no difference between men that rofe necellarily to defend themfelves, which no Proteftant Doétrin ever difallow'd, againft them who threat’nd War, and thofe who began a voluntary and cauflefs Rebellion with the Maflacre of fo many thoufands who never meant them harm.
He falls next to flafhes, and a multitude of words, in all which is contain’d no more, then what might be the Plea of any guiltieft Offender: He was not the Author, becaufe he hath the greateft {hare of lofs and difhonour by what és com- mitted. Whois there that offends God, or his Neighbour, on whom the great- eft fhare of lofs and difhonour lights not in theend ? But in the ac& of doing evil, men ufé not to confider the event of thir evil doing; or if they do, have then no power to curb the fway of thir own wickednefs: fo that the greateft fhare of lofs and difhonour to happ’n upon themfelves, is no argument that they were not guilty. This other is as weak, that a King’s Interet above that of any other man, lées chiefly in the common Welfare of his Subjects, therfore no King will do aught againft the common welfare. For by this evafion any Ty- rant might as well purge himfelf from the guilt of raifing Troubles or Commo- tions among the people, becaufe undoubtedly his chief Intereft lies in thir fic- ting ftill.
r faid but now that ev’n this Chapter, if nothing els, might fuffice to difco- ver his good affection to the Rebels ; which in this that follows too notori- oufly appears ; imputing this Infurrection tothe prepofterous Rigor, and unreafona- ble Severitie, the covetous zeal and uncharitable Fury of fome men (thele fome men by his continual paraphrafe are meant the Parlament ;) and laftly, tothe fear of utter extirpation. If the whole Irifhry of Rebels had fee’d fome Advocate to {peak partially and fophiftically in thir defence, he could have hardly dazl’d better : Yet neverthelefs would have prov’d himfelf no other then a plaufible De- ceiver. And perhaps thofe fained Terrors and Jealoufies were either by the King himfelf, or the Popifh Priefts which were fent by him, put into the head of that inquifitive People, on fet purpofe to engagethem. For who had power to opprefs them, or to relieve them being oppreft, but the Kiag or his immediat Deputy? This rather fhould have made them rife againft the King then againft the Parlament. .Who threat’nd or ever thought of thir extirpation, till they themfelves had begun it to the Englifh? As for prepsfterous Rigour, covetows 24 and uncharitable Fury ; they had more reafon to fufpect thofe Evils firft fronf his own commands, whom they faw ufing daily no greater argument to prove the truth of his Religion then by enduring no other bat his own Prelatical ; and to force it upon others, made Epifcopal, Ceremonial, and Common-Prayer-Book Wars. But the Papifts underftood him better then by the outfide ; and knew that thofe Wars were thir Wars. Although if the Common-wealth fhould be afraid to fupprefs op’n Idolatry, left the Papifts thereupon fhould grow defperate, this were to let them grow and become our Perfecuters, while we neglected what we might have done Evangelically, to be thir Reformers : Or to do, as his Father ‘fames did, who inftead of taking heart and putting confidence in God by fuch a deliverance as from the Powder Plot, though it went not off, yet with the meer conceit of it, as fome obferve, was hit into fuch a beétse trembling between Proteftant and Papift all his life after, as that he never durft from that time do otherwife then equivocate or collogue with the Pope and his adherents. ;
He would be thought to commiferate the fad effects of that Rebellion, and to lament that the tears and blood fpilt there did not quench the {parks of our civil dif- cord here. But who began thefe diffentions ? and what can be more op’nly known then thofe retardings and delaies which by himfelf were continually de- vis’d, to hinder and put back the relief of thofe diftrefled Proteftants, whom he feems here to compaflionate ? The particulars are too well known to be re- cited, and too many. :
ug
| Oc i.) eee
But he effer'd to go himfelf in perfon npon that expedition , and reck’ns up many furmifes why he thinks they would not fuffer him. But mentions not that by his underdealing to debauch Armies here at home; and by his fecret Intercours with the chief Rebels, long e’re that time,every where known, he had brought the Parlament into fo juft adiffidence of him, as that they durft not leave the publick Arms to his difpofal, much lefs an Army to bis conduct.
He concludes, That next the fin of thofe who began that Rebellion, thirs muff needs be who binder’d the fuppreffing, or diverted the aids. But judgment rafhly giv’n ofttimes involves the Judg himfelf. He finds fault with thofe who threat’nd all extremity to the Rebels, and pleads much that mercy fhould be fhown them. It feems he found himfelf not fo much concern’d as thofe who had loft Fathers, Brothers, Wives and Children,by thir crueltie ; whom in juftice to retaliate, is not as he fuppofes unevangelical, fo long as Magiftracy and War is not laid down under the Gofpel. If this his Sermon of affected mercy were not too Pharifaical, how could he permit himfelf to caufe the flaughter of fo many. thoufands herein England for mere Prerogatives, the Toys and Gewgaws of his Crown, for Copes and Surplices, the Trinkets of his Priefts, and not per- ceave his own zeal, while he taxes others to be moft prepofterous and unevan- gelical? Neither is there the fame caufe to deftroy a whole City for the ravifh- ing of a Sifter, not done out of Villany, and recompence offer’d by Marriage ; nor the fame cafe for thofe Difciples to fammon fire from Heav’n upon the whole City where they were deny’d lodging; and for a Nation by juft War and execution to flay whole Families of them who fo barbaroully had flain whole Families before. Did not all //rael do as much againft the Benjamits for one Rape committed by a few, and defended by the whole Tribe ? and did they not the fame to Fabe(h-Gilead for not aflifting them in that revenge? I {peak nor this, that fuch meafure fhould be meted rigoroufly to all the Irifh, or as remem- bring that the Parlament ever do decreed, but to fhew that this his Homily hath more of craft and affectation in it, then of found Doétrine.
But it was happy that his going into /reland was not confented to; for either he had certainly turn’d his intended Forces againft the Parlament it felf, or not gon at all; orhad he gon, what work he would have made there, his own following words declare. «
He would have punifht fome, no queftion ; for fome perhaps who were of leaft vfe, muft of neceflity have bin facrific’d to his reputation, and the convenience of his affairs. Others he would have difarm’d, that is to fay in his own time: but all of thembhe would have protetted from the fury of thofe that would bave drown’d them, if they bad refusd to {wim down the popular ftream. Thefe expreflions are too oft'n met, and too well underftood for any man to doubt his meaning. By the fury of thofe, he means no other then the Juftice of Parlament, to whom yet he had committed the whole bufinefs. Thofe who would have refus’d to fwim down the popular ftream, our conftant key tells us to be Papifts, Prelates, and thir Fa¢tion : thefe by his own confeflion here,he would have protected againft his Puritan Par- lament : And by this who {fees not that he and the Irifh Rebels had but one aim, one and the fame drift,and would have forthwith join’d in one body againft us ?
He goes on ftillin his tendernefs of the Irifh Rebels, fearing left our zeal fhould be more greedy to kill the Bear for his skin then for any harm he hath done. This either juftifies the Rebels to have done no harm at all, or infers his opinion that the Parlament is more bloody and rapacious in the'profecution of thir Juftice,then thofe Rebels were in the execution of thir barbarous Crueltie. Let men doubr now and difpute to whom the King wasa Friend moft, to his Englith Parlament, or to his Irifh Rebels:
With whom, that we may yet fee furder how much he was thir Friend, af- ter that the Parlament had brought them every where either to Famin, or a low condition, he to give them all the refpit and advantages they could defire; with- out advice of Parlarient, to whom he himfelf had committed the managing of that War, makes a Ceffation , in pretence to relieve the Proteftants, overbora there with numbers, but as the event prov'd, to fapport the Papilts, by diverting and drawing over the Englifh Army there;to his own fervice here againft the Par- lament. For that the Proteftants were then on the winning hand, ic muft needs be plains; who notwithftanding the mifs of thofe Forces, which at thir landing here mafter’d without difficulty great part of Wales and Chefhire, yer made
(488 ) | a fhift to keep their own in Ireland, But the plot of this Irifh Truce is in good part difcover’d in that Declaration of September 30th, 1643. And if the Pro- teftants were but handfuls there, as he callsthem, why did he ftop and waylay both by Land and Sea, to his utmoft power, thofe Provifions and Supplies which were fent by the Parlament ? How were fo many handfuls call’d over, as for a while ftood him in no fimall ftead, and againft our main Forces here in England ? Gince therefore all the reafons that can be giv’n of this Ceflation appear fo fals and frivolous, it may be juftly fear’d that the defign it felf was moft wick-
ed and pernicious. What remainsthen? He appeals to God, and is caft; lik’n-
ing his punifhments to Yob’s trials, before he faw them to have Job’s ending. He cannot ftand to make prolix Apologies. Then furely thofe long Pamphlets fet out for Declarations and Remonftrances in his name, were none of his; and how they fhould be his indeed, being fo repugnant to the whole courfe of his Actions, augments the difficulty.
But he ufurps acommon faying, That it is Kingly to dowell and hear sll. That may be fometimes true: but far more frequently to do ill and hear well ; fo great is the multitude of Flatterers, and them that deifie the name of King.
- Yetnot content with thefe neichbours, we have him ftill a perpetual Preacher of his own vertues, and of that <fpecially, which who knows not to be Patieuce perforce ? '
He believes it will at laft appear that they who firft began to embrosl his other King- doms, are alfo guilty of the blood of Ireland. And we beleeve fo too; for now the Cellation is become a Peace by publifh’d Articles, and Commiflion to bring them over againft England, firft only ten thoufand by the Earl of Glamorgan, next all of them, if poffible, under Ormond, which was the laft of all his Tranf- actions done as a publick Perfon. And no wonder; for he lookt upon the blood fpilt, whether of Subjects or of Rebels, with an indifferent eye, as betes ont of bis own veins; without diftinguifhing, as he ought, which was good bftod and which corrupt ; the not letting out wherof endangers the whole body.
And what the Do¢trin is, ye may perceave alfo by the Prayer, which after a fhort ejaculation for the poor Proteftants, prays at large for the Irifh Rebels, that God would not give them over, or thir Children, to the covetoufnefs, cruelty, fierce and curfed anger of the Parlament. .
He finifhes with a deliberat and folemn Curfe upon bimfelf and his Father’s Houfe. Which how far God hath alreadie brought to pafs, is to the end that men by fo eminent an example fhould learn to tremble at his judgments, and not play with Imprecations. ,
é
XIII. Upon the calling in of the Scots, and their
conung.
contemplate things in thir firft original and inftitution, that Kings, who
as all other Officers of the Publick, were at firft chos’n and inftall’d only by confent and fuffrage of the People, to govern them as Freemen by Laws of thir own framing, and to be, in confideration of that dignity and riches beftow’d upon them, the entrufted Servants of the Common-wealth, fhould notwithf{tanding grow up to that difhoneft encroachment, as to efteem them- felves Mafters both of that great Truft which they ferve, and of the People that betrufted them: counting what they ought to do, both in difcharge of thir publick duty, and for the great reward of Honour and Revenue which they re- ceave, as done all of meer grace and favour ; as if thir power over us were by nature, and from themfelves, or that God had fold us into thirhands. This ignorance or wilful miftake of the whole matter, had tak’n fo deep root in the imagination of this King, that whether to the Englith or to the Scot, mene tioning what atts of his Regal Office, though God knows how caw
a
[: muft needs feem ftrange to Men who accuftom themfelves to ponder and
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had pafs'd, he calls them, as in other places, Acts of grace and bounty; fo heer fpecial obligations, favours, to Sratifie atlive fpirits, and the defires of that party. Words not only founding Pride and Lordly Ufurpation, but Injuftice, Partiality and Corruption. For tothe lrifh he fo far condefcended, as firft to tolerat in privat, then to cov’nant op’nly the tolerating of Popery : So far to the Scots, as to remove Bifhops, eftablith Presbytery, and the A&/itia in their own hands; preferring, as fome thought, the defires of Scotland before bis own In- tereft and Honour, But being once on this fide Teed, his reafon, his confcience, and his honour became fo ftraitn’d with a kind of falfe Virginity, that to the Englifh neither one nor other of the fame demands could be granted, where- with the Scots were gratifid ; asif our air and climat ona fudden had chang’d the property and the nature both of Confcience, Honour, and Reafon, or that he found none fo fit as Englifh to be the fubjects of his arbitrary power. Jre- ‘Jand wasas Epbraim, the ftrength of his head, Scotland as Fudab, was his Law- givers but over England, as over Edom, he meantto caft hisShoo, and yet fo many fober Englifh men not fufficiently awake to confider this, like men in- . chanted with the Circaan cup of fervitude, will not be held back from running thir own heads into the Yoke of Bondage.
The fum of his difcours is againit feeling of Religion by violent means ; which whether it were the Scots defign upom England, they are beft able to clear them- felves. But thisof all may feem flrangeft, that the King, who, while it was permitted him, never did thing more eagerly then to moleft and perfecute the conf{ciences of moft religious men ; he who had made a War, and loft all. racher then not uphold a Hierarchie of perfecuting Bifhops, fhould have the con- fidence heer to profefs himfclf fo much an Enemy of thofe that force the con- feience. For was it nothe, who upon the Englifh obtruded new Ceremonies, ss the Scots a new Liturgie, and with his Sword went about to engrave a bioody Rubric on thir backs? Did he not forbid and hinder all effectual fearch of Truth ; nay, like abefieging Enemy, ftop all her paflages both by word and writing ? Yet heer can talk of fasr and equal difputations: Where notwithitand- ing, if all fubmit not to his judgment, as not being rationally convitled, they muft fubmit (and he conceals it not) to his penalrie, as counted objfinate. But whatif he himfelf and thofe his learned Churchmen were the convicted or the obftinat part long ago, fhould Reformation fuffer them to fit lording over the Church in thir fat Bifhopricks and Pluralities, like the great Whore that fitteth upon many Waters, till they would voutfafe to be difputed out ? Or fhould we fitdifputing, while they fate plotting and perfecuting ? Thofe Clergimen were not tobe driv’2 intothe fold like Sheep, as bis Simily runs, but to be driv’n out of the Fold like Wolves or Theeves, where they fate fleecing thofe Flocks which they never fed.
He beleeves that Presbytery, though prov'd to be the only Inftiturion of Jefus Chrift, were not by the Sword to be fet up without his confent , which is contrary both to the Dottrin, and the known practice of all Proteftant Churches, if his Sword threat’n thofe who of thir own accord imbrace it. ,
And although Chri/# and his Apoftles being to civil affairs but privat men, contended not with Magiftrats, yet when Mapiltrats themfelves, and efpecially Parlaments, who have greateft right to difpofe of the civil Sword, com to know Religion, they ought in confcience to defend all thofe who receave it willingly againft the violence of any King or Tyrant whatfoever. Neither is ic therfore true, That Chriftianity i planted or watred with Chriftian Blood , for there 1s a large difference between forcing men by the Sword to turn Presbyterians, and de- fending thofe who willingly are fo from a furious inroad of bloody Bilhops arm'd with the A4tlitia of a King thir Pupil. And if covetoufne/s and anbition be an ar- gument that Presbytery hath not much of Chriff, it argues more ftrongly againit E- pifcopacy; which from the time of her firft mounting to an order above the Presbyters, had no other Parents then Covetoufnefs and Ambition, And thofe Sects, Schifms, and Herefies, which he {peaks of, if they get but ftrength and nuni- bers, need no other pattern then Epifcopacy and himfelf, to fee wp their mays by the like method of violence. Nor is there any thing that hath more marks of Schifat and Sectarifm then Englifh Epifcopacy ; whether we look at Apottolick times, or at reformed Churches ; for the univerfal way of Church-government before, may
as foon lead us into grofs error, as thir univerfally corrupted Doctrin. And ie Rre Govern-
(€ 490 )
Government, by reafon of ambition, was liklicft to be corrupted much the fooner of thetwo. However nothing can be to us catholic or univerfal in Re- ligion, but what the Scripture teaches 5 whatfoever without Scripture pleads to be univerfal inthe Church, in being univerfal is but the more Scifmatical. Much lefs can particular Laws and Conftitutions impart to the Church of England any power of confiftory or tribunal above other Churches, to be the fole Judg of what is Sect or Scifm, as with much rigour, and without Scripture they took uponthem. Yetthefe the King refolves heer to defend and maintain to his laft, pretending, after all thofe conferences offer’d, or had with him, not to (ee more rational and religious motives then Souldiers carry in thir Knapfacks ; with one thus refolv’d it was but folly to ftand difputing.
He imagins his own judicious zeal tobe moft cofcern’d in his tuition of the Church. So thought Sau! when he prefum’d to offer Sacrifice, for which he loft his King-
dom; fo thought Uzziah when he went into the Temple, but was thruft out .
with a Leprofie for his opion’d zeal, which he thought judicious. It is not the Part of a King, becanfe he ought to defend the Church, therfore to fet himfelf fupreme head over the Church, orto meddle with Ecclefial Government, or to defend the Church otherwife then the Church would be defended; for fuch de- fence is bondage: nor to defend abufes, and ftop all Reformation under the name of New moulas fancid and fafbion’d to privat defigns. . The holy things of Church are in the power of other keys then were deliver’d to his keeping. Chriftian libertic, purchas’d with the death of our Redeemer, and efta- blifh’d by the fending of his free Spirit to inhabit in us, is not now to depend upon the doubtful confent of any earthly Monarchs nor to be again fetter’d with a prefumptuous negative voice, tyrannical to the Parlament, but much more tyrannical to the Church of God ; which was compell’d to implore the aid of Parlament, to remove his force and heavy hands from off our confciences, who therfore complains now of that moft jult defenfive force, becaufe only it remov’d his violence and perfecution. If this be a violation to his confcience, that it was hindred by the Parlament from violating the more tender confcien- ces of fo many thoufand good Chriftians, let the ufurping confcience of all Ty- rants be ever fo violated.
He wonders, Fox wonder, how we could fo much difruff God’s affiltance, as to call inthe Proteftant aid of our Brethren in Scotland: why then did he, if his truft were in God and the juftice of his Caufe, not {cruple to follicit and in- vite earneftly the affiftance both of Papifts and of Irifh Rebels? If the Scots were by us at length fent home, they were not call’d in to ftay heer always ; neither was it for the peoples eafe to feed fo many Legions longer then thir help was needful. BS 4: mit
The Government of thir Kirk we defpis'd not, but thir impofing of that Govern- ment upon us; not Presbytery but Arch-Presbytery, Claffical, Provincial, and Diocefan Presbytery, claiming to it felf a Lordly Power and Superintendency both over Flocks and Paftors, over Perfons and Congregations no way thir own. But thefe debates in his judgment would have bin ended better by the be/t Divines in ChrifPndom in a full and free Synod. A moft improbable way, and fuch as never yet was usd, at leaft with good fuccefs, by any Proteftant Kingdom or State {ince the Reformation : Every true Church having wherewithal from Hea- ven, and the aflifting Spirit of Chrift implor’d to be complete and perfect with- in it felf. Andthe whole Nation is not eafily to be thought fo raw, and fo perpetually a novice after all this light, as to need the help and dire¢tion of other Nations, more then what they write in public of thir opinion, in a matter fo familiar as Church-Government. pity
In fine, he accufes Pietie with the want of Loyalry,and Religéon with the breach of Allegeance, as if God and he were one Mafter, whofe commands were fo oft’n contrary to the commands of God. He would perfwade the Scots that thir chief Interel# confifts in thir fidelity to the Crown, But true policy will teach them to finda fafer intereft in the common friendfhip of Exgland, thenin the
ruins of one ejected Family. XIV.
€ 491) XIV. Upon the Cov'nant.
and therfore foon anfwerd. Firft after an abufive and ftrangeappre-
henfion of Cow nants, as if Men pawn'd thir fouls to them with whom they cov’nant, he digrefles to plead for Bifhops ; firft from the antiquitie of thir poffeffion heer, fince the firft plantation of Chriftianity in, this'Iland, next from 4 uni- verfal prefcription fince the Apoftles till this laft Centurie. But what avails the moft Primitive Antiquity againft the plain fenfeof Scripture ? which if the laft Cen- turie have bett follow’d, it ought in our efteemto be the firft. And yetic hath bin oft?n prov'd by Learned Men from the Writings and Epiftles of moft anti- ent Chriftians, that Epifcopacy crept not up into an order above the Presbyters, till many years after that the Apoftles were deceas’d.
He next # unfarisfi'd with the Cov'nant, not only for fome paffages in it referring to himfelf, ashefuppofes, wth very dubious and dangerous limitations, but for bind- ing men by Oath and Cov’nant to the Reformation of Church-Difcipline. Firft thofe limitations were not more dangerous to him then he to our Libertie and Religion; n@xc, that which was there vow’d to caft out of the Church an An- tichriftian Hierarchy which God had not planted, but ambition and corrup- tion had brought in, and fofterd to the Churches great damage and op- pfeflion, was no point of controverfieto beargu’d without end, but a thing of cleer moral neceffity to be forthwith don. Neither was the Cow nant fuperfluous, though former engagements both religious and legal bound us before: But was the practice of all Churches heertofore intending Reformation. All I/rael, though bound anough before by the Law of Adofes to all neceffary duties, yet with A/a thir King enter’d into a new Cov’nant at the beginning of a Reformation: And the Jews after Captivity, without confent demanded of that King who was thir Mafter, took folemn Oath to walk in the Commandments of God. All Proteftant Churches have don the like, notwithftanding former engagements tothir feveral Duties. And although his aim were to fow variance between the Proteftation and the Cov'nant, to reconcile them is not difficult. The Protefta- tion was but one {tep, extending only tothe Do¢trin of the Church of Eng- land, as it was diftinct from Church-Difcipline 5 the Cov’nant went furder, as it pleas’d God to difpenfe his light by degrees, and comprehended Church-Go- vernment : Former with latter fteps in the progrefs of well-doing need not re- concilement. Neverthelefs he breaks through to his conclufion, That all honeft and wife men ever thought themfelves fufficiently bound by former ties of Religion; leaving Afa, Ezra, andthe whole Church of God in fundry Ages to hhift for honeftie and wifdom from fom other then his teftimonie. And although after- contracts abfolve not till the former be made void, yet he firft having don that, our duty returns back, which to him was. neither moral mor eternal, but conditi- onal.
Willing to perfwade himfelf that many good men took the Cov’nant, either unwarily or out of fear, he feems to have beftow’d fom thoughts how thefe £o0d men following his advice may keep the Cov’nant and not keepit. The firft evafion is, prefuming that the chief end of cow nanting in [uch mens intentions was to preferve Religion in purity, and the Kingdoms peace.. But the Cov’nant will more truly inform them that purity of Religion and the Kingdoms peace was not then in ftate tobe preferv’d, but to be reftor’d; and therfore binds them not toa prefervation of what was, but to a Reformation of what was evil, what was traditional and dangerous. whether novelty or antiquity, inChurch or State. To do this clathes with 0 former Oath lawfully {worn either to God or the King, -and rightly underftood.
In general he brands all fuch confederations by League and Cov’nant, as the come mon rode usd in all fattious Perturbations of State andChurch. Thiskind of lan- guage reflects with the fame ignominy upon all the Proteftant Reformations that have bin fince Luther; and fo indeed doth his whole Book, replenifh’d throughout with hardly other words or arguments, then-Papilts, and efpecially Popifh Kings, have usd heertofore againft thir Proteftant Subjects; whom he
Ars 2 would
LF ON this theme his difcourfe is long, his matter little but repetition,
C 492 ) / would perf{wade tobe every man bis own Pope, and to abfolve himfelf of thofe ties, by the fuggeftion of fals or equivocal interpretations too oft repeated to be now anfwer’d.
The Parlament, he faith, sade thir Cov’nant like Manna, agreeable to every mans Palat. This is another of his glofles upon the Cov’nant ; he is content to let it be Afanna, but his drift isthat men fhould loath it, or at leaft expoundit by thir own relifh, and latitude of fenfe 5 wherein left any one of the ‘impler fort fhould fail to be hiscrafts-mafter, he furnifhes him with two or three laxative, he terms them general claufes, which may ferve fomwhat to releeve them againft the Covnant tak’n: intimating, as if what were lawful and according to the word of God, were no otherwife fo, then as every man fanci’d to himfelf. From fuch. learned explications and refolutions as thefe upon the Cov’nant, what marvel if no Royalift or Malignant refufe to take it, as having learnt from thefe Princely -inftrvétions his many Salvo’s, cautions, and refervations, how to be a Coynanter and Anticovnanter, how at once tobe aScot, and an Irifh Rebel.
He returns again to difallow of that Reformation which the Cow nant vows, as being the partial advice of a few Divines. But matters of this moment, as they were not to be decided there by thofe Divines, fo neither are they to be deter- min’d heer by Effaysand curtal Aphorifms, but by folid proofs of Scripture.
The reft of his difcourfe he fpends, highly accufing the Parlament, that the main Reformation by them intended, was to rob the Church, and = applauding himfelf both for bs forwardnefs to all due Reformation, and his aver{nefs from all fuch kind of Sacrilege. All which,! wich his glorious title of the Churches Defender, we leave him to make good ‘by Pharaoh's Divinity, if he pleafe, for to Fofeph’s Pietie it will be atask unfutable. As for the parity and poverty of Ati- nifters, which he takes to be of fo fad confequence, the Scripture reck’ns them for two fpecial Legacies left by our Saviour to his Difcip!es; under which two Primitive Nurfes, for ‘fuch they were indeed, the Church of God more truly flourifht then ever after, fince the time that Imparitie’ and Church-revenue rufh- ingin, corrupted and beleper’d all theClergie with a worfe infection then Geha- zs fome one of whofe Tribe, rather then a King, I fhould take to be com- piler of that unfalted and Simonical’ Praier annex’d: Although the Praier it felf ftrongly prays againft them. For never fuch holy things as he means were gsunto nore Swine, nor the Charches bread moreto Dogs, then when it fed am- bitious, irreligious and dumb Prelats.
XV. Upon the many Fealoupes, &e.
- O wipe off jealoufies and fcandals, the beft way had bin by clear Adti- ons, or til} Actions could be clear’d,’ by evident reafons; but meer 4 ~~ words we are too well acquainted with. Had his honour and reputation bin dearer to bimthen the luft’ of raigning, how could the Parlament: of. either Nation have laid fo oft’n at his dore the breach of Words, Promifes, Acts,
Oaths, ‘and Execrations, as they do-~avowedly in many of thir Petitions and’
Addrefles to him ? thitherI remit the Reader. And who can believe that whole Parlaments, elected by the People from all parts of the Land, fhould meet in one mind and refolution not to advife him, but to confpire againft him ina’ wors powder plot then Catesbies; to blow up, ashe terms it, the peoples affettion towards him, and batter down their Loyalty by the Engins of foul afperfions: Waterworks rather then Engins to batterwith, yet thofe afperfions’ were raid from the
foulnefs of ‘his‘own aétions! ‘Whereof to purge himfelf, he ufes no ether _
argument then a general and fo oft’n iterat<d commendation of himfelf; and thinks that Court holy-water hath the virtue of expiation, at leaft with the filly
people. To whom he familiarly imputes’ fin where nohe is, to feem liberal of
his forzivere/s where none is ask’d or needed.
What ways he hath tak’n toward the profperitic of his people, which he.
wou'd feem fo earneftly to defire, if we do but once cail to mind, it will be anough roteach us, looking onthe fmooth infinuations heer, that Tyrants are not more flatterd
ey ~ ee
(493) flatterd by thir Slaves, then forc’d to flatter others whom they fear.
For the peoples tranquillitie he would wilingly be the Fona; but left he fhould be tak’n at his word, pretends to forefee within ken two imaginarie winds never heard of in the Compafs, which threaten, if he be caft overboard, to increafe the Storm but that Controverf{y divine lot hath ended.
He badrather not rule, then that his people fhould be ruin’d; and yet above thefe twenty years hath bin ruining the people about the niceties of his ruling. He is accurat to pat 4 differcnce between the plague of malice, and the ague of miftakes, the itch of noveltie, and the leprofie of difloyalrse. But had he as well known how to diftinguifh between the venerable gray hairs of antient Religion, and the old {curff of Superitition, between the wholfom heat of well governing, and the feverous rageof tyrannizing, his judgment in State-phyfic had bin of more autoritie.
“Much he prophefies, that the credit of thofe men who have caft black, fcandals on him fhall eve long be quite blalted bythe fame furnace of popular obloquy, wherein they fought tocaft his name and honour. | belicve not that a Romifh gilded Portrature gives better Oracle then a Babyloniih goid’n Image could do, to tell us truly who heated that Furnace of obloquy, or whodeferves to be thrown in, Nebu- chadnezzar or the three Kingdoms, It gave him great caufe to fufpett bys own In- nocence, that he was oppos’d by fo many who profeft fingular pietie. But this qualm was foonover, and hy concluded rather to fufpect their Religion then his own innocence, affirming that many wich him were both learned and religious. above the ordinary fize. But if his great Seal without the Parlament were not fufficient to create Lords, his Parole muit needs be far more unable to create learned and religious men 5 and who fhall authorize his unlearned judgment to. point. them out ?
He guefles that many well-minded men were by popular Preachers urg?d to oppofe him. But the oppofition undoubtedly. proceeded and continues from heads far wiler, and. {pirits of a nobler ftrain; thofe Prieft-led Herodians with thir blind guides are in the Ditch already ; travelling, asthey thought, to Sion, but moor’d in the lle of Wighe.
Hethanks God for bis contancy tothe Proteftant Religion both abroad and at home. Abroad, his Letter to the Popes at home, his Innovations in the Church will fpeak his conftancy in Religion what it was, without furder credit to this vain boatt.
. His afing the affiftance of fume Papiffs, as the caufe might be, could not hurt his Religion; but in the fetling of Proteftantifm thir aid was both unfeemly and fulpicious, and. inferr’d that the greaceft part of Proteftants were again{t him and his obtruded fertlement. y
owe voluntary and firft appeal.
His hearkning to evil Counfelors, charg’d upon him fo oft’n by the Parlament, he puts off as a device of thofe men who were fo eager to give him better counfel. That rhofe men were the Parlament, and that he thought to have us’d the coun-
C
C 494 )
fel of nonc but thofe, as a King, is already known. What their civility laid ppon evil Counfellors, he himfelf moft commonly own’d ;, but the event of thofe evil Counfels, the Enormities, the Confusions, the AtLiferies, he transfers from the guilt of his own civil broils to the jaft refiftance made by Parlament ; and imputes what mifcarriages of his they could not yet remove for his oppofing, as if they were fome new mifdemeanors of their bringing in, and not thein- veterate difeafes of his own bad Government; which with a difeafe as bad, he falls again to magnifie and commend: and may all thofe who would be go- vern d by his Retrattions and Conceffions, rather then by Laws of Parlament, ad- mire his felf-Enxcomiums, and be flatter?d with that Crown of patience to which he cunningly exhorted them, that his Monarchial foot might have the fetting it upon thir heads.
That truft which the Parlament faithfully difcharg’d in the afferting of our Liberties, he calls another artifice to withdraw the people from him to thir defigns. What picce of Juftice could they have demanded for the People, which the jealoufie of a King might not have mifcall’d a defign to difparage his Govern- ment, and to ingratiate themfelves ? To be more jult, religious, wife, or mag- nanimous then the common fort, ftirs upina Tyrant both fear and envy ; and ftraight he cries out Populuritie, which in his account is little lefs then Trea- fon. The fum is, they thought to regulate and limit his Negative voice, and fhare with him in the Adiltia, both or either of which he could not poffibly hold without confent of the people, and not be abfolutely a Tyrant. He pro- felles to defire no other liberty then what be envies not his Subjetts according to Law 5 yet fought with might and main againft his Subjects to have a fole power over them ia his hand, both againft and beyond: Law. As for the Philofophical Libertie which in vain he talks of, we may conclude him very ill traind upin thofe free notions, who to civil Libertie was fo injurious.
He calls the Confcience God’s foveragntie, why then doth he conteft with God about that fupreme title ? why did he Jay reffrasne, and force enlargements upon our Confciences in things for which we were to anfwer God only and the Church ? God bids us be fubjett for Confcience fake, that is as to a Magiftrate, and in’the Laws; not ufurping over {piritual things, as Lucifer beyond his
here.
af Finally having laid the fault of thefe Commotions, not ,wpon his own mifgo- vernment, but upon the ambition of others, the neceffity of fume mens fortune, and thirft after noveltie, he bodes himfelf such honour and reputation, thas like the Sun fhall rife and recover it felf to fuch a {plendour, as Owls, Batts, and fuch fatal Birds hall be unable to bear. Poets indeed ufe to vapor much after this man- ner. But to bad Kings, who without caufe expect future glory from thir acti- ons, it happ’ns as to bad Poets, who fit and ftarve themfelves with a delufive hope to win Immortality by thir bad lines. For though men ought not to /peak evil of Dignities which are juft, yet nothing hinders us to {peak evil, as oft as it is the truth, of thofe who in thir Dignities do evil 5 thus did our Saviour sae Fobn the Baptift, and Stev’s the Martyr. And thofe black vails of his >wn mif- deeds he might be fure would ever keep bis face from fhining, till he could refute
evil {peaking with well doing, which grace he feems here to pray for ; and his ©
Prayer doubtlefs as it was pray’d, fo it was heard. But ev'n his Prayer is fo ambitious of Prerogative, that it dares ask away the Prerogative of Chrift him- felf, To become the head ftone of the Corner.
XVI. Upon:
a
€ 495 )
XVI. Upon the Ordinance againft the Common- prayer-Book,
ftolical Practice would have taught him better, then his human rea-
fonings and conjectures: Neverthelefs what weight they have, let
usconfider. If it be 20 mews to have all Innovations ufher'd in with the name of Re-
formation, fare itis lefs news to have all reformation cenfur’d and oppos’d under
the name of innovation , by thofe who being exalted in high place above thir
merit, fear all change though of things zever fo ill or fo wnnfely fettl’'d. So
hardly can the dotage of thofe that dwell upon Antiquitie allo prefent rimes any fhare of godline/s or wifdom.
The removing of Liturgie he traduces to be done only asa thing plaujible to the
W HAT tothink of Liturgies, both the fenfe of Scripture, and Apo-
. People ; whofe rejection of it he lik’ns, with fmall reverence, to the crucifying
of our Saviour ; next that it was done to pleafe thofe men who gloried in thir ex- temporary vein, meaning the Minifters. For whom it will be beft to anfwer, as was an{wer’d for the man born blind, They are of age, let them {peak, for them- felves ; not how they came blind, but whether it were Liturgie that held them tongue-tid.
For the matter contain’d in that Book, we need no better witnefs then King Ed- wardthe fixth, who to the Cornifh Rebels confelles it was no other then the old Mafs-Book done into Englifh, all but fome few words that were expung’d. Aud by this argument which King Edward fo promptly had to ule againft that irreligious Rabble, we may be affur’d it was the carnal fear of thofe Divines and Politicians that modell’d the Liturgie no furder off from the old Mafs, left by too great an alteration they fhould incenfe the People, and be dettiture of the fame fhifts to fly to which they had taught the young King.
For the manner of ufing fet forms, there is no doubt but that wholefome matter, and good defires rightly conceav’d in the heart, wholefome words will follow of themfelves. Neither can any true Chriftian find a reafon why Liturgie fhould be at all admitted, a Prefcription not imposd or practis’d by thofe firft Foun- ders of the Church, who alone had that autority : Without whofe precept or example, how conftantly the Prieft puts on his Gown and Surplice, fo conitant- ly doth his Prayer put on a fervile yoak of Liturgie. This is evident, that they who ufe no fet forms of Prayer, have words from thir affections; while others are to feek affections fic and proportionable to a certain dofe of pre- ¢ par'd words ; which as they are not rigoroully forbid to any man’s pri- vate infirmity, fo to imprilon and confine by force, into a Pinfold of fet words, thofe two moft unimprifonable things, our Prayers, and that Di- vine Spirit of utterance that moves them, is a tyranny that would have lon- ger hands then thofe Giants who threat’nd bondage to Heav’n. What me may do in the fame form of words is not fo much the queftion, as whether Liturgie may be fore’d, asheforc’d it. It istrue that we pray to the fame God, muf{t we therefore always ufe the fame words? Let us then ufe but one word, becaufe we pray to one God. We profefs the fame truths, but the Liturgie com- prehends not all truths: we read the fame Scriptures , but never read that all thofe facred expreflions, al] benefit and ufe of Scripture, as to publick Prayer, fhould be deny’d us, except what was barrel’d up in a Common-prayer-Book with many mixtures of thir own, and which is worfe, without falt. But fup- pofe them favoury words and unmix’d, fuppofe them Manna it felf, yet if they fhall be hoarded up and enjoin’d us, while God every morning rains down new expreflions into cur hearts; inftead of being fit to ufe, they will be found like referv’d Alanna, rather to breed Worms and (tink. We have the fame duties upon ws, and feel the fame wants ; yet not always the fame, nor at all times alike ; but with varietie of Circumftances, which ask varietie of words: Wherof God hath given us plenty; not to ufe fo copioufly upon all other occafions, and fo niggardly to him alone in our devotions. As if Chriftians were now in a
worfe famin of words fit for Prayer, then was of food at the Seige of Ferufa- lem;
€ 496 )
iem, when perhaps the Priefts being to remove the fhew-bread, as was acc ftom’d, were compell’d every Sabbath day, for want of other Loves,to bring. again ftill che fame. If the Lora?s Prayer had bin the warrant or the pattern of fee Litur- gies, asis here afirm’d, why was neither that Prayer, nor any other fet form ever after us’d, or fo much as mention’d by the Apotiles, much lefs commended to our ufe ? Why was thir care wanting in a thing fo ufeful to the Church? fofull of danger and contention to be left undon by them toother mens penning, of. ~ whofe autority we could not be fo certain? Why wasthisforgottnbythem,who declare that they have reveal’d to us the whole Counfel of God , who as he left our affections to be guided by his fanétifying Spirit, fo did he likewife our words to be put into us without our premeditation ; not only thofe cautious words to be us’d before Gentiles and Tyrants, but much more thofe filial words, of which we have fo frequent ufe in our accefs with freedom of {peech to the Throne of Grace. Whidb to lay afide fcr other outward dictates of men, were to injure him and his perfet Gift, who is the Spirit and che giver of our abilitie to pray ; asif his miniltration were incomplete, and that to whom he gave affections, he did not alfo afford utterance to make his Gift of Prayer a perfet Gift.
And although the Gift were only natural, yet voluntary Prayers are le/s /ub- je to formal and fuperficsal tempers then fer forms: For in thofe, at leaft for words and matter, he who prays muft confult firft with his heart ; which in likelihood may ftir up his affections ; in thefe having both words and matter ready madeto his lips, which is asough to make up the outward act of Prayer, his affections grow lazy, and come not up eafily at the call of words not thir own ; the Prayer alfo having lefsintercourfe and fimpathy with a heart wherin it wasnotconceav’d, faves it felf the labour of fo long a journy downward, and flying up in hafte on the fpecious wings of formalitie, if it fall not back again headlong, inftead of a prayer which was expected, prefents God with a fet of ftale and empty words.
No doubt but offentation and formalitie may taint the beft duties ; we are not therfore to leave duties for no duties, and to turn Prayer into a kind of Jurry. Cannot unpremeditated babling be rebuk’d, and reftrain’d in whom we find they are, but the Spirit of God muft be forbidd’n in all men? But it is the cuftom of bad men and Hypocrites to take advantage at the leaft abufe of good things, that under that covert they may remove the goodnefs of thofe things, rather then the abufe. And how unknowingly, how weakly is the ufing of fet forms attributed here to conftancy, as if it were conftancie in the Cuckoo to be always in the fime licurgie.
Much lefs can it be lawfnl that an Englifht Mafs-Book, compos’d, for ought we know, by men neither learned, nor godly, hould juftle out, or at any time deprive us the exercife of that heavenly Gift, which God by fpecial promife pours out dailie upon his Church, that is to fay, the fpiritof Prayer. Wher- of to help thofe many infirmities, which he reck’ns up, Rudene/s, Impertinencie, Flatnefs, and the like, we have a remedy of God’s finding out, which is not Liturgie, but his own free Spirit. Though we know not what to pray as we ought, yet he with fighs unutterable by any words, much lefs by a ftinted Liturgie dwelling in us, makes interceflion for us according to the mind and will of God both in private, and in the performance of all Ecclefiaftical Duties. For it is his promife alfo, that where two or three gather’d together in his name fhall agree to ask him any thing, it fhall be granted ; for hejis there in the midft of them. If then antient Churches to remedy the infirmiues of Prayer, or rather the infections of Arian and Pelagian Herefies, neglecting that or- dain’d and promis’d help of the Spirit, betook them almoft four hundred years after Chrift-to Liturgie thir own invention, we are not to imitate them; nor to diftruft God in the removal of that Truant help to our Devotion, which by him never was appointed. And what is faid of Liturgie is {aid alfo of Di- rectory, if it beimpos’d : although to forbid the Service-Book there be much more reafon, as being of it felf fuperftitious, offenfive, and indeed, though Englifht, yet ftill the Mafs-Book: and publick places ought to be provided of fuch as need not the help of Liturgies or Directories continually, but are fup- ported with minifterial Gifts anfwerable to thir calling.
* Laftly, that the Common-prayer-Book was rejected becaule it pray'd fo of for 4m, he had no reafon to objet: for,swhat large and laborious Prayers were made
( 497 )
made for him in the Pulpits, if he never heard, ’tis doubtful they were never heard in Heav’n. We might now have expected that his own following Prayer fhould add much credit to fet Forms; but on the contrary we find the fame imperfections in it, as in moft before, which he lays here upon extemporal. Nor doth he ask of God to be direéted whether Liturgies be lawful, but pre- fumes, and in amanner would perfwade him that they be fo; praying that the Church and he may never want them. What could be pray’d worfe ex- tempore ?.
XVII. Of the differences in point of Cburch-
Government.
‘
HE Government of Church by Bifhops hath bin fo fully prov’d from
the Scriptures to be vitious and ufurp’d, that whether ont of Piety or
Policy maintain’d, it is not much material: For Pietie grounded upon
ertor, can no more juftifie King Charles, then it did Queen AZary in the fight of God or Man. This however muft not be let pafs without a ferious Obferva- tion ; God having fo difpos’d the Author in this Chapter as to confefs and difcover more of Myfterie and combination between Tyranny and fals Religion, then from any other hand would have bin credible. Here we may fee the very dark roots of them both turn’d up, and how they twine and inter- weave one another in the Earth, though above ground fhooting up in two . fever’d Branches. We may have learnt both from facred Story, and times of Reformation, that the Kings of this World have both ever hated, and inftinGtively fear’d the Church of God. Whether it be for that thir Do- rin feems much to favour two things to them fo dreadful, Liberty and Equality, or becaufe they are the Children of that Kingdom, which, as an- tient Prophefies have foretold, fhall in the end break to pieces and dif- folve all thir great Power and Dominion. And thofe Kings and Potentates who have ftrove moft to rid themfelves of this fear, by cutting off or fup- prefling the true Church, have drawn upon themfelves the occafion of thir own ruin, while they thought with molt policy to prevent it. Thus Pharaoh when once he began to fear and wex jealous of the Ifraelites, left they fhould multiply and fight againft him, and that his fear ftirr’d him up to afflict and keepthem under, as the only remedy of what he feard, foon found that the evil which before flept, came fuddenly upon him, by the prepofterous way he took to preventit. Pafling by examples between, and not fhutting wilfully our eyes,we may fee the like ftory brought to pafs in our own Land. This King more then any before him, except perhaps his Father, from his firft entrance to the Crown, harbouring in his mind a ftrange fear and fufpicion of Men moft -reli- gious, and thir Doétrin, which in his own language he here acknowledges, terming it the feditiows exorbitancie of Minifters tongues, and doubting Jef they, as he not chriftianly exprefles it, fhowld with the Keys of Heav’n let ont Peace and Loyaltie from the peoples hearts: though they never preacht or attempted aught that might juftly raife in him fuch thoughts, he could not reft or think himfelf fecure, fo long as they remain’d in any of his three Kingdoms unroot- ed out. But outwardly profefling the fame Religion with them, he could not prefently ufe violence as Pharaoh did, and that courfe had with others be« fore but ill fucceeded. He choofes therfore a more myftical way, a newer Me- thod of Antichriftian Fraud, to the Church more dangerous : and like to Ba- lack the Son of Zippor, againft a Nation of Prophets thinks it beft to hire other efteemed Prophets, and to undermine and wear out the true Church by a fals Ecclefiaftical Policy. To this drift he found the Government of Bifhops moft ferviceable; an Order in the Church, as by men firftcorrupted,; fo mutually corrupting them who receave it, both in judgment and manners. He by con- ferring Bifhopricks and and great Livings on whom he thought moft pliant to his will, again{t the known Canons and areata practice of the antient eat $ wherbr
{ 498 )
wherby. thofe elections were the peoples right, fought, as he confefles, to have greatelt influence upon the Church-men. They on the other fidevfinding them- felves in ahigh Dignity, neither founded by Scripture, nor allow d by Refor- mation, nor fupported by any fpiritual Gift or Grace of thir own, knew it thir beft cours to have dependance only upon him: and wrought his fancy by de- grees to that degenerate and unkingly per{wafion of mo Bifhop, 70 King. Whenas on-the contrary all Prelates in thir own futtle fenfe are of another mind; ac- cording to that of Piws the fourth, remember’d in the Hiftory of 77eve, that Bifhops then grow to be molt vigorous and potent, when Princes happ’n to be moft weak andimpotent. Thus when both Interefts of Tyrannie and Epifco- pacie were incorporate into each other, the King whofe principal fafety and eftablifhment confifted in the righteous execution of his civil power, and not in Bifhops and thir wicked Counfels, fatatly driv'n on, fet himicif to the remo- val of thofemen whofe Doétrin and defire of Church-Difcipline he fo fear’d would be the undoing of his Monarchie. And becaufe no teniporal Law could touch the innocence of thir lives, he begins with the perfecution of thir Con- {ciences, laying fcandals before them , and makes that the argument to inflict his anjuft penalties both on their Bodies and Eftates. Inthis War againft the Church if he hath fped fo, as other haughty Monarchs whom God heretofore hath hard?nd to the like enterprize, we ought to look up with praifes and thankfgiving to the Author of our deliverance, to whom Victory and Power, Majeftie, Honour and Dominion belongs for ever, "
In the mean while from his own words we may perceave eafily that the {pecial motives which he had to endear and deprave his judgment to the favouring and utmoft defending of Epifcopacy, are fuch as here we reprefent them : and how unwillingly, and with what mental refervation he condefcended againtt his In- tereft to remove it out of the Peers houfe, hath bin fhown already. The rea- fons, which he affirms wrought fo muchupon his judgment, fhall be fo far an- fwer?d as they be urg’d.
Scripture he pretends, but produces none, and next the conffant prattice of all Chriftian Churches, till of late years tumult, faction, pride, and covetoufnefs, in- vented new models under the Title of Chrift?s Government. Could any Papift have fpoke more fcandalouily againft all Reformation ? Well may the Parlament and beft affected People now be troubl’d at his calumnies and reproaches, fince he binds them in the fame bundle with all other the reformed Churches; who alfo may now furder fee, befides thir own bitter experience, what a cordial and well- meaning helper they had of him abroad, and how true to the Proteftant Caufe.
As for Hiftories to prove Bifhops, the Bible, if we mean not to run into Er- rors, Vanities, and Uncertainties, muft be our only Hiftory. Which informs us that the Apoftles were not properly Bifhops ; next, that Bifhops were not fucceflors of Apoftles, in the function of Apoftlefhip: And that if they were Apoftles, they could not be precifely Bifhops , if Bifhops, they could not be Apoftles ; this being univerfal, extraordinary, and immediate from God ; that being an ordinarie, fixt, and particular charge and continual infpection over a certain Flock. And although an ignorance and deviation of the antient Churches afterward, may with as much reafon and charitie be fuppos'd as fudden-in point of Prelaty, as in other manifeft corruptions, yet that o example fince the firft age | for 1500 years can be produc’d of any fetled Church, wherin were many Mimfters and Congregations, which bad not fome Bifhops above them; the Eccletiaftical Story, to which he appeals for want of Scripture, proves clearly to be a falfe and overconfident aflertion. Sozomenus, who wrote above twelve hundred years ago, in his feventh Book relates from his own knowledg, that in the Churches of Cyprus and Arabia (places neer to Ferufalem, and with the firft frequented by Apoftles) they had Bifhops in every Village ; and what could thofe be more then Presbyters? The like he tells of other Nations; and that Epifcopal Churches in thofe daies did not condemn them. [I add that many Weftern Churches, eminent for thir Faith and good Works, and fettl’d above four hun- dred years ago in France, in Piemont and Bohemia, have both taught and pra- étis’d the fame Doétrine, and not admitted of Epifcopacy among them. And if we may believe what the Papifts themfelves have writt’n of thefe Churches which they call Waldenfes, I find it in a Book writt’n almoft four hundred years
finice,
/ € 499 ) fince, and fet. forth in the Bohemian Hiltory, that thofe Churches in Piemont have held the fame Dottrin and Government, fince the time that Conftantine with his mifchievous. donations poyfon’d Sy/veffer and the whole Church. Q- thers affirm they have fo continu’d there fince the Apoftles : and Theodorus Bel- wederenfis in his relation of them, confefleth that thofe Herefies, as he names them, were from the firft times of Chriftianity in that place, For the reit [ refer me tothat famous teftimony of Jerom, who upon that very place. which he cites here, the Epiftle to Zit, declares op’nly that Bifhop and Presbyter were one and the fame thing, till by the initigation of. Satan particlities grew up in the Church, and that Bifhops rather by cuftom then any ordainment of Chrift, were exalted above Presbyters : whofe interpretation we truft {hall be receav’d before this intricate {tuff cattl’d heer of Timothy and Titus, and I know not whom thir Succeflors, far beyond Court Element, and as far beneath true edifi- cation. Thefeare his far grounds both from Scripture-canons and Ecclefiaftical examples ; how undivinelike writt’n, and how like a worldly Gofpeller that un- derftands nothing of thefe matters, pofterity no doubt will be able to judg, and will but little regard what he .calls’Apyfolical, who in his Letter to the Pope
_ calls Apoftolical the Roman Revigion.
Nor let him think to plead, that therfore é mas not policy of State, or obftina- cy in him which upheld Epifcopacy, becaufe the injuries and lofles which he fuftain’d by fo doing were to him more confiderable then Epifcopacy it flf; for all this might Pharach have had to fay in his excufe of detaining the //raelites, that his own and his Kingdoms fafety, fo much endanger’d by his denial, was to him more deer then all their building labours could be worthtoe£gypr, But whom God hard’ns them alfo he blinds.
He indeavours to make good Epifcopacy not only in Religion, but from the na- ture of all civil Government, where Parity breeds confufion and fattion. But of facti- on aiid confufion, to take no other then his own teftimony, where hath more bin ever bred then under the imparity of his own Monarchial Government ? Of which to make at this time longer difpute, and from civil conftitutions and hu- manconceits to debate and queftion the convenience of Divine Ordinations, is neither wifdom nor fobriety : and to confound Avofaic Priefthood with Evan- gelic Presbytery againft exprefs Inftitution, is as far from warrantable. As little to purpolfe is it that we fhould ftand polling the reformed Churches, whether they equalize in number thofe of his three Kingdoms, of whom fo lately the far greater part, what they have long defir’d to do, have now quite thrown off Epifcopacy..
Neither may we count it the Language or Religion of a Proteftant fo to vili- fie the beft reformed Churches (for none of them but Lutherans retain Bifhops) as to fear morethe ftavdalizing of Papilts, becaufe more numerous, then of our Proteftant Brethren, becaufe a handful. {t will not be worth the while to fay what Scifmatics or Heretics have had no Bifhops ; yet left he fhould be tak’n for a ‘great Reader, he who prompted him, if he were a Doctor, might have rememberd the foremention’d place in Sozomenus which affirms that befides the Cyprians and Arabians who were counted Orthodoxal, the Novatsans alfo, and Vontanifts in Phrygia had no other Bifhops then fuch as were inevery Village : and what Presbyter hath a narrower Diocefs? As for the Aérzans we know of no Heretical opinion juftly fether’d upon them, but that they held Bifhops and Presbyters to be the fame. Which hein this place not ob{curely feems to hold aHerefie in all the reformed Churches; with whom why the Church of Exg- ° land defir’d conformity, he can find no reafon with all his charity, but the coming in of the Scots Army; Such a high efteem he had of the Englifh.
He tempts the Clergie to return back again to Bifhops, from the fear of tenuity and contempt, and the aflurance of better hriving under the favour of Princes 5 .a- gainft which temptations if the Clergie cannot arm themfelves with thir own fpiritval armour, they are indeed as poor aCarks/s as he terms them.
Of fecular Honours and great Revenues added to the dignity of Prelats, fince the fubject of that queftion isnow remov'd, we need not fpend time: But this ~ perhaps will never be unfeafonable to bear in mind out of Chryfoftem, that when” Minifters came to have Lands, Houfes, Farms, Coaches, Horfes, and the like Lumber, then Religion brought forth riches inthe Church, and the Daughter
devour’d the Mother: § f{i2 e Bue
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Bat if his judgment in Epifcopacy may be judg’d by the goodly chois he made of Bithops, we need not much amufe our felves with the confideration of thofe evils which, by his foretelling, will meceffarily follow their pulling down, until he prove that the Apoftles, having no certain Diocefs or appointed place of refidence, were properly Bifhops over thofe Presbyters whom they ordain'd, or Churches they planted, whereimottimes thir labours were both joint and promifcuous : Or that the Apoftolic power muft neceffarily defcend to Bifbops, the ufe and end of ei- ther function being fo different. And how the Church hath flourifht under E- pifcopacy, let the multicude of thir ancient and grofSerrors teftifie, and the words of fome learnedeft and moft zealous Bifhops among them, Naztanzen ina devout pallion wifhing Prelaty had never bin s Bafil terming them the Slaves of Slaves ; Saint A4artin the Enemies of Saints, and confelling that after he was madea Bifhop, he found much of that grace decay in him which he had be- fore.
Concerning his Coronation Oath, what it was, and how far it bound him,alrea- dy hathbin fpok’n. This we may take for certain, that he was never {worn to his own particular confcience and reafon, but to our conditions as a free peo- ple ; which requir’d him to give us fuch Laws as our felves fhould choofe. This the Scots could bring him to, and would not be baffled with the pretence of a Coronation Oath, after that Epifcopacy had for many years bin fetl’d there. Which conceflion of his to them, and not to us, he feeks heer to put off with eva- fions that are ridiculous. And to omit no fhifts, he alleges that the Presby- terian manners gave him no encouragement to like their modes of Government. if that werefo, yetcertainly thofe men are in moft likelihood neerer to Amend- ment, who feeka ftricter Church-Difcipline then that of Epifcopacy, under which the moft of them learnt their manners. If eftimation were tobe made of God’s Law by their manners, who leaving e#gypr, receav’d it in the Wil- dernefs, it could reap from fuch an inference as this, nothing but rejection and difefteem.
For the Prayer wherewith he clofes, ic had bin good fome fafe Liturgie, which he fo commends, had rather bin in his way ; it would perhaps in fome meafure have perform’d the end for which they fay Liturgie was firft invented, and have hinder’d him both heer, ard at other times, from turning his notorious _ errors into his Prayers.
XVII. Upon the Uxbridg Treaty, &c.
F the way of Treaties be look’d npon ingeneral, # 4 retiring from beftial force to human reafon, his firft Aphorifim heer is in part deceay’d. For men may treat like Beafts as well as fight. If fom fighting were not manlike, then
either fortitude were novertue, or no fortitude in fighting : And as Politici- ans ofttimes through dilatory purpofes and emulations handle the matter, there hath bin no where found more beftialitie then in treating; which hath no more commendation init, then from fighting to come to undermining, from violence to craft, and when they can no longer do as Lions, to do as Foxes,
The fincereft end of treating after War onee proclaim’d, is either t© part with more, or to demand lefs than was at firft fought for, rather then to ha- zard more lives, or worfe mifchiefs. What the Parlament in that point were willing to have don, when firft after the War begun, they petition’d him at Colebrook to voutfafe a Treaty, is unknown. For after he had tak’n God to witnefs of his continual readinefs to treat, or to offer Treaties to the avoiding of bloodfhed, taking the advantage of a Mift, the fitteft weather for deceit and treachery, he follows at the heels thofe Meffengers of Peace with a train of covert War; and with a bloody furprife falls on our fecure Forces which lay quartering at Brentford in the thoughts and expectation of a Treaty. And although in them who make a trade of War, and againft a natural Enemy, fuch an onfet might in the rigor of martial Law have bin excus'd, while Arms were not yet byagreement fufpended, yet by aKing, who feem’d fo heartily to ac-
cept
( sor ) cept of treating, and profefles heer, He never wanted either defire or difpofision to it, profefles to have greater confiderce in his Reafon then in his Smord, and as a Chriftian to [eek Peace and enfueit, {uch bloody and deceitful advantages would have bin forborn one day at leaft, if not much longer; in whomthere had not bin a thirft rather thena deteftation of civil War and Blood.
In the midft of a fecond Treaty not long after, fought by the Parlamient, and aiter much ado obtain’d with him at Oxford, what futtle and unpeaceable defigns he then had inchace, his own Letters difcover’d : What attemps of trea- cherous hoftility fuccefsful and unfuccefsful he made againft Briftow, Scarborow, and other places, the Proceedings of that Treaty will foon put us inmind; and how he was fo far from granting more of reafon after fo much of blood, that he deny’d then to grant what before he had offerd;, making no other ufe of Treaties pretending Peace, then to gain advantages that might enable him tocontinue War. What marvel then if he thoughe it no diminution of himfelf, as oft ashe faw his time, to be importunate for Treaties, when he fought them only, as by the upfhot appeard, to ger opportunities ?
But he infers, asif the Parlament would have compell’d him to part with fom- thing of hi honow a aKimg. What honour could he have, or call his, joyn’d, not only with the offence or difturbance, but with the bondage and deftruétion of three Nations ? wherof though he be carelefs and improvident, yet the Par- lament, by our Laws and Freedom, ought to judg, and ufe prevention; our Laws els were but CobwebLaws. And what were all his moft rightful honours, but the peoples gift, ‘and the inveftment of that Luftre, Majelty, and Honour, which for the publick good, and no otherwife, redounds from a whole Nation into one perfon ? So far is any honour from being his to a common mifchief and calamity. Yet {till he talks on equal terms with the grand Reprefentative of that people, for whofe fake he was a King, asif the general welfare and his fubfervient Rights were of equal moment or confideration. His aim indeed hath ever bin to magnifie and exalt his borrow’d Rights and Prerogatives above the Parlament and Kingdom of whom he holds them. But when a King fets himfeli to bandy againit the higheft Court and refidence of his Regal Autority, he then, in the fingle perfon of a Man, fights againft his own Majefty and King- fhip, and then indeed fets the firft hand to his own depofing.
‘he Treaty at Uxbridg, he faith, gave the fasreft hopes of a happy compofure 5 faireft indeed, if his in{tructions to bribe our Commiflioners with the promife of Security, Rewards, and Places, were fair: What other hopes it gave no man can tell. There being but three main heads whereon to be treated ; Ireland, Epifcopacy, and the Militia; the firft was anticipated and foreftall’d by a Peace at any rate to be haft?nd with the Irifh Rebels, ere the Treaty could begin; that he might pretend his word and honour p ‘ff againft the fpecious and popular arguments (he calls them no better) which che Parlament would urge upon him for the continuance of that jult War. Epifcopacy he bids the Queen be confi- dent he will never quit, which informs us by what Patronage it ftood: And the Sword he refolves to clutch as faft, asif God with his own hand had put it intohis. This was the moderation which he brought; this was as far as Reafon, Honour, Confcience, andthe Queen, who was his Regentin all thefe, would give him leave, Laftly for compofure, inftead of happy, how miferable it was more likely to have bin, wife men could hen judg; when the Englifh, during Trea- ty, were call’d Rebels, the Irifh, good and catholic Subjeéts; and the Parla- ment before hand, though for fafhions call’d a Parlament, yet by a Jefuitical flight not acknowledg’d though call’d fo ; but privatly in the Council Books inroll’d no Parlament : thatif accommodation had fucceeded, upon what terms foever, fuch a devilifh fraud was prepar’d, that the King in his own efteem had bin abfolv'd from all performarice, as having treated with Rebels, and no Par- lament ; and they on the other fide inftead of an expected happines, had bin brought under the Hatchet. Then no doubt War had ended, that Maflacre and Tyranny might begin. Thefe Fealonfies, however rais*d, let all men fee whether they be diminifh’d or allayd, by the Letters of his own Cabinet op’nd. And yet the breach of this Treaty is laid all upon the Parlament and their Commifli-. oners, with odious Names of Pertinacy, hatred of Peace, Fattion, and Covetouf- nefs, nay his own Brat Superftition is laid to their charge; notwithftanding his heer profefs’d refolution to continue both the Order, Masntenance, and Axi hority of Prelats, asa Truth of God. And
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And who were moft to blame in the unfucce[sfulnefs of that Treaty, his app | is to God’s decifion ; beleeving to be very exchfable atthat Tribunal. But if evcr man gloried in an unflexible fiifnefs, he came not behind any: and that grana Maxim, always to put fomthing into his Treaties, which might give colour to refufe all that was in other things granted, and to make them fignifie nochinz, was his own principal Maxim and particular inftru@ions to his Commiflioners. Yet all, by hisown verdit, muft be coniterd Reafon in the King, and depraved temper in the Parlament.
That the bigheft Tide of fuccefs, withthefe principles and defigns, fet him not above a Treaty, no great wonder. But that his Joweft Ebb could not be lower then a Fight, was a prefumption that ruin’d him.
He prefag'd the future unfucce/sfulne/s of Treaties by the wnwillingne/s of fom men to treat , and could not {ee what was prefent, that thir unwillingnefs had good caufe to proceed from the continual experience of his own obftinacy and breach of word.
His Prayer thereforeof forgivene/s to the guilty of that Treaties breaking, he had good reafon to fay héartily over, as including no man in that guilt fooner then himfelf.
As for that Proteftation following in his Praier, How oft have I extreated for Peace, but when I {peak therof they make them ready to War, unlefs he thought himfelf {till in chat perfidious miit between Colebrook and Houndflow, and thought that mift could hide him from the eye of Heav’n as well as of Man, after fuch a bloody recompence giv’n to our firlt offers of Peace, how could this in the fight of Heav’n without horrours of confcience be utter’d ?
XEX. Upon the various events of the War.
as his beft fervants, to ufurp and imitate thir words, and appropriate to
themfelves thofe ptoperties which belong only to the good and righteous. This not only in Scripture is familiarly to be found, but heer alfo in this Chap- ter of Apocrypha. He tells us much, why # pleas’d God to fend him Victory or Lofs (although what in fo doing was the intent of God, he might be much mi- ftak’n as to hisown particular) but we are yet to learn what real good ufe he made thereof in his practice.
Thofe numbers which he grew to from {mall beginnings, were not fuch as out of love came to protect him, for none approv’d his actionsas a King,except Courti- ers and Prelats, but were fuch as fled to be protected by him from the fear of that Reformation which the pravity of thir lives would not bear. Such a Snowball he might eafily gather by rowling through thofe cold and dark provinces of ignorance and leudnefs, where on a fudden he became fo numerous. He imputes that to God’s protettion, which, to them who perfift ina bad caufe, is either his long-fuffering, or his hard’ning; and that to wholefom chaftifemext, which were the gradual beginnings of a fevere pynifhment. For if neither Ged nor nature put civil power in the hands of any whomifoever, but to a lawful end, and commands our obedienceto the autority of Lawonly, not to the tyrannical force of any perfon; and ifthe Laws of our Land have plac’d the Sword in no mans fingle hand, fo much as to unfheath againft a foren enemic, much lefs upon the native people, but have plac’d it in that elective body of the Parlament, to whom the making, repealing, judging, and interpreting of Law ic felf was alfo committed, as was fitteft, fo long as we intended to be a free Na- tion, and not the Slaves of one mans will, then was the King himfelf difo- bedient and rebellious to that Law by which he raign’d; and by autority of Parlament toraife arms againft him in defence of Law and Libertie, we do not only think, but beleeve and know was juftifiable both by the’ Word of God, the Laws of the Land, and all lawful Oaths; and they who fided with him fought againft all thefe.
if is no new or unwonted thing for bad men toclaim as much part in God
The
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The fume Allegations which he ufes for himfelf and his Party, may as well fi¢ any Tyrant in the World : for let the Parlament be call’d a Faction when the King pleafes, and that no Law mutt be made or chang’d either civil or religi-
“ous, becaufe no Law will content 2 fides, then muft be made or chang’d no Law at all but what a Tyrant, be he Proteftant or Papift, thinks fir. Which ty- rannous Affertion forc’d upon us by the Sword, he who fights againft, and dies fighting, if his other fins overwcigh not, dies a Martyr undoubtedly both of the Faith and of the Common-wealth : and I hold it not as the opinion, but as the full belief and perfwafion of far holier and wifer Men then Parafitick Preach- ers. Who, without their dinner-Doctrin, know that neither King, Law, Civil Oaths, or Religion, was ever ¢ftablifh'd without the Parlament: and thir power is the fame to abrogate as to eftablifh : neither is any thing to be thought e/ta- blifo'd, which that Houfe declares to be abolifht. Where the Parlament fits, there infeparably fits the King, there the Laws, there our Oaths, and whatfoe- ver can be civilinReligion. They who fought for the Parlament, in the trueft fenfe fought for all thefe ; who fought for the King divided from his Parlament, fought for the fhadow of a King againft all thefe, and for things that were not, as if they were efablifhe. It were athing monftroufly abfurd and contra- dictory to give the Parlament a Legiflative Power, and then to upbraid them for tranfgrefling old Eftablifhments,
But the King and his Party having loft in this Quarrel thir Heay’n upon Earth, begin to make great reck’ning of Eternal Life, and at an eafy rate ia’ forma Pasperis canonize one another into Heav’n; he them in his Book, they him in the Portrature before his Book :. but as was faid before, Stage-work will not do it, much lefs the juftne/s of thir Caufe, wherein ‘moft frequently they dy'd ina brutifh fiercene/s, with Oaths and other damning words in thir mouths; as if fach had bin a# the Oaths they fought for: which undoubtedly fent them full fail on another Voyage thentoHeav’n. Inthe mean while they to whom God gave victory, never brought to the King at Oxford the ftate of thir Con- feiences, that he fhould prefume without confeflion, more then a Pope pre- fumes, to tell abroad what confliéts and accufations men, whomhe never {poke with, have in their own thoughts, We never read of any Englifh King but one that was a Confeflor, and his name was Edward , yet fure it pafs’d his skill to know thoughts, as this King takes uponhim. But they who will not ftick to flander mens inward Confciences, which they can neither fee nor know, much lefS will care to flander outward Actions, which they pretend to fee, though with fenfes never fo vitiated.
To judg of bis condition conquer'a, and the manner of dying on that fide, by the fober men that chofe it, would be his fmall advantage : it being moft noto- rious, that they who were hotteft in his Caufe, the moft of them were men oft- ner drunk, then by thir good will fober, and very many of them fo fought and fo dy’d.
And that the Confcience of any man fhould grow fufpiciows, or be now convitt- ed by any Pretentions in the Parlament, which are now provd fals, and un- intended, there can be no juft caufe. For neither did they ever pretend fo efta- blith his Throne without our Liberty and Religion, nor Religion without the Word of God, nor to judg of Laws by thir being ¢/fablifht, but to eftablifh them by thir being good and neceflary.
-He tells the World he oft’ pray'd that all on his.fide might be as faithful to God and thir own Souls; as to him. But Kings above all other men have in thir hands not to pray only, but todo. To make that Prayer effectual, he fhould have govern’d as well as pray'd. To pray and not to govern is for a Monk and nota King. ‘Till then he might be well aflur’d they were more faithful to thir luft and rapine then to him.
Inthe wonted predication of his own vertues he goes on to tell us, that to conquer he never defir’d, but only to reftore the Laws and Liberties of his People. It had bin happy then he had known at laft, that by force to reftore Laws abro- gated by the Legiflative Parlament, is to conquer abfolutely both them and Law it felf.. And for our Liberties, none ever opprefs’d them more, both in Peace and War ; firft like a mafter by his arbitrary power, next as an Ene- my by hoftile invafion. ioe,
And
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And if his beft friends feai?d him, and he himfelf in the temptation of an ab- folute Conqueft, it was not only pious but friendly in the Parlament, both to fear him and refift him; fince their not yielding, was the only means to keep him out of that temptation wherin he doubted his own ftrength.
He takes himfelf to be guilty in this War of nothing els,but of confirming the power of forse men: Thus all along he fignifies the Parlament, whom to have fet- tl'd by an act he counts to be his only guiltinefs. So well he knew that to con- tinue a Parlament, was to raife a War againft himfelf; what were his Actions then and his Government the while? For never was itheard in all our Story, that Parlaments made War on thir Kings, but on thir Tyrants; whofe mode- Sty and gratitude was more wanting to the Parlament, then theirs to any of fuch Kings. ; What he yielded was his fear ; what he deny'd was his obftinacy. Had he yielded more, fear might perchance have fav’d him ; had he granted /e/s, his ob- ftinacy had perhaps the fooner deliver’d us.
To review the occafions of this War, will be tothem never teo late, who would be warn’d by his example from the like evils: but to wifh only a happy coneiufion, will never expiate the fault of his unhappy begsnmings. “Tis true, ononr fide the fins of our lives not feldom fought againft us: bat on thir fide, befides thofe, the grand fin of thir Caufe.
How can it be otherwife, when he defires here moft unreafonably, and indeed ‘facrilegionfly, that we fhould be fubjett ro him, though not furder, yet as far as all of us may be fubjett to God, to whom this expreflion leaves no precedency ? He who defires from men as much obcdience and fubjection, as we may all pay to Gad, defires not lefs then to be a Ged ; a Sacrilege far wors then meddling with the Bifhops Lands, as he efteems it,
His Prayer isa good Prayer and a glorious; buat glorying is not good, if it know not that a little leven levens the whole lump. It fhould have purg’d out the leven of untruth i telling God that the blood of his Subjetts by him {hed was in his juft and neceffary defence. Yet this is remarkable ; God hath here fo or- der’d his Prayer, that as his own lips acquitted the Parlament, not long before his death, of all the blood fpilt in this War, fo now his Prayer unwittingly draws it upon himfelf. For God smputes not to any man the blood he fpills in a juft caufe; and no man ever begg’d his wot smputing of that which he in his juftice could not impute : So that now whether purpofely, or unawares, he hath con- fef’'d both to God and Man the blood-guiltinefs of all this War to lie upon his own head. ws
XX. Upon the Reformation of the times.
. then now can be excufable : Which perhaps have already bin more hu- mour’d then wasneedful. As it prefents us with nothing new, fo with his exceptions againft Reformation pitifully old and tatter’d with continual ufing ; not only in his Book, but in the words and writings of every Papift and Popifh King. On the Scene he thrufts out firftan Antimafque of two bug- bears, Noveltie and Perturbation, that the ill looks and noife of thofetwo may as long as poflible drive off all endeavours of a Reformation. Thus fought Pope Adrian, by reprefenting the like vain terrors, to divert and diflipate the zeal of thofe reforming Princes of the age before in Germany. And if wecre- dit Latimer’s Sermons, our Papifts here in England pleaded the fame dangers and inconveniencies againft that which was reform’d by Edward the fixth. Wheras if thofe fears had bin available, Chriftianity it felf had never bin re- ceav’'d. Which Chrift foretold us, would not be admitted without the cen- fure of Noveltie and many greatCommotions. Thefe therefore are not to deter us.
Xs H1S Chapter cannot punctually be anfwer’d without more repetitions
He
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He grants Reformation to be 4 good work, and confefles what the indulgence off times and corruption of manners might have deprav’d. So did the fore-mention’d Pope, and opr Granfire Papiftsir this Realm. Yet all of them agree in one fong with this here, that they are forry to fee fo little regard had to Laws efta- blifhe, andthe Religion fertl'd,
Popular compliance, diffolution of all order and government in the Church, Schifms, Opinions, Undecencies, (onfufions, facrilegious Invafions, contempt of the Clergie and thir Liturgie, diminution of Princes ; all the{e complaints are to be read in the Meflages and Speeches almoit of every Legat from the Pope to thofe States and Cities which began Reformation. From whence he either learnt the fame pre- tences, or had them naturally in him from the fame fpirit. Neither was there ever fo fincere a Reformation that hath efcap’d thefe clamours.
He offer’d a Synod or Convocation rightly chofen. So offer’d all thofe Popifh Kings heretofore ; a cours the moft unfatisfactory, as matters have bin long carried, and found by experience in the Church liable to the greateft fraud and packing ; no folution, or redrefs of evil, but an increafe rather, detefted therefore by Nazianzen, and fome other of the Fathers. And let it be pro- duc'd, what good hath bin done by Synods from the firft times of Refor- mation.
Not to juftifie what Enormities the Vulgar may commit in the rudenefs of thir zeal, we need but only inftance how he bemoans the pulling down of Croffes and other fuperftitious Mcnuments, as the efiect of a popular and deceitful Refor» mation. How little this favours of a Proteftant, is too eafily perceavd.
What he charges in defect of Péety, Charity, and Morality, hath bin alfo charge’d by Papifts upon the beft reformed Churches: not as if they the Accu- fers were not tenfold more to be accus’d, but out of thir Malignity to all en- deavour of amendment; as we know who accus’d to God the fincerity of Fob 5 an accufation of all others the molt eafie, when as there lives not any mor- tal man fo excellent, who in thefe things is not always deficient. But the infirmities of beft men, and the fcandals of mixt Hypocrites in all times of re- forming, whofe bold intrufion covets to be ever feen in things moft facred as they are moft fpecious, can lay no juft blemifh upon the integritie of others, much lefs upon the purpofe of Reformation it felf. Netther can the evil do- ings of fome be the excufe of our delaying or deferting that duty to the Church, which for no refpect of times or carnal policies can be at any time un- feafonable.
He tells with great fhew of piety what kind of Perfons publick Reformers ought to be, and what they ought to do. ’Tis ftrange that in above twenty years, the Church growing ftill worsand wors under him, he could neither be as he bids others be, nor do as he pretends here fo wellto know; nay, whichis wortt of all, after the greateft part of his Reign {pent in neither knowing nor doing aught toward a Reformation either in Church or State, fhould fpend the refidue in hindring thofe by a {even years War, whom it concern’d with his con- fentor without it to do thir parts in that great performance.
’Tis true that the method of reforming may well fubfift without perturbation of the State, but that it falls out otherwife for the moft part, is the plain Text of Scripturee And if by his own rule he had allow’d us to fear God firft, and the King in due order, our Allegiance might have {till follow’d our Religion in a
_ fit fubordination. But if Chrif’s Kingdom be tak’n for the true Difcipline of the Church, and by b Kingdom be meant the violence he us’d againft it, and to up- hold an Antichriftian Hierarchie, then fure anough it is, that Chrift’s Kingdom could sot be fet up without pulling down his: And they were belt Chriftians who were leaft fubject to him. Chrif?’s Government, out of queftion meaning it Prelatical, hethought would confirm bis: and this was that which overthrew st.
He profefles to own his Kingdom from Chrift, and to defire to rule for his glory, and the Churches good, The Pope and the King of Spain profefs every where as much ; and both his practice and all his reafonings.all his enmitie againft the tru¢ Church we fee hath bin the fame with thirs,fince the time that in his Letter to the Pope he aflur’d them both of his full compliance. But evil beginnings never bring forth good conclufions : they are his own words, and he ratifi'd them by his own
ending. To the Pope he ingag’d himfelf to hazard life and eftate for the Ro- man Religion, whether in complement he did it, or in earneft; and God, who
Tee ftond
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ftood neerer then he for complementing minded, writ down thofe words ; that according to his refolution, fo it fhould come to pafs. He prays againft his Hy- pocrifie and Pharifaical Wafhings, a Prayer to him moft pertinent, but choaks it ftraight with other words which pray him deeper into his old Errors and Delu- fions.
XXII. Upon bis Letters tak'n and divulged.
HE King’s Letters taken at the Battel of Nafeby, being of greateft im- portance to let the people fee what Faith there was in all his Promifes
and folemn Proteftations, were tranfmitted to publick view by fpe- cial Order of Parlament. They difcover’d his good affection to the Papifts and Irifh Rebels, the ftrict intelligence he held, the pernicious and difhonoura- ble Peace he made withthem, not follicited but rather folliciting, which by all invocations that were holy he had in publick abjur’d. They reveal’d his en- deavours to bring in forren Forces, Irifh, French, Dutch, Lorrainers, and our old Invaders the Danes upon us, befides his futtleties and myfterious arts in treating : to {um up all, they fhew’d him govern’d by a Woman. All which, though fufpected vehemently before, and from good grounds beleev’d, yet by him and his adherents peremptorily deny’d, were by the op’ning of that Cabi- net vifible to all men under hisown hand. _
The Parlament therfore, toclear themfelves of afperfing him without caufe, and thatthe people might no longer be abus'd and cajol’d, as they call it, by Falfities and Court-impudence, in matters of fo high concernment, to let them know on what terms thir duty ftood, and the Kingdom’s peace, conceav’d it moft expedient and neceflary that thofe Leters fhould be made publick. This the King affirms was by them done without honour and civilitie: words, which if they contain not in them,as in the language of a Courtier moft commonly they do not, more of fubftance and realitie then Complement, Ceremony, Court-faun- ing and diffembling, enter not I fuppofe furder then the ear into any wife man’s confideration. Matters were not then between the Parlament and a King thir enemie in that ftate of trifling, as to obferve thofe fuperficial Vanities. But if honour and civilitie mean, as they did of old, difcretion, honefty, prudence, and plain truth, ic will be then maintain’d againft any Sect of thofe Cabalifts, that the Parlament in doing what they did with thofe Letters, could fuffer in thir honour and civilitie no diminution. The reafons are alreadie heard.
And that it is with none more familiar then with Kings to tranfgrefs the bounds of all honour and civility, there fhould not want examples good ftore, if brevity would permit , in point of Letters this one thal] fuffice. The Dutchefs of Burgundie and Heir of Duke Charles, had promis'd to her Subjects that fhe in- tended no otherwife to govern, then by advice of the three Eftates; but to Lewis the French King had writt’n Letters, that fhe had refolv’d to commit wholly the managing of her affairs to four Perfons, whom fhe nam’d. The three Eftates not doubting the fincerity of her Princely word, fend Embafladors to Lewis, who then befeig’d Arras belonging to the Dukes of Burgundy. The King taking hold of this occafion to fet them at divifion among themfelves, queftion’d thir Credence ; which when they offer’d to produce with thir In- {tructions, he not only fhews them the privat Letter of thir Dutchefs, but gives it them to carry home, wherwith to affront her; which they did, fhe denying it ftoutly, till they fpreading it before her face in a full Aflembly, convicted her of anopenlie. Which although Commines the Hiftorian much blamés, as a deed too harfh and difhonourable in them who were Subjects, and not at War with thir Princefs, yet to his Mafter Lew, who firft divulg’d thofe Letters, to the op’n fhaming of that young Governefs, he imputes no incivilitie or difhonour at all, although betraying a certain confidence repos’d by that Letter in his Royal Secrecie.
With
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With much more reafon then may Letters not intercepted only, but wonin battle from an Enemie, be made public to the beft advantages of them that win them, to thedifcovery of fuch important truth or falfhood. Was it not more difhonourable in himfelf to fain fufpicions and jealoufies, which we firft found among thofe Letters, touching the chaftitie of his Mother, thereby to gain afliltance from the King of Denmark, as in vindication of his Sifter? The Damfel of Burgundie at fight of her own Letter was foon blank, and more ingenuous then to ftand outfacing ; but this man whom nothing will convince, thinks by talking world without end to make good his integrity and fair dealing, contradicted by his own Hand and Seal. ‘They whocan pick nothing out of them but phrafes, fhall be counted Bees: they that difcern furder both there and heer, that conftancy to bis Wife is fet in place before Laws and Re- ligion, are in his naturalitics no better then Spiders.
He would work the people to a perfwafion, that if he be miferable, they cannot be happy. What fhould hinder them ? Were they all born Twins of Hippocrates with him and his fortune, one birth one burial? It were a Nation miferable in- deed, not worth the name of a Nation, but a race of Idiots, whofe happinefs and welfare depended upon one Man. The happinefs of a Nation confilts in true Religion, Piety, Jultice, Prudence, Temperance, Fortitude, -and the con- tempt of Avarice and Ambition. They in whomfoever thefe vertues dwell e- minently; need not Kings to make them happy, but are the Architects of thit own happinefs s and whether to themfelves or others are not lefs then Kings. Boutin him which of thefe vertues were to be found, that might extend to the making happy, or the well- governing of fo much as his own houfhold, which was the moft licentious and ill-govern’d in the whole Land ?
But the op’ning of his Letters was defign’d by the Parlament to make all Re-
conciliation defperate. Are the lives of fo many good and faithful men that dy’d for the freedom of thir Country, to be fo ‘lighted, as to be forgott’n in a ftu- pid-reconcilement without Juftice don them? What he fears not by War and Slaughter, fhould we fear to make de/perate by op’ning his Letters? Which fact he would parallel with Chams revealing of his Father’s nakednefs: When heat that time could be no way efteem’d the Father of bis Countrie, but the Deltroyer - nor had he ever before merited that former title. He thanks God he cannot only bear this with patience, but with charity forgive the doers. Is not this meer mockery, to thank God for what he can do, but will not? For isit patience to impute Barbarifm and Inbumanity to the op ning of an Enemies Letter, or icit Charity to clothe them with curfes in his Prayer, whom he hath forgiv’n in his Difcours ? In which Prayer to fhew how readily he can return good for evilto the Parlament, and that if they take away his Coat, he can let them have his Cloak alfo ; for the difmantling of his Letters he wifhes they may be cover’d with the Cloak of Confufion. WhichI fuppofe they do refign with much willingnefs, both Livery, Badg, and Cognizance, to them who chofe rather to be his Servants and Vaflals, then to ftand againft him for the Li- berty of thir Country.
Trea XXIL Upon
C508") XX. ‘Qpon his going to the Scots.
HE Kings coming in, whether to the Scots. or Englifh, defery’d-no thanks: For neceffiry was bis Connfellor ; and that he hated them both a-
: like, his expreflions every where manifeft. Som fay his purpofe was to have come.to London, tili hearing how ftrictly ic was proclaim’d that no man fhould conceal‘him, he diverted hiscourfe. But thathad bin a frivolous excufe : and befides, ‘he himfelf rehearfing the confultations had before he took his pourney, fhews us cleerly that he. was determin’d to adventure wpon thir Loyalty who firft began bis.troubles. And thatthe Scots had notice of it before, hath bin long fince.brought to light. ‘What prudence there could bein it, no man can imagin ; Malice there might be by raifing new jealoufiesto divide Friends. For befides his diffidence of the Englilh, it was no {mall difhononr that he put upon them, ‘when rather than yield himfelfto the Parlament of Exgland, he yielded toa hireling Army of Scots in England, paid for their ferviceheer, not in Scotch coyn, but in Englifh Silver; nay who from the firft beginning of thefe troubles, what with brotherly afliftance, and what with monthly pay, have defended thir own Liberty and Confciences at our charge. However it wasa hazardous and rafh journey taken to refulveriddles in mens Loyalty, who had more reafon to mi- ftruft the riddle of fuch a difguifed yeelding , and to put himfelf in thir hands whofe Loyalty was a Riddle to him, was not the cours to be refolv’d of it, but totempt it. What Providence deni'd to Force, he thought it might grant to Fraud, which he ftiles Prudence: But Providence was not cozen’d with difguifes, nei- ther outward nor inward.
To have known his greateft danger in his fappofed fafety, and his greateft fafe- ty inhis fuppofed danger, was to him a fatal riddle never yetrefolv'd ; wherein rather to have imploy’d his main skill had been much more to his preferva- tion.
Had he kvown when the Game was lof, it might have fav’d much contef ; but the way to give over fairly was not to flip out of op’n War into anew difguile. He lays down his Arms, but not his Wiles; nor all his Arms; for in obftinacy he comes no lefs arm’d then ever, Cap a pe. And what were they but wiles, continually to move for Treaties, and yet toperfift the fame man, and to fortifie bis mindbefore hand, {till purpofing to grant no more then what feem’d good to that violent and lawlefs Triumvirate within him, under the falfif'd names of his Reafon, Honour, and Confcience, the old circulating dance of his fhifts and evafions ?
The words of a King, asthey are full of power, in the autority and ftrength of Law, fo like Samp/on without the ftrength of that Nazarites lock, they have no more power in them then the words of another Man.
He adores Reafon as Domitian did Minerva, and calls her the Divineft power, thereby to intimate as if at reafoning, as at his own weapon, no man were foableas himfelf. Might webe fo happy as to know where thefe monu- ments of his Reafon may be feen; for in his actions and his writing they ap- pear as thinly as could be expected from the meaneft parts, bred up in the midft of fo many ways extraordinary to know fomthing. He who reads his talk, would think he had left Oxford not without mature deliberation: Yet his Pray- er confelles that be knew not what to do. Thus is verifi'd that Pfalm ; he poureth contempt upon. Princes, and caufeth them to wander in the Wilderne{s where there is no way, Pfal. 107.
XXII. Upon
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XXILL Upon the Scots delivering the King to
the Engli(b.
JAT the Scots in England ‘fhould fell thir King, as te himfelf here af- firms, and for a price fo much above'thar, which the covetoufnels of . Fudaswas contented with'to fell ovr Saviour, is fo foul an infamy and difhonour caft upon'them, as befitsnone to vindicate but themfelves. And it ‘were'bit friendly Counfel to ‘with them'beware theSon, who'comes among them ‘witha firm belief that they fold his Father. The reft of this Chapter he fa- -rifices to the'echo ‘of his Conftience, out-babling Creeds and Ave's, glorying ‘in his *refolute obftinacy, and as it were triumphing how evident st ss now that wot evil Connféllors, but he himifelf ‘hath been the Author ‘of all our Troubles, ‘Herein only we'fhall difagree to the Worlds end, while he who fought fo mani- ifeftly to have annihilated all our Laws and Liberties, hath the confidence to per- fwade tis that he hath foughe and fufer'd all this while in thir defence.
But he who neither by his own Letters and Commiffions under Hand and Seal, ‘nor by his own actions held as ina Mirror before his face, will be convinc’d to fee'his faults, can much lefsbe won upon by any force of words, neither he, nor any that take afterhim; who in that refpect are no more to be difputed with then they who deny principles. ‘No queftion then, but the Parlament did wifely in thir decree at laft, to make no more Addrefles. For how unalterable his will was, that would have bin our‘Lord, how uttterly averfe from the Par- lament and Reformation during his confinement, we may behold in this Capter. But'to be ever anfwering fruitlefs Repetitions, 1 fhould become liable to anfwer for the fame my felf. He botrows Davids Pfalms, as he charges the Afembly of Divines in his twentieth Difcourfe, To have fer forth old Catechifias and Confeffi- ‘ons of Faith new dreft, Had he borrow’d Davids heart, it had bin much the ‘holier theft. For fach kind of borrowing as this, if ic be not better’d by the borrower, among good Authors is accounted Plagiarie. However, this was niore tolérable then Pamela's Praier ftol’f out of Sir Philip.
XXIV. Upon the denying bim the attendance of bis Chaplains.
he fhould come heer among matters of fo great concernment to take
fach room up in the Difcourfes of aPrince, if it benot wonder’d, is to
be fnil’d at. Certainly by mefo mean an Argument fhall not be writt’n; but I fhall- huddle him, as he does Prayers.. The Scripture owns no fuch order, no fuch function in the Church; and the Church not owning them, they areleft, for ought I know, to fucha furder examining asthe Sons of Sceva the Jew met with 3 Bifhops or Presbyters we know, and Deacons we know, but what are Chaplains ? In State perhaps they may be lifted among the upper ferving-men of fome great houfhold, and be admitted to fom fuch place, as may ftile them the Sewers, Or the Yeomen Uthers of Devotion, where the Mafter is too reftie, or too rich to fay hisown Prayers, or to blefshisown Table. Wherfore fhould the Parlament then take fuch implements of the Court Cupbord into thir confideration ? They knew them to have been the main corrupters at the Kings elbow ; they khew the King to have bin always thir moft attentive Scholar and Imitator, and of aChild to have fuckt from them and thir Clofet-work all his impotent Prin- ciples of Tyrannie and Superftition. While therfore they had any hope left of his reclaiming, thefe fowers of Malignant Tares they kept afunder from him, and fent to him fuch of the Minifters and othet zealots Perfons & ae thoughe
A CHAPLAIN isa thing fo diminutive and inconfiderable, that how
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thought were beft able to inftruct him, and toconvert him. What could Reli-
gion her felf have don more to the faving of a Soul? But when they found
him paft Cure, and that he to himfelf was grown the moft evil Counfeler of all,
they deny’d him not his Chaplains, as many as were fitting, and fom of them
attended him, or els were at his call to the very Jaft.. Yet heer he makes more
Lamentation for the want of his Chaplains, then fuperftitious Aicah did to the
Danites, who had tak’n away his houfhold Pricft: Ye have tak’n away my Gods
which I made, andthe Prieft, and what have I more? And perhaps the whole Story of Micab might {quare not unfitly tothis Argument - Nom know J, faith he, that the Lord will do me good, feeing 1 have a Levite to my Pricft. Adicah had as great acare that his Prieft fhould be Mofaical, as the King had that his fhould be .4- poffolical, yet bothin errour touching thir Priefts. Houfhold and privat Ori- fons were not tobe officiated by Priefts ; for neither did public Prayer apper- tain only to thir office. Kings heertofore, David, Salomon, and $ehofophat, who might not touch the Priefthood, yet might pray in public, yea in the Tem- ple, while the Priefts themfelves ftood and heard. What aild this King then, ‘that he could not chew his own Mattins without the Priefts Ore remus? Yet itis like he could not pray at home, who can heer publifh a. whole Prayer-book of his own, and fignifies in fome part of this Chapter almoft.as good a mind to be a Prieft himfelf, as A4icab had to let hisSonbe. There was doubtlefs ther- ‘fore fome other matter in it which, made him fo defirous to have his Chaplains about him, who were not only the. contrivers, but very oft the inftruments alfo of his defigns. aeey
The Minifters which were fent him no marvel heindur’d not; for they preacht repentance to him : the others gave him eafie confeflion, eafie abfolution, nay fireagthen’d bis bands, and hard’nd bis heart, by applauding bim in his wilful ways. To them he was an Ahab, to thefe a Confiantine , it muft follow then that they ‘to him were as unwelcome as Elia was to Abab, thefe as dger and pleafing as Amaziab the Prieft of Bethel was to feroboam. _Thefe had learnt well the lef- fon that would pleafe , Prophefie not againft Bethel, for it zs the Kings Chappel, the Kings Court ; and had taught the King to fay of thofe Mintfters which the Parlament had fent, Amos hath confpir'd againft me, the Land is not able to bear all his words.
Returning to obr firft Parallel, this King lookt upon his Prelats, s Orphans under the facrilegious eyes of many rapacions Reformers: and there was as great fear of Sacrilege between 4cab and his Mother, till with thir holy treafure, about the lofs-whereof there was fuch a curfing, they-made a gray’n and a molt’n mage, and gota Prieft of thir own. To let go hiscriticiziig about the found of Prayers, smperiows, rude, or pa(fionat modes of his own deviling, we are in danger to fall again upon the flats and fhallows of Lirurgie. Which if 1 fhould repeat again, would turn my anfwers into Refponfories, and beget another Liturgie, having too much of one already.
This only I fhall add, that if the heart, as he alleges, cannot fafely join with anotber mans extemporal [ufficiency, becaufe we know not fo exactly what they mean to fay, then thofe public Prayers made in the Temple by thofe forenamed Kings, and by the Apoftles inthe Congregation, and by the ancient Chriftians for above three hundred years before Liturgies came in, were with the people made in vain.
After he hath acknowledg’d that Kings heertofore pray’d without Chaplains, ev’n publicly iia the Temple it felf, and thatevery privat Beleever i invefted with a royal Priefthood, yet like one that relifht not what he tafted of the heav'nly gift, and the good word of God, whofe name he fo confidently takes into his mouth, he frames to_himfelf impertinent and vain reafons why he fhould rather pray by the officiating mouth of a Clofet-Chaplain. Thir Prayers, faith he, are more prevalent, they flow from minds more enlightn’d, from affettions le/s diftratted. Admit this true, which is not, this might be fomthing faid as to thir prayers for him, but what avails it to thir praying with him? If his own mind be incume- bred with fecular affairs, what helps it his particulat prayer, tho the mind of his Chaplain be not wandring, either after new preferment, or his dinner ? The fervencie of one man in prayer cannot fupererogate for the coldnefs of another ; neither can bis fpiitual defedis in that duty be made out in the acceptance of God by another mans abilities. Let him endeavour to have more light in him. felf, and not to walk by another mans Lamp, but to get Oyle into his own. Let
him
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him caft from him, as ina Chriftian warfare, that fecular incumbrance which either diftracts or overloads him ; his load els will never be the lefs heavie, be- caufe another mans is light. Thus thefe pious flourifhes and colours examin’d throughly, are like the Apples of 4/phaltis, appearing goodly to the fudden eye, but look well upon them, or at leaft but touch them, and they turn into Cinders.
In his Prayer he remembers what voices of joy and gladne/s there were in his Chappel, Gods Honfe, in his opinion, between the Singing-men and the Or- gans 5 and this was nity of /psrit in the bond of peace, the vanity, fuperftition, and mifdevotion of which place, was a fcandal far and neer: Wherin fo many things were fung, and pray’d in thofe Songs which were not underftood : and yet he who makes a difhculty how the people can join thir hearts to ex- temporal Prayers, though diftinétly heard and underftood, makes no queftion how they fhould join thir hearts in unitie to fongs not underftood.
I beleeve that God is no more mov'd with a prayer elaborately pen’d, then men truly charitable, are mov’d with the pen’d fpeech of a Beggar.
Finally, O ye Minifters,read here what work he makes among your Gally-pots, your Balms and Cordials , and not only your /weet Sippets in Widows Houfes, but the huge gobbets wherwith he charges you, to have devour’d houfes and all ; the houfes of your Brethren, your King, and your God. Cry himup fora Saint in your Pulpits, while he cries you down for Atheifts into Hell. q
XXV. Upon his penitential Meditations and Vows at Holmby. .
words and holy fayings in abundance ; but to make them his own, is a work
of grace only from above. He borrows here many penitential Verfes out of David's Pfalms. So did many among thofe Ifraelites, who had revolted from thetrue Worfhipof God, invent to themfelves inftruments of mufick like David, and probably Pfalms alfo like his, and yet the Profet Amos complains heavily againft them. But to prove how fhort this is of true repentance, I will recite the pe- nitence of others, who have repented, in words not borrow’d, but thir own, and yet by the doom of Scripture it felf are judg’d reprobates.
Cain {aid unto the Lord, My Iniquity is greater then I can bear: behold thou haft driv’n me this day from the face of the earth, and from thy face {hall I be hid,
And when Efau heard the words of his Father, he cry’d with an exceeding bitter cry, and faid, Blefs me, ev?n me alfo O my Father , yet found no place of repentance, though he fought it carefully with tears, Heb. 12.
And Pharach faid to Afofes, The Lords righteous, I and my people are wicked ; Ihave find againft the Lord your God, and againft yon.
eas. Balaam faid, Let me die the death of the righteous, and let my laf? end be like his.
And Saul {aid to Samuel, Ihave fin'd, for I have tranfgrefs’d the commandment of the Lord, yet honour me now I pray thee before the Elders of my People.
And when Ahab heard the words of Eliah, he rent bis cloaths, and put fackcloth up- on his flefh, and fafted, and lay in fackcloth, and went foftly.
Fehoram alfo rent bis cloaths, and the people look’d, and behold he had fackcloth upon his flesh , yet in the very act of his humiliation he could fay, God do fo, and more alfoto me, if the head of Elifhah hall ftand on bim this day.
Therfore faith the Lord, They have not cry’d unto me with thir heart, when they how'd upon thir beds. They return, but not to the Moft High. Hofea 7.
And Fudas faid, I have fin'd in that I have betray’d innocent blood.
And Simon Magus faid, Pray ye tothe Lord for me that none of thefe things come “pon me.
All thefe took the pains both to confefs and to repent in thir own words, and many of them in thir owntears, notin David's. But tranfported with the vai
T is not hard for any man who hath a Biblein his hands, to borrow good:
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vain oftentation of imitating David’s language, not his life, obferve how he brings a curfe upon himfelf and his Father’s houfe (God fo difpoling it) by his ufurp’d and ill-imitated Prayer, Let thy anger I befeech thee be againft me and my Fasher’s boufe ; as for thefe Sheep what have they done. For if David indeed {in’d in numbring the people, of which fault he in earneft made that confeffion, and acquitted the whole people from the guilt of that fin, then doth this King, ufing the fame words, bear witnefs againft himfelf to be the guilty Perfon, and either in his Soul and Confcience here acquits the Parlament and the People, or elsabufes the words of David, and diffembles grofly: ev’n to the face of God ; which is apparent in the very next line ; wherein he accufesev’n the Charch it felfto God, asif fhe were the Churches Enemie, for having overcome his Tyran- ny by the powerful and miraculous might of God’s manifeft arm : For to other ftrength in the midft of our divifions and diforders, who can attribute our Vi- ctories ? Thus had this miferable man no worfe enemies to follicit and mature his own deftruction, fromthe haftn’d fentence of divine Juftice, then the ob- durate curfes which proceeded againft himfelf out of hisown mouth.
Hitherto his Meditations, now his Vows, which as the Vows of Hypocrites ufe to be, are moft commonly abfurd, and fome wicked. acob vow’d that God fhould be his God, if he granted him but what was neceilary to perform that Vow, life and fubfiftence: but the obedience profer’d here is nothing fo cheap. He who took fo hainoufly to be offer’d nineteen Propofitions from the Parlament, capitulates here with God almoft in as many Articles.
Lf he will continue that light, or rather that darknefs, of the Gofpel, which js among his Prelates, fettle thir Luxuries, and make them gorgeous Bifhops ;
If he will reftore the grievances and mifchiefs of thofe obfolet and Popith Laws, which the Parlament without his confent hath abrogated, and will fuffer Juftice to be executed according to his fenfe;
If be wil fupprefs the many Schifms in Church, to contradic shimfelf in that which he hath foretold muft and fhall come to pafs, and will remove Reforma- tion as the greateft Schifm of all, and Fa¢tions in the State, by which he means in every leaf the Parlament ;
If he will reftore him to his Negative voice and the Militia, as much asto fay, 5 eae! Power, which he wrongfully avers to be the right of bs Prede~ ce oS 5 :
Jf he wil turn the bearts of his people to thir old Cathedral and Parochial fer- vice in the Liturgie, and their Paflive Obedience to the King ;
If he will quench the Army, and withdraw our Forces from withftanding the Piracy of Rupert, and the plotted Irifh Invafion 5
If he will blefs him with the freedom of Bifhops again in the Houfe of Peers, and of fugitive Delinquents.in the Houfe.of Commons, aad delsver the honour of Par- lament into his hands, from the moft natural and due protection of the people, that entrufted them with the dangerous enterprize of being faithful,to thir Country againft the rage and malice of his tyrannous oppofition 5
If he will keep him from that great offence of following the counfel of his Par- lament, and evaétsng what\they advife him to, which in all reafon, and by the known Law and Oath of his Coronation he ought todo, and notto call that Sacrilege which Neceflity through the continuance .of shis own Civil War hath compell’d them to, Neceflity, which made David eat the Shew-bread, made Ezekiah take all the Silver which was found in.God’s Houfe, and cut off the Gold which overlaid thofe-dores and .pillars, and giveit to Senacherib ; Necef- fitie,. which ofttimes made the Primitive Church to fell her facred Utenfils, ev’n to the Communion-Chalices
If he will reftorehim to acapacity of glorifying him by doing that bothin Church and State, which muft needs difhonour and pollute his Name 5
Tf he will bring him again with peace, honour and fafety to his chief City, with- out repenting, without fatisfying for the blood -{pilt, only for a few politick Conceflions which are as good as nothing ;
If be will put again the Sword into his\hand, to punifh thofe that have:deliver’d us, and to proteé Delinquents againft the Juftice of Parlament ;
Then, if it be poflible to reconcile Contradictions, he will praife him by dif. pleafing him, and ferve-him by diflerving him,
His
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His glory, inthe gaudy Copes and painted Windows, Miters, Rochets, Al- tars, and the chanted Service-Book, fhall be dearer to him then the eftablifhing his Crown in righteoufnefs, and the fpiritual power of Religion.
He will pardon thofe that have offended him in particular, but there fhall want no futtle ways to be ev’n with them upon another fcore of thir fuppos’d Offen- ces againft the Common-wealth , whereby he may at once affect the glory of a feeming juftice, and deftroy them pleafantly, while he fains to forgive them as to his own particular, and outwardly bewails them.
Thefe are the conditions of his treating with God, to whom he bates no- thing of what he ftood upon with the Parlament: as if Commiffions of Array could deal with him alfo. But of all thefe conditions, as it is now evident in our eyes, God accepted none, but that final Petition which he fo oft, no doubt but by the fecret judgment of God, importunes againft his own head , praying God, That his mercies might be [o toward him, as his refolutéons of truth and peace were toward his people. It follows then, God having cut him off without granting any of thefe mercies, that his refolutions were as fained, as his Vows are fruftrate.
XXVI. Upon the Armies furprifal of the King at Holmby.
yielded up into our hands, is not to be expected from them whom God M hath made his Conquerors. And for Brethren to debate and rip up thir falling out in the’ear of a common enemy, thereby making him the Judg, or at leaft the well-pleas’d auditor of thir difagreement, is neither wife nor comely. othe King therfore, were he living, or to his Party yet remaining, as to this action, there belongs no anfwer. Emulations, all men know are inci- dent among military men, and are, if they exceed not, pardonable. But fome of the former Army, eminent anough for thir own martial deeds, and preva- lent in the Houfe of Commons, touch’d with envy to be fo far outdone by a new model which they contemn’d, took advantage of Presbyterian and Indepen- dent. Names, and the virulence of fome Minifters, to raife difturbance. And the War being then ended, thought flightly to have difcarded them, who had faithfully done the work, without thir due pay, and the reward of thir invin- cible valour. But they who had the Sword yet in thir hands, difdaining to be made the firft objects of ingratitude and oppreffion, after all that expence of thir blood for Juftice and the common Liberty, feiz’d upon the King thir Pri- foner, whom nothing but thir matchlefs deeds had brought fo low as to fur- render up his Perfon: though he, to ftir up new difcord, chofe rather to give up himfelf a captive to his own Country-men who lefs had won him. This in likelihood might have grown to fome height of mifchief; partly through the ftrife which was kindling between our elder and our younger Warriors, but chiefly through the feditious tongues of fome falfe Minifters, more zealous a- gainft Scifms, then againft thir own Simony and Pluralities, or watchful of the common Enemy, whofe futtle infinuations had got fo far in among them, as with all diligence to blow the coles. But it pleas’d God not to embroil and put to confufion his whole people for the perverfnefs of afew. The growth of our diflention was either prevented, or foon quieted ; the Enemy foon deceav'd of his rejoicing, and the King efpecially difappointed of not the meaneft morfel that his hope prefented him, to ruin us by our divifion. - And being now fo nigh the end, we may the better be at leafure to ftay a while, and hear him com- menting upon his own Captivity.
He faith of his furprifal, that it was a motion eccentrick and irregular. What ° then ? his own allufion, from the Celeftial bodies, puts us in mind that irregular motions may be neceflary on earth fometimes as well as conftantly in Heaven. That is not always beft which is moft regular to writt’n Law. Great Wor- thies heretofore by difobeying Law, ofttimes have fav’d the Common-wealth : and the Law afterward by firm Decree hath approv’d that planetary motion, that unblamable exorbitancy ia them. ats sta
a give account to Royalifts what was done with thir vanquifht King,
Vvv He
C514)
He means no good to either Independent or Presbyterian, and yet his parable, like that of Balaam, is overrul’d to portend them good, far befide his intenti- on. Thofe twins that {trove enclos’d in the womb of Rebeccab, were the feed of Abraham; the younger undoubtedly gain’d the heavnly Birthright ; the elder though fupplanted in his Similie, fhall yet no queftion find a better portion then Efau found, and far above his uncircumcis’d Prelates.
He cenfures, and in cenfuring feems to hope t will be an ill Omen that they who build Jerufalem divide thir tongues and hands. But his hope fail’d him with his example ; forethat there were divifions both of tongues and hands at the building of Fernfalem, the Story would have certif’d him; and yet the work profper'd: andif God will, fo may this, notwithftanding all the craft and ma- lignant wiles of Sanballat and Tobiah, adding what fuel they can to our diffen- tions; or the indignity of his comparifon, that lik’ns us to thofe feditious Ze- lots whofe iateftine fury brought deftruction to the laft Ferufalem.
It being now no more in his hand to be reveng’d on his oppofers, he feeks to fatiate his fanfie with the imagination of fome revenge upon them from above ; and like one who in a drowth obferves the Skie, fits and watches when any thing will drop, that might folace him with the likenefs of a Punifhment from Heavy’ nupon us: which he ftrait expeunds how he pleafes. No evil can befall the Parlament or City, but he politively interprets it a judgment upon them for his fake, as if the very manvfcript of God’s Judgments had bin deli- ver?d to his cuftody and expolition. But his reading declares it well to be a fals copy which he ufes; difpenfing oft’n to his own bad deeds and fuccefles the tefti- mony of Divine Favour, and to the good deeds and fuccefles of other men, Divine Wrath and Vengeance. But to counterfet the hand of God is the bold- eft of all Forgery : And he who without warrant, but his own fantaftick fur- mife, takes upon him perpetually to unfold the fecret and unfearchable Myfte- ries of high Providence, is likely for the moft part to miftake and flander them $ and approaches to the madnefs of thofe reprobate thoughts, that would wreft the Sword of Juftice out of God’s own hand, and imploy it more juftly in his own conceit. It wasafmall thing to contend with the Parlament about the fole power of the Militia, when we fee him doing little lefs then laying hands on the weapons of God himfelf, which are his judgments, to weild and manage them by the {way and bent of his own frail Cogitations. Therefore they that by Tumults firft occafion’d the raifing of Armies, in his doom maf needs be chaftn'd by thir own Army for new Tumults.
Firft note here his confeflion, that thofe Tumults were the firft occafion of raij- fing Armies,and by confequence that he himfelf rais’d them firft againft thofe fup- pofed Tumults. But who occafion’d thofe Tumults, or who made them fo, being at firft nothing more then the unarmed and peaceable concourfe of people,hath bin difcult already. And thatthofe pretended Tomults were chaftiz’d by thir own Army for new Tumults, is not prov’d by a Game at tic-tack with words; Ta- mults and Armies, Armies and Tumults, but feems more like the method of a Ju- {tice irrational then divine.
If the City were chaft’nd by the Army for new Tumults, the reafon is by himfelf fet down evident and immediate, thir new Tumults. With what fenfe can it be referr’d then to,another far-fetch’d and imaginary caufe that happn’d fo many years before, and in his fuppofition only as a caufe? AdZanlius defended the Capitol and the Romans from thir enemies the Gauls: Adanlins for fedition afterward was by the Romans thrown headlong from the Capitol, therefore Manlivs was punilh’d by divine Juftice for defending the Capitol, becaufe in that place punifh’d for fedition, and by thofe whom he defended. Thisis his Logick upon Divine Juftice; and was the fame before upon the death of Sir Foha Hotham. And here‘again, uch as were content to fee him driv’n away by unfuppreffed Tamults, are now forc'd to fly to an Army. Was this a judgment ? was it not amercy ra- ther that they had a noble and victorious Army fo near at hand to fly to?
From God’s Juftice he comes down to AZan’s Fuftice. Thofe few of both Houfes who at firft withdrew with bim from the vain pretence of Tumults, mere ‘counted Defertors, therfore thofe many muft be alfo Defertors who withdrew afterwards from real Tumults: as if it were the place that made a Parlament, and not the end and caufe. Becaufe it is deny’d thofe were Tumults from which the King made fhew of being driv’n, is it therfore of neceflicy implid, that there could be never any Tumults for the future? If fome men fly in craft,
may
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may not other men have caufe to fly in earneft? But mark the difference be- tween thir flight and his; they foon return’d in fafety to thir places, he not till after many years, and then a Captive toreceive his punifhment. So that thir flying, whether the caufe be confider’d or the event, or both, neither ju- ftif?d him, nor condemn’d themfelves.
But he will needs have vengeance to purfue and overtake them; though to bring it in, it coft him an inconvenient and obnoxious comparifon, 4s the Mice and Rats overtook a German Bifbop. 1 would our Mice and Rats had bin as ortho- doxal here, and had fo purfu’d all his Bifhops out of England, then vermin had rid away vermin, which now lath loft the lives of too many thoufand ho- neft men to do.
He cannot but obferve this Divine Fuftice yet with forrow and pity. But forrow and pity ina weak and overmafter’d Enemy, is lookt upon no otherwife then as the Afhes of his revenge burnt out upon it felf, or as the damp of: a cool’d fury when we fay it gives. But in this manner co fit {pelling and obferving Di- vine Juftice upon every accident and flight difturbance that may happ’n human- ly to the affairs of Men, is but another fragment of his brok’n revenge; and yet the fhrewdeft and the cunningeft Obloquie that can be thrown upon thir Acti- ons. For if he can perfwade men that the Parlament and thir caufe is purfu'd with Divine Vengeance, he hath attain’d hisend, to make all men forfake them, and think the worft that can be thought of them.
Nor is he only content to fuborn Divine Juftice in his cenfure of what is paft, but he aflumes the perfon of Chrift himfelf to prognofticate over us what he wifhes would come. So little is any thing or perion facred from him, no not in Heav’n, which he will not ufe, and put on, if it may derve him plaufibly to wreck his {pleen, or eafe his mind upon the Parlament. Although if ever fatat blindne/s did both attend and punifh wilfulnefs, if ever any enjos'd not comforts for neglecting counfel belonging to thir peace, it was in none more evidently brought to pafs then in himfelf: and his Predictions againft the Parlament and thir Ad- herents have for the moft part bin verify’d upon his own head, and upon his chief Counfellors.
He coneludes with high praifes of the Army. But praifes in an Enemy age fuperfluous, or fimell of craft ,; and the Army fhall not need his praifes, nor the Parlament fare worfe for his accufing prayers that follow. Wherin as his Charity can be no way comparable to that of Chrift, fo neither can his affu- gance that they whom he feems to pray for, in doing what they did againft him, knew not what they did. It was but arrogance therfore, and not charity, to lay fuch ignorance to others in the fight of God, till he himfelf had bin infal- lible, like him whofe peculiar words he overweeningly aflumes.
Vvv2 XXVIII. Upon
( 516 ) XXVIL Intild to the Prince of Wales,
HAT the King wrote. to his Son, as a Father, concerns not us} \ ‘ what he wrote to him as a King of Exgland, concerns not him; God and the Parlament having now otherwife difpos’d of England. But becaufe I fee it done with fome artifice and labour, to poflefs the people that they might amend thir prefent condition, by his or by his Son’s reftorement, I fhall fhew point by point, that although the King had bin reinftall’d to his de- fire, or that hisSon admitted, fhould obferve exactly all his Father’s Precepts, yet that this would be fo far from conducing to our happinefs, either as a re- medy tothe prefent dsfempers, or a prevention of the like to come, that it would ine- vitably throw us back again into all our paft and fulfill’d miferies ; would force us to fight over again all our tedious Wars, and put us to another fatal ftrug- - gling for Libertie and Life, more dubious then the former. In which as our fuccefs hath bin no other then our caufe, fo it will be evident to all pofteritie, that his misfortunes werethe meer confequence of his perverfe Judgment.
Firft he argues from the experience of thofe troubles which both he and his Son have had, tothe improvement of thir piety and patience: and by the way bears witnefs in his own words, that the corrupt education of his youth, which was but glanc’d at only in fome former paflages of this Anfwer, was a thing neither of mean confideration, nor untruly charg’d upon him or his Son: himfelf con- felling here that Court-delights are prone either to root up all true vertue and honour, or to be contented only with fome leavs and withering formalities of them, without any real frwits tending to the publick good: Which prefents him ftill in his own words another Rehoboam, foft'nd by afar worfe Court then Salomon’s, and fo corrupted by flattertes, which he affirms to be #nfeparable, to the overturning of all peace, and the lofs of his own Honour and Kingdoms. That he came therefore thus bred up and nurtur’d to the Throne, far worfe then Reboboam, unlefs he be of thofe who equaliz’d his Father to King Salomon, we have here his own confefli-
eon. And how voluptuoutly, how idely raigning in the hands of other men; he either tyrannizd or trif’d away thofe feventeén years of peace, without care or thought, asif to be a King had bin nothing elfe in his apprehenfion, but to eat and drink, and have his will, and take his pleafure ; though there be who can relate his domeftick life to the exactnefs of a diary, there fhall be here no mention made» This yet we might have then forefeen, that he who {pent his leifure fo remifly and fo corruptly tohis own pleafing, would one day or other be worfe bufied and imploy’d to our forrow. And that he acted in good earneft what Reboboam did but threat’n, to make his little finger heavier than his Father’s loins, and to whip us with his two-twifted Scorpions, both temporal and fpiritual Tyranny, all his Kingdoms have felt. What good ufe he made afterward of his adverfitie, both his impenitence and obftinacy to the end (for he was no Aanaffeh) and the fequel of thefe his meditated refoluti- , ons, abundantly exprefs, retaining, commending, teaching to his Son all thofe putrid and pernicious documents both of State and of Religion, inftill’d by wick- ed Doctors, and receiv’d by him as in a Vellel nothing, better feafon’d, which were the firft occafion both of his own and all our miferies. And if hein the beft maturity of his years and underftanding made no better ufe to himfelf or others of his fo long and manifold afflictions, either looking up to God, or look- ing down upon the reafon of his own affairs, there can be no probability that his Son, bred up, not in the foft effeminacies of Court only, but in the rugged and more boiftrous licence of undifciplin’d Camps and Garifons, for years unable to reflect with judgment upon his own condition, and thus illin- ftructed by his Father, fhould give his mind to walk by any other rules then thefe bequeath’d him as on the death-bed of his Father, and as the choifeft of all that experience, which his moft ferious obfervation and retirement in good or evil days, had taught him. David indeed by fuffering without juft caufe, earnt that meeknefs and that wifdom by adverfity, which made him much the tter man to raign. But they who fuffer as Oppreflors, Tyrants, violaters of Law, and perfecuters of Reformation, without appearance of repenting, if : they
537; )
they once get hold again of that dignity and power which they had loft, are but whetted and inrag’d by what they fuffer’d, againft thofe whom they look upon as them that caus’d thir fuffrings. .
How he hath bin fubject tothe fcepter of God’s Word and Spirit, though ac- knowledg’d to be the beft Government, and what his difpen{ation of civil power hath bin, with what Fuftice, and what honour to the public Peace, it is but looking back upon the whole catalogue of his deeds, and that will be fufficient to re- member us. The Cup of Gods Phyfic, as he calls it, what alteration it wrought in him to afirm healthfulnefs from any furfet or excefs whereof the people ge- nerally thought him fick, if any man would go about to prove, we have his own teftimony following heer, that it wrought none at all.
Firft, he hath the fame fix’d opinion and efteem of his old Ephefian Goddefs, call’d the Church of England, as he had ever, and charges {trictly his Son after him to perfevere‘in that Anti-Papal Scifra (for it is not much better) as that which will be neceffary both for his Soul’s and the Kingdoms peace. But if this can be any foundation of the Kingdoms peace, which was the firft caufe of our di- ftractions, let common fenfe be Judg. It is a rule and principle worthy to be known by Chriltians, that noScripture, no nor fo much as any ancient Creed, binds our Faith, or our obedience to any Church whatfoever, denominated by a particular name; far lefs, if it be diftinguifht by a feveral Government from
that which is indeed catholic. Noman was ever bid be fubject to the Church . bf Corinth, Rome, or Afia, but to the Church without addition, as it held
faithful to the rules of Scripture, and the Government eftablitht in all places by the Apoftles 5 which at firit was univerfaliy the fame in all Churches and Congregations > not differing or dillinguifht by the diverfity of Countries, Ter- ritories, or civil bounds. That Church that from the name of a diftiné& place takes autority to fet up a diftinct Faith or Government, isa Schifm and Faction, nota Church. It were aninjury to condemn the Papilt of abfurdity and corn- tradiction for adhering to his Catholic Romifh Religion, if we, for the pleafure of a King and his politic confidggations, fhall adhere to a Catholic Englifh.
But fuppofe the Church of England were as itought tobe, how is it to usthe fafer by being fo nam’d and eitablifht, whenas that very name and eftablifh- ment, by his contriving or approbation, ferv’d for nothing els but to delude ts and amufe us, while the Church of England was almoft chang’d into the Church of Rome ? Which as every man knows in general to be true, fo the particular Treaties and Tranfactions tending to thatconclufion are at large dif- cover'd ina Book intiti’d the Englifh Pope. Bu® when the people, difcerning thefe abufes, began to call for Reformation, in order to which the Parlament demanded of the King to uneftablifh that Prelatical Government, which with- out Scripture had ufurpt over us, ftrait, as Pharaoh accus’d of Idlenefs the J/- raclites that fought leave to go and facrifice to God, he lays faction to thir charge. And that we may not hope to have ever any thing reform’d in the Church either by him or his Son, he forewarns him, That the Devil of Rebellion doth molt commonly turn himfelf into an Angel of Reformation, and fays anough to make hm hate it, as the worft of evils, and the bane of his Crown; nay he counfels him to /et nothing feem little or defpicable to him, fo as not Jpeedily and ef- fettually to fupprefs Errors and Scifms. \Wherby we may perceave plainly that our confciences were deftin’d to the fame fervitude and perfecution, if not wors then before, whether under him, or if it fhould fo happ’n, under his Son 3 who count all Proteitant Churches erroneous and {cifmatical, which are not Epifcopal. His next precept is concerning our civil Liberties, which by his fole voice and predominant wil] muft be circumfcrib’d, and not permitted to ex- tend a hands breadth furder then his interpretation of the Laws already fetid. And although all human Laws are but the offspring of that frailty, that fallibi- lity and imperfection which was in thir Authors, whereby many Laws in the change of ignorant and obf{cure Ages, may be found both {candalous and full of greevance to thir Pofterity that made them, and no Law is furder good then mutable upon juft occafions yet if the removing of an old Law, or the making of a new would fave the Kingdom, we fhall not have it unlefs his arbitrary voice will fo far {lack’n the ftiff curb of his Prerogative, as togrant it uss; who are as
_ free bornto make our own Laws, as our Fathers were who made thefe we have.
Where are then the Englith Liberties which we boaft to have bin left us by oar. Pro:
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Progenitors? To that he anfwers, that Our Liberties confit in the enjoyment of the fruits of our Induftry, and the benefit of thofe Laws to which we our felves have con- fened, Firft, for the injoyment of thofe fruits which our induftry and labours have made our own upon our own, what privilege is that above what the Turks, Jews, and Moors enjoy under the Turkifh Monarchy ? For without that kind of Juftice, which is alfo in -Argiers, among Theeves and Pirats between them- felves, no kind of Government, no Socictie, juft or unjuft, could ftand; no combination or confpiracy could ftick together. Which he alfo acknowledges in thefe words: That if the Crown upon his head be fo heavy as to opprefs the whale body, the weakuefs of inferiour members cannot return any thing of frength, honour, or fafety to the head ; but that aneceffary debilitation muft follow. So that this Liberty of the Subject concerns himfelf and the fubfiftence of his own regal pow- er inthe firft place, and before the confideration of any right belonging to the Subject. We expect therfore fomthing more that muft diftinguith free Go- vernment from flavifh. But inftcad of that, this King, though ever talking and protefting as fmooth as now, {nffer?d it in his own hearing to be preacht and pleaded without controul or check, by them whom he moft favour’d and up- held, thatthe Subject had no property of hisown Goods, but that all was the Kings right.
N cae bt the benefit of thofe Laws to which we our felves have confented, we never had it under him ; for not to {peak of Laws illexecuted, when the Parlament, and in them the People, have confented to divers Laws, and according to our ancient Rights, demanded them, he took upon him to have a Negative will, as the tranfcendent and ultimate Law above all our Laws; and torule us forcibly by Laws to which we our felves did notconfent, but complain’d of. Thus thefe two heads, wherein the utmoft of his allowance heer will give our Liberties Jeave to confift, the one of them fhall be fo far only made good to us, as may fupport his own Intereft and Crown from ruin or debilitation; and fo far Tur- kifh Vaffals enjoy as much liberty under Mahomet nd the Grand Signior: the o- ther we neither yet have enjoy’d under him, #@r were ever like to do under the Tyranny ofa Negative voice, which he claims above the unanimous confent and power of a whole Nation virtually in the Parlament.
In which Negative voice to have bin caft by the doom of War, and put to death by thofe ‘who vanquifht him in thir own defence, he reck’ns to himfelf more then a Negative Adartyrdom. But Martyrs bear witnefs to the truth, not tothemfelves, If I bear witnefs of my felf, faith Chrif?, my witnefs is not true. He who writes himfelf A4artyr by his own infcription, is like an ill Painter, who by writing on the fhapelefs Picture which he hath drawn, is fain to tell paflen- gers what fhape it is; which els no man could imagin : no more then how a Martyrdom can belong to him, who therfore dies for his Religion becaufe it is eftablifht. Certainly if Agrippa had turn’d Chriftian, as he was once turning, and had put to death Scribes and Pharifees for obferving the Law of Asofes, and refufing Chriftianitie, they had di'd a truer Martyrdom. For thofe Laws were eftablifht by God and Adofes, thefe by no warrantable authors of Religion, whofe Laws in all other beft reformed Churches are rejected. And if to die for an eftablifhment of Religion be Martyrdom, then Romihh Priefts executed for that which had fo many hundred years bin eftablifht in this Land, are no wors Martyrs then he. Laftly, if todiefor the teftsmony of his own confcience be anough to make him Martyr, what Heretic dying for direct Blafphemie, as fom have donconftantly, may not boaft a Martyrdom? As for the conftitution or repeal of civil Laws, that power lying only in the Parlament, which he by the very Law of his Coronation was to grant them, not to debar them, nor to pre- ferve a lefler Caw with the contempt and violation of a greater, it will conclude him not fo much as in a civil and metaphorical fenfe to have di'd a Martyr of our Laws, but a plain Tranfgreflor of them. And fhould the Parlament, en- dud with Legiflative power, make our Laws, and be after to difpute them piece-meal with the reafon, confcience, humour, paflion, fanfie, folly, obfti- nacy, or other ends of one man, whofe fole word and will fhall baffle and un- make what all the wifdom of a Parlament hath been deliberatly framing, what a ridiculous and contemptible thing a Parlament would foon be, and what a bafe unworthy Nation we, who boaft our freedom, and fend them with the manifeft peril of thir lives to preferve it, they who are not mark’d by deftiny
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for Slaves, may apprehend. In this fervile condition to have keptus ftill under hatches, he both refolves heer to the laft, and fo inftructs his Son.
Asto thofe offer’d condefcentions of charitable connivence or toleration, if we confider what went@®before, and what follows, they moulder into nothing. For what with not foffering ever fo little to feem a defpicable {cifm, without effectual fuppreflion, as he warn’d him before, and what with 70 oppofirion of Law, Government, or eftablifht Religion tobe permitted, which is his following provifo, and wholly within his own conftruction, what a miferable and fufpected tole- ration, under Spies and haunting Promooters we fhould enjoy, isapparent. Be- fides that it is fo far beneath the Honour of a Parlament and free Nationito beg and fapplicate the Godfhip of one frail man, for the bare and: fimple tole-
vation of what they all confent to be moft juft, pious, and beft pleafing to God,
while that which is erroneous, unjuft and mifcheivous in the Church or State, fhall by him alone againft them all be kept up and. eftablifht, and they cenfur’d the while for a covetows, ambitious, and facrilegious Fattion,
Another bait to allure the people, isthe charge he laies upon his Son to be ten- der of them. Which if we fhould beleeve in part, becaufe they are his Herd, his Cattel, the Stock upon his ground, as he accounts them, whom to waft and deftroy would undo hinfelf, yet the inducement which he brings to move him renders the motion it felf fomthing fufpicious. . For if Princes need xo Palliations, as he tells his Son, wherfore is it that he himfelf hath fo oft’n us’d them ? Prin- ces, of all other men, have not more change of Rayment in thir Wardrobes, then varicty of Shifts and Palarsons in, thir folemn actings and pretences to the People. ;
Totry next if hecaninfnare the prime men of thofe who have oppos’d him,
whom, more truly then his meaning was, he calls the Patrons and Vindicators ef the People, he gives out Indemmty, and offers Alts of oblivion. But they who with a good conf{cienceand upright heart did thir civil duties in the fight of God, and in thir feveral places, to refift Tyranny and the violence of Superftition banded both againit them, he may be fure will never feek to be forgiv’n that, which may be juftly attributed to thir immortal praife , nor will aflent ever to the guilty blotting outof thofe a@tions before men, by which thir Faith affures them they chiefly ftand approwd, and are had in remembrance before the throne of God. , _ .He exhorts his Son sot to ftudy revenge. But how far he, or at leaft they about him intend to follow that exhortation, was feen lately at the Hague, and by what attempts were likewife made in other places. How implacable they would be, it will be wifdom and our fafety to beleeve rather, and prevent, then to maketrial. And it will concern the multitude, tho courted heer, to take heed how they feek to hide or colour thir own ficklenefs and inftability with a bad repentance of thir well-doing, and thir fidelity tothe better caufe, to which at firft fo cheerfully and confcientioufly they joyn’d themfelves.
He returns sgain to extol the Church of England, and again requires his Son by the joi aurority of a Father and a King, not to let his heart receive the leat check or defaffetion againjt st. And not without caufe, for by that means having fole influence upon theClergy, and they upon the people, after long fearch and many difputes, he could not poflibly find a more compendious and politic way to upheld and fettle Tyranny, then by fubduing firft the Confciences of vulgar men wich the infenfible poyfon of thir flavifh Doctrin : forthen the body and befot- ted mind withour much reluctancy was likelieft toadmit the Yoke,
He.commends alfo Parlaments held with freedom and with honour. But I would ask how that canbe, while he only muft be the fole free Perfon in that number ? and would have the power with his unaccountable denial to difhonour them by rejecting all thit counfels, to confine thir Law-giving power, which is the Foun- dation of our freedom, and to change at his pleafure the very name of a Parla- ment into the name of a Faction. » oa
The conclufion therfore muft needs be quite contrary to what he concludes 5 that nothing can be more ambappy, more difhonourable, more unfafe for all, then when a wile, grave, and honourable Parlament fhall have labour’d, de- bated, arvu’d, confolted, and as he himfelf fpeaks, contributed for the pub- lic good all thir Counfels in cowsmon, to be then fruftrated, difappointed, deny’d and repuls’d by the fingle whiff of a Negative, from the mouth of one wilful
man;
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man ; nay to be blafted, to be ftruck as mute and motionlefs as a Parlament of Tapeftrie in the Hangings 5 or els afterall thir pains and trouble to be diffolv’d, and caft away like fo many Naughts in Arithmetick, unlefs it be to turn the O of thir infignificance into a lamentation with the people who had fe vainly fent them. For this is not to enatt all things by public confent, as he would have us be perfwaded, this is to enact nothing but by the privat confent and leaye of one not negative Tyrant; this is mifchief without remedy, «a ftifling and ob- ftructing evil that hath no vent, no outlet, no paflage through: Grant him this, and the Parlament hath no more freedom, then if it fate in his Noofe, whichéwhen he pleafes to draw together witlone twitch of his Negative, thal] throttle a whole Nation, to the wifh of Calgula, in one neck. This with the power of Militia in his own hands over our bodies and eftates, and the Prelats to enthral our confciences either by fraud or force, isthe fum of that happi- nefs and liberty we wereto look for, whether in his own reftitution, or in thefe Precepts giv’n to hisSon. Which unavoidably would have fet usin the fame {tate of mifery wherein we were before ; and have either compell?d us to fub- mit like bond-flaves, or put us back to afecond wandring over that horrid Wildernefs of diftraction and civil flaughter, which, not without the ftrong and miraculous hand of God affifting us, we have meafur’d out, and furviv’d. And who knows, if we make fo flight of this incomparable deliverance which God hath beftow’d upon us, but that we fhall like thofe foolifh //raelites, who depos’d God and Samuel to fet up a King, cry out one day becanfe of our King, which we have bin mad upon, and then God, as he foretold them, will no more deliver us ? ¢
There remains now but little more of his difcours, wherof yet to take a fhort view will not be amifs. His words make femblance as if he were magna- _ nimoufly exercifing himfelf, and fo teaching hisSon to want as well as to wear a Crown , and would feem to account it #ot worth taking up or enjoying upon fordid, difhonourable, and irreligious terms and yet to his very laft did nothing more induftrioufly then ftrive to take up and enjoy again his fequefterd Crown upon the moft fordid, difloyal, difhonourable, and irreligious terms, not of making peace only, but of joining and incorporating with the murdrousIrifh, formerly ~ by himfelfdeclar’d againft, for wicked and deteftable Rebels, odious toGod and all good Men, And who but thofe Rebels now are the chief ftrength and confidence of his Son; while the Presbyter Scot that woes and follicits him, is neglected and put off, as if noterms were to him him fordid, irreligious and difhonour- able, but theScotifh and Presbyterian. ;
He bids his Son keep to the true principles of piety, vertue, and honour, and he fhall never want a Kingdom. And I fay, People of Eagland, keep ye to thofe principles, ye fhall never wanta King. Nay after fuch a fair deliverance as this, with fo much fortitude and valour fhewn againft a Tyrant, that people that fhould feek a King, claiming what this Man claims, would fhew themfelves to be by nature Slaves and arrant Beafts, not fit forthat Liberty which they cri’d out and bellow’d for, but fitter to be led back again into thir old bondage, like a fort of clamouring and fighting brutes broke loofe, that know not how to ufe or poflefs the liberty which they fought for.
The laft fentence whereon he feems to venture the whole waight of all his former reafons and argumentations, That Religion to thir God, and loyalty to thir King cannot be parted, without the fin and infelicity of a People, is contrary to the plain teaching of Chrift, that so man can ferve two Mafters, but if he hold tothe one, he muft reject and forfake the other. If God then, and earthly Kings be for the moft part not feveral only, but oppofite Mafters, it will as oft happ’n, that they who will ferve thir King muft forfake thir God, and they who will ferve God muft forfake thir King ; which then will neither be thir fin nor thir infelicity, but thir wifdom, thir piety, and thir true happinefs, as to be deluded by thefe unfound and fustle oftentations here, would be thir mifery.
XXVIII. Jats?
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XXVUL Inti! Meditations upon Death.
laft Eflay, that it requir’d no anfwer. For all other human things are dif=
puted, and will be varjovily thought of tothe World’send. But this bufi- nefs of Death is a plain cafe, and admits no controverfy : In shatcenter all Opi- nions meet. Neverthelefs, fince out of thofe few mortifying hours that fhould have bin intireft to theavfelves, and moft at peace from all patlion and difquiet, he can afford {pare time toinveigh bitterly againft that Juftice which was don upon him, it willbe needful to fay fomthing in defence of thofe Proceedings; tho briefly, in regard fo much on this Subject hath been writt’n lately.
It happn’d once, as we find in Efdras and Fofephws, Authors not lefs believ’d then any under facred, to bea great and folemn debate in the Court of Darius, what thing was te be counted ftrongeft of all other. He that could refolve this in reward of his excelling wifdom, fhould be clad in Purple, drink in Gold, fleep ona Bed of Gold, and {it next to Darius. None but they doubtlefs who were reputed wife, had the Queftion propounded to them: Who after fome refpic giv’n them by the King to confider, in full Aflembly of all his Lords and graveft Counfellors, return’d feverally whatthey thought. The firft held that Wine was ftrongeft , another that the King was ftrongeft. But Zorobabel Prince of the Captive Jews, and Heir to the Crown of Fudah, being one of thems prov’d Women to be ftronger then the King, for that he himfelf had feen a Concubin take his Crown from off his head to fet it upon her own: And othets befides him have lately feen the like Feat done, and not in jeft. Yet he prov’d on, and it was fo yeilded by the King himfelf, and all his Sages, that nei- ther Wine, nor Women, nor the King, but Truth, of all other things was the ftrongeft. For me, though neither ask’d, nor in a Nation that gives fuch re- wards to wifdom, I fhall pronounce my fentence fomwhat different from Zoro- babel, and fhall defend, that either Truth and Juftice are all one, for Truth is but Juftice in our knowledg, and Juftice is but Truth in our pratife; and he indeed fo explains himfelf in faying that with Truth is no accepting of Perfons, which is the property of Juftice: or els, if there be any odds, that Juftice, though not ftronger then Truth, yet by her office is to put forth and exhibit more ftrength in the affairs of mankind. For Truth is properly no more then Contemplation ; and ‘her utmoft efficiency is but teaching: but Jultice in her very eflence is all ftrength and activity ; and hath a Sword put into her hand, to ufe againft all violence and oppreffion on the earth, She it is moft truly, who accepts no Perfon, and exempts none from the feverity of her ftroke. She ne- ver fuffers injury to prevail, but when falfhood firft prevails over Truth; and that alfois a kind of Juftice done on them who are fodeluded. Though wick- ed Kings and Tyrants counterfet, her Sword, as fome did that Buckler; fabl’d
[: might be well thought by him who reads no furder then the Title of this
- to fall from Heav’n into the Capitol, yet fhe communicates her power to none
but fuch as like her felf are juft, or at leaft will do juftice. For it were ex- tream pattialitie and injuftice, the flat denial and overthrow of her felf, to put her own authentick Sword into the hand of an unjuft and wicked Man, or fo far to accept and exalt one mortal Perfon above his equals, that he alone fhall have the punifhing of all other men tranfgrefling, and not receive like punifh- ment from men, when he himfelf fhall be found the higheft Tranfgreffor.
We may conclude therfore, that Juftice, above all other things, is and ought to be the ftrongeft: She is the Strength, the Kingdom, the Power, and Majeftie of all Ages. Truth her felf would fubfcribe to this, though Dartus and all the Monarchs of the World fliould deny. And if by fentetice thus writt’n, it were my happinefs to fet free the minds of Englifh men from long- ing to return poorly under that Captivity of Kings, from which the ftrength and fupream Sword of Juftice hath deliver'd them, | fhall have done 2 work not much inferior to that of Zorobabel: who by weél} praifing and extolling the force of Truth, in that contemplative ftrength conquer’d Darivs, and tteed his Country and the people of God from the Captivity of Babylon, Whicht fhall yet not defpair todo, if they in this Land whofe minds are yet Captive,
Xxx oe
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be but as ingenuous to acknowledg the ftrength and fupremacie of Juftice, as that Heathen King was to confefs the ftrength of Truth: or let them but as he did, grant that, and they will foon perceave that Truth refigns all her out- ward ftrength to Juftice : Juftice therfore muft needs be ftrongeft, both in her own and in the ftrength of Truth. But if a King may do among men whatfo- ever is his will and pleafure, and notwithftanding be unaccountable to men, then contrary to this magnifi'd wifdom of Zorobabel, neither Truth nor Juftice, but the King is ftrongeft of all other things : which,that Perfian Monarch him- felf in the midft of all his pride and glory durft not aflume.
Let us fee therfore what this King hath toafirm, why the fentence of Juftice and the weight of that Sword which fhe delivers into the hands of men, fhould be more partial to him offending, then to all others of human race. Firft he pleads that no Law of God or Man gives to Subjetts any power of judicature without or againft him. Which affertion fhall be prov’d in every part to be moft un- true. The firft exprefs Law of God giv’n to mankind, was that to Noah, asa Law in general to all the fons of men. And by that moft antient and uni- verfal Law, Whofoever fhedaeth man’s blood, by man fhall his blood be fhed ; we find here no exception. If a King thertore do this, to a King, and that by men alfo, the fame fhall bedone. Thisin the Law of Aofes, which came next, feveral times is repeated, and in one place remarkably, Numb. 35. Ye fhalt take no fatisfattion for the life of a murderer, but he fhall furely be put to death: the Land cannot be cleanfed of the blood that is (hed therein, but by the blood of him that fhed it. This is fo fpok’n as that which concern’d all /frael, not one man alone, to {ee perform’d , and if no fatisfaction were to be tak’n, then cer- tainly no exception. Nay the King, when they fhould fet up any, was to ob- ferve the whole Law, and not only to fee it don, but to doit ; that bis beart might not be lifted up above his Brethren, to dream of vain and reafonlefs Prero-
gatives or Exemptions, wherby the Law it felf muft needs be founded in un- ~
righteoufnefs.
And were that true, which is moft falfe, that all Kings are the Lords Anointed, it were yet abfurd to think that the Anointment of God fhould be as it were a charm againft Law , and give them privilege who punifh others, to fin themfelves unpunifhably. The high Prieft was the Lord’s Anointed as well as any King, and with the fame confecrated oil: yet Salomon had put to death Abiather, had it not bin for other refpects then that anointment. If God him- felf fay to Kings, 7 ouch not mine anointed, meaning his chos’n people, as is evi- dent in that Pfalm, yet no man will argue thence, that he protects them from Civil Laws if they offend , then certainly, though David asa privateMan, and in his own caufe, fear’d to lift his hand againft the Lord’s Anointed, much lefs can this forbid the Law, or difarm Juftice from having legal power againft any Kinge Noother fupream Magiftrate, in what kind of Government foever, laies claim to any fuch enormous Privilege; wherfore then fhould any King who is but one kind of Magiftrate, and fet over the People for no other end then they ?
Next in order of time to the Laws of Aéofes, are thofe of Chrift, whode- clares profefledly bis Judicature to be fpiritual, abftract from civil manage- ments, and therfore leaves all Nations to thir own particular Laws, and way of Government. Yet becaufe the Church hath a kind of Jurifdiction within her ownbounds, and that alfo, though in procefs of time much corrupted and plainly turn’d into a corporal Judicature, yet much approv’d by this King, it will be firm anough and valid againft him, if Subje¢ts, by the Laws of Church alfo, be invefted with a power of judicature both without and againft thir King, though pretending, and by them acknowledg’d mext and smmediately under Chrift {upream Head and Governour. Theodofivs the Emperor having made a flaughter of the 7heffalonians for fedition, but too cruelly, was excommuni- cated to his face by Saint Ambrofe, who was his fubject ; and Excommunion is the urmoft of Ecclefiaftical Judicature, a fpiritual putting to death. But this, ye will fay, was only an example. Read then the Story, and it will appear, both that Ambrofe avouch’deit for the Law of God, and Theodofins confelt it of his own accord to be fo; and that the Law of God was not tobe made void in him, for any reverence to bss Imperial Power. From hence, not to be tedious, I fhall pafs into our own Land of Brsttain and fhow that Subjects here have exercis’‘d the
utmo{t
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utmoft of fpiritual Judicature, and more then fpiritual againft thir Kings, his Predeceflours. Vortiger for committing inceft with his Daughter, was by Saint German, at that time his Subject, curs’d and condemn’d in a Bri- tifh Council about the year 443; and thereupon foon after was depos’d. Mauricus a King in Wales for breach of Oath, and the murder of Cynetus, was excommunicated and curlft, with all his Offspring, by Oxdocexs Bifhop of Landaff in full Synod, about the year 560; and not reftor’d till he had repented. Morcant another King in Wales having flain Frioc his Unkle, was fain to come in Perfon,and receave judgment from the fame Bifhop and his Cler- gie; who upon his penitence acquitted him, for no other caufe then left the Kingdom fhould be defticute of a Succeflor in the Royal Line. Thefe Examples are of the Primitive, Britifh, and Epifcopal Church; long e’re they had any Commerce or Communion with the Church of Rome. What power afterward of depofing Kings, and foconfequently of putting them to death, was allum’d and practis’d by the Canon Law, | omit as a thing generally known. Certainly if whole Councils of the Romifh Church have inthe midit of thir dimnefs difcern’d fo much of truth, as to decree at Conftance, and at Bajil, and many of them to avouch at Trent alfo, that a Council is above the Pope, and may judg him, though by them not deny’d to be the Vicar of Chriit, we in our clearer light may be afham’d not to difcern furder, that a Parlament is by all equity and right above a King, and may judg him, whofe reafons and pretenfions to hold of God only, as his immediate Vicegerent, we know how far fetch’d they are, and infufficient.
As for the Laws of man, it would ask a volume to repeat all that might be in this point againft him from all Antiquity. In Greece, Oreftes the Son of Agamemnon, and by fucceflion King of .4rgos, was in that Country judg’d and condemn’d to death for killing his Mother: whence efcaping, he was judg’d again, though a ftranger, before the great Council of Areopagus in Athens. And this memorab!e act of Judicature, was the firft that brought the Juftice of that grave Senate into fame and high eftimation over all Greece for many ages after. And in the fame City Tyrants were to undergo legal fentence by the Laws of Solox. The Kings of Sparta, though defcended lineally from Hercules efteem’d a God among them, were oft’n judg’d, and fometimes put to death by the moft juft and renowned Laws of Lycurgus ; who, though a, King, thought it moft uncqual to bind his Subjects by any Law, to which he bound not him- felf In Rome the Laws made by Valerius Publicola, and what the Senate de- creed againft Were, that he fhould be judg’d and punifh’d according to the Laws of thir Anceftors, and what in like manner was decreed againft other Emperors, is vulgarly known, And thatthe Civil Law warrants like power of Judicature to Subjects againft Tyrants, is writt’n clearly by the beft and fa- moufeft Civilians. Forif it was decreed by Theodofims, and ftands yet firm in the Code of Fuftinian, that the Law is above the Emperor, then certainly the Emperor being under Law, the Law may judg him, and if judg him, may ponifh him proving tyrannous : how els is the Law above him, or to what pyr- pofe ? Thefe are neceflary deductions , and thereafter hath bin don in all Ages and Kingdoms, oftner then to be here recited.
But what need we any furder fearch after the Laws of other Lands, for that which is fo fully and fo plainly fet down lawful in our own ? Where antient Books tell us, Brafon, Fleta, and others, that the King is under Law, and inferiour to his Court of Parlament; that although his place to do Fultice be higheft, yet that he ftands as liable to receave Juftice, as the meaneft of his Kingdom. Nay Alfred the moft worthy King, and by fome accounted firft abfolute Monarch of the Saxons here, fo ordain’d , as is cited out of an antient Law-book call'd the _Marror; in Rights of the Kingdom, p.31. where it iscomplain’d on, as the fourar . abufe of al, that the King {hould be deem’d above the Law, whereas he ought be fub- jek to it by his Oath. Of which Oath antiently it was the laft caufe, that the King fhonld be as liable, and obedient to fuffer right, as others of bis people. And in- deed it were but fond and fenflefs, that the King fhould be accountable to every petty Suit in lefler Courts, as we all know he was, and not be fubject to theJudi- cature of Parlament in the main matters of our common fafety or deftruction ; that he fhould be anfwerable inthe ordinary cours of Law for any wrong done to a private Perfon, and not anfwerable in Court of Parlament for deftroying the
mx we 2 whole .
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whole Kingdom. By allthis, and much more that;might}be added as in an ar- gument overcopious rather then barren, we fee it manifeft that all Laws both of God and Manare made without exemption of any perfonwhomfoever ; and that if Kings prefume to overtop the Law by which they raign for the pub- lick good, they are by Law to be reduc’d into order, and that can no way be more juftly, then by thofe who exalted them to that high place. For who fhould better underftand thir own Laws, and when they are tranfgreft, then they whoare govern’d by them, and whofe confent firft madethem ? And who can have more right to take knowledg of things done within a free Nati- on then they within themfelves ?
Thofe objected Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy we {wore, not to his Per- fon, but as it was invefted with his Autority , and his Autority was by the Peo- ple firft giv’n him conditionally, in Law, and under Law, and under Oath alfo for the Kingdom’s good, and not otherwife: the Oaths then were inter- cheng’d, and mutual ; ftood and fell together ; he fwore fidelity to his truft, not as a deluding Ceremony, but as a real condition of their admitting him for King; and the Conqueror himfelf {wore it ofter then at his Crowning : they {wore Homage and Fealty to his Perfon in that truft. There was no rea- fon why the Kingdom fhould be furder bound by Oaths to him, then he by his Coronation Oath to us, whichhe hath every way brok’n: and having brok’n, the antient Crown Oath of Alfred above-mention’d, conceals not his Penaity-
As for the Cov’nant, if that be meant, certainly no difcreet Perfon can ima- gin it fhould bind us to him in any ftriGer fenfe then thofe Oaths formerly. The aéts of Hoftilicy which we receiv’d from him, were no fuch dear obligements that we fhould owe him more fealty and defence for being our Enemy, then we could before when we took him only fora King. They were accus’d by him and his Party to pretend Liberty and Reformation, but to have no other end then to make themfelves great, and to deftroy the King’s Perfon and Autority. For which reafon they added that third Article, teftifying to the World, that as they were refolv’d to endeavour firft a Reformation inthe Church, to extir- pate Prelacy, to prefervé the Rights of Parlament, and the Liberties of the Kingdom, fo they intended, fo far as it might confift with the prefer vation and defence of thefe, to preferve the King’s Perfon and Autority , but not other- wife. As faras this come$to, they covnant and {wear inthe fixth Article to preferve and defend the Perfons and Autority of one another, and all thofe
“that enter into that League; fo that this Covnant gives no ualimitable exemp- tion to the King’s Perfon, but gives to all as much defence and prefervation as to him, and to him as much as to thir own Perfons, and no more; that isto fay, in order and fubordination to thofe main ends for which we live and are a Nation of Men join’d in fociety either chriftian,or at leaft humane. But if the Covnant were made abfolute, to preferve and defend any one whomfoever, without refpect had, either to the true Religion, or thofe other fuperiour things to be defended ,and preferv’d however, it cannot then be doubted, but tlt the Covnant was rather a moft foolifh, hafty, and unlawful Vow, then a deliberate and well-weigh’d Covnant ; {wearing us into labyrinths and repug- nances, no way to be folv’d or reconcil’d, and thereforeno way to bekept: as firft offending againit the Law of God, to vow the abfolute prefervation, de- fence, and maintaining of one Man, though in his fins and offences never fo great and hainous againft God or tis Neighbour, and to except a Perfon from Jultice, whereas his Law excepts none. Secondly, it offends againft the Law of this Nation, wherein, as hath bin prov’d, Kings in receiving Juftice, and under- going due trial, are not differenc’d from the meaneft Subject. Lafily, it contra- dicts and offends againft the Covnant it felf, which vows in-the fourth Arti- cle to bring to op’n trial and condign punifhiment all thofe that fhall ‘be found guilty of {uch Crimes and Delinquencies, wherof the King by his own Letters and other undeniable Teftimonies not brought to ‘ight til! afterward, was found and convicted to be the chief actor in what they thought him at the time of taking that Covnant, to be overrul’d only by evil Counfellers; and thofe, or whomfoever they fhould difcover to be principal, they vow'd to try, esther by thir own fupream Fudicatories, for fo ev’n then they call’d them, or by others having power from them to that effec. So that to have brought the King to con- dign Punifhment hath not broke the Covnant, but it would have broke the
Coynant
€ 525 ) Covnant to have fav’d him from thofe Judicatories, which both Nations de- clar’d in that Covnant to be fupreme againft any perfon whatfoever. And if the Coynant fwore otherwife to preferve him then in the prefervation of true Religion and our Liberties, againft which he fought, if not in Arms, yet in Refolution to his dying day, and now after death ftill fights againft in this his Book, the Covnant was better brok’n, thenhe fav'd. And God hath teftifi?d by all popitious and evident figns, wherby in thefe latter times he is wont to
teftifie what pleafes him, that fuch a folemn and for many ages unexampl’d act
of due punifhment, was no mockery of Fuftice, but a moft grateful and well- pleafing Sacrifice. Neither was it to cover thir perjury as he accufes, but to uncover his perjury to the Oath of his Coronation.
The reft of his difcourfe quite forgets the Title; and turns his Meditations upon deathinto obloquie and bitter vehemence againft his Fudges and Accufers ; jmitating therein, not our Saviour, but his Grandmother Mary Queen of Scots, as alfoin the moft of his other fcruples, exceptions and evalions; and from whom he feems to have learnt, as it were by heart, or els by kind, that which is thought by his admirers to be the moft vertuous, moft manly, moft chriftian, and moft martyr-like both of his words and fpeeches here, and of his anfwers and behaviour at his Trial.
It is a fad fate, he faith, to have his Enemies both Accufers, Parties, and Fudges. Sad indeed, but no fufficient Plea to acquit him from being fojadg’d. For what Malefactor might not fomtimes plead the like? If his own crimes have made all men his Enemies, who els can judg him? They of the Powder-plot againft his Father might as well have pleaded the fame. Nay at the Refurrection it may as well be pleaded, that the Saints who then fhall judg the Word, are both Enemies, Fudges, Parties, and Accufers.
So much he thinks to abound in his own defence, that he undertakes an un- meafurable task 5 to befpeak the fingular care and protettion of God over all Kings, as being the greateft Patrons of Law, Fuftice, Order, and Religion onearth, But what Patrons they be, Godin theScripture oft anough hath expreft , and the earth it felf hath too long groan’d under the burd’n of thir injuftice, diforder, and irreligion. Therfore to bind thir Kings in chains, and thir Nobles with links of Iron, is an honour belonging to his Saints ; not to build Babe/, which was Wimrod’s work, the firft King, and the beginning of his Kingdom was Babel, but to deftroy it, efpecially that {piritual Babel: and firft to overcome thofe Euro- pean Kings, which receive thir power, not from God, but from the beaft ; and are counted no better then his ten horns. Thefe fhall hate the great Whore, and yet fhall give thir Kingdoms tothe Beaft that carries her 5 they fball commit For- nication with ber, and yet {hall burn her with fire, and yet fhall lament the fall of Babylon, where they fornicated with her.
Thus hal! they be toand fro, doubtful and ambigtious in all thir doings, un- til at lalt, josning thir Armies with the Beaft, whofe power firft rais’d them, they fhall perifh with him by the King of Kings againft whom they have re- bell’d s and the Fowls {hall eat thir Flefh. This is thir doom writt’n, and the utmof{t that we find concerning them in thefe latter days 5 which we have much more caufe to beleeve,*then his unwarranted Revelation here, prophefying what fhall follow after his death, with the fpirit af Enmity, not of Saint Yobn.
He would fain bring us out of conceit with the good fucce/s which God hath voutfat’d us. We meafure not our caufe by our fuccefs, but our fuccefs by our caufe. Yet certainly in a good Caufe fuccefs is a good confirmation; for God hath promis’d it to good men almoft in every leaf of Scripture. Ifit ar- gue not for us, weare fure it argues not againftus; but as much or more for us, then ill faccefs argues for thems for to the wicked God hath denounc’d ill fuc- cefs in all that they take in hand.
He hopes much of thofe fofter tempers, as he calls them, and le/s advantag’d by his ruin, that thir Con{ciences do already gripe them. Tis true, there be a fort of moodie, hot-braind, and always unedify'd Confciences , apt to engage thir Leaders into great and dangerous affairs paft retirement, and then upon a fudden qualm and fwimming of thir Confcience, tobetray them bafely in the
midf{t of what was chiefly undertak’n for thir fakes. Let fuch men never meet
with any faithful Parlament to hazard for them; never with any noble Spirit
.to conduct and lead them out, but let them live and die in fervile Condition and thir
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thir fcrupulous queafinefs, if noinftruction will conhimthem. Others there be in whofe Confciences the lofs of gain, and thofe advantages they hop’d for; hath f{prung a fudden leak. Thefe are they that cry out the Covnant brok’n, and to keep it better flide back into neutrality, or join actually with Incendiaries and Malignants. But God hath eminently begun to punifhthofe, firft in Scor- land, then in Uifter, who have provok’d him with the moft hateful kind of moc- kerie,to break his Covnant under pretence of firicteft keeping it; and hath fub- jected them to thofe Malignants, with whom they fcrupl’d not to be aflociates. In God therefore we fhall not fear what thir fals fraternity can do againft us.
He feeks again with cunning words to turn our fuccefs into our fin. Bué might call to mind that the Scripture fpeaks of thofe alfo, who when God flew them, then fought him, yet did but flatter bim with thir mouth, and ly?d to him with thir tongues , for thir heart was not right with bim, And there was one who in the time of his affliction trefpafs’d more againit God , This was that King Abaz.
He glories much in the forgivnefs of his Enemies; fo did his Grandmother at her death. Wife men would fooner have beleev’d bim had he not fo oft?n told us fo. But he hopes to erect the Trophies of bis Charity over ws. And Tro- phies of Charity no doubt will be as glorsuss as Trumpets before the Alms of Hy- pocrites ; and more efpecially the Trophies of fuch an afpiring Charitie as offers in his Prayer to fhare victory with God’s compaffion, which is over all his Works. Such Prayers as thefe may perhaps catch the people, as was intended : but how they pleafe Gotl, is to be much doubted, though pray’d in fecret, much lefs writt'n to be divulg’d. Which perhaps may gain him after death a fhort, con- temptible, and foon fading reward; not what he aims at, to ftir the conftancy and folid firmnefs of any wife Man, or to unfettle the confcience of any know- ing Chriftian, if he could ever aim at athing fo hopelefs, and above the geni- us of his Cleric Elocution, but to catch the worthlefs approbation of an incon- ftant, irrational, and Image-doting rabble. The reft. whom perhaps igno- rance without malice, or fome error, lefs then fatal, hath for the time mifled on this fide Sorcery or Obduration, may find the grace and good guidance to
bethink themfelves and recover.
ADVE R-
C527 ) AbD R, FT SKE UM EB. NTS,
7 Hereas in page aso. preceding, the Author mentions a Prayer commonly beliey’d W Pees Charles I. whichas fach was deliver’d by himfelf to Dr. Faxon then Bilhopof Londo, and as well twice printed among his Works in Folio, as in the fecond Edition of Eikon Balilike by Mr. Royfton , but plainly appears to have been {toln, without any confiderable variation, from the mouth of Pamela, an imaginary Lady. to a Heathen Deity, in Sir Philip Sidney’s Arcadia : it is judg’d not improper, for the farisfadtion of the Curious, to add here both the faid Prayers fet parallel to one another, that this piece of Royal Plagiarifm, or (to be more charitable) of his Chaplain’s Prieftcraft may evidently appear to all the World.
The Prayer of K. Charles, ftil’d A Prayer intime of Capirvity. K Charles's Works, pag. 93. Edit. 1687.
Powerful, O Eternal God, to whom nothing is fo great that 1t may re- fit, or fo fmall that te ss contemned ; look upon my mifery with thine eye of Mercy,
and let thine infinite Power vouch{afe to
limit out fome proportion of Deliverance unto me, as to thee {hall feem moft con- venient : Let not Injury, O Lord, tri- umph over mey and let my Fanlt by thy Hand be corretted , and make not my un- juft Enemies the Minifters of thy Fuftice. But yet, my God, if in thy Wifdom this be the apteft Chaftifement for my unexcu- fable Tranfgreffions , if this ungrateful Bondage be fitteft for my over-high De- fires, af the Pride of my (not enough humble) Heart be thus to be broken, O Lord, I yield unto thy Will, and cheer- fully embrace what Sorrow thou wilt have me fuffer only thus much let me crave of thee (let my craving, O Lord, be ac- cepted of, fince it even proceeds from Thee) that by thy Goodne/s which 1s thy felf, thou wslt fuffer fome Beam of thy Majefty fo to fhine in my Mind, that J, who in my greateft Affla'tions acknowledg it my nobleft Title to be thy Creature, may fil depend confidently on Thee. Let Calamity be the Exercife, but not the O- verthrow of my Vertue; O let not their prevailing Power be to my Deftruttion , and if it be thy Wall that they more and more vex me with Punifhment, yet, O Lord, never let their Wickednefs have fuch a hand but that I may ftill carry a pure Mind and ftedfaft Refolution ever to ferve thee without Fear or Prefumption, yet with that bumble confidence, which may belt pleafe thee ; fo that atthe laft I may come to thy eternal Kingdom, through the Merits of thy Son our alone Saviour, Je- fus Chrift. Amen.
The Prayer of Pamela, being under Im- prifonment, toa Heathen Deity. Arca- dia, pag, 248. Edit. 1674.
All-feeing Light, and eternal O Life of all things, to whom no- thing is either fo great that it may refift, or fo {mall that itis contemned ; look upon my Mifery with thine eye of Mercy, and let thine infinite Power vouchfafe to limit out fome propor- tion of deliverance unto me, as to thee fhall feem moft convenient: Let not Injury, O Lord, triumph over me, and lec my Faults by thy hand be corrected ; and make not mine unjuft Enemy the Minifter of thy Juttice. But yet, my God, if in thy Wifdom this be the aptelt Chaftifement for my unexcufable Folly; if this low Bon- dage be fitteft for my over-high De- fires; if the Pride of my not-enough humble Heart be thus to be broken, O Lord, I yield unto thy Will, and joy- fully embrace what forrow thou wilt have me fuffer 5 only thus much let me crave ofthee (let my craving, OLord, be accepted of thee, fince even that proceeds from thee) let me crave even by the nobleft Title which in my great- eft Affliction I may give my felf, that L am thy Creature, and by thy Goodnefs, which is thy felf, that thou wilt fuffer fome ‘Beam of thy Majefty to fhine into my Mind,that it may {till depend confi- dently on thee. Let Calamity be the Exercife, but not the overthrow of my Vertue let their power prevail, but prevail not to Deftructions let my greatnefs be their Prey : Let my Pain be'the fweetnefs of their Revenge; Let them (if fo it feem good unto thee) vex me with more and more Punifh- ment; but, O Lord, let never theic Wickednefs have fuch a hand, but that I may carry a pure Mind in a pure Bo- dy. And paufing a while; And O moft
gracious Lord, faid fhe, whatever becomes of me, preferve the vertuous
Mufidor us.
In
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i pag. 485. beforegoing, our Author charges K. Charles 1. with a Com-
miffion under the Great Seal of Scotland, impowcring the Popifh Irifh, as was before agreed between them, to rife in arms, and to feize not only alldefen- fible Places, but likewife the Eftates and Perfons of all the Englifh Proteftants in Ireland. hole Batbarians (the method being left to their Difcretion) thought
_ they could not better fecure the Englifh than by cutting their throats, which they inhumanly perform’d incold blood, to almoft rhe number of two hundred tboufand Souls. Whoever would, befides the Confeffion of the Rebels them- felves, fee further Reafons to believe the faid Cosmmiffion Genuin (for in this Affair we determin nothing) may perufe the Irsfh Remonftrance, and Dr. Fones’s Book, both publifh’d by Authority of Parliament ; and alfo a Piece entitl’d, The Myltery of Iniquity, p. 35,365. printedin 1643. likewile Viecar’s Chronicle, Part 3. p.7o- wherein this Commiffion is inferted ac large, as it is here fub- join’d.
HARLES by the grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c. To all our Catho- lique Subjects within our Kingdom of Ireland, Greeting: Kyow ye that We for the fafeguard and prefervation of our Perfon, have been enforced to make our abode and refidence in our Kingdom of Scotland for along /eafon, occafioned by reafon of the obftinat and difobedient carriage of our Parliament in England againft Us ; who have not only prefumed to take upon them the Government and difpofing of thofe Princely Rights and Prerogatives that have juftly defcended upon Us from our Predeceffors both Kjngs and Queens of the faid Kingdom, for many hundred years pal, but alfo have pof- feffed themJelves of the whole Strength of the faid Kingdom, in kam ing Governours, C ommanders, and Officers in all parts and places t erein, at théir own wills and pleafures, without Our confent, whereby we are deprived of Our Soveraignty, and left naked without defence. And for as much as we are (inour felf) very fenfible that thefe ftorms blow aloft, and are very *Puritanina- [ikely to be carried by the vehemencie of the * Proteftant Partie into our Kings nother Cony: dom of Ireland, and endanger our Regal Power and Authoritie there alfo : Kyow ye therefore that We repofing much care and truft in your duties and | obedience, which we have for many years paft found ; Do hereby give unto | _ you full power and autoritie to affemble andmeet together with all the [peed and | diligence that a bufinefs of fo great confequence doth require, and to advife and confult together by fufficient and difcreet numbers at all times, days, and | places which you fhall in your judgments hold moft convenient and material, : for the ordering, fetling, and effecting of this great work (mentioned and di- rected unto you in Our Letters) And to ufe all politick ways and means pof- fible to poffefs your felves (for Our ufe and fafety) of all the Forts, Caftles, and places of frength and defence within the [aid Kzngdom (except the Pla~ ces, Perfons, ana Eftates if. our loyal and loving Subjects the Scots:) And alfo to arreft and feize the Goods, Eftates, and Perfons of all the Englith Prc- teftants within the faid Kingdom to Our ufe. And in your care and fpeedy performance of this Our will and pleafure, We fhall perceive your wonted Duty and Allegiance unto us, which We fhall accept and reward in due time.
Witnefs Our felf at Edenbrough the firft day of O¢fober in the feven- teenth year of our Raign.
For
[ 525 1
OR a clearer ground, That the Commiflion to the Irifh Papifts is genuin (which here we take not upon us to prove) it is further confirmed by King Charles the Second’s Letter to the Irifh Council, 1663, in favour of the Marquefs of Antrim, in which he declares in exprefs terms that the Marquefs was innecent from any malice or rebellious purpofe againft the Crown, and that his Tranfactions with the lrifh Rebels was by the Inftruttions of bis Royal Father, and for hys Service; and that his faid Father was well pleas'd with what the Marquefs did after be had done it, and approv'd the fame. Notwithftanding this furprifing Let- ter eight Articles were undeniably prov'd againft the Marquefs ,; and we pre- fix them here to the Letter, for the more eafy determining which of the three is moft Innocent or Guilty, King Charles]. his Son, or the Marquefs.
1. That the Marquefs of Antrim was to have a hand in [urprizing the Caftle of Dublin, iz the year 1641.
2. That he was of the Rebels party before the «5th of September, 1643. which was made appear by his hourly and frequent intercour{e with Renny O Moore, aad many others; being himfelf the moft notorious of the faid Rebels.
3- That he entred into the Roman-Catholick-Confederacy before the Peace in 1643.
4. That he conftantly adhered to the Nuntio’s Party, in oppofition to bis Majefties Authority.
5. That he fate from time to time in the Supream Council of Kil- kenny.
6. That he figned that execrable Oath of Affociation.
7. That he was Commiffionated, and atted as Lieutenant General, from the [aid Affembly at Kilkenny.
8. That he declared, by feveral Letters of his own penning, himfelf in Conjunition with Owen Ro Oneale, and a conftant Oppofer to the feve- ral Peaces made by the Lord Lieutenant with the rifh.
| King Charles the Second’s Letter.
CHARLES R.
“ Re trufty and well-beloved Coufins and Counfellors, @c. We greet + you well. How far we have been from interpofing on the behalf of © any of our Ivifh Subjects, who by their mifcarriages in the late Rebellion in “ that Kingdom of Jreland had made themfelves unworthy of Our Grace and “ Protection, is notorious to all men; and We were fo jealous in that particu- “Jar, that fhortly after our return into this Our Kingdom, when the Marquefs “ of Astrim came hither to prefent his duty to Us, upon the information We *¢ received from thofe Perfons who then attended Us, by a Deputation from “ Our Kingdom of Ireland, or from thofe who at that time owned our “* Authority there, that the Marquefs of Antrim had fo mif- behaved himf{elf to- “* wards Us, and Our late Royal Father of blefle¢ memory, that he was in ho “¢ degree worthy of the leaft Countenance from Us, and that they had mani- “ feft and unqueftionable Evidence of fuch his guile. Wherupon We refufed *¢ to admit the faid Marquefs fo much as into Our Prefence, but on thg con- “¢ trary committed him Prifoner to Our Tower of London, where after he had “ continued feveral Months under a ftrict reftraint, upon the continued Infor- “ mation of the faid Perfons, We fent him into Ireland, without interpofing * the leaft onhis behalf, butleft him to undergo fuch a Tryal and Punifhment, “¢ as by the Juftice of that Our Kingdom fhould be found due to his Crime, ex- “¢ necting ftill that fome heinous Matter would be objected and proved againft
LX xx} him,
fad
~
« ce ec
[ 526 ] : him, to make him uncapable, and to deprive him of that Favour and Pro- teciion from Us, which we knew his former Actions and Services had meri- ted. After many months attendance there, and (We prefume) after fuch Examinations as were requilite, he was at laft difmifled without any Cenfure, and without any tranfmillion of Charge againft him to Us, and with a Li- cence to tranfport himfelf into this Kingdom. We concluded that it was then time to give him fome inftance of Our Favour, and to remember the many Services he had done, and the Sufferings he had undergone, for his Af- fections and Fidelity to Our Royal Father and Our Self, and that it was time
* to redeem him from thofe Calamities, which yet do lie as heavy upon him
fince, as before our happy Return: And thereupon We recommend him to you Our Lientenant, that you {hould move Cur Council there, for preparing a Bill to betranfmitted to Us, for the re-inveiting him the faid Marquefs into the Pofleffion of his Eftate in that Our Kingdom, as had been done in fome other Cafes. To which Letter, you Our faid Lieutenant returned us anfwer, That you had informed Our Council of that Our Ze¢ter,- and that you were upon confideration thereof, unaniimou!ly of Opinion, that fuch a Bill ought not to be tranimited to Us, the Reafon whereof would forthwith be prefented to Us from Our Council. Aiter which time We received the
* inclofid Petition from the faid Marquefs, which We referred to the confide-
rations and examinations of the Lords of Our Privy Council, whofe Names are mentioned in that Our Reference, which is annexed to the faid Petitson, who thereupon met together, and after having heard the Marquefs of Antrim, did not think fit to make any Report to Us, tillthey might fee and underftand the Reafons which induced you not to tranfmit the Bill We had propofed, which Lerter was not then come to Our Hands: After which time We have received your Letter of the 18th of Adarch, together with feveral Peritions which had been prefented to you, as well fromthe Old Souldiers and Adventu- rers,as from the Lady ALarchione/s of Aztrim, all which we likewife tranimitted to the Lords Referees : Upon a fecond Petition prefented to Us by the Lord Marquefs,which is here likewile enclofed, commanding Our {aid Referees to take the fame into their ferious confideration, and to hear what the Petitioner had to offer in his own Vindication, and to report the whole matter to Us, which upon a third Petition herein likewife inclofed, W/e required them to expedite with what fpeed they could. By which deliberate Proceedings of ours you cannot but obferve, that no importunity, how juit foever, could prevail with Us to bring Our Self to a Judgment in this Affair, without very ample Infor- mation. Our faid Referees, after feveral Meetings, and perufal of what hath been offered to them by the faid Marquefs, have reported unto Us, That they have feen feveral Letzers, al) of them the hand-writing of Our Royal Father to the fuid Marquefs, and feveral /x(truétions concerning his treating and joining with the Jrifh, in order tothe King’s Service, by reducing to their Obedience, and by drawicg fome Forces from them for the Service of Scotland. That befides the Lerters and Orders under his .Majefties Hand, they have re-
‘ ceived fufficient Evidence and Teftimony of feveral private Meflages and Di-
rections fent from Our Royal Father, and from Our Royal Adother, with the privity and with the Directions of the King Our Father; by which they are perf{waded that whatever Intelligence, Correfpondence or Actings, the faid Marquefs had with the Confederate I7s{h Catholscks, was directed or al- lowed by the faid Letters, Inftruétions and Directions, and that it manifeftly appears to them, that the King our Father was well pleafed with what the Marquefs did, after he had done it, and approved the fame. )
“* This being the true ftate of the Marquefs his Cafe, and there being no- thing proved upon the firft Information againft him, nor any thing contained againft him in your Letter of AZarch 18, but that you were informed, he had put in his Claim before the Commiflioners appointed for executing the Alt of Settlement , and that if his innocency be fuch as is alledged, there is no need of tran{mitting fuch a Bill to Us asis defired; and that if he be Wocent, it con{ifts not with the Duty which youowe to Us, to tranfmit fuch a Bill, as if it hould pa{s into a Law, moft needs draw a great Prejudice upon fo many Adventu- rers and Souldiers, which are, as # alledged, to be therein concerned. We have confidered of the Petition of the Adventurers and Souldiers, which was trant-
“ mitted
L 527 J
*¢ mitted to Us by you, the Equity of which confifts in nothing, but that they * have been peaceably in Pollellion for the fpace of feven or eight years, of “¢ thofe Lands which were formerly the Eftate of the Afarque/s of Amrim, and “ others, who were all engaged in the late Irifh Rebellion , and that they fhall “ fuffer very.much, and be ruined, if thofe Lands fhould be taken from them: 6 And We have likewife conlidered another Perition from feveral Citizens of “ Londn, near fixty innumber, directed to Our Self, wherein they defire, That “ the Marquefs his Eftate may be made liable to the paiment of his juft Debts, “¢ that fo they may not be ruined in the favour of the prefent Pofleffors, who « (they fay) are but a few Citizens and Souldiers, who have disburfed very ‘© {mall fums, thereon, Upon the whole matter no man can think We are lefs “< enoaged by Gur Declaration, and by the Act of Settlement, to protect thofe ¢ who are innocent, and who have faithfully endeavoured to ferve the Crown, “¢ how unfortunate foever, than to expofe to Juftice thofe who have been really * and malicioufly gvilty. “And therefore we cannot in Juftice, but upon the “¢ Petition of the Afarque/s' of Antrim, and after the ferious and {tric Inquifi- *¢ tion into his Actions, declare unto you, That Wedo find him tnocent from ‘“¢ any malice or rebellious purpofe againft the Crown , and that what he did “< by way of Correfpondence or Conipliance with the Jrifh Rebels, was in or- “ der to the Service of Our Royal Father, and warranted by his Inftructions, “ and the Truft repofed in him; and that the benefit thereof accrued to the Ser- * vice of the Crown, and not to the particular advantage and benefit of the “© Marquefs. And as We, cannot ip, juifice deny him this Teftimony, fo We re- “ quire you to tranfmit Our Letter to Our Commiflioners, that they may know “ Our Judgments in this Cafe of the Lord of Antrim, and proceed accordingly. “ And fo We bid you heartily farewel..... on fy rr S,
Given at Our Court at White-Hall; July 10, 2x the 15th Year.6f Our Reign, 1663.) oo Awckt 2h Lh HgKY a By_ his Majefty’s Command,
To Our Right Trufty and Right en- rae site
tirely Well beloved ig and ~ : : Css A
Cqunfellor;, James Duke of Qr-. ° ere A mel 7a
mond, Hees a tne General, ak ; HE NRY-BE N N ET:
and. General. Governouy of Our’ *) © ekL Oey MY SHI GS
Kingdom of Ireland , and to the mya Ue he :
Lords of Our Council of that Our ’ 8
Kingdom, ,
: ; Entred at the Signet-Office,
orf Fuly 13. 1663.
4
What
[ 528 ]
HAT our Author had ingenioufly render’d fufpicious (not to fay very probable) by reafonable Confequences or Prefumpti- ons, and by Arguments drawn from the Book it felf, has been fince his Death moft clearly prov’d from feveral undeniable Matters of Fat by the late Reverend Dr. Walker of Effex, viz. That K. Charles the Firft was not the real Author of Eikon Bajfilike, but Dr. Gauden, then Bifhop of Exeter. We therefore refer the inquifitive Reader to the faid Dr. Walker’s Account of the true Author of-Eskon Bafilike, and to the other Papers publifh’d on this occafion ; but we cannot for- bear inferting in this place the following Memorandum of the late Noble Arthur Earl of Anglefey under his own Hand, which was found in his Library prefixt to a printed Copy of one of thefe Books. Now if the Declaration of two Kings, and thofe his own Sons, de- ferve any regard or credit, it plainly appears how much Dr. Gauden imposd upon the World, and abus’d the Memory of that unfortu- nate Prince.
The Memorandum.
ING Charles the Second and the Duke of York, did
both (in the laft Seffions of ‘Parliament 1675. when I
fhewd them in the Lords Ffonfe the written Copy of this Book, wherein are fome Corrections and Alterations written with the late King Charles the Firft’s own hand) affure me that this was noné of the faid King’s compiling, but made by Dr. Gauden Bifhop of Exeter : which I here infert for the undeceiving of others inthis Pot, by at- tefting fo much under my own Eland. |
Anglefey.
The Tenure
€ 529) THE TENURE OF
Sings and PMlagiftrates :
That it isLawfull, and hath been held fo through
all Ages, for any, who have the Power, to call to account
a Tyrant, or wicked Kina, and after due Convidi- on, to depofe, and put him to Death; if the ordinary
MaaistTrate have neglected, or deny’dto doeit.
And that they, whoof late fo much blame Depofing, are the Men that did it themfelves,
F Men within themfelves would be govern’d by reafon, and not generally give up their underftandingto a double tyrannie, of cuftome from with- out, and blind affections within, they would difcerne better what’ it isto favour and uphold the Tyrant of a Nation. But being flaves within
doores, no wonder that they ftrive fo much to have the public State conform- ably govern’d to the inward vitious rule, by which they govern themfelves. For indeed none can love freedom heartilic, but good men; the reft love not free- dom, but licence; which never hath more {cope or more indulgence then under Tyrants. Hence is it that Tyrants are not oft offended, nor ftand much in doubt of bad men, as being all naturally fervile,; but in whom vertue and true worth moft is eminent, them they feare in earneft, as by right their Mafters, a- gainft them liesall their hatred and fufpicion. Confequentlie neither doe bad men hate Tyrants, but have been alwaies readieft with the falfifi’'d names of Loy- alty and Obedience, to colour over their bafe compliances. And although fome- times for fhame, and when it comes to their owne grievances, of Purfe efpeci- ally, they would feeme good Patriots, and fide with the better caufe, yet when others for the deliverance of their Countrie, endu’d with fortitude and hero- ick vertue, to feare nothing but thecurfe written againft thofe that doe the worke Jer, 48. 17 of the Lord negligently, would goe on toremovey not onely the calamities and thraldomes of a people, but the roots and caufes whence they fpring; ftreight thefe men, and fure helpers at need, as if they hated onely the miferies but not the mifchiefes, after they have juggl'd and palter’d with the World, bandied and borne arms againft their King, devefted him, difanointed him, nay curs’d him all over in thir Pulpits, and their Pamphlets, to the ingaging of fincere and reall men, beyond whatis poflible or honeft to retreat from, not onely turne revolters from. thofe Principles, which onely could at firft move them, but lay the ftaine of difloyaltie, and worfe, on thofe proceedings, which are the necef- farie confequences of their owne former actions; nor diflik’d by themfelyes, were they manag’d to the intire advantages of their owne Faction ; not con- fidering the while that he toward whom they boafted thir new fidelitie, count- ed them acceflory, and by thofe Statutes and Laws which they foimpotently brandifh againft others, would have doom’d them toa trayors death for what they have done alreadie. °*Tistrue, that moft men are apt anough to civill Wars and Commotions as a noveltie, and for a flafh, hot and active ; but through floth or inconftancie, and weaknelfs of fpirit, either fainting ere there owne pretences, though never fo juft, be half attain’d, or through an inbred falfhood and wickednelle, betray oft times to deftruction with themfelves, men of no- bleft temper join’d with them for caufes which they in their raf undertakings were not capable of. If God and a good Caufe give them Victory, the profe- cution whereof forthe moft part, inevitably draws after it the alteration of Yyy Lawes,
* Prov. $2.10.
C $30 )
Lawes, change of Government, downfall of Princes with their Families; then comes the task to thofe Worthies which are the foule of that Enterprize, to bee {wett and labour’d out amidft the throng and noifes of vulgar and irrationall men. Some contefting for Privileges, Cultomes, Formes, and that old intangle- ment of iniquitie, their gibrifh Lawes, though the badge of thcir ancient fla- very. Others who have been fierceft againit their Prince, under the notion of a Tyrant, and nomeane incendiaries of the Warre againft him, when God out of his providence and high difpofall hath ‘deliver’d him into the hand of their Brethren, ona fuddaine and in anew garbe of Allegiance, which their doings have long fince cancell’d; they plead for him, pity him, extol him, proteft ae gainft thofe that talke of bringing him to the tryall of Juftice, which is the Sword of God, fuperiour to al) mortall things, in whofe hand foever by appa- rent fignes his teftified will isto putit. But certaincly, if we confider who and what they are, on a fuddaine growne fo pitifull, wee may conclude, their pity can be no true and Chriftian commiferation, but either levitie and thallownefle of minde, or elfe a carnal! admiring of that worldly pompe and greatnefs, from whence they fee him fali’n ; or rather taftly, a diffembI’d and feditions pi- ty, fain’d of induftry to begetnew commotions. As for mercy, if it beetoa Tyrant, under which name they themfelves have cited shim fo oft in the hearing of God, of Angels, and the holy Church aflembl?’d, and there charg’d him with the fpilling of more innocent blood by farre, then ever Mero did, un- doubtedly the mercy which they pretend, isthe mercy of wicked men; and their mercies, wee read, are cruelties; hazarding the welfare of a whole Na- tion, to have fav’d one whom fo oft they have tearm’d gag, and villifying the blood of many Jonathaus that have fav'd J/rael , infilting with much nice- neflé on the unneceflarieft claufe of their Covnant; wherein the feare of change, and the abfurd contradiction of a flattering hoftilitie had hampered them, but not {crupling to give away for complements, to an implacable revenge, the heads of many thoufand Chriftians more.
Another fort there is, who comming in the courfe of thefe affairs, to have thir fhare in great actions above the forme of Law or Cuftome, at leaft to give thir voice and approbation, begin to {werve and almoft fhiver at the majefty and grandeur of fom noble deed, asif they were newly enter’d intoa great fin; difputing prefidents, formes, and circumftances, when the Commonwealth nigh perifhes for want of deeds in fubftance, don with juft and faithfull expedi- tion. To thefe I with better inftruction, and vertue equall to their calling ; the former of which, that is to fay Inftruction, I fhall indeavour, as my dutie is, to beftow on them 3° and exhort them not to ftartle from the juft and pious refo- lution of adhering with all thir afliftance to the prefent Parlament’and Army, in the glorious way wherein Juftice and Victorie hath fet them 5 the onely war- rants through all ages, next under immediate Revelation, to exercife fupreame power ; in thofe proceedings which hitherto appear equall to what hath been don in any age or Nation heretofore, juftly or magnanimouflie. Nor Jet them be difcourag’d or deterr’d by any new Apoftate Scar-crowes, who under fhow of giving counfell, fend out their barking Monitories and Ademento’s, emptie of ought elfe but the fpleene of a fruftrated Faction. For how can that pretended counfell, bee either found or faithfull, when they that give it, fee not for mad- nefle and vexation of thir ends left, that thofe Statutes and Scriptures which both falfly and fcandaloufly they wreft againft their Friends and Aflociates, would by fentence of the common adverfarie, fall firft and heavieft upon their own heads ? Neither let milde and tender difpofitions be foolifhly foftn’d from their dutie.and perfeverance with the unmafculine Rhetorick of any puling Prieft or Chaplain, fent asa friendly Letter of advice, for fafhion-fake in pri- vate, and forthwith publifh’t by the Sender himfelfe, that wee may know how much of Friend there was init, to caft an odious envie upon them to whom it was pretended to be fent in charitie. Nor let any manbee deluded by either the ignorance or the notorious hypocrifie and felf-repugnance of our dancing Divines, who havethe confcience and the boldnefle, to come with Scripture in their mouthes, glofs’d and fitted for thir turnes with a double contradictory fenfe, transforming the facred veritieof God, to an Idol with two faces, look- ing at once two feveral ways; and with the fame quotations to charge others, which in the fame cafethey made ferve to juftifiethemfelves. Forwhile the hope
to
f C 931)
tobee made Claflic and Provinciall Lords led them on, while pluralities greas’d them thick and deepe, tothe fhame and fcandall of Religion, more then all the Seéts and Herefies they exclaimeagainit, then to fight againft the Kings per- fon, and no lefle a party of his Lords and Commons, or to put force upon both the Houfes wasgood, was lawfull, was no refifting of Superiour powers ; they onely were powers not to be refiited, who countenanc’d the good and punith’t the evill. But nowthat thir cenforious domineering isnot fuffer’d to be uni- verfall, truth and confcience to be freed, Tithes and Pluralities to be no more, though competent allowance provided, and the warme experience of large gifts, and they fo good at taking them; yet now to exclude and feize on im- peach’t Members, to bring Delinquents without exemption to a faire Tribunall by the common Nationall Law againft murder, is now tobe nolefle then Co- rab, Dathan, and Abiram, He who but erewhile in the Pulpits wasacurfed Tyrant, anenemieto God and Saints, laden with all the innocent blood fpilt in three Kingdoms, and fo to bee fought againft, is now though nothing peni- tent or alter’d from his firft principles, a lawfull Magiftrate, a Sovrane Lord, the Lords Annointed, not to bee touch’d, though by themfelvesimprifon’d. As if this onely were obedience, to preferve the meere ufelefle bulke of his perfon, and that onely in prifon, notin the field, andto difobey his commands, denie him his dignitie and office, every where to refift his power but where they thinke it onely furviving in thir owne faction.
But who in particular is a Tyrant cannot be determind in a generall difcourfe ctherwife then by fuppofition ; his particular charge, and the fufficient proofe of it muft determine that: which | leaveto Magiltrates, at leaft to the upright- er fort of them, and of the people, though in number lefle by many, in whom Faction leaft hath prevaild above the Law of nature and right reafon, to judge as they finde caufe. But this! dare owneas part of my faith, that if fuchaone there be, by whofe Commiflion, whole mallacres have been committed on his faithfull Subjects, his Provinces offered to pawne or alienation, as the hire of thofe whom he had follicited to comein and deftroy whole Cities and Countries ; be hee King or Tyrant, or Emperour, the Sword of Juftice is above him; in whofe hand foever is found fufficient power to avenge the effufion, and fo great a
- delugeof innocent blood. For if all human power to execute, not accidentally
but intendedly, the wrath of God upon evil doers without exception, be of God; then that power, whether ordinary, or if that faile, extraordinary fo executing that intent of God, is lawfull, and not to be refifted. But to unfold more at large this whole Queftion, though with all expedient brevity, I fhall here fet downe, from firft beginning, the originall of Kings; how and wherefore exalted, tothat dignitie above thir Brethren; and from thence fhall prove, that turning to tyranny they may bee as lawfully depofed and punifhd, as they were at firft elected : This I fhall doe by autorities and reafons, not learntin corners among Schifines and Herifies, as our doubliny Divines are ready to calumniate, but fetch’t out of the midft of choiceft and moft authentic learning, and no prohibited Au- thors, nor many Heathen, but Mofiical, Chriftian, Orthodoxal, and which muft needs be more convincing to ovr Adverfaries, Presbyterial.
Noman who knows ouzht, can be fo ftupid todeny that all men naturally were born free, being the image and refemblance of God himfelfe, and were by privilege above ali the creatures, borne to command and not to obey : and that they livd fo, till from the root of Adams tranfgreflion, falling among them- felves to doe wrong and violence, and forefeeing that fuch courfes muft needs tend to the deftruction of them all, they agreed by common league to bind each other from mutual injury, and joyntly to defend themfelves againft any that gave difturbance or oppolition to fuch agreement. Hence came Cities, Towns and Common-wealths. And becaufe no faith inall was found fufficiently bind- ing, they fawit needfell to ordaine fome Autoritie, that might reftraine by force and punifhment what was violated againft peace and common right: This autoritie and power of felf-defence and prefervation being originally and natu- rally inevery one of them, and unitedly in them all, for eafe, for order 5 and Jeaft each man fhould be his owne partial judge, they communicated and de- riv’d either to one, whom for the eminence of his wifdom and integritie they chofe above the reft, or ro more then one whom they thought of equal deferv- ing: the firft was called a King ; the other Magiftrates. Nottobe their Lords
Yyy2 and
€ 532 )
and Maifters (though afterward thofe names in fom places were giv n volunta=
rily to fuch as had bin authors of ineftimable good tothe people) but to be
thir Deputies and Commiffioners, to execute, by vertue of thir intrufted pow-
er, that joftice which elfe every man by the bond of Nature and of Coy’nant
muft have executed for himfelfe, and for one another. And to him that fhall
confider well why among free perfons, one man by civill right fhould beare au-
tority and jurifdiction over another, no other end or reafon can be imaginable,
Thefe for a while governd well, and with much equitie decided all thingsat
thir owne arbitrement : tillthe temptation of fuch a power left abfolute in thir
hands, perverted them at length toinjuftice and partialitic. Vhen did they
who now by tryall had found the danger and inconveniences of committing ar-
bitrary power to any, invent Lawes either fram’d or confented to by all, that
fhould confine and limit the autority of whom they chofeto govern them: that
fo Manof whofe failing they had proof, might nomore rule over them, but
Law and Reafon abftracted as much as might be from perfonal errors and frail-
ties. Whenthis would not ferve, but that the Law was either not executed,
ormifapply’d, they were conftrained from that time, the onely remedy left
them, to put conditions and take Oaths from all Kings and Magiltrates at their
firft inftalment to doe impartial jufticeby Law : who upon thofe termes and no
other, receav’d Allegeance from the people, that isto fay, Bond or Covnant to
obey them in execution of thofe Lawes which they the people had themfelves
made or aflentedto. And this oft times with expre{s warning, that if the King
or Magiftrate prov’d unfaithfull to his truft, the people would be difingag?d.
They added alfo Counfelors and Parlaments, not to be onely at his beck, but
with him or without him, at fet times, or at all times, when any danger
threatn’d, to have careof the public fafety. Therefore faith Claudius Sefell a
French Statefman, The Parlament was fet as a bridle tothe King 5 which lL inftance
rather, becaufe that Monarchy is granted by allto be a farre more abfolute then
ours, That this and the reft of what hath hitherto been fpok’n is moft truc, might be copioufly made appeare throughout all Stories Heathen and Chriftian ;- ev n of thofe Nations where Kings and Emperours have fought meanes to abo- lifhall ancient memory of the peoples right by their encroachments and ufurpa- tions. ButIfpare long infertions, appealing tothe German, French, Italian, Arragonian, Englifh, and not leaft the Scottifh Hiftories: not forgetting this onely by the way, that Wiliam the Norman though a Conqueror, and not un- fworne at his Coronation, wascompelld a fecond time to take Oath at S. 4/-
banes, ere the people would be brought to yeild obedience.
_ lt being thus manifeft that the power of Kings and Magiftrates is nothing elfe, but what is onely derivative, transferrd and committed to them in truft from the People to the Common good of them all, in whom the power yet re- maines fundamentally, and cannot be tak’n from them, without a violation of thir natural Birthright ; and feeing that from hence 4riftotle, and the beft of Political Writers have defin’d a King, him who governs to the good and profit
of his People, and not for his owne ends ; it follows from neceflary caufes that
that the Titles of Sovran Lord, Natural Lord, and the like, are either arro-
gancies, or flatteries, not admitted by Emperors and Kinzs of beft note, and
diflikt by the Church both of Jews, J/ai. 26.13. and ancient Chriftians, as ap- pears by Tertullian and others. Although generally the People of Afa, and with them the Jewsalfo, efpecially fince the time they chofe a King, againft the advice and counfel of God, are noted by wife Authors much inclinable to Slavery.
Secondly, that to fay, as isufual, the King hath as good right to his Crown and Dignitie, as any Manto his Inheritance, is to make the Subject no better then the KingsSlave, his Chattell, or his Pofleflion that may be bought and fould : And doubtlefs, if hereditary Title were fufficiently inquir’d, the beft foundatioa of it would be found but either in courtefie or convenience. But fwppofe it to be of right hereditarie, what canbe more jut and legal, if aSub- ject for certaine crimes be to forfet by Law from himfelfe and Pofterity, all his Inheritance to the King, then that a King for crimes proportionall, fhould forfet all his title and inheritance to the people? unlefs the people muft be thought created all for him, he not for them, and they all in one body inferior to him fingle; which were a kind of treafon againft the dignity of mankind to affirm.
Thirdly,
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Thirdly, it followes, that to fay Kings are accountable to none but God, is the overturning of all LawandGovernment. For if they may refufe to give account, then all Covnants made with them at Coronation, all Oathes are in vaine, and meer mockeries ; all Lawes which they fweare to keep, made to no purpofe; for if the King feare not God, as how many of them doe not? we hold then our lives and eftates : by the tenure of his meer grace and mercy, as from a God, not a mortal Magiftrate , a Pofition that none but Court-parafites or Men befotted would maintain. And no Chriltian Prince, not drunk with high Mind, and prouder then thofe Pagan Cefars that deifi’d themfelves, would ar- rogate fo unreafonably above human condition, or derogate fo bafely from a whole Nation of men his brethren, as if for him onely fubfifting, and to ferve his glory, valuing them in comparifon of bis owne brute will and pleafure no more then fo many beaits, or vermine under his feet, not to be reafon’d with, bat to beinjard ; among whom there might be found fo many thoufand men for wif- dom, vertue, noblenefs of mind, and all other refpects but the fortune of his dignity, far above him. Yet fome would perfwade us that this abfurd opinion was King Davids, becaufe in the 51 Pfalm he cries out toGod, Againft thee only have I finn’d;, asif David had imagind that to murder Ursah and adulterate his Wife had bin no finne againft his Neighbour, when as that law of Aéofes was to the King exprefly, Dest. 17. not tothink fo highly of himfelf above his Bre- thren. David therefore by thofe words could mean noother, then either that the depth of his guiltinefs was known to God onely, or to fo few as had not the will or power to queftion him, or that the Sin againft God was greater be- yond compare then againft Uriah. What ever his meaning were, any wife man will fee that the patheticall words of a Pfalme can be no certaine decifionto a point that hath abundantly more certaine rules togoe by. How much more ra- tionally fpake the Heathen King Demophoon ina Tragedy of Euripides then thefe interpreters would put upon King David, J rulenot my People by Tyranny a if they were Barbarians, but am my felf liable, if I doe unjuftly, to fuffer guftly. Not unlike was the fpeech of Traian the worthy Emperor, to one whom he made General of his Prztorian Forces: Take this drawne fword, faith he, to ufe for me, if I reigne well; ifnot, toufe againft me. Thus Déon relates. And nor Traian onely, but Theodofiws the younger a Chriftian Emperor and one of the beft, caufd it to be enacted as a rule undenyable and fit to be acknowledgd by all Kings and Emperors, that a Prince is bound tothe Laws; that on the auto- rity of Law the autority of a Prince depends, and to the Laws ought fubmic. Which Edict of his remaines yet unrepeald in the Code of Fuftinian, /. 1. tit. 24. asa facred conftitution to all the fucceeding Emperors. How then can any King in Ewrope maintaine and write himfelfe accountable to none but God, when Emperors in their owne imperiall Statutes have writt’n and decreed themfelves accountable to Law ? And indeed where fuch account is not fear’d, he that bids a man reigne over him above Law, may bid as well a favage beaft.
It follows laftly, that fince the King or Magiftrate holds his autoritic of the people, both originally and naturally for their good in the firft place, and not his owne, thenmay the people asoft as they fhall judge it for the beft, either cheofe him or reject him, retaine him or depofe him though no Tyrant, meerly by the libertie and right of free born men to be govern’d as feems to them beft. This, though it cannot but ftand with plainreafon, fhall be made good alfo by Scripture, Deut. 17.24. When thou art come into the Land which the Lord thy God giveth thee, and fhall fay 1 will fet a King over mee, like as all the Nations about mee. Thefe wordsconfirme us that the right of choofing, yea of changing thir owne Goverments is by the grant of God himfelf in the people. And there- fore when they defir’d a King, though then under another forme of Goverment, and though thir changing difpleafd him, yet he that was himfelf thir King, and rejected by them, would not be a hindrance to what they intended, furder then by perfwafion, but that they might doe therein as they faw good, 1 Sam. 8. onely he referv’d: to himfelf the nomination of who fhould reign over them. Neither did that exempt the King as if hee were to God onely accountable, though by his efpeciall command anointed. Therefore David firft made a Cov- nant with the Elders of Ifrael, and fo was by them anointed King, 1 Chron, 11. And Feboiada the Prieft making Fehoafh King, made a Cov’nant between him and the people, 2 Kizgs 11.17. Therefore when Roboam at his comming to the
Crowne,
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Crowne, rejected thofe conditions which the Ifraelites brought him, heare what they anfwer him, what portion have we in David, or inheritance inthe Son of Feffe ? See to thine owne Honfe David. And for the like conditions not perform’d, all Jfrael before that time depofed Samuell, not.for his own default, but for the mifgoverment of his Sons. But fom will fay to both thefe examples, it was evil- ly don. 1 anfwer, that not the latter, becaufe it was expreflely allow’d them in the Law to fet upa King if they pleas’d ; and God himfelf joynd with them in the work ; though in fome fort it was at that time difplea- fing to him, in refpect of old Samuell who had governd them uprightly. As Livy praifes the Romans who took occafion from Tarquinius a wick- ed Prince to gaine their libertie, which to have extorted, faith hee, from Numa or any of the good Kings before had not bin feafonable. Nor was it in the former example don unlawfully 5 for when Robeam had pre- par’d a huge Army to reduce the J/raelites, he was ferbidd’n by the Profet, 1 Kings12. 24. Thus faith the Lord, yee {ball not goe up, nor fight againft your bre- thren, for this thing » fromme. He calls them thir Brethren, not Rebels, and forbidds to bé proceeded againft them, owning the thing himfelfe, not by fingle providence, but by approbation, and that not onely-of the act, asin the former example, but of the fitt feafon alfo, he had not otherwife forbidd to moleft them. And thofe grave and wife Counfellors whom Rehoboam firft advis'd with, {pake.no fuch thing, as our old gray headed Flatterers now are wont, ftand upon your birth-right, fcorneto capitulate, you hold of God, and not of them; for they knew no fuch matter, unlefs conditionally, but gave him politic counfel, as in acivil tranfaction. Therfore Kingdom and Magiftracy, whether fupreme ordubordinat, is calid «human Ordinance, 1 Pet.2.13, &c. which weare there taught is the willof God wee fhould fubmitt to, fo farr as for the punifhment of evil doers, and the encouragement of them that doe well, Sxbmitt, faithhe, as freemen. . And there is no power butof God, faith Paul, Rom. 13, as much as to fay, God put it into mans heart to find'out that way at firft for common ‘peace and ptefervation, approving the exercife thereof els it contradicts Peter, who calls’ the fame autority an Ordinance of man. It muft be alfo underftood of lawfull and juft power, els we read of great power inthe Affaires and Kingdomes of the World permitted to the Devill: for faith he toChrift, Luke 4.6. allthis power will I give thee andthe glory of them, for it 1 deliverdto me, andto whomfoever will; Igive it: neither did heely, or Chrift gainfay what he affirm’d; for in the thirteenth of the Revelation wee read how the Dragon gave to the Beait his power, bis feat, and great autority: which Beaft fo autoriz’d moft expound to be the tyrannical Powers and Kingdomesof the Earth. Therfore Saint Paul in the'forecited Chapter tellsus, that fuch Magiftrates he meanes, as are not a ter- rorito:the good but totheevill, fuch as beare not the {word in vaine, but to pu- nijhiofienders, and to encourage the good: If fuch onely be mentiond here as powers to be obeyd, and our fabmiffion to them onely. requird, then doubtlefs thofe powers that doe the contrary, are no powers ordaind of God; and by confequence no obligation laid upon us to obey or not to refift them. And it may be well obfervd that both thefe Apoftles, whenever they give this Precept, exprefs it in termes not concret. buteabftratt, as Logicians are wont to {peake 5 that!is they mention the ordinance, the power, the autoritie before the perfons that execute it; and what that power is, left'we fhould be deceavd, they de- fcribe,exacily. So thatif the power be not fuch, or the perfon execute not fuch power, neither the one nor the otheris of God, but of the Devill, and by con- fequence to bee refifted. From this expofition Chry/oftome alfo on the fame place diflents not; explaining that thefe words were not writt’n in behalf of a Tyrant...And thisis verify’d by David, himfelf a King, and likelieft to be Au- thor of the Pfalm 94.20. which faith, Shall the throne of iniquity have fellowfhip with thee 2 And it were worth the knowing, fince Kings, and that by Scripture, boalt the juftnefs of thir Title, by holding it immediately of God, yet cannot fhow the time when God ever fet on the Throne them or thir forefathers, but onely when the people chofe them ; why by the fame reafon, fince God afcribes as oft tohimfelf thecafting down of Princes from the Throne, it fhould not be thought 'as lawful, and as much from God when none are feento do it but the people, and that for juft caufes. For if it needs muft bea fin inthem to depofe, ittay aslikely be a fin to have elected. And contrary if the peoples ag in 70 election
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election be pleaded bya King, as theact of God, and the moft juft tide to-en. throne him, why may not the peoples act of rejection, beas well pleaded by the people.as the act of God, and the molt juff reafon to depofe him? So that we fee the title’ and juft right of reigning or depofing in reference to God, is found in Scripture to be allone; vilible onely in the people, and depending meerly upon juftice and demerit. Thus farr hath bin confiderd briefly the pow- er of Kingsand Magiftrates ; how it was, andis origivally the peoples, and by them conferrd in truft onely to bee imployd to the common peace and bene- fit ; with libertie therefore and right remaining in them to reaflume it to them- felves, if by Kings or Magiftrates it be abus’d ; or to difpofe of it by any al- teration, as they fhall judge moft conducing to the public good.
Wee may from hence with more eafe, and force of argument determin what a Tyrantis, and what the people may doeagainit him. A Tyrant whether by wrong or by right comming to the Crowne, is he who regarding neither Law nor the commen good, reigns onely for himfelf and his Faction: Thus St. Bail among others defineshis. And becaufe his power is great, his will boundlefs and exorbitant, the fulfilling whereof is for the moft part accompanied with innumerable wrongs and oppreflions of the people, Murders, Maflacres, Rapes, Adulteries, Defolation, and Subverfion of Cities and whele Provinces ; look how great a good and happinels a juft King is, fo great a mifcheifeis a Tyrant ; as hee the public Father of his Countrie, fothisthecommon Enemie. Againtft whom what the people lawfully may doc, as againft a common peft, and de- ftroyer of mankinde, I fuppofe nomanof cleare judgement need goe furder to be guided then by the very principles of nature inhim. But becaufe it isthe vulgar folly of mento defert thir owne reafon, and fhutting thir eyes to think they fee beft with other mens, I fhall thew by fuch examplesas ought to have moit waight with us, what hath bin donin this cafe heretofore. The Greeks and Romans, as thir prime Authors witnefs, held it not onely lawfull, buta glo- rious and heroic Deed, rewarded publicly with Statues and Garlands, to kill an infamous Tyrant at any time without tryal ; and -butreafon, that he who trod down all Law, fhould not be voutfaf’d the benefitof Law. Infomuchthat Senecathe Tragedian bringsin Hercules the grand fuppreflor of Tyrants thus
{peaking,
—— Vittima hand ulla amplior Poteft, magifque opima mattari Fous Quam Rex iniquus
— There can be flaine
No facrifice to God more acceptable
Then an unjuft and wicked King
But of thefe [mame no more, left.it be objected they were Heathen; and come to produce another fortof men that had the knowledge of true Religion. Among the Jews this cuftome of Tyrant-killing was not unufual. Firft Ehud, aman whom God had ray{d to deliver J/rael from Eglon King of Adoab, who had conquer’d and rul’d over them eighteen Years, being fent to him as an Amballador with a prefent, flew him in his owne Houfe. But he was a forren Prince, an Enemie, and Ehud befides had fpecial warrant from God, To the firft lanfwer, icimports not whether forren or native: Forno Prince fo native but profefles to hold by Laws which when he himfelfe overturnes, breaking all the Covnants and Oaths that gave him title to his dignity, and were the bond and alliance between him and his people, what differs he from an Outlandifh King or from an Enemie ? For looke how much right the King of Spaine hathto govern us atall, fo much right hath the King of England to go- vern ustyrannically, If he, though not bound tous by any league, comming from Spaine in perfon to fubdue us, or todeftroy us, might lawfully by the peo- ple of England cither bee flaine in Fight, or put to death in Captivity, what hath anative King to plead, bound by fo many Covnants, Benefits and Honours to the welfare of hispeople? why he through the contempt of all Laws and Parla- ments, the onely tie of our obedience to him, for his owne wills fake, anda boafted Prerogative unaccountable, after fev’n Years warring and deftroying of his beft Subjects, overcom, and yei'ded prifoner, fhould think to {cape unque-
{tionable,
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fiionable, asa thing divine, in refpect of whom fo many thoufand Chriftians deftroy’d fhould lye unaccounted for, polluting with thir flaughterd Carcafles all the Land over, and crying for vengeance againft the living that fhould have righted them ? Who knows not that there isa mutual bond of amity aud bro- therhood between man and man over all the World, neither is it the Englifh Sea that can fever us from that duty and relation: a ftraiter bond yet there is between fellow-fubjeéts, neighbours, and friends; But when any of thefedo one to another fo as hoftility could do no worfe, what doth the Law decree lefs againft them, then open enemies and invaders? or if the Law be not pre- fent, or too weake, what doth it warrant us to lefsthen fingle defence or civil Warr? and from that time forward the Law of civill defenfive Warr differs nothing from the Law of forren hoftility. Noris it diftance of place that makes enmitie, but enmity that makes diftance. Hetherefore that keeps peace with me neer or remote, of whatfoever Nation, is to me as far as all civiland human Offices an Englifhman and a Neighbour, but if an Englifhman forgetting all Laws, human, civiland religious, offend againft life and libertie, to him offend« ed and to the Law in his behalf, though born inthe fame Womb, he is no bet- ter then a Turk, aSarafin, a Heathen. This is Gofpel, and this was ever Law among equals; how much rather then in force againft any King whatfoever, who in refpect of the people is confefsd inferiour and not equal: to diftingnifh therfore of a Tyrant by Outlandifh, or Domeftic isa weak evafion. - Tothe fe- cond that he was an Enemie, I anfwer, what Tyrant is not? yet Eglon by the Jews had bin acknowledgd as thir Sovran, they had fervd himeighteen years, as long almoft as we our William the Conqueror, in all which time he could not be fo unwife a Statefman but to have tak’n of them Oaths of Fealty and Alle- geance, by which they made themfelves his proper fubjects, as thir homage and -prefent fent by Ebud teftifyd. “To the third, that he had fpecial warrant to kill Eg/on inthat manner, it cannot be granted, becaufe not exprefsd ; tis plain that he was ray{d by God to bea Deliverer, and went on juft principles, fuch as were then and ever held allowable, to deale fo by a Tyrant that could no other- wife bedealt with. Neither did Samuel thougha Profet, with his own hand abftain from Agag , aforren encmie no doubt; but mark the reafon, As thy Sword hath made women childlefss acaufe that by the fentence of Law itfelf nul- lifies all relations. And as the Law is between Brother and Brother, Father and Son, Mailter and Servant, wherefore not between King or rather Tyrant and People? And whereas Fehw had {pecial command to flay Fehorama fuccellive and hereditarie Tyrant, it feems not the lefs imitable for that; for where a thing grounded fo much on naturall reafon hath the addition of a command from God, what does it but eftablifh the lawfulnefs of fuch an at? Nor is it likely that God, who had fo many ways of punifhing the houfe of -Abab, would have fent a Subject againft his Prince, if the factin it felf as don toa Tyrant had bin of bad example. Andif David refufd to lift his hand againft the Lords anointed, the matter between them was not tyranny, but private enmity, and Davidasa private perfon had bin his owne revenger, not fo much the peoples ; but when any* Tyrant at this day can fhew to be the Lords anointed, the only mention’d reafon why David withheld his hand, he may then, but not till then, prefume on the fame privilege. } - Wemay pafs therefore hence to Chriftian Times. And firft our Saviour him- felf, how much he favourd Tyrants, and how much intended they fhonld be found or honourd among Chriftians, declares his mind not obfcurely 5 account- ing thir abfolute autoritie no better then Gentilifme, yea though they flourifhd it over with the fplendid name of Benefactors , charging thofe that would be his Difciples to ufurp no fach dominion ; but that they who were to be of moft autoritie among them, fhould efteem themfelves Minifters and Servants tothe public. dat. 20. 25. The Princes of the Gentiles exercife Lordjhip over them, and Mark 10. 42. They that feemto rule, faithhe, either flighting or accounting them no lawful rolers; bat ye (hail not be fo, but the greateft among you fhall be your Ser= vant. And althoughhe himfelf were the meekeft, and cameon Earth to be fo, yet toa Tyrant we hear him not voutfafe an humble word: but Tel that Fox, Luk,13. And wherefore did his Mother the Virgin Mary give fuch praife to God in her profetic Song, that he had now by the comming of Chrilt, Cut down Dynafta’s, or proud Monarchs from the Throne, if the Church, when God om
efts
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fefts his power in them to do fo, fhould rather choofe all miferie and vaffal- age to fervethem, and Jet them ftill fit on thir potent feats to be ador’d for do- ing mifchief. Surely itis not for nothing that Tyrants by a kind of natural in- ftinét both hate and feare none more then the true Church and Saints of God, as the mo{t dangerous enemies and fubverters of Monarchy, though indeed of Tyranny ; hath not this bin the perpetual cry of Courtiers, and Court-Pre- lates? whereof nolikelicr caufe can be alleg’d, but that they well difcern’d the mind and principles of moft devout and zcalous men, and indeed the very dif- cipline of Church, tending to the diflolution of all Tyranny. No marvel then if fincethe Faith of Chrift receav’d, in purer or impurer times, to depofe a King and put him to death for Tyranny hath bin accounted fo juft and requifit, that neighbour Kings have both upheld and tak’n part with Subjects inthe ac- tion. And Ludovicws Pius, himfelf an Emperor, and Son of Charles the Great, being made Judge, Da Haillan is my author, between ALlega? King of the Vultzes and his Subjects who had depos’d him, gave his verdit for the Subjects, and for him whom they hid chos’nin his room. Note here that the right of electing whom they pleafe, is by the impartial te{timony of an Emperor in the people. For, faidhe, 4 juft Prince ought to be preferr’d before an unjnft, and the end of Goverment before the prerogative. And Conffantinus Leo, another Emperor in the Byzantine Laws faith, That the end of a King is forthe general good, which he not performing, ts but the counterfet of a King. And to prove that fome of our own Monarchs have acknowledg’d that thir high office exempted them not from puuifhment, they had the Sword of St. Edward born before them by an Officer who was calld Earl of the Palace ew’n at the times of thir higheft pomp and fo- lemnity, to mind them, faith AZathew Paris, the beft of our Hiftorians, that if they err’d, the Sword had power to reftrain them. And what reftraint the Sword comes toat length, having both edg and point, if any Scepric will needs doubt, let him feel. itis alfo afirm’d from diligent fearch made in our ancient books of Law, that the Peers and Barons of England had a legall right to judge the King: which was the caufe moft likely, for it could be no flight caufe, that they were call’d his Peers, or Equals.. This however may ftand immovable, fo long as man hath to deale with no better then man ; thatif our Law judge all men to the lowelt by thir Peers, it fhould in all equity afcend alfo,- and judge the higbeft. And fo much I find both in our own and forren Story, that Dukes, Earls, and Marquefles were at firft not hereditary, not empty and vain titles, but names of truft and office, and with the office ceafing ; as induces me to be of opinion, that every worthy man in Parlament, for the word Baron imports no more, might for the public good be thought a fit Peer and Judge of the King; without regard had to petty Caveats, and Circumftances, the chief im- pediment in high affairs, and ever ftood upon moft by circumftantial men. Whence doubtlefs our Anceftors,who were not ignorant with what rights either Nature or ancient ¢ onftitution had endow’d them, when Oaths both at Coro- nation, and renew'd in Parlament would not ferve, thought it no way illegal to depofe and put to death thir Tyrannous Kings. Infomuch that the Parla. ment drew upa charge againft Richard the Second, and the Commons requefted to have judgement decreed again{t him, that the Realm might not be endan- gerd. And Peter Martyr a Divine of formoft rank, on the third of fudges ap- proves thir doings. Sir Thomas Smith alfo, a Proteftant and a Statefman, in his Commonwealth of England putting the Queftion, whether it be lawful to rife againfta Tyrant? anfwers, that the vulgar judge of it according to the event, and the learned according to the purpofe of themthat do it. But far before thofe days Gildas the moft ancient of all our Hiftorians, {peaking of thofetimes wherein the Roman Empire decaying, quitted and relinquifh’d what right they had by Conqueft to this land, and refign’d it allinto the peoples hands, tefti- fies that the people thus re-invefted with thir own original right, about the year 446, both elected them Kings, who they thought beft (the firft Chriftian Brit- tifh Kings that ever raign’d here fince the Romans) and by the fame right, when they apprehended caufe, ufually depos’d and put them todeath. This is the moft fundamental and ancient tenure that any King of England can produce or pretend to; incomparifon of which, all other titles and pleas are but of ye- fterday. If any object that Gildas condemns the Britanes for fo doing, the an{wer is as ready ; thathe condemns themno more for fo doing, then he did
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before for choofing fuch, for faith he, They anointed them Kings, not of God, but fach as were more bloody then the reff. Next he condemns themnotat all for depoiing or putting themtodeath, but for doingit over haftily, without tryal or well examining the caufe, and for electing othersworfe in thirroom. Thus . we have here both domeftic and moft ancient Examples that the people of Bri- tain have depos’d and put to death thir Kings in thofe primitive Chriftian times. And tocouple reafon with example, if the Church in all Ages, Primitive, Ro- mith, or Proteftant, held it ever no lefs thir duty then the power of thir Keys, though without exprefs warrant of Scripture, to bring indifferently both King and Peafant under the utmoft rigor of thir Canonsand Cenfures Ecclcfialtical, ev’n to the fmiting him with a final Excommunion, if he perfilt impenitent, what hinders but that the temporal Law both may and ought, though without a f{pecial Text or Prefident, extend with like indifference the civil Sword, to the cutting off, without exemption, him that capitally offends? Seeing that Juftice and Religion are from the fame God, and works of Juftice ofttimes more acceptable. Yet becaufe that fome lately with the Tongues and Arguments of Malignant Backiliders have writt’n that the proceedings now in Parlament a- gainft the King, are without Prefident from any Proteftant State or Kingdom, the Examples which follow fhall be al} Proteftant, and chiefly Presbyterian.
In the Year 1545. The Duke of Saxonie, Lantgrave of Heffen, and the whole Proteftant League rais’d open War again{t Charles the Fifth thir Empe- ror, fent hima Defiance, renounc’d all Faith and Allegeance toward him, and debated long in Counfell whether they fhould give him fo muchas the title of Cefar, Sleidan.t.17. Let allmen judge what this wanted of depofing or of killing, butthe power to do it.
Inthe Year 1559. The Scotch Proteftants claiming promife of thir Queen- Regent for liberty of Confcience, fhe anfwering that promifes were.not to be claim’d of Princes beyond what was commodious for them to grant, told her to her face in the Parlament then at Sterling, that ific were fo, they renounc’d thir obedience ; and foon after betook them to Arms. Buchanan Hiff, l. 16. Cer- tainly when Allegeance isrenounc'd, that’very hour the King or Queen is in ef- fect depos’d. ;
In the Year 1564. ohn Knox a moft famous Divine, and the Reformer of Scotland to the Presbyterian Difcipline, ata General Aflembly maintain’d op’nly ina difpute againft Lethington the Secretary of State, that Subjects might and ought execute Gods Judgements upon thir King; thatthe Fact of Febs and o- thers againit thir King, having the ground of Gods ordinary Command to put fuch and fuch offenders todeath, was not extraordinary, but to be imitated of all that preferr’d the honour of God to the affection of Flefh and wicked Prin- ces; that Kings, if they offend, have no privilege to be exempted from the punifhments of Law more than any other fubject: fo that if the King bea Murderer, Adulterer, or Idolater, he fhould futfer not as a King, but as an of- fender ; and this Pofition ‘he repeates again and again before them. Anfwer- able was the opinionof Fobn Crag another learned Divine, and that Laws made by the tyranny of Princes, or the negligence cf People, thir Pofterity might ab- rogate, and reform al] things according to the original inftitution of Common- wealths. And Kox being commanded bythe Nobility to write to Calvim and other learned men for thir judgements in that Queftion, refus’d; alleging that both himfelf was fully refolv’d in Confcience, and had heard thir Judgements, and had the fame opinion under hand-writing of many the moft godly and moft learned that he knew in Evrope , that if he fhould moye the Queftion to them a- gain, what fhéuld he do but fhew his own forgetfulnefs or inconftancy. All this is far more largely in the Ecclefiaftic Hiftory of Scotland /. 4. with many other paflages to this effect allthe Book ever, fet out with diligence by Scotchnien of beft repute among themat the beginning of thefe Troubles ; as if they labour’d to inform us what we were to do, and what they intended upon the like occafion.
And to let the world know that the whole Church and Proteftant State of Scotland in thofe pureft times of Reformation were of the fame beleif, three years after, they met in the feild A4ary thir lawful and hereditary Queen, took her Prifoner, yeilding before Fight, kept her in Prifon, and the fame year depos’d her. Buchan. Hijft.1, 18.
And four years after that, the Scots in juftification of thir depofing ee AY,
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Mary, fent Embafladors to Queen Elizabeth, and in a writt’n Declaration al- leag’d that they had us’d towards her more lenity then fhe deferv’d; that thir Anceftors had heretofore punifhd thir Kings by death or banifhment ; that the Scots were a free Nation, made King whom they freely chofe, and with the fame freedom un-king’d himif they faw caufe, by right of ancient Laws and Cere- monies yet remaining, and old Cuftomsyet among the /High-landers in choofing, thehead of thir Clanns, or Families ; all which, with many other arguments bore witnefs that Regal power was nothing elfe but a mutual! Covnant or ftipu- Jation between King and People. Buch. Ay, 4 20. Thefe were Scotchmen and Presbyterians: but what meafuge then have they lately offerd, to think fach liberty lefs befeeming us then themfelves, prefuming to put bim upon us for a Maifter whom thir Law fcarce allows to be thir own Equall? If now then we heare them in another ftraine then heretofore in the pureft times of thir Church, we may be confident it is the voice of Faction {peaking in chem, not of Truth and Reformation.
In the Year 158t. the States of Holland ina general Aflembly at the Hague, abjur’d all obedience and fubjection to Philip King of Spaie , and ina Declara- tion juftifie thir fo doing , for that by his tyransous Goverment, againft Faith fo oft’n giv’n and brok’n, he had loft his right to all the Belgic Provinces ; that therefore they depos’d him, and declar’d it lawful to choofe another in his ftead. Thzan. 1.74. From that time to this, no State or Kingdom in the World hath equally profperd : But let them remember not to look with an evil and preja- dicial eye upon thir neighbours walking by the fame rule.
But what need thefe examples to Presbyterians, [ mean to thofe who now of late would feem fo much to abhorr depofing, whenas they to all Chriftendom have giv’n the lateft and the livelieft example of doing it themfelves. 1 queftion not the lawfulnefs of railing War again{ft a Tyrant in defence of Religion, or ~ civil Liberty ; for no Proteftant Church from the firlt Waldenfes of Lyons and Languedoc to this day, but have donit round, and maintaind it lawfull. But this I doubt not to affirm, that the Presbyterians, who now fo much condemn de- pofing, were the men themfelvcs that depos’d the King, and cannot with all thir fhifting and relapfing, wafh off the guiltinefs from thir own hands. For they themfelves, by thefe thir late doings have made it guiltinefs, and turnd thir own warrantable actions into Rebellion.
There is nothing that fo actually makes a King of Exglazd, as rightful Pof- feflion and Supremacy 1” all Caufes both Civil and Ecclefiaftical: and nothing that fo actually makes a Subject of England, as thofe two Oaths of Allegeance and Supremacy ob{ervd without equivecating, or any mental refervation. Out of doubt then, when the King fhall command things already conftituted in Church or State, Obedience is the true eflence of a Subject, either todo, if it be lawful, or if he hold the thing unlawful, to fubmit to that Penalty which the Law im- pofes, fo long as he intends to remain aSubjett. Therfore when the people, or any part of them, fhall rife againft the King and his Autority, executing the Law in any thing eftablifh’d, Civil or Ecclefiaftical, I do not fay it is Rebellion, if the thing commanded though eftablifh’d be unlawful, and that they foughe firft all due means of redrefs (and no man is furder bound to Law) but [f fay it isan abfolute renouncing both of Supremacy and Allegeance, which in one word is an actual and total depofing of the King, and the fetting up another fupreme Au- tority overthem. And whetier the Presbyterians have not don all this and much more, they will not put me, I fuppofe, toreck’n up a feven years ftory frefh in the memofy of all men. Have they not utterly broke the Oath of Alle- geance, rejecting the Kings Command and Autority fent themffrom any part of the Kingdom whether in things lawful or unlawful ? Have they not abjur’d the Oath of Supremacy by fetting up the Parlament without the King, fupreme to alt thir Obedience; and though thir Vow and Covnant bound them in general tothe Parlament, yet fomtimes adhering to the lefler part of Lords and Com- mons that remain’d faithful, as they termit, and ev’n of them, one while to the Commons withont the Lords, another while to the Lords without the Commons ? Have they not ftill declar’d thir meaning, whatever thir Oath were, to hold them onely for fupreme whom they found at any time moft yeilding to what they petition’d ? Both thefe Oaths which were the ftraiteft bond of an Englifh Subject in reference to the King, being thus broke and made void; it follows
LL tee undeniably
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undeniably that the King. from that time was by them in fact abfolutely depos’d, and they no longer in reality to be thought his Subjects, notwithitanding thir fine Claufe in the Covnant to preferve his Perfon, Crownand Dignity, fer there _ by fome dodging Cafuift with more craft then fincerity, to mitigate the matter in cafe of ill fuccefs, and not tak’n I fuppofe by any honeft man, but as aCon- dition fubordinate to every the leaft Particle that might more concern Religion;
Liberty, or the Public Peace. , To prove it yet more plainly that they are the Men who have depos'd the King, Ithus argue. We know that King and Subject are Relatives, and relatives have no longer being then in the relation; the relation between King and Subject can’ be no other than Regal Autority and Subjection. Hence I infer paft thir defen- ding, that if the Subjtct who is one relative, takes away the Relation, of force he takes away alfo the other relative: but the Presbyterians who were one Rela- tive, that is to fay Subjects, have for this fev’n years tak’n away the Relation ; that isto fay, the Kings Autority, and thir Subjection co it; therfore the Pres- byterians for thefe fev’n years have remov7d and extinguifht the other Relative, that isto fay the King ; or to fpeak more in brief, have depos’d him , not only by depriving him the execution of his Autority, but by conferring it upon others. if then thir Oaths of Subjection brok’n, new Supremacy obey’d, new Oaths and Covnants tak’n, notwithftanding frivolous evafions, have in plain terms unking’d the King, much more then hath thir fev’n years War, not depos’d him only, but outlaw d him, anddefi’d him as an Alien, aRebel to Law, an Enemy to the State, It muft needs be clear to any man not averfe from Reafon, that Holtility and Sub- jection are two direé and pofitive Contraries,and can no more in one Subject ftand together in refpect of the fame King, then one perfon at the fame time can be in two remote places. Againft whom therfore the Subject is in act of Hoftility we may be confident thatto him he is in no Subjection: and in whom Hoftility takes place of Subjection, for they canby no means confift together, to him the King can be not only no King, butan Enemy. So that from hence we fhall not . need difpute whether they have depos'd him, or what they have defaulted to- wards himas no King, but fhew manifeftly how much they have don toward the Killing him. Havethey not levied all thefe Warrs againft him whether offen- five or defenfive (for defence in Warr equally offends, and molt prudently be- forehand) and.giv’n Commiffion to flay where they knew his Perfon could not be exempt from danger ? And if chanceor flight had not fav'd him, how oft’n had they killd him, directing thir Artillery without blame or prohibition to the very place where they faw him ftand ? Have they not coaverted his Revenue to other ufes, and detain’d from him all means of livelyhood, fo that for them Jong fince he might have perifht, or ‘have ftarv’d? Have they not hunted and purfu’d him round about the Kingdom with {word and fire? Have they not for- merly deny’dto treat withhim, and thir now recanting Minifters preach’d a- gainft him, as a Reprobate incurable, an Enemy to God and his Church, markt for deftruction, and therefore not to be treated with? Have they not befeig’d him, and to thir power forbid him Water and Fire, fave what they thot againft him to the hazard of his life ? Yet while they thus affaulted and endangerd it with hoftile deeds, they fwore in words to defend it with his Crown and Digni- ty; not inorder, asit feems now, to a firm and lafting Peace, or to his repen- tance after all thisblood ; but fimply, without regard, without remorfe or a- ny comparable value of all the miferies and calamities fufferd by the poor peo- ple, or to fuffer hereafter through his obftinacy or impenitence. No under- ftanding man can be ignorant that Covnants are ever made according to the pre- fent ftate of perfons and of things ; and have ever the more general Laws of Nature and of Reafon included in them, though notexprefs’d. If I make a vo- luntary Covnant as with a man to do him good, and he prove afterward a! Monfterto me, I fhould conceave a difobligement. If I covnant, not to hfirt an enemy, in favor of himand forbearance, and hope of his amendment, and he, after that, fhalldome tenfold injury and mifchief to what he haddon when I fo covnanted, and ftill be plotting what may tend to my deftruétion, I queftion not but that his after-actions releafe me; nor know I Covnant fo facred that withholds me from demanding Juftice on him. _ Howbeit, had not thir diftruft ina good Canfe, and the faft and loos of our prevaricating Divines overf{way’d, it had bin doubtlefs better, not to have inferted in a Covnant unneceflary obli- gations,
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gations, and words, not works, of a fupererogating Allegeance to thir enemy ; No way advantageous to themfelves, had the King prevail'd, as to thir coft ma- ny would have felt; but full of fnare and diftraction to our friends, ufefull on- ly, as we now find, to our adverlaries, who under fuch a latitude and fhelter of ambiguous interpretation have ever fince been plotting and contriving new opportunities to trouble all again. How much better had it bin, and more be- comming an undaunted Vertue to have declard op’nly and boldly whom and what power the peop!e were to hold Supreme, as on the like occafion Proteft- ants have don before, and many confcientious men now in thefe times have more chen oncebefouzht the Parlament todo, that they might go on upona fare foundation, and not with aridling Covnant in thir mouths, feeming to {wear counter, almoft inthe fame breath, Allegeance and no Allegeance ; which doubtlefs had drawn off all the minds of fincere men from fiding with them, had they not difcern’d thir actions farr more depofing him then thir words uphold- ing him ; which words made now the fubject of cavillous interpretations, ftood ever in the Covnant, by judgment of the more difcerning fort, an evidence of thir feare not of thir fidelity. What, fhould I return to {peak on, of thofe at- tempts for which the King himfelf hath oft’n charg’d the Presbyterians of feek- ing his life. whenas in the due eftimation of things they might without a fallacy be fayd to have don the deed outright. Who knows not that the King is aname of dignity and office, not of perfon: Who therefore kills a King, muft kill him while he isa King. Then they certainly who by depofing him have long fince tak’n from him the life of a King, his office and his dignity, they in the trueft fence may be faid to have killd the King : nor only by thir depofing and waging Warr againit him, which befides the danger to his perfonal life, fet him in the farde(t oppolite point from any vital function of a King, but by thir holding him in prifon va nquifhed and yeilded into thir abfolute and de/potic pow- er, which brought him to the loweft degradement and incapacity of the Regal name. I fay not by whofe matchlefs valour next under God, left the ftory of thir ingratitude thereupon carry me from the purpofe in hand, which is to con- vince them that they, whichI repeat again, were the men whoin the trueft fenfe killd the King, not only asis provd before, but by deprefling him thir King farr ~ below the rank of a Subject to the condition of a Captive, without intention to reftore him, as the Chancellour of Scotlandin a f{peech told him plainly at Newcaffle, unlefs he granted fully all thir Demands, which they knew he never meant. Nor did they treat or think of treating with him, till thir hatred to the Army that deliverd them, not thir love or duty to the King, joyn’d them fecretly with men fentenc’d fo oft for Reprobates,in thir own mouths, by whofe futtle in{piring they grew mad upoa a moft tardy and improper Treaty. Whereas if the whole bent of thir actions had not bin againft the King himfelf, but againft his evill Councel, -as they fain’d, and publifh’d, wherefore did they not reftore Him all that while to the true life of aKing, his Office, Crown and Dignity,when he wasin thir power, and they themfelves his neereft Counfelers ? The truth therefore is, both that they would not, and that indeed they could not without their own certain deftruction, having reduc’d himto fuch a final pafs, as was the very death and burial of all in him that was regal, and from whence never King of Exgland yet reviv'd, but by the new re-inforcement of his own party, which was a kind of refurrection to-him. Thus having quiteex- tinguifht all that could be in him of a King, and from a total privation clad him over like another fpecifical thing with formes and habitudes deftruttive to the former, they left inhis perfondead as to Law and all the civil right either of King or Subject the life only of a Prifner, a Captive and a Malefactor. Whom the equal and impartial hand of Juftice finding, was no more to {pare then another ordinary man; not only made obnoxious to the doome of Law by a charge more then once drawn upagainft him, and his own confeffion to the firft Article at Newport, but fummond and arraignd in the fight of God and his people, curft. and devoted to perdition worfe then any Abab, or Antiochus, with exhortation to curfe all thofe in the Name of Ged that made not War againft him, as bitterly as A4eroz was to becurs’d, that went not out again{ft a Canaan- itifh King, almoft in allthe Sermons, Prayers, and Fulminations that have bin —utterd this {evn years by thofe clov’n Tongues of falfhood and diffention, who now; to the ftirring upof new difcord, acquitthim , and againft thir own at cipline,
C 542 ) cipline, which they boaft tobe the Throne and Scepter of Chrift, abfolve him, unconfound him, though unconverted, unrepentant, unfenfible of all thir pre= tious Saints and Martyrs whofe blood they have fo oft layd upon his head: and now again witha new fovran anointment can wafh it all off, as if it were as vile, and no more-to be reckn’d for then the blood of fo many Dogs inatime of Peftilence : giving the moft opprobrious lye to allthe acted zeal that for thefe many years hath fill'd thir beilies, and fed them fat upon the foolifh Peo- ple. Minifters of Sedition, not of the Gofpel, who while they faw it mani- feftly tend.to civil Warr and Bloodfhed, never ceas’d exafperating the people a- gainft him ; and now that they feeit likely to bfeed new commotion, ceafe not to incite others againft the people that have fav’d them from him, as if Sediti- on were thir only aime whether againft him or for him. But God, as we have caufe to truft, will put other thoughts into the people, and turn them from look- ing after thefe firebrands, of whofe fury, and falfe prophecies, we have anough experience 5 and fromthe murmurs of new difcord will incline them to heark’n rather with erected minds to the voice of our fupreme Magiftracy, calling us to liberty, andthe flourifhing deeds of a reform’d Commonwealth’; with this hope that as God was heretofore ahgry with the Jcws who rejected him and his form of Government to choofe a King, fo that he will blefS us, and bepro-. pitious to us who reject a King to make him only our Leader, and fupreme Go-. vernour in the conformity as neer as may beof his own ancient Government ; if we have at leaft but fo much worth ia usto entertaine the fenfe of our future happinefs, and the courage to receave what God voutfafes us: wherein we have the honour to preceed other Nations who are now labouring to beour follow- ers. Forasto this queftion in hand, what the people by thir jut right may do in changeof Government, or of Governour, we fee it cleerd fufficiently ; be- fides other ample Autority ev’nfromthe mouths of Princes themfelves, And furely they that fhall boalt, as wedo, to be a free Nation and not have in themfelves the powerto remove, or to abolifh any Governour fupreme, or fub- ordinate with the Government it felf upon urgent caufes, may pleafe thir fancy with a ridiculous and painted freedom, fittocoz’n babies; but areindeed under . tyranny and fervitude ; as wanting that power, which is the root and fourfe of all liberty, todifpofe and economize in the Land which God hath giv’n them, as Maifters of Family inthir own Houfe and free Inheritance. Without which natural and eflential power of a free Nation, though bearing high thir heads, ~ they can in due efteem be thought no better then flaves and vaflals born, in the tenure and occupation of another inheriting Lord. Whofe Government, though not illegal, or intolerable, hangs over them as a Lordly fcourge, not as a free Government and therefore to be abrogated. How much more juftly then may they fling off Tyranny, or Tyrants? who being once depos’d can be no more then private men, as fubject to the reach of Juftice and Arraignment asany other Tranfgreflors? And certainly if men, not to {peak of Heathen, both wife and religious, have don juftice, upon Tyrants what way they could fooneft, how much more mild and human then is it to give them fair and op’n tryall ? To teach lawlefs Kings, and all that fo much adore them, that not mor- tal man, or his imperious Will, but Juftice is the only true Sovran and fupreme Majefty upon Earth. Let men ceafe therfore out of Faction and Hypocrify to make outcrys and horrid things of things fo juft and honorable. And if the Par- lament and Military Counce] do what they do without prefident, if it appear ‘thirduty, it argues the more wifdom, vertue, and magnanimity, that they know themfelves able to be a prefident to others. Who perhaps in future ages, if they prove not too degenerate, will look up with honourand afpire toward thefe exemplary, and matchlefs deeds of thir Anceftors, as tothe higheft top of thir civil glory and emulation. Which heretofore in the purfuance of fame and forren dominion, fpent it felf vain-glorioufly abroad ; but henceforth may learn a better fortitude to dare execute higheft Juftice on them that fhall by force of Armsendeavour the opprefling and bercaving of Religion and thir Liberty at home: that no unbridl’d Potentate or Tyrant, but to his forrow for the future, may prefume.fuch high and irrefponfible licence over mankind, to havock and turn upfide-down whole Kingdoms of men, as though they were no more In re- {pect of his perverfe Will then a Nation of Pifmires. As for the party calld Presbyterian, of whom I beleive very many to be good and faithful cae ; thoug
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though milled by fom of turbulent Spirit, I with them eatneltly and calmly not to fall off from thir firft Principles, nor to affect rigor and fuperiority over men not under them ; notto compell unforcible things in Religion efpecially, whichif not voluntary, becomes a fins nor to aflift the clamor and malicious drifts of men whom they themfelves have judg’d to be the worft of men, the obdurate enemies of God and his Church: nor to dart againft the actions of thir brethren, for want of other argument thofe wreited Laws and Scriptures thrown by Prelats and Malignants avainft thir own, fides, which though they hurt not otherwife, yet tak’n up by them to the condemnation of thir own doings give {candal to all men, and difcover in themfelves either extreme paffion or apoftacy. Let them not oppofe thir belt friends and allociats who moleft them not at all, infringe not the leaft of thir Liberties, unlefs they call ic thir liberty to bind o- ther mens Confciences, but are {till feeking tolive at peace with them and bro- therly accord. Let them beware an old and perfet Enemy, who though he hope by fowing Difcord to make thera bis Inftruments, yet cannot forbear a minute the op’n threatning of his deftin’d Revenge upon them when they-have ferv’d his purpofes., Let them feare therefore, if they be wife, rather what they have donalready, then what remains to do, and be warn’d in time they put no con- fidence in Princes whom they have provok’d, left they be added to the Examples of thofe that miferably have tafted the event. Stories can inform them how Chriftiern the fecond, King of Deamark, not much above a hundred years paft driv’n out by his Subjects, and receav'd again upon new Oaths and Conditions, broke through them all to his moft bloody Revenge, flaying his cheif Oppofers when he faw his time, both themand thir children invited toa feaft for that purpofe. How Maximilian dealt with thofe of Bruges, though by mediation of the German Princes reconcil’d to them by folem and public writings drawn and feal’d. Howthe Mafflacre at Pars was the effect of that credulous Peace which the French Proteftants made with Charles the Ninth thir King : and that the maia yilible caufe which to this day hath fav’d the Netherlands from utter ruin, was thir final not beleiving the prefidions cruelty which as a conftant max- im of State hath bin us’d by the Spanifh Kings on thir Subjects that have tak?n arms and after trufted them; as no latter age but can teftify, heretofore in Belgsait felf, and this very year in Naples. And to conclude with one paft Ex- ception, though farr more ancient, David after once he had tak’n arms, never after that trufted Sau/, though with Tears and much relenting he twife promis’d not tohurthim. Thefe In{tances, few of many, might admonifh them, both Englifh and Scotch, not to Jet thir own ends, and the driving onof a Faction, be- tray them blindly into the {nare of thofe Enemies whofe Revenge looks on them as the men who firft begun, fomented, and carri’d on beyond the cure of any found or fafe accommodation, all the evil which hath fince unavoidably befall’n them and thir King.
I have fomething alfo to the Divines, though brief to what were needfull; not to be difturbers of the civil affairs, being in hands better able and more be- longing to manage them ; but to ftudy harder, and to attend the office of good Paftors, knowing]|that he whofe Flock is leaft among them, hath a dreadful charge, not perform’d by mounting twife into the chair with a formal Preach- ment huddl’d up at the odd hours of a whole lazy week, but by inceflant pains and watching in feafon and: out of feafon, from houfe to houfe over the Souls of whom they have to feed. Which if they ever well confider’d, how little lea- fare would they find to be the moft pragmatical Sidefmen of every popular Tu- mult and Sedition? And all this while are to learn what the true end and reafon is of the Gofpel which they teach ; and what a world it differs from the cenfo- rious and fupercilious lording over Confcience. It would be good alfo they liv’d fo as might perfwade the people they hated Covetoufnefs, which worfe then Herefy, is idolatry ; hated Pluralities, and all kind of Simony; left rambling from Benefice to Benefice, Jike ravnous Wolves feeking where they may devour the biggeft. Of whichif fom, well and warmely feated from the beginning, be not guilty, ‘twere good they held not converfation with {uch as are : let them be forry that being call’d to aflemble about reforming the Church, they fell to progging and folliciting the Parlament, though they had renounc’d the name of Priefts, for anew fetling of thir Tithes and Oblations , and double lin’d them- felves with fpiritual places of commodity beyond the poflible difcharge one
uty.
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duty. Let them aflemble in Confiftory with thir Elders and Deacons, accord- ing to ancient Ecclefiaftical rule, to the preferving of Church-dilcipline, each inhis feveral charge, and not a pack of Clergy-men by themfelves to belly-chear in thir prefumptuous Sion, or to promote defigns, abufe and gull the fimpic Lai- ty, and ftir up Tumult, as the Prelats did, forthe maiztenance of thir pride andavarice. [hefe thingsif they obferve and waite with patience, no doubt but all chings will go well without thir importunities or exclamations: and the Printed Letters which they fend fubfcrib’d with the oftentation of great Charac- ters and little moment, would be more confiderable then now they are. Butif they be the Minifters of Mammon _inftead of Chrift, and fcandalize his Church withthe filthy love of Gain, afpiring alfo to fic the clofeft and the heavicft of all Tyrants, upon the Confcience, and fall notorioufly into the fame Sins, where- of folately and fo loud they accus’d the Prelates; as God rooted out thofeim- mediately before, fo will he root out them thir imitators : and to vindicate his own Glory and Religion, will uncover thit hypocrify, to the open world , and vifit upon thig own heads that curfe ye Meroz, the very Adotto of thir Pulpits, wherewith fo frequently, not as Meroz, but more like Atheifts they have mock’d the vengeance of God, and the zeal of his People.
[ 545]
OBSERVATIONS
O- Ne iP: Ere
Articles of Peace
BETWEEN
FAM ES Earlof Ormonp for King Charles the Firft on the one hand, and_ the Irith Rebels and Papifts on the other hand.
And ona Letter fent by Ormonpv to Colonel 40 N ES Governour of Dublin,
And a Reprefentation of the Scots Presbytery at Belfa/t in Ireland.
To which the faid Articles, Letter, with Col. fones’s Anfiver to It, and Reprefentation, Gre, are prefix’d,
A PRocLAMATION.
ORMOND,
HEREAS Articles of Peace are made, concluded, ace corded and agreed upon, by and between Us, #7 AMES Lord Marquefs of OR 0 N D, Lord Lieut, General, ' and General Governour of His Majefties Kingdom of /re- land, by Virtue of the Authority wherewith We are in- trufted, for, and on the behalf of His Moft Excellent Majefty of the one Part, and the General Affembly of the Roman Catholics of the faid Kingdom, for and on the behalf of His Majefties Roman Catholic Subjects of the fame, on the other Part; a true Copy of which Articles of Peace is hereunto annexed. We the Lord Lieut. do by this Proclamation, in His Majefties Name publifh the fame, and do in His Majefties Name ftrictly Charge and Command all His Ma- jefties Subjects, and all others inhabiting or refiding within His Majeities faid Kingdom of Jreland to take notice thereof, and to render due Obedience to the fame in all the Parts thereof.
And as his Majefty hath been induced to this Peace, out of a deep fenfe of the Miferies and Calamities brought upon this his Kingdom and People, and out of a Hope conceived by His Majefty, that ic may prevent the further Effulion of His Subjects Blood, redeem them out of all the Miferies and C:lamities under which they now fuffer, reftore them to all Quietnefs and Happinefs under His Majefties moft Gracious Government, deliver the Kingdom in ge- netal from thofe Slaughters, Depredations, Rapines and Spoils which always accompany a War, encourage the Subjects and others with Comfort to betake themfelves to Trade, Traffic, Commerce, Manufacture and all other things,
[LAaaa] which
[ 546 ]
which uninterrupted, may increafe the Wealth and Strength of the Kingdom, beget in all His Majefties Subjects of this Kingdom a perfect Unity amongft themfelves, after the too long continued Divifion amongft them : So his Maje~ fty aflures himfelf that all His Subjects of this His Kingdom (duly confidering the preat and ineftimable Benefits which they may find in this Peace) wil) with all Duty render due Obedience thereunto. And We in His Majefties Name, do hereby declare, That all Perfons fo rendering due Obedience to the faid Peace, fhall be protected, cherifhed, countenanced:and fupported by His Ma- jefty, and his Royal Authority, according to the true Intent and Meaning of the faid Articles of Peace.
Given at our Caftle - GOD SAVE THE
of Kilkenny, Ja- nuary 17. od KING.
Articles of Peace, made, concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and between His Excellency f 4 MES Lord Marquefs of O R- MOND, Lord Lieutenant General, and General of His Ma- jefties Kingdom of Ireland, for, and on the behalf of His Moft Excellent Majefty, by Virtue of the Authority wherewith the faid Lord Lieutenant is intrufted, on the one Part: And the Ge- neral Affembly of the Roman Catholics of the faid Kingdom, for, and on the behalf of His Majefties Roman Catholic SubjeCts of the fame, on the other Part.
IS Majefties Roman Catholic Subjetts, as thereunto bound by Allegiance, ; Duty and Nature, do moft humbly, and. freely Acknowledg and Recognize their
Soveraign Lord King Charles to be lawful and undoubted King of this Kingdom of Ireland, and other His Highnefs’s Realms and Dominions: And His Majefties faid Roman Catholic Subjects, apprehending with a deep fenfe the fad Condition whereunto His Majefty is reduced, as a further Teftimony of their Loyalty, do de- clare, that they and their Pojterity for ever, to the utmoft of their Power, even to the Expence of their Blood and Fortunes, will maixtain and uphold His Maje(ty, His Heirs and lawful Succeffors, their Rights, Prerogatives, Government and Authority, and thereunto freely.and heartily will render all due Obedience.
Of which faithful and Loyal Recognition and Declaration fo feafonably made by the faid Roman Catholics, His Majefty is gracioufly pleas’d to accept, and accordingly te own them His loyal and ‘dutiful Subjetts :, And 4s further gracioufly pleas’d to ex- tend unto them the following Graces and Securities.
I, hes PRI MIS, It is concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and be- tween the faid Lord Lieutenant, for, and onthe behalf of His Moft Ex- cellent Majefty, and the faid General Aflembly, for, and on the behalf of the’ faid Roman Catholic Subjects; and His Majefty is gracioufly pleas’d, That it fhall be enaéted by AC T tobe pafled in the next Parliament to be held in this Kingdom, that all and every the Profeflors of the Roman Catholic Religion withe in, the faid Kingdom, fhall be free and exempt from all Muléts, Penalties, Re- ftraints and Inhibitions, that are or may be impos’d upon them by any Law, Statute, Ufage or Cuftom whatfoever, for, or concerning, the free exercife of the Roman Catbolic Religion: And that it fhall belikewife Enaéted, that the faid Roman Catholics or any of them, fhall not be queftion’d or molefted in their Perfons, Goods or Eftates, for any Matter or Caufe whatfoever, for, concerning, or by reafon of the free Exercife of their Religion, by Virtue of any Power, Authority, Statute, Law or Ufage whatfoever : And that it fhall be further Enacted, that. no Roman Cathelic in this Kingdom fhall be compelled to exercife any Religion, Form of Devotion, or Divine Service, other then fuch as fhall be agreeable to their Confcience ; and that they fhail not be prejudiced or molefted in their. Perfons, Goods or Eftates for not obferving, ufing or hearing, the Book of Common-Prayer, or any other Form of Devo- tion
L 547 J
tion or Divine Service by Virtue of any Colour or Statute made in the feco year of Queen Elizabeth, or by Virtue or Colour of any other Law, Declara- tion of Law, Statute, Cultom, or Ufage whatfoever, made or declared, or to be made or declared : And that ic fhall be further Enacted, that the Profeflors of the Roman Catholic Religion, or any of them, be not bound or abliged to take the Oath commonly call'd the Oath of Sapremacy exprefled in the Statute of 2 Elizabeth, c.1. or in any other Statute or Statutes : And that the faid Oath fhall not be tendered unto them, and that the Refulal of the faid Oath fhall not redound to the Prejudice of them, or any of them, they taking the Oath of Allegiance in bec verb2, viz. 1 A.B. Do hereby acknowledg, profe/s, teftify and declare in my Confcience, before Gud and the World, tbat our Soveraign Lord King CHARLES »& Lanful.and Rightful King of this Reaim, and of other his Majefties Dominions and Conntrres ; and I will bear Faith and true Allegiance to His Majefty, and His Heirs and Succeffors, and Him and them will defend to the uttermoft of my power againft all Confpiracies and Attempts whatfoever which fhall be made againft His or their Crown and Dignity, and do my beft endeavowr to dif- clofe. and make known to His Majefty Hus Heirs and Succeffors, or to the Lord Deputy, or other His Majefties Chief Governaur or Governours for the time being, all Treafon or traiterous Confpiracies which 1 fhall know or hear to be intended againft His Afa- jefty, or any of them: and I do make this Recognition and Acknowledgment, heartily, willingly and truly, upon the true Faith of a Chriftian; fo help me God, &c. Never- thele{s, the faid Lord Lieutenant doth not hereby intend that any thing in thefe Conceflions contain’d fhall extend, or be conftrued to extend to the granting of Churches, Church-Livings, or the exercife of Jurifdiction, the Authority of the faid Lord Lieutenant not extending fo far; yetthe faid Lord Lieutenant is authoriz'd to give the faid Roman Catholics full Aflurance, as hereby the faid Lord Lieutenant doth give unto the faid Roman Catholics full Affurance, that they or any of them fhall not be molefted in the Pofleflion which they have at prefent of the Churches and Church-Livings, or of the Exercife of their refpective Jurifdictions, as they now exercife the fame, until {uch time as His Majelty upon a full Confideration of the Defires of the faid Roman Catholics in
a free Parliament to be held in this Kingdom fhall declare His further Pleafure. Il. Jtem, Itis conclud.d, accorded and agreed upon by and between the faid Partics, and His Mejefty is further gracioufly pleas’d that a free Parliament fhall be held in this Kingdom within fix Months after the Date of thefe Arti- cles of PEACE, or as foon after as Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coftologh Lord Prefident of Cennaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Muskerry, Francis Lord Ba- ron of Athunry, Alexander Mac Donnel Efquire, Sir Lucas Dillon Knight, Sir Nicholas Plunket Knight, Sir Richard BarnwallBaronet, Fefery Brown, Don- nogh O Callaghan, Tyrlab O Nesle, Miles Reily and Gerrald Fennell, Efquires, or the major part of them will defire the fame, fo that by poflibility it may be held; and that in the mean time, and until the Articles of thefe Prefents, agreed to be pa{s’d in Parlament be accordingly pafs’d, the fame {hall be invio- lably obferv’d as to the Matters therein contain’d, as if they were enacted in Parliament: And that in cafe a Parliament be not call’d and held in this King- dom within two years next after the Date of thefe Articles of Peace, then His Majefties Lord Lieutenant, or other His Majefties chief Governour or Go- vernours of this Kingdom for the time being, will at the requeft of the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of CoStologh Lord Prelident of Connaght, Don- nogh Lord Vifcount Muskerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, Alexander Mac Donnel Efquire, Sir Lucas Dillon Knight, Sir Necholas Plunket Knight, Sic Richard Barnwall, Baronet, Feffery Brown, Donnogh O Callaghan, Tyrlab O Neile, Miles Reily and Gerrald Fennell, Efquires, or the major part of them, call a General Aflembly of the Lords and Commons of this Kingdom, to at~ tend upon the faid Lord Lieutenant or other His Majefties chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom for the time being, in fome convenient Place, for the better tettling of the Affairs of the Kingdom. And it is further conclud- ed, accorded and agreed by and between the faid Parties, that all Matters that by thefe Articles are agreed upon to be pafs’d in Parliament, fhall be tranfinitted into ENGLAND, according tothe ufual Form, to be pafs’d in the faid Parliament, and that the faid Adts fo agreed upon, and fo to be pafs’d, fhall receive no Disjunétion or Alteration here or in England 4 [Aaaa2]| provided
C 548 ] :
provided that nothing fhall be concluded by both or either of the faid Houfes o Parliament, which may bring prejudice to any of His Majefties Proteftant Party, or their Adherents, or to his Majefties Roman Catholic Subjects or their Adherents, other then fuch things as upon this Treaty are concluded to be done, or fuch things as may be proper for the Committee of Privileges of either or both Heufes, to take Cognizance of, as in fuch Cafes heretofore hath been accuftom’d, and other then fuch Matters as His Majefty will be gracioufly pleas'd to declare His further pleafure in, to be pafs’d in Parliament for the Satisfaction of his Subjects, and other then fuch things as fhall be propounded to either or both Houfes by his Majefties Lord Lieutenant or other chief Gover- nour or Governours of this Kingdom for the time being, during the faid Parlia- ment, for the Advancement of his Majefties Service, and the Peace of the King- domi; which Claufe is to admit no Conftruction which may trench upon the Ar- ticles of Peace or any of them 3 andthat both Houfes of Parliament may con- fider whar they fhall think convenient touching the Repeal or Sufpenfion of the Scatate commonly call’d, Poymings ACT, Entituled, An ACT that no Par- liament be holden in that Land, until the ACTS be certifyed into EN G- LAND.
iil. vem, It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and be- tween the faid Parties, and his Majelty is gracioufly pleafed, that all Acts, Ordinances and Orders made by both or either Houfes of Parliament, to the blemifh, difhonour or prejudice of his Majefties Roman Catholic Subjects of this Kingdom, or any of them fithence the 7th of Auguft 1641. fhall be vacated ; and that the {ame and all Exemplifications and other Acts which continue the memory of them be made void by Act to be pafs’d in the next Parliament to be held in this Kingdom ; and that in the mean time the faid Acts or Ordinances, or any of them, fhall be no Prejudice to the faid Reman Catholics, or any of them. "
IV. Item, It i: alfo concluded, and agreed upon, and his Majefty is likewife gracioufly pleas’d, that all Indictments, Attainders, Outlawries in this King- dom, and all the Procefles and other Proceedings thereupon, and all Letters, Patents, Grants, Leafes, Cuftoms, Bonds, Recognizances, and all Records, Act or Afis, Office or Offices, Inquifitions, and all other things depending up- on, or taken by reafon of the faid Indictments, Attainders or Outlawries, fithence the 7th day of Auguft, 1641. in prejudice of the faid Catholics, their Heirs, Executors, Adminiftrators or Affigns, or any of them, or the Widows of them, or any of them, fhall be vacated and made void in fuch fort as no Memory fhall remain thereof, to the blemifh, difhonour or prejudice of the . faid Catholics, their Heirs, Executors, Adminiftrators or Afligns, or any of them, or the Widows of them, or any of them; and that to be done when the faid Thowas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coftologh Lord Prefident of Connaghe, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Muskerry, Franc Lord Baron of Athunry, Alexander Mac Donel Efquire, Sir Lucas Dillon Knight, Sir Nicholas Plunket Knight, Sir Richard Barawall Baronet, Feffery Brown, Donnogh O Callaghan, Tyrlah O Neal, Mules Reilie and Gerrald Fennell E{quires, or the major part of them fhall defire the fame, fo that by poflibility it may bedone; and in the mean time that no fuch Indi€tments, Attainders, Outlawries, Procefles or any other Pro- ceedings thereupon, or any Letters Patents, Grants, Leafes, Cuftodiums, Bonds, Recognizances, or any Record or Ads, Office or Offices, Inquifitions, or any other thing depending upon, or by reafon of the faid Indictments, At- tainders or Outlawries, fhall in any fort prejudice the faid Roman Catholics, or any of them, but that they and every of them fhall be forthwith upon Perfection of thefe Articles, reftor’d to their refpective Pofleflions and Hereditaments refpe- ctively ; provided, that no Man fhall be queftion’d by reafon hereof, for Meafne Rates or Waftes, faving wilful Waftes committed after the firft day of Atay laft paft.
V. Item, It is lkewife concluded, accorded and agreed, and his Majefty is gracioufly pleafed, that as foon as poflible may be, all Impediments which may hinder the {aid Roman Catholics, to fitor vote in the next intended Parliament, or to choofe, or to bechofen Knights and Burgelles, to fit or vote there, fhall be removed, and that before the faid Parliament.
VI. Jtem, Itis concluded, accorded and agreed upon, and his Majefty is fur- ther gracioufly pleafed, that all Debts fhall remain as they were upon the 2 a4
)
[549 J of Offeh:», 1641. Notwithftanding any Difpofition made, or to be made, by
Virtus or Colour of any Attainder, Outlawry, Fugacy, or other Forfeitare ; and that no Dilpofition or Grant made, or to be made of any fuch Debrs, by Virtue of any Attainder, Outlawry, Fugacy, or other Forfeiture, fhall be of
force ; and this to be pafled as an Act in the next Parliament.
VII. Jtem, Itis further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, and his Maje- fty is gracioufly pleafed, thatfor the fecuring of the Eftates or reputed Eftates of the Lords, Knights, Gentlemen and Freeholders, or reputed Freeholders, as well of Connaght, and County of Clare, or Country of Thomond, as of the Counties of Limerick and Tipperary, the fame to be fecured by Act of Parliament, accord- ing to the Intent of the 25th Article of the Graces granted in the fourth year of his Majefties Reign, the Tenor whereof for fo much as concerneth the fame, doth enfue in thefe words, viz. We are gracioufly pleafed, that fer the Inhabitants of Conzaght and Country of Thomond and County of Clare, that their feveral Eftates fha!] be confirmed unto them and their Heirs again{t us, and our Heirs and Succeflors, by Ac: to be pailed in the next Parliament to be holden in Ireland, to the end the fame may never hereafter be brought into any further Queftion by Us, or our Heirs and Succeflors. In which Act of Parlia- ment fo to be pafled, you are to take care that all Tenures inCpite, and all Rents and Services as are now due, or which ought to be anfwered unto us out of the faid Lands and Premifes, by any LettersPatents paft thereof fince the firft year of King HEN RY the Eight, or found by any Office taken from the faid firit year of King HE NRT the VIII. until the 21/ of Fuly 1645. where> by our late dear Father, or any his Predeceflors actually received any Profic by Wardfhip, Liveries, Primer-feifins, Meafne Rates, Oufterlemains or Fines of Alienations without Licence, be again referved unto us, our Heirs and Succeflors, and all the reft of the Premifes to be holden of our Caftle of Arhlone by Knights Service, according to our faid late Fathers Letters, notwithftand- ing any Tenures in Capite found for Us by Office, fince the 21/f of Fuly 1615. and not appearing in any fuch Letters Patents, or Offices; within which Rule His Majetty is likewife gracioufly pleafed, That the faid Lands in the Counties of Limerick and Tipperary be included, but to be held by fuch Rents and Te- nures only, as they were in the fourth year of his Majefties Reign , provided always, that the faid Lords, Knights, Gentlemen and Freeholders of the {aid Province of Connaght, County of Clare, and Country of Thomond, and Coun- ties of Tipperary and Limerick, fhall have and enjoy the full Benefit of fuch Compofition and Agreement which fhall be made with his moft Excellent Ma- jelty, for the Court of Wards, Tenures, Refpits and Iflues of Homage, any
‘ Claufe in this Article to the contrary notwithftanding. And as for the Lands
within the Counties of Kilkenny and Wickloe, unto which his Majefty was in- tituled by Offices, taken or found in the time of the Earl of Serafford’s Govern- ment in this Kingdom, His Majefty is further gracioufly pleafed, That the State thereof fhall be confidered in the next intended Parliament, where his Majefty will aflent unto that which fhall be juft and honourable ; and that the like Act of Limitation of his Majefties Titles, for the Security of the Eftates of his Subjects of this Kingdom be pafled in the faid Parliament as was Enacted in
the 21/7 year of his late Majefty King ¥A/ES his Reign in ENGLAND.
VIN. Item, It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, and his Majefty is further gracioufly pleafed, that all Incapacities impofed upon the Natives of this Kingdom or any of them, as Natives, by any Act of Parlia- ment, Provifos in Patents or otherwife, be taken away by Act to be pafled in the faid Parliament; and that they may be enabled to erect one or more Inns of Court in or near the City of Dublin or elfewhere, as fhall be thought fic by his Majefties Lord Lieutenant, or other Chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom for the time being ; and in cafe the faid Inns of Court thal) be erected before the firft day of the next Parliament, then the fame fhall be in fuch Place as his Majefties Lord Lieutenant, or other Chief Governour or Gover- nours of this Kingdom for the time being, by and with the Advice and Con- fent of the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coffologh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Aduskerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athuiry, Alexander Mac Donnel Efquire, Sir Lucas Dillon Knight, Sir Nicholas Plunkee Knight, Sir Richard Barnwall Baronet, Jeffery Brown, Donnogh O Callaghan, Tye
an
[55° J
lah O Neile, Miles Reily, Gerrald Fennel Efquires, or any feven or more of them fhall think fit; and that fuch Students, Natives of this Kingdom, as fhall . be therein, may take and receive the ufual Degrees accuftom’d in any Inns of Court, they taking the enfuing Oath , wiz. I A.B. Do hereby acknow- ledg, profess, teflify and declare in my Confcience before God andthe World, that our Soveraign Lord King Charles és Lawful and Rightful King of this Realm, and of other his Majefties Dominions ana Countries, and I wl bear Faith and true Alle- giance to his Majefty, and his Heirs and Succeffors, and him and them will defend to the utmoft of my Power againft all Confpiracies and Attempts whatfoever, which foall be made againft his or their Crowa and Dignity, and do my beft exdeavour to difclofe and make known to his Majefty, his Heirs and Succeffors, or to the Lord Deputy, or other his Majefties Chief Governour or Governours for the time being, all Treafon or traiterou C onfpiracies which I hall know or hear to be intended againft bis Majefty or any of them. And 1 do make this Recognition and Acknowleds ment beartily, willingly and truly, upon the true Faith of a Chrijtian;, fo help me God, &c. And his Majefty is further gracioufly pleafed, that his Majefties Roman Catho- lic Subjects may erect and keep free Schools for Education of Youths in this Kingdom, any Law or Statute to the contrary notwith{tanding , and that all the matters aflented unto in this Article be pafled as Acts of Parliament in the faid next Parliament.
iX. Izem, It is further concluded, accorded, and agreed upon, by and be- tween the faid Parties, and his Majefty is graciouily pleafed, that Places of Command, Honour, Profit and Truft in his Majefties Armies in this Kingdom fhall be upon Perfection of thefe Articles actually and by particular Inftances conferred upon his R man Catholic Subjects of this Kingdom; and that upon the diftribucion, conferring and dilpofing of the Places of Command, Ho- nour, Proficand Truft in his Majeftics Armies in this Kingdom, for the future no Difference fhall be made between the faid Roman Catholics, and other his Majefties Subjects 5 but that fuch Diftribution fhall be made with equal Indiffe- rency according to their refpective Merits and Abilities: and that all his Ma- jefties Subjects of this Kingdom, as well Roman Catholics as others, may for his Majefties Service and their own Security, arm themfelves the beft they may, wherin they fhall have all fitting Incouragement. And it is further concluded, accorded and azreed upon, by and between the faid Parties, and his Majefty is further gracioufly pleas'd ; That Places of Command, Honour, Profit and Truft in the Civil Governmentin this Kingdom, fhall be upon pafling of the Bills in thefe Articles mentioned in the next Parliament, actually and by par- ticular Inftances conferred upon his Majefties Roman Catholic Subjects of this Kingdom ; and that in the di/tribution, conferring and difpofal of the Places of Command, Honour, Profit and Truftin the Civil Government, for the future no Difference fhall be made between the faid Roman Catholics, and other his Ma- jeflies Subjects, but that fuch Diftribution fhall be made with equal Indifferen- cy, according to their refpective Merits.and Abilities ; and that in the Diftri- bution of Minifterial Offices or Places, which now are, or hereafter fhall be void in this Kingdom, equality fhall be us’d to the Roman Catholic Natives of this Kingdom, as to other his Majefties Subjects ; and that the Command of Forts, Caftles, Garifon-Towns, and other Places of Importance of this King- dam, fhall be conferred upon His Majelties Roman Cathelic Subjects of this King- dom upon Perfection of thefe Articles aftually and by particular Inftances ; and that in the diftribution, conferring and difpofal of the Forts, Caftles, Garifon-Towns, and other Places of Importance in this Kingdom, no diffe- rence fhall be made between his Majefties Roman Catholic Subjects of this King- dom, and other his Majefties Subjects, but that fuch diftribution fhall be made with equal Indifferency, according to their re{pective Merits and Abilities; and that until full Settlement in Parliament fifteen thoufand Foot, and two thou- fand and five hundred Horfe of the Roman Catholics of this Kingdom fhall be of the Standing Army of this Kingdom: And that until full Settlement in Par- liament as aforefaid, the faid Lord Lieutenant or other Chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom for the time being, and the faid Thomas Lord Vifc. Dillon of Coftolegh Lord Prefident of Conaaght, Donnegh Lord Vifc. Atuskerry, — Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, Alexander fac Donnel E(q; Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Plunket Kt. Sir Richard Barnwall Bar. Feffery Brown, Donnogh O Cal-
laghan,
eeenss ol
laghan, Tyrlah O Neile, Miles Reily and Gerrald Fennel E{q; or any feven or more of them, the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dulon of Cojtologh Lord Prefi- dent of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount, AZuskerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, Alexander Mac Donnel Efq; Sic Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Plun- ket Kt. Sir Richard Barnwall Baronet, Jeffery Brown, Donnogh O Callaghan, Tyr- lah O Neile, Miles Reily and Gerrald Fennell, Efquires, fhall diminifh or add un- to the faid Number, as they hall fee caufe from time to time.
X. dtem, Itis further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and between the faid Parties, and his Majefty is further gracioufly pleafed, that his Majefty will accept of the yearly Rent, or annual Sum of twelve thoufand pounds Sterling, to be applotced with Indifferency and Equality, and confented to be paid to his Majefty, his Heirs and Succeflors in Parliament, for and in liew of the Court of Wards in this Kingdom, Tenures in Cape, Common. Knights- Service, and all other Tenures within the Cognizance of that Court, and for, and in lieu of all Wardfhips, Primer-feizins, Fines, Oufterlemains, Liveries, Intru- fions, Alienations, Meafne Rates, Releafes and all other Profits within the Cog- nizance of the faid Court, or incident to the faid Tenures, or any of them, or Fines to accrue to his Majefty by reafon of the faid Tenures or any of them, and for and in lieu of Refpits and Iflues of Homage and Fines for the fame. And the faid yearly Rent being fo applotted and confented unto in Parliament as aforefaid, then a Bill is to be agreed on in the faid Parliament to be pafled as an Aét for the fecuring of the faid yearly Rent, or annual Sum of twelve thoufand Pounds to be applotted as 2forefaid, and for the Extinction and taking away of the faid Court, and other Matters aforefaid in this Article contained. And it is further agreed, that reafonable Compofitions fhall be ac- cepted for Wardfhips fallen fince the 234 of Oétober 1641. and already granted, and that no Wardfhips fallen and not granted, or that fhall fall, fall be pafled until the Succefs of this Article fhall appear ; and if his Majefty be fecured as aforefaid, then all Wardthips fallen fince the faid 23d of Odober, are to be in- cluded in the Agreement aforefaid, upon Compofition to be made with fuch as have Grants as aforefaid 5 which Compofition to be made with the Grantees fince the time aforefaid, is to be left to indifferent Perfons, and the Umpirage to the faid Lord Lieutenant.
XI. Item, It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and be- tween the faid Parties, and his Majefty is further gracioufly pleas’d, That no Nobleman or Peer of this Realm, in Parliament, fhall be hereafter capable of more Proxies then two, and that blank Proxies fhall be hereafter totally dit allowed ; and that if fuch Noble Men or Peers of this Realm, as have no E- ftates in this Kingdom, do not within five years, to begin from the conclufion of thefe Articles, purchafe in this Kingdom as followeth, véz, A Lord Baron 200/, per annum, a Lord Vilcount 4001, per annum, and an Earl 6001. per annum, a Marquefs 8001. per annum, a Duke 1000 /. per annum, fhall lofe their Votes in Parliament until fuch time as they fhall afterwards acquire fuch Eftates re- {pectively ; and that none be admitted in the Houfe of Commons, but fuch as fhall be eltated and refident within this Kingdom.
XIU. item, It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and be- tween the faid Parties, and his Majefty is further gracioufly pleas'd, That as for and concerning the Independency of the Parliament of Ireland on the Par- liament of England, his Majefty will leave both Houfes of Parliament in this Kingdom to make fuch Declaration therein as fhall be agreeable to the Laws of the Kingdom of Jreland.
XIII. Item, It is further concluded and agreed upon, by and between the faid Parties, and his Majefty is further gracioufly pleas’d, That the Council- Table fhall contain it felf within its proper Bounds, in handling Matters of State and Weight fit for that Place; amongft which the Patents of Plantati- on, and the Offices whereupon thofe Grants are founded to be handled, as Mat- ters of State, and to be heard and determined by his Majefties Lord Lieute- nant, or other Chief Governour or Governours for the time being, and the Council publickly at the Council-Board, and not otherwife, but Titles between Party and Party grown after thefe Patents granted, are to be left to the or- dinary Courfe of Law; and that the Council- Table do not hereafter intermed- dle with common Bofinefs, that is within the Cognizance of the ordinary Courts, nor with the altering of Pofleflions of Lands; nor make, nor ufe, pri-
vate
L552 ]
vate Orders, Hearings or References concerning any fuch matter, nor grant any
Anjundtion or Order for ftay of any Suits in any Civil Caufe: And that Parties
griev’d for or by reafon of any Proceedings formerly had ‘there, may com- mence their Suits, and profecute the fame in any of his Majefties Courts of Ju- {tice or Equity for remedy of their pretended Rights, without any Reftraint or Interruption from his Majefty, or otherwife, by the Chief Governour or Governours and Council of this Kingdom: And that the Proceedings in the re- fpective Precedency Courts fhall be purfuant, and according to his Majefties printed Book of Inftructions, and that they hall contain themfelves within the Limits prefcribed by that Book, when the Kingdom fhall be reftored to fuch a degree of Quietnefs, as they be not neceflarily enforced to exceed the fame.
XIV. Item, it is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon by and between the faid Parties, and his Majefty is further gracioufly pleas'd, That as for and concerning one Statute made in this Kingdom, in the eleventh year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, Intituled, An ACT for ftaying of Wool, Flocks, Tallow and other Neceflaries within this Realm: And another Statute made in the faid Kingdom in the twelfth year of the Reign of the faid Queen, Intituled, An ACT
and one other Statute made in the faid'Kingdom, in the 13th year of the Reign of the faid late Queen, Intituled, An Exemplanation of the A&t made in a Seflion of this Parliament for the ftaying of Wool, Flocks, Tallow, and other Wares and Commodities mention’d in the faid AG, and certain Articlesadded _ to the fame Act, all concerning ftaple or native Commodities of this Kingdom, fhall be repealed, if it fhall be fo thought fit in the Parliament (excepting for Wool and Wool-fells) and that fuch indifferent Perfons as fhall be agreed on by the faid Lord Lieutenant, and the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coftelogh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Muskerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, Alexander Mac Donnel Efq; Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Plunket Kt- Sir Richard Barnwall Baronet, Seffery Brown, Donnogh O Callaghan, Tyrlab O Neile, Ailes Reily and Gerrald Fennell Efquires, or any fe- ven or more of them fhall be authorized by Commiffion under the Great Seal, to moderate and afcertain the Rates of Merchandize, tobe exported or imported cut of, or into this Kingdom, as they fhall think fit.
XV. Item. It is concluded, accorded and agreed, by and between the faid Parties, and his Majefty is gracioufly pleas’d, That all and every Perfon"and Perfons within this Kingdom, pretending to have fuflered by Offices found of feveral Countries, Territories, Lands and Hereditaments in the Province of Ulfter, and other Provinces of this Kingdom, in or fince the firft year of King James his Reign, or by Attainders or Forfeitures, or by Pretence and Colour thereof, fince the faid 1ff year of King ames, or by other Acts depending on the faid Offices, Attainders and Forfeitures, may petition his Majefty in Par- liament for Relief and Redrefs ; and if after examination it fhall appear to his Majefty, the faid Perfons, or any of them have been injured, then his Majelty will prefcribe a Courfe to repair the Perfon or Perfons fo fuffering ac- cording to Juftice and Honour.
XVI. stem, It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and be- tween the faid Parties, and his Majefty is gracioully pleas’d, that as to the par- ticular Cafes of Maurice Lord Vifcount de Rupe and Fermoy, Arthur Lord Vifc. Tueagh, Sir Edward Fitz Gerrald of Cloanglifh Baronet, Charles Mac Carty Reag, Roger Moore, Anthony Mare, William Fitz Gerrald, Anthony Linch, Fobn Lacy, Colla Atac Brien Mac Mahowne, Daniel Cafiigni, Edmond Fitz Gerrald of Balli- martir, Lucas Keating, Theobald Roch Fitz Miles, Thimas Fitz Gevrald of the Vally, Folin Bourke of Loghmaske, Edmond Fitz Gerrald of Ballimallo, James Fux William Gerrald of Glinane, and Edmard Sutton, they may petition his Majefty in the next Parliament, whereupon his Majefty will take fuch Confideration of them as fhall be juft and fit.
XVII. /tem, It is likewife concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and be- tween the faid Parties, and his Majefty is gracioufly pleas’d, That the Citizens, Freemen, Burgefles and former Inhabitants of the City of Cork, Towns of Youghall and Downegarven {hall be forthwith upon Perfection of thefe Articles, reftored to their refpective Pofleflions and Eftates in the faid City and Towns,
refpectively,
| E5953 ]
refpectively, where the fame extends not to the endangering of the faid Ga- rifons in the {aid City and Towns. In which cafe fo many of the faid_Citi- zens and Iyhabitants, as fhall not be admitted co the prefent Polleflion of their Houfes within the aid City and Towns, fhall be afforded a valuable annual Rent for the fame, until Settlement in Parliament, at which time they fhall be reftor’d to rns their Polieflions. And itis further agreed, and his Maje- fty is. gracioutly pleas;d, That the faid Citizens, Freemen, Burgelles and Inha- bitants of the faid City of Cork, and Towns of Youghal and Downegarven, refpectively, fhall be enabled in conyenient time before the next Parliament to be held in this Kingdom, to choofe and return Burgetles into the fame Parlia- mene...
zances, Bonds, Fines, Forfcitures, Penalties, and to all other Profits, Perqui- fits and Dues which were due, or did, or fhould accrew to his Majefty on, before, or fince the 2¥¥ of Offober, 1641, until the Perfection of thefe Ar- ticles, and likewife to all Meafne Rates, Fines of what nature foever, Recog- mizances, Judgments, Executions thereupon, and Penalties whatfoever, and to all other Profits due to his Majelty fince the faid 234 of Oétober and before, un- til she Perfection of thefe Articles, for, by reafon, or which lay within rhe Survey or Recognizance of the Court of Wards and alfo toall Refpiis, [fies of Homage and Fines for the fame: provided this hall nor extend to difcharge or remitany of the King’s Debts or Subjidies due before the faid 23d of Odkober, 1641, which were then or before leyyed, or taken by the Sheriffs, Commit fioners, Receivers or Collectors, and not then or before, accounted for, or fince difpofed. to the: ublick Use of the faid Romn Catholic Subjects, but thst fuch. Perfons may pabatat to account for the fame after full Settlewient in Parliament, and not before, unlefs by and with the Adyice and Confent of the faid, Lhoms Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coffologh Lord Prefident of C onnazht, Don- nog Lord Vifcount Aduskerry, Franc Lord Baron of Aibunry, Alexander Mac Donnel Elq, Sic Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Plunket Kt. Sir Richard Barnawai Baronet, Jeffery Brown, Donnogh O Callaghan, Tyrlab O Neil, Atles Reily and GCerrald Fennell Efquires, or any feven.or more of them, as the fiid Lord Lteu-
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tenant otherwife fhall think fits provided, that fuch barbarous and inhuman Crimes as {hall be particulariz’d and agreed upon by the faid Lord Lieutenant, and the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dsllon of Coftologh Lord Prefident of Con- naght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Muskerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, Alex- ander Adac Donnell £9; Six Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Plunket Kt. Sir Richard Barnwall Baronet, Sefery Brown, Donnogh O Callaghan, Tyrlah O Neil, Miles Reily and Gerrald Fennell Efquires, or any feven or more of them, as tothe Ac- tors and Procurers thereof, be left to be tried and adjudged by fuch indifferent Commilfioners as fhall be agreed upon by the faid Lord Lieutenant, and the {aid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coftologh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Don- nogh Lord Vifcount Muskerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, Alexander Mac Donnell Eq; Sir Lucas Dillon Kez Sir Nicholas Plunker Kt. Sir Richard Barnwali Baronet, feffery Browa, Donnogh O Callaghan, Tyrlab O Neil, Miles Reily and Gerrald Fennell Efquires, or any feven or more of them ; and that the Power of the faid Commiffioners fhall continue only for two years next enfuing the Date of their Commiflion, which Commiffion is to iffue within fix Months after the Date of thefe Articles ; provided alfothat the Commiflioners to be agreed on for trial of the {aid particular Crimes tobe excepted, ihall hear, order and determin all Cafes of Truft, where relief may or ought in equity co be afforded againft all manner of Perfons, according to the Equity and Circumftances of every fuch Cafes; and his Majefties Chief Governour or Covernours, and other Magi- {trates for the time being, in all his Majefties Courts of Jultice, and other his Majefties Officers of what Condition or Quality foever, be bound and re- quir’d to take notice of, and purfue the faid Act of Oblivion without pleading or fuit to be made for the fame; and that no Clerk or other Officers do make out or write out any manner of Writs, Procefles, Summons or other Precept, for, eoncerning, or by reafon of any Matter, Caufe or Thing whatfoever re- leafed, forgiven, difcharged, or to be forgiven by the faid Act, under pain of 20 /. Sterling, and that no Sheriff or other Officer, do execute any fuch Writ, Procefs, Summons or Precept , and that no Record, Writing or Memory, do remain of any Offence or Offences, releafed or forgiven, or mentioned to be forgiven by this Act 3 and that all other Claufes ufually inferted in Acts of Gene- ral Pardon or Oblivion, enlarging his Majefties Grace and Mercy, not herein particularized, be inferted and comprized in the faid Act, when the Bill fhall be drawn up with the Exceptions already exprefled, and none other. Provided always, that the faid Act of Obliwion thal] not extend to any Treafon,Felony or other Offence or Offences,which fhal] be committed or done from or after the Date of thefe Articles, until the firft Day of the before mentioned next Parliament, to be held in this Kingdom. Provided alfo, that any Act or Acts, which hall be done by Virtue, Pretence, or in Purfuance of thefe Articles of Peace agreed upon, or any Act or Aéts which fhall be done by Virtue, Colour or Pretence of the Power or Authority ufed or exercifed by and amongft the Confederate Roman Catholics after the Date of the faid Articles, and before the faid Publi- cation, fhal] not be accounted, taken, conftrued, or to be, Treafon, Felony, or other Offence to be excepted out of the faid Act of Oblivion ; provided likewife, that the faid Act of Oblivion fhall not extend unto any Perfon or Perfons, that will not obey and fabmit unto the Peace concluded and agreed on by thefe Articles; provided further, that the faid Act of Oblivion, or any thing in this Article contained, fhal! not hinder or interrupt the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dilton of Coffologh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Muskerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athanry, Alexander Mac Donnel E{q; Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Plunket Kt. Sir Richard Barnwall Baronet, Fef- fery Brown, Donnegh O Callaghan, Tyrlah O Netle, Miles Reily and Gerrald Fennell, Efquires, or any feven or more of them, to call to an Account, and proceed againft the Council and Congregation, and the refpective fupream Councils, Commiffioners general, appointed hitherto from time to time by the Confederate Catholics to manage their Affairs, or any other Perfon or Per- fons accomptable to an Accompt for their ref{pective Receipts and Disburfe- ments, fince the beginning of their refpective Imploiments under the faid Con- federate Catholics, or to acquit or releafe any Arrears of Excifes, Cuftoms, or yblic Taxes to be accounted for fince the 23d of Oétober 1641. and not dif- ford of hitherto, to the public Ufe, but that the Parties thercin concern’d may
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may be eall’d to an Account for the fame as aforefaid, by the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Costologh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vitec. Maskerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, Alexander Mac Donnel Efquire, Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Plunket Kt. Sit Richard Barnwall Baronet, Feffery Brown, Donnogh O Callaghan, TyrlabO Neile, Miles Reily and Gerrald Fennell, Efquires, or any feven or more of them, the faid ACT or any thing therein contain’d to the contrary notwithi{tanding.
XIX. Item, It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and be- tween the faid Parties, and his Majefty is gracioufly pleas'd, that an ACT be pafs'd in the next Parliament, prohibiting, That neither the Lord Deputy, or other Chief Governour or Governours, Lord Chancellor, Lord High Trea~ furer, Vice Treafurer, Chancellor, or any of the Barons of the Exchequer, Privy Council, or Judges of the four Courts, be Farmers of his Majelties Cu- ftoms within this Kingdom.
XX. Item, It is likewife concluded, accorded and agreed, and his Majefty is gracioufly pleas'd, that an ACT of Parliament pafs in this Kingdom againft Monopolies, fuch as was enacted in England 21 Facobi Regis, with a further Claufe of repealing of all Grants of Monopolies in this Kingdom; and that Commiflioners be agreed upon by the faid Lord Lieutenant, and the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coftolegh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Aduskerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, Alexander A¢ac Don- nelE{q; Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Plunket Kt. Sit Richard Barnwall Ber. Fefery Brown, Donnogh O Callaghan, Tyrlab O Netle, Miles Reily and Gerrald Fennell E{quires, or any feven or more of them, to fet down the Rates for the Cuftom and Impofition to be laid on Aquavite, Wine, Oil, Yarn and Tobacco.
XXI. Jtem, It is concluded, accorded and agreed, and his Majelty is gra- cioufly pleas’d, that fuch Perfons as fhall be agreed on by the faid Lord Lieu- tenant, and the faid Thomas Lord Vilcount Dillon of Coftoligh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Muskerry, Francis Lord Baron of -Arhun- ry, Alexander Mac Donnel Efquire, Sir Lucas Dilloz Knight, Sir Nicholas Plunket Knight, Sir Richard Barnwall Baronet, Feffery Brown, Donnogh O Cal- Taghan, Tyrlab O Neile, Adiles Reslie and Gerrald Fennell Efquires, or any feven or more of them, fhall be as foon as may be authoriz’d by Commiflion under the Great Seal to regulate the Court of Caftle-chamber, and fuch Caufes as thall be brought into, and cenfur’d in the faid Court.
XXII. Item, It is concluded, accorded and agreed upon, and his Majefty is gracioufly pleas'd, thattwo Acts lately pafs’d in this Kingdom, one prohi- biting the plowing with Horfes by the Tail, and the other prohibiting the burning of Oats in the Scraw, be repeal’d.
XXII. Icew, It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and be- tween the faid Parties, and his Maiefty is further gracionfly pleas’d, for as much as upon Application of Agents from this Kingdom unto his Majefty in the fourth year of his Reign, and lately upon humble Suit made unto his Majefty, by a Committee of both Houfes of the Parliament of this Kingdom, order was given by his Majefty for redrefs of feveral Grievances, and for fo many of thofe as are not exprefs’d in the Articles, whereof both Houfes in the next enfuing Parliament fhall defire the benefit of his Majefties faid former Directi- ons for RedrefS therein, that the fame be afforded them, yet fo, as for preven- tion of Inconveniences to his Majefties Service, that the Warning mention’d in the 24th Article of the Graces in the fourth year of his Majefties Reign be fo underftood, that the Warning being left at the Perfons Dwelling-houfes be held fufficient Warning ; and as to the 22d Article of the faid Graces, the Procefs hitherto us’d in the Court of Wards do ftill continue, as hitherto it hath done in that, and hath been us'd in other Exglifh Courts ; but the Court of Wards being compounded for, fo much of the aforefaid Anfwer as concerns Warning and Procefs fhall be omitted.
XXIV. Jcem, It isfurther concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and be- tween the faid Parties, and his Majefty is further gracioufly pleas’d, That Mari- tine Caufes may be determin’d in this Kingdom, without driving of Merchants or others to appeal and feek Juftice elfewhere: and if ic fhall fall out that there be Caufe of an Appeal, the Party griev’d is to appeal to his Majefty in the Chancery of J RELAN D; and that Sentence thereupon to be given by the
[LBbbb 2] Delegates,
[556 J Delegates, to be definitive, and not to be queftion’d upon any further Appeal, except it be in the Parliament of this Kingdom, if the Parliament fhall then be fitting, otherwife not, this to be by ACT of Parliament; and until the faid Parliament, the Admiralty and Maritine Caufes fhal] be order’d and fettl’d by the faid Lord Lieutenant, or other Chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom for the time being, by and with the Advice and Confent of the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dilon of Coftelogh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Don- nogh Lord Vifcount Auskerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, Alexander Mac Doantl E{q, Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Plunket Kt. Sir Richard Barnwalt Baronet, Jeffery Brown, Donnogh O Caliaghan, Tyrlah O Neile, Adiles Reily and Gerrald Fennell E{quires, or any feven or more of them. ste
XXV. Jtem, It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and be- tween the faid Parties, and his Majefty is gracioufly pleas’d, That his Majeities Subjects of this Kingdom be eas’d of all Rents and increafe of Rents lately rais’d on the Commiffion or defective Titles in the Earl of Strafford’s Government, thisto be by AC T of Parliament ; and that in the mean time the faid Rents or encreafe of Rents fhell not be written for by any Procefs, or the paiment there- of in any fort procur'd.
XXVI. Jrems, It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and be-. tween the faid Parties, and his Majefty is further gractoufly pleas’d, that by ACT to be pafs’d inthe next Parliament, all the Arrears of Intereft-Mony, which did accrue and grow due by way of Debt, Mortgage or otherwife, and yet not fo fatisfy'd fince the 23d of October 1641. until the Perfection of thefe Articles, hall be fully forgiven and be releas’d ; and that for and during the fpace of three years next enfuing, nomore fhall be taken for Ufe or Intereft of Mo- ney then five Pounds per Centum. And in Cafes of Equity arifing through Dif ability, occafion’d by the Diftempers of the Times, the Confiderations of Equi- ty to be like unto both Parties , but as for Mortgages contracted between his Majefties Koman Catholic Subjects and others of that Party, where Entry hath been made by the Mortgagers againft Law, and the Condition of their Mort- gages, and detain’d wrongfully by them without giving any Satisfaction to the Mortgagees, or where any fuch Mortgagers have made Profit of the Lands mortgaged above Country Charges, yet anfwer no Rent, or other Confidera- tion to the Mortgagees, the Parties griev’d refpectively to be left for relief to a Courfe of Equity therein,
XXVIL Jrem, It is further concluded, accorded ard agreed upon, and his Majeity is further gracioufly pleas’d, that immediately upon Perfection of thefe Articles, the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dzllon of Coffologh Lord Prefi- dent of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Atuskerry, Frances Lord Baron of Athunry, Alexander Mac Donnel E.fq, Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sie Nicholas Plun- ket Kt. Sir Richard Barnwall Baronet, Jeffery Brown, Donnogh O Callaghan, Tyr- lah O Neile, Miles Reily, Gerrald Fennel Efquires, thall be authoriz’d by the faid Lord Lieutenant to proceed in, hear, determin and execute, in and throughout this Kingdom, the enfuing Particulars, and all the Matters thereup- on depending ; and that fuch Authority and other the Authorities hereafter mention’d fhall remain of force without revocation, alteration or diminution, ‘until Acts of Parliament be pafs’d, according to the purport and intent of thefe Articles; and thatincafe of Death, Mifcarriage, Difabilicy to ferve by reafon of Sicknefs or otherwife of any the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coftologh Ld Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Ld Vilc. Aduskerry, Francis Ld Bar. of Athun- ry, Alexander Mac Donnell Eg; Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Plunket Kt. Sir Richard Barnwall Baronet, Feffery Brown, Donnogh O Callaghan, Tyrlah O Neile, Miles Reily and Gervald Fennell E{quires, and his Majetties Lord Lieutenant, or other Chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom for the time being, fhall name and authorize another in the Place of fuch as fhall be fo dead or fhall mifcarry himfelf, or be fo difabled, and that the fame fhall be fuch Perfon as fhall be allow’d of by the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coffologh, Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Aduskerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, Alexander Mac Donnell Efg, Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Plun- ket Kt. Sir Richard Barnwall Baronet, Feffery Brown, Donnogh O Callaghan, Tyr- hah O Neile, Ailes Reily and Gerrald Fennell Ef{quires, or any feven or more of them then living. And that the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of |
Lor
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Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Muskerry, Francis Lord Baron of Atbunry, Alexander Afac Donnel Efq; Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicho- las Plunket Kt. Sir Richard Baruwall Baronet, Jefery Brown, Donnogh O Callaghan, Tyrlah O Neile, Miles Reily and Gerrald Fennell E{quires, or any feven or more of them, fhal! have Power to applot, raife and levy Means wich Indifferency and Equality by way of Excife or otherwife, upon all his Majelties Subjects within the faid Kingdom, their Perfons, Eftates and Goods, towards the
jaintenance of fuch Army or Armies as fhall be thought fit to continue, and be in Pay for his Majetties Service, the Defence of the Kingdom, and other the necellary public Charges thereof, and towards the Maintenance of the Forts, Caftles, Garifonsand Towns, until there fhall be a Settlement in Parliamenc of both or either party, other than fuch of the faid Forts, Garifons and Caltles, as from time to time fhall be thought fit, by his Majelties Chief Governour or Go- vernours of this Kingdom for the time being, by and with the Advice and Con- fent of the faid Thomas Lord Vife. Dillon of Coftologh Lord Prelid: nt of Connaght, Dennogh Lord Vile. AZuskerry, Francis Ld Baron of Athunry, Alexander Muc Don- nel Efqg; Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Plunket Kt. Sir Richard Barnwall Baro- net, Feffery Brown, Donnogh O Callaghan, Tyrlao O Neile, Miles Reily and Ger- rald Fennell E{quires, or any feven or more of them, not to be maintained at the Charge of the Public, provided that bis Majefties Lord Lieytenant or other Chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom for the time being, be firft made acquainted with fuch Taxes, Levies and Excifes as fhall be made, and the manner of levying thereof, and that he approve the fame 3 and to the end that fuch of the Proteftant Party as fhal] fubmit to the Peace, may in the feveral Countries where any of their Eftates lieth, have Equality and {n- differency in the Affeflments and Levies that fhall concern their Eitates in the faid feveral Counties.
It is concluded, accorded and agreed upon, and his Majefty is gracioufly pleafed, That in the Directions which fhall iffue to any fuch County, for the applotting, fubdividing and levying of the faid Public Affeflments, fome of the faid Proteltant Party fhall be joined with others of the Roman Catholic Par- ty to that purpofe, and for effecting that Service, and the faid Thoma Lord Vifcount Dsllon of Coffologh Lord Prefident of Conmaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Muskerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, Alexander Mac Donnel E'q, Sir Lu- cas DillonKt, Sir Nicholas Plunket Kt. Sir Richard Barnwail Baronet, Fifery brown, Donnogh O Callaghan, Tyrlah O Neile, Miles Reily and Gerrald Fennel Efqs; or any feven or more of them, fhall have power to levy the Arrearsof all ixcis fes and other publick Taxes impofed by the Confederate Romaa Catholics, and yet unpaid, and to call Receivers and other Accomptants of all former Taxes and all public Dues to a juft and ftrict Account, either by themfelves, or by fuch as they or any feven or more of them fhall name or appoint 5 and that the faid Lord Lientenant, or any other Chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom for the time being, hhall from time to time iflue Commiffions to fuch Perfon and Perfons as fhall be named and appointed by the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coffologh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Doanogh Lord Vif- count Auskerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, Alexander Mac Donnel Efq; Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Plunket Kt. Sir Richard Barnwall Baronet, Jeffery Brown, Donnogh O Callaghan, Tyrlab O Nesile, Mules Reily and Gerrgld Fennell E{quires, or any feven or more of them, for letting, fetting, and improv- ing the Eftates of all fuch Perfon and Perfons, as fhall adhere to any Party op- poling his Majefties Authority, and not fubmitting to the Peace, and that the Profits of fuch Eftates fhall be converted by the faid Lord Lieutenant, or other Chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom for the time being, to the Maintenance of the King’s Army and other neceflary Charges, until Sectlement by Parliament; and that the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Di#on of Coftolagh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Afuskerry, Francis Lard Baron of Athunry, Alexander Mac Donnel Efqs Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicho- las Plunket Kt. Sir Richard Barnwall Baronet, feffery Brown, Donnogh O Callag- han, Tyrlab O Neile, Miles Reily and Gerrald Fennel Efquires, or any feven or more of them, fhall have power to applot, raife and levy Means with Indiile- rency and Equality, for the buying of Arms and Ammunition, and for the en- tertaining of Frigats in fuch proportion as fhall be thought fic by his
jefties
[558 J jefties Lord Liewtenant, or other Chicf Governours of this Kingdom for the time being, by and with the Advice and Confent of the {aid Thomas Lord Vif- count Dullon of Coftologh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Atuskerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, Alexander Mac Donnel E{Q; Sir Lu- cas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Plunket Kt. Sir Richard Barnwall Baronet, Jeffery Brown, Donnogh O Callaghan, Tyrlab O Neile, Miles Reily and Gerrald Fennell E{quires, or any feven or more of thems the faid Arms and Ammunition to be laid up in fuch Magazins, and under the Charge of fuch Perfons as fhall be agreed on by the faid Lord Lieutenant, and the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dil- lon of Cojtologh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Aduskerry, ' Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, Alexander Mac Donnel E\g, Sir Lucas Dillon Kt. Sir Nicholas Plunker Kt. Sir Richard Barnwall Baronet, Fefery Brown, Donnogha O Callaghan, Tyrlab O Neie, Miles Reily, Gerrald Fennell Eiquires, or any te- ven or more of them, and to be difpofed of, and the faid Frigats to be imploy- ed for his Majeftics Service, and the public Ufe and Benefit of this Kingdom of Ireland; and that the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dallon of Coffologh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount @4uskerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, &c. or any feven or more of them, fhall have power to applot, raife and levy Means wich indifferency and Equality, by way of Excife or otherwite, in the feveral Cities, Corporate Towns, Counties and part of Counties, now within the Quarters and only upon the Eftates of the faid Confederate Roman Catholics, all fuch Sum and Sums of Money as fhall appear to the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coftologh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Afuskerry, Francis Lord Baron of Arbunry, &c. or any feven or more of them, to be really due, for and in the Difcharge of the publick Engage~ ments of the faid Confederate Catholics, incurred and grown due before the Conclufion of thefe Articles; and that the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coftologh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Muskerry, Fran- cis Lord Baron of Athuary, &c. or any feven or more of them, fhall be autho- riz’d to appoint Receivers, Collectors and all other Officers, for fuch Monies as fhall be aflefled, taxed or applotted, in purfuance of the Authorities mention’d in this Article, and for the Arrears of all former Applotments, Taxes and other public Dues yet unpaid; And that the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coffologh Lord Prefident of Cennaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Muskerry, Francs Lord Baron of Arhunry, &c. or any feven or more of them, in cafe of Refractories or Delinquency, may diftrain and imprifon, and caufe fuch De- linguents to be diftrained and imprifoned. And the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coftologh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Atuskervy, Francis Lord Baronof Athunry, &c. or any feven or more of them make per- fect Books of all fuch Monies as fhall be applotted, raifed or levy’d, out of which Books they are to make feveral and refpective Abftras, to be de- livered under their hands, or the hands of any {even or more of them, to the feveral and refpective Collectors, which thall be appointed to levy and receive the fame. And that a Duplicate of the taid Books, under the hands of the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coftelogh Lord Prefident of Connaghr, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Muskerry, Francs Lord Baron of Athunry, &c. or any feven or more of them, be delivered unto his Majefties Lord Lieutenant, or other Chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom for the time being, whereby a perfect Account may be given; and that the faid Thomas Lord Vif- count Dillon of Coffclogh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Muskerry, Francis Lord Baron of Arhunry, &c. or any feven or more of them, fhal} have Péwer to call the Council and Congregation, and the refpective fupream Councils, and Commiffioners General, appointed hitherto from time to time, by the faid Confederate Roman Catholics, to manage their public Af- fairs, and all other Perfons accountable, to an Account ior all their Receipts and Disburfements fince the beginning of their re{pective Imploiments, under the Confederate Roman Catholics.
XXVIII. Item, It is concluded, accorded and agreed, by and between the faid Parties, and his Majefty is gracioufly pleas’d, That for the Prefervation of the Peace and Tranquillity of the Kingdom, the faid Lord Lieutenant, and the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Goftologh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Don-
e ogo Lord Vilcourt: AZuskerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, @c. or any feven or
E 559 3
or more of them, fhall for the prefent agrea upon fuch Perfons, who are to be authorized by Commiffion under the Great Seal, to be Commiflioners of the Peace, Oyer and Terminer, Affizes and Goal-delivery, in, and throughout the Kingdom, to continue during pleafure, with fuch Power as Juftices of the. Peace, Oyer and Terminer, Alfizes and Goal-delivery in former time of Peace have ufually had, which is not to extend unto any Crime or Offence commit- ted before the firlt of A4ay laft paft, and to be qualify’d with Power to hear and determin all Civil Caufes coming before them, not exceeding ten Pounds ; provided that they fhall not intermeddle with Titles of Lands; provided like- wife, the Authoricy of fuch Commillioners fhall not extend to queftion any Perfon or Perfons, for any Shipping, Cattle or Goods, heretofore taken by: either Party from the other, or other Injuries done contrary to the Articles of Ceflation, concluded by and with the faid Reman Catholic Party in, or fince May laft, but that the fame fhall be determined by fuch indifferent Perfons, as the Lord Lieutenant, by the Advice and Confent of the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coftologh Lord Prefident of Cannaght, Donnogh Lord Vif- count Muskerry, Francs Lord Baron of Arhunry, &c. or any feven or more of them fhall think fit, to the end that {peedy and equal Jultice may be done to all Parties grieved ; and the faid Commiflioners are to make their Eftreats as accuftomed of Peace and fhall take the enfuing Oath, wiz. You hall {wear, That as Juftice of the Peace, Oyer and Terminer, Affizes and Goal-delivery in the Counties of 4, B. in all Articles to the Commiflion to you directed, you fhall do equal Right to the poor, and tothe rich after your Cunning and Wit and Power, and after the Laws and Cuftoms of the Realm, and in purfuance of thefe Articles, and you fhall not be of Counfel of any Quarrel hanging before you; and the Iflues, Fines and Amerciaments which fhall happen to be made, and all Forfeitures which fhall happen before you, you fall caufe to be entred withaut any concealment or imbezling, and fend to the Court of Ex- chequer, Or to fuch ather Place as his Majefties Lard Lieutenant, or other Chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom fhall appoint, until there may be accefs unto the faid Court of Exchequer : You fhall not let for Gift or other Caufe, but well and truly you fhall do your Office of Juftice of Peace, Oyer and Termixer, Affizes and Goal-delivery in that behalf, and that you cake nothing for your Office of Juftice of the Peace, Oyer and Terminer, Affizes and Goal-delivery to be done, but of the King, and Fees accuftomed; and you fhall not direct, or caufe to be direéted, any Warrant by you, to be made ta the Parties, but you fhall direct them to the Sheriffs and Bayliffs of the faid Counties refpectively, or other the King’s Officers or Minifters, or other in- different Perfons to do executionthereof. So help you God, &e..
And that as well in the faid Commiflion, as in all other Commilflions and Authorities to be iffued in purfuance of the prefent Articles, this Claufe fhall be inferted, wiz. That all Officers, Ciyil and Martial, fhall be required to be aiding and aflifting and obedient unto the faid Commiffioners, and other Per- fons to be authorized as abovefaid in the execution of their ref{pective Powers.
XXIX. Jtem, It is further concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and be- tween the faid Parties, and his Majefty is further gracioufly pleas’d, That his Majefties Roman Catholic Subjects, do continue the Pofleflion of fuch of his Ma- jefties Cities, Garifons, Towns, Forts and Caftles which are within their now Quarters, until Settlement by Parliament, and to be commanded, ruled and governed in chief, upon occafion of neceflity (as to the Martial and Military Affairs) by fuch as his Majefty, or his Chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom for the time being, fhall appoint; and the faid Appointment to be by and with the Advice and Confent of the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coftologb Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Atuskerry, Prancis Lord Baron of Athunry, &c. or any feven or more of them; andhis Majefties Chief Governour or Governours, is to iflue Commiflions according- ly, to fuch Perfons as fhall be fo named and appointed as aforefaid, for the executing of fuch Command, Rule or Government, to continue until all the Particulars in thefe prefent Articles agreed on to pafs in Parliament, {hall be accordingly pafled , only in cafe of Death or Misbehaviour, fuch other Perfon | or Perfons to be appointed for the faid Command, Rule and Government, fe
e
[\§60 ] be named and“appointed: in the place or places,’ of himvor them, who fhall fo die or misbehave themfelves, as the Chief Governour or Governours for the time being, by the Advice and Confent of the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Da- lon of Coftologh Lord Brefident of Conmaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Maskerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athanry, &e. or any feven.or more of them fhall think fit, and to be continued untila Settlement in Parliament as aforefaid.
XXX. Item, itis further concluded, accorded andragreed upon, by and be- tween the faid Patties, and his Majeity is further gracioufly pleafed, That’alt Cuftoms and Tenths of Prizes belonging to: his’ Majefty, which from the Per- fection of thefe’ Articles fhall fall dve within this Kingdom, fhall. be paid am- to his Majefties Receipt, or until recourfe may be had thereunto in the ordi- nary legal Way, unto fuch Perfon or Perfons, and in fuchyplace or places, _ and under fuch Controuls as the Lord Lieutenant’ fhall appoint to be difpofed
of, in order to the Defence and Safety of the Kingdom,’ and the defraying of other the neceflary public Charges thereof, for the Eafe of the Subjects in other their Levyes, Charges and'Applotments. And that all and every Per-
fon or Perfons, who are at prefent infiruited and imploied ‘by the faid Romaz Catholics, in the Entries, Receipts, Collections, or otherwife, conceriing the faid Cuftoms and Tenths of Prizés, docontinue their refpective Imploiments in the fame, until full Settlement in Parliament, accountable to his Majefties Receipts, or until recourfe may be had therewnto; asthe faid Lord Lieute- nant fhall appoint as aforefaid, other than to fuch, “and fo many of them, as to the Chief Governour or Governours for the time being, by and with the Advice and Confent of the faid Thoma Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coftologh Lord Prefident of Connaghr, Donnogh Lord Vile. Aduskerry, Francis Lord Ba- ron of :Atbunry, &c. or any feven or more of them, fhall be thought fir co be altered ; and then, and in fuch cafe, or in cafe of Death, Fraud or Misbeka- viour, or other Alteration of any {uch Perfon’or Perfons, then fuch other Perfon or Perfons to bé employed therein, as fhall be thought fit by the Chief Governour or Governours for the timebeing, by and with the Advice and Gonfent of the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coftologh Lord Preti- dent of Connaght, Donaogh Lord Vifcount Muskerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, &c. or any feven or more of them; and when it fhall appear that
any Perfon or Perfons, who fhall be found faithful to his Majefty, hathright - ;
to any of the Offices or Places about the faid Cuftoms, whereanto he or they
may not be admitted until Settlement in Parliament as aforefaid, that areafo- -
nable Compenfation fhall be afforded to fuch Perfon or Perfons for the fame, XXXI. Item, As for and concerning his Majefties Rents, payable at Eaffer next, and from thenceforth to grow due, until a Settlement’ in Parliament, it is concluded, accorded and agreed upon, by and between the faid Parties, and his Majelty is gracioufly pleas’d, That the faid Rents ‘be not written for, or levyed, until a full Settlement in Parliament ; and in due time upon Appti- cation to be made to the faid Lord Lieutenant, or other Chief Governour or Governours of ‘this Kingdom, by the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Co- frologh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount Aduskerry, Frances Lord Baron of Athunry, &c. or any fevenor more of them, for remietal of thofe Rents, the faid Lord Lieutenant, or any other-Chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom for the time being, fhail intimate cheir Defires,
and the Reafon thereof to his Majefty, who upon confideration of the prefeat -
Condition of this Kingdom will declare his gracious Pleafure therein, as fhall be juft and honourable, and fatisfactory to the reafonable Defires of his Subjects. =. uy 4 XXXII. Item, It is concluded, accorded and agreed, by and between the faid Parties, and ‘his Majefty is gracioufly pleas’d, That the Commitliopers of Oyer and Terminer and Goal-delivery to be named as aforefaid, fhall have Power to hear and determin all Morders, Manflaughters, Rapes, Stealths, burning of ‘Hou- fes and-Corn in Rick or Stack, Robberies, Burglaries, forcible Entries, Detaia- ers of Pofleffions, and other Offences committted or done, and to be commit- ted'and done fince the firft day of A4ay laft paft, until the firft day of the next Parliament, thefe prefent Articles, or any thing therein contained to the con-
trary notwithftanding ; provided, that the Authority 6f the faid Commiffi- »
oners fhall not extend to queftion any Perfon or Perfons, for dcing or com- mitting
[ 561 J
mitting any Act whatfoever, before the Conclufion of this Treaty, by Virtue or Colour of any Warrant-or Direction from thofe in public Authority among the Confederate Roman Catholics, nor unto any Act which fhall be done after the perfecting and concluding of thefe Articles, by Virtue or Pretence of any Au- thority which is now by thefe Articles agreed on; provided alfo that the faid Commiffion fhall not continue longer than the firft day of the next Parlia- ment.
XXXIIL., Item, It is concluded, accorded, by and between the faid Parties, and his Majefty is further gracioufly pleas’d, That for the determining fuch differences which may arife between his Majefties Subjects within this King- dom, and the prevention of Inconvenience and Difquiet which through want of due Remedy in feveral Caufes may happen, there fhall be Judicatures efta® blifh’d in this Kingdom,and that the Perfons to be authorized in them, fhall have Power to do all fuch things as fhall be proper and necellary for them to do ; and the {aia Lord Lieutenant, by and with the Advice and Confent of the faid Thomas Lord Vifcount Dillon of Coftologh Lord Prefident of Connaght, Donnogh Lord Vifcount AZuskerry, Francis Lord Baron of Athunry, &c. or any feven or more of them, fhall name the faid Perfons fo to be authorized, and do all other things incident unto, and neceflary for the fettling of the faid intended Judicatures.
XXXIV. Jrem, At the Inftance, humble Suit and earneft defire of the Gene- ral Aflembly of the Confederate Roman Catholics; it is concluded, accorded and agreed upon, that the Roman Catholic Regular Clergy of this Kingdom, behaving themfelves conformable to thefe Articles of Peace, fhall not be mo- lefted in the Pofleffions, which at prefent they have of, and in the Bodies, Sites and Precindts of fuch Abbies and Adonafferies belonging to any Roman Ca= tholic within the faid Kingdom, until Settlement by Parliament; and that the faid Clergy fhall not be molefted in the enjoying fuch Penfions, as hitherto fince the Wars they enjoyed for their refpective Lively-hoods from the faid Roman Catholics: and the Sites and Precin¢ts hereby intended, are declared to be the Body of the Abby, one Garden and Orchard to each Abby, if any there be, and what elle is contained within the Walls, Meers or antient Fences or Ditch, that doth fupply the Wall thereof, and no more.
XXXV. Item, It is concluded, accorded and agreed, by and between the faid Parties, that as to all other demands of the faid Roman Catholics, for or concerning all or any the matters propofed by them, not granted or aflented un- to in and by the aforefaid Articles, the faid Roman Catholics be referred to his Majefties graciousFavour and further Conceflions. In Witnefs whereof the faid Lord Lieutenant, for and on the behalf of his moft Excellent Majefty, to the one Part of thefe Articles remaining with the faid Roman Catholics, hath put his Hand and Seal: And Sir Richard Blake Kt. in the Chair of the General Af- fembly of the faid Roman Catholics, by Order, Command and unanimous Con- fent of the {aid Catholics in full Aflembly, to the other Part thereof remaining with the faid Lord Lieutenant, hath put to his Hand and the Public Seal, hitherto usd by the faid Roman Catholics, the 17th of Fanuary, 1648. ahd inthe 24h Year of the Reign of our Soveraign Lord CHAR ES, by the Grace of God King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, &c.
SIR,
HAVE wot thus long forborn to invite you with thofe under your Com-
if mand, to 4 Submiffion to his Majefties Authority in me, and aCon- junGion with me, in the ways of his Service, out of any the leaft Averfion Ihad to you, or any of them, or ont of any dif-eftecm I had to your ‘Power, to advance or impede the fame, but out of my Fear, whiles thofe that have of late ufurped Power over the Subjects of England, held forth the leaft colourable Shadow of Moderation in their Intentions towards the Settlement of Church
or State, and that in fome tolerable Way with relation to Religion, the Intereft . Ccecec] of
[ 562 ] of the King and Crown, the Freedom of Parliament Sthe Liberties of the Subjed, any Addreffes from me propofing ihe withdrawing of that Party frou thofe thus profeffing, from whom they have received fome, and expected further fupport,, would have been but coldly received, and any Determination thereupon deferred in hope and expectation of the forementioned Settlement, or that you your felf, who certainly have not wanted a forefight of the fad Confulior now covering the Face of England, would have declared with me, the Ford inchequeen, and the Proteltant Army in Muntfter, in preven- tion thereof yet my fear was, it would have been as difficult for you, to have carried mith you the main “Body of the Army under jour Command (not fo clear-fightecd as your felf) as it would have been dangerous to you, and thofe with you well enclined to have attempted it witheut thems but now that the Mask of Hypocrify, by which the Independent Army hath enfnared and enflaved all Eftates and Degrees of Men is laid afide, now that barefuced, ihey evidently appear to be the Subverters of true Religion, and to be the Pre. teCfors and Inviters not only of all falfe Owes, but of Irreligion and Athe- ifm, now that they have barbaroufly and inhumanly laid violent, facrilegious hands upon, and miurthered God's Anointed, and our King, xct as hereto- fore fome “Patricides have done, to make room for fome Ofurper, but in a way plainly manifefting their Intentions, to change. the Monarchy of Eng- land into Anarchy, unlefs their Aiu be firft to conftitute an eledlive Kine- dom; and CROMWEL or fome fuch John of Leiden beim eleced, then by the fame Force, by which they have thas far compaffed their Ends, to efta- blifh a perfe Turkihh Tyravny 5 vow that of the three Efiates of King, Lords and Commons, whereof in all Ages Parliaments have confified, there remains only a frall number, and they the Dregs and Scum of the Houfe of Commons, pickd and awd bythe ARMY, a wicked Remnant, left for no other end, than yet further if it be poffible to delude the People with the Name of a Parliament: The King ‘being murther'd, tke Lords and the reft of the Commons being by unheard of violence at feveral times fered from the Honfes, and fome imprifon’d. Anzd now that there re- mains no other Liberty in the Subject but to profes blalphemous Opinions, to revile. and tread under foot Magiftracy, to wurther Magifirates, and opprefs and undo all that are not like-minded with them. Now I fay, that I can- not doubt but that you and all with you under your command will take this Opportunity to af and declare againft fo monfirous and unparallcl’d a Feebel- lion, and that you and they will cheerfully acknowledg, and faithfully ferve and obey our Gracious King CHARES the Ul. uxdoubied Heir of bis Fathers Crown and Vertues under whofe Right and Condud we way by God's Alfiftance reftore Proteftant ‘Religion to Purity, and therein fertle it, “Parliaments to their Freedom, good Laws to their Force, and our Fellow- Subjects to their juft Liberties ; wherein how glorious and bleffcd a thing it will be, to be fo confiderably infirumental, as you mray now make sour self, I leave to you now to confider. And though I conceive there are not any Mo- tives relating to fome particular Intereft to be mentioned after thefe fo weighty Confiderations, which are fuch as the World hath not been at any time fur- nifh'd with, yet [hold it my part to afjure you that as there is wothing you can reafonably propofe for the fafety, satisfaction or advantage of your felf, or of any that fhall adhere to you in what I defire, that I shall not to the uttermoft of my Power provide for 5 fo there is xothing I would, nor fhall more indu- firioujly avoid, than thofe Neceffities arifing from my Duty to God and Man, ~ that may by your rejeFing this Offer force me to be a fad Inftrument of fhed- ding Englith Blood, which in fuch Cafe muft on both fides happen. If this Overture find place with you, as Eearneftly wifh it may, let me know with what
[ 563 J what poffible {peed you can, and if yon pleafe by the “Bearer in what way you defire, it fall be drawn on to aConclufion, For in that, as well as in the
Siubftance, yon fhall find all ready compliance from me, that defire to be
CARRICK, Your affetionate Friend to ferve you, March 9. 1648. ORMOND.
For Colonel Michael Fones Go- vernourof DO‘BLIN.
My LORD,
OUR Lordpip's of the ninth, Ireceiv'd the twelfth inftant, and therein have I your Lordfhip’s Invitation to a Conjunction with your Self CL finppofe.) as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and with others now uni- ted with the Irifh, and with the Irith themfelves alfo.
As Lunderftand not how your Lordfhip fhould be invefted with that Power pretended, fo am I very well affur’d, that it is not in the Power of any with- out the Parliament of England to give and affure pardon to thofe bloody ‘Re- bels, as by the ACT to that end pafs'd may appear more fully. I am alfo well affur'd, that the Parliament of England would never affent to fuch a PEACE (fitch as is that of your Lordhips with the Rebels) wherein is lit- tle or no “Provifion made either for the Proteftants or the Proteftant Religion. Kor can Tunderftand how the Proteftant Religion fhould be fettled and re- feor'd to its Purity by an Army of “Papifts, or the "Proteftant Interefts maintain’d by thofe very Enemies by whone they have been fpoil'd and there flaughter'd : And very evident it is, that both the Proteftants and Prote- ftant Religioz are in that your Lordjhips Treaty, left as in the “Power of the Rebels, to be by them born down and rooted out at pleafure.
As fer that Confideration by your Lordjhip offer'd of the prefent and late “Proceedings in England, I fee not how it may be a fufficient Motive to me Cor any other in like Trujt for the Parliament of England in the Service of this Kingdom) to join with thofe “Rebels upon any the Pretences in that your Lordfhip’s Letter mention d 5 for therein were there a manifeft betraying that Truft repos'd in me in deferting the Service and Work committed to me, in joyning with thofe I fhall oppofe, and in oppofing whone I ant oblig'd to
erve. : Neither conceive I it any part of my Work, and Care to take notice of any whatjoever Proceedings of STATE, foreign to my Charge and Truft here, efpecially they being found hereunto apparently deftructive.
~ Moft certain it is, and former Ages have approved it, that the intermed- ling of Governours and Parties in this Kingdom, with Sidings and Parties in ENGLAND, have been the very betraying of this Kingdom to the Irifb, whiles the Britifh Forces here had been thereupon call’d off; and the Place therein laid. open, and as it were given up to the common E. NEMY.
It is what your Lordfhip might have obferu'd in your former Treaty with the Rebels, that upon. your Lordjhip’s thereupon withdrawing, and finding hence into England the woft confiderable part of the Englifh Army then commanded by you 5 thereby was the remaining Britifh Party not long after overpower'd, and your Quarters by the Irifh over-run to the Gates of DUB-
LIN, your felf alfo reduced to that low Condition, as to be befiegd in this bes [LCccec 2] wery
[ 564 J very City (the Metropolis and principal Citadel of the Kingdom) and that by thofe very Rebels, who till then could never fland before yous and what the end bath been of that “Party, alfo fo fent by your Lordjhip into England (although the Flower and Strength of the Englith Army here, both Officers and Souldiers) hath been very obfervable.
And how much the Dangers are at prefent (more than in former Ages) of hazarding the Englith Intereft in this Kingdom, by fending any “Parties hence into any other Kingdoms upon any Pretences whatfoever, is very appa- rent, as in the generality of the Rebellion, now more than formerly; fo confi- dering your Lordfhips prefent Concluftons with, and Conceffions to the Rebels, wherein they are allowed the continued Poffelfion of all the Gities, Forts and Places of Strength, whereof they ftood poffefird at the time of their Treaty with your Lordjhip, and that they are to have a Standing Force (if I well remember) of 15000 Foot and 2500 Horfe (all of their own Party, Officers and Sonldiers) and they (with the whole Kingdome) to be regulated by a major part of Irith Truftees, chofen by the Rebels themfelves, as Per- fons for their Interefts and Ends, to be by them confided in, without whone nothing is to be acted. Therein I cannot but mind your Lordfhip of what. hath been fometimes by your felf delivered, as your fenfe ix this particular 5 that the Englith Ivtereft in Ireland muft be prefered by the Englith, and not by Irith 5 and upon that ground (if I be not deceiv’d ) did your Lordfhip then capitulate with the Parliament of ENGLAN D, from which clear Principle I am forry to fee your Lordfhip now receding.
As to that by your Lordfhip menac’d us bere, of “Blood and Force, if diffenting from your Lordfhip's Ways and Defigns, for my particular I fhall (my Lord) much rather choofe to fuffer in fo doing (for therein fhall I do what is becoming, and anfwerable to my Truft.) than to purchafe my felf on the contrary the ignominious Brand of Perfidy, by any Allurements of what- foever Advantages offer'd me.
But very confident I am of the fame Divine Power which hath till fol- lowed me in this WORK, and will fiill follow me 5 and in that Truft doubt I nothing of thus giving your Lordjhip plainly this my ‘Refolution in that Particular: So I remain,
DUBLIN, Your Lordfhip’s humble Servant. irae 1648. Signed, MIG. JONES.
For the Lord of ORMOND thefe.
By
E565 ]
BY THE
Lord Lieutenant General!
IRELAND.
é ORMOND,
HER EAS our late Soveraign Lord King CH ARLES of hap- py Memory hath *been lately by a Party of his rebelliows Subjects of ENGLA N D ~oft traiteroufly, malicioufly, and inhumanly put to death and murthered , and forafmuch as his Majefty that now is, Charles by the Grace of GOD King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, is Son and Heir of his faid late Majefty, and therefore by the Laws of the Land, of Force, and praGis‘d in all Ages, is to inherit, We therefore in difcharge of the Duty we owe unto God, our Allegiance and Loyalty to our Soveraign, holding it fit hine fo to proclaim in and through this his Ma- jeflies Kingdom, do by this our prefent Proclamation declare and ma- nifeft to the World, That Charles the II. Sox and Heir of our late Sove- raign Lord King Charles the l. of happy Memory, is, by the Grace of GOD, the undoubted K ING of England, Scotland, France avd Ire-
land, Defender of the F AI TH, &c.
Given at CARRICK Feb. 26. 1648. GOD SAVE THE KING.
9
[ 566 J
A neceffary Reprefentation of the prefent Evils, and eminent Dangers to Religion, Laws and Liber- ties, arifing from the late and prefent Prattices of the Settarian Party in ENGLAND: Logether with an Exkortation to Duties relating to the Covenant, unto all within our Charge ;
and to all the Well-affeéted within this Kingdom,
by the Presbytery at BELBAST, February |
the 15th, 1649.
"HEN we ferioufly confider the great and many Duties which we owe unto God and his People, over whom he hath made us Over-
feers, and for whom we muft give an Account; and when we be- hold the laudable Examples of the worthy Minifters of the Province of London, and of the Commiflioners of the General Aflembly of the Church of Scotland, in their free and faithful Teftimonies againft the Infolencies of the Seétari- an Party in England. Confidering alfo the Dependency of this Kingdom upon the Kingdom of England, and remembring how againft ftrong Oppofitions we were aflifted by the Lord the lalt year in difcharge of the like Duty, and how he punifh’d the Contempt of our Warning upon the Defpifers thereof: We find our felves as neceflitated, fo the more encourag’d to caft in our Mite in the
Treafury, left our Silence fhould involve us in the Guilt of Unfaithfulnefs, |
and our People in Security and neglect of Duties. ° In this Difcharge, of the Truft put upon us by God, we would not be
looked upon as Sowers of Sedition, or Broachers of National and divifive -
Motions ; our Record is in Heaven, that nothing is more hateful unto us, nor lefS intended by us, and therefore we fhall notfear the malicious and wicked Afperfions which we know Satan by his Inftruments is ready to caft, not
only upon us, but onall who fincercly endeavour the:Advancement of Refor- _
mation. 4
What of late have been, and now are, the infolent and prefumptious Pra-
Etices of the Se‘taries in England, is not unknown to the World: For, Firft,
notwithftanding their {pecious Pretences for Religion and Liberties, yet their
late and prefent Actings being therewith compar’d, do clearly evidence that they love a rough Garment to deceive; fince they have with a high Hand defpis’d the O.A TH, in breaking the Covenant, which is fo {trong a Foun- dation to both, whilft they loaden it with flighting Reproaches, calling it a bundle of particular and contrary Interefts, and a Snare to the People; and
likewife labour to eftablifh by Laws an univerfal Toleration of all Religions, . -
which is an Innovation overturning of Unity in Religion, and fo dire¢tly re- pugniant to the Word of God, the two firlt Articles of our folemn Covenant, which is the greateft Wickednefs in them to violate, fince many of the chiefeft of themfelves have, with their hands teftify’d to the moft High God, {worn
and feal’d it. a Moreover, their great Difaffection to the Settlement of Religion, and fo their future breach of Covenant, doth more fully appear by their {trong oppofi- tions to Presbyterial Government (the Hedg and Bulwark of Religion) whillt they exprefs their hatred to it more then to the worft of Errors, by excluding it - under the name of Compulfion; whenthey embrace even Paganifm and Fudafm in the Arms of Toleration. Not to fpeak of their Afperfions upon it, and the Aflertors thereof as Antichriftian and Pop:fh, though they have deeply {worn
[ 567 J {worn to maintain the fame Government in the firlt Article of the Covenant; as it is eftablifhed in the Church of SCOTLAND, which they now fo de- fpite and fully blafpheme. nee
Again, It is more than manifeft, that they feek not the Vindication, but the Extirpation of Laws and Liberties, as appears by their feizing on the Per- fon of the King. and at their pleafures removing him from place to place, not only without the Confent, but Gif we miftake not) again{t a direct Ordi- nance of Parliament: Their violent furprifing, imprifoning and fecluding ma- ny of the moft worthy Members of the Honorable Houle of Commons, di- rectly againft a declared Privilege of Parliament, (an Action certainly with- out Parallel in any Age) and their Purpofes of abolifhing Parliamentary Pow- er for the future, and eftablifhing of a Reprefentative (as they call ic) inftcad thereof. .Neither haththeir Fury ftay’d here, but without all Rule or Exam- ple, being but private Men, they have proceeded to the Trial of the King, againft both the Intereft and Proteftation of the Kingdom of Scvtland, and the former public Declarations of both Kingdoms (befides the violent hafte, re- jetting the hearing of any Defences) with cruel Hands have put him to Death ; an Act fo horribie, as no Hiftory, divine or human, hath laid a Precedent of the like.
Thefe and many other their deteftable Infolencies, may abundantly convince every unbyas'd Judgment, that the prefent Practice of the Scéfaries and their Abettors, do directly overturn the Laws and Liberties of the Kingdoms, root out Jawful and fupream Magiftracy (the juft Privileges whereof we have {worn to maintain) and introduce a fearful Confulion and lawlefs Anarchy.
he Spirit of God by Solomontells us, Prov. 30.21. That a Servant to reign, is one of the four things for which the Earth is difquicted, and which it cannot bear ¢ We wonder nothing that the Earth is difquieted for thefe things, but we won- der greatly, if the Earth can bear them. And albeit the Lord fo permir, that Folly be fet in great Dignity, and they which fit in low place ; Thar Servants ride upon Horfes, and Princes walk as Servants upon the Earth, Ecclef. 10. ver. 6, 7. Yetthe fame Wife Man faith, Prov. 19. 10. Delight is not feemly for a Fool, much lefs for a Servant to have Rule over Princes.
When we confider thefe things, we cannot but declare and manifeft our utter diflike and deteftation of {uch unwarrantable Practices, directly fubvert- ing our Covenant, Religion, Laws and Liberties, And as Watchmen in SION warn all the Lovers of Treth and well-affected to the Covenant, carefully to avoid Compliance with, or not bearing witnefs againft horrid Infolences, left partaking with them in their Sins, they alfo be Partakers of their Plagues. Therefore in the Spirit of Meeknefs, we earneftly intreat, and in the Autho- rity of Jefus Chrilt (whofe Servants we are) charge and obteft all who re- folve to adhere unto Truth and the Covenant, diligently to obferve and con- {cientioufly to perform thefe following Duties.
Firft, That according to our folemn Covenant, every one ftudy more to the Power of Godlinefs and perfonal Reformation of them{elves and Families; becaufe for the great Breach of this part of the Covenant, God is highly of- fended with thefe Lands, and juftly provoked to permit Men to be the Inftru- ments of our Mifery and A ffiictions.
Secondly, That every one in their Station and Calling earneftly contend for the Faith which was once delivered to the Saints, Fude 3. And feek to have their Hearts eftablifhed with Grace, that they be not unftable andyvavering, carried about with every Wind of Doctrine ; but that they receive the Truth in Love, avoiding the Company of fuch as withdraw from and vilifie the public Ordinances; {peak evil of Church-Government; invent damnable Er- rors, under the fpecious Pretence of a Gofpel-way and new Light; and high- ly extol the Perfons and Courfes of notorious Sectaries, left God give them over to ftrong Delufions (the Plague of thefe, Times) that they may believe Lies, and be damned.
Thirdly,
[ 563 ] ,
Thirdly, That they would not be drawn by Counfel, Command or Example, to fhake off the antient and fundamental Government of thefe Kingdoms by King and Parliament, which weare fo deeply ingaged to preferve by our folemn Co- venant, as they would not be found guilty of the great Evil of thefe Times (condemned by the Holy Ghoft) the defpifing of Dominion, and {peaking Evi! of Dignities. °
Fourthly, That they do cordially endeavour the Prefervation of the Union amoneft the well-affected in the Kingdoms, not being fwayed by any Natio- nal Refpect: Remembring that part of the Covenant; That me fhall noe fuffer our felves direttly nor indirettly, by what[oever Combination, Perfwafion, or Ler- ror, to be divided, or withdrawn from this bleffed Union and Conjunttion.
And Finally, Albeit there be more prefent Hazard from the Power of Segtas ries (as were from Malignants the lalt year) yet we are not ignorant of the evil Purpofes of Malignants, even at this time, in all the Kingdoms, and par- ticularly inthis; and for this Caufe, we exhort every one with equal \Watchful- nefs to keep themfelves free from aflociating with fuch, or from fwerving in their Judgments to malignant Principles; and to avoid all fuch Perfons as have been from the beginning known Oppofers of Reformation, Refafers of the Covenant, combining themfelves with Papifts and other notorious Ma- lignants, efpecially fuch who have been chief Promoters of the late Engage- tent again{ft England, Calumniators of the Work of Reformation, in reput- ing the Miferies of the prefent Times unto the Advancers thereof; and chat their juft hatred to Sectaries incline not their Minds to favour Malignants, or to think, that becaufe of the Power of Sectaries, the Caufe of God needs the more to fear the Enmity, or to ftand in need of the help of Malignants.
OBSER V A-
t | € 945 2
OBSERVATIONS
~The Articles of Peace with the Irifh Rebels, on the Letter of Ormond to Col. Jones, and the Reprefentation of the Presbytery at Belfaft.
Lthough it be a Maxim much agreeable to wifdom, that jult deeds are
the beft anfwer to injurious words, and actions, of whatever fort,
thir own plaineft Interpreters; yet fince our enemics.can find the
leifure both ways to offend us, ic will be fequifite we fhould be found
in neither of thofe ways neglectful) of our jult defence. To let them know,
that fincere and upright intentions can certainly with as much eafe deliver them- _ felves into words as into deeds.
Having therefore feen of late thofe Articles of Peace granted to the Papift Rebels of Ireland, as fpeciall] graces and favours from the late King, in reward, moftlikely, of thir work don, and in his name and authority confirm’d and ra- tif'd by Fames Earl of Ormond, together with his Letter to Col. Jones, Go- vernour of Dublin, full of contumely and difhonour, both to the Parlament and Army: And onthe other fide, an infolent and feditious Reprefentation from the Scotch Presbytery at Belfajt inthe Northof Jreland, no lefs difhonour- able to theState, and much about the fame time brought hither; there will be needfull as to the fame flanderous afperfions but one and the fame Vindication a- gainft them both. Nor can we fever them in our notice and refentment, though one partintitl'd a Presbytery, and would.be thought a Proteftant Aflembly, fince thir own unexampld virulence hath wrapt them into the fame guilt, made them accomplices and afliftants to the abhorred Jrifh Rebels, and with them as prefent to advance the fame intereft: if we confider both thir calumnies, thir hatred, and the pretended Reafons of thir hatredto be the fame; the time alfo, and the place concurring, as that there Jacks nothing but a few formall words, which may be eafily diflembI’d, to make the perfeteft conjunction; and between them to divide that {land.
As for thefe Articles of Peace made with thofe inhuman Rebels and Papifts of Iveland-by the late King, as one of his laft Mafter-pieces, We may be confi- dently perfwaded, that no true born Englifh-man can fo much as barely read them without indignation and difdain, that thofe bloody Rebels, and fo pro- claim’d and judg’d of by the King himfelf, after the mercilefle and barbarous Maflacre of fo many thoufand Englifh, (who had us’d thir right and.title to that Country with fuch tendernefs and moderation, and might otherwife have {e-
- cur’d themfelves with eafe againft thir Treachery) fhould be now grac’d and
rewarded with fuch freedoms and enlargements, as none of thir Anceftors could ever merit by thir beft obedience, which at beft was alwaies treachrous; to be infranchiz’d with full liberty equall to thir Conquerours, whom the juft revenge of antient Pyracies, cruel Captivities,and the cauflefs infeftation of our Coaft, had warrantably call’d over, and the long prefcription of many hundred years ; befides what other titles are acknowledg’d by thir own Irifh Parlaments, had fixt and feated in that foile with as good a right as the meereft Natives.
Thefe therefore,by thir own foregoing demerits and provocations juftly made our vaflalls, are by the firft Article of this Peace advanc’d toa Condition of freedom fuperior to what any Englifh Proteftants durft have demanded. For what elfe can be the meaning to difcharge them the Common Oath of Suprema- cy, efpecially being Papilts (for whom principally that Oath was intended) but either to refign them the more into thir own power, or to fet a mark of dif- houour upon the Britifh Loyalty , by trufting Jrifh Rebels for one fingle Oath of Allegeance, as much as all his Subjects of Brittaine for the double {wearing both of Allegeance and Supremacy ? © —
Aaaa The
C546) | The fecond Article puts it into the hands of an Jrifh Parlament to repeale, or to fufpend, if they think convenient, that act ufually call’d Poymings AB, which was the main, and yet the civilleft and moft moderate acknowledgment impos’d of thir dependance on the Crown of England; whereby no Parlament could be fummond there, no Bill be paft, bat what was firft to be tranfinitted - and allow’d under the great Seal of England. The recalling of which Ad, tends openly to inveft them with a Law-giving power of thirown, enables them by degrees to throw of ali fubjection to this Realm, and renders them, who by thir endlefs treafons and revolts have deferv’d tohold no Parlament at all, but tobe govern’d by Edidts and Garifons, as abfolute and fupream in that Affembly as the People of England in thir own Land. *Andthe 12th Article grants them in exprefs words, that the Ivz{h Parlament fhallbeno more depen- © dent on the Parlament of Exgland, then the /7ifbthemfelves fhall declare agree- able to the Laws of Ireland. a The two and twentieth Article, more ridiculous then dangerous, coming e-— {pecially from fuch a ferious knot of Lords and Politicians, obtains that thofe Acts prohibiting to plow With Horfes by the Tay], and burn Oates in the Straw, - be repeal’ds anough, if nothing elfe, to declare in them a diipofition not only fottifh, but indocible, and averte from all Civility and Amendment : and what — hopes they give for the future, who rejecting the ingenuity of all other Nati- - ons to improve and wax more civill by acivilizing Conqueft, though all thefe many years better fhownand taught, preferr thir own abfurd and favage Cu. {toms before the moft convincing evidence of reafon anddemontitration : a Te- ftimony of thir true Barbarifm and obdurate wilfulnels, to be expected no lefs in other matters of greateft moment. y Yet fuch as thefe and thus affected, the ninth Article entrufts with the Mili- tia; a Truft which the King {wore by Ged at New- Market, he would not com- — mit to his Parlament of Exgland,.no not for an hour. And well declares the — confidence he had in /rifh Rebels, more then in his Loyalieft Subje&s. He grants ~ them moreover, tillthe performance of allthefe Articles, that 15000 Foot and 4 2500 Horfe, fhall remain ftanding Army of Papifts at the beck and command — of Dillon, Muskery and other Arch-Rebels, with power alfo of adding to that — number as they fhall feecaufe. And by other Articles allows them the conftitu- — ting of Magiftrates:and Judges in all Caufes, whom they thinkfit: andtillafet= — tlement to thir own minds, the poffeflion of all thofe Townes and Countries — within thir now Quarters, being little lefs then all the [land, befides what thir — Cruelty hath difpeopl’d and lay’d waft. And laftly, the whole managing both ~ of Peace and War is committed to Papifts, and the chief Leaders of that Re- bellion. yj Now let all men judg what this wants of utter alienating and acquitting the whole Province of Jreland from all'true fealty and obedience to the Common- wealth of Exgland. Which act of any King againft the Confent of his Parla- ment, though no other Crime were layd againit him, might of it felf ftrongly — conduce tothe dif-inthrowning him of all. In France Henry the Third, de- manding leave in greateft exigencies to make Sale of {ome Crown-Lands only, «
King in no cafe, though of extreameft neceflity, might alienate the Patrimo- ny of hisCrown, whereof he is but only Ufs-fruttwary, as Civilians termit, the propriety remaining ever tothe Kingdom, not tothe King. Andin ourown i Nation, King Sobu, for refigning though unwillingly his Crown tothe Popes Legate, with little more hazard to his Kingdom then the payment of 1000 Marks, and the unfightlinefs of fuch a Ceremony, wasdepos’d by his Barons, ~~ and Lewis the French Kings Son elected in hisroom. And tohave carried only the Jewells, Plate, and Treafure into Jreland without confentof the Nobility, was one of thofe impeachments that condemn’d Richard the Second to lofe his Crown. ‘ a But how petty a Crime this will feem to the alienating of a whole Kingdom, _ which in thefe Articles of Peace we fee as good as done by the late King, notto Friends, but to mortall Enemies, to the accomplifhment of his own interefts and ends, wholly feparate from the Peoples good, may without aggravation be ealily conceiv’d. Nay by the Covenant it felf, fince that focavilloufly is urg’d againft us, we areenjoyn’d in the fourth Article, with all fairhfulnefs to endea- vour
C 547 ) vour the bringing all {uch to public Triall and condigne Punifhment, as fhall di- vide one Kingdom from another. And what greater dividing then by a perni- cious and hoftile Peace, to diflalliege a whole Feudary Kingdom from the ancient Dominion of England? Exception we find thereof no perfon whatfoever; and if the King who hath actually done this, or any for him claim a Privilege a~ bove Juftice, it is again demanded by what exprefs Law, either of God or Man, and why he whofe office is to execute Law and Jultice upon all others, fhould fit himfelf like a Demigod in lawlefS and unbounded Anarchy , refufing to be ac- countable for that Autority over men naturally his Equals, which God himfelf without a reafon giv’n is not'wont toexercife over his Creatures ? And if God the neerer to be acquainted with mankind and his frailties, and to become-our Pricit, made himfelf a man, and fubject to the Law, we gladly would be in- ftruéted why any mortal man for the good and welfare of his brethren being madea King, fhould bya clean contrary motion make himfelf a God, exalted above Law ; the readieft way to become utterly unfenfible, both of his human. condition, and his own duty. ;
And how fecurely, how f{moothly, with how little touch or fenfe of any com- miferation, either princely or fo much as human, he hath fold away that juftice fo oft demanded, and fo oft by himfelf acknowledg’d to be due for the blood of more then 200000 of his Subjects) that never hure him, never difobey’d him, affaffinated and cut in pieces by thofe /rifh Barbarians, to give the firft promo- ting, asis more then thought, to his own tyrannicall defignsin Exgland, will ap- pear by the 18th Article of his Peace ; wherein without the leaft regard of Juftice to avenge the dead, while he thirfts to be aveng’d upon the living, to all the Murders, Maflacres, Treafons, Pyracies, from the very fatall day where- in that Rebellion firft broke out, he grantsan Actof Cblivion. If this can be juftified, or not punifhtin whomfoever, while there is any Faith, any Religion,
any Juftice upon Earth, there can no reafon be alleg’d why all things are not left to Confufion. And thus much be obferv’d in brief concerning thefe Articles of ~ Peace made by the late King with his /rifh Rebells. 2
The Letter of Ormond fent to Col. Fones Governour of Dublin, attempting his fidelity, which the difcretion and true worth of that Gentleman hath fo well anfwer’@ and repulft, and pafs’d here without mention, but that the other part of it not content to dothe errand of Treafon, rovesinto a long digreflion of evill and reproachfull language to the Parlament and Army of England. Which though not worth thic notice, as froma Crew of Rebells whofe inhu- manities are long, fince become the horrour and execration of all that hear them, yet inthe purfuance of a good endeavour, to give the world all due fatisfaction of the prefent doings, no fit opportunity fhall be omitted.
He accufed firlt That we are the Subverters of true Religion, the Protectors and Invi- ters not only of all falfe ones, but of Irreligion and Atheifm, An Accufationthat no man living could more unjuftly ufe then our Accufer himfelf , and which without a ftrange befottednefs, he could not expect but to be retorted upon his own
head. All men who are true Proteftants, of which number he gives out. to be one, know not a more immediate and killing Subverter of all true Religion then Antichrift, whom they generally belieye to be the Pope and Church of Rome, he therefore who makes Peace with this grand Enemy and Perfecutor of the true Church, he who joyns with him, ftrengthens him, gives him root to grow up and. fpread his Poyfon, removing all Oppofition again{t him, granting him Schools, Abbyes, and Revenues, Garifons, Fortrefies, Towns, asin fo many of thofe Articles may be feen, he of all Proteftants may be call’d’moft juftly the Subverter of true Religion, the Protecter and Inviter of Irreligion and Atheifm, whether it be Ormond, or his Maifter. Andif it canbe no way prov’d, that the Parla- ment hath countenanc’d Popéry or Papilts, but have every where brok’n thir Temporall Power, thrown down thir public Superftitions, and confin’d them tothe bare enjoyment of that whichis not in our reach, thir Confciences; if they have encourag’d all true Minifters of the Gofpel, that is to fay, afforded them favour and protection in all places where they preacht, and although they think not Money or Stipend to be the beft encouragement of atrue Paftor, yet therein alfo have not bin wanting nor intend to be, they doubt not then to affirm themfelves, not @he Subverters, but the Maintainers and Defenders of true Reli- gion; which of it felf and by Confcquence is the fureft and the ftrongeft Sub- Aaaa 2 verfion 5
( 548)
verfion, not only ofall falfeones, but of Irreligon and Atheifm. For the Wea- pons of that Warfare, asthe Apoftle teftifies who beft knew, are not carnall, but mighty through God to the pulling down of ftrong holds, and all reafonings, and every high thing exalted againft the knowledg of God, furprifing every thought unto the obc- dtence of Chrift, and eafily revenging all difobedience, 2 Cor.to. What Minifter or Clergy-man that either underftood his high calling, or fought not to erecta fe- cular and carnall Tyranny over fpirituall things, wouid neglect this ample and fublime power confered upon him, and come a begging to the weak hand of Magiftracy for that kind of ayd which the Magiftrate hath no Commiffion to afford him, andin the way he feeks it hath bin alwayes found helplefs and unprofitable. Neither is it unknown, or by wileit Men unobferv’d, that the Church began then moft apparently to degenerate, and goto ruin, when fhe borrow’d of the Civill Power more then fair encouragement and protection ; more then which Chrift himfelf and his Apoftles never requir’d. To fay there- fore that We protect and invite all falfe Religions, with Irreligion alfo and A- theif, becaufe we lend not, or rather mifapply not the temporall power to help out, though in vain, the floth, the fpleen, the infufliciency of Church-men, in the execution of {pirituall difcipline, over thofe within thir Charge, or thofe without, is an imputation that may be layd as wel! uponthe beit regulated States and Governments through the World. Who have bin fo prudent as never to imploy the Civill Sword further then the edg of it could reach; thatis, to Ci- vill Offences only ; proving always againft objects that were f{pirituall a ridicus lous weapon. Our protection therefore to men in Civill Matters unoffenfive we cannot deny ; thir Confeiences we leave, as not within our Cognifance, to the proper cure of inftruction, praying forthem. Neverthelefs, if any be found among us declar’d Atheifts, malicious Enemies of God, and of Chrift,; The Parlament, I think, profefles not to tolerate fuch, but with all befitting endea- vours to fupprefsthem. Otherwales to protect none that ina larger fenfe may be tax’d of Irreligion or Atheifm,may perhaps be the ready way to exclude none fooner out of protection, then thofe themfelves that moft accufe it to be fo ge- nerall to others. Laftly, that we invite fuch asthefe, or incourage them, isa meer flander without proof,
He tells us next, that they have murder’d the King. And they deny not to have juftly and undauntedly, as became the Parlament of Exgland, for more blood- fhed and other hainous Crimesthen ever King of this Land was guilty of, after opn tryall, punifht him with death. A matter whichto men whofe ferious confideration thereof hath left no certain precept, or example undebated, is fo farr from giving offence, that we implore and befeech the Divine Majefty fo to . uphold and: fupport thir fpirits with like Fortitude and Magnanimity, that all thir enfuing actions may correfpond and prove worthy that impartiall and noble piece of Juftice, wherein the Hand of God appear’d fo evidently on, our fide. We fhall not then need to feare what all the rout and faction of men bafely principl’d can do againft us. ‘ .
The end of our proceedings, which he takes upon him to have difcover'd ; The changing forfooth of Monarchy into Anarchy, founds fo like the fmattering of fome raw Polititian, and the overworne objection of every triviall Talker, that weleave himin the number. But feeing in that which follows he contains not himfelf, but contrary to what a Gentleman fhould know of Civility, pro- ceeds to the contemptuous naming of a Perfon, whofe valour and high merit many enemies more noble then himfelf have both honour’d and fear’d, to af- fert his good name and reputation, of whofe fervice the Common-wealth re- ceaves fo ample fatisfaction, “tis anfwerd in his behalf, that Cromwell whom he couples with a name of fcorn, hath done in few years more eminent and remark~- cable Deeds whereon to found Nobility in his Houfe, though it were wanting, and perpetuall Renown to Pofterity, then Ormond and all his Aunceftors put to- gether can fhew from any Record of thir Irifh Exploits, the wideft Scene of thir Glory.
He pafles on his groundlefs conjectures, that the aim of this Parlament may be perhaps to fet up firft an elective Kingdom, and after that a perfet Turkith Ty- ranny. Of the former we fuppofe the late Act again{ft Monarchy will fuffice to acquit them. Of the latter certainly there needed no other aise then that Tyranny which was fo long modelling by the late King himfelf, with neraleres
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and that Arch-Prelat of Canterbury, his chief Inftruments; whofe defigns God hath diffipated. Neither is it any new project of the Monarchs, and thir Courtiers in thefe days, though Chriftians they would be thought, to endea- vour the introducing of aplain Turkifh Tyranny. Witnefs that Confultation had in the Court of Frauce under Charles the Ninth at Blots, wherein Poncer, a certain Court-projector, brought in fecretly by the Chancellor Biragha, after many praifes of the Ottoman Government, propofes means and ways at large in prefence of the King, the Queen-Regent, and Anjou the Kings Brother, how with beft expedition, and leaft noyfe the Turkith Tyranny might be fet up in France. \tappearstherefore thatthe defign of bringing inthat Tyranny, is a Monarchicall defign, and not of thofe who have dilloly’d Monarchy.
As for Parlaments by three Eftates, we know that a Parlament fignifies no more then the Supream and Generall Councell of.a Nation, confifting of whom- foever, chos’n and aflembl'd for the public good 5 which was ever practis’d, and in all forts of Government, before the word Parlament, or the formality, or the poflibility of thofe three Eftates, or fuch a thing asa Titular Monarchy had ei- ther name or being inthe World. The Originall of all which we could pro- duce to be far newer then thofe al! Ages which he vaunts of, and by fach firft in- vented and contriv’d, whofe authority, tho'it were Charles Adartell, {tands not fo high in our repute, either for bimfelf, or the age he liv’d in, but that with as good warrant we may recede trom what he ordain’d, as he ordain what before was not,
But whereas befides he is bold to allege that of the three Eftates there re- mains only a fmall number, and they the Dreggs and Scum of the Houfe of Com- mons , this reproach and in the mouth of an /ré/h Man concerns not them only, but redounds to apparent difhonour of the whole Englifh Nation. Doubtlefs there muft be thoughta great {carcity in Exgland of perfons honourable and de- ferving, or elfe of Judgment, or fo much as Honefty.in the People, if thofe whom they efteem worthy to fit in Parlament be no better then Scum and Dreggs inthe Jrifh Dialect. But of fuch like ftuff we meet not any where with more excrefcence then in his own lavifh Pens which feeling it felf loofe without the reins of difcretion, rambles for the moft part beyond all SobernefS and Civility. In which Torrent he. goes on negotiating and cheapning the Loyalty of our Faithfull Governour of Dublin, as if the known and try’d Conftancy of that valiant Gentleman were to be bought with Court fumes.
He lays before bim that there vemains now no other liberty inthe Subjeft but to profe/s blafphemous opinions, to revile and tread under foot Magiftracy, to murther Mda- Siftrates, to opprefs and undo all that are not like minded with ws. Forgetting in the mean while him{clf to be in the head of a mixt Rabble, part Papifts, part Fu- gitives, and part Savages, guilty in the ‘higheft degree of all thefe Crimes. What more bla{phemous, not opinion, but whole Religion, then Popery, plung’d into Idolatrous and Ceremoniall Superftition, the very death of all true Religi- on ; figur’d tous by the Scripture it felf in the fhape of that Beaft, full of the names of Blafphemy, which we mention to himas to one:that would be counted Proteftant, and had his breeding in the houfe of a Bifhop? And -who arethofe that have trod under foot Magiftracy,, murder’d Magiftrates, opprefs’d and un- done all that fyded not with them, but the Irifh Rebels, in that horrible Con- fpiracy, for which Ormond him{elf hath either bin or feem’d tobe thir Enemy, though now thir Ringleader. And let himask the Jefuites about him whether it be not thir known Doctrine and alfo Practife, not by fair and due procefs of Juftice to punith Kings and Magiftrates, which we difavow not, but to murder them in the bafeft and moft aflaflinons manner, if thir Church-Intereft fo require. Therexwill not need more wordsto this Windy Railer, convicted opn'ly of all thofe Crimes which he fo confidently, and yet falfly, charges upon others.
We have now to deal, thoughin the fame Country, with another fort of Ad- verfaries, in fhow far different, in fubftance much what the fame. Thefe write themfelves the Presbytery of Be/fa, a place better known by the name of a late Barony, then by the Fame of thefe Mens Doétrine or Ecclefiafticall Deeds “ whofe ob{curity till now never cameto our hearing. And furely we fhould think thisthir Reprefentment farr beneath confiderable, who have neglected and paft over the like unadvifednefs of thir fellowsin other places more neer us, were it not to obferve in fome particulars the Sympathy, good Intelligence, and joynt pace which they go in the North of /reland, with thir Copartning Rebels in the
South,
C550 ) South, driving on the fame Intereft toloofe us that Kingdom, that they may gainit themfelves, or at leaft fhare in the {poil : though the other be op’n Ene- mies, thefe pretended Brethren. THN
The Introduction of their Manifeft out of doubt muft be zealous 5 Their Du- ty, they fay, to God and his People, over whom be hath made them Overfeers, and for whom they muft give accompt, What mean thefe Men? {[s the Presbytery of Belfaft, a fmall Town in U/fer, of fo large extent that thir Voices cannot ferve to teach Duties in the Congregation which they overfee, without {preading and divulzing to all parts far beyond the Diocefs of Patrick or Colum- ba, thir writt'n Reprefentation, under the futtle pretence of feeding thir own Flock ? Ordo they think to overfee or undertake to give an accompt for all to whom thir Paper fends greeting ? St. Paul to the Elders of Epbefis thinks it fuf- ficient to give charge, That they take heed to themfelves, and to the Flock, over which they were made Overfeers 5 beyond thofe Bounds he enlarges not thir Commif fion. . And furely when we put down Bilhops, and put'up Presbyters, which the moft of them have made ufe of to enrich and exalt themfelves, and turn the firft heel again{t their Benefactors, we did not think that one Claffick Fraternity fo obfcureand fo remote, fhould involve us, and all State- Affairs; within the Cen- fure and Jnrifdiction of Belfaft, upon pretence of overfeeing thir own Charge.
We very well know that Church-Cenfures are limited to‘Church: Matters, and thefe within the compafs of thir own Province, orto fay more truly of thir own Congregation: that Affairs of State are not for thir medling, as we could urge ev'n from their own ‘Invectives and Proteftations' againft the Bifhops, wherein they tell them with much fervency, that Minifters of the Gofpel, nei- ther by that by Functien, nor any other which they ought accept, have the leaft Warrant to be Pragmatical inthe State.’ \ . z '
And furely in vain were Bifhops for thefe and other Caufes forbid’ to fit and vote in the Houfe, if thefe Men out of the Houfe, and without Vote fhall claim and‘ be permitted more licenfe on their Prysbyterial Stools, to breed‘ continual difturbance by interpofing inthe Commonwealth. But feeing that now, fince thir heaving out the Prelats to heave in themfelves, they devife new’ ways to bring both ends together which will never meet ; that isto fay, their former Do- ctrine with their prefent Doings, as that they cannot elfeteach' Magiftrates and Sub- jects their Duty, and that they have befides a Right them/felves to [peak as Members of the Commonwealth. Letthem know that there 1s°a wide difference between the general exhortation to Juftice and Obedience, which in this point is the utmoft of thir Duty, and the State-difputes wherein they are now grown‘fuch Bufy- bodies, to preach of Titles, Interefts, and Alterations in Government; more then our Saviour himfelf, or any of his Apoftles ever took upon them, though the Title both of Cafar and of Herod, and'what they did in matters: of State, might have then admitted Controverfy anough. Lob:
Next, for their Civil Capacities, we are fure that Pulpits and Church-Aflem- blies, whether Claffical or Provincial, ‘never were intended or allow’d by wife Magiftrates, no nor by him that fent them, to advance fuch purpofes , but that as Members of the Commonwealth they ought to mix with other Commoners, and in that temporal Body to aflume nothing above other private Perfons, or otherwife then ina ufual and legalmanner: not by diitinét Remonftrances and Reprefentments, as if they were a Tribe and Party by themfelves, which is the next immediate way to make the Church lift a Horn againft the State, and claim. an abfolute and undepending Jurifdiction, as from like advantage and occafion (to the trouble of all Chrift’ndom) the Pope hath for many Ages done’, and not only our Bifkops were climing after him, but our Presbytersalfo, as by late Ex- periment we find. Of this Reprefentation therfore we can efteem and judge no other then of a flanderous and feditious Libel, fent abroad by a fort of Incendi- aries, to delude aud make the better way under the cunning and plaufible name of a Presbytery.
A fecond Reafon of thir Reprefenting is, that they confider the dependance of that Kingdom upon England, whichis another fhamelefs untruth that ever they con- fider’d 5 as thir own Ations will declare, by conniving, and in thir filence par- taking with thofein U//er, whofe obedience by what we have yet heard, ftands dubious, and with an eye of Conformity rather to the North, then to that part where they owe thir fubjection ; and this in all likelihood by the pare
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and inftigation of thefe Reprefenters: who are fo far fiom cenjidering thir de- pendance on England, as to prefume at every word to term proceedings of Par- lament, the Infolencées of a Setharsan party, and of private men. Defpiling domi- nion, and {peaking evill of dignities, which hypocrirically they would fem to diflwade others from ; and not tearing the due correction of thir Superiors, that may in fit feafon overtake them. Whenas the leatt confideration of thir depen- dance on England would have kept them better in thir Duty.
The third Reafon which they ufe, makes againft them; The remembrance how God punifht the contempt of thir warning lait year upon the Breakers of Covnant, whenas the next year after they forget the warning of that punilh- ment hanging over thir own heads for the very fame tranfgreflion, thir manifelt breach of Covnant by this feditious Reprefentation accompanied with the doubr- ful obedience of that Province which reprefents it,
Aud thus we have thir Preface {upported with three Reafons; two of them notorious falfities, and the third againit themfelves; and two examples, the Province of London, and the ( ommaffioners of the Kark-Affembly. But certain, if Canonical Examples bind not, much lets do Apocryphal.
Proceeding toavouch the truft put upon them by God, whichis plainly prov’d to be none of this nature, They would not be look’d upon as fowers of Sedition, or Authors of divifive Motions; thir Record, they fay, 4 in Heaven, and thir Truth
and Honefty no Man knows where. For is not thisa fhamelefs Hypocrifie; and
of meer Wolves in Sheeps cloathing, to fow Sedition in the Ears of all Men, and to face us down inthe very Act, thatthey are Authors of no fuch matter ? But let the fequel both of thir Paper, and the obedience of the place wherein they are, determine.
Nay while we are yet writing thefe things, and foretelling all men the Rebel-
lion which was even then defign‘d in the clofe purpofe of thefe unhallow’d Prieft- lings, at the very time wher with thir Lips they difclaim’d all fowing of Sedition, News is brought, and too true, that the Scorts/h Inhabitants of that Province are actually revolted, and have not only befieg’d in London: Derry thofe Forces which were to have fought againft Ormond, and the Irifh Rebels; but have ina manner declar’d with them, and begun op’n War againft the Parlament ; and all this by the incitement and illufions of that unchriftian Synagogue at Be/fa/t, who yet dare ~ charge the Parlament, that notmith{tanding (peciows pretences, yet thir attings do e- vidence that they love a rough Garment to deceive. Vhe Deceit we own not, but the Comparifon, by what at firft fight may feem alluded, we accept: For that hairy roughnefs aflum’d won Yacvb the Birthright both Temporal and Eternal ; and God we truft hath fo difpos’d the mouthof thefe Balaams, that comming to Curfe, they have {tumbled into a kind of Blefling, and compar’d our a¢tings to the faithful Act of that Patriarch. q
But if they mean, as more probably thirmeaning was, that rough Garment
_ fpok’n of Zach. 13.4. we may then behold the pittiful {tore of learning and the- ology, which thefe deceivers have thought fufficient to uphold thir credit with the People, who, though the rancour that levens them have fomewhat quickn’d the common drawling of thir Pulpit elocution, yet for want of {tock anoughin Scripture-phrafe to ferve the neceflary ufes of thirsMalice, they are become fo Jiberall, as to part freely wich thir own Budg-gowns from off thir backs and beftow them on the Maviftrate as a rough Garment to deceive; rather then not ‘be furnifh’d with a reproach, though never fo improper, never fo obvious to be turn’d upon themfelves. For but with half an eye caft upon that Text, any man will foon difcern that roxgh Garment to be thir own Coat, thir own Livery, the very Badg and Cognifance of fuch falfe Prophets as themfelves. Who, when they underftand, or ever ferioufly mind the beginning of that 4th verfe, may be afhamd every one of bis lying Vifion, and may juftly fear that foregoing de- nouncement to fuch as freak Lies in the name of the Lord, verf.3. lurking under the rough Garment of outward rigor and formality, whereby they cheat the fim- ple. So thatrhis rough Garment to deceive, we bring ye once again, Grave Sirs, into your own Veltry, or with Zachary fhall not think much to ‘fit it to your own Shoulders, To beftow ought in good earneft onthe Magiftrate, we know your claflic Prieftfhipis too gripple, for ye are always begging: and for this rough Gown to deceave, weare confident ye cannot fpare it; it is your Sun- days Gown, your every day Gown, your only Gown, the Gown of your Facul-
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ty ; your divining Gown, totake itfrom ye were Sacrilege. Wear it there- fore, and poffefs it your felves, moft grave and reverend Carmelites, that all Men both young and old, as we hope they will fhortly, may yet better know ye and diftinguifh ye by it, and give to your rough Gown, where ever they meet it, whether in Pulpit, Claflis, or Provincial! Synod, the precedency, and the preeminence of deceaving.
_ They charge us next that we have brok’n the Cov’nant, and load’n it with flighting Reproaches. For the reproicning, let them anfwer that are guilty, whereof the State we are {ure cannot beaccuys’d. Forthe breaking, let ushear — wherein. Jn labouring, fay they,» to eftablifh by Law a univerfal toleration of all Re- ligsons. This touches not the State , for certainly were they fo minded, they | need not labour it, butdo it, having power in thir hands; and we knowof - n> act as yet pat to that purpofe. But fuppofe it done, wherein is the Covnant broke? The Covnant enjoyns us to endeavor the extirpation firft of Popery and Prelacy, then of Herefy, Schifm, and Prophanefs, and whatfoever fhall be found contrary to found Dottrin and the power of GodlinefS. And this — we ceafe not to do by all effectual and proper means: But thefe Divines might know, that to extirpate all chefe things can be no work of the Civil Sword, but of the Spiritual, which is the Word of God. he _ NoMan well in his wits, endeavoring to root up Weeds outof his Ground, = lnftead of ufing the Spade will take a Malletora Beetie. Nor doththe Counant - any way engage us to extirpate, or to profecute the Men, but the Herefies and ‘ Errors in them, which we tell thefe Divines and the reft that underftand not, belongs chiefly to thir own Function, in the diligent preaching and infifting up- on found Doétrin, in the confuting not the railing down Errors, encountring both in publick and private Conference, and by the power of truth, not of per- fecution, fubduing thofe Authors of Heretical Opinions, and laltly in the {pi- ritual execution of Church difcipline within thir own Congregations. In all thefe ways we fhall aflift them, favour them, andas far as appertains tous joyn with them, and moreover not tolerate the free exercife of any Religion, which fhall be found abfolutely contrary to found Doétrin or the Power of Godlinefs for the Confcience, we muft have patience till it be within our verge. And thus doing we fhall believe to have kept exactly all that is requir’d from us by the Counane. Whilft they by thir feditious practifes againft us, then which no- thing for the prefent can add more affiftance or advantage to thofe bloody Re- bels and Papifts in the South, will be found moft pernicious Covnant-breakers themfelves, and as deep in that guile as thofe of thir own Nation the laft year ; the warning of whofe ill fuccefs, like men hardn’d for the fame Judgment, they miferably pervert to an incouragement inthe fame offence, if nota far worfe : For now they have joyn’d Intereft with the Iri#h Rebels, who have ever fought again{ft the Counamt, whereas thir Country-men the year before made the Co.
v nant thir Plea. But asitisa peculiar Mercy of God to his People, while they. remain his, to preferve them from wicked Confederations: fo itisamarkand - punifhment of Hypocrites tobe driv’n at length to mix thir Caufe, and the In- tereft of thir Coumant with God’s Enemies.
And whereas they affirm that the tolerating of all Religions in the manner thatwe toleratethem, isaninnovation; we muft acquaint them that we are a- ble to make it good, if need be, both by Scripture and the Primitive Fathers, and the frequent aflertion of whole Churches and Proteftant States in thir Remon- ftrances and Expoftulations againft the Popifh Tyrapny over Souls. And what force of argument do thefe Doétors bring to the contrary ? But we have long ob- ferv’d to what.pafs the bold ignorance and floth of ovg Clergy tends nolefs now _ then in the Bifhops days, tomake thir bare fayings and cenfures authentic with the People, though deftitute of any prooforargument. But thanks be to God they are difcern’d. ;
Thir next impeachment is, that we oppofe the Presbyterial Government, the Hede and Bulwark of Religion. Which allthe Land knows tobe a moft impudent fal{- hood, having eftablifh’d it with all freedom, wherever it hath bin defir'd. Neverthele{s as we perceave it afpiring to be a compalfive power upon all with- out exception in Parochial, Claflical, and Provincial Hierarchies, or to require the flefhly arm of Magiftracy inthe execution of a fpiritual Difcipline, to pu- nifh and amerce by any corporal infli€tion thofe whofe Confciences pie
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€ 553) édifi'd by what autority they are compell’d, we hold it no more to be the Hedy and Bulwark of Religion, then the Popith and Prelatical Courts, or the Spant(h Inquifition.
But we are told, We swibrace Paganifin and Fudafin in the arms of Tolerarion. A molt audacious calumny! And yet while we deteft Fudaifm, we know our felyes commanded by St. Paul, Rom. ++. covefpedl the Fes, and by all means to endeavor thir conyeifion.
Neither was it ever {worn in the Cevmaue to maintaio a univerfal Presbytery in England, as they falfly allege, but in Scotland againit the Common Enemy, if our aid werecall’d for: being left free to reform our own Country according to the Word of Ged, and the example of belt reformed Churches ; from which rule weare not yet departed.
But here, utterly forgetting to be Minificrs of the Gofpel, they. prefume to op athir mouths not $4 the Spirit of Meckwe/s, as like dillemblers they pretend, but with as much deviilifh malice, impudence and falthood as any lrith Rebel could have utter’d; and from a barbarous nook of Jreland brand us with the extirpation of Laws and Liberties ; things which they feem as little to under- ftand as ought that belongs to good Letters or Humanity. :
That we feiz don the Perfon cf the King 3 who was furrendred into our hands an Enemy and Captive by our own fubordinate and paid Army of Scots in England. Next, our smprifoning many Members of the Honfe. As if it were impoflible they fhould deferve ir, confpiring and bandying againft the publick good; which to the other part appearing, and, with the power they had, not refifting, had bin a manifeft defertion of their Truft and Duty.. No. queftion but it is as good and neceflary toexpel rott’n Members cut of the Hovfe, as to banifh Delinquents out of theLand: and the reafon holds as well in forty as in five: @And if they be yet more, the more dangerous isthir number. They had no privilege to fit there, and vote homethe Author, the impenitent Author of all our Miferies to Freedom, Honour and Royalty, fora few fraudulent, if not deftructive Con- ceflions. Whichthat they went about todo, how much more clear it was to all men; fomuch the more expedient, and important to the Common-wealth was their fpeedy feizure and exclufion, and no breach of any juft privilege, but a breachof their knotted faction. And here they cry out, 4a Adion without pa- rallelin any Age. So heartily we wiftvall men were unprejudic’d in all our Adi- ons, as thefe illiterate denouncers never parallel’d fo much of any Age as would contribute to the titheofa Century. That we abvlifh Parlamentary Power, and eftablifh'a Reprefentative inftead thereof, Now we have the hight of them; thefe profound Inftructorsin the midft of chir Reprefentation, would know the Eng- lifh of a Reprefentative, and were perhaps of that Claflis, who heretofore were as much ftagger’d at Triennial. '
Thir grand Accufation is our Juftice don on the King, which that they may prove to be without rule or example, they venture all the credit they have in divine and human Hiftory ; and by the fame defperate boldnefs detect themfelvesto be egregious Liars and Impoftors, feeking to abufe the multitude with a thow of that gravity and learning which never was thir Portion. Had thir knowledg bin equal tothe knowledg of any ftupid Monk, or Abbot, they would have known at leaft, though ignorant of all things elfe, the life and acts of him, who firft inftituted thir Order: But thefe blockith Presbyters of Clandeboy know not that Foha Knox, who was the firft founder of Presbytery in Scotland, taught pro- fefledly the Doctrine of depofing, and of killing Kings. And thus while they deny that any fuch rule can be found, the rule is found in thir own Country, giv'n them by thir own firft Presbyterian Inftitutor ; and they themfelves, like irregular Friers walking contrary to the rule of chir own Foundation, deferve for fo grofsan ignorance and tranfgreflion to be difciplin’d upon thir own Stools: Or had thir reading in Hiftory binany, which by this we may be confident is none at all, or thir Malice not hightn’d toa blind rage, they never would fo rafhly have thrown the Dice to a palpable difcovery of thir ignorance and want of fhame. But wherefore {pend we two fuch pretious things as time and rea- fon upen Priefts, the moft prodigal mif-fpenders of time, and the {carceft owners of reafon ? ’Tis fufficient we have publith’d our defences, giv’n reafons, giv’n ex- amples of our Juftice done ; Books alfo have bin writt’n to the fame purpofe for Men to look onthat will; that no Nation under Heav’n but in one age or other hathdonthelike. The difference only . aie rather feems to us matter of glory,
B that
: C 554 ) that they for the moft part have without Form of Lawdon the deed bya kind of martial Juftice,we by the deliberat and well-weihg’d Sentence ofa legal Judicature. But they tell us, Je wa againft the sntereft and proteftation of the Kingdom of Scotland. And did exceeding well to joyn thofe two together : hereby inform- ing us what credit or regard need be giv’n in Egland to a Scotch Proveftation, ufher’d in by a Scotch Intereft: certainly no more then we feeis giv’n in Scotland to ari Englifh Declaration, declaring the Intcreft of Exgland, |f then our inte- reft miove not them, why fhould theirs move us? If they fay, we are not all England; wereply they are not all Scotland : nay, were the laft year fo incon fiderable a part of Scotland as werebeholding to this which they now term the Sectarian Army, to defend and refcue them at the charges of England from-a ftronger party of thir own Countrymen, in whofe efteem they were no better then Sectarians themf€lves. But they add, J+ wis againf} the former Declaraté= ons of both Kingdoms, to ferze, or proceed againft the King. We arecertain that no fuch Declarations of both Kingdoms, as derive net thir: full force from” the fenife and meaning of the Covnant, can be producdy + And if they plead againft usthe Covnant, To prefervecand defend bis Perfon ; we ask them briefly whether they take the Covnant to be abfolute or conditio- nal? Ifabfolute, then fuppofe the King to have committed all prodigious‘Crimes © atid Impieties againft God, or Nature, or whole Nations, he mult neverthelefs be facred from all violent touch, Which abfurd opinion, how ic can live ina- ny Mans reafon, either natural or rectifi'd; we much marvel: Since’God de- clat?d his anger as impetuous for the faving of King Bexbadsd, though furren- dring himflf at mercy, as for the killing of Maborh. If it be conditional, in the prefervation and defence of Religion, and the People’s Liberty, then’cer- tainly to take away his life, being dangerous, and pernicious to both thefe, was no more a breach of the Covnant, then for the fame reafon at Edinburrow to be- head.Gordon the Marquefs Huntley.» By the fame Covnant we made vow to af fift and to defend all thofe that fhould enter with us into this League; not abfo- lately, but in the maintenance and purfuing thereof. If therefore no'Manvelfe ever were fo mad as to claim from hence an impunity from all Juftice, why fhould any forthe King ? Whofe Life by other Articles of the fame Covnant was for- fet. Nay if common fenfe had not led us‘ito fuch a clear Interpretation, the Scotch Commillioners themfelves might boafttohave bin our firft teachers: who when they drew to the malignance-which brought forth that perfidious laft years irruption againft all the bands of Covnant or Chriftian Neighbourhood, making thir hollow Plea the defence of His Majefties Perfon, they were conftrain’d by thir own guiltinefs to leave out that following morfel that would have choak'd them, the prefervation and defence of true Religion, and oxr Liberties, And queftion- lefs in the prefervation of thefe, we are bound as well, bothby the Covnant, and before the Covnant, to preferve and defend the Perfon of any private Man, and the Perfon and Authority ‘of any inferior Magiftrate : Sothat this Arti- cle, objected with fuch vehemence againft us, contains not an exception of the Kings Perfon, and Autority, to do by privilege what wickednefs he lift, andbe defended, as fom fancy, ‘but’ an ‘exprefs teftification of our Loyalty; and the plain words without wrefting will bear as much, that we had no thoughts againtt hisperfon, or juft power, provided they might confilt with the prefervation and defence of true Religion and our Liberties. But to thefe how hazardous his life was, will be needlefs to repeat fo oft’n. It may fuffice that while he was in Ciftody, where we expected his Repentance,. his remorfe at laft, and come paflion of all'the innocent blood thed already, and hereafter likely to be fhed for his meer wilfulnefs, he made no other ufe of our continual forbearance, our humbleft Petitions and Obteltations at his feet, but to fit contriving and foment- ing new Plots againft us, and as hisown phrafe was, playing hss owz Game up- on the Miferies of his People: Of which we defire no other view at prefent then thefe Articles of Peace withthe Rebels, and the rare Game likely to en- fue'from fuch a-caft‘of his‘Cards. -And ‘then Jet Menreflect a little upon the flanders and reviles of thefe wretched Priefts, and judg what ‘Modefty, what Truth, what Confcience, what ‘any'thing fit for Minifters, or :we might fay reafonable men, can’harbour‘in them. For‘whatthey began in {hamelefnefs. and malice, ‘they conclude in frenzy : throwing outa fudden ‘rapfody of Proverbs - quite 'from the purpofe ; and withasmuch comlinefs as when Ses} propheci?d. For
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For calting off, as he did his Garments, all modefly and meekuefs wherewitli
“the Language of Minifters ought to be cloath’d, fpeaking efpecially to thir fu-
preme Magiltrate, they talk at random of Servants vaigning, Servants riding, and wonder how the Earth can bear them. Either thefe men imagin themfelves to be marvelloufly high fet and exalted in the Chair of Belfa/t, to vourfafe the
‘Parlament of England no better ftile then Servantz, or elfe thir high notion,
which we rather believe, falls as low as Court-paraficifin ; fuppofing all Men to be Servants, but the King. And then all thir pains tak’n to feem fo wife in proverbing, ferves but to conclude them down-right Slaves: and the edg of thir own Proverb falls reverfe upon themfelves. For as Delight 1 not feemly for Fools, much lefs high Words to come from bafe Minds. What they are for Minifters, or how they crept into the fold, whether at the Window, or through the Wall, or who fet them there fo haughty in the Pontifical See of Belfajt, we know not. But thiswerather have caufe to wonder if the Earth can bear this unfofferable infolency of upltarts ; who froma ground, which is not thir own, dare fend fuch defiance to the fovran Magiftracy of England, by whofe autori- ty and in whofe right they inhabit there. By thir actions we might rather judg them to be a generation of High-land Theevsand Red-fhanks, who being neigh bourly admitted, not as the Saxons by merit of thir Warfare againft our Ene- mies, but by the courtefy of Exglazd to hold polfeflions in our Province, a Country better then thirown, have, with worfe Faith then thofe Heathen, prov’d ingrateful and treacherous Guefts to thir befts Friends and Entertainers. And let them take heed, left while thir filence, as to thefe matters, might have kept them blamelefs and fecure under thofe proceedings which they fo fear’d to partake in, that thefethir treafonous attempts and practifes have not involv’d them in a far worfe guilt of Rebellion; and (notwithftanding that fair de- hortatory from joyning with Malignants) in the appearance of a co-intereft and partaking with the /rifh Rebels. Againft whom, though by themfelves pro- nounc’d to be the Enemies of God, they go not out to battel, as they ought, but rather by thefe thir doings affift and become aflociates.
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Pak-F EN C.E | People of Cnglann,
“ge MB SW A ace Salmafusss DEFENCE. of the KING.
TheP RE FA CE
L THO [ fear, left, ifin defending the People of England, I fhould be A as copious in Words, and empty of Matter, as moft Men think Sa/-
mafius has been in his Defence of the King, I might feem to deferve juftly to be accounted a verbofe and filly Defender ; yet fince no Man thinks himfelf obliged to make fo much hafte, tho inthe handling but of any ordinary Subject, as not te premife fome Introduction at leaft, according as the weight of his Subject requires; if I take the fame courfe in handling almoft the greateft Subject that ever was,(without being too tedious-in it) | am in hopes of attaining twothings, which indeed I earneftly defire. The one, not tobe at all wanting, as far asin me lies, to this moft Noble Caufe, and moft worthy to be recorded to all future Ages: The other; That 1 may appear to have a- voided my felf, that frivoloufnefs of Matter, and redundancy of Words, which I blame in my Antagonift, For I am about to difcourfe of Matters, nei- ther inconfiderable nor common, but how a moft Potent King, after he had? trampled upon the Laws of the-Natjon, and givena fhocktoits Religion, and begun torule at his own Will and Pleafure, was at laft fubdu’d in the Field by his own Subjects, who had undergone a long Slavery under him; how after- wards he wascaft into Prifon, and when he gavé no ground, either by Words or Actions, to hope better things of him, he was finally by the Supreme Coun- cil of the Kingdom condemned to dye, and beheaded before the very Gates - of the Royal Palace. 1 fhall likewife relate, (which will much conduce to the eafing mens minds of a great Superftition) by what Right, efpecially according to our Law, this Judgment was given, and all thefe Matters tranfacteds and fhall eafily defend my Valiant and Worthy Countrymen (who have extremely wel] deferved of all Subje¢ts and Nations in the World) from the moft wicked Calumnies both of Domeftick and Foreign Railers, and efpecially from the Re- proaches of this moft vain and empty Sophifter, who fetsup for a Captain and Ringleader to all the reft. For what King’s Majefty fitting upon an Exalted Throne, ever fhone fo brightly, as that of the People of England then did, when fhaking off that old Superftition, which had prevailed along time, they gave Judgment upon the King himfelf, or rather upon an Enemy who had been: their King, caught as it were in a Net by his own Laws (who alone of all Mortals challenged to himfelf impunity by a Divine Right) and fcrupled not to inflict the fame punifhment upon him, being guilty, which he would have inflicted upon any other. But why dol mention thefe things as performed by the Peo- ple, which ailmoft open their Voice themfelves, and teftify the Prefence of God * throughout? Who, as often as it feems good to his Infinite Wifdom, ufes to * throw down proud and unruly Kings, exalting themfelves above the easier: ' oy
EST Te
EOP ES.
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; © 458 ) of Humane Nature, and uttcrly to extirpate them and all their Family. By his mantfeft Impulfe being feton work to recover our almoft loft Liberty, foflow- ing himas out Guide, and adoring the imprefles of his Divine Power manifefted upon all occalions, we wenton in no ob{cure, bur an illultrious Paflige, pointed out and made plain tous by.God himlelf. Which things, if I fhould fe much as hope by any diligence or ability of mine, fuchas'ic is, to difcourfe of as ought to do, and to commit them fo to writing, as that perhaps all Nations and cll Ages may read them, it would be a very vain thing in me. For what {tile can’ be auguft and magnificent enough, what man has parts fullicient to undertake-fo greata Task? Since we find by Experience, thatin fo many Agesas aregone over the World, there has been but here‘and there aman found, who has been able worthily to recount the Actions of Great Heroes, and Potent States; Can any * man have fo good an opinion of his own Talents, as to think himfelf capable to reach thefe glorious and wonderful Works of Almighty God, by any Langhage, by any Stileof his ? Which Enterprize, though fome of the’ mofk*kminent Per- fons in our Commonwealth have prevailed upon me by their Authority to under- take, and would have it be my butinefs to vindicate with my Pen againit Envy and Calumny (which are proof againft Arms) thofe Glorious Performances of theirs (whofe opinion of mel take asa very great honour, that they fhould pitch upon me before others to be ferviceable in this kind to thofe moft Valiant Deliverers of my Native Countrey , and true it is, that from my very youth I have been bent extremely upon fuch fort of Studies, as inclin’d me, if not to do great things my felf, at leaft to celebrate thofe that did) yet as having no confidence in any fuch Advantages, I have recourfe to the Divine Affiftance; and invoke the Great and Holy God, the Giver of all good Gifts, that | may as fubftantially, and astruly, difcufs and refute the Sawcinefs and Lies of this Foreign Declamator, as our Noble Generals pioufly and fuccefsfully by force of Arms broke the King’s Pride, and his unruly Domineering, and afterwards put an end to both by inflicting a memorable Punifhment. upon himfelf, and as throughly as a fingle perfon did with eafe but of late @onfute and confound the ‘ King himfelf, rifing asit were from the Grave, and recommending himfelf cto the People in a Book: publifh’d after his death, with new Artifices and Allure- ments of Words and Expreflions. Which Antagonift of mine, though he be - aForeigner, and, though he deny ita thoufand times over, but a poor Gram- marian; yet notcontented with the Salary dueto him in that Capacity, chofe to turn a Pragmatical Coxcomb ; and not only to intrude in State-Affairs, but a into the Affairs of a Foreign State: tho he brings along with him neither Mo- defty, nor Underftanding, nor any other Qualification requifite in fo great an Arbitrator, byt Sawcinefs, and a littleGrammatonly. Indeed, if he had pub- lifh'd here, andin Englifh, the fame things that he has now wrote in Latin fuch as itis, I] think no man would have thought it worth while to return an Anfwer to them, but would partly defpife them as common, and exploded over and over already, and partly abhor them as fordid and tyrannical Maxims, not to be endured even by the moft abject of Slaves: Nay, Men that have fided with the King, would have had thefe thoughts of his Book. But fince he has fwol’n it to a confiderable bulk, and difpers'd it amongit Foreigners, who are altogether ignorant of ourgAffairs and Conftitution; it’s fit that they who miftake them,. fhould be better informed; and that he, who is fo very forward. to fpeak ill of others, fhould be treated in his own kind. If it be asked, why we did not then attack him fooner, why we fuffered him to triumph fo long, and pride himfelf iz our filence ? For others I am not to anfwer ; for my felf Ican boldly fay, That I had neither Words nor Arguments long to feek for the defence of fo good a Caufe, if I had enjoyed fuch a meafure of health, as would have endur?d the fatigue of writing. And being but yet weak inBody, F am forced to write by piece-meal, and break off almoft every hour, though the Subject be fuch as requires an unintermitted ftudy and intenfenefs of mind. . But though this bodily Indifpofition may be a hindrance to me in fetting forth. — the juft Praifes of my moft worthy Countreymen, whohave been the Saviours of their Native Country, and whofe Exploits, worthy of Immortality, are al- ready famous all the World over ; yet I hope it will be no difficult matter for me to defend them from the Infolence of this filly little Scholar, and from that ae fawcy Tongue of his, at leaft. Natureand Laws would be in an ill cals if , Slavery
C 559 )
Slavery. fhould find, what to fay for it felf, and Liberty be mute: andif Fyrants fhould.find men; to,plead.for them, and they that can. malter and) vanguilh, Ty rants, fhould not beable to find Advocates. And it werea deplorable thing in. deed, if the Reafon Mankind isendu’d withal, and. which is, the gift of God, fhould not furnifh more Arguments for mens Prefervation, for their, Deliye. rahce, and, asmuch as the nature.of the thing will bear, for making them equal to oneanother,, than for their oppreflion, ajidfor their utter rnine under. the Domineering, Power of Onefingle Perfon, Let me. therefore enter upon this Noble Caufe with a.chearfulnefs, grounded upon.this Aflurance, That my. Ad- verfary’s Caufe is maintain’d by nothing, but Fraud, Fallacy, Ignorance. and Barbarity ;, whereas mine has Light, Truth, Reafon, the Practice and the Learning, of the beft Ages of the World, of its fide.
But now, having faid enough for an Introduction, fince we have ta do with Criticks; let usin the firft place confider. the Title of this, Choice Piece: De. fenfio Regia pro Car. Primo, ad Car. Secundum. A Royal. Defence (or the King’s Defence) for Charles the Fixft to Charles the Second. You undertake a wander- ful pieceof work, whoever youare ; to plead the Father’s Caufe before his own Son: ahundredtoone but you carry it. Buti fummon, you, Salmafim, wha heretofore {culk’d under a wrong name, and now go by no name.at all, toap- pear before another Tribunal, and before other Judges, where perhaps you may not hear thofe little Applaufes, which you ufe to, be fo fond of in your School. But why this Royal Defence dedicated tathe King'sownSon? We need not put himco the torture; he confelleswhy. de the King’s charge, fays . he. Omercenary and chargeable Adyocate ! could you not afford to write a Defence for Charles the Father, whom you pretend to have been the beft of Kings, to Charles the Son, the moft indigent of all Kings, but it muft beat the poor King’s own Charge ? But though you are a Knaye, you would not make your felf ridiculous, incalling it the King’s Defence , for you having fold it, it isno longer yours, but the King?s indeed: whobought it at the price of a hundred jacobuffes, agreat Sum for a poor King ta disburfe. I know very we what I fay: and ‘tis well enough known who brought the Gold, and the Br wrought with Beads: We know who faw you reach out greedy fifts, under pre- tence of embracing the King’s Chaplain, who brought the Prefent, but indeed toembrace the Prefent itfelf, and by accepting it to exhauft almoft all the King’s Treafury. ‘
; But now the man comes himfelf, the Door creaks; the Actor comes ypon the tage.
In filence now, and with attention wait, That ye may learn what th’ Eunuch has to prate, Terent.
pees ary
ftarchws) a Grammarian ; and that fo great a-Critick as you, hired at the King’s 4 Father, fhould noe fet fo fulfome
oF ’
wery firft fentence should prevoke your Readers to laughter with fo many Bar- barifms all.at ence. Perfona Regu, youcry. Where.do you find any fuch La- te? Ov are you-telling us fome.tale or nak of a Perkin Warbeck, who taking
upon
: | € 560 )
upon him the Perfon of a King, has, forfooth, committed fome horrible Parri-
cide in England? Which expreflion, though dropping carelefly from your Pen,
has more truth in it, than you are aware of. Fora Iyrant is but like aKing
upon a Stage, a manina Vizor, and acting the part of a Kingina Play; heis
not really a King. But as for thefe Galici/ms, that are fo frequent in your
Book, 1 won't lath you for them my felf; for Tam not at Icifure; but thal] de-
liver you over to your fcllow-Grammarians, tobe laught to fcorn and whipt by
them. What follows ismuch more heinows, that what was decreed by our Su-
preme Magiftrates to be done to the King, fhould be {aid by you to have been
done by a wicked Con|piracy of Sacrilegious perfons. tiave you the impudence, you
Rogue, to talk at this rate of the Acts and Decrees of the chief Magiftrates of a Nation, that lately was a moft Potent Kingdom, and is now a more Potent
Commonwealth ? Whofe proceedings no King ever took upon him by word of mouth, or otherwife, to vilifie and fet at nought, - The {lluftrious States of Holland therefore, the Genuine Off-fpring of thofe Deliverers of their Coun-
try, have defervedly by their Edi& condemn’d to utter darknefs this Defence of Tyrants, fo pernicious to the Liberty of all Nations; the Author of which
every free State ought to forbid their Country, or to banith out of its and that
State particularly that feeds with a Stipend fo ungrateful and fo favagean Enemy
to their Commonwealth, whofe very Fundamentals, and the caufes of their be-
coming a free State, this Fellow endeavours to undermine as well as ours, and
atone and the fame time to fubvert both; loading with Calumnies the moft
worthy Afferters of Liberty there, under our Names. Confider with your
felves, ye moft Illuftrious States of the United Netherlands, who it was that put
this Afferter of Kingly Power upon fetting Pen to Paper? whoit was, that but
lately began to play Rex in your Country ? what Counfels were taken, what
endeavours ufed, and what difturbances enfued thereupon in Holland? andto
what pals rhings might have been brought by this time? how Slavery and anew
Matter were ready prepar’d for you , and how near expiring that Liberty of yours, aflerted and vindicated by fo many years War and Toil, would have
been e’re now, if it had not taken breath again by the timely death of acer-
tain rafh young GENTLEMAN. But our Author begins to ftrut again,
and to feign wonderful Tragedies ; Whomfoever this dreadful news reacht (to wit,
the news of Salmafius’s Parricidial Barbarifms) all of a fudden, as if they had been firuck with lightning, their hair ftood an end, and their songues clove to the roof of their mouth. \Nhich let Natural Philofophers take notice of (for this fecret in
nature wasnever difcovered before) that lightning makes mens hair ftand an
end. But who knows not that little effeminate minds are apt to be amaz’d
at the newsof any extraordinary great Action; and that then they fhow them-
felves to be, what ‘they really were before, no better than fo many Stocks ?
Some could not refrain from tears; fome little Women at Court, I fuppofe, or if there be any more effeminate than they, of whofe number Salmafins himfelf being one, is by anew etamorphofis become a Fountain near a-kin to his Name
(Salmacis ) and with his counterfeit flood of tears prepared over night, endea-
vours to emafculate generous minds: I advife therefore, and wifh them to have
acare; wy . :
oh ne quem male fortibus undis Salmacis Enervet.— :
Ne, fi vir cum venerit, exeat inde Semivir,. & tatlis fubite mollefcat in undis.
Abftain, as Manhood you efteem, From Salmacts pernicious Stream :
If but one moment there you ftay, Too dear you"! for your Bathing pay. Depart nor Mannor Woman, buta Sight Difgracing both, a loath’d Hermaphrodite.
They that had more courage (which yet he exprefles in miferable bald Latin, a6 if he could not fo much as fpeak of Men of Cotrageand Magnanimity in proper words) were fet on fire with indignation to that degree, that they could hardly ——
snem-
( $613 themfelves, Thofefuriowts Helors we valuc notofa cui. We have been acs cuftomed to rout fuch Bullies in the Field with a true fober courage, a courage becoming men that cay contain themfelves, and are in their right Wits. There were none that did not ourfe the Authors of fo borribleaVilaay. But yet, you fay, their tongues clove to the roof of their mouths; and if you mean this of our Fugitives only, (with they had clove there to this day ; for we know very well that there’s nothivg more common with them, than to have their mouths full of Curfes and Imprecations, which indeed all good men abominate, but withal defpife. Asfor others, it’s hardly crecidle, that when they heard the news of our having inflicted a Capital Panifhmenct npon the King, there fhould any be found, efpecially ina Free State, fo naturally adapted to Slavery as either to fpeak illof us, or fo much as tocenfure what wehad done, Nay, ’tis highly probable chat all good men applanded us, aud gave Ged thanks for fo illuftri- ous, fo exalted a piece of Juftice,; and tor a Caution fo very ufeful to other Princes. Inthe meantime, as for thole fierce, thiofe ftcel-bearted men, that, you fay, take on for, and bewail fo pitifully, the lamentable and wonderful death of I know riot who; them, I fay, together wich their tinkling Advocate, the dul- left that ever appeared fince the mame of a King was born and known inthe World, we fhall e’en Jet whine on, till they cry their eyes out. But in the mean time, what School-boy, what little infignificant Monk could not have made a more elegant Speech for the King, aod in better Laria than this Royal Advocate has done? But it would be folly in me to make fuch particular Animadverfions upon his Childifhnefs and Frenzies throughout bis Book, as 1 do here upon a few in the beginning of ic , which yet { would be willing enough to do (for we hear that he is fwell’d with Pride and Conceit to the utmoft degree imaginable) if the undigefted and immethodical bulk of his Book did not protcé& him. He was refolved co take a courfe like the Soldier in Terence, to fave his Bacon; and it was very cunning in him to {tuff his Book with fo much Puerility, and fo many filly Whimfies, that it might naufeate the fmarteft man in the World to death to take notice of ’emall. Only I thought it might not be amifs to give a Spe- cimenof him in the Preface; and to let the ferious Reader have a tafte of him at firft, that he might guefs by the firft difh that’s ferv’d up, how noble an En- tertainment the reft are like to make, and that he may imagine with himfelf what an infinite number of Fooleries and Impertinencies muft needs be heaped up together in the body of the Book, when they ftand fothick inthe very En- trance intoit, where of all other places they ought to have been fhunned. His tittle-tattle that follows, and his Sermons fit for nothing but to be worm-eaten, I can eafily pafs by 3 as for any thing in them relating to us, we doubt notin the leaft, but that what has been written and publifhed by Authority of Parlia- ment, will have far greater weight with all wifeand fober men, than the Ca- lumnies and Lies of one fingle impudent little Fellow : who being hired by our Fugitives, their Countrey’s Enemies, has fcrap'd together, and not fcrupled to publifhin Print, whatever little Story any one of them that employed him, put into his head. And that all men may plainly fee how little confcience he makes of fetting down any thing right or wrong, good or bad, I defire noo. ther Witnefs than Salmafins himfelf. In his book, entituled, Apparatus contra Primatum Pape, he fays, ‘ There are moft weighty Reafons why the Church ‘ought to lay afide Epifcopacy, and return to the Apoftolical Inftitution of © Presbyters : That afar greater mi(chief has been introduced into the Church by ¢ Epifcopacy,{than the Schifms themfelves were, which were beforeapprehended : That the Plague which Epifcopacy introduced, deprefled the whole body of _ the Church under a miferable Tyranny , nay, had put a yoke even upon the “necks of Kings and Princes: That it would be more beneficial to the Church, © if the whole Hierarchy it felf, were extirpated, than if the Pope only, who ¢is the Head of it, were laid afide, page 160. * That it would be very much * for the good of the Church, if Epifcopacy were taken away, together with the ‘Papacy: Thatif Epifcopacy were once taken down, the Papacy would fall of “it felf, as being founded upon it, page171. He fays, * he can fhew very good ¢reafons why Epifcopacy ought tobe put down in thofe Kingdoms that have © renounced the Pope’s Supremacy ; but that he can fee no reafon for retaining *it there: That a Reformation is not entire, that is defective in this point: © That no reafon can be alledged, no probable caufe afligned, why the Supre- © macy of the Pope being once ca 2 Epifcopacy fhould notwithftan ue At ccc ¢ be
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‘ be retained, page 197. Tho he had wrote all this, and a great deal more to this eflect, but four years ago, heis now become fo vaiv and fo impudent with- al, as toaccufe the Parliament of England, * for not only turning the Bifhops out © of the Houfe of Lords, but for abolifhing Epifcopicy at felf. Nay, he per- {wades us to receive Epifcopacy, and defends it by the very fame Reafons and Arguments, which with a great deal of earneftnefs he had confuted himfelf in that former Book; to wit, ‘ That Bifhops were neceflary, and ought to have ‘ been retained, to prevent the fpringing up of a Thoufand prnicious Sects and ‘Herefies. Crafty Turn-coat! Are you not afham’d to fhite hands thus in things thatare Sacred, and (I had almoft faid) to betray the Church; whofe molt folemn Inftitutions you feem to have aflerted and vindicatec’ with fo much noife, that when it fhould feem for your intereft to change fides, y.ou might un- do and fubvert all again with the more difgrace and infamy to youx felf? It?s notorioufly known, That when both Houles of Parliament, heing extremely defirous to reform the Church of Englandby the pattern of other Reformed Churches, had refolved to abolifh Epifcopacy, the King firft interpofed, and afterwards waged War againft them chiefly tor that very caufe;, whicl proved fatal to him. Go now and boalt of your having defended the King 3 who, that you might the better defend him, do now openly etray and impugn the Canfe of the Church, whofe Defence you your felf had formerly undersaken 5 and whofe fevereft Cenfures ought to be inflicted upon you. As for the prefent form of our Government, fince fuch a Foreign infignificant Profeflor as you, having laid afide your Boxes and Desks {tufft with nothing but Trifles, which you might have fpent your time better in putting into order, wil needs turn bufie-body, and be troublefomein other mens matters, 1 fhall return you this anfwer, or rather not to you, but to them that are wifer than your felf, viz. That the Form of it is fuch as our prefent diftractions will admit of not fuch as were tobe with’d, but fuch as the obftinate Divifions that are amongft us, will bear. What State foever is peftered with Factions, and defends it felf by Force of Arms, is very juft in having regard to thofe only that are found and untainted, and in overlooking or fecluding the reft, be they of the Nobili- ty or the Common People; nay, though profiting by experience, they fhould refu(e to be governed any longer either by’a King or a Houfe of Lords. But in railing at that Supreme Council, as you callit, and at the Chair-max there, you make your felf very ridiculous; for that Council isnot the Supreme Council, as you dreamit is, but appointed by Authority of Parliament, for a certain time only; and confifting of forty Perfons, for the moft part Members of Parlia- ‘ment, any one of whom may be Prefident, if thereft vote him into the Chair. And thereis nothing more common, than for our Parliaments to appoint Com- mittees of their own Members} who, when fo appointed, have Power to meet where they pleafé, and hold a kind of little Parliament amongft themfelves. And the moft weighty Affairs are often referred to them, ‘ for Expedition and Secrefie; the care of the Navy, the Army, the Treafury; in fhort, all thin swhatfoever relating either to War or Peace. Whether this be called a Council, orany thing elfe, the thingisancient, though the name may be new; and it is fach an Inftitution, as no Government can be duly adminiltered without it. 4As for our putting the King to death, and changing the Government, forbear ’ your bawling, don’: fpit your Venom, till, going along with you through every :Ghapter, I fhow, whether you will or no, by what Law, by what Right and Fu- fice all that wasdone. Butif youinfiftto know by what Right, by what Law, ‘by that Law, I tell you, which God and Nature have enacted, vz. that what- ever things are for the Univerfal Good of the Whole State, are for thatreafon lawful and juft. So wife Men of old ufed to anfwerfuch as you. You find fault withus for Repealing Laws that had obtained for fo many years, but youdo not tell us whether thofe Laws were good or bad, nor, if you did, fhould we heed what yon faid ; for, you bufy Puppy, what have you to do with our Laws? I wifhour Magiftrates had repealed more than they have, both Laws ‘and Lawyers; if they had, they would have confulted the Intereft of the
Chriftian Religion, and that of the People better then they have done. It frets”
‘you, That Hob-goblins, Sons of the Earth, {carce Gentlemen at bome, fearce knows
totheir own Conntrymen, fhould prefume to do fuch things, But you ought to have ©
‘emembred, what not only the Scriptures, but Horace would have taught you,
Vike wu
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Valet ima fummes Mutare, & tnfignem attenuat Dei, Obfcura promens, &c.
The Power that did create, can change the Scene
Of things; make mean of great, and great of mican : The brightelt Glory can eclipfe with Night ;
And place thie moft obfcure in dazling Light.
But take this into the bargain. Some of thofe who, you fay, be f{carc’ Gentlemen, are not at allinferiour in birth to any of your party. Others; whofe Anceftors were not Noble, have taken a courfe to attain to true Nobility by their own Induftry and Vertue, and are not inferior to men of the Nobleft Defcent. They had rather be called Sons of the Earth, provided it be their own Earth (their own Native Country) and act like Men at home, then, be- ing deftitute of Houfe or Land, to relieve the neceflities of Nature in a Fo- reign Country by felling of Smoke, as thou doft, an inconfiderable Fellow anda Jack-ftraw, and who dependeft upon the good will of thy Mafters for a poor Stipend ; for whom it were better to difpenfe with thy labors, and return to thy own Kindred and Country-men, if thou had{ft not this one piece of Cun- ning, to babble out fome filly Prelections and Fooleries at fo good a rate amongft Foreigners. You find fault with our Magiltrates for admitting fuch 4 Common- fhore of all forts of Seéts. Why fhould they not? It belongs tothe Church to caft them oat of the Communion of the faithful; not tothe Magiftrate to ba- nifh them the Country, provided they do not offend againft the Civil Laws of the State. Men at firft united into CiWal Societies, that they might live fafely, and enjoy their Liberty, without befng wrong’d or oppreft, and that they might live Religioufly and according to the Doétrine of Chriftianity, they uni- ted themfelvesinto Churches. Civil Societies have Laws, and Churches have a Difcipline peculiar to themfelves, and far differing from each other. And this has been the occafion of fomany Warsin Chriftendom , to wit, becaufe the Civil Magiftrate and the Church confounded their Jurifdictions. Therefore we do not admit of the Popihh Sect, fo as to tolerate Papifts at all, for we do not look upon that as a Religion, but rather as an Hierarchical Tyranny, under a Cloak of Religion, cloth’d with the Spoilsof the Civil Power, which it has
- ufurp’d to it felf contrary to our Saviour’s own Doc¢trine. As for the Indepen-
dents, we never had any fuchamongft us, as you defcribe, they that we call Independents are only fuch as hold that no Claflis or Synods have a Superiority over any particular Church, and that therefore they ought all tobe pluckt up by the Roots, as Branches, or rather as the very Trunk of Hierarchy it felf; which is your own opinion too. And from hence it was that the name of Jn- dependents prevailed amongft the Vulgar. The reft of your Preface is {pent in endeavouring not only to ftir up the hatred of all Kings and Monarchs againft us, but to perfwade themto make a General War upon us. Aithridates of old, though in a different caufe, endeavoured to ftir up all Princes to make War up- onthe Romans, by laying to their charge almoft juft the fame things that you
_ do to ours: viz. that the Romans aim’d at nothing but the Subverfion of all
Kingdoms, that they had no regard to any thing whether Sacred or Civil, that from their very firft rife they never enjoy’d any thing but what they had acqair’d by force, that they were Robbers, and the greateft Enemies inethe world te Monarchy. Thus AMihridates expreft himfelf ina Letter to 4rfaces King of the Parthians. But how came you, whofe bufinefs it is to make filly Speeches from your Desk, to have the confidence toimagine, that by your perfwafions to take up Arms, and founding an Alarm as it were, you fhould beable fo much as to influence aKing amongft Boys at play; efpecially, with fo fhrill a Voice, and unfavoury Breath, that I believe, if you were to have been the Trumpeter, not fo much as Homer’s Mice would have waged War againft the Frogs? So little do we fear, you Slug you, any War or Danger from Foreign Princes through your filly Rhetorick, who accufeft usto them, juft as if you were at play, That we tofs Kings heads like Balls ; play at Bowls with Crowns , and regard Scepters no more then if they were Fools Staves with heads on: But you in the mean
Cccc 2 time,
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time, you filly Logerhead, deferve to have your Bones well-thrafh’d witha Fool's ftaff for thinking to ftir up Kings and Princes to War by fuch Childith Arguments. Then youcry aloud to all Nations, who, I know full well, will rfever heed what youfay. You call upon that wretched and barbarous Crew of Jrifh Rebels too, to aflert the King’s Party. Which one thing is fufficient evidence how much you are both a Fool and a Knave, and how you out-do al- moft all Mankind in Villany, Impudence, and Madnefs ; who {cruple not to im- plore the Loyalty and Aid of an execrable People, devoted to the Slaugher, whom the King himfelf always abhorr’d, or fo pretended, to iiave any thing todowith, by reafon of the guilt of fo much innocent Blood, which they had contracted. And that very Perfidioufnefs and Cruelty, which he endeavoured as mich as he could to conceal, and toclear himfelf from any fufpition of, you the moft villanous of Mortals, as fearing neither God nor Man, voluntarily and openly take upon your felf. Go onthen, undertake the Kings Defence at the
Encouragement, and by the Afliftance of the Jrifh. You take care, and fo you
might well, left any fhould imagine that you were about to bereave Cicero or Demofthenes of the praife due to their Eloquence, by telling us before hand, that you conceive you ought not to /peak like an Orator. Tis wifely {aid of a Fool; you conceive you ought not to do what is not in your power todo : and who that knows you never fo little, ever expects any thing like an Orator from you? Who neither ufes, nor is able to publifh any thing that’s Elaborate, Diftiné, or has fo much as Senfe init ; but likea fecond Crifpin, or that little Grecian Tzetzes, youdo but write a great deal, take no painsto write well; nor could write any thing well, though youtook never fo much pains. Ths Caunfe (hall be argued (fay you) inthe hearing, and as it were before the Tribunal of all Mankind, That’s what we like fo well, that we could now wih we hada difcreet and in- telligent Adverfary, and not fuch a hairébrain’d Blunderbufs, as you, todeal with. Youconclude very Tragically, like Ajax in his Raving; J will proclaim to Heaven and Earth the Injuftice, the Vallany, the Perfidioufne{s and Cruelty of thefe Men, and will deliver them over convitted to all Pofterity. O Flowers! that fucha witlefs, fenfelefs Bawler, one that was born but to {poil or tranfcribe good Au- thors, fhould think himfelf able to write any thing of his own, that will reach Pofterity, whom together with his frivolous Scribles the very next Age will bu- ry in oblivion; unlefs this Defence of the King perhaps may be beholden to the Anf{wer I give to it, for being looked into nowand then. And I would entreat the Illuftrious States of Holland to take off their Prohibition, and fuffer the Book to be publickly fold. For when I have detected the Vanity, Ignorance, and Falfhood, that it is full of, the farther it fpreads, the more effectually it will be fuppreft. Now let us hear how he conviéts us.
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DEFENCE
—-*Beople of Cngiand.
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Perfwade my felf, Salmafins, that you being a vain flafhy man, are not a little proud of being the King of Great Britain’s Defender, who himfelf
was ftil’d the Defender of the Faith, For my part, I think you deferve
your Titles borin alike; forthe King defended the Faith, and you have defended him fo, that betwixt you, youhave fpoiled both your Caufes : which I fhall make appear throughout the whole enfuing Difcourfe, and particularly inthis very Chapter. You told usin the 12th Page of your Preface, That fogood and fo juft a Canfe ought not to be embelifht with any flourifhes of Rhetorick ; That the King needed no other Defence than by abare Narrative of bis Story, and yet in your firft Chapter, in which you had promifed us that bare Narrative, you neither tell the Story right, nor do you abftain from making ufe of all the skill you have in Rhetorick to fet it off: Sothat, if we muft take your own judgment, we muft believe the King’s Caufe to beneither good nor juft. But by the way I would advife you not to have fo good an Opinion of your felf (for no body elfe has foof you) as to imagin that you are able to {peak well up- on any Subject, who can neither play the part of an Orator, nor an Hiftorian, nor exprefs your felf in a Stile that would not be ridiculous even in a Lawyer ; but like a Mountebank’s Jugler, with big {welling words in your Preface, you rais’'d our expectation, as if fome mighty matter were to enfue: in which your defign was not fo much to introduce a true Narrative of the King’s Story, as to make your own empty intended florifhes go off the better. For being now about to give us an account of the matter of Fatt, you find your felf encompaffed and affrighted with fo many Monfters of Novelty, that y’are at a lofs what to fay firft, what next, and what laft of all. 1'll tell you what the matter is with you. In the firft place you find your felf affrighted and aftonifh’d at your own monftrous Lies, and then you find that empty head of yours not encompafs’d, but carried round with fo many trifles and fooleries, that you not only now do not, but never did know what was fit to be fpoken, and inwhat method. Among the many Difficulties that you find in expreffing the heinoufnefs of fo incredible a pitce of Impiety, this one offers it felf, you fay, which is eafily faid, and muft often be repeated , to wit, That the Sun it felf never beheld a more outragious attion. But by your good leave, Sir, the Sun has beheld many things, that blind Bernard never faw. But we are con- tent you fhould mention the Sun over andover. And it will be a piece of Pru- dence in you fotodo. For though our wickednefs does not require it, the cold- nefs of the defence that you are making, does. The Original of Kings, you. fay, is as ancient, as that of the Sun. May the Gods and Goddelles, Damafippus, blefs thee with an everlafting Solftice, that thou mayft always be warm, thou that canft not ftir a foot without the Sum. Perhaps you would avoid the imputation of being called a Doctor Umbraticus. But alas!. you are in perfect darknefs, that make no difference betwixt a Paternal Power, and a Regal: and that when you had called Kings Fathers of their Country, could fancy that with that Me- taphor you had perfwaded us that whatever is applicable to a Father, is fo toa King. Alas! there’sa great difference betwixt them. Our Fathers begot us. Our
Salmafins w as once an Advo- cate, that a Counfeder at Law,
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Our King made not us, but wehim. Nature has given Fathers to usall, but we our felves appolited our own King. So that the Peopleis not for the King, but the King for them. W’e bear with a Father, though he be barfh and feveres and fo we do with a King. But wedo not bear witha Father, if he be a Tyrant. ifa Father murder his Son, he himfelf muft die for’t,; and why: fhould not a King be fubject to the fame Law, which certainly is a moft juft one ? Efpecially conlidering that a Father cannot by any poflibility diveft himfelf of that Relati- on, buta King ealily may make himfelf neither King nor Father of his People. If this action of ours be confidered according to its quality, as you call it, I, who ain both an Englifh-man born, and was an Eye-witnefs of the Tranfactions of thefe Times, tell you, who are both a Foreigner and an utter Stranger to our Affairs ; That we have put to death neither a good, nora su/t, nor « merciful, nor 4 devoxt, nor a godly, nor a peaceable King, as you tile him, but an Enemy, that has been fo to us almoft ten yearsto anend 5 nor one that was a Father, but a Deftroyer of his Country. Youconfefs that fuch things have been prattis’d, for your felf have not the impudence to deny it: bue not by Proteftants upon a Prote- fiant King. Asif he deferv’d the name of a Proteftant, thac in a Letter to the Pope, could give himthetitle of A4of# Holy Father, that was always more fa- vourable to the Papifts than to thofe of bis own Profeflicn. Ard being fuch, he. is not the firft of his own Family that has been put to death by Proceftants. Was not his Grand- mother depofed and banifht, and at laft beheaded by Prote- {tants ? And were not her own Countrymen, that were Proreftants too, well enough pleas’d with it ? Nay, if I fhould fay they were Partics toit, I fhould not lic. Butthere being fo few Proteftant Kings, itis no great wonder, if it never happened that one of them has been put to death. But that it is lawful to cepofe a Tyrant, and to punifh him according to hisdeferts; nay, that this is the opinion of very eminent Divines, and of fuch ‘as have been moft inftrumen- tal in the late Reformation, do you deny itifyoudare. You confefs that many Kings have come to an unnatural Death: Some bythe Sword, fome poyfon’d, fome
jivrangled, and fome ix a Dungeon ; but for a King tobe arraign’d in a Court of Fue
dicature, to be putto plead for bis Life, to have Sentense of Death pronounc’d againft bim, and that Sentence executed, this you think a more lamentable Inftance than af the reft, and make it a prodigious piece of impiety. Tell me, thou fuperla- tive Fool, Whether it be not more juft, more agreeable to the Rules of Humanity, and the Laws of all Humane Societies, to bring a Criminal, be his Offence what it will, before a Court of Jultice, to give him leave to {peak for himfelf; and, if the Law condemn him, then to put him to death as he has deferv’d, fo as he may have time to repent or to recol- le&t himfelf; than prefently, as foon as ever he is taken, to butcher him without more ado? D’ye think there’s a Malefactor in the World, that if he might have his choice, would not chufe to be thusdealt withal? and if this fort of proceeding againft a private Perfon be accounted the fairer of the two, why fhould it not be counted fo againfta Prince? nay, why fhould we not think that himfelf liked ic better? You would have had him kill’d privately, and none to have feen it, either that future Ages might have loft the advantage of fo good an Example ; or that they that did this glorious Action, might feem to have avoided the Light, and to have acted contrary to Law and Juftice. You aggravate the matter by telling us, that it was not done in an uproar, or brovght about by any Faction amongft Great Men, or in the heat of a Rebellion, either of the People, or the Soldiers : that there was no hatred, no fear, no ambition, no blind precipitate rafhnefs in the Cafe; but that it was long confulted on, and done with deliberation. You did well in leaving off being an Advocate, and turn Grammarian, who from the Accidents and Circum- ftances of athing, which in themfelves confidered {way neither one way nor other, argue in difpraife of it, before you have proved the thing it felf tobe either good or bad. See Howopen you lie: If the Action you are difcourfing of, be commendable and praife-worthy, they that didit deferve the greater Honour, in that they were prepoflefled with no Paflions, but did what they did for Vertue’s fake. If there were great difficulty in the enterprife, they did well innot going aboutit rafhly, but upon Advice and Confideration. Tho for my own part, when I call to mind with how unexpected an importunity and fer- yency of Mind, and with how unanimous a Confent, the whole Army, anda
great
€ 597) ) great part of the People from almoftevery County in the Kingdom, ctied out with one Voice for Jultice againft the King, as being the fole Author of all their Calamities : I cannot but think that thefe things were brought about by a Di- vine impulfe. Whatever the matter was, whether we confider the Magittrates, or the Body of the People, no Men ever undertook with more Courage, and, which our Adverfaries themfelves confefs, in a more fedate temper of Mind, fo brave an Action, an Action that might have become thofe famous Heroes of whom weread in former Ages; an Action, by which they enobled not only Laws, and their Execution, which feem for the fucure equally reftor’d to high and low a- gainft one another ; but even Juitice,and to have rendredic after fo fignal a Judg- ment, more illu{trious and greater than in its own felf. Wearenowcometoan ~ end of the 3d Page of the firft Book, ard have not the bare Narrative he promis’d us yet. He complains that our Principles are, That a King whofe Government is burdenfome and odious, may lawfully be depofed : And by this Doétrine, fayshe, if they hadhad a King asthoufand times better than they had, they wenld not have Jpared his Lsfe. Obfervethe Man’s fubtle way of arguing. For | would willingly be in- form’d what Confe quence there is in this, unleds he allows, that a King’s Govern- ment may be bardet./ome and odiow, who is athoufand times better than our King was. So, that noiw hehas brought things tothis pafs, to make the King that he defends, athoufand times worfe than fome whofe Government notwithitanding is burdenfom and odious, thati:, itmay be, the moft monftrous Tyrant that e- ver reign’d. | wifhye Joy, Oye Kings, of fo able a Defender. Now the Narrative begins, ‘They put himtv feveral forts of Torments. .Giveaninftance. They remov'd him {om Prifonto Prifon, and fo they might lawfully do; for ha- ving been a Tyrarit, he becameanopen Enemy, and wastaken in War. Often changing bis Keepars. Left they them{clves fhould change. Sometimes they gave him hopes of Liberty, nay, and fometimes even of refloring him to his Crown, por Articles of Agreement. \t feemsthen the taking away his Life, was not done up- on fo much premeditation, as he talked of before; and that we did not lay hold on alloppo'rtunities and means, that offer’d themfelves, to renounceour King. Thofe tings thatin the’beginning of the War we demanded of him, when he had alvsoft brought us under, which thingsif they were denied us, we could enjoy no/Liberty, nor live in any Safety ; thofe very things we petitioned him for when hie was our Prifoner, in a humble, fubmiflive way, not once, Mor twice, butthrice, and oftner, and were as often denied. When we had now loft all hopes of the King’s complying withus, then was that noble Or- | der of Parliament made, That from that time forward, there fhould no Articles ibe ferit to the King , fo that we left off applying our felves to him, not from the time that he began tobe a Tyrant, but from the time that we found him in- curable. But afterward fome Parliament-men fet upon a new Project, and ameet.ing with aconvenient opportunity to put it in practice, pafs.a Vote to fend further Propofals once more to the King. Whofe Wickednefs and Folly neareft wefernbles that of the Roman Senate, who contrary to the Opinionof 44. Tullius, and. all honeft:Men, voted to fend Embafladors to 44 Anthony, and the Event had -been the fame, but that it pleafed God Almighty in his Providence to order t¢therwife, and toaflert our Liberty, tho he fuffer’d them to be enflav’d : -Fortho'the King-did not agree to any thing that might conduce toa firm Peace, said) Settlement of things more than he had before, they go and vote themfelves fatisfied. Then the founder part of the Houfe finding themfelves and the Com- ‘gnonwealth betray’d, implore the aid of that Valiant and always Faithful Army ‘tothe’ Commonwealth. Upon which occafion I can obferve only this, which tyetlam loth to utter; towit, that our Soldiers underftood themfelves better ithan our Senators, and that they faved the Commonwealth by their Arms, when (th’other by their ‘Votes had almoft ruined it. Then he relates a great many “things in adoleful, lamentable Strain; but hedoes it fo fenflefly, that he feems rather to beg of his Readers that they would be forrowful, than to ftir up any fachPaffion inthem. It grieves him to think that the King fhould undergo aC aps- “tal Punilhment after fuch a manner as no other King ever had done. Thohehad of- ~ten'told us before, that there never was a King that underwent Capital Punifh- “ment atall. Do youufe tocompareways and manners, yeCoxcomb, when you ohave no Things, nor Actions to compare with one another ? He fuffer’d Death, Ffayshe, a a Robber, asa Murderer, as a Parricide, asa Traytor, as.a Tyrant. “<8 Ben fe 3 this
C568 ) this defending the Ring? Or isit not rather.giving a more fevere Sentence a- gain{t him than that that we gave? How came you fo all ona fudden tobe of our mind? Hecomplains that Executioners in Vizars (perfonatr Carnifices] cat off the King’s Head. ‘Nhat fhall.we do with this Fellow? He told us be- fore, of a Afurder committed on one im the difouife of a Kiag : Lin Perfona Regis.]_ Now he fays, “twas done in the dilguife of an Executioner. ?Twere to no purpofe to take particular notice of every filly thing he fays. He tells Stories of Boxes on the Ear, and Kicks, that, he fays, were gsven the King by Common Soldiers, and that "ewas four Shillings a piece to fee bis dcad Body, Thefe and fuch like Stories which partly are falfe, and partly impertinent, be- tray the Ignorance and Childifhnefs of our poor Scholar, but are far from ma- king any Reader ever a whit the fadder. In good faith, his Son Charles had — done better to have hired fome Ballad-finger ro have bewailed his Fathers Mif- fortunes, than this doleful, fhall callhim, or rather moft ridiculous Orator, who is fo dry andinfipid, that there’s not the leaft Spirit in any thing he fays. ‘Now the Narrative’s done, and ’tis hard to fay what he does next, he runs on fo fordidly and irregular. Now he’sangry, tlicn he wonders, heneither cares what he talks, nor how; repeats the fame things ten times over, that could not but look ill, tho he had faid them but once. And | perfwade my felf, the exe temporary Rimes of fome antick Jack-pudding may deferve printing better; fo - far am 1 from thinking cught he fays worthy of a ferious Anfwer. I pafs by his {tiling the Kinga Protector of Religion, who chofe to make war upon the Church, rather than part with thofe Church-Tyrants, and ®nemies of all Re- ligion, the Bifhops ; and how isit poffible that he fhould maintain Religion in its Purity, that was himfelf a Slave to thofe impure Traditions, and Ceremonies of theirs ? And for our Seftaries, whofe Sacrilegious Meetings, you fay, have publick Allowance ; inftance in any of their Principles, the Profeflionof whichisnot openly allow’d of, and countenanced in Holland? Burin the mean, there’s not a more Sacrilegious Wretch in Nature than your felf, that alivays’ took liberty to fpeak ill of all fortsof People. They could not wound the Coumonwealth more dangeroufly than by taking off its Mafter, Learn, ye abject, home-born Slaves unlefs ye take away the Mafter, ye deftroy the Commonwealth.| That that has a Mafter, isone Man’s Property.. The word Mafter denotes a private, not a pub- lick Relation. They perfecute moft unjuftly thofe Minifters that abborr’d this Attion of theirs. Left you fhould not know what Minifters he means, I'll tell you in a few words what manner of. Men they were; they were thofe very Men, thatby their Writings and Sermons juftified taking up Arms againft the King, and ftirr’d the People uptoit. That daily curfed,as Deborab did Aderoz, allfuch as — would not furnifh the Parliament either with Arms, or Men, or Money. That — taught the People out of their Pulpits, that they were not about to fight againft aKing, but a greater Tyrant than either Saul or Ababever were; nay, More a Nero than Nero himfelf. As foon as the Bifhops, and thofe Clergy-men, whom they daily inveighed againft, and branded with the odious Names of Pluralifts and Nonerefidents, were taken out of their way, they prefently jump, fome into two, fome into three of their beft Benefices ; being now warm themfellves, they foon unworthily neglected their Charge. Their Covetoufnefs briske through all reftraints of Modefty and Religion, and themfelves now labour wn- der the fame Infamy, that they had loaded their Predeceflors with ; and becaufe their Covetoufnefs is not yet fatisfied, and their Ambition has accnftomed them to raife Tumults, and be Enemies to Peace, they can’t reft at quiet yet, bue — preach up Sedition againft the Magiftracy, as it is now eftablifh’d, as they had _ formerly done again{ft the King. They now tell the People that he wascruelly murdered ; upon whom themfelves having heap’d all their Curfes, had devoti 4 i him to Deftruction, whom they had delivered up as it were to the Parliament to be difpoil’d of his Royalty, and purfu’d withaHoly War, They now complain — that the Sectaries are not extirpated; which is a moft abfurd thing toexpettthe Magiftrates fhould be able todo, who never yet were able, do what they could, to extirpate Avarice and Ambition, thofe two moft pernicious Herefies, and more deftructive to the Church than all thereft, out of the very order and tribe of the Miniftersthemfelves. Forthe Sects which they inveigh againft, Icon- _ fefSthere are fuch amongft us, butthey are obfcure, and makenonoifeinthe — ' world: The Sects that they are of, are publick and notorious, and same more : ange-
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, dangerous to the Church of God. Sion Afagus and Diothephes were the Ring:
leaders of “em, Yetare we fo far from perfecuting thefe men, tho they are peftilent enough, that cho we know them to be ill-affected to the Governntent, and defirous of, and endeavouring to work a change, we allow them but too much Liberty. You, that are both a French-man, and a Vagabond, feem dif pleas’d that the Englsfh, more fierce and cruel than their own Afaftiffs, as your bark- ing Eloquence has it, have no regard to the lawful Succeffor and Heir of the Crown > Take no care of the King’s Youngeft Son, nor of the Queenof Bohemia. YI] maké ye no anfwers you fhall anfwer your felf. When the frame of a Government is chauged from a Monarchy to any other, the new Modelers have no regard to fucceffion: the Application is eafy 3 it’s in your Book de primatu Pape. The great change throughout Three K ingdoms, you fay, was brought about by a {mall number of men in one of them. Af this weretrue, that {mall number of men would have deferved to have Dominion over the reft; Valiant men over faint hearted Cowards. Thefe are they that prefurnptuoufly tock upon them to change antiquum Regni Regimen; in alium qui a pluribus Tyrannis teneatur. Tis well for them that you carinor find fault with them, without committing a barbarous Solecifm ; you fhame all Grammarians. Fhe Englith will never be able to wafh out this ftain, Nay you, though a blot and a ftain to all Learned men; were never yet able to ftain the Renownand everlafting Glory of the Engés(h Nation, that with fo great a Refo- lution, as we hardly find the like recorded in any Hiftory, having ftrugled with, and overcome, not only their Enemies in the Field, but the fuperftitious Per- fwafions of the common People, have purchas’d to themfelves in general 4- mongit all pofterity the name of Deliverers: The Body of the people having undertook and performed an enterprife, which in other Nations is thought to proceed only froma magnanimity that’s peculiar to Heroes. What the Prore~ flants azd Primitive Chriftians havedone, or would do upon fuch an occafion, Vil tell ye hereafter, when we come to debate the merits of the Caufe : In difcour- fing it before, | fhould be guilty of your fault, who outdo the moft impertinent Talkers in Nature : You wonder how we'll be able to anfwer the Fe/uits. Med- dle with your own matters, you Runagate, and be afham’d of your actions, fince the Church is afham’d of you; who, though but of late you fet. your felf fo fiercely and with fo much Oftentation againft the Pope’s Supremacy and Epif- copal Government, are now become your felf a very Creature of the Bifhops. You confels that fome Proteftants whom you do not name, have afferted it lawful tc depofe a Tyrant: But though you do not think fitto name them, I will, becaufe you fay they are far worfe than the very Fefuits themfelves , they are no other than Luther, and Zuinglius, and Calvin, and Bucer, and Parens, and many others. But then, you fay, they refer it to the Fudgment of Learned and Wife Men, who fhall be accounted a Tyrant. But what for men, were thefe? Were they wife men,
were they men of Learning ? Were they anywife remarkable, either for Vertue or No-
bility? You may well allow a People that hasfelt the heavy Yoke of Slavery,
tobe Wife, and Learned, and Noble enough to know what is fit to be done to
the Tyrant that hasopprefs'd them ; though they neither confult with Foreign- ers nor Grammarians, But that this man was a Tyrant, not only the Parlia- ments of England and Scotland have declared by their actions and exprefs words 3 but almoft all the People of both Nations aflented to it, till fuch time as by the Tricks and Artifices of the Bifhops they were divided into two Factions : and what if it has pleafed God to chufe fuch men, to execute his Vengeance upon the greateft Potentates on Earth, a8 he chofeto be made partakers of the benefit of the Gofpel ? Not many Wife, not many Learned, not many Powerful, not many No= ble = That by thofe that are not, he might bring to nought shofe that are; and that no flee might glory in his fight. And who are you that babble to the contrary ? Dare you affect the Reputation of a Learned Man ? I confefs you are pretty well
. vers’d in Phrafe-Books, and Lexicons, and Gloffaries ; infomuch that you feem
to have fp-nt your time in nothing elfe. But you do not make appear that you have read any good Authorswith fo much Judgment as to have benefited by them. ‘Other Copies and various Le¢tions and Words omitted, and corruptions of Vexts.and thelike, thefeyouare fullof; butno foot-ftep of any folid Learn- ing appears inall you have writ: Or doye think your felf a wife man, that quarrel and contend aboutthe meaneft Trifles that may be? That being alto- gether ignorant if Aftronomy and Phyfick, yet are always railing at the Pro- Dddd feflors
(€ 570 )
fellors of both, whom all mencredit in what things belong to their own Sciences, « shat would be ready tocurfethem tothe Pit of Hell, that fhould offer to de- prive you of the Vain-glory of having corrected or fupply’d the leaft word o¢ letter in any Copy youvecriticiz’d upon. And yet y’are mad to hear your felf cal’'d a Grammarian. \Inacertain trifling Difcourfe of yours, you call Dr. Hammond Knave in plain terms, who was one of this King’s Chaplains, and one that he valu'd above all the reft, for no other reafon but becaufe he had call’ you a Grammariaz. And \ don’t queltion but you would have been as ready to have thrown the fame reproach upon the King himfelf, if you had heard that he had approv’d his Chaplain’s Judgment of ye. Take notice now, how much 1 (whoam but one of thofe many Englifh, that you have the impudence to call Mad-men, and unlearned, and ignoble, and wicked) flight and defpife you, (for that the Englifh Nation in general fhould take any notice in publick of fuch awormas youare, would be an infinite undervaluing of themfelves) who though one fhould turn you topfie-turvy, and in-fide out, are but a Gravmmarian: Nay, asif you had made afoolifher with than Adsdas did, what ever you med- dle with, except when you make Solercifms, is Grammar ftill. Whofoever therefore he be, though from among the Dregs of that common People that you are fo keen upon (for as for thofe men of Eminency amongft us, whofe great Aétions evidenced to all men their Nobility, and Vertue, and Condué, I won't difgracethem fo much, as to compare you tothem, or them to you) but whofoever, I fay, among the Dregs of that common People has but fuck’d in this Principle, That he was not born for his Prince, but for God and his Countrey ; he deferves the reputation of a Learned, and an Honeft, anda Wife Man more, and isof greater ufe in the world than your felf. For fucha one is Learned without Letters; yowhave Letters, but no Learning, that un- derftand fo many Languages, turn over fo many Volumes, and yet are but a fheep when all is done.
=o.
CHAP. UH.
T HE Argument that Salmafius, toward the conclufion of his firft Chapter, urg’d as irrefragable, to wit, that it was really fo, becaufe all men una- nimoufly agreed init; That very Argument, than which, as he appli’d it there is nothing more falfe, 1, thatam now about to difcourfe of the Right o Kings, may turn upon himfelf with a great dealof Truth. For, whereas he defines @ King (if that may be faid to be defin'd which he makes infinite) to be a Perfon in whom the Supream Power of the Kingdom refides, who 1 anfwerable to God alone, who may do whatfoever pleafes him, who % bound by no Law; 1 will undertake to demonftrate, not by mine, but by his own Reafons and Authorities, that there never was a Nation or People of any account (for to ranfack all the un- civiliz’d parts of the World were to no purpofe) that ever allow’d this to be. their King’s Right, or put fuch exorbitant Power into his hand, as thas he fhonld not be bound by any Law, that he might da what be would, that be fhould judg all, bue be judged of nose. Nor can! perfwade my felf, that there ever was any one Perfon befides Sa/mafins of fo flavifhaSpirit, as to aflert the outragious Enor- mities of Tyrants to be the Rights of Kings. Thofe amongft us that were'the greateft Royalifts, always abhorr’d this fordid Opimion : And Salmafins himfelf, as appears by fome other Writings of his before he was brib’d, was quite of ano- ther mind. Infomuch, that what he here gives out, does not look like the Dictates of a free Subject under a free Government, much lefs in fo famous a Commonwealth as that of Holland, and the moft eminent Univerfity theres - but feems to have been penn’d by fome defpicable Slave that lay rotting ina Prifon, ora Dungeon. If whatever a King has a mind to do, the Right of Kings will bear him out in (which was a Lefion that the bloody Tyrant -4wtoni- nus Caracalla, tho his Step-mother Fulia preach’d it to him, and endeavour’d to inure him to the praétice of it, by making him commit inceft with her felf, yer could-hardly fuck in) then there neitheris, nor ever was that King that deferv’d the nameof a Tyrant. They may fafely violate all the Laws . Go
G 57m) God atid Man: their very being Kings keeps theni inroceht. What Crime was ever any of them guilty of ?.they did but make ufe of their own Right upon their own Vallals. No King can commit fuch horrible Cruelies and Out. rages, as will not be within this Right of Kings. So that there’s no Pretence left for any Complaints or Expoltulations with any of them. And dare you allert, That this Right of Kings, as you callit, m grounded upon the Law of Na- tions, or rather upon that of Nature, you Brete Beaft? for you deierve notthe name of a Man, that are fo cruel and unjult towards all thofe of your own kind; that endeavour, as much as in you lies, fo to bear down and viilify the whole race of Minkind, that were made after the Image of God, asto aflerr and maintainthat thofecruel and unmerciful Taskmatters, that through the fuperftitious whimfies, or floth, or treachery of fome perfcns, get into the Chair, are provided and appointed by Nature her felf, that mild and gentle Mo- ther of us all, to be the Governonrs of thofe Nations they entlave. By which peftilent Doctrine of yours, having rendred them more fierce and untractable, you not only enable them to make havock of, and trample under foot their mi- ferable Subjects ; but endeavcur to arm them for that very purpofe withthe Law of Nature, the Right of Kings, and the very Conftitutions of Government, than which nothivg can be more impious or ridiculous. By my confent, as Dionyfizs formerly of a Vyrant became a Schoolmafter, fo you of a Gramma- rian, fhould becomea Tyrant; not that you may have that Regal Licenfe of doing other people harm, buta fair opportunity of perifhing miferably your felf: That, as 7¢beris complain’d, when he had confin’'d himfelf to the Ifiand Capree, youmay be reduced into fuch a condirion, as to be fenfible that you perith daily. But let uslocka little more narrowly into this Right of Kings thas you talk of. ‘This masthe fen[e of the Eaftern, and of the Weftern part of the World. | thal) not anfwer you withwhat Aritorle and Cicero, (who are both as credible Authors as any we have) tell us, vz. Phat the people of Afia eafily fubmit to tlavery, but the Syrians and the Jews are even born to it fromthe womb. I confefs there are but few, andcthofe men of great wifdom and cou- rage, that are either delirous of Liberty, or capable of ulingit. The greateft part of the world chufe to live under Malters; but yet they woald have them juft ones. As for fuch as are unjuft and tyrannical, neither was God ever fo much an enemy to Mankind as to enjoyna necellity of fubmitting to them; nor was there ever any people fo deftitute of allfenfe, and funk into fuch a depth of defpair, as to impofe fo cruel a Law upon themfelves and their pofterity. Firft, you produce the words of King Solomon in his Ecclefiaftes. And weare as. willing to appealto the Scripture as you. As for Solomon’s authority, we?ll
-confider that hereafter, when perhaps we fhall be better able to underftand ir.
Firft, let ushear God himfelf {peak, Deut..17. 14. When thou art come into the Land, which the Lord thy God giveth thee, and fhalt fay, 1 will fet a King over me, like asthe Nations that are round about me, WWhich paflage | could wifhall men would ferioufly confider : for hence it appears by the teftimony of God him- felf ; Firft, that-all Nations are at liberty to erect what form of Government they will among{t themfelves, and to change it when and into what they will. This God affirms in exprefS terms concerning the Hebrew Nation ; and it does not appear but that other Nations are, as to this refpect, in the fame condition. Another remark that this place yields us, iss That a Commonwealth is a more perfec form of Government than a Monarchy, and more futable to the condition of Mankind, andinthe opinion of God himfelf, better for his own People ; for himfelf appointed it, and could hardly be prevail’d withal a great while after, and at their own importunate defire, to let’em changeit into a Monarchy. But to make itappear that he gave em their choice tobe govern’d by a fingle perfon, or by more, fo they were juftly govern’d, in cafe they fhouldintime to come refolve upon a King, he prefcribes Laws for this King of theirs to ob- ferve, whereby he was forbidden to multiply to himfelf Horfes and Wives, or to heap up Riches: whence he might eafily infer, that no power was put into his hands over others, but according to Law, fince even thofe actions of his life, which related only to himfelf, were under a Law. He was commanded therefore to tranfcribe with his own hand all the Precepts of the Law, and ha- ving, writ em out, to obferve and keep em, that his mind might not be lifted up above hisBrethren. °Tis evident from hence, that as well the Prince as the
Dddd 2 People
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People was bound by the Law of A“ofes. To this purpofe Fofephis' writes, a proper and an able Interpreter of the Laws of his own Country, who was ad-" mirably well vers’d in the Jewsfh Policy, and infinitely preferable to a thoufand obfeure ignorant Rabbins : He has it thus in the fourth Book of his Antiquities, acisonog Tin po sv negmscy, &e © An Ariftocracy is the beft form of “© Government; wherefore donct you endeavour to fettle any other, ’tis e- nough for you that God prefides over ye. But it you will havea King, let “ him guide himfelf by the Law of God, rather than by his own wifdom; and lay areftraint upon him, if he offer at more power than the ftate of your affairs will allow of. Thushe exprefles himfelf upon this place in Den. teronomy. Another Fewifh Author, Philo Fudews, who was Fofepbws Contem- porary, avery ftudious manin the Law of Aéofes, upon which he wrote a large Conimentary ; when in his‘Book concerning the Creation of the King, he in- terprets this Chapter of Deuteronomy, he fets a King loofe from the Law no o- therwife than asan enemy maybe faid tobe fo: ‘* They, fays he, that to _% the préjudice and deftruction of the people acquire great power to themfelves, “6 deferve not the name of Kings, but that of Enemies: For their aGtions are “: the fame with thofe of an irreconcilable enemy. Nay, they, that under a “ pretence of Government are injurious, are worfethan open enemies. We “ may, fence our felves againft the latter; but the malice of the former is fo “ mnchthe more peftilent, becaufe it is not always eafie to be difcovered. But when it isdifcover’d, why fhould they not be dealt with as enemies? The fame Author in his fecond Book, Allegorsar. Legs, “ A King, fays he, anda Ty- “¢ rant are Contraries. Anda littleafter, ‘* A King ought not only tocommand, “ but alfo toobey. Allthis is very true, you'll fay, a King ought to obferve the Laws, as well asany other man. But what if he willnot, what Law is there to punifh him? lanfwer, the fame Law that there is to punifh other men; forl find noexceptions. There isno exprefs Lawto punifh the Priefts orany other inferior Magiftrates, who all of “em, if this opinion of the ex- emption of Kings from the Penalties of the Law would hold, might by the fame reafon claim impunity, what guilt foever they contract, becanfe there is no pofitive Law fortheir punifhment; and yet | fuppofe none of them ever chal-' leng’d fucha Prerogative, nor would it ever beallow’d ’em, if they fhould. Hitherto we have learn’d from the very Text of God’s own Law, that a King ought to obey the Laws, and not lift himfelf up above his Brethren. Let us now confider whether Solomon preacht up any other Doétrine, Ch. 8. v.2. 2 counfel thee to keep the K. ing’s Commandment, and that in regard of the Oath of God. Be not balty to go out of bis fight ; ftand not in anevil thing, for he doth what foever pleafeth him. Where the word of a King is, there 1s power ; and who may fay unto him, what doft thon? It is well enough known that here the Preacher direéts not his Precepts to the Sanhedrim, or toa Parliament, but to private perfons; and fuch be commands to keep the King’s Commandment, and that in regard of the Oath of God, Butas they {wear Allegiance to Kings, do not Kings likewife fwear to obey and maintain the Laws of God, and thofe of their own Country ? So the Renbenites and Gadites promife obedience to Fofhua, Fofh.1. 17. According as we harkned unto Mofes in all things, fo will we harken untothee; only the Lord thy God be with thee, as be was with Mofes, WHere’s an exprefs condition. Hear the Preacher elfe, Chap. 9. v.17. The words of wife men are heard in quiet, more than the cry of bim that ruleth among fools. The next caution that Solomon gives us, is, Be not bafty to go out of bis fight ftand notin an evil thing , for he doth whatfoever pleafeth him, Thatis, hedoes what he will to MalefaCtors, whom the Law au- thorizes him to punifh, and againft whom he may proceed with mercy or feveri- ty, ashe fees occafion. Here’s nothing like Tyranny; nothing that a good man needs be afraid of. Where the word of 4 King 1, there is power; and who may fay to bim, What doft thon? And yet we read of one that not only faidtoa
_ King, What doft thou? but told him, Thou haft done foolifhly, But Samuel, you may fay, was an extraordinary Perfon. Ianfwer you with your own words, which followin the 49th Page of your Book, What was there extraordinary, {ay you, i Saul orin David? And fo fay I, what was there in Samuel extraordinae ry ? Hewasa Prophet, you'll fay ; foare they that now follow his example 5 for they act according to the will of God, either his reveal’d, or his fecret will, which your felf grant in your sorh Page. The Preacher therefore in ri place
€ 573) place prudently advifes private perfons not to contend with Princes; for it is even dangerous to contend with any man that’s either rich or powerful. But what then ? muft therefore the Nobility of a Nation, and all the inferior Ma- giftrates, and the whole body of the people not dare to mutter whena King raves and aéts like a mad-man ? Mult they not oppofea foolifh, wicked, cut- rageous Tyrant, that perhaps feeks the deitruction of all good men ? Muft they not endeavour to prevent his turning all Divine and Humane things upfide down ?
Mutt they fuffer him to maflacre his People, burn their Cities, and commit fuch
Outrages upon them daily; and finally, to have perfect liberty to do what he lifts without controul ?
O de Cappadocis eques cataftis ! Thou flavifh Knight of Cappadocia !
Whom all free People, if you can have the confidence hereafter to fet your foot within a free Countrey, ought tocaft out from amongft them, and fend to fomé remote parts of the World, as a Prodigy of dire portent, or to condemn to fome perpetual drudgery, as one devoted to flavery, folemnly obliging them- felves, if they ever lct-yougo, to undergo a worfe flavery under fome cruel, filly Tyrant : No man living can either devife himfelf, or borrow from any o- ther, Expreffions fo full of Cruelty and Contempt, as may not juftly be ap- ply’dto you. But goon, When the Mraelites asked a King of God, they faid, they would fet up a King that fhould have the fame Rule and Dominion over them, that the Kings of their neighbour Countries exercis'd over their Subjects, But the K ings of the Eat we know had an unlimited Power: as Virgil tcltifies,
Regem non fic FEgyptus & ingens Lydia, vec Populi Parthorum, & Medus, Hydafpes Obfervart.
{
No Eaftern Nation ever did adore The Majefty of Soveraign Princes more.
Firft, What is that to us, what fort of Kings the I/raesites defired ? efpecially fince God was angry with them, not only for defiring fuch a King as other Na- tions had, and not fuch a King as his own Law defcribes, but barely for defiring a King at all ? Nor is it credible that they fhould defire an unjuft King, and one that fhould be out of the reach of all Laws, who could not bear the Government of Samuel's Sons, though under the power of Laws; but from their Covetouf- nefs fought refuge ina King. And laftly, The Verfe that you quote out of Virgil, does not prove that the Kings of the Eaj? had an abfolute unlimited Power ; for thofe Bees, that he there {peaks of, and who reverence their Kings, he fays, morethan the Egyptians or Afedes do theirs, by the Authority of the fame Poet,
—— Magnis agitant [ub legibus evan. Live under certain Fundamental Laws,
They do not live under a King then, that’s tyed to no Law. But now [il let you fee how little reafon you have tothink I bear you an ill will. Moft People think you are a Knave; but I'll make it appear that you have only put on a Knaves Vizor for the prefent. In your Introduction to your Difcourfe of the Pope’s Supremacy, you fay, that fome Divines inthe Council of Trent made ufe of the Government, that is faid to be amongft Bees, to prove the Pope’s Supre- macy. This fancy you borrow from them, and urge it here with the fame ma-~ lice that they did there. Now that very fame an{wer that you gave them, whilft you were an honeft Man, now that you are become a Knave, you fhall give your felf, and pull off with your own hand that Vizor you've now put on: The Bees, fay you, area State, and fo Natural Philofophers call them; they have a King, but a harmlefs one, he is a Leader, or Captain, rather than a King be never beats, A
pulls,
\
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pulls, nor kills bis fubject Bees. No wonder they are {o obfervant of him then: But in good Faith, you had but ill luck to meddle with thefe Bees; for though they are Bees of Trent, they fhow youto be a Drone, Arifforle, a moft exact writer of Politicks, affirms that the Afiatique Movarchy, which yet bimfelf calls barbarous, was according to Law, Polttcc. 3. And whereas he reckons up’ five feveral forts of Monarchics, four of thofe five he makes Governments according to Laws, and withthe confent of the People; and yet he calls them Tyrannical Forms of Government, becanfe they lodg fo much power in one man’s hand. - But the Kingdom of the Lacedemonzans he fays is motk properly a Kingdom, be- caufe there all Power is notin the King. he fifta fort of Monarchy, which he calls mx uCxotAci, that is, where the King is all in all; and to which he refers that, that you call the Right of Kings, whichis.a Liberty todo what they lift; he neither tells us when, nor where any fuch Form ot Goverctrment ever obtain’d. Nor feems he to have mention d it for any other purpole than to. fhew how un- juft, abfurd, and tyrannical a Government icis. You fay, that when Samned would deter the People from chufing a King, he propounded to them this Right of Kings. But whence had Samaelit ? Had he it from the written Law of God ? That can’t be. We have obferv’d already, that the Scriptures afford us a quite other Scheme of Soveraignty. Had Samuel it tucn immediately from God hims felfby Revelation? That’s not likely neither , for God diflikes ic, diftommends it, finds fault with it: So that Samuel does not expound to the People any Right of Kings appointed by God , but acorrupt and depraved manner of governing, caken up by the Pride and Ambition of Princes. He tells not the People what their Kings ought todo, but what they would do. He told chem the manner of their King, as before he told us of the manner of the Pricits, the Sons of El; for he ufes the fame word in both places, (which you in the 33d Page of your Book, by aa Hebrew Solcecifin too, call Mw). That manner of theirs was wicked, and odious, and tyrannical: It was no right, but great wrong. The | Fathers have commented upon this place too: Vil inftance in one, that may ftand fora great many; and that’s Sulpitiws Severus, a contemporary and intimate Friend of St. Yerom, and, in St. Auguftin’s opinion, a Man of great Wifdomand Learning. He tells us in his ficred Hiftory, that Samuel in that place acquaints the People with the imperious Rule of Kings, and how they ufe to lord it over their Subjects. Certainly it cannot be the Right of Kings to domineer and be imperious. But according to Salxt, that lawful Power and Authority that Kings were entrulted with, for the prefervation of the publick Liberty, and the good of the Commonwealth, quickly degenerated into Pride and Tyranny : And this is the fenfe of all Orthodox Divines, and of all Lawyers upon that place of Samuel. And you might have learnt from Sichardus, that moft of the Rabbins too were of the fame mind; at leaft, not any one of them ever aflerted that the abfolute inherent Right of Kingsis there difcourfed of Your felf in your 5th Chapter, Page 106. complain, That wot only Clemens Alexandrinus, but all other Expofitors miftake themfelves upon this Text: And you, Vil warrant ye, are the only Man that have had the good luck to hit the Mark. Now what a piece of folly and impudence is this in you to maintain, in oppofition to all Orthodox Expefitors, that thofe very Actions which. God fo much condemns, are the Right of Kings, and to pretend Law forthem? Though your felf confefs, that that Right is very often exercis’d in committing Outrages, being injurious, con- tumelious and the like. Was any Manever to that degree fui jur#, fo much his own Mafter, as that he might lawfully prey upon Mankind, bear down all that. ftood in his way, and turn all things up-tidedown ? Did the Romans ever main- tain, as youfay they did, That any man might dothefe things /uo jure, by vir- tue of fome inherent Right ia himfelf?. Salut indeed makes C. Afemmims, a Tri- bune of the People, in aninvective Speech of his again{t the Pride of the Nobi- lity, and their efcaping unpunifh’d, howfoever they misbehaved themfelves,; to ufe thefe words, viz. ‘* Todo whatever one has a mind to, without fear of Pu- *¢ nifhment, is tobe a King. This Saying you catch’d hold of, thinking it would make for your purpofe; but confider it a little better, and you'll find your felf deceived. Does he in that place affert the Rightof Kings? Or does he not blame the Common People, and chide them for their Sloth, in fuffering their Nobility to lord itover them, as if they were out of the reach of all Law, and in fubmicting again to that Kingly Tyranny, which together with their Kings
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Kings themfelves, their Anceiiors had lawfully and jultly rejected and banifh’d from amongft them? If you had confulted Tu/y,-you would have underftood both Salat and Samuel better. Inhis Oration pro C. Rabirio, “ There is none “ ofusignorant, fays he, of the manner of Kings. Thefe are their Lordly * Dictates: Mind what I fay, and do accordingly. Many Paflages to this purpofe he quotes out of Poets, and calls them not the Right, but the Cuftom or the Manner of Kings; and he fays, We ought to rcad and confider them, not only for curiofity ke, but that we may learn to beware of ‘em and avoid ‘em. You perceive how miferably you're come off with Sala, who, though he be as much an Enemy to Tyranny as any other Author whatfoever, you thought would have patroniz’d this tyrannical Right that you are eftablifhing. Take -my word for't, the Right of Kings {eens to be tottering, and even to further its own ruin, by relying upon fuch weak Props for its {upport ; and By endeavonr- ing to maintain it felf by fuch Examples and Authorities, as would haften its down: fall, ifit were further off thanit is. Tbe extremity of Right or Law, you fay, is the height of injury, Summum jus fume injuria , this faying is verified moft properly in Kings, who when they gotoshe utmoft of their Right, fall into theofe courfes, sn which Samuel wakes the Right of Kings toconfit. And “tis a miferable Right, which, when you have faid all you can for, you can no otherwife defend, than by confefling, that it is the greateft injary that maybe. The extremity of Right or Law is {aid tobe, when a man ties himfelf upto Niceties, dwells upon Letters and Syllables, and in the mean time neglects the intent and equity of the Law ; or when a written Law is cunningly and malicioufly interpreted; this Cicero makes to have been the rife of that common faying- But fince ’tis cer- tain that all Right flows from the fountain of Juftice, fo that nothing can pofli- bly be any man’s right that is not juft, tis a moft wicked thing in you to affirm that for a King to be unjuft, rapacious, tyrannical, and asill as the worftof ’em ever Were, is according to the right of Kingss and to tell us that a Holy Pro- phet would have perfwaded the People to fuch a fenfelefS thing. For whether written or unwritten, whether extreme or remifs, what Right can any Mant have to be injurious ? Which left you fhould confefs to betrue of other Men, but not of Kings, [ have one Man's Authority to objet to you, who I think was a King likewife, and profeffes that that Right of Kings that yon {peak of, is odious both to God and himfelf: Itisintheg4th Pfalm, Shall the Throne of Iniquity have fellowfbip with thee, that framech mifchief bya Law? Be not there- fore fo injurious to God, asto afcribe this Doétrine to him, vis. that all man- ner of wicked and flagitious Actions are but the Rightof Kings ; fince himfelf tells.us, thathe abhors all fellowhhip with wicked Princes for this very reafon, Becaufe under pretence of Soveraignity they create Mifery and Vexation to their Subjects. Neither bring up a falfe Accufation againft a Prophet of God ; for by making him to teach usin this place what the Right of Kings is,you do not produce the right Samuel, but fuch another empty Shadow as was raifed by the Witch of Endor. Tho for my own part, I verily believe that that infernal Saviwel would not have been fo great a Lyar, but that he would have confefs’d, that what you callthe Right of Kings, is Tyranny. We read indeed of Impicties countenanced by Law, Fas datum feelers: you your felf confefs, that they are bad Kings that have made ufe of this boundlefs Licenfe of theirs to do every thing. Now this Right that you have introduc’d for the Deftruction of Man- kind, not proceeding from God, as I have prov’dit does not, mult needs come fromthe Devil ; and that it does really fo, wilt appear more clearly hereafter. By virtue of thes Liberty, fay you, Princes may if they will. And for this, you pretend to have Cicere’s Authority. Vm always willing to mention your Au- thorities, for it generally happens that the very Authors you quote them out of, give you an Anfwer themfelves. Hear elfe what Cicero fays in his 4th Phillip- pick, ‘What canfe of Warcanbe more juft and warrantable than to avoid ‘Slavery ? Fortho a People may have the good fortune to live under a gentle * Mafter, yet thofe are ina miferable Condition whofe Prince may tyrannize ‘over them if he wil. May, that is, can; has Power enough fo todo. If he meant it of his Right, he would contradict himfelf, and make that an upjuft Caufe of War, which himfelf had affirm’d with the fame breath to be a moft juft one. It is not therefore the Right of all Kings that you deferibe, but the _Injurioufnefs, and Force, and Violence of fome. Then you tell us what private men
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men may do. 4 private Man, fay you, may Lie, may be Ungrateful; and fo may Kings, but whatthen? May, they therefore Plunder, Murder, Rayith without controul ? °*Tis equally prejudicial and deltrutive to the Commonwealth, whe- ther it be their own Prince, or a Robber; or a Forctgn Enemy that Spoils, Maflacres, and Enflaves them. And queftionlefs, being both alike Enemies of Humane Society, the one as well as the other may lawfuily be oppos’d and pu: nith’d 5 and their own Prince therather, becaufe he, tho raifed ro that Dignity by the Honours that his People haveconferr’d upon him. and being bound by his Oath to defend the Publick Safety, betrays it notwithitanding all. Atlait yougrant, That Adofes prefcribes Laws, according to which the King that tbe Peo- ple of Wfracl fhould chufe, ought to govern, tho diferent from this Right that Samuel propofes ; which words contain a double Contradiction to what you have faid be- fore. For whereas you had afirm’d, That a King was bound by’ no Law, here youconfefs heis. And you fet up two contrary Rights, onedefcribed by A4ofes, and another by Samuel, which isabfurd. But, faysthe Prophet, you {hall be Ser- vants to your King. Tho I fhould grant that the J/raelites were really fo, it would not prefently follow, that ic was the Right of their Kings to have thent fo; but that by the Ufurpation and Injuitice of ‘molt of them, they were re- duc’d to that Condition. For the Prophet had foretold them, that that importunate Petition of theirs would bring a Punifhment from God upon them ; not becaufe it would be their King’s Right fo to harafs them, but becaufe they themfelves had deferved sit fhould be fo. If Kings are out ‘of the reach of the Law, fo as that they may do what they lift, they are more abfolute than any Mafters, and their Subjects in a more defpicable Condition than the worft of Slaves. The Law of God provided fome re drefs for them, thoof another Nation, if-their Mafters were cruel and un= reafonable towards them. And can we imagine that the whole Body of the
People of a free Nation, tho opprefs’d and tyranniz’d over, and prey’d upon,
fhould be left remedilefs ? That they had no Law to protect them, no Sanctuary to betake themfelves to? Can we think that they were delivered from the Bondage that they were under to the Egyptian Kings, to be reduced into a worfe to one
of their own Brethren ? All which being neither agreeable to the Law of God, ©
nor to common Senfe, nothing can be more evident than that the Prophet de- clares to the People che Adanmer, and not the Rightof Kings; nor the Adznner of all Kings, but of moft. Then you come to the Rabbins, and quote two of them, but you have as bad luck with them here, as youhad before. For it”is plain, that that other Chapter that Rabbi Fofes {peaks of, and which contains, he fays, the Right of Kings, is that in Desteronomy, and not in Samuel. For Rabbi Juda {ays very truly, and againft you, that that Difcourfe of Samuel’s was intended only to frighten the People. _ Tis a moft pernicious Doctrine to maintain that to be any ones Right, which init felf is flat Injuftice, unlefs.you have a mind to.{peak by contraries. And that Samuel intended to affrighten them, appears by the 18th Verfe, And ye fhall cry out in that day becanfe of your King, which ye hall have chofen you, and I will not hear you in that day, faithithe Lord. That was to be their Punifhment for their Obftinacy in perfifting tode= fire a King againft the Mind and Will of God, and yet they are not forbidden here either to pray againft him, or to endeavour to rid themfelves of him. Forif they might lawfully pray to God againft him, without doubt they might ufe all lawful means for their own Deliverance. For what man living, when he finds himfelfin any Calamity, betakes himfelf to God, fo as to neglect his own Duty in order to a Redrefs, and rely upon his lazy Prayers only ?. But be it how it will, what is all this to the Right of. Kings, or of the Exglifh People ? who neither asked. a King againft the Willof God, nor had one appointed ws by God, but by the Right that all Nations have to appoint their own Gover- Nours, appointed’a King over us by Laws of our own, neither in Obedience to, nor again{ft any Command of Gad? And thisbeing the Cafe, for ought I fee, we have done well in depofing our King, and are to be commended for it, fince the Jfraelites finned iv asking one. And this the Event has made appear; for we; when we had a King, prayed to God againft him, and he heard us, and delivered us: Butthe Jems (who not being under a Kingly Government, defired a King) he. fuffered to live in Slavery underone, till, atlaft, after their return from the Babylonifh Captivity, they betook themfelves to their former Government oe
en
C377.) ' Then youcome to give us a difplay of your Talmudical Learning, but you have as ill fuccefS with: that, ‘as you have had with all the reft. For whilft you are endeavouring to prove that Kings are not liable to any Temporal Judica- ture, youguote an Authority out of the Treatife of the Sanhedrim, That the King neither ts judged uf others, nor does himfelf judz any. Which is agaioft the Peoples own Petition in Samuel, for they'delired a King that might judg them. You labour in vain to falvethis, by telling us, that it isto be underltood of thofe Kings that reigned after the Babylonjh Captivity. For then, what fay ye.to Maimonides ? He makes this difference betwixt the Kings of Urael, and thofe of Ju- da; thatthe Kings of the Pojierity of David judz, and are judged, but the Kings of Ifrael do neither. You contradiét and quarrel with your {elf or your Xabbins, and ftilldo my work for me. This, fay, you, % not tobe underftood of the Kings of \fcael in their firft Inftitution , for inthe 17th Verfe “tis faid, You fhall be bis Servants, that is, he fhall ufeye to it, not that he fhall have aay Right to make you fo. Orif you underftand it of their Kings Right, “is but a Judgment of God upon them.for asking a King , the effects of which they were fen{ible of under moft of their Kings, tho not perhaps underall. But you need no Anta- gonifts, you are fucha perpetual Adverfary to your felf. For you tell. us now aStory, asif you werearguing on my fide, how that firlt Ariftobulus, and after him Fanaeuws, firnamed Alexander, did not receive that Kingly right that they pretended to, from the Sanhedrim, that great Treafury and Oracle of the Laws _ of that Nation, but ufurped it by degrecsagainft the Will of the Senate. For whofe fake, you fay, thac childifh Fable of the principal Men of that Aflembly being truck dead by the Angel Gabriel, was firtinvented. And thus you confefs that this magnificent Prerogative, upon which you feem mainlytorely, viz, That Kings are not to be judzed by any upon Earth, * Was grounded upon this worfe © chananold Wives Tale, thatis, upon a Rabbinical Fable. But that the He- © brew Kings were liable to be call’d in queltion for their Actions, and to be pu- © nifhed with ftripes, if they were found faulty, Sichardus fhows at large outof the Writings of the Rabbins, to which Author youare indebted for all that you employ of that fort of Learning, and yet you have the Impudence to be thwarting with him. Nay, weread in the Scripture that Sav/ thought himfelf bound by a Decree of hisown making ; and in Obedience thereunto, that he caft Lots with his Son Jonathan which of them two fhould die. Uzzia likewife, when he was thraft out of the Temple by the Pricfts as a Leper, fubmitted as every private Perfon in fuch a Cafe ought to do, and ceas’dto be a King. Suppofe he fhould have refufed to go outof the Temple, and lay down the Government, and live alone, and had refolved to aflert that Kingly Right of not being fubject to any Law; do you think the Priefts, and the People of the Yews would have fuffered the Temple to be defiled, the Laws violated, and live themfelves in danger of the Infection ? It feems there are Laws againft a leprous King, but none againft a Tyrant. Can any Man poflibly be fo mad and foolifh as to fancy thatthe Laws fhould fo far provide for the Peoples Health, as tho fome noifome Diftemper fhould feize upon the King himfelf, yet to prevent the Infection’s reaching them, and make no Provifion for the Security of their Lives and Eftates, and the very being of the whole State, againft the Tyranny of a cruel, unjuft Prince, which is incomparably the greater mifchief of thetwo? But, fay you, there can be no precedent {hown of any one King, that has been arraigned in aCourt of Fuftice, and condemn’d to dye. Sichardus an{wers that well enough. ’Tis all one, fays he, as if one fhould argue on this manner. The Emperor of Germany never was fummoned to appear before one of the Prince-Electors, therefore if the Prince Elector Palatine fhould impeach the Emperor, he were not bound to plead to it ; tho it appears by the Golden Bull, that Charles the Fourth fubject- ed himfelf and his Succeflors to that Cognizanceand Jurifdiction. But no won- der if Kings were indulged in their Ambition, and their Exorbitances* pafled by, when the times were fo corrupt and depraved, that even private Men, if they had either Money or Intereft, might efcape the Law, tho guilty of Crimes of never fo high a Nature. That xvursUSuvov, that you fpeak of, that is to be wholly independent upon any other, and accountable to none upon Earth, which you fay is peculiar to the Majelty of Sovereign Princes, Ar#ffotle in the 4th Book of his Pol. Ch. 10. callsa moft Tyrannical Form of Government, and not in the leaft to be endured by a free People. And that Kings are not liable Ecce to
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to be queftion’d for their Actions, you prove by the Teftimony ofa very Worthy Author, that Barbarous Tyrant Adark Ambony, one of thofe that fubverted the Commonwealth of Rome: And yet he himfelf, when he undertook an Expediti- on againft the Parthians, fummon’d Herod before him, to anfwer to a Charge of Murder, and would have punifhed him, but that Herod brib’d him. So that Anthony's allerting this Prerogative Royal, and your Defence of King Charles, come both out of oneand the fame Spring. Aad ’ris very reafonable, fay you, that it fhould be fo; for Kings derive their Authority from God alone. What Kings are thofe, I pray, that do fo? Fort deny that thereever were any fuch Kings in the World, that derived their Authority from God alone. Saul the firft King of Jfrael had never reign’d, but that the People defired a King, even a- gain{t the Will of God , and tho he was proclaimed King once at Mizpah, yet after that helived a private Life, and look’d to his Fathers Cattel, till he-was
created fo the fecond time bythe People at Gi/gal. And what think yeof Da- - wid? Tho he had been anointed once by God, was he not anointed the fecond time in Hebron by the Tribe of Fudeb, and afcer that by all the People of Z/ra- el, and that after a mutual Covenant betwixt him and them? 2 Sam. 5,1 Chron. 11. Now a Covenant lays an Obligation upon Kings, and reftrains them within Bounds. Solomon, you fay, fucceeded him inthe Throne of the Lord, and was ac- ceptable to al! men: 1 Chron. 29. SOs that tis fomething to be well-pleafing in the Eyes ofthe People. Feboiadah the Prieft made Foafh King, but firft he made him and the People enter intoa Covenant to oneanother, 2 Kings 11. I confefs that thefe Kings, and all that reign’d of David's Pofterity, were appointed to the Kingdom both by God and the People; but of all other Kings of what Country foever, I affirm, that they are made fo by the People only; nor can you make it appear, that they are appointed by God any otherwife than ag all other things, great and fmall, are faid to be appointed by him, becaufe nothing comes to pafs without his Providence. So that I allow the Throne of David wasin a peculiar manner call’d, The Throne of the Lord; whereas the Thrones of other Princes are no otherwife God’s, than all other things in the World are his; which if you would, you might have learnt out of the fame Chapter, Ver. 11, 12 Thive, O Lord, 1 the greatnefs, &c. for all that is in the Heaven, and jathe Earth is thine. Both riches and honour come of thee, and thou reigneft over all, And this is fo often repeated, not to puffup Kings, but to put them in mind, tho they think themfelves Gods, that yet there isa God above them, to whom they owe whatever they are and have. And thus weeafily underftand what the Poets, and the Effenes among the fews mean, when they tell us, That tis by God that Kings reign, and that they are of Jupiter ; for fo all of us are of God, we are all his Off-{pring. So that this univerfal Right of Almighty God’s, and the Intereft that he has in Princes, and their Thrones, and all that belongs to— them, does not at all derogate from the Peoples Right ; but that notwithftanding all this, all other Kings, not particularly and by name appointed by God, owe their Sovereignty to the People only, and confequently are accountable to them for the management of it. The truth of which Doétrine, thothe Common People are apt to flatter their Kings, yet they themfelves acknowledg, whether good ones, as Sarpedon in Homer is defcribed to have been; or bad ones, as thofe Tyrants in the Lyrick Poet :
_ TAKiKE, Tin ON Val TET PM ede aise, &c.
Glaucus, i# Lycia we?re ador’d like Gods: What makes "twixt us and others fo great odds?
He refolves the Queftion himfelf: ‘ Becaufe, fays he, we excel others ¢ in Heroical Vertues: Let us fight manfully then, fayshe, left our Country- “ mentax us with Sloth and Gowardice. In which words he intimates to us, both that Kings derive their Grandeur from the People, and that for their Con- duct and Behaviour in War, they areaccountable to them. Bad Kings indeed, tho to caft fome Terror into Peoples minds, and beget a Reverence of themr felves, they declare to the World, that God only is the Author of Kingly Government ; in their Hearts and Minds they reverence no other Deity but that - of Fortune, according to that paflage in, Horace : ; 2
¢
€ 579 )
Te Dacus afper, te profugi Scythe, Regumque matres barbarorum, & Purpurei metuunt Tyr anni,
Injuriofo ne pede proruas
Stantem columnam, neu populus frequen: Ad avma ceffantes, ad arma Concitet, imperiumque frangat.
* All barb’rous People, and their Princes too ~ © All Purple Tyrants honour you ; “ The very wandring Scythians do.
- “ Support the Pillar of the Roman State, *¢ | eft all Men be involv’d in one Mans fate. *¢ Continue us in Wealth and Peace ; “¢ Tet Wars and Tumults ever ceafe.
So that if tis by God that Kings now adays reign, tis by God too that the People aflert their own Liberty ; fince all things are of him, and by him. Vm fure the Scripture bears witnefs to both , that by him Kings reign, and that by him they are caft down from their Thrones. And yet experience teaches us, that both thefethings are brought about by the People, oftner than by God. Be this Right of Kings therefore what it will, the Right of the Peopleis as much from God asit. And when ever any People, without fome vilible De- fignation of God himfelf, appoint a King over them, they have the fame Right to put him down, that they had to fet him up at firft. And certainly *tis a more God-like Action to depofe a Tyrant, than to fet up one: And there appears much more of God in the People, when they depofe an unjuft Prince, than ina King that opprefles an innocent People. Nay, the People have a Warrant from God to judg wicked Princes; for God hasconferr’d this very honour up- on thofe that are dear to him, that celebrating the praifes of Chrift theirown King, ‘they fhallbind in Chains the Kings of the Nations, (under which Ap- pellation all Tyrants under the Gofpel are included) ‘ and execute the Judg- * ments written upon them that challenge to themfelves an Exemption from all © written Laws, Pfalm 149. So that there’s but little reafon left for that wicked and foolith Opinion, that Kings who commonly are the worlt of Men, fhould be fo high in God’s account, as that he fhould have put the World under them, to beat their beck, and be govern’d according to their humour; and that for their fakes alone he fhould have reduced all Mankind, whom he made after his own Image, into the fame condition with Brutes. After all this, rather» than fay nothisg, you produce AZ. Aurelius, as a Countenancer of Tyran- ny ; but you had better have let him alone. I can’t fay whether he ever afirm’d that Princes are accountable only before God’s Tribunal. But Xiphiline indeed, out of whom you quote thofe Words of 44. Aurelius, mentions a certain Government, which he calls an Autarchy, of which he makes God the only Judg : 7reel cduzzeyixs 6 eds pov» xelvev Ovvalox But that this word Autarchy and Monarchy are Synonymous, I cannot eafily perf{wade my felf tobelicve. And the more | read what goes before, the lefs I find my felf in- clinable to think fo. And certainly whoever confiders the Context, will not eafily apprehend what coherence this Sentence has with it, and muft needs wor- der how it comes fo abruptly intothe Text; efpecially fince Marcus Aurelivs, that Mirror of Princes, carried himfelf towards the People, as Capstolinus tells us, juftas if Rome had been a Commonwealth ftill. And we all know that when it was fo, the Supreme Power was in the People. The fame Emperor honour- ed the memory of Tharfeas, and Helvidim, and Cato, and Dio, and Brutw ; who all were Tyrant-flayers, or affected the reputation of being thought fo. In the firft Book that he writes of his own Life, he fays that he propos’d himfelf a form of Government, under which all men might equally enjoy the benefit of the Law, and Right and Juftice be equally adminiftred to all. And in his fourth Book he fays, The Law is Mafter, and not he. He acknowledged the right of the Senate and the People, and their Intereft in all things : We a
Beee 2 o
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( 580 ) ) fofar, fays he, from having any thing of ovr own, that we livein your Hou- fes. Thefe things Xiphiline relates of him. So little did he arrogate ought to himfelf by virtue of his Soveraign Right. When he died, he recommended his Son to the Romans for his Succeflor, if they fhould think hedeferv'dit. So far was he from pretending to a Commillion from Heaven to exercife that abfolute and imaginary Right of Soveraignty, that Autarchy, that you tellus of. Au the Latin and Greek Books are full of Authorities of this nature, But we have heard none of ’em yet. Soare the Fewilh Authors. And yet, youfay, The Fews in many things allow'd but too little to their Princes, Nay, yow! find that both the Greeks andthe Latins allow’d much les to Tyrants. And how little the Fews allow’d them, would appear, if that Book that Samuel wrote of the manner of the Kingdom were extant, which Book the Hebrew Doctors tell us their Kings tore in pieces and burnt, that they might be more at liberty to ty- rannize ever the People without controul or fear of punithment. Now look a- bout ye again, and catch hold of fomewhat orother. In the laft place you come to wreft Davia’s wordsinthe 17th Pfalm, Let my fentence come forth from
‘ thy prefence. Therefore, fays Barnachmoni, God only can judg the King. And
yet it’s moft likely that David penn’d this Pfalm when he was perfecuted by Saul, at which time, though himfelf were anointed, he did not decline being judged even by Jonathan: Notwithftanding if there be iniquity in me, flay me thy felf, 1 Sam, 20. At leaft inthis Pfalm he does no more than what any perfon in the world would do upon the like occafion; being falfely accus’d by Men, heap- peals to the judgment of God himfelf, Let thine eyes look upon the thing that is right 5 thou bat proved and vifited mine heart, Gc. What relation has this toa Temporal Judicature? Certainly they dono good office to this right of Kings, that thus difcover the weaknefs of its foundation. Then you come withthat thredbare argument, which of allothers is moft in vogue with our Courtiers, Againft thee, thee only have I finned, Pfal. 51.6, Asif David inthe midft of his Repentance, when overwhelm’d with forrow, and almoft drown’d in tears, he was humbly imploring God’s Mercy, had any thoughts of this Kingly right of his when his heart was fo low, that he thought he deferv’d not the rightof a flave. And can we think that he defpis’d all the People of God, his own Bre- thren, to that degree, as to believe that he might murder’em, plunder em, and commit Adultery with their Wives, and yet not fin againft them all this while ? So Holy a Man could never be guilty of fuch infufferable Pride, nor have fo lit- tle knowledg either of himfelf, or of his duty to his Neighbour. So without doubt, when he fays, Againft thee only, he meant, againft thee chiefly have I finned, ec. But whatever he means, the words of a Pfalmare too full of Poetry, and this Pfalm too full of Paflion, to afford us any exact definitions of
Right and Juftices nor is it proper to argue any thing of that nature from ’em. — |
But David was never queftson’d for this, nor made to plead foy his life before the Sanhe- drim. \Nhatthen? How fhould they know that any fuch thing had been, which — was done fo privately, that perhaps for fome years after not above one or two were privy to it, as fuch fecrets there are in moft Courts? 2 Sam. 12. Thow haft done this thing in fecret. Befides, what if the Senate fhould neglect to punifh private perfons ? Would any infer that thereforethey ought not to be punifh’d atall? Butthereafon why David was not proceeded againit asa Malefactor, is not much inthe dark: He had condemn’d himfelf in the 5th verfe, The man that hath done this thing fhall furely dse. To which the Prophet prefently replies, Thou art the man. Sothatin the Prophet’s judgment as well as his own, he was worthy of death 5 but God by his Soveraign Right over all things, and of his great Mercy to David, abfolves him from the guilt of his Sin, and the fentence of death which he had pronounc’d againft himfelf, verfe 13th, The Lord bath put away thy fin, thou fhalt not die. The next thing you do is to rail at fome bloody Advocate or other, and you takea deal of pains to refute the conclufion of his Difcourfe. Let him look to that; I'll endeavour to beas fhort as I can in what Ive undertaken to perform. But fome things I muft not pafs by Without taking notice of; as firft and formoft your notorious Contradicti- ons; for inthe 30th Page you fay, The Ifraelites do not deprecate an unjuft, rapacious, tyrannical King, one as bad as the worft of Kings are. And yet, Page 42. _ you are very fmart upon your Advocate, for maintaining that the J/raelies asked for a Tyrant: Would they have leap’d out of the Frying-pan me the 11s
C984.) Fire, fay you, and, groan under the Crucly of the worft of Tyrants, rather than live under bad Judges, efpecially being usd to fuch a Form of Government ?
- Firft you faid the Hebrews would rather live under Tyrants than Judges, here
you fay they would rather live under Judges chan Vyrants 3 and that ehey defired nothing lefsthan a Tyrant. Sothat your Advocate may anfwer you our of your own Book. For according to your Principles “tis every King’s Right tobe a Tyrant. | What you fay next is very true, Lhe Supreme Power was theninthe Pea- ple, which appears by their own rejecting their Fudges, and making choice of a Kingly Government. Remember this when | fhall have occafion to make ufeofict. You fay, that God gave the Children of Ifrael a King, asa thing good and profitable for them, and deny that he gave them one in bis anger, a a Punifhment for their Sia Bur that will receive an eafy anfwer; fortowhat purpofe fhould they cry toGod becaufe of the King that they had chofen, ifit were not becanfe a King ly Govern- ment isan evil thing ; not init felf, but becaufe it moft commonly does, as Sa- muel forewarns the People that theirs would, degenerate into Pride and Tyran-
ny? If y’are not yet fatisfied, hark what you jay your felfs acknowleds your
ownhand, and blufh; “tis in your Apparatus ad Primatum: God gave them a King in his anger, fay you, being offended at their Sin in rejetting him from ruling over them; and fo the Chriftian Church, as a Punifhment for its forfaking the pure Wor- fhip of Gad, has been fubjected to the more than Kingly Government of one mortal Head, So that if you own Comparifon holds, either God gave the Children of J/rael a King as anevil thing, and as a punifhment , or he has fet up the Pope for the good of the Church. Wasthere ever any thing more and light mad than this Manis? Who would truft him in the fmalleft matters, that in things of fo great concern fays and unfays without any confideration in the World? You tell us in your 29th Page, That by the Conjtitution of all Nations, Kings are bound by no Law. That this had been the judgment both of the Ealtern and Weftern part of the World. And yet pag. 43. you fay, Thar all the Kings of the Eaft ruled 17% Vopr, according to Law, nay that the very Kings of Egypt in all matters whatfoever, whe- ther great or mall, were tied to Laws. Tho inthebeginning of this Chapter you had undertook to demonftrate, That Kings are bound by no Lams, that they give Laws to others, but have none prefcribed to themfelves. For my part ve no reafon to be angry with ye, for either y’are mad, or of our fide. You donot defend the King’s Caufe, but argue againft him, and play the fool with him: Or if y’are in earneft, that Epigram of Catulus :
Tanto peffimus omnium Poeta, Qyanto tu optimus omnium Patrons.
The worft of Poets, I my felf declare, By how much you the beft of Patrons are.
That Epigram, I fay, may be turn’d, and very properly applied to you; for there never was fo good a Poet, as youarea bad Patron. Unlefs thar /tupidity, that you complain your Advocate is smmers’d over head and ears in, has blinded the: eyes of your own underftanding too, Pll make ye now fenfible that y’are became
avery Brute your felf. For now you come aud confefs that the Kings of all Nati-
ons have Laws prefcribed to them. But then you fay again, They are not fo under the power of them, as tobe liable to cenfure or punifhment of death, af they break them. Which yet you have proved neither from Scripture, nor from any good Author. Obferve thenin fhort; to prefcribe Municipal Laws to fach as are not bound by them, is filly and ridiculous , and to punifhall others, but leave fome one man at liberty to commit all fort of Impieties without fear of punifhment, is molt un- juft ; the Law being general, and not making any exception ; neither of which can be fuppos’d to hold place in the Conititutions of any wife Law-maker, much lefs in thofe of God’sown making. But that all may perceive how una- ble you are to prove outof the writings of the ews, what youundertook in this Chapter to make appear by ‘em, you confefs of your own accord, That there are fome Rabbins, who affirm that their Forefathers ought not te have had any o- ther King than God himfelf, and that he fet other Kings over them for their punifhe ment, And of thofe mens opinion, {| declare my felf to be. It is not fitting nor decent that any Man fhould be a King that does not far excel all his ee
ut
: ( 582 ) But where Men are Equals, as in all Governments very many are, they oughtts have an equal intereft in the Government, and hold it by turns. But that all Men fhould be Slaves to one that is their Equal, or (as it happens molt common- ly) farinferior to’em, and very often a Fool, who can fo much as entertain fuch a thought without Indignation? Nor doesit make for the Honour of a King- ly Government, that our Saviour was of the Pofferity of fome Kings, more than it does for the commendation of the worlt of Kings, that he was the Off {pring of fome of themtoo. The Meflias is a King. We acknowledg him foto be, and rejoice that he is fo, and pray that kis Kingdom may come, for he is worthy: Nor is there any other either equal, or ncxtto him. And yet a Kingly Government being put into the hands of unworthy and undeferving Perfons, as moft commonly it is, may well be thought to have done more harm than good to Mankind. Nor does it follow for all this that all Kings, as fuch, are Tyrants. But fuppofe it did, as for argument-fake 171] allow it does, left you fhould think I’m toohard with ye; make you the beft ufe of it you can. Then, fay you, God himfelf may properly be faidto be the King of Tyrants, nay, himfelf the worlt of all Tyrants. f the firft of thefe conclufions docs not follow, another does, which may be drawn from moft parts of your Book, viz. That you perpetually contra- diét, not only the Scriptures, but your own felf. For in the very laft fore- going Period you had affirmed, that God was the King of all things, having himfelf createdthem. Now hecreated Tyrants and Devils, and confequently by your own reafon, is the King of fuch. The fecond of thefe Conclufions we deteft, and wifh that blafphemous Mouth of yours were ftopt up, with which you affirm God to be the worft of Tyrants, if he be, as you often fay he is; the King and Lord of fuch, Nor do you much advantage your Caufe by telling us that 14- fes was a King, andhad the abfolute and fupreme Power of a King. For we could be content that any other were fo, that could refer our matters to God, as Mofes did, and confule with him about our affairs, Exod. 18. v.19.. But neither did AZofes, notwithftanding his great familiarity with God, ever aflumea Li-- berty of doing what he would himfelf. What fays he of himfelf? The people come unto me to enquire of God. .They camenot then to receive M4ofes’s own Di- €tatesand Commands. Then fays Jethro, ver.19. Be thou for the people to God- ward, that thou mayf bring their caufes unto God. . And Mofes himfelf fays, Deut. 4. v..5. [have taught you Statutes and Fudgments, even as the Lord my God com- mandedme. ence itis that he is faid to have been faithful in all the Houfe of God, Numb.12.v.7. Sothatthe Lord Jebovab himfelf was the People’s King, and A4ofes no other than as it were an Interpreter or a Meflenger betwixt him andthem. Nor can you without Impiety and Sacrilege, transfer this abfolute Supream Power and Authority from God toa Man; (not having any Warrant from the Word of God foto do) which 44o/es ufed only as a Deputy or Subfti- tuteto God; under whofe Eye, and in whofe Prefence, himfelf and the Peo- ple always were, But now, for an aggravation of your wickednefs, though here you make A4ofes to have exercis’d an abfolute and unlimitted Power, in your Apparat. ad Primat. Page 230. you fay that he together with the feventy El- ders ruled the people, and that himfelf was the chief of the people, but not their Ma- fier. If Mofes therefore were a King, as certainly he was, and the beft of Kings, and had a Supream and Legal Power, as youfay he had, and yet neither was the People’s Mafter nor govern’d them alone; then according to you, Kings, tho indued with the Supream Power, are not by virtue of that Sovereign and Kingly Right of theirs Lords over the People, nor ought to govern them alone ; much lefs, according to their own Will and Pleafure. After all this, you have the jmpudence to feign a Command from God to that People, to fet up a
King over them, as foon as they fhould be poffeffed of the Holy Land, Deut. 17.
For youcraftily leave out the former words, and fhalt fay, I will fet a King over me, &c. And now call to mind what you faid before, Page 42. and what I faid | fhould have occafion to make ufe of, viz. That the Power was then in the People, and that they were entirely free. What follows argues you either mad or irreligious ; take whether you lift : God, fay you, having fo long before appointed a Kingly Government, as beft and moft proper for that People; What fhall we fay to Samuels oppofing it, and God’s own atting, as if himfelf were againft it ? How do thefe things agree? He finds himfelf caught, and obferve now with how great malice againft the Prophet, and impiety againft God, he endeavours to eee
imfelf.
C457)
himfelf. We muff confider, {ays he, that Samucl’s oma Sons then judged the People, and the Peoplerejetted them becaufe of their corruption , now Samuel mas loth his.Sons fhould be latd afide, and God to gratify the Prophet, intimated to him, as. if himfelf were not very well pleafed with it. Speak out ye Wretch, and never mince the matter: You mean, God dealt deccitfully with Samuel, and he with the People.
- \t is not your Advocate, but your felf that are fraatick and aiflratted, who
caft off all reverence to God Almighty, fo you may but feem to honour the King. Would Samuel prefer the Intereft of hisSons and thet Ambition, and their Covetoufnefs, before the general good ofall the People, when they asked a thing , that would be good and profitable -for them ? Can we think that he would im- pofe upon them by cunning and fubtilty, and make them believe things that were not ? Orif wehould fuppofe all this true of Samuel, would God himfelf countenance and gratify him init; would he diflemble withthe People ? So that either that was not the Right of Kings which Samuel taught the People; or elfe that Right by the Teftimony, both of God and the-Prophet, was an evil thing, was burdenfom, injurious, unprofitable, and chargeable to the Com- monwealth : Or Laftly, (which muft not be admitted) God and the Prophet deceiv’d the People. God frequently protefts that he was extreamly difpleas’d with them for askingaKing. V.7th. They have not rejetled thee, but they have rejetted me, that I fhould not reign over them. Asif it were a kind of Idolatry to ask a King, that would even fuffer himfelf to be ador’d, and aflume almoft Di- vine Honour to himfelf. And certainly, they that fubject themfelves toa worldly Mafter, and fet him above all Laws, come but a little fhort of chufing a ftrange God: .And a flrange one it commonly is; brutifh, and void of all fenfe and reafon. So 1ft of Sam. Chap. 1oth. v.1¢th. And ye have this day re~ jetted your God, who himfelf faved you out of all your adver(ities and your tribulati- on, and ye have [aid unto bin, Nay, but fet a King over ws, &c. and Chap. 12¢h v.12th. Ye faid unto me, Nay, bur a King fhall reign over ws, whenthe Lord your
God was your King: andy.the 17th. See that your wickedne/s 1 great, that ye have
done in the fight of the Lord, in asking youa King. And Hofea {peaks contempti- bly of the King, Chap. 13.v.10, 11. J wili be thy King; where tw any other that may fave in all thy Cities, and thy Fudges of whom thou faideft, Give me a King and Princes? Igave thee a King in mine anger, and took him away in my wrath. -And Gideon that warlike Judg, that was greater thana King; J will not rule over yon, fayshe, neither fhall my Son rule over you; the Lord {hallrule over you, Judges, Chap. the 8. Intimating thereby, that it is not fit for a Man, bit for God only to exercife Dominion over Men. And hence Yofephus in his Book againft -Appion, an Egyptian Grammarian, and a foul-mouth’d fellow, like you, calls the Com- monwealth of the Hebrews a Theocracy, becaufe the principality wasinGod only. In Jfaiab, Chap.26. v.13. the People in their Repentance, complain. that it had ben mifchievous to them, that other Lords befides God bimfelf, had had Dominion over them. All which places prove clearly, that God gave the Ifraelites a King in his anger 3 but now who can forbear laughing at the ufe you make of Abimelech’s Story? Of whom it is faid, when he was kill’d, partly by a Woman that hurl’d a piece of a Mill-ftone upon him, and partly by his own Armour- Bearer, that God rendred the wickednefs of Abimelech, This Hiftory, fay you, proves ftrongly that God only is the Fudg and Avenger of Kings. Yea, if this Ar- gument holds, he is the only Judg and Punifher of Tyrants, Villanous Rafcals and Baftards. Whoever can get into the Saddle, whether by right or by wrong, has thereby obtain’d a Soveraign Kingly Right over the People, is out of all danger of punifhment, all inferior Magiftrates muft lay down their Arms at his feet, the People muft not dare to mutter. But what if fome great notorious Robber had perifhed in War, as Abimelech did, would any Man infer from thence, That God only isthe Judg and Punifher of High-way-men ? Or what if bé- melech had been condemn’d by the Law, and died by an Executioner’s hand, would not God then have rendred his wickednefs? You never read that the Judges of the Children of //rael were ever proceeded againft according to Law : And yet youconfefs, That where the Government is an Ariftocracy, the Prince, if there be any, may and ought to be call’d in queftion, if he break the Laws. This in your 47th Page. And why may nota Tyrant as well be proceeded againft in a Kingly Government? Why, becaufe God rendred the wickednefs of Abimelech. So did the Women, and fo did his own Armour-Bearer; over both which he
pretended
| C554 ) pretended toa right of Soveraignty. And whatif the Magiftrates had rendred his wickednefs ? Do not they bear the Sword for that very purpofe, for the punifhment of Malefactors? Having done with his powerful argument from the Hiftory of Abzmelech’s death, he betakes himf{elf, as his cuftom is, to Slanders and Calumnies; nothing but Dirt and Filth comes from him : but for thofe
things that he promis’d to make appear, he hath not prov’d any one of them,
either from the Scriptures, or from the Writings of the Rabbims. He alledges no reafon why Kings fifould be above all Laws, and they only of all mortal Men exempt from punifhment, if they deferve it. He falls foul upon thofe very Authors and Authorities that he makes ule of, and by his own Difcourfe de- monftrates the truth of the opinion that he argues againft. And perceiving that he is like to do but little good with his arguments, he endeavours to bring, an odium upon us, by loading us with flanderous Accufations, as having put to death the moft Vertuous innocent Prince that ever reign’d. Was King Solomon, fays he, berter than King Charles the Fixft? 1 confefs fome have ventur’d to com- pare his Father King Fames with Solomon; nay to make King ames the better Gentleman of the two. Solomon was David's Son, David had been Saul’s Mu- fitian ; but King James was the Son of the Earl of Darly, who as Buchanan tells us, becaufe David the Mafitian got into the Queen’s Bed-Chamber at an unfea- fonable time, kill’d hima little after ; for he could not get to him then, be- caufe he had bolted the Door on the infide. So that King Fames being the Son of an Earl, was the better Gentleman , and was frequently called a fecond Solomon, téough it is not’ very certain that himfelf was not the Son of David the Mafitian too. But how could it ever come into your head to make a com- parifon betwixt King Charles and Solomon? For that very King Charles whom you praife thus tothe Sky, that very Man?s Obftinacy, and CovetoufnefS, and Cruelty, his hard ufage of all good and honeft Men, the Wars that he rais’d, the Spoilings and Plunderings and Conflagrations that he occafioned, and the death of innumerable of his Subjects that he was the caufe of, does his Son Charles, at this very time whilft I’m a writing, confefs and bewail in the Stool of Repentance in Scotland, and renounces there that Kingly Right that you aflert. But fince you delightin Parallels, let’s compare King Charles and King Solomon together a little : Solomon-began his reign with the death of his Brother, who had juftly deferved it; King Charles began his with his Father’s Funeral, I do not fay with his Murder: and yetall the marks and tokens of Poyfon that may be, appedred in his dead body ; but that fufpition lighted upon the Duke of Buckingham only, whom the King notwithftanding cleared to the Parliament, though he had killed the King, and his Father; and notonly fo, but he dif- folyed the Parliament, left the matter fhould be enquired into. Solomon oppreffed . the people with heavy Taxes, but he {pent that Money upon the Temple of God, and in raifing other publick Buildings: King Charles {pent his in @xtravagances. Solomon was enticed to Idolatry by many Wives: This Man byone. Solomon ‘though he were feduced himfelf, we read not that he feduced others; but King Charles feduced and enticed others not only by large and ample rewards to cor- rupt the Church, but by his Edicts and Ecclefiaftical Confticutions he compell’d them to fet up Altars, which all Proteftants abhor, and to bow down to Cruci- fixes painted over them onthe Wall. But yet for all this, Solomon was not condem- nedtodie. Nor does it follow, becaufe he was not, that therefore he ought not to have been. Perhapsthere were many Circumftances that made it then not expedient. But not long after the People both by words and actions made ap- pear what they took tobe their right, when Ten Tribes of Twelve revolted from his Son; and if he Had not faved himfelf by flight, it is very likely they would have ftoned him, notwithftanding his Threats and big fwelling words.
“CHAP,
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Or Aly As Peis HY.
Aving proved fafficiently that the Kings of the Jews were fubjectto the H fame Laws that the People were; That there are no exceptions made in their favour in Scripture ; That7cis a moft falfe ailertion grounded upon no Reafon, nor warranted by any Authority, to fay, That Kings may do what they lift with Impunity ; That God has exempted them from all humane Jurif- diction, and referved them to his own Tribunal only: Let us now confider, whether the Gofpel preach up any fuch Do@rine, and enjoyn that blind Obe- dience which the Law was fo far fron doing, that it commanded the contrary ; let us confider, whether orno the Gofpel, that Heavenly Promulgation, as it were, of Chriftian Liberty, reduce us to a condition of Slavery to Kings and Tyrants, from whofe imperious rule even the old Law, that Miftrefs of Slave- ry, difcharged the People of God, whea it obtained. Your firft argument you take from the Perfon of Chrift himfelf- But, alas! who does not know that he put himfelf into the condition, not of a private perfon only, but even of a Servant, that we might be made free ? Nor is this to be underftood of fome internal fpiritual Liberty only 5 how inconfiftent elfe would that Song of his Mothers be wich the defign of his coming into the World, He bath (cattered the roud in the imagination of their heart, he hath put down the mighty from their feat, and hath exalted the humble and meek? How ill futed to their occafion would thefe expreflions be, if the coming of Chrift rather eftablifhed and ftrengthened a Tyrannical Government, and made ablind fubjeCtion the duty of all Chrifti- ans ? He himfelf having been born, and lived and died under a Tyrannical Go- - vernment, has thereby purchafed Liberty for us. Ashe gives ts his Grace to fabmit patiently to a condition of Slavery, if there be a neceflity of its foif by any honeft ways and means we can rid our felves and obrain our Liberty, heis fo far from reftraining us, that he encourages us fotodo. Hence it is that St. Paul not only of an Evangelical, but alfo of a Civil Liberty, faysthus, 1 Cor. 7.21. Art thon called being a Servant? care not for st; but if thon mailt be made free, nfe it rather; you are bought with a price, be net ye Servants of Men. So that you are very impertinent in endeavouring to argue us into Slavery by the exam- ple of our Saviour; who by fubmitting to fucha condition himfelf, has con- firmed even our Civil Liberties. He took upon him indeed in our ftead the form of a Servant, but he always retained his purpofe of being a Deliverer ; and - thence it was that he taught us a quite other notion of the Right of Kings, than this that you endeavour to make good. You, I fay, that preach up not King- fhip, but Tyranny, and that ina Commonwealth ; by enjoyning not only a ne- ceflary, but a Religious Subjection to whatever Tyrant gets into the Chair, whether he come to it by Succeflion, or by Conqueft, or Chance, or any how. And now I'll turn your own Weapons againft yous and oppofe you, as4 ufe to do, with your own Authorities. When the Collectors of the Tribute-Money came to Chrift for Tribute in Galilee, he aSked Peter, Mat.17. Of whom the Kings of the Earth took cuftom or tribute, of their own Children, or of Strangers ? Peter faith unto him, Of Strangers, Fefus faith unto him, then arethe Children free; norwithftanding left we fhould offend them, &c. give untothem for thee and for me. Expofitors differ upon this place, whom this Tribute was paid to; fome fay it was paid to the Priefts, for the ufe of the Sanctuary; others that it was: paid tothe Emperour. 1 amof opinion that it was the Revenue of the San¢tua- ry, butpaid to Herod, who perverted the Inftitution of it, and took it tohim-* felf. Fofephus mentions divers forts of Tribute which he and his Sons exacted, all which Agrippa afterwards remitted. And this very Tribute, though final in it felf, yet being accompanied with many more, was aheavy burden. The Jews, eventhe pooreft of them in the time of their Commonwealth, paid a Poll, fo that it was fome confiderable oppreffion that our Saviour {poke of ; and from hence he took occafion to tax Herod's Injuftice (under whofe Government, and within whofe Jurifdiction he then was) in that, whereas the Kings of the Earth, who affect ufually the Title of Fathers of their Country, do not ufeto opprefs their own Children, thatis, their own natural born Subjects with heavy and un- reafonable Exattions, but lay fuch burdens upon ftrangers, and conquer’d ene- Ffff mies 5
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mies; he, quite contrary, opprefled not ftrangers, but his own people. But let what will ‘be here meant by Children, either natural born Subjects, or the Children of God, and thofe the Elect only, or Chriftians in general, as St. Auguftine underftands the place; this is certain, that if Peter was a Child, and therefore free, then by confequence we are fo too, by our Saviour’s own Tefti- mony, either as Exglifhmen, or as Chriftians » and that it therefore is not the Right of Kings to exact heavy Tributes from their own Countrymen, and thofe freeborn Subjects. Chrift himfelf profefles, that he paid not this Tribute asa thing that was due, but that he might not bring trouble upon himfelf by offends ing thofe that demanded it. The work that he came into this World to do, was quite of another nature. But if our Saviour deny, that it is the Right of Kings to burden their Free-born Subjects with grievous Exactionss he would certain. ly much lefs allow it to betheir Right to Spoil, Maflacre, and Torture their own Countrymen, and thofe Chriftiaas too. He difcourfed after fucha manner of the Right of Kings, thatchofe to whom he fpoke, fufpected his Principles, as laying too great a reftraint upon Soveraignty, and not allowing the Licenfe that Tyrants aflume to themfelves to be the Rights of Kings. It was not for no- thing that the Pharifees put fuch Queftions to him, tempting him; and that at the fame time they told him, that he regarded not the Perfon of any Man: nor was it for nothing that he was angry when fuch Queftions were propofed to him, Matth.22. fone fhould endeavour toenfnare you with little Queftions, and catch at yous Anfwers, to ground an Accufation again{t you upon your own Principles concerning the Right of Kings, and all this under a Monarchy, would you be angry with him? You'd have but very little reafon. "Tis evident, That our Saviour’s Principles concerning Government, were not agreeable tothe Hus mour of Princes. His Anfwer too implies as much; by which he rather turn’d them away, than inftgncted them. Heasked for the Tribute-Money. Whofe Image and Superfeription it, fayshe? They tell himit was Cefar’s. Give then to Cafar, fays he, the things that are Cafar’s, andto God, the things that are God's, And how comes it to pafs, that the People fhould not have given to them the things thatare theirs? Render to all Aden their dues, {ays St. Paul, Rom.13. So that Cafar mult not ingrofs all to himfelf.- Our Liberty is not Cefar’s ; “tis a Blefling we have received from God himfelf; *tis what we are born to ; to lay this downat C2far’s feet, which we derive not from him, which we are not be- holden to him for, werean unworthy Action, and a degrading of our very Nature. If one fhould confider attentively the Countenance of a Man, and en- . Quire after whofe Image fo noblea Creature were framed; would not any one that heard him, prefently make anfwer, That he was made after the Image of God himfelf? Being therefore peculiarly God’s own, and confequently things that are to be given tohim; we are intirely free by Nature, and cannot with- out the greateft Sacrilege imaginable be reduced into a Condition of Slavery to any Man, efpecially to a wicked, unjuft, cruel Tyrant. Our Saviour does not take upon him to determine what things are God’s, and what Ce/far’s; he leaves that ashe found it. If the piece of Money which they fhewed him, wasthe fame that was paid to God, as in We/pafian’s time it was ; then our Saviour is fo far from having put anend to the Controverfy, that he has but entangl?d it, and made it more perplext than it was before: for tis impoffible the fame thing fhould be given both to God, and toCefar. But, you fay, he intimatesto them what things were Cefar’s; to wit, that piece of Money becaufe it bore the Emperor’s Stamp; and what of all that ? How does this advantage your Caufe? You get not the Emperor, or your felf a Penny by this Conclufion. : Either Chrift allowed nothing at all to be Cefar’s, but that piece of Money that he then had in his hand, and thereby aflerted the Peoples Intereft in every thing elfe; or elfe, if (as you would have us underftand him) he affirms all, Money that has the Emperor’s ftamp upon it, to be the Emperor’s.own, he contradicts himfelf, and indeed gives the Magiftrate a property in every Man’s Eftate, when as he himfelf paid his Tribute-Money with a Proteftation, that it was more than what either Peter, or he were bound todo. The ground you rely on, is very weak; for Money bears the Prince’s Image, not asa token of its be- ing his, but of its being good Metal, and that none may prefume to counter- feitit. If the writing Princes Names, or fetting their Stamps upon a thing, veft the property of it in them, *cwere a good ready way for them to pare all roperty.
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Property. Or rather, if whatever Subje&ts have, be abfolutely at their Prins ces. difpofii, which is your Aflertion, that picce of Money was net Cefar's, becaufe his Image was ftampton it, but became of Right it belonged to him be- fore “twas coyn'd. So that nothing can be more manifeft, than that our Savi- our in’this place never intended to tcach us our Dury to Magiltrates (he would have fpoke more plainly if he had) battoreprehend the Malice and Wicked-
- nefs of the hypocritical Pharifees. \Vhen they told him that Herod laid wait to kill him» did he recurs an humble, fubmiiive Anfwer ? Go, tellthat Fox, fays he, @e. intimating, that Kings lave no other Right to deftroy their Subjects, than Foxes have'to devour the things they prey upon. Say you, ‘ He fuffered Death under a Tyrant. How could he poflibly uader any other? But from hence you conclude, that he aflerted it to be the Rizht of Kings tocommit Mur- der, and act Injuitice. You'd make an excellent Moraliit.. Butour Saviour, thohe became a Servant, nottomake us fo, but that we might be free; yet carried he himfelf fo with relation to the Magiltracy, as not to afcribe any more to themthan their due. ‘Now, let us come at laft to enquire what his Doétiine was upon this Subject. The Sons of Zebedee were ambitious of Ho- nour and Power in the Kingdom .of Chri/?, which they perfwaded themfelves he would fhortly fet up in the World; .he reproves them fo, as withal to let all Chriitians know what Form of Civil Government he defires they fhould fettle a-
| mongft themfelves.* Ye know, fayshe, that the Princes of the Gentiles exercife do-
minion over them, and they that are great, exercife authority upon them: but it fhall not be fo among yous but whofoever will be great among you, let him be | your Minifier , and whofoever will be chief among you, let him be your Servant.
Unlefs youd been diftracted, you could never have imagined that this place makes for you: and yet you urge it, and think it furnifhes you with an Argu- ment toprovethat cur Kiugs are abfolute Lords and Mafters over usand ours. May it be our fortune to hive-to do with fuch Enemies in War, as will fall blindfold and naked into our Camp inftead of their own: as youconftantly do,
_ who alledg that for your felf, that of allthings in the World makes moft a-, gaint you. Thé J/raelstes asked God for a King, fuch a King as other Nati- ons round about them had. God diflwaded them by many Arguments, whereof our Saviour here gives usan Epitome, You know that the Princes of the Gentiles exercife Dominion over them. But yet, becaufe the Ifraelites perfifted in their defire of a King, God gave themone, thoinhis Wrath. Our Saviour, left Chriftians fhould defire a King, fuch a one at leaft as might rule, as he fays the Princes of the Gentiles did, prevents them with an Injunction to the contrary ; but it fhall not be fo among you. \Nhat can be faid plainer than this ? Thatftately, imperious Sway and Dominion that Kings ufe to exercife, fhall not be amongft you; what {pecious Titles foever they may aflume to themfelves, as that of Benefactors, orthe like. But he that will be great amongft you (and who is greater than the Prince ?) Jet him be your Servant. Sothat the Lawyer, whoever he be, that you are fo {mart upon, was not fo much out of the way, but had our Saviour’s own Authority to back him, when he faid that Chriftian Princes were indeed no other than the People’s Servants , “tis very certain that all good Magiftrates are fo. Infomuch that Chriftians either muft have no King at all, or if they have, that King mult be the People’s Servant. Abfolute Lordfhip and Chriftianity are inconfiftent- AZofes himfelf, by whofe Miniftry that fervile Oeconomy of the old Law was inftituted, did not exercife an arbitrary, haughty Power and Authority, but bore the burden of the People, and carried them in his Bofom, as a Nurling Father does a fucking Child, Nzmb, 11. and what is thatof.a Nurfing Father, buta Minifterial Imployment? Plato would not have the Magiftrates called Lords, but Servants and Helpers of the People ; nor the People Servants, but Maintainers of their Magiftrates, becaufe they give Meat, Drink, and Wages to their Kings themfelves. _Arsffotle calls the Magiftrates, Keepers and Minifters cf the Laws, Plato, Minifters and Servants. The A- poftle calls them Minifters of,God , but they are Minifters and Servants of the People, and of the Laws, neverthelefs for all that; the Laws and the Magi- {trates were both created for the good of the People: And yet this is it, that you call che Opinion of the Fanatick Maftiffs in England. I fhould not have thought the People of England were Mattifidogs, if fuch a Mungril-Cur as thou atts ep ous i 770 did not bark at them fo currifhly. The Mafter, -if it fhall pleafe ye, of St. si, Teanifcs 3
Lupus *, complains it feems that the Maftiffs are mad (Fanaticks). Germanus ipolf, ¥ 2 here-
C 588 ) heretofore, whofe Colleague that Lwpus of Triers was, depofed our Inceftuous King Vortigerne by his own Authority, And therefore St. Lupus defpifes thee, the Matter not of a Hely Wolf but of fome hunger-ftarv’d thieving little Wolf or other, as being more contemptible than that Mafter ef Vipers, of whom Martial makes mention, who haft by relationa barking She-Wolf at home too, that domincers over thee moft wretchedly , at whofe Inftigations, as I am in- formed, thou haft wrote this ftuff. And ‘therefore it is the lefs wonder that chou fhou!dit endeavour to obtrude an abfolute Regal Government upon others, who halt been accuftomed to bear a Female Rule fo fervilely at home thy felf. Be therefore, inthe Name of God, the Mafter of a Wolf, left a She-Wolf be thy Miftrefs; be a Wolf thy felf, be a Monfter made up of a Man, anda Wolf; whatever thou art, the Englifh Maftiffs will but make a laughing-ftock of thee. But lam not nowat leifure to hunt for Wolves, and will put anend © therefore to this Digreflion. You that but a while ago wrote a Book againtt all manner of fuperiority in the Church, now call St. Perer the Prince of the Apo- ftles. ow inconftant you arein your Principles! But what fays Peter ? Submit your felves to every ordinance of Atan, for the Lard’s fake, wether it be to the King ‘as Supream, orto Governours, as unto them that are fent by him for the punifhment of evil doers, and the praifs of them that do well: for for the will of God, &c. This Epiftle Peter wrote, not only to private Perfons, but thofe Strangers fcat~ ter’d and difpers’d through Afia, whoin thofe places where they fojourned, had no other Right, than what the Laws of Hofpitalicy intituled them to. Do you think fuch Mens cafe to be the fame with that of Natives, Free-born Sub- jects, Nobility, Senates, Aflemblies of Eftates, Parliaments ? Nay, isnot the cafe far different of private Perfons, tho” in their own Countrey 5 and Sena- tors, or Magiftrates, without whom, Kings themfelves cannot pollibly fubfift ? But let us fuppofe that St. Peter had directed his Epiftle to the Natural-born Subjects, and thofe not private perfons neither , fuppofe he had writ to the Se- nate of Rome, Whatthen? No Law that is grounded upona reafon, exprefly fet down inthe Law it felf, obligeth further than the reafonof itextends. Be fubje, fayshe, wwottynz: Thatis, according to the genuine fenfe and im= port of the word, be fubordinate, or legally fubject. For the Law, Ariffotle fays,’ is Order. Swsbwait for the Lord’s fake. Why fo? Becaufe a King is an Officer - appointed by God for the punifhment of evil doers, andthe praife of them that do wells For fo is the will of God: Vo wit, that we fhould fubmit and yield Obedience to fuch as arehere defcribed. There is not a word fpoken ofany other. You fee the ground of this Precept, and how well ’tis laid. ‘The Apoftie.adds in the 16th verf. as Free; therefore not as Slaves. ‘What now? ifPrinces pervert thedefign — of Magiftracy, and ufe the power, that is put intotheir Hands, to the ruin and> deftruction of good Men, and the praife and encouragement of evil doers; Muft weall be condemn’d to perpetual Slavery, not private perfonsonly, but our Nobility, all our inferior Magiftrates, our very Parliament it felf? Is not temporal Government call’d a humane Ordinance? How comes it to pafs then, that Mankind fhould have power to appoint and conftitute, what may be good and profitable for one another ; and want power to reftrainor fupprefs things that are univerfally mifchievous and deftruttive? That Prince, you fay, to whom St, Peter enjoyns Subjection, was Nero the Tyrant: And from thence you infer, that it is our Duty to fubmit and yield Obedience to fuch. But it is not certain that this Epiftle was writ in Wero’sReign: ?Tis as likely to have been writ in Claudizs’stime. And they that are commanded to fubmit, were pri- vate Perfons and Strangers; they were no Confuls, no Magiftrates: °Twas not the Roman Senate, that St. Peter directed his Epiftleto, Now let.us hear what ufe you maké of St. Pax! (for you take a freedom with the Apoftles, I find, that you will not allow us to take with Princes; you make St. Peter the chief of them to day, and to morrow put‘another in his place) St. Paulin his 13th Chap. to the Romans, has thefe words: Let every Soul be fubjett unto the higher Powers, for there ino power but of God the powers that be, ave ordained of God. J confels he writes this to the Romans, not to Strangers difpers’d, as Peter did ; but how- ever he writes to private perfons, and thofeof the meaner rank: And yet he gives us a true, and aclear account of the reafon, the original, and the defign of Government ; and fhows us the true and proper ground of our ‘Obedience, that it’s far from impofing a neceflity upon us of being Slaves. “© Let every “© Soul,
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( 589 ) | & Sout; fayshe; that is, let every Man fubmit. Chryfoffom tells us, “¢ That Sts « Paul’s defign in this Difcourfe, was to make it appear, that our Saviour did not go aboutto introduce Principles inconfiftent wich the Civil Government; * but fuchasftrengthned it, and fettled it upon the fureft Foundations, He never intended then by fetting Nero, or any other Tyrant out of the reach of all Laws, to enflave Mankind under his Luit and Cruelty. “ He in- tended too, fays the fame Author, to diflwade from vnnecellary and cauflefs
“st Wars. But he does not condemn a Wartaken up againit a Tyranrt*a Bofom-
Enemy of his own Countrey, and confequently the molt dangerous that may be; & >Pwascommonly faid in thofe days, that the Doctrine of the Apoftles was feditious, themfelves Perfonsthatendeavour’d to fhakethe fetled Laws and © Government of the World 5 that this was what they aimed at in all they faid * anddid. The Apoftlein this Chapter {tops the mouths of fuch Gainfayers : So that the Apoftles did not write in defence of Tyrants, asyoudo;, but they aflerted fuch things as made them fufpected to be Enemies to the Government they liv’d under, things that ftood in need 6f being explained and interpreted, and having another fenfe put upon them than was generaily receiv d. St. Chry- foftom has now taught us what the Apoftle’s defign was in this Difcourfes let us now examine his Words: Let every Soul be fubject to the Higher Powers. He tells us not what thofe Higher Powers are, nor whothey are; for he never intended to overthrow all Governments, and the feveral Conftitutions of Nations, and fabject all to fome one Man’s will. Every good Emperour acknowledged that the Laws of the Empire, and the Authority of the Senate was above himfelf : and the fame principle and notion of Government has obtained all along in civi- liz’d Nations. Pindar,as he is cited by Herodotus, calls the Law railov Cacia, King over all, Orpheus in his Hymns calls it the King both of Gods and Men : And he gives the reafon why.it isfos Becaufe, fays he, tis that that fits at the helm of all humane affairs, Plato in his Book De Legibus, callsit 7 xeatisy ev TH mAa: that that oug bt to have the greateft [way ia the Commonwealth. \n his Epiitles he commends that Form of Government, in which the Law is made Lord and Ma- fter, and no {cope givento any Man to tyrannize over the Laws. Ariftotle is of the fame opinion in his Politicks ; and foisCiceroin his Book de Legibus, That the Laws ought to govern the Magiftrates as they do the People. The Law therefore having always been accounted the higheft Power on Earth, by the judgment of the moft learned and wife men that ever were, and by the Contfti- tutions of the beft ordered States ; and it being very certain that the Doétrine of the Gofpel is neither contrary ts Reafon nor the Law of Nations, that Man is truly and properly fubject to the higher Powers who obeys the Law and the Magiftrates, fo faras they govern according toLaw. Sothat St. Paul does not only command the People, but Princes themfelves to be in fubje@tion ; who are not above the Laws, but bound by them, For there 1 no Power but of God: that is no Form, no lawful Conftitution of any Government. The moft ancient Laws that are knowntous, were formerly afcribed to God as their Author. For the Law, fays Ciceroin his Philippicks, is no other thana rule of well-grounded rea- fon, derived from God himfelf, enjoyning whatever is juft and right, and for- bidding the contrary. Sothat theinfticution of Magiftracy is Fure Divine, and the end of itis, that Mankind might live under certain Laws, and be govern’d by them. But what particular Form of Government each Nation would live under, and what Perfons fhould be entrufted with the Magiftracy, without doubt, was leftto the choice efeach Nation. Hence St. Peter calls Kings and Deputies, Humane Ordinances. And Hofea inthe 8th Chapter of his Prophefy, They bave fet up Kings, but not by me, they have made Princes, and I knew st not. For inthe Commonwealth of the Hebrews, where upon matters of great and weighty im- portance they could have accefs to God himfelf, and confult with him, they could not chufe a King themfelves by Law, but were to refer the matter to him. Other Nations have received no fuch Command. Sometimes the very Form of Go- vernment, if it be amifs, or at leaft thofe Perfons that have the Power in their hands, are not of God, but of Men, or of the Devil, Luke 4. Al this Power will I give unto thee, for it is delivered unto me, and I give it to whom 1 will.” Hence the Devil- is called the Prince of this World , and in the 12th of the Revelations, the Dragon gave to the Beaft his Power, and his Throne, and great Authority. So that we mouft not underftand St, Paul, as if he fpoke of all forts of Magiftrates in general,
ABE
€ 590) but of lawful Magiftrates; and fo they are defcribed in what follows: We muft alfo underftand him of the Powers themfelves ; not of thofe Men always, in whofe hands they are lodged. St. Chry/ojtom {peaks very well, and clearly upon this occafion. What? fayvhe, u every Prince then appointed by God to be fo? I fay no fuch thing, fayshe _ Se. Paul fpeaks not of the Perfon of the Magiftrate, but of the Magiftracy it felf. He does not fay, there is no Prince but whois of God, He fays there is no Power but of God. Thus far St. Chry/oftom , for what Powersare, are ordained of God : So that St. Pasl {peaks only of alawful Magiftracy. For what is evil and amifs, cannot be faid to be crdain’d, becaufe tis diforderly ; Order and Diforder cannot confift together in the fame Subject. The Apoftle fays, The Powers that bes and you interpret his words as if he had faid, The Powers that now be ; that you may prove that the Aomans ought in Confcience to obey Nero, who youtake. for granted wasthen Emperor. I’m very well con- tent you fhould read the words fo, and draw that Conclufion from them. The Confequence will be, that Exglifh Men ought to yicld Obedience to the prefent Government, as ‘tis now eftablifht aecording to a new Model; becaufe you muft needs acknowledg that it is the prefent Government, and ordain’d of God, as much at leaft as Nero’s was. And left you fhoula object that Nero came to the Empire by a Lawful Succeflion, it’s apparent from the Roman Hiltory that both he and Tiberius got into the Chair by the Tricks and Artifices of their Mothers, and had no right at allto the Succeflion. Sothat you are inconfiftent with your felf, and retract from your own Principles, in afirming that the Romans owed Subjection tothe Government that then was; and yet denying that Englifhmen owe Subjection to the Government that now is. But’tis no wonder to hear you contradict your felf. There are no two things inthe World more directly op-
pofite and contrary to one another, than you are to your felf. But what will.
become of you, poor Wretch? You have quite undone the young King with your Witticifms, and ruin’d his Fortunes utterly; for according to your own Doctrine you muft needs confefs, that this prefent Government in England, is or-
dain’d of God, and that all Englifhmen are bound in Confcience to fubmit to it. —
Take notice all ye Criticks and Textuaries , Do not you prefume to meddle with this Text. Thus Salmafins corrects that Paflage in the Epiftle to the Romans: He has made a difcovery, that the Words ought not to be read, Zhe Powers that are ; but, The Powers that now are: Andall this to prove that all Men owed Subjection and Obedience to Nevo the Tyrant, whom he fuppofed to have been then Em- peror. .This Epiftle, which you fay was writ in Nero's time, was writ in his Predeceflor’s time, who wasan honelt well-meaning Man: And this learned Men evince by undeniable Arguments. But befides, the five firft years of Nero’s reign were without exception. So that this thredbare Argument, which fo many Men have at their Tongues end, and have been deceived by, to wit, that Ty- rants are to be obeyed, becaufe St. Paul injoyns aSubjection to Nero, is evident to have been buta cunning Invention of fome ignorant Parfon. He that refifts
the Powers, to wit, alawful Power, vefijts the Ordinance of God. Kings them=-
felvescome under the Penalty of this Law, when they refift the Senate, and act contrary to the Laws. But do they refift the Ordinance of God, that refift an unlawful Power, or a Perfon that goes about to overthrow and deftroy a lawful one? No Man living in his right Wits can maintain fuchan Affer- tion. The words immediately after make it as clear asthe Sun, that the Apoftle {peaks only of a lawful power ; for he gives us in thema Definition of Magiftrates, and thereby explains to us who are the Perfons thus authoriz’d, and upon what account we are to yield Obedience, left we fhould be apt to mif- take and ground extravagant Notions upon his Difcourfe. The Magiftrares, fayshe, are not a Terror to good Works, but to evil, Walt thou then not be afraid of the Power? Do-that which 4 good, and thon foale have praife of the fame: For he is the Mainifter of God to thee for good. Hebeareth not the Swordin vain; for he is the Minifter of God, a Revenger to execute Wrath upon him that doth Evil, What honeft Man would not willingly fubmit to fuch a Magiftracy as is here defcri- bed ? And-that not only to avoid Wrath, and for fear of Punifhment, but for Confcience fake. Without Magiftrates, and fome Form or other of Civil Govern- ment, no Commonwealth, no Humane Socicty can fubfifts there were no living in the World. But whatever Power enables a Man, or whatfoever Magiltrate takes upon him to act contrary to what St. Pax! makesthe Duty of thofe that
are
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ate in Authority ; neither isthat Power, nor that Magifirate ordain’d of God.
And confequently to fuch a Magiftracy no Subjection is commanded, nor is any due, nor are the People forbidden to refift {uch Authority ; for in fo doing they do not refift the Power, northe Magiftracy, as they are here excellently well de- feribed ; but they refift a Robber, a Tyrant, an Enemy; whoif be may notwith- ftanding in fome fenfe be called a Magiftrate, upon this account only, becaufe
_ he has Power in his hands, which perhapsGod may have invelted him with
for our punifhment; by the fame reafon the Devil may be called a Magi- f{trate. Thisis molt certain, that there canbe but one true Definition of one and the famething. So that if St. Paw! in this place define what a Magiftrate is, which he certainly docs, and that accurately well ; He cannot poflibly define a Tyraut, the molt contrary thing imaginable, in the fame words. Hence} in- fer, that he commands us to fubmmit to fuch Magiltrates only as he himfelf defines and defcribes, and not to Tyrants, which are quite other things. For this Caufe you pay Tribute alfo: He givesa Reafon, together witha Command. Hence St. Chry- foftoms; Why do we pay Tribute to Princes? Do we not, adds he, thereby reward them for the care they take of our Safety? We fhould not have paid them any Tribute if we bad not been convinc’d that it wat good for us to live under a Government. So that {I matt here repeat what I have faid already, That fince Subjection is not abfolutely enjoined, butona particular Reafon, that Reafon muft be the rule of our Subjection: where that Reafon holds, we are Rebels if we fubmit not; where it holds not, weare Cowards and Slaves if wedo. But, fay you, the Englith are far from being Free- men, for they are wicked and fiagitions. will notreckon up herethe Vices of the French, tho they live under a Kingly Governments neither will 1 excufe my own Countrey-men too far: but this | may fately fay, whatever Vices they have, they have learnt them under a Kingly Government; as the J/raelices learnt a great deal of Wickednefs in Egypr. Andasthey, when they were brought. in- to the Wildernefs, and lived under the immediate Government of God himfelf, could hardly reform, juftfo ’cis withust But there are good hopes of many amongft us; that I may not here celebrate thofe Men who are eminent for their Piety and Virtue, and Love of the Truth; of which fort | perfwade my felf we have asgreata number, as where you think there are moft fuch. Bat they have laid a heavy yoke npon the Englifh Nation: What if they have, upon thofe of them that endeavoured to lay aheavy Yoke upon all the reft ? Upon thofe that have deferved to be put under the hatches? As for the reft, I queftion not but they are very well content to be at the expence of maintaining their own Liberty, the Publick Treafury being exhaufted by the Civil Wars. Now he betakes himfelf to the Fabulous Rabbins again: He aflerts frequently, that Kings are bound by no Laws; and yet he proves, That according to the fenfe of the Rabbins, a King may be guilty of Treafon, by fuffering an Invafion upon the Rights of his Crown. So Kings are bound by Laws, and they are not bound by them; they may be Criminals, and yet they may not be fo. This Man contradiéts himfelf fo perpetually, that Contradiction and he feem to be of kin to one ano- ther. You fay that God himfelf put many Kingdoms under the yoke of Nebu- chadnexzar, King of Batyloz, 1 confefshedid fo for atime, Jer. 27.7. but do you makeappear if youcan, that he put the Englifh Nation into a condition of
Slavery to Charles Stuart fora minute. I confefs he fuftered them to be enflaved
y him for fome time; but I never yet heard that himfelf appointed it fo to be. Or if you will have it fo, that.God fhall be faid to put a Nation under Slavery, when a Tyrant prevails; why may he not as well be faid to deliver them from his Tyranny, when the People prevail and get the upper hand ? Shall his Ty- ranny be faid tobe of God, and not our Liberty ? There is noevil in the City, that the Lord hath not done, Amos 3. So that Famine, Peftilence, Sedition, War, all of themareof God; andisit therefore unlawful for a People af- flicted with any of thefe Plagues, to endeavour to get rid of them? Certainly they would do their utmoft, tho they know them tobe fent by God, unlefs himfelf miraculoufly from Heaven fhould command the contrary: And why may they not by the fame reafon rid themfelves of a Tyrant, if they are ftronger than he? Why fhould we fuppofe his weaknefs to be appointed by God for the ruin and deftraction of the Commonwealth, rather than the Power and Strength of all the People for the good of the State? Far be it from all Com- monwealths, from all Societies of free-bdrn men to maintain not only fuch pet -
NICLOUS 4
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vicious, but fach ftupid and fenfelefs Principles 5 Principles that fubvert all Ci- vil Society, that to gratifie a few Tyrants, level all Mankind with Brutes; and by fetting Princes out of the reach of humane Laws, give them an equal power over both. 1 pafsby thofe foolith Dilemma’s that you now make, which that you might take occation to propofe, you feign fome or other to alfert that the fuperlative power of Princes is derrved from the People , though for my own partl do not at all doubt but that all the power that any Magiltrates have, is fo. - Hence Cicero in his Orat. pro Flacco, * Our wife-and holy Anceltors, [ays be, ap- © pointed thofe things to obtain for Laws, that the People enacted. And hence it is that Lucius Craffm, an Excellent Roman Orator, and at that time Prefident of the Senate, when ina Controverfie betwixt them and the common People, ‘he aflerted their Rights, ‘Ibefeech you, /ays he, fuffer not us to live in fub- « j-Gion to any, but your felves, to the entire body of whom we can and ‘ought to fubmic. For though the Roman Senate govern’d the People, the Peo- ple themfelves had appointed them to be their Governours, and had pat that power into their hands. Wereadthe term of Ad¢ajeffy more frequently ap- plied to the People of Rome, than to their Kings. Tully in Orat. pro Plancso, “Ic isthe condition of all free People, (fays he) and efpecially of this People, “the Lord of all Nations, by their Votes togiveor take away, to or from any © as themfelves fee caufe. ”Tis the duty of the Migiftrates patiently to fabmit © to what the body of the People enact. Thofe that are not ambitious of Ho- ¢ nour, have the lefsobligation upon them to court the People; thofe that af- © fe& Preferment, mult not be weary of entreating them. Should I {cruple to call a Kinz the Servant of his People, when I hear the Roman Senate, that reign’d over fo many Kings, profefs themfelves to bz but the Peoples Servants? You'll object perhaps, and fay, that all this is very true ina popular State, but the cafe was altered afterwards, when the Regal Law transferr’d all the People’s Right into Augaffws and his Succeflors. But what think youthen of Tiberias, whom your felt confefs to have been avery great Tyrant, ashecertainly was ? Suetonius fays of him, that when he was once called Lord oc Mafter, though af- ter the enacting of that Lex Regia, he defired the Perfon that gave him that ap- pellation, to forbear abufing him. How does this found in your ears? a Ty- rant thinks one of his Subjects abufes him in calling him Lord. The fame Em- peror in one of his Speechesto the Senate, * I have faid, fays he, frequently € heretofore, and now I fay it again, thata good Prince, whom you have inveft- ~ ed with fo great power as 1am entrulted with, ought to ferve the Senate, ‘and the body of the People, and fometimes even particular Perfons , nor dol © repent of having faid fo: I confefs that you have been good, and jult, and ‘ indulgent Mafters tome, and that you are yet fo. You may fay that he dif- fembled in all this, ashe wasa great Proficient in the art of Hypocrifie; but that’s allone. No man endeavours to appear otherwife than he ought tobe. Hence Tacitus tells us, that it was the cultom in Rome for the Emperours in ths Circus, to worfhipthe People ; andthat both Nero and other Emperours pra- étifed it. Clandianin his Panegyrick upon Aonorins mentions the fame cuftom. By which fort of Adoration what could poffibly be meant, but that the Empe- rours of Rome, evenafter the enacting of the Lex Regia, confelled the whole body of the People to be their Superiors ? But [ find, as | fufpected at firft, and fol told ye, that you have fpent more time and pains in turning over Gloffaries, and criticifing upon Texts, and propagating fuch like laborious Trifles, than in reading found Authors fo asto improve your knowledg by them. For had you been never fo little verfed in the Writings of learned Men in former Ages, you would not have accounted an opinion new, and the product of fome Enthu- fiaftick Heads, which has been allerted and maintained by the greateft Philofo- phers, and moft famous Politicians inthe World. You endeavour to expofe one Martin, who youtellus was a Taylor, and one Wiliam a Tanner, but if they are fuch as you defcribe them, I think they and you may very well go together; though they themfelves would be able to inftruct you, and un- fold thofe Mifterious Riddles that you propofe: as, whether or no they that in a Monarchy would have the King but a Servant to the Commonwealth, will fay the fame thing of the whole body of the People in a popular State? And whether all the People ferve in a Democracy, or only fome part or other ferve the reft ? And when they have been an Oedipus to you, by my confent you fhall be a Sphinx
to
C 593 ) to them in good earneft, and throw your felf headlong from fome precipice or other, and break your neck ; for elfe I’m afiaid you’l never have done wich your Riddles and Fooleries. You ask, Whether or noy when St.Paul xames Kings, he meant the People? | confefs St. Pax! commands us to pray for Kings, but he had commanded usto pray for the People before, verf.1. But there are fomie for all that, both among Kings and common People, that we are forbidden to pray for ; and if a man muft not fo much as be prayed for, may he not be punithed ? What fhould hinder ? But, whens Paul wrote this Epiftle, be that reigned was the moft profligate Perfonin the World. Tinat’s falfe. For Ludovicus Capellus makes it evident, that this Epiftle likewife was writ in Clandins’s time, When St. Paul has occafion to fpeak of Nero, he calls him not a King, but a Lion; that is, a wild, favage Beaft, from whofe jaws he isglad he was delivered, 2 Tim. 4. So that it is for Kings, not for Beafts that we areto pray, that under them we may live a quiet and a peaceable life, in all godlinefs and honejty. Kings and their Inte- reft are not the things here intended to be advanced and fvcured ; ’tis the publick Peace, Godlinefs and Honefty, whofe eftablifhment we are commanded to en- deavour after, and to pray for. But is there any People inthe World that would not chufe rather to live an honeft and careful Life, tho never free from War and Troubles, in the defence of themfelves and their Families, whether againft Tyrants or Enemies (for I make no difference) than under the power of a Ty- rant or an Enemy to fpin out a Life equally troublefome, accompanied with Slavery and Ignominy ? That the latter isthe more defirable of the two, Pil prove by a Teftimony of your own; not becaufe {| think your Authority worth quoting, but that all Men may obferve how double-tongu’d you are, and how mercenary your Penis. ‘¢ Who would not rather, /ay you, bear with thofe “ diffenfions that through the emulation of great Men often happen in an Arifto- ‘© cratical Government, than live under the Tyrannical Government of one, * where nothing but certain mifery and ruin is to be look’d for? The People of * Rome preferr’d their Commonwealth, tho never fo much fhatter’d with civil ¢ Broils, before the intolerable Yoke of their Emperors. When a People to © avoid Sedition, fubmits to a Monarchy, and finds by experience, that that is “ the worft evil of the two, they often defire to return to their former Govern- “¢ ment again. Thefe are your own words, and more you have to this purpofe in that Difcourfe concerning Bifhops, which under a feigned name you wrote a- gainft Petavivs the Yefuit ; though your felf are more a Fefuit than he, nay worfe than any of that Crew. We have already heard the fenfe of the Scrip- ture upon this Subject ; and ic has been worth our while to take fome pains to find it out. But perhaps it will not bz fo to enquire into the Judgment of the Fathers, and to ranfack their Volumes: for if they affert any thing which is not warranted by the Word of God, we may fafely reject their authority, be it never fo great; and particularly that expreflion that you alledg out of Trenaus, ** That God in his Providence orders it fo, that fuch Kings reign as are *¢ futable to, and proper for the People they are to govern, all Circumftances & confidered. That expreflion, I fay, isdirectly contrary toScripture. For though God himfelf declared openly that it was better for his own people tobe governed by Judges than by Kings, yet he left it to them to change that Form of Government for a worf*, if they would themfelves. And we read frequently, that when the body of the People has been good, they have hed a wicked King, and contrariwife that agood King has fometimes reign’d when the People have been wicked. Sothat wife and prudent Men aretoconfider and fee what is pro- fitable and fic forthe People in general; for itis very certain that the fame Form of Government is not equal/y convenient for al] Nations, nor for the fame Nation at alltimes ; but fometimes one, fometimes another may be more pro- per, according as the induftry and valour of the People may increafe or decay. Butif you deprive the People of this liberty of fetting up what Government they like beft among themfelves, you take that from them, in which the life of all Civil Liberty confiits. Then youtellusof Fuftin Adartyr, of his humble and fubmiflive behaviour to the Anronines, thofe beft of Emperours ; asif any body would not do the like to Princes of fuch moderation asthey were. “* How _ much worfe Chriftians are we in thefe days, than thofe were ? They were-content to live under a Prince of another Religion, Alas! They were private Perfons, and infinitely inferior to the contrary party in ftrength and number. But now Papifts will not endure a Proteftant Prince, nor Proteftants one tbat Popifh. You d
Gees
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C594) do well and difcreetly, in fhowing your felf to be acicher Papift nor Proteftant, And you are very liberal in your conceflions ; for now youconfefs that all forts of Chriftians agree in that very thing, that you alone take upon you with fo much impudence and wickednefs, tocry down and oppofe. And how unlike thofe Fathers chat you commend, do you fhow your felf? They wrote Apolo- gies for the Chriltians to Heathen Princes ; you in defence of a wicked Popith King, againft Chriftians and Proteftants. Then you entertain us with anum- ber of impertinent quotations out of Athenagoras and Tertullian: Things that we have already heard out of the Writings of the Apoftles, much more clearly and intelligibly expreft. But Tertuiian was quite of a different opinion from yours, of a King’s being a Lord and Mafter over his Subjects : Which -you either. knew not, or wickedly dilfembled. For he, though he were a Chriftian, and directed his difcourfe to a Heathen Emperor, had the con- fidence to tell him, that an Emperor ought not to be called Lord, « Auguftus “ himfelf, faysbe, that formed this Empire, refus‘d that appellation: *Tis a Title proper to God only. Not but that the Title of Lord and Mafter may in fome fenfe be afcribed to the Emperor: But there is a peculiar fenfe of that word, which is proper to God only; and in that fenfe, [ will not afcribe it tothe Emperor. Iam the Emperor’s free-man. God alone is my Lordand “© Majter. Andthe fame Authors inthe fame Difcourfe; how inconfiftent, “+ fays he, are thofe two Appellations, Father of his Countrey, and Lord and ‘© Mafter? And now I wifh you much joy of Tertullian’s authority, whom it had been a great deal better you had let alone. But Tertullian calls them Parri- cides that flew Domitian. And he does well, for fothey were, his Wife and Ser- vants confpir’d againft him. And they fet one Parthenius and Stephanus, who - were accus’d for concealing part of the publick Treafure, to make him away. If the Senate and the People of Rome had proceeded againft him according to the cuftom of their Anceftors; had given Judgment of Death againft him, as they did once againft Nero, and had made fearch for him to put him to death ; do yethink Tertullian would have called them Parricides ? If he had, he would have deferv'd to be hang’d,as you do, I give the fame anfwer to your quotation out of Origen, that | have given already to what you have cited out of Iveneus. _Athana- fius indeed fays, that Kingsare not accountable before humane Tribunals. ButI wonder who.told Athanafivs this? I do not hear that he produces any authority from Scripture, to confirm this aflertion. And Vil rather believe Kings and Empe- rors themfelves, who deny that they themfelves have any fuch Privilege, than - will Athanafius. Then you quote Ambrofius, who after he had been a Proconful, and after that became a Catechumen, at laft got into a Bifhoprick: But for his au- thority, | fay, thatvhis Interpretation of thofe words of David, againft thee on- ly have I finned, is both ignorant and adulatory. He was willing all others fhould beenthrall’d tothe Emperor, that he might enthral the Emperor to him- felf. We all know with what a Papal Pride and Arrogancy he treated Theods- fias the Emperor, ‘how he took upon him to declare him guilty of that'Maflacre at Theffalonica, andtoforbid him coming into the Church; how miferably raw in Divinity, and unacquainted with the Dottrine of the Gofpel, he thewed himfelf upon that occafion ; when the Emperor fell down at his feet, he com- manded him to get him out of the Porch. At laft, when he was received again into the Communion of the Church, and had offered, becaufe he continued flanding near to the Altar, the Magifterial Prelate commanded him out of the Rails; O Emperor, fayshe, thefe inner places are for the Priefis only, cis not Lawful for othersito come within them: Woes this found like the behaviour of 4 Minifter. of the Gofpel, or like that of a Yewifh High-Prieft ? And yet this man, fuch as we hear ke was, would have the Emperor ride other People, that himfelf might tide him, which is acommon trick of almoft all Ecclefialticks. With words to this purpofe, he put back the Emperor as inferior to himfelf: You rule over-men, faid he, that are partakers of the fame Nature, and Fellow-fervants with your féif : For therelis one only Lord and King overall, towit, the Creator of all, This is very pretty! This piece of truth, which the craft and flattery of Clergy-men has all along endeavoured to fuppreis and obfcure, was then brought to light by the furious paflion, or to fpeak more mildly, by the ignorantindifcreet zeal of one of them. After you have difplai’d’ Ambrofe’s ignorance, you fhow your own, or rather, venta Hereficin affirming point/blank, That under the Old Teftament, there was no fuchthing as. forgivenc/s of Sins upon the acconut of Chris fifferings,
ince
C595.) fince David confe/s'd bis tvanfgreffion, faying, Acainjt shee only have I finned, P. 68. *Tis the Orthodox Tenet, that there never was avy remillion of Sins, but by the blood of the Lamb that was flain from the beginuing of the World. { know not whofe Difciple you are, that {ct up for a Broacher of new Herefies: but cers tain I am, that that great Divnie’s Difciple whom you are fo angry with, did not miftake himfelf, when he faid that any one of David’s Subjects might have faid, againft thee only bave I finned, as properly, and with as much right, as David him- feif.. Then you quote St. Augujtine, and produce a company of Hipponenfian Di- vines» What you alledg out of St. Aajtin, makes not at all againft us. We confefs that, as the Prophet Daniel has it, it’s God that changeth times, fets up one Kingdom, and pullsdown another ; we only defire to have it allow’d us, that he makes ufe of Men ashis Inftruments. If God alone gave a Kingdomto King Charles, God alone has taken it from him again, and given it to the Parliament, and tothe People, Ifthcerefore our Allegiance was due to King Charles, becaufe God had given him a Kingdom; for the fame reafon it is now due to the prefent Magiftracy. For your felf confefs, that God has given our Magiftrates fuch power ashe ufes to give to wicked Princes, for the punifhment of the Nation. And the confequence of this willbe, that according to your own opinion, our prefent Magiftrates being rais’d and appointed by God, cannot lawfully be de- pofed by any, but God himfelf. Thus you overthrow the opinion you pretend to maintain, which isathing very frequent with you: Your Apology for the King, catries its deaths-wound init. You have attained to fuch a prodigious degree of Madnefs and Stupidity, as to prove it unlawful upon any account whatfoever, to lift up ones finger again(t Magiltrates, and with the very next breath toaffirm that it’s the duty of their Subjects to rife up in Rebellion a- gainftthem. Youtell us that St. Yerom calls I/mael that flew Gedalia, a Parri- cide or Traytor : And it isvery true, that he was fo: For Gedalia was Deputy
-Governour of Fudea, a good man, and flain by Jfmael without any caufe. The
fame Author in his Comment upon the Book of Ecclefiaftes, fays, that Solorson’s command to keep the King’s Commandment, is the fame with St. Pawl’s Do- Crime, upon the fame fubject; and deferves commendation for having made a more moderate Conftruction of that Text, than moft of his Contemporaries.
-You fay you will forbear enquiring into the Sentiments of Learned Men that li- ved fince St. Auguftine’s time: but to fhew that you had rather difpence with a
Lie, than not quote any Author that you think makes for you, in the very next
‘period but one, you produce the Authorities of Ifidore, Gregory, and Otho, Spani{h and Dutch Authors, that liv’d inthe moft barbarous and ignorant ages -of all; whofe Authorities, if you knew how much we defpife, you would not
have told a Lie to havequoted them. But would you know the reafon why he
-dares not come fo low as tothe prefent times ? Why he does asit were hide him-
felf, and difappear, when he comes towards our own times ? The reafonis, Be- caufe he knows full well, that asmany Eminent Divines as there are of the Re- formed Church, fo many Adverfaries he would have to encounter. Let him take up the Cudgels, if he thinks fit; he will quickly find himfelf run down with innumerable Authorities out of Luther, Zuinglins, Calvin, Bucer, Martyr, Pareus, and the reft. 1 could oppofe you with Teftimonies out of Divines that have flourifhed even in Leyden. Though that famous Univerfity and renowned Commonwealth, which has been as it were a Sanétuary for Liberty, thofe Fountains and Streams of all Polite Learning, have not yet been able to wafh away that flavifh Ruft that fticks to you, and infufe a little Humanity into you. Finding your felf deftitute of any afliftance or help from Orthodox Proteftant Divines, you have the impudence to -betake-your felf to the Sorbonifis, whofe College you know is devoted to the Romith Religion, and confequently but of very weak authority amongft Proteftants. We are willing todeliver fo wicked an aflertor of Tyranny as you, to be drown’d in the Sorbon, as being afham’d to own fo defpicable a Slave as you fhow your felf to be, by maintaining that the whole body of a Nationis not equal in power to the moft flothful degenerate Prince that may be. You labour in vain to lay that
upon the Pope, which all free Nations, and all Orthodox Divines own and af-
fert. But the Pope and his Clergy, when they were in a low Condition, and but of {mall account in the World, were the firft Authors of this pernicious ab- furd Doétrine of yours : and when by preaching fuch Doétrine they had gotten
Ggegg 2 power
€ 596 ) power into their own hands, they became the worft of Tyrants themfelves. Yet they engaged all Princes to them by the clofeft tyeimaginable, perfwading the World that was now befotted with their Superftition, that it was unlawfal to depofe Princes tho never fo bad, unlefs che Pope difpenfed with their Allegiance tothem, by abfolving them from their Oaths. But you avoid Orthodox Wri- ters, and endeavour to burden the truth with prejudice and calumny, by the Pope the firft aflertor of what is a known and common received Opinion a- mongit them; which if youdid not do itcunningly, you would make your felf appear to be neither Papift nor Proteftant, but a kind of a Mongrel /damean Hera- dsan. For as they of old adored one moft inhumane bloody Tyrant for the Azef- fia, fo you would have the World fall down and worfhipall. You boaft that yon have confirm’d your Opinion by the Teftimonies of the Fathers that flonrsfhed én the four firft Centuries 5 whofe Writings only are Evangelical, and according to the truth of the Chriftian Religion. This man is paft all fhame! how many things did they ‘preach, how many things have they publifhed, which Chré and his Apoftles never taught? How many things are there in their Writings, in which all Pro- teftant Divines differ from them ? But what is that Opinion that you have cons firm’d by their Authorities? Why, That evil Princes are appointed byGod, -Al- low that, as all other pernicious and deftructive things are. What then? why, that therefore they have no Fudy but God alone, that they are above all humane Laws ; that there is no Law, written or unwritten, no Law of Nature, nor of God, to calithem to account before their own Subjects. But how comes that to pafs? Certain I am, that there is no Law againft it: No Penal Law excepts Kings. ‘And all reafon and joftice requires, that thofe that offend, fhould be punifhed according totheir deferts# without refpect of Perfons. Nor have you hitherto produced any one Law, either written or unwritten, of God or of Nature, by which this is for- bidden. What ftands inthe way then? Why may not Kings be proceeded againft? why, becaufe they are appointed by God, be they never fo bad. 1 do not know whether I had belt call you a Knave, or a Fool, or ignorant, unlearned Barbarian. You fhow your felf a vile Wretch, by propagating a Doctrine fo deftructive and pernicious ; and y’are a Fool for backing it with fuch filly Argu- ments. God faysin J/s.54. I have created the flayer to deftroy. Then by your teafon a Murderer is abovethe Laws. Turn this topfy turvy, and confider it as long as you will, you'll find the Confequence to be the fame with your own. For the Pope is appointed by God, juft as Tyrants are, and fet up for the pu- nifhment of the Church, which I have already demonftrated out of your own Writings; And yet, fay you, Wal. Mef. pag. 412. becanfe he has raifed bis Primavy to an infufferable height of power, fo as that he has made it neither better nor worfe-than plain downright Tyranny, both he and bis Bifhops may be put down more lawfully than they were at firft fet up. Youtell us that the Pope and the Bifhops (tho God ‘in his wrath appointed them) may yet lawfully be rooted outof the Church, becaufe they are Tyrants; and yet you deny that ’tis lawful to depofe a Tyrant inthe Commonwealth, and that for no other reafon than becaufe God appointed ‘him, tho he did itin hisanger. What ridiculous ftuff this is! for whereas the Pope cannot hurt a Man’s Conf{cience againft his own will, for in the Confciences of Menit is that his Kingdom confifts, yet you are for depofing him as a grievous Tyrant, in whofe own power it isnottobe a Tyrant, and yet you maintain thata Tyrant properly and truly fo called, a Tyrant that has all our Lives and Eftates within his reach, without whofe afliftance the Pope himfelf could not ex- ercife his Tyranny in the Church, ought for Confcience fake to be born withal and fubmitted to. Thefe affertions compar’d with one another betray your Childifhnefs to that degree, that no Man can read your Books, but muft of ne- ceffity take notice of your ignorance, rafhnefs, and incogitancy. But you al- lege another reafon, Humane Affairs would be turn?d upfide down. They would fo, and be chang'd for the better. Humane Affairs would certainly be in adeplora- ble condition, if being once troubled and diforder’d, there were a neceflity of their continuing alwaysfo. I fay, they would be chang’d for the better, for the King’s ‘power would revert to the People, from whom it was firft derived and conferred upon one of themfelves; and the power would be transferred from fim thar abufed it, to them that were prejudiced and injured by the abufe of it ; than which nothing can be more juft, for there could not well bean Umpire. in fach acafe; Who would ftand to the judgment ofa Foreigner ? all Mankind _ equally
C 597 ) ally be fubjeCt to the Laws; there would be no Gods of flefh and blood : Which kind of Deities whoever goes about to fet up in the World, they are equally injurious to Church and Commonwealth. Now 1 muft turn your own Weapons upon you again. You fay, There can be no greater Herefy than this, to fet up one ManinC briff’s Seat. Thefe two are infallible marks of Antichrift, Infal- libility in Spirituals, and Omnipotence sn Temporals. Apparat. ad Prim,pag.171!. Do you pretend that Kings are infallible? If youdo not, why do you make them Omnipotent ? And how comes it to pafs that an unlimited power in oneMan fhould be accounted lefs.deftructive to Temporal things, than it is to Ecclefiaftical ? Or do you think that God takes no care at all of Civil Affairs? If he takes none him- felf, Pm fure-he does not forbid us to take care which way they go. Ifhe does take any care about them, certainly he would have the fame Reformation made in the Commonwealth, that he would haye made in the Church, efpecially it being obvious to every Mans experience that Infallibility and Omnipotency being arrogated to one Man, are equally mifchievous in both. God has not fo model- led the Government of the World as to make it the duty of any Civil Commu- nity to fubmit to the Crueltics of Tyrants, and yet to leave the Church at liberty to free themfelves from Slavery and Tyranny: nay, rather quite contrary, he has put no Arms into the Churches hand but thofe of Patience and Innocence, Prayer and Ecclefiaftical Difcipline, but the Commonwealth, all the Magi- {tracy are by him entrufted with the prefervation and execution of the Laws, with the power of punishing ang.revenging , he bas put the Sword into their hands. I cannot but fmile at chis Man’s prepofterous whimlies ; in Ecclefiafticks he’s Helvidins, Thrafeas, a perfect Tyrannicide, In Politicks no Man more a Lackey and Slave to Tyrants thanhe. If his Doctrine hold, not we only that have depos’d our King, but the Proteftants in general, who againft the minds of their Princes haye rejected the Pope, are all Rebels alike. But I’ve confounded him long enough with his own Arguments. Such isthe nature of the Beaft, left his Adverfary fhould be unprovided, he himfelf furnifhes him with Weapons. Never did any Man give his Antagonift greater advantages againft himfelf than hedoes. Yhbeythathe hasto do.withal, will be fooner weary of purfuing him, than he of flying. . s 1]
pOHBL Ov ' role
CH ARs ry,
to
pri you think, Salmafimé, that you have done enough to ingratiate your felf with Princes; that you have deferved well of ‘em: butif they confi- der their own Intereft, and take their meafures according to what it really is, not according tothe falfe Glofs that your flatteries have put uponit, there never wasany Manin the World that deferv’d fo ill of 7em as you, none more deftru- tive and pernicious to them and their intereft in the whole World than your felf. For by exalting the Power of Kings above all Humane Laws, you tell all Mankind that are fubject to fuch a Government, that they are no better than Slaves, and make them but the more defirous of Liberty by difcovering to them their error, and putting that into their heads that they never fo much as dreamt of before, to wit, that they are Slaves to their Princes. And without doubt fuch a fort of Government willbe more irkfome and unfufferable, by how much the more you perfwade the World, that it is not by the allowance and fubmifli-
on of Nations, that Kings have obtained this exorbitant Power; but that it is
abfolutely eflential to fuch a form of Government, and of the nature of the thing it elf. Sothat whether you make the World of your mind or no, your Do- étrine muft needs be mifchievous and deftructive, and fuch ascannot but be ab- horred of allPrinces- Forif you fhould work men intoa perfwafion that the Right of Kings is withoat all bounds, they would no longer be fubject to a Kingly Government, if you mifS of your aim, yet you makemen weary of Kings, by telling them that they affume fucha power to themfelves, asof right belonging tothem. Butif Princes will allow of thofe Principles that [ affert ; if they will fuffer themfelves.and their own power to be circum{cribed by Laws, inftead of an uncertain, weakand yiolent Government, full of caresand bats,
they
=
| C 5998 )
they will reign peaceably, quietly, and fecurely. Jf they flight this counfel of inine, though wholfome inits felf, becaufe of the meannefs of the Author, the fhall know thatitis not my counfel only, but what was anciently advifed by one of the wifeltof Kings. For Lycargus King of Lacedemon, when he obferved’ that his own Relations that were Princes of Argos and Méeffana, by endeavour- ing to introduce an Arbitrary Government, had rnin’d themfelves and their Peo- ple; he, that he might benefit bis Country, and fecure the Succeflion to his own Family, could think upon no better expedient, than to communicate his Power’ to the Senate, and taking the great Menof the Realm into part‘of the Govern. ment with himfelf; and by this means the Crown continued in his Family for many ages. Butwhether it was Lycurgus, or, as fome learned men are of opi- nion, Theopompys, that introduced that mixt Form of Government among the Lacedemonians, fomewhat more thana hundred years after Lycurgus’s time (of whom it is recorded, that he ufed to boaft, that by advancing the Power of the Senate above that of the Prince, he had fetled the Kingdom upon a fure Foun- dation, and was like to leave it ina lafting and durable condition to his Pofte- rity) which of them foever it was, I fay, he has left a good Example to Modern Princes ; and was as creditable a Counfellor, as his Counfel was fafe. For that all men fhould fubmit to any one man, fo as to acknowledg a Power inhim fuperior to all humane Laws, neither did any Law ever enact, no# indeed was it poflible that any fuch Law fhouldever bes for that cannot be faid to bea Law, that {trikes at the root of all Laws, and takes them quite away. ‘ It being appa- rent that your Pofitions are inconfiftent with tHe n7ture of all Laws, being fuch as render them ne Lawsatall. You endeavour notwithftanding, in this Fourth Chapter, to make good by Examples, what you have not ‘been able to dobby any Reafons that you have alledged hitherto. Let’s confider whether your-Ex. amples help your Caufe ; for they many times make things pliin, which the Laws are either altogether filentin, or d6‘but hint at. We'll begin firft with | the Fews, whom we fuppofe to have known moft of the mind of God; and then, according to your own method, we'll coe tothe Times of Chriftianity. And firft, for thofe Times in which the I/raelites being fubjet to Kings, who, or howfoever they were, did their utmoft to caft that flayifh yoke from off their necks. Eglonthe Kingof Afoab had made a Conqueft of them; the Seat of his Empire was at Jericho; he was no contemner of the true Gods; when his Name was mentioned, he rofe from his Seat: The I/raelites had ferved him eighteen Years; they fenta Prefentto him, not as to an Enemy, but to their own Prince ,; notwithftanding which outward Veneration and Profef- fion of Subjection, they kill him by a wile, as an Enemy to their. Coun- trey. Youll fay perhaps, that Ehud, who did that action, had a Warrant from God for fo doing. He had fo, tis like, and what greater Argument of its being a warrantable and praife-worthy action? God ufes not to put Men upon things that are unjuft, treacherous and cruel, but upon fuch things as are vertuous and laudable. But we read no where that there was any pofitive Command from Heaveninthecafe. The Ifraelites called upon God Sodid we. And God ftirred up a Saviour forthem; fo he did for us. Eglon of a Neigh- bouring Prince became a Prince of the Fews ; of an Enemy tothem he became their King. Our Gentleman of an Exglifh King became an Enemy to the Ex- glifh Nation; fo that he ceas'd tobe a King. Thofe Capacities are inconfi- ftent. No Man can be a Member of the State, and an Enemy to it at the fame time. Antony was never lookt upon by the Romans as a Conful, nor Nero as an Emperor, after the Senate had voted them both Enemies. This Cicero tells-usin his Fourth Philippick: If Antony be a Confil, {ays he, Brutus # an Enemy+, but if Brutus be a Saviour and Preferver of the Commonwealth, Antony is an Enemy: none but robbers count himaConful. By the fame reafon, fay 1, who but Enemies to their Countrey look upon a Tyrant asa King ? So that Eglon’s being a Foreigner, and King Charles a Prince of our own, will make no diffe- rence inthe cafe; both being Enemies, and both Tyrants, they areinthe fame circumitances. If Ehud kill’d him juftly, we have done fo too in putting our King todeath. Sampfon that Renowned Champion of the Hebrews, tho his Countrey-men blam’d him for it, Dof thon not know, fay they, that the Philiftines — have dominion over us? Yet againft thofe Philstines, under whofe Dominion he was, he himfelf undertook a War in hisown Perfon, without any other help
an
when his Occafions and Circumftances fo required, proffered his Affiftance to
C 599 ) and whether he acted in purfuance of a Command from Heaven, or was promp- ted by his own Valour only; or whatfoever inducement he had, hedid not put to death one, buc many that tyrannized over his Countrey, having firlt called upon God by Prayer, and implored his Affiftance. So that Samp/on counted it no act of Impiety, but quite contrary, to kill thofe that enflaved his Countrey, tho they had dominion over himfelf too; and tho the greater part of his Country - men fubmitted totheir Tyranny. Bae yet David who wa beth a King and a Pro- pher, would not take away Saul’: life, becaufe he was God's anointed. Does it follow that becaufe David refufed to do a thing, therefore we are obliged not to do that very thing ? David was a private Perfon, and would not kill the King; is that a precedent for a Parliament, for a whole Nation? Da- vid would not revenge his own Quarrel, by putting his Enemy to death by ftealth; does it follow that therefore the Magiftrates muft not pu- nifh a Malefactor according to Law ? He would not killa King, Mult not an Afflembly of the States therefore punifh a Tyrant? He fcrupled the killing of God’s anointed; Mult the People therefore fcruple to condemn their own anointed ? Efpecially one that after having fo long profefled Holtility againft his own People, had wafh’d off that anointing of his, whether Sacred or Civil, with the Blood of his own Subjects. 1 confefs that thofe Kings whom God by his Prophets anointed to be Kings, or appointed to fome f{pecial fervice, as he did Cyrws, Ifa. 44. may notimproperly be called the Lord’s anointed; but all other Princes, according to the feveral ways of their coming to the Government are the People’s anointed, or the Army’s, Or many times the anointed of their own Faétion only. But taking it for granted, That all Kings are God’s anointed, you can never préve, That therefcre they are above all Laws, and not to becalled in queftion, what Villanies foever they commit. What if David laid a charge upon himfelf and other private Perfons not to ftretch forth their’ hands againft the Lords anointed? Does not God himfelf command Princes not fo much as to touch his anointed? Which were no other than his People, Pfal. tos. He preferred that anointing wherewith his “People were anointed, before that of Kings, if any fuch thing were. Would any man offer to infer from this place of the Pfalmi?, That Believers are not to be called in queftion, tho they offend againft the Laws, becaufe God com- mands Princes not to touch his Anointed? King Solomon was about to put to death Abiathar the Prieft, tho he were God’s Anointedtoo;, and did not {pare him becaufe of his Axointing, but becaufe he had been his Father’s Friend. If that Sacred and Civil Anointing, wherewith the High-Prieft of the ems was anointed, whereby he was not only conftituted High-Prieft, but a Temporal Magiftratein many cafes, did not exempt him from the Penalty of the Laws; how comes a Civil Anointing only toexempt a Tyrant? But you fay, Saul was aTyrant, and worthy of death: \What then ¢ It does not follow, that becaufe he deferved it, that David in the circumftances he was then under, had power to put him to death without the People’s Authority, or the Command of the Ma- giftracy. Bot was Saul a Tyrant ? | wilh you would fay fo; indeed you do fo, though you had faid before in your Second Book, page 32. That he was no Tyrant, but a good King, and chofen of God. Why fhould falfe Accufers, and Men guilty of Forgery be branded, and you efcape without the like ignominious Mark? For they practife their Villanies with lefs Treachery and Deceit than you write, and treat of matters of the greatelt moment. Sas! was a good King, whenit ferv’d your turn to have him fo, and now he’s a Tyrant, becaufe it futes with your prefent purpofe. But ’tis 90 wonder that you makea Tyrant of a good King; for your Principles look es if they were invented for no other de- fign, than to make all good Kings fo. But yet David, tho he would not put to death his Father-in-Law, for Caufes and Reafons that we have nothing to do withal, yet in his own Defence he raifed an Army, took and pofleffed Cities that belong’d to Saw, and would have defended Keslah againft the King’s Forces, had he not underftgod that the Citizens would be falfeto him. Suppofe Sau had befieged the Town, and him{elf had been the firft that had fcal’d the Walls ; do you think David would prefently have thrown down his Arms, and have be- tray’d all thofe that aflifted him to his ancinred Enemy? I believe not. What reafon have weto think David would have fick to do what we have done, who
the
( 600 )/) the Phitiffines, who were then the profefled Enemies of his Country, and did that againft Saul, which | am fure we fhould never have done againft our Tyrant ? I’m weary of mentioning your Lies, and afham’d of them. You fay, ‘tisa Maxim of the Englifh, That Enemies are rather to be [pared than Friends, and that therefore me concerved we ought not to {pare our King?s Life, becaufe be had been our Friend. Youimpudent Lyar, what Mortal ever heard this Whimfy before you invented it? But -we’ll excufe it. You could not bring in that thredbare Flourifh, of our being more fierce than our own Mattiffs (which now comes in the fifth time, and will as oft again before we come tothe end of your Book) without fome fuch Introdu@tion. We are not fo much more fierce than our own Mattiffs, as you are more hungry than any Dog whatfoever, who return fo gree- dily to what you have vomited up fooften. Then you tell us, That David commanded the Amalekize to be put to death, who pretended to have killed Saul. But that Inftance, neither in refpectof the Fact, nor the Perfon, has any Affini- ty with what we are difcourfing of. 1 do not well underftand what caufe David had to be fo fevere upon that Man, for pretending to have haftned the King’s death, and in effect but to have put him out of his pain, when he was dying ; unlefs it were to take away from the I/raelites all fufpicion of his own having been inftromental init, whom they might look upon as one that had revolted to the Philiftines, and was part of thcir Army. Jult fuch another Adtion as this of David's, do all Men blame in Domitian, who put to death Epaphroditus, becaufe he had helped Nero to kill himfelf. After all this, as another inftance of your Impudence, youcall him not only the amcinted of the Lord, but the Lord's Chrift, who a little before you had faid wasa Tyrant, and adted bythe impulfeof fome evil Spirit. Such mean thoughts you have of tNat Reverend Name, that you are not afham’d to give ittoa Tyrant, whom you your felf confefs to have been polleffed with the Devil. Now | come to that Precedent, from which every Man that is not blind muft needs infer the Right of the People to be fuperior to that of Kings. When Solomon was dead, the People aflembled themfelves at Sichem to make Rehaboam King. Thither bimfelf went, as one that ftood for the place, that he might not feem to claim the Succeflion as his Inheritance, nor the fame Right over afreeborn People that every Man has over his Father’s Sheep and Oxen. The People propofe Conditions, upon which they were willing to ad- mit him tothe Government. He defires three days time to advife ; heconfults with the old Mens they tell him no fuch thing, as that he had an abfolute Right to fuccced, but perfwade him to comply with the People, and {peak them fair,
it being in their Power whether he fhould reign or not. Thenheadvifes with .
the young Men that were brought up with him; they, as if Salmafiws’s Phrenfy had taken them, thunder this Rightof Kings into his Ears; perfwade him to threaten the People with Whips and Scorpions : And he anfwered the People as they advifed him, When all J/rael faw that the King hearkned not to them, then they openly proteft the Right of the People, and their own Liberty ; What portion have wein David? To thy Tents, O Ifrael: now look to thine own Houfe, David. Whenthe King fent Adoramto them, they ftoned him with Stones, and perhaps they would not have ftuck to have ferv’d the King bimfelf fo, but he made hafte and gotout ofthe way. The next News is of a great Army rais’d by Rehoboam to reduce the J/raelites totheir Allegiance. God forbids him to proceed, Go not wp, fayshe, tomar againft your Brethren the Children of Ifrael , for this thing is of me. Now confider ; heretofore the People had defired a King , God was difpleafed with them for it, but yet permitted them to make a King, according to that Right that all Nations have to appoint their own Governors. Now the People reject Reboboam from ruling them; and this God not only fuf- fers them fo do, but forbids Rehoboam to make War againft them for it, and ftcps him in his undertaking ; and teaches him witbal, that thofe that had re- volted from him, were not Rebelsin fo doing, but that he ought to look upon them as Brethren. Now recollect your felf: You fay that all Kings are of God, and tliat therefore the People ought not to refift them,be they never fuch Tyrants. lanfwer you, The Convention of the People, their Votes, their Acts, are likewife of God, and that by the Teftimony of God himfelf in this place and confequently according to your Argument, by the Authority of God himfelf, Princes ought not to refift the Pe@ple. For ascertain asic is, that Kings areot God, and whatever Argument you may draw from thence to enforce a Subjetti-
on
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_ing them if there be occafion; nor is their fo doing a juftifiable Caufe of War,
any more than the People of J/rael’s rejecting Rehoboam was. Youask, why the People did not revolt from Solomon ? Who but you would ask fuch an imper- tinent Queftion ? You fee they did revolt from a Tyrant, and were neither pu- nifhed, nor blam’d for it. Itis true, Solomon fell into fome Vices, but be was" nottherefore a Tyrants he made amends for his Vices by many excellent Ver- tues, that he was famous for, by many Benefits which accrued to the Nation of the Jews by his Government. But admit that he had beena Tyrant: Many times the Circumftances of a Nation are fuch, that the People will not, and ma- ny times fuch, that they cannot depofea Tyrant. You fee they did it when it wasintheir Power, But, fay you, Jeroboam’s At was ever had in Deteftation , "was looked upon as an unjujt revolt from alawful Prince be and his Succeffors were accounted Rebels. \contels we find his revolt from the true Worfhip of God often found fault wich; bat {nowhere find him blam’d for revolting from Reho- boars + and his Succellors are frequently fpoken of as wicked Princes, but not as Rebels. _AtFing contraryto Law and Right, fiy you, cannot introduce, or efPablifh a Right. Uprav, what becomes then of your Right of Kings? Thus do you perpetually baffle your felf. You fay, Adulreries, Murders, Thefts are daily com- mitted with impunity. Are you notaware, that here you give an anfwer to your
- own Queftion, how it comes to pafs, that Tyrants do fo often efcape tnpunifh-
ed? Youfay, Thofe Kings were Rebels, and yet the Prophets do no where diffwade the People from their Allegiance... And why do you, yerafcally falfe Prophet, endea- vour to perfwade the People of England not to yield Obedience to their prefent Magiftrates, tho in your Opinion they are Rebels? Th Englith Fattion of Rob- bers, fay you, alledg for themfelves, that by fome immediate Voice from Heaven, they were put upon their bloody Enterprize. It is notorioufly evident, that you were diftracted when you wrote thefe Lines , for as youhave put the words together, they are neither Latin, nor Senfe. And that the Englifh pretend to any fuch warrant, asa Juftification of their Actions, is one of thofe many Lies and Fi- tions that your Book is fullof. But I proceed to urge you with Examples. Lib- na, a great City revolted from foram, becaufe he had forfaken God , “twas the King therefore that was guilty, not the City, nor isthe City blam’d for it. He that confiders the reafon that’s given why that City rejected his Government, muft conclude that the Holy Ghoft rather approves of what they did, thencon- . demns them for it. Thefe kind of revolts are no precedents, fay you. But why were you then fo vain, as to promife in the beginning of this Chapter, that you would argue from Examples, whereas all the Examples that you alledg, are meer Negatives, which prove nothing? and when we urge Examples that are folid and pofitive, you fay they are no Precedents. Who would endure fuch a way of arguing ? Yon challenged usat Precedents ; we produced them; and what do you do? Youhang back, and get out of the way. I proceed: febw at the Command of a Prophet, flew a King; nay, he ordered the death of Abaziah, his own Liege Prince. If God would not have Tyrants put to death by their own Subjects, if it were a wicked thing foto do, a thing of a bad Example ; why did God himfelf command it? If he commanded it, it was a lawful, com- mendable, and a praife-worthy Aétion. It was not therefore lawful to killa Tyrant, becanfe God commanded it, but God commanded it, becaufe antece- dently to his Command, it wasa juftifiable, and alawfal Action. Again, Fehoiada the High-Prieit did-not fcruple to depofe Athaliah, and kill her, tho fhe had been feven years in actual Pofleflion of the Crown. But, fay you, fhe tock upon her the Government when fhe had no Right toit. And did not you fay your felf, but a while ago, That Tiberius affumed the Soveraignty when it belonged not at all to him? And yet yoo then affirm’d, that according to our Saviour’s Doétrine, we ought to yield Obedience to fuch Tyrants as he was. *TIwere a moft ridiculous thing toimagine, thata Prince, who gets in by Ufurpation, may lawfully be depofed ; but one that rules tyrannicaily may not. But, fay you, Athaliah could not pofli- bly reign accordinz to the Law of the Jewifh Kingdom, Thou {hale fet over thee a King, [ays God Almighty ; he does not fay, Thou fhalt fer over thee a Queen. If this Argument have any weight, I may as well fay, the Command of God sa . Hhbh that
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that the People fhould fet over themfelves a King, not a Tyrant. So that ai even with you. -Amazias was a flothful, idolatrous Prince, and was put to death,
not by a few Confpirators; but rather, it fhould feem, by the Nobility, and -
by the Body of the People. For he fled from Ferufalem, had none.to fland by him, and they purfued him to Lachifh: They took counfelagainft him, fays the
Hiftory, becaufe he had forfaken God: And we do not find that dzaréas his -
Son profecuted thofe that had cut offhis Father, You quote a great many fri- _volous pallages out of the Rabbins, to prove that the Kings of the Jews were fu- periour tothe Sanhedrim. Youdo not conlider Zedekea’s own words, Ferem 38, The King ts not he that can do any thing agairft yor. Sothat this was the Prince’s own ftile. Thus heccnfefled himfelf inferior to the great Council of the Realm. Perhaps, fay you, be meant that he durjt not deny them any thing for fear of Sedition. But what’ does your perhaps fignify, whofe moit pofitive aflerting any thing is
not worth a Loufe ? For nothing in Nature can be more fickle and inconlifténtthan © ~
you are. How oft have you appear’d in this Difcourfe inconftant with your felf; unfaying with one Breath what you had faid with‘another ? Here, again, you make Comparifons betwixt King Charles, and fome of the goad Kings of Fudab, You {peak contemptibly of David, asif he were not worthy to come in competition with him. Confider David, fay you, a2 Adulterer, a ALurderer’, King Charles was guilty of no fuch Crimes. Solomon hs Son, wha was accounted wife, &c. Who can with patience hear this filthy, rafcally Fool, {peak fo irre- verently of Perfons eminent bothin Greatnefs and Piety? Dare you compare King David with King Charles, a moft Religious King and.Prophet, with a Su- perftitious Prince, and who was but 3 Novice in the Chriftian Religion; a moft prudent, wife Prince witha weak one; a valiant Prince witha cowardly one; finally, a moft juft Prince with a.moit unjuft ene? Have you the impudence to commend his Chaftity and Sobriety, whois known to, have committed alhman- ner of Leudnefs in company with his Confident the Dake of Buckingham? It were to no purpofe to enquire into the private Actions of his Life, .who publickly at
3
Plays would embrace and kifs the Ladigs Jafcivioufly, and handle Virgins and
Matrons Breafts, not tomention the relt ? I advife, you therefore, you cqunter- feit Plutarch, to abftain from fuch like Parallels, left 1 be forced to publifh thofe things concerning King Charles, which I am willing to conceal. Hitherto we have entertain’d our felyes with what the People of the: ems have acted or at~
tempted againft Tyrants, and by what Righe they did ic in thofe times, when - God himfelf did immediately, as ic were, by his Voice from Heaven govern.
their Commonwealth. The Ages that fucceeded, do notafford us any Autho-
rity, as from themfelves, but confirm us in our Opinion by their imitatingthe = Actions of their Fore-fathers, For afger the Babylowfh Captivity, when God
did not give any new command concerning the Crown, thothe Royal Line was
not extinct, we find the People returning to the old Mofaical Form. of Govern-
ment again They were one while Tributaries to 4ztichm, King,of Syria yet when he injoyn'd them thipgs that were contrary tothe Law of God, they
refifted him, and his Deputies, under the Conduét of their Prietts, the Afacca-
bees, and by force regain’d, their former. Liberty. ,After,that, whoever was ac- counted moft. worthy of it, had the Principality conferr’d. upon him. Tillat lait, Zircanus the Son.of Simon, the Brother :of JFudzh,. the. Maccabee, having {poiled Davja’s Sepulchre, entertain’d foreign Soldiers, and began to invelt the Priefthood with a kind of Regal Power... After whofe time his Son Arifobulus was the firft that aflum’d the Crown; he wasa Tyrant indeed, and yet the Peo- ple ftirred not againft him, which isno great wonder, for he reigned but one Year. And hehimfclf being overtaken witha grievous, Difeafe, and repenting of his own,Cruelty and Wickednefs,. defired. nothing more.chan to dye, and had his with. ; His Brother -dlexander fucceeded him ;° and againft him, you fay, the People raifed no Infurrettson, tho he were.a Tyrant too. And this Lie might have gone down withus, if Jofephus’s Hiftory had notbeemextant.. We thoald
then have had no memory of thofe times, but what your ¥afippus wouldafford
ns, out of whom you tranf{cribe a few fenfelefs and ufelefs Apothegms of the Pharifees.. The Hiftory is thus: Alexander adminiftred the Publick. Affairs.ill, bothin War and. Peace; and thohe kept in pay great numbers of Psidsans,and
Cilicians, yet could he not protect himfelf from the Rage,of the People: but
whilft he was, facrificing they fellupon him, and-had.almoft fmother‘d him with
~ Boughs
a See
~ =
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Boughs of Palmtrees and Citron-trees. Afterward the whole Nation made
‘War upon him ‘fix Years, during which time, when many thoufands of the Fews had been fain, and he himfelf being at length defirous of Peace, deman-
ded of them, what they would have him do to fatisfy them ; they told him no-
thing could dothat, but his Blood, nay, that they fhould hardly pardon him
after his death. This Hiftory you perceiv'd was not for your purpofe, and fo
you put it off with a few Pharifaical Sentences; when it had been much better,
either to have let it quite alone, orto have given a true Relation of it: but you
truft to Lies more than to the Truth of your Caufe. Even thofe eight hundred
Pharifees, whom he commanded to be crucified, were of their number that had
taken up Arms againft him. And they with the reft of the People had folemnly
protefted, That if they could fubdue the King’s Forces, and get his Perfon into
their Power, they would puthimto death. After thedeath of Alexander, his
Wife Alexandra took the Government upon her, as Athalia had formerly done,
not according to Law (for you haveconfefled, that the Laws of the Yews admit-
ted not a Female to wear the Crown) but the gotit partly by force, for the
-maintain’d an Army of Foreigners; and partly by favour, for fhe had brought over the Pharifees to her Intereft, which fort of Men were of the greateft Au- thority withthe People. Them the had made her own, by putting the Power into their Hands, and retaining to her felf only the Name. Juft as the Scotch
Presbyterians lately allowed Charles the Name of King, but upon condition,
that he would let them be Kingin effect. After the death of Alexandra, Hyrca-
nus.and Ariftobulus, her Sons, contended for the Sovereignty : -Ari/fobulus was
more indultrious, and having agreater Party, forced his Elder Brother out of
the Kingdom. Awhile after, when Pompey pafled through Syria, in his return
from the Mithridatick War ; the Fes, fuppofing they had now an opportunity of regaining their Liberty, by referring their Caufe to him, difpatcht an Embafly to himin their own Names; they renounce both the Brothers; complain that
' they had enflaved them. Pompey depofed -Ariftobulus, leaves the Priefthood, and fuch a Principality as the Laws allowed to Ayrcanus the Elder. Fromthattime forward he was called High-Prieft, and Ethzarcha. After thefe times in the Reign of -4rchelaus, the Son of Herod, the Fews fent fifty Ambafladors to Au- guftus Cefar ; accufed Herod that was dead, and Archelaus his Son, that then reigned ; they depofed him as much as in them lay, and petition’d the Empe- ror, that the People of the ems might be govern’d without a King. Cafar was moved at their entreaty, and did not appoint a King over them, but a Gover- nour, whom they called an Ethaarch. \When that Governoar had prefided ten years over Gudea, the People fent Ambafladors again to Rome, and accufed him of Fyranny. Cefar heard them gracioully , fent for the Governour, condemn’d him to perpetual Exile, and banifhed him toV#eana. Anfwer me now, That People that accufed their own Princes, that defir'd their Condemnation, that defir’d their Punifhment, would not they them(elves rather, if ic had been in their Power, and that they might have had their choice, would not they, I fay, rather have put them to death themfelves ? Youdo not deny, but that the Peo~j ple, and the Nobles often took up Arms again{E the Roman Deputies, when by their Avarice, ortheir Cruelty, their Government was burdenfome and op- ~ preflive. Butyou give a ridiculous reafon for this, as all the reft of yours are. You fay, They were not yet accujtomed to the Yoke; very like they were not, under Alexander, Herod, and hisSon. But, fay you, they would not raifeWar againft Caius Cafar, nor Petronius. I confefs they did not, and they did very prudent- ly in abftaining, for they were notable. Will you hear their own words upon that occafion? We will not make War, fay they, becaufe we cannot. That thing which they themfelves acknowledg, they refrain’d from for want of Ability ;
you, falfe Hypocrite, pretend they abftain’d from out of Religion. Then
with a great deal of toil you do juft nothing at all; for you endeavour to
prove out of the Fathers (tho you had done it as fuperficially before) that
Kings are to be prayed or. That good Kings are to be pray‘d for, no Man de-
nies; nay, and bad ones too, as long as there are any hopes of them: fo we
ought to pray for Highway-men, and for our Enemies. But how? Not that
“they may plunder, fpoil and murder us; but that they may repent. We pray both for Thieves and Enemies , and yet whoever dreamt but that it was law-
fulto put the Laws in execution ae and to fight againft the other ?
2 I
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i value not the Egyptean Liturgy that you quote; but the Prieft that you mention, who prayed that Commodus might fuceed his Father in the Empire, did nor pray for any thing in my opinion, but imprecated all the mifchiefs imaginable to the Roman State. You fay, that we have broken our Faith, which we engaged more than once in folemn Affemblies to prefervethe Authority and ALajefty of the King. But be- caufe hereafter you are more large upon that fubject, 1 thall pafs ic by in this place; and talk with you when youcometoit again. You return then to the Fathers ; concerning whom take this in fhort. Whatever they fay, which is not warranted by the Authority of the Scriptures, or by good Reafon, fhall be of no more regard with me, thanif any other ordinary Manhad faid it. The firft that you quoteis Tertullian, whois no Orthodox Writer, notorious for many errors; whofe authority, if he were of your opinion, would fland you in no ftead. But what fays he ? Hecondemns Tumults and Rebellions. So do we. But in faying fo,. we do not mean to deftroy all the Peoples Rights and Priv¥i-, leges, all the Authority of Senates, the Power of all Magiltrates, the King only excepted. The Fathers declaim again{t Seditions rafhly raifed, by the giddy heat of the multitude, they {peak nor of the inferior Magiftrates, of Senates, of Parliaments encouraging the Peopleto alawful oppofing of a Tyrant. Hence Ambrofe whom you quote, “ Not to refilt, fays be, but to weep and to figh, “** thefe are the Bulwarks of the Priefthood 5 what one is there of our little num- — “ ber who dares fay to the Emperor, I donot like your Laws? This is not al- ‘* lowed the Priefts, and fhall Lay-men pretend toit? ’Tis evident of what fort of Perfons he fpeaks, vz. of the Priefts, and fuch of the People as are private Men, not of the Magiltrates. You ge by how weak and prepofterous a reafon he lighted a Torch as it were to the diflentions that were afterwards to arife be- twixt the Laity and the Clergy concerning even Civil, or Temporal Laws. But becaufe you think you prefs hardeft upon us with the Examplesof the Primitive Chriftians; who tho they were haralled as much asa People could be, yet, you fay, they never took up Arms againft the Emperour: 1 will make it appear, in the » firft place, that for the moft part they could not: Secondly, that whenever they could, theydid : And thirdly, that whether they did or did not, they were fuch a fort of People, as that their example deferves but to have little {way with us. Firft therefore, no Man canbe ignorant of this, that when the Commonwealth of Rome expired, the whole and fovereign power in the Empire was fetled in the Emperour ; thatall the Souldiers were under his pay 5 infomuch that if the whole Body of the Senate, the Equeftrian Order, and all the common Peopie had endcae voured to work achange, they might have made way for a mailacre of themfelves, but could not inany probability retrieve their loft Liberty: for the Empire would ftillhave continued, thothey might perhaps have been fo lucky asto have kill’d the Emperour. This being fo, what could the Chriftiansdo? “tis true there were a great ma:ly of them; but they were difperfed, they were generally Perfons of mean quality, and but of {mall intereftin the World. How many of them would one Legion have been able to keep in awe ? Could fo inconfiderable a body of Men as they were in thofe days, ever expect to accompliih’ an Enter- prize that many famous Generals, and whole Armies of tried Soldiers had loft their lives in attempting ? When about 300 years after our Saviour’s Nativity, which was near upon 20 years before the Reign of Con/tantine the Great, when Dioclefian was Emperour, there was but one Chriftian Legion in the whole Ro- man Empire 3 which Legion for no other reafon than becaufe it confifted of Chriftians, was flain by the reft of the Army ata Town in France called Oftodu- rum. The Chriftians, fay you, con{pir’d not with Caflius, with Albinus, with Niger 3 and does Tertullian think they merited by not being willing to lofe their lives in the quarrels ef Infidels? ? Fis evident therefore that the Chriftians could not free themfelves from the yoke of the Roman Emperours; and it could be no ways advantageous to their intereft to confpire with Infidels, as long as Heathen Em- peroursreign’d. But that afterwards the Chriftians made War upon Tyrants, and defended themfelves by force of Arms when there was occafion, and many tiuies revenged upon Tyrants their Enormities, I am now about toemake appear. Inthe firft place, Conftantine being a Chriftian, made War upon Liciaiws, and cut him off, who was his Partner in the Sovereign Power, becaufe he molefted the Faffern Chriftians; by which a&t of his he declared thus much at leaft, That one Magiftrate might punifh another: For he for his Subjects fake punifhed Li-
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cinius, who to all intents was as abfolute in the Empire ashimfelf, and did not leave the vengeance to God alone: Licinius might have done thie fame to Conftan- tine, if there had been the like occafion. So then, if the matter be not wholly referved to Gods own Tribunal, but that Men have fomething to do in the cafe, why did not the Parliament of Exg/and ftand in the fame relation to King Charles, that Conftantine did to Licimius ? The Soldiers made Conftantine what he was. But our Laws have made our Parliaments equal, nay, {uperior to our Kings.
~ The Inhabitants of ConfPantinople refitted Conftantius an Artan Emperour, by
force of Arms, as long as they were able; they oppofed Hermogenes whom he had fent with a Military power to depofe Paul an Orthodox Bifhop ; the houfe whither he had betaken himfelf for fecurity, they fired about his ears, and at laft killed bim right out. Conffans threatned to make War upon his Brother Conjtantivs, unlefs he would reftore Paxland Athanafius to their Bifhopricks. You fee thofe holy Fathers, when their Bifhopricks were in danger, were nota- fhamed ‘o ftir up their Prince’s own Brother tomake War upon him. Not long after, the Chriitian Soldiers, who then made whom they would Emperors, put to death Conjtans the Sonof Conftantinus, becaufe he behaved himfelf diflolutely and proudly in the Government, and tranflated the Empire to Ad4agnentius. Nay, thofe very perfons that faluted Fulian. by the name of Emperour, againft Conjtantius’s will, who was actually in pofleflion of the Empire, (for Fulian was not then an Apoltate, but a vertuous and valiant perfon) are they not amongft the number of thofe Primitive Chriftians, whofe Example you propofe to us for our imitation ? Which action of theirs, when Conffantixs by his Letters to the Peopic very fharply and earneftly forbad, (which Letters were openly read to them) they allcried out unanimovfly, That themfelves had but done what the Provincial Magiftrates, the Army, and the Authority of the Commonwealth had decreed.. The fame perfons declared War again{t Conffamtius, and contri- buted as much as inthem lay, to deprive him both of his Government and his Life. How did the Inhabitants of Asstioch behave them{elvés, who were none of the worlt fort of Ciriltians ? I'll warrant you they prayed for Fulian, after
he became an Apoftate, whom they ufed to rail at in his own prefence, and
{coffing at his long Beard bid him make Ropes of it: Upon the news of whofe death they offer’d publick Thankfgivings, made Feafts, and gave other publick Demonftrations of Joy. Do you think they ufed when he wasalive to pray for the continuance of his life and health? Nay, is it not reported, that a Chrifti- an Soldier in his own Army was the Author of his death? Sozomen, a Writer of Eccleiiaftical Hiftory, does not deny it, but commends him that did it, if the Fat were fo, ‘For it isno wonder, fays he, that fome of his own Soldiers * might think within himfelf, that not only the Greeks, but all Mankind hitherto * had agreed that it wasa commendable action to killa Tyrant; and that they * deferve all mens praife, who are willing to die themfelves to procure the liber- ‘ty of allothers: fo that that Soldier ought not rafhly to be condemned, ‘ who in the Canfe of God and of Religion, was fo zealous and valiant. Thefe are the words of Sozomen, a good and Religious Man of thatage. By which we may eafily apprehend what the general opinion of pious men in thofe days was upon this point. Armbrofe himfelf being commanded by the Emperour Valenti- aan the Younger, to depart from A4%/av, refufed to obey him, but de- fended himfelf and the Palace by forceof Arms againft the Emperour’s O fiicers, and took upon him, contrary to his own Doctrin, to refift the higher powers, There was a great fedition raifed at Conftantinople againft the Emperour Arcadius, more than once, by reafon of Chryfoftom’s Exile. Hitherto I have fhewn how the Pri- mitive Chriftians behaved themfelves towards Tyrants; how notonly the Chri- {tian Soldiers, and the People, but the Fathers of the Church themfelves, have both made War upon them, and oppofed them with force, and all this before St. Auftin’s time: for you your felf are pleafed to go down no lower ; and there- fore! make no mention of Valentiman the Son of Placidia, who was {lain by Maximus aSenator, for committing Adultery with his Wife ; nor dol mention
“Avitus the Emperour, whom, becaufe he disbanded the Soldiers, and betook
himfelf wholly to luxurious life, the Roman Senate immediately depofed ; be-*
caufe thefe things came to pafs fome years after St. Au/fin’s death. But all this
I give you: SuppofeI had not mentioned the practice of the Primitive Chrifti-
ans; fuppofe they never had ftirred in oppofition to Tyrants; fuppofe 7” a
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had accounted it unlawful fo todo; I will make it appear that they were rot fuch Perfons, asthat we ought to rely upon their Authority, or can fafely follow their Example. Long before Conftantin’s time the generality of Chriftians had loft much of the Primitive Sanctity and Integrity both of their Doctrine and Manners. Af. terwards, when he had vaftly enriched the Church, they began to fall in love with Honour and Civil Power, and then the Chriftian Religion went towrack. Firft Luxury and Sloth, and then a great drove of Herefies and Immoralities broke loofe among them; and thefe begot Envy, Hatred and Difcord, which abounded every where. Atlaft, they that were linked together into one Brotherhood by that holy band of Religion, were as much at variance and ftrife among themfelves, as
cle moft bitter Enemies in the world could be. No reverence for, no confide- ration of their duty was left amongft them: the Soldiers and Comtnanders of
the Army, as oft as they pleafed themfelves, created new Emperors, and fome- times killed good ones as well as bad. Ineed not mention fuch as Verannio, Uaximus, Engenius, whom the Soldiers all of a fudden advanced and made them Emperors 5 nor Gratiaa, an excellent Prince ;_ nor Valentinian the younger, who was none of the worft, and yet were put to deathbythem. It is true, thefe things were acted by the Soldiers, and Soldiers in the Field ; but thofe Soldiers were Chriftians, and lived in that Age which you call Evangelical, and whofe example you propote to us for our imitation. Now you hall hear how the Cler- gy managed themfelyes: Paftors and Bifhops, and fometimes thofe very Fathers whom we admire and extol to fo high a degree, every one of whom wasa Lea- der of their feveral Flocks 5 thofe very men, I fay, fought for their Bifhopricks, as Tyrants did for their Soveraignty 5 fometimes throughout the City, fometimes inthe very Churches, fometimes at the Altar, Clergy-men and Lay-men fought promi(cuoufly ; they flew one another, and great flaughters were made on both tides. Youmay remember Damafus and Urcifinus, who were Contemporaries with Ambrofe. It would be too long to relate the tumultuary Infurrections of the tnhabicants of Conftantinople, Antioch, and Alexandria, efpecially thofe under the Conduét and Management of Cyrilas, whom youextol as a Preacher up of Obedience; when the Monks in that Fight, within the City, had almoft flain Orefies, Theodofizs's Deputy. Now whocan fufficiently wonder at your Impu- dence, or Carelefsnefs and Neglect? % Till St. Auftin’s time, fay you, and lower “* down than the Age that he lived in, there 1 not any mention extant in Hiftory, of any “¢ private Perfon, of any Commander, or of any number of Confpirators, that have “* put their Prince to death, or taken up Arms againft him. | have named to you out of known and approved Hiftories, both private Perfons and Magiftrates, that with their own hands have flain not only bad, but very good Princes : Whole Armies of Chriftians, ‘many Bifhops amongftthem, that have fought a- gainft their ewnEmperors. You produce fome of the Fathers, that with a great flourifhof words, perfuade or boaft of Obedience to Princes: And I, on the other fide, produce both thofe fame Fathers, and others befides them, that by their a¢tions have declined Obedience to their Princes, even in lawful things; have defended themfelves with a Military'Force againft them ;
others that have oppofed forcibly, and wounded their Deputies; others that gq
being Competitors for Bifhopricks, have maintained Civil Wars againft one ano- ther: As ifit were lawful for Chriftians to wage War with Chriltians for a Bifhoprick, and Citizens with Citizens, but unlawful to fight againft a Tyrant, in defence of our Liberty, of our Wives and Children, and of our Lives them-
felves. Who would own fuch Fathers as thefe? You produce St. Aujtiz, who
you fay, aflerts that the Power of a Adafter over his Servants, and a Prince over his Subjecis, 1 one andthe famething, Butlanfwer, If St. duftim affert any fuch thing, he afferts what neither our Saviour, nor any of his Apoftles ever aflerted ; tho for the confirmation of that Affertion, than which nothing can be more falfe, he pretends to rely wholly upon their Authority. The three or four laft Pages of this Fourth Chapter, are’ ftuffed with meer Lies, or things carelefly and loofely put together, that are little ‘to the purpofe: And that every onethat readsthem, will difcover by what has been faid already. For what concerns * the Pope, again{ft whom you declaim foloudly, I am content you fhould bawl at him, till youare hoarfe. But whereas you endeavour to perfwade the igno- rant, That all that called themfelves Chriftians, yielded an entire obedienceto Princes, whether good or bad, till the Papal Power grew to that height, that it was acknowledged
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fuperior to that of the Civil Magiftrate, and till be took upon him to abfolve Subje&s from their Allegiance : J have fufficiently proved by many Examples before and ‘ fince the age that St. Auguffiz lived in, that nothing can be more falfe. Neither does that feem to have mych more truth in it, which you fay inthe left place ; wiz. That Pope Zachary abfolved ihe French- men from their Oath of Allegiance to their King. For Francis Hottoman, who was both a French-manand a Lawyer, and a -very learned man, in the 13th Chapter of his Francogalliaz, denies that either Chilperic was depofed, or the Kingdom tranflated to Pepin by the Pope’s Authori- ty; and he proves out of very Ancient Chronicles of that Nation, That the whole affair was tranfacted in the great Councilof the Kingdom, according to the Original Conftitution of that Government. Which being once done, the French Hiftories, and Pope Zachary himfelf, deny that there was any neceliity of abfolving his Subjects from their Allegiance. For not only Hottoman, but Guic- card, avery eminent Hiftorian of that Nation, informs us, That the Ancient Recordsof the Kingdom of France teftify, That the Subjects of that Nation upon the firft inititution of Kingfhip amongft them, referved a power to them- felves, both of chufing their Princes, and of depofing them again, if they thought fit: And that the Oath of Allegiance which they took, was upon this exprefs condition; towit, That the King fhould likewife perform what at his Corona- tionhe fworetodo. So thatif Kings by mifgoverning the People committed to their charge, firft broke their own Oath to their Subjects, there needs no Pope to difpenfe with the Peoples Oaths; the Kings themfelves by their own perfidie oufnefs having abfolved their Subjects. And finally, Pope Zachary himfelf ina Letter of his tothe French, which you your felf quote, renounces, and afcribes to the People that Authority which you fay heaflumes to himfelf: For “if a <@ Prince be accountable to the People, being beholden to them for his Royalty ; “ if the People, fincethey make Kings, have the fame Right to depofe them, as the very words of that Pope are 5 it is not likely that the French-men would by any Oath depart in the leaft from that Ancient Right, or ever tyeup their own hands, foas not to have the fame Right that their Anceftors always had, tode- pofe bad Princes, as well as to honour and obey good ones; nor isit likely that they thought themfelves obliged to yield that Obedience to Tyrants, which they fwore to yield only to good Princes. A People obliged to Obedience by fuch an Oath, is difcharged of that Obligation, when a lawful Prince be- comes a Tyrant, or gives himfelf over to Sloth and Voluptuoufnefs; the rule of Juftice, the very Law of Nature difpenfes with fuch a Peoples Alle- giance. So that even by the Pope’s own opinion, the People were under no Obligation to yield Obedience to Chilperic, and confequently had noneed of a Difpenfation.
Ck Fes eV
HO Tamof opinion, Salmafivs, and always was, That the Law of God
dees exacily agree with the Law of Nature; fo that having fhown what the Law of Godis, with refpect to Princes, and what the practife has been of the People of God, both ews and Chriftians, | have at the fame time, and by the fame Difcourfe, made appear what is moft agreeable to the Law of Nature: yet becaufe you pretend to confute 1s moft powerfully by the Law of Nature, 1 will be content to admit that to be neceflary, which before I had thought would be fuperfluous ; that in this Chapter i may demonftrate, That nothing is more futable to the Law of Nature, than that Punifhment be inflicted upon Tyrants. Which if I do not evince, I will then agree with you, that likewife by the Law of God they areexempt. Ido not purpofe to frame a long Difcourfe of Na- ture in general, andthe original of Civil Sccieties ; that Argument has been largely handled by many Learned Men, both Greck and Lati. But I fhall.en- deavour to be as fhort as may be ; and my defign is not fo much to confute you (whowould willingly have fpared this pains) as to fhow that you confute your felf, and deftroy your ownPofitions. 1’) begin with that firft Pofition which you lay down as a Fundamental, and that fhall be the Groundwork of 4: en- 3 ving
( 608 ) i fuing Difcourfe, The Law of Nature, {ay you, % 2 Principle imprinted on all mens minds, to regard the good of all Atankind, confidering men as united together in Socsetics. But this sanate Principle cannot procure that common good, walefs, as there are people that mus/t be governed, fo that very Principle afcertain who {hall govern them, To wit, lelt the itronger oppreis the weaker, and thofe perfons, who for their mutual Safety and Protection have united themfelves together, fhould be dify- nited and divided by Injury and Violence, and reduced to a bealtial favage life a- gain. Thistfuppofe is what you mean. Owe of the namber of thafe that united tntoone body, you fay, there muft needs bave been fome chofen, who excelled the reff in’ Wifdor and Valour , that they ether by force, or by perfwafion, might reftrain thofe that were refrathory, and keep them within due bounds. Sometimesit would fo fall cut that one fingle Perfon, whofe Conduct and Valour was extrawdinary, might be able to do this, and fometimes more affifted one another with their Advice and Counfel. But fince it is impoffible that any one man fhould order all things bimfelf, there wis a neceffity. of bis confulting with others, and taking fome into part of the Government with himfelf : Sa that whether a fingle perfon reign, or whether the Supreme Power refide in the body of the People, fince wt zs impcffible tbat all fhould adminifter the affairs of the Commonwealth, or that one man [hould da all, the Government does always lie upon the houlders of ma- ny. And afterwards you fay, Both Forms of Government, whether by many or a few, or by a fingle perfor, are cqually according to the Law of Nature , for both pro- . ceed from the fame Principle of Nature, viz. Ihat it is impoffible for any fingle per fon foto govern alone, as not to admit others into a foare of the Government with himfelf. Tho | might have taken all thisout of the Third Book of Ariftotle’s Politicks, I chofe rather to tran{cribe it out of your own Book; for you {tole it from him, as Prometheus did Fire from Jupiter, tothe ruin of Monarchy, and overthrow of your felf, and your owa opinion. For enquire as diligently as you can for your life, into the Law of Nature,’as you have defcribed it, you will not find the leaft footitep in it of Kingly Power, as you explainit. The Lam of Nature, fay you, in ordering who fhould govern others, refpetted the univerfal good of all man- kind, \tdid not then regard the private good of any particular perfon, not of a Prince, fo thatthe King is for the People, and confequently the People fupe- rior te him ; which being allowed, itis impotlible that Princes fhould have any. right to opprefs or enflave the people, thatthe inferior fhould have right to ty- Tannizeoverthe fuperior. Sothat fince Kings cannot pretend to any right todo mifcbief, the right of the people mult be acknowledged according to the Law of ‘Nature tobe fuperior to that of Princes; and therefore by the fame right,
‘that before Kingfhip was known, men united their Strength and Counfels for
heir mutual Safety and Defence s by the fame right, that for the prefervation of all mens Liberty, Peace, and Safety, they appointed one or more to govern the reit, by the fame right they may depofe thofe very perfons, whom for their Valour. or Wifdom they advanced to the Government, or any others that rule diforderly, if they find them by reafon of their flothfulnefs, folly, or impiety, unfit for Government: fince Natnre does not regard the good of one, orof a few, but of allin general. For what fort of perfons were they whom you fuppofe to have been chofen? You fay, they were fuch as excelled in Courage and Conduét, to wit, fuchas by Nature feemed fittelt for Government ; who by reafon of their ex- cellent Wifdom‘and Valour, were enabled to undertake fo great a Charge. The Yeonfequence of this | take to be, That right of Succeflion is not by the Law of Na- ture; that no Man by the Law’of Nature has right to be King, unlefs he excel all. others in Wifdom and Courage; that all fuchas reign, ana want thefe qualificati- ons, are advanced-to the Government by Force or Faction ; have no right by the Law of Natureto be what they are, but ought rather to be Slaves than Princes. For Nature’appoints that Wife Men fhould govern Fools, not that Wicked Men fhould rule over Good Men ; Fools over Wife Men: And confequently, they that take the Government out of fuch mens hands, et according to the Law of Na- ture. To what end Nature direéts Wife Men fhould bear the Rule, you fhall heat in your own words; viz. ‘* That by Force or by Perfwafion, they may keep fuch as are unruly, within due bounds. But how ffould he keep others within the ‘beunds of their duty, that-neglects, or isignorant of, or wilfully as contrary to hisown? Alledg now, if youcan, any dictate of Nature, by which we are ‘enjoined to neglect the wife Inftitutions of the Law of Nature, and have'no revard to them in Civil and Publick Concerns, when we fee what great and re mirable
( 609 ) mirable things Nature her felf effects in things that are inanimate and void of fenfe, rather than lofe her end. Produce any Rule of Nature, or Natural Juftice, by which inferior Criminals ought to be punifhed, but Kings and Prin- ces to go unpunifhed s and not only fo, but tho guilty of the greateft Crimes imaginable, be hadinReverence, and almoft adored. You agree, That all Forms of Government, whether by many, or a fer, or by a fingle perfon, are equally agree- able tothe Law of Nature. Sothat the perfon of a King is not by the Law of Nature more facred than a Senate of Nobles, or Magiltrates, chofen from a- mongft the common people, who you grant may be punifhed, and ought tobe, if they offend ; and confequently, Kingsought to be fo too, who are appoint- ed to rule for the very fame end and purpofe that other Magiftrates are. For fay you, Nature does not allow any fingle perfonto bear rule fo entirely, as not to have Partners inthe Government. It does not therefore allow of a Monarch; it does not allow one fingle perfon to rule fo, as that all others fhould be ina flavifh fub- jection to his Commands only. You that give Princes fuch Partners in the Go- vernment, as ia whem, to ufe your own words, the Government always refides, do at the fame time make others Colleagues with them, and equal tothem; nay, and confequently you fettle a power in thofe Colleagues af punifhing, and of depofing them. Sothat while you your felf go about, not to extol a Kingly Government, but to eftablifh it by the Law of Nature, youdeftroy it; no greater misfortune could befal Soveraign Princes, than to have fuch an Advocate as you are. Poor, unhappy wretch! what blindnefs of mind has feiz'd you, that you fhould unwittingly take fo much pains to difcover your knavery and folly, and make it vifible to the world (which before you conceal’d,in fome meafure and dif- guis’d) that you fhould be fo induftrious to heap difgrace and ignominy upon your felf. Whatoffencedoes Heaven punifh you for, in making you appear in publick, and undertake the defence of a defperate Caufe, with fo much impu- dence and childifhnefs, and inftead of defending it, to betray it by your igno- rance ? What Enemy of yours would defire to fee you inamore forlorn, defpi- cable condition than you are, who have no refuge left from the depth of mifery, but in your own imprudence and want of fenfe, fince by your unskilful and filly defence, you have rendered Tyrants the more odious and deteftable, by afcri- bing to them an unbounded liberty of doing mifchief with Impunity , and con- fequently have created them more Enemies than they had before ? But I return to your Contradictions. When you had refolved with your felf to be fo wicked as to endeavour to find out afoundation for Tyranny ia the Law of@Nature, you faw aneceflity of extolling Monarchy above other forts of Government ; which youcannot go about to do, without doing as you ufe todo, that is con- tradicting your felf. For having faid but a little before, That all Forms of Go- vernment, whether by more or fewer, or by a fingle perfon, are equally according to the Law of Nature, now you tellus, that of all thefe forts of Government, that of a fingle perfon is moft natural. Nay, though you had faid in exprefs terms but late- ly, That the Law of Nature does not allow that any Government fhould vefide entirely in one man. Now upbraid whom you will with the putting of Tyrants to death ; fince you your (cig your own folly, have cut the Throats of all Monarchs, nay even of Monapeny it felf. But itis not to the purpofe for us here to dif- puce which Form of Government is beit, by one fingle perfon, or by many. I confefs many eminent and famous men have extolled Monarchy 5 butit has al- ways been upon this fuppofition, thatthe Prince werea very excellent perfon, and one that of allothers deferved beit to reign, without which Suppofition, no Form of Government canbe fo proneto Tyranny as Monarchy is. And whereas you refemble a Monarchy to the Government of the World, by one Divine Being, | pray anfwer me, Whether youthink that any other can deferve to beinvefted witha power hereon Earth, that fhall refemble his power that governs the World, except fuch a perfon as does infinitely excel all other Men, and both for Wifdom and Goodnefs in fome meafure refemble the Deity.? and fuch a perfon in my opinion, none can be but the Sonof God himfelf. And whereas you make a Kingdom tobea kind of Family, and make a comparifon betwixta Prince and the Malter of a Family ; obferve how lame the Parallel is. For a Mafter of a Family begot part of his Houfkold, at leaft he feeds all thofe that are of his houfe, and upon that account deferves to have the Government 3 but the reafon holds not in the cafe of a Prince nay “tis quite contrary. In
Live the
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the next place, you propole tous for our imitation the example of inferior Creatures, efpecially of Birds, and amongft them of Bees, which according ta your skill in Natural Philofophy, area fort of Birds too; The Bees have a King over them, he Bees of Trent you mean , don’t youremember ? all other Bees, you your felf confefs tobe Commonwealths. But leave off playing the fool with Bees ; they belong to the Mufes, and hate, and (you fee) confute fucha Beetle as you are. The Quails are under a Captain. Lay tach fhares for your own Bitterns; you are not Fowler good enough to catch us. Now you begin to be perfonally concerned. Gallus Gallinaceuws, a Cock, fay you, bas both Cocks aad Hens under him. Wow can that be, fince you your felf that ate Gallas, and but too much Gallinacews, by report cannot govern your own fingle Hen, but let her govern you ? Sothatif a Gallimaceus be a King over many Hens, you that are a flave to one, muft own your felf not tobe fo good asa Gallinaceus, but fome Stercorarius Gallus, fome Dunghil-Cock or other. For matter of Books, - there is no body publifhes huger Dunghils than you, and you dilturb all people with your fhitten Cock-crow ; that’s the only property in which you refemble atrue Cock. I'll throw you a great many Barley-corns, if in ranfacking this Dunghil Book of yours, you can fhow me bet one Jewel. But why fhould I promife you Barley, that never peckt at Corn, as that honeft plain Cock that we read of in e4#/op, but at Gold, asthat Roguey Cock in Plaurus, though with a different event; for you found a hundred Facobuffes, and he was ftrick dead with Euclio’s Club, which you deferve more than he did. But let us goon: That fame natural reafon that defigas the good and fafety of all Mankind, requires, that whoever once promoted to the Soveratguty, be prefervedin the poffeffion of ir, Who ever queftion’d this, as long as his prefervation is confiftent with the fafety — of all the reft ? Butis it not obviousto all men that nothing can be more con- trary to natural reafon than that any one man fhould be preferved and defended to the utter ruin and deftruction of all others? But yet (you fay) it w better to keep and defend a bad Prince, nay one of the worft that ever was, than to change him for another; becaufe his ill Government cannot do the Commonwealth fo much harm as the difturbances will occafion, which mujt of neceffity be raifed before the people can gee vid of him. But whatisthisto the Right of Kings by the Law of Nature? [f Nature teaches me rather to fuffer my felf to be robbed by High-way men, or if I fhould be taken Captive by fuch, to purchafe my Liberty with all my Eftate, than to fight with them for my life, can youinfer from thence, that they havea natural@ight to rob and {poil mre ? Nature teaches men to give way fometimes tothe violence and outrages of Tyrants, the neceflity of affairs fometimes en- forces a Toleration with their enormities s what foundation can you find in this forced patience of a Nation, in this compulfory fubmiffion, to build a Right upon, for Princes to tyrannize by the Law of Nature? That Right which Na- , ture has given the people for their own prefervation, can you affirm that fhe has invelted Tyrants with for the people’s ruin and deftrution ? Nature teaches us, of two evils to chufe the leaft , and to bear with oppreflion, as long as there is anecellity of fo doing; and will you infer from hence, that Tyrants have fome Right by the Law of Nature to opprefs their si) gh g9 unpunifhed, becaufe as circumitances may fall out, it may fometimes be a lefS mifchief to bear with them than to remove them? Remember what your felf once wrote concerning Bifhops againft a Jefuit ; you were then of another opinion than you are now :. [ have quoted your words formerly 5 you there affirm that feditious Civil diffentions and difcords of the Nobles and Common People againft and amongft one another, ave much more tolerable, and lefs mifchievousthan certain mifery and de- Jiruftion under the Government of a fingle perfon, that plays the Tyrant. And you aid very true. For you had not thenrun mad 3 you had not then been bribed with Charles his facobuffes, Youhad not got the King’s-Evil. I fhould tell you perhaps, if [did not know you, that you might be athamed thus to prevaricate. But youcan fooner burft than blufh, who have caft off all fhame for a little pro- fit. Did you not remember, that the Commonwealth of the people of Rome fisarithed and became glorious when they had banifhed their Kings # Could you
* poflibly forget that of the Lom Agee which after it had fheok off the Yoke
of the King of Spain, after longand tedions Wars, but crown’d with fuccefs, obtained its Liberty, and feeds fuch a pitiful Grammarian as your felf witha Penfion ; but nog witha defign thar their youth might be foinfacuated by your
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Sophiftry, as to chufe rather to return to their former Slavery than inherit the Glorious Liberty which their Anceftors purchafed for them. May thofe perni- cious principles of yours be banifhed with your felf into the moft remcte and barbarous Corners of the World. And laft of all, the Commonwealth of Eng-
~ land might have afforded you an example, in which Charles, who had been their King, after he had been taken captive in War, and was found incurable, was put todeath. But they have defaced and impoverifhed the Ifland with Civil broils and difcords, which under its Kings was happy, and fwam in Luxury. Yea, when it was almoft buried in Luxury and Voluptuoufnefs, and the more inured thereto, that it might be enthralled the morg eafily ; when its Laws were abolifhed, and its Religion agreed to be fold, they delivered it from Slavery. You are like him that publifhed Simplicivs and Epictetus inthe fame Volume ; a very grave Stoick, Who call an Jfland happy, becaufe it fwims in Luxury. Ym fure no foch Doétrine ever came outof Zen0’s School. But why fhould not you, who would give Kingsa power of doing what they lift, have liberty your felf to broach what new Philofophy you pleafe? Now begin again toach your part. There never was in any King’s Reign fa much blood fpilt, fo many Families ruined. All thisis to be imputed to Charles, not tous, who firft raifed an Army of Jrifhmen againft us; who by his own Warrant authorized the Irih Nation to confpire againft the Englith, who by their means flew two huadred thonfand of his Exglifh Sub- jects inthe Province of Ulfter, befides what Numbers were flainin other parts of that Kingdom; who follicited two Armies towards the deftruction of the Par- liament of England, andthe City of Loudon; and did many other actions of Holtility beforethe Parliament and People had lifted one SoKiier for the prefer- vation and defence of the’ Government. What Principles, what Law, what Religion ever taught men rather to confult their eafe, to fave their Money, their Blood, nay their Lives themfelves, than to oppofé an Enemy with force ? for I make no difference betwixta Foreign Enemy and another, fince both are equally dangerous and deftructive to the good of the whole Nation. * The People of J/~" rael {aw very well, that theygould not poflibly punifh the Benjamites for mur- dering the Levite’s Wife, without the lofs of many Mens Lives: And did that induce them to fit ftill? Was that accounted a fufficient Argument why they _thouldabftain from War, froma very Bloody Civil War? Did they therefore fuffer‘the death of one poor Woman to be unrevenged? Certainly if Nature teaches us rather toendure the Government of a King, though hebe never fo bad, than to endanger the lives of a great many Men inthe recovery of our Liberty ; it muft teach us likewife not only to endure a Kingly Government, which is the only one that you argue ought tobe fubmitted to, but even an A- riftocracy and a Democracy: Nay, and fometimes it will perfwade us, to fub-
_ mit to a Multitude of: Highway-men, and to Slaves that mutiny. Fulvins and Rupilius, if your Principles had been received in their days, muft not have en- gaged in the Servile War (as their Writers call it) after the Praetorian Armies \ were flain: Craffus muft not have marched agaiaft Spartacus, after the Rebels had deftroyed one Roman Army, and fpoil’d theic Tents: Noe mult Pompey have undertaken the Piratick War. But the State of Rome muft have purfued the dictates of Nature, and mufthave fubmitted to their own Slaves, or to the Py- rates rather than run the hazard of lofing fome Mens Lives. You do not prove
_ atall, that Naturehas imprinted any fuch notion as this of yours onthe minds of Men: And yet youcannot forbear boding us ill luck, and denouncing the Wrath of God againft us (which may Heaven divert, end infi@ it upon your felf, and all fuch Prognofticators as you) who have punifhed as he deferved, one that had the name of our King, but was in Fact our implacable Enemy ; and we have made Atonement for the death of fo many of our Countreymen, as our Ci- ~ vil Wars have occafion’d, by fhedding his Blood, that was the Author and ~ Caufeof them. Then yon tell us, that a Kingly Government appears to be more according to the Laws of Nature, becaufe mre Nations, both in our days and of old, have fubmitted to that Form of Government, than ever did'to any other. I anf{wer, If thatbe fo, it was neitier the effect of any dictate of the Law of Nature, nor wasit in Obedience to any Command from God. God would not fuffer his own People to be under a King ; he confented at Taft, but unwillingly : _ what Nature and right Reafon diétates, we are not to gather from the practife of -. Mott Nations, but of the wifeft and moft prudent. The Grecians, the Romans, the on liii 2 Italians,
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QVralians, and Carthaginians, with many other, have of their own accord, out of choice, preferr’d a Commonwealth to as Kingly Government ; and thefe Nati- ous that [ have named, are better inftances thanall thereft. Hence Sulpirins “Severus fays, * That the very name of a King ‘was always very odious among ‘ freeborn People. But thefe things concern not our prefent parpole, nor many other Impertinences that follow over and over again. Ill make hafte to prove that by Examples which I have proved already by Reafon; wz. That it is very agreeable to the Law of Nature, that Tyrants should be punihed; and that all Nations by the inftinct of Natere, have punifhed them; which will expofe your Impudence, and make it evident, that you take a liberty to publifh palpable downright Lies. You begin-with the Egyptians ;’ and indeed, who does not fee, that you play the Gipfy your felf throughout? Among/t them, fay you, therets no mention extant of any King, that was ever flain by thesPeople in a Popular Infurrettion, no Wear made upon any of their Kings by their Subjects, ito attentpe made to depofe any of them. \Whatthink you then of Ofir, who perhaps was the firft King that the Egyprsans ever had? Was not’he flain by his Brother Ty phon, and five and twenty other Confpirators? And did noc a great part of the Body of the People fide with them, and fight a Battel with J/s and Orus, the late King’s Wife and Son? { pafs by Sefoftrts, whom his Brother had well. nigh put to death, and Chemmis, and Cephrenes, againftwhom the People were defervedly enraged ;_ and becaufe they could not do it while they were alive, they threatned to tear them in pieces after they were dead. Doyouthink that a People that durft lay violent hands upon good Kings, had any reftraint upon them, either by the Light of Nature or Religion, from putting bad ones to Death ? Could they that threat- ned to pull the dead Bodies of their Princes out of their Graves, when they ceafed to do milchief, (tho by the Cuftom of their own Country,the Cor ps of the mean- eft Perfon was facred and inviolable) abftain from inflicting Punifhment upon them in their Life-time, when they were acting all their Villanies, if they had been able; and that upon fome Maxim of the Law of Nature? I know you would not ftick te anfwer mein the affirmative, how abfum foever it be ; but that you may not offer at‘it, Pil pullout your Tongue. Know then, that fome Ages be- fore Cephrenes’s time, one Ammofis was King of Egypt, and was as great a Ty- rant, as whohas been the greate{t , himthe People bore with. This you are glad to hear thisis whatyon would be at. But hear what follows, my hbdneft Yell-troth. [hall {peak out of Diodorus, They bore with him, for fome while, be- caufe he was too ftrong for them. But when Atttfanes King of Ethiopia made war uponhim, they took that opportunity to revolt, fo that being deferted, he was ealily fubdued, and Egypt became an Acceflion to the Kingdom of Ethiopia. You fee the Egyptians, as {oon a; they could, took up Arms againft a Tyrant; they joined Forces with a Foreign Prince, to depofe their own King, and difinherit his Pofterity , they chofe to live under a moderate and good Prince, as Attifanes was, thoa Foreigner, ratherthanundera Tyrant of their own. The fame Peo- ple with a very unanimous Confent took up Arms againft Aprics, another Tyrant, who relied upon Foreign Aids that he had hiredtoaffift him. Under the Con-
duct of Amafis their General they conquered, and afterward ftrangled him, and ¥
placed Amafisinthe Throne. And obferve this Circumiftance in the Hiftory; Amafis kept che Captive King a good while in the Palace, and treated him well: At Jaft, when the People complain’d that he nourifhed his own and theirEne- .— my ; he delivered him into their hands,who put him to death in the manner I have mentioned. Thefe things are related by Herodotus and Diodorus. Where are younow? Do you think that any Tyrant would not chufe a Hatchet rather than a Halter ? Afterwards, fay you, when the Egyptians were brought into fubjection by
the Perfians3* they continued faithful to them; whichis moft talfe, they never were «
faithful to them: For ia the fourth year after Camby/es had fubdued them, they rebelled. Afterward, when Xerxes had tamed them, withina fhort time they revolted from his Son Artaxerxes, and fet up one Imarus to be their King. After his death they rebell’d again, and created one Tachvs King, and made war upon Artaxerxes Mnemon. Neither were they better Subjects to their own Princes, for they depofed Zachus, and conferr’d the Government upon his Son Neéhanebus, vill at laft Arraxerxes Ochus brought them the fecond time under fub- jection to the Perfiaz Empire. When they were under the A4acedonian Empire, they declared by their Actions, that Tyrants ought to be under fome reftraint :
They
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( 613 ) They threw down the Statutes and Images of Prolomeus Phyfco, and would have killed him, but that the mercenary Army that he commanded, was too {trong forthem. His Son Alexander was forced to leave his Country by the meer vio- lence of the People, who were incenfed againft him for killing his Mother. And the People of Alexandria dragged his Son Alexander out of the Palace, whofe in- folent Behaviour gave juft Offence, and killed bim inthe Theatre. And the fame People depofed Pro/omaus Auletes for his many Crimes. Now, finceit is impof-
fible that any Learned Man fhould be ignorant of thefe things that are fo general-
ly known ; and fince itis an inexcufable Fault in Salmafius to be ignorant of them, whofe Profeflion it is to teach them others, and whofe very aflerting things of this nature ought to-carry in it felfan Argument of Credibility 5 it is certain-
- lyavery fcandalous thifig (1 fay) cither that fo ignorant, illiterate a Blockhead,
fhould to the fcandal of all Learning, profefs himfelf, and be accounted a Learned Man, acd obtain Salaries from Princes and States ; or that fo impudent and no- torious a Lyar fhould not be branded with fome particular mark of Infamy, and for ever banifhed from the Society of learned and honeft Men. Having fearched among the Egyptians for Examples, let us now confider the Ethiopian: their N eigh- bours. They adore their Kings, whom they fuppofe God to have appointed o- ver them, even asif they were a fortof Gods: And yet whenever the Priefts condemn any of them, they kill themfelves: And onthat manner, fays Diodorus, they punifh all their Criminals ; they put them not to death, but fend a Minifter of Juflice to command them to deftroy their own Perfons. In the next place you mention the Affyrsans, the Adedes, and the Perfians, who of all others were moft obfervant of their Princes: And you affirm, contrary to all Hiftorians that have wrote any thing concerning thofe Nations, That the Regal Power there, had an unbounded Lsberty annexed toit, of doing what the King lifled. In the firft place the Prophet Danéel tells us, how the Babylonians expelled Nebuchadnezzar out of Human Society, and made him graze with the Beafts, when his Pride grewsto be infufferable. The Laws of thofe Countries wete not entituled the Laws of their Kings, but the Laws of the A¢edes and Perfians; which Laws were irrevocable, and the Kings themfelves were bound by them : Infomuch that Darius the Mede, tho he earneltly defired to have delivered Davie! from the hands of the Princes, yet could not effec it. Thofe Nations, fay you, thought it no fufficient pretence to rejett a Prince, becunfe he abufed the Right.tbat was inherent in him as be was Sovereign. But in the very writing of thefe wotdsyouare {fo ftupid, as that with the fame breath that you commend the Obedience and Submiflivenefs of thofe Nations, of your ownaccord you make mention of Sardavapalus’s being deprived of his Crown by Arbaces. Neither was it he alone that accomplifhed that Enterprife, for he had the afliftance of the Priefts (who of all others were beft verfed in the Law) and of the People; and it was wholly upon this account that he depofed him, be- caufe he abufed his authority and power, not by giving himfelf over to cruelty, but toluxury and effeminacy, Run over the Hiftoriesof Herodotus, Crefias, Di- odorus, and you will find things quite contrary to what youaflert here; you will find that thofe Kingdoms were deftroyed for the moft part by Subjects, and not by Foreigners , that the Affyrians were brought down by the AZedes, who then were their Subjects, and the Medes by tie Perfians, who at that time were like- wife fubject to them. You your felf con fefs, that Cyrus rebell’d, and that at the fame time in divers parts of the Empire little upjtare Governments were formed by thofe that fhook off the Adedes. But does this agree with what you faid before ? Does this
“prove the obedience of the Adedes and Perfians to their Princes, and that Fus Re-
gium which you had afferted to have been univerfally received amongft thofe Na- tions ? What Potioncan cure this brainfick Frenzy of yours? You fay, Jt ap- pears by Herodotus how abfolute the Perfian Kings were. Cambyfes being defirous to marry his Sifter, confulted withthe Judges, who were the Interpreters of the Laws, to whofe Decifion all difficult matters were to be referred. What anfwer had he from them? They told him, they knew no Law which permitted a Bro- ther tomarry his Sifter; but another Lawthey knew, that the Kings of Perjia might do what they lifted. Now tothis lanfwer, if the Kings of Perfia were really fo abfolute, what need was there of any other to interpret the Laws, be- fides the King himfelf ? Thofe fuperfluous unneceflary Judges would have had their abode and refidence in any other place rather than in the Palace,where they were altogether ufelefs. Again, if thofe Kings might do whatever they would,
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( 614 ) ; it is not credible that fo ambitious a Prince as, Camby/es was, fhould be fo igno- rant of that grand Prerogative, as to confult with the Judges, whether what he defired .were according to Law. What was the matter then? either they ‘defigned to humour the King, as you fay they did, or they were afraid to crofs ° his inclination, which isthe account that Herodotus gives of it’, and fotold him of fuch a Law, as they knew would pleafehim, and in plain terms made a fool of him ; which isno new thing with Judges and Lawyers now adays. Bat, fay you, Artabanus 4 Perfian told Themiltocles, that there was no better Law sn Perfia, than that by which it was enatted, That Kings were to be honoured and adored, An ' excellent Law that was without doubt which commanded Subjects to adore their Princes! butthe Primitive Fathers have long agodamned it; and Artabanus was vith a proper perfonto commend fuch a Law, who was the’very Manthata little © while after flew Xerxes with hisownhand. You quote Regicides to aflert Roy- alty. Iam afraid you have fome defign upon Kings. In the next place you quote the Poet Claudian, to prove how obedient the Perfians were. - But I appeal to their Hiftories and Annals, which are full of the Revolts of the Perfians, the Medes, the Baétrians, and Babylonians, and give us frequent initances of the Mur- dersof their Princes. The next perfon whofe authority you cite, is Oranes the Perfian, who likewife killed Smerdis then King of Perfiaz, to whom, out of the hatred which he boreto a Kingly Government, be reckons up thé impieties and injurious ations of Kings, their'violation of all Laws, their putting Men to . Death without any legal Conviétion, their Rapes and Adulteries, and all this you will have called the Right of Kings, and flander Samuel again asa teacher’ of Tuch Doétrines. You quote Homer, who fays that Kings derive their Autho- © rity from Fupiter ; to which I have already given an anfwer. For King Philip of Macedo, whofe-aflerting the Right of Kings, you make ufe of: Dil believe Charles his de{cription of it, as foon as his. Then you quote fome Sentences out of a fragment of Diogenes a Pythagorean 5 but you do not tell us what fort of a King he {peaks of. Obferve therefore how he begins that Difcourfe , for whatever follows muft be underftood to have relation to it. ‘ Let him be ‘King, fays he, that of all others is moft juft, and fo he is that acts moft ac- © cording to Law; for no Mancan be King that is not juft ; and without Laws © there can be no Juftice. This is directly oppofite to that Regal Right of yours. And Ecphantas, whom you likewife quote, is of the fame opinion: ° Whofo- “ ever takes upon him to bea King, ought to be naturally moft pure and clear © from allimputation. And alittle after, ‘Him, fays he, we calla King, that ‘ governs well, and he only is properly fo. So that fuch a King as you {peak of, according to the Philofophy of the Pythagoreans, is no King at all. Hear now what Plato faysin his Eighth Epiftle: ‘ Let Kings, fays he, be liabic . ‘ to be called to account for what they do: Let the Laws controul not only. the- © People, but Kings themfelves, if they do any thing not warranted by Law. Pil mention what Arifforle fays in the Third Book of his Politicks, ° Itis neither for © the Publick Good, nor is it juft, fays be, feeing all men are by nature alike « and equal, that any one fhould be Lord and Mafter over all the reft, where © there are no Laws: noris it for the Publick Good, or Juft, that one man fhould be a Law to the reft, where there are-Laws ; nor that any one, tho “a good man, fhould be Lord over other good men, nora bad man over bad . ¢ men. Andin the Fifth Book, fays he, ‘ That King whom the People refufe to be < govern’d by, is nolongera King, buta Tyrant. Hear what Xenophon fays in Hiero: ‘People are fo far from revenging the deaths of Tyrants, that they « confer great Honour upou him that kills one, and erect Statutes in their Tem- ‘plesto the Honour of Tyrannicides. Of this I can produce an Eye witnefs, Marcus Tullius, in bis Oration pro Milone, ‘The Grecians, fays he, afcribe Di- “ vine Worfhip to fuch as kill Tyrants: What things of this nature have | my ‘ felf feenat Athens, and inthe other Cities of Greece? How many Religious © Obfervances have been inftituted in honour of fuch men ? How many Hymns ? “ They are confecrated to Immortality and Adoration, and their Memory endea- ¢ voured to be perpetuated. And laftly, Polybins, a Hiftorian of great Authority and Gravity, in the Sixth Book of his Hiffory fays thus: ¢ When Princes began « to indalge their own Lufts and fenfual Appetites, then Kingdoms were turned © into fomany Tyrannies, and the Subjects began to confpire the death of their © Governors; neither was it the profligate fort that were the Authors of thofe ‘ Defigns,
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¢ Defigns, but the moft Generous and Magnanimous. 1 could quote many fuel like paflages, but { fhall inftance inno more. From the Philofophers you ap- peal tothe Poets; andIam very willing to follow you thither. e4/chylus is enough to inform 13, That the Power of the Kings of Greece was fuch, as not tobe liable to the cenfure of. any Laws, or to be queftioned before any Human Fudicature ; for he in that Tragedy that zs called, The Suppliants, calls the King of the Argives, a Governor not obnoxious tothe Fudgment of any Tribunal. But you mutt know (for the more you fay, the more you difcover your rafhnefs and want of judgment) you muft know, I fay, that oneis not to regard what the Poet fays, but what perfon in the Play fpeaks, and what that perfon fays , for different perfons are introduced, fometimes good, fometimes bad, fometimes wife men, fometimes fools ; and fuch words are put into their mouths, as it is moft proper for them to fpeak; not fuch as the Poet would fpeak, if he were to fpeak in his own perfon. The Fifty Daughters of Danaus being banifhed out of Egypt, became Suppliants to the King of the Argives , they begg’d of him, that he would protect them from the Egyptians, who purfued them with a Fleet of Ships. The King told them he could not undertake their Protection, till he had imparted the matter to the people; ‘ For, +/ays be, if I fhould make a promife to you, I fhould not “be able to perform it, unlefs I confult with them firft. The Women being Strangers and Suppliants, and fearing the uncertain fuffrages of the people, tellhim, ¢ That the Power of all the people refides in him alone ; that he judg- ‘es all others, but is not judged himfelfby any. He anfwers: ‘J have told you already, That I cannot do this thing that youdefire of me, without the peo- * ples confent ; nay, and thofcould, I would not. At laft h#refers the matter tothe people; ‘I will aflemble the people, fays he, and perfwadethemto pro- *tec&tyou. Thepeople met, and refolved to engage in their quarrel; info- much that Danaus their Father bids his Daughters, * be of good cheer, for the * People of the Countrey, ina popular Convention, had voted their Safeguard “and Defence. If [had not related the whole thing, how rathly would this impertinent Ignoramus have determined concerning the Right of Kings among the Grecians, outof the mouths of afew Women that were Strangers and Sup- pliants, tho the King himfelf, and the Hiftory be quite contrary ? The fame thing appears by the ftory of Orejfes in Euripides, who after his Father’s death was him{clf King of the Argives, and yet was called in queftion by the people for the death of his Mother, and madeto plead for his Life, and by the major fuffrage was condemned todie. The fame Poet in his Play called The Suppliants, declares, That at Arhens the Kingly Power was fubject to the Laws; where Thefeus then King of that City is made to fay thefe words : ‘ This isa free City, ‘itis not govern’d by one man; the people reigns here. And his Son Demophoon, who was King after him, in another Tragedy of the fame Poet, called Heraclide ; “IT do not exercifea Tyrannical Power over them, as if they were Barbarians: * [am upon other terms withthem; but if Ido them juftice, they willdo me ‘thelike. Sophocles in his @edipus fhows, That anciently in Thebes the Kings were not abfolute neither: Hence fays Tirefias to Oedipus, <I am not your “Slave. And Creon to the fame King, ‘ I have fome Right in this City, fays he, ‘as wellasyou. Andin another Tragedy of the fame Poet, called Aatigone, eAmontells the King, ‘ That the City of Zhebes is not govern’d by a fingle per- *fon. All men know that the Kings of Lacedemon have been arraigned, and fometimes put to death judicially. Thefe inftances are fufficient to evince what Power the Kings in Greece had. _ Let us confider now the Romans: Yon betake your felf to that paflage of C. A¢emmins in Salut, of Kings having a liberty to do what they lift, and go unpunifhed ; to which I have given an an{wer already. Salu@t himfelf fays in exprefs words, ‘ That the ancient Government of Rome © was by their Laws, tho the Name and Form of it was Regal: which Form of Government, when it grew into a Tyranny, you know they putdown and chang- ed. Ciceroin bis Oration againft Pifo, ‘Shall I, fays be, account him a Conful, © who would not allow the Senate to have any Authority in the Commonwealth ? ¢ Shall [take notice of any manas Conful, if atthe fametime there be no fuch ‘thing as aSenate; when of old, the City of Rome acknowledged not their *Kiogs, if they acted without orin oppofition to the Senate ? Do you hear ; the very Kings themfelves at Rome {ignified nothing without the Senate. But, fay you, Romulus governed as he lifted, and for that you quote Tacitus. No
" ( 616 ) No wonder : The Government was not then eftablifhed by Law; they were a confus’d multitude of ftrangers, more likely regulated than a State; and all Mankind lived without Laws, before Governments were fetled. But whea Ro- mulus was dead, tho all the People were defirous ofa King, not having yet expe- rienced the fweetnefs of Liberty, yet, as Livy informs us, ‘ The Sovereign Power ‘ refided inthe People, fo that they parted not with more Right than they re+ ‘tained. The fame Author tells us, ‘ That the fame Power was afterwards ex- * torted from them by their Emperours. Servins Tullivs at firft reigned by fraud, and as it were a Deputy to Tarquinius Prifcus, but afterward he referred it to the People, Whether they would have him reign or no? At laft, fays Tacitus, he became the Author of fuch Laws as the Kings were obliged to obey. Do you think he would have done fuch an injury to himfelf and his Poftericy, if he had been of opinion that the Rightof Kings had been above all Laws ? Their lait King Targuinius Superbus, was the firft that put an end tothat cuftom of confult- ing the Senate concerning all Publick Affairs; for which very thing, and other enormities of his, the People depofed him, and banifhed him and his Family. Thefe things I have out of Livy and Cicero, than whom you will hardly prodice any better Expofitors of the Right of Kings among the Romans. As for the Di- ctatorfhip, that was but temporary, and was never made ufe of, but in great ex- tremities, and was not tocontinue longer than fix Months. But that which you call the Right of the Roman Emperours, was no Right, but a plain downright Force 3; and was gained by Waronly. But Tacitus, fay you, that lived under the Government of a fingle Perfon, writes thas, The Gods have committed the Savereign Power in baman Affairs to Princes only, and have left to Subjetts the honour of being obedient. But youtell us not where Tacitus has thefe words, for you werecon{ci- ous to your felf, that you impofed upon your Readers in quoting them; which I prefently fmelt out, tho [ could not find the place ofa fudden : For that Expref- fionis not Tacéus’s own, who is an approved Writer, and of all others the greateft Enemy to Tyrants 5 but Tacitus relates that of AZ. Terentius, a Gentle- man of Rome, being accufed for a Capital Crime, amoneft other things that he faid to fave his Life, flattered Tibertws on thismanner. Itisinthe Sixth Book of his danals. The Gods have entrufted you with the ultimate Judgment in all ‘things; they have left us the honour of Obedience. And you cite this paflage ~ as if Tacitus had faid it himfelf; you fcrape together whatever ‘feems to make for your Opinion, either outof oftentation, or out of weaknefs, you would leave out nothing that you could find ina Baker’s, or a Barber’sShop; nay, you would be glad of any thing that looked like an Argument, from the very Hang- man. If you had read 7acitus him{elf, and not tranfcribed fome loofe Quotati- ons out of him by other Authors, he would have taught you whence that Impe- tial Right had its Original, ‘ After the Conquelt of Afia, fays he, the whole * ftate of our Affairs was turned upfide down ; nothing of the ancient integrity * of our Forefathers was left amongft us , all men fhook off that former equali- * ry which had been obferved, and beganto have a reverence for the Mandates *of Princes. This you might have learned out of the Third Book of his Annals, whence you have all your Regal Right. ‘When that ancient equality was laid a- ¢ fide, and inftead thereof Ambition and Violence took place, Tyrannical Forms * of Government ftarted up, and fixed themfelves in many Countries. This fame thing you might have learned out of Dio, if your natural Levity and Un- fetlednefs of Judgment would have foffered you to apprehend any thing that’s folid. He tells usin the Fifty third Book of his A:ftory, out of which Book you have made fome quotation already, That Octavius Cafar, partly by Force, and partly by Fraud, brought things to that pafs, that the Emperors of Rome became no ionger fettered by Laws. For he, tho he promifed to the people in publick that he would lay down the Government, and obey the Laws, and become fubject to others ; yet under preten¢e of making War in feveral Provinces of the Empire, ftill retained the Legions,‘and fo by degrecs invaded the Government, which he pretended he would refufe. This was not regularly getting fromunder the Law, but breaking forcibly through all Laws, as Spartacus the Gladiator might have done; and then aflaming to himfelf the ftyle of Prince or Emperor, asif God or the Law of Nature had put all Men and all Laws into fubjection under him. W ould you enquirea little farther into the Original of the Right of the Roman’ Emperors? Marcus Antonius, whom Cefar (when by taking vp Arms againft the Commonwealth,
( 617 ) Commonwealth, hehad got all the Power into his hands) had made Conful, when a Solemnity called the Lupercalia was celebrated at Rome, as had been contrived before-hand that he should fet a Crown upon Cefar’s head, though the people fighed and lamented at the fight, caufed itto be entred upon record, That Marcus Antonsus at the Lupercalia, made Cefar King at the Inftanceof the people. Of, which action Cicero in his fecond Phslippick faysy * Was Lucins Tar- 1 quinius therefore expeiled, Spurius Caffius, Sp. Melius, and Marcus Manilins ©put to death, that after many ages Marcus Antonius fhould make a King in © Rome contrary to Law? But you deferve to be tortured, and loaded with ever- Cafting difgrace, much more than AMdark, Antony, tho | would not have you proud becaufe heand your felf are put together : for I do not think fo defpica- ble a Wretch as you fitto be compared with him in any thing but his Impiety ; youthat in thofe horrible Lupercaliaof yours, fet not a, Crown upon one Ty- rant’s head, but upon all, and fuch a Crown as you would have limited’ by no Laws, nor liable toany. Indeed if we mult believe the Oracles of the Empe- rors themfelves (for fo fome Chriftian Emperors, .as Theodofias and Valens, have called their Edits, Cod. 4b. 1. tét. 14.) the Authority of the Emperors depends upon that of theLaw. Sothatthe Majefty of the Perfon that reigns, even by the Judgment, or callitthe Oracle of the Emperors themfelves, muft fubmit tothe Laws, on whofe Authority it depends. Hence Pliny tells Trajan in-his Panegyrick, when the Power of the Emperors was grown to its height, * A Principality, and an Abfolute Sovereignty are quite different things. Tra- ¢ jan puts down whatever looks like a Kingdom; he rules like a Prince, that “there may be no room for a Magilferial Power. And afterwards, ‘ Whatever ¢ [have faid of other Princes, J faidthatI might fhow how our Prince. reforms ¢ and corrects the Manners of Princes, which by long cuftom have been corrup- “ted and depraved. Are not you afhamed tocall that the Right of Kings, that Pliny calls the corrupt and depraved Cuftoms of Princes ? But let this fuf- fice to have been faid in fhort of the Right of Kings, as m was taken at Rome. How they dealt with their Tyrants, whether Kings or Emperors, is generally known. They expelled Tarquin, But, fay you, How didthey expel him? Did they proceed againjt him judicially? No {uch matter : When he would have come into the City, they fhut the gates againft him. Ridiculous Fool! What could they do but fhut the gates, when he was haftning to them with part of the Army ? And what great difference will there be, whether they banifhed him, or put him to death, fo they punifhed him one way or other? The beft men of that age kill’d Cefar the Tyrant inthe very Senate. Which action of theirs, A4arcus Tullius, who washimfelf a very excellent Man, and publickly call’?d the Father of his Countrey, both elfewhere and particularly in his fecond Philippick, extols won- derfully. Vllrepeat fome of his words: ‘ All good men kill’d Cefar, as far as ‘inthem lay. Some Mencould not advile in it, others wanted Courage toact _ init, others wanted an Opportunity, all hada good will toit. And after- wards, ‘ What greaterand more glorious Action (ye holy gods!) ever was © performed, not in this City only, but in any other Country ? what Action © more worthy to be recommended to everlafting memory? I am not unwilling ¢ to betincluded within the number of thofe that advifed it, as within the Trojan ©Horfe. Thepaflage of Seneca may relateboth to the Romans, and the Grecians, * There cannot bea greater, nor more acceptable Sacrifice offered up to Fupiter, ‘than a wicked Prince. For if you confider Hercules, whofe words thefe are, they fhew what the Opinion was of the principal Menamongft the Grecians in that Age. If the Poet, who flourifhed under Nero, (and the moft worthy Per- fons in Plays generally exprefs the Poet’s own Senfe) then this paflage fhows us what Seneca himfelf and all good Men, even in Nero's time, thought was fit to "be done toa Tyrant; and how vertuous an Action, how acceptable to God they thought it to killone. Soevery good Man of Rome, as far asin him lay, kill’d Domitian. Pliny the Second owns it openly in his Paxegyrick to Trajan the Em- peror, * We took pleafure in dafhing thofe proud Looks againft the Ground, “in piercing him with our Swords, in mangling him with Axes, as if he had © bled and felt pain atevery ftroke: No Man could fo command his paflion of ¢ Joy, but that he counted it a piece of Revenge to behold his mangled Limbs, © his Members torn afunder, and after all, his ftern and horrid Statues thrown *downand burnt. And afterwards, ‘They cannot love good Princes enough, Kkkk * that
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« that cannot hate bad ones as they deferve. Then amongft other Enormities of Domitian, he reckons this for onc, that he put to death Epaphroditus, that had kill’d Nero: ‘Had we forgotten the avenging Nero's death? Wasit likely that © he would fuffer his Life and Actions to be ill fpoken of, whofe death he reveng- “ed? He feems to have thought it almoft a Crime not to kill Nero, that counts it fo great a one to punifh him that didic. By what has been faid, itis evident, that the beft of the Romans did not only kill Tyrants, as oft as they could, and howfoever they could; but that they thought ita commendable, and a praife- worthy Action foto do, asthe Grecians had done before them. . For when they could not proceed judicially againft a Tyrant in his life-time, being inferior to him in Strength and Power, yet after his death they did it, and condemn’d him by the Valerian Law. For Valerius Publicola, Sunius Brutus his Colleague, whea he faw that Tyrants, being guarded with Soldiers, could not be brought toa legal Trial, he devifed a Law to make it lawful to kill them any way, tho un- condemn’d ; and that they that didit, fhould afterwards give an account of their fo doing. Hence, when Caffiss had actually run Caligula through with a Sword, tho every Body elfe had done it in their hearts, Valerius Afiaticus, one that had been Conful, being prefent at the time, cried out to’the Soldiers that began to mutiny becaufe of his death, J wifh Imy felf bad kil?’ dhim. And the Senate at the fame time was fo far from being dilpleafed with affi4s for what he had done, that they refolved to extirpate the Memory of the Emperors, and to raze the Temples that had been erected in Honour of them. When Claudius was pre- fently faluted Emperor by the Soldiers, they forbad him by the Tribune of the People to take the Government upon him; baz the Power of the Soldiers pre- vailed. The Senate declared Nevo an Enemy, and made enquiry after him, to have punifhed him according to the Law of their Anceftors; which required, that he fhould be ftript naked, and hung by the Neck upon a forked Stake, and whipt to death. Confider now, how much more mildly and moderately the Englifh dealt with their Tyrant, tho many are of Opinion, that he caufed the {pilling of more Blood than ever Nero himfelf did. Sothe Senate condemn’d Domitian after hisdeath , they commanded his Statues to be pull’d down and dafh’d in pieces, which was all they could do. When Commodus was flain by hisown Officers, neither the Senate, nor the People punitht the Fatt, but de- clared him an Enemy, and enquired for his dead Corps to have made it an Ex- ample. An Act of the Senate mide upon that occafion is extant in Lampridius : ‘Let the Enemy of hisCountry be depriv’d of allhis Titles; let the Parricide “be drawn; let him be torn in pieces in the Spoliary, let the Enemy of the gods, * the Executioner of the Senate be drag’d with a Hook, Gc. The fame Perfons inavery fullSenate condemn’d Didius Fulianus to death, and fent a Tribuneto flay him inthe Palace. The fame Senate depofed Maximinus, and declared him an Enemy. Let us hear the words of the Decree of. the Senate concerning him, as Capitolinus relates it : * The Conful put the queftion, Confcript Fathers, what ¢ is your pleafure concerning the Afaximines ? They anfwered, ‘ They are Enemies, ‘they are Enemies, whoever killsthem fhallbe rewarded. Would you know now, Whether the People of Rome, and the Provinces of the Empire obeyed the Senate, or Afaximine the Emperor ? Hear what the fame Author fays, The Senate wrote Letters into all the Provinces, requiring them to take care of their Com- mon Safety and Liberty , the Letters were publickly read. And the Friends, the Deputies, the Generals, the Tribunes, the Soldiers of A¢aximine, were {lain in al! place’, very few Cities were found that kept their Faith with the publick Enemy. Herodtanrelates the famething. But what need we give any more In- ftances out of the Roman Hiftories? Let us now fee what manner of thing the Right of Kifigs was in thofe days, in the Nations that bordered upon the Empire. Ambiorix, a King of the Gauls, confelles, ‘ The Nature of his Dominion tobe fuch, that the People have as great Power over him, ashe over them, And confequently, as well as he judged them, he might be judged by them. Ver- cingetorix, another King in Gas#l, was accufed of Treafon by his own People. Thefe things Ce/ar relates in bis Hiltory of the Gallick Wars. ‘Neither is the “Regal Power among the Germans abfolote and uncontroulable ; lefler matters * are ordered and difpofed by the Princes; greater Affairs by all the People. * The King or Prince is more confiderable by the Authority of his Perfwafions, ‘ than by any Power that he has of commanding. If his Opinion bé not ap
¢ prov’d
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€ prov’d of, they declare their diflike of it by a general murmuring Noife. This is out of Tacitus. Nay, and you your felf now confefs, that what but of late you exclaim’d againft as an unheard of thing, has been often done, to wit, That no lefs than fifty Scotith Kings have been either Banifhed, or Imprifoned, or put to death, nay, and fome of them publickly executed. Which having come to pafs in our very Ifland; why do you, asif it were your Office to.conceal the vio- lent deaths of Tyrants, by burying them in the dark, exclaim againft it as an abominable and unheard of thinz? You proceed to commend the Jews and Chriftians for their Religious Obedience evento Tyrants, and to heap one Lie upon another, inall which | have already confuted you. Lately you made large Encomiums on the Obedience of the Affyrians and Perfians, aod now youreckon up their Rebellions, and tho but of late you faid they never had rebell’d atall, now you give usa great many reafons why they rebcll’d fo often. Then you refume the Narrative of the manner of our King’s death, which you had broken off long fince ; that if you had not taken care fufficiently to appear ridiculous, anda Fool then, youmaydoitnow. You faid, He mas led through the Members of his own Court. What you mean by the Members of the Court, {would gladly _ know. You enumerate the Calamities that the Romans underwent by changing their Kingdom into a Commonwealth. In which I have already fhown how grofly you give your felfthe Lie. What wasit you faid when you wrote againft the Jefuit ? Youdemonftrated, That i an Ariltocracy, or a popular State there could but be Seditions anid TMnults, whereas under a Tyrant nothing was to be looked for, but certain Ruin and Deftruétion : And dare you now fay, you vain corrupt Mor- tal, That thofe Seditions were Punifhments inflitted upon them for banifhing their Kings ? Forfooth, becaufe King Charles gave you a hundred Facosuffes, therefore the Romans {hall be punifhed for banifhing their Kings, But ‘they that kill?d Fulis ¢ Cefar, did not profper afterwards. Iconfefs, if I would have had any Tyrant fpared, it fhould have been him. For altho he introduced a Monarchical Government into a Free State by force of Arms, yet perhaps himfelf de- ferved a Kingdom beft; and yet I conceive that none of thofe that killed him can be faid to have been punifhed for fo doing, any more than Caius *Anthonius, Cicero’s Colleague, for deftroying Catiline, who when he was af- terward condemn’d for other Crimes, fays Cicero in his Oration pro Flacco, Catiline’s Sepulchre was adorned with Flowers. For they that favoured Catiline, then rejoyced, They gave ont then, that what Catiline did was jut, to encreafe the Peoples hatred againft thofe that had cut him off. Thefe are Artifices, which wicked Men make ufe of, to deter the belt of Men from punifhing Tyrants, and flagitious Perfons. I might aseafily fay the quite contrary, and inftance in them that have killed Tyrants, and profpered afterwards; if any certain inference might be drawn in fuch Cafes from the events of things. You object further, That the Englith did not put their Hereditary King to death in like manner, as Tyrants ufe tobe flain, but as Robbers and Traytors are executed. In the firft place i do not, nor can any wife Man underftand what a Crown’s being He- reditary fhould contribute to a King’s Crimes being unpunifhable. What you afcribe to the Barbarous Cruelty of the Exglifh, proceeded rather from their Cle~ mency and Moderation, and as fuch, deferves Commendation 5 who, tho the being a Tyrant isa Crime that comprehends all forts of Enormities, fuch as Robberies, Treafons, and Rebellions againft the whole Nation, yet were con- tented to inflict no greater punifhment upon him for being fo, than they ufed of courfe to do upon any common Highway-man, or ordinary Tgaytor. You hope fome fuch Men a Harmodius and Thrafibulus will rife up admmeft us, and
_ make expiation for the King’s death by fhedding their Blood that were the Authors of it.
But you will run mad with defpair, and be detefted by all good Men, and put an end to that wretched Life of yours, by hanging your felf, before you fee Men like Harmodius avenging the Blood of a Tyrant upon fuch as have doneno other than what they did themfelvese That you will come to fuch an end is moft probable, nor canany other be expected of fo great a Rogue; but the o- ther thing is an utter impoflibility. You mention thirty Tyrants that rebelled in Gallienws’s time. And what if it fall out, that one Tyrant happens to op- pofe another, muft therefore all they that refift Tyrants be accounted fuch themfelves ? Youcannot perfwade Men into fuch a belief, you Slave of a Knight 5 hor your Author Trebellivs Pollio, the moft inconfiderable of all Hiftorians that
Kkkk 2 haye
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have writ. If anyof the Emperors were declared Enemies by the Senate, you fay, it was done by Fatiion, but could not have been by Law. Youput usin mind what it was that made Emperours at firft: It was Faction and Violence, and to {peak plainer, it was the madnefs of Amthony, that made Generals at-firtt rebel againft the Senate, and the Peopleof Rome; there was no Law, no Right for their fo doing. Galba, you fay, mas punifhed for his Infurrettion againft Nero. Tellus likewife how Vefpafian was punifhed for taking up Arms againft Vitellins , There was a much difference, you fay, betwixt Charles and Nero, # betwixt thofe Englith Butchers, and the Roman Senators of that Age. Defpicable Villain! by whom itis Scandalousto be commended, and a Pratfe tobe evil fpoken of: But a few Pe- riods before, difcourfing of this very thing, yon faid, That the Roman Senate under the Emperors, was in effect but an Afjembly of Slavesin Robes: And here you fay, That very Senate was an Affembly of Kings whichif it be allowed, then are Kings according’to your own Opinion, but Slaves with Robeson. Kings are blefled, that have fuch a Fellow as youto write in their praife, than whom no Manis more a Rafcal, no Beaft more void of Senfe, unlefs this one thing may be faid to be peculiar to you, that none ever brayed fo lzarnedly. You make the Parliament of England more like to Nero, thantothe Rama Senate. This itch of yours of making lilly Similitudes, enforces me to rectify you, whether I will or no: And I willlet you fee how like King Charles was to Nero. Nero you fay, commanded bis own Mother tobe run through with a Sword, But Charles murdered both his Prince, and his Father, and that by Poyfor™ For to omit other evi- dences; he that would not fuffera Duke that was accufed for it, to come to his Tryal, muft needs have been guilty of ichimfeff. Nero flew many thoufands of Chriftians , but Charles {lew many more, There werethofe, fays Sweronins, that Praifed Nero after he was dead, that loag’d to have ‘had him again, That hung Garlands of Flowers upon hs Sepulchre, and gave out that they would never prof- per that had been his Enemies. And fome there are tranfported with the like Phrenfy, that wilh for King Charles again, and extol him to the higheft degree imaginable, of whom you a Knight of the Halter are a Ringleader. The Eng- lith Soldiers more Savage than their own Maftiffs, eretled a new and uaheard-of Court of Fufice. Obferve this ingenions Symbol, or Adage of Salmafius, which he has® now repeated fix times over, more Savage than their own Maftiffs. Take notice, Orators and School-Matiters , pluck, if you are wile, this Elegant Flower, which | Salmafins is fo very fond of : Commit this Flourifh of a Man, that is fo much a
Mafter of Words, to your Desks for fafe Cuftody, leftit be loft. Has your rage © made you forget words to that degree, ‘that like a Cuckcoo, you muft needs fay
the fame thing over and over again? What ftrange thing has befallen you?
The Poet tells us, that Spleen and Rage turn’d Hecubaintoa Dog; and it has
turn’d you, the Lord of St. Lupus, intoaCuckoo. Now youcome out with frefh
Contradictions. You had faid before, pag. 113. That Princes were not bound by
any Laws, neither Coercive, nor DireGory, that they were bound by no Law at all.
Now you fay, That you will difcourfe by and by of the difference berwixt fome Kings
and others, in point of Power; fome having had more, fomelefs. You fay, You will
prove that Kings cannot be judged, nor condemn’d by their own Subjects, by amoft falid
Argument , but youdoitby a very filly one, and tis this: You fay, There was
no other difference thanthat betwixt the Fudges, and the Kinys of the Jews; and yee ~ the reafon why the Jews required to have Kings over them, was becaufe they were weary of their Fudges, and bated their Government. Do youthink, that, becaule they might nig condemn their Judges, if they misbehaved them(elves in the
Governme they therefore hated and were weary of them, and would be uns der Kings, Whom they fhould have no Power to refrain and keep within Bounds, tho they fhould break through all Laws? Who but you ever argued fo childifh- ly ? So tharthey defired a Kingfor fome other reafon, than that they might have a Malter over them, whofe Power fhould be fuperior to that of the Law; which reafon what itwas, itis notto our prefent purpofe to makea Conje&ure. Whatever it was, both God and his Prophets tells us, ir was no piece of pru- dence in the People to defirea King. And now you fall foul upon your Rabbins, aad are very angry wich tbem for faying, That a King might be judged and con- demned to undergo Stripes; outof whofe Writings you faid before you had proved that the Kings of the Jems could notbe judged. Wherein youconfefs, that you told a Lye when you faid you had proved any fuch thing out of their
Writings.
(.62r)
Writings. Nay, you comeatlaft to forget the Subject you were upon, of writ- ing in the King’s Defence, and raife little impertinent Controverfies about Solo- mon?s Stables, and how may Stalls he had for his Horfes. Then of a Jocky you become a Ballad-finger again, or rather, as I faid before, a raving diftracted Cuckoo. Youcomplain, That ia thefe latter Ages, Difcipline has been more re- mifs, and the Rule lefs obferved and kept up to; viz. becaufe one Tyrant i8 not per- mitted, without a Check from the Law, to let loofe the Reins of all Difcipline, and corruptall Mens manners. This Doctrine, you fay, the Browni/fs introdu- ced amongit thofe of the Reform’d Religion , fo that Luther, Calvin, Zuingli- us, Bucer, and all the moft Celebrated Orthodox Divines are Browni/ts in your Opinion. The Englifh have the lefs reafon to take your Reproaches ill, becaufe they hear you belching out the fame Slanders againft the moft eminent Doctors of the Church, and in effect againft the whole Reformed Church it felf.
a RN
CCAS. Nis
A Fter having difcours’d upon the Law of God, and of Natute, and handled
“A both fo untowardly, that you have got nothing by the bargain but a de- ferved reproach of ignorance and knavery ; I cannot apprehend what you can have farther to alledg in defence of your Royal Caufe, but meer trifles. I for my part hope [ have given fatisfaction already to all good and learned men, and done this Noble Caufe right, should { break off here; yet left { fhould feem to any to decline your variety of arguing and ingenuity, rather than your immode- rate impertinence, and tittle-tattle, il follow you where ever you have amind to go ; but with fuch brevity as fhall make it appear, that after having per- form’d whatever the neceflary defence of the Caufe required, if not what the dignity of it merited, I now do but comply with fome mens expectation, if not their curiofity. Now, fay you, J hall allede other and greater Arguments. ‘What! greater Arguments than what the Law of God and Nature afforded? Help Lucina! The mountain Salma(ius isin labour! It is not for nothing that is got a She-Husband, Mortals expect fome extraordinary Birth. Jf be that is, and iscalled a King, might be accufed before any other Power, that Power muft of ne- ceffity be greater than that of the King , and if fo, then muft that Power be indeed the Kingly Power, and ought to have the mame of it: For a Kingly Power is thus defined ; to wit, the Supreme Power in the State refiding in afingle Perfon, and which has no [u- perior. O ridiculous Birth! a Movfe crept out of the Mountain! Help Gram- marians ! one of your number is in danger of perifhing ! The Law of God and of Nature are fafe, but Salmafius’s Dictionary isundone. What if I fhould anfwer youthus? That words ought to give place to things, that we having ta- ken away Kingly Government it felf, do not think our felves concerned about its name, and definition; let others look to that, who are in love with Kings: We are contented with the enjoyment of our Liberty; fuch an anfwer would be good enough for you. Butto let you fee that | deal fairly with you through- out, I will anfwer you, not only from my own, but from the opinion of very wife and good men, who have thought that the Name and Power of a King are very confiftent with a Power in the People and the Law, fuperior to that of the King himfelf. In the firft place Bycurgus, a man very eminent for wifdom, de- figning, as Plato {ays, to fecure a Kingly Government as well as it was poflible, could find no better expedient to preferve it, than by making the Power of the Senate, and of the Ephori, that is, the Power of the People, fuperior to it. Thefews, in Euripides, King of Athens, was of the fame opinion; for he to his great honour reftored the People to their Liberty, and advanced the Power of the People above that of the King, and yet left the Regal Power in that City to his Pofterity. Whence Euripides in bis Play called the Suppléiaxts, introduces him {peaking on this manner: ‘1 have advanced the People themfelves into the * Throne, having freed the City from Slavery, and admitted the People toa ¢ fhare in the Government, by giving them an equal right of Suffrage. And in another place to the Herald of Thebes, ‘Inthe firft place, fays be, you begin * your Speech, Friend, with a thing that is not true, in ftiling me anoun™ © for
("622") * for this City is not governed by a fingle Perfon, but is a Free State; the People ‘reigns here. Thefe were his words, when atthe fame time he was both called, and really was King there. The Divine Plato likewife in his Eigint Epiltle, Lycur- £m, {ays he, introduced the Power of the Senate and of the Ephori,4 thing very prefer- . vative of Kingly Government, which by this means has honourably flourifhea for fo many Ages, becaufe the Law in effect was made King. Now the Law cannot be King, unlefs there be fome, who, if there fhould be occafion, may put the Law in ex- ecution againit the King. A Kingly Government fo bounded and limited, he himfelf commends to the Sicilians: * Let the People enjoy their Liberty under a ‘ Kingly Government; let the King himfelf be accountable; let the Law take * place even againft Kings themlelves, if they act contrary toLaw. Ari(totle. likewife in the third Book of his Politicks, ‘ Of all Kingdoms, fays he, that are go- “vern?d by Laws,that of the Lacedemonians feems to be molt truly and properly fo. And he fays, all forms of Kingly Governments are according to fetled and efta- blifht Laws, but one, whichhe calls mxuSaoikdia, or Abfolute Monarchy, which he does not mention ever to have obtain’d in any Nation. So that <Ariftotle thought fuch a Kingdom, as that of the Lacedemontans was, to be and deferve the name of a Kingdom more properly than any other ; and confequently that a King, tho fubordinate to his own People, was neverthelefs actually a King, and properly fo called. Now fince fomany and {o great Authors aflert that a Kingly Government both in name and thing may very well fubfift even where the Peo- ple, tho they do not ordinarily exercife the Supream Power, yet have it aétually refiding in them, and exercife ic uponoccafion,; be not you of fo mean a Soul as to fear the downfallof Grammar, andthe confufion of the fignification of words to that degree, as to betray the Liberty of Mankind, and the State, ra- ther than your Gloffary fhould not hold water. And know for the future, that words muft be conformable to things, not things to words. By this means youll have more wit, and not run on zn infinitum, which now yow’re afraid of. Jt was to no purpofe then for Seneca, you fay, to defcribe thofe three forms of Government, as be has done. Let Seneca doa thing to no purpofe, fo we enjoy our Liberty. And if 1 miftake us not, we are other fort of Men than to be enflav’d by Seneca’s
Flowers. And yet Seneca, tho he fays that the Sovereign Power in aKingly Go-
verggment refides ina fingle Perfon, fays withal that the Power 1s the People’s, and byte committed to the King for the welfare of the whole, not for their ruin and deftruction ; and that the People has not given him a propriety in it, but the ufe of it. Kings at this rate, you fay, donot reign by God, but by the People. As if God did not fo over-rule the People, that they fet up fuch Kings, as it pleafesGod. ‘Since Ju/timian himfelf openly acknowledges, that the Roman Em- perours derived their Authority from that Royal Law, whereby the People granted ro them and vefted in them all their own Power and Authority. But how oft fhall we repeat thefe things over and over again ? Then you take upon you to intermed- dle with the Contticution of our Government, in which you are no ways concern- ed; who are botha Stranger and a Foreigner , butit fhows your fawcinefs, and wantof good manners. Comethen, let us hear your Solccifms, like a bufy Coxcomb as you are. Youtell us, but ’tisin falfe Latin, that what thofe Defpera- does fay,is only to deceive the People. You Rafcal! was it not for this that you a Rene- gado Grammarian, were fo forward to intermeddle with the Affairs of our Go- vernment, that you might introduce your Solecifms and Barbarifms amangft us ? Buc fay, How have we deceiv’d the People ? The form of Government which they have fet up, not Popular, but Miliary, This*is what that herd of Fugitives and Vagabonds hired you to write. Sothat I fhall not trouble my felf to anfwer
you, who bleat what you know nothing of, but Illanfwer them that hired you.
Who excludéd the Lords from Parliament, was it the People? Ay it was the People; and in fo doing they threw an intolerable Yoke of Slavery from off their necks. Thofe very Soldiers, who you fay did it, were not Foreigners, but our own Country-men, and a great partof the Peoples and they did ir with the confent, and at the delire of almoft all the reft of the People, and not without the Autho- rity of the Parliament meither. Wasit the People that cut of part of the Honfe of Commons, forcing fome away? ec. Yes, | fay, it was the People. For whatever , the better and founder pare of theSenate did, in which the true power of the People refidid, why may not the People be {aid to have done it ? Whatif the greater part of the Senate fhould chufe to be Slaves, or to expofe the Govern- ment
( 623 ) ment to fale, ought not the lefler number to interpofe, and endeavour to retain their Liberty, if it bein their power? But the Officers of the Army and their Sol- diers didit. And weare beholden to thofe Officers for not being wanting to the State, butrepelling the Tumultuary violence of the Citizens and Mechanicks of London, who, like that Rabble that appear’d for Clodius, had but a little before befet the very Parliament Houfe ? Do you therefore call the right of the Parlia- ment, to whomit properly and originally belongs totake care of the Liberty of the People both in Peace and War, a Military Power ? But’tis no wonder that thofe Traitors that have dictated thefe paflages to you, fhould talk at that rate; fo that profligate faction of Azthony and his adherents ufed to call the Se- nate of Rome, when they armed themfelves againit the Enemies of their Coun- try, The Camp of Pompey. And now I’m glad to underftand that they of your party envy Cromwell, that moft valiant General of our Army, for undertaking that Expedition in /reland, (fo acceptable to Almighty God) furrounded witha joyful crowd of his Friends, and profecuted with the well-wifhes of the people, and the prayers of all good men: For I queftion not but at the news of his many Victories there, they are by thistimeburft with {pleen. 1 pafs by many of your impertinencies concerning the Roman Soldiers. What follows is moft notoriouf- ly falfe: The power of the people, fay you, ceafes where there a King. By what Law or Right is that ? Since itis known that almoft all Kings, of what Nations foever, received their Authority from the people upon certain conditions ; which if the King do not perform, I wifh you would inform us, why that Power, which was butatruft, fhould not return to the people, as well froma King, asfroma Conful, or any other Magiftrate. For when youtell us, that ’tis neceflary for the Publick Safety, you do but trifle with us , for the fafety of the Publick is e- qually concerned, whether it be from a King, or from a Senate, or froma Tri- umvirate, that the power wherewith they were entrufted, revert to the people, upon their abufe of it, and yet you your felf grant that it may fo revert from all forts of Magiftrates, a King only excepted. Certainiy, if no people in their right wits ever committed the Government either toa King, or other Magi- ftrates, for any other purpofe than for the common good of them all, there can be no reafon why, to prevent the utter ruin of them all, they may not as well take it back again from a King, as from other Governors; nay, and it may with far greater eafe be taken from one, than from many. And to inveft any mortal creature with a power over themfelves, on any other terms than upon truft, were extreme madnefs ; nor is it credible that any people fince the Crea- tion of the World, who had freedom of will, were ever fo miferably filly,as either to part withthe power for ever, andto all purpofes, or to revoke it from thofe whom they hadentrufted with it, but upon moft urgent and weighty rea- fons. If diffenfions, if Civil Wars, are occafioned thereby, there cannot any Right accrue from thence to the King, to retain that power by force of arms, which the people challenge from him as their own. Whence it follows that what you fay, and wedonot deny, That Governors are not lightly to be changed, is true with ref{pect to the Peoples Prudence, not the King’s Right , but that therefore they ought never tp be changed, upon no occafion whatfoever, that does not follow by no means; nor have you hitherto alledged any thing, nor made ap- pear any Rivht of. Kings to the contrary, but that all the people concurring, they may lawfully be depofed, when unfit for Government ; provided it may be done, as it has been often done in yourown Countrey of France, without any Tumults or Civil Wars. Since therefore the Safety of the People, and not that of a Tyrant, is the Supreme Law ; and confequently ought to be alledged on the Peoples behalf againfta Tyrant, and not for him againft them: you that goa- bout to pervert fo facred and fo glorious a Law, with your fallacies and juglings ; you who would have this Supreme Law, and which of all othersis moft beneficial to Mankind, to ferve only for the Impunity of Tyrants; let me tell you (fince you call us Englifhmen {o often infpired, and Enthufiafts, and Prophets) let me, | fay, be fo far a Prophet, as totell you, Thatthe Vengeance of God and Man hangs over your head for fo horrid a Crime; altho your fubjecting all Mankind to Ty- ranny, as far asin youlies, which in effect is no better than condemning them to be devoured by wild Beafts, is in it felf part of its own Vengeance , and whither- foever you fly, and wherefoever you wander, will firft or laft purfue you with its Furics, and overtake you, and caufe you to rave worfe than you do at Pe ent.
_& tide’
G6,
fent. Icome now to your fecond Argument, ‘which is not unlike the firft: If
the People may refume their Liberty, there would be no difference, fay you, betwixt
a Popular State and a Kingdom; but that ina Kingdom one Manrules, andin 4 Popu- lar State many, And whatif that were true; would the State have any preju- dice by it? But you your felftell us of other differences that would be notwith- itanding 5 to wit, of Time and Succeffion; for in popular States, the Magiftrates
rare generally chofen yearly; whereas Kings, if they behave themfelves well, are _
perpetual 5 and in molt Kingdoms there is a Succeflion in the fame Family. But let them differ from one another, or not differ, Iregard not thofe p-tty things : inthis they agree, that when the Pub ick Gocd ‘requires it, the People may without doing injury to any, refume that Power for the Publick Safety, which they committed to another for that end and purpofe. But according to the Riyal Law, by the Romans fo called, which ts mentioned in the Inftitutes, the Veople of Rome GMnted all their Power and Authority.to the Prince. They did fo by compulfion; the Emperor being willing toratify their Tyranny by the. Authority of a Law. But of this we have {poken before; and their own Lawyers, commenting upon this place in the In{titutes, coifefs as much. So that we’ make no quettion but the People may revoke what they were forced to grant, afid granted againft their wills. But molt rationalit is to fuppofe, that the People of Rome tranf- ferred no other power to the Prince, thanthey had before granted totheir own, Magiftrates , and that was a power-to govern according to Law, anda revoca-
ble, not an abfurd, tyrannical power, Hence it was that the Emperors aflumed — ,
the Confular Dignity, and that of the Tribunes of the People; but after Fulins Cefar, notoneot them pretended tothe Dictatorfhip: Inthe Cireus Maximus they ufed to adore the People, as I have faid already out of Tacitus and Claudian. But 4s heretofore many private perfons have fold themfelves into flavery, fo a whole Nation may. Yhou Goal-bird of a Knight, thou day-fpirit, thou everlafting fcandal to thy Native Countrey! The molt defpicable Slaves in the World ought to abhor and fpit upon fuch.a Factor for Slavery, fuch a publick Pander as thou art. Certainly if people had fo enflaved themfelves to Kings, then might Kings turn them over to other Mafters, or fell them for Money; and yet we know that Kings cannot fo muchas alienate the Demefnes of the Crown :
.And fhall/he, that has but the Crown, and the Revenues that belong toit, as an
Ufufructuary, and thofe given him by the People, can he be faid to have, asit were, purchafed the People, and made them his Propriety ? Tho you were bo-
‘red through both ears, and went barefoot, you would not be fo vile and de-
fpicable, fo much more contemptible than all Slaves, as the broaching fuch a
{candalous Doétrine as this makes you. ‘ But go on, and punith your felf for
your Rogueries, as now youdo, tho again{ft your will. You frame a long Dif
courfe of the Law of War; which is nothing to the purpofe in this place :
For neither did Charles conquer us; and for his Anceftors, it it were never fo
much granted tharthey did, yet have they often renounced their Title as Con-
querors. And certainitis, That we were never fo conquered, but that'as we
{wore Allegiance to them, fo they fworeto maintain our Laws, and governby
them: Which Laws, when Charles had notorioully violated, taken in what. capacity you will, asone who had formerly been a Conqueror, or wasnowa
perjured King, we fubdued him by force, he himfelf having begun with us firft.
And according to your own opinion, Whatever 1 acquired by War, becomes bis pro»
perty that acquired it. So that how full foever you are of words, ‘how imperti-
nent foever a babler, whatever you prate, how great a noife foever you make,
what Quotations foever out of the Rabbins, tho you make your felf never fo hoarfe, tothe end of this Chapter, aflure your felf, That nothing of itmakes
for the Kings he being now conquered, but all forus, who by God?s afliftance
are Conquerors.
CHA P..
fF \ (025 )
CHAP. VIL
O avoid two very great inconveniences, and, confidering your own weight, of very weighty ones indeed, you denied in the foregoing Chapter, That the Peoples Power was fuperior to that of the King; for if that fhould be granted, Kings muft provide themfelves of fome other name, becaufe the People would indeed be King, and fome divifionsin your Syftem of Politicks would be con- founded : the firft of which inconveniences would thwart with your Dictiona- ry, and the latter overthrow your Politicks. To thefel have given fuch an anfwer as fhows, That tho our own Safety and Liberty were the principal things I aimed the prefervation of, yet withal, I had fome confideration of falving your Dictionary, and your Politicks. Now, fay you, J mill prove by other argu- ments, That a King cannot be judged by his own Subjects ; of which Arguments this fhall-be the greateft and moft convincing, That a King hasno Peer inh Kingdom. "What ? Cana King have no Peer in his Kingdom ? What then is the meaning of
thofe Twelve Ancient Peers of the Kings of France? Are they Fables and Tri- fles? Are they called foin vain, and in mock only ? Have acare how you af« front thofe Principal Men of that Kingdom: Who if they are not the King’s Peers, as they are called, I amafraid your Dictionary, which is the only thing you are concerned for, willbe found more faulty in France, than in England. But goto,.let’s hear your demonftration, thata King has no Peerin his own Kingdom. Becaufe, fay you, the Peopleof Rome, when they bad banifh’d their King, appointed not one, but two Confuls , and the reafon was, That if one of them foould tranfgrefs toe Laws, bis Collegue might be acheck to him. There could hard- Ty have been devifed any thing more filly : How came itto pafs then, that but one of the Confuls had the bundles of Rods carried before him, and not both, if two were appointed, that each might have a Power over the other? And what if both had confpired againft the Commonwealth ? Would not the Cafe then be the very fame that it would have been, if one Conful only had been ap- pointed without a Collegue? But we know very well, that both Confuls, and all other Magiftrates were bound to obey the Senate, whenever the Senate and the People faw, that the Intereft of the Commonwealth fo required. We have a famous inftance of that inthe Decemvirs, who tho they were invefted with the Power of Confuls, and were the chief Magiftrates, yet the Authority of . the Senate reduced them all, tho they ftruggled to retain their Government. Nay. we read that fome Confuls before they were out of office, have been de- clared Enemies, and Arms been taken up againft them ; for in thofe days no man looked upon him as a Conful, who acted as an Enemy. So War was wa- ged againft Aztony, tho a Conful, by Authority of the Senate , in which being worfted, he would have been put to death, but that Octavius, affeting the Em- pire, fided with him to fubvert the Commonwealth. Now whereas you fay, That it is a property peculiar to Kingly Majefty, that the power refides in a fingle per= fon; that’s but a loofe expreflion, likethe reft of what you fay, and is contra- dicted by your felf a little after: For the Hebrew Fudces, you fay, ruled as long as they lived, and there was but ene of them at atime: The Scripture alfo cals them Kings ; and yet they were accountable to the great Council. Thus we' fee, That anitch of Vain-glory, in being thought to have faid all that can be faid, makes you hardly fay any thing but contradictions. Then I ask, what kind of Government that was inthe Roman Empire, when fometimes two, fometimes three Emperors, reign’d all at once ? Do youreckon them to have been Empe- rors, that is, Kings, or wasitan 4riftocracy, or a Triumvirate? Or will youde- ny, thatthe Roman Empire under Antoninus and Verus, under Dioclefian and Maximian, under Conftantine and Licinius, was {till but one entire Empire? If thefe Princes were not Kings, your three Forms of Government will hardly hold; if they were, then itis not an effential Property of a Kingly Governs tment, to refidein a fingle perfon. If one of thefe offend, fay you, then may the other refer the matter to the Senate, or the People, where he may be accufed and con- demned. © And does not the Senate and the People then judg, when the matter is foreferred to them? So that if you will give any credit to your felf, there needs not one Collegue to judg wae err Such a. miferable Advocate as a L
(626 ) if you were not fo wretched a fellow as you are, would deferve compaflion ; you lie every way fo open to blows, that if one were minded for fports-fake to make a Pafg at any partof you, he could hardly mif, let him aim where he would. "Tis ridiculous, fay you, to imagine, That a King will ever appoint Fudges to condemn himfelf. Butican tell youof an Emperor, that was no ridiculous .perfon, but an Excellent Prince, and that was Zvajan, who when he delivered a Dagger to acertain Roman Magiftrate, asthe cuftom was, that being the badg of his Office, frequently thus admonifhed him, ‘ Take this Sword, and ufe it for “me, if }doasI ought; if otherwife, againft me ; for Mifcarriages in the Sue * preme Mapiftrate are lefs excufable. This Dion and Aurelius Vittor fay of him: You fee here, that a worthy Emperor appointed one to jodg himfelf, tho he did not make him his equal. Tzberius perhaps might have faid as much out of Vanity and Hypocrifie, but’tis almoft a crime to imagine that fo good and vertuous a Prince as Trajan, did not really {peak as he thought,and according to what he apprehended right and juft. How much more reafonable was it that tho he were fuperior to the Senate in power, and might if he would, have re- fufed to yield them any obedience, yet he actually did obey them, as by virtue of his office he ought todo, and acknowledged their Right in the Government to be fuperior to hisown? For fo Pliny tells usin his Panegyrich, ©TheSenate © both defired and commanded you tobe Conful a fourth time; you may know © by the Obedience you pay them, that this is no word of Flattery, but of Pow- ‘er. Anda little after, ‘ This isthe defign you aim at, to reftore our loft Li- ‘berty. And Trajan was not of that mind alone; the Senate thought fo too, and were of opinion, That their Authority was indeed Supreme: For they that could command their Emperor, might judghim. So the Emperor Marcus An- relins, when Caffius Governor of Syria endeavoured to get the Empire from him, referred himfelf either tothe Senate, or the People of Rome, and declared hime felf ready to lay downthe Government, if they would have it fo. Now how fhould aman determine of the Right of Kings better, and moretruly, than out of the very mouths of the beft of Kings? Indeed every good King accounts either the Senate, or the People, not only equal, but fuperior to himfelf by the Law of Nature. Buta Tyrant being by nature inferior to all men, every one that is ftronger than he, ought to be accounted not only his equal but fuperior : For as heretofore nature taught men from Force and Violence to betake them- felves to Laws; fo wherever the Lawsare fet at naught, the fame dictate of nature muft neceflarily prompt us to betake our felves to Force again. ‘Tobe | © of this opinion, fays Cicero pro Seftio, isa fign of Wifdom 5 to put it in: pra- ¢ ice, argues Courage and Refolution ; and todo both, is the effect of Vertue <inits perfection. Let this ftand then as a fetled Maxim of the Law of Na- ture, never to be fhaken by any Artifices of Flatterers, That the Senate, or the People, are fuperior to Kings, be they good or bad : Which is but what you your felf do in effect confefs, when you tellus, That the Authority of Kings was derived from the People. For that power which they transferred to Prin- ces, doth yet naturally, or as { may fay virtually refide in themfelves notwith- ftanding: for fo natural caufes that produce any effect by a certain eminency of operation, do always retain more of their own virtue and energy than they impart; nor do they by communicating to others, exhauft themfelves. You ~ fee, the clofer wee keep to Nature, the more evidently does the Peoples Power appear to be above that of the Prince. And this is likewife certain, That the People do not freely, and of choice, fettle the Government in their King abfo- lutely, fo as to give hima Propriety init, nor by Nature can do fo; but only for the Publick Safety and Liberty, which when the King ceafes to take care of, then the People in effect have given him nothing at all: For Na- ture fays the People gave it him to a particular end and purpofe ; which end, if neither Nature nor the People can attain, the Peoples Gift becomes no more valid, than any other void Covenant or Agreement. Thefe Reafons prove very fully, That the People are fuperior to the King 5 and fo your greateft and moft convincing Argument, That a King cannot be judged by bie People, becaufe he has no Peer in his Kingdom, nor any Superior, falls to the ground. For you take that for granted, which we by no meansallow. Ina pa ular State, fay you, the Afagiftrates being appointed by the People, may likewife be ad for their Crimes by the People: Inan Ariftocracy the Senators may be punsfhed by set, Col. egues :
C:057))
legues: But cis a prodigiows thing to proceed criminally againft a King in his own Kinga \dom, and make him plead for his Life. ‘What can you conclude from hence, but that they who fet up Kings over them, are the moft miferable and moft filly People inthe World? But, I pray, what’s the reafon why the People may not punifh.a King that becomes a Malefactor, as well as they may popular Magi- {trates and Senator's in an Ariftocracy ? Do you think that all they who live un- der a Kingly Government, were fo ftrangely in love with Slavery, as when they might be free, to chufe Vallalage, and to put themfelves all-and entirely under the dominion of one man, who often happens to be an ill Man, and oftena Fool, fo as whatever caufe might be, to leave themfelves no refuge in, no re- lief from the Laws nor the Dictates of Nature, againft the Tyranny of a moft outragious Mafter, when fucha one happens ? Why do they then tender Con- ditions to their Kings, when they firft enter upon their Government, and pre- {cribe Laws for them to govern by ? Do they do this.to be trampled upon the more, and be the more laughed to fcorn? Can it be imagined, that a whole People would ever fo vilify themfelves, depart from their own intereft to that degree, be fo wanting tothemfelves, as to place all their hopes in one Man, and he very often the moft vain Perfon of them all?.To what end do they re- quire an Oath of their Kings, not toact any thing contrary to Law? We muft fuppofe them todo this, that ( poor Creatures! ) they may learn to their for- row, That Kings only may commit Perjury withimpunity. Thisis what your own wicked Conclufions hold forth. If a King that is elected, promife any thing to his People upon Oath, which if he would not have fwornto, perhaps they would not have chofe him, yet if he refufe to perform that promife, he falls not under the Peoples cenfure. Nay, tho he {wear to hs Subjetts at his Elettion, That he will adminiffer Fuftice to them according to the Laws of the Kingdom; and that if he donot, they fhall be difcharged of their Allegiance, and himfelf ipfo facto ceafe to be their Ming ‘yet if he break this Oath, tis God and not Man that muft require it of him. ha tran{cribed thefe lines, not for their Elegance, for they are barbaroufly expref- fed 5, nor becaufe I think there needs any anfwer tothem, for they anfwer them- felves, they explode and damn themfelves by their notorious falfhood and loath- fomnefs: but I did it to recommend you to Kings for your great Merits; that a- mong fo many places as there are at Court, they may put you into fome Prefer- ment or Office that may be fit for you. Some are Princes Secretaries, fome their Cupbearers, fome Mafters of the Revels; I think you had beft be Mafter of the Perjuries to fome of them. You fhan’t be Mafter of the Ceremonies, “you aretoo mucha Clown for that; but their Treachery and Perfidioufnefs fhallbe under youcare. But that Men may fee that you are botha Fool and a Knave to the higheft degree, let us confider thefe laft affertions of yours a little more narrowly; .4 King, fay you, tho he fwear to his Subjetts at his Elettion that he will govern according to Law, and that if hedo not, they fhal be difcharged of their Allegiance, and he himfelf ip{o fatto ceafe to be their King , yetcan he not bedepofed or punifhed by them. Why not a King, I pray, as well as popular Magiltrates ? becaufe in a popular State, the People do not transfer all their Power to the Magiltrates. And dothey inthe Cafe that you have put, veft it all in the King, when they place him inthe Government upon thofe terms ex- prefly, to hold it no longer than he ufes ic well? Therefore it is evident, that a King {worn to obferve the Laws, if he tranfgrefs them, may be punifhed and depofed, as wellas popular Magiftrates. So that you can make no more. ufe of that invincible Argument of the Peoples transferring all their Right and Pow- er tothe Prince; you your felf have battered itdown with your own Engines. Hear now another moft powerful and invincible Argument of his, why Subjects _ cannot judg their Kings, becaufe he is bound by no Law, being bimfelf the fole Lawgiver. Which having been proved already to be moft falle, this great rea- ’ fon comes to nothing, as well as the former. But the reafon, why Princes have but feldom been proceeded againft for perfonal and private Crimes, as WHore- dom, and Adultery, and the like, is not becaufe they could not juftly be pu- nifhed even for fuch, but leftthe People fhould receive tore prejudice through
_ . difturbances that might be occafioned by the King’s death, and the change of ‘ Affairs, than they would be profited by the punifhment of one Man or two.
But when they begin to be univerfally injurious and infufferable, it has always been the Opinion of all Nations, thatthen, being Tyrants, it is lawful pee | a them
= (628°) them to death any how, condemn'd or uncondemn’d. Hence Cécevo in his Second Philippick, {ays thus of thofe ‘that kill?’d Cafar, * They were the firftthat ran ‘ throngh with their Swords, not a Man who affected to be King, but who was * actually fetled in the Government, which, as it wasa worthy and godlike © Aétion, foit’s fet before us for our imitation. How unlike are you tohim! Murder, Adultery, Injuries, are not regal and publick, but private and perfonal Crimes. Well faid Parafite! you have obliged all Pimps and Profligates in Courts by this Expreflion. How ingenioufly do you act, both the Parafite, and the Pimp, with the fame breath ? -4 King that san Adulterer, or a Murderer, may yet govern well, and confequently ought not to be put to death, becaufe together with bis Life be muft lofe bis K. ingdom 3 and it was never yet allowed by God’s Laws, or Mans, that for one and the fame Crime, a Man was to be punifbed twice. Infamous foul-mouth Wretch! By the fame reafonthe Magiftrates in a popular State, orin an 4ri- flocracy, ought never to be put to death, for fear of double Punifhment; no Judg, no Senator muft die, for they muft lofe their Magiftracy too, as well as their Lives. As youhave endeavoured to take all Power out of the Peoples hands, and veft it in the King, fo you would all Majeftytoo : A delegated tran- flatitious Majefty we allow, but that Majefty does chiefly and primarily refidein him, you can no more prove, than you can, that Power and Authority does. A King, you fay, cannot commit Treafon againft bis People, but a People may again{t their King. And yet a King is what heisfor the People only, not the People for him. Hence linfer, that the whole Body of the People, or the greater part of them muft needs have greater Power than the King. This you deny, and begin to caft up accounts. Hei of greater Power than any one, than any two, than any three, than any ten, than any hundred, than any thoufand, than any ten thoufand ; beitfo, He ss of more Power than balf the Peeple. Ywillnot deny that neither ;
Add now half of the other half, will he not have more Power than all thofe? Not’
at all. Goon, why do you take away the Board? Do you not underftand Pro- greflion in Arithmetick ? He begins toreckon after another manner. as not the King, and the Nobility together, more Power ? No, Mr. Changeling, 1 deny that too. If by the Nobility, whom you ftile Optimates, you mean the Peers only 3 for it may happen, that amongft the whole number of them, there may not be one Man de- ferving that Appellation ; for itoften falls out, that there are better and wifer Men than they among{t the Commons, whom in conjunction with the greater,or the better part of the People,! fhould not {cruple to call by the Name of, and take them for all the People. But cf the King 1s not fuperionr ia Power to all the People toge- ther, be is then a King but of fingle Perfons, he 1 not the King of the whole Body of the People. You fay well,no more heis,unlefs they are content he fhould be fo. Now, - ballance your Accounts, and you will find that by mifcafting, you have loft your Principal. The Englith fay, that the Right of Majefty originally and principally refides inthe People , which Principle would introduce a Confufion of allStates. What, of an Ariftocracy and Democracy? But let that pafs: What if it fhould overthrow a Gynacocracy too? (i.e. a Government of one or more Women) under which State or Form of Government, they fay, youare in danger of being beaten at home ; would not the Englifh do you a kindnefs in that, you fheepifh Fellow, you? But there’s no hope of that, For “tis moft juftly fo ordered, fince you would fubject all Mankind to Tyranny abroad, that you your felf fhould live in a fcandalous moft unmanlike Slavery at home. We wujt tell you, you fay, what we mean by the word People, ‘There are a great many other things, which you ftand more in need of being told: For of things that more immediately concern you, you feem altogether ignorant, and never to have learnt any thing but Words and Letters, nor to becapable of any thingelfe. But this you think
you know, that by the word People, we meanthe Common People only, exclu- .
five of the Nobility, becaufe we have put down the Houfe of Lords, And yet that very thing fhows, that under the word People, we comprehend all our Natives, of what Order and Degree foever ; in that we have fetled one Supreme Senate only, inwhich the Nobility alfo, as a part of the People (not intheir own Right, as they did before , but reprefenting thofe Burroughs or Counties, for which they may be chofe) may give their Votes. Then you inveigh againft the Com- mon People, as being blind and brutifh, ignorant of the art of governing , you fay there’s wothing more empty, more vain, more inconftant, move uncertain than they, All which is very true of your felf, and it’s true likewife of the Rabble, but a9 fo)
( 629 )
~ of the middle fort, amongft whom the moft prudent Men, and moft skilful in Af- fairs are generally found , others are moft commonly diverted cicher by Luxury and Plenty, or by Want and Poverty, from Vertue, and the ftudy of Laws and Government. There are many ways, you fay, by which Kings come to the Crown, fo as not to be beholden to the People at all for its and efpecially, thofe that inherit a Kingdom. But thofe Nations moft certainly be Slaves, and born to Slavery, that acknowledg any one to be their Lord and Mafter fo abfolutely, as that they are his inheritance, and come to him by defcent, without any confent of their own} they deferve not the Appellation of Subjects, nor of Freemen, nor can they be juftly reputed fuch; nor are they tobe accounted as a Civil Society, but muftbe looked on as the Pofleflions and Eftate of their Lord, and hisFamily: For I fee no difference as to the Right of Ownerfhip betwixt them, and Slaves, or Beafts. Secondly, They that come to the Crown by Conqueft, cannot acknowledg. themfelves to have receiv’d from the People the Power they ufurp. We are not now difcourfing of a Conqueror, but of a conquered Kings whata Conqueror may lawfully do, we'll difcourfe elfewhere ; do you keep to your Subject. But whereas you af~ cribe to Kings that ancient Right that Mafters of Families have over their Hou- fholds, and take an example from thence of their Abfolute Power ; I have fhown already over andover, that there is no likenefs at all betwixt them. And 4rs- fretle (whom you name fo often) if you had read him, would have taught you as much in the beginning of his Politicks, where he fays they judg amifs that think there is but little difference betwixt a King, and a Malter of a Family : For that there is not anumerical, but a [pecifical difference betwixt a Kingdom and a Family. For when Villages grew to be Towns and Cities, that Regal Domeftick Right vanifhed by degrees, and was no moreowned. Hence Diodorus in his firft Book fays, That anciently Kingdoms were tranfmitted not tothe former Kings Sons, but to thofe that had beft deferved ofthe People. And Fuftin, ‘ Origi- “nally, fays be, the Government of Nations, andof Countries, was by Kings, “who were exalted to that height of Majefty, not by popular Ambition, but for their Moderation which commended them to good Men, Whence it is mani- feft, that in the very beginning of Nations, that Fatherly and Hereditary Go- vernment gave way to Vertue, andthe Peoples Right: Which is the moft natu- ral reafon and caufe, and was the true rife of Kingly Government. For at firft, Men entred into Societies, not that any one might infult over all the reft, but that in cafe any fhould injure other, there might be Laws and Judges to protect them from wrong, or at leaft to punifhthe wrong doers. When Men were at firft difpers’d and fcattered afunder, fome wife and eloquent Man perfwaded them to enter into Civil Societies, that he himfelf, fay you, might exercife Dominion over them, when fo united. Perhaps you meant this of Nimrod, who is faid to have been the firft Tyrant. . Or elfe it proceeds from your own malice only, and certainly it cannot have been true of thofe great and generous fpirited Men, but isa Fiction of your own, not warranted by any Authority that [ever heard of, For all ancient Writers tell us, that thofe firft Inftituters of Communities of Men, had a regard to the good and fafety of Mankind only, and not to any private advantages of their own, or to make themfelves great or powerful. One thing I cannot pafs by, which I fuppofe you intended for an Emblem, to fet off the reft of this Chapter: If aConful, fay you, bad been to be accufed before his Magt- Stracy expired, there mujt have been a Dittator created for that purpofe, tho you had faid before, that for that very reafonthere were two of them. Juit fo your Pofitions always agree with oue ancther, and almoft every Page declares how weak and frivolous whatever you fay or write upon any Subject, is. Under the ancient Englifh Saxon Kings, you fay, the People were never called to Parliaments. If any of our own Countrymen had aflerted fuch a thing, I could eafily have convinced him that he wasinanerror. But Iam not fo much concerned at your miftaking our Affairs, becaufe y’area Foreigner. This in effect is all you fay of the Right of Kings in general, Many other things [ omit, for you ufe many Digreflions, and put things down that either have no ground at all, or are nothing to the purpofe, and ray defign is not to vie with you in Impertinence.
CHAP,
VN 8G Me
Geis oy BB il Saag 32 i
#F you had publifhed yourown opinion, Salmafizs, concerning the Right of.
B Kings in general, without affronting any Perfons in particular, notwith- ftanding this alteration of Affairs in England, as long as you did but uf your own » liberty in writing what your {elf thought fit, no Exglifh Man could have had any.
caufe to have been difpleafed with you, nor would you have made good the opi-
nion you maintain evera whit thelefs. For if it be a pofitive Command both of Afofes and of Chrift himfelf, Phat al’ Aden what foever, whether Spaniards, Frenchy _
Icalians, Germans, Englith or Scotchs fhould be fubjeci to their Princes, be they good
or bad, which you aflerted, Pag. 127. to what purpofe was it for you, whoare
a Foreigner and unknown to us, to be tampering with our Laws, and to read us
Lectures out of them as ont of your own Papersand Mifcellanies, which, be they
how they will, you have taught us already in a great many words, that they
ought to give way to the Laws of God? But now it is apparent that you have. undertaken the defence of this Royal Caufe, not fo much out of your own incli-~
nation, as partly becaufe you were hired, and that ata good round price too, confidering how things ave with him that fet you on work ; and partly, ’tis like,!
out of expectation of fome greater reward hereafter, to publith a fcandalous.
Libel againft the Ezglifh, who are injurious to none of their Neighbours, - and
meddle with their own mattersonly. If there were no fuch thing as that in
the cafe, is it credible that any Man fhould be fo impudent or fo mad, as.tho:
he be aftranger, and at a great diltance from us, yet of hisown accord to in- termeddle with our Affairs, and fide with a Party ? What the Devil, is it to you
what the Englifh do amongit themfclves? What would you have, Pragmatical’
Puppy ? What would you be at ? Have you no concerns of your own at: home ?
I with you had the fame concerns that that famous O/w, your fellow bufy-body
in the Epigram, had; and perhaps fo you have; you deferve them I’m fure.
Or did that Hotf{pur your Wife, who encouraged you to write what you have:
done for out-law’d Charles’s fake, promife you fome profitable Profeflors
* St.Lou,in placein England, and God knows what Gratifications at Charles's Return?’ But Latia, SanGus affyre your felves, my Miftrefs and my Mafter, that England admits neither of
eH a Wolves, nor Owners of Wolves: So that it’s no wonder you fpit fo much Venom name of a place at our Engli(h Maftilts. It were better for you to return to thofe Illuftrious Titles .
in France, of yoursin France; firft to that hunger-ftarved Lord {hip of yours at * St. Low;
where Salma- and in the next place to the Sacred Confiftory of the moft Chriftian King. Being
ee had font > Counfellar to the Prince, you are at too great a diftance from your own Coun- nad Eftate, : ~ , ; and was cala trey. Butl fee full well chat fhe neither defiresyou, nor your Counfel; nor.did) fo from St, Lu- it appear fhe did, when you were there afew years ago, and began to lick a pus aGerman Cardinal’s Trencher; the’s in the right, by my troth, and can very willingly age ee fuffer fuch a little Feilow as you, that are but one half ofa Man, to run up and man cine acer CoWN with your Miftrefs of a Wife, and your Desks full of Trifles and Fooleries, into England, till you light {ome where or other upon a Stipend, large enoagh fora Knight of’ AnnoDem. the Grammar, or an Illuftrions Critick on Horfeback ; if any Prince or State 42); has a mind to hire a Vagabond Doctor that is to be fold at a good round Price. But here’s one that will bid for you ; whether you’re a Merchantable Commo-
dity or not, and what you are worth we fhall fee by and by. You fay, The
Parricides affert, that the Government of England #% not meerly Kingly, but that st is
amixt Government. Sir Thomas Smith, a Country-man of ours in Edward the
Sixth’s days, a good Lawyer, and aStatefman, one whom you your felf will
not calla Patricide, in the beginning of a Book which he wrote of the Common-
wealth of England, aflerts the fame thing, and not of our Government only;
but of a!moft all ethers inthe World, and that out of Arifforle, and he fays it
s Not poflible thar any Government should otherwife fubfift. But as if you
thoughtic 2 crime to fay any thing, and not unfay it again, you repeat your
former thredbare Contradictions. You fay, There neither uw nor. ever mas any
Jation that didnot underft and bythe very name of a King, a Perfon whofe authority
is inferior to God alone, andwhs is accountable tono other. And yet alittleafter you
confels, that the name of a King was formerly givento fuch Powers and Magiftrates,
ashad nota full and abfelute right of themfelves, but had a dependance upon the Peo-
ple,
( 631 ) ple, as the Suffetes among the Carthaginians, the Hebrew Fuages, the Kings of the Lacedemonians, andof Aragon. Are you not very confiftent with your felf ? Then you reckon up five feveral forts of Monarchies out of Ars/fotle ; in one of which only that Right obtain’d, which you fay iscommon to all Kings. Con- cerning which I have faid already morethan once, that neither doth Ariftotle give an inftance of any fuch Monarchy, nor was there ever any fuch in being ; the other four he clearly demonftrates that they were bounded by Eftablifht Laws, and the King’s Power fubje& tothofe Laws. The firft of which four was that of the Lacedemonians, which in his opinion did of all others beft deferve the name of a Kingdom. The fecond was fuch as obtain’d among Barbarians, which was lafting, becaufe regulated by Laws, and becaufe the Pcople willingly fubmitted to it; whereas by the fame Author's opinion in his third Book, what King fo ever retains the Soveraignty againft the People’s will, is nolonger to be accounted a King, butadownright Tyrant; all which is true likewife of his third fort of Kings, which he calls e£/ymmnetes, who were chofen by the Peo- ple, and moft commonly for a certain time only, and for fome particular pur- pofes, fuch as the Roman Dictatorswere. The fourth fort he makes of fuch as reigned in the Heroical days, upon whom for their extraordinary merits the People of their own accord conferr’d the Government, but yet bounded by Laws; nor could thefe retain the Soveraignty againft the will of the People : nor do thefe four forts of Kingly Governments differ, he fays, from Tyranny in any thingelfe, but only inthat thefe Governments are with the good liking of the People, and Thatagainft their will. The fifth fort of Kingly Govern- ment, which he calls muCaoiAcc, or abfolute Monarchy, in which the Supreme Power refides in the King’s Perfon, which you pretend to bethe right of ajl Kings, is utterly condemn’d by the Philofopher, as neither for the good of Mankind, norconfonant to Juftice or Nature, unlefs fome People fhould be con- tent to live under fuch a Government, and withai confer it upon fuch as excel all others in vertue. Thefe things any man may read in the third Book of his Politicks. But you, I believe, that once in your life you might appear witty and florid, pleafed your felf with making a comparifon betmsxt thefe five forts of Kingly Government, and the five Zones of the World; betwixt the twoextremes of Kingly power, there are three more temperate Species interpofed, as there lie three Zones betwixt the Torrid and the Frigid. Pretty Rogue ! what ingenious compari- fons he always makes us! May you for ever be banifhed, whither you your felf condemn an abfoluce Kingdom to be, that is, tothe frigid Zone, which when you are there, willbe doubly cold to what it was before. In the mean while we hhall expect that new fafhioned {phere which you defcribe, from you our modern Archimedes, in which there fhallbe two extreme Zozes, one Torrid, and the o- ther Frigid, and three temperate ones lying betwixt. The Kingsof the Lacedz- monians, you fay, might lawfully be Imprifoned, but it was not laful to put them to death. Why not? Becaufe the Minifters of Juftice, and fome Foreign Soldiers, being furprifed at the Novelty of the thing, thought it not lawful to lead Agis to his Execution, though condemn’d to die? And the People of Lacedemon, were difpleafed at his death, not becaufe condemn’d to die, though a King, but be- caufehe wasagood man and popular, and had been circumvented by a faction ofthe great ones. Says Plutarch, “ Agis was the firft King that was put to death “¢ by the Ephori ; inwhich words he does not pretend to tell us what lawfully might be done, but what actually was done. For to imagin that fuch as may lawfully accufe a King, and imprifon him, may not alfo lawfully put him to death, isa childifhconceit. At laft you betake your felf to give an account of theRight of Englifh Kings. There never was, you fay, but one King in England. This you fay, becaufe you had faidbefore, that wnle/s 4 King be fole in the Governa ment, he cannot be aKing. Which if it be true, fome of them, who I had thought had been Kings of England, were not really fo, for toomit many of our Saxon
- Kings, who had either their Sons, or their Brothers Partners with them in the Goe
vernment, it isknownthat King Henry Il. of the Norman Race, reign’d together with his Son. Let them fhew, {ay you, a Prefident of any Kingdom under the Government of a fingle perfon, who has not an abfolute power , though in fome Kingdoms more re- mifs, in others more intenfe. Wo youfhow any Power that’s ab/olute, and yet re- mifs, you Afs ; is not that power that’s abfolute, the Supreme Power of all? How canit then be both fupreme and remifs? Whatfoever Kings you fhall
"( 632 ) acknowledg to be invefted with a remifs (ora lefs) power, thofe! will eafily make appear to have no abfolute power; and confequently to be {inferior to a People, free by nature, who is both its own Law®giver, and can make the Regal Power more or lefs intenfe or remifS ; that is, greater or le{s, Whether the whole Ifland of Britain was anciently governed by Kings, or no, is uncertain. It’s moft likely that the form of their Government changed accord. ing to the Exigencies of the Times. Whence Tacitws fays, The Britains ancé- ently were under Kings; now the great Men among t them divide them into Parties and Fa*tions. Whenthe Romans left them, they were about forty years without Kings 5 they were not always therefore under a Kingly Government, as you fay they were. But when they were fo, that the Kingdom was Hereditary, I poli- tively deny 5 which that it was not, is evident both from. the Series of their Kings, and their way of creating them: for the confent of the People is asked in exprefs words. When the King has taken the accuftomed Oath, the Arche bithop ftepping to every fide of the Stage erected for that purpofe, asks the Peo- ple four feveral times in thefe words, Do you confent to have this Manto be your King ? Jult asif he {poke to them in the Roman Stile, Vuless, Fubetis bunc Regnare ? “ts ityour pleafure, do you appoint this Man to reign ? Which would be need- lefs, if the Kingdom were by the Law hereditary. But with Kings, Ufurpation patles very frequeutly for Law and.Right. You go about to ground Charles's Right to the Crown, who was fo often conquered himfelf, upon the Right of Conqueft. William, firnamed the Conqueror, forfooth, fabdued us. Bat they who are not itiangers to our Hiftory, know full well, thac the Strength of the Englifh Nation was not fo broken in that one Fight at Haftings, but that they* might eafily have renewed the War. But they chofe rather to accept of a King, than to be under a Conqueror and a Tyrant: They fwear therefore to William, to be his Liege-men, and he fwears to them at the Altar, to carry himfelf to- wards them as a good King ought to do in all refpects. When he broke his Word, and the Engisfh betook themfelves again to their Arms, being diffident of his Strength, he renewed his Oath upon the Holy Evangelifts, to obferve the Ancient Laws of England. And therefore, if after that he miferably opprefled the Engh{h, (as you fay he did) hedidit not by Right of Conqueft, but by Right of Perjury. Befides, itiscertain, that many Ages ago, the Conquerors and Con- quered coalefced into one and the fame People: So that that Right of Conqueft, if any fuch ever were, muft nceds have been antiquated long ago. His own words at hisdeath, which I give you out of a French Manufcripe written at Caen put all out of doubt , / appoint no Adan (Lays he) to inherit the Kingdom of England. By which words, both his pretended Right of Conqueft, and the Hereditary Right, were difclaim’d at his death, and buried together with him. 1 fee now that you have gotten a place at Court, as I foretold you would ; you are made the King’s Chief Treafurer and Steward of his Court-Craft: And what follows; you feemto write ex Officio, as by virtue of your Office, Magnificent Sir. Jf any preceding Kings, being thereunto compelled by Fattions of Great Men, or Seditions a- mongft the Common People, have receded in [ome meafure from their Right, that cannot prejudice the Succeffor ; but that he ts at Liberty to refume if. You fay well; if there- fore at any time our Anceftor; have through neglect loft any thing that was their Right, why fhould that prejudice us their Pofterity ? If they would promife for themf{elves to become Slaves, they could make no fuch promife for us; who fhall always retain the fame Right of delivering our felves out of Slavery, that they had of enilaving themfelves to any whomfoever. You wonder how it comes to pafschat a King of Great Britain muft now a-days be looked upon as one of the Magiitrates of the Kingdom only ; whereas in all other Kingly Governments in Chriftendom, Kinzs are invefted with 2 Free and Abfolute Authority. For the Scots, | remit you to Buchanan: For France, your own Native Countrey,.to which you feem to be a ftranger, to Hottoman’s Franco-Gallia, and Girardus a French Hiftorian; for thé reft, coorhcr Authors, of whom nonethat I know of, were Independents: Out of whom you might have learned a quite other Leflonconcer- ning the Right of Kings, than what youteach, Notbeing able to prove that a Tyrannical Power belongs tothe Kings of England by Right of Conqueft, you try now todo it by Right of Perjury. Kings profefs themfelves to reign By the Grace of God: What if they had profefled themfelves to be Gods? 1 believe if they had, yon might have eafily have been brought to become one of their Priefts. So
/
€ 633 )
So the Archbifhops of Canterbury pretended to Archbifhop it by Divine Providence, Are you fuch a Fool, as to deny the Popes being a King in the Church, that you may make the King greater than aPope inthe State ? But in the Statutes of the Realm the King iscalled our Lord. You are become of a fudden a wonderful Nomenclator ot our Statutes: But you know not that many are called Lords and Matters, whoare not really fo: You know not how unreafonablea thing it is to judg of Truth and Right by Titles of Honour, not to fay of Flattery. Make the fame Inference, if you will, from the Parliament’s being called the Kiag’s Parliament 5 for it is called the King’s Bridle too, ora Bridle to the King : and therefore the King is no more Lord or Maller of his Parliament, than a Horfe is of his Bridle. But why not the King’s Parliament, fince the Ksmg fummons them? Pil tell you why ; becaufe the Confuls ufed to indict a Meeting ot the Senate, yet were they not Lords over that Council. When the King therefore fummons or calls together a Parliament, he does it by virtue and in difcharge of that Office, which he has received from the People, that he may advife with them about the weighty Affairs of the Kingdom, not his own particular Affairs. Or when at any time the Parliament debated of the King’s own Affairs, if any could proper- ly be called hisown, they were always the lalt things they did; and it was in _ their choice when to debate of them, and whether at all or no, and depended not upon the King’s Pleafure. And they whom it concerns to know this, know very well, that Parliaments anciently, whether fummoned or not, might by Law meet twice aYear: Butthe Laws are called too, The King’s Laws. Thefe are flattering Afcriptions ; a King of England can of himfelf mike no Law: For he was not coni{tituted to make Laws, but to fee thofe Laws kept, which the People made. And you your felf here confefs, That Parliaments meet to make Laws: Wherefore the Law is alfo called the Law of the Land, and the Peoples Law. Whence King EthelfPane in the Preface to his Laws, {peaking to all the People, I have granted you every thing, fays he, by your own Law. And inthe Formof the Oath, whichthe Kings of England ufed to take before they were made Kings, the People ftipulate withthem thus; Will you grant thofe jnft Lams, which the People {hall chufe? The King anfwers, J wif. And youare infinitely miftaken in faying, Phat when theres no Parliament fitting, the King governs the whole State of the Kingdom, to all sutents and purpofes, by a Kegal Power. For he can determine nothing of any moment, with reipect to either Peace or War; nor can he put any {top to the Proceedings @f the Courts of Jultice. And the Judges therefore {wear, that they will do nothing judicially, but according to Law, though the King by Word; or Mandate, or Letters under his own Seal, fhould com- mand the contrary. Hence it is that the King is often faid in our Law to be an Infant , and to poflefs his Rights and Dignities, as 2 Child or a Ward does his: See the Mdrror, Cap. 4. Sett,22. And hence is that common Saying a- mongft us, That the King cas dono wrong: Which you, like-a Rafcal, interpret thus, Whatever tke King does, ts no Injury, becaufe he 1 not liable to be punsfhed for it. By this very Comment, if there were nothing elfe, the wonderful Impudence and Villany of this Fellow, difcovers it {cif futhciently. Zt belongs tothe Head, you fay, to command, and not to the Members : The King is the Head of the Parliament. You would not trifle thus, if you had any guts in your brains. You are mifta- ken again, (but there’s no end of your miltakes) in not diftinguifhing the King’s Countcllors from the States of the Realm: For neither ought he to make choice of all of them, nor of any of thefe, which the reft do not approve of ; but for electing any Member of the Houfe of Commons, he never fo much as pretend- ed toit- Whom the People appointed to that Service, they were feverally cho- fen by the Votes of all the People in their refpective Cities, Towns, and Coun- tics. I {peak now of things univerfally known, and therefore I am the fhor- ter. But you fay, "Ts falfe that the Parliament was snftituted by the People, asthe Worfhippers of Saint Independency affert. Now| fee why you took fo much pains in endeavouring to fubvert the Papacy you carry another Pope in your belly, ° as we fay. For what elfe fhou'd you be in labour of, the Wife of a Woman, a He- Wolf, impregnated by a She-Wolf, but either a Montter, or fome new fort of Pa- pacy ? You now make He-Saints, and She-Saints,at your pleafure, as if you were a true genuine Pope. You abfolve Kings of all their fins; -and as if you had utterly vanquifh’d and fubdu’d your Antagonift the Pope, you adorn your felf with his fpoils. But becaufe you have not yet profligated the Pope quite, till the fecond Mmmm ; and
/ \ C 634 ) ss. amis and third, and perhaps the fourth and fifth Part of your Book of his Suprema- cy comeout, which Book wili naufeate a great many Readers to death, fooner than you'll get the becter of the Pope by ir; let it fuifice you in the mean time, I befeech you, to become fome Antipope or other. ‘here’s another She-Saint, befides that Independency that you deride, which you have Canoniz’d ia good “earneft ; and that.is, the Tyranny of Kings: You fhall therefore by my confent be the High-Prielt of Tyranny , and that you may have all the Pope's Titles, you fhall bea Servant of the Servants not of God, but of theCourt. For that Curfe pronounced upon Canaan, feems to ftick as clofe to you, as your Shirt. You call the People a Bea#. What are you then your felf? For neither can that Sacred Confiftory, nor your Lordship of St. Loz, exempt you its Maiter from _being one of thePedple, nay, of the Common People; nor can make you other than what youreally are, @moft loathfom Bealt. Indeed, the Writings of the Prophets fhadow out to us the Monarchy and Dominion of Great Kings by the Name, and under the ‘Refemblance of a Great Beaft. You fay, That theres no mention of Parliaments héldunder our Kings, that reigned before \William the Con- gwseror. \t isnot worth while to jangle about a French word: The thing was al- waysinbeing , and you your felf allow thatin the Saxoa tines, Concilia Sapien- tum Wittena-gemots, arementioned. And there are wife Men among the Body of the People, es well as amongit the Nobility. But iz the Starace of Merton made inthe twentieth yearof King Henry the 3d, the Earls and Barons ave only na- med. Thus youarealways impofed upon by words, who yet have {pent your whole Life in nothing elfe but words , for we know very well that in that age, not only the Guardians of the Cingue-Ports, and Magiltrates of Cities, but e- ven Tradefmen are fometimes called Barons; and without doubt they might much more reafonably call every Member of Parliament, tho never fo mucha Commoner, bythe Name of aBaron. For that in the fifty fecond Year of the fame King’s Reign, the Commoners as well asthe Lords were fummoned, the Statute of Adarlbridge, and moft other Statutes, declare inexprefs words ; which Commoners King Edward the Third, in. the Preface to the Statute-Staple, ‘calls, Magnates Comitatum, The Great Men of the Counties, as you very learnedly quote it for me; thofe to wit, That came out of the feveral Counties, and ferved fir them ; which number of Men conftitated the Houfe of Commons,and neither were Lords, nor could be. Befides, a Book more Ancient than thofe Statutes, called, Modus habendi Parliamenta, i.e. The manner of holding Parlianmnts, tells us, That the King, and the Commons may hold a Parliament, and epact Laws, tho the Lords, the puhops, are abfent ; but that with the Lords, and the Bishops, in the abfence of the Commons, no Parliament can be held. And there’sa reafon given for it, viz. becaufe Kings held Parliaments and Councils with their People before any Lords or Bifhops were made ; befides, tie Lords ferve for themfelyes on- ly, the Commons each for the County, City, or Burrough that fent them., And that therefore the Commons in Parliament reprefent the whole Body of the Na- tion 3 in which refpect they are more worthy, and every way preferable to the
Honfe of Peers. But the power of Fudjcature, you fay, never was invefted inthe
HHoufe of Commons. Nor was the King ever poflefled of it: Remember tho, that originally all Power proceeded, and yet does proceed from the People. * Which. Marcus Tullis excellently well fhows in his Oration, De lege Agraria, Of the Agrarian Law: © As all Powers, Authorities, and publick Adminiftrations ‘ ought to be derived from the whole Body of the People ; fo thofe of them ‘ ought in an efpecial manner fo to be derived, which are ordained and appoint- «ed for the Common Benefit and Intereft of alls to which Imployments every
© particular.Perfon may both give his Vote for the chufing fuch Perfons, ashe 7 ‘thinks will take moft care of the Publick, and withal by voting and making
‘Intereft for them, Tay fuch Obligations.vpon them, as may entitle them to_
‘ their Friendhhip, and good Offices in time tocome. Here you fee thetrue rife | \
and original of Parliaments, and that it was much ancienter than the Savon Chronicles. Whillt we may dwell in fuch a light of Truth and Wifdom, as Cicero's Age afforded, you labour in vainto bling us withthe darknefs of ob- fcurer times. By the faying whereof I would not be underftood to derogate in theleaft from the Authority and Prudence of our Anceftors, who moftcertain- ly went‘further in the enacting of good Laws, than either the Ages they lived in,
or their own Learning or Education feem to have been capable of ,; and tho Tet
; fometimes
€ 635 ) fometimes they made Laws that were none of the beft, yet as being confcious to themfelves of the Ignorance and Infirmity of Human Nature, they have con- veyed this Dottrine down to Pofterity, as the foundation of all Laws, which likewife all our Lawyersadmit, That if any Law, or Cuftom, be contrary to the Law of God, of Nature, or of Reafon, it ovght to be looked upon as null and void. Whence it follows, that tho it were poflible for you to difcover any Statute, or other publick Sanction, which afcribed to the Kinga Tyrannical Power, fince that would be repugnant to the Will of God, to Nature, and to right Reafon, you may learn from that general and primary Law of ours, which I have juft now quoted, that it will be null and void. But you will never be able to find that any fuch Right of Kings has the leaft Foundation in our Law. Sinceit is plain therefore, that the Power of Judicature was originally in the People themfelves, and that the People never did by any Royal Law part with itto the King, (forthe Kings of England neither ufe to judg any Man, nor can by the Law do it, otherwife than according to Laws fetled and agreed to: Fleta, Book 1. Cap. 17.) it follows, that this Power remains yet whole and en- tire in the People themfelves. For that it was either never committed to the Houfe of Peers, or if it were, that it may lawfully be taken from them again, you your felf will’notdeny. But, Jt % inthe King’s Power, you fay, to make a Village into a Burrough, and that into aCity , and confequently, the King does in ef= fe&k create thofe that conftitute the Commons Houfe of Parliament. But, | fay, that even Towns and Burroughs are more ancient than Kings ; and that the People is the People, tho they fhould live inthe open Fields, And now weare extream- ly well pleafed with your Anglicifms, COUNTY COURT, THE TURNE, AUNDREDA: yovwhave quickly learnt to count your hun- dred Facobuffes in Englifh. ‘ ;
Quis expedivit Salmafio fuum HUNDRED AM?
Picamque docuit verba noftraconari? °
Magifter artis venter, & Facobei —
Centum, exulantis vifcera mar {upii Regis. Hearr) Quod fi dolofi {pes refulferit nummi,
Ipfe Antichrifti modo qui Primatum Pape
Minatus uno eft diffipare fufflatu,
Cantabit ultro Cardinalitium melos.
Who taught Salmafius, that French chatt’ring Pye, To aim at Englifh, and HUNDREDA cry? The ftarving Rafcal, flufht with juft a Hundred Englifh Jacobulles, HUNDRED A blunder’d. Anout-law’d King’s laft ftock.—— A hundred more, Would make him pimp for th’ Antichriftian Whore ; And in Rome’s praife entploy his poyfon’d Breath, Who threatn’d once to {tink the Pope to death.
The next thing you do is to trouble us with a long Difcourfe of the Earls and the Barons, to {how that the King made them all; which we readily grant, and for that reafon they were moft commonly at the King’s beck , and therefore we
have done well to take care, that for the future they fhall not be Judges of a Free
People. You affirm, That the Power of calling Parliaments as often as he pleafes, and of diffolving them when he pleafes, has belonged to the King time out of mind. Whe- ther fuch a vile, mercenary Foreigner as you, who tran{cribe what fome Fugitives dictate to you, or the exprefs Letter of our own Laws are more to be credited in this matter, we fhall enquire hereafter, But fay you, there is another Argument, and an invincible one, to prove the Power of the Kings of England fuperior to that of the Parliament ; the King’s Power is perpetual and of courfe, whereby be adminifters the Government fingly without the Parliament ; that of the Parliament is extraordinary, or out of courfe, and limited to particulars only, nor can they enatt anything fo astobe binding in Law, without the King. Where does the great force of this Argument lie? in the words of courfe and perpetual? \Vhy, many inferior Magiftrates have an ordinary and perpetual Power, thofe whom we call Juftices of Peace. Have - they therefore the Supreme Power? And I have faid already, that the King’s
: , Mmmm 2 Power
( 636 ) Power is committed to him, totake care, by interpofing his Authority, that nothing be dont contrary to Law, and that he may fee to the due obfervation of our Laws, not to top his own upon us: and confequently that the King has no Power out of his Courts, nay all the ordinary power is rather the Peoples, who determine all Controverfies themfelves by Juries of Twelve Men. And hence itis chat when a Malefattor is asked at his Arraignment, How will you be tried? he anfwers always according to Lawand Cuftom, by God and my Country; not by God and the King, or the King’s Deputy. But the Authority of the Par- Jiament, which indeed and in-truth is the Supreme Power of the People com- mitted to'that Senate, if it may be called extraordinary, it mu‘t be by reafon of its Eminence and Superiority ; elfe it is known they are called Ordines, and there- fore cannot properly be {iid to be extra ordinem, out of order, and if not actually, as they fay, yet virtually they havea perpetual Power and Authority over all Courts and ordinary Magiftrates, and that without the King. And now it feems our barbarous terms grate upon your Critical Ears, forfooth! whereas, if I had leifure, or thatif it were worth my while, | could reckon up fo many Barbarifms of yours in this one Book, as if you were to be chaitiz’d for them as you deferve, all the School-boys Fervla’s in Chriftendom would be broken upon you; nor would you receive fo many pieces of Gold as that wretched Poet did of old, but a great many more Boxeso'th’ear. You fay, 721s a Prodizy more monftrows than all the moft abfurd Opinions in the World put together. that the Bedlams fhould make a diftintti- on betwixt the King’s Power and bis Perfon. 1 will not quote what every Author has faid upon this Subject , butif by the words Perfonam Regis, you mean what
we call in Englifh, the Perfow of the King, Chryfoftom, whowas no Bedlam,
might have taught you, that itis no abfurd thing to make a diftinction betwixt that and hisPowers, for that Father explains the Apoftle’s command of being fubject to the Higher Powers, tobe meant of thething, the Power ic felf, and not of the Perfons of the Magiltrates. And why may not I fay that a King, who acts
any thing contrary to Law, atts fo far forth as a private Perfon, or a Tyrant,
and not in the capacity of a King invefted with a Legal Authority ? If youdonot know that there may be in one and the fame Man more Perfons or Capacities than one, and that thofe Capacities may in thoughtand conception be fevered from the man ‘himtelf, you are altogether ignorant both of Latin and Common Senfe. But this you fay to abfolve Kings from all fin and guilt, and that you may make us believe that you are gotten into the Chair your felf, which you have pull’d the Pope out of. The King, you fay, is fuppofed not capable of committing any crime, becaufe no punifhment is confequential upon any crime of his. \Nhoever therefore is not punitht, offends not; itisnotthe theit, but the punifhment that makes the Thief. Salwafiw the Grammarian commits no Solcecifms now, becaufe he is from under the Ferula, when you have overthrown the Pope, let thefe, for Gad’s fake, bethe Canons of your Pontificate, or at leaft your Indulgences, whether
you fhall chufe to be called the High-Prieft St. Tyranny, or St.Slavery. I pafs
by the reproachful Language which towards the latter end of the Chapter you
give the State of the Commonwealth, and the Church of England; ?tiscommon _
to fuch as you are, you contewptible Varlet, to rail at thofe things moft, that are moft praife-worthy. Butthat | may not feem to have aflerted any thing rafhly concerning the Rightof the Kings of England, or rather concerning the
Peoples Right with refpect to their Princes; 1 will now alledg out of our — ancient Hiitories a few things indeed of many, but fuchas wil! make it evident that the Englifh lately cried their King according to the fetled Laws of theRealm, _ and the Cultoms of their Anceitors. After the Romans quitted this Ifand, the ~ Britains*for about forty years were fat Furis, and without any Kings at all.
Of whom thofe they firft fet up, fome they putto death. And for that, Gildas reprehends them, not as you do, for killing their Kings, but for killing them uncondemned, and (to ufe his own words) Nou pro veri examinatione, without enquiring into the matter of Fact. Vortigern was for his Inceftuous Marriage with his own Daughter condemn’d (as Neanivs informs us, the moft ancieit of all our Hiftorians next to Gildas) by St.German, and a General Council of the Britains, and his Son Vortimer fet up in his ftead. This came to pals not long after St. uguftine?s death, which is enough to difcover bow futilous you ate, to fay, as you have done, that it was a Pope, and
Zachary by name, who firft held the lawfulnefs of judging Kings. About the — ;
year
€ 637 )
_year of our Lord 60°, AZorcantim, who then reign’d in Wales, was by Ondeces us Bifhop of Landaff, condemn’d,to Exile, for the Murder of his Uncle, though he got the Sentence off by beftowing fome Lands upon the Church. Come we now tothe Saxons, whofe Laws we have, and therefore | fhall quote none of their Precedents. Remember that the Saxons were of a German Extract, who neither invefted their Kings with any abfolute, unlimited power, and confulted in a Body of the more weighty affairs of Government , whence we may perceive that in the time of our Saxon Anceltors Parliaments (the name it felf only ex- cepted) had the Supreme Authority. The name they gave them, was Councils of Wife-men , and this in the Reign of Ethelbert, of whom Bede fays, That he made Laws in smitation of the Roman Laws, cum concilio fapientum ; by the advice, or in aCouncil of his Wife-men. So Edmyn, King of Northumberland; and Ina King of the Weft-Saxons, having confulted with their Wife-men, and the Elders of the People, madenew Laws. Other Laws K. Alfred made, by the advice in like manner of hs Wife-mens and he fays himfelf, That it was by the confent of them all, that they were commanded to be obferved. Fromthefe and many other like places, it is asclear as the Sun, that chofen Meneven from amongit the Common People, were Members of the Supreme Councils, unlefs we muft believe that no
Men are wife, but the Nobility. We have likewife a very ancient Book, cal- Ned the AGirror of Fuftices, in which we are told, That the Saxons, when they ~~ firft fubdued the Britains, and chofe themfelves Kings, required an Oath of them, to fubmit to the Judgment of the Law, as much asany of their Subjects, Cap. 1. Sei. 2. Inthe fame place ’tis faid, that itis but juft that the King have his Peers in Parliament, to take Cognizance of wrongs done by the King, or
the Queen; and that there wasa Law made in King Alored’s time, that Parlia-
ments {hould be holden twice a year at London, or oftner, if need were: Which
Law, when through neglect it grew intodifufe, was revived by two Statutes
in King Edward the Third’stime. Andin another ancient Manufcript, called
Modus tenendi Parliamenta, we read thus, ‘1f the King diffolve the Parliament
* before they have difpatcht the bufinefs, for which the Council was fummon’d, “he is guilty of Perjury ; and fhall be reputed to have broken his Coronation
€ Oath. For how can he be faidto grant thofe good Laws, which the People
chufe, as he is {worn todo, if he hinders the People from chufing them, ei- ther by fummoning Parliaments feluomer, or by diflolving them fooner than the
Publick Affairs require, or admit? And that Oath, which the Kings of Exg-
land take at their Coronation, has always been looked upon by our Lawyers,
asamoft facred Law. And what remedy can be found to obviate the great
Dangers of the whole State (which is the very end of fummoning Parliaments)
if that Greatand Auguit Aflembly may be diflolved at the pleafure many times of afilly, head-ftrong King? To abfent himfelf from them, is certainly lefs ; than to diflolve them; and yet by our Laws, as that Adodws lays them down,
the King neither can, nor ought to abfent himfelf from his Parliament, unlefs he be really indifpofed in Health ; nor then neither, till twelve of the Peers have been with him toinfpect his Body, and give the Parliament an account of his
Indifpofition, Is this like the Carriage of Servants to a Mafter ? On the other
~ hand, the Houfe of Commons, without whom there can be no Parliament
held, tho tummoned by the Kinz, may withdraw, and having made a Seceflion,
_ expoftnlate with the King concerning Male-adminiftration, as the fame Book
hasit. But, which isthe greateft thing of all, amongft the Laws of King Edward, commonly called the Confeffor, there is one very excellent, relating to the Kingly Offices; which Office, if the King do not difcharge as he ought, Then, faysthe Law, He hall not retain fo much asthe Name of a King. And left thefe words fhould not be fufficiently underftood, the Example of Chilperic King of France is fubjoyn’d, whom the People for that Caufe depofed. And that by this Law a wicked King is liable to Punifhment, that Sword of King Edward, called Curtana, denotes to us, which the Earl of Cheffer ufed to carry in the Solemn Proceilion ata Coronation; A token, fays Matthew Paris, that he bas Authority by Lam to punih the King, if he will not do hws Duty: and the Sword is hardly ever made ufe of but in Capital Punifhments. This fame Law, together with other Laws of that good King Edward, did William the Con- queror ratifie in the Fourth Year of his Reign, and in a very full Council held at Verulam, confirm’d it with a moft folemn Oath: And by fodoing, he got
only
(1638 Ds >),
only extinguifh’d his Right of Conqueft, if he ever had any over us, but fub- jected himfelf to be judged according to the Wenor of thisvery Law. And his Son Henry {wore to the obfervance of King Edmard’s Laws, and of this a- mongft the reft; and upon thofe only terms it was, that he was chofen King, whillt his Elder Brother Robert wasalive. The fame Oath was taken by all fuc- ceedin» Kings, before they were crowned. Hence our Ancient and Famous Lawyer Bratton, in his firft Book, Chap. 8. There is no King in the cafe, fayshe, where Will rules the roalt, and Law does not take place. Andin his Third Book, Chap. 9. 4 King is a King fo long as he rules well, be becomes a Tyrant when he op- preffes the People committed to his Charge. And in the fame Chapter, The King ought to ufe the Power of Law and Right, as God's Minifter and Vice-gerent , the Power of wrong # the Devils, and not Gods s when the King turns afide to do Injuftice, he is the Atimifter of the Devil. The very fame words almoft another ancient Lawyer has, who was the Author of the Book, called Fleta, both of them re- m-mbered that truly Royal Law of King Edward, that Fundamental Maxim in our Law, which | have formerly mentioned, by which nothing is to be account- ed a Law, that iscontrary to the Laws of God, or of Reafons no more thana Tyrant can be faid to bea King, or a Minifter of the Devil a Miniter of God. Since therefore the Law ischiefly right Reafon, if we are bound to obey a King, anda Minilter of God; by the very fame Reafon, and the very fame Law, we ought to refifta Tyrant, and a Miniiter of the Devil. And becaufe Controver- iies arife oftner about Names than Things, the fame Authors tellus, thata King of England, tho hehave not lo{t the Name of a King, yet is as liable to be judged, and ought foto be, asany of the Common People, Bratton, Book 1, Chap. 8. Fleta, Book 1. Chap. 17. No Adan ought to be greater than the King in the Adminiftr ation of Fuftice, but he himfelf ought to be as little as the leaft in re- ceiving Fujtice, fipeccat, if be offend. Othersread it, fi perat. Since our Kings therefore are liable to be judged, whether by the Name of Tyrants, or of Kings, it muft not be difficult to affign their Legal Judges. Nor will it be amifs to con- fult the fame Authors upon that point. Bratton, Book 1. Chap. 16, Fleta, Book 1. Chap.17. The King has his Saperiors in the Government; The Lam, by which he is made King, and hu Court, to wit, the Earls, and the Barons: Comites (Earls) are as much as to fay, Companions, and he that has a Companion, hasa Mafter, and therefore, if the King will be without a Bridle, that is, not govern by Law, they oughe to bridle him. That the Commons are comprehended in the word Birons, has been fhown already ; nay, and inthe Books of our ancient Laws they are frequently faid to have been called Peers of Parliament : and efpecially in the Afodus tenendi, &c. There {hall be chofen (fays that Book) out of all the Peers of the Realm, five andtwenty Perfons, of whom five fhall be Knights, five Cits- zens, and five Burgeffes, andtwo Knivhts of a County, have a greater Vote in granta ing and rejecting.than the greateft Karlin England. And it is but reafonable they fhould, for they vote for a whole County, ec. the Earls for themfelves only. And who can but perceive that thofe Parent Earls, whom you call Earls made by Writ (fince we have now none that hold their Earldoms by Tenure) are very unfit Perfons to try the King, who conferr’d their Honours upon them? Since therefore by our Law, asappears by that old Book, call’d The Aéirror, the King has his Peers, who in Parliament have cognizance of wrongs done by the King to any of his People; and fince itis notorioufly known, that the meaneft Man in the Kingdom may even in inferior Courts have the benefit of the Law againft the Kinz himfelfin cafe of any Injury, or Wrong fultained ; how much more confo- nant to fuftice, how much more neceflary is it, that in cafe the King opprefs all his People, Unere fhould be fach as have authority not only to reftrain him, and keep him within bounds, but co judg and punifh him? For that Government mutt needs be very ill, and moft ridiculoutly conftituted,. in which remedy is provided in, cafe of little Injuries done by the Prince to private Perfons, and no remedy, no redrefs for greater, no care taken for the fafety of the whole, no provifion made to the contrary, but that the King may without any Law ruin all his Subjects, when at the fame time he cannot by Law fo much as hurt any one ofthem. And fincel have (hown that itis neither good manners, nor expedient, that the Lords fhould be the Kings Judges; it follows, that the Power of Judi- cature inthatcale docs wholly, and by very good Right, belong to the Com- mous, whoare both Peers of the Realm, and Barons, and have the Power and
. Authority
eee
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; Authority of all the People committed to them. For fince (as we find it exprefly ’ in our written Law, which [have already cited) the Commons together with
the King, make a good Parliament without either Lords or Bifhops, becaufe be- fore cither Lords or Bifhops had a Being, Kings held Parliaments with their Commons only; by the very famereafon the Commons apart muft have the So- vereign Power without the King» anda Power of judging the King himfelf, be- caufe before there ever was a King, they in the Name of the whole Body of the Nation held Councils and Parliaments, had the Power of Judicature, made Laws,
and made the Kings themfelves, not to lord it over the People, but to admini- fter their publick Affairs. Whomif the King, inftead of fo doing fhall endea- vourtoinjure and opprefs, our Law pronounces him from time forward not fo
much as to retainthe Name vfa King, to be no fuch thing as a King ; and ifhe
be no King, what need we trouble our felves to find out Peers for him? For
being then by all good Men adjudged to be a Tyrant, there are none but who
are Peers good enough for him, and proper enough to pronounce Sentence of Death upon him judicially. Thefe things being fo, [think I have fufficiently
proved what I undertook, by many Authorities, and written Laws; to wit,
that fince the Commons have Authority by very good Right to try the King, and
fince they have actually tried him, and puthim to Death, forthe mifchief he
had done both in Church and State, and without all hope of amendment, they
have done nothing therein but what was juft and regular, for theIntereft of the
State, in difcharging of their Truft, becoming their Dignity, and according to
the Laws of the Land. And [I cannot upon this occafion; but congratulate my
felf with the Honour of having had fuch Anceftors, who founded this Govern-
ment with no lefs Prudence, and in asmuch Liberty as the moft worthy of the, Ancient Romans or Grecians ever founded any of theirs: and they muft needs,
if they have any knowledg of our Affairs, rejoice over their Pofterity, who when
they were almoft reduced to Slavery, yet with fo much Wifdom and Courage
vindicated and afferted the State, which they fo wifely founded upon fo much
Liberty, from the unruly Government of a King.
Ges Bi ec ae .,
Think by this time ’cis fufficiently evident that Kings of Eag/and may be judg- ed evenby the Laws of England, and that they havetheir proper Judges, which was the thing to be proved. Whatdo you do farther? (for whereas you repeat many things that you have faid before, I do not intend to repeat the an= fwers that I have givefi them) Zt an eafie thing to demonjtrate even from the na-
- ture of the things for which Parliaments are fammond, that the K ing % above the
Parliament. The Parliament, you fay, #4 wont tobe affembled npon weighty affairs, fich as wherein the fafety of the Kingdom and of the People, 1 concerned. If there- fore the King call Parliaments together, not for his own concerns, but thofe of the Nation, nor to fettle thofe neither, but by their own confent, at their own difcretion, whatis he more thana Minifter, and as it were an Agent for the Peo- ple ? fince without their Suffrages that are chofen by the People, he cannot enact the leaft thing whatfoever, either with relation to himfelf, or any body elfe ? Which proves likewife that ‘tis the King’s duty to call Parliaments whenever the People defire it, fince the Peoples and not the King’s concerns are to be treat- ed of by that Allembly, andto be ordered as they feecaufe. Foralthoughthe - King’s aflent be required for fafhion fake, which tn lefler matters, that concern- ed the welfare of private perfons only, he might refufe, and ufe that form, the King will advife, yet in thofe greater affairs that concern’d the publick fafety, and liberty of the People in general, he had no negative voice : for it would have been againft his Coronation-Oathto deny his aflent in fuch cafes, which was as binding to him as any Law could be, and again{t the chief Article of Mag- na Charta, Cap. 29. ‘ Wewillnot deny to any man, nor will we delay to ren-
. der to every man Right and Juftice. Shall it not be in the King’s power to de-
ny Juftice, and fhall it be in his power to deny-the enacting of juft Laws? ,
* Could he not deny Juftice to any particular perfon, and could he to all his Peo-
ple ?-Could he not do itin inferior Courts, and could he in the Supreme Court of
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of all? Or, can any King be fo arrogant asto pretend to know what’s juft and profitable better than the whole body of the People? Efpecially, fince ‘heis * created and chofen for this very end and purpofe, co do Jattice to all, as Bra- éton fays, Lib. 3. Cap. 9. that is, todo Jultice according to fuch Laws asthe People agree upon. Hence is whar we find in ont Records, 7 4. 4. Rote. Parl, num, 59, ‘ The King has no Prerogative that derogates from juftice and Equity. And formerly when Kings have tefufed to confirm Aéts of Parliament, to wit, Magna Charta, and {ome others, our Anceltors have brought them to it by force of Arms. ‘And yet our Lawyers never were of opinion that thofe Laws were lefs valid, or lefs binding, fince the King was forced to allent to no more than what he ought in Juftice to have aflented to voluntarily, and without conftraint. Whilft you go about to prove that Kings of other Nations have been as much under the power of their Senates or Counfels, as our Kings were, you do not argue usinto Slavery, but them into Liberty. ‘In which you do but that over again, that you have from the very beginning of your: Difcourfe, and which fome filly Leguleians new and then do, to argue unawares again{t their own Clients. But you fay, We confe/s that the King wherever he be, yet es fuppofed frill 20 be prefent in his Parliament by virtue of bis power , infomuch that whatever w tranf- atted there, fuppofed tobe done by the King bimfelf: and then as if you had got tome petty bribe or {mall morfel,'and tickled with the remembrance of your Purfe of Gold, We rake, fay you, what they give us, and takea Halter then, for I’m fure you deferve it. But we do not give it fer granted, which is the thing youthouzht would follow from thence, That therefire that Court atts only by virtue of. a delegated Power from the King. For when we fay that the Regal . Power, be it whatit will, cannot be abfent from the Parliament, do we there- . by acknowledg that Power tobeSupreme ? Does not the King’s Authority feem rather to be transferred to the Parliament, and, as being the lefler of the two,
to becomprifed in the greater? Certainly if the Parliament may refcind the
King’s Acts whether hewillor no, and revoke Privileges granted by him, to
whomfoever they begranted: If they may fet bounds to his Prerogative, as
they fee caufe, it they may regulate his yearly Revenue, and the Expences of his
Court, his Retinue, and general'v all the concerns of his Houfhold ; If they
may remove his moft ‘intimate Friends and Counfellars, and as it were pluck
them out of his b6fom, and bring them tocondign purifhment: Finally, if any
Subject may by Law appeal from the King to the Parliament (all which things,
that they may lawfully be done, and have been frequently practifed, both our
Hiftories and Records, and the molt eminent of our Lawyers aflure us) | fup-
pofe no man in his right wits will deny the Authority of the Parliament to be
fuperior to that of the King. For even in an Interregnum the Authority of the
Parliamentis in being, and (than which nothing is more*common in our Hifto-
rics) they have often made a free Choice of a Succeflor, without any regard toa
Hereditary defcent. In fhort, the Parliament is the Supreme Council of the
Nation, conftiruted and appointed by a moft free People, and armed with
ample power and authority, for this end and purpofe , vz. to confult together
upon the molt weighty affairs of the Kingdom, the King was created to put
their Laws in execution. Which thing after the Parliamentthemfelves had de-
clared in a publick Ediét (for fuch is the Juftice of their Proceedings, that of
their own accord they have been willing to give an account of their actions to o-
ther Narions) is it net prodigious, that fuch a pitiful fellow as you are, a man of
ro authority, of no credit, of no figure inthe world, a meer Burgundian flive,
fhould have the impudence to accufe the Parliament of England, afierting by a
publick Inftrument their own and their Countries Right, of a deteftable and horrid
Impofture ? Four Country may be afhamed, you Rafcal, to have brought forth
alirtle inconfiderable fellow of fuch profligate impudence. But perhaps you
have fomewhat to tell us that may be for our good: Goon, we'll hear you.
What Laws, {ay you cana Parliament enatt, in which the Bifhops are not prefent?
Did youthen, ye Mad-man, «xpel the Order of Bifhops out of the Church to
introduce them intothe State ? O wicked Wretch, who ought to be delivered
over to Satan, whom the Church ought to forbid her Communion, as being a
Hypocrite, and an Atheift, and no Civil Society of men to acknowledg asa ment- ber, being a publick Enemy, and a Plague-fore to the common Liberty of Man-
kind 5 who, where the Gofpel fails you, endeavour to prove out of Arijfotle,
Halicar-
( 641 ) Halicarnaffew, and then from fome Popifh Authorities of the moft corrupt ages, that the King of Englandis the head ot the Church of England, to the end that you may, as far asin you lies, bring in the Bifhops again, his Intimates and Ta- ble-Companions, grown fo of late, to rob and tyrannize in the Church of God, whom God himfelf has depofed and degraded, whofe very Order you ‘had heretofore aflerted in Print that it ought to be rooted out of the world, as deftructive of and pernicious tothe Chriftian Religion. What Apoftate did e- ver fo fhamefully and wickedly defert as this man has done, I do not fay his own which indeed never was any, butthe Chriftian Do¢trine which he had formerly alerted ? The Bifhops being put down, who under the King, and by bts permiffion held Plea of Ecclefiaftical Caufes, upon whom, fay you, will that Furifdittion devolve ? O Villain, have fome regard at leaft to your own Confcience ; Remember be- foreit betoolate, if at leaft this admonition of mine come not too late, re- member that this mocking the Holy Spirit of God is an inexpiable crime, and will not be left unpunifht. Stop at laft, and fet bounds to your fury, left the Wrath of God lay hold upon you fuddenly, for endeavouring to deliver the flock of God, his Anointed ones that are not to be touched, to Enemies and cruel Tyrants, to be crufht and trampled on again, from whom himfelf bya high and ftretched out arm had fo lately delivered thems and from whom you your felf maintained that they ought to be delivered, I know not whether for a- ny good of theirs, or in order tothe hardning of your own heart, and to fur- ther yourowndamnation. If the Bilhops have no right tolord ic over the Church, certainly much lefs have Kings, whatever the Laws of Men may be to thecontrary. For they that know any thing of the Gofpel know thus much, that the Government of the Church is altogether Divine and Spiritual, and no Civil Conftitution. Whereas you fay, That in Secular Affairs, the Kings of Eng- land have always bad the Sovereign Power: Our Laws do abundantly declare that to befalfe. Our Courts of Juftice are erected and fupprefled, not by the King’s Authority, but that of the Parliament; and yet in any of them, the meaneft Subject might go to Law with the King: nor is it a rare thing for the Judges to give Judgment againft him, which if the King fhould endeavour to obftruct by any Prohibition, Mandate, or Letters, the Judges were bound by Law, and by their Oaths not to obey him, but to reject fuch Inhibitions as null and void in Law. The King could notimprifon any Man, or feize his Eftate as forfeited ; he could not punifh any Man, not fummoned to appear in Court, where not the King but the ordinary Judges gave Sentence, which they frequently did, asT have faid, againft the King. Hence our Bratton, lib. 3. cap. 9. The Regal Power, fayshe, % according to Law ; he has no power to do any wrong, nor canthe King do a- ny thing but what the Law warrants. Thofe Lawyers that you have confulted, Men that have lately fled their Countrey, may tell you another tale, and acquaint you with fome Statutes, not very ancient neither, but made in King Edward 4th’s, King Henry 6th’s, and King Edward 6th’s days; but they did not confi- der, That what power foever thofe Statutes gave the King, was conferred up- on him by Authority of Parliament,’ fo that he was beholding to them for it; and the fame power that conferr’d it, might at pleafure refume it. How comes it to pafs that fo acute a difputant as you, fhould fuffer your felf to be impofed
upon to that degree, as to make ufe of that very Argument to prove the King’s
Power to be Abfolute and Supreme, than which nothing proves more clearly, That it is fubordinate to that of the Parliament ? Our Records of the greateft Authority with us, declare, That our Kings owe all their Power, not to any Right of Inheritance, of Conquelt, or Succeflion, but to the People. Soin the Parliament Rolls of King Hen. 4. numb, 108. we read, That the Kingly Of- fice and Power was granted by the Commons to King Henry the 4th, and before
~ him, to his Predeceflor King Richard the 24. juft as Kings ufe to grant Commiflio-
ners Places, and Lieutenantfhips to their Deputies, by Edicts and Patents. Thus the Houfeof Commons ordered exprefly to be entred upon record, * That ‘they had granted to King Richard to ufe the fame good Liberty that the Kings of Eng- “land before him had ufed : Which becaufe that King abufed to the fubverfion of the Laws, and contrary to his Oath at bis Coronation, the fame perfons that gran- ted him that power, took it back again, and depofed him. The fame Men,as ap- pears by the fame Record, declared in open Parliament, ‘ That having confidence in the Prudence and Moderation of King Henry the 4th. they will and ena@, * That he enjoy the fame Royal Authority that his Anceftors enjoyed. wea Nann i
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if it had been any other than in the natureof a Truft, as this was, either thofe Houfes of Parliament were foolifh and-vain, to give what was none of their own, or thofe Kings that were willing to receive as from them, what was already theirs, were too injurious both to themfelves and their Pofterity 5 neither of which is likely. 4 third part of the Regal Power, fay you, # ccnverfant about the Militia , this the Kings of England have ufed to order and govern, without Fellow or Competitor. Thisis as falfe as all the reft that you have taken upon the credit of Fugitives: For in the firft place, both our own Hiftories, and thofe of Fo- reigners, that have been any whit exact in the relation of ovr Affairs, declare, That the making of Peace and War, always did belong to the Parliament. And the Laws of St. Edward, which our Kings were bound to {wear that they would maintain, make this appear beyond all exception, in the Chapter De Heretochis, viz. * That there were certain Officers appointed in every Province and Coun- ‘ty throughout the Kingdom, that were called Heretochs, in Latin Duces, Com. © manders of Armies, that were tocommand the Forces of the feveral Counties, not for the Honour of the Crown only, ‘ but for the good of the Realm. And * they were chofen by the General Council, and in the feveral Counties at pub- © lick Aflemblies of the Inhabitants, as Sheriffs ought to bechofen. Whence it is evident, That the Forcesof the Kingdom, and the’Commanders of thofe Forces, were anciently, and ought to be ftill, not atthe King’s Command, but atthe People’s; ‘and that this moft reafonable and juft Law obtained in this Kingdom of ours no lefs than heretofore it.did in the Commonwealth of the Romans. Concerning which, it wil} not be amifs to hear what Cicero fays, Philip. 1. * All the Legions, all the Forces of the Commonwealth, wherefoever they ‘are, are the People of Rome’s, nor are thofe Legions that deferted the Con- * ful Antonius, {aid to have been -Avtony’s, but the Commonwealth’s Legions. This very Law of St. Edward, together with the reft, did Wiliam the Con- queror, at the defire and inftance of the People, confirm by Oath, and added o- ver and above, cap.56. ‘ Thatall Cities, Boroughs, Caftles, fhould be fo watch * ed every night, -as the Sheriffs, the Aldermen, and other Magiftrates, fhould ‘think meet for the fafety of the Kingdom. And in the 6th Law, * Caftles, * Boroughs, and Cities, were firft built for the Defence of the People, and ‘ therefore ought to be maintained free and entire, by all ways and means. What then? Shall Towns and Places of Strengthin times of Peace be guarded againft Thieves and Robbers by common Councils of the feveral Places ; and fhall they not be defended in dangerous times of War, againft both Domeftick and Foreign Hoftility, by the Common Council of the whole Nation? If thisbe not granted, therecan be xo Freedom, no Integrity, no Reafon in the guarding of them ; nor fhall we obtain any of thofe ends, for which the Law it felf tells us, that Towns and Fortrefles were at firft founded. Indeed our Anceftors were williog to put any thing into the King’s Power, rather than their Arms, and the Garifons of their Towns ; conceiving that to be neither better nor worfe, than betraying their Liberty to the Fury and Exorbitancy of their Princes. Ofwhich there are fo very many inftances inour Hiftories, and thofe fo generally known, that it would be fuperfluous to mention any of them here. Butthe King owes protettion to bis Subjects , and how can he protest them, unlef{s be have Aden and Arms at Command? But, fay], he had all thisfor the good of the Kingdom, as has been faid, not for the deftruction of his People, and theruin of the Kingdom : Which in King Heury the 34°s time, one Leonard, a Learned Man in thofe days, inan Aflembly of Bifhops, told Ruffandys, the Pope’s Nuncio and the King’s Procurator, in thefe words; ‘All Churches are the Pope’s, as all Temporal ‘things are faid to bethe King’s, for Defence and Protection, not his in Proprie- “cy and Ownerhhip, as we fay ; they are his to defend, not to deftroy. The . aforementioned Law of St. Edward, is to the fame purpofe , and what does this
import more thana Truft ? Does thislook like abfolute power? Such a kind of Power a Commander of an Army always has, that is, a delegated Power; and yct both at home and abroad he is never the lefs able to defend the People that chufe him. Our Parliaments would anciently have contended with our Kings a- bout their Liberty and the Laws of St. Edward, to very little purpofe; and ’cwould have been an unequal match betwixt the-Kings and them, if they had been of opinion, that the Power of the Sword belonged tohimalone: for how unjuft Laws foever their Kings would have impofed upon them, their Charter, tho never fo great, would have been a weak Defence againft Force. But
fay
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fay you, What would the Parliament be the better for the Militia, ‘fince without the King’s Affent they cannot raife the leaft Farthing fromthe People towards the maintain- ing it ? Take you no thought for that: For in the firft place you go upona falfe fuppofition, That Parliaments cannot impofe Taxes without the King’s Affent, upon the People that fend them, and whofe concerns they undertake. Inthe next place, you that are fo officious an enquirer into other mens matters, can- not but have heard, That the People of their own accord, by bringing in their Plate to be melted down, raifed a great Sum of Money towards the carrying on of this War againft the King. Then you mention the largenefs of our King’s Revenues: You mention over and over again Five Hundred and Forty Thoufands : That thofe of our Kings that have beeneminent for their Bounty and Liberality, have ufed to give Large Boons out of their own Patrimony. This you were glad to hear ; *twas by this Charm, that thofe Traytors to their Countrey allured you, as Ba- laam the Prophet wasenticed of old, to curfe the People of God, and exclaim, again{t the Judicial Difpenfations of his Providence. You Fool! what was that unjuft and violent King the better for fuch abundance of Wealth ? What are you the better for it? Who have been no partaker of any part ofit, that I canhear of (how great hopes foever you may have conceiv'd of being vaftly enriched by it) but only of a hundred pieces of Gold, in a Purfe wrought with beads. Take that reward of thine Iniquity, Balaam, which thou haft loved, and enjoy it. You goon to play the Fool; The fetcing upof a Standard ts a Prerogative that belongs to the King only. How fo? Why becaule Virgil tells us in his e4neis, © That Twrnus fet up a Standard on thetopof the Tower at Laurentum, for an ‘Enfignof War. Anddonot youknow, Grammarian, that every General of an Army does the fame thing? But, fays Ariffotle, The King muft always be pro- vided of a Military Power, that he may be able to defend the Laws , and therefore the King muft be ftronger than the whole body of the People. This man makes Confe- quences juft as Oenws does Ropes in Hell ; which are of no ufebut to be eaten by Afles. For anumber of Soldiers given to the King by the People, is one thing ; and the fole power of the Militiais quite another thing; the latter, Aristotle does not allow that Kings ought to be Matters of, and that in this very place which you have quoted: He ought, fayshe, tohave fo many armed men about him, _ astomake him ftronger than any one man, than many men got together ; but be mujt
_ not be ftronger than all the People, Polit. lib. 3. cap. 4. Elfe inftead of protecting them, it would be in his power to fubject both People and Laws to himfelf- For this is the difference betwixt a King anda Tyrant: A King, by confent of the Senate and People, has about him fo many armed men, as to enable him to refift Enemies, and fupprefs Seditions. A Tyrant, againft the Will both of Senate and People, gets as greata number as he can, either of Enemies, or pro- fligate Subjects to fide with him againft the Senate and the People. The Parlia- ment therefore allowed the King, as they did whatever he had befides, the fet- ting up of a Standard; not to wage War again{t his own People, but to defend them againft fuch as the Parliament fhould declare Enemiesto the State: If he acted otherwife, himfelf was tobe accounted an Enemy; fince according to the very Law of St. Edward, or according to a more facred Law than that, the Law of Nature it felf, he loft the name of aKing, and was no longer fuch.- Whence Cicero in his Parlip. ‘He forfeits his Command in the Arm? 2nd In-
. geolh)
*tereftin the Government, thatemplovsthe-s g2cinitthe State. Neither could the King compel tho thc7 heid of him by Knight-Service, to ferve him in any « _ Siner War, than fuch as was made by confent of Parliament ; which is evident by many Statutes. So for Cuftoms and other Subfidies for the maintenance of the Navy ; the King could not exact them without an Act of Parliament 5 as was refolved about twelve years ago, by the ableft of our Lawyers, when the King’s Authority was atthe height. And long before them, Fortefcue, an Eminent Lawyer, and Chancellor to King Henry the 6th, ¢ The King of England, fays be, “can neither alter the Laws, nor exact Subfidies without the People’s confent ; nor can any Teftimonies be brought from Antiquity, to prove the Kingdom of England to have been merely Regal. ‘* The King, fays Bratton, has a Jurifdi- * €tion over all his Subjects ; that is, in his Courts of Juftice, where Juftice is adminiftred in the King’s name indeed, but according to our own Laws. ‘All © are fubject to the King ; that is, every particular maa is; and fo Bratton ex- plains himfelf in the places that | have cited, What follows is but turning the fame {tone over and over again , (at which {port Lbelieve you are able to tire Si- Nonn 2 fphus
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fipouws himnfelf ) and is fafficiently anfwered by what has been faid already. For
the reft, if our Parliaments have fometimes complimented good Kings with fubmiffive expreflions, tho neither fayouring of Flattery nor Slavery, thofe are not to beaccounted due to Tyrants, nor ought to prejudice the Peoples Right : good manners and civility do not infringe Liberty. Whereas you cite out of Sir Edw. Coke and others; ‘ That the Kingdom of England is an Abfolute Kingdom ; that is faid with refpect to any Foreign Prince, or the Emperor ; becaufe as Cam- den fays, ‘ Itisnot under the Patronage of the Emperor: but both of them affirm thatthe Government of England refides notin the King alone, but ina
Body Politick. Whence Fortefcue in his Book de Laud, Leg. Angl. capo. © The «
“King of England, fays be, governs his People, not by a merely Regal, buta © Political Power ; for the Exgli{h are govern’d by Laws of their own making. Foreign Authors were not ignorant of this: Hence Philip de Comines, a Grave Author, in the Fifth Book of bis Commentaries, ‘ OF all the Kingdoms of the e* Earth, fays be, that | have any knowledg of, there is none in my opinion, © where the Government is more moderate, where the King. has lefs power of ‘ hurting his People, than in England. Finally, “Pu rediculow, fay you, for thems t0 affirm that Kingdoms were ancienter than Kings , which 1 as much asif they fhould fay, that there was Light before the Sun was created, But with your good leave, Sir, we do not fay that Kingdoms, but that the People were before Kings. In the mean time, who can be more ridiculous than you, who deny there was Light before the Sun had a being? You pretend to a curiofity in other mens matters, and have forgot the very firft things that were taught you. You wonder how they that have feen the King upan his Throne, at a Seffion of Parliament (fubaureo & ferico Celo, under a golden and filken Heaven) under a Canopy of State, fhould fo
much as make aque(tion whether the Adajefty refided.in hin, or in the Parliament ? They
are certainly hard of belief, whom fo lucid an Argument coming down fronr Heaven, cannot convince. Which Golden Heaven, you, likea Stoick, have fo devoutly and ferioufly gaz’d upon, that, you feem to have forgot what kind. of Heaven Mofes and Ariftorle defcribe to us; for youdeny that there was any Light in Adofes’s Heaven, before the Sun; andin Aciftotle’s you make three tem- perate Zones. How many Zones you obferved in.chat Golden and Silken Hea> ven of the King’s, I know. not; but! know you got one Zone (aPurfe} well
tempered witha Hundred Golden Stars by your Aitronomy. :
CHA: Poe me
Sin: this whole Controverfy, whether concerning the Right of Kingsia. general, or that of the King of Eng/and in particular, is rendred difficult and’ intricate, rather by the obftinacy of Parties, than by the nature of the thing it’
ff; I hope they that prefer Truth before the Intereft of a Faction, willbe fa-:
tisfied with what I have alledged out of the Law of God, the Laws of. Nations, and the Manicipal Laws of my own Countrey, ThataKingof England may be» broughtto Trial, and put to Death. As for thofe whofe minds are either blin-— weg vith Superitition, or fo dazled with the Splendor and Grandure of a Courts
chat Magnanimity and true seuct ey ue BOE appear fo glorious to them, as they
4
: S “nhs = : eine hte are in themlelves, it will bein vain co contend with them, ene vy Reafon and
“Arguments, or Examples. But you Salmafivs, feem very ablurd, asin every
other part of your Book, fo particularly in this, who tho you rail perpetually” at the Independents, and revile them with all the terms of Reproach imaginable, — yeraflert to the higheft degree that cambe, the Jndependency of a King, whom you” defend, and will not allow him to ome his Sovereignty to the People, but to his Des fcext.. And whereas in the beginning of your Book youcomplain’d that hewas pit 10 plead for his Life, here youcomplain, That he perifh’d without being heard to Ipeak for himfelf. But if you have a mind to look into the Hiftory of his Frial, which is very faithfully publith’d in French, it may be you'll be of another opinion. Whereas he had liberty given him for fome daystogether, tofay what he could for him{elf, he made ufe of it not to clear himfelf of the Crimes laid to his Charge, but to difprove the Authority of his Judges, and the Judicature that he was cal- led before.. And whenever a Criminal is either mute, or fays nothing to the: purpofe, there isnolnjuftice in condemning him without hearing oe his rimes
C 645 ) Crimes are notorious, and publickly known. Iftyou fay that Charles died as he lived, lagree with you: If you fay that he died pioufly, holily, and at eafe, you may remember that his Grandmother AZary, Queen of Scots, an infamous Wo- man, died on a Scaffold with as much outward appearance of Piety, Sanctity, and Conftancy, as hedid. And left you fhould afcribe too much to that prefence of mind which fome common Malefactors have fo great a meafure of at their death; many times defpair, anda hardned heart puts on as it were a Vizor of Courage; and Stupidity, a fhew of Quiet, and Tranquillity of Mind : Sometimes the worlt of Men defire to appear good, undaunted, innocent, and now and then religious, not only in their life, but at their death; and in fuffering death for their villanies, ufe to act the laft part of their hypocrify and cheats, with all the fhow imaginable; and likebad Poets or Stage-players, are very ambitious of be- ing clapp’d at the end of the Play. Maw, you fay, you are come to enquire who they chiefly were, that gave Sentence againft the King. Whereas it ought firft to be enquired into, how you, a Foreigner, and a Freach Vagabond, cameto have any thing to’ do to raifé a queftion about our Affairs, to which you are fo much aStranger ? And what Reward induced youto it? But we know enough of that, ‘and who fatisfied your curiofity in thefe matters of ours , even thofe Fugitives, and Traitors to their Countrey, that could eafily hire fuch a vain Fellow as you, tofpeak illofus. Then an account in writing, of the ftate of our Affairs, was put into your hands by fome hair-brain’d, half-Proteftant, half Papift Chaplain or other, or by fome fneaking Courtier, and you were -put to tranflate it into Latin, out of that you took thefe Narratives, which, if you pleafe, we'll ex- amine alittle : Not' the hundred thoufandth part of the People confented'to this Sentence of Condemnation, \What were the reft of the People then that fuffer'd fo great a thing to be tranfacted againft their will? Were they Stocks and Stones, were they mere Trunks of Menonly, or fuch Images of Brstains, as Virgil defcribes
‘to have been wrought in Tapftry ? Purpurea intextt tollunt aulea Britanni. And Britains interwove held up the Purple Hangings.
For you defcribe no true Britains but painted ones, or rather Needle-wrought Men inftead of them. Since therefore it is athing fo incredible that a warlike Nation fhould be fubdued by fo few, and thofe of the dregs of the People (which is thé firft thing’tiat occurs in your Narrative) that appears in the very nature of the thing it felf to be moft falfe. The Bifhops were turn’d out of the Honfe of Lords by the Parliament it felf. The more deplorable is your Madnefs (for are you not yet fenfible that you rave) _tocomplain of their being turn'd out of the Parliament, whom you your felf in alarge Book endeavour to prove ought to be turn’d out of the Church. One of the States of Parliament, towit, the Houfe of Lords, confifting of Dukes, Earls, and Vifcounts, was removed. And defer- vedly were they removed ; for they were not deputed to fit there by any Town or Cotinty, but reprefented themfelves only , they had no Right over the Peo- ple, but (as if they had been ordained for that very purpofe) ufed frequently to oppofe their Rights and Liberties. They were created by the King, they were his Companions, hisServants, and asit were, Shadows of him. He being re- moved, it was neceflary they fhould be reduced to the fame Level withthe Body of the’People, from among{t whom they took their rife. One part of the Parls- ament,, and that the worft of all, ought not 10 have affum’d that Power of judging and condemning the King, Byt i havetold you already, that the Houfe of Commons was not on!’ thé chief part of our Parliament, while we had Kings, but was a perfect and entire Parliament of it felf, without the Temporal Lords, much more without the Bifhops- But, Zhe whole Houfe of Commons themfelves were not admitted to have to dowith the Trial of the King. To wit, that partof them was not admitted, that openly revolted to him in their Minds and Councels 3 whom, tho they ftil’d him their King, yet they had fo often ated again{ft, as an Enemy. The Parliament of England, and the Deputies fent from the Parliament of Scor- land, on the 13th of Fanuary, 1645, wrote to the King, in anfwer toa Letter of his, by which he defired a deceitful Truce, and that he might treat with them at London ; that they could not admit him into that City, till he had made Satisfa- étion to the State for the Civil War that he had raifed in the three Kingdoms, and for the Deaths of fo many of his Subjects flain by his Order 5 and till he had
agreed to a true and firm Peace upon fuch Terms as the Parliaments of both Kingdoms
( 646 ) Kingdoms had offered him fo often already, and fhould offer himagain. Heon the other hand either refufed tohear, or by ambiguous Anfwers eluded their juft and equal Propofals, tho moft humbly prefented to him feven times over. The Parliament at laft, after fo many years patience, left the King fhould overturn the State by his Wiles and Delays, when in Prifon, which he could not fubdue inthe Field, and left the vanquifh’d Enemy pleafed with our Divifions, fhould recover himfelf, and triumph unexpetedly over his Conquerors, vote that for the future they would have no regard to him, that they would fend him no more
Propofals, nor receive any from him: After which Vote, there were foundeven —
fome Members of Parliament, who out of the hatred they bore that invincible
Army, whofe Glory they envied, and which they would have had disbanded,
and fent home with difgrace, after they had deferved fo well of their Nation, and out ofa fervile compliance with fome Seditious Minifters, finding their op-
portunity, when many, whom they knew to be otherwife minded than them-_
felves, having been fent by the Houfe it felf to fupprefs the Presbyterians, who began already to be turbulent, were abfent in the feveral Counties, witha ftrange Levity, not to fay PerfidioufnefS, vote that that inveterate Enemy of the State,
who had nothing of aKing but the Name, without giving any Satisfaction or .
Security, fhould be brought back to London, and reftored to his Dignity and Go- vernment, asif he had deferved we!! of the Nation by what he haddone. So that they preferr’d the King before their Religion, their Liberty, and that very celebrated Covenant of theirs. What did they do in the meantime, who were found themfelves, and faw fuch pernicious Councils on foot? Ought they there-
fore to have been wanting to the Nation, and not provide for its fafety, becaufe .
the Infection had {pread it f<If even in their own Houfe? But, who fecluded |
thofe ill affected Members? The Englifh Army, you fay: So that it was not an Army of Foreigners, but of moft valiant, and faithful, honeft Natives, whofe Officers for the moft part were Members of Parliament , and whom thofe good fecluded Members would have fecluded their Country, and banifhed into Jreland ; while in the mean tire the Scots, whofe Alliance began to be doubtful, had very confiderable Forces in four of our Northern Counties, and kept Garifons in the beft Towns.of thofe Parts, and had the King himfelf in Cuftody , whilft they likewife enconraged the tumultuating of thofe of their own Faction, who did more than threaten the Parliament, both in City and Country, and through whofe means not only a Civil, but a War with Scotland too fhortly after brake ‘out. Ifit has been always accounted praife-worthy in private Men to aflift the State, and promote the publick Good, whether by Advice or Action; our Army fure wasin no fault, who being ordered by the Parliament to come to Town, obey’d and came, and when they were come, quell’d wich cafe the Faction and Uproar of the King’s Party, who fometimesthreatned the Houfe it felf. For things were brought to that pafs, that of neceflity either we muft be rundown by them, or they by us. They had on their fide moft of the Shopkeepers and Handicrafts-men of London, and generally thofe of the Minifters, that were moft factious. On our fide was the Army, whofe Fidelity, Moderation, and Courage were fufficiently known. It being in our Power by their means to retain our Lt- berty, ourState,*our common Safety; do you think we had not been Fools to have loft all by our negligence and folly ? They who had had places of Com- mand in the Kings Army, after their Party were fubdued, had laid down their Arms indeed againft their Wills, but continued Enemies to us in their Hearts ; and they flock’'d to Town, aiid were here watching all opportunities of renew- ing the War. With thefe Men, tho they were the greateft Enemies they had
in the World, and thirfted after their Blood, did the Presbyrertans, becaufe they _
were not permitted to exercife a Civil, as well as an Ecclefiaftical Jurifdiction over all other’, hold fecret Correfpondence, and took meafures very unworthy of what they had formerly both faidand done; and they came to that Spleen at laft, that they would rather enthral themfelves to the King again, than admit their own Brethren to fhare in their Liberty, which they likewife had purcha- fed at the price ot their own Blood ; they chofe rather to be lorded over once more by a Tyrant, polluted with the Blood of fo many of his own Subjects, and who was enraged, and breath’d out nothing but revenge againft chofe of them that were left, than endure their Brethren and Friends to be upon the {quare with them, The Independents, as they are called, were the only men, that from firft to la{t kept to their point, and knew what vfe to make of their vip ets
hey
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They refus’d (and wifely, inmy opinion) to make him King again, being then an Enemy; who whenhe was their King, had made himfelf their Enemy: Nor were they ever the lefs averfe toaPeace, but they very prudently dreaded a new War, or a perpetual Slavery under the name ofaPeace. To load our Army with the morereproaches, you begin a filly confufed Narrative of our Affairs ; in which tho I find many things falfe, many things frivolous, many things laid to our charge, for which we rather merit; yet I think it will be to mo purpofe for me to write atrue relation, in anfwerto your falfe one. For you and J are ar- guing, not writing Hiftories, and both fides will believe our reafons, but not our narrative; and indeed the nature of the things themfelves is fuch, that they cannot be related asthey ought to be, butin a fet Hiftory, fo that I think it better, as Salujt faid of Carthage, rather to fay nothing atall, than to fay but a little of things of this weight and importance. Nay, and I fcorn fo much as to mention the praifesof great Men, and of Almighty God himfelf (who in fo wonderful a courfe of Affairs ought to be frequently acknowledged) amongft your Slanders and Reproaches. li therefore only pick out fuch things as feem to have any colour of argument. You fay, the Englifh and Scotch promifed by a Sédleysn Covenant, to preferve the Majefty of the King. But you omit upon what terms they promifed it, to wit, if it might confift with the fafety of their Re- ligion and their Liberty. To both which, Religion and Liberty, that King was fo averfe to his laft breath, and watcht all opportunities of gaining advantages upon them, that it was evident that his Life was dangerous to their Religion, and the certain ruin of their Liberty. But then you fail upon the King’s Judges a- gain: If we confider the thing aright, the .conclufion of this abominable attion muft be imputed to the Independents, yer f2 asthe Presbyterians may juftly challenge the glory of its beginning and progrefs. Hark, ye Presbyterians, what good has it done
ou? How is your Innocence and Loyalty the more cleared by, your feeming fo much to abhor the petting the King todeath ? You your felves in the opinion of this everlafting talkative Advocate of the King, your accufer, went more than half-way towards it ; you were feen atting the fourth Att and more, inthis Tragedy ; you may juftly be charged with the King’s death, fince you fhew'd the way to it ; “twas you and only you that laid bis head upon the Block. Wo be to you in the firft place, if ever Charles his Pofterity recover the Crown of England , aflure your felves, you are like to be put in the Black Lift. But pay your Vows to God, and love your Brethren who have delivered you, who have prevented that calamity from fal- ling upon you, who have faved you from inevitable ruin, tho againft your own wills. You are accufed likewife for that fome years ago you endeavoured by fundry Petitions to leffen the Kings authority, that you publifhe fome fcandalous Expreffions of the King himfelf in the Papers yon prefented him with in the name of the Parliament ; to wit, inthat Declaration of the Lords and Commons of the 26th of May 1642,
you declar?d openly in fome mid Poficions that breath’d nothing but Rebellion, what your
thoughts were of the King’s authority: Hotham by order of Parliament fhut the gates of Hull againft the King , you bad a mindto make a trial by this firft att of Rebellion how much the King would bear. \Nbat could this Man fay moreif it were his de- fign to reconcile the minds of all Englifb Men to one another, and aliénate them wholly from the King ? for he gives them here to underftand, thatif ever the King be brought back, they muft nct only expect tobe punifht for his Father's death, but for the Petitions they made long ago, and fome Acts that paft in full Parliament, concerning the putting down the Common-Prayer and Bifhops, and that of the Triennial Parliament, and feveral other things that were enacted with the greateft confent and applaufe of all the People that could be; all which will be look’d upon as the Seditions and mad Politions of the Presbyterians. But this vain fellow changes his mind all of a fuddens and what but of late, when he confidered it aright, he thought was to be imputed wholly to the Presbyterians, now that he confiders the fame thing from firft to laft, he thinks the Independents were the fole Actors of it. But cven now he told us, The Presbyterians took up Arms againft the King, that by them he mas beaten, taken captive, and put in prifon; Now he fays, this whole Dottrine of Rebellion ix the Independents Principle. O! the
> faithfulnefs of this Man’s Narrative. How confiftent he is with himfelf! What
need is there of a Counter Narrative to this of his, that cuts its own Throat ? But if any man fhould queftion whether you are an honeft Manor a Knave, let him read thefe following lines of yours: Jt # time to explain whence and at what | time this Sci of Enemies to Kingfhip firft began. Why truly thefe rare Puritans began
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( 648 ) es Queen Elizabeths time to crawl out of Hell, and difturb not only the Church, bat she State likewife , for they are no lefs plagues to the latter than tothe former. Now your very {peech bewrays youtobea right Balaams; for where you defigned to tpicout the molt bitter Poyfon you could, there unwittingly and againft your will you have pronounc’d a Blefling. For it’s notorioufly known all over England thatif any endeavoured to follow the example of thofe Churches, whether in France or Germany, which they accounted beft reformed, and to exercife the publick Worfhip of God ina more pure manner, which our Bilhops had almoft univerfally corrupted with their Ceremonies and Superititions ; or ifany feemed either in point of Religion or Morality to be better than others, fuch perfons were by the Favourers of Epifcopacy termed Purirans. Thefe are they whofe Principles you fay are fo oppofite to Kinghhip. Nor are they the only perfons, moft of the Reformed Religion, that have not fucked in the reft of their principles, yet feem to have approved of thofe that ftrike at Kingly Government. So that while you inveigh bitterly againft the Jwdependents, and endeavour to feparate them from Chrift’s flock, with the fame breath you praife them ; and thofe Principles which almoft every where you affirm to be peculiar to the Independents, here you con- fefs have been approved of by moft of the Reform<cd Religion, Nay youare arrived to that degree of impudence, impiety and apoftacy, that though for- merly you maintained Bilhops ought to be extirpated out of the Church, root and branch, as fo many pefts and limbs of Antichrift, here you fay the King ought to protect them, for the faving of his Coronation-Oath. You cannot fhow your felf a more infamous Villain than you have done already, but by ab- juring the Proteftant Reformed Religion, to which youarea fcandal. Where- as you tax us with giving a Toleration of alt Seéts and Herefies, you ought not to find fault with us for that; fince the Church bears with fuch a profligate Wretch as you your felf, fuch a vain Fellow, fucha Lyar, fucha Mercenary Slanderer, fuch an Apoftate, one who has the impudence to affirm, That the beft and moft pious of Chriftians, and even moft of thofe who profefs the Reformed Religi- on, arecrept out of Hell, becaufe they differ in opinion fromyou. I had beft pafs by the Calumnies that fill up the reft of this Chapter, and thofe prodigious Tenets that you afcribe to the Independents, to render them odious; for neither do they at all concern the Caufe you have in hand, and they are fuch for the mott
part as deferve to be laugh’d at, and defpifed, rather than receive a ferious Anfwer.
CORA Po Sd
OU feem to begin this Eleventh Chapter, Salmajfis, though with no mo-
defty, yet with fome fenfe of your weaknefs and trifling in this Difcourfe, For whereas you propofed to your felf to enquire in this place, by what avtho- rity fentence was given againft the King? you add immediately, which no body expected from you, that *té in vainto make any fuch enquiry, to wit, be- caufe the quality of the perfonsthat did it, leaves hardly any room for fuch a quetion, And therefore as you have been found guilty of a great deal of Impudence and Saucinefs in the undertaking of this Caufe, fo fince you feem here confcious of your ownimpertinence, | hall give you the fhorter anfwer. To your queftion then; by what authority the Houfe of Commons cither condemn‘d the King themfelves, or delegated that Power to others; | anfwer, they didit by virtue of the Supreme Authority.on Earth. How they cometo have the Supreme Pow~ er, you may learn by what J have faid already, when I refuted your Imperti-_ nencies upor that Subject. If you believed your felf that you could ever fay e- nough upon any Subject, you would not be fo tedious in repeating the fame things fo many timesover. And the Hovfecf Commons might delegate their Judici- al Power by the fame reafon, by which you fay che King may delegate his, who received all he bad from the People. Hence in that Solemn League and Cove- nant that you object to us, the Parliaments of England and Scotland folemnly proteft and engage to each other, to punifh the Traitors in fuch manner as the Supreme, Judicial Authority in both Nations, or {uch as fhould have a delegate power fromthem, fhould think fit. Now youhear the Parliaments of both Nations pro- teft with one voice, that they may delegate their Judicial Power, which they call
the
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( 649 ) | | the Supreme ; fo that you move a vain and frivolous Controverfy about delega* ting this power. But, fay you, there were added tothofe Fudzes that were made choige of ont of the Houfe of Commons, fome Officers of the Army, and it never wasknown that Soldiers bad any right to try a Subject for hw life. Wil filence youina very few words: You may remember that we are not now difconrling of a Subject, but of anEnemy; whomif a General of an Army, after he hasttaken him Prifo- ner, refolves to cifpatch,would he be thought to proceed otherwife than accord- ing to Cuftom and Martial Law, if he himfelf with fome of his Officers fhould fit upon him, and tryandcondemn him? An Encmy to a State made a Prifoner of War, cannot be lookt upon to be fo much as a Member, much lefs a Kingin that State. This isdeclar’d by that Sacred Law of St. Edward, which denies thaca bad Kingis a King atall, or ought tobecall’d fo. Whereas you fay, it was aot the whole but apart of the Houfe of Commons that tryd and condemned the King, (give you this anfwer: The number of them, who gave their Votes for purting the King to death, was far greater than.is necellary? according to the cuftom of our Parliaments to tranfact the greateft Affairs of the Kingdom, in the abfence of the reft, who fince they: were abfent througn their own fault (for to revolt tothe. common Enemy in their hearts isthe wortt fort of abfence) their abfence ought not to hinder the reft who continued faithful to thecaufe, from preferving the State; which when it wasin a tottering condition, and al- mott quite reduced to Slavery and utter Ruin, the whole body of the People had at firft committed to their fidelity, prudence and courage. And they acted their parts like men 5 they fet themfelves in oppofition to the unruly wilfulnefs, the rage, the fecret defigns of an inveterate and exafperated King 5 they prefer’d the common Liberty and Safety before their own 5 they out-did ail former Par- liaments, they out-did all their Anceftors in Conduct, Magaanimity and Sted- dinefs totheir caufe. Yetthefe very men did a great part of the People ungrate- fully defert in the midftof their undertaking, tho they had promifed them all fidelity, all the help and afliftance they could afford them. Thefe were for Sla- very and Peace with floth and luxury upon any terms: Others demanded their Liberty, nor would accept of a Peace that was not fure and honourable. What fhould the Parliament doin thiscafe ? ought they to have defended this part of the People, that was found and contifued faithful to them and their Country, or to have fided with thofe that deferted both ? { kaow what you will fay they ought tohavedone. You are not Exrylochws, but Elpenor, a miferable enchanted Beatty a filthy Swine, accultomed to a fordid Slavery even under a Woman; fothat you have not the leaft relifh of true Magnanimity, norconfequently of Liberty which is the effect of it: You would have all other men Slaves, becaufe you find in your felf no generous, ingenuous inclinations, you fay nothing, you breath nothing but what’s mean and fervile. You raife another fcruple, to wit, That he was the King of Scotland too, whom we condemud, asif he might therefore do what he wouldin England, But that you may conclude this Chapter, which of all others is the moft weak and infipid, at leaft with fome witty querk, There are two little words, fay you, that are made up of the fame number of Letters, and dif- fer only inthe placing of them, but whofe fignifications are wide afunder, to wit, Vis and Jus, (might and right.) ?Yisno great wonder that fuch a three letter’d man as you, (Fur a Thief ) fhould make fuch a Witticifm upon three Letters: *Tis the greater Wonder (which yet you allért throughout your Book) that two things fo directly oppofite to one another as thofe twoare, fhould yet meet and become one and the fame thing in Kings. For what violence was ever acted by Kings, which you do not affirm to be their Right ? Thefe are all the paflages that I could pick oat of nine long Pages, that | thought deferved an anfwer. The reft con- fifts either of repetitions of things that have been anfwered more than once, or fuch as have no relationto the matter in hand. So that my being more brief in this Chapter than in the reft, is not to be imputed to want of diligence in me, which, how irkfom foever you are tome, I have not flackned, but to your te-
_ dious impertinence, fovoid of mattey and fenfe.
. Gus AvP: XIf. With, Salmafins, that youhad left out this part of your Difcourfe concern- ing the King’s crimes, which it had been more advifable for your felf and your party to have done ; for I’m afraid left in giving you an anfwer to it, I . fould appear too fharp and fevere upon him, now he his dead, and hath s coin Qooco ve
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ved his punifhment. But fince you chofe rather to difcourfe confidently and at large upon that Subject, Pil make you fenfible, that you could not have donea more inconfiderate thing, than to referve the worft part of yourcanfe tothe lait, to wit that of ripping up and enquiring into the Kings Crimes; which when | fhall have proved them to have been true and moft exorbitanc, they will render his memory unpleafant and odiousto all good men, and imprint now in the clofe of the Controverfy, a juft hatred of you, who undertake fis defence, on the Readersminds. Say you, Hs accufation may bz divided into two parts, one is converfant about his Morals, the other taxeth him with fuch faults as be might com- mit sn bis publick capacity. Vl be content to pafs by in filence that part of bis life that he {pent in Banquetings, at Plays, and in the converfation of Women ; for what can there bein Luxury and Excefs, worth relating ? And what would thofe things have been to us, if he had been a private perfon? But fince he would be a King, as he could not live a private Life, fo neither could his Vices be like thofe of a private Perfon. For inthe firft place, he did a great deal of .mifchief by his Example: Inthefecond place, all chat time chat he ipent upon his Luft, and in his {fporis, which was a great part of his time, he ftole from the State, the Government of which he had undertaken. Thirdly and laft- ly, he fquandered away vait Sums of Money, which were not his own, but the publick Revenue of the Nation, in his Domeftick Luxury and Extravagance. So that in his private life at home he firft began to be anill King. Bat let us rather : pafsover tothofe Crimes thar he us charged mith on the account of mifgovernment. Here you lament his being condemned as a Tyrant, a Traitor, and a Murderer. That he had no wrong done him, fhall now be made appear. But.firitlet us de- fine a Tyrant,not according to vulgar conceits, but the judgment of -Ariftorle, and ofall Learned Men. Heisa Tyrant who regards his own welfare and profit only, and not that of the People. So Ariftorle defines one in the Tenth Book of his E- thicks, and elfewhere, and fodo very many others. Whether Charles regarded his ownor the Peoples good, thefe few things of many that | fhall but touch upon, will evince. » When his Rents and other publick Revenues of the Crown would not defray the Expences of the Court, he laid moft heavy Taxes,upon the Peoples and when they were fquandred away, he invented new ones 3 not for the benefit, ho- nour, or defence of the State, but that he might hoard up, or lavifh out in one Houfe, the Richesand Wealth, not ofone butof three Nations. When at this rate he broke loofe, and acted without any colour of Law to warrant his proceed - ings, knowing that a Parliament was the only thing that could give him check, he endeavoured either wholly to lay alide the very calling of Parliaments, or cal- ling them juft as often, and no oftner, than to ferve his own turn, to make thent entirely at hisdevotion. Which Bridle when he had caft off himfelf, he put ano- ther Bridle upon the People ,_ he put Garifons of German Horfe and /rifh Footin many Towns and Cities, and that in time of Peace. Do you think he does not begin to look like a Tyrant? in which very thing, as in many other Particulars, which you have formerly given me occafion to inftance (tho you feorn to have Charles compared with fo cruela Tyrant as Nero) he refembled him extremely much. For ero likewife often threatned to take away the Senate. Befides he bore extreme hard upon the Contciences of good men, and compelled thei to the ufe of Ceremonies and Superititious Worthip,borrowed from Popery, and by him re-introduced into the Church. They that would not conform, were imprifoned or banilhtr. Hemade War uponthe Scots twice for no other caufe than that. — By all thefe actions he has furely deferved the name ofa Tyrant once over at leaft. Now Vil tell you why the word Traitor was put into his Indidtment : When he aflured bis Parliament by Promifes, by Proclamations, by Imprecations, that he had no defign againft the State, at that very time did he lift Papifts in Ireland, he {ent a prixate Embaflic to the Kingof Denmark to beg affiftance from him of Arms, Horfes and Men, exprefly againft the Parliament ; and was endeavour= ing toraifean Army firit in Exglaad, and thenin Scotland. To the Englifh he promifed the Plunder of the City of Lendon, to the Scots, that the four Worthern Counties fhould be added to Scotland, if they.would but help him to-get rid of the Parliament, by what means foever. Thefe Projects not fucceeding, he fent over one Dilona Traitor, into /reland with private Inftrutions to the Natives, to fall fuddenly upon al] the Evg4s/h that inhabited there. Thefe are the moft remarka- ble inftances of his Treafons, not taken up upon hear-fay and idlereports, but difcovered by Letters under hisown Hand and Seal, And finally 1 fuppofe no .
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man will deny that he wasa Murderer, by whofe order the Jrifh took Arms, and tto death with moft exquilite Torments,above a hundred thoufand Englifh,who ved peaceably by them, and without any apprehenfion of danger ; and who raif- ed fo great a Civil War in the other two Kingdoms. Add to ail this, that at the Treaty in the Ifle of Wight, the King openly took upon himfelf the guile of the War, and clear’d the Parliament in the Confeflion he made there, which is pub- lickly known. Thus you have in fhort why King Charles was adjudged a Tyrant, a Traytor, and a Murderer. But, fay you, why was he not declared fo before, neither in that Solemn League and Covenant, nor afterwards when he was delivered to them, ei- ther by the Presbyterians or the Independents, but on the other hand was receiv’d as a King ought tobe, with all reverence? This very thing is futhcient to perfuade any rational man, that the Parliament entred not into any Councils of quite depofing the King, but as their laft refuge, after they had fuffered and undergone all that pollibly they could, and had. attempted all other ways and means. You alone endeavour malicioufly to lay that to their charge, which toall good men cannot but evidence their great Patience, Moderation, and perhaps a too long forbearing with the King’s Pride and Arrogance. But sathe month of Augult, before the King fiffered, the Honfe of Commons, which then bore the only {way, and was governed by the Independents, wrote Letters to the Scots, in which they acquainted them that they never intended to alter the Form of Government that had obtain’d fo long in England under King, Lords, and Commons. Youmay fee from hence, how little reafon there isto afcribe the depoting of the King, to the principles of the Independents. They, that never ufed to diflemble and conceal their Tenets, even then, when they had the fole management of affairs, profels, That they never intended to alter the Govern- ment. But if afterwards a thing came into their minds, which at firft they inten- ded not, why might they not take fucha courfe, tho before not intended, as ap- pear’d moft advifable, and moft for the Nation’s Intereit ? Efpscially when they found that the King could not poflibly be intreated or induced to aflent to thofe juft demands that they had made from time to time, and which were always the fame from firft tolaft. He perfifted in thofe perverfe fentiments with refpeét to Religion and his own Right, which he had all along efpoufed, and which were fo deftructive tous; not in the leaft altered from the man that he was, whenin Peace and War, he did us all fo much mifchief. Jf he aflentedto any thing, he gave no obfcure hints that he did it againft his will, and that whenever he fhould come into power again, he would look upon fuch his aflent as null and void, The fame thing his Son declared by writing under his hand,when in thofe days he ran away with part of the Fleet, and fo did the King himfelf by Letters to fome of his own party in London. Inthe meantime, again{t the avowed fenfe of the Parlia- ment, he ftruck up a private Peace with the J7ifh, the moft barbarous Enemies imaginable to England, upon bafe difhonourable terms , but whenever he invited the Englifhto Treatiesof Peace, at thofe very times with all the power he had, and intereft he could make, he was preparing for War. _ In this cafe, what fhould they do, who were intrufted with the care of the Government ? Ought they to have betrayed the fafety of us all to our moft bitter Adverfary ? Or would you have had them left us to undergo the Calamities of another feven years War, not to fay worfe? God puta betcer mind into them, of preferring, purfuant to that very folemn League and Covenant, their Religion, and Liberties, before thofe thoughts they once had, of not rejecting the King; for they had not gone fo far asto vote it; all which they faw at laft (tho indeed later than they might have done) could not poilibly fubfift, as long as the King continued King. The Par- liament ozght and mutt of necellity be entirely free, and at liberty to provide for the good of the Nation, as occafion requires, nor ought they fo to be wedded to their firft Sentiments, as to fcruple the altering their minds, for their own, orthe Nation’s good, if God put an opportunity into their hands of procuring it. But the Scots were of another opinion , for they, ina Letter toCharles, the King?s Son, call bis Father a moft Sacred Prince, and the putting him to death, a moft execrable Villany. Do not you talk of the Scots, whom you know not ; we know them well enough, and know the time, when they called that fame King, a moft execrable perfon, a Murderer, and Traitor and the putting a Tyrant to death a mof facred action. Then you pick holes in the King’s Charge, as not being properly penn’d ; and you ask why we needed to call him aTrastor and a Murderer, after we had tiled him a Ty- rant ;, fince the word Tyrant, includes: allthe Crimes tbat maybe: And then you exe plain to us grammatically and critically, what a Tyrant is. Away with thofe Oooo 2 Trifles,
@52 ) Trifles, you Pedagogue, which that one definition of Ariftctle’s, that has lately been cited, will utterly confound; and teach fuch a Doétor as you, That the word Tyrant (for a!] your concern is barely to have fome underftanding of words) may be applied to one, who is neither a Traitor nor a Murderer, But the Laws of England do nit make it Treafon inthe King to ftir up Sedition againft bim- felf or the People. Nordothey fay, That the Parliament can be guilty of Trea- fon by depofing a bad King,nor that any Parliament ever was fo, tho they have of- ten done it; but our Laws plainly and clearly declare, that a King may violate, diminifh, nay,and wholly lofe his Royalty. For that expreffion in the Law of Sr, Edward, of lofing the name of a King, fignifies neither more nor lefs, than being de- prived of the Kingly Office and Dignity ; which befel Chilperie King of France, whofe example, for illuftration fake, is taken notice of in the Law it felf. There isnot a Lawyer amongft us that can deny, but thatthe higheft Treafon may be committed againft the Kingdom as wellas againftthe King. Lappealto Glanvile himfelf, whom youcite, ‘if any man attempt to put the King to death, or raife ‘Sedition in the Realm, it is High Treafon. So that attempt of fome Papifts to blow up the Parliament- Houfe,and the Lords and Commons there with Gunpow- der, was by King Fames himfelf, and both Houfes of Parliament, declared to be High Treafon, not againft the King only, but againft the Parliament and the whole Kingdom. ’Twould be to no purpofe to quote more of our Statutes, to prove fo clear a Truth ; which yet I couldealily do. For thething it felf is ridiculous,and abfurd to iniagine, That High Treafon may be committed againft the King, and not againft the People, for whofe good, nay, and by whofe leave, as I may fay, the King is what be is: Sothat you babble over fo many Statutes of ours to no purpofe ; you toil and wa!Jow in our Ancient Law- Books, to no purpofe; forthe Laws themfelves ftand or fall by Authority of Parliament, who always had pow- er to confirm or repealthem , and the Parliament is the fole Judg of whatis Rebellion, what High Treafon (lefa Afajeftas) and what not. Majefty never was velted to that degree in the Perfon of the King, as not to be more confpicuous,and more auguft in Parliament, as1 have often fhown: But who can endure to hear fuch a fenfelefS Fellow, fuch a Frewch Mountebank as yon, declare what our Laws are? And, you Englifh Fugitives, fo many Bifhops, Doctors, Lawyers, who pre- tend that ali Learning and [ngenuous Literatureis fled out of England with yoar felves,was there not one of you that could defend the King’s Caufe and your own, and thatin good Latin alfo, to be fubmicted to the judgment of other Nations, butthat this brain-fick, beggarly Frenchman muft be hired to undertake the De- fence of a poor indigent King, furrounded with fo many Infant-Priefts and Do- ctors ? This very thing I affure you, will bea great imputation to you amongft Foreigners ; and you will be thought defervedly to have loft that Caufe that you were fo far from being able todefend by Forceof A'tms, as that you cannot fo much as write in behalf ofit. But now [ come to you again, Good-man Goof- cap, who fcribble fo finely 5 ifat leaft you are come to your felf again ; for I find you here towards the latter end of your Book, in a deep fleep, and dreaming of fome voluntary Death or other that’s nothing tothe purpofe. Then you deny that ’tis poffible for a King in hs right wits to embroil his People in Seditions, co betray his own Forces to be flanghtered by Enemies, and raife Fattions againft himfelf. All which things having been done by many Kings, and particularly by Chardes the late King of England, you will no longer doubt, Ihope, efpecially being addicted to Stoi- cif, but that all Tyrants, as well as profligate Villains, are downright mad. ear what Horace fays, ‘ Whoever through a fenfelefS Stupidity, or any other * caufe whatfoever, hath his Underftanding fo blinded, as not te. difcern truth, © the Sraicks account of him as of amad-man: And fuch are whole Nations, fuch ‘ are Kings and Princes, fuch are all Mankind , except thofe very few that are ‘Wile. Sogkat if you would clear King Charles from the Imputation of acting like a Mad-man, you mutt firft vindicate his integrity.and fhow that he never act- edlikean ill man. But a King, you fay, cannot commit Treafon againft his own Sub- jets andVaffals. n the firft place, fince we are as free asany People under Hea- ven, we will not be impos’d upon by any Barbarous Cuftom’of any other Nati- on whatfoever. In the fecond place, Suppofe we had been the King’s Vailals that Relation would not have obliged usto endurea Tyrantto reign and lord ic over us. All Subjection to Magiftrates, as our own Laws declare, is circumf{cri- bed, and confined within the bounds of Honefy, and the Publick Good.’ Read Leg. Hien, 1. Cap. 55. The obligation betwixt a Lord and his Tenants, is mutual, and remains
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remains fo long asthe Lord proteéts his Tenant ; (this all our Lawyers teil us) but if the Lord be too fevereand cruel tohis Tenant, and do him fome heinous Injury, The whole Relation betwixt them, and whatever Obligation the Tenant 13 under by® having done Homage to bis Lord, 1 utterly diffolu'd and extinguifrd. TVhefearethe very words of Bratton and Fleta, So thatin fome Cafe, the Law it felf warrants evyena Slave, or a Vailal to oppofehis Lord, and allows the Slave tokill him, if he vanquifh him in Battle. 1f a City, or a whole Nation may not lawfully take this Courfe with a Tyrant, the Condition of Freemen will be worfe than that of Slaves. Then you go about to excufe King Charles's thedding of Innocent Blood, partly by Murders committed by other Kings, and partly by fome Inftances of. Men put to death by them lawfully. For the matter of the Jrifh Adaffacre, you re- fer the Reader to Binay Benim; andI refer you to Exconaclaftes. The Townof Rochel being taken, and the Townfmen betray’d, ailiftance fhown but not afford- edthem, you will not have laid at Charles’s door ; nor have I any thing to fay, whether he was faulty in that bufinefSor not; he did mifchief enough at home ; we need not enquire into what Mifdemeanors he was guilty of abroad. But you inthe mean time would make all the Proteftant Churches, that have at any time defended themfelves by force of Arms againft Princes, who were profefs’d Ene- mies of their Religion to have been guilty of Rebellion. Let them confider how much it concerns them for the maintaining their Ecclefiaftical Difcipline, and af- ferting their own Integrity, not to pafs by fo great an Indignity offered them by a Perfon bred up by and amongftthemfelves. That which troubles us moft, is, that the Englifh likewife were betray’d in that Expedition. He,who had defign’d long ago to convert the Government of England intoa Tyranny, thought he could notbring it to pafs, till the Flower and Strength of the Military Power of the Nation were cutoff. Another ofhis Crimes was, the cauling fome words to be ftruck out of the ufual Coronation-Oath, before he himfelf would take it. Un- worthy and abominable Action ! The act was wicked init felf, what hall be faid of him that undertakes to juftifieit ? For, by the Eternal God, what greater breach of Faith, and Violation of all Laws can poflibly be imagin’d ? What ought to been more facred to him, next to the Holy Sacraments themfelves, than that Oath ? Which of thetwodo youthink the more flagitious Perfon, him that of- fends againft the Law, or him that endeavours to make the Law equally guilty with himfelf? Or rather him who fubverts the Law it felf, that he may not feem to offend againft it? For thus, that King violated that Oath which he ought moft religioufly to have {worn to ; butthat he might not feem openly and pub- lickly to violate it, he craftily adulterated and corrupted it; and left he him- {elf fhould be accounted perjur’d, he turn'd the very Oathintoa Perjury. What other could be expected, than that his Reign would be full of Injuftice, Craft, and Misfortune, who began it with fo deteftable an Injury to hisPeople? And who durft pervert and adulterate that Law which he thought the only Obftacle that ftood in his way, and hindred him from perverting all the reft of the Laws ? But that Oath (thus you jultifyhim) /ays 10 other Obligation upon Kings, than the Laws themfelues do; and Kings pretend that they will be bound andlimited by Laws, tho indeed they are altogether from under the Power of Laws. \sitnot prodigious, that a Man fhould dare to exprefs himfelf fo facrilegioufly, and fo fenfelefly, as to af fertthat an Oath facredly fworn upon the H>ly Evangelifts, may be difpenfed with, and fet afide as alittle infignificant thing, without any Caufe whatfoever ! Charles himfelf refutes you,you Prodigy of Impiety : Who thinking that Oath no light matter, chofe rather by a Subiertuge to avoid the force of it, or bya Fallacy to eludeit, than openly to violateic, and would rather falfify and corrupt the Oath, than manifeltly forfwear himfelfafter he had taken it. But, The King in- deed fivears to his People, as the People do to him , but the People fwear Fidelity to the King, not the Kingtothem, Pretty Invention! Does not he that promifes, and binds himfelf by an Oath to do any thing to, or for another, oblige his Fidelity tothem that require the Oath of him? Of atruth, every King {wears Fédelity, and Service, and Cbedience to the People, with refpect to the performance of whatever he promifes upon Oathtodo. Then you run back to William the Con- queror, who was forced more than once to fwear to perform, not what he him- {elf would, but what the People, and the great Men of the Realm requir’d of him. If many Kings are Crown’d without the ufwal Solemnity, and Reign without taking any Oath, the fame thing may be faid of the People ; a great many of whom ne- ver took the Oath of Allegiance. If the King by not takingan Oath be atLi- ~
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€ 654 ) pars berty, the People are fotoo. And that part of the People that has {worn, fwore not to the King only, but to the Realm, and the Laws, by which the King came *to his Crown; and no otherwifeto the King, than whilit he fhould act accord- ing to thofe Laws, that the Common People, that is, the Houle of Commons, fhould chufe , (Quas Vulows elegerit.) For it were folly to alter the Phrafe of our Law,and turn it intomore genuine Latin. This Claufe (Quas Vulgus elegerst) Which the Commons fhall chufe, Charles before he was crown’d, procured to be razed out. Bur, fay you, without the King’s affent the People can chufe no Laws, and for this you cite two Statutes, viz. Anno 37. Al. 6. Cap. 15. and 13 Edm. 4.Cap. 3. but thofetwo Statutes are (o far from appearing in our Scatute-Books, that in the years you mention, veither of thofe Kings enacted any Lawsat all. Go now and complain, that thofe Fugitives who pretended to furnith you with matter out of our Sta- tutes, impofed upon you in it; and let other People inthe mean time ftand afto- nifh’d at your Impudence and Vanity, who are not afham’d to pretend to be throughly vers’d in fuch Books, asiris fo evident you have never lookd into, nor fo muchasfeen. And that Claufe inthe Coronation Oath, which fucha brazen-fac’'d Brawler as you call fictitious, The King’s Friends, you fay your felf, acknowledg that it may poffibly be extant in fome Ancient Cop.ct, but that it grew into difufe, becanfe it had no convenient fignification. Bat for that very reafon, did our Anceftorsinfert itin the Oath, that the Oath might have fuch a fignification as would not be fora Tyrant’s conveniency. If it had really growninto difufe, which yet is moft faife, there was the greater need of reviving it, but even thar would have been tono purpole, according to your Doctrine: For that Cuftom of taking an Oath, as Kings now-adays generally ufe it, 1s no more, you fay, than a bare Ceremony, And yet the King, when the Bilhops were to be put down, pretended that he could not doit by reafonof that Oath. And confequently, that reve- rend and facred Oath, as it ferves for the Kings turn, or not, muit be folemn and binding, or an empty Ceremony: WhichIearneftly entreat my Country-men to take notice of, and to confider what manner of a King they arc like to have, ifhe ever come back. For it would never have entred ints the thoughts of this Rafcally foreign Grammarizn to write a Difcourfe of the Rights of the Crown of England, unlefs both Charles Stuart now in Banifhment, and tainted with his Fathers Principles, and thofe Profligate Tutors that he has along with him, had induftrioully fuggefted to him. what they would have writ. They diGated to him, That the whole Parliament were liable to be proceeded againft as Traitors, becaufe they declar’d without the Kings Affent all them to bz Trai- tors, who had taken up Arms again(t the Parliament of England , and that Parliaments were but the King’s Vaffals: That the Oath which our Kings take at their Coronation, is but a Ceremony: And why not that a Vaflaltoo? So that no reverence of Laws, no facrednefs of an Oath, will be fufficient to prote& your Lives and Fortunes, either from the Exorbitance of a furious, or the Revenge of an exafperated Prince, who has been fo inftructed from his Cradle, as to think Laws, Religion, nay, and Oaths themfelves ought to be fubjeét to his Will and Pleafure. How much better is it, and more becoming your felves, if you dejire Riches, Liberty, Peace, and Empire, to obtain them alluredly by your own Vertue, Induftry, Pra- dence and Valour, than to long after, and hope for them in vain under the Rule of aKing ? They, who are of opinion that thefe things cannot be compafs'd but under a King, and a Lord; itcannot well be expreiled bow mean, how bafe, I do not fay,how unworthy thoughts they have of themfelves ; for in efle&, what do they other than confefs, that they themfelves are lazy, weak, fenfelefs, _ filly Perfons, and fram7d for Slavery bothin Body and Mind? And indeed all manner of Slavery is {candalous and difgraceful to a freeborn ingenious Perfon 5 but for you, after you have recovered your loft Liberty, by God’s Affiftance, and your own Arms ; after the performance of fo many valiant Exploits, and the ma- king fo temarkable an Example of a moft Potent King,to defire to return again in- toa Cundition of Bondage and Slavery, will not only be fcandalous and difgrace- ful, but an impious and wicked thing ; and equal tothat of the J/rasltes, who for defiring to return to the Egyptian Slavery, were fofeverely punith’d for that for- did, flavihh Temper of mind, and fo many of them deftroy’d by that God, who had been their Deliverer. But what fay you now, who would perfwadeus to become Slaves? The King, fay you, bad a Power of pardoning [uch as were guilty of Treafon, and other Crimes, which evinces fufficiently that the King himfelf was under * no Law, The King mightindecd pardon Treaton, not againft the Kingdom, a again
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againft himfelf, and fo may any body elfe pardon wrongs done to themfelves ¢ and he might, perhaps, pardon fome other Offences, tho not always; butdoesit follow, becaufe in fome Cafes he had the Right of faving a Malefactor’s life, that therefore he muft have a Right to deftroy all good Men ¢ If the King be implead- ed in an inferior Court, he is not obliged to ap{wer, but by his Attorney : Does it therefore follow, that when he is fummon’d by «ll his Subjects to appear in Par- liament, he may chofe whether he will appear or no, and refufe toaniwer in Per- fon ? You fay, That we endeavonr to juftify what we bave done by the Hollanders Example ; and upon this occafion, fearing the lof$ of that Stipend with which the Hollanders feed fach a Murrain and Pelt as you are, if by reviling the Englifh, you fhould confequentially reflect upon them that maintain you, you endeavour todemonftrate bow unlike their Aftions and ours are. The Comparifon that you make betwixt them, I rcfolveto omit (tho many thingsin it are moft falfe, and o- ther things flattery all over, which yet you thought your felf obliged to put down, todeferve your Penfion.) For the Englijh think they need not alledg the Exam- ples of Foreigners for their Juftification. They have Municipal Laws of their own, by which they have ated ,; Laws with relation to the matter in hand, the beft in the World: They have the Examples of their Anceltors, great and gal- Jant Men, for their imitation, who never gave way to the Exorbitant Power of Princes, and who have put many of them to death, when their Governaieat be- came infupportable. They were born free, they itand in need of no other Na- tioa, they can make what Laws they pleafe for their own good Government. One Law in particular they have a great veneration for, and a very Ancient one itis, efacted by Nature it {elf, Thacall Human Laws, all Civil Right ena Go- vernment muft have a refpect to the fafety and welfare of good Men, and noi be fubjct to the Lufls of Princes. From hence to the end of your Book, I find nothing but Rubbifh and Trifles, pick’d out of the former Chapters; of which you have here raifed fo great a heap, that | cannot imagine what other defign you could have in it, than to prelage theruin of your whole Fabrick. At laft, after an infinite deal of tittle tattle you make anend, calling God ro wit- nefs, that you undertook the defence of this Caufe, not only becaufe you were defired foto do, but becaufe your own Confcience told you, that you could not poffibly undertake the Defence of a better. sit fit for youto intermeddle with our matters, with which you have nothing to do, becaufe you were defired, when we our felves did not defire you? to reproach with contumelious and opprobrious Language, andin a Printed Book, the Supreme Magiltracy of the Englifh Natioh, when ac- cording to the authority and power that they are entrusted with, they do but their duty within their own Jurifdiction, and all this without the leaft injury or provocation from them ? (for they did not fo much as know that there was fuch a man inthe world asyou.) And I pray by whom were you defired ? By your Wife, I fuppofe, who, they fay, exercifes a Kingly Right and Jurifdiction over you ; and whenever fhe hasa mind to it (as Fulwia is made to {peak in that ob- fcene Epigram, that you collected fome Centoes out of, Pag. 320.) cries, Either write, or let’s fight; That made you write perhaps, left the Signal fhould be given. Or were you asked by Charles the Younger, and that profligate Gang of Vaga- bond Courtiers, ‘and like a fecond Balaam call’d upon by another Balak to reftore a defperate Canfe by ill writing, that was loft by ill fighting ? That may be; but there’s this difference, for he was a wife underitanding man, and rid upon an Afs that could fpeak, to curfe the People of God: Thou art a very talkative Afsthy felf, and rid by a Woman, and being furrounded with the healed heads of the Bi- fhops that heretofore thou had ft wounded, thou feem*it to reprefent that Beaft in the Revelation. Butthey faythat alittle after you had written this Book, you repented of what you had done, ° Tis well ifitbe fo , and to make your repen- tance publick, I think the beft courfe that you can take will be, for this long Book that you have writ, to take a Halter, and make one long Letter of your felf. So Fudas Ifcariot repented, to whom you are like; and that young Charles knew, which made him-fend you the Purfe, Judes his Badg; for he had heard before, _ and found afterward by experience, that you were an Apoftate and a Devil. Ju- das betray’d Chrift himfelf, and you betray his Church ; you have taught iereto- fore that Bifhops were Antichritian, and you are now revolted to their Par- ty. You now undertake the Defence of their Caufe, whom formerly you damn’d to the pit of Hell. Chrift delivered all men from Bondage, and you
endeavour to enflave all Mankind. Never queftion, fince you have been fuch a
( 656 ) Villain to God himfelf, his Church, and all Mankind in general, but that the fame fate attends you that befel your equal, out of delpair rather. than repentance, to be weary of your life, and hang your feif, and burft afunder as he did, and to. fend before-hand that faichlefs and treacherous Confcience of yours, that railing Confcience at good and holy men, to that place of tor- ment that’s prepared for you. And now | think,through God'safhitance, I have finifhed the Work I undertook, to wit, the defenceof the Noble Actions of my Country-men athomeand abroad, againit the raging and envicus madnefs of this diftradted Sophifter ; ahd the aflerting of the common Rights of the People againit the unjuft domination of Kings, not out of any hatred to Kings, but Ty- rants: Nor have I purpofely left unantwered any one argument alledged by my adverfary, nor any one example-or authority quoted by him, that feem’d to have any forceinit, cv the leaft colour of an argument. Perhaps | have been guilty rather ofthe other extreme, of replyingto {ome of his fooleries and trifles, as if they were folid arguments,and thereby may feem to have attributed more to them than they deferved. One thing yet remains to be done, which perhaps is of the greatelt concern of all, and that is, That you, my Country-men, refute this ad- verfary of yours your felves 5 which I do not fee any other means of your elfect- ing, than by aconftant endeavour to outdo all mens bad words by your own good deeds. When you laboured under more forts of oppreffionthan one, you betook your felves to God for refuge, and he was gracioully pleafed to hear your moftearneft Prayers and Defires. He has glorioufly delivered you the firft of Nations, from the two greateft mifchiefs of this life, and moft pernicious to Ver~ iue, Tyranny and Superftition, he has enducd you with greatnef$ of mind tobe firftof Mankind, who after having conquered-their own King, and ha- ving had him delivered into their hands, have not {crupled te condemn him ju- — dicially, and purfuant to that Sentence of Condemnation, to put him to death. After the performing fo glorious an Action as this, you ought to do nothing that’s mean and little, not fo muchas to think of, much lefs to do any thing but what is great and fublime._ Which to attain to, this is your only way ; as you have fubdued your Enemies in Field, fo tomake appear, that unarmed, and in the higheft outward Peace and Tranquillity, you of all Mankind are beft able to fubdue Ambition, Avarice, the love of Riches, andcan beft avoid the corrupti- ons that Profperity is apt to introduce, (which generally fubdue and triumph over other Nations) to fhow as great Juftice, Temperance and Moderation in the maintaiging your Liberty, as.you have fhown Courage in freeing your felves from Slavery. Thefe are the only Arguments by which you will be able to evince that you are not fuch Perfons as this Fellow reprefents you, Trastors, Robbers, Mur- derers, Parricides, Madmen; that you did not put your King to death out of any ambitious defign, or a defire of invading the Rights of others, not out of any fe- ditious Principles or finifter Ends, that it was not an act of Fury or Madnefs, but that it was wholly out of love to your Liberty, your Religion, to Juftice, Vertue, and your Countrey, that youpunifheda Tyrant. Butif it fhould fall out otherwife (which God forbid) if as you have been valiant in War, you fhould grow debauch’d in Peace, you that have had fuch vifible demonftrations of the Geodnelfs of God to your felves, and his Wrath againft your Enemies ; and that you fhould not have learned by fo eminent, fo remarkable an Example before your Eyes, to fear God, and work Righteoufnefs, for my part, I hall eafily grant and confefs (tor I cannot deny it) whatever ill men may fpeak or think of you, tobe very true. And you will find ina little time, that God’s Dif pleafure again{t you, will be greater than it has been againft your Adverfariess © reater than his Grace and Favour has beento your felves, which you have had
5 . - . larger experience of, than any other Nation uader Heaven. .
il
Five.
Et .V EE
Publifhed betwixt the Years 1650, and 1660.
With two PAPERS never before publifhed.
Eo RZ:
I. Letters of Stateto moft of the Sovereign Princes and Republicks of Ewrope, during the Admini- {tration of the Commonwealth, and the Pro- tectors Oliver and Richard Cromwell.
Il. A Treatife of Civil Power in Ecclefiaftical Caufes; fhewing ‘tis not lawful for any Power on Earth to compel in Matters of Religion.
Hf]. Confiderations touching the likelieft Means to remove Hirelings out of the Church, ec.
TV. A Letter to a Friend concerning the Ruptures of the Commonwealth, publifh’d from the MS.
V. The ready and eafy way to eftablifh a Free Commonwealth, the Excellence thereof, ee.
VI. The prefent Means, and brief Delineation of a Free Commonwealth; in a Letter to General Monk. Publifh’d from the MS.
VII. Brief Notes upon a late Sermon, titl'd, The Fear of God and the King, preach’ dby Matthew Griffith, D.D.
To which is added,
A Tract entitled, Of True Religion, Herefie, Schifm, Tole- ration, ¢c. printed in the Year 1673.
Amsterpvam, MDCXCIV.
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~ Letters of State
During the Adminiftration of the Commonwealth, and the Protectors Oliver and Richard Cromwel,
Letrers written inthe Nameof the Parlzament. eo
.,
The Senate and People of England, to the moft Noble Senate of the City of Hamborough.
OR how longa Series of paft Years,and for what important Reafons the Friendhhip enter’d into by our Anceftors with your molt Noble City, has continu’d to this day,we both willingly acknowledg,together with your felves ; nor isit a thing difplealing to us, frequently alfo to call
to our remembrance. But as to what we underftand by your Letters dated the 25thof Yune, that fome of our People deal not with that Fidelity and Probi- ty, as they were wont to do in their Trading and Commerce among ye; we prefently referr’d it to the Confideration of certain Perfons well skill’d in thofe matters, to the end they might make a more ftrict enquiry into the Frauds of the Clothiers and other Artificers of the Woolen Manufa@ture. And we farther promife to take fuch effectual care, as to make you fenfible of our un- alterable Intentions, to preferve fincerity and juftice among our felves, as alfo never toneglect any good Offices of our kindnefS that may redound to the welfare of your Commonwealth. On the other hand, there is fomething likewife which we not only require, but which Equity it felf, and all the Laws of God and Man demand of your felves, That you will not only conferve in- violable to the Merchants of our Nation their Privileges, but by your Autho- rity and Power defend and protect their Lives and Eftates, as it becomes your City todo. Which as we moft earneftly detir'd in our former Letters ; foup- on the repeated Complaints of our Merchants that are daily made before us, we now mote earneftly folicite and requeft it: they complaining, That their fatety, and all that they have inthe World, is again in great jeopardy among ye. Foralthough they acknowledg themfelves to have reap’d fome Benefit for a fhort time of our former Letters fent you, and to have had fome refpite from the Injuries of a fortof profligate People; yet fince the coming of the fame Coc—m to your City (of whom we complain’d before) who pretends to be honour’d with a formof Embafly from the Son of the lately deceas’d King, they have been affaulted with all manner of ill Language, Threats, and naked Swords of Ruffians and Homicides, and have wanted your ac- cuftom’d Protection and Defence ; infomuch, that when twoor three of the Merchants, together with the Prefident of the Society, were hurry’d away by furprize aboard a certain Privateer, and that the reft implor’d your Aid, yet they could not obtain any Afliftance from you, till the Merchants them- felves were forc?d to embody their own ftrength, and refcue from the hands of Pirates the Perfons feiz’d on in that River, of which your City is the Mi- ftrefs, not without extream hazard of their Lives. Nay, when they had fortunately brought ?em home again, and as it were by force of Arms re- sover'd ’em from an ignominious Captivity, and carry’d the Pirates themfelves into Cuftody ; weare inform’d that Coc—m was fo audacious as to demand the releafe of the Pirates, and that the Merchants might be deliver’d Prifoners into his hands. We therefore again, and again, befeech and adjure ye, if it
Pppp2 be
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be your intention that Contracts and Leagues, and the very antient Commerce between both Nations fhould be preferv’d, the thing which you defire, That our People may be able to aflure themfelves of fome certain and firm fupport and reliance upon your Word, your Prudence and Authority , that you would lend ’em a favourable Audience concerning thefe matters, and that you would infli& deferved Punifhment as well upon Coc—m, and the reft of his Accomplices in that wicked aét, as upon thofe who lately affaulted the Preach- er, hitherto unpunifh’d, or command ’em to depart your Territories; nor that you would believe that expell’d and exil’d Tarquins are to be prefer’d be- fore the Friendfhip, and the Wealth, and Power of our Republick. For if you do not carefully provide to the contrary, but that the enemies of our Re- publick fhall prefume to think lawful the committing of any Violences againft usin your City, how unfafe, how ignominious the Refidence of our People there willbe, do you confider with your felves. Thefe things we recommend to your Prudence and Equity, your felves to the Protection of Heaven.
Weftminfter, Aug. 10. 1649.
——————— SS
To the Senate of Hamborough.
OUR confpicuous Favour in the doubtful Condition of our Affairs, is ¥ now the reafon, that after Victory and profperous Succefs, we can no longer queftion your good Willand friendly Inclination towards us. As for our parts, the War being almoft now determin’d, and our Enemies every where vanquifh’d, we have deem’d nothing more juit, or more conducing to the firm Eftablifhment of the Republick, then that they who by our means
(the Almighty being always our Captain and Condudtor) have either recover’d
their Liberty, or obtain’d their Lives and Fortunes, after the pernicious Ra- vages of a Civil War, of our free Gift and Grace, fhould teftify and pay in exchange to their Magiftrates Allegiance and Duty in a folemn manner, if need requir’d: More efpecially when fo many turbulent and exafperated Per- fons, more then once receiv’d into Protection, will make no end, either at home or abroad, of acting perfidioufly, and raifing new Difturbances. To that purpofe we took care to enjoina certain form of an. Oath, by which all
who held any Office in the Common-wealth, or being fortity’d with the Pro- ©
tection of the Law, enjoy’d both Safety, Eafe, and all other conveniencies of Life, fhould bind themfelves to Obedience in words prefcrib’'d. This wealfo thought proper to be fent to all Colonies abroad, or where-ever elfe our People refided for the convenience of Trade; totheend that the Fidelity of thofe over whom we are fet, might be prov’d and known to us asit is but reafonable and neceflary. ° Which makes us wonder fo much the more at what our Mer- chants write from your City, that they are not permitted to execute our Com- mands by fome or other of your Order and Degree. Certainly what the moft Potent United Provinces of the Low Countries, moft jealous of their Power and their Interefts, never thought any way belonging to their in{pection, namely whether the Engli/h Foreigners {wore Fidelity and Allegiance to their Magiftrates at home, either in thefe or thofe Words, how that fhould come to be fo fufpected and troublefom to your City, we mutt plainly acknowledg that we do not underftand. But this proceeding from the private inclinati- ons or fears of fome, whom certain Vagabond Scots, expell’d their Country, are faid to have enforc’d by Menaces, on purpofe to deter our Merchants from {wearing Fidelity to us, we impute not to your City. Moft earneftly there- fore we intreat and conjure ye (for itis not now the intereft of Trade, but the honour of the Republick it felf that lies at ftake) not to fuffer any one among ye, who can have no reafon to concern himfelf in this Affair, to inter- pofe his Authority, whatever it be, with that Supremacy which we challenge over our own Subjects, not by the judgment and opinion of Foreigners, but by the Laws of our Country ; for who would not-take it amifs, if we fhould forbid your Hamburgers, refiding here, to {wear Fidelity to you that are their Magiftrates at Home? Farewel.
Fan. 4. 1649. . To
—E
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To the moft Serene and Potent Prince Philip the Fourth, King of Spain. The Parliament of the Commonwealth of England, Greeting.
W* fend to your Majefty Anthony Afcham, a perfonof Integrity, Learn-
ed, and defcended of an ancient Family, to treat of matters very advantageous, as we hope, as well to the Spanifh, as to the Englifh Nation. Wherefore in friendly manner, we defire that you would be pleas’d to grant, and order him a Safe and Honourable Paflage to your Royal City, and the fame in his return from thence, readily prepar’d to repay the kindnefS when occafion offers, Or if your Majefty be otherwife inclin’d, that it may be fig- nify’d to him with the fooneft, what your Pleafure is in this particular, and that he may be at liberty to depart without moleftation.
Feb. 4. 1649.
To the moft Serene and Potent Prince, Philip the Fourth, King of Spain. The Parliament of the Commonwealth of England, Greeting.
W HAT isthe Condition of our Affairs, and by what heinous Injuries provok’d and broken, at length we began to think of recovering our Liberty by force of Arms ; what conftituted form of Government we now make ufe of, can neither be conceal’d from your Majefty, nor any other Per- fon who has but caft an impartial Eye upon our Writings publifh’d on thefe Occafions. Neither ought we to think it a difficult thing, among fit and proper judges of things, to render our Fidelity, our Equity, and Patience, manifeft to all men, and juftly meriting their Approbation ; as alfo to defend our Authority, Honour, and Grandeur, again{ft the infamous Tongues of- Exiles and Fugitives. Now then, as to what is more the concern of foreign Nations, after having fubdu’d and vanquifh’d the Enemies of our Country through the miraculous Afliftance of Heaven, we openly and cordially pro- fefs our felves readily prepar’d to have Peace and Friendfhip, more defirable than all enlargement of Empire, with out Neighbour Nations. For thefe reafons we have fent into Spain to your Majefty, Anthony Afcham, of approv’d Dexterity and Probity, to treat with your Majeity concerning Friendfhip, and the accuftom’d Commerce between both Nations ; or elfe, if it be your Plea- fure, to open a way for the ratifying of new Articles and Alliances. Our Requett therefore is, that you will grant him free*Liberty of Accefs to your Majesty, and give fuch Order that care may be taken of his Safety and Ho- nour, while he refides a Publick Minifter with your Majefty; to the end he may freely propofe what he has in charge from us, for the Benefit, as we hope, of both Nations; and certify to us with the fooneft, what are your Majefty’s fentiments concerning thefe matters.
Weftminfter, Feb. 4. 1649.
To the moft Serene Prince, John the Fourth, King of Portugal. The Par- Liament of the Commonwealth of England, Greeting.
AS TER we had fuffer'd many, and thofe the utmoft Mifchiefs of a faith- lefs Peace, and inteftine War, Our being reduc’d to thofe Exigencies, that if we had any regard to the fafety of the Republick, there was a necef- fity of altering for the chiefeft part the form of Government, is athing which we make no queftion is well known to your Majefty, by what we have both publickly written and declar’d in juftification of our Proceedings. To which, as it is but reafon, if credit might be rather given than to the moft malicious Calumnies of loofe and wicked men; perhaps we fhould find thofe Perfons
more
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more amicably inclin’d, who now abroad have the wortt fentiments of our Actions. Foras to what we juftify our felves to have juftly and ftrenuoully perform’d after the Example of our Anceftors, in purfuance of our Rights, and for recovery of the native Liberty of Englifhmen, certainly itis not the work of Human force or wit to eradicate the perverfe and obitinate Opinions of People wickedly inclin’d concerning what we have done. But after all, in reference to what is common to us with all foreign Nations, and more for the general Intereft on both fides, we are willing to let the World know, that there is nothing which we more ardently defire, than that the Friendfhip and Com- merce which our People have been accuftom’d to maintain with all our Neigh- bours, fhould be enlarg’d and fettled in the moft.ample and folemn manner. And whereas our People have alwaysdriven a very great Trade, and gain- ful to both Nations, in your Kingdom; we fhall take care, as much as in us lies, that they may not meet with any Impediment to interrupt their deal- ings. However, we forefee that all our Induftry willbe in vain, if, as it is reported, the Pyrates and Revolters of our Nation fhall be faffer’d to have refuge in your Ports, and after they have taken and plunder’d the laden Vef- fels of the Englifh, fhall be permitted to fell their Goods by publick Outcries at Lisbon. ‘To the end therefore that a more fpeedy Remedy may be ap- ply'd.to this growing Mifchief, and that we may be more clearly fatisfy’d concerning‘the Peace which we-defire, we have fent to Your Maje/ty the moft noble Charles Vane, under the Character of our Agent, with Inftruétions and a Commiflion, a plenary Teftimonial of the Truft we have repos’d, and the Employment we have conferr’d upon him. ‘Him therefore we moft earneftly defire your Majefty gracioufly to hear, to give him Credit, and to take fuch Order that he may be fafe in his Perfon and his Honour, within the bounds of your Dominions. Thefethings, as they will be moft acceptable to us, fo we
romife, whenever occafion offers, that the fame Offices of kindnefs to your Majefty fhall be mutually obferv’d on all our parts.
Weftmingter, Feb. 4. 16409.
ns
To the moft Serene Prince, John the Fourth, King of Portugal. The Parliament of the Commonwealth of England, Greeting.
Peet daily and moft grievous Complaints are brought before us, that certain of our Seamen and Officers who revolted from us the laft Year, and treacheroutly and wickedly carry’d away the Ships with the Command of which they were entrufted, and who having made their efcape from the Port of Ireland, where being blockt up for almoft a whole Summer together, they very narrowly avoided the Punifhment due to their Crimes, have now be- taken themfelves to the Coaft of Portugal, and the mouth of the River Tagus; that there they practife furious Piracy, taking and plundering all the Englifh Veflels they meet with failing to and fro upon the account.of Trade; and that all the adjoining Seas are become almoft impaflable by reafon of their notorious and infamous Robberies. To which increafing Mifchief, unlef$ a fpeedy Remedy be apply’d, who does not fee but that there will be a final end of that vaft Trade fo gainful to both Nations, which our People were wont to drive with the Portuguefes ? Wherefore we again and again requelt. Your Majefty, that you will command thofe Pyrates and Revolters to depart the Territories of Portugal: And that if any pretended Embafladors prefent themfelves from ** * * *** that you will not vouchfafe to give them Audi- ence; but that you will rather acknowledg us, upon whom the Supream Pow- erof England, by the confpicuous Favour and Afliftance of the Almighty, is devolv’d ; and that the Ports and Rivers of Portugal, may not be bar’d and defended againft your Friends and Confederates Fleet, no lefs ferviceable to your Emolument, thanthe Trade of the English.
To
is
( 663 ) To Philip the Fourth, King of Spain,
Ow heinoufly, and with what Deteftation your Majefty refented the villanous Murder of our Agent, Anthony Afcham, and what has hitherto been done in the profecution and punifhment of his Affaflinates, we have been given to underftand, as well by your Majefty’s own Letters, as from your Embaflador Don Alpbonfo de Cardenos. Neverthelefs, fo often as we confider the horridnefs of that bloody Faét, which utterly fubverts the very Founda- tions of Correfpondence and Commerce, and of the Privilege of Embafladors; moft facred among all Nations, fo villanoufly violated without feverity of Punifhment, We cannot but with utmoft importunity repeat our moft urgent fait to your Majefty, That thofe Parricides may with all the fpeed imaginable be brought to Juftice, and that you would not fuffer their merited Pains to be fufpended any longer by any delay or pretence of Religion. For tho moft certainly we highly value the Friendfhip of a Potent Prince 5 yet it behoves us to ufe our utmoft endeavours, that the Authors of fuch an enormous Par- ricide fhould receive the deferved Reward of their Impiety. Indeed, we can- not but with a grateful Mind acknowledg that Civility, of which by your Command, our People were not unfenfible, as alfo your furpafling, Affection for us, which lately your Embaflador at large unfolded to us: Nor will it be difpleafing to us to return the fame good Offices to your Majefty, and the Spanifh Nation, whenever opportunity offers. Neverthelefs, if Juftice be not fatisfy’d without delay, which we ftill moft earneftly requeft, we fee not upon what foundations a fincere and Jafting Friendfhip can fubfift. For the prefervation of which, however, we fhall omit no juft and laudable oc- cafion ; to which purpofe we are likewife apt to believe that the prefence of your Embaflador does not a little conduce.
To the Spanifh Embaffador.
Moft Excellent Lord,
ope Council of State, fo foon as their weighty Affairs would permit em, having carried into Parlament the four Writings, which it pleas’d your Excellency to impart to the Council upon the roth of December laft, have re- ceiv’d in Command from the Parlament to return this Anfwer to the firft Head of thofe Writings, touching the villanous Aflaffinates of their late Agent, Anthony Afcham.
The Parlament have fo long time, fo often, and fo juftly demanded their being brought to deferved Punifhment, that there needs nothing further to be faid on a thing of fo great importance, wherein (as your Excellency well ob- ferv’'d) his Royal Majefty’s Authority it felf is fo deeply concern’d, that un- lefs Juftice be done upon fuch notorious Offenders, all the foundations of Hu- man Society, all the ways of preferving Friendfhip among Nations, of neceflity muft be overturn’d and abolifh’d. Nor can we apprehend by any Argument drawn from Religion, that the Blood of the Innocent, fhed by a propenfely malicious Murder, isnot tobe aveng’d. The Parlament therefore once more moft urgently preffes, and expects from his Royal Majefty, according to their firft Demands, That Satisfaction be given ’em effectually, and fincerely in this matter.
enim
To the moft Serene Prince Leopold, Archduke of Auftria, Governor of the Spanifh Low Countries, ader Kgag Philip.
' = foon as word was brought us, not without a moft grievous Complaint;
sD that Fane Puckering, an Heirefs of an illuftrious and opulent Family, while yet by reafon of her Age; fhe was under Guardians, not far from ae Honfe
{ 664) Honfe wherein fhe then liv’d at Greenwich, was violently fore’d from the Hands and Embraces of her Attendants; and of a fudden in a Veflel to that pur- pofe ready prepar’d, carri’d off into Flanders by the Treachery of one Wal/h, who has endeavour’d all the ways imaginable, in contempt of Law both Hu- man and Divine, to conftrain a wealthy Virgin to Marriage, even by terrify- ing her with menaces of prefent Deathe We deeming it proper to apply fome fpeedy Remedy to fo enormous and unheard-of piece of Villany, gave order to fome Perfons to treat. with the Governours of Nemport and Offend (for the unfortunate Captive was faid to be landed in one of thofe two places ) about refcuing the free-born Lady out of the Hands of the Ravifher. Who, both out of their fingular Humanity and lave of Vertue, lent their affifting Aid to the young Virgin in fervitude, and by down-right Robbery riffd from her Habitation : So that to avoid the violence of her imperious Mafters, fhe was as it were depofited in a Nunnery, and committed to the charge of the Governefs of the Society. Wherefore the fame Wal/h to get her again into his Clutches, has commenc’d a Suit againft her in the Ecclefiaftical Court of the Bifhop of Ypre, pretending a Matrimonial Contract between him and her. Now inregard that both the Ravifher and the Ravi/h’d Perfon, are Na- tives of our Country, as by the Witnefles upon their Oaths abundantly ap- pears; as alfo for that the fplendid Inheritance after which moft certainly the Crimigal chiefly gapes, lies within our Territories 5 fo that we conceive that the whole cognizance and determination of this Caufe belongs folely to our felves: Therefore let him repair hither, he who calls himfelf the Huf band, here let him commence his Suit, and demand the delivery of the Per- fon whom he claims for his Wife. Inthe mean time, this it is that we moft earneftly requeft from your Highnefs, which is no more then what we have already requefted by our Agent refiding at Bruffels, that you will permit an affiéted and many ways mifus’d Virgin, born of honeft Parents, but py- rated out of her Native Country, to return, as far as liesin your Power, with freedom and fafety home again. This not only We upon all opportu- nities offer’d, as readily prepard to return the fame Favour and Kindnef§ to your Highnefs, but alfo Humanity it felf, and that fame hatred of Infamy, which ought to accompany all Perfons of Vertue and Courage in defending the Honour of the Female Sex, feem altogether jointly to require at your hands. Weftminjfter, March 28. 1650.
To the moft Serene Prince, John the Fourth, King of Portugal.
Nderftanding that Your Majefty had both honourably receiv’d our Agent,
and immediately given him a favourable Audience, we thought it be- came us to aflure your Majefty without delay, by fpeedy Letters from us, that nothing could happen more acceptable to us,and that there is nothing which we have decreed more facred, than not to violate by any word or deed of ours, not firft provok’d, the Peace, the Friendfhip-and Commerce, now for fome time fettl’d between us and the greateft number of other Foreign Nations, and amongft the reft with the Portuguefes. Nor did we fend the Engli/h Fleet to the mouth of the River Tagus with any other intention or defign, then in purfuit of Enemies fo often put to flight, and for recovery of our Vellels, which being carry’d away from their Owners by Force and Treachery, the fame Rabble of Fugitives conduéted to your Coafts, and even to Lisbon it felf, as to the moft certain Fairs for the fale of their Plunder. But we are apt to believe that by this time almoft-all the Portuguefes are abundantly convine’d, from the flagitious manners of thofe People, of their Audacioufnefs, their Fury and their Madnefs. Which isthe reafon we are in hopes that we fhall more eafily obtain from your Majefty, Firft, That you will, as far as in you lies, be affiftant to the moft illuftrious Edmard Popham, whom we have made Ad-
miral of our new Fleet, for the fubduing thofe detefted Freebooters, and that _
you will no longer fuffer em, together with their Captain, not Guefts, but Pyrats, not Merchants, but the Pefts of Commerce, and Violaters of the Law
( 665 ) | Law of Nations, to harbour in the Ports and under the fhelter of the Fortrefles of your Kingdom, but that where-ever the Confines of Portugal extend
_themfelves, you will command ’em to expell’d as well by Land as by Sea. Or
if you are unwilling to proceed to that extremity, at leaft that with your leave it may be lawful for us with our proper Forces to aflail our own Re- volters and Sea-Robbers ; and if it be the pleafure of Heaven, to reduce em into our Power. This, as we have earneftly defired in our former Let- ters, fo now again with the greateft ardency and importunity we requeft. of your Majefty. By this, whether Equity, or a& of Kindnef$, you will not only enlarge the fame of your Juftice over all well govern’d and civil Nations,’ but alfoin a greater meafure bind both us and the People of England, who never yet had other than a good opinionof the Portuguefes, to your felf and.
to your Subjects. Farewel.
Weftminfter, 27 April, 1650.
To the Hamburghers.
Ore then once we have written concerning the Controverfies of the Merchants, and fome other things which more nearly concern the Dignity of our Republick, yet no Anfwer has been return’d. But underftand- ing that Affairs of that‘nature can hardly be determin’d by Letters only, and that in the mean time certain feditious Perfons have-been fent to your City by ******* authoriz’d with no other Commiffion than that of Malice and Audacioufnefs, who make it their bufinefs utterly to extirpate the an- cient Trade of our People in your City, efpecially of thofe whofe fidelity to their Country is moft confpicuous ; therefore we have commanded the worthy and moft eminent Richard Bradfhaw to refide as our Agent among ye, to the end he may be able more at large to treat and negotiate with your Lordhhips fuch Matters and Affairs, as are interwoven with the Benefit and Advantages of both Republicks. Him, therefore we requeft ye, with the fooneft to admit to a favourable Audience ; and that in all things that Credit may be given tohim, that Honour paid him, as as is ufual in all Countries,
and among all Nations paid to thofe that bear his CharaGter. Farewel. *
Weftminfter, April 2, 1650.
To the Hamburghers.
Moft Noble, Magnificent, and Illuftrious, our deareft Friends 5
Hat your Sedulities in the Reception of our Agent were fo cordial and fo egregious, we both gladly underftand, and earneftly exhort ye that you
would perfevere in your good Will and Affection toward us.. And this we do with fo much the greater vehemence, as being inform’d that the fame Exiles of ours, concerning whom we have fo frequently written, now carry themfelves more infolently in your City than they were wont to do, and that they not only openly affront, but give out threatning language in a moft defpiteful manner againft our Refident. Therefore once more by thefe our Letters we would have the fafety of his Perfon, and the Honour due to his Quality, re- commended to your Care. Onthe other fide, if you inflict fevere and timely Punifhment upon thofe Fugitives and Ruffians, as well the old ones as the new comers, it will be moft acceptable to us, and’ becoming your Authority and Prudenee.
Weftminfter, May 31. 1650.
Qqqq | To
( 666 ) To Philip the Fourth, King of Spain.
FO our infinite forrow we are given to underftand, That Anthony Ajcharii, fi? by us lately fent our Agent to your Majefty, and under that Charaéter moft civilly and publickly receiv’d by your Governours, upon his firft coming
to your Royal City, naked of all defence and guard, was moft bloodily mur- — .
der’d in a certain Inn, together with Yobn Baptifta de Ripa his Interpreter, butcher’d at the fame time. ‘Wherefore we moft earneftly requeft your Ma- jefty, That deferved Punifhment may be fpeedily inflicted upon thofe Parri- cides already apprehended, as it is reported, and committed to cuftody, who have not only prefum’d to wound our felves through his fides, but have alfo dar’d'to ftab as it were to the very Heart, your Faith of Word and Royal Honour. So that we make no queftion but what we fo ardently defire, would neverthelefs be done effegtually, by a Prince of hisown accord fo juft and pious, though no body requir’d it. As to what remains we make it our far- ther fuit, That the breathlefS Carcafs, may be deliver’d to his Friends and Attendants to be brought back and inter’d in his own Country, and that fuch care may be taken for the fecurity of thofe that remainalive, as is but re- quifite ; till having obtain’d an Anfwer to theft Letters, if it may be done, they fhall return to us the Witnelfles of your Piety and Jutftice,
Weftminfter, June 28. 1650.
To the moft Excellent Lord, Anthony John Lewis dela Cerda, Duke of Medina Celi, Governor of Andalufia. The Council of State confti- tuted by Authority of Parliament, Greeting,
V E have receiv'd Advice from thofe moft accomplifh’d Perfons, whom
we lately fent with our Fleet into Portugal in purfuit of Traitors, and for the recovery of our Veflels, that they were moft civilly receiv’d by your Excellency, as often as they happen’d to touch upon the Coaft of Galle- cia, which isunder your Government, and affifted with all things neceflary to thofe that perform long Voyages. This Civility of yours, as it was always
moft acceptable to us, fo it is now more efpecially at this time, while we are -
fenfible of the ill will of others in fome places towards us without any juft caufe giv’n on our fide: Therefore we make it our requeft to your Illu/trious Lordfhip, that you will perfevere in the fame good Will and Affection to us, and that you would continue your Favour and Affiftance to our People, according to your wonted Civility, as often as our Ships put in to your Harbours: and
- be affur’d that there is nothing which we defire of your Lordhhip in the way of Kindnefs, which we fhall not be ready to repay both to you and yours, whenever the like occafion fhall be offer’d us.
Seal’d with the Seal of the Council, Weftminfter, Nov. 7. , 16 $0 ¥. Bradfhaw, Prefident.
To the Mluftriows and Magnificent Senate of the City of Dantzick.
Magnificent and moft Noble Lords, our deareft Friends 5
5 ery Letters are brought us from our Merchants trading upon the Coaft AVI of Boruffia, wherein they complain of a grievous Tribute impos’d upon
emin the Grand Council of the Polanders, enforcing ’em to pay the tenth part of all their Goods for the Relief of the King of Scots, our Enemy. Which in regard it is plainly contrary to the Law of Nations, that Guefts and Strangers fhould be dealt withal in fuch a manner ; and moft unjuft that
they
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they fhould be compell’d to pay publick Stipends in a Foreign Commionwealth tohim from whom they are, by God’s Affiftance, deliver’d at home; we make no queftion but that out of refpect to that Liberty, which as we underftand you your felves enjoy, you will not fuffer fo heavy a Burden to be laid upon Mer- chants in your City, wherein they have maintain’d a continual Amity and Commerce, to theextraordinary Advantage of the place for many years to- gether. If therefore you think it convenient to undertake the Protection of our Merchants trading among ye, which we afluredly expect as well from your Prudence and Equity, as from the Dignity and Grandeur of your City ; We fhall take that care, that you fhall be fenfible from time to time, of our grateful acceptance of your Kindnefs, as often as the Damtzichers fhall have any dealings within our Territories, or their Ships, as frequently it happens, put into our Ports. ; Weftminfter, Febr.6. 1650.
To the Portugal Agent. Moft Uluftrious Lord,
WE receiv’d your Letters dated from Hampton the 15th of this Month,
wherein you fignify, That you are fent by the King of Portugal to the Parlament of the Commonwealth of England; but fay not under what Character, whether of Embaflador, or Agent, or Envoy, which we would willingly underftand by your Credential Letters fromthe King, a Copy of which you may fend us with all the fpeed you can. We would alfo further know, whether you come witha Plenary Commiflion, to give us Satisfaction for the Injuries, and to. make Reparation for the Damages which your King has done this Republick, protecting our Enemy all the laft Summer in his Har- bours, and prohibiting the Englifh Fleet, then ready to aflail Rebels and Fu- gitives, which our Admiral had purfu’d fo far ; but never reftraining the Ene- my from falling upon ours. If you return us word that you haveample and full Commiflion to give us Satisfaction concerning all thefe Matters, and fend us withal a Copy of your Recommendatory Letters, we fhall then take care, that you may with all {peed repair tous upon the Publick Faith: At which time, when we have read the King’s Letters, you fhall have liberty freely to declare what further Commands you have brought along with you.
The Parlament of the Common-wealth of England, to the moft Serene Prince D. Ferdinand, Grand Duke of Tufcany, ee.
W* have receiv’d your Highnefs’s Letters, dated April22. 1651. and deliver’d to us by your Refident, Signor Almerick Salvetti, wherein we readily perceive how greatly your Highnefs favours the Englifh Name, and the Value you have for this Nation; which not only our Merchants, that for many Years have traded in your Ports, but alfo certain of our young Nobility, either travelling through your Cities, or refiding there for the improvement of their Studies, both teltify and confirm. Which as they are things moft grateful and acceptable to us; we alfo on our parts make this Requeft to your Highnefs, That your Serenity will perfevere in your accuftom’d good Will and Affection towards our Merchants, and o- ther Citizens of our Republick, travelling through the Tufcan Territories, On the other fide, we promife and undertake, as to what concerns the Parliament, That nothing fha!l be wanting which may any way conduce to the Confirmation and Eftablifhment of that Commerce and mutual Friendfhip that now has been of long continuance between both Nations, and which it 1s our earneft wifh and defire fhould be preferv’d to perpetuity by all Offices of Humanity, Civility, and mutual Obfervance.
Weltminfter, Sealed with the Seal of the Parlament, and fubfcribed by
Jan.20.1651- William Lenthall Speaker of the Parlament of the Com- monwealth of England.
Qqqqg2 The
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The Parlament of the Commonwealth of England, to the Illuftrious and Magnificent Senate of the City of Hamborough.
Moft Noble, Magnificent, and [lluftriows,, our deareft Friends ;
HE Parlament of the Commonwealth of England, out of their earneft
defire to continue and preferve the ancient Friendfhipand mutual Com- merce between the Engli/h Nation and your City, not long fince fent thither Richard Bradfhaw Efq; with the Character of our Refident ; and among other Inftructions tending to the fame purpofe, gave him an exprefs Charge to de- mand Juftice againft certain Perfons within your Jurifdiction, who endea- yeur’d to murder the Preacher belonging to the Englifh Society, and who like- wife laid impious hands upon the: Deputy-Prefident, and fome of the princi- pal Merchants of the fame Company, and hurri’d ‘em away aboard a Priva- teer. And although the aforefaid Refident, upon his firft Reception and Au- dience, made known to your Lordfhips in a particular manner the Commands which he receiv’d from us; upon which it was expected, that you would have made thofe Criminals ere this a fevere Example of. your Juftice: yet when we underftood our Expectations were not anfwer’d, confidering with our felves what danger both our People and their Eftates were in, if fufficient © Provifion were not made for their Security and Proteétion againft the Malice of their Enemies, We again fent Orders to our aforefuid Refident, to repre- fent to your Lordfhips our Judgment upon the whole Matter ; as alfo to ex- hort and perfwade ye, in the Name of this Republick, to be careful of pre- ferving the Friendfhip and Alliance contracted between this Commonwealth and your City, as alfo the Traffick and Commerce no lefs advantagious for the Intereft of both ; and to that end, that you would not fail to protec our Merchants, together with their Privileges, from all Violation, and more par- ticularly againft the Infolencies of one Garmes, who has carry’d himfelf con- tumelioufly toward this Republick, and publickly cited to the Chamber of Spire, certain Merchants of the Engli/h Company refiding in your City, tothe great contempt of this Commonwealth, and trouble of our Merchants; for which we expect fuch Reparation, as fhall be confentaneous to Equity and Ju- ftice.
To treat of thefe Heads, and whatever elfe more largely belongs to the common Friendfhip of both Republicks, we have order’d our Refident afore- faid to attend your Lordfhips, requefting that ample Credit may be givento him in fach Matters as he fhall propofe relating to thefe Affairs.
Weftminfter, Seal'd with the Parlament Seal, and fubfcrib’d Mar.12.1651- Speaker, &c.
The Parlament of the Commonwealth of England, to the moft Serene Chri- {tiana, Queen of the Swedes, Goths avd Vandals, cmc. Greeting.
Moft Serene Queen;
E have receiv’d and read your Majefty’s Letters to the Parlament of England, dated from Stockholm the 26th of September laft, and deli-
ver'd by Peter Spering Silvercroon; and there is nothing which we more vehe- mently and cordially defire, than that the ancient Peace, Traffick and Com- merce of long continuance between the Englifh and Swedes, may prove diu- turnal, and every day encreafe. Nor did we queftion but that your Majefty’s Embaffador was come amply inftructed to make thofe Propofals chiefly which fhould be moft for the Intereft and Honour of both Nations, and which we were no lefs readily prepar’d to have heard, and to have done effectually that which fhould have been thought moft fecure and beneficial on both fides. But it pleas’d the Supreme Moderator and Governonr of all things, that before he had defir’d to be heard as to thofe Matters which he had in charge from your Majefty to propound to the Parlament, he departed this Life, ( whofe lof we
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( 669 )
we took with that heavinefS and forrow, as became Perfons whom it no lefs behov’d to.acquiefce in the Will of the Almighty) whence it comes to pafs that we are prevented hitherto from knowing your Majefty’s Pleafure, and that there is a ftop at prefent put to this Negotiation. Wherefore we thought we could do no leis then by thefe our Letters, which we have given to our Mellenger on purpofe fent with thefe unhappy Tydings, to fignify to your Majefty, how acceptable your Letters, how grateful your publick Mini- {ter were to the Parlament of the Commonwealth of England ; asalfo how ear- neftly we expect your Friendfhip, and how highly we fhall value the Amity of fo greata Princefs ; affuring your Majefty, that we have thofe Thoughts of encreafing the Commerce between this Republick and your Majefty’s King- dom, as we ought to have of a thing of the higheft Importance, which for that reafon will be moft acceptable to the Parlament. of the Commonwealth of England. And fo we recommend your Majefty to the protection of the Di- vine Providence.
Weftminfter, Seal’d with the Parlament Seal, and Subfcrib’d, Marcb—1651. Speaker, &c.
The Parlament of the Commonwealth of England, to the moft Serene and Potent Prince, Philip the Fourth, Kyng of Spain, Greeting.
HE Merchants of this Commonwealth, who trade in your Majefties T Territories, make loud Complaints of extraordinary Violence and In- juries offer’d ’em, and of new Tributes impos’d upon ’em by the Gover- nours and other Officers of your Ports and Places where they traflick, and particularly in the Canary Iflands, and this again{t the Articles, of the League folemnly ratifi’d by both Nations on the account of Trade; the truth of which Complaints they have confirm’d by Oath. And they make it out before us, that unlefs they can enjoy their Privileges, and that their Lofles be repaird; laftly, That except they may have fome certain Safeguard and Protection for themfelves and their Eftates againft thofe Violences and Injuries, they can;no longer traffick in thofe Pla- ces. Which Complaints of theirs being duly weigh’d by us, and believ- ing the unjuft Proceedings of thofe Minifters, either not at all to have reach’d your Knowledg, or elfe to have been untruly reprefented to your Majefty, we deem’d it convenient to fend the Complaints themfelves, toge- ther with thefe our Letters, toyour Majefty. Nor do we queftion but that your Majefty, as well out of your love of Juftice, as for the fake of that Com- merce no lefs gainful to your Subjects than our People, will command your Governours to defift from thofe unjuft Oppreflions of our Merchants, and fo order it, that they may obtain fpeedy Juftice, and due Satisfaction for thofe Injuries done?em by Don Pedro de Carillo de Guzman,and others ; and that your Majefty will také care that the Merchants aforefaid may reap the Fruit of thofe Articles ; and be fo farunder your Protection, that both their Perfons and their Eftates may be fecure and free from all manner of Injury and Vexa- tion. And, this they believe they fhall for the greateft part obtain, if your Majefty will be pleas'd to reftore ’em that Expedient, taken from ’em, of a Judg Confervator, who may be able to defend ’em from a new Confulfhip more uneafie to ?em Jeft if nofhelter from Injuftice be allow’d ’em, there fhould follow a neceflity of breaking off that Commerce which has hitherto
brought great Advantages to both Nations, while the Articles of the League are violated in fuch a manner.
Weftm. Aug.— 1651.
To
( 670 )
To the moft Serene Prince, the Duke of Venice, and ‘the moft Illaftrious Senate. Ky gt
Moft Serene Prince, moft Illuftrious Senate, our dearest Friends;
Ertain of our Merchants, by name Jeb Dickins, and Fob Throkmorton, with others, have made their Complaints unto us, That upon the 28th of November 1651, having feiz’d upon a hundred Buts of Caveare in the Vef- fel called the Swallow, riding in the Downs, Ifaac Taylour Mafter, which were their own proper Goods, and laden aboard the fame Ship in the A@ufoovite , Bay of -drchangel, and this by the Authority of our Court of Admiralty ; in, which Court, the Suit being there depending, they obtain’d a Decree for the. delivery of the faid Buts of Caveare into their pofleflion, they having firit given Security to abide by the Sentence of that Court: And thatthe faid Court, to the end the faid Suit might be brought to a Conclufion, having written Letters, according to cuftom, tothe Magiftrates and Judges of V¢- nice, wherein they requefted liberty to cite ohn Piatti to appear by his Pro- tor in the Englifh Court of Admiralty, where the Suit depended, and prove his Right : Neverthelefs that the faid Pratt:, and one David Rutts a Hollan- der, while this Caufe depends herein our Court, put the faid Yobn Dickins, and thofe other Merchants, toa vaft deal, of trouble about the faid Caveare, and folicite the Seizure of their Goods and. Eftates as forfeited for Debt. All which things,and whatever elfe has hitherto been done in our forefaid Court, is more at large fet forth in thofe Letters of Requeft aforemention’d , which af-. ter we had view’d, we thought proper to be*tranfmitted to the moft Serene Republick of Venice, to theend they might be afliftant to our Merchants in _ this Caufe. Upon the whole therefore, it is our earneft Requeft to your Highnefs, and the moft Iluftrious Senate, That not only thofe Letters may obtain their due Force and Weight; but alfo that the Goods and Eftates of. the Merchants, which the forefaid Piatti and David Rutts, have endeavour'd. to.make liable to Forfeiture, may be difcharg’d; and that the faid Defen- dants may be referr’d hither to our Court, to try what Right they have in. their Claim to this Caveare. Wherein your Highnefs, and the moft Serene Republick will do as well what is moft juft in it felf, as what is truly becom- ing the fpotlefs Amity between both Republicks : And laftly, what will grate-
fully be recompenc’d by the good Will and kind Offices of this Republick, whenever Occafion offers.
Whitehall, Feb. — ’ Seal’d with the Seal of the Council, and Subfcrib’d 1652. Prefident of the Council,
To the Spanifh Embaflador.
Moft Excellent Lord,
Te Council of State, according to a Command from the Parlament, & © ©dated the 2d of March, having taken into ferious deliberation your Ex- cellencies Paper of the 15th of February, deliver?d to the Commiflioners of this Council, wherein it feem’d good to your Excellency to propofe that a Reply might be given to two certain Heads therein fpecify’d as previous, re- turns the following Anfwer to your Excellency.
_ The Parlament when they gave an Anfwer to thofe things. which were propos’d by* your Excellency at your firft Audience, as alfo in thofe Letters which they wrote to the moft Serene King of Spain, gave real and ample De- monftrations how grateful and how acceptable that Friendfhip and that mu- tual Alliance which was offer’d by his Royal Majefty, and by your felf in his Name, would be to’em ; and how fully they were refolv’d, as far asin them lay, tomake the fame Returnsof Friendfhip and good Offices.
After that, it {eem’d good to your Excellency, at your firft Audience in Council upon the 19th of December Oldftile, to propound to this Gouncil, as a
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4certainGround or Method for an aufpicious Commencement of a ftricter Amity, that fome of their Body might be nominated, who might heas what your Excellency had to propofe ; and who having well weigh’d the benefit that might redound fromthence, fhould {peedily report the fame'to the Covn- cil. Towhich requeft of yours that fatistaction might be given, the Council appointed certain of their number to attend your Excellency, which was done , accordingly. But.inftead of thofe things which were expected to have bin propounded, the Conference produc’d no more than the abovemention’d Pa- per: To which the Anfwerof the Council is this.
When the Parlament fhall have declar’d their Minds, and your Excellency fhall have made the Progrefs as above expected, we fhall be ready to confer with your Excellency, and to treat of fuch Matters as you fhall propofe in the Name of the King your Mafter, as well in reference to the Friendfhip al- ready concluded, as the entring into another mofe ftrict and binding ; or as to any thing elfe which fhall be offer’d by our felves in the Name of this Re- publick: And when we defcend to Particulars, we fhall return fuch Anfwers asare moft proper, and the Nature of the thing propos’d fhall require.
Whiteball, March 21. 1652.
The Parlament of the Common-wealth of England, to the moj Serene Prince Frederick the Third, King of Denmark, cc. Greeting.
Moft Serene and Potent King,
E have receiv’d your Majefty’s Letters, dated from Copenhagen the 21/¢
of December laft, and deliver’d to the Parlament of the Common- wealth of England by the Noble Henry Willemfem Rofenwyng de Lynfacker, and moft gladly perus’d’em, with that affection of mind which the Matters there- in propounded juftly merit, and requeft your Majefty to be fully perfwaded of this, ‘That the fame Inclinations, the fame Defires of continuing and pre- ferving the ancient Friendfhip, Commerce, and Alliance for fo many Years maintain’d between England and Denmark, whicharein your Majefty, are alfo inus. Not being ignorant, that though it has pleas’d Divine Providence, beholding this Nation with fuch a benign and favourable A fpect, to change for the better the receivd Form of the former Government among us ; never- thelefS, that the fame Interefts on both fides, the fame common Advantages, the fame mutual Alliance and Free Traffick which produc’d the former Leagues and Confederacies between both Nations, ftill endure and obtain their former Force and Virtue, and oblige both to make it their commion ftudy, by rendring, thofe Leagues the moft beneficial that may be to each other, to efta- blifh alfo a nearer and founder Friendfhip for the time tocome. And if your Majefty hall be pleas’d to, purfue thofe Counfels which are manifefted in your Royal Letters, the Parlament will be ready to embrace the fame with all Ala-. crity and Fidelity, and to contribute all thofe things to the utmoft of their power, which they fhall think may conduce to that end. And they perfwade themfelves that your Majefty for this reafon, will take thofe Counfels in refe- rence to this Republick, which may facilitate the good futcefs of thofe things propounded by your Majefty to our felves fo defirous of your Amity. In the mean time the Parlament wifhes all Happinefs and Profperity to your Majefty and People.
Weftminfter, April — Under the Seal of the Parlament, and fubferib’d
1652, in its Name, and by the Authority of it, . Speaker, KC
The
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The Parlament of the Common-wealth of England, tothe moft Wufriows and Magnificent, the Procoufuls ana Senators of the Hanfe-Towns, Greeting.
Moft Noble, Magnificent, and Iluftrious, our deareft Friends ;
HE Parlament of the Common-wealth of England, has both receiv’d and E perus’d your Letters of the 16th of Ganuary \aft, deliver’d by your Pub- lick Minifter Leo ab Ayfema, and by their Authority have given him Audience ; at what time he declar’d the cordial and friendly Inclinations of your Cities toward this Republick, and defir'd that the ancient Friendfhip might ftill re- main on both fides. The Parlament therefore, for their parts, declare and affure your Lordfhips, That*they deem nothing more grateful to themfelves, than that the faine Friendfhip and Alliance which has hitherto bin maintain’d between this Nation and thofe Cities, fhould be renew’d, and firmly ratify’d | and that they will be ready upon all occafions fitly offer’d, what they promife in Words, folemnly to perform in real Deeds; and expeét that their ancient Friends and Confederates fhould deal by them with the fame Truth and Inte- grity, Butastothofe things which your Refident has more particularly in charge, in regard they were by us referr’d entire to the Couucil of State, and his Propofals were to be there confider’d, they tranfacted with him there, and gave him fuch Anfwers, as feem’d moft confentaneous to Equity and Reafon, of which your Refident is able to give you an Account ; whofe Pru- dence and confpicuous Probity proclaim him worthy the publick Charaéter by you conferr’d upon him. ;
Weftminfter, April Under the Seal of the Parlament, in the — 1652. Name, and by the Authority of it, Subfcrib’d, Speaker, &c.
The Parlament of the Common-wealth of England, to the Iuftrious and Magnificent Senate of the City of Hamborough, Greeting.
Moft Noble, Magnificent, and Iluftrious, our deaveft Friends 5
HE Parlament of the Common-wealth of England has receiv’d and perus’d your Letters, dated from Hamborough the 15th of Fanuary laft, and deliver’d by the :Noble Zeo ab Ayfema, yours and the reft of the Hanfe- atic Cities Refident, and by their own Authority gave him Audience ; and as to what other particular Commands he had from your Gity, they have referr’d ”em to the Council of State, and gave em Orders to receive his Propofals, _and to treat with him as foon as might be, concerning all fuch things as feem’d to be Juft and Equal: which was alfo done accordingly. And as the Parlament has made it mamifeft, that they will have a due regard to what fhall be propos’d by your Lordfhips, and have teftify’d their fingular Good- will toward your City, by fending their Refident thither, and commanding his Abode there ; fo on the other fide they expect and defervedly require from your Lordfhips, that the fame Equity be return’d to them, in things which are to the Benefit of this Republick, either already propos’d, or here- after to be propounded by our faid Refident in their Name to your City, an- ciently our Friend and Confederate, Weftminfter, April ~ Under the Seal of the Parlament, in the : 16524 Name, and by the Authority of it; Subfcrib’d, Speaker, &c.
The
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The Council of State of the Republick of England, to the moft Serene Prince Ferdinand the Second, Grand Duke of Tufcany, Greeting,
HIE Council of State being inform’d by Letters from Charles Longland, who takes care of the Affairs of the Engli/hin your Highnefles Court of Leghorn, that lately fourteen Men of War, belonging to the United Pro- vinces, came into that Harbour, and openly threatned to fink or burn the Englifh Ships that were riding in your Port ; but that your Serenity, whofe Protection and Succour the Exglifh Merchants implor’d, gave Command to the Governour of Leghorn, that he fhould aflift and defend the Englifh Vellels, they deem’d it their Duty to certify to your Highnefs how acceptable that Kindnefs and Protection which you fo favourably afforded the Engli/h Nation, was to this Republick, and do promife your Highnefs that they will always keep in remembrance the Merit of fo deferving a Favour, and will be ready upon all occafions to make the fame returns of Friendfhip and good Offices to your People, and to do all things elfe which may conduce to the prefervation and continuance of the uftal Amity and Commerce between both Nations. And whereas the Dutch Men of War, even in the time of Treaty offer'd by themfelves, were fo highly perfidious, as to fall upon our Fleet in our own Roads, (in which foul Attempt, God, as moft juft Arbiter, fhew'd himfelf offended and oppofite to their Defign)) but alfo in the Ports of Foreigners ‘endeavour’d to take or fink our Merchant Veffels; we thought it alfo ne- ceflary to fend this Declaration alfo of the Parlament of. the Commonwealth of England, to your Highnefs, the publifhing of which was occafion’d by the Controverfies at prefent arifen between this Republick and the United Pro- vinces. By which your Highnefs may eafily perceive how unjuft and contrary to all the Laws of God and of Nations thofe People have acted againft this Republick; and how cordially the Parlament labour’d, for the fake of pnb- lick Tranquillity, to have retain’d their priftin Friendfhip and Alliance.
White-Hall, July 29. In the Name, and by the Authority of 1652. the Council, fubfcrib’d, Pre/ident.
To the Spanifh Embaffador.
Moft Excellent Lord,
HE Council of State, wpon mature deliberation of that Paper which
they receiv’d from your Excellency, *7 of Fane 1652. as alfo upon that which your Excellency at your Audience the ~¢ of this Month deliver’d to the Council, return this Anfwer to both thofe Papers: That the Parlament,@c. was always very defirous of preferving the firm Friendfhip and good Peace fettled at prefent betweén this Republick and his Royal Majefty of Spain, from the time that firft your Excellency fignify’d the tendency of his Majefty’s Inclinations that way, and was always ready to ratify and confirm the fame to the benefit and advantage of both Nations. And this the Council of State in the Name, and by Command of the Parlament, in their Papers oftimes made Known to your Excellency ; and particularly, according to your Excellency’s defire, made choice of Commiflioners to attend and receive from your Ex- cellency fuch Propofals as might conduce to the fame purpofe. At which meeting, inftead of making fuch Propofals, it feem’d good to your Excellency only to propound fome general Matters, as it were previous toa future Con- ference, concerning which it feem’d to the Council that the Parlament had in former Papers fully made known their Sentiments. Neverthelefs, for more ample and accumulative fatisfaction, and to remove all Scruples from your Excellency concerning thofe Matters which they at that time propos’d, the Councilin that Paper, dated 3! gee declar’d themfelves .ready to come
Retr to
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to a Conference with your Excellency concerning thofe things which you had in charge from his Royal Majelty, as well in reference to the priftin Amity, as to any fatther Negotiation; as alfo touching fuch Matters 2s {) 0.4 be ex- hibited by us, in the name of this Republick 5 and when we came to fuch Particulars as were to the purpofe, and the nature of the thing requir’d, then to give convenient Anfwers, To which it feem’d good to your Exeel- lency to make no Reply, nor to proceed any farther in that Affair for almoft two Months. About that time the Council receiv’d from your Excellency your firft Paper, dated 7 ai? wherein you only made this Propofal, That the Articles of Peace and League between the late King Charles and your Mafter, dated the = of November 1630. might be revicw’d, and that the feveral Heads of it might be either enlarg’d or left out according to the prefent condition of times and things, and the late Alteration of Government. Which being no more than what we our felves briefly and clearly fignify’d in our forefaid Paper of the 3) °.'""> the Council expected that fome particu-
lar Articles would have bin propounded out of that League, with thofe Am= plifications and Alterations of which you made mention; fince otherwife it is impoflible for us to return any other Anfwer concerning this matter than what we have already given. And whereas your Excellency in your laft Pa- per feems to charge us with delay, the ouncil therefore took a fecond review of the forefaid Paper of the “27, +, and of what was therein propounded, and are ftill of opinion, that they have fully iatisfy’d your Excellency in that former Paper: to which they can only farther add, That fo foon as your Ex- cellency fhall ‘be pleas’d, either out ef the Leagues already made, or in any other manner, to frame fuch Conditions as fhall be accommodated to the prefent ftate of Things and Times, upon which you detire to have the foun- dations of Friendfhip laid on your fide, they will immediately return you.fach Anfwers as by them fhall be thought juft and reafonable, and which fhall be fufficient Teftimonials that the Parlament ftill perfeveres in the fame defires of preferving an untainted and firm Amity with the King your Mafter, and that on their parts they will omit no honeft Endeavours, and worthy of themfelves, to advance it to the higheft Perfection.
Furthermore the Council deems it to be.a part of their Duty, that your Excellency fhould be put in mind of that Paper of ours, dated Fan. 30. 1651.
to which in regard your Excellency has return’d no Anfwer as yet, we prefs -
and expect that fatisfation be given to the Parlament, as to what is therein mention’d.
The Anfwver of the Council of State to the Reply of the Lords Embaffadors Extraordinary from the King of Denmark azd Norway, deliver’d to the Conmiffioners of the Council, to the Anfwer which the Council gave to their fourteen Demands.
O the end that Satisfaction may be given to the forefaid Lords Embafla- dors in reference to the Anfwer of the Council to the fifth, fixth, fe- venth, eighth and ninth Article, the Council confents that this following Claufe fhall be added at the end of their Anfwers: That is to fay, befides
]
fuch Colonies, Iflands, Ports and Places under the Dominion of either Party, —
to which it-is by Law provided that no body fhall refort upon the account of Trade or Commerce, unlefs upon fpecial leave firft obtain’d of that Party to which that Colony, Ifland, Port or Places belong. ‘ The receiving of any Perfon into any Ship that fhall be driven in by ftrefs of Weather into the Rivers, Ports or Bays belonging to either Party, fhall not render that Veffel liable to any trouble or fearch, by the Anfwer of the
Council to the eleventh Article, as the forefaid Lords Embafladors in their _
Reply feem to have underftood, unlefs it be where fucha receiving fhall be»
againft the Laws, Statutes, or Cuftom of that Place where the Veflel put in, wherein it feems to the Council, that there is nothing of feverity ordain’d, but what equally conduces to the fecurity of both Republicks.
AS,
( 675 ) ! As to the proving the Property of fuch Ships and Goods as fhall be caft afhore by Shipwrack, the Council deems it neceflary that an Oath be admi- niftred in thofe Courts which are already, or fhall hereafter be conftituted,
where theClaimers may be feverally heard, and every body’s Right be deter=
min’d and adjudg’d, which cannot be fo clearly and ftrictly done by written Certificates, whence many Scruples and Doubts may arife,and many Frauds and Deceits creep into that fort of Proof, which it concerns both Parties to pre- vent. The Council alfo deemis it jult, that a certain time be prefix’d, before which time, whoever does not prove himfelf the lawful Owner of the faid Goods, fhall be excluded to avoid Suits. But as to the manner of putting perifhable Goods to fale that are caft afhore by Shipwrack, the Council thinks it meet to propofe the way of felling by.inch of Candle, as being the moft probable means to procure the true Value of the Goods for the beft advantage of the Proprietors. Neverthelefs, if the forefaid Lords Em- bafladors fhall propofe any other method already found out which may more properly conduce to this end, the Council will be no hinderance, but that what is jaft may be put in practice. Neither is it to be underftood, that the Confideration of this matter fhall put any ftop to the Treary.
As to the Punifhment of thofe who shall violate the propounded Treaty, the Council has made that Addition which. is mention’d in their Anfwer to the fourteenth Article, for the greater force and efficacy of that Article, and thereby to render the League ir felf more firm and lafting.
As to the laft Claufe of the fourteenth Article, we think it not proper to give our Affent to thofe Leagues and Alliances, of which mention is made in the aforefaid Anfwers, and which are only generally propounded, before it be more clearly apparent to us what they are. Bunt when your Excellencies fhall be pleas’d to explain thofe Matters more clearly to the Council, we may be able to give a more exprefs Anfwer to thofe Particulars.
A Reply of the Council of State to the Anfwer of the forefaid Lords Em- - baffadors, which was returw’d to the fix Articles propounded by the Coun- cil afore/aid, in the Name of the Republick of England. cami
HE Council having view’d the Commiffions of the forefaid Lords Em- bafladors, giving them Power to tranfact with the Parlament or their Commiflioners, concerning all things expedient to be tranfacted in order to the reviving the old Leagues or adding new ones, believ’d indeed the fore- faid Lords to have bin furnifh’d with that Authority as to be able to return Anfwers, and negotiate all things, as well fuch as fhould be propounded by this Republick, as onthe behalf of the King of Denmark and Norway, and fo did not expect the Replies which it has pleas’d the forefaid Lords Embafladors to give to the firft, fecond, third and fifth Demand of the Council, whereby of neceflity a ftop will be put to this Treaty, in regard it is but juft in it felf, and fo refolv’d on in Council to comprehend the whole League, and to treat at the fame time as well concerning thofethings which regard this Republick, as thofe other Matters which concern the King of Denmark and Norway: Wherefore it is the earneft defire of the Council, that your Excellencies would be pleas’d to return an Anfwer to our firft, fecond, third and fifth Demand. As to the fourth Article concerning the Cuftoms of Gluck/tadt, in regard
_they are now abolifh’d, as your Excellencies have mention’d in your Anfwer,
the Council preffes that their Abrogation may be ratifi'd by this Treaty, left they fhould be re-impos’d hereafter.
As to the fixth Article concerning Pyracy; the Council inferted it, as equally appertaining to the benefit of both, and to the eftablifhing of Trade in common, which is much difturb’d by Pyrates and Sea-Robbers. And whereas the An{wer of the Lords Embafladors, as to this Article, relates only to Enemies, but makes no mention of Pyrates, the Council therefore defires a more diftiné Reply to it.
Rrrr 2 And
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And whereas the forefaid Lords Embafladors in their Reply to the Anfwer of the Council have pafs’d over both their tenth Article, and the Anfwer of — the Council to it, the Council have thought it neceflary to add this following Article to their following Demands : , ;
That the people and Inhabitants of the Republick of England trading into any Kingdoms, Regions, or Territories of the King of Denmark and Nor- way, fhall not for the future pay any more Cultoms, ‘Tribute, Taxes, Duties or Stipends, or in any other manner than the People of the United Provinces, or any other Foreign Nation that pays the leaft, coming in or going out of Harbour ; and fhall enjoy the fame and as equally ample Freedom, Privileges and Immunities, both coming and going, and folong as they fhall refide in the Country, as alfo in fifhing, trading, or inany other manner which any other People of a Foreign Nation enjoys, or may enjoy in the forefaid King- dems, and throughout the whole Dominions of the faid King of Denmark and Norway: Which Privileges alfo the Subjects of the King of Denmark and Norway fhall equally enjoy throughout all the Territories and Dominions of the Republick of England. ‘
The Council of State of the Republick of England, to the moft Serene Prince, Ferdinand the Second, Grand Duke of Tufcany, Greeting.
Moft Serene Prince, our deareft Friend 3
“HE Council of State underftanding, as well by your Highnefs’s Agent here refiding, as by Charles Longland, chief Factor for the Englifh at Leghorn, with what Affection and Fidelity your Highnefs undertook the Pro- tection of the Englifh Veflels putting into the Port of Leghorn for fhelter, again{t the Dutch Men of War threatning ’em with nothing but Ranfack and Deftruction, by their Leters of the 29th of Fuly (which they hope are by this time come to your Highnefs’s hands) have made known to your High-
~ nefs how grateful and how acceptable it was to em ; and at the fame time fent to your Serenity a Declaration of the Parlament of the Commonwealth of Eng- land concerning the prefent Differences between this Republick and the United
Provinces. And whereas the Council has again bin inform’d by the fame
Charles Longland, what further Commands your Highnefs gave for the fecu- rity and defence of the Englifh Veflels, notwithftanding the oppofite En- deavours of the Dutch, they deem’d this opportunity not to be pafs’d over, to let your Highnefs underftand once more, how highly they efteem your Juftice and fingular Conftancy in defending their Veflels, and how acceptable they took fo great a piece of Service. Which being no mean teftimony of. your folid Friendfhip and Affeétion to this Republick, your Highnefs may affure your felf, that the fame Offices of KindnefS and good Will towards your Highnefs fhall never be wanting in us 3 fuch as may be able to demon- {trate how firmly we are refolv’d to cultivate both long and conftantly, to the utmoft of our Power, that Friendfhip which is between your Serenity and this Republick. In the mean time we have exprefly commanded all our Ships upon their entrance into your Ports, not to fail of paying the ac- cuftom’d Salutes by firing their Guns, and to give all other due Honours to your Highnefs. : Seal’d with the Council-Seal,
White-Hall, Sept.-+16 52. and fubferib’d, Prefident.
To the Spanifh Embaffador, Alphonfo de Cardenas.
Moft Excellent Lord, Our Excellency’s Letters of the +, of November 1652. deliver’d by yout Secretary, together with two Petitions inclos’d, concerning the Ships, the Sampfon and Sun Salvadore, were read in Council. To which the Council returns
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returns this Anfwer, That the Exgli/h Man of War meeting with the afore- faid Ships, not in the Dowis, as your Excellency writes, but in the open Sea, brought ?em into Port as Enemies Ships, and therefore lawful Prize ; and the Court of Admiralty, to which it properly belongs to take cogni- zance of all Caufes of this nature, have undertaken to determin the Right in difpute. Where all Parties concern’d on both fides fhall be fully and freely heard, and you may be alflur’d that Right fhall take place. We have alfo fent your Excellency’s requeft to the Judges of that Court, to the end we may more certainly underftand what progrefs they have made in their pro- ceeding to Judgment. Of which fo foon as we are rightly inform’d, we hall take care that fuch Orders fhall be given in this matter, as fhall correfpond with Juftice, and become the Friendfhip that is between this Republick and your King. Nor are we lefs confident, that his Royal Majefty will by no means permit the Goods of the Enemies of this Commonwealth to be con- ceal’d, and efcape due Confifcation under the fhelter of being own’d by his Subjects.
Seal’d with the Council-Seal, and fubfcrib’d, White- Hall, Nov. 11. Rees 1652 William Majham, Prefident.
To the Spanifh Embaffador.
Moft Excellent Lord,
WUT lately the Council has bin inform’d by Captain Bédiley, Admiral of B the Fleet of this Republick in the Streights, that after he himfelf, together with three other Men of War, had for two days together engag’d eleven of the Dutch, put into Porto Longone, as well to repair the Damages he had re- ceiv’d in the Fight, as alfo to fupply himfelf with Warlike Ammunition ; where the Governour of the Place perform’d all the good Offices of a moft juft and courteous Perfon, as well towards his own, as the reft of the Men of War under his Condué@t. Now inregard that that fame Place is under the Dominion of the moft Serene King of Spain, the Council cannot but look upon the fingular Civility of that Garifon to be the copious fruit of that ftricter mutual Amity fo aufpicioufly commenc’d ; and therefore deem it to bea part of their Duty to return their Thanks to his Majefty for a Kindnefs fo opportunely receiv’d, and defire yout Excellency to fignify this to your moft Serene King, and to aflure him that the Parlament of the Commonwealth of England will be always ready to make the fame returns of Friendfhip and Civility upon all occalions offer’d.
Seal’d with the Council-Seal, and fubfcrib’d,
Wofiminfler, Nov. 11.
1652: William Mafham, Prefident.
The Parlament of the Commonwealth of England, to the moft Serene Prince, Ferdinand the Second, Grand Duke of Tufcany, Greeting.
Moft Serene Prince, our deareft Friend 5
TT Parlament of the Commonwealth of England has receiv’d your Let- ters dated from Florence, Augujt 17. concerning the reftitution of a2 certain Ship laden with Rice, which Ship is claim’d by Captain Cardi of Leghorn. And though the Judges of our Admiralty have already pronounc’d Sentence in that Caufe againft the forefaid Cardi, and that there Ne an Ap- peal depending before the Delegates; yet upon your Highnefs’s Requelt, the Parlament, to teftify how much they value the good Will and Alliance of a Prince fo much their Friend, have given order to thofe who are entrufted with this Affair, that the faid Ship, together with the Rice, or at leaft the full Price of it be reftor’d to the forefaid Captain Cardi, the fruit of which Command his Proctor here has effectually already reap’d. And as your
Highnefs
( 678 ) Highnefs by favourably affording your Patronage and Prote¢tion to the Ships of the Englifh in your Port of Leghorn, hasin a more efpeci! manner ty’d the Parlament to your Serenity ; fo will they, on the other tide, take care, as often as opportunity offers, that all their Offices of jincere Friendfhip and good Will towards your Highnefs may be folidly effectual and permanent; withal recommending your Highnefs to the Divine Benignity and Protection of the Almighty. ‘ Seal’d with the Seal of the Common- Weftminfler, Nov. 1652. wealth, and fubfcrib’d,
Speaker, &c.
The Parlament of the Commonwealth of England, to the moft Serene and Potent Prince, King of Denmark, Gc. :
Moft Serene and Potent King,
THE Parlament of the Commonwealth of England have receiv’d Informa- he tion from their Admiral of that Fleet fo lately fent to Copenbagen, your. Majefty’s Port, to convoy our Merchants homeward bound, that the forefaid Ships are not permitted to return along with him, as being detain’d by your Majefty’s Command ; and upon his producing your Royal Letters declaring your Juftifications of the matter of Fact, the Parlament denies that the Rea- fons laid down in thofe Letters for the detaining of thofe Ships are any way fatisfactory to’em. ‘Therefore that fome fpeedy Remedy may be applid in a matter of fo great moment, and fo highly conducing to the profperity of both Nations, for preventing a greater perhaps enfuing mifchief, the Parlament have fent their Re/ident at Hamborough, Richard Bradfhaw, Efquire, a Perfon of great Worth and known Fidelity, with exprefs Commands to treat with your Majefty, as their Agent alfo in Denmark, concerning this Affair: And therefore we entreat your Majefty to give him a favourable’ Audience and ample Credit in whatever he fhall propofe to your Majefty on our behalf, in reference to this matter; in the mean time recommending your Majefty to the Protection of Divine Providence.
Weftminfter, Nov. 6. 1652. Under the Seal of the Parlament, and in their Name, and by their Au- thority, fubfcrib’d,
Speaker, &c.
\
The Parlament of the Commonwealth of England, to the moft Serene Prince the Duke of Venice, Greeting. )
E HE Parlament of the Commonwealth of England has receiv’d your High- nefs’s Letters, dated Fune1. 1652. and deliver’d by Lorenzo Pallutio, wherein they not only gladly perceive both yours, and the cordial Inclina- tions of the Senate toward this Republick, but have willingly laid hold of this opportunity to declare their fingular Affection and good Will towards the moft Serene Republick of Venice ; which they fhall be always ready to make. manifeft both really and fincerely, as often as opportunity offers. To whom alfo all the ways and means that fhall be propounded to ’em for the preferving or encreafing mutual Friendfhip and Alliance, fhall be ever moft acceptable. In the mean time we heartily pray that all things profperous, all things favourable, may befal your Highnefs and the moft Serene Republick.
‘e/tminfter, December, 1652. Seal’d with the Parlament-Seal, —
and fubfcrib’d, Speaker, Kc.
Them
al. lt Rt
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The Parlament of the Republick of England, to the moft Serene Prince, ~ Ferdinand the Second, Grand Duke of ‘Tulcany, Greeting.
Lthough the Parlament of the Republick of England fome time fince re- doubl’d their Commands to all the chief Captains and Mafters of Ships arriving in the adie epaink to your HighnefS, to carry themfelves peace- fully and civilly, and with becoming obfervance and Duty to a moft Serene Prince, whofe Friendfhip this Republick fo earneftly endeavours to preferve, as having bin oblig’d by fo many great Kindnefles ; an Accident altogether unexpected has fallen out, through the Infolence, as they hear, of Captain Appleton in the Port of Leghorz, who offer’d Violence to the Sentinel then do- ing his Duty upon the Mole, againft rhe Faith and Duty which he owes this Republick, andin contempt of the Reverence and Honour which is juftly owing to your Highnefs: the relation of which Action, as it was really com- mitted, the Parlament has underitood by your Letters of the 7th and 9th of De- cember, dated from Florence , as alfomore at large by the moft Worthy l- meric Salvetti, your Refidenthere. And they have fo fincerely laid to heart - your Highnefs’s Hononr, which isthe main concern of this Complaint, that they, have referr’d it to the Council of State, to take care that Letters be fent to Capt. Appleton, to come-away without ftop or ftay by Land, in order to his gi- ving an Account of this unwonted and extraordinary Act (a Copy of which Letters is fent herewith enclos’d) who fo foon as he fhall arrive, and be accus’d of the Fact, we promife that fuch a courfe fhall be taken with him, as may fufficiently teftify that we no lefs heinoufly brook the violation of your Right, than the infringement of our own Authority. Moreover, upon mature De- bate concerning the recover’d Ship, call’d the Phoenix of Leghorn, which Af- fair is alfo related and prefs'd by your HighnefS and your Refident here, to have bindone by Captain Appleton, contrary to promife given, whereby he was oblig’d not to fall upon even the Hollanders themfelves within fight of the -Lanthorn and that your HighnefS, trufting to that Faith, promis’d fecurity to the Hollanders upon your word ; and therefore that we ought to take care for the fatisfaction of thofe who fuifer damage under the Protection of your Pro- mife; the Parlament begs of your Excellency to be aflur’d, That this Fad, as it was committed without their Advice or Command, foitis moft remote from their Will and Intention that your Highnefs fhould undergo any Detri- ment or Diminution of your Honour by it. Rather they will make it their bufinefs that fome Expedient may be found out for your Satisfaction, accord- ing tothe nature of the Fa& upon Examination of the whole matter. Which that they may fo much the more fully underftand, they deem it neceflary that Captain Appleton himfelf fhould be heard, who was bound by the fame Faith, and is thought by your Excellency at leaft to have confented to the violation of ‘it; efpecially fince he is fo fuddenly toreturnhome. And fo foon as the’ Parlament has heard him, and have more at large conferr’d with your Reti- dent concerning this matterof no fmall moment, they will pronounce that Sentence that fhall be Juft, and confentaneous to that extream good-will which they bear to your Highnefs, and no way unworthy the favours by you con- ferr’d upon?em, Of which, that your Highnefs might not make the leaft queftion in the meantime, we were willing to certify your Highnels by this Exprefs on purpofe fent, that we fhall omit no opportunity to teftify how greatly we value your Friendfhip.
Weftminficr, Decemb. Seal’d with the Parlament Seal, Eg. 1692. and Subferib’d, Speaker, &c.
The
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The Council of State of the Republick of England, to the moft Serene Prince, Frederick, Heire of Norway, Duke of Slefwick, Holfatia, Stormaria, Ditmarfh, Count in Oldenburgh aad Delmenhort, Grees-
tng.
Hough it has pleas’d the moft wife God, and moft merciful Moderator of T all things, belides the Burden which he laid upon us in common with our Anceftors, to wage moft juft Wars indefence of our Liberty againft Tyran- nical Ufurpation, fignally alfo to fuccour us with thofe Aufpices and that Di- vine Affiftance, beyond what he afforded to our Predeceflors, that we have bin able not only to extinguifh a Civil War, .but to extirpate the Caufes of. it for the future, as alfo to repel the unexpected Violences of Foreign Enemies ; neverthelefs, with grateful minds, as much asin us lies, acknowledging the fame Favour and Benignity of the fupreme Deity towards us, we are not fo paft up with the fuccefs of our Affairs, but that rather inftructed in the {ingu- lar Juftice and Providence of God, and having had long experience our felves, we abominate the thoughts of War, if poflibleto be avoided, and moft eager- ly embrace Peace with all men. Therefore as hitherto we never were the firft that violated or defir’d the violation of that Friendfhip, or thofe antient Privileges of Leagues that have bin ratify’ between us and any Princes or _ People whatever , fo your Bighnefs, in confideration of your antient Amity with the Englifh, left us by our Anceftors, may witha moft certain A flurance, promife both your felf and your People all things equitable, and all things friendly fromus. Laftly, as we highly value, which isno more than what is juft and reafonable, the teftimonies of your Affection and good Offices offer’d us, fo we fhall make it our bufinefs that you may not at any time be fenfible of the want of ours, either to your felf or yours. And fo we moft heartily re- — commend your Highnefs to the Omnipotent Protection of the Almighty God. ,
Whiteball, Seal’d with the Council-Seal, July — 1653. and Subf{crib’d, Prefident.
To the Count of Oldenburgh.
Moft Wuftrious Lord,
sh HE Parlament of the Commonwealth of England have receiv’d an extraor- dinary Congratulation from your Excellency, moft kindly and courte- oufly deliver’d to us by word of mouth by Herman Mylius, your Counfellor and Dodtor of Laws ; who wifh’d all things lucky and profperous, in your Name, to the Parlament and Engli/h Intereft, and.defir'd that the Friendthip of this Republick might remain inviolable within your Territories. He alfo defir’d Letters of fafe Conduct, to the end your Subjects may the more fecure- ly trade and fail from place to place ; together with our Orders to our pub- lick Minifters abroad, to be aiding and aflifting to your Excellency and your - Interefts with their good Offices and Counfels. To which Requelts of hiswe willingly confented, and granted both our Friendfhip, the Letters defir’d, and our Orders to our Publick Minifters under the Seal of the Parliament. And though it be fome Months ago fince your Publick Minifter firft came to us, however that delay neither arofe from any unwillingnefs on our part to aflent to the requeft made in your Excellency’s Name, or that your Deputy was at any time wanting in his Sedulity (whofe Solicitations were daily and earneft with all the Diligence and Importunity that became him, to the end he might be difpatch’d) but only it happen’d fo, that at that time the great- eft and mofk weighty Affairs of the Republick were under Debate and ferious Negotiation. Of which We thought meet to certify your Iluftrious Lordfhip, left any body through a falfe conftruétion of this delay, fhould think thofe
Favours
( 681) Favours unwillingly or hardly obtain’d, which were moft gladly granted by the Parlament of the Commonwealth of England. dn whofe Name thefe are commanded to be Sign’d, . Henry Scobel, Clerk of the Parlament.
To the moft Illuftrious and Noble Senators, Scultets, Landam, and Sena- tors of the Evangelick Cantons of Switzerland, Zurick, Bern, Glaris, Bale, Schafthuten, Appenzel, al/o of the Confederates of the [ame Religion inthe Country of the Grifons, of Geneva, St. Gall, Mulhau- fen avd Bienne ; our deareft Friends. .
(7 OUR Letters, moft Illuftrious Lords and deareft Confederates, dated ~ December 24. full of civility, good-will, and fingular affection towards us and our Republick, and what ought always to be greater and more facred to us, breathing Fraternal and truly Chriftian Charity, we have receiv’d. And in the firft place we return Thanks to Almighty God, who has rais‘d and efta- blifh’d both you and fo many noble Cities, not fo much intrench’d and fortifi'd with thofe enclofures®f Mountains, as with your innate Fortitude, Piety, moft prudent and juft Adminiftration of Government, and the Faith of mutual Confederacies, tobea firm and inacceflible fhelter for all the truly Orthodox. Now’'then that you, whoover all Europe were the firft of Mortals who after deluges of barbarous Tyrants fromthe North, Heaven profpering your Va- lour, recover’d your Liberty, and being obtain’d, for fo many Years have pre- ferv’d it untainted with no lefs Prudence and Moderation , that you fhould have fuch noble fentiments of our Liberty recover’d; that you, fuch fincere Worhhippers of the Gofpel, fhould be fo conftantly perfwaded of our Love and Affection for the Orthodox Faith, is that which is moft.acceptable and welcome tous. But asto your exhorting us to Peace, with a Pious and Af- fectionate intent, as we are fully affur’d, certainly fuch an Admonition ought -to be of great weight with us; aswell inrefpect of the thing it felf which you perfwade, and which of all things is chiefly to be defir’d, as alfo for the great Authority which is to be allow’d your Lordfhips above others in this particular, whoin the midft of loud tumultuous Wars on every fide, enjoy the fweets of Peace both at home and abroad, and have approv’d your felves the beft examiple to all others of embracing and improving Peace ; and laftly, for that you perfwade us to the very thing which we our felves of our-own ac- cords, and that more than once, confulting as weil our own, as the intereft of ‘the whole Evangelical Communion, have begg’d by Embafladors, and other publick Minifters, namely, Friendfhip and a moft {trict League with the Uni- ted Provinces. But how they treated our Embafladors fent to ’em to negoti- ate, nota bare Peace, but a brotherly Amity and molt ftrict League, what Provocations to War they afterwards gave us, how they fell upon us in our own Roads inthe midft of their Embafladors Negotiations for Peace and Al- lianee, little dreaming any fuch Violence, you will abundantly underftand by ‘our Declaration fet forth upon this fubject, and fent you together with thefe our Letters. But as for our parts, we are wholly intent upon this, by God’s Affiftance, though profperous hitherto, fo to carry our felves, that we may neither attribute any thing to our own Strength or Forces, but all things to God alone, nor be infolently puft up with our Succefs, and we {till retain the fame ready Inclinations to embrace all occafions of making a juft apd ho- neft Peace, In the mean time your felves, MWujftrious and moft excellent Lords, in whom this pious and noble Sedulity, out of meer Evangelical Affection, exerts it felf to reconcile and pacify contending Brethren, as ye are worthy of allapplaufe among men, fo doubtlefs will ye obtain the Celeftial Reward of Peace-makers with God ; to whofe fupreme Benignity and Favour we hearti- ly recommend in our Prayers both you and yours, no lefs ready to make returns of all good Offices both of Friends and Brethren, if in any thing we may be ferviceable to your Lordhhips. Weftminfter, Seal’d with the Parliament Seal, and Sub{crib’d, Offob. 1653: Speaker, &c. ; SOU WE To
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Ee ~
To the Spanifh Embaffador.
Moft Muftrious Lord, we PON grievous Complaints brought before us by Philip Nocl, Fobn Godal, ul and the Society of Merchants of Foy in England, that a certain Ship of theirs call’d the Ann of Foy, an Englifh Ship by them fitted out, and laden with their own Goods, in her return home to the Port of Foy about Adichaelmas laft, was unjuftly, and without any caufe fet upon and taken by a certain Pri- vateer of Oftend, Evafmus Bruer Commander, and the Seamen unworthily and barbaroufly us’d : The Council of State wrote to the Marquis of Leda con- cerning it (a Copy of which Letter we alfo fend enclos’d to your Excellency) and expected from him, that without delay Orders would have bin given for . the doing of Juftice in this matter. Neverthelefs a‘ter all this, the forefaid Noel, together with the faid Company make further heavy Complaint, that altho our Letters were deliver'd tothe Marquefs, and that thofe Merchants from that time forward betook themfelves to Bruges to the Court there held for Maritim Caufes, and there aflerted and prov’d their Right, and the Verity of their Caufe, yet that Juftice was deni’d’em; and that they were fo hardly dealt with, that though the Caufe had bin ripe for Trial above three Months, neverthelef$ they could obtain no Sentence from that Court, but that their Ship and Goods.are ftill detain’d, notwithftanding the great Expences they have bin at in profecuting their Claim. Now your Excellency well knows it to be contrary tothe Law of Nations, of Traffick, and that Friendthip which is at prefent fettl’d between the Englifh and Flemings, that any Offender fhould « take any Englifh Veflel, if bound for England with Engli/h Goods ; and that whatever was inhumanly and barbaroufly done to the Englifh Seamen by that Commander, deferves a rigorous Punifhment. The Council therefore recom- mends the whole matter to your Excellency, and makes it their requeft that you would write into Flanders concerning it, and take fuch fpeedy care that — this bufinefS may no longer be delay’d, but that Juftice may be done in fuch a manner that the forefaid Ship, together with the Damages, Cofts and In- tereft, which the Englifh have fuftaind and bin out of Purfe, by reafon of that illegal Seizure, may be reftor’d and made good to’em by the Authority of the Court, or in fome other way ; and that care be taken that hereafter no fuch Violence may be committed, but thatthe Amity between our People and the Flemings may be preferv’d without any Infringment.
» Sign’d in the Name, and by the Command of the Council of State, appointed by Authority of Parlament.
To the Marquifs of Leda.
/REAT Complaints are brought before us by Philip Noel, Yobn Godal, G and the Company of Foy Merchants, concerning a Ship of theifs, call’d the Ann of Foy, which being an Enylifh Velfel by them fitted out, and laden with their own Goods, in her return home to her own Port about Adichaelmas laft, was taken unawares by aFreebooter of Oftend, Erafmus Bruer Command- er. It is alfo further related, that the Offenders, when the Ship was in their Power, usd the Seamen too inhumanly, by fetting lighted Match to their Fingers, and plunging the Mafter of the Ship in the Sea till they had almoft drown'd him, on purpofeto extort a falfe Confeffion from him, that the Ship and Goods belong’d tothe French. Which though the Mafter and the reft of the Ships Crew refolutely deni’d, neverthelefs the Offenders carri’?d away the Ship and Goods to their own Port. Thefe things, upon ftrict enquiry and examination of Witnefles, have bin made manifeft in the Admiralty Court in England, as will appear by the Copies of the Affidavits herewith fent your Lordfhip. Now in regard that that fame Ship, call’d the Aunof Foy, and all her lading of Merchandize and Goods belong truly and properly to the Englifh, fo that there is no apparent reafon why the Offender fhould feize
by
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by force either the one or the other, much lefs carry away the Mafter of the Ship, and ufe the Seamen fo unmercifully : and whereas according to the Law of Nations, and in refpect to the Friendfhip between the Flemings and Eng- lifh, that Ship and Goods ought to be reftor’d, we make it our earneft requelt to your Excellency, that the Engli/h may have fpeedy Juftice done, and that Satisfaction may be given for their Lofles, to the end the Traffick and Friend- i a biel is between the Engli/h and Flemings may be long and inviolably preferv’d. |
gi: To the Spanifh Embaffador. HE Parlament of the Commonwealth of England,underftanding that feveral of the People of this City daily refort to the Houfes of your Excellency and other Embafladors and Publick Minifters from Foreign Nations here re- fiding, meerly to hear Mafs, gave Order to the Council of State to let your Excellency underftand, That whereas fuch’Refort is prohibited by the Laws of the Nation, and of very evil Example in this our Republick, and extream- ly {candalous, that they deem it their duty to take care that no fuch thing be permitted henceforward, and to prohibit all fuch Affemblies for the future. Concerning which, ’tis our defire that your Excellency fhould havea fair Ad- vertif{ment, tothe end that henceforth your Excellency may be more careful of admitting any of the People of this Republick to hear MafS in your Houfe. And as the Parlament will diligently provide that your Excellencies Rights and Privileges fhall be preferv’d inviolable, fo they perfwade themfelves that your Excellency, during your abode here, would by no means that the Laws of this Republick fhould be violated by your felf or your Attendants.
A Summary of the particular real Damages [uftain’d by the Englifh Com- pany, in many Places of the Eaft-Indies, from the Dutch Company in Holland,
a iy: E Damages comprehended in the fixteen Articles, and formerly ex- hibited, amounting to 298555 Royals +, whichis of our Money “3 746381. 155. ood. 2. We demand Satisfa@tion to be given for the incomes of the Ifland of Pularon, from the year 1622. tothistime, of two hundred thoufand Royals £, befides the future Expence, till the right of Jurifdiction over that Ifland be reftor’d in the fame Condition as when it was wrefted out of our Hands, as was by League agreed to, amounting of our Money to —- s0000/. oos. ood. 3. We demand Satisfaction for all the Merchandize, Provifion and Furni- ture taken away by the Agents of the Dutch Company in the Indies, or to them deliver’d, or to any of their Ships bound thither, or returning home ; which Sum amounts to 80635 Royals, of our Money —20158/. 00s. ood. 4. We demand Satisfaction for the Cuftoms of Dutch Merchandize laden on. board their Ships in Perfia, or landed there from the year 1624, as was grant- ed us by the King of Perfia, which we cannot value at lefs than fourfcore thou- fand Royals, 2000], 005. Oode 5. We demand Satisfa&tion for four Houfes malicioufly and unjuftly burnt at Focatra, together with the Warehoufes, Magazines and Furniture, occafi- on’d by the Dutch Governor there, of all which we had Information from the Place it felf, after we had exhibited our firft Complaints; the Total of which Damage we value at socoo}, 00S. cod. We demand Satisfaétion for 32899 pound of Pepper taken out of the Ship
ee =
—_
Endymion in 1649, the Total of which Damage amounts to 6000}. 00s, ocd.
ee =e 220796). 155. 00d.
sfff2 A
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A Summary of fome particular damages fuftain’d alfo from the Dutch Eaft- India Company.
1. OR Damages fultain’d by thofe who befieg’d Bantam, whence it came F to pafs that for fix years together we were excluded from that Trade, and confequently from an opportunity of laying out in Pepper fix huudred thoufand Royals, with which we might have laden our homeward bonud Ships 5 for want of which lading they rotted upon the Coait of India. in the mean time our Stock in India was wafted and confum’d in Mariners Wages, Provi- fion and other Furniture ; fo that they could not value their Lofs at lefs than twenty hundred and four thoufand Royals —-—— 600000]. 005. ood. 2. More for Damages by reafon of our due part loft of the Fruits in the Molucca Vlands, Banda and Amboyna, fromthe time that by the flaughter of our men we were thence expell’d, till the time that we fhall be fatisfi’d for our Lofs and Expences 5 which {pace of time from the year 1622, to this prefent year 1650, for the yearly Revenue of 250000 Jib. amounts in 28 years to —- : 700000], oos, ood.
3. We demand Satisfaction for one hundred and twothoufand nine hundred fifty nine Royals, taken from us by the Adogul’s People, whom the Dutch pro- tected in fuch a manner, that we never could repair our Lofles out of the Mo- ney or Goods of that People which lay in their Funks, which we endeavour’d
to do, and was in our Power had not the Dutch unjuitly defended ’em. Which.
loft Money we could have trebled in Europe, and value at —-—— —-—--— 77020}. cos. ood. 4. For the Cuftoms of Perfia, the half part of which was by the King of Perfia granted to the Englifh, Anno 1624. Which to the year 1629, is valued at eight thoufand Royals; to which add the four thoufand Zib. which they are bound to pay fince 1629, which is now one and twenty Years, and it makes up the Sum of ——_—— 840001, 00s. ood.
——
a 2207961. 155.
From the firft Account
———
Sum Total
ee ee
1681996 1. 1§ f.
The Intereft from that time will far exceed the Principal.
ager?
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Leet FER S’
QL a Rk the Protector.
To the Count of Oldenburgh.
Moft Illuftrious Lords,
Y your Letters dated Fanuary 20. 1654. I have bin given to under- B ftand, That the noble Frederick Matthias Wolifog, and Chriftopher Grip-
hiander were fent With certain Commands from your Illuftrious Lord- fhip into England; who when they cameto us, not only in your Name con- gratulated our having taken upon us the Government of the Englifh Republick, but alfo defir’d that you and your Territories might be comprehended in the Peace which we are about to make with the Low-Countries, and that we would confirm by our prefent Authority the Letters of fafe Condué lately granted your Lordfhip by the Parlament. Therefore inthe firft place we return your Lordfhip our hearty thanks for your friendly Congratulation, as it becomes us ; and thefe will let you know that we have readily granted your two Re- quefts. _ Nor fhall you find us wanting upon any opportunity, which may at
"any time make manifeft our Affection to your Lordfhip. And this we are apt to believe you will erftand more at large from your Agents, whofe Fide- lity and Diligence ift*this Affair of yours, in our Court, has bin eminently confpicuous. As to whatremains, we moft heartily wifh the Bleflings of Pro- fperity and Peace, both upon you and your Affairs.
Your Illuftrious Lordfhip’s moft Affectionate, Oliver Protector of England, Scotland, and Ireland, &c.
To the Count of Oldenburgh:
Moft Iluftrious Lord,
E receiv’d your Letters, dated ay 2. from Oldenburgh, moft wel- V come upon more than one aecount ; as well for that they were full of fingular Civility and Good.will towards us, as becaufe they were deliver’d by the hand of the moft IMuftrious Count Antony, your beloved Son ; which we look upon as fo much the greater Honour, as not having trufted to Report, but with our own Eyes, and by our own Obfervation difcern’d his Vertues be- coming fuch an illuftrious Extraction, his noble Manners and Inclinations, and. laftly his extraordinary Affection toward our felves. Nor is it be queftion’d but he difplays to his own People the fame fair hopes at home, that he will ap- prove himfelf the Son of a moft worthy and moft excellent Father, whofe fignal Vertue and Prudence has all along fo manag’d Affairs, that the whole Territory of Oldenburgh for many years has enjoy’d a profound Peace, and all the bleflings of Tranquillity in the midft of the raging confufions of War thundring onevery fide. What reafon therefore why we fhould not value fuch a Friendhhip that can fo wifely and providently fhun the Enmity of all men? Laftly, Moft Hlu- ftrious Lord, ’tis for your Magnificent * Prefent that we return you Thanks ; * Th
but ’tis of Right, and your Merits claim, that we are cordially chia
. 17M OK, Weftminjter, Your Illuftrious Lordfhip’s moft Affectionate, Co) Fune 29. 1654. Oliver; &c.
Superferib’d, To the moft Illuftriows Lord, Antony Gunther, Count in Ol- denburgh, avd Delmenhortt, Lord in Jehvern and Kniphaufen., Oliver
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Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland, axd Ire- land, Gc. To the moft Serene Prince Charles Gultavus Kjng of the Sweeds, Goths, avd Vandals, Great Prince of Finland, Duke of Efthonia, Carelia, Breme, Verden, Stettin :z Pomerania, Caffubia and Vandalia ; Prince of Rugia, Lord of Ingria,; Wifmaria ; « alfo Count Palatine of the Rhine, and Duke of Bavaria, Cleves, and Monts, ec. Greeting.
Mojft Serene King,
Bes it be already divulg’d over all the World that the Kingdom of the Swedes is tranflated to your Majefty with the extraordinary App!aufe and Defires of the People, and the free Suffrages of all the Orders of the Realm ; yet that your Majefty fhould rather chufe that we fhould uaderftand the welcome News by your moft friendly Letters, than by the common voice of Fame, we thought no fall Argument both of your good will toward us, and of the Honour done us among the firft. Voluntarily therefore, and of Right we congratulate this acceflion of Dignity to your egregious Merits, and the moft worthy guerdon of fo much Vertue. And that it may be lucky and profperous to your Majefty, to the Nation of the Swedes, and the true Chri- ftian Intereft, which is alfo what you chiefly wifh, with joint Supplications we imploreof God. And whereas your Majefty aflures us, That the preferving entire the League and Alliance lately concluded between,this Republick and the Kingdom of Sweden fhall be fo far your care, that the prefent Amity may not only continue firm and inviolable, but if poflible, every day encreafeand grow toahigher Perfection, to call it into queftion, would bea piece of Im- piety; after the Word of fo great a Prince once interposd, whofe furpafling Fortitude has not only purchas’d your Majefty a hereditary Kingdom in a Fo- reign Land, but alfo could fo far prevail, that the moft auguft Queen, the Daughter of Guftavus, and a Heroefs fo matchlefS in all degrees of Praife and mafculine Renown, that many Ages backward have not produc’d her equal, furrender’d the moft juft poffeffion of her Empire to your Majefty, neither ex- pecting nor willing to accept it. Now therefore ’tis our main defire, your Majefty fhould be every way aflur’d, that your fo fingular Affection toward us, and fo eminent a fignification of your Mind can be no other than moft dear and welcome to us ; and that no Combat can offer it felf to us more glorious, than fuch a one wherein we may, if poflible, prove victorious in out-doing your Majefty’s Civility by our kind Offices that never fhall be wanting.
Wefiminfter, Your Majefty’s moft Affectionate, July 4. 1654. + Oliver, Protector of the Commonwealth of Eng-
land, Scotland, and Ireland, &c.
To the moft Iuftrious Lord, Lewis Mendez, de Haro.
Viva we have underftood by your Letters, moft Illuftrious Lord, that there is an Embaflador already nominated and appointed by the moft Serene King of Spain, on purpofe to come and congratulate our ha- ving undertaken the Government of the Republick, is not only defervedly acceptable of it felf, but render’d much more welcome and pleafing to us by your fingular Affection, and the fpeed of your Civility, as being defirous we fhould underftand it firft of all from your felf. For, to be fo belov’d and ap- prov’d by your Lordfhip, who by your Vertue and Prudence have obtain’d fo great Authority with your Prince, as to prefide, his equal in Mind, over all the moft important Affairs of that Kingdom, ought tobe fo much the more pleafing tous, as well underftanding that the Judgment of a furpafling Per- fon cannot but be much to our Honour and Ornament. Now:as to our cordi-
al
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al Inclinations toward the King of Spain, and ready Propenfity to hold Friend- fhip with that Kingdom, and encreafe it to a ftricter Perfection, we hope we have already fatisfi'd the prefent Embaflador, and fhal] more amply fatisty the other fo foonashe arrives. As to what remains, Aoft Illuftrious Lord, we heartily wifh the Dignity and Favour wherein you now flourifh with your Prince, perpetual to your Lordfhip ; and that whatever Affairs you carry on for the Publick Good, may profperoufly and happily fucceed.
Whitehall, Sept. Your Illuftrious Lordfhip’s moft A ffeCtionate, 1654. OLIVER, &e.
To the most Serene Prince Charles Guftavus Adolphus, Kjxg of the Sweeds, Goths, azd Vandals, cc, .
Eing fo well aflur’d of your Majefty’s good Will towards me by your laft Letters, inanfwer to which I wrote back with the fame Affection, me- thinks I fhould dono more than what our mutual Amity requires, if as I com- municate my grateful Tidings to reciprocal Joy, fo when contrary Accidents fall out, that I fhould lay open the Senfe and Grief of my Mind to your Ma- jefty, as my deareft Friend. For my part this is my Opinion of my felf, That lam now advanc’d to this degree in the Commonwealth, to the end [ fhould confult in the firft place, and as much as in me lies, the common Peace of Proteftants. Which is the reafon, that of neceflity it behoves me more grievoufly to lay to heart what we are forry to hear concerning the
bloody Confliéts and mutual Slaughters of the Bremencrs and Swedes. But this
I chiefly bewail, that being both our Friends, they fhould fo defpitefully com- bat one againft another, and with fo much danger to the Interefts of the Pro- teftants; and that the Peace of Afunjter, whichitwas thought would have prov’d an Afylum and Safeguard to all the Proteftants, fhould be the occafion of fuch an unfortunate War, that now the Arms of the Sweeds are turn’d upon thofe whom but a little before, among the reft, they moft ftoutly defended for Religion’s fake ; and that this fhould be done more efpecially at this time when the Papifts are faid to perfecute the Reformed all over Germany, and to returnto their intermitted for fome time Oppreffions, and their priftin Vio- lencies. Hearing therefore thata Truce for fome days wasmade at Breme, I could not forbear fignifying to your Majefty, upon this opportunity offer’d, how cordially { defire, and how earneftly I implore the God of Peace, that this Truce may prove fuccefsfully happy for the Good of both Parties, and that it may conclude ina moft firm Peace, by a commodious Accommodation on both fides. To which purpofe, if your Majefty judges that my Alliftance may any ways conduce, I moft willingly offer and promife it, asin a thing, without queftion, moft acceptable to the moft Holy God. Inthe meantime, from the bottom of my heart, I befeech the Almighty to direct and govern all your Counfels for the common Welfare of the Chriftian Intereft, which I make no doubt but that your Majefty chiefly defires.
Whiteball, Your Majefty’s moft Affectionate, Odtob. 26. 1654. OLIVER, &.
To the Magnificent and moft Noble, the Confuls and Senators of the City of Breme.
B* your Letters deliver’d to us by your Refident Henry Oldenburgh, that there is a difference kindled between your City and a moft potent Neigh- bour, and to what ftraits you are thereby reduc’d, with fo much the more
Trouble and Grief we underftand, by how much the more we love oes race
_ C688 )
brace the City of Breme, foeminent, above others, for their Profeffion of the Orthodox Faith. Neither is there any thing which we account more facred in our wifhes, than that the whole Proteftant Name would knit and grow to- gether in brotherly Unity and Concord. In the mean time, moft certain it is, that the common Enemy of the Reformed rejoices at thefe our Diflenfions, and more haughtily every where exerts his Fury. But ingegard the Contro- verfie which at prefent exercifes your contending Arnis, Js not within the power of our decifion, we implore the Almighty God, that the Truce begun may obtain a happy iffue. Afluredly, as to what you defir’d, we have written to the King of the Swedes, exhorting him to Peace and Agreement, as being moft chiefly grateful to Heaven, and have offer’d our Affiftance in fo pious a Work. On the other fide we likewife exhort your {elves to bear an equal Mind, and by no means to refufe any honeft Conditions of Reconciliation, And fo we recommend your City to Divine Protettion and Providence.
Whitehall, Your Lordfhip’s moft A ffectionate, Octod. 26. 1654. Oliver, Prote€.or of the Commonwealth of England, &c.
Oliver, Protector of the Republick of England, To the moft Iluftrious Priace of ‘Tarentum. :
yeour Love of Religion apparently made knownin your Letters to usde- _ liver'd, and your excelling Piety and fingular Affection to the Reformed Churches, more efpecially contidering the Nobility and Splendor of your Cha- racer, and ina Kingdom too wherein there are fo many and fuch abounding hopes propos’d to all of eminent Quality that revolt from the Orthodox Faith, fo many Miferiesto be undergone by the refolute and conftant, gave us an oc- cafion of great Joy and Confolation of Mind. Nor wasit lefs grateful to us, that we had gain’d your good Opinion, upon the fame account of Religion, which ought to render your Highnefs moft chiefly belov’d and dear to our felves. We callGod to witnefs, That whatever hopes or expectations the Churches, according to your relation, had of us, we may beable one day to give them fatisfaction, if need require, or at Jeaft to demonftrate to all Men how much jt is our defire never to fail em. Nor fhould we think any fruit of — our Labours, or of this Dignity or Supream Employment which we hold in” our Republick, greater than that we might bein a condition to be ferviceable to the Enlargement, or the Welfare, or which is more facred, to the Peace~ of the Reformed Church. In the mean time, we exhort and befeech your Lordfliip to remain ftedfaft to the laft minute in the Orthodox Religion, with the fame Refolution and Conftancy as you profefS it receiv’d from your An- ceftors with Piety and Zeal. Nor indeed can there be any thing more wor- thy your felf, or your religious Parents, nor in confideration of what you have deferv’d of us, though we wifh all things for your own fake that we tan wifh more noble or advantagious to your Lordfhip, than that you would take fuch Methods, and apply your felf to fuch Studies, that the Churches, efpe- cially of your Native Country, under the Difcipline of which your Birthand Genius have render’d you Illuftrioufly happy, may be fenfible of fo much the more affur’d Security in your Protection, by how much you excel others in Luftre and Ability.
Whitehall, April —, 1654.
Oliver -
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Oliver the Protector, 8c. To the moft Serene Prince, Immanuel Duke of Savoy, Prince of Piemont, Greeting.
Moft Serene Prince,
Etters have been fent us from Geneva, as alfo from the Dauphinate, and many other Places bordering upon your Territories, wherein we are given to underftand, That fuch of your Royal Highnefs’s Subjects as profefs the Reformed Religion, are commanded by your Edi&, and by your Authori- ty, within three days after the Promulgation of your Edi@, to depart their native Seats and Habitations, upon pain of capital Punifhment, and Forfeiture of all their Fortunes and Eftates, unlefs they will give Security to relinquifh their Religion within twenty days, and embrace the Roman Catholick Faith. And that when they apply’d themfelves to your Royal Highnefs in a moft fup- pliant manner, imploring a Revocation of the faid Edict, and that being re- ceiv’d into priftin favour, they might be reftor’d to the Liberty granted ’em by your Predeceflors, a part of your Army fell upon ’em, moft cruelly flew feveral, put othersin Chains, and compell’d the reft to fly into defert Places, and to the Mountains cover’d with Snow, where fome hundreds of Families are reduc’d to fuch Diftrefs, that’tis greatly to be fear’d they will in a fhort time all miferably perifh through Cold and Hunger. Thefe things, when they were related to us, we could not chufe but be touch’d with extream Grief and Compaflion for the Sufferings and Calamities of this afflicted People. Now | in regard we muft acknowledg our,felves link’d together not only by the fame tye of Humanity, but by joynt Communion of the fame Religion, we thought it impoflible for us to fatisfy our Duty to God, to brotherly Charity, or our Profeflion of the fame Religion, if we fhould only be affected with a bare Sor- row for the Mifery and Calamity of our Brethren, and not contribute all our Endeavours to relieve and fuccour ’em in their unexpected Adverfity, as much as inus lies. Thereforeina greater meafure we moft earneftly befeech and conjure your Royal Highnefs, that you would call back to your Thoughts the Moderation of your moft ferene Predeceflors, and the Liberty by them grant- ed and confirm’d from time to time to their Subjets the Vaudots. In granting and confirming which, as they did that which without all queftion was motft grateful to God, who has been pleas’d to referve the Jurifdiction and Power over the Confcience to himfelf alone, fo there is no doubt but that they hada due confideration of their Subjects alfo, whom they found ftout and moft faithful in War, and always obedient in Peace. And as your Royal Serenity in other things moft laudably follows the Footfteps of your immortal An- ceftors, fo we again and again befeech your Royal Highnefs not to fwerve from the Path wherein they trod in this particular ; but that you would vouch- fafe to abrogate both this Edict, and whatfoever elfe may be decreed to the Difturbance of your Subjects upon the account of the Reform’d Religion ; that you would ratify to ’em their conceded Privileges and priftin Liberty, and command their Lofles to be repair’d, and that an end be put to their Op-
_° preflions. Which if your Royal Highnefs fhall be pleas’d to fee perform’d,
you will doa thing moft acceptable to God, revive and comfort the mifera- ble in dire Calamity, and moft highly oblige all your Neighbours that profefs the Reformed Religion, but more efpecially our felves, who-fhall be bound to look upon your Clemency and Benignity toward your Subjects, as the fruit of our earneft Solicitation. Which will both engage us to a-reciprocal return of all good Offices, and lay the folid Foundations not only of eftablifhing, but encreafing Alliance and Friendfhip between this. Republick and your Domini- ons. Nor do we lefs promife this to our felves from your Juftice and Mode- ration; to which we befeech Almighty God to encline your Mind and Thoughts. And fo we cordially implore juft Heaven to beftow upon your HighnefS and your People the Bleflings of Peace and Truth, and profperous Succefs in all your Affairs.
Whitehall, May —,. 1655. ee Trttt Oliver
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Oliver, Protector of the Republick of England, to the moft Serene Prince of Tranfilvania, Greeting.
Moft Serene Prince,
Y your Letters of the 16th of November, 1654. you have made us fenfi- B ble of your fingular good Will and Affection toward us; and your Envoy, who deliver’'d thofe Letters to us, more amply” declar’d your defire of con- tracting Alliance and Friendfhip withus. Certainly for our parts, we do not a little rejoyce at this Opportunity offer’d us to declare and make manifeft our Affection to your Highnefs, and how great a value we juftly fer upon your Perfon. But after fame had reported tous your egregious Merits and Labours undertaken in behalf of the Chriftian Republick, when you were pleas’d that all thefe things, and what you have farther in your Thoughts to do in the de- fence and for promoting the Chriftian Intereft, fhould be in friendly manner imparted to us by Letters from your felf, this afforded us a more plentiful oc- cafion of Joy and Satisfaction, to hear that God, in thofe remoter Regions, had rais'd upto himfelf fo potent and renowned a Minifter of his Glory and Providence: And that this great Minifter of Heaven, fo fam’d for his Courage and Succefs, fhould be defirous to aflociate with us in the common Defence of
_the Proteftant Religion, at this time wickedly affail’d by Words and Deeds. Nor is it to be queftion’d but that God, who has infus’d into us both, though feparated by fuch a fpacious Interval of many Climates, the fame Defires and Thoughts of defending the Orthodox Religion, will be our Inftructor and Au- thor of the ways and nieans whereby we may be affiftant and ufeful to our felvesand the reft of the Reformed Cities, provided we watch all Opportu- nities that God fhall put into our hands, and be not wanting to lay hold of em. Inthe meantime we cannot without an extream and penetrating Sor- row forbear putting your Highnefs in mind how unmercifully the Duke of S$a- voy has perfecuted his own Subjects, profefling the Orthodox Faith, in certain Valleys, at the feet of the Alps. Whom he has not only conftrain’d by a moft fevere Edict, as many as refufe to embrace the Catholick Religion, to forfake their native Habitations, Goods and Eftates, but has fall’n upon ’em with his Army, put feveral moft cruelly to the Sword, others more barbaroufly tor- mented to Death, and driven the greateft number to the Mountains, there to be confum’d with Cold and Hunger, expofing their Houfes to the Fury, and ~ their Goods to the Plunder of his Executioners. Thefe things, as they have already been related to your Highnefs, fo we readily affure our felves, that fo much Cruelty cannot but be grievoufly difpleafing to your ears, and that you will not be wanting to afford your Aid and Succour to thofe miferable Wretches, if there be any that furvive fo many Slaughters and Calamities. | For our parts, we have written to the Duke of Savoy, befeeching him to re- move his incens’d Anger from his Subjects; as alfo to the King of France, that he would youchfafe to do the fame ; and laftly, to the Princes of the Re- formed Religion, to theend they might underftand our Sentiments concerning fo fierce and favage a piece of Cruelty. Which though firft begun upon thofe poor and helplefs People, however threatens all that profefs the fame Religi- on, and therefore impofes upon all a greater neceflity of providing for them- felves in general, and confulting the common Safety ; which is the Courfe that we fhall always follow, as God fhall be pleas'd to direct us. Of which your Highnefs may be affur’d, as alfo of our Sincerity and Affection to your Serenity, whereby we are engag’d to wifhall profperous Succefs to your Af- fairs, and a happy iffue of all: your Enterprizes and Endeavours, in aflerting the Liberty of the Gofpel, and the Worfhippers of it. '
Whiteball, May —, I 6 5 5 , 8
Oliver
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Oliver Protector, to the moft Serene Prince, Charles Guftavus Adolphus, Kyng of the Swedes, Greeting.
7 E make no queftion but that the fame of that moft rigid Edict has Wi reach’d your Dominions; whereby the Duke of Savoy has totally ruin’d his Proteftant Subjects inhabiting the -Alpme Valleys, and commanded em to’be exterminated from their native Seats and Habitations, unlefs they will give fecurity to renounce their Religion receiv’d from their Forefathers, in exchange for the Roman Catholick Superftition, and that within twenty days at fartheft , fo that many being kill’d, the reft ftript to their Skins, and expos'd to moft certain Deftruction, are now forc’d to wander over defert Mountains, and through perpetual Winter, together with their Wives and Children, half dead with Cold and Hunger: and that your Majefty has laid it to heart, witha pious Sorrow and compaflionate Confideration we as little doubt. For that the Proteftant Name and Caufe, although they differ among themfelves in fome things of little Confequence, is neverthelefs the fame in general, and united in one common Intereft, the hatred of our Adverfaries, alike incens’d againft Proteftants, very ealily demonftrates. Now there is no body canbeignorant, that the Kings of the Swedes have always joyn’d with the Reformed, carrying their Victorious Arms into Germany in defence of the Proteftants without diftinction. Therefore we make it our chief Re- queft, and that in a more efpecial manner to your Majefty, that you would folicit the Duke of Savoy by Letters, and by interpofing your intermediating Authority, endeavour to avert the horrid Cruelty of this Edi&, if poflible, from People no lefs Innocent than Religious. For we think it fuperfluous to admonifh your Majefty whither thefe rigorous Beginnings tend, and what they threaten to all the Proteftants in general. But if he rather chufe to Jiften to his Anger, than to our joint Intreaties and Interceflions; if there be any Tye, any Charity or Communion of, Religion to be believ’d and re- garded, upon Confultations duly firft communicated to your Majefty, and the chief of the Proteftant Princes, fome other courfe is to be fpeedily taken, that fuch a numerous multitude of our innocent Brethren may not miferably perifh for want of Succour and Affiftance. Which in regard we make no que- ftion but that it is your Majefty’s Opinion and Determination, there can be nothing in our Opinion more prudently refolv’d, than to joyn our Reputation, Authority, Counfels, Forces, and whatever elfe is needful, with all the fpeed that may be, in purfuance of fo pious a Defign. In the mean time we befeech Almighty God to blefs your Majefty.
Oliver Proteéftor, &c. to the High and Mighty Lords, the States of the United Provinces. Vy E make no queftion but that you have already bin inform’d of the Duke of Savoy’s Edict, fet forth againft his Subjects inhabiting the Valleys at the feet of the Alps, ancient Profeflors.of the Orthodox Faith ; by which Edict they are commanded to abandon their Native Habitations, {tript of all their Fortunes, unlef{s within twenty days they embrace the Roman Faith ; and with what Cruelty the Authority of this Edict has rag’d againft a - needy and harmlefs People, many being flain by the Soldiers, the reft plunder?’d and driven from their Houfes, together with their Wives and Children, to combat Cold and Hunger among defert Mountains, and perpetual Snow. Thefe things with what commotion of Mind you heard related, what a fel- low-feeling of the Calamities of Brethren pierc’d your Breafts, we readily conjeCture from the depth of our own Sorrow, which certainly is moft heavy and afflictive. For being engag’d together by the fame Tye of Religion, no wonder we fhould be fo deeply mov’d with the fame Affections upon the dreadful and undeferved Sufferings of our Brethren. Befides, that your con- fpicuous Piety and Charity toward the Orthodox, wherever overborn and Tttt 2 Op-
( 692 ) opprefs'd, has bin frequently experiencd in the moft urging Straits and Calamities of the Churches. For my own part, unlefs my thoughts de- ceive me, there is nothing wherein I fhould delire more willingly to be overcome, than in Good-will and Charity toward Brethren of the fame Reli- gion, afflicted and wrong?d in their quiet Enjoyments, as being one that would be accounted always ready to prefer the Peace and Safety of the Chur- ches before my particular Interefts. So far therefore as hitherto lay in our Power, we have written to the Duke of Savoy, even almoft to Supplication, befeeching him that he would admit into his Breaft more placid Thoughts and kinder Effects of his Favour toward his moft Innocent Subjects and Suppli- ants; that he would reftore the Miferable to their Habitations and Eftates, and grant em their priftine Freedom in the Exercile of their Religion. More- over, we wrote to the chiefeft Princes and Magiftrates of the Proteftants, whom we thought moft nearly concern’d in thefe Matters, that they would lend us their Affiftance to intreat and pacify the Duke of Savoy in their be- half. And wemake no doubt but you have done the fame, and perhaps much more. For this fo dangerous a Precedent, and lately renew’d Severity of utmoft Cruelty toward the Reformed, if the Authors of it meet with profperous Succefs, to what apparent Dangers it reduces our Religion, we need not admonifh your Prudence. On the other fide, If the Duke fhall once but permit himfelf to be aton’d, and won by our united Applications, not only our afflicted Brethren, but we our felves fhall reap the noble and abound- ing Harveft and reward of this laborious Undertaking. But if he ftill perfift in the fame obflinate Refolutions of reducing to utmoft Extremity thofe Peo- ple, among whom our Religion was either difleminated by the firft Doctors of the Gofpel, and preferv’d from the Defilement of Superftition, or elfe reftor’d to its priftine Sincerity long before other Nations obtain’d that Feli- city, and determines their utter Extirpation and Deftruction ; we are ready tc take fuch other Courfe and Counfels with your felves, in common with the reft of our Reformed Friends and Confederates, as may be moft necefla- ry for the prefervation of Juft.and Good Men, upon the brink of inevitable Ruin; and to make the Duke himfelf fenfible, that we can no longer negleé the heavy Oppreffions and Calamities of our Orthodox Brethren. Fare- wel.
To the Evangelick Cities of Switzerland.
E make no queftion but the late Calamity of the Piemontois, profef-
Vv V fing our Religion, reached your Ears before the unwelcome News of it arrivd withus: Who being a People under the protection and jurif- diction of the Duke of Savoy, and by a fevere Edict of their Prince com- manded to depart their Native Habitations, unlefs within three days they gave Security to embrace the Roman Religion, foon after were affail’d by ar- med Violence, that turn’d their Dwellings into Slaughter-houfes, while o- thers, without Number, were terrifi’d into Banifhment, where now naked and afflicted, without Houfe or Home, or any Covering from the Weather, and ready to perifh through hunger and cold, they miferably wander tho- rough defert Mountains, and depths of Snow, together with their Wives and Children. And far lefs reafon have we to doubt, but that fo foon as they _ came to your knowledg, you laid thefe things to heart, with a Compaflion no lefs fenfible of their multipli’d Miferies, than our felves ; the more deep- ly imprinted perhaps in your minds, as being next Neighbours to the Suffe- rers. Befides, that we have abundant proof of your fingular Love and Af- fection for the Orthodox Faith, of your Conftancy in retaining it, and your Fortitude in defending it. Seeing then, by the more ftriét Communion of Religion, that you, together with our felves, are all Brethren alike, or rather one Body with thofe unfortunate People, of which no Member can be af- flicted without the feeling, without pain, without the detriment and hazard of the reft ; we thought it convenient to write to your Lordfhips concerning this Matter, and let you underftand how much we believe it to be the gene-
ral
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ral Intereft of us all, as muchas in us lies, withour common Aid and Suc- cour, to relieve our exterminated and indigent Brethren; and not only to — take care for removing their Miferies and Afflictions, but alfo to provide that the Mifchief fpread no farther, nor incroach upon our felves in general, encourag’d by Example and Succefs, We have written Letters to the Duke of Savoy, wherein we have moft earneftly befought him, out of his wonted Clemency, todeal more gently and mildly with his moft faithful Subjects, and to reftore em, almoft ruin’d as they are, to their Goods and Habitati- ons. And we arein hopes, that by thefe our Intreaties, or rather by the united Interceflions of us all, the moft Serene Prince at length will be a- ton’d; and grant what we have requefted withfo muchimportunity. But if his Mind be obftinately bent to other Determinations, we are ready to com- municate our Confultations with yours, by what moft prevalent means to re- lieve and re-eftablifh moft innocent Men, and our moft dearly beloved Bre- thren in Chrift, tormented and overlaid with fo many Wrongs and Oppref- fions ; and preferve em from inevitable and undeferved Ruin. Of whofe Welfare and Safety, as I am aflur’d, that you, according to your wonted Piety, are moft cordially tender ; fo, for our own parts, we cannot but in our Opinion prefer their Prefervation before our molt important Interefts, even the fafeguard of ourown Life. Farewel.
Weftminfter, May 19. | 0. P. 16§5-
Superfcribd, To the moit Illuftrious and Potent Lords, the Confuls and Se- nators of the Proteftant Cantons and Confederate Cities of Switzerland, Greeting.
To the moft Serene and Potent Prince, Lewis Ksng of France.
Moft Serene and Potent King 5
Y your Majefty’s Letters which you wrote in anfwer to ours of the 25th
of Afay, we readily underftand, that we tail’d not in our Judgment, that
the inhuman Slaughter, and barbarous Maflacres of thofe Men who profefs “the Reformed Religion in Savoy, perpetrated by fome of your Regiments, were the Effects neither of your Orders nor Commands. And it afforded us a fingular occafion of Joy, to hear that your Majefty had fo timely fignifi'd to your Colonels and Officers, whofe violent Precipitancy ingag’d ’em in thofe inhuman Butcheries without the encouragement of lawful Allowance, how difpleafing they were to your Majefty ; that you had admonifh’d the Duke himfelf to forbear fuch AGs of Cruelty ; and that you had interpos’d with fo much Fidelity and Humanity, all the high Veneration paid you in that Court, your near Alliance and Authority, for reftoring to their ancient A- bodes thofe unfortunate Exiles. And it was our hopes, That that Prince would in fome meafure have condefcended to the good Pleafure and Intercef- fions of your Majefty. But finding not any thing obtain’d, either by your own, nor the Intreaties and Importunities of other Princes in the Caufe of the Diftrefled, we deem’d it not foreign from our Duty to fend this Noble Per- fon, under the Character of our Extraordinary Envoy, to the Duke of Sa- voy, more amply and fully to lay before him, how deeply fenfible we are of fuch exafperated Cruelties inflicted upon the Profeffors of the fame Religion with our felves, and allthis too out of a hatred of the fame Worthip. And we have reafon to hope a Succefs of this Negotiation fo much the more pro- fperous, if your Majefty would vouchfafe to employ your Authority and Af- fiftance once again with fo much the more urgent Importunity; and as you have undertaken for thofe Indigent People, that they will be Faithful and Obedient to their Prince, fo you would be gracioutly pleas’d to take care of their Welfare and Safety, that no farther Oppreflions of this nature, no more fuch .difmal Calamities may be the Portion of the Innocent and erg is
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‘This being, truly royal and juft in it felf, and highly agreeable to your Benj g- nity and Clemency, which every where protects in foft fecurity fo thany, of your Subjects profefling the fame Religion, we cannot but expect, as it be- hoves us, from your Majefty. Which Act of yours, as it will more clofely bind to your Subjection all the Prote/tants throughout your {pacious Domi- nions, whofe Affection and Fidelity to your Predece(Jors and your felf in most im- portant DiftrefJes have bin often confpicuoufly made known , {0 will it fully convince all Foreign Princes, that the Advice or Intention of your Majefty were no way contributory to this prodigious Violence, whatever inflam’d your Mi- nifters and Officers to promote it. More efpecially, if your Majefty fhall in- fli& deferved Punifhment upon thofe Captains and Minifters, who of their own Authority, and to gratifie their own Wills, adventur’d the perpetrating fuch dreadful Acts of Inhumanity. In the mean while, fince your Majefty has affur’d us of your juftly merited Averfion to thefe moft inhuman and cruel Proceedings, we doubt not but you will afford a fecure Sanctuary and Shelter within your Kingdom to all thofe miferable Exiles that fhall flye to your Majefty for Protection; and that you will not give permiflion to any of your Subjects to aflift the Duke of Savoy to their prejudice. It remains that we make known to your Majefty, how highly we efteem and value your Friend- fhip : In teftimony of which, we farther affirm there fhall never be wanting upon all occafions the real affurances and effects of our Proteftation.
White-Hall, July 29. 1555. Your Majefty’s moft affectionate, Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c.
To the moft Eminent Lord, Cardinal Mazarine.
Moft Eminent Lord Cardinal,
Aving deem/’d it neceflary to fend this Noble Perfon to the King with Letters, a Copy of which is here enclos’d, we gave him alfo farther in charge to falute your Excellency in our Name, as having entrufted to his/Fi- delity certain other matters to be communicated to your Eminency. In refe- rence to which Affairs, I intreat your Eminency to give him entire Credit, as being a Perfon in whom I have repos’d a more than ordinary Confidence.
White-Hall, July 29. 1555. Your Eminency’s moft affectionate, - Oliver Protector of the Common- wealth of England. i
Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, to the moft Serene Prince, Frederick II. Kyxg of Denmark, Norway, Gc. .;,
We what a fevere and unmerciful Edict Immanuel Duke of Savoy:has — V expell’d from their Native Seats his Subjects inhabiting the Valleys of Piemont, Men otherwife harmlefs, only for many years remarkably’ fa- mous for embracing the Purity of Religion ; and after a: dreadful flaughter of fome numbers, how he has expos’d the reft to the Hardships of thofe defert Mountains, f{tript to their Skins, and. barr’d from all Relief, we: believe your Majefty has long fince heard, and doubt not but your Majefty is touch’d with a real Commiferation of their Sufferings, as becomes fo. puiflant a De- fender and Prince of the Reformed Faith: For indeed’the Inftitutions of Chriftian Religion require, that whatever Mifchiefs and Miferies any part of us undergo, it fhould behove us all to be deeply fenfible: of: the fame: Nor does any Man better than your Majefty forefee, if we:may be thought able to give a right conjecture of your Piety and Prudence, what dangers the fuc- cefsand example of this Fact portend to. our felves in particular, and to the
whole
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whole Proteftant Name in general. We have written the more willingly to your felf, to the end we might aflare your Majefty, that the fame Sorrow which we hope you have conceiv’d for the Calamity of our moft innocent Brethren, the fame Opinion, the fame Judgment you have of the whole matter, is plainly and fincerely our own. We have therefore fent our Letters to the Duke of Savoy, wherein we have moft importunately befought him to fpare thofe miferable People that implore his Mercy, and that he would no longer fuffer that dreadful Edic& to be in force: Which if your Majefty and the reft of the Reformed Princes would vouchfafe to do, as we are apt to believe they have already done, there is fome hope that the Anger of the moft Serene Duke may be aflwag’d, and that his Indignation will re-- lent upon the Interceflion and Importunities of his Neighbour Princes. Or if he perfift in his Determinations, we proteft our felves ready, together with your Majefty, and the reft of our Confederates of the Reformed Religion, to take fuch fpeedy methods as may enable us, as far as in us lies, to relieve the Diftreffes of fo many miferable Creatures, and provide for their Liberty and Safety. In the mean time we befeech Almighty God to blefs your,Ma- jefty with all Profperity. ;
White-hall, May——1655-
Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Oc. to the moft Noble the Confuls and Senators of the City of Geneva.
E had before made known to your Lordfhips our exceilive Sorrow for the heavy and unheard of Calamities of the Proteftants inha- biting the Valleys of Piemont, whom the Duke of Savoy perfecutes with fo much Cruelty, but that we made it our bufinefs that you fhould at the fame time underftand that we are not only affected with the multitude of their Sufferings, but are ufing the utmoft of our Endeavours to relieve and com- fort em in their Diftreffes. To that purpofe we have taken care for a ga- thering of Alms to be made throughout this whole Republick ; which upon good grounds we expect will be fuch, as will demonftrate the Affection of this Nation toward: their Brethren labouring under the burden of fuch horrid Inhumanities; and that as the Communion of Religion is the fame be- tween both People, fo the fenfe of their Calamities is no lefs the fame. In the mean time while the Colle@tions of the Money go forward, which in re- gard they will require fome time to accomplifh, and for that the Wants and Neceflities of thofe deplorable People will admit of no delay, we thought it requifite to remit beforehand two thoufand Pounds of the Value of England, withall poflible {peed to be diftributed among fuch as fhall be judg’d to be moft in prefent need of Comfort and Succour. Now in ‘regard we are not igno- rant how deeply the Miferies and Wrongs of thofe moft innocent People have affected your felves, and that you will not think amifs of any Labour or Pains - where you can be aflifting to their Relief, we made no fcruple to commit the paying and diftributing this Sum of Money to your Care; and to give ye this farther trouble, that according to your wonted Piety and Prudence, you would take care that the faid Money may be diftributed equally to the moft neceflitous, to the end that though the Sum be fmall, yet there may be fome- thing to refrefh and revive the moft poor and needy, till we can afford *em 2 more plentiful Supply. And thus, not making any doubt but you will take in good part the trouble impos’d upon ye, we befeech Almighty God to ftir up the Hearts of all his People profefling the Orthodox Religion, to refolve upon the common Defence of themfelves, and the mutual Affiftance of each other againft their imbitter’d and moft implacable Enemies: In the profecu- tion of which we fhould rejoyce that our helping hand might be any way fer- viceable to the Church. Farewel. Fifteen hundred Pounds of the forefaid two thoufand sl be remitted by Gerard Hench from Paris, and the other five hundred Pounds will be saken care of by Let- ters from the Lord Stoup.
June 8. 1655. Oliver
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Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c, to the moft Serene Prince, the Duke of Venice.
“Moft Serene Prince, ‘
S it has bin always a great occafion of rejoycing to us when ever any A profperous Succefs attended your Arms, but more efpecially againft the common Enemy of the Chriftian Name ; fo neither are we forry for the late Advantage gain’d by your Fleet, though as we underftand, it happen’d not a little to the Detriment of our People: For certain of our Merchants, William and Daniel Williams, and Edward Beale, have fet forth in a Petition prefented to us, that a Ship of theirs, call’d the Great Prince, was lately fent by them with Goods and Merchandize to Conftantinople, where the faid Ship was detain’d by the Minifters of the Port, to carry Souldiers and Provifions to Crete; and that the faid Ship being conftrain’d to fail along with the fame Fleet of the Turks, which was fet upon and vanquifh’d by the Gallies of the Venetians, was taken, carri'd away to Venice, and there adjudg’d lawful Prize by the Judges of the Admiralty. Now therefore in regard the faid Ship was prefs by the Turks, and forc’d into their Service without the Knowledg or Confent of the Owners directly or indirectly obtain’d, and that it was impoflible for her, being fhip’d with Souldiers, to withdraw from the Engagement, we moft earneftly requeft your Serenity, that you will re- mit that Sentence of your Admiralty, as a Prefent to our Friendfhip, and take fuch care that the Ship may be reftor’d to the Owners, no way deferving the Difpleafure: of your Republick by any A& of theirs. In the obtaining of which requeft, more efpecially upon our Interceflion, while we find the Mer- chants themfelves fo well affur’d of your Clemency, it behoves us not to que- ftionit. And fo we befeech the Almighty God to continue his profperous Bleflings upon your noble Defigns, and the Venetian Republick.
Weftminfter, Decemb.— 1655. Your Serenity’s, and the Venetian Republick’s moft affectionate, Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c.
Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Gc. to the moft Serene Prince, Lewis Kjng of France.
Moft Serene King,
Gases of our Merchants, by name Samuel Mico, William Cockain, George
Poyner, and feveral others, in a Petition to us have fet forth, That in the year 1650. they laded a Ship of theirs, call’d the Unicorn, with Goods of a very confiderable Value ; and that the faid Ship being thus laden with Silk, Oil, and other Merchandize, amounting to above thirty four thoufand of our-Pounds, was taken by the Admiral and Vice-Admiral of your Majefty’s Fleet in the Adediterranean Sea. Now it appears to us, that our People who were then in the Ship, by reafon there was at that time a Peace between the French and us, that never had bin violated in'the leaft, were not willing to make any Defence againft your Majefty’s Royal Ships, and therefore over- rul’d befides by the fair Promifes of the Captains Paul and Terrery, who faith- fully engag’¢ to difmifs our People, they paid their Obedience to the Mari- time Laws, and produc’d their Bills of Lading. Moreover, we find that the Merchants aforefaid fent their Agent into France to demand Reftitution of the faid Ship and Goods: And then it was, that after above three Years flipt away, when the Suit was brought fo far that Sentence of Reftitution or Condemnation was to have bin given, that his Eminency Cardinal A/fazarine acknowledg’d to their Factor Hugh Morel, the Wrong that has bin done the Merchants, and undertook that Satisfaction fhould be given, fo foon asthe . League between the two Nations, which was then under yaaa
ou
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fhould be ratifi'd and confirm’d. Nay, fince that, his Excellency M. de Bour= deaux, your Majefty’s Embaflador, affur’d us in exprefs words, by the Com- ‘mand of your Majefty and your Council, That care fhould be taken of that Ship and ‘Goods in a particular Exception, apart from thofe Controverfies, for the decifionof which a general Provifion was made by the League ; of which promife, the Emballador, now opportunely arriv’d here to folicit fome bufinefs of his own, isa Teftimony no way to be queftion’d. Which being true, and the right of the Merchants in redemanding their Ship and Goods fo undeniably apparent, we moft earneftly requeft your Majefty, that they may meet with no delay in obtaining what is juftly their due, but that your Majefty will admit the grant of this Favour, asthe firft fruits of our reviv’d Amity, and the lately renew’d League between us. The refufal of which, as we have no reafon to doubt, fo we befeech Almighty God to blefs with all Profperity both your Majefty and your Kingdom.
Weftminftér, Your Majefty’s moft A ffectionate, Dec. — 1655: Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of Eng- - tand, Scotland, and Ireland, &c.
To the Evangelic Cities. of Switzerland. '
N what Condition your Affairs are, which is not the beft, we are abundant-
ly inform’d, as well by your publick Acts tranfmitted to us by our Agent at Geneva, asalfo by your Letters from Zurick, bearing date the 27th of December. Whereby, although we are forry to find your Peace, and {uch a lafting League of Confederacy broken; neverthelefs fince it appears to have happen’d through no fault of yours, we are in hopes that the iniquity and perverfenefs of your Adverfaries are contriving néw occafions for ye to make known your long-ago experienc’d Fortitude and Refolution in defence of the Evangelick Faith. For as for thofe of the Cantonof Schmits, who account ita capital Crime for any Perfon to embrace our Religion, what they are might and main defigning, and whofe inftigations have incens’d ’em to refolutions of Hoftility againft the Orthodox Religion, no body canbe ignorartt, who has not yet forgot that moft deteftable Slaughter of our Brethren in Piemont. Wherefore, moft be- loved Friends, what you were always wont to be, with God’s Affiftance ftill continue, Magnanimous and Refolute ; fuffer not your Privileges, your Con- federacies, the Liberty of your Confciences, your Religion it felf to be trampled under foot by the worfhippers of Idols ; and fo prepare your felves, that you may not feem to be the Defenders only of your own Freedom and Safety, but be ready likewife to aid and fuccour, as faras in you lies, your neighbouring Brethren, more efpecially thofe moft deplorable Piedmontois ; as being certainly convinc’d of this, that a Paflage was lately intended to have bin open’d over their flaughter’d Bodies to your fides. As for our part be affur’d, that we are no lefs anxious and folicitous for your Welfare and Pro- fperity, thanif this conflagration had broken forth in our Republick; or as if the Axes of the Schwits Canton had bin fharpen’d for our Necks, or that their Swords had bin drawn againft our Breafts, as indeed they were again{t the bofoms of allthe Reformed. Therefore fo foon as we were inform’d of the Conditionof your Affairs, and the obftinate Animofities of your Enemies, ad- vifing with fome fincere and honeft Perfons, together with fome Minitters, of the Church moft eminent for thejr Piety, about fending to your Afliftance fuch Succour as the prefent pofture of our Affairs would permit, we came to thofe Refults which our Envoy Pell will impart to your Confideration. | In the mean time we ceafe not to implore the Blefling of the Almighty upon all your Counfels, and the Protection of your moft juft Caufe, as well in War as in _ Peace.
Weftminfter, Your Lordfhips and Worfhips moft Affectionate, Oliver Jan. -- 1555. Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c.
Vvvyv “e Oliver
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* Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c. To the moft Se- rene Prince Charles Guftavus, by the Grace of God Kgng of the Swedes, Goths and Vandals, Great Prince of Finland, cc.
Moft Serene King,
Eeing it is a thing well known to all men,that there ought to bea Communi- S cation of Concerns among Friends, whether in Profperity or Adverfity ; it cannot but be moft grateful to us, that your Majefty fhould vouchfafe to impart unto us by your Letters the moft pleafing and delightful part of your Friendfhip, which is your joy. In regard it is a mark of fingular Civility, and truly Royal, as not to live only toa man’s felf, fo neither to rejoyce alone, - unlefs he be fenfible that his Friends and Confederates partake of his gladnefs. Certainly then, we-have reafon to rejoyce for the Birth of a young Prince born to fuch an excellent King, and fent into the World to be the Heir of his Father’s Glory and Vertue; and this at fuch a lucky feafon, that we have no lefs caufe to congratulate the Royal Parent with the memorable Omen that befel the famous Philip of Afacedon, who at the fame time receiv’d the Tydings of Alexander’s Birth,-and the Conqueft of the Iyrians. For we make no queftion, but the wrefting of the Kingdom of Poland from Papal Subjection, as it were a Horn difmembred from the Head of the Beaft, and the Peace fo much defir’d by all Good men, concluded with the Duke of Brandenburg, will be moft highly conducing to the Tranquillity and Advantage of the Church. Heaven grant a Conclufion correfpondent to fuch fignal beginnings; and may the Son be like the Father in Vertue, Piety, and Renown, obtain’d by great Atchievments. Which is that we wifh may luckily come to pafs, and which we beg of the Almighty, fo propitious hitherto to your Affairs.
Weftminfter, Your Majefty’s moft Affectionate, Oliver Pro- Feb.--- 1655. tector of the Commonwealth of England, &c.
iY
“To the King, of Denmark.
Moft Serene and Potent Prince,
Obn Freeman and Philip Travefs, Citizens of this Republick, by a Petiticn prefented to us, in their own and the Name of feveral other Merchants of London, have madéa Complaint, That whereas about the Month of Adarch in the year 1653. they freighted acertain Ship of Sunderburgh, call'd the Savi- our, Vicolas Weinskinks Mafter, with Woollen Cloth, and other Commodities to the Value of above three thoufand Pound, with Orders to the Mafter that he fhould fail directly up the Baltick for Dantzick, paying the ufual Tri- bute at Elfenore, to which purpofe in particular they gave him Money ; never- thelefs that the faid Mafter, perfidioufly and contrary to the Orders of the faid Merchants, flipping by Elfenore without paying the ufual Duty, thought to have proceeded in his Voyage, but that the Ship for this reafon was imme- diately feiz’d and detain’d withall her Lading. After due confideration of which Complaints, we wrote in favour of the Merchants to your Majefty’s Embaflador’refiding at London, who promis’d, asthey fay, that as foon as he return’d to your Majefty, he would take care that the Merchants. fhould be taken into Confideration. But he being fent*to negotiate your Majefty’s Af- fairs in other Countries, the Merchants attended upon him in vain, both be- fore and after his departure; fo that they were forc’d to fend their Agent to. profecute their Right and Claim at Copenhagen, and demand Reftitution of the Ship and Goods ; but all the benefit they reap’d by it, was only to add
more expences to their former damages, and a great deal of labour and pains - thrown away ; the Goods being condemn’d to Confifcation, and ftilldetain’d : Whereas by the Law of Denmark, as they {gt forth in their Petition, the Mafter is to be punifh’d for his Offence, and the Ship is to be condemn’d, but not
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not the Goods. And they look upon this misfortune to lie the more heavy upon ’em, in regard the Duty which is to be paid at Elfenore, as they te!l us, is but very fmall. Wherefore feeing our Merchants feem to have given no caufe of Profcription, and for that the Mafter confefs’d before his Death, that this damage befel them only through his neglect ; and the Father of the Malter deceas'd, by his Petition to your Majefty, as we are given to underftand, by laying all the blame upon his Son, has acquitted the Merchants, we could not but believe the detaining of the faid Ship and Goods to be moft unjuft; and therefore wé are confident, that fo foonas your Majefty fhall be rightly in- form’d of the whole matter, youwillnot only difapprove of thefe Oppreffi- ons of your Minifters, but give command that they be call’d to an account, that the Goods be reftor’d to'the Owners or their Factors, and Reparation made’em for the Lofles they have fuftain’d. All which we moft earneftly re- queft of your Majefty, as being no more than what is fo juft and confentane- ous to reafon, thata more equitable demand, or more legal Satisfaction can- not well be made, confidering the Juftice of our Merchants Caufe, and which your own Subjects would think but fairand honeft upon the like occafions.
To the moft Serene Prince, John the Fourth, Kjng of Portugal, che.
Moft Serene King, ;
TE HE Peace and Friendfhip which your Majefty defir’d, by your noble and
H {fplendid Embafly fent to us fome time fince, after certain Negotiations begun by the Parlament, in whom the Supream Power was vefted at that time, as it was always moft affectionately with’d for by us, with the afliftance of God, and that we might not be wanting in the Adminiltration of the Go- vernment which we have now taken upon us, at length we brought to a hap- py Conclufion, and as we hope, asa facred A&t, have ratifi'd it to perpetu- ity. And therefore we fend back to your Majefty your extraordinary Em- baflador, the Lord Yobn Roderigo de Sita Menefes, Count of Pennaguiada, a Perfon both approv’d by your Majefty’s judgment, and by us experienc’d to excel in Civility, Ingenuity, Prudence and Fidelity, befides the merited ap- plaufe which he has juftly gain’d by accomplifhing the ends of his Embafly, which is the Peace which he carries along with him to his Country. But as to what we perceive by your Letters dated from Lisbon the fecond of April, that is to fay, how highly your Majelty efteems our Amity, how cordially you fa- vour our Advancement, and rejoice at our having taken the Government.of the Republick upon us, which you are pleas’d to manifeft by fingular Tefti- inoniesof Kindnefs and Affection, we fhall make it our bufinefs, that all the World may underftand, by our readinefs at all times to ferve your Majefty, that there could be nothing more acceptable or grateful tous. Nor are we lefs earneft in our Prayers to God for your Majefty’s fafety, the welfare of your Kingdom, and the profperous fuccefs of your Affairs.
Your Majelty’s moft Affetionate, Oliver, &c.
Oliver Protecfor of the Commonwealth of England, ec. To the High and Mighty States of the United Provinces.
Moft High and Mighty Lords, our deareft Friends ;
Ertdin Merchants, out Country-men, Thomas Baffel; Richard Beare,-and others their Co-Partners, have made their Complaints before us; That 4 certain Ship of theirs, the Edmund and Yobn, in her Voyage from the Coaft of Brafilé to Lisbon, was fet upon by a Privateer of Flufhing, calld the Red- Lyon; commanded by Lambert Bartelfon, but wpon this condition, which the writing fign’d by Lambert himfelf teftifies, That the Ship and whatfoever Goods be- long’d to the Englifh fhould be reftor’d at Flufbing : wheré when the Veflek : Vrvv 2 arriv’d;
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arriv’d, the Ship indeed with what peculiarly belong’d to the Seamien was re- ftor’d, but the Englifh Merchants Goods were detain’d and put forthwith to fale: For the Merchants who had receiv’d the Damage, when they had fwd for their Goods in the Court of Flufhing, after great Expences for five years together, loft their Suit by the pronouncing of a moft unjuft Sentence againft ’em by thofe Judges, of which fome being interefted in the Privateer, were both Judgesand Adverfaries, and no lefs criminalaltogether. So that now they have no other hopes but only in your Equity and uncorrupted Faith, to which at laft they fly for Succour; and which they beliew’d they fhould find the more inclinable to do ’em Juttice, if aflited by our Recommendation. And men are furely to be pardon’d, if, afraid of all things in fo greata ftrug- gle for their Eftates, they rather call to mind what they have reafon to fear from your Authority and high Power, than what they have to hope well of ~ their Caufe, efpecially before fincere and upright Judges: Though for our parts we make no queftion, but that induc’d by your Religion, your Juftice, your Integrity, rather than by our Intreaties, you will give that Judgment which is juft and equal, and truly becoming your felves. God preferve both you and your Republick to his own Glory, and the defence and fuccour of his Church.
Weftminfter, Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of — April 1. 1656. England, &c.
————____
Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland, and Ire- land, oc. To the moft Serene Prince, Charles Guftavus, King of the Swedes, Goths avd Vandals, Great Prince of Finland, Duke of Eft- honia, Carelia, Breme, Verden, Stettin, Pomerania, Caffubia aad Vandalia, Prince of Rugia, Lord of Ingria and Wifmaria, Count Pa- latine of the Rhine, Dyke of Bavaria, Juliers, Cleves avd Monts.
Moft Serene Prince, Pp Fulius Coi having accomplifh’d the Affairs of his Embafly with us, and fo acquitted himfelf, that he is not by usto be difmifs’d without the Ornament of his deferved Praifes, is now returning to your Majefty. For he was moft acceptable tous, as well and chiefly for your own fake, whichought with us to be of high Confideration, as for his own deferts in the diligent ac- quittal of his Truft. The Recommendation therefore which we receiv’d from you in his behalf, we freely teftify to have bin made good by him, and defervedly given by your felf; as he on the other fide is able with the fame Fidelity and Integrity to relate and moft truly to declare our fingular Affeéti- onand Obfervance toward your Majefty. It remains for us to befeech the moft merciful and all-powerful God to blefs your Majefty with all Felicity, and a perpetual courfe of Victory over all the Enemies of his Church.
Weftminfter, Your Majefty’s moft Affectionate, April 17. 1656. Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c. :
.
Oliver,
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Oliver, Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c. To the moft Se. rene and Potent Prince, Lewis King of France.
Moft Serene Prince, .
OHN Dethic, Mayor of the City of London for this Year, and Wiliam J Wakefield Merchant, have made their Addrefles to us by way of Petition, complaining, That about the middle of Oétober, 1649. they freighted a cer- tain Ship call’d the Fonas of London, Fonas Lightfoot Mafter, with Goods that were to be fent to Offend, which Vefiel was taken in the Mouth of the River Thames, by one White of Barking, a Pyrate, robbing upon the Seas by virtue of a Commiflion from the Son of King Charles deceas’d, and carry’d to Dunkirk, then under the Jurifdiction of the French. Nowin regard that by yopr Ma- jefty’s Edict in the Year 1647, renew’d in 1649. and by fome other Decrees in favour of the Parlament of England, as they find it recorded, it was enact- ed, That no Veflel or Goods taken from the Englifh, in the time of that War, fhould be carry’d into any of your Majefty’s Ports to be there put to fale, they prefently fent their Factor Hugh Morel to Dunkirk, to demand Reftitution of the faid Ship and Goods from AZ. Leftrade then Governor of the Town; more efpecially finding them in the place for the moft part untouch’d, and neither exchang’d or fold. To which the Governor made anfwer, That the King had beftow’d that Government upon him of his free Gift for Service done the King in his Wars, and therefore he would take care to make the beft of the Reward of his Labour. So that having little to hope from an Anfwer fo unkind and unjuft, aftera great Expence of Time and Money, the Factor return’d home. So that allthe remaining hopes which the Petitioners have, feem wholly to depend upon your Majefty’s Juftice and Clemency, to which they thought they might have the more eafy accefs by means of our Letters 5 and therefore that neither your Clemency nor your Juftice may be wanting to People defpoil’d againft all Law and Reafon, and contrary to your repeated Prohibitions, we make it our Requeft. Wherein, if your Majefty vouchfafe to gratify us, fince there is nothing requir’d but what is moft juft and equita- ble, we fhall deem it as obtain’d rather from your innate Integrity, than any Intreaty of ours.
Your Majefty’s moft Affectionate,
Weflminfter,
May —, 1656. Oliver, Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c.
Oliver, Protector of the Commonwealth of England, ec. To the High and Mighty Lords, “the States of the United Provinces.
Moft High and Mighty Lords, eur deareft Friends ;
OHN Brown, Nicholas Williams, and others, Citizens of London, have
J fet forth in their Petition to us, that when they had every one brought in their Proportions, and freighted a certain Ship call’d the Good-hope of London, bound for the Eaft-Indies, they gave Orders to their Factor to take up at Am- fterdam two thoufand four hundred Dutch Pounds, to’ infure the faid Ship ; that afterwards this Ship in her Voyage to the Coaft of India was taken by a Ship belonging to the Eajt-India Company ; upon which they who had engag?d to infure the faid Veflel refus’d to pay the Money, and have for this fix Years by various delays eluded our Merchants, who with extraordinary Diligence, and at vaft Expences, endeavour’d the recovery of their juft Right. Which in regard it is an unjuft Grievance that lies fo heavy upon the Petitioners, for that fome of thofé who oblig’d themfelves are dead or become infolvent, therefore that no farther Loffes may accrue to their former Damages, we make it our earneft Requeft to your Lordfhips, that you will vouchfafe your Integrity to be the Harbour and Refuge for People tofs’d fo many Years, and almoft fhipwrack’d in your Courts of Juftice, and that fpeedy Judgment may be given according to the Rules of Equity and Honefty in their Caufe, ve they
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they believe to-be moft juft: In the mean time we wih you all Profperity to the Glory of God, and the Welfare of his Church.
Weftminjter, Your High and Mighty Lordhhips moft Affectionate, May —, 1659. ‘ Oliver, Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c.
Oliver, Proteétor of the Commonwealth of England, Gc. To the High and Mighty Lords, the States of the United Provinces.
Moft High and Mighty Lords, our deareft Friends 5
FE HE ‘ame Perfons in whofe behalf we wrote to your Lordhhips in Septem- ber the laft year, Thomas and William Lower, the lawful Heirs of Ni- cholas Lower deceas’d, make grievous Complaints before us, that they are op- prefsd either by the Favour or Wealth of their Adverfaries, notwithftanding the Juftice of their Caufe; and when that would not fuffice, although our Letters were often pleaded in their behalf,they have not been able hitherto to obtain Pofleflion of the Inheritance left ’em by their Father’s Will. From the Court of Holland, where the Suit was firft commenc’d, they were fent to your Court, and from thence hurry’d away into Zealand, (to which three Places they carry’d our Letters) and now they are remanded, not unwillingly, back again to your fupream Judicature; for where the fupream Power is, there they expect fupream Juftice, . If that hope fail ?em, eluded and fruftrated, after being fo long tofs’d from, poft to pillar for the recovery of their Right, where at length to find a refting place they know not. For as for our Letters, if they find no benefit of thefe the fourth time written, they can never pro- mife themfelves any advantage for the future from flighted Papers. However ic would be moft acceptable to us, if yet at length, after fo many contempts, the injur’d Heirs might meet with fome Relief by a fpeedy and juft Judgment, if not out of refpect to any Reputation we have among ye, yet out of a re- gard to your own Equity and Juftice. Of the laft of which we make no queftion, and confidently prefume you will allow the other to our Friendfhip.
Weftminfter, Your High and Mighty Lordfhips moft Affectionate, May ——, 1656. : Oliver, Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c.
Oliver, Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c. To the mojt Se- rene Prince, John King of Portugal.
Moft Serene King,
Wie there is a confiderable Sum of Money owing from certain Portu- gal Merchants of the Bra/ile Company to feveral Englifh Merchants, upon the account of Freightage and Demorage, in the Years 1649 and 1650, which Money is detain’d by the faid Company by your Majefties Command, the Merchants before-mention’d expected that the faid Money fhould have been paid long fince according to the Articles of the Jaft League, but now they are afraid of being debarr’d all hopes and means of recovering their Debts ; underftanding your Majefty has order’d, That what Money is owing to ‘em by the Bra/ile Company, fhall be carry’d into your Treafury, and that no more than one half of the Duty of Freightage fhall be expended toward the Payment of their Debts; by which means the Merchants will receive no more than the bare Intereft of their Money, while at the fame time they utterly lofe their Principal. Which we confidering to be very fevere and heavy upon ’em, and being overcome by their moft reafonable Supplications, have granted ’em thefe our Letters to your Majefty ; chiefly requefting this at your hands, to take carethat the aforefaid Bra/ile Company may give f{peedy Satisfaction to the Merchants of this Republick, and pay ’em not only the Principal Mo-
ney
( 703 ) ney which is owing to’em, but the five Years Intereft ; as being both juft in it felf, and conformable to the League fo lately concluded between us; which on their behalf in moft friendly manner we requeft from your Majefty. From our Palace at Weft- Your Majefty’s afta ffectionaté;
minfter, July —, 1659. : J ‘ Oliver, Protector of Pppommonweaith, Oe.
Oliver, Protector of the Commonwealth of England, cc. To the moft Se- rene Prince Charles Guftayus, Kgng of the Swedes, Goths, and Vandals, &c.
Moft Serene King,
S it is but juft that we should highly value the Friendthip of your Ma- jefty, a Prince fo potent and fo renown’d for great Atchievments; fo
is it but equally reafonable that your Extraordinary Embaflador, the moft il- luftrious Lord Chriftiern Bond, by whofe Sedulity and Care a ftri& Alliance is moft facredly and folemnly ratifi’d’between us, fhould be moft acceptable to us, and no lefs deeply fix’d in ourefteem. Him therefore, having now moft worthily accomplifh’d his Embafly, we thought it became us to fend back to your Majefty, though not without the high Applaufe which the reft of his fin- gular Vertues merit; to the end, that he who was before confpicuous in your efteem and refpect, may now be fenfible of his having reap’d ftill more abun- dant fruits of his Sedulity and Prudence from our Recommendation. As for thofe things which yet remain to be tranfacted, we have'determin’d in a fhort time to fend an Embafly to your Majefty for the fettling of thofe Affairs. In the mean time Almighty God preferve in Safety fo great a Pillar of his
Church, and of Swedeland’s Welfare.
From our Palace at Welt- Your Majefty’s moft A ffectionate, minfter, July—31655- ae ra oe Oliver, Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c.
Oliver, Proteétor of the Commonwealth of England, @c. To the moft. Se- rene Prince Lewis King of France. Ge
Moft Serene King, our moft dear Friend and Confederate ; alma tue
Ertain Merchants of London, Richard Baker and others, have made their Complaint ina Petition to us, That a certain hir’d Ship of theirs, ¢al?’d
the Endeavour, William op Mafter, laden at Teneriff with three hundred Pipes of rich Canary, and bound from thence for London, in her Voyage ‘be- tween Palma and that Ifland, upon the 21/# of November, in the Year 1655. was taken by four French Veflels, feeming Ships of Burden, but fitted and mann’d like Privateers, under the Command of Giles de Ia Roche their Admi- ral, and carri’d with allher Freight, and the greateft part of the Seamen to the Eajt-Indies, whither he pretended to be bound, (fourteen excepted, who were put afhore upon the Coaft of Guiney) which the faid Giles affirm’d he did with that intent, that none of ?em might efcape from fo remote and barba- rous a Country, to do himany harm by their Teftimony. For he confefs'd he had neither any Commiffion to take the Englifh Veflels, neither had he taken any, ashe might have done before, well knowing there was a firm Peace at that time between the French and our Republick : But in regard he had de- fign’d to revittle in Portugal, from whence he was driven by contrary Winds, he was conftrain’d to fupply his neceflities with what he found in that Veffel ; and believ’d the Owners of his Ships would fatisfy the Merchants for their Lofs. Now the Lofs of our Merchants amounts to fixteen thoufand Englifh
Pounds, as will eafily be made appear by Witnefles upon Oath. Butif it Le e
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be lawful, upon fuch trivial Excufes as thefe, for Pyrates to violate the moft re= ligious Acts of Princes, and make a {port of Merchants for their particular Benefits, certainly the Sanctity of Leagues muft fall to the ground, all Faith and Authority of Princes will grow out of date, and be trampl’'d under foot. Wherefore we not only requeft your Majefty, but believe it mainly to concern your Honour, that they who have adventur’d upon fo flight a pretence to vio- late the League and.paot facred Oath of their Sovereign, fhould fuffer the Punifhment due to fo'much Perfidioufnefs and daring Infolence; and that in’ the mean time the Owners of thofe Ships, though to their Lofs, fhould be bound to fatisfy our Merchants for the vaft Detriment which they have fo wrongfully fuftain'd. So may the Almighty long preferve your Majefty, and fupport the Intereft of France againft the common Enemy of us both.
From our Palace at Weft- Your Majefty’s moft Affectionate, minfter; Aug: —; 1656.
Oliver, Protector, &c,
Oliver, Protector of the Commonwealth of England, To his Eminency Cardinal Mazarine. nen | pide
| ’
Moft Eminent Lord, . 3 4 . HA an occafion to fend Letters to the King, we thought it likewife an
. A offer’d opportunity to write to your Eminency. For we could not think it proper to conceal the fubject of our writing from the fole and only Per- fon, whofe fingular Prudence governs the moft important Interefts of the French Nation, and’ the moft weighty Affairs of the Kingdom with equal Fi- delity, Counfel and Vigilance. Not without reafon we complain, in fhort, to.find that League by your felf, as it were a crime to doubt, moft facredly concluded, almoft the very fame day contemn’d and violated by one Giles a French-man, a petty Admiral of four Ships, and his Aflociates equally con- cern’d, as your Eminency will readily find by our Letters to the King, and the Demands themfelves of our Merchants. Nor is it unknown to your Ex- cellency, how much it concerns not only inferiour Magiftrates, but even Roy- al Majefty it felf, that thofe firft Violators of folemn Alliances fhould be fe- verely punifh’'d. But they, perhaps, by this time being arriv’d in the Eaft- Indies, whither they pretended to be bound, enjoy, in undifturb’d poffeffion the Goods of our People as lawful Prize won from an Enemy, which they robb’d and pillag’d from the Owners, contrary to all Law, and the pledg’d Faith of our late facred League. However, this is that which we requeft from your Eminency, That whatever Goods were taken from our Merchants by the Admiral of thofe Ships, as neceflary for his Voyage, may be reftor’d by. the Qwners of the fame Veflels, which was no more than what the Rovers themfelves thought juft and equal; which, as we underftand, it lies within your Power todo, confidering the Authority and Sway you bear in the King- dom. Your Eminencies moft Affectionate, From our Palace at Welt- ! minfter, Aug. —, 1656. Oliver, Protector of the Commonwealth, oc.
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Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, oc. To thetmoft High and Mighty Lords, the States of the United Provinces.
Moft High and Mighty Lords, our dear Friends and Confederates ;
E make no doubt but that all Men will bear us this Teftimony, That
no Confiderations, in contracting Foreign Alliances, ever f{way’d us
beyond thofe of defending the Truth of Religion, or that we accounted. any thing more facred, than to unite the Minds of all the Friends and Pro- tectors of the Proteftants, and of all others whoat leaft were not their Ene- mies. Whence itcomes to pafs, that we are touch’d with fo much the more grief of Mind, to hear that the Proteftant Princes and Cities, whom it fo much behoves to live in Friendfhip and Concord together, fhould begin to be fo jealous of each other, and foill difpos’d to mutual Affection; more efpe- cially, that your Lordthips and the King of Sweden, than whom the Ortho- dox Faith has not more magnanimous and couragious Defenders, nor our Re- publick Confederates more ftritly conjoin’d in Interefts, fhould feem to remit of your Confidence in each other , or rather, that there fhould appear fome too apparent Signs of tottering Friendfhip and growing Difcord between ye. What the Caufes are, and what Progrefs this Alienationof your Affeétion has made, we proteft our felves to be altogether ignorant. However, we can- not but conceive an extraordinary trouble of mind for thefe beginnings of the leaft Diflention arifen among Brethren, which infallibly muft greatly endanger the Proteftant Interefts. Whichif they fhould gather ftrength, how preju- dicial it would prove to the Proteftant Churches, what an occafion of Tri- umph it would afford our Enemies, and more efpecially the Spaniards, cannot be unknown to your Prudence, and moft indu{trious Experience of Affairs. As for the Spaniards, it has already fo enliven’d their Confidence, and rais’d their Courage, that they made no feruple by their Embaflador refiding in your Territories, boldly to obtrude their Counfels upon your Lordfhips, and that in reference to the higheft Concerns of your Republick ; prefuming part- ly with Threats of renewing the War, toterrify; and partly witha falfe profpect of Advantage to follicit your Lordfhips to forfake your ancient and moft faithful Friends, the Englifh, French and Danes, and enter into a ftri@ Confederacy with your old Enemy, and once your domineering Tyrant, now feemingly aton’d;, but what*is moft to be fear’d, only at prefent treache- roufly fawning to advance his own Defigns. Certainly he, who of dn irvete- rate Enemy, lays hold of fo flight an occafion of a fudden to become your Countellor, what is it that he would not take upon him? Where would his Infolency ftop, if once he could but fee with his eyes, what now he only ru- minates and labours imhis thoughts; that is to fay, Divifion, and a Civil War among the Proteftants? Weare not ignorant that your Lordfhips, out of your deep Wifdom, frequently revolve in your Minds what the Poiture of all Europe is, and what more efpecially the Condition of the Proteftants : That the Cantons of Switzerland adhering to the Orthodox Faith, are in dai- ly expectation of new Troubles to be rais’d by their Country-men embracing the Popifh Ceremonies; fcarcely recover’d from that War, which for the fake of Religion was kindled and blown up by the Spaniards, who fuppli’d their Enemies both with Commanders and Money: That the Councils of the Spaniards are till contriving to continue the Slaughter aud Deftruction of the Piemontois, which was cruelly put in execution the laft Year: That the Pro- teftants under the Jurifdiction of the Emperor, are moft grievoufly harafs’d, having much ado to keep pofleflion of their native Homes: That the King of Sweden, whom God, aswehope, has rais’'d up to be a moft ftout Defender of the Orthodox Faith, is at prefent waging with all the Force of his Kingdom, a doubtful and bloody War with the moft Potent Enemies of the Reformed Religion: That your own Provinces are threatned with hoftile Confedera- cies of the Princes your Neighbours, headed by the Spaniards, and laftly, that we our felves are bufied in a War proclaim’d againft the King of Spain. In this poftureof Affairs, if any Conteft fhould happen between your Lord- fhips and the King of Sweden, how miferable would be the condition of all the XxX xx Reformed
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Reformed Churches over all Europe, expos’d to the Cruelty and Fury of un- fanctifi’d Enemies? Thefe Cares not flightly feize us; and we hope your Sentiments to be the fame; and thatout of your continu’d Zeal for the com- mon Caufe of the Proteftants,and to the end the prefent Peace between Brethren profefling the fame Faith, the fame hope of Eternity, may be preferv’d invio- lable, your Lordfhips will accommodate your Counfels to thefe Confiderati-_ ons, which are to be preferr’d before all others ;.and that you will leave no- thing neglected that may conduce to the eftablifhing Tranquillity and Union between your Lordfhips and the King of Sweden. Wherein if we can any way be ufeful, as far as our Authority, and the Favour you bear us will {way with your Lordfhips, we freely offer our utmoft Afliftance, prepared in like manner to be no lefs ferviceable to the King of Smeden, to whom we defign a fpeedy Embafly, to the end we may declare our Sentiments at large con- cerning thefe Matters. We hope moreover, that God will bend your Minds on both fides to moderate Counfels, and fo reftrain your Animofities, that no Provocation may be given, either by the one or the other, to fefter your Differences to extremity: But that on the other fide both Parties will remove whatever may give offence or occation of jealoufy to the other. Whichif | you fhall vouchfafe todo, you will difappoint your Enemies, prove the Con- folation of your Friends, and in the beft manner provide for the Welfare of your Republick. And:this we befeech you to be fully convine’d of, that we fhall ufe our utmoft care to make appear, upon all occafions, our extraordi- nary Affection and Good-will to the States of the United Provinces. And fo we moft earneftly implore the Almighty God to perpetuate his Bleflings of Peace, Wealth and Liberty, upon your Republick , but above all things to preferve it always flourifhing in the Love of the Chriftian Faith, and the true Worhhip of his Name. From our Palace at Weftminfter, Aug.—1656.
Your High and Mightinefles moft Affectionate, Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c.
Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, to the moft Serene Prince, John Kéng_of Portugal. ;
Moft Serene Prince; @
[@ heses. the 11th of July laft, Old-/tile, we receivd by Thomas Aaynar, the Ratification of the Peace negotiated at London by your extraor- dinary Embaflador ; as alfo of the private and preliminary Articles, all now confirm’d by your Majefty : And by our Letters from Philip A¢eadoms, our A- gentat Lisbon, dated the fame time, we underftand that our Ratification alfo of the fame Peace and Articles, was by him, according to our Orders fent him, deliver’d to your Majefty: And thus the Inftruments of the foremen- tion’d Ratification being mutually interchang?d on both fides in the beginning of Fune laft, there is now a firm and fettl’d Peace between both Nations. And this Pacification has given us no {mall occafion of Joy and Satisfaction, as believing it will prove to the common Benefit of both Nations, and to the no flight detriment of our common Enemies, who as they found out a Means to difturb the former League, fo they left nothing neglected to have hinder’d the renewing of this. Nor dowequeftion in the leaft, that they will omit any occafion of creating new Matter for Scandals and Jealoufies between us. Which we however have conftantly determin’d, as muchas inus lies, to re- move at aremote diftance from our thoughts ; rather we fo earneftly defire, that this our Alliance may beget a mutual Confidence, greater every day than other, that we fhall take them for our Enemies, who fhall by any Arti- fices endeavour to moleft the Friendhhip by this Peace eftablifh'd between our felves and both our People. And we readily perfwade our felves, that your Majefty’s Thoughts and Intentions are the fame. And whereas it has pleas’d your Majefty, by your Letters dated the 24th of Fune, and fome days after the delivery by our Agent of the interchang’d Inftrument of confirm’d Peace, to
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to mention certain Claufes of the League, of which you delfir’d fome little Alteration, being of {mall moment to this Republick, as your Majefty be- lieves, but of great importance to the Kingdom of Portugal ; we fhall be rea= dy to enter into a particular Treaty in order to thofe Propofals made by your Majefty, or whatever elfe may conduce, inthe judgment of both Parties, to the farther eftablifhment and more ftrongly faftning of the League: wherein we fhall have thofe due Confiderations of your Majefty and your Subjects, as alfo of our own People, that all may be fatisfi'd, and it fhall be in your choice, whether thefe things fhall be negotiated at Lisbon, or at London. However, the League being now confirm’d, and duly feal’d with the Seals of both Nati- ons, to,alter any part of it, would be the fame thing as to. annul the whole ; _ which we are certainly aflur'd your Majefty by no means defires to do. We heartily with all things lucky, all things profperous to your Majefty. From our Palace at Weltminfter, Augujt-— 1656,
Your Majefty’s molt Affectionate, Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c.
—— +
Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, oc. To the moft Serene Prince, John King of Portugal.
Moft. Serene King 5
TE have receiv’d the unwelcome News of a wicked and inhuman At- tempt to have murder’d our Agent Philip Meadows, refiding with your Majelty, and by us fent upon the blefled Errand of Peace ; the hainoufnefs of which was fuch, that his Prefervation is only to be attributed to the proteéti- on of Heaven. And we are givento underftand, by your Letters dated the 26th of Afay laft, and deliver’d to us by Thomas Maynard, that your Majelty, juftly incens'd at the horridnefs. of the Faét, has commanded enquiry to be made after the Criminals, to the end they may be brought to condign Pu- nifhment: But we do not hear that any of the Ruffians are yet apprehended, or that your Commands have wrought any effect in this Particular. Where- fore we thought it our Duty openly to declare, how deeply we refent this bar- barous Outrage in part attempted, and in part committed: And therefore we make it our Requeft to your Majefty, That due Punifhment may be in- flided upon the Authors, Affociates, and Encouragers of this abominable Fact. And tothe end that this may be the more fpeedily accomplifh’d, we farther demand, That Perfons of Honefty and Sincerity, well-wifhers to the Peace of both Nations, may be entrufted with the Examination of this Bufi- nefs, that fo a due Scrutiny may be made into the bottom of this malicious Contrivance, to the end both Authors and Affiftants may be the more fevere- ly punifh’d. Unlefs this be done, neither your Majefty’s Juftice, nor the Honour of this Republick can be vindicated ; neither can there be any ftable aflurance of the Peace between both Nations. We with your Majefty all things fortunate and profperous. From our Palace at Whitehall, Au- guit— 1656. 3
Your Majefty’s moft Affectionate, Oliver Protector of the Common- ; wealth of England, &c.
Xxxx 2 Oliver
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Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, oc. To the moft Illaftrious Lord, the Conde d? Odemira.
Moft Illuftrious Lord,
Our fingular Good-will towards us and this Republick, has laid no mean Obligation upon us, nor flightly ti’d us to acknowledgment. We readi-
ly perceiv’d it by your Letters of the 25th of Sune laft, as alfo by thofe which we receiv’d from our Agent Philip Meadows, {ent into Portugal to con- clude the Peace in Agitation, wherein he inform’d us of your extraordinary Zeal and Diligence to promote the Pacification, of which we moft joyfully receiv’d the laft Ratification ; and we perfwade our felves, that your Lord- fhip will have no caufe to repent either of your Pains and Diligence in pro- curing this Peace, or of your Good-willto the Engli/h, or your Fidelity to- wards the King, your Sovereign; more efpecially confidering the great hopes we have that this Peace will be of high Advantage to both Nations, and not a little inconvenient to our Enemies. The only Accident that fell out unfor- tunate and mournful in this Negotiation, was that unhallow’d Villany nefa- rioufly attempted upon the Perfon of our Agent, Philip Meadows: Thecon- — ceal’d Authors of which intended piece of Inhumanity, ought no lefs dili- _ gently to be fought after, and made Examples to Pofterity, than the vileft of moft openly detected Afiaflinates. Nor can we doubt in the leaft of your King’s Severity and Juftice in the punifhment of a Crime fo horrid, nor of your Care and Sedulity to fee that there be no remifsnefs of Profecution, as being a Perfon bearing due Veneration to the Laws of God, and Sanétity among Men, and.no lefs zealous to maintain the Peace between both Na- tions; which never can fubfift if fuch nhuman Barbarities as thefe efcape
unpunifh’d and unreveng’d. But your abhorrence and deteftation of the Fact
is fo well known, that there is no need of infilting any more at prefent upon ~ this unpleafing Subject. Therefore,‘ having thus declard our Good-will and Affection to your Lordfhip, of which we fhall be always ready to give appa- rent Demonttrations, there nothing remains, but to implore the Bleflings of Divine Favour and Protection upon you, and all yours.
From our Palace at Your Lordhhip’s moft affectionate, Oliver — Weitminfter, Protector of the Commonwealth of . Aug. — 1656. England, &c.
Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, c. to the moft Se- rene Prince Charles Guftavus, Kyug of the Swedes, Goths and Vandals, &c.
Moft Serene King, our deaveft Friend and Confederate , P Eing affur’d of «your Majefty’s Concurrence both in Thoughts and Cotn- — fels, for the defence of the Proteftant Faith againft the Enemies of it, if ever, now at this time moft dangeroufly vexatious; though we cannot but rejoyce at your profperous Succefles, and the daily tidings of your Victo- ries, yet on the other fide we cannot but be as deeply afflicted to meet with one thing that difturbs and interruptsour Joy; we mean the bad News in- termix’d with fo many welcome Tidings, that the antient Friendfhip between ~ your Majefty and the States of the United Provinces, looks with a dubious Afpect, and that the Mifchief is exafperated to that height, efpecially in the Baltick Sea, as feems to bode an unhappy Rupture. We confefs our felves ignorant of the Caufes ; but we too eafily forefee that the Events, which God avert, will be fatal to the Interefts of the Proteftants. And. therefore, as well in refpeét to that moft ftrict Alliance between us and your Majefty, as out of that Affection and Love to the Reformed Religion, by which we all of us ought chiefly to be fway’d, we thought it our duty, as we have
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have moft carneftly exhorted the States of the United Provinces to Peace and Mo deration, fo now to perfwade your Majeity to the fame. The Proteftants have Enemies every where enow and to fpare, inflam’d with inexorable Revenge 3 they never were known to have con{pir’d more pernicioufly to our Deftruéti- on, witnefs the Valleys of Piemont, {till reaking with the Blood and Slaughter of the miferable; witnefs dujiria, lately turmoil’d with the Emperor’s Edits and Profcriptions ; witnefs Switzerland. But to what purpofe is it in many words to call back the bitter lamentations and remembrance of fo many Calamities ? Who fo ignorant, as not to knowighat the Counfels of the Spaniards, and the Roman Pontiff, for thefe two Years have fill’d all thefe Places, with Conflagrations, Slaughter, and Vexation of the Orthodox ? If to thefe Mifchiefs there fhould happen an accefs of Diffenfion among Proteftant Brethren, more efpecially between two Potent States, upon whofe Courage; Wealth and Fortitude, fo far as human Strength may be reli’d upon, the Support and Hopes of all the Reformed Churches depend, of neceflity the Proteftant Religion muft be in great jeopardy, if not upon the brink of De- ftruction. On the other fide, if the whole Proteftant Name would but ob- ferve perpetual Peace among themfelves with that fame brotherly Union as becomes their Profeffion, there would be no occafion to fear what all the Artifices or Puiflance of our Enemies could do to hurt us, which our fra- ternal Concord and Harmony alone would eafily repel and fruftrate. And therefore we moft earneftly reqneft and befeech your Majefty to harbour in your Mind propitious thoughts of Peace, and Inclinations ready bent to re- pair the Breaches of your priftin Friendfhip with the United Provinces, if in any part it may have accidentally fuffer’d the decays of Miftakes or Mifcon- ftruction. If there be any thing wherein our Labour, our Fidelity and Dili- gence may be ufeful toward this Compofure, we offer and devote all to your fervice. And may the God of Heaven favour and profper your noble and pious Refolutions, which together with all Felicity, anda perpetual courfe of Victory we cordially wifh to your Majefty.
From our Palace at Your Majefty’s moft affectionate, Oliver Weftminfter, Protector of the Commonwealth of Aug.— 1656. England, &c. i
\
Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, cc. To the States of Holland.
Moft High and Mighty Lords, our deareft Friends ;
T has bin reprefented to us, by William Cooper a Minifter of London, and l our Country-man, that Fobn te Adaive of Amfterdam, his Father-in-law, about three and thirty Years ago devis’d a Project, by which the Revenues of your Republick might be very much advanc’d without any burden to the People, and made an Agreement with Yobu Vandenbrook to fhare between ’em the Reward which they fhould obtain for their Invention, which was the fetling of a little Seal to be made ufe of in all the Provinces of your Terri+ tories, and for which your High and Mightine/Jes promis’d to pay the faid Vandenbrook and his Heirs the yearly Sum of 3000 Gilders, or 300 Englifh Pounds. Now althoughthe ufe and method of this /ittle Seal has bin found very eafy and expeditious, and that ever fince great Incomes have thereby accru’d to your High and Adightineffes, and fome of your Provinces, neverthelefs nothing of the faid Reward, tho with much importunity demanded, has bin paid to this day; fo that the faid Vandenbrook and le Adaire being tir’d out with long delays, the Right of the faid Grant is devolv’d to the forefaid William Cooper, our Country-man; who defirous to reap the fruit of his Father-in-law’s Induftry, has petition’d us, that we would recommend his juft Demands to your High and Mightineffes, which we thought not reafonable to deny him. Wherefore, in moft friendly wife, we requeft your High and Mightineffes favourably to hear the Petition of the faid William Cooper, and to i rake
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take fuch care that the Reward and Stipend, fo well deferv’d, and by con- tract agreed and granted, may be paid him annually from this time forward, together with the Arrears of the Years already pafs’d. Which not doubting but your High and ‘Mightineffes will vouchfate to perform, as what is no more than juft and becoming your Magnificence, we fhall be ready to thew the fame favour to the Petitions of your Country-men upon any occafions of the fame nature, whenever prefented to us.
From our Palace at @ Your High and Mightinefles moft White-Hall, Sep- affectionate, Oliver Protector of tember — 1656. the Commonwealth, ec.
Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c. To the moft Serene Prince, Lewis K4ng of France.
Moft Serene King, our deareft Friend and Confederate ;
Gainft our will it is that we fo often trouble your Majefty with the A Wrongs done by your Subjects, after a Peace fo lately renew’d. But as we are fully perfwaded that your Majefty difapproves their being com- mitted, fo neither can we be wanting to the Complaints of our People. That the Ship Anthony of Dieppe was legally taken before the League, mani- feftly. appears by the Sentence of the Judges of our Admiralty-Court. Part of the Lading, thatis to fay, four thoufand Hides, Robert Brown, a Merchant of London, fairly bought of thofe who were entrufted with the Sale, as they themfelves teftify. The fame Merchant, after the Peace was confirm’d, carri'd to Dieppe about two hundred of the fame Hides, and there having fold ’em to a Currier, thanght to have receiv’d his Money, but found it ftopt and attach’d in the hands of his Factor; and a Suit being commenc’d againft him, he could obtain no favour in that Court: Wherefore, we thought it proper to requeft your Majefty, that the whole matter may be referr’d to your Council, that fo the faid Money may bedifcharg’d from an unjuft and vexatious A@tion. For if Acts done and adjudg’d before the Peace, fhall after Peace renew’d be call’d into queftion and controverfy, we mutt look upon aflurance of Treaties to be a thing of little moment. Nor will there be any end of thefe Complaints, if fome of thefe Violators of Leagues be not made fevere and timely Examples to others. Which we hope your Majefty will fpeedily take into your Care. To whom God Almighty in the mean time vouchfafe his moft holy Protection.
From our Palace at Your Majefty’s moft affe&tionate, Oliver White-Hall, Sep- Protector of the Commonwealth of tember —1656. England, &c.
Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c. To the moft Serene Prince, John King of Portugal.
Moft Serene King,
[ee Peace being happily concluded between this Republick and the Kingdom of Portugal, and what refers to Trade being duly provided for and ratifi?d, we deem’d it neceflary to fend to your Majeity Thomas May- nard, from whom you will receive thefe Letters, to refide in your Dominions, under the’Character and Employment of a Gonful, and to take care of the Eftates and Interefts of our Merchants. Now in regard it may frequently fo fall out, that he may be enforc’d to defire the Privilege of free Admiilion to your Majefty, as well in matters of Trade, as upon other occafions for the Intereft of our Republick, we make it our requeft to your Majefty, that
you
(711) you will vouchfafe him favourable Accefs and Audience,which we fhall acknow- ledg as.a fingular demonftration and teftimony of your Majefties good Will to- wardsus. Inthe mean time we befeech Almighty God to blefs your Majefty with all Profperity. From our Court at Weltminfter, Ofob. — 1656. Your Majefty’s moft Affectionate, Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c.
To the King of the Swedes.
Moft Serene and Potent King, ! Lthough your Majefty’s wonted and fpontaneous Favour and Good-will A toward all deferving men be fuch, that.all recommendations in their be- half may feem fuperfluous, yet we were unwilling to difmifs without our Let- ters to your Majefty, this noble Perfon, William Vavajfour Knight, ferving under your Banners, and now returning to your Majefty: Which we have done fo much the more willingly, being inform’d, that formerly following your Majefty’s fortunate Conduct, he had loft his Blood in feveral Combats to affert the noble Caufe for which you fight. Infomuch, that the fucceeding Kings of Sweedland in remuneration of his Military Skill, and’ bold Atchieve- ments in War, rewarded him with Lands and Annual Penfions, as the Guer- dons of his Prowefs. Nor do we queftion but that he may be of great ufe to ~ your Majefty in your prefent Wars, who has bin fo long confpicuous for his Fidelity and Experience in Military Affairs. Tis our defire'therefore that he may be recommended to your Majefty according to his Merits; and we alfo farther requeft, That he may be paid the Arrears due to him.’ This, as it will be moft acceptable to us, fo we fhall be ready upon the like occafion, when- ever offer’d, to gratify your Majefty, to whom we with all Happinefs and Pro- fperity. eer Your Majefty’s moft Affectionate, Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c.
Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, ce. To the moft Serene Prince, John King of Portugal.
Moft Serene King, our deareft Friend and Confederate 3
Wide Evans, a Mafter of a Ship, and our Coiintry-man, has prefenteda
Petition to us, wherein he fets forth, that in the years 1649, and 1650, he ferv’d the Bra/ile Company with his Ship the Scipio, being a Veffel of four hundred Tuns, and of which he was Mafter: that the faid Ship was taken from him, withall the Lading and Furniture by your Majefties Command ; by which he has receiv’d great Damage, befides the lofs of fix years gain arifing outof fucha Stock. The Commiflioners by the League appointed on both fides for the deciding Controverfies, valud the whole at feven thoufand of our Pounds, or twice as many A/ilreys of Portugal Money, as they made their report tous. Which Lofs falling fo heavy upon the forefaid Thomas, and be- ing conftrain’d to make a Voyage to Lisbon for the recovery of his Eftate, he
humbly befought us that we would grant him our Letters to your Majefty in.
favour of his demands, We therefore, although we wrote the laft year in behalf of our Merchants in general to whom the Bra/ile Company was indebt- ed, neverthelefs that we may not be wanting to any that implore our Aid, requeft your Majefty, in regard tothat Friendfhip which is between us, that confideration may be had of this man in particular, and that your Majefty would give fuch Orders to all your Minifters and Officers, that no obftacle may hinder him from demanding and recovering without delay, what is ow- ing to him from the Brafile Company, or any other Perfons. God Almighty blefs your Majefty with perpetual Felicity, and grant that our Friendfhip may longendure. From our Palace at Weftminfter, Offob. — 1656.
Your Majefty’s moft Affectionate, Oliver Protector of
the Commonwealth of England, &c. @Gliver
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Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, ec. To the Iu ftrious and Magnificent Senate of Hamborough.
Moft Noble, Magnificent, and Right Worfhipful ; Ames and Patrick Hays, Subjects of this Commonwealth, have made grie- vous Complaint before us, That they being lawful Heirs of their Brother ‘Alexander, who dy’d Inteftate, were fo declar’d by a Sentence of your Court pronounc’d in their behalf againft their Brother's Widow ; and the Eftates of
their deceas’d Brother, together with the Profits, only the Widows Dowry,
excepted, being adjudg’d to them by virtue of that Sentence; neverthelefs, to this very day they could never reap any benefit of their Pains and Expences in obtaining the faid- Judgment, notwithftanding their own declar’d Right, and Letters formerly written by King Charles in their behalf; for that the
great Power and Wealth of -Albertuan Eyzen, one of your Chief Magiftrates, -
and with whont the greateft part of the Goods was depofited, was an Oppo- fition too potent for them to furmount, whilft he ftrove all that in him lay that the Goods might not be reftor’d to the Heirs. Thus difappointed and tir'd out with delays, and at length reduc’d to utmoft Poverty, they are be- come fuppliants to us that we would not forfake’em, wrong’d and opprefs’d as they arein a Confederated City. We therefore believing it to be a chief part of our duty, not to fuffer any Country-man of ours in vain to defire our Patronage and Succour in diftrefs, make this requeft to your Lordfhips, which we are apt to think we may eafily obtain from your City, That the Sentence pronounc’d in behalf of the two Brothers may be ratifi’d and duly executed according to the Intents and Purpofes for which it was given; and that you will not fuffer any longer delay of Juftice, by any Appeal to the Chamber of Spire, upon any pretence whatever: For we have requir’d the Opinions of our Lawyers, which we have fent to your Lordhhips fairly writ- tenand fign’d. But if intreaty and fair means will nothing avail, of neceffi- ty (and which is no more than according to the cuftomary Law of Nations, though we are unwilling to come to that extremity) the feverity of Retaliati- on muft take its courfe ; which we hope your Prudence will take care to pre- vent. From our Palace at Weftminfter, Ocfob. 16. 1656.
Your Lordfhips moft Affectionate, Oliver Protetor of
the Commonwealth of England, &c.
Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, oc. To the moft Se- rene and Potent Lewis, King of France.
Moft Serene and Potent King, our deareft Friend and Confederate 5
W* are apt to believe that your Majefty receivd our Letters dated the 14th of May, of the laft year, wherein we wrote that Fobn Dethic,
Mayor of London that year, and William Waterford, Merchant, had by their —
Petition fet forth, That a certain Veffel call’d the Yonas, freighted with Goods upon their Accompt, and bound for Duxkirk, then under the Jurifdiction of the French, was taken at the very Mouth of the Thames, by aSea-Rover, pre- tending a Commiffion from the Son of the late King Charles: Which being directly cofftrary to your Edits, and the Decrees of your Council, That no Englifh Ship taken by the Enemies of the Parlament, fhould’be admitted into any of your Ports, and there put to fale, they demanded Reftitution of the faid Ship and Goods from M. Lejtrade, then Governour of the Town, who re- turn’d *em an anfwer no way becoming a Perfon of his Quality, or who pre- tended Obedience to his Soveraign; That the Government was conferr’d up- on him for his good Service in the Wars, and therefore he would make his beft advantage of it, that is to fay, by right or wrong ; for that he feem’d to drive at: As if hehad receiv’d that Government of your Majefties free Gift,
to
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to authorize him in the robbing your Confederates, and contemning your E- dias fet forth in their favour. For what the King of France forbids his Sub- jects any way to havea hand in, that the King’s Governor has not only fuffer’d to be committed in your Ports, but he himfelf becomes the Pirate, feizes the Prey, and openly avouches the Fact. Withthis Anfwer therefore the Mer- chants departed, altogether bafil’d and difappointed; and this we fignifi’d by our Letters to your Majefty the laft year with little better fuccefs ; for as yet we have receiv'd no reply to thofe Letters. Of which weare apt to believe the reafon was, becaufe the Governor was with the Army in Flanders; but now he refides at Paris, or rather flutters unpunifh’d about the City, and at Court, enrich’d with the Spoilsof our Merchants. Once more therefore, we make it our requeft to your Majefty, which it is your Majetty’s Intereft in the firft place to take care of, That no perfon whatever may dare to juftify the wrongs done to your Majefty’s Confederates by the contempt of your Royal Ediéts, Nor can this caufe be properly referr’d to the Commiflioners appointed for decid- ing common Controverfies on both fides; fince in this Cafe, not only the rights of Confederates, but your Authority it felf, and the Veneration due to the Royal Name, are chiefly in difpute. And it would be a wonder, that Mer- chants fhould be more troubled for their Loffes, than your Majefty provok’d at Incroachments upon your Honour. Which while you difdain to brook, with the fame labour you will demonftrate that you neither repent Of your friendly Edigs in favour of our Republick, nor conniv’d at the Injuries done by your Subjects, nor neflected to give due refpect to our demands. From our Court at Weftminfter, Novemb. — 1656.
Your Majefty’s moft bounden by Good-will, by Friend- fhip and Solemn League, Oliver Protector of the Com- monwealth, &c.
Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, @c. To the moft Se- rene and Potent Prince, Frederick Il. Kéxg of Denmark, Norway, the Vandals and Goths; Duke of Slefwic, Holfatia, Stormatia and Ditmarfh ; Cost in Oldenburgh and Delinenhorft, &c.
Moft Serene and Potent King, our deareft Friend and Confederate 5
V { 7E receiv'd your Majefty’s Letters, dated the 16th ot February, from Copenhagen, by the moft worthy Simon de Pitkum, your Majelty’s Agent here refiding. Which when. we had perus’d, the demonftrations of your Majefty’s Good-will towards us, and the importance of the Matter con- cerning which you write, affected us to that degree, that we defign’d forth- with to fend to your Majefty fome Perfon, who being furnifh’d with ample In- ftructions from us, might more at large declare to your Majefty our Counfels in that Affair. And tho we have ftill the fame Refolutions, yet hitherto we ‘have not been at leifure to think of a Perfon proper to be entrufted with thofe Commands which the weight of the matter requires , tho ina fhort time we hope to be more at liberty. Inthe mean while we thought it not convenient any longer to delay the letting your Majefty underftand, that the prefent Con- dition of Affairs in Europe has employ’d the greateft part of our Care and Thoughts ; while for fome Years, to our great grief, we have beheld the Proteftant Princes, and Supream Magiftrates of the Reformed Republicks, ( whom it rather behoves, as being engag’d by the common Tyeof Religion and Safety, to combine and ftudy all the ways imaginable conducing to mu- . tual Defence) more and more at weakning Variance among themfelves, and jealous of each other’s AGtions and Defigns; putting their Friends in fear, their Enemies in hope, that the pofture of Affairs bodes rather Enmity and Difcord, than a firm Agreement of mind to defend and affift each other. _And this follicitude has fix’d it felf fo much the deeper in our thoughts, in re- gardthere feems to appear fome fparks of Jealoufy- between your Majeity and the King of Sweden; at leaft, that there is not that conjunétion of Af- Yyyy fections,
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fe€tions, which out Love and good Will in general toward the Orthodox Re- ligion fo importunately requires: Your Majefty, perhaps, fufpeciing that the Trade of your Dominions will be prejudic’d by the King of Sweden 5 and on the other fide, the King of Sweden being jealous, that by your means the War, which he now wages, is made more difficult, and that you oppofe hin in his contracting thofe Alliances which he feeks. ”Tis not unknown to your Majefty, fo eminent for your profound Wifdom, how great the Danger is that threatens the Proteftant Religion, fhould fuch Sufpicions long continue be- tween two fuch potent Monarchs, more efpecially, which God avert, if any Symptom of Hoftiliry fhould break forth. However it be, for our parts, as we have earneftly exhorted the King of Sweden, and the States of the United Provinces to Peace, and moderate Counfels, (and are beyond expreflion glad to behold Peace and Concord renew’d between them, for that the Heads of that League are tranfmitted to us by their Lordfhips the States General) fo we thought it our Duty, and chiefly becoming our Friendfhip not to conceal from your Majefty what our Sentiments are concerning thefe Matters, (more efpecially being affectionately invited fo to do by your Majefty’s moft friendly Letters, which we look upon, and embrace, asa moft fingular Tefti- mony of your good Willtoward us) but to lay before your eyes how greata neceflity Divine Providence has impos’d upon us all that profefs the Proteftant Religion, to ftudy Peace among our felves, and that chiefly at this time, when our moft embittered Enemies feem to have on every fide confpir’d our De- ftru@tion. There’s no neceflity of calling to remembrance the Valleys of Pie- mont {till bef{mear’d with the Blood and Slaughter of the miferable Inhabitants ; nor Auftria, tormented at the fame time with the Emperor’s Decrees and Profcriptions; nor the impetuous Onfets of the Popifh upon the Proteftant Switzers, Whocan be ignorant that the Artifices and Machinations of the Spaniards, for fome Years laft pait, have fill'd all thefe places with the con- fus’d and blended havock of Fire and Sword? Yo which unfortunate Pile of Miferies, if once the Reformed Brethren fhould come to add their own Diffen- fions among themfelves, and more efpecially two fuch potent Monarchs, the chiefeft part of our Strength, and among whom fo large a provifion of the Proteftants Security and Puiflance lies ftor’d and hoarded up againft Times of Danger, moft certainly the Interefts of the Proteftants muft go to ruin, and fuffer a total and irrecoverable Eclipfe. On the other fide, If Peace conti- nue firmly fix’d between two fuch powerful Neighbours, and the reft of the Orthodox Princes ; if we would but make it our main Study to abide in bro- therly Concord, there would be no caufe, by God’s afliftance, to fear neither the Force nor Subtilty of our Enemies; all whofe Endeavours and laborious Toils our Union alone would be able todiffipate and fruftrate. Nor do we queftion but that your Majefty, as youare freely willing, fo your Willingnefs will be conftant in contributing your utmoft Affiftance to procure this blefled Peace. To which purpofe we fhall be moft ready to communicate and join our Counfels with your Majefty , profefling a real and cordial Friendfhip, and not only determin’d inviolably to obferve the Amity fo aufpicioufly contracted between us, but, as God fhall enable us, to bind our prefent Alliance with a more ftrié and fraternal Bond. [n the mean time, the fame eternal God grant all things profperous and fuccefsful to your Majefty.
From our Court at White- Your Majefties moft clofely united by Friendfhip, hall, Decemb. ——, 1656. Alliance and good Will,
Oliver, Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c.
Oliver,
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Oliver, Proteétor of the Commonweath of England, cc. To the moft Se= rene and Illuftriows Prince and Lord, the Lord William, Lantgrave_of Hefs, Prince of Herefeldt, Count ix Cutzenellebogen, Decia Ligen- hain, Widda avd Schaunburg, &c. i
Moft Serene Prince, WW: had return’d an Anfwer to your Letters fent us now near a Twelve- nionth fince, for which we beg your Highnefs’s Pardon, had not ma- ny, and thofe the moft important Affairs of the Republick under our care, conftrain’d us to this unwilling Silence. For what Letters could be more grate- ful tous, then thofe which are written from a moft religious Prince, defcend- ed from religious Anceftors, in order to fettle the Peace of Religion, and the Harmony of the Church? Which Letters attribute to us the fame Inclinations, the fame Zeal to promote the Peace of Chriftendom, not only in your own, but in the Opinion and Judgment of almoft all the Chriftian World, and which we are moft highly glad to find fo univerfally afcrib’d to our felves. And how far our Endeavours have been fignal formerly throughout thefe three Kingdoms, and what we have effected by our Exhortations, by our Sufferings, by our Conduct, but chiefly by Divine Affiftance, the greateft part of our Peo- ple both well know, dnd are fenfible of, in a deep Tranquillity of their Con- {ciences. The fame Peace we have wifh’d to the Churches of Germany, whofe Diffentions have been too fharp, and of too long endurance; and by our Agent Dury, for many Years in vain endeavouring the fame Reconciliation, we have cordially offer’d whatever might conduce.on our part to the fame purpofe. We ftill perfevere in the fame Determinations, and wifh the fame traternal Charity one among another, to thofe Churches. But how difficult a task it is to fettle Peace among thofe Sons of Peace, as they give out them~ felves to be, to our extream Grief, we more then abundantly underftand: For that the Reformed, and thofe of the -dugujtan Confeflion, fhould cement together in aCommunion of one Church, is hardly ever to be expected: ’Tis impoflible by Force to prohibit either from defending their Opinions, whe- ther in private Difputes, or by publick Writings. For Force can never con- fift with Ecclefiaftical Tranquillity. This only were to be wilh’d, that they who differ, would fuffer themfelves to be entreated, that they would difagree more civilly, and with more Moderation; and notwithftanding their Dif- putes, love one another ; not imbitter’d againft each other as Enemies, but as Brethren, diflenting only in Trifles, though in the Fundamentals of Faith® moft cordially agreeing. With inculcating and perfwading thefe things, we fhall never be wearied ; beyond that, there is nothing allow’d to human Force or Counfels:. God will accomplifh his own work in hisowntime, In the meanwhile, you, moft Serene Prince, have left behind yea noble Tetti- mony of your Affection to the Churches, an eternal Monument becoming the Vertue of your Anceftors, and an Exemplar worthy to be follow’d by all Princes. It only then remains for us to implore the merciful and great God to crown your HighnefS with all the Profperity in other things which you can with for ; but not to change your Mind, then which you cannot have a better, fince a better cannot be, nor more pioufly devoted to his Glory.
Weftmingter, March —, 1656.
Oliver, Protector of the Commonwealth of England, oc. To the moft Se- rene Prince, the Duke of Curland.
Moft Serene Prince, W'* have been abundantly fatisty’d of your Affection to us, as wellat other times, as when you kindly entertain’d our Embaffador in his Journey to the Duke of Aéujcovy, for fome days together making a ftop in your Territories: Now weare no lef$ confident that your Highnefs will give Yyyy2 us
C716 ) us no lefs obliging Teftimonies of your Juftice and Equity, as well out of your own good Nature, as at our Requeft. . Forweare given to underftand, That one Fobn Fobnfon, a Scotchman, and Mafter of a certain Ship of yours, having faithfully difcharg’d his Duty for feven years together in the Service of your Highnefs, as to your Highnefs is well known, at length deliver’d the faid Ship, call’d the Whale, inthe Mouth of the River, according as the Cuftom is, to one of your Pilots, by him to be carried fafe into Harbour. But it fo fell out, that the Pilot being ignorant of his Duty, though frequently warned and admonifh’d by the faid Fobnfon, as he has prov’d by feveral Witnefles, the faid Ship ran aground and fplit to pieces, not through any fault of the Matter, but through the want of Skill, or Obftinacy of the Pilot. Which being fo, we make it our earneft Requeft to your Highnefs, That neither the faid Ship- wrack may be imputed to the foremention’d Fobnfon the Mafter, nor that he may upon that account be depriv’d of the Wages due to him ; by the only enjoyment of which, he having lately fuffer’d another Misfortune at Sea, he hopes however to fupport and comfort himfelf in the extremity of his Wants, From our Court at Weft-
minfter, March —, 1657. i
Oliver, Protector of the Commonwealth of England, cc. To the moft No- ble the Confuls and Senators of the Republick of Dantzick.
Moft Noble and Magnificent, our deaveft Friends 5 VVi have always efteem’d your City flourifhing in Induftry, Wealth, and ftudious care to promote all ufeful Arts and Sciences, fit to be compar’d with’any the moft noble Cities of Europe. Now in regard that in this War that has long been hovering about your Confines, you have rather chofen to fide with the Polanders, then with the Swedes ; we are moft heartily defirous, that for the fake of that Religion which you embrace, and of your ancient Commerce with the Englifh, you would chiefly adhere to thofe Coun- fels which may prove moft agreeable to the Glory of God, and the Dignity and Splendor of your City. Wherefore we intreat ye, for the fake of that Friendfhip which has been long eftablifh’d between your felves and the Englifh Nation, .and if our Reputation have obtain’d any Favour or Efteem among ye, eto fet at liberty Count Conifmark, conf{picuous among the Principal of the Swedifh Captains, and a Perfon fingularly fam’d for his Condua in War, but by the Treachery of his own People furpriz’d at Sea; wherein you will dono more then what the Laws of War, not yet exafperated to the heighth; allow ; or if you think this is not fo agreeable to your Interefts, ‘that you will how-
ever deem him worthy a more eafy and lefs fevere Confinement. Which of — thefe two Favours foever you fhall determin to grant us, you will certainly perform an Aét becoming the Reputation of your City, and highly oblige be- fides the moft famous Warriers and moft eminent Captains of all Parties : and laftly, lay upon our felves an Obligation not the meaneft ; and perhaps
it may be worth your Intereft to gratify us. nd
“
Prom our Court at Weftmine Your Lordfhip’s moft AffeCtionate, fter, April—, 1657 ; . OLIVER, &c.
Oliver,
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Oliver, Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland, aad Ire- laud, cc. To the moft Serene and Potent Prince and Lord, Emperor and great Duke of all Ruffia, fole Lord of Volodomaria, Mofcow and Novograge, Ksng of Cazan, Aftracan and Syberia, Lord of Vob- fcow, great Duke of Smolensko, ‘Tuerfcoy, and other Places. Lord and great Duke of Novogrod, and the Lower Provinces of Chernigoy, Rezanfco, aad others. Lord of all the Northern Climes ; alo Lord of Everfco, Cartalinfca, and many other Places.
4 LL Men know how ancient the Friendfhip, and how vaft the Trade has
PX. been for a long train of Years between the Englifh Nation and the Peo- ple of your Empire: But that fingular Vertue, moft dugujt Emperor, which. in your Majefty far outfhines the Glory of your Anceftors , and the high Opi- nion which all the Neighbouring Princes have of it, more efpecially moves us to pay amore thenordinary Veneration and Affection to your Majefty, and to defire the imparting of fome things to your Confideration, which may con- duce to the Good of Chriftendom and your own Interefts. Wherefore, we have fent the moft accomplifh’d Richard Brad/haw, a Perfon of whofe Fidelity, Integrity, Prudence, and Experience in Affairs, we are well affur’d, as having been imploy’d by us in feveral other Negotiations of this nature, under the Charaéter of our Agent to your Majefty; tothe end he may more at large make known to your Majefty our fingular good Will and high Refpe& toward fo puiffanta Monarch, and tranfact with your Majefty concerning the Matters above-mentiond. Him therefore we requeft your Majefty favourably to re- ceive in our Name, and as often as fhall be requifite to grant him free Accefs to your Perfon, and no lefs gracious Audience ; and laftly, to give the fame Credit to him in all things which he fhall propofe or negotiate, as to our felves, if we were perfonally prefent. And fo we befeech Almighty God to blefs your Majefty and the Ruflian Empire with all Profperity.
From out Court at Weftmin- Your Majefty’s moft AffeCtionate,
fter, April —, 1657. ; Oliver, Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c:
Oliver, Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c. To the moft Sea rene and Potent Prince Charles Guftavus, King of the Swedes, Goths, and Vandals, ce.
Most Serene and Potent King, our dearest Friend and Confederate 5
Te moft honourable William Fepfon, Colonel of Horfe, and a Senator in our Parlament, who will have the Honour to deliver thefe Letters to your Majefty, will make known to your Majefty, with what Difturbance and Grief of Mind we receiv’d the News of the fatal War broke out between your Majefty and the King of Danemark, and how much it is our cordial and real Endeavour, not to negle& any Labour or Duty of ours, as far as God én- ables us, that fome fpeedy Remedy may be apply’d to this growing Mifchief, and thofe Calamities averted, which of neceflity this War will bring upon the common Caufe of Religion; more efpecially at this time, now that our Adverfaries unite their Forces and pernicious Counfels againft the Profeflion and Profeffors of the Orthodox Faith. Thefe and fome other Confiderations of great importance to the Benefit and Publick Interefts ot both Nations, have induc’d us to fend this Gentleman to your Majefty under the Character of our Extraordinary Envoy. Whom wetherefore defire your Majefty kind- ly to receive, and to give Credit to him in all things which he fhall have to im- part to your Majefty inour Name; as being a Perfon in whofe Fidelity and Prudence we very much confide. Wealfo farther requeft, That your Ma-
jefty
€ 718 ) jefty will be plead fully to affure your felf of our Good-will and moft un- doubted Zeal, as well toward your Majefty, as for the Profperity of your Af- fairs. “Of which we fhall be readily prepar’d with all imaginable willingnefs of mind to give unqueftionable Teftimonies upon all occafions. From our Court at Weltminfter, Auguft-—— 1657.
Your Majefty’s Friend, and moft ftriétly co-united Confederate, Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c.
Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, oc. To the moft Serene Prince, the Lord Frederick William, Margue/s of Brandeh- burgh, High Chamberlain of the Imperial Empire, and Prince Eleétor, Duke of .Magdeburgh, Pruffia, Juliers, Cleves, Monts, Stettin, Po- merania, of the Caffiubiands and Vandals, as alfo of Silefia, Crofna and Carnovia, Burgrave of .Norrinburgh, Préace of Halberftadt and Minda, Count of Mark and Ravensbergh, Lord iz Ravenftein.
Moft Serene Prince, our deareft Friend and Confederate ;
UCH is the Fame of your Highnefs’s Vertue and Prudence, both in Peace
and War, and fo loudly fpread through all the World, that all the-Prin- ces round about are ambitious of your Friendfhip ; nor does any one defirea more faithful or conftant Friend and Affociate: Therefore to the end your Highnefs may know that we are alfoin the number of thofe that have the higheft and moft honourable thoughts of your Perfon and Merits, fo well de- ferving of the Commonwealth of Chriftendom; we have fent the moft Wor- thy Col. Will, fepfon, a Senator in our Parlament, in our Nameto kifs your Hignefs’s hands , and withal to wifh the continuance of all Profperity to your Affairs, and in words at large to exprefs our Good-will and Affection to your Serenity ; and therefore make it our Requeft, That you will vonchfafe to give him Credit in thofe Matters concerning which he has Inftrutions to treat with your Highnefs, as if all things were attefted and confirm’d by our perfonal Prefence. From our Court at Whitehall, duguft—— 1657.
Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c. To the moft Noble the Confuls and Senators of the City of Hamborough.
Moft Noble, moft Magnificent and Worthy ,
HE moft accomplifh’d, Colonel William Fepfon, a Senator in our Parla-
ment, being fent by us to the moft ferene King of Sweden, is to travel through your City ; and therefore we have given him in command, not to pafs by your Lordfhips unfaluted in our Name; and withal to make it our Requeft, That you will be ready to affift him upon whatfoever occafion he fhall think it requifite to crave the Aid of your Authority and Counfel. Which the more willingly you fhall do, the more you fhall find youhave acquir’d our Favour.
From our Gourt at Weftm. Auge 16§7-
To
(719 ) To the moft Noble the C onfuls bu Senators of the City of Breme.
H OW great our Affection is toward your City, how particular our Good- will, as well upon the account of your Religion, as for the celebrated Splendor of your City, as formerly you have found ; fo when occafion offers, you fhall be further fenfible. At prefent, in regard the moft accomplifh’d Colonel William Fepfon, a Senator in our Parlament, is to travel through Bre- . men with the Character of our Envoy Extraordinary to the King of Sweden, ’tis our pleafure that he falute your Lordfhips lovingly and friendly in our Name; and that if any Accident fall out, wherein your Afliftance and Friend- fhip may be ferviceable to him, that he may have free admiflion to defire it, upon the fcore of our Alliance. Wherein we are confident you will the lef be wanting, by how much the more reafon you will have to be aflur’d of our fingular Love and Kindnefs for your Lordthips. From our Court at Whitehall,
Auguft— 1657.
Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c. To the mojt Noble the Senators and Confuls of the City of Lubeck.
Moft Noble, Magnificent, and Right Worfhipful, our deareft Friends 5
C ont William Fepfon, a Perfonof great Honour, anda Senator in oyr
Parlament, is to pafs with the Character of a Publick Minifter from your City to the King of Sweden, encamping not far from it. Wherefore we de- fire your Lordfhips, that if occalion require, upon the account of the Friend- fhip and Commerce between us, you will be afliftant to him in his Journey through your City, and the Territories under your Jurifdi€tion. As to what remains, it is our farther pleafure, that you be faluted in our Name, and that you be aflur’d of our Good-will and ready Inclinations to ferve your Lordfhips. From our Court at Weftminfter, Augu/t —- 1657.
Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, cc. To the City of Hamborough.
Moft Noble, Magnificent, and Right Worfhipful ;
Pe Meadows, who brings thefe Letters to your Lordfhips, is to travel
through your City with the Character of our Agent to the King of Den- mark. Therefore we moft earneftly recommend him to your Lordfhips, that if any occafion fhould happen for him to defire it, you would be ready to aid him with your Authority and Affiftance: And we defire that this our Recom- mendation may have the fame weight at prefent with your Lordfhips as for- merly it wont to have; nor fhall we be wanting to your Lordfhips upon the fame Opportunities. From our Court at Whitehall, -Auguft — 1657.
Oliver Proteétor of the Commonwealth of England, cc. To the moft Serene Prince Frederick Heir of Norway, Duke of Slefwic, Holfa- tia, and Ditmarfh, Count in Oldenburgh azd Delmenhortt.
Moft Serene Prince, our deareft Friend ; rOlonel William Fepfon, aPerfon truly noble in his Country, and a Sena- tor in our Parlament, is fent by us, as our Envoy Extraordinary to the moft Serene King of Sweden; and may it prove happy and profperous for
the common Peace and Interefts of Chriftendom. We have given him In- ftructions,
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ftructions, among other things, That in his Journey, after he has kifs'd your Serenities-hands in our Name, and.declar’d our former Good-will and conftant Zeal for your Welfare, to requeft of your Serenity alfo, That being guarded with your Authority, he may travel with fafety and convenience through your Territories. By which kind ad of Civility, your Highnefs will in a greater meafure oblige us to returns of anfwerable kindnefs. From our Court at Weltminfter, 4ug.— 1657-
Oliver Protector of the’ Commonwealth of England, &c,. To the moft Serene Prince, Ferdinand Great Duke of ‘Tufcany.
Moft Serene Great Duke, our deareft Friend ;
HE Company of our Merchants, trading to the Eajtern Coafts of the iF Mediterranean Sea, by their Petition tous, have fet forth, That Wil- liam Ellis, Mafter of a Ship call’d the Little Lewis, being at Alexandria in Egypt, was hir’d by the Bajha of Ademphis, to carry Rice, Sugar, and Coffee, either to Con/tantinople or Smyrna, for the ufe of the Grand Scignior 5 but that contrary to his Faith and Promife given, he bore away privately from the Ottoman Fleet, and brought his Ship and Lading to Leghorn, where now he lives in poffeflion of his Prey. Which villanous A& being of dangerous Ex- ample, as expofing the Chriftian Name to fcandal, and the Fortunes of our Merchants living under the Turks to violence and ranfack 5 we therefore make it our Requeft to your Highnels, That you will give Command that the faid Mafter be apprehended and imprifon’d, and that the Veflel and Goods may remain under Seizure, till we fhall have given notice of our Care for the re- ftitutiomof thofe Goods to the Sultan : Affuring your Highnefs of our readi- nefs to make futable Returns of Gratitude whenever opportunity prefents it felf. From our Court at Weltm. Septemb.— 1657.
Your Highnefs’s moft Affectionate, Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c.
Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, cc. To. the mojt Serene Prince, the Lord Frederic William, Marquefs of Btanden- burgh, we.
Moft Serene Prince, our moft dear Friend and Confederate ;
Y our laft Letters to your Highnefs, either already or fhortly to be de- liver’d by our Embaflador William Fepfon, we have imparted the Sub- ftance of our Embaffy to your Highnefs ; which we could not do without | fome mention of your great Vertues, and demonftration of our own Good- will and Affection. Neverthelefs, that we may not feem too fuperficially to have glided over your tranfcending Defervings of the Proteftant Interefts 5 we thought it proper to refume the fame Subject, and pay our Refpect and Veneration, not more willingly, or with a greater fervency of Mind, but fomewhat more at large to your HighnefS: And truly moft defervedly, when daily Information reaches our Ears, That your Faith and Confcience, by all manner.of Artifices tempted and affail’d, by all manner of Arts and. Devices folicited, yet cannot be fhaken, or by any Violence be rent from your Friendfhip and Alliance with a moft magnanimous Prince and your Confede- rate: And this, when the Affairs of the Swedes are now reduc’d to that con- dition, that in adhering to their Alliance, ‘tis manifeft that your Highnefs rather confults the common Caufe of the Reformed Religion, than your own Advantage. And when your Highnefs is almoft furrounded and belieg’d by Enemies, either privately lurking, or almoft at your Gates; yet fuch is your Conftancy and Refolution of Mind, fuch your Conduét and Prowefs becom-. inga great General, that the burden and mafly Bulk of the whole Affair, anda the
( 721) . the Event of this important War, feems to reft and depend upon your fole Determination. “Wherefore your Highnefs has no reafon to queftion but that you may rely upon our Friendfhip and unfeigned Affection ; who fhould think our felves worthy to be forfaken of all Mens good Word, fhould we, feem carelefs in the leaft of your unblemifh’d Fidelity, your. Conftancy, and the reft of your applauded Vertues , or fhould we pay lefs refpec to your High- nefS upon the common fcore of Religion. As to thofe Matters propounded by the moft accomplith’d fobs Frederic Schlever, your Counfellor and Agent here refiding, if hitherto we could not return an Anfwer, fuch as we defir’d todo, though with all afliduity and diligence labour’d by your Agent , wein- treat your HighnefS to impute it to the prefent condition of our Affairs, and to be aflur’d, that there is nothing which we account more facred, or more earneftly defire, than to be ferviceable and affifting to your Interefts, fo bound up with the Caufe of Religion. Inthe mean time we befeech the God of Mercy and Power, that fo fignal a Prowefs and Fortitude may never Yanguith or be opprefs’'d, nor be depriv’d the Fruit and due Applaufe of all your pi- ous Undertakings. From our Court at Weftminfter, Sept. — 1657.
Your Highnefs’s moft Affe&tionate, Oliver Protector of th¢ Commonwealth of England, &c.
To the moft Excellent Lord, M. de Boutdeaux, Extraordinary Embaffador from the moft Serene King of France.
Moft Excellent Lord ;
Ucas Lucie Merchant of London, has made his Complaint to the moft Se- rene Lord Protector, concerning a certain Ship of his, call’d the Adary ; which in her Voyage from Ireland to Bayonne, being driven by Tempeft into the Port.of St. Fohn de Lux, was there detain’d by virtue of an Arreft, at the Suit of one AZartin de Lazan nor could fhe be difcharg’d till the Merchants had given Security to ftand a Trial for the Property of the faid Ship and Lad- ing. For Afartin pretended to have a great Sum of Money owing to him by the Parlament for feveral Goods of his, which in the Year 1642, were feiz’d . by Authority of Parlament, ina certain Ship call’d the Santa Clara. Butit _ is manifeft, That Martin was not the Owner of the faid Goods, only that he . profecuted the Claimof the true Owners Richard and Iriat, together with his Partner, whofe Name was Antonio Fernendez, and that upon the faid Afartin and Antonio’s falling out among themfelves, the Parlament decreed that the faid Goods fhould be ftopp’d till the Law fhould decide to which of the two they were tobe reftor’d. Upon this, Antony was defirous that the Adion fhould proceed ; on the other fide, neither AZartin, nor any body for him, has hitherto appear’d in Court : All which is evidently apparent by Zucas’s Pe- tition hereto annex’d. So that it feems moft unreafonable, That he who re- fus’d to try his pretended Title with Antonio, to other Mens Goods, in our own Courts; fhould compel our People, and the true Owners, to go to Law for their own in a Foreign Dominion. And that the fame is apparent to your Excellency’s Equity and Prudence, the moft Serene Lord Protector makes no queftion; by whom I am therefore commanded in a particular manner to recommend this fair and honeft Caufe of Lucas Lucie to your Excellency’s Con- fideration ; to the end that Martin, who neglects to try his pretended Right here, may not under that Pretence have an opportunity in the French Domi- nions to deprive othersof their rightful Claims. Wejtm. Octob.— 1657.
Your Excellency’s moft A ffectionate.
LAB _ Oliver
€ 722 )
Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Gc. To the moft . Serene Duke, and Senate of the Republick of Venice.
Moft Serene Duke and Senate, our deareft Friends ;
So numerous are the Tydings brought us of your fortunate Succefles againft the Turks, that there is nothing wherein we have ‘more frequent occafion to employ our Pens, than in congratulating your Serenities for fome fignal Victory. For this fo recently obtain’d, we give ye Joy, as being not only moft aufpicious and feafonable to your Republick ; but which is more glo- rious, fo greatly tending to the deliverance of all the Chriftians groaning un- der Turkifb Servitude. More particularly we recommend to your Serenity and the Senate Thomas Galily, formerly Mafter of the Ship call’d the Relief, who for, thefe five Years together has been a Slave; tho this be not the firft time we have interceded in his behalf, yet now we doit the more freely, asin atime of more than ordinary Exultation. He having receiv’d your Commands, to ferve your Republick with his Ship, and engaging alone with feveral of the Enemies Gallies; funk fome, and made a great havock among the reft : but at length his Ship being burnt, the brave Commander, and fo well deferving of the Venetian Republick, was taken, and ever fince for five Years together, has endur’d a miferable Bondage under the Barbarians... Ta redeem himfelf he hatl not wherewithal; for whatfoever he had, that he makes out was owing to him by your Highnefs and the Senate, upon the ac- count either of his Ship, his Goods, or for his Wages. Now in regard he may not want Relief, and for that the Enemy refufes to difcharge him upon any other condition, than by exchange of fome other Perfon of equal Value and Reputation tohimfelf; we moft earneftly entreat your Highnels, and the moft Serene Senate; and the afflicted old Man, Father of the faid Thomas, full of Grief and Tears, which not a little’ mov’d us, by our Interceflior begs, That in regard fo many profperous Combats have made ye Mafters of fo many Turki/h Prifoners, you will exchange fome one of their Num- ber, whom the Enemy will accept for fo ftout a Seaman taken in your Service, our Countryman, and the only Son of a moft forrowful Father. Laftly, That whatfoever is due to’ him from the Republick, upon the {core of Wages, or upon any other account, you will take care to fee it paid to his Father, or to whom he fhall appoint to receive it. The Effe& of our ° firft Requeft, or rather of your Equity, was this, That the whole Matter was examin’d, and upon an exact ftating of the Accounts the Debt was a- © greed ; but perhaps by reafon of more important Bufinefs intervening, no Paiment enfw’d uponit. Now’ the Condition of the miferable Creature ad- mits of no longer delay ; and therefore fome endeavour muft be us’d, if it be worth your while to defire.his Welfare, that he may fpeedily be deli- ver'd from the noyfom {tench of Imprifonment. Which, as you flourifh no lefs in Juftice, Moderation and Prudence, than in Military Fame and Victorious Succefs, we are confident you will fee done, of your own innate Humanity and Free-will, without any Hefitation, without any Incitement of ours., Now that ye may long flourifh, after a moft potent Enemy fub- du’d, our daily Prayers implore of the Almighty. From our Court at Weft= minfter, Od?ob.— 1657.
Your Highnefs’s moft Affectionate, Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c.
Oliver
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Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c. To the High and Mighty Lords, the States of the United Provinces.
Moft High and Mighty Lords, our deareft Friends and Confederates; ,
T HE moft Iluftrious William Nuport, your extraordinary Embaflador for ‘fome Years refiding with us, is now returning to your Lordfhips ; but with this condition, that after this refpit obtain’d from your Lordfhips, he | fhall return again in a fhort time. For he has remain’d among us, in the dif- | charge of his Truft, with that Fidelity, Vigilance, Prudence and Equity, that neither you nor we could defire greater Vertue and Probity in an Em- baflador, and a Perfon of unblemifhed Reputation; with thofe inclinations and endeavours to preferve Peace and Friendfhip between us, without any fraud or diffimulation, that while he officiates the Duty of your Embaflador, we do not find what occafion of fcruple or offence can arife in either Nation. And we fhould brook his departure with fo much the more anxiety of Mind, conlidering the prefent juncture of Times and Affairs, were we not aflur’d,that no Man can better or more faithfully declare and reprefent to your Lordhhips, either the prefent condition of Affairs, or our Good-will and Affection to your Government. Being therefore every way fo excellent a Perfon, and fo well deferving both of yours and our Republick, we requeft your Lordfhips to receive him returning, fuch as we unwillingly difmifs him, laden with the real Teftimonials of our Applaufes. Almighty God grant all Profperity to your Affairs, and perpetuate our Friendfhip, to his Glory, and the fupport of his Orthodox Church.
Your High and Mightinefles moft devoted, From our Court at Weftmintter, November 1657.
Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &¢. To the High and ~ Mighty Lords, the States of the United Provinces.
Moft High and Mighty Lords, our deareft Friends and Confederates ;
ges Downing is a Perfon of eminent Quality, and after a long trial of his Fidelity, Probity and Diligence, in feveral and various Negotiations, well approv'd and valu’d by us. Him we have thought fitting to fend to . your Lordfhips, dignify’d with the Character of our Agent, and amply fur- nifh’d with our Inftructions. We therefore defire your Lordhiips to receive him, kindly, and that fo often as he fhall fignify that he has any thing to im- part in our Name to your Lordfhips, you will admit him free Audience, and give the fame Credit to him, and entruft him with whatfoever you have to communicate to us; which you may fafely do, as if our {elves were perfonally prefent. And fo we befeech Almighty God to blefs your Lordthips, and your Republick with all Profperity, to the Glory of God, and the Support of his Church. 7
Your High and Mightinefles moft From our Court at White-Hall, _ affectionate, Oliver, &c.
Decemb. 1657. ‘
To the States of Holland.
5 lee being an Alliance between our Republick and yours, and thofe Affairs to be tranfaéted on both fides, that without an Agent and Inter- preter, fent either by your felves, or from us, matters of fuch great moment can hardly be adjufted to the advantage of both Nations, we thought it conducing to the common good of both Repnblicks to fend George Downing, a
LALEZ*2 Perfon
\
C724)
Perfon of eminent Quality, and long in our Knowledg and Efteem for his un- doubted Fidelity, Probity and Diligence, in many and various Negotiations, dignifi’d with the Character of our Agent, to refide with your Lordhhips, and chiefly to take care of thofe things, by which the Peace between us may be preferv’d entire and diuturnal. Concerning which we have not only written to the States, but alfo thought it requifite to give notice alfo of the fame to your Lordhhips, fupreme in the Government of your Province, and who make fo confiderable a part of the United Provinces ; to the end you may give that reception to our Refident which becomes him, and that whatever he tranfacts with your High and Mighty States, you may aflure your felves fhall be as firm and irrevocable, as if our felves had bin prefent in the Ne- gotiation. Now the moft merciful God dire& all your Counfels and Aéctions to his Glory, and the Peace of his Church.
Weftminfter, Decemb. —1657.
Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, ec. To the moft Serene Prince, Ferdinand Grent Duke of Tufcany.
Moft Serene Great Duke, our much Honour’d Friend ;
b bees Highnefs’s Letters, bearing date from Florence the 10th of November,
gave us no finall occafion of Content and Satisfaction; finding therein your Good-will towards us, fo much the more confpicuous, by how much Deeds than Words, Performances than Promifes, are the more certain marks of acordial Affection. For what we requefted of your Highnefs, that you would command the Mafter of the Little Lewis, William Ells, who moft ig- nominioufly broke his Faith with the Turks, and the Ship and Goods to be feiz’d and detain’d, till Reftitution fhould be made to the Turks, left the Chriftian Name fhould receive any Blemifh by Thieveries of the like nature; all thofe things, and that too with an extraordinary Zeal, as we moft gladly underftood before, your Highnefs writes that you have feen diligently per- form’d. We therefore return our Thanks for the Kindnefs receiv’d, and make it our farther requeft, that when the Merchants have given Security to fatisfie the Turks, the Mafter may be difcharged, and the Ship, together with her Lading, be forthwith difmifs'd, to the end we may not feem to have had more care perhaps of the Turks Intereft, than our own Country-men. Inthe mean time we take fo kindly this furpafling Favour done us by your Highnefs, and moft acceptable tous, that we fhould not refufe to be branded with In- gratitude, if we fhould not ardently defire a fpeedy opportunity, with the fame promptitude of Mind, to gratifie your Highnefs, whereby we might be enabl’d to demonftrate our readinefs to return the fame good Offices to {6 no- ble a Benefactor upon all occafions.
From our Court.at Weftmintfter, Your Highnefles moft affectio- Decemb.—1657. ; nate, Oliver, &c:
Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, ec. To the moft
Serene and Potent Prince, Charles Guftavus, King of the Swedes,
Goths, avd Vandals, cc.
Moft Serene and Potent Prince, our moft Invincible Friend and Confederate ;
B* your Majefty’s Letters, dated the 21ft of February from your Camp in —
Seland, we found many reafons to be affected with no finall Joy, as well for our own particular, as in regard of the whole Chriftian Republick in ge- neral. In the firft place, becaufe the King of Denmark, being become an
Enemy, not induc’d thereto, as we are apt to believe, by his own Inclinations or
‘
€ 725 ) or Interefts, but deluded by the Artifices of our common Adverfaries, is yeduc’d to that condition by your fudden irruption into the very Heart of his Kingdom, with very little Blood fhed on either fide, that what was really true, he willat length be perfwaded that Peace would have bin more bene- ficial to him, than the War which he has enter’d into againft your Majefty. Then again, when he fhall confider with himfelf, that. he cannot obtain it by any more fpeedy means, than by making ufe of our Affiftance, long fince offer’'d him to procure a Reconciliation, in regard your Majefty fo readily in- treated by the Letters only deliver’d by our Agent, by fuch an eafy con- ceflion of Peace, moft clearly made it apparent how highly you efteem’d the Interceffi@n of our Friendfhip, he will certainly apply himfelf to us; and then our Interpofition in fo pious a work, will chiefly require, that we fhould be the fole Reconciler and almoft Author of that Peace, fo beneficial to the Interefts of the Proteftants; which, as we hope, will fuddenly be accom- plifh’d. For when the Enemies of Religion fhall defpair of breaking your united Forces by any other means than fetting both your Majefties at variance; then their own fears will overtake ’em, left this unexpected Conjunétion, which we ardently defire, of your Arms and Minds, fhould turn to the deftruétion of them that were the Kindlers of the War. In the mean time, moft Mag- nanimous King, may your Prowefs go on and profper 5 and the fame felicity
~ which the Enemies of the Church have admir’d in the progrefs of your At-
chievements, and the fteady Career of your Victories againft a Prince, now your Confederate, the fame by God’s Affiftance, may you enforce ’em to be- hold once more in their Subverfion.
From our Palace at Weltmintter, March 30. 1658.
Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, gs. To the moft Se- rene Prince, Ferdinand Great Duke of Tufcany.
Moft Serene Prince 5
HE Anfwer which we have given to your Agent here refiding, we be- f lieve, will fully fatisfy your Highnefs as to our Admiral, who but late- ly put into your Ports. Inthe mean time, Yobn Hofier, Mafter of a Ship, call’d the Owner, has fet forth ina Petition to us, that in 4pril 1656. he hird out his Ship by a Charter-party Agreement, to one Fofeph Arman, an Italian, who manifeitly broke all the Covenants therein contain’d; fo that he was enforc’d, “left he fhould lofe his Ship and Lading, together with his whole principal Stock, openly to fet forth the fraud of his Freighter, after the manner of Merchants; and when he had caus’d it to be regifter'd by a Pub- lick Notary, to fue him at Leghorn. ofeph, on the other fide, that he might make good one Fraud by another, combining with two other litigious Tra- ders, upon a feign’d Pretence, by Perjury, feiz’d upon fix thoufand Pieces of Fight, the Money of one Thomas Clutterbuck. But as for his part, the qeid Hofer, after great Expences and lofs of time, could never obtain his ight and Due at Leghorn: Nor durft he there appear in Court, being threaten’d as he was, and waylay’d by his Adverfaries. We therefore re- ° queft your Highnefs, that you would vouchfafe your Afliftance .to this poor oppreft Man, and according to your wonted Juftice, reftrain the Infolence of his Adverfary. For in vain are Laws ordain’d for the Government of ‘Cities by the Authority of Princes, if Wrong and Violence, when they cannot ab- rogate, fhall be able by Threats and Terror to fruftrate the Refuge and Sanétuary of the Laws. . However, we make no doubt, but that your Highnefs will fpeedily take care to punifh a daring Boldnefs of this nature, befeeching
Almighty God to blefs your Highnefs with Peace and Profperity.
From our Court at Weftminfter, April 7. 1658.
To
( 726 ) To the moft Serene and Potent Prince, Lewis King of France.
Moft Serene and Potent King, and moft Augu(t Friend and Confederate 5
Our Majefty may call to mind, that at the fame time, when the renew- ¥ ing the League between us was in agitation, and no lefs aufpicioufly con- cluded, as the many Advantages from thence accruing to both Nations, and the many Annoyances thence attending the common Enemy, fufficiently teftify thofe dreadful Butcheries that befel the Piemontois, and that we recom- mended with great fervency of Mind and Compaflion, their Catffe on all fides forfaken and affli&ed, to your Commiferation and Protection. Nor do we believe that your Majefty, of your felf, was wanting ina Duty fo pious, that we may not fay, befeeming common Humanity, as far as your Authority, and the Veneration due to your Perfon, could prevail with the Duke of Sa- voy. Certain we are, that neither our felves, nor many other Princes and Cities were wanting in our Performances, by the Interpofition of Embaffies, Letters, and Intreaties. After a moft bloody Butchery of both Sexes, and all Ages, at length Peace was granted, or rather a certain clandeftine Hofti- lity cover’d over with the name of Peace. The Conditions of Peace were agreed in your Town of Pignerol ; fevere and hard, but fuch as thofe mife- rable and indigent Creatures, after they had fuffer’d all that could be endur’d that was oppreflive and barbarous, would have been glad of, had they been but obferv’d, as hard and unjuft as they were. But by falfe Conffrudtions, and various Evafions, the Affurances of all thefe Articles are eluded and violated: Many are thruft out from their ancient Abodes; many are forbid the Exercife of their Religion, new Tributes are exacted, a new Cita- del is impos’d upon them; from whence the Souldiers frequently making Excurfions, either plunder or murder all they meet. Add to all this, that new Levies are privately preparing againft ’em, and all that embrace the
Proteftant Religion are commanded to depart by a prefix’d day; fo that all - |
things feem to threaten the utter extermination of thofe deplorable’'Wretclies, whom the former Maflacre fpar’d. Which I moft earneftly befeech and con-
jure ye, Asoft Chriftian King, by that RIGHT HAND which fign'd the,
League and Friendfhip between us, by that fame goodly Ornament of your Title of AOST CHRISTIAN, by no means to fuffer, nor to permit fuch li- berty of Rage and Fury uncontroul’d, we will not fay, in any Prince, (for certainly fuch barbarous Severity could never enter the Breaft of any Prince, much lefs fo tender in Years, nor into the female thoughts of his Mother) but in thofe fanétifi'd Cut-throats, who profefling themfelves to be the Servants and Difciples of our Saviour Chrift, who. came into this World to fave Sinners, abnfe his meek and peaceful Name and Precepts to the moft cruel flaughter of the Innocent. Refcue, you that are able in your towring Station, worth . to be able, refcue fo many Suppliants proftrate at your feet, from the hands of Ruffians, who lately drunk with Blood, again thirft after it, and think it their fafeft way to throw the Odium of their Cruelty upon Princes. But as for you, great Prince, fuffer not, while you reign, your ‘Titles, nor the Con- fines of your Kingdom, to be contaminated with this fame Heaven-offending Scandal, nor the peaceful Gofpel of Chrift to be defil’d with fuch abominabl® Cruelty. Remember that they fubmitted themfelves to your Grandfather Henry, moft friendly to the Proteftants, when the victorious Lefdiguieres pur- fwd the retreating Savoyard o’re the Alpes. There is alfo an Inftrument of that Submiflion regifter'd among the publick As of your Kingdom, wherein it is excepted and provided among other things, That from that time for- ward the Piemontots fhould not be deliver’d over into the Power of any Ruler, but upon the fame Conditions upon which your invincible Grandfather re- ceiv’d them into his Protection. ‘This Protection of your Grandfather, thefe Suppliants now implore from you as Grandchild. °Tis your Majefty’s part, to whom thofe People now belong, to give ’em that Protection which they have chofen, by fome exchange 6f Habitation, if they defire it, and it may be done: Or if that be a Labour too difficult, at leaft to fuccour ’em with your Patronage, your Commiferation, and your admittance into San-
ctuary.
eS ee ee ee ee
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Guary.. And there are fome Reafons of State to encourage your Majefty not to refufe the Picmontois a fafe Afylum in your Kingdom: But I am unwilling that you, fo great a King, fhould be induc’d to the defence and fuccour of the miferable by any other Arguments than thofe of your Anceftor’s pledg’d Faith, your own Piety, Royal Benignity and Magnanimity. Thus the im- maculate and intire Glory of a moft egregios Act will be your own, and you will find the Father of Mercy, and his Son, King Chrift, whofe Name and Doétrine you have vindicated from nefarious Inhumanity, fo much the more favourable and propitious to your Majefty, all your days... The God of Mercy and Power infufe into your Majefty’s Heart a Refolution to defend and fave fo many innocent Chriftians, and maintain your own Honour,
Weftminfter, May—1658.
To the Evangelick Cities of the Switzers.
Iiluftrious and moft Noble Lords, our deareft Friends ; :
H° W heavy and intolerable the Sufferings of the Premontois, your moft afflicted Neighbours, have bin, and how unmercifully they have been dealt with-by their own Prince, for the fake of their Religion, by reafon of the fiercenefs of the Cruelties; we almoft tremble to remember, and thought it fuperfluous to put you in mind of thofe things, which are much better known, to your Lordfhips. We have alfo feen Copies of the Letters which your Em- bafladors, Promotérs and Witnefles of the Peace concluded at Pignerol, wrote to the Duke of Savoy, and the Prefident of his Council at Turin; wherein they fet forth, and make it out, that all the Conditions of the faid Peace are broken, and were rather a Snare than a Security to thofe miferable People, Which Violation continu’d from the Conclufion of the Peace to this very mé- ment,-and ftill grows more heavy every day than other ; unlefs they pati- ently endure, unlefs they lay themfelves down to be trampl’d under foot, plafh’d like Mortar, or abjure their Religion, the fame Calamities, the fame Slaughters hang over their Heads, which three years fince made fuch a dread- ful havock of them, their Wives and Children; and which, if it muft be undergone once more, will certainly prove the utter extirpation of their whole Race. What fhall fuch miferable Creatures do? in whofe behalf no In- terceflion will avail, to whom no breathing time is allow’d, nor any certain place of Refuge. They have to do with wild Beafts, or Furies rather, upon whom the remembrance of their former Murders has wronght no Compaflion upon their Countrymen, no fenfe of Humanity, nor fatiated their ravenous thirft after Blood. Moft certainly thefe things are not to beendur’d, if we. defire the fafety of our Brethren the Piemontots, moft antient Profeflors of the Orthodox Faith, or the welfare of our Religion it felf. As for our felves, fo far remote, we have not been wanting to aflift ?em as far asin us lay, nor fhall we ceafeour future Aid. But you, who not only lie fo near adjoining, as to behold the Butcheries, and hear the outcries and fhrieks of the Diftrefled, but are alf@ next expos’d to the fury of the fame Enemies ; confider for the fake of the Immortal God, and that in time, what it behoves ye now to do: con-* fult your Prudence, your Piety, and your Fortitude ; what fuccour, what re-
‘lief and fafeguard you are able, and are bound to afford your Neighbotrs
and Brethren, who muft elfe undoubtedly and fpeedily perifh. Certainly the fame Religion is the caufe, why the fame Enemies feek alfo your Perdition ; why, at the fame time the laft year, they meditated your ruin, by inteftine Broils among your felves. It feems to be only in your Power, next under God, to prevent the extirpation of this moft antient Scsen of the purer Religion, in thefé remainders of the Primitive Believers ; whofe prefervation, now reduc’d to the very brink of utter ruin, if you neglect, beware that the next Turn be not your own. Thefe Admonitions, while we give ye freely, and out of bro- therly Love, we are not quite as yet caft down: For what lies only in our Power fo far diftant, as we have hitherto, fo fhall we ftill employ our utmoft
; Endeavours,
fap So :
Endeavours, not only to procure the fafety of our Brethren upon the preci- pice of danger, but alfo to relieve their Wants. May the Almighty God vouchfafe to both of us that Peace and Tranquillity at home, that fettlement of Times and Affairs, that we may be able toemploy all our Wealth and Force, all our Studies and Counfels in the defence of his Church againft the Rage and Fury of her Enemies. From our Court at White-Hall, AZay — 1658.
To his Eminency Cardinal Mazarin.
‘Moft Eminent Lord, :
HE late moft grievous Cruelties, and moft bloody Slaughters per- petrated upon the Inhabitants of the Valleys of Picmont, within the Duke of Savoy’s Dominions, occafion’d the writing of the inclos’d Letters to his Majefty, and thefe other to your Eminency.. And as we make no doubt but that fuch Tyranny, Inhumanities, fo rigoroufly inflifted upon harmlefs and indigent People, are highly difpleafing and offenfive to the moft Serene King ; fo we readily perfwade our felves, that what we requeft from his Majefty in behalf of thofe unfortunate Creatures, your Eminency will employ your en- deavour, and your favour to obtain, as an accumulation to our Interceflions. Seeing there is nothing which has acquir’d more good-will and affection to the French Nation, among all the neighbouring Profeflors of the Reformed Re- ligion, than that Liberty and thofe Privileges, which by publick Acts and E- diéts are granted in that Kingdom to the Proteftants. And this among others was one main Reafon, why this Republick fo ardently defir’d the Friendhhip and Alliance of the French People. For the fetling of which we are now treat- ing with the King’s Embaflador, and have made thofe 'progrefles, that the Treaty is almoft brought to a Conclufion. Befides that, your Eminency’s fin- gular Benignity and Moderation, which in the management of the moft im- portant.Affairsof the Kingdom, you havealways teftifid to the Proteftants of France, encourages us to expect what we promife to our felves from your Prudence and Generofity ; whereby you will not only lay the foundations of a ftri@er Alliance between this Republick and the Kingdom of: France, but oblige us in particular to returns of all good Offices of Civility and Kindnefs :
And of this we defire your Eminency to reft affur’d.
Your Eminency’s moft AffeCtionate.
Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, cc. To the moft Se rene and Potent Prince, Lewis Kgng of France. é
Moft Serene and Potent King, our moft Auguft Friend and Confederate ;
14 being the intention of Thomas Vifcount Falconbridge, our Son-in-Law, to @ travel into France, and no Jefs his defire, out of his profound Refped and Veneration to your Majefty, to be admitted to kifs your Royal Hands.; though by reafon of his pleafing Converfation we are unwilling to part with him, ne-. verthelefs not doubting but he will in a fhort time return from the Conrt of fo great a Prinee, celebrated forthe refort of fo many prudent and couragious Perfons, more nobly prepar’d for great Performances, and fully accomplifh’d ‘in whatfoever may be thought moft laudable and vertuous, we did not think it fitto puta ftop to his generous Refolutions. And though he bea Perfon, who, unlef$ we deceive our felves, carries his own Recommendations #bous him, wherefoe’re he goes; yet if he fhall find himfelf fomewhat the more favour’d by your Majefty for our fake, we fhall think our felves honour’d and oblig’d by the fame KindnefS. God Almighty long preferve your Majefty in fafety, and continue a lafting Peace between us, to the common Good of the Chriftian World. From our Court at White-hall, ‘ay —— 1658. ea ; iver
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Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &¢. To the moft Emi- nent Lord Cardinal Mazarin.
Moft Eminent Lord, - Aving recommended to the moft Serene King, Thomas Vifcount Falcon bridge our Son-in-Law, defirous to fee France, we could not but acquaint
your Eminency with it, and recommend him in like manner to your felf, ‘not ignorant of what moment and importance It will be to our Recommendation firft given him. For certainly, what benefit or advantage he fhall reap by re- {iding in your Country, which he hopes will not be {mall, he cannot but be be- holden for the greateft part of it to your Favour and Good-will; whofe fingle Prudence and Vigilancy fupports and manages the grand Affairs of that Kingdom. Whatever therefore grateful Obligation your Eminency fhall lay upon him, you may be allur’d you lay upon our felves, and that we fhall number it among your many Kindnefles and Civilities already fhew’d us,
Weftminfter, May — 1658.
Oliver Protector, &c. To the moft Eminent Lord Cardinal Mazarin.
Moft Eminent Lord, ’
Aving fent the moft illuftrious Thomas Bellafis, Vifcount Falconbridge, our Son-in-Law, to congratulate the King upon his arrival in the Camp at Dunkirk, | gave him Order to attend and wifh your Eminency long Life and Health in our Name, and to return Thanks to your Eminency, by whofe Fide- lity, Prudence and Vigilancy, it chiefly comes to pafs, that the Affairs of France are carri‘d on with fach Succefs in feveral parts, but more efpecially in near adjoining Flanders, againft our common Enemy the Spaniard ; from whom we hope that open and armed Courage now will foon exact a rigorous account of all his Frauds and Treacheries. Which that it may be fpeedily done, we fhall nct be wanting, either with our Forces, as far as in us lies, or with our
Prayers to Heaven.
From our Court at White-Hall, Aday —- 1658.
Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, cc. To the moft Serene and Potent Prince, Lewis Kjng of France.
Moft Serene and Potent Prince, dur imoft Augujt Friend and Confederate ,
O foon asthe News was brought us, That your Majefty wasarriv’d in your Camp, and was fate down with fo confiderable an Army before Dunkirk, that infamous neft of Pyrates, and place of Refuge for Sea-robbers,. we were greatly overjoy’d, incertain affurance that in a fhort time now, with God’s Affiitance, the Seas will be more open and lefs infefted by thofe plundering Rovers; and that your Majefty, by your Military Prowefs, will now take fpeedy Vengeance of the Spanifh Frauds ; by whom one Captain was by Gold corrupted to the betraying of Hefden, another treacheroufly. furpriz’d at Oftend. We therefore fend the moft Noble, Thomas Vifcount Falconbridge, our Son-in-Law, to congratulate your Majefty’s arrival in your Camp fo near us, and that your Majefty may underftand from his own Lips, with what Af-
-fection we labour the Profperity of your Atchievements, not only with our
united Forces, but with our cordial Prayers, that God would long preferve your Majefty, and perpetuate our eftablifh’d Friendfhip, to the common Good of the Chriftian World. From our Court at Weftminfter, Avay — 1658, 5 A Te
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To the moft Serene Prince, Ferdinand Grand Duke of Tufcany.
Moft Serene Great Duke,
N regard your Highnefs in all your Letters has ever fignifi'd your extraors | dinary Affection toward us, we are not a little griev’d, that either it fhould be fo obfcurely imparted to your Governors and Minifters, or by them fo ill ixiterpreted, that we can reap no benefit or fign of it in your Port of Leghorn, where yout Friendfhip toward us ought to be moft clearly and truly under- ftood: Rather, that we fhould find the Minds of your Subjects daily more averfe and hoftile in their demeanour toward us. For how unkindly our Fleet was lately treated at Leghorn, how little accommodated with neceflary Sup- plies, in what a Hoftile manner twice conftrain’d to depart the Harbour, we aré fafficiently given to underftand as well from undoubted Witneffes upon the Place, as from our Admiral himfelf, to whofe Relation we cannot but give Credit, when we have thought him worthy to command our Fleet. Upon his firft arrival in fanuary, after he had caus’d our Letters to be deliver’d to your Highnels, and all Offices of Civility had pafs'd between our People and yours; when he defir’d the Accommodation of Porto Ferraro; anfwer wag. made, it could not be granted, left the King. of Spain, that is to fay our Enemy, fhould be offended. And yet what is there which a Prince in Friend- fhip more frequently allows to his Confederate,than free entrance into his Ports and Harbours ? Or what is there that we can expect froma Friendfhip of this
‘nature, more ready to do us unkindnefs than befriend us, or aid us with the fmalleft Afliftance, for fear of provoking the difpleafure of our Enemies? At firft indeed, Prattick was allow’d, though only to two or three of our Seamen out of every Ship, who had the Favour to goafhoar. But foon after, it being nois’d in the Town, that our Ships had taken a Dutch Veflel laden with Corn for Spain, that little Prattick we had was prohibited ; Longland, the Englifh Conful, was not permitted to go aboard the Fleet; the liberty of taking in frefh Water, which is ever free to all that are not open Enemies, was not fuf- fer’d, but under armed Guards, ata fevere rate; and our Merchants which refide inthe Town, to the vaft emolument of your People, were forbid to vifit their Countrymen, or affift ’em in the leaft. Upon his laft arrival, to- ward the latter end of Adarch, no body was fuffer’d to come afhoar. The fifth day after, when our Admiral had taken a fmall Meapolitan Veflel which fell into our hands by chance, above two hundred great fhot were made at our Fleet from the Town, thoygh without any damage tous. Which wasan Ar- gument, that what prové¥d your Governors without a caufe, as if the Rights of your Harbour had bin violated, was done out at Sea, at a great diftance from your Town, or the Jurifdiction of the Caftle. Prefently our Long-boats fent to take in frefh Water, were affail’d in the Port, and one taken and de- tain’'d ? which being redemanded, anfwer was made, That neither the Skiff nor the Seamen fhould be reftor’d, unlefs the Neapolitan Veflel were difmifs’d ; though certain it is, that fhe was taken in the open Sea, where it was lawful to feize her. So that ours, after many Inconveniencies fuffer’d, were forc’d at length to fet fail, and leave behind ’em the Provifion, for which they had paid ready Money. ‘Thefe things, if they were not done by your Highnefs’s Confent and Command, as we hope they were not, we defire you would make it appear by the punifhment of the Governour, who fo eafily prefum’d to vio- late his Mafter’s Alliances; but if they were done with your Highnefs’s Ap- probation and Order, we would have your Highnefs underftand, that as we always had a fingular value for your Friendfhip, fo we have learnt to diftinguifh between Injuries and aéts of Kindnefs.
From our Court at White-hall, May — 1658.
Your good Friend, fo far as we may, Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c.
Oliver
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Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &. To the moft Serene and Potent Prince, Lewis King of France.
Moft Serene and Potent Prince, our moft Auguft Confederate and Friend
B* fo {peedily repaying our profound Refpect to your Majefty, with an accumulation of Honour, by tuch an illuftrious Embafly to our Court ; you have not only made known to us, but to all the People of England, your jingalar Benignity and Generofity of Mind, but alfo how much you favour our Reputation and Dignity : for which we return our moft cordial Thanks to your Majefty, as juftly you have merited from us. As for the Vidory which God has given, mo{t fortunate, to our united Forces againft our Ene- mies, we rejoice with your Majefty for it ; and that our People in that Battel were not wanting to your Afliftance, nor the Military Glory of their Ance- ftors, nor their own priftine Fortitude, is moft grateful to us. As for Dun- kirk, which as your Majefty wrote, you wer€in hope was near Surrender : "tis a great addition to our Joy to hear from your Majefty fuch fpeedy Tid- ings, thatit is abfolutely now in your victorious hands ; and we hope more- over, that the lofs of one City will not fuffice to repay the twofold Treache- ry of the Spaniard, but that your Majefty will in a fhort time write us the welcome News of the Surrender alfo of the other Town. As to your Pro- mife, That you will take care of our Interefts, we miftruft it not in the leaft, upon the Word of a moft Excellent King, and our moft aflured Friend, confirm’d withal by your Embaflador, the moft accomplifh’'d Duke of Crequi. Laftly, We befeech Almighty God to profper your Majefty and the Affairs of France, both in Peace and War. Weftminjter, June —— 1658.
Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, gc. To the moft Eminent Lord, Cardinal Mazarine.
Moft Eminent Lord; A Hile we are returning Thanks to the moft Serene King, who to ho- V nour and congratulate us, as alfo to intermix his Joy with ours for the late glorious Victory, has fent a {plendid Embafly to our Court; we fhould be ungrateful, fhould we not alfo by our Letters pay our due AcknoWwledg- ments to your Eminency ; who to teftify your Good-will towards us, and how much you make it your ftudy to do usall the Honour which lies within your Power, have fent your Nephew tous, a moft excellent and moft accomplifh’d young Gentleman; and if you had any nearer Relation, or any Perfon whom you valu’d more, would have fent him more efpecially to us, as you declare in your Letters ; adding withal the Reafon, which coming from fo great a Perfonage, we deem no fmall advantage to our Praife and Ornament ; that is to fay, to the end that they who are moft nearly related to your Eminency in
Blood, might learn to imitate your Eminency, in fhewirng Refpect and Ho-
nour to our Perfon. And we would have it not to be their meaneft ftrife to follow your Example of Civility, Candour, and Friendfhip to us ; fince there are not more confpicuous Examples of extraordinary Prudence and Vertue to be imitated than in your Eminency ; from whence they may learn with e- qual Renown to govern Kingdoms, and manage the moft important Affairs of the World. Which that your Eminency may longand happily admini- fter, to the profperity of the whole Realm of France, to the common Good of the whole Chriftian Republick, and your own Glory, we fhall never be wanting in our Prayers to implore. From our Court at Whitehal, une —-
1658. . : Your Excellency’s moft A ffectionate.
5A2 Oliver
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Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c. To the moft Serene and Potent Prince, Charles Guftavus, King of the Swedes, Goths azd Vandals, ce.
Moft Serene and Potent Prince, our deareft Confederate and Friend ;
S often as we behold the bufy Counfels, and various Artificesof the com- A mon Enemies of Religion, fo often do we revolve in our Minds how ne- ceflary it would be, and how much for the Safety of the Chriftian World, that the Proteftant Princes, and moft efpecially your Majeity, fhould be united with our Republick in a moft {trict and folemn Confederacy. Which how ar- dently and zealoufly it has been fought by our felves, how acceptable it would have been tous, if ours, andthe Affairs of Swedcland, had been in that po- fture and condition, if the faid League could have been facredly concluded to the good liking of both, and glat the one could have been a feafonable Suc- cour to the other, we declar’d to your Embafladors, when firft they enter’d into Treaty with us upon this Subject. Nor were they wanting in their Du- ty ; but the fame prudence which they were wont to fhew in other things, the fame Wifdom and Sedulity they made known in this ‘Affair. But fuch was the perfidioufnefS of our wicked and reftlefs Countrymen at home, who being often receiv’'d into our Protection, ceasd not however to machinate new Difturbances, and to refume their formerly often fruftrated and diffipa- ted Confpiracies with our Enemies the Spaniards, that being altogether taken up with the prefervation of our felves from furrounding Dangers, we could not bend our whole Care, and our entire Forces, as we wifh’d we could have done, todefend the common Caufe of Religion. Neverthelefs what lay in our Power, we have already zealoufly perform’d ; and whatever for the fu- - ture may conduce to your Majefty’s Interefts, we fhall not only fhew our felves willing, but induftrious to carry on, in Union with your Majefty, upon all occafions. In the mean time we moft gladly congratulate your Majefty’s Vi- tories, moft prudently and couragioufly atchiev’d, and in our daily Prayers implore Almighty God long to continue to your Majefty a fteady courfe of Conqueft and Felicity, to the Glory of his Name. From our Court at White- hall, Sune —— 1658.
Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c. To the moft Serene Prince, the King of Portugal, .
Moft Serene King, our Friend and Confederate 5
Obn Buffield of London Merchant, has fet forth ina Petition tous, That in
the Year 1649, he deliver’d certain Goods to Anthony, Sohn and Manuel Ferdinando Caftaneo, Merchants in Tamira, to theend that after they had fold - em, they might give him a juft Account, according to the Cuftom of Mer- chants: After which, in his Voyage for England, he fell into the hands of Pirats ; and being plunder’d by em, receiv’d no fmall Damage. Upon this News, Antony and Manuel, believing he had been kill’d, prefently look’d upon the Goods as their own, and ftill detain ’em in their hands, refufing to come to any Account ; covering this Fraud of theirs with a Sequeftration of Englifh Goods that foon after enfu’d. So that he was forc’d the laft Year, in the middle of Winter, to return to Portugal and demand his Goods, but all in vain. For that the faid ob and Anthony could by no fair means be per- fwaded, either to deliver the faid Goods, or to come to any Account ; and which is more to be admir’d, juftifid their private detention of the Goods, by the Publick Attainder, Finding therefore that being a Stranger, he fhould get nothing by contending with the Inhabitants of Tamira in their own Countrey, he betook himfelf for Juftice to your Majefty; humbly demanded the Judgment of the Confervator, appointed to determine the Caufes of the
Englifh ; but was fent back to the Cognizance of that Court, from which he | -
had
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had appeal’d. Which though in it felf not unjuft,, yet feeing it is evident that the Merchants of Tamira make an ill ufe of your. Publick Edict to juftify their own private Cozenage, we make it our earneft Requeft to your Maje- {ty, that according to your wonted Clemency you would rather refer to the Confervator, being the proper Judg in thefe Cafes, the Caufe of this poor Man, afflicted by many Cafualties, and reduc’d to utmoft Poverty, to the end he may recover the Remainder of his Fortunes from the faithlefs Partnerfhip of thofe People. Which when you rightly underftand the Bufinefs, we make no queftion, but will be no lets plealing to your Majefty to fee done than to our felves. From our Court at Weltminfter, Aug. 1658.
To the moft Serene Prince Leopold, Arch-Duke of Auftria, Governour of the Low-Couxtries under Philip Kgng of Spain.
Moft Serene Lord ;
Harles Harbord Knight, has fet forth in his Petition to us, that having C fent certain Goods and Houfhold-ftuff out of Holland to Bruges under your Jurifdiction, he is in great danger of having them arrefted out of his hands by Force and Violence. For that thofe Goods were fent him out of Eng- Jand in the Year 1643, bythe Earl of Suffolk, for whom he ftood bound in a great Sum of Money, to the end he might have wherewithal to fatisfy him- felf, fhould he be compell’d to pay the Debt. Which Goods are now in the pofleflion of Richard Greenville Knight, who broke open the doors of the place where they were in cuftody, and made a violent feizure of the fame, under pretence of we know not what due to him from Theophilus Earl of Suf- folk, by virtue of a certain Decree of our Court of Chancery, to which thofe Goods, as being the Earl’s, were juftly liable ; whereas by our Laws, neither the Earl now living, whofe Goods they are, is bound by that Decree, nei- ther ought the Goods to be feiz’d or detain’d ; which the Sentence of that Court, now fent to your Serenity, together with thefe Letters, pofitively declares and proves. Which Letters the faid Charles Harbord has defir’d of us, to the end we would make it our Requeft to your Highnefs, that the faid Goods may be forthwith difcharg’d from the violent Seizure, and no lefs unjuft Action of the faid Richard Greenville, in regard it is apparently againft the Cuftom and Law of Nations, that any Perfon fhould be allow’d the liberties to fue in a Foreign Jurifdiction upon a Plaint wherein he can have no relief in the Country where the Caufe of Action firft arofe. Therefore the Reafon of Juftice it felf, and your far celebrated Equanimity encourag’d us to recom- mend this Caufe to your Highnefs; afluring your Highnefs, that whenever any Difpute fhall happen in our Courts concerning the Rights and Properties
of your People, you fhall ever find us ready and quick in our Returns of Fa- vour. Weftminfter
Your Highnefs’s moft Affectionate, Oliver Protector of the Commonwealth of England.
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Written inthe Name of
RICHARD, Protector.’
Richard, Protector of the Commonwealth of England, oc. To the moft Serene and Potent Prince, Lewis King of France. :
Most Serene and Potent King, our Friend and Confederate ;
O foon as our molt Serene Father, Oliver, Protecfor of the Commonwealth G of England, by the Will of God fo ordaining, departed this Life upon the Third of September, we being lawfully declar’d his Succeflor in the Supream Magiftracy, tho in the Extremity of Tears and Sadnefs, could do no lefs, than with the firft Opportunity by thefe our Letters make knowna Mat- | ter of this Concernment to your Majefty; by whom, as you have been a moft cordial Friend to our Father and this Republick, we are confident the mourn- ful and unexpected Tidings will be as forrowfully received. Our bufinefs now is, to requeft your Majefty, that you would have fuch an Opinion of us, as of one who has determin’d nothing more religioufly and conftantly than to ob- ferve the Friendfhp and Confederacy contracted between your Majefty and our Renowned Father ; and with the fame Zeal and good Will to confirm and efta- blifh the Leagues by him concluded, and to carry on the fame Counfels and Interefts with your Majefty. To which intent it is our pleafure that our Em- baffador refiding at your Court, be empower’d by the fame Commiflion as for- merly ; and that you will give the fame Credit to what he tranfaéts in our Name, as if it had been done by our felves. Inthe meantime we wifh your Majefty all Profperity.
From our Court at White- hall, Sept. 5. 1658.
To the moft Eminent Lord Cardinal Mazarine.
a HO nothing could fall out more bitter and grievous to us, than to write the mournful News of our moft Serene and moft Renowned Father's Death ; neverthelefs, in regard we cannot be ignorant of the high Efteem which he had for your Eminency, and the great Value which you had for him; nor have any reafon to doubt, but that your Eminency, upon whofe Care the Profperity of France depends, will no lefs bewail the Lofs of your ° conftant Friend, and moft united Confederate, we thought it of great mo- ment, by thefe our Letters, to make known this Accident fo deeply to be lamented, as well to your Eminency as to the King ; and toaflure your Emi- nency, whichis but Reafon, that we fhall moft religioufly obferve all thofe things which our Father of moft Serene Memory was bound by the League to fee confirm’d and ratify’d: and fhall make it our bufinefs, that in the midit of your mourning for a Friend fo faithful and flourifhing in all vertuous Applaufe, there may be nothing wanting to preferve the Faith of our Confederacy. For the confervation of which on your part alfo, to the good of both Nations, may God Almighty long preferve your Eminency:
Weftminfter, Sept. 1658.
Richard,
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Richard, Protector of the Commonmealth of England, cc. To the moft Serene and Potent Prince Charles Guftavus, King of the Swedes; Goths and Vandals, Ce.
Most Serene and Potent King, our Friend and Confederate 5
Hem we confider with our felves that it will be a difficult matter for us
to be Imitatorsof our Father’s Vertues, unlefs we fhould obferve and endeavour to hold the fame Confederacies which he by his Prowefs acquir’d, and out of his) fingular Judgment thought moft worthy to be embrac’d and obferv’d 5, your Majefty has,no reafon to doubt, but that it behoves us to pay the fame Tribute of Affection and, good Will, which our Father of moft Se- rene Memory. always paid) to your Majefty. Therefore.altho in this beginning of our Government and Dignity Imay not find our Affairs in that Condition, as at prefent to anfwer to fome Particulars which your Embafladors have propos, yetit is our Refolution to continue the League concluded by our Fa- ther with your Majefty, and to enter our felves intoa ftricter Engagement 5 and fo foon as we fhalhrightly, underftand the State of Affairs on both fides, we fhail always, be ready on our part, to treat of thofe things which fhall be moft chiefly for the united Benefit of both Republicks, Inthe mean time God
long preferve your Majefty to his Glory, and the Defence.and Safeguard of his Orthodox Churcly.
From our Court at Wett- minfter, Ottob. 1658.
Richard, Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c. To the moft
Serene and Potent Prince Charles Guttavus, Kéag of the Swedes, Goths avd Vandals, eo.
Most Serene and Potent King, our Friend and Confederate ;
VV' have receiv’d two Letters from your Majefty, the one by your Ex- voy, the other tranfmitted to us from our Refident Philp Afeadows, whereby we not only underftood your Majefty’s unfeigned Grief for the Death of our moft Serene Father, in Expreflions fetting forth the real Thoughts of your Mind, and how highly your Majefty efteem’d his Prowefs and Friendhip, but alfo what great hopes your Majefty conceiv’d of our felves advanc’d in his room. And certainly, asan Accumulation of paternal Honour in deeming us worthy to fucceed him, nothing more noble, more illuftrious, could befal us than the Judgment of fuch a Prince; nothing more fortunately aufpicious could happen to us, at our firft entrance upon the Government, than fuch a ° Congratulator; nothing laftly that could more vehemently incite us to take poffeffion of our Father’s Vertues, as our lawful Inheritance, than the Encou- tagement of fo greata King. As to what concerns your Majefty’s Interefts, already under Confideration between us, in reference to the common Caufe of the Proteftants, we would have your Majefty have thofe Thoughts of us, that fince we came to the Helm of this Republick, thothe Condition of our Af- fairs be fuch at prefent, that they chiefly require our utmoft Diligence, Care, and Vigilancy at home, yet that we hold nothing more Sacred, and that there isnot any thing more determin’d by Us, than as muchas in us lies, ne- ver to be wanting to the League concluded by our Father with your Majefty.. To that end, we have taken care to fend a Fleet into the Baltic Sea, with thofe __ Inftructions which our Agent, to that purpofe empower’d by us, will commu- _ Ricate to your Majefty, whom God preferve in long Safety, and profper with SuccefS in the Defence of his Orthodox Religion.
From our Court at Weft- minfter, Ottob, 13. 1658.
Richard,
£ 735 9 | :
Richard, Protector, To the moft Sereme and Potent Prince, Charles Gufta- vus, King of the Swedes, Goths'azd Vandals, oc.
Most Serene and most Potent King, our Friend and Confederate ;
E fend to your Majefty, nor could we fend a Prefent more worthy or V ‘more excellent, the truly brave and truly noble Sir George Afcue Knight, not only fam’d in War, and more efpecially for his Experience in Sea Affairs, approv’d and try’d in many defperate Engagements, but alfo en- du’d with fingular Probity, Modefty, Ingenuity, Learning, and for the Sweet- nefs of his Difpofition carefs’d by all Men; and which is the fum of all, now defirous to ferve under the Banners of your Majefty, fo renown’d o’re all the World for your Military Prowefs. And we would have your Majefty be fully affur’d, that whatfoever high Employment you confer upon him, wherein Fi- delity, Fortitude, Experience, may fhine forth in their true Luftre, you can- not entruft a Perfon more faithful, more couragious, nor eafily more skilful. Moreover, as to thofe things we have given him in charge to communicate to your Majefty, we requeft that he may have quick Accefs, and favourable Au- — dience, and that you will vouchfafe the fame Credit to him as toour felves, if perfonally prefent: Laftly, that you will give him that Honour as you fhall © judg becoming a Perfon dignify’d with his own Merits and our Recommenda- tion. Now God Almighty profper all your Affairs with happy Succefs, to. hisownGlory, and the Safeguard of his Orthodox Church.
From our Court at White- hall, Oétober, 1658.
Richard, Protector of the Commonwealth of England, ec. To the moft Serene and Potent Prince Charles Guftavus, Kyng of the Swedes, Goths and Vandals, cc.
Most Serene and Potent King, our dearest Friend and Confederate ; t
Siric Piggot of London Merchant, ina Petition deliver’d to Us, fets forth, hf that he lately fent from London into France, upon the account of Trade, — two Veflels, the one call’d the Post, Tiddie Facob Mafter, the other the Water-- Dog, Garbrand Peters Mafter. That from France, being laden with Salt, they fail’d for Amfterdam; at Amfterdam the one took in Ballaft only ; the other — laden with Herrings, in Copartnerfhip with one Peter Heimbergh, fail’d away for Stettin in Pomerania, whichis under your Jurifdiction, there to unlade her Freight ; but now he hears that both thofe Veflels are detain’d fomewhere in the Baltic Sea by your Forces ; notwithftanding that he took care to fenda Writing with both thofe Ships, feal’d with the Seal of the Admiralty Court, — by which it appear’d that he alone was the lawful Owner of both the Veffels and Goods, that part excepted which belong’d to Heinbergh. Of all which, in regard he has made full proof before us, we make it our Requeft to yout Majefty (to prevent the Ruin and utter Shipwrack of the poor Man’s Eftate by the lofs of two Ships at one time) that you would command your Officers to take care for the fpeedy difcharge of the faid Veflels. God long preferve — your Majefty to his own Glory, and the Safeguard of his Orthodox Church. ri
a, ee ee SE eee os, ee
Richard, —
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Richard, Protettor of the Commonwealth of England, Gc. To the High and Mighty Lords, the States of Weltfriezland.
-Moft High and Mighty Lords, our dearest Friends and Confederates 4
Ary Grinder Widow, in a Petition prefented to us, has made a moft grievous Complaint, that whereas Thomas Killegrew, a Commander in your Service, has ow’d her for thefe eighteen Years a confiderable Sum of Money, fhe can by her Agents neither bring him to pay the faid Money, nor to try his Title at Law to the fame, if he hasany. Which that he may not be compell’d to do by the Widow’s Attorney, he has petition’d your High- nefles, that no body may be fuffer’d to fue him for any Money that he owes in England. But fhould we fignify no more than only this to your Highneffes, that fhe is a Widow, that fhe isin great want, the Mother of many {mall Children, which her Creditor endeavours to deprive of almoft all that little .Support they have in this World, we cannot believe we need make ufe of any greater Arguments to your Lordfhips, fo well acquainted with thofe Di- visie Precepts forbidding the Oppreflion of the Widow and the Fatherlefs, to perfwade ye not to grant any fuch Privilege upona bare Petition, to the fraudulent Subverter of the Widow’s Right: and which for the fame reafon we aflure our felves you will never admit. ' From our Court at Weit- . minfter, Jan. 27- 1658.
Richard, Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Gc. To the moft Serene and Potent Prince, Lewis Kjng of France. :;
Moft Serene and Potent Prince, our moft Auguft Confederate and Friend 5
E have been given tounderftand, and that to our no {mall Grief, V That feveral Proteftant Churches in Provence were fo malicioufly affronted and difturb’d by a certain turbulent Humourift, that the Magiftrates at Grenoble, who are the proper Judges of fuch Caufes, thought him worthy of exemplary Punifhment: But that the Convention of the Clergy which was held not far from thofe places obtain’d of your Majefty, that the whole matter fhould be remov'd up to Paris, there to be heard before your Royal Council. But they not having as yet made any Determination in the Bufinefs, thofe Churches, and more efpecially that of Yvoire, are forbid to meet for the Wor-
- fhip of God. Moft earneftly therefore we requeft your Majefty, That in the
firft place you would not prohibit thofe from preaching in publick, whofe Prayers to God for your Safety and the Profperity of your Kingdom, you are fo free to fuffer; then that the Sentence given againft that impertinent Di- fturber of Divine Service, by the proper Judges of thofe Caufes at Grenoble,
may be duly put in execution. God long preferve your Majefty in Safety and ©
Profperity ; to the end that if you have any good Opinion of our Prayers, or think ’em prevalent with God, you may be fpeedily induc’d to fuffer the
fame to be publickly put up to Heaven by thofe Churches, now forbid their
wonted Meetings. , p
Weftminjter, Feb. 18. 1658.
5B Te
€ 738 ) To the moft eminent Lord Cardinal Mazarine.
Mos Eminent Lord Cardinal ;
HE moft illuftrious Lady, late Wife of the deceafed Duke of Richmond, is now going into France, together with the young Duke her Son, with an intention to refide there for fome time. We therefore moft earnettly re- queft your Eminency, That if any thing fall out, wherein your Authority, Favour and Patronage may beaflifting to em, as Strangers, you would. vouch- fafe to proteét their Dignity, and to indulge the Recommendation of it’ not *the meaneft, infuch a manner, that if any addition:can be made to your Ci- vility toward all) Reople, efpecially,of illuftrious Defcent, we may be fenfible our Letters have obtain’d it. Withal, your Excellency may affure your felf, your Recommendation, whenever you require the likefromus, fhall be of equal Force and Value in our Efteem and Care.
Weltminfters Feb. 29. 1658.
Richard, Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c. To the molt Serene and Potent Prince, John K4ag of Portugal.
Most Serene and Potent Prince, our Friend and Confederate ;
Lthough there are many things which we are bound to impart by writing
A toa King our. Friend, and) in ftri& Confederacy with our Republick, yet there is nothing which we ever did more willingly, thanwhat we.do at this prefent, by thefe our Letters to congratulate this laft Victory, fo glori- ous to the Kingdom of Portugal, obtain’d againft our common Enemy the Spa- niard. By which, how great an Advantage will accrue not only to your own, but to the Peace and: Repofe of all Europe, and that perhaps for many Years, there is no body but underftands. But there is-one thing more, wherein we muft acknowledg your Majefty’s Juftice, the moft certain pledg of Vidtory ; ‘That Satisfaction has been given by the Commiffioners.appointed at’ Zondon, according to the 24th Article of the League, to our Merchants, whofe Vef- fels were hir’d by the Bra/ile Company. Only there is oneamong em {till re+- maining, Alexander Bence.of London Merchant, whofe Ship call’d the Three Brothers, Fobn Wilks Mafter, being hir’d and laden, and having perform’d! two Voyages for the faid Company, yet ftill they refufe to pay him his Wages’ according to their Covenants; when the reft that only perform’d fingle Voy=- ages are already paid. Which why it fhould bedone, we cannot underftand, unlefs thofe People think, in their Judgment, that’Perfon more worthy of his’ Hire, who did’em only fingle Service, than he who earn’d his Wages twice. We therefore earneftly requeft your Majefty, that Satisfaction may be given: for his Service truly perform’d, to: this fame-fingle Alexander, to whom a dou- ble Stipend is due; and that by virtue of your Royal Authority. you would? prefix the Bra/ile Company as fhort aday as may be, for the: payment of his’ juftdue, and repairing his Loffes; feeing that their Delays have been the ocs . cafion that the Lofs fuftain’d by the Merchant has very near exceeded the’ Mo-" ney it felf which is owing for his Wages. So God continue your Majefty’s profperous Siccefles againft the common Enemy:
From our Court at Weft-- minfter, Feb. 23. 1658.
Richard,
€ 739 )
Richard, Protector of the Commonwealth of England, &c. To the mojt Eminent Lord Cardinal Mazarin.
Most Eminent Lord ;
Y Letters to your Eminency, about eight Months fince, dated June 13. B we recommended to your Eminency the Caufe of Peter Pet, a Perfon of fin- gular Probity, and in all Naval Sciences moft ufeful both to us and our Re- publick. His Ship cal?d the Edward, in the Year 1646. as we formerly wrote, was taken in the mouth of the Thames by one Bajfcon, and fold in the Port of Boulogne ; and though the King in his Royal Council, the 4th of No- vember, 1647. decreed, That what Money the Council fhould think fitting to be given in recompence of the Lofs, fhould be forthwith paid in Satisfaction tothe Owner ; neverthelefs, ashe fets forth, he couldnever reap the Bene- fit of that Order. Now in regard we make no queftion but that your Emi- nency, at our Defire, gave ftri¢t Command for the fpeedy execution of that Decree; we make it therefore our renew’d Requeft, that you would vouch- fafe to examine where the Impediment lies, or through whofe Negleét or Con- tumacy it came to pafs, that in ten Years time the King’s Decree was not obey’d; and employ your Authority fo effe@ually, that the Money ,then de- creed, which we thought long fince fatisfy’d, may be {peedily demanded and paid to our-Petitioner. Thus your Eminency will perform an A& moft grate- ful to Juftice, and lay moreover a fingular Obligation upon our felves.
From our Court at Weft- minfter, Feb. 25. 1658.
The two following Letters, after the Depofal of Richard, were writ- ten in the Name of the Parlament Reftor’d.
The Parlament of the Commonwealth of England, ec. To the mojft Se rene and Potent Prince Charles Guftavus, King of the Swedes, Goths and Vandals, Cc.
Most Serene and Potent King, our dedvest Friend ;
ot it has pleas’d the moft merciful and omnipotent God, at whofe Difpo- fal only the Revolutions of all Kingdoms and Republicks are, to reftore us to our priftin Authority, andthe fupream Adminiftration of the Englifh Affairs, we thought it convenient in the firft place to make it known to your Majefty, and to fignify moreover as well our extraordinary Affection to your Majefty, fo potent a Proteftant Prince, as alfo our moft fervent Zeal to pro- mote the Peace between your Majefty and the King of Denmark, another moft powerful Proteftant King, not to be reconcil’d without our Afliftance and the good Offices of our Affection. Our Pleafure therefore is, that our Extraordinary Envoy Philip Afeadows be continued in the fame Employment with your Majefty, with which he has been hitherto entrufted from this Re- publick. To which end we impower him by thefe our Letters to make Pro- pofals, ac and negotiate with your Majefty, in the fame manner as was grant- ed him by his laft Recommendations: and whatfoever he fhall tranfact and concludein our Name, we faithfully promife and engage, by God’s Afliftance, to confirm and ratify. The fame God long fupport your Majefty, the Pillar and Support of the Proteftant Interefts.
Weftminfter, William Lenthal, Speaker of the Parlament of May 15. 1659. , the Commonwealth of England,
2
5B The
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The Parlament of the Commonwealth of England, cc. To the moft Se- vene Prince Frederick, King of Denmark.
Moft Serene King, and moft dear Friend ;
Eeing it now is come to pafs, that by the Will iad Pleafure Bes the moft merciful and powerful God, the fupream Moderator of all things, we are reftor’d to our priftin Place an Dignity, inthe Adminiftration of the Pub- lick Affairs, we thought it convenient in the firft place, that a Revolution of this Government fhould not be conceal’d from your Majefty’s notice, a Prince both our Neighbour and Confederate ; and withal, to lignify how ‘much we lay to heart your ill Succefs: which you @vill eafily perceive by our Zeal and Diligence, that never fhall be wanting in us to promote and accomplifh a Re- conciliation between your Majefty and the King of Sweden. And therefore we have commanded our Extraordinary Envoy with the moft Serene King of Sweden, Philip Adeadomes, to attend your Majefty, in our Name, in order to thefe Matters, and toimpart, propound, act and negotiate fuch things as we have given him in charge to communicate to your Majefty: and what credit you fhall give to him in this his Employment, we requeft your Majefty to be- - lieve it given to our felves. God Almighty grant your Majefty a happy and joyful Deliverance out of all your Difficulties and aflifting Troubles, under which you ftand fo undawteely fupported by your Fortitude and Magnani- mity.
Weftminfter, William Lenthal, Speaker of the Parlament of | May 15. 1659. the Commonwealth of England.
Pie Ares ie
Civil Power in Ecclefiaftical Caufes:
SHEWING,
That it is not lawful for any Power on Earth to
compel in Matters of Religion.
To the Parlament of the Commonwealth of England, with the Dominions therof. |
Have prepar’d, fupream Councel, againft the much expected time of your fitting, this Treatife,; which, though to all Chriftian Magiftrates
el equally belonging, and therefore to have bin written in the common . Language of Chriftendom, natural Duty and Affection hath confin’d, and dedicated firft to my own Nation: and in a feafon wherein the timely reading thereof, to the eafier accomplifhment of your great work, may fave you much labour and interruption: of two parts ufually propos’d, Civil and Ecclefiaftical, recommending Civil only to your proper care, Ecclefiaftical to them only from whom it takes both that Name and Nature. Yet not for this caufe only do I require or truft to find acceptance, but in a twofold re- fpect befides: firft as bringing clear Evidence of Scripture and Proteftant Maxims to the Parlament of England, who in all their late AGs, upon occa- fion, have profefs’d to affert only the true Proteftant Chriftian Religion, as it is contain’d in the holy Scriptures: next, in regard that your Power being but for a time, and having in your felves a Chriftian Liberty of your own, which at one time or other may be opprefs'd, therof truly fenfible, it will
- concern you while you are in power, fo toregard other Mens Confciences, as
you would your own fhould be regarded in the power of others; and to confi- der that any Law againft Confcience is alike in force againft any Con{cience, and fo may one way or other, jultly redound upon your felves. One advan- tage I make no doubt of, that I fhall write to many eminent Perfons of your number, already perfect and refolv’d in this important Article of Chriftiani- ty. Some of whom I remember to have heard often for feveral Years, at a Counce] next in Authority to your own, fo well joining Religion with civil Prudence, and yet fo well diftinguifhing the different Power of either, and this not only voting, but frequently reafoning why it fhould be fo, that if any there prefent had bin before of an opinion contrary, he might doubtlefs have departed thence a Convert in that point, and have confefs’d, that then both Commonwealth and Religion will at length, if ever, fiourifh in Chriftendom, when either they who govern difcern between Civil and Religious, ot they only who fo difcern fhall be admitted to govern. Till then nothing but Ttou- bles, Perfecutions, Commotions can be expected, the inward decay of true Religion among our felves, and the utter overthrow at laft by a common Ene- my. Of Civil Liberty I have written hertofore by the appointment, and not without the approbation of Civil Power: of Chriftian Liberty I write now, which others long fince having don withall freedom under Heathen Em-
perors,
( 742 ) . perors, I fhali do wrorlg to fufpedt, that I now fhall with lefs, under Chriftian Governors, and fuch efpecially as profefs openly their defence of Chriftian Liberty ; although I write this, not otherwife appointed or induc’d, than by an inward per{wafion of the Chriftian Duty, which I may ufefully difcharge herin to the common Lord and Mafter of us all, and the certain hope of his approbation, firft and chiefeft to be fought: In the hand of whofe Providence I remain, praying all fuccefs and good event on your publick Councels, to the defence of true Religion and our Civil Rights.
A Treatife of Civil Power in Ecclefiaftical Canfes.
Wo things there be which have bin ever found working much Mif- chief to the Church of God, and the Advancement of Truth;
Force on one fide reftraining, and Hire on the other fide corrupting
the Teacher’ thereof. Few Ages have bin fince the Afcenfion of our Saviour, wherin the one of thefe two, or both together have not prevail d- It can be at no time therfore unfeafonable to {peak of thefe things; fince by them the Church is either in continual Detriment and Oppreffion, or in continualdanger. The former fhall be at this time my Argument; the latter as I fhall find God difpofing me, and opportunity inviting. What I argue, — fhall be drawn from the Scripture only; and therinfrom true fundamental Principles of the Gofpel, to all knowing Chriftians undeniable. And if the Governors of this Commonwealth fince the rooting out of Prelats have made leaft ufe of Force in Religion, and moft have favour’d Chriftian Liberty of any in this [land before them fince the firft preaching of the Gofpel, for which we are not to forget our Thanks to God, and their due Praife; they may, I doubt not, in this Treatife find that which not only will confirm them to defend ftill the Chriftian Liberty which we enjoy, but will incite them alfo to enlarge it, if in aught they yet ftraiten it. To them who perhaps her- after, lefs experienc’d in Religion, may come to govern or give us Laws, this or other fuch, if they pleafe, may be a timely inftru@ion: however to the Truth it will be at all times no unneedful Teftimony; at leaft fome dif- charge of that general Duty which no Chriftian but according to what he hath receiv’d, knows is requir’d of him if he have aught more conducing to the advancement of Religion then what is ufually endeavour’d, freely to impart it. .
It will require no great labor of Expofition to unfold what is here meant by matters of Religion; being as foon apprehended as defin’d, fuch things as belong chiefly to the Knowledg and Service of God: and are either above the reach and light of Nature without Revelation from above, and therfore liable to be varioufly underftood by human Reafon, or fuch things as are en- join’d or forbidden by divine Precept, which els by the Light of Reafon would feem indifferent to be don or not don; and fo likewife muft needs ap- peer to every Man as the Precept is underftood. Whence I here mean by Confcience or Religion, that full perfwafion wherby we are affur’d that our Belief and Practice, as far as we are able to apprehend and probably make appear, is according to the Will of God and his holy Spirit within us, which we ought to follow much rather than any Law of Man, as not only his Word every where bids us, but the very Dictate of Reafon tells us. _Ads 4.19. Whether it be right in the fight of God, to hearken to you more than to God, judg ye. That for Belief or Practice in Religion according to this confcien- tious Perfwafion, no Man ought to be punifh’d or molefted by any outward Force on Earth whatfoever, I diftruft not, through God’s implor’d Affiftance, to make plain by thefe following Arguments.
Firft, it cannot be deni’d, being the main Foundation of our Proteftant Religion, that we of thefe Ages, having no other divine Rule or Autority from without us warrantable to one another as a common ground but the holy Scripture, and no other within us but the Illumination of the holy Spirit fo
inter-
C 743 ) interpreting that Scripture as warrantable only to éur felves, and to fuch whofe Confciences we can fo perfwade, can have no‘other ground in matters of Religion but only from the Scriptures. And thefe being not pofiible to be underftood without this Divine Illumination, which no Man can know at all times to be in himfelf, much lefs to be at any time for certain in any other, it follows cleerly, that no Man or body of Men in thefe times can be the infallible Judges or Determiners in matters of Religion to any other Mens Confciences but their own. And therfore thofe Bereans are commended, AGs 17.11, who after the preaching even of S. Paul, fearch’d the Scriptures daily, whether thofe things were fo. Nor did they:more than what God himfelf in many places commands.us by the fame Apoftle, to fearch, totry, to judg of thefe things our felves: And gives us reafon alfo, Gal. 6. 4,5. Let every Man prove bis own-Work, and then {hall he bave rejeyeing in bimfelf alone, and not im another: for every Man shall bear bis own burden. If then we count it fo ig- norant.and irreligious in the Papift to think himfelf difcharg’d in God’s ace» count, believing only as the Church believes, how much’ greater Condemna- tion will it be to the Proteftant his Condemner, to think himfelf juftified, believing only as the State believes? With good caufe therfore it is the-gene- ral confent of all found Proteftant Writers, that neither Traditions, Coun- cils nor Canons of any vilible Church, much lefs Edits of any Magiftrate or Civil Seffion, but the Scripture only can be the final Judg or Rule in matters of Religion, and that only in the Confcience of every Chriftian to himfelf. Which Proteftation made by the firft publick Reformers of our Religion againft the Imperial Edi€ts of Charles the fifth, impofing Church-Traditions without Scripture, gave firft beginning to the name of Proteftant ; and with that name hath ever bin receiv’d this Doétrine, which prefers the Scripture before the Church, and acknowledges none but the Scripture’ fole Interpreter of it felf to the Confcience. For if the Church be not fufficient to be im- plicitly believ’d, as we hold it is not, what can there els be nam’d of more Autority than the Church but the Confcience, than which God only is greater, 1 Fob. 3. 20? Butif any Man fhall pretend, that the Scripture judges to his Confcience for other Men, he makes himfelf greater not only than the Church, but alfo than the Scripture, than the Confciences of other Men; a Prefumption too high for any Mortal, fince every true Chriftian, able to give a reafon of his Faith, hath the Word of God’before him, the promis’d Holy Spirit, and the Mind of Chrift within him, 1 Cor. 2.16. a much better and. fafer guide of Confcience, which as far as concerns himfelf he may far more. certainly know than any outward Ruleimpos’d upon him by others whom he inwardly neither knows nor can know ; at leaft knows nothing of them more. fure than this one thing, that they cannot be his Judges in Religion. 1 Cor.
‘2. 15. The fpiritual Man judgeth all things, but he himfelf is judg’d of no Man. ‘Chiefly for this caufe do all true Proteftants account the Pope Antichrift, for
that he aflumes to himfelf this Infallibility over both the Confcience and the Scripture ; fitting in the Temple of God, as it were oppofite to God, and ex- alsing bimfelf above all that ts called God, ov cs worfhipped, 2 Theff. 2.4. That is to fay not only above all Judges and Magiftrates, who though they be call’d Gods, are far beneath infallible, but alfo above God himfelf, by giving Law
both to the Scripture, to the Confcience, and to the Spirit it felf of God’
within us. Whenas we find, James 4.12. There ts one Lamgiver, who ts able to fave and to deftroy : Who art thou that judgeft another ? That Chrift is the only, Lawgiver of his Church, and that it is here meant in religious matters, no well-grounded Chriftian will deny. Thus alfo S. Paul, Rom. 14. 4. Who art thou that judgeft the Servant of another? to bis omn Lord he ftandetb. or falleth - but be fhall (tand for God ts able to makebim ftand. As therfore of one be- yond expreffion bold and prefumptuous, both thefe Apoftles demand, Who art thou that prefum’ft to impofe other Law or Judgment in Religion than the only Lawgiver and Judg Chrift, who only can fave and deftroy,» gives to the Confcience? And the forecited place to the ThefJalonians by compar’d Effects: refolves us, that be he or they who or wherever they be or can be, they are of far lefs Autority than the Church, whom in thefe things as Proteftants. they receive not, and yet no lefs Antichrift in this main point of Antichriftia- nifm, no lefs a Pope or Popedom than he at Rome, if’ not much pgted
ettine
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fetting up fupream Interpreters of Scripture either thofe Do&ors whom they follow, or, which is far worfe, themfelves as a civil Papacy afluming un- accountable Supremacy to themfelves not in Civil only but in Ecclefiaftica} Caufes. Seeing then that in matters of Religion, as hath been prov’d, none can jugd or determin here on Earth, no not Church-Governors themfelves, againft _ the Confciences of other Believers, my Inference is, or rather not mine but
our Saviour’s own, that in thofe matters they neither can command nor ofe Conftraint, left they run rafhly on a pernicious Confequence, forewarn’d in that Parable, Mat. 13. fromthe 26th to the 31ft Verfe: Left while ye gather up the Taves, ye root up alfo the Wheat with them, Let both grow together until the Harveft : and in the time of Harveft | will fay to the Reapers, Gather ye together firft the Tares, &c. Whereby he declares that this work neither his own Mi- nifters nor any els can difcerningly anough or judgingly perform without his own immediat direétion, in his own fit feafon, and that they ought til! then not to attemptit. Which is further confirm’d 2 Cor. 1.24. Not that we bave dominion over your Faith, but are helpers of your Foy. If Apoftles had no Do- minion or conftraining Power over Faith or Confcience, much lefs have ordi- hary Minifters, 1 Pet. 5.2, 3. Feed the Flock of God not by conftraimt, &c. neither as being Lords over God’s Heritage. But fome will object, that this overthrows all Church-difcipline, all Cenfure ‘of Errors, if no Mancandetermin. My Anfwer is, that what they hear is plain Scripture, which forbids not Church-: fentence or determining, but as it ends in violence upon the Confcience un-
convine’d. Let whofo willinterpret or determin, fo it be according to true __
Church-difcipline, which is exercis’d on thems-only who have willingly join’d themfelves in that Cov’nant of Union, and proceeds only to a feparation from the reft, proceeds never to any corporal inforcement or forfeiture of Money, which in fpiritual things are the two Armsof Antichrift, not of the true Church; the one being an Inquifition, the other no better than a tem~- poral indulgence of Sin for Money, whether by the Church exacted or by the Magiftrate ; both the one and the other a temporal Satisfaction for what Chrift hath fatisfied eternally ; a popifh commuting of Penalty, corporal for fpiri- tual; a fatisfaction to Man, efpecially to the Magiftrate, for what and to whom we owe none: thefe and more are the Injuftices of force and fining in Religion, befides what I moft infift on, the violation of God’s exprefs Com- mandment in the Gofpel, as hath bin“fhewn. Thus then if Church-Gover- nors cannot ufe Force in Religion, though but for this reafon, becaufe they cannot infallibly determin to the Confcience without convincement, much lefs have Civil Magiftrates autority to ufe Force where they can much lefs judg, unlefs they mean only to be the civil Executioners of them who have no Civil Power to give them {uch Commiflion, no nor yet Ecclefiaftical to any forceor violence in Religion. To fum up all in brief, if we muft believe as the Ma-* giftrate appoints, why not rather as the Church? If not as either without’ Convincement, how can Force be lawful? But fome are ready to cry out, what fhall then be done to Blafphemy ? Them I would firft exhort not thus to terrify and pofe the People with a Greek word ; but to teach them better what it is, being a moft ufual and common word in that Language to fignifie any flander, any malicious or evil fpeaking, whether againft Géd or Man, or any thing to good belonging: Blafphemy or evil {peaking again{ft God mali- cioufly, is far from Con{cience in Religion, according to that of Azar. 9. 39. There ts none who doth a powerful work in my name, and can likely fpeak evil of me. If this fuffice not, I refer them to that prudent and well-deliberated AG, Auguft 9. 1650. wher the Parlament defines Blafphemy againft God, as far as it is a Crime belonging to civil Judicature, plenizs ac melins Chryfippo & Crantore ; in plain Englifh, more warily, more judicioufly, more orthodoxally than twice their number of Divines have don in many a prolix Volume: al- though in all likelihood they whofe whole ftudy and profeflion thefe things are, fhould be moff intelligent and authentic therin, as they are for the moft part, yet neither they nor thefe unerring always, or infallible. But we fhall not carry it thus; another Greek Apparition ftands in our way, Here/ie and Heretic , in like manner alfo rail’d at to the People as in a Tongue unknown. They fhould firft interpret to them, that Herefie, by what it fignifies in that Language, is no word of evil note, meaning only the choife_or following of any
eee
EEE Eee eee
C 745 ) | ,
any opinion good or bad in Religion or any other Learning: and thus not ori ly in Heathen Authors, but in the New Teftament it felf without cenfure or blame, Acts 15. 5. Certain of the Herefy of the Pharifes which believ’d ; and 26. 5. After the exadeft Herefy of our Religion I liv’d a Pharife. In which fenfe Presbyterian or Independent may without reproach be call’da Herefy. Where it is mention’d with blame, it feems to differ little from Schifm; 1 Cor. rr, 18, 19. I hear that there be Schifms among Jou, &c. for there muft alfo Herefies be’ among you, &c, Though fome who write of Herefy after thir own Heads, would make it far worfe than Schifm; when as on the contrary, Schifm figni- fies divifion, and in the worft fenfe ,; Herefy, choife only of one Opinion be- fore another, which may be without Difcord. In Apoftolic times therfore} ere the Scripture was written, Herefy was a Doctrin maintain’d againft the Do- rin by them deliver’d ; which in thefe times can be no otherwife defin’d thana Doétrin maintain’d againft the Light, which we now only have of the Scripture, Seeing therefore that no Man, no Synod, no Seflionof men, though call‘d the Church, can judg definitively the fenfe of Scripture to another mans Con- fcience, which is well known to be a general maxim of the Proteftant Religion; it follows plainly, that he who holds in Religion that belief, or thofe opinions which to his Confcience and utmoft underftanding appear with moft evidence or probability in the Scripture, though to others he feem erroneous, can no more be juftly cenfur’d for a Heretic than his cenfurers ; who do but the fame thing themfelves while they cenfure him for fo doing. For ask them, or any Proteftant, which hath moft Autority, the Church or the Scripture ? They willanfwer, doubtlefs, that the Scripture: and what hath moft Autority, that no doubt but they will confefS is to be follow’d. He then who to his beft apprehenfion follows the Scripture, though againft any point of Dorine by the whole Church receiv’d, is not the Heretic; but he who follows the Church againft his Confcience and Per{wafion grounded on the Scripture. To. make this yet more undeniable, I fhall only borrow a plain fimily, the fame which our own Writers, when they would demonftrate plaineft, that we rightly prefer the Scripture before the Church, ufe frequently againft the Papift in thismanner. As the Samaritans believ’d Chrift, firft for the Wo- man’s Word, but next and much rather for his own, fo we the Scripture : firft on the Churches Word, but afterwards and much more for its own, as the Word of God; yea the Church it felf we believe then for the Scripture. The inference of it felf follows: if by the Proteftant Doétrine we believe the Scripture, not for the Churches faying, but for its own as the Word of. God, then ought we to believe what in our Confcience we apprehend the Scripture to fay, tho the Vifible Church, with all her Doétors gainfay: and being taught to believe them only for the Scripture, they who fo do are not Heretics, but the beft Proteftants: and by thir opinions, whatever they be, can hurt no Pro- teftant, whofe Rule is not to receive them but from the Scripture ; which to interpret convincingly to his own Confcience, none is able but himfelf guid- ed by the Holy Spirit ; and not fo guided, none than he to himfelf can be a worfe Deceiver. To Proteftants therfore whofe common Rule and Touch- ftoneis the Scripture, nothing can with more Confcience, more Equity, no- thing more Proteftantly can be permitted, thana free and lawful Debate at all times by Writing, Conference, or difputation of what Opinion foever, difputable by Scripture: concluding, that no man in Religion is properly 4 Heretic at this day, but he who maintains Traditions or Opinions not probable by Scripture, who, for ought I know, isthe Papift only ; he the only Heretic, who counts all Heretics but himfelf. Such as thefe,- indeed, were capitally punifh’d by the Law of Aofés, as the only true Heretics, Idolaters, pldin and open deferters of God and his known Law : but in the Gofpel fuch are punifhd by Excommunion only. Tit. 3.10, .4a Heretic, after the firft and fecond Admonition, reje?. But they who think not this heavy enough, and undet- ftand not that dreadful aw and fpiritual Efficacy which the Apoftle hath ex- prefs'd fo highly to be in Church-difciplin, 2 Cor. 10. of which anon, and think weakly that the Church of God cannot long fubfift but ina bodily fear, for want of other proof will needs wreft that place of S. Paul, Rom. 13. to fet up civil Inquifition, and give Power to the Magiftrate both of civil Judgment, and punifhment in caufes Ecclefiaftical. But let us fee with what
5 Cc ftrength
C 746 )
ftrengthof Argument; Let every Soulbe fubjett to the higher Powers. Firft, how prove they that the Apoftle means other Powers than fuch as they to whom he writes were then under; who medl’d not at all in Ecclefiaftical Caufes, unlefS as Tyrants.and Perfecuters ? And from them, I hope, they will not de- rive either thesight of Magiftrates to judg in Spiritual things, or the duty of fuch our Obedience. How prove they next, that he intitles them here to fpi-
‘ritual Caufes, from whom he withheld, as much asin him lay, the judging of —
Civil? 1 Cor.6.1,&c. If he himfelf appeal’d to Cefar, it was to judg his Innocence, not his Religion. For Rulers are not aT error to good Works, but to the evil : then are they nota terror to Confcience, which is the rule or judg of good Works grounded on theScripture. But Herefy, they fay, isreckn’d among evil Works, Gal. 5.29. as if all evil Works were to be punifh’d by the Magiftrate ; whereot this place, thir own Citation, reck’ns up befides Herefy a fufficient number to confute them, Uncleannefs, Wantonnefs, Enmity, Strife, Emulations, Animofities, Contentions, Enuyings ; all which are far more manife/t to be judg’d by him than Herefy, as they define it; and yet I fuppofe they will not fubjed& there evil Works, nor many more fuch like to his cogni- zanceand Punifhment. Wilt thou then not be afraid of the Power ? Do that which is good, and thou fhalt have praife of the fame. This fhews that Religious matters
are not here meant; wherin, from the Power here fpoken of, they could have
no praife: For be is the Minifter of God to thee for good: True; but in: that Office, and to thatend, and by thofe means which in this place muft be clear- ly found, if from this place they intend to argue. And how, for thy good by forcing, opprefling, and infnaring thy Confcience ? Many are the Minifters of God, and thir Offices no lefs different than many ; none more different than state and Chnrch-Government. Who feeks to govern both, muft needs be worfe than any Lord Prelat, or Church-pluralift 5 for he in his own Faculty and Profeffion, the other not inhis own, and for the moft part not throughly underftood, makes himfelf fupream Lord or Pope of the Church, as far as his Civil Jurif{diction ftretches; and all the Minifters of God therin, his Minifters, or his Curates rather in the Funtion only, not in the Government; while he
himfelf affumes to rule by Civil Power things to be rul’d only by Spiritual:
when asthis very Chapter Ver. 6. appointing him his peculiar Office, whichre- quires utmoft attendance, forbids him this worfe than Church-plurality from that full and weighty Charge, wherin alone he is the Minifter of God, attending continually on this very thing, To little purpofe willthey here inftance Adojes, who did all by immediate Divine direction; no nor yet A/a, Fehofaphat, or Sofia, who both might when they pleas’d, receive anfwer from God, and hatl a Commonwealth by him deliver?d them, incorporated with a National Church, exercis’'d more in bodily, than in fpiritual Worfhip ; fo as that the Church might be call’?d a Commonwealth, and the whole Commonwealth a Church: nothing of which canbe faid of Chriftianity, deliver’d without the help of Magiftrates, yeain the midft of thir oppotition ; how little then with any reference to them, or mention of them, fave only of our Obedience to thir Civil Laws, asthey countenance Good, and deter Evil? which is the proper work of the Magiftrate, following in the fame Verfe, and fhews diftindly wherin he is the Minifter of God, a revenger to execute Wrath on him that doth evil. But we muft firft know who it is that doth Evil; the Heretic they fay among the firft. Let it be known then certainly who is a Heretic ; and that he who holds opinions in Religion profeffedly from Tradition, or his own Inventions, and not from Scripture, but rather againft it, is the only Heretic; and yet though fuch, not always punifhable by the Magiftrate, unlefs he do evil a- gainft 4 Civil Law, properly fo call’d, hath been already prov’d without need of Repetition ; But if thou do that which ts evil, be afraid. To do by Scripture and the Gofpel, according to Confcience, is not todo evil; if we therof ought not to be afraid, he ought not by his judging to give caufe: caufes therfore of Religion are not here meant; For he beareth not the Sword in vain. Yes alto- gether in vain, if it {mite he knows not what; if that for Herefy which not the Church it felf, much lefs he can determin abfolutely to be fo; if Truth for Error, being himfelf fo often fallible, he bears the Sword not in vain only, but unjuftly and to evil. Be fubje# not only for wrath, but for Confcience fake : How for Confcience fake, againft Confcience? By all thefe reafons it gdp
. plainly
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‘planely that the Apoftle in this place gives no Judgment or. coercive Power to Magiftrates, neither to thofe then, nor thefe now, in matters of Religi- on; and exhorts us no otherwife than he exhorted thofe Romans. It hath now twice befaln me to aflert, through God's Afliftance, this moft wrefted and vexd Place of Scripture; heretofore againft Salmajius, and regal Tyrany over the State; now againft Eraftus, ‘and State-tyrany over the Church, {f from fuch uncertain, or rather fuchimprobable Grounds as thefe, they endue Magiftracy with fpiritual Judgment, they may as well inveft him in the fame {piritual kind with power of utmoft Punifhment, Excommunication ; and then turn Spiritual into Corporal, as no worfe Authors did then Chry/ojtom, Ferom, and Auftin, whom Erafmus and others: in thir notes on ‘the New Teftament have cited to interpret, that cutting off which S. Paul wifh'd to thém who had brought back the Galatians to Circumcifion, no lefs then the amercement of thir whole Virility: and Grotius adds, that this concifing punifhment of Cir- cumcifers, became a Penal Law therupon among the Vi/igothes- a dangerous example of beginning in the Spirit to end fo in the Fleth 5 wheras that cutting off much likelier feems meant a cutting off from the Church, not unufually fo term’d in Scripture, and a zealous imprecation, nota command. -But.I have mention’d this Paflage, to fhew how abfurd they often prove, who have not learn’d to diftinguifh rightly between Civil Power and Ecclefiaftical. .. How many Perfecutions then, !mprifonments, Banifhments, Penalties, and Stripes; how much bloodfhed have the forcers of Confcience to anfwer for, and Pro- teftants rather than Papilts! For the Papift, judging by his Principles, punifh- es them who believe not as the Church believes, though againft the Scripture : but the Proteftant, teaching every one to believe the Scripture, though againft the Church, counts Heretical, and perfecutes againft his own Principles, them who in any particular fo believe as he in general teaches them; them who moft honour and believe divine Scripture, but not againft it any human Interpre- tation though univerfal ; them who interpret Scripture only to themfelves, which by his own pofition, none but they to themfelves can interpret : them who ufe the Scripture no otherwife by his own Doétrine to thir Edification, than he himfelf ufesit to thir punifhing ,; and fo whom his Dottrine acknowledges a true Believer, his Difcipline perfecutes as a Heretic. The Papift exacts our belief as to the Church due above Scripture ; and by the*Church, which is the whole People of God, underftands the Pope, the general Councils, prelatical only, and the furnam’d Fathers : but the forcing Proteftant, though he deny fuch belief to any Church whatfoever, yet takes it to himfelf and his Teachers, of far lefs Autority than to be call’d the Church, and above Scripture be- liev'd ; which renders his practice both contrary to his belief; and: far worfe than that Belief which he condemns’in the Papift. By all which well con- fider’d, the more he profefles to be agrue Proteftant, the more he hath to an- {wer for his perfecnting than a Papift. No Proteftant therfore, of what Se& foever, following Scripture only, which is the common Sect wherin they all agree, and the granted rule of every mans Confcience to himfelf, ought, by the common Doétrine of Proteftants, to be forc’d or molefted for Religion. ‘But as for Popery and Idolatry, why they alfo may not hence plead to be to- lerated, I have much lefs to fay. Thir Religion the more confider’d, the lefS can be acknowledg’d a Religion; but a Roman Principality rather, en- deavouring to keep up her old univerfal Dominion under anew name, and meer fhadow of a Catholick Religion; being indeed more rightly nam’d a Catholick Herefy againft the Scripture, fupported mainly bya Civil, and, ex- cept in Rome, by a forein Power: juftly therefore to be fufpeced, not tolera4 ted by the Magiftrate of another Country. Befides, of an implicit Faith which they profefs, the Confcience alfo becoms implicit, and fo by voluntary fervitude to mans Law, forfeits her Chriftian Liberty. Whothen can plead for fuch a Confcience, as being implicitly enthrald to man inftead of God,. almoft becoms no Confcience, as the Will not free, becoms no Will? Never- thelefsif they ought not to be tolerated, it is for juft reafon of State; more than of Religion ; which they who force, though profefling to be Proteftants, deferve as little to be tolerated themfelves, being no lefs guilty of Popery, in the moft Popifh Point: Laftly, for Idolatry, who knows it not to be evi- dently againft all Scripture, both of as Old and New Teftament, and goer 52 fore
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fore a true Herefy, or rather an Impiety, wherein a right Confcience can have naught to do; and the Works therof fo manifeft, that a Magiftrate can hardly-err in prohibiting and quite removing at leaft the publick and fcanda- lous Ufe therof ? ‘
From the riddance of thefe Objections, I proceed yet to another Reafon why it.is unlawful for the Civil Magiftrate to ufe Force in Matters.of Reli- gion, whichis, becavfe to judg inthofe things, though we fhould grant him able, which is prov’d heis not, yet as a Civil Magiftrate he hath no right. Chrift hath a Government of his own, fufficient of it felf to all his Endsand Purpofes in governing hisChurch, but much different from that of the Civil Magiftrate ; and the difference in this very thing principally confifts, that it goverms not by outward Force; and that for two Reafons. Firft, Becaufe it deals only with theinward Maneand his Actions, which are all Spiritual, and to outward Force not liable. 2ly, To fhew us the Divine Excellence of his Spiritual Kingdom, able, without worldly Force, to fubdue all the Powers and Kingdoms of this World? which are upheld by outward Force only. That the inward Man is nothing els but the inward part of. Man, his Underftanding and his Will ; and that his Actions thence proceeding, yet not fimply thence, but. fromthe Work of Divine Grace upon them, are the whole Matter of Reli- gion under the Gofpel, will appear plainly by confidering what that Religion is; whence we thall perceive yet more plainly that it cannot be forced. What Evangelic Religion is, is told in two words, Faith and Charity, or Belief and Pragice. That both thefe flow, either the one from the Underftanding, the other from the Will, or both jointly from both; once indeed naturally free, but now only as they are regenerate and wrought on by Divine Grace, is in part evident to common Senfe and Principles unqueftioned, the reft by Scrip- ture: Concerning our Belief, Jat. 16.17. Flefn and Blood hath not revealed st unto thee, but my Father which sin Heaven. Concerning our practice, as it is religious, and not meerly civil, Gal. 5. 22,23. and other places, declare it to be the Fruit of the Spirit only. Nay, our whole pradical Duty in Reli- gion is contain’d in Charity, or the Love of God and our Neighbour, no way to be forc’d, yet the fulfilling of the whole Law ; thatis to fay, our whole pra- ice in Religion. If then bothour Belief and PraGice, which comprehend our whdle Religion, +flow from Faculties‘of the inward Man, free and un- conftrainable of themfelves by Nature, and our Practice not only from Fa- culties endw’d with freedom, but from Love and Charity befides, incapable of Force, and all thefe things by Tranfgreflion loft, but renewed and regenerated in us by the Power and Gift of God alone ; how can fuch Religion as this ad- mit of Force from Man, or Force be any way appli’d to fuch Religion, efpe- cially under the free Offer of Grace in the Gofpel, but it muft forthwith fruftrate and make of no effect, both the Religion and the Gofpel? And that to compel outward Profeflion, which they will fay perhaps ought to be com- pell’d, though inward Religion cannot, is to compel Hypocrify, not to ad- vance Religion, fhall yet, though of it felf clear enough, be erethe conclu- fion further manifeft. The other reafon why Chrift rejects outward Force in the Government of his Church, is, as I faid before, to fhew us the Divine - Excellence of ‘his Spiritual Kingdom, able without worldly Force to fubdug all the Powers and Kingdoms of this World, which are upheld by outward Force only : By which to uphold Religion otherwife than to defend the Reli- gious from outward Violence, is no%Service to Chrift or his Kingdom, but ra- ther a Difparagement, and degrades it froma Divine and Spiritual Kingdom, toa Kingdom of this World: which he denies itto be, becaufe it needs not Force to confirm it: Joh.18. 36. If my Kingdom were of this World, then would — my Servants fight, that I fhould not be deliver’d to the Jews. This proves the Kingdom of Chrift not govern’d by outward Force, as being none of this ‘World, whofe Kingdoms are maintain’d all by Force only: and yet difproves not that a Chriftian Commonwealth may defend it felf againft outward Force, in the Caufe of Religion as well as in any other ; though Chrift himfelf coming purpofely to die for us, would not be fo defended. 1 Cor.1.27. God hath chofen the weak things of the World, to confound the things which are mighty. Then furely he hath not chofen the Force of this World to fubdue Confcience, and con- fcientious Men, whoin this World are counted weakeft; but pats Coa
clence,
C 749 ) fcience, as being weakeft, to fudue and regulate Force, his Adverfary, ‘not ‘his Aid or Inftrument in governing the Charch: 2 Cor. 10. 3, 4, 5,6. For though we walk in the Flefh, we do not war after the Flefh: For the Weapons of our War- fare are not carnal, but mighty through God to the pulling down of ftrong holds, caft- ing down Imaginations, and every high thing that. exalts it felf apainft the know- jedg of God, and bringing into captivity every thought to the obedienceof Chrift : And having in a readine{s to avenge all difobedience. It is evident by the firft and fecond Verfes of this Chapter, that the Apoftle here {peaks of that Spi- ritual Power by which Chrift governs his Church, ‘how allfufficientit is, how powerful to reach the Confcience, and the inward Man with whom it chiefly deals, and whom no Power elscan deal with. In comparifon of which, as it is here thus magnificently defcrib’d, how uneffectual and weak is outward Force with all her boiftrous Tools, to the fhame of thofe Chriftians, and e- {pecially thofe Churchmen, who to the exerciling of Church Difcipline, ne- ver ceafe calling on the Civil Magiftrate to interpofe his flefhly Force? an Ar- gument that all true minifterial and fpiritual Power is dead within them ; who think the Gofpel, which both began and f{pread over the whole World for above three hundred Years, under heathen and perfecuting Emperors, cannot ftand or continue, fupported by the fame Divine Prefence and Pro- tection, ta the World’s end, much eafier under the defenfive Favour only of a Chriftian Magiftrate, unlefs it be enacted and fettled, as they call it, by the State, a Statute or a State-Religion ; and underftand not that the Church it felf cannot, much lefs the State, fettle or impofe one tittle of Religion upon our Obedience implicit, but can only recommend or propound it to our free and confcientious examination: unlefs they mean to fet the State higher than the Church in Religion, and with a grofs Contradiction give to the State in their fettling Petition, that command of our implicit Belief, which they de- ny in their fettled Confeflion, both to the State and to the Church. Let them ceafe thea to importuneand interrupt the Magiftrate from attending to his own Charge in Civil and Moral things, the fettling of things Juft, things Honeft, the defence of things Religious, fettled by the Churches within themfelves; and the reprefling of their Contraries determinable by the com- mon:Light of Nature ; whichis not to conftrain or to reprefs Religion, proba- «ble by Scripture, but the Violaters and Perfecutors therof: Of all which things he hath anough and more than anough to do, left yet undon ; for which the Land groans, and Juftice goesto wrack the while. Lethim alfo forbear Force wher he hath no right to judg, for the Confcience is not his Province, left a worfe Woe arrive him, for worfe offending than was denounc’d by our Saviour, AJatth. 23. 23. againft the Pharifees: Ye have forc’d the Con- f{cience, which was not to be fore’d ; but Judgment and Mercy ye have not executed ; this ye fhould have done, and the other let alone. And fince it is the Counfel and fet Purpofe of God in the Gofpel, by fpiritual Means which are counted-weak, to overcom all Power which refifts him ; let them not go about to do that by worldly ftrength, which he hath decreed todo by thofe means which the World counts Weaknefs, left they be again obnoxious to that Saying which in another place is.alfo written of the Pharifees, Zuke 7. 30. that whey frujlrated the Counfel of God. The main Plea is, and urg?d with much vehemence to their imitation, that the Kings of Juda, as touch’d be- _ fore, and efpecially Fofa, both jadg’d and us’d Force in Religion® 2 Chror. 34. 33. Hemade all that were prefent in Ifrael to fervethe Lord their God: an Argu- ment, if it be well weighed, worfe than that us’d by the falfe Prophet She- maia to the High Prieft, that in imitation of Febojada, he ought to put Fere- miah in the Stocks, Yer. 29. 24, 26, Gc. for which he receiv’d his due De- nouncement from God. But. to this befides [ return a threefold Anfwer : Firft, That the State of Religion under the Gofpel is far differing from what it wasunder the Law, then was the State of Rigour, Childhood, Bondage and Works, to all which Force was not unbefitting ; now is the State of Grace, Manhood, Freedom and Faith, toall which belongs Willingnefs and Reafon, not Force: The Law was then written on Tables of Stone, and to be perform’d accorfling to the Letter, willingly or unwillingly; the Gofpel, our New Cov’nant, upon the Heart of every Believer, to be interpreted on- dy by the fenfe of Charity and inward Perfwafion: The Law had fo diftiné " Govern-
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Government or Governors of Church and Commonwealth, but the Priefts and Levites judg’d in all Caufes, not Ecclefiaftical only, but Civil, Deut, 17. 8, &’c. which under the Gofpel is forbidden to all Church-Minifters, as a thing which Chrift their Mafter in his Miniftry difclaim’d, Zuke 12.14. as a thing beneath them, 1 Cor. 6..4. and by many of our Statutes, as to them who have a peculiar and far differing Government of thir own. If not, ' why different the Governours? why not Church-minilters in State-affairs, as well as State-minifters in Church-affairs ? 1f Church and State fhall be made one Flefh again as under the Law, let it be withal confider’d, that God who then join’d them, hath now fever'd them; that which, he fo ordaining, was then a lawful Conjunction, to fuch on either fide as join again what he hath fever’d, would be nothing now but thir own prefumptuous Fornication. Secondly, The Kings of ¥uda, and thofe Magiftrates under the Law might have-recours, asI faid before, todivine Infpiration ; which our Magiftrates under the Gofpel have not, more than to the fame Spirit, which thofe whom __ they force have oft-times in greater meafure than themfelves :and fo, in- - ftead of forcing the Chriftian, they force the Holy Ghoft ,; and, againft that wife forewarning of Gamaliel, fight againft God. Thirdly, Thofe Kings and Magiltrates us’d Force in fuch things only as were undoubtedly known and forbidden in the Law of Afofes, Idolatry and dire&t Apoftacy from that national and ftriét enjoin’d Worfhip of God; wherof the corporal Punifh- ment was by himfelf exprefsly fet down: But Magiftrates under the Gofpel, our free, eleCtive and rational Worfhip, are moft commonly bufieft to force thofe things which in the Gofpel are either left free, nay fomtimes abolifh’d when by them compell’d, or els controverted equally by Writers on both fides, and fomtimes with odds on that fide which is againftthem. By which means they either punifh that which they ought to favour and protect, or that with corporal Punifhment, and of thir own inventing, which not they but the Church hath receiv’d command to chaftife with a fpiritual Rod only. Yet fome are fo eager in thir Zeal of Forcing, that they refufe not to defcend at length to the utmoft fhift of that parabolical Proof, Luke 14. 16, &c. Compel them to come in: Therfore Magiftrates may compel inReligion. As if a Parable were to be ftrain’d through every Word or Phrafe, and not ex- pounded by the general {cope therof; which is no other here than the earneft expreflion of God’s Difpleafure on thofe Recufant Jews, and his purpofe to prefer the Gentiles on any,terms before them; exprefs'd here by the word Compel. But how compels he? doubtlefs no otherwife thanhedraws, with- out which no Man can come to him, Yobn 6. 44. and that is by the inward per- {wafive Motions of his Spirit, and by his Minifters ; not by the outward com- pulfions of a Magiftrate or his Officers.. The true People of Chrift, as is foretold Pfal. 110. 3. are awilling People in the day of bis Power; then much more now when he rules all things by outward weaknefs, that both his in+ ward Power and thir Sincerity may the more appear. God loveth a chearfub Giver « then certainly is not pleas’d with an unchearful Worfhipper; as the very words declare of his Evangelical Invitations, Efa. 55..1. Ho, every one that thirfteth, come. John 7. 37. If any Adan thirff. Rev. 3.18. I counfel thee. And 22.17. Whofoever will, let bim take the Water of Life freely. And im that grand Commiffion of Preaching, to invite all Nations, Aéark 16.16. as the Reward of ahem who come, fo the Penalty of them who come not, is only Spiritual, But they bring now fome Reafon with thir Force, which muft not pafs unanfwer’d, that the Church of Thyatira was blam’d, Rev. 2. 20. for fuffering the falfe Prophetefs toteach and to feduce. I anfwer, That Seduce- ment is to be hinder’d by fit and proper means ordain’d in Chufch-difcipline, by inftant and powerful Demonftration to the contrary ; by oppofing Truth to Error, no unequal match; Truth the ftrong, to Error the weak, though flie and fhifting. Force is no honeft Confutation, but uneffectual, and for the moft part unfuccefSful, oft-times fatal to them who ufe it: Sound Doétrine, diligently and duly taught, is of her felf both fufficient, and of her felf (if fome fecret Judgment of God hinder not.) always prevalent againft Seducers. This the Thyatirians had neglected, fuffering, againft Church-difcipline, that Woman to teach and feduce among them: Civil Force they had not then in thir Power, being the Chriftian part only of that City, and then sae!
under
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under one of thofe ten great Perfecutions, wherof this the fecond was raised by Domitian : Force therfore in thefe Matters could not be requir’d of them: who were then under Force themfelves, . ; 1 have fhewn that the Civil Power hath neither Right, nor can do right, by forcing religious things: I will now fhew the wrong it doth, by violating the fundamental Privilege of the Gofpel, the new birth-right of every true Be- leever, Chriftian Liberty : 2 Cor. 3.17. Where the Spirit of the Lordis, there is Liberty. Gal. 4.26. Jerufalem, which ts above, is free ; which is the Mother of us all, And v, 31. We are not Children of the Bond-woman, but of the free. It will be fufficient in this place to fay no more of Chriftian Liberty, than that it fets us free not only from the Bondage of thofe Ceremonies, but alfo from the forcible impofition of thofe Circumftances, Place and Time, in the Worfhip of God: which though by him commanded in the old Law, yet in refpeét of that Verity and Freedom which is Evangelical, St. Pau} comprehends both kinds alike, thatis to fay, both Ceremony and Circumftance, under one and the fame contemptuous name of weak and beggarly Rudiments, Gal. 4. 3, 9, 10. Col. 2.8, with 16. conformable to what our Saviour himfelf taught, Fobn 4. 21,23. Neither in this Adountain, nor yet at Jerufalem. In Spirit and in Truth ; for the Father feeketh fuch to worfhip bim: that is to fay, not only fincere of Heart, for fuch he fought ever ; but alfo, as the words here chiefly import, not compell’d to Place, and by the fame reafon, not to any fet time; as his Apoftle by the fame Spirit hath taught us, Rom, 14. 6, &c. One Aan efteemeth one day above another, another, &c. Gal. 4.10. Ye obferve Days, and Months, &c. Col.2.16. Thefeéand other fuch places of Scripture the beft and learnedeft reformed Writers have thought evident anough to inftrua us in our Freedom, not only from Ceremonies, but from thofe Circumftances alfo, though im- pos’d with a confident Perfwafion of Morality in them, which they hold im- poflible to be in place or time. By what warrant then our Opinions and Pra- ctices herin are of late turn’d quite againft all other Proteftants, and that which is to them Orthodoxal, to us become fcandalous and punifhable by Sta- tute, I wifh were once again better confider’d ; if we mean not to proclame a Schifim in this point from the beft and moft reformed Churches abroad. They who would feem more knowing, confefs that thefe things are indifferent, but for that very caufe by the Magiftrate may be commanded. Asif God of his {pecial Grace in the Gofpel had to this end freed us from his own Command- ments in thefe things, that our Freedom fhould fubje& us to a more greevous Yoke, the Commandments of Men. As well may the Magiftrate call that common or unclean which God hath cleans’d, forbidden to St. Peter, Acts 10. 1§. as well may he loos’n that which God hath ftrait’nd, or ftrait’n that which God hath loos’nd, as he may injoin thofe things in Religion which God hath left free, and lay on that Yoke which God hath taken off. For he hath not only given us this Gift as a fpecial Privilege and Excellence of the free Gofpel above the fervile Law, but {triétly alfo hath commanded us to keep it and enjoyit. Gal.s5. 13. You are cal'd to Liberty. 1 Cor. 7.23. Be not made the Servants of Aten. Gal. 5.14. Stand fast therfore in the Liberty wherwith Christ hath made us free; and be not intang!d again with the Yoke of Bondage. Neither is this a meer Command, but for the moft part in thefe forecited places accompanied with the very waightieft and inmoft Reafons of Chriftian Religion: Rom. 14.9, 10. For tothis end Christ both dy’d, and rofe, and reviv'd, that be might be Lord both of the dead and living. But why dost thou judg thy Bro- ther 2 &c. How prefum’ft thou to be his Lord, to be whofe only Lord, at leaft in thefe things, Chrift both dy’d, and rofe, and liv’dagain? We fhall al ftand before the Fudgment-feat of Christ. Why then doft thou not only judg, but perfecute in thefe things for which we are to be accountable to the Tribu- nal of Chrift only, our Lord and Law-giver? 1 Cor. 7. 23. Ye are bought with @ price, be not made the Servants of Men. Some trivial price belike, and for fome frivolous pretences paid in thir opinion, if bought and by him redeem’d who is God from what was once the Service of God, we fhall be enthral’d again, and forc’d by Mento what now isbut the Service of Men. Gal. 4. 31. with 5.1. Weare not Children of the Bond-woman, &c. ftand fast therefore, &c. Col. 2.8. Beware lest any Adan fpoil you, &e. after the Rudiments of the World, and not after Christ. Solid Reafons wherof are continu’d through the ie ap-
(752 ) Chapter. Ver. 10. Te are complete in bim, which is the head of all Principality and | Power : Not completed therfore or made the more religious by thofe Ordi- nances of Civil Power, from which Chrift thir Head hath difcharged us ; blotting out the hand-writing of Ordinances that was against us, which was contrary to us; and took it out of the way, nailing it to bis Crofs, ver. 14. blotting out Ordi- nances written by God himfelf, much more thofe fo boldly written over again by Men: Ordinances which were againft us, that is, againft our Frailty, much more thofe which are againft our Confcience. Let no Adan therfore judg you in vefped of, &c. v.16. Gal. 4.3, @’c. Even fo we, when we were Children, were in bondage under the Rudiments of the World: But when the fulnefs of Time was come, God fent forth his Son, &c. to redeem them that were under the Law, that we might receive the Adoption of Sons, &c. W berfore thou art no more a Servant, but a Son, &c. But now, &c. how turn ye again to the weak and beggarly Rudiments, wherunto ye defire again to be in bondage ? Ye obferve days, &c. Hence it planely appeers, that if we benot free we are not Sons, but ftill Servants unadopted ; and if we turn again to thofe weak and beggarly Rudiments, we are not free; yea though willingly, and with a mifguided Confcience, we defire to be in bondage to them; how much more then if unwillingly and againft our Con- fcience ? II] was our Condition chang’d from Legal to Evangelical, and {mall
» Advantage gotten by the Gofpel, if for the Spirit of Adoption to Freedom promis’d us, we receive again the Spirit of Bondage to Fear ; if our Fear, which was then fervile towards God only, muft be now fervile in Religion fo- wards Men: Strange alfoand prepofterous Fear, if when and wherin it hath attain’d by the Redemption of our Saviour to be filial only towards God, it muft be now fervile towards the Magiftrate. Who by fubjecting us to his Pu- nifhment in thefe things, brings back into’ Religion that Law of Terror and Satisfaction belonging now only to civil Crimes; and therby in effect abo- lifhes the Gofpel by eftablifhing again the Law toa far worfe Yoke of Servi- ~ tude upon us then before. It will therefore not misbecome the meaneft Chri- {tian to putin mind Chriftian Magiftrates, and fo much the more freely by how much the more they defire to be thought Chriftian, (for they will be therby, as they ought to be in thefe things, the more our Brethren and the Jefs our Lords) that they meddle not rafhly with Chriftian Liberty, the Birthright and outward Teftimony of our Adoption: left while they little think it, nay think they do God Service, they themfelves, like the Sons of that Bond-woman, be found perfecuting them who are free-born of the Spi- rit; and bya Sacrilege of not the leaft aggravation, bereaving them of that __ facred Liberty which our Saviour with his own Blood purchas’d for them.
A fourth Reafon why the Magiftrate ought not to ufe Force in Religion, I bring from the Confideration of all thofe ends which he can likely pretend to the interpofing of his Force therin: and thofe hardly can be other than firft the Glory of God ; next either the fpiritual Good of them whom he forces, or the temporal Punifhment of thir Scandal to others. As for the promoting of God’s Glory, none, I think, will fay that his Glory ought to be promoted | in religious things by unwarrantable means, much lefs by. means contrary to what he hathcommanded. That outward Force is fuch, and that God’s Glo- ry in the whole Adminiftration of the Gofpel according to his own Will and Counfel ought to be fulfill’d by Weaknefs, at leaft fo refuted, not by Force; or if by Force inward and fpiritual, not outward and corporeal, is already provw’d at large. . That outward Force cannot tend to the Good of him who is forc'd in Religion, is unqueftionable. , For in Religion, whatever we do under the Gofpel, we ought to be therof perfwaded without fcruple ; and are juftified by the Faith we have, not by the Work we do: Rom.1q. 5. Let every Man be fully perfwaded in bis own Mind. The other Reafon which follows neceflarily is obvious, Gal. 2,16. and in many other places of St. Paul, asthe Ground-work and Foundation of the whole Gofpel, that we are jujtified by the Faith of Christ, and not by the Works of the Law. If not’ by the Works of God’s Law, how then by the Injunctions of Man’s Law? Surely Force cannot work Perfwafion, which is Faith ; cannot therfore juftify nor pacify the Con- fcience ; and that which juftifies not in the Gofpel, condemns; is not only not good, but finful todo: Rom. 14. 23. Whatfoever is not of Faithis Sin, Vt concerns the Magiftrate then to take heed how he forces in Religion confcien-
tious
3 € 753 ) tious Men: left by compelling them to do that wherof they cannot be per- {waded, that wherin they cannot find themfelves juftified, but by thir own Confciences condemn’d, inftead of aiming at their fpiritual Good, he force them todo Evil ; and while he thinks himfelf A/a, Fofia, Nehemiah, he be found ¥eroboam, who caus’d Ifrael to fin; and therby draw upon his own head all thofe Sins and Shipwracks of implicit Faith and Conformity, which he hath fore’d, and all the Wounds given to thofe /ittle ones, whom to offend he will find worfe one day than that violent drowning mentioned AZat. 18. 6. Laftly, asa Preface to force, itis the ufual pretence, That although tender Confciences fhall be tolerated, yet Scandals therby given fhall not be unpu- nifh’d, prophane and licentious Men fhall not be encourag’d to neglect the performance of religious and holy Duties by color of any Law giving Liberty to tender Confciences. By which contrivance the way lies ready open to them herafter who may befo minded, to take away by little and little that Liber- ty which Chrift and his Gofpel, not any Magiftrate, hath right to give: though this kind of his giving be but to give with one hand, and take away with the other, which isa deluding, not a giving. As for Scandals, if any Man be offended at the confcientious Liberty of another, it isa taken Scan- dal, nota given. Toheal one Confcience we muft not wound another : and Men muft be exhorted to beware of Scandals in Chriftian Liberty, not fore’d by the Magiftrate ; left while he goes about to take away the Scandal, which is uncertain whether given or taken, he take away our Liberty, which is the certain and the facred Gift of God, neither to be touch’d by him, nor to be parted with by us. None morecautious of giving Scandal than St. Paul. Yet while he made himfelf Servant to all, that he might gain the more, he made himfelf fo of his own accord, was not made fo by outward Force, teftifying atthe fame time that he was free from all Men, 1 Cor. 9.19. and therafter ex- horts us alfo, Gal. 5.13. Ye were call’d to Liberty, &c. but by Love ferve one ano- ther; thennot by Force. Asfor that Fear, left prophane and licentious Men fhould be encourag’d to omit the performance of religious and holy Duties, how can that care belong to the Civil Magiftrate, e{pecially to his Force ? For if prophane and licentious Perfons muft not neglect the performance of religious and holy Duties, it implies, that fuch Duties they can perform, which no Proteftant will affirm. They who mean the outward performance, may fo explainit; and it will then appeer yet more planely, that fuch per- formance of religious and holy Duties, efpecially by prophane and licentious Perfons, isa difhonoring rather than a worfhipping of God; and not only by him not requir’d, but'detefted: Prov. 21.27. The Sacrifice of the wicked is an Abomination , bow much more when he bringeth it with a wicked Mind P To compel therfore the prophane to things holy in his Prophanenefs, is all one under the Gofpel, as to have compell’d the unclean to facrifice in his Uncleannefs under the Law. And J add withal, that to compel the licentious in his Licentiouf- nefs, and the confcientious againft his Confcience, comes all to one ; tends not tothe Honor of God, but to the multiplying and the aggravating of Sin to them both. We read not that Chrift ever exercis’d Force but once; and that was to drive prophane ones out of his Temple, not to force them in : and if thir being there was an Offence, we find by many other Scriptures that thir praying there was an Abomination: and yet to the Jewifh Law that Nation, asa Servant, was oblig’d ; but to the Gofpel each Perfon is left voluntary, call’d only, asaSon, by the preaching of the Word; not to be drivenin by Ediéts and force of Arms. For if by the Apoftle, Rom,12.1. we are befeech'd as Brethren by the Mdercieg of God to prefent our Bodies a living Sa- crifice, boly, acceptable to God, which is our reafonable Service or Worhhip, then is no Man to be forc’d by the compulfive Laws of Men to prefent his Body a dead Sacrifice, and fo under the Gofpel moft unholy and unacceptable, be- caufe it is his unreafonable Service, that is to fay, not only unwilling but un- confcionable. But if prophane and licentious Perfons may not omit the per- formance of holy Duties, why may they not partake of holy things ? why are they prohibited the Lord’s Supper, fince both the one and the other Acti- on may be outward; and outward performance of Duty may attain at leaft an outward participation of Benefit? The Church denying them that Commu- nion of Graceand Thankfgiving, as it juftly doth, why doth the Magiftrate 5 D compel
C754) | compel them to the Union of performing that which they neither truly can, being themfelves unholy, and to do feemingly is both hateful toGod, and perhaps no lefs dangerous to perform holy Duties irreligioufly, than to re- ceive holy Signs or Sacraments unworthily 2 All prophane and licentious Men, fo known, can be confider’d but either fo without the Church as never yet within it, or departed thence of their own Accord, or excommunicate : If never yet within the Church, whom the Apoftle, and fo confequently the Church, have naught to do to judg, as he profetles, I Cor. 5.12. then by what Autority doth the Magiftrate judg ; or, which is worfe, compel in rela- tion to the Church? If departed -of his own Accord, like that loft Sheep, - Luke 15. 4, @c. the true Church either with her own or any borrow’d Force worries him not in again, but rather in all charitable manner fends after him ; and.if fhe find him, lays him gently on her Shoulders , bears him, yea bears his Burdens, his Errors, his Infirmities any way tolerable, fo fulfilling the Law of Chrift, Gal. 6. 2. If excommunicate, whom the Church hath bid go out, in whofe name doth the Magiftrate compel to goin? The Church indeed hinders none from hearing in her publick Congregation, for the doors are open toall: nor excommunicates to Deftruction , but, as muchas in her lies, toa final faving. Her meaning therfore muft needs be, that as her driving out brings on no outward Penalty, fo no outward Force of Penalty of anim- _ proper and only a deftrudtive Power fhould drive in again her infectious Sheep ; therfore fent out becaufe infectious, and not driven in but with the danger not only of the whole and found,- but alfo of his own utter perifhing. Since Force neither inftructs in Religion, nor begets Repentance or Amendment of Life, but on the contrary, Hardnefs of Heart, Formality, Hypocrifie, and, as I faid before, every way increafe of Sin, more and more alienates the Mind from a violent Religion, expelling out and compelling in, and reduces it to a condition like that which the Brétaims complain of in our Story, driven to and fro between the Pidts and theSea. If after Excommunion he be found in- — tractable, incurable, and will not hear the Church, he becomes as one never yet within her pale, a Heathen ov a Publican, Mat. 18.17. not further to be judg’d, no not by the Magiftrate, unlefs for civil Caufes ; but left tothe final Sentence of that Judg, whofe coming fhall be in flames of fire; that Ataran athé, 1 Cor. 16. 22. than which to him fo left nothing can be more dreadful, and oft-times to him particularly nothing more fpeedy, that is to fay, the Lord cometh: Inthe mean while deliver'd upto Satan, 1 Cor. 5.5. 1 Tim. 1. 20. that is, fromthe Fold of Chrift and Kingdom of Grace to the World again, which is the Kingdom of Satan; and as he was receiv'd from Darknefs to Light, and from the Power of Satan to God, Acts 26. 18. fo now deliver’d up again from Light to Darknefs, and from God to the Power of Satan ; yet fo as is in both places manifefted, to the intent of faving him, brought fooner to Contrition by fpiritual than by any corporeal Severity, But grant it belong- ing any way to the Magiftrate, that prophane and licentious Perfons omit not the performance of holy Duties, which in them were odious to God even un- der the Law, much more now under the Gofpel; yet ought his Care both as a Magiftrate and a Chriftian, to be much more that Confcience be not inwardly violated, than that Licenfe in thefe things be made outwardly conformable : fince his part is undoubtedly as a Chriftian, which puts him upon this Office much more than as a Magiftrate, in all refpects to have more care of the con- {cientious than of the prophane ; and not for thir fakes to take away (while they pretend to give) or to diminifh the rightful Liberty of religions Con- {ciences.
On thefe*four {criptural Reafons,"as on a firm fquare, this Truth, the Right of Chriftian and Evangelic Liberty, will ftand immovable againit all thofe pretended Confequences of Licenfe and Confufion, which for the moft part Men moft licentious and confus’d themfelves, or fuch as whofe Severity would be wifer than Divine Wifdom, are ever apteft to object againft the ways of God: as if God without them, when he gave us this Liberty, knew not of the worft which thefe Men in their Arrogance pretend will follow: yet know- ing all their worft, he gave us this Liberty as by him judg’dbeft. Asto thofe Magiftrates who think it thir work to fettle Religion, and thofe Mini- fers or others, who fo oft call upon them to do fo, I truft, that having well
CcOon= %
€ 755 confider’d what hath been here argu’d, neither they will continue in that in- tention, nor thefe in that expectation from them: when they fhall find that the Settlement of Religion belongs only to each particular Church by per- fwafive and fpiritual means within it felf, and that the Defence only of the Church belong#to the Magilftrate. Had he once learnt not further to concern
‘himfelf with Church-Affairs, half his Labor might be {par’d, and the Com-
monwealth better tended. Lo which end, that which I premis’d in the be- ginning, and in due place treated of more at large, I defire now concluding, that they would contider ferioufly what Religion is: and they will find it to be, infum, both our Beleef and our Practice depending upon God only. That there can be no place then left for the Magiftrate or his Force in the Settlement of Religion, by appointing either what we fhall beleeve in divine things, or practife in religious, (neither of which things are in the power of Man either to perform himfelf, or to enable others) I perfwade me in the Chriftian Ingenuity of all religious Men, the more they examin ferioufly, the more they will find cleerly to be true: and find how falfe and deceivable that common faying is, which is fo much rely’d upon, that the Chriftian Magiftrate is cuftos utriu{que tabule, Keeper of both Tables, unlefs is meant by Keeper the Defender only: neither can that Maxim be maintain’d by any Proof or Argument which hath not in this Difcourfe firft or laft been refuted. For the
~ two Tables, or ten Commandments, teach our Duty to God and our Neigh-
bour from the Love of both; give Magiftrates no Autority to force either : they feek that from the judicial Law, though on falfe grounds, efpecially in the firft Table; as I have fhewn; and both in firft and fecond execute that
’ Autority for the moft part, not according to God’s judicial Laws but thir
own. As for civil Crimes, and of the outward Man, which all are not, no not of thofe againft the fecond Table, as that of coveting ; in them what Power they have, they had from the beginning, long before Adofes or the two Tables were in being. And whether they be not now as little in being to be kept by any Chriftian as they are twolegal Tables, remanes yet as undecided, as it is fure they never were yet deliver’d to the keeping of any Chriftian Ma- ~ giftrate. But of thefe things perhaps more fome other time; what may ferve the prefent hath been above difcours’d fufficiently out of the Scripturé : and to thofe produc’d might be added Teftimonies, Examples, Experiences of all fucceeding Ages to thefe times aflerting this Doétrine : but having herin the Scripture fo copious and fo plane, we have all that can be properly call'd true Strength and Nerve; the reft would be but Pomp and Incumbrance. Pomp and Oftentation of reading is admir’d among the Vulgar : but doubtlefs in Matters of Religion he is learnedeft who is planeft. The brevity I ufe, not exceeding a fmall Manual, will not therfore, I fuppofe, be*thought the lefs confiderable, unlefs with them perhaps who think that great Books only can determin great Matters. Irather chofe the common Rule, not to make much ado where lefs may ferve. Which in Controverfies, and thofe efpecially of Religion, would makethem lef tedious, and by confequence read ofter by many more, and with more Benefit. |
5 D2 —CONn-
a
r € 757)
‘CONSIDERATIONS
Touching the likelieft Means to remove
HIRELINGS Out of the Church.
| Wherein is alfo difcours’d
Tithes, Of 2Church-Fees, Church-Revenues ;
And whether any Maintenance of Minifters can . be fettl’d by Law.
To the Parlament of the Commonwealth of England, with the Dominions therof. ee
Wing to your Protection, fupream Senate, this liberty of wri-
ting which I have us’d thefe eighteen Years on all occafions to
} aflert the juft Rights and Freedoms both of Church and State, and
fo far approv’d, as to have bin trufted with the reprefentment
and defence of your Actions to all Chriftendom againft an Ad-
verfary of no mean repute; to whom fhould I addrefs what { ftill publifh on the fame Argument, but to you, whofe magnanimous Councels firft open’d and unbound the Age from a double Bondage under Prelatical and Regal Tyranny ; above our own hopes heartning us to look up at laft like Mea and Chriftians from the flavifh Dejection, wherin from Father to Son we were bred up and taught ; and therby deferving of thefe Nations, if they be not barbaroufly ingrateful, to be acknowledg’d, next under God, the Authors and beft Patrons of Religious and Civil Liberty, that ever thefe Ilands brought forth? The care and tuition of whofe Peace and Safety, after a fhort, but fcandalous night of Interruption, is now again by a new dawning of God’s miraculous Provi- dence among us, revolv’d upon your fhoulders. And to whom more apper- tain thefe Confiderations which I propound, than to your felves, and the De- bate before you, though I truft-af no difficulty, yet at prefent of great ex- pectation, not whether ye will gratifie, were it no more then fo, but whether ye will hearken to the juft Petition of many thoufands beft affected both to Re-. ligion and to this your Return, or whether ye will fatisfie, which you never can, the covetous Pretences and Demands of infatiable Hirelings, whofe Dif- affection ye well know both to your felves and your Refolutions? That I, though among a a in this common concernment, interpofe to your Deliberations what Ny Thoughts alfo are, your own Judgment and the fuc- cefs therof hath given me the confidence: which requefts but this, that if [ have profperoufly, God fo favouring me, defended the publick Caufe of this
Common-
€ 758 ) Commonwealth to Foreiners, ye would not think the reafon and ability, wheron ye trufted once, and repent not, your whole Reputation to the world, either grown lefs by more maturity and longer ftudy, or lefs available in Englifh then in another tongue: but that if it fuffic’d fom years paft to convince and fatisfie the uningag’d of other Nations in the juftice of your doings, though then held paradoxal, it may as well fuffice now againft weaker oppOfition in matters, except here in England with a fpiritualitie of Men devoted to thir temporal Gain, of no Controverfie els among Proteftants. . Neither do I doubt, y feeing daily the acceptance which they find who in thir Petitions venture to biting advice alfo and new models of a Commonwealth, but that you will in- terpret it much more the duty of-a Chriftian to offer what his Confcience perfwades him may be of moment to the freedom and better conftituting of the Church: fince it is a deed of higheft charity to help undeceive the People, « and a work worthieft your Autority, inall things els Authors, Affertors and now Recoverers of our Liberty, to deliver us, the only’ People: of all Pro- teftants left ftill undeliver’d, from the Oppreflions of a fimonious decimating Clergy, who fhame not, againft the judgment and practice of all other Churches reform’d, to maintain, though very weakly, thir Popifh and oft re-. futed Pofitions, not ina point of Confcience, wherin they might be blame- lefS, but in a point of Covetoufnefs and unjuft Claim to other mens Goods ; a Contention foul and odious in any Man, but moft of allin Minifters of the Gofpel, in whom Contention, though for thir own right, {carce is allowable. Till which Grievances be remov’d, and Religion fet free from the monopoly of Hirelings, | dare affirm, that no Model whatfoever of a Commonwealth ~ will prove fuccefsful or undifturb’d; and fo perfwaded, implore Divine Affi- - ftance on your pious Councels and Proceedings to unanimity in this and all other Truth.
(759) '
GONSIDE RATIONS
T.QU-C:B RNG
The likelieft means to remove Hirelings ont of the CH €ly Ray C i.
HE former Treatife, which leads in this, began with two things
ever found working much mifchief to the Church of God, and the
advancement of Truth; Force on the one fide reftraining, and Hire
on the other fide corrupting the Teachers therof. The latter of thefe is by much the more dangerous: for under Force, though no thank to the Forcers, true Religion oft-times beft thrives and flourifhes; but the Cor- ruption of Teachers, moft commonly the Effect of Hire, is the very bane of Truth in them who are focorrupted. Of Force not to be us’d in matters of . Religion, I have already fpoken; and fo ftated matters of Confcience and Religion in Faith and Divine Worfhip, and fo fever’d them from Blafphemy and Herefy, the one being fych properly as is defpiteful, the other fuch as ftands not to the Rule of Scripture, and fo both of them not matters of Re- ligion, but rather againft it, that to them who will yet ufe Force, this only choife can be left, whether they will force them to believe, to whom it is not given from above, being not fore’d therto by any Principle of the Gofpel,which is now the only Difpenfation of God to all Men; or whether be- ing Proteftants, they will punifh in thofe things wherin the Proteftant Reli- gion denies them to be Judges, either in themfelves infallible, or to the Con- {ciences of other Men; or whether, laftly, they think fit to punifh Error, fuppofing they can be infallible that it is fo, being not wilful, but confcien- tious, and, according to the beft light of him who errs, grounded on Scrip- ture: which kind of Error all Men religious, or but only reafonable, have thought worthier of pardon, and the growth thereof to be prevented by f{piritual Means and Church-difcipline, not by civil Laws and outward Force, fince it is God only who gives as well to believe aright, as to believe at all; and by thofe means which he ordain’d fufficiently in his Church to the-full exe- cution of his divine Purpofe inthe Gofpel. It remains now to fpeak of Hire, the other evil fo mifchievous in Religion: wherof I promis’d then to fpeak further, when I fhould find God difpofing me, and opportunity inviting.. Op- portunity I find now inviting; and apprehend therin the concurrence of God difpofing ; fince the Maintenance of Church-Minifters, a thing not pro- perly belonging to the Magiftrate, and yet with fuch importunity call'd for, and expected from him, is at prefent under publick debate. Wherin left any thing may happen to be -determin’d and eftablifh’d prejudicial to the right and freedom of Church, or advantagious to fuch as may be found Hire- lings therin, it will be now moft feafonable, and in thefe matters wherin
“every Chriftian bath his free Suffrage, no way misbecoming Chriftian
Meeknes to offer freely, without difparagement to the wifeft, fuch Advice as God fhall incline him and inable him to propound. Since hertofore in Commonwealths of moft fame for Government, Civil Laws were not efta- blifh’d till they had been firft for certain days publifh’d to the view of all Men, that whofo pleas’d might fpeak freely his Opinion therof, and give in his Exceptions, ere the Law could pafs to a full eftablifhment. And where ought this Equity to have more place, than in the liberty which is unfeparable from Chriftian Religion? This, I am not ignorant, will bea work unpleafing to fome: but what Truth is not hateful to fome or other, 4s this, in likeli- hood, will be to none but Hirelings. And if there be among them who hold it thir duty to {peak impartial Truth, as the work of thir Miniftry, though not perform’d without Money, let them not envy others who think the fame no lefs thir duty by the general office of Chriftianity, to fpeak truth, as in all reafon may be thought, more impartially and unfufpectedly without HPO
ire
: ( 760 )
Hire of it felf is neither a thing unlawful, nora word of any evil note, fig- nifying no more than a due Recompence or Reward SNAG when our Saviour faith, the Labourer is worthy of his Hive. That which makes it fo dangerous in the Church, and properly makes the Hiirelimg a word always of evil Signifi- cation, is either the excefs therof, or the undue manner of giving and taking it. What harm the excefs therof brought to the Church, perhaps was not found by experience till the days of Conjfantine ; who out oi his zeal thinking he could be never too liberally a nurfing Father of the Church, might be not unfitly faid to have either overlaid it or choak’d it in the Nurfing. Which was foretold, as is recorded in Ecclefiaftical Traditions, by a Voice heard from Heaven on the very day that thofe great Donations and Church-revenues were given, crying aloud, This day is Poifon pour’d into the Church. Which the event foon after verifi’d, as appears by another no lefS antient Obfervation, That Religion brought forth Wealth, and the Daughter devour’d the Adother. But long ere Wealth came into the Church, fo foon as any Gain appear’d in Religion, Hirelings were apparent; drawn in long before by the very fcent therof. Fudas therfore, the firft Hireling, for want-of prefent Hire anfwerable to _his coveting, from the fmall number of the meannefs of fuch as then were the Religious, fold the Religion it felf with the Founder therof, his Mafter. si- mon Afagus the next, in hope only that preaching and the Gifts of the Holy — Ghoft would prove gainful, offer’d beforehand a Sum of Money to obtain them. Not long after, as the Apoftle foretold, Hirelings like Wolves came in by Herds; Ads 20.29. For [know this, that after my departing fhall grievous Wolves enter in among you, nat {paring the Flock: ‘Tit. 1. rt. Teaching things which they . ought not, for filthy lucres fake, 2 Pet. 2.3. And through Covetoufne/s fhall they with feigned words make Merchandife of you. Yet they taughtnot fals Dodtrin only, but feeming Piety ; 1 Tim. 6. §. Suppofiug that Gain is Godlinefs. Neither came they in of themfelves only, but invited oft-times by a corrupt Audience: 2 Tim. 4. 3. For the tiene will come when they will not endure found Doétrin, but af- ter thir own Lujts they will heap to themfelves Teachers, having itching Ears: and they on the other fide, as faft heaping to themfelves Difciples, -4és 20. 30, doubtles had as itching Palms: 2 Pet. 2.15. Following the way of Balaam, the Son of Bofor, who lov'd the wages of Unrighteoufnefs. Jude t1. They ran greedily after the error of Balaam for reward. Thus we fee that not only the excefs of Hire in wealthieft times, but alfo the undue and vitious taking or giving it, though but fma!l or mean, as in the Primitive times, gave to Hirelings occafi- on, though not intended, yet fufficient to creep at firft into the Church. Which argues alfo the difficulty, or rather the impoflibility, to remove them quite, unlefs every Minifter were, as St. Paul, contented to teach gratis , but few fuchareto befound. As therfore we cannot juftly take away all Hire in the Church, becaufe we cannot otherwife quite remove all Hirelings, fo are we not for the impoflibility of removing them all, to ufe therfore no endea- vor that fewelt may come in; -but rather, in regard the Evil, do what we can, will always be incumbent and unavoidable, to ufe our utmoft diligence how it may be leaft dangerous : which will be likelieft effeded, if we confider, firft, what recompence God hath ordain’d fhould be given to Minifters of the Church; (for that a Recompence ought to be given them, and may by them juftly be received, our Saviour himfelf from the very light of Reafon and of Equity hath declar’d, Luke 10.7. The Labourer is worthy of his Hire); next by whom ; and laftly, in what manner.
What Recompence ought be given to Church-minifters, God hath anfwer- ably ordain’d according to that difference which he hath manifeftly put be- tween thofe his two great Difpenfations, the Law and the Gofpel. Under the Law he gave them Tithes 5 under the Gofpel, having left all things in his Church to Charity and Chriftian Freedom, he hath given them only what is juttly giventhem, That, aswell under the Gofpel, as under the Law, fay our Englifh Divines, and they only of all Proteftants, is Tithes ; and they fay true, if any man be fo minded to give themof his own the tenth or twentieth ; but that the Law therfore of Tithes isin force under the Gofpel, all other Proteftant Divines, though equally concern’d, yet conftantly deny. For al- though Hire to the Labourer be of moral and perpetual Right, yet that {pe- cial kind of Hire, the tenth, can be of no Right or’ Neceflity, but to a
{pecia
C 761 ) fpecial Labor for which God ordain’d it. That fpecial Labor was the Levi- tical and Ceremonial fervice of the Tabernacle, Numb, 18.21, 31. which is now abolifh’d: the right therfore of that fpecial Hire muft needs be withal a-
-bolifh’d, as being alfo Ceremonial. That Tithes were Ceremonial, is plain,
not being given to the Levites till they had been firft offer’d a heav Offering tothe Lord, Ver. 24,28. Hethen who by that Law brings Tithes into the Gofpel, of neceflity brings in withal a Sacrifice, and an Altar ; without which Tithes by that Law were unfan¢tifi'd and polluted, Yer. 32. and therfore ne- ver thought onin the firft Chriftian times, till Ceremonies, Altars, and Ob- lations, by an antienter Corruption were brought back long before. And yet the Fews ever fince thir Temple was deftroyd, though they have Rabbies and Teachers of thir Law, yet pay no Tithtes, as having no Levites to whom, no Temple where to pay them, no Altar wheron to hallow them: which ar- gues that the Yews themfelves never thought Tithes Moral, but Ceremonial only. That Chriftians therfore fhould take them up, when ems have laid them down, muft needs be very abfurd and prepofterous. Next, it is as clear in the fame Chapter, that the Priefts and Levites had not Tithes for thir’ labor only inthe Tabernacle, but in regard they were to have no other
Part nor Inheritance inthe Land, Yer. 20, 24. and by.that means for a Tenth,
loft a Twelfth. But our Levites undergoing no fuch Law of Deprivement, can have no right to any fuch compenfation: nay, if by this Law they will have Tithes, can have no inheritance of Land, but forfeit what they have. Befides this, Tithes were of two forts, thofe of every Year, and thofe of every third Year: of the former, every one that brought his Tithes, was to eat his fhare 5 Deut. 14.23. Thou fhalt eat before the Lord thy God, in the place which he fhall chufe to place his name there, the Tithe of thy Corn, of thy Wine, and of thine Oil, &c. Nay, though he could not bring his Tithe in kind, by rea- fon of his diftant dwelling from the Tabernacle or Temple, but was therby forc’d to turn it into Money, he was to beftow that Money on whatfoever pleas’d him, Oxen, Sheep, Wine, or ftrong Drink; and to eat and drink therof there before the Lord, both he and his Houfhold, Ver. 24,25, 26. As for the Tithes of every third year, ‘they were not given only to the Levite, but to the Stranger, the Fatherles, and the Widow, Vr. 28, 29. and Chap. 26.
12,13. Sothat ours, if they willhave Tithes, muft admit of thefe fharers
withthem. Nay, thefe Tithes were not paid in at all to the Levite, but the Levite himfelf was to come with thofe his fellow Guefts, and eat his fhare of them only at his Houfe who provided them ; and this not in regard of his mi- nifterial Office, but becaufe he had no Part nor Inheritance in the Land. Laftly, the Priefts and Levites, a Tribe, wereof a far different Conftitution from this of our Minifters under the Gofpel: in them were Orders and Degrees both by Family, Dignity, and Office, mainly diftinguifh’d , the High Prieft, his Brethren, and his Sons, to whom the Levites themfelves paid Tithes, and of the beft, were eminently fuperior, Numb. 18. 28,29. No Proteftant, I fuppofe, will liken one of our Minifters to a High Prieft, but rather to a com- mon Levite. Linlefs then, to keep their Tithes, they mean to bring back again Bifhops, Archbifhops, and the whole gang of Prelatry, to whom will they themfelves pay Tithes, as by that Law it was a fin to them if they did not, Ver. 32. Certainly this muft needs put them to a deep demurr, while the defire of holding faft thir Tithes without fin, may tempt them to bring back again Bifhops, as the likenefs of that Hierarchy that fhould receive Tithes from them; and the defire to pay none, may advife them to keep out of the Church all Orders above them. But if we have to do at prefent, as I fuppofe we have, with true reformed Proteftants, not with Papifts or Prelates, it will not be deni’d that in the Gofpel there be but two minifterial Degrees, Presbyters and Deacons: which if they contend to have any fucceflion, reference, or conformi- ty with thofe two degrees under the Law, Priefts and Levites, it mnft needs be fuch wherby our Presbyters or Minifters may be anfwerable to Priefts, and our Deacons to Levites ; by which rule of Proportion it will follow, that we muft pay our Tithes to the Deacons only, and they only to the Minifters. But if it be truer yet that the Priefthood of —4aron typifi'd a better reality, 1 Pet. 2. 5. fignifying the Chriftian true and holy Priefthood, to offer up fpivitual Sacrifice : it follows hence, that we are now juftly co from paying Tithes to a 5 E who
( 762 ) who-claim from-davon, fince that Priefthood isin. us now real, which in hith was but a fhadow. Seeing then by all this which hath bin fhewn, that. the Law of Tithes is partly Ceremonial, as the work was«for which they were given, partly judicial, notof common, but of particular right to the Tribe of Levi, nor to themalone, but to the owner alfo and his Houfhold, at the time of thir Offering, and every three year to the Stranger, the Fatherles, and the Widow, thir appointed Sharers, and that they were a Tribe of Priefts and Deacons improperly compar’d to the conftitution of our Miniftry ; and the Tithes given by that People to thofe Deacons only ; it follows that our “Minifters at this day, being neither Priefts nor Levites, nor fitly anfwering to either of them, can have no juft title or pretence to Tithes, by any con- f{equence drawn from the Law of ofés. But they think they have yet a bet- ter Plea inthe example of Adelchifedec, who took Tithes of Abram ere the Law was given; whence they would infer Tithes to be of Moral right. But they ought to know, or to remember, that not Examples, but exprefs Commands oblige our obedience to God or man: next, that whatfoever was don in Religion before the Law written, isnot prefently to be counted Mo- ral, when as fo many things were then don both Ceremonial and Judaitally judicial, that we need not doubt to conclude all times before Chrift, more or lefs under the Ceremonial Law. To what end ferv’d els thofe Altars and Sa- crifices, that diftinction of clean and unclean entring into the Ark, Circum- cilion, and the raifing up of Seed to the elder Brother? Gen. 38.8. If thefe things be not Moral, though before the Law, how are Tithes, though inthe example of Abram and Melchifedec ? But this inftance is fo far from being the juft ground of a Law, that after all Circumftances duly weigh’d both from Gen. 14. and Heb, 7. it will not be allow’d them fo much as an ex- ample. A4elchifedec, befides his Prieftly Benediction, brought with him Bread _ and Wine fufficient to refrefh 4bram and his whole Army ; incited to do fo, firft, by the fecret Providence of God, intending him for a Type of Chrift and his Prieithood., next by his due thankfulnes and honor to Abram, who had freed his borders of Salem froma potent Enémy : Abram on the other fide honors him with the tenth of all, that is to fay (for he took not fure his whole Eftate with him to that War) of the Spoils, Heb. 7.4. Incited he alfo by the fame fecret Providence, to fignify as Grandfather of Levi, that the. Levitical Priefthood was excell’d by the Priefthood of Chrift. For the giving of a Tenth declar’d it feems in thofe Countreys and Times, him the greater who receiv’d it. That which next incited him, was partly his gratitude: to requite the Prefent, partly his Reverence to the Perfon and his Benedidion : to his Perfon, as a King and Prieft, greater therfore than dbram; who was a Prieft alfo, but nota King. And who unhir’d will be fo hardy as to fay, that sibram at any other time ever paid him Tithes, either before or after ; or had then, but for this accidental meeting and obligement ; or that els Adelchifedec had demanded or exacted them, or took them otherwile than as the voluntary gift of Abram? But our Minifters, though neither Priefts’ nor Kings more than any other Chriftian, greater in thir own efteem than lrabam and all his Seed, for the verbal labor of a feventh days Preachment, not bringing, like Melchifedec, Bread or Wine at thir own coft, would not take only at the wil- ling hand of Liberality or Gratitude, but require and exact as due the tenth, not of Spoils, but of our whole Eftates and Labors. nor once, but yearly. We then it feems by the example of Abram, muft pay Tithes to thefe Azd- chifedecs : but what if the Perfon of Abram can neither no way reprefent us, or will oblige the Minifters to pay Tithes no lefs then other men ? Abram had not only a Prieft in his Loins, but was himfelf a Prieft, and gave Tithes to AMelchifedec either as Grandfather of Levi, or as Father of the faithful. If as Grandfather (though he underftood it not) of Levi, he oblig’d not us but Levi only, the inferior Prieft, by that Homage (as the Apoftle to the Hebrews clear- ly enongh explanes) to acknowledg the greater. And they who by Aéichi- Jedec claim from Abram as Levi's Grandfather, have none to feek thir Tithes of but the Levites, where they can find them. If Abram as Father of the Faithful paid Tithes to Afelchifedec, then certainly the Minifters alfo, if they be of that number, paid in him equally with the reft. Which may induce us to believe, that as both Abram and Melchifedec, fo Tithes alfo in that action : Typical
763 )
Typical and Ceremonial, fignifi’d nothing els but that fubjection which all the Faithful, both Mtnifters and People, owe to Chrift, our High Prieft and King.
In any literal Senfe, from this Example, they never will be able to extort that the People in thofe days paid Tithes to Prielts,; but this only, that one Prieft once in his Life, of Spoils only, and in requital partly of a liberal Pre- fent, partly of a Benediction, gave voluntary Tithes, not toa greater Prieft than himfelf, as far as Abram could then underftand, but rather to a Prieft and King join’d in one Perfon. They willreply, perhaps, that if one Prieft paid Tithes to another, ir muft needs be underftood that the People did no lefS tothe Prieft. But | fhall eatily remove that Neceflity, by remembring them that in thofe days was no Prieft, but the Father, or the firft-born of each Family ; and by confequence no People to pay him Tithes, but his own Children and Servants, who had not wherwithal to pay him, but of his own. Yet grant that the People then paid Tithes, there will not yet be the like reafon to enjoin us ; they being then under Ceremonies, a meer Laity, we now under Chrift a Royal Prieithood, 1 Per. 2.9. as we are Coheirs, Kings and Priefts with him, a Prieft for ever after the order or manner of AZelchi- fedec. As therfore Abram paid Tithes to Afelchifedec becaufe Levi was in him, fo we. ought to pay none becaufe the true AMelchifedec is in us, and we in him who can pay to none greater, and hath freed us, by our Union with him- felf, from ajl compulfive Tributes and Taxes in his Church. Neither doth the collateral place, Heb.7. make other ufe of this Story, than to prove Chrift, perfonated by Atelchifedec, a greater Prieft than Aaron: Verf. 4. Now confider how great this Adanwas, &c. and proves not in the leaft manner that Tithes be of any right to Minifters, but the contrary : firft, the Levites had a Commandment to take Tithes of the People according to the Law, that is, of thir Brethren, though they come out of the Loins of Abraham, Verf. 5. The Com- mandment then was, it feems, to take Tithes of the Yes only, and accord- ing tothe Law. That Law changing of neceflity with the Priefthood, no other fort of Minifters, as they muft needs be another fort under another Priefthood, can receive that Tribute of Tithes which fell with that Law, un- lefS renu’d by another exprefs Command, and according to another Law ; no fuch Law is extant. Next, Aéelchifedec not asa Minifter, but as Chrift himfelf in Perfon, blefs'd Abraham who had the Promifes, Ver{.6. and inhim blefs'd all both Minifters‘and People, both of the Law and Gofpel: That Blefling declar’d him greater and better than whom he blefs’d, Ver. 7, receiving Tithes from them all, notas a Maintenance, which Aelchifedec needed not, but asa
. fign of Homage and Subjection to thir King and Prieft: wheras Minifters bear
not the Perfon of Chrift in his Priefthood or Kingfhip, blefs not as he bleffes, are not by thir Blefling greater than Abraham ; and all the Faithful with them- felves included in him, cannot both give and take Tithes in -dbram, cannot claim to themfelves that fign of our Allegiance due only to our Eternal King and Prieft, cannot therfore derive Tithes from Melchifedec. Laftly, The eighth Verfe hath thus, Here Aden that die receive Tithes: There he received them, of whom it ts witneffed that be liveth, Which words intimate, that as he offer’d himfelf once for us, fo he received once of usin Abrabam, and in that place the typical acknowledgment of our Redemption: which had it been a perpetual annuity to Chrift, by him claim’d as his due, Zev: muft have paid it yearly, as well as then, Verf.9. and our Minifters ought {till, to fome Melchifedec or other, as well now as they didin Abraham, But that Chrift ne- ver claim’d any fuch Tenth as his annual Due, much lefs refign’d it to the Mi- nifters, his fo officious Receivers, without exprefs Commiflion or Aflignment, will be yet clearer as we proceed. Thus much miay at length aflure us, that this Example of Abrabam and M©elchifedec, though I fee of late they build moft upon it, ‘can fo little be the ground of any Law to us, that it will noe fo much avail them as to the Autority of an Example. Of like imperti- nence is that Example of Facob, Gen, 28. 22. who of his free choice, not en- join'd by any Law, vowd the Tenth of all that God fhould give him: which, for ought appears to the contrary, he vow’d as a thing no lefs indifferent be- fore his Vow, than the foregoing part therof: That the Stone which he had fet there fora Pillar, fhould be God’s Houfe. And to whom vow’'d he this
Tenth, butto God? not to any Prieft, for we read of none to him greater 5 22 than
C 764) than himfelf: and to God, no doubt, but he paid what he vow’d, both inthe building of that Bethel, with other Altars elfewhere, and the expence of his con- tinual Sacrifices,;which none but he had right to ofter. However therfore he paid hisTenth,it could in no likelihood, unlefs by fuch an occafion as befel his Grand- father, be toany Prieft. But, fay they, ll the Tithe of the Land, whether of the Seed of the Land, or of the Fruit of the Tyee, vs the Lord’s, holy unto the Lord, Lev.27.30. And this before it was given to the Levites; therfore {ince they ceas’d. No queftion, For the whole Earth is the Lord’s, and the fulacs thereof, Pfal. 24. 1. . and the Light of Nature fhews us no lefs: But that the Tenth is his more than the reft, how know I, but as he fo declares it? He declares it fo here of the Land of Canaan only, as by all Circumftances appears, and. pafles, by Deed of Gift, this Tenth to the Levite , yet fo as offer’d to him firft a Heav- offering, and confecrated on his Altar, Numb. 18. all which I had as little known, but by that Evidence. The Levites are ceas’d, the Gift returns to the giver. How then can we know thathe hath given it to any other? or how can thefe Men prtfume to take it unoffer’d firft to God, unconfecrated, without another clear and exprefs Donation, wherof-they fhew no Evidence or Writing? Befides, he hath now alienated that holy Land ; who can war- rantably affirm, that he hath fince hallow’d the tenth of this Land, which none but God hath Power to do or can warrant? J hir laft proof they cite out of the Gofpel, which makes as little for them, AZat. 23.23. where our Saviour de- nouncing Wo to the Scribes and Pharifees, who paid Tithe fo exactly, and omitted weightier Matters, telsthem, that thefe they ought to have done, that is, to have paid Tithes. For our Saviour fpake then to thofe who ob- ferv’d the Law of A@ojes, which was yet not fully abrogated, till the deftru- ction of the Temple. And by the way here we may obferve, out of thir own proof, that the Scribes and Pharifees, though then chief Teachers of the People, fuch at leaft as were not Levites, did not take Tithes, but paid them: So much lefs covetous were the Scribes and Pharifees in thofe worft times then ours at thisday. This is fo apparent to the Reformed Divines of other Countries, that when any one of ours hath attempted in Latin to main- tain this Argumentof Tithes, though a Man would think they might fuffer him, without oppofition, ina Point equally tending to the advantage of all _ Minifters, yet they forbear not to oppofe him, asin a Doétrinnot fit to pafs - unoppos’d under the Gofpel. Which fhews the Modefty, ‘the Contentednefs of thofe Forein Paftors, with the Maintenance given them, thir fincerity alfo in the Truth, though lefs gainful, and the Avarice of ours; who through the love of their old Papiftical Tithes, confider not the weak Arguments, or . rather Conjectures and Surmifes which they bring todefend them. On the other fide, although it be fufficient to have prov’d in general the abolifhing of Tithes, as part of the Judaicalor Ceremonial Law, which is abolifh’d all, as well that before as that after AZofes; yet I fhall further prove them abro- gated by an exprefs Ordinance of the Gofpel, founded not on any Type, or that Municipal Law of Adofes, but on moraland general Equity, given us in- ftead: 1 Cor. 9. 13,14. Know ye not, that they who minifter about holy things, live of the things of the Temple , and they which wait at the Altar, are partakers with the Altar ? Soalfothe Lord hath ordain’d, that they who preach the Gofpel, [ould live of the Gofpel. He faith not, fhould live on things which were of the Tem- ple, or of the Altar, of which were Tithes, for that had given them a clear Title: but abrogating that former Law of Mofes, which determin’d what and how much, by a later Ordinance of Chrift, which leaves the what and how much indefinit and free, fo it be fufficient to live on: he faith, The Lord bath fo ordained, that they who preach the Gofpel, fhould live of the Gofpel ; which hath neither Temple, Altar, nor Sacrifice: Heb. 7. 13. For he of whom thefe things are {poken, pertaineth to another Tribe, of which no Man gave attendance at the Altar : His Minifters therfore cannot thence have Tithes. And where the Lord hath fo ordain’d, we may find eafily in more than one Evangelift: Luke 10.7, 8. Inthe fame houfe remain, eating and drinking fuch things as they give - For the labourer ts worthy of bis hire, &c. And into whatfoever City you enter, and they receive you, eat fuch things as are fet before you. To which Ordinance of Chrift it may feem likelieft, that the Apoftle refers us both here, and t Tim. . 5.18, where he cites this as the Saying of our Saviour, That the labourer vs worthy
of
, ( 765 ) ane of his hire. And both by this place of Luke,and that of Afat.to.9,10,11. it evi dently appears that our Saviour ordain’d no certain Maintenance for his Apo= ftles or Minifters,publicly or privately,in Houfe or City receiv’d, but that,what- ever it were,which might fuffice to live on: and this not commanded or propor- tion’d by Abram or by Mofés, whom he might eafily have here cited, as his man- ner was, but declar’d only by a Rule of common Equity, which proportions the Hire as well tothe Ability of him who gives, as!to the labour of him who receives, and recommends him only as worthy, not invefts him witha legal Right. And mark wheron he grounds this his Ordinance, not on a perpe- tual right of Tithes from AZelchifzdec, as Hirelings pretend, which he never claim’d, either for himfelf, or*tor his Minifters, but on the plane and com- mon equity of rewarding the Laborer ; worthy fomtimes of fingle, fomtimes of double Honor, not proportionable by Tithes. And the Apoftle in this forecited Chapter to the Corinthians, Verf.11. affirms it to be no great Recompence, if carnal things be reap’d for fpiritual fown; but to mention Tithes, neglects here the fitteft occafion that could be offer’d him, and leaves the reft free and undetermin’d. Certainly if Chrift or his Apoftles had ap- prov’d of Tithes, they would have, either by Writing or Tradition, recom- mended them to the Church ; and that foon would have appeard in the pra- tice of thofe Primitive and the next Ages. But for the firft three hundred Years and more, in all the Eccletiaftical Story, i findno fuch Do@rin or Ex- ample: though Error by that time had brought back again Priefts, Altars and Oblations ; and in many other Points of Religion had miferably judaiz’d the Church. So that the defenders of Tithes, after a long pomp, and tedious preparation out of Heathen Authors, telling us that Tithes were paid to Hercules and Apollo, which perhaps was imitated from the fews, and as it were befpeaking our Expectation, that they will abound muchmore with Autorities out of Chriftian Story, have nothing of general Approbation to begin with from the firft three or four Ages, but that which abundantly ferves to the Confutation of thir Tithes; while they confefs that Churchmen in thofe Ages liv’d meerly upon free-will Offerings. Neither can they fay, that Tithes were not then paid for want of a civil Magiftrate to ordain them, for Chriftians had then alfo Lands, and might give out of them what they pleas’d ; and yetof Tithes then given we find nomention. And the firft Chriftian Emperors, who did all things as Bifhops advis’d them, fupply’d what was wanting tothe Clergy not out of Tithes, which were never motion’d, but out of thir own imperial Revenues ; asismanifeftin Eufebius, Theodoret, and Sozomen, from Conftantine to Arcadius. Hence thofe ancienteft reformed Churches of the Waldenjes, if they rather continu’d not pure fince the Apo- ftles, deny’d that Tithes were to be given, or that they were ever given in the primitive Church, as appeers by an ancient Tractate inferted in the Bobe= mian Hiftory. Thus far hath the Church bin always, whether in her prime or in her ancienteft Reformation, from the approving of Tithes: nor without Reafon; for they might eafily perceive that Tithes were fitted to the Yews only, a national Church of many incomplete Synagogues, uniting the Ac- complifhment of divine Worfhip in one Temple; and the Levites there had thir Tithes paid where they did thir bodily Work; to which a particular Tribe was fet apart by divine Appointment, not by the Peoples Election: but the Chriftian Church isuniverfal, not ty?d to Nation, Diocefs, or Parifh, but confifting of many particular Churches complete in themfelves, gather’d not - by compulfion, or the accident of dwelling nigh together, but by free Con- fent, chufing both thir particular Churclf and thir Church-Officers. Wher- as if Tithes be fet up, all thefe Chriftian Privileges will be difturb’d and foon loft, and with them Chriftian Liberty.
The firft Autority which our Adverfaries bring, after thofe fabulous Apo- ftolic Canons, which they dare not infift upon, isa provin¢ial Councel held at Cullen, where they voted Tithes to be God’s Rent, in the year three huridred fifty fix ; at the fame time perhaps when the three Kings reign’d there, and of like Autority. For towhat purpofe do they bring thefe trivial Teftimo- nies, by which they might as well prove Altars, Candles at noon, and the greateft part of thofe Superftitions fetch’d from Paganifin or Jewifm, which the Papilt, inveig?d by this fond Argument of Antiquity, retains to this day ?
To
Prynn,
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fo what purpofe thofe Decrees of I know not what Bifhops, to a Parlament and People who have thrownout both rilops and Altars, and promis’d alt Reformation by the Word of God? And that Altars brought Tithes hither, as one Corruption begot another, is evident by one of thofe Queftions which the Monk Aujtin propounded to the Pope, concerning thofe things, which by Of- ferings of the faithful came to the Altar , as Beda writes, J. 1.c,27. If then by thefe Teltimonies we mult have Tithes continu’d, we muft again have Altars. Of Fathers, by cuftom fo call’d, they quote Ambrofe, Auguftin, and fome other ceremonial Doctors of the fame Leven: whofe Atertion, without | pertinent Scripture, no reformed Church can admit; an what they vouch is founded on the Law of Adofis, with which, every where pitifully miftaken, they again incorporate the Gofpel; as did the reft alfo of thofe titular Fa- thers, perhaps an Age or two before them, by many Rights and Ceremonies, both Jewifh and Heathenifh, introducd; wherby thinking to gain all, they loft all: and inftead of winning Jews and Pagans to be Chriftians, by too much condefcending they turn’d Chriliians into Jews and Pagans, To heap fuch unconvincing Citations as thefe in Religion, wherof the Scripture only is our Rule, argues not much Learning nor Judgment, but the loft Labor of much unprofitable reading. And yet a late hot Querift for Tithes, whom ye may know by his Wits lying ever belide him in the Margin, to be ever be- fide his Wits in the Text, a herce Reformer once, now ranckl’d witha con- trary heat, would fend us back, very reformedly indeed, to learn Reforma- tion from Tyrdarus and Rebufjus, two canonical Promooters. They produce next the ancient Conftitutions of this Land, Saxon Laws, Edicts of Kings, and their Councils, from Atbelflan, in the year nine hundred twenty eight, that Tithes by Statute were paid: and might produce from Ina, above two hundred years before, that Romefcot, or Peter's Penny, was by as good Sta- tute Law paid to the Pope ; from feven hundred twenty five, and almoft as long continu’d. And who knows not that thisLaw of Tithes was enacted by thofe Kings and Barons upon the opinion they had of thir divine Right? as the very Words import ot Edward the Confeffor, in the clofe of that Law : For fo bleffed Auttin preach d and taught ; meaning the Monk, who firft brought the Romifh Religion into England trom Gregory the Pope. And by the way I add, that by thefe Laws, imitating the Law of Mofes, the third part of Tithes only was the Priefts due, the other two were appointed for the Poor, and to adorn or repare Churches; as the Canons of Ecbert and Elfric witnefS: Concil. Brit. If then thefe Laws were founded upon the Opinion of divine Autority, and that Autority be found miftaken and erroneous, as hath bin fally manifefted, it follows, that thefe Laws fall of themfelves with thir falfe Foundation. But with what Face or Confcience can they allege Adofes, or thefe Laws for Tithes, asthey now enjoy or exact them? wherof Aofes ordains the Owner, as we heard before, the Stranger, the Fatherlefs, and the Widow, Partakers with the Levite ; and thefe Fathers which they cite, and thefe though Romifh rather than Englifh Laws, allotted both to Prieft and Bifhop the third part only. But thefe our Proteftant, thefe our new reformed Englifh Presbyterian Divines, againft thir own cited Authors, and to the fhame of thir pretended Reformation, would engrofs to themfelves all Tithes by Statute ; and fupported more by thir wilful Obftinacy and Defire of filthy Lucre, than by thefe both infufficient and impertinent Autorities, would perfwade a Chriftian Magiftracy and Parlament, whom we truft God hath reftor’d for a happier Reformation, to impofe upon us a Judaical Cere- monial Law, and yet from that Law to be more irregular and unwarrantable, more complying with a covetous Clergy, than any of thofe Popifh Kings and Parlaments alleg'd. Another fhift they have to plead, that Tithes may be moral as well as the Sabbath, a tenth of Fruits as well as a feventh of Days. Tan{wer, that the Prelats who urge this Argument have leaft reafon to ule it, denying Morality inthe Sabbath, and therin better agreeing with Reformed Churches abroad than the reft of our Divines. As therfore the feventh day isnot moral, but a convenient Recourfe of Worhhip in fit {eafon, whether fe- venth or other number, fo neither isthe tenth of our Goods, but only a con- venient Subfiftence morally due to Minifters. The laft and loweft fort of thir Arguments, that Men purchas’d not thir Tithe with thir Land, and rr
ike
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like Pettifoggery, | omit; as refuted fufficiently by others: I omit alfo thir violent and irreligious Exactions, related no lefS credibly ; thir feifing of Pots and Pans from the Poor, who have as good right to Tithes as they ; from fome, the very Beds; thir fuing and imprifoning ; worfe than when the Canon Law was in force ; worfe than when thofe wicked Sons of Fi were Priefts, whofe manner was thus to feife thir pretended prieftly Due by force ; 1 Sam. 2.12, &c. Whereby Men abborr'd the Offering of the Lord. And it may be fear’d that many will as much abhor the Gofpel, if fuch Violence as this be fuffer’d in her Minifters, and in that which they alfo pretend to be the Offering of the Lord. For thofe Sons of Belial within fome Limits made feifure of what they knew was thir own by an undoubted Law ; but thefe, from whom there is no Sanctuary, feife.out of Mens Grounds, out of Mens Houfes, thir other Goods of double, fometimes of treble value, for that which, did not Covetoufnefs and Rapine blind them, they know to be not thir own by the Gofpel which they preach. Of fome more tolerable than thefe, thus feverely God hath fpoken 5 Ifa. 46.10, &c. They are greedy dogs 5 they all look to thir own way, everyone for bis gain, from bis quarter. Withwhat Anger then will he judg them who ftand not looking, but under colour of a divine Right, fetch by Force that which is not thir own, taking his Name not in vain, but in violence ? Nor content, as Gebazi was, to makea cunning, but a conftrain’d Advantage of what thir Malter bids them give freely, how can they but return {mitten, worfe than that fharking Minilter, witha fpiritual Leprofy? And yet they cry out Sacrilege, that Men will not be gull’d and baffl’d the tenth of thir eftates by giving credit to frivolous Pretences of di- vine Right. Where did God ever cleerly declare to all Nations, or in all Lands, (and none but Fools part with thir Eftates without cleereft Evidence, on bare Suppofals and Prefumptions of them who are the Gainers therby) that he requir’d the tenth as due to him or his Son perpetually and in all places? Where did he demand it, that we might certainly know, as in all claims of temporal Right is juft and reafonable? or if demanded, where did he aflign it, or by what evident conveyance to Minifters? Unlefs they can de- monftrate this by more than Conjectures, thir Title can be no better to Tithes than the Title of Gebazi was to thofe things which by abufing his Matter’s name he rook’d from Naaman. Much lefs where did he command that Tithes fhould be fetch’d by force, where left not under the Gofpel what- ever his Right was, to the Freewill-offerings of Men? Whichis the greater Sacrilege, to bely divine Autority, to make the name of Chrift acceflory to Violence, and robbing him of the very Honor which he aim’d at in beltowing freely the Gofpel, to commit Simony and Rapin, both fecular and ecclefiafti- cal 5 or on the other fide, not to give up the tenth of Civil Right and Proprie- ty to the Tricks and Impoftures of Clergy-men, contriv’d with all the Art and Argument that thir Bellies can invent or fuggeft; yet fo ridiculous and prefuming on the Peoples Dulnefs or Superftition, as to think they prove the divine Right of thir Maintenance by Abram paying Tithes to Adclehifedec, when as AMelchifedec in that paflage rather gave Maintenance to Abram 5 in whom all, both Priefts and Minifters, as wellas Lay-men, paid Tithes, not receiv'dthem. And becaufe Ll affirm’d above, beginning this firft part of my Difcourfe, that God hath given to Minifters of the Gofpel that Maintenance only which is juftly given them, let us fee a little what hath bin thought of that other Maintenance befides Tithes, which of all Proteftants our Englifh Divines either only or moft apparently both require and take. Thofe are Fees for Chriftnings, Marriages, and Burials: which, though whofo will may give freely, yet being not of Right, but of free Gift, if they be exact- ed or eftablifh’d, they becom unjuft to them who are otherwife maintain’d ; and of fuch evil note, that even the Council of Trewt, |. 2. p.246. makes them liable tothe Laws againft Simony, who take or.demand Fees for the adminiftring of any Sacrament: Che la finodo volendo levare gli abufi intro- dottz, &c. And in the next Page, with like Severity, condemns the giving or taking for a Benefice, and the celebrating of Marriages, Chriltnings, and _ Burials, for Fees exacted or demanded : nor counts:it lefs Simony to fell the Ground or Place of Burial. Andin a State-Aliembly at Orleans, 1561. it was decreed, Che non ft potelfe effiger cofa alcuna, &t. p. 429. That nothing fhould . be
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be exacted for the adminiftring of Sacraments, Burials, or any other fpiritual FunGion. Thus much that Counce], of all others the moft Popifh, and this Aflembly of Papifts, though, by thir own Principles, in bondage to the Clergy, were induc’d, either by thir own reafon and fhame, or by the light of Reforma- tion then fhining in upon them, or rather by the known Canons of many Councels and Synods long before, to condemn of Simony fpiritual Fees de- manded. For if the Minifter be maintain’d for his whole Miniftry, why fhould he be twice paid for any part therof? Why fhould he, like a Ser- vant, feek Vails over and above his Wages? As for Chriftnings, either they themfelves call Men to Baptifm, or Men of themfelves com: if Mini- fters invite, how ill had it becom’d ohn the Baptilt to demand Fees for his baptizing, or Chrift for his chriftnings ? Far lefs becoms it thefe now, witha greedines lower than that of Tradefmen calling Paflengers to thir Shop, and yet paid beforehand, to ask again for doing that which thofe thir Founders ° did freely. If Men of themfelves com to be baptiz’d, they are either brought by fuch as already pay the Minifter, or com to be one of his Difci- ples and Maintainers: of whom to ask a Fee as it were for entrance, isa piece of paltry craft or caution, befitting none but beggarly Artifts. Bu- rials and Marriages are fo little to be any part of thir Gain, that they who confider well, may find them to be no part of thir Function. At Burials thir attendance they alledg onthe Corps; all the Guefts do as much unhir’d, But thir Prayers at the Grave, fuperftitioufly requir’d: yet if requir’d, thir laft performance to the deceas’d of thir own Flock. But the Funeral Sermon, at thir choife,.or if not, an occafion offer’d them to preach out of feafon, which is one part of thir Office. But fomthing muft be fpoken in praife ; if due, thir duty; if undue, thir corruption: a peculiar Simonie of our Di- vines in England only. But the ground is broken, and efpecially thir un- righteous Pofleffion, the Chancel. ‘To fell that will not only raife up in judg- ment the Council of Trent againft them, but will lofe them the beft Champion of Tithes, thir zealous Antiquary, Sir Hen. Spelman, who in a Book written to that purpofe, by many cited Canons, and fom even of times corrupteft in the Church, proves that Fees exacted or demanded for Sacraments, Marriages, Burials, and efpecially for interring, are wicked, accurfed, fimoniacal and abominable: Yet thus is the Church, for all thisnoife of Reformation, left ftill unreform’d, by the cenfure of thir own Synods, thir own Favourers, a den of Thieves and Robbers. As for Marriages, that Minifters fhould meddle with them, as not fanctifi'd or legitimat without thir Celebration, I find no ground in Scripture either of Precept or Example. Likelieft it is (which our Selden hath well obferv’d, J. 2. c. 28. ux. Eb.) that in imitation of Heathen Priefts who were wont at Nuptials to ufe many Rites and Ceremonies, and efpecially, judging it would be profitable, and the in- creafe of their Autority, not to be Spectators only in bufinefs of fuch con- cernment to the Life of Man, they infinuated that Marriage was not holy without thir Benediction, and for the better colour, made it a Sacrament ; being of it felf a Civil Ordinance, a houfhold Contract, a thing indifferent and free to the whole race of Mankind, not as religious, but as Men: beft, indeed, undertaken to religious ends, and as the Apoftle faith, 1 Cor. 7. In the Lord. Yet not therefore invalid or unholy without a Minifter and his pretended neceflary hallowing, more than any other Act, Enterprife or Con- tract of civil Life, which ought all to be don alfo in the Lord and to his. Glory: All which, no lefs than Marriage, were by the cunning of Priefts her- tofore, as material to thir Profit, tranfaéted at the Altar. Our Divines de- ny it to be,a Sacrament ; yet retain’d the Celebration, till prudently a late Parlament recover’d the Civil Liberty of Marriage from thir incroachment, and transferr’d the ratifying and 'regiftring therof from the Canonical Shop to the proper cognifance of Civil Magiftrates. Seeing then, that God hath given to Minifters under the Gofpel, that only which is juftly given them, that is to fay, a due and moderat Livelihood, the hire of thir labor, and that the heav-offering of Tithes is abolifh’d with the Altar, yea though not abolifh'd, yet lawles, as they enjoy them ; thir Melchifedecian Right alfo tri- vial and groundles, and both Tithes and groundles, and both Tithes and Fees, if exacted or eftablifh’d, unjuft and fcandalous ; we may hope, Hi
them
C 769 ) them remov’d, to remove Hirelings in fom good meafure, whom thefe temp- ting Baits, by Law efpecially to be recover’d, allure into the Church.
The next thing to be confider’d in the maintenance of Minifters, is by whom it fhould be given. Wherin though the Light of Reafon might fuffi- ciently inform us, it will be beft to confult the Scripture: Gal. 6.6. Let him that is taught in the word, communicate to him that teacheth, in all good things : that is to fay in all manner of Gratitude, to his ability. 1 Cor. 9.11. If we have fown unto you fpiritual things, ts it a great matter if we reap your carnal things ? To whom therfore hath not bin fown, from him wherfore fhould be reap’d? 1 Tim. 5.17. Let the Elders that rule well, be counted worthy of double honour ; efpecially they who labour in word and dot?vin. By thefe places we fee, that Recompence was given either by every one in particular who had bin in- ftructed, or by them allin common, brought into the Church-Treafury, and diftributed to the Minifters. according to thir feveral labors: and that was judg’d either by fom extraordinary Perfon, as Timothy, who by the Apoftle was then left Evangelift at Ephefus, 2 Tim.4.5. or by fom to whom the Church deputed that cave. This is fo agreeable to reafon and fo clear, that any one may perceive what Iniquity and Violence hath prevail’d fince in the Church, wherby it hath bin fo order’d, that they alfo fhall be compell’d to recompence the Parochial Minifter, who neither chofe him for thir Teacher, nor have receiv’d Inftruction from him, as being either infufficient, or not refident, or inferior to whom they follow ; wherin to bar them thir Choife, is to violate Chriftian Liberty. Our Law-books teftifie, that before the Councel of Lateran, in the year 1179, andthe fifth of our Henry 2. or rather before a.decretal Epiftle of Pope Innocent the Third, about 1200, and the firft of King Yobn, any Man might have given his Tithes to what fpiritual Perfon he would : ’ and, as the L. Coke notes on that place, Injtit. part 2. that this decretal bound not the Subjects of this Realm, but as it feemd juft and reafonables The Pope took his reafon rightly from the above cited place, 1 Cor. 9. 11. but falfly fuppos’d every one to be inftructed by his Parifh-Prieft. Whether this were then firft fo decreed, or rather long before, as may feem by the Laws of Edgar and Canute, that Tithes were to be paid, not to whom he would that paid them, but to the Cathedral Church or the Parifh Prieft, it imports not; fince the reafon which they themfelves bring, built on fals fuppofition, be- comes alike infirm and abfurd, that he fhould reap from me, who fows not to me, be the canfe either his defect, or my free choife. But here it will be readily obje&ed, What if they whoare to be inftructed be not able to main- tain a Minifter, as in many Villages? I anfwer, that the Scripture fhews in many places what ought tobe donherin. Firft loffer it to the reafon of any Man, whether he think the knowledg of Chriftian Religion harder than any other Art or Science to attain. I fuppofe he will grant that it is. far eafier, both of it felf, and in regard of God’s aflifting Spirit, not particularly pro- mis‘d us to the attainment ‘of any other Knowledg, but of this only: {ince it'was preach’d as well to the Shepherds of Bethleem by Angels, as to the Eaftern Wifemen by tliat Star: and our Saviour declares himfelf anointed to preach the Gofpel to the poor, Luke 4.18. then furely to thir Capacity. They who after him firft taught it, were otherwife unlearned Men: they who before Aus and Luther firft reform’d it, were for the meannes of thir condition call’d, the poor Men of Lions: and in Flanders at this day, les gueus, which is to fay, Beggars. Therfore are the Scriptures tranflated into every vulgar Tongue, as being held in main matters of Belief and Salvation, plain and eafie to the pooreft: and fuch no lefs than thir Teachers have the Spirit to guide them in all Truth, fob. 14.26. and 16.13. Hence we may con- ’ clude, if Men be not all thir life-time under a Teacher to learn Logic, na-
tural Philofophy, Ethics or Mathematics, which are more difficult, that cer- tainly it is not neceflary to the attainment of Chriftian Knowledg that Men fhould fit all thir life long at the feet of a pulpited Divine, while he, a lollard. indeed over his elbow-cufhion, in, almoft the feventh part of forty or fifty years teaches them fcarce half the Principles of Religion; and his Sheep oft- times fit the while to as little purpofe of benefiting as the Sheep in thir Pues at Smithfield; and for the moft part by fom Simony or other, bought and fold like them: or, if this Comparifon be too low, like thofe Women, 1 Tim.
5 F 3.4.
€ 770.)
3-7. Ever learning and never attaining , yet not fo much through thir own fault, "as through the unskilful and immethodical teaching of thir Paftor, teaching here and there at random out of this or that Text, as his eafe or fanfie, and oft-times:as his ftealth guides him. Seeing then that Chriftian Religion may be fo eafily attain’d, and by meanef Capacities, it cannet be much difficult to find ways, both how the poor, yeaall Men may be foon taught what isto be known of Chriftianity, and they who teach them,’recompenc’d. Firft, if Minifters of thir own accord, who pretend that they are call’d and fent to preach the Gofpel, thofe efpecially who have no particular Flock, would imitate our Saviour and his Difciples who went preaching through the Villa- ges, not only through the Cities, Adatth. 9. 35. Adark 6. 6, Luke 13. 22, Ads 8.25. and there preach’d to the poor as well as to the rich, looking for no recompence but in Heaven: ‘fobu 4.35,36. Look on the fields, for they are white already to'Harveft : «and he that reapeth, receiveth wages, and gathereth fruit unto Life eternal. - This was thir Wages. But they will foon reply, we our felves have not wherwithal ; who fhall bear the Charges of our Journey? To whom it may as foon be an{wer’d, that in likelihood they are not peorer than they who did thus ; and if they have not the fame Faith which thofe Difciples had to truftin God and the Promife of Chrilt for thir Maintenance as they did, and yet intrude into the Miniftery without any livelihood of thir own, they caft themfelves into a miferable hazard or temptation, and oft-times into a more miferable neceflity, either to ftarve, or to pleafe thir Paimafters ra ‘ther, than God; and give Men juft caufe to fufpect, that they came neither cail’d nor fent from above to, preach the Word, but trom below, by the in= itinct of thir own hunger, to feed upon the Church. Yet grant it needfot to allow them both the Charges of thir Journey and the Hire of thir Labor, it will belong next to the Charity of richer Congregations, where moft com= monly they abound with Teachers, to fend fome of thir number to the Vil- lages round, as the Apoftles fronr Ferufalem fent Peter and obn to the City and Villages of Samaria, Afls 8.14,25. or as the Church at Ferufalem fent Barnabas to, Antioch, chap. 11.22, and other Churches joining fent Luke to travail with Paul, 2 Cor.8, 19. though whether they had thir.Charges born ; by the Church or no, it be not recorded. . If it be objected that this itinerary preaching willnot ferve to plant the Gofpel in thofe places, unlefs they who are fent, abide there fom.competent time; I an{wer, that if they ftay there a year -or two, which was thelongeft time ufvally ftaid by the Apoftles in one -place, it may fuffice to teach them, who will attend and learn, all the Points of Religion neceflary to Salvation ; then forting them into feveral:Congrega- tions of a moderat number, out of the ableft and zealoufeft among them to create Elders, who, exercifing and requiring from themfelves- what they have learn’d (for no Learning is retain’d without conftant exercife and me- thodical repetition) may teach and govern the reft: and fo exhorted to continue faithful and ftedfaft, they may fecurely be committed to the Provi- dence of God and the guidance of his holy Spirit, till God may offer fom opportunity to vifit them again, and to confirm them: ‘which when they have don, they have donas much as the Apoftles were wont to do in propagating. the Gofpel, .Ad#s.14. 23. And when they. had ordain’d them Elders in every Church, and had pray'd. with fafting, they commended them to the Lord, on whom they be- lewd. And in the fame Chapter, Verf. 21,22. When they had preach’d' the Gofpel to that City, and had taught many, they returned again to Lyftra and to Iconium and Antioch, confirming the Souls of the Difciples, and exhorting them to continue in the Faith, And Chap.e15. 36. Let ws go again and vifit our Bre- tbren, And Verf.41. He went thorow Syria and Cilicia, confirming the Churches. To thefe I might add other helps, which we enjoy now, to make more eafie the attainment of Chriftian Religion by the meaneft: the entire Scripture tranflated into Englifh with plenty of Notes; and fom where or other, I truft, may be found fom wholfom body of Divinity, as they call it, without School Terms and Metaphyfical Notions, .which have obfcur’d rather than expland our Religion, and made it feem difficult without canfe. Thus taught once for all, and thus now and then vifited and confirm’d, in the moft deftitute and pooreft places of the Land, under-the Government of thir own Elders performing all Minifterial Offices among them, they. may be truited
to
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(771) to meet and edifie one another whether in Church or Chappel, or, to fave them the trudging of many miles thither, neerer home, though in a Houfe or Barn. For notwithftanding the gaudy Superftition of fom devoted ftill ignoranty to Temples, we may be well aflur’d that he who difdain’d not to be laid in a Manger, difdains not to be preach’d in a Barn; and that by fuch meetings as thefe, being indeed moft Apoftolical and Primitive, they will in a fhort time advance more in Chriftian Knowledg and Reformation of Life, than by the many years preaching of fuch an Incumbent, I may fay, fuch an Incubus oft-times, as will be meanly hir’d to abide long in thofe places. ‘They have this lett perhaps to object further, that to fend thus, and to maintain, though but fora year or two, Minifters and Teachers in feve- ral places, would prove chargeable to the Churches, though in Towns and Cities round about. To whom again I anfwer, that it was not thought fo by them who firft thus propagated the Gofpel, though but few in number to us, and much lefs able to fuftain the Expence. Yet this Expence would be much lefS than to hire Incumbents, or rather Incumbrances, for life-time; and a great means (whichis the fubject of this Difcourfe) to diminifh Hirelings. But be the Expence lefs or more, if it be found burdefifom to the Churchés, they have in this Land an eafie remedy in thir recourfe to the Civil Magi- ftrate ; who hath in his hands the difpofal of no fmall Revenues, left, per- haps, anciently to fuperftitious, but meant undoubtedly to good and beft. ufes; and therfore, once made publick, appliable by the prefent Magiftrate to fuch ufes as the Church, or folid Reafon from whomfoever, fhall con- vince him to think beft. And thofe ufes may be, no doubt, much rather than as Glebes and Augmentations are now beftow’d, to grant fuch requefts as thefe of the Churches; or to erect in greater number all over the Land Schools, and competent Libraries to thofe Schools, where Languages and Arts may be taught free together, without the needlefs, unprofitable and incon- venient removing to another place. Soall the Land would be foon better
’ civiliz’d, and they whoare taught freely at the publick Coft, might have thir
Education given them on this condition, that therwith content, they fhould not gad for Preferment out of thir own Country, but continue there thank- ful for what they receiv’d freely, beftowing it as freely on thir Country, without foaring above the meannes wherin they were born. But how they fhall live when they are thus bred and difmis’d, will be ftill the fluggifh Ob- jection. To which is anfwer’d, that thofe publick Foyndations may be fo in- ftituted, as the Youth therin may be at once brought up to a competence of Learning and to an honeft Trade; and the hours of teaching fo order’d, as thir ftudy may be no hinderance to thir labor or other calling. This was the breeding of S. Paul, though born of no mean Parents, a free Citizen of the Roman Empire: fo little did his Trade debafe him, that it rather enabl’d him to ufe that magnanimity of preaching the Gofpel through A/a and Euvope at his own charges: thus thofe Preachers among the poor Waldenjes, the ancient ftock of our Reformation, without thefe helps whichI {peak of, bred up themfelves in Trades, and efpecially in Phyficand Surgery, as well asin the ftudy of Scripture ( which is the only true Theology ) that they might be no burden to the Church; and by the Example of Chrift, might cure both Soul and Body, through induftry joining that to thir Miniftery, which he join’d to his by gift of the Spirit. Thus relates Peter Gilles in his Hiftory of the Waldenfes in Piemont. But our Minifters think {corn to ufea Trade, and count it the reproach of this Age, that Tradefmen preach the Gofpel. It were to be wifh’d they were all Tradefmen , they would not then fo many of them, for want of another Trade, make a Trade of thir preaching : and yet they clamor that Tradefmen preach ; and yet they preach, while they themfelves are the worft Tradefmen of 4ll. As for Church-Endowments and Pofleflions, I meet with none confiderable before Conftantine, but the Houfés and Gardens where they met, and thir places of burial: and I perfwade me; that from them the ancient Waldenfes, whom defervedly I cite fo often, held, That to endow Churches is an evil thing ; and, that the Church then fell off and turn’d Whore fitting on that Beaft in the Revelation, when under Pope Syl- wefter fhe receiv’d thofe Temporal Donations. So the forecited Traétat of thir Doétrin teftifies. This alfo thir own Traditions of ‘that heavenly Voice
4 Fra - witnefs’d,
(772) witnefs'd, and fom of the ancient Fathers then living forefaw and deplor’d. And indeed, how could thefe Endowments thrive better with the Church, being unjuftly taken by thofe Emperors, without fuffrage of the People, out of the Tributes and publick Lands of each City, wherby the People became liable to be opprefs’d with other Taxes. Being therfore given for the moft part by Kings and other publick~ Perfons, and fo likelieft out of the Publick, and if without the Peoples confent, unjuftly, however to pnblick ends of much concernment, to the good or evil of a Common- wealth, and in that regard made publick though given by private Perfons, or which is worfe, given, as the Clergy then perfwaded men, for thir Souls Health, a pious Gift, but as the truth was, oft-times a bribe to God, or to
Chrift for Abfolution, as they were then taught, for Murders, Adulteries, |
and other hainous Crimes ; what fhall be found hertofore given by Kings or Princes out of the publick, may juftly by the Magiftrate be recall’d and reap- propriated to the Civil Revenue: what by privat or publick Perfons out of thir own, the price of Blood or Luft, or to fom fuch purgatorious and fuperftiti- ous Ufes,. not only may but ought to be taken off from Chrift, asa foul difho- nour laid upon him, of not impioufly given, nor in particular to any one, but in general to the Churches good, may be converted to that ufe which fhall be judg’d tending more direétly to that general end. Thus did the Prin- ces and Cities of. Germany in the firft Reformation; and defended thir fo do- ing by many reafons, which are fet down at large in Sleidan, Lib.6. Anno 1526, and Lib. 11. Anno1537, and Lib.13. dnno1s40. But that the Ma- giftrate either out of that Church Revenue which remains yet in his hand, or eftablifhing any other Maintenance inftead of Tithe, fhould take into his own Power the ftipendiary maintenance of Church-minifters, or compel it. by Law, can ftand neither with the Peoples right, nor with Chriftian liberty, but would fufpend the Church wholly upon the State, and turn her Minifters into State-Penfioners. And for the Magiftrate in Perfon of a nurfing Father to make the Church his meer Ward, as always in Minority, the Church, to
- whom he ought asa Magiftrate, Efa.49. 23. To bow down with his face toward |
tbe Earth, and lick up the dujt of her Feet; her to fubje& to his political Drifts or conceiv’d opinions, by maftering her Revenue; and fo by his examinant committies to circum{cribe her free election of Minifters, is neither juft nor Pious; no honor don to the Church, but a plain difhonor: and upon her whofe only head isin Hgavep, yea upon him, whois her only Head, fets ano- ther in effect, and which is moft monftrous, a human ona Heavenly, a carnal ona Spiritual, a political Head on an Ecclefiaftical Body ; which at length by fuch heterogeneal, fuch inceftuous conjunction, transforms her oft-times into a Beaft of many Heads and many Horns. For if the Church be of all Societies the holieft on Earth, and fo to be reverenc'd by the Magiftrate, not to truft her with her own Belief and Integrity; and therfore not with the keeping, at leaft with the difpofing of what Revenue fhall be found juftly and lawfully her own, is to count the Church not a Holy Congregation, but a pack of gid- dy or difhoneft Perfons, to be rul’d by Civil Power in Sacred Affairs. But to proceed further in the Truth yet more freely, feeing the Chriftian Church is not National, but confifting of many particular Congregations, fubjeé toma- ny changes, as well through Civil Accidents, as through Schifm and various Opinions, not to be decided by any outward judg, being matters of Confci- ence, wherby thefe pretended Church Revenues, as they have bin ever, foare like to continue endles matter of Diflention both between the Church and Magiftrate, and the Churches among themfelves, there will be found no bet- ter remedy to thefe evils, otherwife incurable, then by the incorrupteft Coun- cil of thofe Waldenfes, or firft Reformers, to remove them asa Pelt, an ap- ple of difcord in the Church, (for what els can be the effe& of Riches, and ' the fnare of Money in Religion?) and toconvert them to thofe more profi- table Ufes above exprefs'd, or other fuch as fhall be judg’d moft neceflary 5 confidering that the Church of Chrift was founded in Poverty rather than in Revenues, ftood pureft and profper’d beft without them, receiv’d them un- lawfully from them who both erroneoufly and unjuftly, fomtimes impioufly, gave them, and fo juftly was enfnar’d and corrupted by them. And left it be thought that thefe Revenues withdrawn and better imploy’d, the ee
® rate
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ftrate ought inftead to fettle by Statute fom maintenance of Minifters, let this be confider’d firft, that it concerns every mans Confcience to what Religion he contributes ; and that the Civil Magiftrate is intrufted with Civil Rights only, not with Confcience, which can have no Deputy or reprefenter of it felf, but one of the fame Mind : next, that what each man gives to the Minifter, he gives either as to God, or as to his Teacher ; if as to God, no Civil Power can juftly confecrate to religious Ufes any part either of Civil Revenue, which is the Peoples, and muft {ave them from other Taxes, or of any mans propriety, but God by fpecial command, as he did by Afofes, or the owner himfelf by vo- luntary intention and the perfwafion of his giving it toGod. Forc’d Confe- crations out of another mans Eftate are no better then forc’d Vows, hateful te God, who loves a chearful giver; but much more hateful, wrung out of mens Purfes to maintain a difapprov’d Miniftry againit thir Confcience ; however unholy, infamous, and difhonorable to his Minifters, and the free Gofpel maintain’d in fuch unworthy manner as by Violence and Extortion. If he give it as to his Teacher,what Juftice or Equity compels him to pay for learning that Religion which leaves freely to his choice, whether he will learn itor no, whether of this Teacher or another, and efpecially to pay for what he never learn’d, or approves not; wherby, befides the wound of his Confcience, he becoms the lefs able to recompence his true Teacher? Thus far hath bin en- quir’d by whom Church-minifters ought to be maintain’d, and hath bin prov’d moft natural, moft equal and agreeable with Scripture, to be by them who re- ceive thir Teaching ; and by whom, if they be unable? Which ways well ob- ferv’d, can difcourage none but Hirelings, and will much leflen thir number in the Church. Omi. 2
It remains laftly to confider, in what manner God hath ordain’d that Re- compence be given to Minifters of the Gofpel; and by all Scripture it will ap- pear that he hath given it them not by Civil Law and Freehold, as they claim, but by the Benevolence and free Gratitude of fuch as receive them : Luke 10. 7, 8. Eating and drinking fuch things as they give you. If they recesve you, eat fuch things as are fet before you. Matth. 10. 7,8. As ye go, preach, faying, The Kingdom of God is. at hand, &c. Freely ye have veceiv'd, freely give. If God have ordain’d Minifters to preach freely, wheter they receive recom- pence or no, then certainly he hath forbid both them to compel it, and others to compel it for them. But freely given, he accounts it as given to himfelf : Philip. 4. 16,17, 18. Ye fent once and again to my neceffity: Not becaufe I defire a Gift ; but I defire Fruit that may abound to your account. Having receiv’d of Epaphroditus the things which were fent from you, an odor of fweet fmell, a fa# cvifice acceptable, well pleafing to God: Which cannot be from force or unwil- lingnes. The fame is faid of Alms, Heb. 13.16. Todo good and to communi~ cate, forget not 5 for with fuch Sacrifices God is well pleas'd. Whence the Primi+ tive Church thought it no fhame to receive all thir maintenance as the Alms of thir Auditors. Which they who defend Tithes, as if it made for thir caufe, when as it utterly confutes them, omit not to fet down at large ; proving to our hands out of Origen, Tertullian, Cyprian, and others, that the Clergy liv’d at firft upon the meer benevolence of thir Hearers,; who gave what they gave, not to the Clergy, but to the Church ; out of which the Clergy had thir Portions given them in Baskets, and were thence call’d fportularit, basket- clerks : that thir Portion was a very mean allowance, only for a bare liveli- hood ; according to thofe Precepts of our Saviour, A4atth.10.7, Oc. the reft was diftributed to the Poor. They cite alfo out of Profper, the difciple of St. Aujtin, that fuch of the Clergy as had means of thir own, might not without fin partake of Church-maintenance; not receiving thereby food which they abound with, -but feeding on the fins of other men: that the Ho- ly Ghoft faith of fuchClergy men, they eat the fins of my People; and thata Council at Antioch, in the year 340, fuffer’d not cither Prieft or Bifhop to live on Church-maintenance without Neceflity. Thus far Tithers themfelves have contributed to thir own confutation, by confefling that the Church liv’d pri- mitively on Alms. And Ladd, that about the year 359, Constantius the Em- peror having fummon’da general Council of Bihhops to Ariminum in Italy, and provided for thir fubfiftence there, the Briti/h and French bifhops judging
it not decent to live on the Publick, chofe rather to be at thir own nae hree
C774) Three only out of Britain conftrain'd through want, yet refufing offer’d af- fiftance from the reft, accepting the Emperor’s Provifion; judging it more convenient to fubfift by publick than by private fuftenance. Whence we may conclude, that Bifhops then in this [land had thir livelihood only from’ bene- volence ; inwhich regard this relater Sulpitius Severus, a good Author of the fame time, highly praifes them. And the Waldenfes, our firft Reformers, both from the Scripture and thefe Primitive examples, maintain’d thofe among them who bore the Office of Minifters, by Alms only. Take thir very words from the Hiftory written of them in French, Part 3. Lib. 2. Chap. 2. La nourriture © ce de quoy nous fommes converts, &c. Our Food and Clothing is fuffi- ciently adminifter'd and given to us by way of gratuity and Alms, by the good People whom we teach. \f then by Alms and Benevolence, not by legal force, not by tenure of Freehold or Copyhold: for Alms, though juft, cannot be com- pell’d ; and Benevolence forc’d, is Malevolence rather, violent and inconfiftent with the Gofpel ; and declares him no true Minifter therof, but a rapacious Hireling rather, who by force receiving it, eats the bread of Violence and Exaction, no holy or juft livelihood, no not civilly counted honeft ; much lefs befeeming fuch a {piritual Miniftry. But, fay they, our Maintenance is our due, Tithes the right of Chrift, unfeparable from the Prieft, no where repeal’d; if then, not otherwife to be had, by Law to be recover’d ; for though Paul were pleas’d to forgo his due, and not to ufe his Power, 1 Cor. 9.12. yet he had a Power, Ver. 4. and bound not others, I anfwer firft, be- caufe | fee’ them ftill fo loth to unlearn their decimal Arithmetic, and ftill grafp thir Tithes as infeparable from a Prieft, that Minifters of the Gofpel are not Priefts ; and therfore feparated from Tithes by thir own exclufion, be- ing neither call’d Priefts inthe New Teftament, nor of any Order known in Scripture: not of Melchifedec, proper to Chrift only ; not of Aaron, as they themfelves will confefs, and the third Priefthood only remaining, is com- mon to all the Faithful. But they are Minifters of our High Prieft. True, but not of his Priefthood, as the Levites were to Aaron ; for he performs that whole Office himfelf incommunicably. Yet Tithes remain, fay they, {till un- releasd, the due of Chrift,; and to whom payable, but to his Minifters? I fay again, thatno mancan fo underftand them, unlefs Chrift in fom place or other fo claim them. That example of Abram argues nothing but his voluntary aét ; honor once only don, but on what confideration, whether toa Prieft or toa King, whether due the honor, arbitrary that kind of ho- nor or not, will after all contending be left ftill in meer conje€ture: which mu{t not be permitted in the claim of fuch a needy and futtle fpirituat Cor- poration, pretending by divine right tothe Tenth of all other mens Eftates ; nor can it be allow’d by wife men, or the verdit of common Law. And the tenth part, though once declar’d Holy, is declar’d now to be no holier than the other nine, by that command to Peter, Ads 10. 15,28, whereby all di- ftinction of Holy and Unholy is remov’d from all things. Tithes therfore though claim’d, and Holy under the Law, yet are now releas’d and quitted both by that command to Peter, and by this to all Minifters abovecited, Luke 10. eating and drinking fuch things as they give you: made Holy now by thir free Gift only. And therfore S. Paul, 1 Cor. 9. 4. afferts his Power indeed ; but of what? not of Tithes, but, to eat and dvink fuch things as are given in reference to this command ; which he calls not Holy things, or things of the Gofpel, as if the Gofpel had any confecrated things in anfwer to things of the Temple, Ver. 13. but he calls them your Carnal things, Ver. 11. without changing thir property. And what Power had he? Not the Power of Force, but of Confcience only, ‘wherby he might lawfully and with- out fcruple live on the Gofpel ; receiving what was-given him, as the recom- pence of his Labor. For if Chrift the Mafter hath profefs’d his Kingdom tobe not of this World, it fuits not with that profeflion, either in him or his Minifters, to claim temporal Right from fpiritual Refpeéts. He who refus’d to be the divider of an Inheritance between two Brethren, cannot approve his Minifters, by pretended right from him, to be dividers of. Tenths and Free- holds out of other mens Poffeflions, making therby the Gofpel but a cldak of carnal Intereft, and, to the eontradiétion of thir Mafter, turning his hea- venly Kingdom into a Kingdom of this World, a Kingdom of Force and Ra-
pin:
C795 9 pin: To whom it will be one day thunder’d more terribly than to Gebazi, for thus difhonouring a far greater Mafter and his Gofpel ; is this atime to receive Money, and to receive Garments, and Olrve-yards, and Vineyards, and Sheep, and Oxen? The Leprofy of Maaman link’d with that Apoftolic curfe of perifhing imprecated on Simon Magus, may be fear?d will cleave to fuch and to thir feed forever, So that when all isdon,and Belly hath us’d in vain all her cunning fhifts, I doubt not but all true Minifters, confidering the demonftration of what hath bin.here, prov’d, will be wife, and think it mich more tolerable to hear that nd maintenance of Minifters, whether Tithes or any other, can be fettl’d by Statute, but muft be given by them who receive Inftruction ; and freely given, as God hath ordain’d. And indeed what can be a more honorable Mainte.. nance to them than fuch, whether Alms or willing Oblations, as thefe; which being accounted bothalike as given to God, the only acceptable Sacri- fices now remaining, mult needs reprefent him who receives them much in the care,of God, and nearly related to him, when not by worldly force and conttraifit, but with religious aw and reverence; what is given t6 God, is given to him; and what tohim, accountedas givento God. This would be well anough, fay they; but how many will fo give? I anfwer, as many, doubtles, as fhall be well taught, as many as God fhall fo move. Why are ye fo diftruitful, both of your own Doétrin and of God’s Promifes,° fulfill’d in the experience of thofe Difciples firft fent: Luke 22.35. When I fent you without Purfe, and Scrip, and Shooes, lacked ye any thing ? And they faid, No-’ thing. How then came ours, or who fent them thus deftitute, thus poor and’ empty bothof Purfe and Faith? Who ftile themfelves Embafladors of Jefus Chrilt, and feem to be his Tithe-gatherers, though an Office of thir own fetting- up to his Difhonor, his Exacters, his Publicans rather, not trufting that he. will maintain them in thir embafly, unlefs they bind him to his Pro- mife by a Statute-law, that we fhall maintain: them. Lay down’ for fhame that magnific Title, while ye feek Maintenance from the People: It is not the manner of Embafladors to ask Maintenance of them to whom they are fent. But he who is Lord of all things, hath fo ordain’d: truft him then; he doubt- les will command the People to make good his Promifes of Maintenance more honorably unask’d, unrak’d for. - This they know, this-they preach, yet be- lieve not: but think it as impoflible, without a Statute-law, to live of the Gofpel, as if by thofe words they were bid go eat thir Bibles, as Ezekiel and Yobn did thir Books ; and fuch Doétrins as thefe are as bitter to thir Bel- lies 5 but will ferve fo much the better todifcover Hirelings, who can have nothing, though but in appearance, juft and folid to anfwer for themfelves a- gain{t what hath bin here {poken, unlefs perhaps this one remaining Pretence, _ which we fhall quickly fee to be either fals or uaingenuous. They pretend that thir Education, either at School or Univerfity, hath bin , very chargeable, and therfore ought to be repair’d in future by a plentiful Maintenance : Whenas it is well known that the better half of them, and oft-times poor and pitiful Boys, of no merit or promifing hopes that might intitle them to the publick Provifion, but thir Poverty and the unjuft favour of Friends, have had the moft of thir breeding, both at School and Univer- fity, by Scholarfhips; Exhibitions and Fellowfhips at the Publick Coft, which might engage them the rather to give freely, as they have freely receiv’d. Or if they have mifs’d of thefe helps at the latter place, they haveafter two or three Years left the cours of thir ftudies there, if they ever well. began them, and undertaken, though furnifh’d with little els but Ignorance, Bold- nefSand Ambition, if with no worfe Vices, a Chaplainfhip in fom*Gentle- man’s houfe, to the frequent imbafing of his Sons with illiterate and narrow Principles. Or if they have liv'd there upon thir own, who knows not that - feven years Charge of living there, to them who fly not from the Govern- ment of thir Parents to the licenfe of a Univerfity, but com ferioully to ftu- dy, isno more than may be well defraid and reimburs’d by one year’s Reve-" nue of an ordinary good Benefice ? If they had then means of Breeding from thir Parents, ’tis likely they have more now ; and if they have, it needs muft be mechanick and uningenuous inthem, to bring a Bill of Charges for the learning of thofe liberal Arts and Sciences, which they have learn’d (if they have indeed learn’d them, as they feldom have) to thir own benefit and ac- , complifh-
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complifhment. But they will fay, we had betaken us to fom other Trade or Proteilion, had we not expected to find ‘a better Livelihood by the Miniftry. This is that. which [look’d for, to difcover them openly neither true lovers of Learning, and fo very feldom guilty of it, nor true Minifters of the Gofpel. So long ago out of date is that old true faying, 1 Tim. 3. 1. If a Man defire a Bifhoprick, be defires a good work: for now commonly he who defires to bt a
Minifter, looks not at the Work, but at the Wages; and by that Lure or Loubel, may be toald from Parifh to Parifh all the Townover. But what can be plainer Simony, than thus to be at Charges beforehand, to no other end
than to make thir Miniftry doubly or trebly beneficial ¢ To whom it might
be faid, as juftly as to that’Simon, Thy Mony perifh with thee, becaufe thou hajt
thought that the Gift of God may be purchas’d with Money; thou haft neither part
nor lot in this matter. Next, itis a fondError, though teo much believ’d a-
mong us, to think that the Univerfity makes a Minifter of the Gofpel;
what it may conduce to other Arts and Sciences, I difpute not now: but that
which makes fit a Miniiter, the Scripture can beft inform us to be only from
above, whence alfo we are bid to feek them; Mat. 9. 38. Pray ye therfore to
“the Lord of the Harveft, that he will fend forth Laborers into his Harveft. As 20.28. The Flock, over which the Holy Ghoft bath made you Overfeers. Rom.
10.15. How fhall they preach, unlefs they be fent ? By whom fent? by the U-
niverlity, or the Magiftrate, or thir Belly? No furely, but fent from God
only, and that God who is not thir Belly. And whether he be fent from
God, orfrom Simon Magus; the inward fenfe of his Calling and fpiritual A-
bility. will fufficiently tell him; and that ftrong Obligation felt within him,
which was felt by the Apoftle, will often exprefs from him the fame.words :
1 Cor. 9. 16. Neceffity 1 laid upon me, yea, Wo is me if I preach not the Go-
fpel. Not a beggarly neceflity, and the Wo fear’d otherwife of perpetual want, but fuch a neceflity as made him willing to preach the Gofpel gratis,
and to embrace Poverty, rather than asa Wo to fear it. 1 Cor.12.28. God
hath fet fom in the Church, firft Apoftles, &c. Ephef. 4.11, Gc. He gave fom Apoftles, &c. For the perfecting of the Saints, for the work of the Mtiniftry, for the edifying of the Body of Chrift, till we all come to the Unity of the Faith. Wherby we may know, that as he made them at the firft, fo he makes them
ftill, and to the World’s end., 2 Cor. 3.6. Who hath alfo made us fit or
able Minifters of the New Teftament. 1 Tim. 4. 14. The Gift that w in thee,
which was given thee by Prophefy, and the laying on of the Hands of the Pref-
bytery. Thefe are all the means which we read of requir’d in Scripture to
the making of a Minifter. All this is granted, you willfay ; but yet that it
is alfo requifite he fhould be train’d in other Learning ; which can be no where
better had than at Univerfities. Ianfwer, that what Learning, either Hu-
man or Divine, canbe neceflary to a Minifter, may as ealily and lefs charge- ably be had in any private houfe. How deficient els, and to how little pur-
pofe are all thofe piles of Sermons, Notes, and Comments on all parts of
the Bible, Bodies and Marrows of Divinity, befides all other’ Sciences, in our
-Englifh Tongue 3 many of the fame Books which in Latin they read at the Univerfity ? And the {mall neceflity of going thither to learn Divinity, I
prove firft from the moft part of themfelves, who. feldom continue there till
they have well got through Logic, thir firft Rudiments ; though, to fay truth,
Logic alfo may much better be wanting.in Difputes of Divinity, than in the
fubtile Debates of Lawyers and Statef{men, who yet feldom or never deal
with Syllogifms. Andthofe Theological Difputations there held by Profef- fors and Graduates, are fuch as tend leaft of all to the Edification or Capa- city of the People, but rather perplex and leven pure Doétrin with fchola-
~ ftical Trafh, than enable any Minifter to the better preaching of the Gofpel. Whence we may alfocompute, fince they com to reckonings, the charges of Ais needful Library: which, though fome fhame not to value at 6oo/. may be competently furnifh’d for 60 J. If any Man for his own curiofity or delight be in Books further expenfive, that is not to be reckon’d as neceflary to his minifterial, either Breeding or Function. But Papifts and other Adverfaries, cannot be confuted without Fathers and Councils, immenfe Volumes, and of vaft charges. I will fhew them therfore a fhorter and a better way of confu- tation: Tit.1.9. Holding faft the faithful Word, as he hath bin taught, that he may
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may be able by found Dottrin, both toexhort and to convince Gainfayers : who até confuted as foonas heard, bringing that which is either not in Scripture, or again{t ic. To perfue them further through the obfcure and intangl’'d Wood of Antiquity, Fathers and Councils fighting one againft another, is needlefs, endlefs, not requifite ina Minifter, and refus’d by the firft Reformers of our Religion. And yet we may be confident, if thefe things be thought needful, let the State but erect in publick good ftore of Libraries, and there will not want men in the Church, whoof thir own Inclinations will become able in this kind againft Papifts or any other Adverfary. I have thus at large exa- min’d the ufual Pretences of Hirelings, colour’d over moft common- ly with the caufe of Learning and Univerfities, asif with Divines Learn- ing ftood and fell, wherin for the moft part thir Pittance is fo fmall: and, to {peak freely, it were much better there were not one Divine in the Univerfi- ty, no School-divinity known, the idle Sophiftry of Monks, the Canker of Religion; and that they who intended to be Minifters, were train’d up in the Church only by the Scripture, and in the Original Languages therof at School; without fetching the compafs of other Arts and Sciences, more than _ what they can well learn at fecondary leafure, and at home. Neither {peak I this in contempt of Learning, or the Miniftry, but hating the common cheats of both ; hating that they who have preach’d out Bifhops, Prelats and : Canonifts, fhould, in what ferves thir own ends, retain thir fals Opinions, ’ thir Pharifaical Leven, thir Avarice, and clofely, thir Ambition, thir Plu- ralities, thir Nonrefidences, thir odious Fees, and ufe thir legal and Popifh Arguments for Tithes: That Independents fhould take that Name, as they may juftly fromthe true freedom of Cariftian Doétrin and Church-difciplin fubject to no fuperior Judg but God only, and feek to be Dependents on the Magiftrate for thir Maintenance ; which twothings, Independence and State- hire in Religion, can never contift long or certainly together. For Magi- ftrates at one time or other, not like thefe at prefent our Patrons of Chrifti- an Liberty, will pay none but fuch whom by thir Bice of Examination, they find conformable to thir Intereft and Opinions: And Hirelings will foon frame themfelves to that Intereft, and thofe Opinions which they fee beft pleafing to thir Paymafters ; and tofeem right themfelves, will force others asto the truth. But moft of all they are to be revil’d and fham’d, who cry out with the diftin& Voice of notorious Hirelings; that if ye fettle not our Maintenance by Law, farewel the Gofpel ; then which nothing can be ut- ter’d more fals, more ignominious, and, I may fay, more blafphemous a- gainft our Saviour ; who hath promis’d, without this Condition, both his-Ho- ly Spirit, and his own prefence with his Church to the World’s end: Nothing more fals (unlefs with thirown Mouths they condemn themfelves for the un- worthieft and moft mercenary of all other Minifters) by the experience of _ 300 Years after Chrift, andthe Churches at this day in France, Aujtria, Po- lonia, and other places, witnefling the contrary under an advers Magiftrate, not afavorable ; nothing more ignominious, levelling, or rather undervalu- ing Chrift beneath Adahomet. For if it muft bethus, how can any Chriftian object it toa Turk, that his Religion ftands by Force only; and not juftly fear from him this Reply, yours both by Force and Money in the judgment of your own Preachers? This is that which makes Atheiftsin the Land, whom they fo much complain of: not the want of Maintenance, or Preachers, as they allege, but the many Hirelings and Cheaters that have the Gofpel in thir hands ; hands that ftill crave, and are never fatisfi'd. Likely Minifters indeed, to proclaim the Faith, or to exhort our truftin God, when they them- felves will not truft him to provide for them in the Meflage wheron, they fay, he fentthem; but threaten, for want of temporal means, to defert it ; calling that want of means, whichis nothing els but the want of thir own Faith; and would force us to pay the hire of building our Faith to thir co- vetous Incredulity. Doubtlefs, if God only be he who gives Minifters to his Church till the World's end 5 and through the whole Gofpel never fent us far Minifters to the Schools of Philofophy, but rather bids us beware of fuch vain deceit, Col. 2.8. (which the Primitive Church, after two or three Ages not remembring, brought her felf quickly to confufion) if all the Faithful be now 4 Holy and a Royal Priefthood, 1 Pet. 2. 5, 9. not excluded from the Dif-
3G penfation
C778)
penfation of things holieft, after free election of the Church, and im pofition of hands, there will not want Minifters elected out of all forts and orders of Men, for the Gofpel makes no difference from the Magiftrate himfelf to the meaneft Artificer, if God evidently favour him with Spiritual Gifts, as he can eafily, and oft hath done, while thofe Batchelor Divines and Doctors of the Tippet have bin pafs’d by. Heretofore in the firft Evangelic Times, (and it were happy for Chriftendom if it were fo again) Minifters of the Gofpel were by nothing els diftinguifh’d from other Chriftians, but by thir fpiritual Knowledg and Sandtity of Life, for which the Church elected them to be her Teachers and Overfeers, though not therby to feparate them trom whatever calling fhe then found them following befides, as the Example of St. Paul declares, and the firft times of Chriftianity. When once they af- fected to be call’da Clergy, and became, as it were, a peculiar Tribe of Le- vites, a Party, a diftinct Order in the Commonwealth, bred up for Divines in babling Schools, and fed at the Publick Coft, good for nothing eis but what was good for nothing, they foon grew idle: that Idlenefs, with fulnefs of Bread, begat pride and perpetual contention with thir Feeders the defpis’d Laity, through all Ages ever fince; to the perverting of Religion, and the difturbance of all Chriftendom. And we may confidently conclude, it never will be otherwife while they are thus upheld undepending on the Church, on which alone they anciently depended, and are by the Magiftrate publickly . maintain’d a numerous Faction of indigent Perfons, crept for the moft part out of extream want and bad nurture, claiming by divine right and freehold the tenth of our Eftates, to monopolize the Miniftry as thir peculiar, which is free and open to all able Chriftians, elected by any Church. Under this pretence exempt from all other Imployment, and inriching themfelves on the publick, they laft of all prove common Incendiaries, and exalt thir Horns a- gainft the Magiftrate himfelf that maintains them, as the Prieft of Rome did foon after againft his Benefactor the Emperor, and the Presbyters of late in Scotland. Of which hireling Crew, together with all the Mifchiefs, Diflen- tions, Troubles, Wars meerly of thir. kindling, Chriftendom might foon rid her felf and be happy, if Chriftians would but know thir own Dignity, thir Liberty, thir Adoption, and Jet it not be wonder’d if I fay, thir fpiri- tual Priefthood, wherby they have all equally accefs to any minifterial Fun- ction, whenever call’d by thir own Abilities, and the Church, though they never came near Commencement or Univerfity. But while Proteftants, to avoid the due labor of underftanding thir own Religion, are content to lodg it in the Breaft, or rather in the Books of a Clergyman, and to take it thence by {craps and mammocks, as he difpenfes it'in his Sundays Dole ; they will be always learning, and never knowing ; always Infants ; always either his Vaf- fals, as Lay-papifts are to thir Priefts,; or at odds with him, as reformed Principles give them fom light to be not wholly conformable; whence infinit difturbances in the State, as they do, muft needs follow. Thus much IJ had to fay ; and, I fuppofe, what may be anough to them who are not avarici- oufly bent otherwife, touching the likelieft means to remove Hirelings out of the Church, then which nothing can more conduce to Truth, to Peace and all Happinefs both in Church and State. If Ibe not heard nor beliew'd, the Event will bear me witnefs to have fpoken Truth ; and I, in the mean while, have born my Witnefs, not out of feafon to the Church and to my Coun- trey.
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Ee rT 8 a.
"asia * tei Helles Daal ie BP Concerning the Ruptures of the Commonwealth: Publifh’d from the Manutcript.
SIR,
PON the fad and ferious Difcourfe which we fell into laft night, concerning thefe dangerous Ruptures of the Commonwealth, fcarce , yet in her Infancy, which cannot be without fome inward flaw in her Bowels;, I began to confider more intenfly theron than hi- therto I have bin wont, refigning my felf to the Wifdom and Care
of thofe who had the Government ; and not finding that either God, or the Publick requir’d more of me, than my Prayers for them that govern. And fince you have not only ftir’d up my thoughts, by acquainting me with the itate of Affairs, more inwardly than I knew before; but alfo have defired me to fet down my Opinion therof, trufting to your Ingenuity, I fhall give you ° freely my apprehenfion, both of our prefent Evils, and what Expedients, if God in Mercy regard us, may remove them. I will begin with telling you how I was over-joy’d, when! heard that the Army, under the working of God’s holy Spirit, as | thought, and ftill hope well, had bin fo far wrought to Chriftian Humility, and Self-denial, as to confefS in publick thir back- fliding from the good Old Caufe, and to fhew the fruits of thir Repentance, in the righteoufnefS of thir reftoring the old famous Parliament, which they had without juft Authority diflolved: I call itthe famous Parliament, tho not the harmles, fince none well-affected, but will confes, they have deferved much more of thefe Nations, than they have undeferved. And I perfwade me, that God was pleas’d with thir Reftitution, figning it, as he did, with fuch a fignal Victory, when fo great a part of the Nation were defperate- ly confpir’d to call back again thir Egytian Bondage. So muchthe more it now amazes me, that they, whofe Lips were yet fcarce clos’d from giving Thanks for that great Deliverance, fhould be now relapfing, and fo foon again backfliding into the fame fault, which they confeft fo lately, and fo fo- Jemnly to God and the World, and more lately punifh'd in thofe Chefhire Rebels; that they fhould now diffolve that Parliament, which they themfelves re-eftablifh’d, and acknowledg’d for thir Supreme Power in thir other days humble Reprefentation: and all this, for no apparent caufe of publick Concernment to the Church or Commonwealth, but only for difcommiflioning nine great Officers in the Army ; which had not bin don, as is reported, but upon notice of thir Intentions againft the Parliament. 1 prefume not to give my Cenfure on this Action, not knowing, as yetI do not, the bottom of it. { {peak only what it appears to us without doors, till better caufe be declar’d, and I am fure to all other Nations moft illegal and fcandalous, I fear me bar- barous, or rather fcarce to be exampl’d among any Barbarians, that a paid Army fhould, for no other caufe, thus fubdue the Supream Power that fet them up. This, I fay, other Nations will judg to the fad difhonour of that Army, lately fo renown’d for the civileft and beft order’d in the World, and by us here at home, for the moft confcientious. Certainly, if the great sa 2 Officers
( 780 ) . Officers and Souldiers of the Holland, French or Venetian Forces, fhould thus fit in Council, and write from Garifon.to Garifon againft their Superiors, the might as eafily reduce the King of France, or Duke of Venice, and put the United Provinces in like Diforder and Confulion. Why do they not, being moft of them held ignorant of true Religion? becaufe the Light of Naturg, the Laws of Human Society, the Reverence of their Magiftrates, Covenants, Engagements, Loyalty, Allegiance, keeps them in awe. How grievous will it then be? how infamous to the true Religion which we profefs? how dif- honorable to the Name of God, that his Fear and the power of his Know- iedg in an Army profefling to be his, fhould not work that Obedience, that Fidelity to thir Supream Magiftrates, that levied them, and paid them, when the Light of Nature, the Laws of Human Society, Covenants, and Contraéts, - yea common Shame works in other Armies, amongft the worft of them? Which will undoubtedly pull down the heavy Judgment of God among us, * who cannot but avenge thefe Hypocrilies, Violations of Truth’and Holines ; if they be indeed foas they yet feem. For, neither do I fpeak this in re- proach to the Army, but as jealous of thir Honour, inciting them to ma- . nifeft and publifh, with all fpeed, fome better caufe of thefe thir late AGi- ons, than hath hitherto appear’d, and to find out the Achan amongft them, whofe clofe Ambition in all likelihood abufes thir honeft Natures againft thir meaning to, thefe Diforders; thir readielt way to bring in again the common Enemy, and with him the Delitruction of true Religion, and civil Liberty. But, becaufe our Evils are now grown more dangerous and ex- tream, than to be remedi’d by Complaints, it concerns us now to find out what Remedies may be likelieft to fave us from approaching Ruin. Being now in Anarchy, without a’ counfelling and governing Power; and the Army, I fuppofe, finding themfelves infufficient to difcharge at once both Military and Civil Affairs, the firft thing to be found out with all fpeed, with- out which no Commonwealth can fubfift, muft be a Senate, or General Council of State, in whom muft be the Power, firft, to preferve the publick Peace, next the Commerce with Foreign Nations ; and laftly, to raife Mo- nies for the Management of thefe Affairs: this muft either be the Parliament’ readmitted to fit, or a Council of State allow’d of by the Army, fince they only now have the Power. The Termsto be ftood on are, Liberty of Confcience to all profefling Scripture to be the Rule of thir Faith and Worfhip; and the Abjuration of a fingle Perfon. If the Parliament be again thought on, to falve Honour on both fides, the well-affected: Party of the City, and the congregated Churches, may be induced to mediate by publick Addreffes, and brotherly befeechings, which, if there be that Saintfhip among us which is talk’d of, ought to be of higheft and undeniable Perfwafion to Reconcilement. If the Parliament be thought well diffolv’d, as not complying fully to grant Liberty of Confcience, and the neceflary Confequence therof, the removal of a forc’d Maintenance from Minifters, then muft the Army forthwith choofe a Council of State, wherof as many to be of the Parliament, as are undoubtedly affected to thefe two Conditions propos’d. That which I conceive only able to cement, and unite for ever the Army, either to the Parliament recall?’d, or this chofen Council, muft be a mutual League and Oath, private or publick, not to defert one another till Death: That is to fay, that the Army be kept up, and all thefe Officers in thir places during Life, and fo likewife the Parliament, or Counfellors of State; which will be no way un- jult, confidering thir known Merits on either fide, in Councel or in Field, unlefs any be found falfe to any of ‘thefe two Principles, or otherwife perfo- nally criminous‘in the Judgment of both Parties. If fucha Union as this be not accepted on the Army’s part, be confident there is a fingle Perfon under-. neath. That the Army be upheld, the neceflity of our Affairs and Factions will conftrain long enough perhaps, to content the longeft Liver in the Ar- my. And whether the Civil Government be an annual Democracy, or a perpetual Ariftocracy, is not to me a Confideration for the Extremities wher- in we are, and the hazard of our Safety from our common Enemy, gaping at prefent to devour us. That it be not an Oligarchy, or the Faction of a ew, may be eafily prevented by the Numbers of thir own choofing, who may be found infallibly conftant to thofe two Conditions forenam’d, full mc )
, ( 781 )
of Confcience, and the Abjuration of Monarchy propos’d: and the well- Order’d Committies of thir faithfulleft Adherents in every County may give this Government the refemblance and effects of a perfect Democracy. As for the Reformation of Laws, and the places of Judicature, whether to be here, as at prefent, or in every County, as hath bin long aim’d at, and many fuch Propofals, tending no doubt to publick good, they may be con- fider’d in due time when we are paft.thefe pernicious Pangs, in a hopeful way of Health, and firm Conftitution. But unlefs thefe things, which I have above propos’d, one way or other, be once fettl’d, in my fear, which God avert, we inftantly ruin; or at beft become the Servants of one or o- ther fingle Perfon, the fecret Author and Fomenter of thefe Difturbances, You have the fum of my prefent Thoughts, as much as I underftand of thefe Affairs freely imparted, at your requeft, and the Perfwafion you wrought in me, that I might chance herby to be fome way ferviceable to the Com- monwealth, in a timge when all ought to be endeavouring what good they can, whether much,”or but little. With this you may do what you pleafe, ‘put out, put in, communicate or fupprefs: you offend not me, who only have obey'd your Opinion, that in doing what I have don, I might happen to offer fomthing which might be of fom ufe in this great time of need. However, I have not bin wanting to the opportunity which you prefented before me, of fhewing the readines which I have in the midft of my Unfit- nes, to what ever may be requir’d of me, as a publick Duty.
OGober 20. 1659.
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| ( 783 ) The ready and eafy way to eftablith a Free Commonwealth, And the Excellence therof,
Cc ompar’d with the Inconveniencies and Dangers
of readmitting Kingfhip in this Nation.
—— Et nos Confilium dedimus Sy\le, demus populo nunc.
Lthough fince the writing of this Treatife, the face of things hath had fom change, Writs for new Elections have bin recall’d, and the Members at firft chofen, readmitted from exclufion; yet not a little rejoicing to hear declar’d the Refolution of thofe who are in Power, tending to the eftablifhment of a Free Commonwealth, _
and to remove, if it be poflible, this noxious humor of returning to Bon- dage, inftill?d of late by fom Deceivers, and nourifh’d from bad Principles and fals Apprehenfions among too many of the People, I thought beft not to fupprefs what I had written, hoping that it may now be of much more ufe and concernment to be freely publifh’d, in the midft of our EleGionsto a Free Parlament, or thir fitting to confider freely of the Government ; whom it behoves to have all things reprefented to them that may direct thir Judgment therin ; and I never read of any State, fcarce of any Tyrant grown {o incu- rable, as to refufe Counfel from any in a time of publick Deliberation, much lefs to be offended. If thir abfolute Determination be to enthral us, before. fo long a Lent of Servitude, they may permit us a little Shroving-time firft, wherin to {peak freely, and take our leaves of Liberty. - And becaufe in the former Edition, through hafte, many Faults efcap’d, and many Books were fuddenly difpers’d, ere the Note to mend them could be fent, I took the op- portunity from this occafion to revife and fomwhat to enlarge the whole Difcourfe, efpecially that part which argues for a perpetual Senate. The Treatife thus revis’d and enlarg’d, is as follows.
The Parlament of England, aflifted by a great number of the People who appear’d and ftuck to them faithfulleft in defence of Religion and thir Civil Liberties, judging Kingfhip by long experience a Government unneceflary, burdenfom and dangerons, juftly and magnanimoufly abolifh’d it, turning regal. Bondage into a free Commonwealth, tothe Admiration and Terrour of our emulous Neighbours: They took themfelves not bound by the Lightof Nature or Religion to any former Covnant, from which the King himfelf, by many Forfeitures of a latter date or difcovery, and our own longer confideration theron, had more and more unbound us, both to himfelf and his pofterity ; as hath been ever the Juftice and the Prudence of all wife Nations that have ejected Tyranny. They covnanted to preferve the King’s Perfon and Authority, in the prefervation of the true Religion, and our Liberties not in his endeavour- ing ‘to bring in upon our Confciences, a Popifh Religion ; upon our Liberties, Thraldom; upon our Lives, Deftruction, by his occafioning, if not complot- ing, as wasafter difcovered, the Ivifi Maflacre; his fomenting and ae
the
( 784.)
the Rebellion ; his covert leaguing with the Rebels againft us; his refufing, .
more than feven times, Propofitions moft juft and neceffary to the true Reli- gion and our Liberties, ‘tender’d him by the Parlament both of England and Scotland. They made not thir Covnant concerning him with no difference betweena King and a God ; or promis’d him, as Job did to the Almighty, to truft in bim though he flay uw : They underftood that the folemn Ingage-. ment, wherin we all forfwore Kingfhip, was no more a breach of the Coy- nant, than the Coynant was of the Proteftation before, but a faithful and prudent going on both in words well weigh’d, and in the true fenfe of the Covnant, without refpec? of Perfons, when we could not ferve two contra-
ry Mafters, God and the King, or the King and that more fupreme Law,
fworn in the firft place to maintain, our Safety and our Liberty. They knew _the People of England to be a free People, themfelves the Reprefenters of that Freedom; and although many were excluded, and asmany fled (fo they pretended) from Tumults to Oxford, yet they were left a fufficient Number to actin Parlament, therfore not bound by any Statute of preceding Parla- ments, but by the Law of Nature only, which is the only Law of Laws truly and properly to all Mankind fundamental ; the beginning and the end of all Government, to which no Parlament or People that will throughly reform, but may and muft have recourfe, as they had, and muft yet have, in Church- Reformation (if they throughly intend it) to Evangelic Rules; not to Ec- clefiaftical Canons, though never fo ancient, fo ratifi'd and eftablifh’d in the Land by Statutes, which for the moft part are meer pofitive Laws, neither natural nor moral; and fo by any Parlament, for juft and ferious Confidera- tions, without fcruple to be at any time repeal’d. If others of thir Number in thefe things were under Force, they were not, but under free Confcience ; if others were excluded by a Power which they could not refift, they were not therfore to leave the Helm of Government in no hands, to difcontinue thir care of the Public Peace and Safety, to defert the People in Anarchy and Confufion, no more than when fo many of thir Members left them, as made up in outward Formality a more legal Parlament of three Eftates againft them. The beft affected alfo, and beft principl’d of the People, ftood not numbring or computing, on which fide were moft Voices in Parlament, but on which » fide appear’d to them moft Reafon, moft Safety, when the Houfe divided up- on main Matters: What was well motion’d and advis’d, they examin’d not whether Fear or Perfwafion carried itin the Vote, neither did they meafure Votes and Counfels by the Intentions of them that voted ; knowing that In- tentions either are but guefs’d at, or not foonanough known; and although good, can neither make the Deed fuch, nor prevent the Confequence from being bad: Suppofe bad Intentions in things otherwife welldon, what was
well don, was by them who fo thought, not the lefs obey’d or follow7d in the '
State; fince in the Church, who had not rather follow Ifcariot or Simon the Magician, though to covetous Ends, preaching, than Saul, though in the up- rightnefs of his Heart perfecuting the Gofpel? Safer they therfore judg’d
what they thought the better Counfels, though carried on by fome perhaps — to bad Ends, then the wors by others, though endeavor’d with beft Intenti-.
ons: and yet they were not to learn that a greater Number might be cor- rupt withinthe Walls of aParlament, as well as of a City; wherof in Mat-
ters of neareft concernment all Men will be judges; nor eafily permit, that »
the Odds of Voices in thir greateft Council, fhall more endanger them by. corrupt or credulous Votes, than the Odds of Enemies by open Aflaults ; judging that,moft Voices ought not always to prevail where main Matters are in queftion. If others hence will pretend to difturb all Counfels ; what is that to
them who pretend not, but arein real danger ; not they only fo judging, buta — great, tho not the greateft Number of thir chofen Patriots, who might bemore =
in Weight than the others in Number ; there being in Number little Vertue,but by Weight and Meafure Wifdom working all things: and the Dangers on ei- ther fide they ferioufly thus weigh’d : From the Treaty, fhort Fruits of long La- bours, and 7 years War ; Security for 20 Years, if we can hold it ; Reformation in the Church for three Years: then put to fhift again with our vanquifh’d Ma- fter. His Juftice, his Honour, his Confcience declar’d quite contrary to
ours; which would have furnifh’d him with many fuch Evafions, as ina Book .
entitl’d,
C785")
entitl’d, x Inquifition for Blood, foon after were not conceal’d : Bifhops not totally remov’d, but left, asit were, in Ambufh, a Referve, with Ordinati- on in thir fole Power ; thir Lands already fold, not to be alienated, but ren- ted, and the fale of them call’d Sacrilege ; Delinquents, few of many brought to condign Punifhment ; Acceflories punifh:'d; the chief Author, above Par- don, though after utmoft Refiftance, vanquifh’d ; not to give, but to receive Laws; yet befought, treated with, and to be thank’d for his gracious Con- ceflions, to be honour’d, worfhip’d, glorifi'd. If this we fwore todo, with what Righteoufnefs in the fight of God, with what Aflurance that we bring not by fuch an Oath, the whole Sea of Blood-guiltinefs upon our own Heads ? If on the other fide we prefer a Free Government, though for the prefent not obtain’d, yet all thofe fuggefted Fears and Difficulties, as the Event will prove, ealily overcome, we remain finally fecure from the exafperated Regal Power, and out of Snares 5 fhall retain the belt part of our Liberty, which is our Religion, and the civil part will be from thefe who defer us, much more eafily recover’d, being neither fo futtle nor fo awful as a King reinthron’d. Nor were thir Actions lefs both at home and abroad, than might become the hopes of a gtorious rifing Commonwealth: Nor were the Expreflions both of Army and People, whether in thir publick Declarations, or feveral Writings other than fuchas teftifi'd a Spirit in this Nation, no lefS noble and well fitted to the Liberty of a Commonwealth, than in the ancient Greeks or Romans. Nor was the heroic Caufe unfuccestully defended to all Chriften- dom, againft the Tongue of a famous and thought invincible Adverfary ; nor the Conftancy and Fortitude that fo nobly vindicated our Liberty, our Victory at once againit two the mojt prevailing Ufurpers over Mankind, Su- perftition and Tyranny unprais’d or uncelebrated ina written Monument, likely to outlive Detra¢tion, as it hath hitherto convine’d or filenc’d not a few of our Detractors, efpecially in parts abroad. After our Liberty and Religion thus profperoufly fought for, gain’d, and many Years poflefs’d, ex- cept in thofe unhappy Interruptions, which God hath remov’d ; now that nothing remains, but in all reafon the certain hopes of a {peedy and imme- diat Settlement for ever in a firm and free Commonwealth, for this extoll’d and magnifi?d Nation, regardlefs both of Honour won, or Deliverances voutfaf’t from Heaven, to fallback, or rather to creep back fo poorly, as it feems the multitude would, to thir once abjur’d and detefted Thraldom of Kingfhip, to be our felves the flanderers of our own juft and religious Deeds, though don by fom to covetous and ambitious Ends, yet not therfore to be ftain’d with thir Infamy, or they to afperfe the Integrity of others; and yet thefe now by revolting from the Confcience of Deeds well done, both in Church and State, to throw away and forfake, or rather to betray a juft and noble Caufe for the mixture of bad Men who have ill manag’d and abus’d it, (which had our Fathers done heretofore, and on the fame pretence deferted true Religion, what had long ere this become of our Gofpel, and all Prote- {tant Reformation fo much intermixt with the Avarice and Ambition of fom Reformers? ) and by thus relapfing, to verify all the bitter Predictions of our triumphing Enemies, who will now think they wifely difcern’d and juftly cen- fur’d both us and all our Actions as rafh, rebellious, hypocritical and impi- ous, not only argues a ftrange degenerate Contagion fuddenly fpread among us, fitted and prepar’d for new Slavery, but will render usa Scorn and De- rifion to all our Neighbours. And what will they at beft fay of us, and of the whole Engli/s Name, but fcoflingly, as of that foolifh Builder mention’d by our Saviour, who began to build a Tower, and was not able to finifh it ? Where is this goodly Tower of a Commonwealth, which the Englifh boafted they would build to overfhadow Kings, and be another Rome in the Welt ? The Foundation indeed they taid gallantly, but fell into a wors Confufion, not of Tongues, but of Factions, than thofe at the Tower of Babel; and have left no Memorial of thir Work behind them remaining, but in the common Laughter of Exrope. Which muft needs redound the more to our fhame, if we but look on our Neighbours the United Provinces, to us inferior in all out- ward Advantages; who notwithftanding, in the midft of greater Difficul- ties, couragioully, wifely, conftantly went through with the fame Work, and
5 H : are
( 786 )
are fettl’d in all the happy enjoyments of a potent and flourifhing Republic to this day. }
Belides this! if we return to Kingfhip, and foon repent, as undoubtedly we fhall, when we begin to find the old encroachments coming on by little and little upon our Confciences, which muft neceflarily proceed from King and Bifhop onited infeparably in one Intereft, we may be forc’d perhaps to fight over again allthat we have fought, and fpend over again all that we have fpent, but are never like to attain thus far as we are now advanc’d to the re- _ covery of our Freedom, never to have it in pofleflion as we now have it, ne- vet to be vouchfaft hereafter the like Mercies and fignal Affiftances from Hea- ven in our Caufe: if by our ingrateful backfliding we make thefe fruitlefs, flying now to regal Conceflions from his divine condefcenfions, and gracious anfwers to our once importuning Prayers againft the Tyranny which we then’ groan’d under ; making vain and viler than dirt, the Blood of fo many thou- {and faithful and valiant Engli/h men, who left us in this Liberty, bought with thir Lives ; lofing bya ftrange after-game of Folly, all the battels we -have won, together with all Scotland as to our Conqueft, hereby loft, which never ~ any of our Kings could conquer, all the Treafure we have fpent, not that cor- ruptible Treafure only, but that far more precious of all our late miraculous Deliverances; treading back again with loft labour, all our happy fteps in the progrefs of Reformation, and moft pitifully depriving our felves the inftant fruition of that free Government which we have fo dearly purchas’d, a free Commonwealth, not only held by wifeft men in all Ages the nobleft, the man- licft, the equalleit, the jufteft Government, the moft agreeable to all due Liberty and proportion’d Equality, both Human, Civil, and Chriftian, moft cherifhing to Vertue and true Religion, butalfo (I may fay it with greateft probability) plainly commended, or rather enjoin’d by our Saviour himfelf, to all Chriftians, not without remarkable difallowance, and the brand of Genti- lifmupon Kingfhip. God in much difpleafure gave a King to the Ifraelites, and imputed it a fin to them that they fought one: but Chrift apparently forbids his Difciples to admit of any fuch heathenifh Government , The Kings of the Gentiles, faith he, exercife Lordfhip over them; and they that exercife Au- thority upon them are cal?d Benefactors: but ye fhall not be fo, but he that is great- eft among you, let him be as the younger , and he that is chief, as he that ferveth. The occafion of thefe his words was the ambitious defire of Zebede’s two Sons, to be exalted above thir Brethren in his Kingdom, which they thought was to be ere long upon Earth. Thathe {peaks of Civil Government, is manifeft by the former part of the Comparifon, which infers the other part to be always in the fame kind. And what Government comes nearer to this precept of Chrift, than-a free Commonwealth; wherin they who are greateft, are perpe- tual Servants and drudges to the public at thir own coft and charges, neg- lect thir own Affairs, yet are not elevated above thir Brethren; live foberly in thir Families, walk the Streets'as other men, may be fpoken to freely, ° familiarly, friendly, without Adoration? Wheras a King mouft be ador’d like a Demigod, witha diflolute and haughty Court about him, of vaft ex- pence and Luxury, Masks and Revels, to the debauching of our prime Gentry both Male and Female; not in thir paftimes only, but in earneft, by the loos imployments of Court-fervice, which will be then thought honorable. There will be a Queen of no lefs charge; in moft likelihood Outlandifh and a Papift, befidesa Queen-mother fuch already ; together with both thir Coufts and numerous Train: then a Royal iffue, and ere long feverally thir fump- tuous Courts; tothe multiplying of a fervil Crew, not of Servants only, but of Nobility and Gentry, bred up then to the hopes not of Publick, but of Court-Offices, to be Stewards, Chamberlains, Ufhers, Grooms, even of the Clofe-{tool ; and the lower thir Minds debas’d with Court-opinions, contrary to all Vertue and Reformation, the haughtier will be thir Pride and Profufe- nefs. Wemay well remember this not long fince at home ; or need but look at prefent into the French Court, where Enticements and Preferments daily draw away and pervert the Proteftant Nobility. Astothe burden of expence, to our coft we fhall foon know it; for any good to us deferving to be term’d no better than the vaft and lavifh price of our fubjeétion, and thir > erate
whic
(7849)
which we are naw fo greedily cheapning, and would fo fain be paying moft inconfideratly to a fingle Perfon ; who for any thing wherin the public really needs him, will havelittle els todo, but to beftow the eating and drinking of exceflive Dainties, to fet a pompous face upon the fuperficial aGtings of State, to pageant himfelf up and down in Progrefs among the perpetual bowing and cringings of an abject People, on either fide deifying and adoring him for nothing done that can deferve it. Forwhat can he more than another man ? who even in the expreflion of a late Court-poet, fits only like a great Cypher fet tono purpofe before a long row of other {ignificant Figures, Nay, it is well and happy for the People if thir, King be but aCypher, being oft times a Mifchief, a Peft, afcourge of the Nation, and which is wors, not to be re- mov'd, not tobe controul’d, much lefs accus'd or brought to punifhment, without the danger of a common ruin, without the fhaking and almoft fub- verlion of the whole Land: wheras in a free Commonwealth, any Governor or chief Counfelor offending, may be remov’d and punifi’d without the leait Commotion. Certainly then that People muft needs be mad or ftrangely in- fatuated, that build the chief hope of thir common happinefs or fafety on a fingle Perfon,; who if he happen to be good, can do no more than another man 5 if tobe bad, hath in his hands to do more evil without check, then millions of other men. The happinefs of a Nation muft needs be firmeft and certaineft ina full and free Council of thir own electing, where no fingle Per- ° fon, but Reafon only fways. And what madnefs is it for them who might ma- nage nobly thir own Affairs themfelves, fluggifhly and weakly to devolve all on a ingle Perfon ; and more like Boys under Age than Men, to commit all to his patronage and difpofal, who neither can perform what he undertakes, and yet for undertaking it, though royally paid, will not be thir Servant, but thir Lord? How unmanly muft it needs be, to count fuch a one the breath of our Noftrils, to hang all our felicity on him, all our fafety, our well-being, for which if we were aught els but Sluggards or Babies, we need depend on none but God and our own Counfels, our own ative Vertue and Induftry. Go tothe Ant, thou fluggard, faith Solomon 3 confider her ways, and be wife ; which having no Prince, Ruler, or Lord, provides her Meat in the Summer, and gathers her food in the Harveft : which evidently fhews us, that they who think the Nation un- don without a King, though they look grave or haughty, have not fo much true Spirit and Underftanding in them as a Pifmire: neither arethefe diligent Creatures hence concluded to live in lawlefs anarchy, or that commended, but are fet the examples to imprudent and ungovern’d men, of a frugal and felf-governing Democraty or Commonwealth ; fafer and more thriving in the joint Providence and.Counfel of many induftrious equals, thanunder the fingle domination of one imperious Lord. It may be well wonder’d that any Nati- on ftiling themfelves free, can fuffer any man to pretend Hereditary right o- ver them as thir Lord, whenas by acknowledging that Right, they conclude themfelves his Servants and his Vaflals, and fo renounce thir own freedom. Which how a People and thir Leaders efpecially can do, who have fought fo glorioufly for Liberty ; how they can change thir noble Words and Actions, heretofore fo becoming the majefty of a free People, into the bafe neceflity of Court-flatteries and Proftrations, is not only ftrange and admirable, but la. mentable to thinkon. That a Nation fhould be fo valorous and courageous to win thir Liberty in the Field, and when they have won it, fhould be fo heartlefs and unwife in thir Councils, as not to know how to ufe it, value it, What to do with it, or with themfelves ; but after ten or twelve years. pro- {perous War and conteftation with Tyranny, bafely and befottedly to run thir Necks again into the Yoke which they have broken, and proftrate all the fruits of thir Victory for naught at the feet of the vanquifh’d, befides our lofs of Glory, and fuch an example as Kings or Tyrants never yet had the like to boaft of, willbe anignominy if it befal us, that never yet befel any Nation poflefs’d of thir Liberty ; worthy indeed themfelves, whatfoever they be, to be for ever flaves; but that part of the Nation which confents not with them, as I perfwade me, of a great number, tar worthier than by their means to be brought into the fame Bondage. Confidering thefe things fo plain, fo rational, Icannot but yet furder admire on the other fide, how any man who hath the true principles of Juftice and Religion in him, can prefume 5 Hr or
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or take upon him to be a King and Lord over his Brethren, whom he cannot but know whether as Men or Chriftians, to be for the moft part every way equal or fuperior to himfelf: how he can difplay with fuch Vanity and Often- tation his regal fplendor fo fupereminently above other Mortal men ; or be- ing a Chriftian, canaffume fuch extraordinary Honour and Worhhip to him- felf, while the Kingdom of Chrift our common King and Lord, is hid to this World, and fuch gentiii/h imitation forbid in exprefs words by himfelf to all his Difciples. All Proteftants hold that Chrift in his Church hath left no Vicegerent of his Power; but himfelf without Deputy, is the only Head therof, governing it from Heaven: how then can any Chriftian man derive his Kingfhip from Chrift, but with wors ufurpation than the Pope his headfhip over the Church, fince Chrift not only hath not left the leaft fhadow of a command for any fuch Vicegerence from him in the State, asthe Pope pre- tends for his in the Church, but hath exprefly declar’d, that fuch regal Do- minion is from the Gentiles, not from him, and hath ftriétly charg’d us not to. imitate them therin ?
I doubt not but all ingenuous and knowing men will eafily agree with me, that a free Commonwealth without fingle Perfon, or Houfe of Lords, is by far the beft Government if it can be had ; but we have all this while, fay they, bin expecting it, and cannot yet attain it. °Tistrueindeed, when Monarchy was diflolv’d, the form of a Commonwealth fhould have forthwith bin fram’d, and the practice therof immediatly begun ; that the People might have foon bin fatisfi'd and delighted with the decent Order, Eafe, and Benefit therof: we had bin then by this time firmly rooted paft fear of Commotions or Muta- tions, and now flourifhing : this care of timely fetling anew Government in- ftead of the old, too much neglected, hath bin our mifchief. Yet the caufe therof may be afcrib’d with moft reafonto the frequent difturbances, inter- ruptions, and diffolutions which the Parlament hath had, partly from the im- patient or difaffe€ted People, partly from fom ambitious Leaders in the Ar- my; much contrary, I believe, to the mind and approbation of the Army it felf and thir other Commanders, once undeceiv’d, or in thir own Power. Now is the opportunity, now the very feafon wherin we may obtain a free Commonwealth, and eftablifh it for ever in the Land, without difficulty or much delay, Writs are fent out for Elections, and which is worth obferving inthe name, not of any King, but of the keepers of our Liberty, to fummon a free Parlament ,; which then only will indeed be free, and deferve the true honour of that fupream Title, if they preferve usa free People. Which never Parlament was more free to do; being now call’d, not as heretofore, by the fummons of a King, but by the voice of Liberty: and if the People, laying afide prejudice and impatience, will ferioufly and calmly now confider thir own good, both Religious and Civil, thir own Liberty and the only. means therof, as fhall be here laid down before them,and will ele& thir Knights and Burgefles able men, and according to the juft and neceflary Qualificati- ons (which for aught I hear, remain yet in force unrepeal’d, as they were formerly decreed in Parlament) men not addi¢ted to a fingle Perfon or Houfe of Lords, the work is don; at leaft the foundation firmly laid of a free Common- wealth, and good part alfo erected of the main Structure. For the ground and bafis of every juft and free Government (fince men have fmarted fo oft for commiting all to one Perfon) isa general Council of ableft men, chofen by the People to confult of publick Affairs from time to time for the common good. InthisGrand Council muft the Sovranty, not transferr’d, but dele- gated only, and as it were depofited, refide, with this Caution they muft have the forees by Seaand Land committed to them for prefervation of the common Peace and Liberty ; muft raifeand manage the publick Revenue, at: leaft with fom Infpectors deputed for fatisfaction of the People, how it is imploid, muft make or propofe, as more exprefly fhall be faid anon, Civil Laws, treat of Commerce, Peace, or War with forein Nations, and for the carrying on fom particular Affairs with more fecrecy and Expedition, muft elect, as they have already out of thir own number and others, a Council of State.
And although it may feem ftrange at firft hearing, by reafon that mens minds are prepofleffed with the notion of fucceflive Parlaments, Laffirm ee
the
C 789) the Grand or General Council being well chofen, fhould be perpetual: for fo thir bufinefs is or may be, and oft-times urgent, the opportunity of Affairs gain’d or loftin amoment. The day of Council cannot be fet as the day of a Feftival; but muft be ready always to prevent or anfwer all occafions. By this continuance they will become every way skilfulleft, beft provided of Intelligence from abroad, beft acquainted with the People at home, and the People with them. The Ship of the Commonwealth is always under fail ; they fit at the Stern, and if they fteer well, what need is ther to change them, it being rather dangerous? Add to this, that the Grand Council is both Foundation and main Pillar of the whole State; and to move Pillars and Foundations, not faulty, cannot be fafe for the Building. I fee not therfore, how we can be advantag’d by fucceflive and tranfitory Parlaments-; but that they are much likelier continually to unfettle rather than to fettle a free Government, to breed Commotions, Changes, Novelties and Uncer- tainties, to bring neglect upon prefent Affairs and Opportunities, while all Minds are fufpenfe with expectation of a new Aflembly, and the Alffembly for a good {pace taken up with the new fetling of it felf. After which, if they find no great work to do, they will make it, by altering or repealing former Ads, or making and multiplying new; that they may feem to fee what thir Predeceflors faw not, and not to have affembl’d for nothing : till all Law be loft in the multitude of clafhing Statutes. But if the Ambition of fuch as think themfelves injur’d that they alfo partake not of the Govern- ment, and are impatient till they be chofen, cannot brook the perpetuity of others chofen before them; or if it be fear’d that long continuance of Power may corrupt fincereft Men, the known Expedient is, and by fom lately propounded, that annually (or if the fpace be longer, fo much perhaps the better) the third part of Senators may go out according to the precedence of thir Election, and the like number be chofen in thir places, to prevent the fetling of too abfolute a Power, if it fhould be perpetual: and this they call partial Rotation. But 1 could wifh that this wheel or partial wheel in State, if it be poflible, might be avoided, as having too much affinity with the wheel of Fortune. For it appears not how this can be don, without danger and mifchance of putting out a great num- ber of the beft and ableft: in whofe ftead new Elections may bring in as many raw, unexperienc’d and otherwife affected, to the weakning and much altering for the wors of publick TranfaGtions. Neither do I think a perpetual Senat, efpecially chofen and entrufted by the People, much in this land to be fear’d, where the well-affected either in a ftanding Army, or in a fetled Militia have thir Arms in thir ownhands. Safeft therfore to me it feems, and of leaft hazard or interruption to Affairs, that none of the Grand Council be mov’d, unlefs by Death or juft conviction of fom Crime: for what can be expected firm or ftedfaft from a floating Foundation? however, I forejudg not any probable Expedient, any Temperament that can be found in things of this nature fo difputable on either fide. Yet left this which | affirm, be thought my fingle Opinion, I fhall add fuficient Teftimony. Kingth® ic felf is therfore counted the more fafe and durable, becaufe the King, and for the moft part his Council, is not chang’d during Life: but a Commonwealth is held immortal, and therin firmeft, fafeft and moft above Fortune: for the Death of a King caufeth oft-times many dangerous Alterations; but the Death now and then of a Senator is not felt, the main body of them ftill ‘continuing permanent in greateft and nobleft Commonwealths, and as it wereeternal. “‘Therfore among the Jews, the fupreme Council of Seventy, ‘call’d tlie Sanbedrim, founded by Afofes, in Athens that of Arcopagus, in Sparta that of the Ancients, in Rome the Senat, confifted of Members chofen for term of Life ; and by that means remain’d as it were {till the fame to Gnerations. In Venice they change indeed ofter than every year fom par- ticular Council of State, as that of fix, or fuch other, but the true Senat, which upholds and faftains the Government, is the whole Ariftocracy im- movable. Sointhe United Provinces, the States General, which are indeed but a Council of State deputed by the whole Union, are not ufually the fame Perfons for above three or fix Years; but the States of every City in whom the Soveraignty hath bin plac’d time out of mind, aré a ftanding Senat, with- out
€ 79° ) out Succeflion, and accounted chiefly in that regard the main prop of thir Liberty. And why they fhould be fo in every well-order’d Commonwealth, they who write of Policy, give thefe Reafons ; ** That to make the Senat “© fucceilive, not only impairs the dignity and luftre of the Senat, but wea- & kens the whole Commonwealth, and brings it into manifeft danger; while by this means the Secrets of State are frequently divulg’d, and matters of “¢ sreateft confequence committed to inexpert and novice Counfellors, ut- “< terly to feek in the full and intimate knowledg of Affairs paft. I know not therfore what fhould be peculiar in England to make fucceflive Parlaments thought fafeft, or convenient here more than in other Nations, unlefs it be the fickl’nefs which is attributed to us as we are Ilanders: but good Education and acquifit Wiidom ought to correct the fluxible fault, if any fuch be, of our watry fituation. It will be objected, that in thofe places where they. had perpetual Senats, they had alfo popular Remedies againft thir growing too imperious: as in Athens, belides -Arcopagus, another Senat of four or five hundréd ; in Sparta, the Ephori, in Rome, the Tribunes of the People. But the Event tels us, that thefe Remedies either little avail the People, or brought them to fuch a licentious and unbrid’d Democraty, as in fine ruin’d themfelves with thir own exceflive power. So that the main reafon ured why popular Aflemblies are to be trufted with the Peoples Liberty, rather than a Senat of principal Men, becaufe great Men will be ftill endeavouring to inlarge thir Power, but the common fort will be contented to maintain thir own Liberty, is by Experience found falfe,; none being more immoderat and ambitious to amplify thir Power, than fuch Popularities, which were feen in the People of Rome; who at firft contented to have thir Tribunes, at length contended with the Senat that one Conful, then both, foon after, that the Cenfors and Pretors alfo fhould be created Plebeian, and the whole Empire put into thir hands ; adoring laftly thofe, who moft were advers to the Senat, till A¢arius by fulfilling thir inordinate Defires, quite loit them all the Power for which they had fo long bin ftriving, and left them under the Tyranny of Sylla: the ballance therfore muft be exactly fo fet, as to preferve and keep up due Autority on either fide, as well in the Senat as in the People. And this annual Rotation of a Senat to confift of three hundred, as is lately propounded, requires alfo another popular Aflembly up- ward of a thoufand, with an anfwerable Rotation. Which befides that it will be liable to all thofe Inconveniencies found in the forefaid Remedies, can- not but be troublefome and chargeable, both in thir Motion and thir Seflion, to the whole Land, unweildie with thir own bulk, unable in fo great a num- ber to mature thir Confultations as they ought, if any be ailotted them, and that they meet not from fo many parts remote to fit a whole year Lieger in one place, only now and then to hold up a foreft of Fingers, or to convey each Man his bean or ballot into the Box, without reafon fhewn or common deliberation ; incontinent of Secrets, if any be imparted to them, emulous and always jarring with the other Senat. The much better way doubtlefs will begin this wavering condition of our Affairs, to defer the changing or circum{cribing of our Senat, more than may be done with eafe, till the Common- | wealth be throughly fetl’d in Peace and Safety, and they themfelves give us the occafion. Military Men hold it dangerous to change the form of Battel in view of an Enemy: neither did the People of Rome bandy with thir Senat while any of the Tarquins liv’d, the Enemies of thir Liberty, nor fought by creating Tribunes to defend themfelves againft the fear of thir Patricians, till fixteen years after the expulfion of thir Kings, and in full fecurity of thir State, they had or thought they had juft caufe given them by tht Senat. ° Another way will be, to well qualifie and refine Elections: not committing all to the noife and fhouting of a rude Multitude, but permitting only thoie of them whoare rightly qualifi’'d, to nominate as many as they will; and out of that number others of a better breeding, to chufea lefs number more judicioufly, till after a third or fourth fifting and refining of exactelt choice, they only be left chofen who are the due number, and feem by moft voices the worthieft. To make the People fitteft to chufe, -and the chofen fittelt to ga-. vern, will be to mend our corrupt and faulty Education, to teach the People Faith not without Vertue, Temperance, Modelty, Sobriety, sai fhe uftice,
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Juftices not toadmire Wealth or Honour; to hate Turbulence and Ambiti- on; to place every one his privat Welfare and Happinefs in the publick Peace, Liberty and Safety. They fhall not then need to be much miltruftful of thir chofen Patriots in the Grand Council ; who will be then rightly call’d the true Keepers of our Liberty, though the moft of thir bufinefs will be in forein Affairs. But to prevent all Miftruft, the People then will have thir feveral ordinary Aflemblies (which will henceforth quite annihilate the odi- ous Power and Name of Committies) in the chief Towns of every County, without the Trouble, Charge, or time loft of fummoning and aflembling from far in fo great a number, and fo long refiding from thir own Houfes, or removing of thir Families, to do.as much at home in thir fevergl fhires, entire or fubdivided, toward the fecuring of thir Liberty, asa numerous Aflembly of them all form’d and conven’d on purpofe with the warieft Rotation. Wherof.I fhall fpeak more ere the end of this Difcourfe: for it may be re- ferr’d totime, fo we be ftill going on by degrees to perfection. The People well weighing and performing thefe things, I fuppofe would have no caufe to fear, though the Parlament abolifhing that Name as originally fignifying but the Parlie of our Lords and Commons with thir Worman King when he pleas’d to call them, fhould, with certain limitations of thir Power, ‘fit perpetual, if thir ends be faithful and for a free Commonwealth, under the name of a ~ Grand or General Council. Till this be don, I am in doubt whether our State will be ever certainly and throughly fetl’d 5 never likely till then to fee an end of our Troubles and continual Changes, or at leaft never the true Set- tlement and Affurance of our Liberty. The Grand Council being thus firm- ly conftituted to Perpetuity, and ftill, upon the Death or Default of any Member, fupply’d and kept in full number, ther can be no caufe alleg’d why Peace, Juftice, plentiful Trade, and all Profperity, fhould not therupon en- fue throughout the whole Land; with as much aflurance:as can be of human things, that they fhall fo continue (if God favour us, and our wilful Sins provoke him not) even to the coming of our true and rightful, and only to be expected King, only worthy as he is our only Saviour, the Mefliah, the Chrift, the only Heir of hiseternal Father, the only by him anointed and or- dained {ince the Work of our Redemption finifh’d, univerfal Lord of all Man- kind. The way propounded is plane, eafy and open before us; without In- tricacies, without the Introducement of new or obfolete Forms or Terms, or exotic Models ; Idea’s that would effect nothing ; but. with a number of new Injunctions to manacle the native Liberty of Mankind ; turning all Vertue in- to Prefcription, Servitude, and Neceflity, to the great impairing and fruftra- ting of Chriftian Liberty. I fay again, this way lies free and finooth before us; is not tangl’d with Inconveniencies ;. invents no new Incumbrances ; re- quires no perilous, no injurious Alteration or Circumfcription of Mens Lands and Proprieties ; fecure, that in this Commonwealth, temporal and {piritual Lords remov’d, no Man or number of Men can attain to fuch Wealth or vaft pofleffion, as will need the hedg of an Agrarian Law (never fuccefsful, but the caufe rather of Sedition, fave only where it began feafonably with firft pofleflion) to confine them from endangering our public Liberty. To conclude, itcan have no confiderable Objection made againft it, that it is not prattica- ble; left it be faid hereafter, that we gave up our Liberty for want of a ready way or diftinct Form propos’d of a free CommonwealtH. And this Facility we fhall have above our next neighbouring Commonwealth (if we can keep us from the fond Conceit of fomthing like a Duke of Venice, put lately into many Mens heads by fom one or other futly driving on under that notion his own ambitious ends tolurch a Crown) that our Liberty fhall not be hamper’d or hover’d over by any ingagement to fuch a potent Family ‘as the Houfe of NafJaw, of whom to ftand in perpetual Donbt and Sufpicion, but we fhall live the cleereft and abfoluteft free Nation in the World.
On the contrary, if there be a King, whichthe inconfiderat multitude are now fo mad upon, mark how far fhort we are like to com of all thofe Happi- neffes, which in a Free State we fhall immediatly be poffefs'd of. Firft, the Grand Council, which, as I fhew’d before, fhould fit perpetually Cunlefs thir leifure give them now and then fom Intermiffions or Vacations, eafily manage- able by the Council of State left fitting) fhall be call'd, by the King’s Bi
Wi
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Will and utmoft Endeavor, as feldom as maybe. Forit is only the King’s Right, he will fay, to call a Parlament; and this he will do moft commonly about hisown Affairs rather than the Kingdom’s, as will appeer planely fo foon as they arecall’d. For what will thir bufinefs then be, and the chief Ex- pence of thir time, but an endlefs tugging between Petition of Right and Royal Prerogative, efpecially about the negative Voice, Militia, or Subfidies, demanded and oft-times extorted without reafonable caufe appeering tothe Commons, who are the only true Reprefentatives of the People and thir Li- berty, but will be then ming!’d with a Court-faction , befides which within thir own Walls, the fincere part of them who ftand faithful to the People, will again have to deal with two troublefom counter-working Adverfaries from without, meer Creatures of the King, fpiritual, and the greater part, as is likelieft, of temporal Lords, nothing concern’d with the Peoples Liber- ty. If thefe prevail not in what they pleafe, though never fo much againft the Peoples Intereft, the Parlament fhall be foon diffolv’d, or fit and do no- thing 5 not fuffer’d to remedy the leaft Greevance, or enact aught advanta- geous to the People. Next, the Council of State fhall not be chofen by the Parlament, but by the King, {till his own Creatures, Courtiers and Favo- rites; who will be fure in all thir Counfels to fet thir Mafter?s Grandure and abfolute Power, in what they are able, far above the Peoples Liberty. I de- ny not but that ther may be fuch a King, who may regard the common Good before hisown, may have no vitious Favorite, may hearken only to the wifeft and incorrupteft of his Parlament : but this rarely happens in a Monarchy not elective; and it behoves not a wife Nation to commit the fum of thir well- being, the whole ftate of thir Safety to Fortune. What need they; and how abfurd would it be, when as they themfelves to whom his chief Vertue will be but to hearken, may with much better Management and Difpatch, with much more Commendation of thir own Worth and Magnanimity go- vern without a Mafter ? Can the Folly be paraliel’d, to adore and be the Slaves of a fingle Perfon, for doing that which it is ten thonfand to one whether he can or willdo, and we without him might do more eafily, more effectually, more laudably our felves ? Shall we never grow old anough to be wife to make feafonable ufe of graveft Autorities, Experiences, Examples? Is it fuch an unfpeakable Joy to ferve, fuch Felicity to wear a Yoke? toclink our Shac- kles, lock’d on by pretended Law of Subjection, more intolerable and hopelefs to be ever fhaken off, than thofe which are knock’d on by illegal Injury and Violence ? Ariftotle, our chief Inftruéer in the Univerfities, left this Do- Grin be thought Sedarian, as the Royalift would have it thought, tells us in the third of his Politicks, that certain Men at firft, for the matchlefs Excel- lence of thir Vertue above others, or fom great public Benefit, were created Kings by the People; in fmall Cities and Territories, and in the fcarcity of others to be found like them: but when they abus'd thir Power, and Govern- ments grew larger, andthe number of prudent Men increas’d, that then the People foon depofing thir Tyrants, betook them, in all civileft places, to the form of a free Commonwealth. And why fhould we thus difparage and pre- judicate our own Nation, as to fear a fcarcity of able and worthy Men united in Counfel to govern us, if we will but ufe diligence and impartiality to find them out and chufe them, rather yoking our felves to a fingle Perfon, the na- tural Adverfary and Oppreflor of Liberty, though good, yet far eafier cor- ruptible by the excefs of his fingular Power and Exaltation, or at beft, not comparably fufficient to bear the weight of Government, nor equally dif- pos’d to make us happy in the enjoyment of our Liberty under him.
But admit, that Monarchy of it felf may be convenient to fom Nations ; yet to us who have thrown it out, receiv’d back again, it cannot but prove perni- | cious. For Kings to com, never forgetting thir former Ejection, will be fure to fortify and arm themfelves fufficiently for the future againit all fuch At- tempts hereafter from the People: who shall be then fo narrowly watch’d and kept fo low, that though they would never fo fain, and at the fame rate of thir Blood and Treafure, they never fhall be able to regain what they now have purchas’d and may enjoy, or to free themfelves from any Yoke impos’d upon them : nor will they dare to go about it; utterly difheartn’d for the fu- ture, if thefe thir higheft Attempts prove unfuccefsful; which will bethe ~
Triumph
¢ nm ; (793 )
Triumph of all Tyrants herafter over any Peoplethat fhall refiit Oppreffion : and thir Song will then be, to others, how {ped the rebellious Englifh ? to our Pofterity, how {ped the Rebels your Fathers? This is not my Conjecture; but drawn from Ged’s known Denouncement againit the gentilizing Ifrae- Jites, who though they were govern’d ina Commonwealth of God’s own or- daining, he only thir King, they his peculiar People, yet affecting tather to yefemble Heathen, but pretending the Mifgovernment of Sarmuel’s Sons, no more a reafon to diflike thir Commonwealth, than the Viclence of Els Song was imputable to that Priefthood or Religion, clamour’d for a King. They had thir longing ; but with this Teftimony of God’s Wrath 5 Ye hall cry oie in that day, becaufe of your King whom ye fhall have chofen, and the Lord wilh not bear you in that day. Us if he fhall hear now, how much lefs will he hear when we cry heratter, who once deliver’d by him from a King, and not with- out wondroys Acts of his Providence, infentible and unworthy of thefe high Mercies, are returning precipitantly, if he withold us not, back to the Cap- tivity from whence he freed us. Yet neither fhall we obtain or buy at an eafy rate this new gilded Yoke which thus tranfports us: a new royal Revenue muft be found, a new Epifcopal ; for thofe are individual : both which being wholy diffipated or bought by privat Perfons, or aflign’d for Service ddn: and efpecially tothe Army, cannot be recovered without a general Detriment and Confufion to Mens Eftates, or a heavy Impojition on all Mens Purfes; Be- nefit to none, but to the worft and ignobleft fort of Men, whofe hope is to be either the Minifters of Court, Riot and Excefs, or the Gainers by it: But not to fpeak more of Lofles and extraordinary Levies on our Eftates, what will then be the Revenges and Offences remember’d and return’d, not only by the chief Perfon, but by all his Adherents; Accounts and Reparations that will be requir’d, Suits, Inditements, Inquiries, Difcoveries, Complaints, Infor- mations, who knows againft whom or how many, though perhaps Neuters; if not to. utmoft InfliGion, yet to Imprifonment, Fines, Banifhiment, or Mo- leftation ; if not thefe, yet disfavor, difcountenance, difregard and contempt on all but the known Royalift or whom he favors, will be plenteous: nor fet the new royaliz’d Presbyterians perfwade themfelves that thir old doings, though now recanted, will be forgotten, whatever Conditions be contriv’d or truftedon. Will they not beleeve this; nor remember the space ae how it was kept tothe Scors ; how other folemn Promifes many a time to us Let them but now read the diabolical forerunning Libels, the Faces, the Ge- ftures that now appeer foremoft and briskeft in all publick places, as the Harbingers of thofe that are in expectation to raignoverus; let them but hear the Infolencies, the Menaces, the Infultings of our newly animated com- mon Enemies crept lately out of thir Holes, thir Hell, I might fay, by the Language of thir infernal Pamphlets, the Spue of every Drunkard, every Ribald ; namelefS, yet not for want of Licence, but for very fhamie of thir own vile Perfons, not daring to name themfelves, while they traduce others by name; and give us to forefee, that they intend to fecond thir wicked Words, if ever they have Power, with more wicked Deeds. Let our zea- lous Backfliders forethink now with themfelves, how their Necks yok’d with thefe Tigers of Bacchus, thefe new Fanatics of not the preaching but the fweating-tub, infpir’d with nothing holier than the Venereal Pox, can drav one way under Monarchy to the eftablifhing of Church Difciplin with thefe new-difgorg’d Atheifms: yet fhall they not have the honor to yoke with thefe, but fhall be yok’d under them ; thefe fhall plow on thir backs. And do they among them who are fo forward to bring in the fingle Perfon, think to be by him trufted or long regarded? So trufted they fhall be and fo regard- ed, as by Kings are wont reconcil’d Enemies; neglected and foon after dif- carded, if not profecuted for old Traytors ; the firft Inciters, Beginners, and more than to the third part actors of all that follow’d. It will be found alfo, that there muft be then as neceflarily as now (for: the contrary part will be ftill fear’d) a Standing Army; which for certain fhall not be this, but of the fierceft Cavaliers, of no lefs expence, and perhaps again under Rupert : but let this Army be fure they fhall be foon disbanded, and likelieft without Ar- rear or Pay ; and being disbanded, not be fure but they may as foon be quefti- on’d for being in Arms againft thir King _— fame det them fear, who have
5 con-
C794 ) } contributed Money 5 which will amount to no fmall number that muft then take thir turn to. be made Delinquents and Compounders. They who paft reafon and recovery are devoted to Kingfhip, perhaps will anfwer, That a greater part by tar of the Nation will have it fo, the reft therfore mult yield. Not fo much to convince thefe, which I little hope, as to con- firm them who yield not, I reply 5 that this greateft part have both in Rea- fon, and the trial of juft Battel, loft the right of thir Election what’ the Go- vernment fhall be: of them who have not loft that right, whether they for Kingfhip be the greater Number, who can certainly determin? Suppofe they be, yet of freedom they partake all alike, one main end of Government: which if the greater part value not, but willdegenerately forgo, is it juft or reafonable, that moft Voices againft the main End of Government, fhould enflave the lefs Number that would be free? More juft it is doubtlefs, if it come to force, that a lefs Number compel a greater to retain, which can be no wrong tothem, thir Liberty, than that a greater Number, for the pleafure of. thir bafenefs, compel a lefs moft injurioufly to be thir fellow Slaves. They who feck nothing but thir own juft Liberty, have always right to win it, andto keepit, whenever they have Power, be the Voices never fo numerous that oppofe it... And how much we above others.are concern’d to defend it from Kingfhip, and from them who in purfuance therof fo per- nicioufly would betray us and themfelves to moft certain Mifery and Thral- dom, will be needlefs to repeat.
Having thus far fhewn with what eafe we may now obtain a Free Com- monwealth, and by it with as much eafe all the Freedom, Peace, Juftice, Plenty, that we can defire,; on the other fide, the Difficulties, Troubles, Uncertainties, nay rather Impoflibilities to enjoy thefe things conftantly un- dera Monarch: I will now proceed to fhew more particularly wherin our Freedom and flourifhing Condition will be more ample and fecure to us under a Free Commonwealth, than under Kingfhip.
The whole freedom of Man confifts either in Spiritual or Civil Liberty. As for Spiritual, who can be at reft, who can enjoy any thing in this World with contentment, who hath not liberty to ferve God, and to fave his own Soul, according tothe beft Light which God hath planted in him to that purpofe, by the reading of his reveal’d Will, and the guidance of his Holy Spirit ? That this is belt pleafing to God, and that the whole Proteftant Church allows no fupream Judg or Rule in Matters of Religion, but the’ Scriptures ; and thefe to be interpreted by the Scriptures themfelves, which necellarily infers Liberty of Confcience; I have heretofore prov’d at large in another Treatife; and might yet furder by the public Declarations, Confef- fions and Admonitions of whole Churches and States, obvious in all Hiftories fince the Reformation.
This Liberty of Confcience, which above all other things ought to be to all Men deareft and moft precious, no Government more inclinable not to fa- vor only, but to protect, thana free Commonwealth ; as being moft mag- nanimous, moft fearlefs and confident of its own fair Proceedings. Wheras Kingfhip, though looking big, yet indeed moft pufillanimous, full of Fears, full of Jealoufies, ftartl’d at every Ombrage, as it hath been obferv’d of old to have ever fufpected moft, and miftrufted them who. were in moft efteem for Vergue and Generofity of Mind; fo it is now known to have moft in: doubt and fufpicion, them who are moft reputed to be religious. Queen Fli- zabeth, though her felf accounted fo good a Proteftant, fo moderate, fo con-" fident of her Subjects Love, would never give way fo much as to Presby- terian Reformation in this Land, though once and again befought, as Camden relates, but imprifon’d and perfecuted the very Propofers therof; alleging: it as her Mind and Maxim unalterable, that fuch Reformation would dimi- nifh Regal Authority. What Liberty of Confcience can we then expect of others, far wors principl’d from the Cradle, train’d up and govern’d by Po- pilh and Spanifh Counfels, and on fuch depending hitherto for fubfiftence ? Efpecially what. can this laft Parlament expect, who having reviv’d lately and publifh’d the Cov?’nant, have reingag’d themfelves, never to readmit Epif- copacy ? Which no Son of Charles returning, but: will moft certainly bring: back with him, if he regard the laft and ftritteft Charge of his Father, to»
perfevere
C795 )
perfevere in, not the Doctrin only, but Government of the Church of England 3 sot to negle@ the {peedy and effectuat fuppreffing of Errors and Schifms , among which he accounted Presbytery oneof the chief. Or if, notwithftanding that Charge of his Father, he fubmit tothe Cov’nant, how will he keep Faith tous, with Difobedience to him ; or regard that Faith given, which muft be founded on the breach of that laft and folemneft paternal Charge, and the Reluctance; I may fay the Antipathy, which is in all Kings againft Presbyterian and Inde- pendent Difcpline ? For they hear the Gofpel fpeaking much of Liberty; a word which Monarchy and her Bifhops both fear and hate, but a Free Com- monwealth both favors and promotes ; and not the word only, but the thing it felf. But let our Governors beware in time, left thir hard meafure to Li- berty of Confcience be found the Rock wheron they fhipwrack themfelves, as others have now don before them in the cours wherin God was direéting thir Steerage to a Free Commonwealth ; and the abandoning of all thofe whom they call Sectaries, for the detected Falfhood and Anmibition of fom, be a wilful rejection of thir own chief Strength and Intereft in the freedom of all Pro- teltant Religion, under what abutive Name foever calumniated.
The other part of our Freedom confifts in the Civil Rights and Advance- ments of every Perfon according to his Merit: the enjoyment of thofe ne- ver more certain, and the accefs to thefe never more open, thanin a Free Commonwealth. Both which, in my Opinion, may be beft and fooneft ob- tain’d,. if every County in the Land were made a kind of fubordinate Com- monalty or Commonwealth, and one chief Town or more, according as the Shire is in Circuit, made Cities, if they be not fo calPd already ; where the Nobility and chief Gentry, from a proportionable compafs of Territory an- nex’d to each City, may build Houfes or Palaces befitting thir Quality, may bear part inthe Government, make thir own, Judicial Laws, or ufe thefe that are, and execute them by thir own elected Judicatures and Judges without Appeal, in all things of Civil Government between Man and Man: {fo they fhall have Juftice in thir own hands, Law executed fully and finally in thir own Counties and Precinéts, long wifh’d and fpoken of, but never yet ob- tain’d ; they fall have none then to blame but themfelves, if it be not well adminifter'd ; and fewer Laws to expect or fear from the fupreme Autority ; or tothofe that fhall be made, of any great concernment to Public Liberty, they may, without much trouble in thefe Commonalties, or in more Gene- ral Affemblies call’d to thir Cities from the whole Territory on fuch occafion, declare and publifh thir affent or diffent by Deputies, within a time limited, fent to the Grand Council ; yet fo as this thir Judgment declar’d, fhall fub- mit to the greater number of other Counties or Commonalties, and not a- vail them to any exemption of themfelves, or refufal of Agreement witli the reft, as it may in any of the United Provinces, being Sovran within it felf, oft-times to the great difadvantage of that Union. In thefe Imploy- ments they may riuch better than they do now, exercife and fit themfelves till thir Lot fall to be chofen into the Grand Council, according as thir Worth and Merit fhall betaken notice of by the People. As for Contro- verfies that fhall happen between Men of feveral Counties, they may repair, as they.do now, to the Capital City, or any other more commodious, in- different Place, and equal Judges. And this I find to have been prattis’d in the old Athenian Commonwealth, reputed the firft and ancienteft place of Civility in all Greece : that they had in thir feveral Cities, a Peculiar; in /- thens, acommon Government; and thir Right, asit befel them, to the Ad- miniftration of both. They fhould have here alfo Schools and Academies at thir own choice, whefin thir Children may be bred up in thir own fight to all Learning and noble Education ; not in Grammar only, but in all Libe- ral Arts and Exercifes. This would foon fpread much more Knowledg and Civility, yea, Religion, through all parts of the Land, by communicating the natural heat of Government and Culture more diftributively to all extreme parts, which now lie num and neglected, would foon make the whole Nation more induftrious, more ingenuous at home; more potent, more honourable abroad. To this a Free Commonwealth will eafily aflent, (nay, the Parlament hath had already fom fuch thing in defign) for of all Governments 4 Commonwealth aims moft to make the People flourifhiing, vertuous, a atid
512 ighe
(796)
high-fpirited. Monarchs will never permit ; whofe Aim is to make the People wealthy indeed perhaps, and well fleec’t, for thir own fhearing, and the fupply of Regal Prodigality ; but otherwife fofteft, bafeit, vitionfeft, fervileft, eafieft to be keptunder ; and not only in Fleece, but in Mind alfo fheepifheft ; and will have all the Benches of Judicature annex’d to the Throne, as a Gift of Royal Grace, that we have Juftice don us; whenas nothing can be more effential to the freedom of a People, than to have the adminiftration of Juftice, and all Publick Ornaments, in thir own Election, and within thir own Bounds, without long travelling or depending on re- © mote Places to obtain thir Right, or any Civil Accomplifhment ; fo it be not fupreme, but fubordinate to the general Power and Union of the whole
Republic, In which happy firmnefs, as in the Particular above-mention’d, we fhall alfo far exceed the United Provinces, by having, not as they (to the retarding and diftracting oft-times of thir Counfels or urgenteft occafions ) many Sov’ranties united in one Commonwealth, but many Commonwealths
under one united and entrufted Sov’ranty. And when we have our Forces by Seaand Land, either of a faithful Army, or a fetl’d Militia, in our own hands, to the firm eftablifhing of a Free Commonwealth, public Accounts under our own infpection, general Laws and Taxes, with thir Caufes in our
own Domettic Suffrages, Judicial Laws, Offices and Ornaments at home in our own ordering and adminiftration, all diftinction of Lords and Commo-_ ners, that may any way divide or fever the Public Intereft, remov’d, what can a perpetual Senat have then, wherinto grow corrupt, wherin to encroach upon us, or ufurp? or if they-do, wherin to be formidable ? Yet if all this avail not to remove the Fear or Envy of a perpetual Sitting, it may be eafily
provided, to change a third part of them yearly, or every two or three
Years, as was above-mention’d ; or that it be at thofe times in the Peo-
ples choice, whether they will change them, or renew thir Power, as they
fhall find caufe. '
I have no more to fay at prefent: few words will fave us, well confi- der'd , few and eafy things, now feafonably don. But if the People be fo affected, as to proftitute Religion and Liberty to the vain and groundlefs ap- prehention, that nothing but Kingfhip can reftore Trade, not remembring ~ the frequent Plagues and Peftilences that then wafted this City, fuch as through God’s Mercy wenever have felt fince ; and that Trade flourifhes no where more than in the Free Commonwealths of Italy, Germany, and the Low Countries, before thir eyes at this day : yetif Trade be grown focraving and importunate through the profufe living of Tradefinen, that nothing can fup- port it, but the luxurious Expences of a Nation upon Trifles or Superfluities ; fo asif the People generally fhould betake themfelves to Frigality, it might prove a dangerous matter, left Tradefmen fhould mutiny for want of Trad- ing; and that therfore we muft forgo and fet to fale Religion, Liberty, Ho- nor, Safety, all Concernments Divine or Human, to keep up Trading. If, laftly, after all this Light among us, the fame Reafon fhall pafs for current, to put our Necks again under Kingfhip, as was made ufe of by the Jews to return back to Egypt, andto the worfhip of thir Idol Queen, becaufe they falfly imagin’d that they then liv’d in more plenty and profperity ; our Con- dition is not found but rotten, both in Religion and all Civil Prudence; and will bring us foon, the way we are marching, to thofe Calamities which at- tend always and unavoidably on Luxury, all national Judgments under Forein or Domeftic Slavery : So far we fhall be from mending our condition by mo- narchizing our Government, whatever new Conceit*now pofleffes us. How- ever with all hazard J have ventur'd what I thought my Duty to fpeak in fea- fon, and to forewarn my Country in time ; wherin I doubt not but there be many wife Men in all Placesand Degrees, but am forry the Effects of Wif- dom are fo little feen among us. Many Circumftances and ParticularsI could have added in thofe things wherof I have fpoken: but a few main Matters. now put fpeedily in execution, will fuffice to recover us, and fet all right : And ther will want at no time who are good at Circumftances ; but Men who fet thir Minds on main Matters, and fufficiently urge them, in thefe moft dif- ficult times I find not many. What I have fpoken, is the Language of 3
whic
(797 )
which is not call’d amifs The good Old Caufe: if it {eem ftrange toany, it will not feem more ftrange, I hope, than convincing to Backfliders. Thus much I fhould perhaps have faid, though I were fure I fhould have fpoken only to Trees and Stones; and had none to cry to, but with the Prophet, O Earth, Earth, Earth! totell the very Soil it felf, what her perverfe Inhabitants are deaf to. Nay, though what I have f{poke, fhould happ'n (which Thou fuffer not, who didit create Mankind free; nor Thou next, who didft redeem us from being Servants of Men!) to be the laft words of our expiring Liberty. But I truft I fhall have fpoken Perfwafion to abundance of fenfible and inge- nuous Men ; to fom perhaps whom God may raife of thefe Stones to become Children of reviving Liberty ; and may reclaim, though they feem now chu- fing them-a Captain back for Egypt, to bethink themfelves a little, and confi- der whither they are rufhing ; to exhort this Torrent alfo of the People, not to be fo impetuous, but to keep thir due Channel ; and at length recovering and uniting thir better Refolutions, now that they fee already how open and unbounded the infolence and rage is of our common Enemies, to ftay thefe ruinous Proceedings, juftly and timely fearing to what a Precipice of De- ftruction the deluge of this epidemic Madnefs would hurry.us, through the ge- neral defection of a mifguided and abus’d Multitude.
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€799 )
, THE | Prefent Means, and brief Delineation ©: F.°A
Free Commonwealth,” Eafy to be put in Practice, and without Delay.
In a Letter to General Monk.
Publifbed from the Manufcript.
IRST, all endeavours fpeedily to be us’d, that the enfuing Eleti-
on be of fuch as are already firm, or inclinable to conftitute a free
Commonwealth (according to the former qualifications decreed in
Parlament, and not yet repeal’d, as I hear) without fingle Perfon,
or Houfe of Lords. If thefe be not fuch, but the contrary, who forefees not, that our Liberties will be utterly loft inthis next Parlament, without fome powerful courfe taken, of fpeedieft prevention? The fpeedi- eft way will be to call up forthwith the chief Gentlemen out of every Coun- ty; tolay before them (as your Excellency hath already, both in your pub- lifh'd Letters to the Army, and your Declaration recited to the Members of Parlament) the Danger and Confufion of readmitting Kinghhip- in this Land ; efpecially againft the Rules of all Prudence and Example, in a Fami- ly once ejected, and therby not to be trufted with the power of Revenge : that you.will not longer delay them with vain expectation, but will put in- to thir hands forthwith the poffeflion of a free Commonwealth; if ‘they will firft return immediately and elect them, by fuch at leaft of the People as are rightly qualif’d, a ftanding Council in every City, and great Town, which may then be dignified with the name of City, continually to confult the good and flourifhing ftate of that Place, with a competent Territory ad- join’d ; toaflume the judicial Laws, either thefe that are, or fuch as they themfelves fhall new make feverally, in each Commonalty, and all Judica- tures, all Magiftracies, to the Adminiftration of all Juftice between man and man, and all the Ornaments of publick Civility, Academies, and fuch like, in thir own hands. Matters appertaining to men of feveral Counties, or Territories, may be determin’d, as they are here at Zondon, or infome more convenient Place, under equal Judges.
Next, That in every fuch Capital Place, they will choofe them the ufual number of ableft Knights and Burgeffes, engag’d for a Commonwealth, to make up the Parlament, or (asit will from henceforth be better called) the Grand or General Council of the Nation: whofe Office muit be, with due Caution, to difpofe of Forces, both by Sea and Land, under the condu& of your Excellency, forthe prefervation of Peace, both at home and abroad ; muft raife and manage the publick Revenue, but with provided infpeétion of thir Accompts; muft adminifter all forein Affairs, make all General Laws, Peace, or War, but not without Affent of the ftanding Council in each City, or fuch other general Affembly as may be call’d on fuch occation, from the
whole
( 800 ) : whole Territory, where they may without mitch trouble, deliberate on all things fully, and fend up thir Suffrages within a fet time, by Deputies ap- pointed. Thoughthis grand Council be perpetual (a8 in that Book I prow’d would be beft and moft conformable to beft examples) yet they will then, thus limited, have fo little matter in thir Hands, or Power to endanger our Liberty ; andthe People fo much in thirs, to prevent them, having all Ju- dicial Laws in thir own choice, and free Votes in all thofe which concern generally the whole Commonwealth, that we hall have little caufe to fear the perpetuity of our general Senat ; which will be then nothing elfe buta firniefeandation and cuftody of our Public Liberty, Peace, and Union, through the whole Commonwealth, and the tranfators of our Affairs with forein Nations. ; aa a
If this yet be not thought enough, the known Expedient may at length be us'd, of a partial Rotation, ; ; f . Laftly, if thefe Gentlemen convocated, refufe thefe fair and noble Offers of immediate Liberty, and happy Condition, no doubt there be enough in every County who will thankfully accept them, your Excellency once more de- claring publickly this to be your Mind, and having a faithful Veteran Army, fo ready, and glad to affift youin the profecutiontherof. For the fulland abfolute Adminiftration of Law in every County, which is the difficulteft of thefe Pro- pofals, hath bin of moft long defired ; and the not granting it, held a gene- ral Grievance. The reft when they fhall fee the beginnings and proceedings — of thefe Conftitutions propos’d, and the orderly, the decent, thecivil, the fafe, the noble Effects therof, will be foon convinc’d, and by degrees come in of thir own accord, to be partakers of fo happy a Government. :
BRIER
-( 80x) _ Brief NOTES upona late
| ae pep y ay | The Fear of God-and the King ;
. Preach’d, and fince publifh’d; By MATTHEW GRIFFITH, D.D. And Chaplain to the late KING,
Wherin many notorious wreftings of Scripture, and other Falfities are obfery’d.
Affirm’d in the Preface of a late Difcourfe, Entitl’d, The ready may to eftablifh a free Commonwealth, and the dangers of readmjtting Kingfhip in this Nation, that the humor of returning to our old Bondage, was inftilPd of late by fome Deceivers, and to make good, that what I thenaffirm’d, was not without juft ground, one of thofe Deceivers! prefent here to the People: and if I prove him not fuch, refufe not to be fo accounted in his ftead.
He begins in his Epiftle to the General, and moves cunningly for a Licence to be admitted Phyfician both to Church and State ; then fets out his practice in Phyfical terms, an wholfom Eleuary to be taken every Morning next our Hearts ; tells of the oppolition which he met with from the College of State-Phyfici- ans, then lays before you, his Drugs and Ingredients, Strong purgatives in the Pulpit, contemper’d of the myrrh of Mortification, the aloes of Confeffion and Contrition, the rubarb of Reftitution and Satisfadion , a pretty Fantaftic dofe of. Divinity from a Pulpit-Mountibank, not unlike the Fox, that turning Pedlar, open’d his pack of War before the Kid; though he now would feem to perfo- nate the good Samaritan, undertaking to defcribe the Rife and Progrefs of our na= tional Malady, and to prefcribe the only Remedy, which how he performs, we fhall quickly fee. :”
Firft, he would fuborn Saint Zuke a8 his fpokefman to the General, pre- fuming, it feems, to have had as perfec underftanding of things from the very firft, as the Evangelift had of his Gofpel ; that the General who hath fo emi- nently born his part in the whole Action, mighty know the certainty of .thofe things better from him a partial Sequeftred enemy ; for fo he prefently appears, though covertly and like the Tempter, commencing his Addrefs with an im- pudent Calumny and Affront to his Excellence, that he would be pleas’d to- carry on what he bad fo happily begun in the name and caufe not of God only, which we doubt not, but of bis anointed, meaning the late Kings Son; which is to charge him moft auda¢ionfly and falfly with the renouncing of his own public Promifes and Declarations, both to the Parlament and the Army, and we . truft his AGions ere long will deter fuch infinuating flanderers from thus ap-
- proaching him for the future. _ But the General may well excufe him ; for the Comforter himfelf {capes not his Prefumption, avouch’d as falily, to have inz- powr'd to thofe defigns him and him only, who hath folemnly declar?d the con- trary. What Phanatic, againft whom he fo often inveighs, could more pre- fumptuoufly affirm whom the Comforter hath impowr’d, then this Antifanatic, as he would be thought ?
5K The
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: The Text. ; Prov. 24. 21. Aty Son, fear God and the King, and meddle not with them that be Seditious, or defirous of change, &c. ;
Letting pafs matters not in Controverfy, I come to the main drift of your Sermon, the King; which word here is either to fignify any fupreme Magi- ftrate, or elfe your latter Obje&t of fear is not Univerfal, belongs not at all to many parts of Chriftendom, that have no King; and in particular, not to us. That we have no King fince the putting down of Kingfhip in this Com- monwealth, is manifeft by this laft Parlament, who to the time of thir Dif- folving, hot only made no Addrefs atall to any King, but fummon’d this next to come by the Writ formerly appointed of a free Commonwealth, without Reftitution or the leaft mention of any Kingly Right or Power; which could not be, if there were at prefent any King of England. ‘The main part ther- fore of your Sermon, if it mean a Kingin the ufual fenfe, is either imperti- nent and abfurd, exhorting your Auditory to fear that which is not; or if King here be, as itis underftood for any fupreme Magiftrate, by your own Exhortation they are inthe firft place not to meddle with you, as being your felf moft of all the feditious meant here, and the defirous of change, in ftir- ae them up to fear a King, whom the prefent Government takes no notice of.
You begin with a vain Vifion, God and the King at the firft blufh (which will not be your laft blufh). feeming to ftand in your Text like thofe two Cherubims on the Mercy-feat, looking on each other. By this Similitude, your conceited San- ctuary, worfe than the Altar of Abaz, pattern’d from Damajfcus, degrades God toa Cherub, and raifes your King to be his collateral in place, notwith- ftanding the other differences you put; which well agrees with the Court- letters, lately publifh’d from this Lord to tother Lord, that cry him up for no lefs than Angelical and Celeftial.
Your firft obfervation, pag. 8. is, That God and the King are coupld in the Text, and what the Holy Ghoft hath thus firmly combin’d, we may not, we mujt not dare to put afunder , and your felf isthe firft man who puts them afunder by the firft proof of your Doétrin immediately following, Yudg.7.2©. which couples the fword of the Lord and Gideon, a man who not only was no King, but refus'd to be a King or Monarch, when it was offer’d him, in the very next Chapter, Ver. 22, 23. I will not rule over you, neithéy fhall my Son rule over you ; the Lord {hall rule over you. Here we fee that this worthy Heroic deliverer of
‘his Country, thought it beft govern’d, if the Lord govern’d it in that form of a free Commonwealth, which they then enjoi’d without a fingle Perfon. And this is your firft Scripture, abus’d and moft impertinently cited, nay a- gain{t your felf, to prove that Kings at thir Coronation have a Sword given them, which you interpret the Adilitia, the power of life and death put into thir Hands, againft the declar’d judgment of our Parlaments, nay of all our Laws, which referve to themfelves only the power of Life and Death, and render you in thir juft refentment of this boldnefs, another Doctor Manwaring.
Your next proof is as falfe andfrivolous, Tbe King, fay you, 1 Gods Sword- bearer; true, but not the King only, for Gideon by whom you feek to prove this, neither was, nor would be a King; and as you your felf confefs, pag.
_40. There be divers forms of Government. He bears not the Sword in’ vain, Rom. 13. 4. this alfois as true of any lawful Rulers, efpecially Supreme; fo that Rulers, ver. 3. and therfore this prefent Government, without whofe Autho- rity you excite the People toa King, bear the Sword as well as Kings, and as little in vain. They fight againft God, who refift bis Ordinance, and go about to wreft the Sword out of the hands of bis Anointed. This is likewife granted: but whois his Anointed? Not every King, but they only who were Anointed or made Kings by his fpecial command ; as Saul, David, and his race; which ended in the Mefliah, (from whom no Kings at this day can derive thir Title) Febu, Cyrus, and if any other were by name appointed by him to fom par- ticular fervice: as for the reft of Kings, all other fupreme Magiftratesare as much the Lords Anointed as they ; and our Obedience commanded equally to
them all; For ther is no power but of God, Rom. 13.1. and we are exhorted in the
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_the Gofpel to obey Kings, as other Magiftrates, not that they are call’d any
where the Lord’s Anointed, but as they are the Ordinance of Afan, 1 Pet.2.13. You therfore and other fuch falfe Doctors, preaching Kings to your Audi- tory, as the Lord’s only Anointed, to withdraw People trom the prefent Government, by your own Text are felf-condemn’d, and not to be follow’d, not to be medI’d with, but to be noted, as moft of ‘all others the feditious and defirous of change. ey
. Your third Proof is no lefsagainfeyour felf. Pal. 105. 15. Touch not mine Anointed. For this is not {poken in behalf of Kings, but fpoken to reprove Kings, that they fhould not touch his anointed Saints and Servants, the Seed of Abraham, as the Verfe next before might have taught you: He reprov’d Kings for thir fakes, faying, Touch not mine Anoimted, and do my Prophets no barm; according to that 2 Cor.1.21. He who hath anointed us, ts God.. But how well you confirm one wreited Scripture with another: 1 Sam. 8. 7. They have not rejected thee, but me: grofly mifapplying thefe words, which were not fpoken to any who had re/1/ted or reje#ed a King, but to them who much againft the Will of God had fought a King, and rejected a Commonwealth, wherin they might have liv’d happily under the Reign of God only, thir King. Let the words interpret themfelves; ver.6,7. But the thing difpleafed Samuel, when they aid, give us a King to judg us: and Samuel pray’d unto the Lord. And the Lord faid unto Samuel, hearken unto the voice of the People in all that they fay unto thee ; for they have not rejected thee, but they have rejected me, that I fhould not reign over them. Hence you conclude, fo indiffoluble ts the Conjunction of God and the King. Onotorious abufe of Scripture! whenas you fhould have concluded, fo unwilling was God to give them a King, fo wide was the dif= junGion of God froma King. Is this the Do¢trin you boaft of to be /@ clear in it felf, and like a Mathematical Principle, that needs no farther Demon firation ? Bad Logic, bad Mathematics (for Principles can have no Demon- {tration at all) but wors Divinity. O People of an implicit Faith no better than Romifh, if thefe be thy prime Teachers, who to thir credulous Audiénce dare thus juggle with Scripture, to allege thofe places for the proof of thir Dodtrin, which are the plain Refutation: and this is all the Scripture which he brings to confirm his Point.
The reft of his Preachment is meer groundlefs Chat, fave here and there a few grains of Corn fcatterd to intice the filly Fowl] into his Net, interlac’d here and there with fom human reading, tho flight, and notwithout Geogra- phical and Hiftorical Miftakes: as pag. 29. Suevia the German Dukedom, for Suecia the Northern Kingdom: Philip of Adacedon, who is generally under- ftood of the great Alexander's Father only, made contemporany, pag. 31. with 7. Quintus the Roman Commander, inftead of T. Quintius and the latter Philip: and pag. 44. Tully cited in bis third Oration againft Verres, to fay of him, that he was a wicked Conful, who never wasa Coniul: nor Trojan Sedition ever portraid by that Verfe of Virgil, which you cite pag. 47. as that of Troy: School-boys could have told you, that there is nothing of Troy in that whole Portraiture, as you call it, of Sedition, Thefe grofs Miftakes may juftly bring in doubt your other loofe Citations, and that you take them up fom- where at the fecond or third hand rafhly, and without due confidering.
Nor are you happier in the relating or the moralizing your Fable. The Frogs (being once a free fPation faith the Fable ) petition’d Jupiter for a King : he tumbPd among thema Log : They found it infenfible 5 they petitioned then for a King that fhould be ative: he fent thema Crane (a Stozk faith the Fable ) which frraight fell to pecking them up. This you apply to the reproof of them who defire change: wheras indeed the true Moral fhews rather the folly of thofe who being free feek a King ; which for the moft part either as a Log lies heavy on his Subjects, without doing aught worthy of his Dignity and the Charge to maintain him, or as a Stork is ever pecking them up, and devouring them. ey
But by our fundamental Laws, the King ts the highe/t Power, pag. 40. If we muft hear mooting and Law Lec¢tures from the Pulpit, what fhame is it for 2 Doctor of Divinity, not firftto confider, that no Law can be fundamental, but that which is grounded on the Light of Nature or right Reafon, com- monly calld Adoral Law: which no form of Government was ever punted
5 K 2 ue
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( 804 ) but arbitrary, and at al] times in the choice of every free People, or thir Reprefenters? This choice of Government is fo eflential to thir F reedom, that longer than they have it, they are not free. In this Land not only the late King and his Pofterity, but Kingfhip it felf hath bin abrogated by a Law ; which involves with as good reafon the Pofterity of a King forfeited to the People, as that Law hertofore of Treafon againft the King, attainted the Children with the Father. . This Law againit both King and Kinghhip they who moft queftion, do not lefs queftion ail enacted without the King and his Antiparlament at Oxford, though call’d Mungrel by himfelf. Hf no Law muft be held good, but what paffesin full Parlament, then furely in exattnefs of Le- gality, no Member muft be mifling: for look how many are mifling, fo many Counties or Cities that fent them want thir Reprefenters. But if being once chofen, they ferve for the whole Nation, then any number which is fufficient,
is full, and moft of allintimes of difcord, neceflity and danger. The King — 4
himfelf was bound by the old Mode of Parlaments, not to be abfent, but in cafe of Sicknefs, or fom extraordinary occafion, and then to leave his Sub- ftitute ; much lefs might any Member be allowd to abfent himfelf If the King then and many of the Members with him, without leaving any in his ftead, forfook the Parlament upon a meer panic fear, as was that time judg’d by moft Men, and to levy War againft them that fat, fhould they who were left fitting, break up, or not dare enact aught of neereft and prefenteft con- cernment to public Safety, for the punctilio wanting of a full number, which no Law-book in fuch extraordinary cafes hath determin’d? Certainly if it were lawful for them to fly from thir Charge upon pretence of privat. Safety, it was much more lawful for thefe to fit and a& in thir truft what was neceflary for public. By a Law therfore of Parlament, and of-a Par- lament that conquer’d both Ireland, Scotland, and all thir Enemies in England, defended thir friends, were generally acknowledg’d for a Parlament both at home and abroad, Kingfhip was abolifh’d: This Law now of late hath bin negatively repeal’d , yet Kingfhip not pofitively reftor’d; and I fuppofe ne- ver was eftablifh’d by any certain Law in this Land, nor pollibly could be: for how could our Fore-fathers bind us to any certain form of Government, more than we can bind our Pofterity? If a People be put to war with thir King for his Mifgovernment, and overcom him, the Power is then un- doubtedly in thir own hands how they will be govern’d. The War was granted ju by the King himfelf at the beginning of his laft Trgaty, and ftill maintain’d to be fo by this laft Parlament, as appears by the Qualification prefcrib’d to the Members of this next enfuing, That none fhall be elected,
who have born Arms againft the Parlament fince 1641. ,If the War were | q
juft, the Conqueft was alfo juft by the Law of Nations. And he who was the chief Enemy, in allright ceas’d to be the King, efpecially after Captivi- ty, by the deciding Verdit of War; and Royalty with all her Laws and Pretenfions, yet remains in the Victor’s power, together with the choice of our future Government. Free Commonwealths have bin ever counted fitteft and propereft for civil, vertuous and induftrious Nations, abounding with prudent Men worthy to govern: Monarchy fitteft to curb degenerate, cor- rupt, idle, proud, luxurious People. If wedefire to be of the former, no- thing better for us, nothing nobler than a free Commonwealth: if we will needs condemn our felves to be of the latter, defparing of our own Vertue, Induftry, and the number of our able Men, we may then, confcious of our own unworthinefs to be govern’d better, fadly betake us to our befitting Thraldom: yet chufing out of our own number one who hath beft aided the People, and beft merited againft Tyranny, the {pace of a Raign or two we may chance to live happily enough, or tolerably. But that a vidtorious Peo- ple fhould give up themfelves again to the vanquifh’d, was never yet heard” of; feems rather void of all Reafon and good Policy, and will in all probability fubject the Subduers to the Subdu’d, will expofe to Revenge, to Beggary, to Ruin and perpetual Bondage the Victors under the vanquift’d: than which what can be more unworthy ?
From mifinterpreting our Law, you return to do again the fame with Scripture, and would prove the Supremacy of Englifh Kings from 1 Pet.2.13. as if that were the Apoftle’s work: wherin if he faith that the King ts fu-
preme,
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preme, he fpeaks fo of him but as an Ordinance of Adan, and in refpect of thofe Governors that are fent by him, not. in refpec& of Parlaments, which by the Law of this Land are his Bridle; in vain his Bridle, if not alfo his Rider: and therfore hath not only Co-ordination with him, which you fallly call feditious, but hath Superiority above him, and that neither againft Religion, nor right Reafon: no nor againft common Law; for our Kings reign’d only by Law: but the Parlament is above all pofitive Law, whe- ther civil or common, makes or unmakes them both; and ftill the latter Parlament above the former, above all the former Lawgivers, then certainly above all precedent Laws ; entail’d the Crown on whom it pleas’d ; and as a great Lawyer faith, ts fo tranfcendent and abjolute, that it cannot be confin’d either for Caufes or Perfons, within any bounds. But your cry is, no Parlament without a King. If this be fo, we have never had lawful Kings, who have all bin created Kings either by fuch Parlaments, or by Conquett: if by fuch Parlaments, they are in your allowance none: if by Conqueft, that Conqueft we have now conquer’d. So that as well by your own Alflertion as by ours, there can at prefent beno King. And how could that Perfon be abfolutely fupreme, who reign’d, not under Law only, but under Oath of his good Demeanor given to the People at his Coronation, ere the People gave him his Crown? And his principal Oath was to maintain thofe Laws which the People fhould chufe. If then the Law it felf, much more he who was but the Keeper and Minifter of Law, was in thir choice, and both he fubordinat to the performance of his Duty fworn, and our fworn Allegiance in order only to his performance.
You fall next on the Confiftorian Schifmatics ; for fo you call Presbyterians, pag. 40. and judg them to have enervated the King’s Supremacy by thir Opinions and Praéice, differing in many things only in terms from Popery, though fome of thofe Principles which you there cite concerning Kingfhip, are to be ready in Ariftotle’s Politics, long ere Popery was thought on. The Presbyterians therfore it concerns to be well forewarn’d of you betimes; and to them I leave you.
As for your Examples of feditious Men, pag. 54, &c. Cora, Abfalom, Zimri, Sheba, to thefe you might with much more reafon have added your own Name, who blow the Trumpet of Sedition from your Pulpit againft the prefent Govern- ment: in reward wherof they have fent you by this time, as I hear, to your own place, for preaching open Sedition, while you would feem to preach againft it. Tb eke Lae.
As for your Appendix annext of the Samaritan reviv'd, finding it fo foula Libel againft all the well-affected of this Land, fince the very time of Ship- money, againft the whole Parlament, both Lords and Commons, except thofe that fled to Oxford, againft the whole reform’d Church, not only in England and Scotland, but,all over Europe (in comparifon wherof you and your Prela- tical Party are more truly Schifmatics and Se¢tarians, nay mare properly Fanatics in your Fanes and gilded Temples, than thofe whom -you revile by thofe names ) and meeting with no more Scripture or folid reafon in your Samaritan wine and oyl, than hath already bin found fophifticated and adulte- rate, | leave your malignant Narrative, as needing no other Confutation, than the juft Cenfure already pafg’d upon you by the Council of State.
OF
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Pa
OF True Religion, Herefie, Schifm, Toleration,
And what beft Means may be us’d again{t the | Growth of
POPER Y. Printed in the Year 1673. |
T is unknown to no Man, who knows ought of Concernment among us, that the increafe of Popery is at this day no fmall Trouble and Offence to greateft part of the Nation; and the rejoicing of all good Men that it is fo; the more thir rejoicing, that God hath giv’n a Heart to the People to remember ftill thir great and happy Deliverance from Popifh
Thraldom, and to efteem fo highly the precious benefit of his Gofpel, fo freely and fo peaceably injoy’d among them. Since therfore fome have al- ready in public with many confiderable Arguments exhorted the People to beware the growth of this Romifh Weed ; I thought it no lefs than a com- mon duty to lend my hand, how unable foever, to fo good a purpofe. I will not now enter into the Labyrinth of Councils and Fathers, an intangl’d wood which the Papift loves to fight in, not with hope of Victory, but to ob- fcure the fhame of an open Overthrow: which yet in that kind of Combat, many heretofore, and one of late, hath eminently giventhem. And fuch manner of difpute with them, to Learned Men, is ufeful and very commen- dable: But I fhall infiit now on what is plainer tocommon Apprehenfion,
and what I have to fay, without longer Introduétion. . True Religion is the true Worfhip and Service of God, learnt and believ’d from the Word of God only. No Manor Angel can know how God would. be worfhip’d and ferv’d unlefs God reveal it: He hath reveal’d and_ taught it us in the holy Scriptures by infpir’d Minifters, and in the Gofpel by his own Son and his Apoftles, with ftricteft command to rejeétall other Tradi- tions or Additions whatfoever. According to that of St. Paul, Though we or an Angel from Heaven preach any other Gofpel unto you, than that which we have preacht unto you, let bim be Anathema, or accurft. And Deut. 4. 2. Ye fhall not add to the Word which | command you, neither fhall you diminif{h ought from it. Rev. 22. 18,19. If any Man fhall add, &c. If any Man fhall take away from the words, &c. With good and religious Reafon therfore all Proteftant Churches with one Confent, and particularly the Church of England in her thirty nine Articles, Artic. 6th, 19th, 20th, 21/t, and elfewhere, maintain thefe two Points, as the main Principles of true Religion: that the Rule of true Religion is the Word of God only: and that thir Faith ought not to be animplicit Faith, that is, to believe, though as the Church believes, againft or without exprefs Autho- rity of Scripture. And if all Proteftants as univerfally as they hold thefe two Principles, fo attentively and religioufly would obferve them, they would avoid and cut off many Debates and Contentions, Schifms and Perfecutions, which too oft have been among them, and more firmly unite againft the common
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common Adverfary. For hence it directly follows, that no true Proteftant can perfecute, or not tolerate his Fellow-Proteitant, though diffenting from him in fom Opinions, but he muft flatly deny and renounce thefe two his own main Principles, wheron true Religion is founded; while he compels his Brother from that which he believes as the manifeft Word of God, to anim- plicit Faith (which he himfelf condemns) to the endangering of his Brother’s Soul, whether by rafh Belief, or outward Conformity: for whatfoever is not of Faith, ts Sin. —- :
I will now as briefly fhow What is fal{é Religion or Herefie, which will be don as eafily : for of Contraries the Definitions muft needs be contrary. He- refie therfore is a Religions taken up and believ’d from the Traditions of Men and Additions to the Word of God. Whence alfo it follows ¢learly that of all known Sects or pretended Religions at this day in Chriftendom, Popery is the only or the greateit Herefie: and.he whois fo forward to brand allothers for Heretics, the obitinate Papift, the only Heretic. Hence one of thir own famous Writers found juft caufe to ftile the Romifh Church A0- ther of Error, School of Herefie. And wheras the Papift boafts himfelf to bea Roman Catholic, it is a meer Contradiction, one ofthe Pope’s Bulls, as if he fhould fay, univerfal particular, a Catholic Schifmatic. » For Catholic in Greek fignifies Univérfal: and the Chrijtian Church was-o call’d, as confift- ing of all Nations to whom the Gofpel was to be preach’d, in contradiftinai- on to the Jewifh Church,. which contitted for the moft part of Jews only.
Seéts may be ina true Church as well as in a falfe, when Men follow the Doétrin too much for the Teachers fake, whom they think almoft infallible ; and this becomes, through Infirmity, implicit Faith; and the name Sedtary pertains to fach a Difciple. ste .
Schifm is a Rent or Divifion in the Church, when it comes to the feparating of Congregations, and may alfo happen to a true Church, as wellas toa falfe, yet inthe true needs not tend to the breaking of Communion, if they can agree in the right Adminiftration of that wherin they communicate, keeping thir other Opinions to themfelves, not being deftrudtive to Faith. The Pharifees and Saduces were two Sects, yet both met together in thir common Worhhip of God at Yerufalem. But here the Papift will angrily de- mand, what! Are Lutherans, Calvinifts, Anabaptifts, Socinians, Armini- ans, no Heretics? Tanfwer, all thefemay have fome Errors, but are no He- retics. Herefie is in the Willand Choice profeftly againft Scripture; Error is againft the Will, in mifunderftanding the Scripture after all fincere Endea- vours to underftand it rightly : Hence it was faid well by one of the Ancients, Evr I may, but a Heretic I will not be. tis a human Frailty to err, and no Man is infallible here on Earth. But fo long as all thefe profefs to fet the Word of God only before them as the Rule of Faith and Obedience ; and ufe all Diligence and Sincerity of Heart, by Reading, by Learning, by Study, by: Prayer for Illumination of the holy Spirit, to underftand the Rule and obey it, they have done what Man can do: God will affuredly pardon them, as he did the Friends of ob, good and pious Men, though much miftaken, as there it appears, in fome Pointsof Doétrin. But fom will fay, with Chriftians it is otherwife, whom God hath promis’d by his Spirit to teach all things. True, all things abfolutely neceflary to Salvation: But the hotteft Difputes among Proteftants, calmly and charitably enquir’d into, willbe found lefs than fuch. The Lutheran holds Confubftantiation, an Error indeed, but not mortal. The Calvinift is taxt with Predeftination, and to make God the Author of
Sin; not with any difhonourable Thought of God, but it may beover zea-
loufly afferting his abfolute Power, not without Plea of Scripture. The Ana- baptift is accus’d of denying Infants thir Right to Baptifin; again they fay, they deny nothing but what the Scripture deniesthem. The Arianand Soci- nian are charg’d to difpute againft the Trinity: they affirm to believe the Fa- ther, Son, and Holy Ghoft, according to Scripture and the A poftolic Creed ; as for terms of Trinity, Triniunity, Coeflentiality, Triperfonality, and the like, they reje&t them as Scholaftic Notions, not to be found in Scripture, which by a general Proteftant Maxim is plain and perfpicuous abundantly to explain its own meaning in the propereft Words, belonging to fo higha Mat- ' ter, and fo neceflary tobe known; a Myftery indeed in thir aaa tilties,
/
C 80h ) tilties, but in Scripture 4 plain Doétrin, Their other Opinions are of {ef moment. They difpute the Satisfaction of Chrift, or rather the word Satif= faction, as not Scriptural: but they acknowledg him both God and their Sa= viour, The Arminian laftly is condemn’d for fetting up Free Will againft Free Grace; but that Imputation he difclaims in all his Writings, and grounds himf{elf largely upon Scripture only. It cannot be deny’d that the Authors or late Revivers of all thefe Sects or Opinions were learned; worthy, zealous, and religious Men, as appears by thir Lives written, and the fame of thir many eminent and learned Followers, perfect and powerful in the Scriptures, holy and unblamable in thir Lives: and it cannot be imagin’d that God would defert fuch painful and zealous Laborers in his Church, and oft-times great Sufferers for thir Confcience, to damnable Errors and a reprobate Senfe, who had fo often implor’d the Afliftance of his Spirit; but rather, having made no Man infallible, that he hath pardon’d thir Errors, and ac+ cepts thir pious Endeavours, fincerely fearching all things according to the Rule of Scripture, with fuch Guidance and Direétion as they can obtain of God by Prayer. What Proteftant then who himfelf maintains the fame Prin= ciples, and difavows all implicit Faith, would perfecute, and not rather cha= ritably tolerate fuch Men as thefe, unlefs he mean to abjure the Principles of his own Religion? If it be ask’d how far they fhould be tolerated? I anfwer, doubtlefs equally, as being all Proteftants ; that is onall occafions to give ac- count of thir Faith, either by arguing, preaching in thir feveral Affems blies, publick writing, andthe freedom ot Printing. For if the French and Polonian Proteftantsinjoy all this Liberty among Papifts, much more may a Proteftant juftly expect it among Proteftants; and yet fomtimes here among us, the one perfecutes the other upon every flight pretence.
But he is wont to fay, he enjoys only things indifferent. Let them be fo ftill; who gave him Authority to change thir Nature by injoyning them ? If by his own Principles, as is prov’d, he ought to tolerate controverted Points of Do¢trin not {lightly grounded on Scripture, much more ought he not impofe things indifferent without Scripture. In Religion nothing is in- different, but, if it come once to beimpos’d, is either a Gommand or a Pro- hibition, and fo confequently an addition to the Word of God, which he pro- fefles to difallow. Belides, how unequal, how uncharitable muft it needs be; to impofe that which his Confcience cannot urge him to impofe, upon him whofe Confcience forbids him to obey ? What can it be but love of Conten- tion for things notnecellary to be don, to moleft the Confcience of his Bro- ther, who holds them neceflary to be not don? To conclude, let fuch an oné but call to mind his own Principles above-mention’d, and he muft neceflarily . grant, that neither he can impofe, nor the other believeor obey ought in Re- ligion, but from the Word of God only. More amply to underftand this may be read the 14th and-15th Chapters to the Romans, and the Gontents of the 14th, fet forth no doubt but with full Authority of the Church of Eng- Jand , the Glofs is this: Afen may not contemn or condemn one the other for things indifferent. Andin the 6th Article above mention’d, whatfoever is not read in Holy Scripture, nor may be proved therby, is not to be required of any Adar as an Article of Faith, or neceflary to Salvation. And certainly what is not fo, is not to be required at all, as being an Addition to the Word of God exprefly for- bidden.
Thus this long and hot Conteft, whether Proteftants ought to tolerate one another, if Men willbe but rational and not partial, may be ended without need of more Words to compofe it.
Let us now enquire whether Popery be tolerable or no. Popery is a double thing todeal with, and claims a twofold Power, Ecclefiaftical and Political, both ufurpt, and the one fupporting the other. '
But Ecclefiaftical is ever pretended to Political, The Pope by this mixt Faculty pretends Right to Kingdoms and States, and efpecially to this of Eng- land, thronesand unthrones Kings, and abfolves the People from thir Obe- dience to them; fomtimes interdi¢ts to whole Nations the Public Worfhip of God, fhutting up thir Churches: and was wont to dreign away greateit part of the Wealth of this then miferable Land, as part of his Patrimony, te maintain the Pride and Luxury of his Court and Prelats: and now lince;
5h throug)
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through the infinite Mercy and Favour of God, we have fhaken off his Babylo- nifh Yoke, hath not ceas’d by his Spies and Agents, Bulls and Emiffaries, once to deftroy both King and Parliament; perpetually to feduce, corrupt, and — pervert as many as they can of the People. Whether therfore it be fit or — reafonable, to tolerate Men thus principl’d in Religion towards the State, I fubmit it to the confideration of all Magiftrates, who are beft able to provide for thir own and the public Safety. As for tolerating the exercife of thir Religion, fuppofing thir State-Adtivities not to bedangerous, I anfwer, that Toleration is either public or private; and the exercife of thir Religion, as far as it is idolatrous, can be tolerated neither way: not publicly, without grievous and unfufferable Scandal giv’n to all confcientious Beholders ; not — privately, without great Offence toGod, declar’d againft all kind of Idola- try, though fecret. Ezek. 8.7, 8. dad be brought me to the door of the Court, and when I looked, behold a bole in the Wall. Then faid he unto me, Son of Man, dig now inthe Wall ; and when Ihad digged, behold a door , and he faid unto me, go in, and behold the wicked Abominations that they do bere. And ver.12. Then faid-be unto me, Son of Man, baft thou feen what the Ancients of the houfe of \frael do in the dark? &c. And itappears by the whole Chapter, that God was no lefs offended with thefe fecret Idolatries, than with thofe in public ; and no lefS provok’d, than to bring on and haften his Judgments on the whole Land for thefe alfo.
Having fhown thus, that Popery, as being idolatrous, is not to be tole- rated either in public or in private; it muft be now thought how to remove it and hinder the growth thereof, I mean in our Natives,*and not Foreiners, privileg’d by the Law of Nations. Are we to punifh them by corporal Pu- nifhment, or Fines in thir Eftates, upon account of thir Religion? I fup- pofe it ftands not with the Clemency of the Gofpel, more than what apper- tains to the Security of the State: But firft we muft remove thir Idolatry, and all the Furniture therof, whether Idols, or the Mafs wherin they adore thir God under Bread and Wine: for the Commandment forbids to adore, not only any graven Image, but the likencfs of any thing in Heaven above, or in the Earth beneath, or in the Water under the Earth ;.thou fhalt not bow down to them, nor worfhip them, for I the Lord thy God am a jealous God. If they fay that by re- moving thir Idols we violate thir Confciences, we have no warrant to re- gard Confcience which is not grounded on Scripture: and they. themfelves confefs in thir late Defences, that they hold not thir Images neceflary to Salvation, but only as they are enjoyn’d them by Tradition.
Shall we condefcend to difpute withthem ? The Scripture is our only Prin- ciple in Religion; and by that only they will not be judg’d, but will add other Principles of thir own, which, forbidden by the Word of God, we cannot aflentto. And [in feveral places of the Gofpel] the common Maxim alfo in Logic is, againft them who deny Principles, we are not to difpute. Let them bound thir Difputations on the Scripture only, and an ordinary Proteitant, well read in the Bible, may turnand wind thir Doctors. They will not go about to prove thir Idolatries by the Word of God, but run to Shifts and Evafions, and frivolous Diftinétions: Idols they fay are Laymens Books, and a great means to ftir up pious Thoughts and Devotion inthe learnedft. I fay they are no means of God’s appointing, but plainly the contrary: Let them hear the Prophets; Fer. 10. 8. The Stockis a Dottrin of Vanities. Hab. 2.18. What pro- fiteth the graven Image that the Adaker therof hath graven it: The Molten Image and a Teacher of Lies? But they allege in thir late Anfwers, that the Laws of Aofes giv’n only to the Jews, concern not us under the Gofpel: and re- member not that Idolatry is forbidden as exprefly, but with thefe Wiles and Fallacies compaffing Sea and Land, like the Pharifees of old, to make one Profelite, they lead away privily many fimple and ignorant Souls, Men or Women, and make them twofold more the Children of Hell than themfelves, Mat.23.15. But the Apoftle hath well warn’d us, I may fay, from fuch Deceivers as thefe, for thir Myftery was then working. I befeech you, Brethren, faithhe, mark them which caufe Divifions and Offences, contrary to the Dottrin which ye have learned, and avoid them 3 for they that are fuch ferve not our Lord Fefus Chrift, but thir own Belly, and by good Words and fair Speeches deceive the Heart of the fimple, Rom.
16. 17, 18. t The
¢ S12 )
The next means to hinder the growth of Popery will be to read duly and diligently the Holy Scriptures, which as St. Paul faith to Timothy, who had known them froma Child, are able to make wife unto Salvation, And to the whole Church of Coloffi, Let the word of Chrijt dwell in you plentifully, with all Wifdom, Col. 3.16. The Papal Antichriftian Church permits not her Laity toread the Bible in thir own Tongue: Our Church on the contrary hath pro- ‘pos d it toall men, and to this end tranflated it into Englifh, with profitable Notes on what is met with obfcure, though whatis moft neceflary to be known be till plaineft ; that all forts and degrees of men, not underftanding the Original, may read it in thir Mother Tongue. Neither let the Countryman, the Tradefinan, the Lawyer, the Phyfician, the Satefman, excufe himfelf by his much Bufinefs from the ftudious reading thereof. Our Saviour faith, Luke 10. 41,42. Thou art careful and troubled about many things, but one thing is needful. If they wereask’d, they would be loth to fet earthly things, Wealth, or Honour before the wifdom of Salvation, Yet moft men in the courfe and prattice of thir Lives are found todo fo; and through unwillingnefs to take the pains of underftanding thir Religion by thir own diligent ftudy, would fain be fav’d by aDeputy. Hence comes implicit Faith, ever learning and never taught, much hearing and {mall proficience, till want of Fundamental Knowledg ea- fily turns to Superitition or Popery: Therfore the Apoftle admonifhes, Ephef. 4.14. That we henceforth be no more Children, toffed to and fro and carryed about mith every wind of Dotirin, by the, fleight of men, and cunning craftine{s wherby they lie in wait to decerve. Every member of the Church, at leaft of any breed- ing or capacity, fo well ought tobe grounded in fpiritual Knowledg, as, if need be, to examin thir Teachers themfelves, 4dés17.11. They fearched the Scriptures daily, whether thofe things were fo. Rev. 2.2. Thou haft tried them which Jay they are Apoftles, and are not. How fhould any private Chriftian try his Teachers, unlefS he be well grounded himfelf in the Rule of Scripture, by which he is tanght. As therfore among Papitts, thir ignorance in Scripture chiefly upholds Popery ; fo among Proteftant People, the frequent and ferious reading therof will fooneft pull Popery down.
Another means to abate Popery, arifes from the conftant reading of Scrip- ture, wherin Believers who agree in the main, are every where exhorted to mutual Forbearance and Charity one towards the other, though diffenting in fom Opinions. It is written thatthe Coat of our Saviour was without Seam ; whence fom would infer, that there fhould be no divifion in the Church of Chrift. It fhould be fo indeed ; yet Seams inthe fame Cloth, neither hurt the Garment, nor misbecom it; and not only Seams, but Schifms will be while men are fallible: Butif they who diffent in matters not eflential to Belief, while the common Adverfary is in the Field, fhall ftand jarring and pelting at one another, they will be foon routed and fubdued. The Papift with open mouth makes much advantage of our feveral Opinions; not that he is able to confute the worit of them, but that we by our continual jangle among our felves make them worfe than they are indeed. To fave our felves therfore, and refift the commcnenemy, it concerns us mainly to agree within our felves, that with joint Forces we may not only hold our own, but get ground; and why fhould we not? The Gofpel commands us to tolerate one another, though of various Opinions, and hath promifed a good and happy event therof ; Phil. 3.15. Let us therfore, as many as be perfect, be thus minded , and if in any thing ye be otherwife minded, God {hall reveal even this unto you. And we are bid 1 ThefJ: 5.21. Prove all things, hold faft that whichis good. St. Paul judg’d that not only to tolerate, but to examin and prove all things, was no danger to our holding faft of that which is good. How hhall we prove all things, which includes all opinions at leaft founded on Scripture, unlefs we not only tolerate them, but patiently hear them, and ferioufly read them? if he who thinks himfelf in the truth, profeiles to have learnt it, not by implicit Faith, but by attentive ftudy of the Scriptures, and full perfwafion of Heart; with what Equity can he refufe to hear orread him, who demonftrates to have gained his knowledg by the fame way ? Isita fair courfe to aflert Truth by arrogating to himfelf the only freedom of Speech, and {topping the Mouths of others equally gifted ? This is the direct way to Hg in that Papiftical implicit Faith which we all difclaim, They pretend it would unfettle the weaker fort ; the
fame
( 8:12) fame groundlefs fear is pretended by the Romifh Clergy. At leaft then let them have leave to write in Latin, which the common People underftand not ; that what they hold may be difcuft among the Learned only. We fuffer the idolatrous Books of Papifts, without this fear, to be fold and read as common. asour own: Why not much rather of Anabaptifts, Arians, Arminians, and — Socinians? There is no Learned man but will confefs he hath much profited by ©
reading Controverfies, his Senfes awakt, his Judgment fharpn’d, and the <a
Truth which he holds more firmly eftablifh’t. If then it be profitable for — him to read, why fhould it not at leaft be tolerable and free for his Adverfa- _
ry to write? In Logic they teach, that contraries laid together more evident- ly appear: it follows then that all Controverfy being permitted, Falfhood will appear more falfe, and Truth the more true, which muft needs conduce
much, not only to the confounding of Popery, but to the general confirmati-
onof unimplicit Truth. ’ j
The laft means to avoid Popery, is to amend our Lives: it is a general Complaint that this Nation of late years, is grown more numeroufly and ex-- ceflively vitious than heretofore ; Pride, Luxury, Drunkennefs, Whoredom, Curfing, Swearing, bold and open Atheifm every where abounding: where thefe grow, no wonder if Popery alfo grow apace. There is no man fo wicked, but at fomtimes his Confcience will wring, him with thoughts of ano- ther World, and the peril of his Soul, the trouble and melancholy which he conceives of true Repentance and Amendment he endures not, but enclinés rather to fom carnal Superftition, which may pacify and lull his Confcience with fom more pleafing Doétrin. None more ready and ofhcious to offer her felf than the Komifh, and opens wide her Office, with all her faculties, tore- ceive him; eafy Confeflion, eafy Abfolution, Pardons, Indulgences, Mafles for him both quick and dead, Agnus Dei’s, Reliques, and the like: and he, in- ftead of working out bis Salvation with fear and trembling, ftrait thinks in his Heart (like another kind of Fool than he in the Pfalms) to bribe God as a corrupt Judg ; and by his Proctor, fome Prieft, or Fryer, to buy out his Peace with Mony, which he cannot with his Repentance. For God, when men fin outragioufly, and will not be admonifh’d, gives over chaftizing them, per- haps by Peftilence, Fire, Sword, or Famin, which may all turn to thir good, and takes up his fevereft Punifhments, hardnefs, befottednefs of Heart, and Idolatry, to thir final Perdition. Idolatry brought the Heathen to hainous Tranfgreflions, Rom. 2. And hainous Tranfgreflions oftimes bring the flight Profeflors of true Religion, to grofs Idolatry: 1 Thefl. 2. 11, 12. For this caufe God fhall fend them ftrong Delufion that they fhould believe a Lie, that they all might be damn’d who believe not the Truth, but bad pleafure in Unrighteoufne/s. And Ifaiah 44.18, Speaking of Idolaters, They bave not known nor underftood, for be hath fhut thir Eyes that they cannot fee, and thir Hearts that they cannot under- fland. Let ustherfore, ufing this laft means, laft here fpoken of, but firft to be don, amend our Lives with all fpeed; left through impenitency we run into that Stupidity, which we now feek all means fo warily to avoid, the worft of Superftitions, and the heavieft of all God’s Judgments, Popery.
6? Re Mifcellaneous Tracts,
Vik 2. I. ABrief Hiftory of Mofcovia, and of other lef- known Countries lying Eaftward of Has fa, &c.
II. A Declaration,’ or Letters Patents of iS Election of Fobn III. King of Poland ; containing the Rea- fons therof, his great Vertues me Merits, ¢c.
Ill. Of Education. To Mr. Samuel Hartlib.
TV. Accedence commenc’d Grammar, fuppli d with fuf- ficient Rules for the Ufe of fuch as are defirous to at- tain the Latin Tongue.
Amsterpam, MDCXCIV.
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€ 819 ) A Brief
HIS F'O RY MOSCOVIA:
AND
Of other lefs-known Countries lying Eaftward of Ruffa as far as Cathay.
Gather’d from the Writings of feveral Eye-
witnefles,
The Prerace.
HE ftudy of Geography is both profitable and delightful; but the Writers therof, though fom of them exact enough in fetting down Longitudes and Latitudes, yet in thofe other relations of Manners, Religion, Government, and fuch like, accounted Geographical, have for the moft part mifsd thir proportions. Som too brief and deficient fatisfy not ; others too voluminous and impertinent cloy and weary out the Rea- der, while they tell long Stories of abfurd Superftitions, Ceremonies, quaint. Habits, and other petty Circumftances little to the purpofe. Wherby that which is ufeful, and only worth obfervation, in fuch a wood of words, is ei- ther overflipt, or foon forgotten, which perhaps brought into the mind of {ome men more learned and judicious, who had not the leifure or purpofe to write an entire Geography, yet at leaft to aflay fomthing in the defcription of one or two Countries, which might be as a Pattern or Example to render others more cautious herafter, who intended the whole work. And this per- haps induc’d Paulus Jovins to defcribe only Afofcovy and Britaiz. Some fuch thoughts, many years fince, led me ata vacant time to attempt the like argument, and I began with Mafcovy, as being the moft northern Region of Europe repu- ted civil, and the more northern parts therof, firft difcovered by Exglifh Voy- ages. WherinI faw I had by much the advantage of Fovins. What was {cat- ter’d in many Volumes, and obferv’d at feveral times by Eye-witnefles, with no curfory pains I laid together, to fave the Reader a far longer travail of wandring through fo many defert Authors ; who yet with fome delight drew me after them, from the eaftern Bounds of Ruffia, to the Walls of Cathay, in feveral late Journeys made thither overland by Xujfians, who defcribe the Coun- tries in thir way far otherwife then our common Geographers. From proceed- ing further, other occafions diverted me. This Eflay, fuch as it is, was thought by fome, who knew of it, not amifs to be publifhed ; that fo many things re- markable, difpers’d before, now brought under one view, might not hazard to be otherwife loft, nor the labour loft of collecting them.
5M 2 MO SCO.
( 320 ) MOSCOVIA: OR, Relations of Moscovria, As far as hath been difcovered by Englifh Voyages ;
Gather’d from the Writings of feveral Eye-wit- nefles: And of other lefs known Countries lying Eaft- ward of Ru/ffia as far as Cathay, lately difcovered at f{e- veral times by Ru/fians.
C-H-A.B. 1 A brief Defcription.
HE Empire of A4ofcovia, or as others callit, Ruffia, is bounded on the North with Lapland and the Ocean; Southward by the Crim Tartar; on the Weft by Lituania, Livonia, and Poland; on the Eaft by the River Ob, or Oby, and the Nagayan Tartars on the Tolga as far as Aftracan.
The North The north parts of this Country-are fo barren, that the Inhabitants fetch
and Eatft, Hack, 251.
Hack. vo. 1. 248.
Saint Nicho- las, Hack, 3766
Rofe Ifland, Hack, 365.
Archangel, Duina. Pinegas
Lampas, 284.
Gandinos, Colgoieve, Pure. par. 35 533:
thir Corn a thoufand miles, and fo cold in Winter that the very Sap of thir Wood-fewel burning on the fire, freezes at the Brands-end where it
drops. The Mariners which were left a fhip-board in the firft Englifh Voyage —
thither, in going up only from thir Cabins to the Hatches, had thir breath fo congeal’d by the cold, that they felldown as it were ftif'd. The Bay of Saint Nicholas, where they firft put in, lyeth in 64 degrees; call?d fo from the Abby there built of Wood, wherin are 20 Monks, unlearned, as then they found them, and great Drunkards: thir Church is fair, full of Images and Tapers, There are befides but 6 Houfes, wherof one buile by the Englith. In the Bay over againft the Abby is Rofe //land, full of damask and red Rofes,
Violets, and wild Rofemary; the Ifle is in circuit 7 or 8 miles; about the ©
midit of May the Snow there is cleard, having two months been melting; then the ground in 14 days is dry, and Grafs knee-deep within a month; atter Sep tember Froft returns, and Snow a yard high: it hatha Houfe built by the Eng- lifh near to a frefh fair Spring. North-eaft of the Abby on the other fide of Duina, isthe Caftle of Archangel, where the Englifh have another Houfe. The River Duina beginning about 700 miles within the Country, having firft receiv’d Pinega, falls here into the Sea, very large and {wift, but fhallow. It runneth’ pleafantly between Hills on either fides befet like a WildernefS with high Fir, and other Trees. Thir Boats of Timber without any Iron in them, are’ either to fail, or to be drawn up with Ropes againft the ftream. aif
North-eaft beyond Archangel ftandeth Lampas, where twicea year is kept a great Fair of Ruffes,Tartars,and Samoeds, and to the Land-ward Aezen,and Slo- botca, two Towns of Traffick betweenthe River Pechora, or Petzora, and Dui- na: Yo Seaward lies the Cape of Candinos, and thelfland of Colgoieve, about 30 leagues from the Bar of Pechora inég degrees.
The
Se ee ee ee
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( 821 )
The River Pechora or Petzora holding his Courfe through Siberia, how far the Rufians therabouts know not, runneth into the Sea at 72 mouths, full of Ice; abounding with Swans, Ducks, Geefe and Partridg, which they take in July, fel! the Feathers, and falt the Bodies for Winter Provifion. On this River {preading to alake ftands the Town of Puffozerain 68 degrees, having Puftozera, fome 8o or 100 Houfes, where certain Merchants of Aw winter’d in the year ibid. Purc. 1611, The Town Pechora, {mall and poor, hath 3 Churches. They traded there up the River four days journey to Oxufzilma a {mall Town of 60 Houfes, 74": 549. The Raffians that have travail’d, fay that this River {prings out of the Mowatains of Fougorta, and runs through Permia. Not far from the Mouth therof are the Straits of Vaigues, of which herafter: more Ealtward is the Point of Na- ramzy, and next to that the RiverO4; beyond which the Afucovites have ex- tended lately thirdominion. Touching the Riphean Mountains, whence Tanais Riphein was antiently thought to f{pring, our men could hear nothing; but rather that Mountains, the whole Country is Champain, and in thenorthmoft parc huge and defert Woods of Fir, abounding with black Wolves, Bears, Buils, and another Beaft call’d Rollomakka, whofe Female bringeth forth by palling through fome narrow place, as between two Stakes, and fo prefleth her Womb to a disbur- From Saine thening. Travelling fouthward they found the Country more pleafant, fair, Niclas to
5455 5510
and better inhabited, Corn, Pafture, Medows, and huge Woods. -Arkania 471!
(if it be not the fame with Archangel) isa place of Englifh Trade, from whence srkantazen Gs
a days journey diftant, but from Saint Nicholas a 109 Verlts, Colmogro ftands on Calmiogros the Duina s a great Town not wall’d, but fcatter’d. The Englilh have here Huck. 376. Lands of thir own, given them by the Emperor, and fair Houfes; not far
beyond, Pimega running between Rocks of Alabafter and great Woods, meets
with Duina, From Colmogro to Uftiug are 500 Verfts or little miles, an antient Ufting. City upon the Confluence of Fuga and Sucana into Disma,which there firft receives Huck. 312, hisname. Thence continuing by water to Wologda, a great City fo nam’d of Wolozda, the River which pafles through the midft; it hath a Caftle wall’d about with
Brick and Stone, and many wooden Churches, two for every Parifh, the one
in Winter to be heated, the other us’d inSummer; this is a Town of much Traflick, a 1000 miles from Saint Nicholas. All this waytby water no lodging is
-to be had but under open Sky by the River fide, and no other provifion, only what they bring withthem. From Wologda by Sled they go to Yeraflave on the Yeraflive.
Volga, whofe breadth is there at leaft a mile over, and thence runs 2700 Verfls
to the Cafpian Sea, having his head Spring out of Bealozera, which is a Lake, zk. 377. amid{t wherof is built a {trong Tower, wherin the Kings of Af/covy referve 942, thir Treafure in time of War. From this Town to Roffove, then to Pere-
flave a great Town firuate on a fair Lake 5 thence to Mofco.
Between Yeraflave and AMofco, which is 200 miles, the Country is fo fertile, fo populous and fullof Villages, thatin a forenoon 7 or 800 Sleds are ufuallf {een 251. coming with Salc Fifh, or laden back with Corn. 235.
Maofco the chief City, lying in 55 degrees, diftant from Saint Nicholas 1500 ame, miles, isreputed to be greater then London with the Suburbs, butrudely built; — 313, thir Houfes and Churches moft of Timber, few of Stone, thir Streets un- pav'd it hath a fair Caftle four-fquare, upon a Hill, two miles about, with Brick Walls very high, and fome fay 18 foot thick, 16 Gates, and as many Bulwarks ; in the Caitle are kept the chief Markets, and in Winter on the River being then ‘firm Ice. This River Aofcua on the fouth-welt fide in- clofes the Caftle, wherin are nine fair Churches with round gilded Tow- ers; and the Emperor’s Palace; which neither within nor without is equal for ftate to the King’s Houfes in England, but rather like our Buildings of old fafhion, with {mall Windows, fome of Glafs, fome with Latices, or Iron Bars. /
They who travail from Afofco to the Cafpian, go by Water down the AZof- south-eatt. cua to the River Ocea; then by certain Caftles to Rezan, a famous City now Hack. 325- ruinate; the roth day to Nyfnovogrod, where Occa falls into Volga, which the Tartars cali Edel. From thence the 11th day to Cazan a Tartan City of great Wealth hertofore, now under the Ruffian; wall’d at firft with Timber and Earth, but fince by the Emperor Vafilavich with free Stone.’ From Cazan to the River Cama, falling into Volga from the Province of Permia; the People
dwelling on the left fide are Gentiles; and live in Woods without Houfes ; ae : yone
Ww
Ww
ae Ly
Welt. Nowogrod. 365.
( S22 )
yond them to Affracan, Tartars of A¢angat, and Nagay ; on the right fide thofe of Crimme. From Mofco to Aftracan is about 609 Leagues. The Towns fituate in an Ifland on a Hill-fide wall’d with Earth, but the Caftle with Earth and Timber ; the Houfes, except that of the Governor’s, and fome few others,poor and fimple ; the Ground utterly barren, and without Wood : they live there on Fifh,and Sture geon efpecially ; which hanging up to dry in the Streets-and Houfes, brings whole {warms of Flies, and infection to the Air, and oft. great Peftilence. This Ifland in length 12 leagues, 3 in breadth, is the Ruffian limit toward the Cafpian, which he keeps witha ftrong Garifon, being 20 Leagues from that Sea, into which Volga falls at 7o mouths. From Saint Nicholas, or from A4:fco to the Cafpian, they pafsin 46 daysand nights, moft part by Water. Weft-ward from Saint Nicholas 1200 miles is the City Novogrod 58 degrees, the greateft Mart-town of all this Dominion, and in bignefs not inferior to Mofco. The way thither is through the weftern bottom of Saint Nicholas Bay, and fo along the Shoar full of dangerous Rocks,to the Monattery Solofky, wher- in are at leaft 200 Monks ; the People therabout in a manner Savages, yet Te- nants to thofe Monks. ‘Thence to the dangerous River Owiga, wherin are Waterfalls as fteep as from a Mountain, and by the violence of thir defcent kept from freezing : fothat the Boats are to be carried there a mile over land ; which the Tenants of that Abby did by command, and were guides to the Mer- chants without taking any reward, Thence to the Town Poven/a ftanding with- in a mile of the famous Lake Onega 320 miles long, and in fom places 70, at narroweft 25 broad, and of greatdepth. Thence by fom Monatteries to the River Swire, then into the Lake Ladifcay much longer then Onega , after which into the River /olbusky, which through the midft of Novegrod runs into this Lake,
* and this Lake into the Baltick found by Narv and Revel. Thir other Cities to-
Government. Hack, 243.
ward the weltern bound are Plefco, Smolensko, or Vob/co.
The Emperor exercifeth abfolute power : if any man die without male Iflue, his Land returns to the Emperor. Any rich man who through age or other impotence is unable to ferve the Publick, being inform’d of, is turn’d out of his Eftate, and fore’d with his Family to live on a fimall Penfion, while fome other more deferving is by the Duke’s autority put into pofleflion. The manner of informing jthe Duke is thus. Your Grace, faith one, hath fucha Subject, a- bounding with Riches, but for fervice of the Stateunmeet, and you have others
* poorandin want, but wellable todo thir Country good fervice. Immediate-
Hac. 309.
Revenues.
Hac. 314.
Forces.
Hitc.239« 250.
ly the Duke fends forth to enquire, and calling the rich man before him, Friend, faithhe, you have too much Living, and are unferviceable to your Prince; lefs will ferve you, and the reft maintain others who deferve more. ‘The man thus call’d to impart his Wealth repines not, but humbly anfwers, that all he hath is God’s and the Duke’s, as if he made reftitution of what more juftly was anothers than parted with his own. Every Gentleman hath rule and juftice overhis own Tenants: if the Tenants of two Gentlemen agree not, they feek tocompofe it ; if they cannot, each brings his Tenant before the high Judg of that Country. They have no Lawyers, but every man pleads his own Caufe, or elfe by Bill or Anfwer in writing delivers it with his ownhands to the Duke : yet Juftice, by corruption of inferior Officers, is much perverted. Where o- ther proof is wanting, they may try the matter by perfonal Combat, or by Champion. If aDebtor be poor, he becomes bondman to the Duke, who lets out his labour till it pay the Debt till then he remains in bondage. Another trial they have by Lots.
The Revenues of the Emperor are what he lift, and what his Subjects are able; and heomits not the courfeft means to raife them: for in every good Town there is adrunken Tavern, call’d a Cavfemay, which the Emperor either lets out to farm; or beftows on fom Duke, or Gentleman in reward of his Ser- vice, who for that time is Lord of the whole Town, robbing and fpoiling at his pleafure, till being wellenricht, he is fent at hisown charge to the Wars, and there {queez’d of his ill got wealth; by which means the waging of War is to the Emperor little or nothing chargeable. .
The Rufian armeth not lefsintimeof war then 300000 men, half of whom he takes with him into the Field, the reft beftows in Garifons onthe Borders, He prefleth no Husbandman or Merchant, but the Youthof the Realm. He u- feth no Foot,but fuch as are Pioneers,or Gunners,of both which fort 30000. The
reft
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being Horfemen, are all Archers, and ride with a fhort Stirrup after the Turk ifh. ‘Thir Armour is aCoat of Plate, anda Scull on thir Heads. Som of thir Coats are cover’d with Velvet, or cloth of Gold ; for they defire to be gorgeous in Arms, but the Duke himfelf above meafure, his Pavilion cover’d with Cloth of Gold or Silver, fet with precious Stones. They ufe little Drums at the Saddle bow inftead of Spurs, for at the found therof the Horfes run more fwiftly.
They fight without order ; nor willingly give battail, but by ftealth or am- Hac. 314. bufh. Of Cold and hard Diet marveloufly patient, for when the Ground is 250. cover'd withSnow froz’n a yard thick, the common Souldier will lie in the Field two months together without Tent, or covering over head ; only hangs up his Mantle againft that part from whence the Weather drives, and kindling a little fire, lies him down before it, with his Back under the Wind : his Drink the cold Stream mingl’d with Oat-meal, and the fame all his Food : his Horfe fed with green Wood and Bark, ftands all this while in the open Field, yet does his fervice. The Emperor gives no pay at all, but to Strangers ; yet repaics good deferts in War with certain Lands during life; and they who ofteneft are fent to the Wars, think themfelves moft favour’d, tho ferving without Wages. Hac. 316. Onthe 12th of December yearly, the Emperor rides into the Field, which is without the City, with all his Nobility, on Jennets and Turky Horfesin great ftate ; before him 3000 Harquebufiers, who fhoot at a Bank of Ice, til] they beat it down ; the Ordnance, which they have very fair of all forts, they plant againft two wooden Houfes fill’d with Earthat leaft 30 foot thick, and beginning with the fmalleft, fhoot them all off thrice over, having beat thofe two Houfes flat. A- bove the reft 6 great Cannon they have, whofe Bullet is a yard high, fo that a man may fee it flying : then out of Mortar-picees they fhoot Wild-fire into the Air.
Thus the Emperor having feen what his Gunners can do, returns home in the fame’ order.
They follow the Greek Church, but with excefs of Superftitions : thir Ser- Religion. viceis in the Rajian Tongue. They hold the Ten Commandments not to con- Hac. 253, cern them, faying that God gave them under the Law, which Chrift by his Death on the Crofs hath abrogated : the Eucharift they receive in both kinds.
They obferve 4 Lents, have Service in thir Churches daily, from two hours before dawn to evening ; yet for Whordom, Drunkennefs and Extortion none 242, 321. worfe than the Clergy.
They have many great and rich Monafteries, where they keep great hofpita- wae lity. That of Trojetes hath in it 700 Friers, and is wall’d about with Brick very ftrongly, having many pieces of Brafs Ordnance on the Walls; moft of the Lands, Towns, and Villages within 40 miles belong to thofe Monks, who are alfo as great Merchants asany in the Land. During Eafter Holy-daies when two Friends meet, they take each other by thehand; one of them faying, The Lord is rifen ; the other anfwering, It is fo of atruth; and then they kifs, 318. whether Men or Women. The Emperor efteemeth the Metropolitan next to God, after our Lady and Saint Nicholas, as being his fpiritual Officer, himfelf but his temporal. But the A4s/covstes that border on Tartaria are yet Pa- 320 254,
ans. ; ? When there is love between two, the Man among other trifling Gifts, fends Marriages, tothe Woman a Whip, to fignify, if fhe offend, what fhe muft expect ; and it Hac. 322. is a Rule among them, that if the Wife be not beaten once a week, fhe thinks her felf not belov’d, and is the worfe ; yet are they very obedient, and ftir not forth but at fomeSeafons. Upon utter diflike the Husband divorces 5 which Liberty no doubt they receiv’d firft with thir Religion from the Greek 314, Church, and the Imperial Laws.
Thir Dead they bury with new Shooes on thirFeet, asto a long Journey, Burial. and put Letters teftimonial in thir hands to Saint Nicholas or Saint Peter, that 242, 254: this was aRuffe of Raffes, and dy’d in thetrue Faith, which, as they believe, Pa Saint Peter having read, forthwith admits him into Heaven.
They have no Learning,nor will fuffer to be among them: Thir greateft Friend- manners. fhip is in drinking : they are great Talkers, Liars, Flatterers and Diflemblers. 241, 314- They delight in grofs Meats and noyfom Fifh; thir Drink is better, being fun- dry forts of Meath; the beft made with Juice. of a fweet and crimfon Berry
call’d Maliena, growing alfo in France , other forts with Black-cherry, or di- 323 vers
( 824 ) vers other Berries : another drink they ufe in the Spring drawn from the Birch- tree Root, whofe Sap after Fume dries up. But there isnoPeople that live fo miferably as the Poor of Rafia; if they have Straw and Water, they make fhift to live; for Straw dry?d and ftampt in Winter time is thir Bread ; in Sum- mer Grafs and Roots, at all times Bark of ‘Treesis good Meat with them ; yet many of them die in the Street for hunger, none relieving or regarding them. iv ‘te Habit. When they are fent into Foreign Countries, or that/Strangers come thither, *3% they are very fumptuous in apparel, elfe the Duke himfelf goes but meanly. Travailing. - In Winter they travail only upon Sleds, the Ways being hard and fmooth 314. with.Snow, the Rivers all frozn: one Horfe with a Sled: will, draw. a'man 400 milesin 3 days; in Summer the way is deep, and travailing ill... The Rufe of better fort goes not out in Winter, but on his Sled ; in Summer on his Horfe : in his Sled he fits on a Carpet, or a white Bears skin ; the Sled drawn with a horfe well deckt, with many Fox or Wolve-tails about his neck, guided: by, a Boy on his back, other Servants riding on the tail of the Sled. 51075) atl Beafis. The Ruffian Sea breeds a certain Beaft which they, call aMorfe, who. feeks *52+ his Food on the Rocks, climbing. up) with help of his Teeth; wherof they make as great account as we of the Elephant’s tooth. xay
2 RY. al") 0
Of Samoedia, Siberia, avd other Countries North Eaft, [ubject to the Mutcovites. |
Orth Eaft of Raffia lieth Samoedia by the River Ob, This Country. was firft-difcover'd by Oneke a Ruffian , who firft trading privatly among them in rich Furs, got great Wealth, | and the knowledg of thir Country ; then re- veal’d his difcovery to Boris Protector to Pheoder, fhewing how beneficial that Country gain’, would be to the Empire. . Who fending Ambafladors among them gallantly attir’d, by fair means. won thir fubjection to the Empire, eve- ry Head paying yearly two skins of richeft Sables. Thofe Meflengers travail- ing alfo 200 leagues beyond Ob Eaftward, made report of pleafant Countries, abounding with Woods and Fountains, and people riding on Elks and Lohhes ; others drawn on Sleds by Rain-deer ; others by Dogs as fwift as Deer. The Samoeds that came along with thofe Meflengers, returning to Mofco, admir’d the ftatelinefs of that City, and were as much admir’d for excellent Shooters, hitting
every time the breadth of apenny, as far diftant as hardly could be difcern’d. Purch. part 3. The River Ob is reported by the Raffes to be in breadth the failing of a Sum- 543, 540 mer’sday: but full of Iflands and Shoals, having neither Woods, nor, tillof late, Inhabitants. Out of Ob they turn into the River Tamze, The Rujfians have here, fince the Samoeds yielded them fubjection, two Governours with 3 or 400 Gunners; have built Villages and fome {mall Caftles; all which place they call Molgomfay. Mongozey or Molgomfay. Further up-land they have alfo built other Cities of 524¢ Wood, confifting chiefly of Poles, Tartars and Ruffes, fugitive or condemned men ; 520+, Vergateria, Siber, whence the whole Country is nam’d Tiana, thence Tobol/ca on this fide Ob, on the Rivers Irtis, and Tebol, chief Seat of the Ruffian Governour 5 above that,Zergolta in an Ifland of Ob, where they have a Cuftom-houfe, beyond 526, s27. that on the other fide Ob, Narim, and Tooina now a great City. Certain Churches alfo are erected in thofe Parts; but no man forc’d to Religion; beyond Narim eaft ward on the River Teltais built the Caftle of Comgo/co:, and all this Plantation began fince the year 1590. with many other Towns like thefe.
And thefe are the Countries from whence come all the Sables and rich Furs.
Manners of » The Samoeds have no Towns or certain place of abode, but up and down the Samoeds. where they find Mofs for thir Deer; they live in companies peaceably, and 5225 555} are govern’d by fome of the antienteft amongft them, but are Idolaters. They fhoot wondrous cunningly : thir. Arrow heads are fharpned Stones, or Fifh- bones, which latter ferve them alfo for Needles ; thir Thread being the Sinews of certain fmall Beafts, wherwith they fow the Furs which clothe them; the furry fide in Summer outward, in Winter inward. They have ue ives,
( 825 ) $3, Wives, and thir Daughters they fell to him who bids molt;-which, if they be not lik’d, are turn’d back to thir Friends, the Husband allowing only to the Father what the Marriage Fealt ftood himin. Wives are brought to bed there by thir Husbands, and the next day go about as before. They till not the ground ; but live on the Flefh of thofe wild Beafts which they hunt. -They are the only Guides to fuch as travail Fougoria, Siberia, or any of thofe North- 548, Eaft parts in Winter; being drawn on Sleds with Bucks, riding poft day and night, if it be moon-light, and lodg on the Snow under Tents of Deer Skins in whatever place they find enough of white Mofs to feed thir Sled-Stags, turning them loofe to dig it up themfelves out of the deep Snow : another Sz- moed {tepping to the next Wood, brings in ftore of firing: round about which they lodg within thir Tents, leaving the top open to vent Smoak; in which manner they are as warm as the Stoves in Rujfia. They carry Provifion of meat with them, and partake befides of what Fowl or Venifon the Samoed kills with fhooting by the way; thir drink is melted Snow. Two Deer being yok’d ‘ to a Sled riding poft, will draw 200 miles in 24 hours without refting, and la- den with thir Scuff will draw it 30 milesin 12.
CT Age. ; Ie Of Tingoefia, and the Countries adjoining Eaftward as far as Cathay.
Bee Narim and Comgofcoi the Souldiers of thofe Garifons travailing by ?#r- par. 3. appointment of the Ruflian Governour in the year 1605. found many good- 527 ly Countries not inhabited ; many vaft Defertsand Rivers, till at theend of ten weeks they fpy’d certain Cottages and Herds, or companies of People, which came to them with reverent behaviour, and fignify’d to the Samoeds and Tartars, which were Guides to the Ruffian Souldiers, that they were call’d Tingoefi , that thir dwelling was on the great River Feniffey. This River is faid tobefar bigger Fenifey. than Ob, diftant from the Mouth therof 4 days and nights failing; and like- \ 527. wife falls into the Sea of Naramzie: it bath high Mountains on the Eaft, fomof —sgr. which caft out Fire, to the: Weft a plain and fertile Country, which in the 546. {pring time it overflows about 70 leagues all that time the Inhabitants keep g, them in the Mountains, and then return with thir Cattel to the Plain. The Tingoefi are avery gentle Nation, they have great {woln Throats, like thofein Manners. Mraly that live under the Alps, at perfwafion of the Samoeds they forthwith ibid. fubmitted to the Ruffian Government : and at thir requeft travailing the next year to difcover ftill Eaftward, they came at length to a River, which the Savages of that place call’d Psfida, fomewhat lefs than Feniffey,; beyond which 528. hearing oft-times the towling of Brazen Bells, and fomtimes the noife of Men and Horfes, they durft not pafs over; they faw there certain Sails afar off, {quare, and therfore fuppos’d to be like Indian or China Sails, and the ra- ther for that they report that great Guns have been heard fhot off ffom thofe Veflels. In April and Aday they were much delighted with the fair profpect of that Country, replenifh’d with many rare Trees, Plants and Flow- ers, Beafts and Fowl. Some think here to be the Borders of Tangut in the north of Cathay. Some of thofe Samoeds about the year 1610, travail’d fo far till they came in view of a white City, and heard a great din of Bells, and re- 54% port there came to them Men all arm’d in Iron from head to foot. And in the year 1611. diversout of Cathay, and others from Alteen Czar, who ftiles him- felf the golden King, came and traded at Zergolta, or Surgoot, on the River Ob, bringing with them Plates of Silver. Wherupon Adichael Pheodorowick the Ruffian Emperor, in the year 1619. fent certain of his people from Tooma to Alteen, and Cathay, who return’d with Ambafladors from thofe Princes, . Thefe felate, that 797- from Tooma in ten daysand a half, three days wherof over a Lake; where Ru= bies and Saphirs grow, they came to the Alteen King, or King of ity; through his Land in five weeks they pafs’d into the Country of Sheromugaly, or Mugalla, where reigned a Queen call’d Manchica ; whence in four daysethey came to the Borders of Cathay, fenc’d with a ftone Wall, 15 fathom high , along the fide of which, having on the other hand many pretty Towns belonging to
5 N Queefi
806.
Hac. vol. 1. 221,
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Queen Manshica, they travail’d ten days without feeing any on the Wall till they came to the Gate; where they faw very great Ordnance lying, and 30co menin watch. They traffic with other Natiois at the Gate, and very few at once are fuffered toenter. They were travailing from Tooma to this Gate 12 weeks; and from thence to the great City of Cathay ten days. Where be- ing conducted to the Houfe of Ambailadors, within afew days there came a Se- cretary from King Jambar with 200 Men well appareli’d, and riding on Afles, to feaft them with divers forts of Wine, and to demand thir Meflage ; but hav- ing brought no Prefents with them, they could not be admitted to his fight ; only with his Letter to the Emperor they return’d as is aforefaid to Tobol/ca. They report that the Land of Adugalla reaches from Boghar to the North Sea, and hath many Caftles built of Stone four-{quare, with Towers at the Cor- ners cover'd with glazed Tiles; and on the Gates Alarum-Bells,or Watch-Bells, twenty pound weight of Metal; thir Houfes built alfo of Stone, the Ceelings cunningly painted with Flowers of all Colours. The People are Idolaters; the Country exceeding fruitful. They have Afles and Mules, but no Horfes. The people of Cathay fay that this great Wall ftretches from Boghar to the North Sea,four months journey,with continual Towers a flight fhot diftant from each other, and Beacons on every Tower ; and that this Wall is the bound be- tween MMéugalla and Cathay. In which are but five Gates; thofe narrow, and fo low that a Horfe-man fitting upright cannot ride in. Next to the Wall is the City Shirokalga , it hath a Caftle well furnifh’d with fhort Ordnance and {mall thot, which they who keep watch on the Gates, Towers and Walls, duly at Sun-fet and rifing difcharge thrice over. “The City abounds with rich Merchan- dize, Velvets, Damasks, Cloth of Gold and Tiflue, with many forts of Su- gars. Like to this isthe City Yara, thir Markets {mell odoriferoufly with Spi- ces, and Tayth more rich than that. Shirooan yet more magnificent, half a day’s journey through, and exceeding populous. From hence to Cathaia the Imperial City is two days journey, built of white ftone four fquare, in circuit four days going, corner’d with four white ‘Towers, very high and great, and others very fair along the Wall, white intermingl’d with blew, and Loop-holes furnifht with Ordnance. In midit of this white City ftands a Caftle built of Mag- net, where the King dwels, in a fumptuous Palace, the top wherof is overlaid with Gold. The City ftands oneven ground encompafs’d with the River You- ga, 7 days journey fromthe Sea. The People are very fair, but not warlike, delighting moft in rich Traffick. Thefe Relations are referr’d hither, becaufe we havethem from Ruffans ; who report alfo, that there is aSea beyond Ob fo warm that all kind of Sea-Fowl live therabout as well in Winter as in Summer. Thus much briefly of the Sea and Lands between Rufia and Cathay.
C.F ALP Ni.
The Suceffion of Mofcovia Dukes and Emperors, taken out of thir Chronicles by a Polack, with fome later Additions,
HE Great Dukes of M4u/covy derive thir Pedegree, though without ground, from Auguftus Cafar : whom they fable to have fent certain of his Kindred to be Governours over many remote Provinces; and among them, Pruffw over Prufia him to have had his Seat on the eaftern Baltick Shore by the River Wixel ; of whom Rurek, Sinaus, and Trauor defcended by the fourth Genera- tion, were by the Ruffians, living then without Civil Government, fent for in the year 573. to bear rule over them, at the perfwalion of Go/tomsflivs chief Citizen of Novogrod. They therfore taking with them Olecws thir Kinfman, divided thofe Countries among themfelves, and each in his Province taught them Civil Government.
Ivorfon of Rurek, the reft dying without Iflue, became Succeflor to them all; being left in nonage under the protection of Olechus. He took to Wife Olha Daughter toa Citizen of Plefco, of whom he:begat Stoflaus ; but after that be- ing flain by his Enerhies, Osha his Wife went to Conjtantinople, and was there | baptiz’d Helena. Stoflaus
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Stoflans fought many Battels with his Enemies; but was at length by them
flain, who made a Cup of his Scull engrav’n with this Sentence in Gold , Seek- ing after other Mens he loft his own. His Sons were Teropolchus, Olega and Volo- dimir. Volodimir having flain the other two, made himfelf fole Lord of Rufia, yet after that fact enclining to Chriftian Religion, had to Wife Anaa Sifter of Bafiliws and Con(tantine Greek Emperors 5 and with all his People in the year 988, was baptiz’d, and call’d Bafilins. Howbeit Zovaras reporteth that before that time Bafilins the Greek Emperor fent a Bifhopto them; at whofe preaching they not being mov’d, but requiring a Miracle, he after devout Prayers, taking the Book of Gofpel into his hands, threw it before them all into the Fire , which remaining there unconfum’d, they were converted. ~
Volodimir had eleven Sons, among whom he divided his Kingdom ; Bors/fws and Glebus for thir holy Life regifter’d Saints ; and thir Feaft kept every year in November with great folemnity. The reft, through contention to have the fole Government, ruin’d each other, leaving only Faroflaus inheritor of all.
Volodimir Son of Fareflaus kept his Refidence in the antient City Kiow upon the River Boriftenes. And after many conflicts with the Sons of his Uncles ; and having fubdu’d all, was call’d AMonomachus. He made war with Conftantine the Greek Emperor, walted Thracia , and returning home with great {poils to prepare new War, was appeas’d by ConfFantine, who fent Neophycus Bilhop of Ephefis, and Exftathius Abbot of Ferufalem, to prefent him with part of our Saviour’s Crofs, and other rich Gifts, and to falute him by the name of Czar, or Cefar; with whom he thenceforth enter’d into league and amity.
After him in order of defcent Vu/zevolodus, George, Demetrius.
Then George his Son, whoin the year 1237. was flain in battle by the Tartar Prince Barby, who fubdu’d A4sfcovia, and made it tributary. From that time the Tartarians made fuch Dukes of Raffia, as they thought would be moft plia- ble to thir pes of whom they requir’d, as oft as Ambafladors came to him out of Tartary, to go out and meet them, and in his own Court to ftand bare- headed, while they fate and deliver’d thir Meflage. At which time the Tartars watted alfo Polonia, Silefia, and Hungaria, till Pope Innocent the Fourth obtain’d peace of them for 5 years. This Bathy fay the Rufiaws was the Father of Ta- merlan, whom they call Temirkutla.
Then fucceeded Faroflaus the Brother of George, then Alexander his Son.
Daniel the Son.of Alexander was he who firft made the City of AZofco his Royal Seat, builded the Caftle, and took on him the Title of Great Duke.
Fobn the Son of Daniel was firnamed Kaleta, that word fignifying a Scrip, out of which, continually carried about with him, he was wont to deal his Alms. 7 ;
His Son Simeon dying without Iflue left the Kingdom to John his next Brother s and he to his Son Demetrivs, who left two Sons, Bajfiliws and George,
Bafiliws reigning had a Son of hisown name, but doubting left not of his own Body, through the fupicion he had of his Wife’s Chaftity, him he difinherits, and givesthe Dukedom to his Brother George.
George putting his Nephew Bafiliws in prifon, reigns; yet at his death, either.
through remorfe or other caufe, furrenders him the Dukedom.
Bajilins unexpectedly thus attaining his fappofed right, enjoy’d it not long in quiet ; for Andrew and Demetrins the two Sons of George counting it injury not to fucceed thir Father, madé war upon him, and furprizing him on a fudden, put out his Eyes. Notwithftanding which, the Bosarens, or Nobles kept thir Allegiance to the Duke though blind, whom therfore they call’d Casemnox.
Jobn Vafiliwich his Son was the firft who brought the Ruffian name out of ob{curity into renown. To fecure his own Eftate he put to death as many of his Kindred as were likely to pretends and ftil'd himftlf great Duke of Wolodi- miria, Mufcovia, Novogardia, Czar of all Rufia.. He won Plefco the only walled City in all A4ufcovy, and Novogrod the richelt, from the Lituanzans, to whom they had been fubject 50 years before; and from the latter carried home 300 Wag- gons laden with Treafure. He had war with Alexander King of Poland, and with the Livonians , with him, on pretence of withdrawing his Daughter He- lena, whom he had to wife, from the Greek Church to the Romifh , with the Li- vonians for no other caufe, but to enlarge his bounds: though he were often
5N 2 foil’d
988.
1514.
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foil’d by Plettebergiss great Mafter of the Prajian Knights. His’ Wife was Daughter to the Duke of Tyversky , of her he begat ohn, and to him refign- ed his Dukedom, giving him to Wife the Daughter of Sreven, Palatine of Mol- davia, by whom he had Iflue Demetrivs, and deceas’d foon after: Vafiliwich therfore reafluming the Dukedom, married a fecond Wife, Sophia Daughter to Thomas Paleologus ; who is {aid to have receiv’d her Dowry out of the Pope's Treafury, upon promifeof the Duke to become Romifh.
This Princefs of a haughty mind, often complaining that fhe was married to the Tartars Vaflal, at length by continual perfwafions, and by a wile found means to eafe her Husband, and his Country of that Yoke. For wheras till then the Zartar had his Procurators, who dwelt in the very Caftle of A4ofco, to overfee State-affairs, fhe fain’d that from Heaven fhe had been warn’d to build a Temple to Saint Nécholas on the fame place where the Tartar Agents had thir Houfe. Being therfore delivered of a Son, fie made it her requeft to the Prince of Tartary, whom fhe had invited to the baptizing, that he would give her that Houfe, which obtaining, fhe raz’d tothé ground, and remov'd thofe Overfeers out of the Caftle ; and fo by degrees difpoffefs’d them of all which they held in Raffa. She prevail’d alfo with her Husband to transfer the Dukedom from Demetriusthe Son of Fobn deceas'd to Gabriel his eldeft by her..
Gabriel no fooner Duke, but chang’d his name to Bafiliws, and fet his mind to do nobly; he recover’d great part of Mufcovy from Vstoldus Duke of Lituania ; and on the Borifhenes won Smolensko and many other Cities in the Year 1514.
- He divorc’d his firft Wife, and of Helena Daughter to Duke Glinsks begat Fuan
Horfey’s Ob- fervations. 1571.
1584. Hac. vol. 1. Horfey.
Vafiliwich, . _ Juan Vafiliwich being left a Child, was committed to George his Uncle and Protector ; at 25 years of age he vanquifh’d the Tartars of Cazan and Aftracan, bringing home with him thir Princes captive; made cruel War in Livonia, pretending right of inheritance. He feem’d exceedingly devout; and wheras the Kujians in thir Churches ufe out of zealand reverence to knogk thir Heads againit the ground, his Forehead was feldom free of {wellings and bruzes, and very often feen to bleed. The caufe of his rigour in Government he alledg’d to be the malice and treachery of his Subjects. But fome of the Nobles, incited by his cruelty, call’d in the Crim Tartar, who inthe Year 1571. broke into Rufia, burnt Azo/co to the ground : He reigned 54 years, had three Sons, of which the eldeft being ftrook onatime by his Father, with grief therof dy’d; his other Sons were Pheodor and Demetriw. In the time of Fuan Vafiliwich the Englifh came firft by Sea intothe north parts of Ruffia. : Pheodor Fuanowick being under age, was left to the protection of Borts, Bro- ther to the young Emprefs, and third Son by adoption in the Emperour’s Will. After go daies of-mourning, the appointed time of Coronation being come, the Emperour ifluing out of his Palace, the whole Clergy before him, enter?d with his Nobility the Church of Blavefhina or Bleflednefs ; whence after Service tothe Church of Adichael, then to our Lady Church, being the Cathedral. In the midft wherofa Chair of Majefty was placd, and moft unvaluable Garments put upon him ; there alfo was the imperial Crown fet on his Head by the Me- tropolitan, who out of a {mall Book in his hand read Exhortations to the Em- perour of Juftice and peaceable Government. After this rifing from his Chair he wasinvefted with an upper Robe, fo'thick with Orient Péarls and Stones, as weigh’d 200 pounds, the Train born upby 6 Dukes ; his Staff imperial wasof a Unicorn’s Horn three foot anda half long, befet withrichStones; his Globe and fix Crowns carried before him by Princes of the Blood ; his Horfe at the Church door ftood ready with a Covering of imbroidered Pearl, Saddle and all futable, tothe value of 300000 Marks. There wasa kind of Bridg made three waies, 150 fathom long, three foot high, two fathom broad, wheron ‘the Emperor with his Train went from one Church to another above the infinite throng of People making loud Acclamations: At the Emperour’s returning from thofe Churches they were {pread under-foot with Cloth of Gold, the Porches withred Velvet, the Bridges with Scarlet and Stammel-cloth, all which, as the Emperour pafsd by, werecut and fnatch’t by them that ftood next ; be- fides new minted Coins of Gold and Silver caft among the People. The Emprefs in her Palace was plac’t before a great open* Window in rich and fhi- ning Robes, among her Ladies. After this the Emperor came into Parliament, where
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where he had a Banquet ferv’d by his Nobles in princely order ; two ftanding on either fide his Chair with Battel-axes of ‘Gold; three of the next Rooms great and large, being fet round with Plate of Gold and Silver, from the ground up tothe roof. This Triumph lafted a week, wherin many royal Paftimes were feen : after which election was made of the Nobles to new Offices and Dignities. The conclufion of all was a Peal of 170 Brafs Ordnance two miles without the City, and 20000 Harquebtizes twice over: and fo the Em- perour with at leaft 50000 Horfe return’d through the City to his Palace, where all the Nobjlity, Officers, and Merchants brought him rich Prefents. Shortly after the Emperour by direction of Bors conquer’d the large Country of Siberia, and took Prifoner the King therof : he removd alfo corrupt Officers and for- mer Taxes. In fum, a great alteration in the Government follow’d, yet all quietly and without Tumult. Thefe things reported abroad ftrook fuch awe into the neighbour Kings, that the Crim Tartar, with his Wives alfo, and many Nobles valiant and perfonable men, came to viflit the Rajian. There came alfo 12 hundred Polsfh Gentlemen, many Circafians, and People of other Nationsto- offer fervice; Amballadors from the Turk, the Perfian, Georgian, and other Tartar Princes; from Almany, Poland, Sweden, Denmark. But this glory lafted not long through the treachery of Bors, who procured the Death firft of De- metriws, then of the Emperour himfelf, wherby the Imperial Race after the fucceflion of 300 years was quite extinguifhr. ;
Bers adopted, as before was faid, third Son to Fuan Vafiliwich, without impeachment now afcended the Throne; but neither did*he enjoy long what he had fo wickedly compafs’d , diving revenge raifing up again{t him a 1504 Counterfeit of that Demetriws whom he ha@caus’d to be murthered at Onglets. pure, par. mn This Upftarc, ftrength’d with many Poles and Coffacks, appears in arms to claim 75°. 3 his right out of the» hands of Bors, who fent again{t him an army of 2009 Men, many of whom revolted to this Demetrius: Peter Bafman the Genertl returning to Adofco withthe empty Triumph of areported Victory. But the Enemy {till advancing, Bors one day, after a plentiful Meal, finding him(elf heavy and pain’d in hisStomach, laid him down on his Bed; bute’re his Doctors, who made great hafte, came tohim, was found fpeechlefS, and foon after dy’d with grief, asis fuppos’d, of his ill fucceis againft Demetriw. Beforehis death, ° though it were fpeedy, he would be fhorn, and new chriftn’d. He had-but one Son, whom he lov'd fo fondly, as not to fuffer him out of fight , ufing to fay he was Lord and Father of his Son, and yet his Servant, yeahis Slaye. To gain the Peoples love, which he had loft by his ill getting the Empire, he us’d two Policies 5 firft he caus’d A4ofco to be fired in four Places, thatin the quenching therof he might fhew his great care and tendernefs of the People; among whom he likewife diftributed fo much of hisBounty, as both new built thir Houfes, and repair’d thir Loiles. At another time the People murmuring that the great Peftilence which had then fwept away a third part of the Nation, was the punifhment of thir electing him, a Murtherer, to reign over them, he builc Galleries round about the utmoft Wall of AZofco, and there appointed for one whole month 20000 pound tobe given to the Poor,* which well nigh ftopt their Mouths. After the death of Borss, Peter Bafman, thir only hope and refuge, though.a young man, was fent againto the Wars, with him many Englifh, Scots,French,and Dutch , who all withthe other General Goleeche fell off to the new Demetriw, whofe Meflengers coming now tothe Suburbs ofy4o/co, were brought by the Multitude to that f{pacious Field before the Caftle Gate, within which the Council were then fitting, many of whom were by the Peoples threatning call'd out and conftrain’d to hear the Letters of Demetrius openly read : which, . long ere the end, wrought fo with the Multitude, that furioufly they broke in- to the Caftle, laying violence on all they met ; when ftrait appear’d coming to- wards them two Meflengers of Demetrius formerly fent, pitifully whipt and roafted, which added to thir rage. ‘Then was the whole City in an uproar, all che great Counfelors Houfes ranfack’t, efpecially of the Godonova’s, the Kin- dred and Family of Borts. Such of the Nobles that were beft belov’d, by en- treaty prevail’d at length to put an end to this Tumult. The Empre(s flying to a fafer place, had het Collar of Pearl pull’d from her Neck 5 and by he next Meflage command was given to fecure her with her Son and Daughter. Wher- upon Demetrixs by general confent was proclaim’d Emperor. The Emprefs
now
Pure. par. 3+ 764.
€ 830 ) , now feeing all loft, counfel'd the Prince her Son to follow his Father’s example, who, it feems, had difpatcht himfelf by Poyfon; and with a defperate courage beginning the deadly Health, was pledg’d effectually by her Son 5 but the Dangh- ter only fipping,efcap’d. Others afcribe this deed to the fecret Command of Dr- metriws,and Self-murther imputed to them,to avoid the envy of fuch a Command.
Demetrius Evanowich, for fo he call?d himfelf, who fucceeded, was credibly reported the Son of Gregory Peupoloy a Ruffe Gentleman, and in his younger years to have been fhorn a Friar, but efcaping from the Monaftery, to have tra- vail’d Germany and other Countries, but chiefly Poland: where he,attain’d to good fufficiency in Arms and other Experience; which rais’d in him fuch high thoughts, as grounding ona common belief among the Raffians, that the young Demetrius was not dead, but convey’d away, and their hatred againft Boris, on this foundation with fome other circumftances, to build his hopes no lower than an Empire; which on his firft difcovery found acceptation fo generally, as planted him at length on the Royal Seat : but net fo firmly as the fair beginning promis’d; for ina fhort while the Refians finding themfelves abus’d by an {m- poftor, on the fixth day after his Marriage, obferving when his Guard of Poles were moft fecure, rufhing into the Palace before break of day, drag’d him out of his Bed, and when he had confefs’d the fraud, pull’d him to pieces; with him Peter Bafman was alfo flain, and both thir dead Bodies laid open in the Market-place. He was of no prefence, but otherwife of a princely difpofition ; too bountiful, which eccafion’d fome exactions; in other matters a great lover of Juftice, not fnworthy the Empire which he had gotten, and loft only through greatnefs of mind, neglecting the Con{piracy, which he knew the Raffians were plotting. .Some fay thir hatred grew, for that they faw him alienated from the Ruffian Manners and Religion, having made Buchinskey a learned Proteftant his
cretary. ‘Somereport from Gilbere’s relation, who was a Scot, and Captain of his Guard, that lying on his Bed awake, not long before the Confpiracy, he faw the appearance ofan aged man coming toward him, at which he rofe, and call’d to them that watch’d ; but they denied to have feen any fuch pafs by them. He returning to his Bed, and within an hour after troubl’d again with the fame
_Apparition, fent for Buchinskey, telling him he had now twice the fame night
feen an aged man, who athis fecond coming told him, that though he were a good Prince of himfelf, yet for the injuftice and oppreflion of his inferiour Minifters, his Empire fhould be-taken from him. The Secretary.counfell’d him to embrace true Religion, affirming that for lack therof his Officers were fo corrupt. The Emperor feem'd to be much mov’d, and to intend what was per- fwaded him. But a few daies after, the other Secretary, a Ruffian, came to him witha drawn Sword, of which the Emperour made {light at firft; but he after bold words aflaulted him, ftrait feconded by other Confpirators, crying Liberty. Gé#bert with many of the Guard overfuddenly furpris’d, retreated to Coluga a Town which they fortify’d ; moft of the other Strangers were mafla- cred, except the Englifb, whofe mediation fav’d alfo Bachinskoy. Shusky who fucceeded him reports in a Letter to King Fames otherwife of him ; that his right name was Gry/hca the Son of Boaghdam, that to efcape punifhment for Villanies done, he turn’d Fryar, and fell at laft to the Black Art; and fearing that the Metropolitan intended therfore to imprifon him, fled into Lettom ; where by counfel of Sigifmund the Poland King, he began to call hicifelf Demerry of Ouglitts; and by many Libels and Spies privily fent into AZ/co, gave out the fame;, that many Letters and Meflengers therupon were fent from Bors into Poland, and from the Patriarch, to acquaint them who the Runnagate was : -but
- the Polanders giving them no credit, furnifht him the more with Arms and Mo- ney, notwithftanding the. League; and fent the Palatine Sandamersko and ~
other Lords to accompany him into Rafia, gaining alfo a Prince of the Crim Tartars to hisaid , thatthe Army of Bors hearing of his fudden death, yield- ed to this Gry/bea, who taking to wife the Daughter of Sandamersko, attempt- ed to root out the Ruffian Clergy, and tobring in the Romi Religion, for which purpofe many Jefnits came along with him. Wherupon Shasky with the No- bles and Metropolitans confpiring againft him,in half a year gather’d all the For- ces of A4ofcovia, and furprifing him found writing under his own hand all thefe his intentions 5 Letters alfo from the Pope and Cardinals to the fame effect, not only,to fet up the Religion of Rome, but to force it upon all, with death to them that refus’d. Vafily
€ 831 )
‘afily Evanowich Shusky, after the flaughter of Demetry or Gryfhcay was elected — 1505. Emperor, having not long before been at the Block for reporting to have feen the true Demetrius dead and buried ; but Gryfhea not only recall’d him, but ad- vane’d him to be the inftrument of his own ruin. He wasthen about the age of 503 nobly defcended, never married, of great wifdom reputed, a favourer of the Englifh, for he fav'd them from rifling in the former Tumults. Some fay he modettly refus’d the Crown, till by lot four times together it fell to him 5 Purc. par. 3. yet after that growing jealous of his Title, remov’d by Poyfon and other means 759, &«. all the Nobles that were like to ftand his Rivals ; and is faid to have confulted with Witches of the Samoeds, Lappians, and Tartarians, about the {ame fears 5 and being warn’d of one Michalowsch to have put to death three of that name, yet a fourth was referv'd by Fate to fucceed him, being then a Youth attendant in the Court, one of thofe that held the golden Axes, and leaft fufpected. But before that time he alfo was fupplanted by another reviving Demetrias brought in by the Poles ; whofe counterfeited Hand, and ftrange relating of privateit Circumftances, had almoft deceiv’d Gilbert himfelf, had not thir Perfons been utterly unlike ; but Gryjhea’s Wife fo far believ’dhim for her Husband, as to receive him to her Bed. Shusky befieg’d inhis Caftle of A4ofco, was adventroul- ly fupply’d with fome Powder and Ammunition by the Englijh ; and with 2000 French, Englifh and Scots, with other Forces from Charles King of Sweden.
The Englifh atter many miferies of Cold, and-Hunger, and aflaults by the way, — 1409. deferted by the French, yielded moft of them to the Pole near Smolensko, and
ferv’d him againft the Ru/s. Mean while this fecond Demetrius being now re- 5-9, jected by the Poles, with thofe Rafians that fided with him, laid fiegeto Afofeo: Zolkiewsky for Sigifmund King of Poland beleaguers on the other fide with forty thoufand Men, whereof 1500 Englifh, Scotch and French, Shusky def{paicing fuccefs, betakes him toa Monaftery , but with the City is yielded tothe Pale,
who turns now his force againft the Counterfeit Demetrius ; he feeking to fly, is
by aTartar flain inhis Camp.. Smolensko held out a Siege of two years, then furrendr’d. Shwsky the Emperor carried away into Poland, there ended mife- rablyin prifon. But before his departure out of A4ufcovy the Polanders in his
name fending for the chief Nobility, as toa laft farewell, caufe them to be en- tertain’d in a fecret place, and there difpatch’d : by this means the eafier to fub-
duethe People. Yet the Poles were ftarv’d at length out of thofe Places in AZo/co
which they had fortify’d. Wherin the Ruffians who befieg’d them, found, as
is reported, 60 Barrelsof Man’s Flefh powdered, being the Bodies cf fuch as 7n/niz,, dy’d among them, or were flain in fight.
After which the Empire of Rufia broke to pieces, the prey of fuchas could = 161), catch, every one naming himfelf, and ftriving to be accounted that Demetrius of Oxglitts. Some chofe Uladiflaus King Sigifmund’s Son, but he not accepting, they fell toa popular Government, killing all the Nobles under pretence of favouring the Poles. Some overtures of receiving them were made, as fome fay, to King Fames, and Sir Fohn Aeric and Sir William Ruffel imploy’d ther- in, Thus Raffa remaining in this confufion, it happ’nd that a mean man, a Butcher dwelling inthe North about Daina, inveighing againft the bafeneds of Purc. par. 3. thir Nobility, and the corruption of Officers, uttered words, that if they 79° would but choofe a faithful Treafurer to pay well the Souldiers, and a good General (naming one Pozarskya poor Gentleman, who after good fervice don liv’d not far off retir’d and neglected) that then he doubted not to drive out the Poles. The Peopleaflent, and choofethat General ; the Butcher they make thir Treafurer, who both fo well difcharg’d thir Places, that with an Army foon gather’d they raife the fiege of Adofco, which the Polanders had renew’d 5 and with Bors Licin, another great Souldier of that Country, fall into conful- tation about the choice of an Emperour, and chofe at laft Adichalowich, or Mi- chael Pheodorowich, the fatal Youth, whofe name Shusky fo fear’d.
Michael Pheodorowich thus elected by the valour of Pozarsky and Boris Licin, 1613. made them both Generals of his Forces, joining with them another great Com- mander of the Coffacks, whofe aid had much befriended him; the Butcher alfo was made a Counfellor of State. Finally a Peace was made up betweenthe Ruffians and the Poles; and that partly by the mediation of King fames.
CHAP.
Hac. vol. I 243+ 2346
Hac. 235.
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C HACE. ve
The fit difcovery of Rulfia by the North Eaft, 1553, with the Englith Embaffies and Entertainments at that Court, until the year 1604.
gE HE Difcovery of Rufia by the Northern Ocean, made firft of any Nati- on that we know by Evglifh-men, might have feem’d an Enterprize al- moft heroic, if any higher end than the exceflive love of Gain and Traffick, had animated the defign. Neverthelefs that in regard that many things not unprofitable to the knowledg of Nature, and other Obfervations are hereby come to light, as good events ofttimes arife from evil occafions, it will not be the worft labour to relate briefly the beginning, and profecution of this adven- turous Voyage, until it became at laft a familiar Paflage.
When our Merchants perceiv’d the Commodities of England to be in {mall requeft abroad, and forein Merchandize to grow higher in efteem and value than before, they began to think with themfelves how this might be remedied. And feeing how the Spaniards and Portugals had encreas’d thir Wealth by difcovery of new Trades and Countries, they refolv’d upon fome new and ftrange Navigation. _Atthe fame time Sebaftian Chabota, a man for the know-
ledg of Sea-affairs much renown’d in thofe days, happen’d to be in London, -
With him firft they confult; and by his advice conclude to furnifh out three Ships for the fearch and difcovery of the northern parts. And having heard that a certain Worm is bred in that Ocean, which many times eateth through thegftrongeft Oak, they contrive to cover fome part of the Keel of thofe Ships with thin fheets of Lead; and victual them for 18 months; allowing equally tothir journey, thir ftay, and thir return. Arms alfo they provide, and {tore of Munition with fufficient Captains and Governours for fo great an Enterprife. To which among many, and fome void of experience that offer’d themfelves, Sir Hugh Willowby a valiant Gentleman earneftly requefted to have the charge. Of whom before all others both for his goodly perfonage, and fingular skil in the fervices of War, they made choice tobe Admiral, and of Richard Chancelor, a man greatly efteem’d for his skil, to be chief Pilot. This man was brought up by Mr. Henry Sidney, afterwards Deputy af Ireland, who coming where the Adventurers were gather’d together, though then a young man, witha grave and eloquent Speech commended Chancelor unto them.
After this, they omitted no enquiry after any perfon that might inform them concerning thofe North-eafterly parts to which the Voyage tended ; and two Tartarians then of the Kings’s Stable were fent for ; but they were able to an- {wer nothing to purpofe. So, after much debate, it was concluded that by the 20th of May the Ships fhould depart. Being come near Greezwich, where the Court then lay, prefently the Courtiers came running out, the Privy Coun- cil at the Windows, the reft on the Towers and Battlements. The Mariners all apparell’d in watchet or sky-coloured Cloth, difcharge thir Ordnance ; the noife wherof, and of the People fhouting, is anfwer’d*from the Hills and Waters with as Joud an Echo: Only the good King Edward, then fick, beheld not this fight, but dy’d foon after. From hence putting into Harwich, they ftaid long, and loft much time. At length pafling by Shetland, they kenn’da far off e£ge- lands, being an innumerable fort of Ilands call’d Rojt Ilands in 66 degrees. Thence to Lofeot in 68, to Seinam in 70 degrees , thefe Ilands belong all tot he Crown of Denmark, Whencedeparting, Sir Hugh Willowby fet out his Flag, by which he call’d together the chief men of his other Ships to counfel ; where they conclude, in cafe they happen’d to be fcatter’d by Tempeft, that Ward- honfe a noted Haven in Fixmark be the appointed place of thir meeting. The very fame day afternoon fo great a Tempeft arofe, that the Ships were fome driv’n one way, fome another in great peril. The General with his loudeft voice call’d to Chancelor not to be far from him ; but in vain, for the Admiral failing much better than his Ship, and bearing all her Sails, was carried with great {wiftnefs foon out of fight, but before that, the Ship-boat ftriking againft her Ship was overwhelmed {in view of the Bonaventure, wherof Chan- selor was Captain. The third Ship alfo in the fame Storm was loft. But
Sir
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Sir Hugh Willowby efcaping that Storm, and wandring on thofe defolate Seas till the 18:h of September, put into a, Haven whererhey had weather as in the depth of Winter; and there determining to abide till Spring,fent out three:men South- Weft to find Inhabitants; who journy’d three days, but found none ; then ocher three went Weltward four days journey, and laftly three South Eaftthree days ; but they all returning without news of People, or any fign of Habiration, ° Sir Hagh, with the Company of his two Ships abode there till Fansary, as ap- pears by a Will fince found.in one of the Ships 5 but then pevifh’d all with cold. This River or Haven was Arzina in Lapland near to Kegor, where they were 44°. 464: found dead the vear after by certain Rujian Fifhermen. Wherof the Eag- lifh Agent at A4ofco having notice, fent and recover’d the Ships with the dead Bodies and moft of the Goods, and fent them for England , but the Ships being anftaunch, as is fuppos’d, by thir two years wintring in Lapland, funk by the way with thir dead, and them alfo that brought them. But now Caan- celor with his Ship and Company thus left, fhap’d his courfe to Ward- boufe, the place agreed on,to expect the reft; where having ftaid feven days without tidings of them, he refolves at length to hold on his Voyage , and fail’d fo far ull he found no night, but continual day and Sun clearly fhining on that buge and vaft Sea for certain days. At length they enter into a great Bay, nam’d, as they knew after, from Saint Nicholas; and {pying a Fither= boat, made after himto know what People they were. The Fifhermen amaz’d with the greatnefs of his Ship, to them a ftrange and new fight, fought to fly ; but overtak’n, in great fear they proftrate themfelves, and offer to kifs his feet ; but he raifing them up with all figns and geftures of courtefie, fought to win thir Friendfhip. _They no fooner difmift, buc fpread abroad the arrival of a ftrange Nation, whofe humanity they fpake of with great affection ,; whervp- on the People running together, with like return of all courtéous ufage receive them ; offering them Victuals freely; flor refufing to traffick, but for a Loyal Cuftom which bound them from that, without firft the confent had‘ of thir King. After mutual demands of each other’s Nation, they found themfelves to be in Rufia,where Fuan Vafiléwich at that time reign’d Emperor. To whom pri+ vily the Governour of that place fending notice of the ftrange Guefts that were arriv’d, held inthe mean while our Men in what fufpence he could. The Empe- ror well pleas’d with fo unexpected a Meflage, invites them to his Court, offering them Poft-horfes at his own charge, or if the journey feem’d overlong, that they might freely traffic where they were. But’ere this Meflenger could re- turn, having loft his way, the Adsfcovites themfelves, loth that our men fhould depart which they made fhew to do, furnifh’d them with Guides and other Conveniences to bring them to thir King’s Prefence. Chancelor had now gon more than half his journey, when the Sled-man fent to Court meets him on the way ; delivers him the Emperor’s Letters; which when the Raffes un- derftood, fo willing they were; to obey the Contents therof, that they quarrell’d and ftrove who fhould have the preferment to put his Horfes to the Sled. So after a long and troublefom journey of 1500 miles he arrived at Mofco. After he had remain’d in the Gity about 12 days, a Meflenger was fent to bring them to the King’s Houfe. Being enter’d within the Court- Gates, and brought into an outward Chamber, they beheld there a very honou- rable Company, to the number of a hunder’d, fitting all apparell’d in Cloth of gold down totnir Ancles: next conducted to the Chamber of Prefence, there fate the Emperor on a lofty and very Royal Throne; on his Head a Diadem of gold, his Robe all of Goldfmiths work, in his Hand a Chryftal Sceptre gar- nifh’d and befet with precious Stones; no lefs was his Countenance full of Ma- jefty. Befide him ftood hischief Secretary ; on his other fide the great Com- mander of filence, both in Cloth of gold; then fate his Council of 150 round about on high Seats, clad all as richly. Chancelor nothing abafh’d, made his obeyfance to the Emperor after the Exglifh manner. The Emperor having ta- ken and read his Letters, after fome enquiry of King Edward's Health, invit- ed them to dinner, and till then difmifs’d them. But before difmiflion the Se- cretary prefented thir Prefent bare-headed ;.till which time they were all co- ver’d s and before admittance our men had charge not to fpeak, but when the ’ Emperor demanded ought. Having fat two hours in the Secretary’s Chamber, they were at length call’d in to dinner , where the Emperor was fet at Table,
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now in aRobe of Silver, and another Crown on his Head. This place was
call’d the golden Padace, but without caufe, for the Englifh-men had feen many fairer ; round about the room, but at diftance, were other long Tables; in the mid{t a Cupboard of huge and mafly goblets, and other Veflels of gold and filver; among the reft four great Flagons nigh two yards high, wrought in
’ the top with devices of Towers and Dragons heads. The Guefts afcended to
thir Tables by three fteps 5 all apparell’d in Linen, and that lin’d with rich Furs. The Mefles came in without order, but all in Chargers of Gold, both to the Emperor, and to the reft that din’d there, which were two hundred Perfons ; on every Board alfo.were fet Cups of gold without number. The Servitors one hundred and forty were likewife array'din gold, and waited with Caps on thir heads. They that are in high favour, fit onthe fame Bench with the Em- peror, but far off. Before Meat came in, according to the cuftom of thir Kings, he fent to every Gueft a flice of Bread; whom the Officer naining, faith thus, John Bafiliwich Emperor of Rufs, &c. doth reward thee with Bread, at which words all men ftand up. Then. were Swans in feveral pieces ferv’d in, each piece in a feveral Difh, which the Great Duke fends about as the Bread, and fo likewiferbe Drink. Indinner time he twice chang’d his Crown, his Waiters thrice thir Apparel; to whom the Emperor in like manner gives both Bread and Drink with his own hands; which they fay is done to the intent that he may perfectly know his own Houfhold , and indeed when Dinner was done, he call’d his Nobles every one before him by name ; and by this time Candles were brought in, for it grew dark ; and the Exglifh departed to thir Lodgings from Dinner, an hour within night.
In the year 1555. Chancelur made another Voyage to this place with Letters from Queen Mary, had a Houfe in A4ofco, and Diet appointed him; and was foon admitted to the Emperor’s Prefence in a large room {pread with Carpets ; at his entring and falutation all ftood*up, the Emperor only fitting, except when the Queen’s Name was read or fpoken ; for then he himfelf would rife : at Dinner he fat bareheaded, his Crown and rich,Cap ftanding on a Pinacle by. Chancelor returning, for England, Ofep Napea Governour of Wologda came in his Ship Ambaflador from the Rafe s but fuffering Shipwrack in Perriflego, a Bay in Scotland, Chancelor, who took morecare to fave the Ambaflador than himfelf, was drown’d, the Ship rifled, and moft of her lading made booty by the Peo- ple therabout.
In the year 1557. Ofep Napea returned into his Country with Anthony Fen- kinfon who had the command of four tall Ships. He reports of a Whirlpool be- tween the Roft Jflands and Lofoot call'd Maleftrand ; which from half ebb till half flood is heatd to make fuch a terrible noife, as fhakes the Door-rings of Houtes in thofe Iflands ten mile off; Wales that come within the Current ther- of make a pitiful cry; Trees carried in and caft out again, have the ends and boughs of them fo beaten, as they feem likethe ftalks of bruized Hemp. About Zeinam they faw many Whales very monftrous hard by thir Ships; wherof fome by eftimation fixty foot long , they roard hideoufly, it being then the time of thir engendring. At Wardboufe he faith the Cattel are fed with Fifh. Coming to Adofco, he found the Emperor fitting aloft in a Chair of State, richly Crown’d, a Staff-of gold in his hand wrought with coftly ftone. Di- ftant irom him fat his Brother, and a Youth the Emperor’s Scn of Cafan, whom the Xu/s had conquer’d ; there din’d with him diverfe Ambafladors, Chriftian and Heathen, diverfly apparell’ds his Brother with fome of the chief Nobles fat with him at Table: the Guefts were in all fix hundred. In Dinner-time came in fix Muficians, and ftanding in the midft, fung three feveral times, but with little or Ro delight to our men; there din’d at the fame time in other Halls two thoufand Tarrars who came to ferve the Doke in his Wars. The Englifh were fet at a {mall Table by themfelves direét before the Emperor ; who tent them diverfe Bowls of Wine and Meath, and many Dihhes from hisown hand: the Mefles were but mean, but the change of Wines and feveral Meaths were wonderful. As oft as they din’d with the Emperor, he fent for them in the morning, and invited them with hisown Mouth. On Chriftmafs-day being invited, they had for other provifion as before , but for ftore of gold and filver Plate exceflive ; among which. were twelve Barrels of filver, hoop’d with fine gold, containing twelve gallons a piece.
1560,
Ss. es
€ 835 ) 1560. Was the firft. Engli(h traflick tothe Narve in Livonia, till then conceal’d by Dauskers and Lubeckers. ogh 4 yoih ab 1561. The fame Authony Fenkinfon made another Voyage to Ado/co; and ar- riv’d while the Emperor was celcbrating. his Marriage with a Circaffian Lady ; during, which time the City Gates for three days were kept fhut; and all men whatioever ftraitly commanded to keep within thir Houfes, except fome of his Houfhold ; the caufe wherof is not known. 1566. He made again the fame Voyages which now men ufually made ina “month from London to Saint Nicholas with good Winds, being feven hundred and fifty leagues. 7 ; 1568. Thomas Randolf, Biq, went-Ambaflador to Adufcouy, from Queen Eli- zabeth; and in his paflage by Sea met nothing remarkable fave great ftore of Whales, whom they might fee engendring togethers and the, Sperma-ceti fwimming on the Water. At Colmogro he was met by a Gentleman from the Emperor, at whofe charge he was,conducted to. ofco: but met there by no man, not fo much as the Englijh , lodg’d in. afair Honfe built for Ambafladors., but there confin’d upon fome fufpicion which the Emperor had conceav’d ; fent for at length-after feventeen weeks delay, ‘was fain to. ride thither ona borrow’d Horfe, his men on foot.. In a Chamber before the Prefence were fit~ ting about three hundred Perfons, all.in,rich Robes taken out of the Emperor’s Wardrobe for that day ; they faton three ranks of Benches,rather for fhew than that the Perfons were of honour 3 being Merchants and other, mean Inhabi- tants. The Ambaflador faluted them, but by them unfaluted , pafs’d on with his Head cover’d, At the Prefence-door being receiv’d by two which had been his Guardians, and brought into the midft, he ,was-there will’d to ftand ftill, and fpeak his meflage from the Queem;,.at whofe name the Emperor ftood up; and demanded her health ; then giying the Amballador his Hand to kifs, fell to many queftions, “The Prefent beiag deliver?d, which was a great filver Bowl curioufly grav’n, the Emperor told-+him he din’d not that day openly becaufe of great aflairs ; but, faith he, I will fend thee my Dinner, and augment thy Allowance. And fo difmifling him, fent a Duke richly apparell’d foon after to his Lodging with fifty Perfons, each of them carrying Meat in filver Dilhes cover'd ; which himfelf deliver’d into the Ambaflador’s own hands; tafting firft of every Difh, and every fort of Drink; that don, fet him down with his Company, took part, and went. not thence unrewarded. The Emperor fent back wich this Amballador another of his own call’d Andrew Savin. 1571. Jenkinfon made a third Voyage 5 but was ftaid long at Colmogro by rea~ . fon of the Plague in thofe Parts ; at length had audience where the Court then ~ was, near to Pereflave; to which place the Emperor was return’d from his Sme- difh War with ill fuccefs: and Adofco the fame year had been wholly burnt by the Crim 3; in it the Englifh houfe, and diverfe Exglifh were fmother’d in the Sellars, multitudes of people inthe City perifhid, all that were young led captive with excecding {pcil. :
1583. Juan Bafilswich having the year before fent his Ambaflador Pheodor An- Hac. vol. §:
drewich about matters of Commerce, the Queen made choice of Sir Ferom Bowes, one of her Houfhold,to gointo Ruffia, who being attended with more than 40 Per- fons, and aécompanied with the Kuffe returning home, arriv’d at St:Nicolas; The Dutch by this time had intruded into the Mufcovy-Trade; which by privilege long before had been granted folely tothe Eaglifh; and bad corrupted to thir fide Shalkan the Chancellor, with others of the greatones; who {o wrought, thar a Creature of thir own was fent to meet Sir Feromat Calmagro, and to offer him occafions of diflike: Until at Yologda he was receiv’d by another from the Emperor ; and at Yeraflave by a Duke well accompanied, who prefented him with a Coach and ten Geldings. Two miles from A4ofco met him four Gen- tlemen with two hundred horfe, who after hort falutation, told him what they had to fay from the Emperor, willing him to alight, which the Ambafladot foon refus’d, unlefs they alfo lighted ; wheron they ftood long debating; at length agreed, great difpute follow’d, whofe foot fhould firit touch the ground. Thir Meflage deliver’d, and then embracing, they conducted the Ambaflador to a houfe at A4Zofco, built for him purpofely. At his going to Court he and his followers honorably mounted and apparell’d, the Emperor’s Guard were fet on either fide all the way about 6000 fhot. At the Court gate met him four
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Noblemen in cloth of Gold, and rich Fur-caps, embroider’d with Pearl and Stone ; then four others of greater degree, in which pallage there ftood along the Walls, and fat on Benches feven or eight hundred men in colour’d Sattins and gold. Atthe Prefence-door met him thé chief Herald, and with him all the great Officers of Court, who brought him where the Emperor fat: there were fet by him three Crowns of Adufcovy, Cazan and Aftracan , on each fide ftood two young Noblemen, coftly apparell’d in white; each of them had a broad Ax on his fhoulder ; on the Benches round fat above a hundred Noble- men. Having giv’n the Ambaflador his hand to kifs, and enquir’d of the Queen’s health, he will’d him to go fit inthe place provided for him, nigh ten paces diftant ; from thence to fend him the Queen’s Letters and Prefent. Which the Ambaflador thinking not reafonable, ftep’d forward; but the Chancellor meeting him, would have tak’n his Letters; to whom the Ambaflador faid, that the Queen had directed no Letters to him; and fo went on and deli- ver’d them to the Emperor’s own hands "and after a fhort withdrawing into the Council-Chamber, where he had Conference with fom of the Council, he was call’?d in to dinner : about the midft wherof, the Emperor ftanding up, drank a deep Caroufe to the Queen’s Health, and fent to the Amballador a great Bowl of Rhenifh Wine to pledg him. Butat feveral times being call’d for to treat about Affairs, and not yielding ought beyond his Commiffion, the Empe- ror not wont to be gain-fay’d, one day efpécially broke into paflion, and with a {tern Countenance told him, he did not reckon the Queen to be his fellow : for there arejiquoth he, her betters. - The Ambaflador not ‘holding it his part, whatever danger might enfue, to hear any derogate from the Majefty of his Princefs, with like courage and countenance'told him, that the Queen was equal to any in Chriftendom who thought himfelf greateft ; and wanted not means to offend her Enemies whomfoever. Yea, quoth he, what faift thou of the French and Spanifh Kings? | hold her, quoth the Ambaflador, equal to either. Then what to the German Emperor ? Her Father, quoth he, had the Emperor in his pay. This anfwer miflik’d the Duke fo far, as that he told him, were he not an Ambaflador, he would throw him out of doors. You may, faid the Am- baflador do’ your will, for I am’ now faft in your Country ; but the Queen | doubt not will know how to be reveng’d of any injury offer’d to her Ambaila- dor. Wherat the Emperor in great fudden bid him get home ; and he with no more reverence than fuch vfage requir’d, faluted the Emperor, and went his way. Notwithftanding this, the Afu/covite, foon as his mood left him, {pake to them that ftood by, many praifes of the Ambaflador, wifhing he had fuch aServant, and prefently after fent hischief Secretary to tell him that whatever had pafs’d in words, yet for his great refpect to the Queen, he would thortly after difpatch him with honour and full contentment, and in the mean while he much enlarg’d hisentertainment. He alfo defir’d that the Points of our Reli- gion might be fet down, and caus’d them to be read to his Nobility with much approbation, And as the year before he had fought in marriage the Lady Mary Haftings, which took not effect, the Lady and her Friends excufing it, he now again renu’d the motion to take to Wife fome one of the Queen’s Kinfwomen, either by fending an Ambaflage, or going himfelf with his Treafure into Eng- land. Now happy was that Nobleman whom Sir Yerom Bows in public fa- vour’d ; unhappy they who had oppos’d him: for the Emperor had beaten Shalkan the Chancelor very grievoufly for that caufe, and threatn’d not to leave one of his race alive. But the Emperor dying foon after of a Surfeit, Shalkan, to whom then almoft the whole Government was committed, caus’d the Ambaflador to remain clofe Prifoner in his Houfe nine weeks. Being fent for at length to have his difpatch, and ‘lightly enough conducted to the Council-Cham- ber,he was told by Shalkan that this Emperor would condefcend to no other agree- ments than were between his Father and the Queen before his coming : and fo difarming both him and his Company, brought them to the Emperor with many affronts in thir paflage, for which there was no help but patience: The Em- peror faying but over what the Chancellor had faid before, offer’d him a Let- ter for the Queen: which the Ambaflador, knowing it, contain’d nothing to the purpofe of his Embafly, refus’d, till he faw his danger grow too great ; nor was he fuffer’d to reply, or have hisInterpreter. Shatkan fent him word that now the Englifh Emperor was dead ; and haften’d his departure, but wie
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fo many difgraces put upon him, as made him fear fome mifchief in his jour- ney tothe Sea ; having only one mean Gentleman fent with him to be his Con- voy: he commanded the Englifh Merchants in the Queen’s name to accompany him, but fuch was hisdanger, that they durft not. So arming himfelf and his Followers in the beft wife he could, againft any outrage, he at length reco- ver’d the Shoar of Saint Nicholas. Where he now refoly’d to fend them back by his Conduct fome of the affronts which he had receiv’d. Ready therfore to take Ship, he caufes three or four of his valianteft and difcreeteft men to take the Emperor’s Letter, and difgraceful Prefent, and to deliverit, or leave it at the
Lodging of hisConvoy, which they fafely did; though follow’d witha great.
Tumult of fuch as would have fore’d them to take it back.
1584. At the Coronation of Pheodor the Emperor, Yerom Horfey being then Agent in Rufia, and call’d for to Court with one John de Wale a Merchant of the Netherlands and a Subject of Spain, fome of the Nobles would have prefer’d the Fleming before the Englifh. But to that our Agent would in no cafe agree, faying he would rather have his Legs cut off by the Knees, than bring his Pre- fent in courfe after a Subject of Spar. The Emperor and Prince Boris perceiving the Controverfy, gave order to admit Hor/ey firft: who was difmifs’d with large Promifes, and feventy Mefles with three Carts of feveral Meath fent after hin.
1588. Dr. Giles Flercher went Ambaflador from the Queen to Pheodor then Emperor ; whofe Relations being judicious and exact, are beft read entirely by themfelves. ‘This Emperor upon report of the great Learning of obn Dee the Mathematician, invited him to A4o/co with offer of two thoufand pounds a year, and from Prince Boris one thovfand Marks; to have his Provifion from the -Emperor’s Table, to be honourably réceiv’d, and accounted as one of the chief men in the Land. All which Dee accepted not.
1604. Sie Thomas Smith was fent Ambaflador from King Yames to Boris then Emperor ;, and ftaid fomeé days at a place five miles from 4o/co till he was
honourably receiv’d into the City ; met on horfeback by many thoufands of,
Gentlemen and Nobles on both fides the way ; where the Ambaflador alighting from his Coach, and mounted on his Horfe, rode with his Trumpets founding before him ; till a Gentleman of the Emperor's Stable brought him a Gennet gorgeoully trapt with Gold,Pearl and Stone,efpecially with a great Chain of plated Gold about his Neck, and Horfes richly adorn’d for his Followers. Then came three great Noblemen with an Interpreter offring aSpeech; but the Ambaflador deeming it tobe ceremony, with a brief Compliment found means to put it by. Thus alightmgall, they fatuted; and gave hands mutually. . Thofe three after a tedious preamble of the Emperor’s Title thrice repeated, brought a feveral Com- pliment of three words apiece, as namely, the firft, To know how the King did; the next, How the Ambaflador ; the third, Fhat there was a fair Houle provided him. Then on they went on either hand of the Ambaflador, and about fix thoufand Gallants behind them ;_ {till met within the City by more of greater quality to the very Gate of his lodging: where fifty Gunners were his daily Guard both at home and abroad. The Preftaves. or Gentlemen af- fign’d to have the care of his entertainment, were earneft to have had the Am- baflador’s Speech and Meflage given them in writing, that the Interpreter, as they pretended, might the better tranflate it ; but he admonifh’d them of thir foolifh demand. On the day of his audience other Gennets were fent him and his Attendants to ride on, and two white Palfreys to draw a rich Chariot, which was parcel of the Prefent; the reft wherof was carried by his Follow- ers through a Jane of the Emperor’s Guard; many Mellengers pofting up and down the while, till they came through the great Caftle, to the uttermoft “curt-gate. There met by a gteat Duke, they were brought up ftairs through » Stone-gallery, where ftood on each hand many in fair Coats of Perfian Stuff, ‘velvet and Damask. The Ambaflador by two other Counfellors being led in- co the prefence, after his obeyfance don, was to ftay and hear again the long Title repeated , then the particular Prefents; and fo deliver’d as much of his Embaflage as was then requilite. After which the Emperor ariling from his Throne, demanded of the King’s health ; fo did the young Prince. The Am- baflador then deliver’d his Letters into the Emperor’s own hand, though the Chancellor offer’d to have taken them. He bore the Majefty of a mighty Em- peror ; his Crown and Sceptre of pure Gold, a Collar of Pearls ae -
eck,
508.
(838 ) Neck, his Garment of crimfon Velvet embroider’d with precious Stone and Gold. On his right Side itood a faircGlobe of beaten Gold on a Pyramis with a CrofS upon it; to which before he tpake, turning a little he croft himfelf. Not much lefs in {plendor on another Throne fat the Prince. - By the Emperor ftoodetwo Noblemen in Cloth of Silver, high Caps of black Fur, and Chains of gold hanging to thir Feet; on thir Shoulders two Poleaxes of gold, and twoof filver by the Prince; the ground wasall cover’d with Arras or Tapiftry. Difmift, and brought in again to dinner, they faw the Emperor and his Son feated in ftate, ready to dine; each with a Skull of Pearl on thir bare Heads,
~-thir Veltments chang’d. In the midft of this Hal} {eem’d to ftand a Pillar
heap'd round to agreat height with mally Plate curioufly wrought with Beafts, Fifhes and Fowl. The Emperor’s Yable was ferv’d with two hundred Noble- men in Coats of gold; the Princes Table with young Dukes of Cafan, Affra- can, Siberia, Tartaria and Circaffia. The Emperor fent from his Table to the Ambailador, thirty difhes of Meat, to each a Loaf of extraordinary fine Bread. Then follow’d a number more of ftrange' and rare difhes pil’d up by half dozens, with boil’d, roaft and bak’t, moft part of them befawe’d with Garlick and Onions. In midft of dinner calling the Ambaflador up to him, he drank the King’s health, who receiving it from his hand, re- turn’d to his place, and in the fame Cup being of fair Chryftal pledg’d it with ali hisCompany. After dinner they were call’d up to drink of excel- lent and {trong Meath ‘rom the Emperor’s hand; of which when many did but fip, he urg’d it not; faying he was beit pleas’d with what was moft for thir health. Yet after that, the fame day he fent a great and glorious Duke, one of them that held the golden Poléax. with his Retinue, and fundry forts of Meath to drink merrily with the Ambaflador, which fome of the Exglifh did, until the Duke and his Followers light-headed, but well rewarded with thirty yards of Cloth of gold, and two ftanding Cups, departed. At fecond audience the Ambaflador had like reception as before : and being difmifs’d, had dinner fent after him with three hundred feveral difhes of Fifh, it being Lent, of fuch ftrangenefs, greatnefs and goodnefs, as fcarce would be credible to re- port. The Ambailador departing, was brought a mile out of the City with like honour as he was firft met ,; where lighting from the Emperor’s Sled, he
took him to his Coach, made faft upon aSled ; the reft to thir Sleds, an eafy and
pleafant paflage,
Names of the Authors from whence thefe Relations have been taken ; being all either Eye-witnefles, or immediate Relaters from fuch as
were.
HE Sournal of Sir Hugh Willowby. ip Difcourfe of Richard Chancelor. Another of Clement Adams taken from the moxth of Chancelor. — Notes of Richard Johnfon, Servant to Chancelor. huge The Protonotaries Regifter. q i Two Letters of Mr. Hen, Lane. Several Voyages of Jenkinfon. Southam and Sparks. The Fournal of Randolfthe Embaffador. Another of Sir Jerom Bowes. ; The Coronation of Pheodor written by Jerom Horfey. Gourdon of Hull’s Voyage to Pechora. The Voyage of William Purfglove to Pechora. Of Jofias Logan. o Heflel Gerardus, out of Purchas, part 3. /. 3. Ruffian Relations ix Purch. 797. ibid. 806. ibid: ‘ The Embaffage of Sir Thomas Smith. . Papers of Mr. Hackluit. Janfonius,
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; | DECLARATION:
Letters Patents for rhe Election of this prefent
King of POLAND JOHN the Third,
Elected on the 22d of May laft paft, Anno Dom. 1674.
CONTAINING The Reafons of this Ele@ion, the great Vertues
and Merits of the faid Serene Eleét, his eminent Services in War, efpecially in his laft great Victory againft the
Turks and Lartars, wherof many Particulars are here related, not publifhed before.
Now faithfully tranflated from the Latin Copy.
Ia the name of the moft Holyand Individual Trinity, the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit.
E AnpREw Trezesic ki, Bifhop of Cracovia, Duke of Severia \ Joun Gemaickr of Uladiflas and Pomerania, &c. Bifhops to the number of Ten. SranisLaus WaRszyxck1, Caftellanof Cracovia; ALEXANDER Mie CHAEL Lusomirsk1 of Cracovia, &c. Palatins to the number of 23.
CuRisTOPHERUS GRZYMALTOUSKI Of Pofnania, ALEXANDER Gratus de Tarnow of Sandimer= Caftellans to the number of 24.
Hrirarevus Potusinsxi, High Marhhal of the great Dukedom of Litua- nia, CHRISTOPHERUS Pac, High-Chancelor of the great Dukedom of Ls- tuania, Senators and great Officers, to the number of 75.
E Declare by thefe our prefent Letters unto all and fingle Per-
fons whom it may concern: Our Commonwealth being again
left widowed by the unfeafonable Death of that famous M 1-
cHAEL late King of Poland, whohaving fcarce reigned full
‘five'years, on the tenth day of November, ofthe year laft paft, at Leopols, chang- ed his fading Crown for oneImmortal; in the fenfe of fo mournful a Funeral and frefh Calamity, yet with an undaunnted Courage, mindful of her felfin the mid{t of Dangers, forbore not to feck Remedies, that the World may under- {tand
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ftand fhe grows in the midft of her lofles; it pleafed her to begin her Coanfels of preferving her Country, and delivering it from the utmoft chances of an In- terreign, from the Divine Deity (as it were by the only motion of whofe Fin- ger, it is eafie that Kingdoms be transferred from Nation to Nation, and-Kings from che loweft {fare to Thrones; and therfore the bafinefs was begun accord- ing to our Country-Laws, and Anceftors Inftitutions. After the Convocation of all the States of the Kingdom ended in the month of February at Warfaw, by the common confent of all thofe States, on the day decreed for the Election the 2oth of Aprit: Acthe report of this famous AG, as though a Trumpet had been founded, and a Trophy of Vertue erected, the wifhes and defires of Forein Prin- ces came forth of their own accord into the Field of the Polonian Liberty, ina fa- mous {trife of Merits and good-will towards the Commonwealth,every one bring- ing thir Ornaments, Advantages and Gifts tothe Commonwealth : but the Com- monwealth becoming more diligent by the prodigal ambition ufed in the laft Inter- reign and Factions, and difagreeings of minds, nor carelefs of the future, con- fidered wich her feif whether firm or doubrful things were promifed, and whether fhe fhould feem from the prefenf ftate to transfer both the old and new Honours of Poland into the pofleflion of ftrangers, or the military Glory, and thir late unheard of Victory over the Turks, and Blood fpilt in the war, upon the pur- ple of fome unwarlike Prince ; asif any one could fo foon put on the loveof the Country, and that Poland was not fo much an enemy to her own Nation and Fame, as to favour {trangers more than her own ; and Valour being found imher, fhould fuffera Gueft of new Power to wax proud inher: therfore fhe thence- forth turned her thoughts upon fom one in her own Nation, and at length a- bolifhed (as fhe began in the former El. ion) that reproach caft upon her, un- der pretence of a fecret Maxim, That none can be elected King of Poland, but fuch as are born owe of Poland ; neither did fhe feck long among her Citizens whom fhe fhould prefer above the reft (for this was no uncertain or fufpended Election, there was no place for delay); for although in the equality of our Nobles many might betlected, yet the vertue of a Hero appeared above his equals: therfore the eyes and minds of all merwere willingly, and bya certain divine inftin& turned upon the High Marfhal of the Kingdom, Captain of the Army, John Sobietski. Whe admirable vertue of the Man, the High Power of Marfhal in the Court, with his f{upreme command in Arms, Senatorial Honour, with his civil Modelty, the extraordinary Splendor of his Birth and Fortune, with o- pen Courtefie, Piety towards God, Love to his Fellow-Citizens in words and decds, Conftancy, Faithfulnefs, and Clemency towards his very enemies, and what noble things foever can be faid of a Hero, did lay fuch Golden Chains on the Minds and Tongues of all, that the Senate and People of Poland and of the great Dukedom of Lituania, with Saffrages and agreeing Voices named and chote him thirK1noG3 not with his feeking or precipitate counfel, but with mature Deliberations continued and extended till the third day.
Certainly ic conduced much for the honour of the moft ferene Elect, the Confirmation of a free Election, and theeternal praife of the People electing, that the great bufinefs of an Age was not tranfacted in one day, or in the fha- dow of the night, or by one cafual heat : for it was not right that a Hero of the Age fhould in a moment of time (and as it were by the caff of a Die) be made a King, whenas Antiquity by an anticnt Proverb has delivered, that Hercales was not begot in one nights and it hath taught that Election fhould fhine openly under a cleer Sky in the open Light.
The moft ferene Elect took it modeftly that his Nomination fhould be defer-
red tillthe third day, plainly fhewing to endeavour, left his fudden facility of .
allent being fufpected, mightdetract from thir Judgment, and the World might be enforced to believe by a more certain Argument, that he that was fo cholen was elected without his own ambition, or the envy of corrupted Liberty s or was it by the appointed Counfel of God that this debate continued three whole days, from Saturday till Munday, as if the Cotimian Victory (begun on the $a- turday, and at Jength on the third day after accomplifhed, after the taking of the Cotimian Caftle) had been a lucky prefage of his Royal Reward ; or, as if with an aufpicious Omen, the third day of Election had alluded to the Regal name Of FOH N the Third.
The
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The famous Glory. of War paved his way tothe Crown, and confirmed the favour of Suffrages to his moft ferene Elet. Hethe firlt of all the Polonsans fhewed that the Scythian {wiftnefs (troublefom heretofore to all the Monar- chies of the World) might be reprefled by a ftanding Fight, and the terrible main Battalion of the Tak might be broken and routed at oneftroke. That we may pafs by in filence the antient Rudiments of Warfare which he ftoutly and glorioufly managed under the Conduct and Authority of another, againft the Swedes, Mofcovites, Borufians, Tranfylvanians, and Coffacks: though about fixty Cities taken by him from the Coffacks be lefs noifed inthe mouth of Fame; yet thefe soften and profperous Battcls were a Prelude to greateft Victories in the memory ofman. Miriads of Yartars had overrun within this fix years with thir plundering Troops the Coaft of Podolia, whena fmall force and fom fhattered Legions were not fufficient againft the hoftile affault, yet our General knowing not to yield, fhut him{elf up (by a new ftratagem of War) in Podbajecy, a {trait Caftle, and fortified in hafte, wherby he might exclude the cruel deftruction which was haftening into the bowels of the Kingdom, by which means the Barbarian deluded and routed, took Conditions of Peace; as if he had made his inroad for this only purpofe, that he might bring to the moft ferene Elect matter of Glory, Victory. : :
For thefe four laft years the famous Victories of Sobserski have fignalized every year of his warlike Command on the Coffacks and Tartarians both joined together, the moft {trong Province of Braclavia, as far as it lies between Hypanis and Ty- ral, with thir Cities and warlike people, were won from the Coffack Enemy.
And thofe things are beyond belief which two years ago the molt ferene E- le&t, after the taking of ( amemck, (being undaunted by the Siege of Laopolis) performed to a miracle by the hardnefs and fortitude of the Polonian Army, {carce confifting of three thoufand men, in the continual courfe of five days and nights,fuftaining life without any food,except wild herbs ; festing upon the Tar- tarians, he made famous the names of Narulam, Niemicrovia, Konarnum, Ka luffia, obfcure Towns before, by a great Overthrow of the Barbarians. He
ew three Sultans of theCrim Tartars, defcended of the royal Gietian Family, and fo trampled on that great force of the Scythians, that in thefe later years they could not regain thir Courage, or recollect the Forces. But the felicity of this laft Autumn exceeded all his Victories; whenas the Fortifications at Choci- mum, famous of old, were pollefled and fortified by above forty thoufand Turks, in which three and forty years ago the Polomians had fuftained and reprefled the Forces of the Ortoman Family, drawn together out of Afia, Africa, and Europe, fell tothe ground within a few hours, by the only (underGod) impe- ratorious Valour and Prudence of Sobietskis for he counted it his chief part to go about the Watches, order the Stations, and perfonally to infpect the prepa- rations of warlike Ordinance, to encourage the Soldiers with voice, hands, and countenance, wearied with hunger, badnefs of weather, and three days ftanding in Arms; and he (whichis moft to be admired) on Foot at the head of the Foot-forces made through, and forced his way to the Battery, hazard- ing his lifedevoted to God and his Country ; and therupon made a cruel flaugh- ter within the Camp and Fortifications of the Enemy ; while the defperation of the Turks whetted thir valour, and he performed the part of a moft provi- dent and valiant Captain : at which time three Bafhaws were flain, the fourth {carce pafled with difficulcy the fwift River of Tyras , eight thoufand Janizarics, twenty thonfand chofen Spabies, befides the more common Souldiers were cut off; the whole Camp with all thir Ammunition, and great Ordnance, befides the Affyrian and Phrygian Wealth of luxurious Afia, were taken and pillaged ; the famous Caftle of Cotimia, and the Bridg over Tyras, {trong Fortrefles, equal toCaftles on each fide the River, were additions to the Victory. Why ther- fore fhould not fuch renown’d Heroic Valour be crowned with the legal reward of aDiadem ? All Chriftendom have gon before us in example, which being ar- rived to the recovery of Fersfalem under the conduct of Godfrey of Bulloin, on thir own accord gave him that Kingdom, for that he firft {Caled the walls of that City. Our moft ferene Elect is not inferior, for he firft alfo afcended two mait
Fortrefles of the Enemy. _ The moment of time adorns this Victory unheard of in many ages, the moft ferene King Michael dying the day before, as it were fignifying therby that he + gave
( 842 ) Gi gave way to fo great Valour, asif it were by his command and favour, that this Conqueror might fo much the more glorioufly fucceed from the Helmet to the Crown, from the Commander’s Staff to the Scepter, from his lying in the Field to the Regal Throne.
The Commonwealth recalled the grateful and never sto be forgotten memory of his renowned Father, the moft Illuftrious and excellent fames Sobietski, Ca- ftellan of Cracovia, a Man to be written of with fedulous care, who by his Golden Eloquence in the publick Councels, and by his hand in the Scene of War, had fo often amplified the State of the Commonwealth, and defended it with the Arms of his Family. Neither can we believe it happene@ without Divine Providence, that in the fame place wherin forty years ago his renowned Father, Embaflador of the Polonsan Commonwealth, had made Peace and Covnants with Cimanvs the Turkith General, his great Son fhould revenge with his Sword the Peace broke (Heaven it felf upbraiding the perfidious Ene- my). The reft of his Grandfires and Great-Grandfires, and innumerable Names of famous Senators and great Officers have as it were brought forth light to the ferene Elect by the emulous Greatnefs and Glory of his Mother’s delcent, efpecially Staniflaus Zelkievims, HighChancellor of the Kingdom, and General off the Army, at whofe Grave in the Neighbouring fields, in which by the Turkifh rage in the year 1620 he died, his victorious Nephew took full re- vengeby foremarkable an overthrow of the Enemy : The immortal valour and fatal fall of his moft noble Uncle Staniflans Danilovitins in the year 1635, Pala= tin of Ruffia, doubled the Glory of his Anceftors ; whom defirous of Honour, and not induring that {luggifh Peace wherin Poland then flept fecure, Valour and youthful Heat accited at his own expence and private forces into the Tay- ric fields ; that by his footing, and the antient warlike Polonian Difciplin, he might lead and point the way to thefe merits of Sobsersks, and being flain by Cantimiz the Tartarian Cham, inrevengeof his Son by him flain, he might by his Noble Blood give luftre to this Regal Purple. Neither hath the people of Poland forgot the moft illuftrious AZarcus Sobierski elder Brother of our moft {e- rene Elect, who when the Polonian Army at Barto was routed by the Barbari- ans, although occafion was cffer'd him of efcape, yet chofe rather to die in the overthrow of fuch valiant men, a Sacrifice for his Country, then to buy his life with adifhonourable retreat ; perhaps the divine Judgment fo difpofing, whofe order is, that perfons pafs away and fail, and caufes and events happen again the fame; that by the repeated fate of the Huniades, the elder Brother of great hopes removed by a lamented flaughter, might leave to his younger Brother furviving the readier paflage to the Throne. That therfore which we pray may be happy, aufpicious, and fortunate to our Orthodox Commonwealth, and to all Chriftendom, with free and unanimous Votes, none oppofing, all con- fenting and applauding, by the right of our free Election, notwithftanding the abfence of thofe which have been called and not appeared; We being led by no private refpect, but having only before our eyes the Glory of God, the increafe of the antient Catholick Church, the fafety of the Commonwealth, and the dignity of the Pols Nation and Name, have thought fit to elect, create, andname, JOAN in Zolktew and Zloczew Sobietskt, Supreme Marfhal General of theKingdom, General of the Armies, Governour of Neva, Bara, Strya, Loporovient, and Kalujfien, moft eminently adorned with fo high endowments, merits and {plendor, to be KING of Poland,Grand-Duke of Lituania,Ruffia,Pruffia, Mazovia, Samogitia, Kyovia, Volhinnia, Padlachia, Podolia, Livonia, Smolensko, Severia, and Czerniechovia, as we have elected, created, declared, and named him: I the aforefaid Bifhop of Cracovia (the Archiepifcopal See being vacant) exercifing the Office and Authority of Primat, and by confent of all the States thrice demanded, oppofed by none, by alland every one approved, conclude the Election; promifing faithfully that we will always perform to the fame moft ferene and potent Eleét Prince, Lord Fobn the third, our King, the fame Faith, Subjection, Obedience, and Loyalty, according to our Rights and Liberties, as wehave performed tohis bleffed Anceftor, as alfo that we will crown the fame moft-ferene Elect in the next Aflembly at Cracovia, tothat erid ordained, as our true King and Lord, with the Regal Diadem, with which the Kings of Poland were wont to becrown’d, ‘and after the manner which the Roman Catholic Church before-time hath obferved in anointing and inaugurating Kings, bi
will
’ ( 843 ) will anoint and inaugurate him: Yet fo as he fhall hold faft and obferve firft of all the Rights, Immunities both Ecclefiaftical and Secular, granted and give to us by his Anceftor of blefled memory ; as alfo thefe Laws which we our felves in the time of this prefent and former Inter-reign, according to’ the Right of our Liberty, and better prefervation of the Commonwealth, have e- {tablifhed. And if moreover the moft Serene Elect will bind himfelf by an Oath to perform the conditions concluded with thofe perfons fent by his Majefty be- fore the exhibition of this prefent Decree of Election, and will provide in beft manner for the performance of them by his authentick Letters ; which Decree of Election we by Divine aid defirous to put in execution, do fend by common confent, to deliver icinto the hands of the moft Serene Elect, the moft illuftrious and reverend Lord Bifhop of Cracovia, together with fome Senators and chief Officers, and the illuftrious and magnificent Benedsttus Sapieha, Treafurer of the Court of the Great Dukedom of Létuania, Marfhal of the Equefrian Order ; committing to them the fame Decree of intimating an Oath, upon the afore- faid premifes, and receiving his Sub{cription , and at length to give and deliver the fame Decree into the hands of the faid Eleét, and to aét and perform all o- ther things which this Affair requires. In aflurance wherof the Seals of the Lords Senators, and thofe of the Equefirian Order deputed to fign, are here af- fixed.
Given by the hands of the moft illuftrious and reverend Father in Chrift, the Lord Andrew Olfzonski, Bilhop of Culma and Pomifasia, High Chancellor of the Kingdom, in the general ordinary Aflembly of the Kingdom, and great Dukedom of Litsania, for the Election of the new King. Warfaw the 224 day of May, in the yearof our Lord 1674.
In the prefence of Francifcus Praf=monski, Provoft of Guefua, Abbot of Sie- ciethovia, chief Secretary of the Kingdom; Foannes Malachowski, Abbot of Mogila, Referendary of the Kingdom, &c. with other great Officers of the Kingdom and Clergy, to the number of fourfcore and two. And the re{t very many great Officers, Captains, Secretaries, Courtiers, and Inha- bitants of the Kingdom, and Great Dukedom of Litwania, gathered to- gether at Warfam to the prefent Aflembly of the Election of the Kingdom and great Dukedom of Lituania. ,
Affiftants at the folemn Oath taken of his facred Majefty on the 5th day of the Month of Sane, in the Palace at Warfaw, after the Letters Patents delive- red upon the Covenants, and Agreements, or Capitulations, the moft Re- verend and Excellent Lord Franci/co Bonvifi, Archbifhop of Theffalonica, A- poltolick Nuntio ; Count Chrsftopherus a Scaffgot{ch, Cacareus Tuffanus de Forbin, de Fafon, Bilhop of Marfeilles in France, Foannes free-barron Ho- verbec, from the Marquefs of Brandenburg, Embafladors, and other En- voys and Minifters of State. .
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O F maa CeA TL TN To Mafter Samuel Hartlib. SIR,
Am long fince perfwaded, that to fay or do ought worth memory and imi-
tation, no purpofe ‘or refpect fhould fooner move us then fimply the love
of God, and of mankind. Neverthelefs to write now the reforming of
Education, though it be one of the greateft and nobleft defigns that can be thought on, and for the want wherof this Nation perifhes, I had noc yet at this time beeninduc’t, but by your earneft entreaties, and ferious conjure- ments ; as having my mind for the prefent half diverted in the purfuance of fome other aflertions, the knowledg and the ufe of which’ cannot but be a great furtherance both to the enlargement of truth, and honeft living with much more peace. Nor fhould the laws of any private friendfhip have pre- vail’d with me to divide thus, or tranfpofe my former thoughts, but that I fee thofe aims, thofe actions which have won you with me the efteemof a Perfon fent hither by fome good providence from a far Country to be the occafion and the incitement of great good to this Iland. And, asl hear, you have obtain'd the fame repute with men of moft approved wifdom, and fome of higheft auto- . rity among us. Notto mention the learned correfpondence which yau hold in forein parts, and the extraordinary pains and diligence which you have us’d in this matter both here and beyond the Seas , either by the definite will of God fo ruling, or the peculiar fway of nature, which alfo isGod’s working. Neither can I think that fo reputed, and fo valu’d as you are, you would to the forfeit of your own difcerning ability, impofe upon me an unfit and over-ponderous argu- ment, but that the {atisfaction which you profefs to have receiv’d from thofe in- cidental Difcourfes which we have wander’d into, hath preft and almoft cone ftrain’d youinto a perfwafion, that what you require from me in this point] nei- ther ought, nor can in confcience defer beyond this time both of fo much need at once, and fo much opportunity to try what God hath determin’d. I will not refift therfore whatever it is, either of divine or human obligement, that you lay upon me; but will forthwith fet down in writing, as you requeft me, that vo- luntary Jdea, which hath long in filence prefented it felf to me, of a better Education, in extent and comprehenfion far more large, and yet of time far- fhorter, and of attainment far more certain, then hath been yet in practice. Brief { fhall endeavour to be; for that which I have to fay, afluredly this Nation hath extream need fhould be done fooner then fpoken. To tell you therfore what I have benefited herein among old renowned Authors, i fhall {pare ; and to fearch what many modern Fanua's and Didattics more then ever 1 fhall read, have projected, my inclination leads me not. But if you can ac- cept of thefe few Obfervations which have flowr'd off, and are as it were the burnifhing of many ftudious and contemplative years altogether {pent in the: fearch of religious and civil knowledg, and fuch as pleas’d you fo well in the relating, I here give you them to difpofe of.
The end then of Learning is to repair the ruins of our firft Parents by regaining to know God aright, and out of that knowledg to love him, to imitate him, to be like him, as we may the neareft by poflefling our fouls of true vertue, which being united to the heavenly Grace o Faith, makes up the higheft perfection. But becaufe our underftanding cannot in this body found it felf but on fenfible things, nor arrive fo clearly to the knowledg of God and things invifible, as by orderly conning over the vi+ fible and inferior creature, the fame method is neceflarily to be follow’d in all difcreet teaching. And feeing every Nation affords not experience end tradition enough for all kind of Learning, therfore we are Cat
taught
C 846 ) | taught the Languages of thofe people who have at any time been moft indu- ftrious after Wifdom ; fo that Language is but the Inftrument conveying to us things ufeful to be known. And though a’Linguift fhould pride himfelf to have all the Tongues that Babel cleft the world into, yet if he have not ftudied the folid things in them as well as the Words and Lexicons, he were nothing fo much tobe efteem’da learned man, as any Yeoman or Tradefman competently wife’ in his Mother-Dialect only. Hence appear the many miftakes which have made Learning. generally fo unpleafing and fo unfuccefsful ; firft we do amifs to {pend feven or eight years meerly in fcraping together io much miferable Latin and Greek, as might be learnt otherwife-eafily and delightfully in one year. And that which cafts our proficiency therin fo much behind, is our time loft partly in too oft idle vacancies given both to Schools and Univerfities, partly in a prepofterous exaction, forcing the empty wits of Children to com- pofe Theams, Verfes and Orations, which are the acts of ripeft judgment, and the final work of a head fill’d by long reading and obferving, with elegant maxims, and copious invention. Thefe are not matters to be wrung from poor ftriplings, like blood out of the nofe, or the plucking of untimely fruit : befides the ill habit which they get of wretched barbarizing againft the Latin and Greek idiom, with thir untutor’d Anglicif{ms, odious tobe read, yet not to be avoided withouta well continued and judicious converting among pure Authors digefted, which they fcarcetafle, wheras, if after fome preparatory grounds of fpecch by thir certain forms got into memory, they were led to the praxis therof in fome chofen fhort book leflon’d throughly to them, they might then forthwith proceed to learn the fubitance of good things, and Arts in due order, which would bring the whole Language quickly intothir power. This | take to be the moft ratio- nal and moft profitable way of learning Languages, and wherby we may beft hope to give account to God of our youth {pent herein, And for the ufval method of teaching Arts, I deem it to be an old error of Univerfities, not yet well recover’d from the Scholaftic grofsnefs of barbarous ages, that inftead of beginning with Arts moft eafy, and thofe be fuch as are moft obvious to the fence, they prefent thir young unmatriculated Novices at firft coming with the moft intellective ab{tractions of Logic and Metaphyfics: fo that they having but newly left thofe Grammatic Flats and Shallows where they ftuck unreafonably to learn a few words with lamentable conftruction, and now on the fudden tranfported under another climat to be tofs’d and turmoil’d with thir unballafted wits in fadomlefs and unquiet deeps of Controverfy, do for the moft part grow into hatred and contempt of Learning, mockt and deluded all this while with ragged Notions and Babblements, while they expected wor- thy and delightful knowledg ; till poverty or youthful years call them impor- tunately thir feveral ways, and halten them with the fway of friends either to an ambitious and mercenary, or ignorantly zealous Divinity ; fome allur’d to the trade of Law, grounding thir purpofes not on the prudent and heavenly Contemplation of Juftice and Equity which was never taught them, but on the promifing and pleafing thoughts of litigious terms, fat contentions, and flow- ing fees ; others betake them to State-affairs, with fouls fo unprincipl’d in ver- tue, and true generous breeding, that flattery and Court-fhifts and tyrannous Aphorifms appear to them the higheft points of wifdom; inftilling thir bar- ren Hearts with a confcientious flavery, if as lrather think, it be not fain’d. Others laftly of a more delicious and airie {pirit, retire themfelves, knowing no better, to the enjoiments, of eafe and luxury, living out thir daysin feaft and jollity ; which indeed is the wifeft and the fateft courfe of all thefe, unlefs they were with more integrity undertaken. And thefe are the fruits of mifpending our prime youth at the Schools and Univerlitics as we do, either in learning meer words, or fuch things chiefly as were better unlearnt.
I fhall detain you no longer in the demonftration of what we fhould not do, but ftrait conduct ye to a hill fide, where I will point ye out the right path of a vertuous and noble Education ; laborious indeed at the firit afcent, but elfe fo fmooth, fo green, fo full of goodly profpect, and melodious founds on every fide, that the harp of Orpheus was not more charming. I doubt not but ye fhall have more ado to drive our dulleft and lazieft youth, our ftocks and ftubs, from the infinite defire of fuch a happy nurture, then we have now to hale and drag our choiceft and hopefulleft wits to that afinine feaft of fowthiltles and bram-
bie
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brambles which is commonly fet before them, asall the food and entertainmen of thir tendereft and moft docible age- I call therfore a compleat and generous Education, that which fits a man to perform juftly, skilfully and magnanimonfly all the offices both private and public of Peace and War. And how all this may be don between twelve, and one and twenty, lefs time then is now ber ftow’d in pure trifling at Grammar and Sophifiry, is to be thus order’d.
Firft to find out a {patious houfe and ground about it fit for an Academy, and big enough to lodg a hundred and fifty perfons,wherof twenty or therabout may be attendants, all under the government of one, who fhall be thought of de- fert fufficient, and ability either to do all, or wifely to direct and overfee it don. This place fhould be at once both School and Univerfity, not needing a remove to any other houfe of Scholerfhip, except it be fom peculiar Col- ledg of Law, or Phyfick, where they mean to be Practitioners; but as for thofe general ftudies which take up all our time from Lilly to the commencing, as they term it, Mafter of Art, it fhould be abfolute. After this pattern, asma- ny Edifices may be converted to this ufe as fhall be needful in every City throughout this Land, which would tend much to the encreafe of Learning -and Civility every where. This number, lefs or more thus collected, to the conve- nience of a foot Company, or interchangeably two Troops of Cavalry, fhould divide thir days work into three parts as it lies orderly. Thir Studies, thir Ex- ercife, and thir Diet.
For thir Studies. Firft they fhould begin with the chief and neceflary rules of fom good Grammar, either that now usd, or any better: and while this is do- ing, thir {peech is to be fafhion’d to a diftinét and clear pronuntiation, as near as may be to the Jtalian, efpecially in the Vowels. For we Englifhmen being far Northerly, do not open our mouths in the cold air, wide enough to grace a Southern Tongue; but are obferv’d by all other Nations to fpeak exceeding clofe and inward : fo that to finatter Latin with an Englifh mouth, is as ill a hearing as Law-French. Next to make them expert in the ufefulleft points of Grammar, and withal to feafon them and win them early to the love of Vertue and true Labour, e’re any flattering feducement, or vain principle feize them wandering, fom eafy and delightful Book of Education would be read to them ; wherof the Greeks have ftore, as Cebes, Plutarch, and other Socratic Difcourfes. But in Latin we have none of claflic authority extant, except the two or thrte firft Books of Quintilian, and fome felect pieces el{where. But here the main skill and groundwork will be, totemper them fuch Lectures and Explanations upon every opportunity, as may lead and draw them in willing ° obedience, enflam’d with the ftudy of Learning, and the admiration of Ver- tue; ftir’d up with high hopes of living to be brave Men, and worthy Patriots, dear to God, and famousto all Ages. Thatthey may defpife and {corn all thir childifh and ill-tavght qualities,to delight in manly and liberal Exercifes : witich he who hath the Art and proper Eloquence to catch them with, what with mild and effectual perfwafions, and what with the intimation of fom fear, if need be, but chiefly by his own example, might in a fhort {pace gain them to an incredible diligence and courage : infufing into thir young brefts fuch an ingenuous and no- ble ardor, as would not fail to make many of them renowned and matchlefs men. At the fame time fom other hour of the day, might be taught them the rules of Arithmetic, and foon after the Elements of Geometry, even playing, as the old manner was. After evening sepaft, till bed-time, thir thoughts would be beft taken up in the eafy grounds of Religion, and the ftory of Scripture. The next ftep would be to the Authors of Agriculture, Cato, Varre, and Columella, for the matter is moft eafy , and if the language be difficult, fo much the better it isnot a difficulty above thir years. And here will be an occafion of inciting and inabling them hereafter to improve the tillage of thir Country, to recover the bad Soil, and toremedy the wafte that is made of good ; for this was one of Hercules’s praifes. E’re half thefe Authors be read (which will foon be with plying hard and daily) they cannot chufe but be matters of any ordinary prdfe. So that it will be then feafonable for them to learn in any modern Author the ufe of the Globes, and all the Maps; firft with the old names, and then with the new, or they might be then capable to read any compendious method of natural Philofophy. -And at the fame time might be entring into the Greck tongue, after the fame manner as was before prefcrib’d in the Latin; wherby the diffi- culties of Grammar being foon overcom, all the Hiftorical Phyfiology of foil
otle
( 848 ) ftotle and Theophraftus are open before.them, and as I may fay, under contribu- tion, The like accefs will be to Vitruvius, to Seneca’s natural queftions, to Mela, Celfus, Pliny, or Solinus. And having thus paft the principles of Arith. metic, Geometry, Aftronomy, and Geography with a general compact of Phyfics, they may defcend in Mathematics to the inftrumental {cience of Trigonometry, and from thence to Fortification, Architecture, Enginry, or Navigation. And in natural Philofophy they may proceed leifurely from the Hiftory of Me- teors, Minerals, Plants and living Creatures as far as Anatomy. Then alfo in courfe might be read to them out of fom not tedious Writer the Inftitution of Phyfic; that they may know thetempers, the humours, the feafons, and
how to manage a Crudity : which he who can wifely and timely do, is not onlya -
great Phyfitian to himfelf and to his friends, but alfo may at fomtime or other, fave an Army by this frugal and expenflefs means only ; and not let the heal- thy and ftout bodies of young men ret away under him for want of this Difci- “plin; which is a great pity, and nolefs afhame tothe Commander. To fet forward all thefe proceedings in Nature and Mathematics, what hinders but that they may procure, as oft as fhall be needful, the helpful experiences of Hunters, Fowlers, Fifhermen, Shepherds, Gardeners, Apothecaries ; and in the other Sciences, Architects, Engineers, Mariners, Anatomifts; who doubtlefs would be ready, fom for reward, and fom to favour fuch a hopeful Seminary. And this will give them fuch a real tincture of natural knowledg, as they fhall never forget, but daily augment with delight. Then alfo thofe Poets which are now counted moft hard, will be both facil and pleafant, Orphess, Hefiod, Theocritus, Aratus, Nicander, Oppian, Dionyfixsy and in Latin Lucretins, Manil- livs, and the rural part of Virgil. By this time, yearsand good general precepts will have furnifht them more diftin€tly with that at of reafon which in Ethics is call’d Proairefis: that they may with fom judgment contemplate upon moral good and evil. Then will be requir’d a f{pecial reinforcement of conftant and found endoétrinating to fet them right and firm, inftructing them more amply in the knowledg of Vertue and the hatred of Vice: while thir young and pliant affections are led through all the moral works of Plato, Xenophon, Cicero, Plutarch, Laertius, and thofe Locrian remnants 5 but ftill to be reduc’c in thir nightward ftudies wher- with they clofe the days work, under the determinate fentence of David or Salomon, or the Evanges and Apoftolic Scriptures. Being perfect in the knowledg of perfonal duty, they may then begin the ftudy of Economics. And - either now or before this they may have eafily learnt at any odd hour the Jra- lian Tongue. And foon after, but with warinefs and good antidote, it would be wholfom enough to let them tafte fom choice Comedies, Greek, Latin, or Jta- lian: Thofe Tragedies alfo that treat of Houthold matters, as Trachinie, Alceftis, andthe like. The next remove muft be to the ftudy of Politics ; to know the beginning, end, and reafons of Political Societies ; that they may not ina dangerous fit of the Common-wealth be fuch poor, fhaken, uncertain Reeds of fuch a tottering Confcience, as many of our great Counfellers have lately fhewn themfelves, but ftedfaft Pillars of the State. After this they are to dive into the grounds of Law, and legal Juftice , deliver’d firft and with beft war- rant by Mofes; and as far as human prudence can be trufted, in thofe extoll’d remains of Grecian Law-givers, Licurgus, Solon, Zaleucus, Charondas, and thence to all the Roman Ediés and Tables with thir Fu/tinian; and fo down to the Saxo# and common Laws of England, and the Statutes. Sundaies alfo and eve- ry evening may be now underftandingly {pent in the higheft matters of Theology, and Church-Hiftory antient and modern: and e’rethis time the Hebrew Tongue at a fethour might have been gain’d, that the Scriptures may be now read in thir own original ; wherto it would be no impoffibility to add the Chaldee, and the Syrian Dialect. When all thefe emploiments are well conquer’d, then will the choice Hiftories, Heroic Poems, and Attic Tragedies of ftatelieft and moft regal Argument,with all the famous Political Orations,offer themfelves 5 which if they were not only read, but fom of them got by memory, and folemnly pro- nounc’t with right accent and grace, as might be taught, would endue them even with the fpirit and vigour of Demofthenes or Cicero, Euripides, or Sophocles. And now laftly will be the time to read with them thofe organic Arts which ina- ble men to difcourfe and write perfpicuoufly,elegantly,and according to the i ile
Dy a en ee ee
Seeger:
( 849 )
ftile of lofty, mean, or lowly. Logic therfore fo much as is ufeful, is to be re- ferr’d tothis due place with all her wel! coucht Heads and Topics, until it be time to open her contracted palm into a graceful and ornate Rhetoric taught out of the rule of Plato, <Ariftotle, Phalerens, Ctcero, Hermogenes, Longinus. To which Poetry would be made fubfequent, or indeed rather precedent, as being lefs futtle and fine, but more fimple, fenfuous, agd paffionate. I mean not here the profody of a verfe, which they could not but have hit on before among the rudiments of Grammar ; but that fublime Art which in Ariffotles Poetics, in Horace, and the Italian Commentaries of Ca/tle- vetro, Taffo, Mazzoni, and others, teaches what the Laws are of a true Epic Poem, what of a Dramatic, what of aLyric, what Decorum is, which is the grand mafter-piece to obferve. This would make them foon perceive what def- picable Creatures our common Rimers and Play-writers be, and fhew then what religious, what glorious and magnificent ufe might be made of Poetry both ‘in divine and human things. Fromhence, and not til] now will bethe right fea- fon of forming?them to be able Writers and Compofers in every excellent matter, when they fhall be thus fraught with an univerfal infight into things. Or whe- ther they be to fpeak in Parlament or Councel, honour and attention would be waiting onthir lips. There would then alfo appear in Pulpits other vifages, other geftures, and {tuff otherwife wrought then what we now iit under, oftimes to as great a trial of our patience as any other thatthey preach to us. Thefe are the Studies wherin our noble and our gentle Youth ought to beftow thir time ina dilciplinary way from twelve to one and twenty ; unlefs they rely more upon thir anceftors dead, then upon themfelves living. In which methodical courfe it is fo fuppos’d they mult proceed by the {teddy pace of Learntng onward, as at convenient times for memories fake to retire back into the middle ward, and fomtimes into the rear of what they have been taught, until they have confirm’d, and folidly united the whole body of their perfeted knowledg,like the laft embat- telling of a Roman Legion. Now will be worth the feeing, what Exercifes and Recreations may belt agree, and becom thefe Studies.
Thir Exercife,
The courfe of Study hitherto briefly defcrib’d, is what I can guefs by reading likeft to thofe antient and famous Schools of Pythagoras, Plato, Ifocrates, Ari- ‘frotleand fuch others, out of which were bred fuch a number of tenowned Philo- fophers, Orators, Hiftorians, Poets and Princes all over Greece, Italy and <Afia; befides the flourifhing Studies of Cyrene and Alexandria. But herein it jhall ex- ceedthem, and fupply a defect as great as that which Plato noted in the Com- monwealth of Sparta; wheras that City train’d up thir Youth moft for War, and thefe in thir Academies and Lyceum, all for the Gown, this initis tution of breeding which I here delineate fhall be equally good both for Peace and War. ‘Therfore about an hour and half ere they eat at Noon fhould be allow’d them for exercife, and due reft afterwards , but the time for this may be enlarg’d at pleafure, according as thir rifing in the morning fhall be early. The Exercife which I commend firft is the exact ufe of thir Weapon, to guard, and to ftrike fafely with edg or point; this will keep them healthy, nimble, ftrong, and well in breath, is alfo the likclieft means to make them grow large and tall, and to infpire them with a gallant and fearlefs Courage, which being temper’d with feafonable Lectures and Precepts to them of true Fortitude and Patience, willturn into a native and heroic Va- lour, and make them hate the cowardife of doing wrong, They mutt be alfo practis’d in all the Locks and Gripes of Wreftling, wherin Englifhmen were wont toexcel, as need may often be in fight to tug or grapple, and to clofe. And this perhaps will be enough, wherin to prove and heat thir fingle ftrength: The interim of unfweating themfelves regularly, and convenient reft before meat, may both with profit and delight be taken up in recreating and compoting: thir travail’d {pirits. with the folemn and divine harmonies of Mufic heard or learnt; either while the skilful Organif plies his grave and fancied defcant in lofty Fugues, or the whole Symphony with artful and unimaginable touches a- dorn and grace the well-ftudied chords of fome choice Compofer ; fomtimes the Lute, or folt Organ ftop waiting on elegant Voices either to religious, mar- tial or civil Ditties, which, if wife Men and Prophets be not extreamly out; have agreat power over Difpofitions and Manners to fmooth and make them 5 Q. gentle
( 850 ) gentle from ruftic harflinefs and diftemper’d paflions. The like alfo would not be unexpedient after Meat to aflift and cherifh Nature in her firft concoction, and fend thir minds back to ftudy in good tune and fatisfa€tion. Where ha- ving follow’d it clofe under vigilant eyes, till about two hours before fupper, they are bya fudden alarm or watch word to be cali’d out to thir milicary mo- tions, under skie or covert, according tothe feafon, as was the Roman wont, firft on foot, then as thir age permits, on horfe-back, to all the Art of Caval- ry; that having in fport, but with much exactnefs and daily mufter, ferv’d out the rudiments of thir Souldierfhip in all the skill of embattelling, marching, encamping, fortifying, befieging, and battering, with ail the helps of antient and modern Stratagems, 7 aétics, and warlike Maxims, they may asit were out of a long War com forth renowned and perfect Commanders in the fer- vice of thir Country. They would not then, if they were trufted with fair and hopeful Armies, foffer them for want of jult and wife difciplin to fhed a- . way from about them like fick Feathers, though they be never { oft fuppli’d : they would not fuffer thir empty and unrecrutible Colonels of tWenty menina Company to quaff out, or convey into fecret hoards, the wages of adelufive lift, and a milerable remnant: yet in themean while to be over-mafter’d witha {core or two of drunkards, the only fouldiery left about them, or elfe tocomply with all rapines and violences. No certainly, if they knew ought of thag knowledg that belongs to good men or good Governours, they would not fuffer thefechings. But to return to our own Infticute, befides thefe conftant exer- cifes at home, there is another opportunity of gaining experience to be won from pleafure it felf abroad; in thofe vernal featons of the year, whenthe air is calmand pleafant, it were an injury and fullennefs again{t nature not to go out and fee her riches, and partake in her rejoicing with Heaven and Earth. [| fhould not therfore be a perfwader tothem of ftudying much then, after two or three year that they have well laid thir grounds, but to ride out in compa- nies with prudent and ftaid Guides to all the quarters of the Land; learning and objerving ali places of itrength, all commodities of building and of foil, for Towns and Tillage, Harbours and Ports for Trade. Somtimes taking Sea as far asto our Navy, to learn therealfo what they can in the practical know- ledg of Sailing and of Sea-fight. Thefe.ways would try all thir peculiar gifts of Nature, and if there were any fecret excellence among them would fetch it out, and give it ‘fair opportunities to advance it felf by, which could not but mightily redound to the good of this Nation, and bring into fafhion again thofe — old admired Vertues and Excellencies with far more advantage now in this purity of Chriftian knowledg. Nor fhall we then need the Adonfieurs of Paris totake: our hopeful Youth into thir flight and prodigal cuftodies, and fend them over back again transform’d into Mimics, Apes, and Kicfhoes. But if they defire to fee other Countries at three or four and twenty years of age, not to learn Principles, but to enlarge Experience, and make wife obfervation, they wilf by that time be fuch as thall deferve the regard and honour of all men where they pafs, and the fociety and ‘friendfhip of thofe in all places who are beft and moft eminent. And perhapsthen other Nations will be glad to vifit us for thir breeding, or elfe to imitate usin thir own Country. Now laftly forthir Diet, there cannot be much to fay, fave only that it would. be beft in the fame Houfe , for much time elfe would be loft abroad, and many - ill habits got 5 and that it fhould be plain, healthful, and moderate, I fuppofe is out of controverfie. ThusMr. Hartlib, you have a general view in writing, as your defire was, of that which at feveral times I had difcours’d with you con= cerning the beft and nobleft way of Education ; not beginning, as fom have done, from the Cradle, which yet might be worth many confiderations, if bre+ vity had not been my fcope.: many other circumftances alfo I could have men- tion’d, but this to fuch as have the worth inthem to make trial, for light and — direction may be enough. Only I believe that this is not a Bow for every man to fhoot in that counts himfelf a Teacher 5 but will require finews almoft equal tothofe which Homer gave Ulpffes: yet 1 am withal per{waded that it may prove much more eafy inthe aflay then it now feems at diftance, and much moreil- luftrious; howbeit not more difficult then! imagin, andthat imagination pre- fents me with nothing but very happy, and very poflible according to beft wifh- es, if God have fo decreed, and this Age have fpirit and capacity enough to ap-
prehend. ACCE-
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ACCQEDENCE
Commenc't
GRAMMAR;
Supply’d with fufficient
Ft one. Toeee ee
For the ufe of fuch as, Younger or Elder, are defirous, without more trouble then needs, to attain the Latin Tongue; the elder fort efpe- . cially, with little teaching, and thir own in-
duftry.
To the READER.
and ftill is,that the tenth part of mans life,ordinarily extended,is taken up in learn-
ing, and that very {carcely, the Latin Tongue. Which tardy proficience may
be attributed to feveral canfes: In particular, the making two Labours of one, by learning fir the Accedence, then the Grammar in Latin, e're the Language of thofe Rules be underftood. The only remedy of this, was to join both Books into one, and inthe Englifh Tongue ; mherby the long way is much abbreviated, and the labour of underftanding much more eafy: A work fuppos’d not to have been don formerly; or if don, not without fuch difference here in brevity and alteration, as may be found of moment. That of Grammar, touching Letters and Syllables, is omitted, as learnt before, and Iistle different from the Englith Spelling-book; efpecially fince few will be perfwaded to pronounce Latin othermife then thir own Englith.. What will not com under Rule, by reafen of the much variety in Declenfion, Gender, or Conftruétion, is alfo here omitted, left the courfe and clearne/s of method be clog’d with Catalogues inftead of Rules, or too much snterruption between Rule and Rule: Which Linaker, /er- ting doren the various Idioms of many Verbs, was forc’t to do by Alphabet ; and ther- fore, though very learned, not thought fit tobe read in Schools. But in fuch words, a Didtionary ftor’d with good Autorities will be found the readieft guide. Of figu- rate Conftruttion what is ufeful is digefted into feveral Rules of Syntaxis: and Profo- die, after this Grammar well learnt, will not need to be Englifht for bim who hath a mind to read it. Account might be now giv’n what addition or alteration from other Grammars hath bin here made, and for what reafon. But he who would be {hort in teaching, mujft not be long in prefacing: The Book it felf follows, and will declare Sufficiently to them who can ds[cern.
[ hath bin long a general complaint, not without caufe, in the bringing up of Youth,
5Q2 an CC Ee
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AGC EDEN GE.
Commenc’t
GRAMMAR.
‘Atin Grammar is the Art of °
right underftanding, {peak-
ing, or writing Latin, ob-
ferv’d from them who have fpoken or written it beft.
Grammar hath two Parts: right- wording, ufually call’d Erymologse ; and right-joyning of words, or Syataxs.
Etymologie, or right-wording, teach- eth what belongs to every fingle word or part of Speech.
Of Latin SPEECH Are eight General Parts :
Noun Adverb
Pronoun ( De- Conjunttion. Unde- Verb clin'd.()Prepofition ( clin’d. Participle 5 Interjeciion
Eclin?d are thofe words which have divers endings; as homo a man, hominis of aman; Amo I love, amas thou loveft. CUndeclin’dare thofe words which have but one ending, as bene well, cum when, tam then. Nouns, Pronouns, and Participles, are declin’d with Gender, Number, and Cafe; Verbs, as hereafter in the
verb. Of Genders.
Enders are three, the Mafculin,
Feminin, and Neuter. The Maf-
culin may be declin’d with this Article
Hic, as hic Vir a Man; the Feminin
with this Article Hec, as bec Adulier a
Woman ; the Neuter with this Article Hoc, as hoc Saxum a Stone.
Of the Mafculin are generally all Nouns belonging to the Male kind, as alfo the Names of Rivers, Months and Winds.
Of the Feminin, all Nouns belong- ing to the Female kind, as alfo the names of Countries, Cities, Trees, fom few of the two latter except- ed: Of Cities, as Agragas and Sul- mo, Mafculin; -Argos, Tibur, Pre- nefte, and fuch asend in 4m, Neuter ; Anxur both. Of Trees, Oleafter and
,
*
Spinus, Mafculin, but Oleafter is read alfo Feminin, Cic. verr.4: Acer, filer, fuber, thus, robur, Neuter.
And of the Neuter are all Nouns, not being proper Names, ending in am, and many others. é
Som Nouns are of two Genders, as hic or hac dies a day ; and all fuch as may be fpoken both of Male and Fe- male, as bic or bec Parens a Father or Mother: fom be of three, as hic hec and hoc Felix happy.
Of Numbers.
Ords declin’d have two Num-
bers, the Singular and the Plu-
ral. The fingular fpeaketh but of one,
as Laps aStone. The plural of more
then one, as /apides ftones; yet fom-
times but of one, as there the City
Athens, Litera an Epiftle, edes adinm a Houfe.
Note that fom Nouns have no fin- gular, and fom no plural, as the na- ture of thir fignification requires, Som are of one Gender in the fingu- lar , of another, or of two Genders in the plural, as reading will beft teach.
OF Cafes.
YOuns, Pronouns, and Partici-
ples are declin’d with fix end-
ings, which are called Cafes, both in
the fingular and plural number. The
Nominative, Genitive, Dative, Accu- fative, Vocative, and Ablative.
The Nominative is the firft Cafe, and properly nameth the thing, as Liber a Book.
The Genitive is englifht with this Sign of, as Libri of a Book.
The Dative with this Sign to, or for, as Libro to or for a Book.
The Accufative hath no fign.
The Vocative calleth or fpeaketh to, as O Liber O Book, and is commonly like the Nominative.
But in the Neuter Gender the No- minative, Accufative, and Vocative, are like in both Numbers, and in the Plural end always in 4.
The
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The Ablative is englifht with thefe Signs, ia, with, of, for, from, by, and fuch like, as De Libro of or from the Book, pro Libro for the Bock; and the Ablative Plural is always like the Da- tive.
Note, that fom Nouns have but one ending throughout all Cafes, as Frags, aequam, nibil , and all words of num-
ber from three to a hundred, as quatuor
four, quingue five, Oc.
Som have but one, fom two, {cm.- three Cafes only, in the Singular. or
Plural, as ufe will be{t teach. Of a Noun.
Noun is the name of a thing, as Manus a Hand, Domus a Houle, Bonus Good, Paulcher Fair.
Nouns be Subitantives or Adjectives.
A Noun Subitantive is underftood by it felf, as homo a man, domm a houfe.
An Adjective, to be well underftood, requireth a Subftantive to be join’d with it, as bonws good, parvus little, which cannot be well underitood unlefs fomthing good or little be either nam’d, as bonus vir a good man, parvus puera little boy ; or by ufe underftood, as honeftum an honeft thing, boni good men.
The Declining of Subftantives. Ouns Subftantives have five De- clenfions or forms of ending thir Cafes, chiefly diftinguifht by the diffe- reat ending of thir Genitive Singular.
The firft Declenfion.
He firft is when the Genitive and Dative fingular end in 4, éc. as: inthe Example following.
Plural. Nom. Voc. mufz Gen. mufarum Dat. Abl. mufis. Acc. mufas
This one word familia joyn’d with pater, mater, filius, or filia, endeth the Genitive in 4s, as pater familéas, but fomtimes familie. Dea, mula, equa, liberta, make the Dative and Ablative plural in abus; filia and nata in is or abus.
The firft Declenfion endeth always ina, unlefs in fom words deriv’d of the Greek : and is always of the Femi- ninGender, except in names attributed to men, according to the general Rule, or toStars, asCometa,; Planeta.
Singular. r No.VWo, Abl. mufa Gen. Dat. mu/fe Acc. mufam
» Acc. librum
Nouns, and efpecially proper Names derived of the Greek, have herethree endings, 4s, es, e, and are declin’d in fom of thir Cafes after the Greek form. eAineas, acc. e“Enean, voc.eAinea; An-
. chifes, acc. Anchifen, voc. Anchife or
Anchifa, abl, Anchife. Penelope, Pene- lopes, Penelope, Penelopen. yoc. abl. Pe- nelope. _Somtimes following the Latin, as Marfya, Philotteta, for as and es 3 PhiloGtetam, Eviphylam, for an and en. Cic.
The fecond Declenfion.
He fecond is when the Genitive Singular endeth in 4, the Dative in 0, &e. ;
Sing. ~ Plur. Nom. Voc. Liber Nom. Voc. Libri Gen. hibri Gen. librorum Dat. Abl. libro JDat. Abl, Libris
~LAcc. libros.
Note ‘that when the Nominatire endeth in #, the Vocative fhall end in e, as Dominus 5 Domine, except Dems 3 Dew. And thefe following, -Agnu, lucus, vulgus, populus, chorus, finvins, ¢ Or #4.
When the Nominative endeth in iss, if it be the proper name of aman, the Vocative fhall end in 2, as Georgiw 6 Georgi , hereto add filims 6 fili, and ge- nus 0 gent.
All Nouns of. the Second Declenfion areof the Mafculin or Neuter Gender ; of the Mafculin, fuch as end in ir, or, or ws, except fom few, humus, domus, alvus, and others deriv'’d of the Greek, as methodus, antidotus, and the like, which are of the Feminin, and fom of them fomtimes alfo Mafculin, as ate- mus, phafelus ; to’ which add ficus the name of a difeafe, »groffus, pampinus, and rubus.
Thofe of the Neuter, except virus, pelagus, and valgus (which laft is fom- times Mafculin) end allin 4m, and are declin’d as followeth :
Sing. Plur. No.Ac.vo.Studinml, No. Ac.Voc.Studia Gen. ftudiz Gen. ftudiorum Dat. Abl. fudso Dat. Abl. fudsis.
Som Nouns in this Declenfion are of the firft Example Singular, of the fe- cond Plural, as Pergamus the City Troy, Plur. Hac Pergama;, and fom names of hills, as Atenalus, Ifmarus, bec 1/- mara, {o alfo Tartarus, and the Lake Avernus, others are of both, as /ibilus, jocus, locus, hi loci, or hac loca, Som
are
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are of the fecond example Singular, of the firft Plural, as Argos, Calum, Plur. bi Cali; others of both, as Ra- frum, Capiftrum, Filum, Frenum ; Plur. frent or frana. Nundinum, & E- pulum, are of the firft Declenfion Plu- ral, Nundine, Epule; Balnewm of both, balnez or balnea,
Greek proper names have here three endings, os, on, and us long from a Greek Dipthong. Hec Delos, hanc Delon. Hoc Ilion. The reft regular, Hic panthus, 6 panthu, Virg.
The third Declenfion.
He third is when the Genitive fin- gular endeth in #, the Dative in
3, the Accufative in em, and fomtimes in im, the Ablative ine, and fomtimes in z3; the Nom. Acc. Voc. Plural in es, the Genitive in um, and fomtimes in inm, Kc. Plur.
aoe OLN: } No.Gen. Vo. Panu \Nom.Ac.Vo. panes Dat. pani Gen. paaum Acc. panem Dat. Ab]. pamibus. Abl. pane.
Sing. Plur. Nom. Voc. Parens/ \No.Ac.vo.parentes Gen. parentis Gen. parentum Dat. parents Ac. parentem Abl. parente.
This third Declenfion, with many endings, hath all Genders, beft known by dividing all Nouns hereto belong- ing ingo fuch as either increafe one fy]- lable long or fhort in the Genitive, or increafe not at all.
Such as increafe not in the Genitive are generally Feminin, as Nubes nubis, Caro carn.
Except fuch as end in er, as hic ven- ter ventris, and thefe in # following, natalis, aqualis, lienis, orbis, callis, cau- lis, collisy folls, menfis, enfis, fujta, fu- nis, panis, penis, crinu, ignu, caffis, fafcis, torris, pifcis, sanguis, vermis, vectis, poftis, axis, and the compounds of affis, as centuffis.
But Canalis, finis, clunis, reftis, fentis, amnis, corbis, linte¥, torquis, anguis, bic or bec: To thefe add vepres.
Such as end in ¢ are Neuters, as #a- re, rete, and two Greek .in es, as hip- pomanes, cacoéthes.
Nouns encreafing long.
Nouns encreafing one fyllable long in the Genitive are generally Feminin, as hec pietas pietatis, virtus virtutis,
Voss parentibus.
Except fuch as end in ams Mafculin, as dodrans, quadrans, fextans , inens, as oriens, torrens, bidens, a pick-ax.
In or, moft commonly deriv’d of Verbs, as pallor, clamor , in 0, not thence deriv’d, as terio, fento, fermo, temo, and the like.
And thefe of one fyllable, fa/, fol, ren, fplen, as, bes, pes, mos, flos, ros, dens, mons, pons, fons, grex.
And words deriv’d from the Greek in en, as lichen , iner, as crater; in as, as adamas; in es, as lebes ; to thefe, hydrops, thorax, phenix.
But fcrobs, rudens, ftirps, the body or root of atree, and calx a heel, bic or hec.
Neuter, thefe of one fyllable, mel, fel, lac, far, ver, cor, 45, vas’ vafis, os offis, 0s ovis, rus, thus, jus, crus, pus. And of more fyllables in a/ and ar, as capital, laquear, but balec hoc or bac.
Nouns encreafing hort.
_ Nouns encreafing fhort in the Geni- tive are generally Mafculin, as bic fan- guts fanguinis, lapis lapidis.
Except, Femininall wordsof many fyllables ending in door go, as dulcedo, compago , arbor, hyems, cufpis, pecus pe- cudis: Thefe in ex, forfex, carex, to- mex, fupehex: In 1x, appendix, hiftrix, coxendix, filix; Greek Nouns in as and is, as lampas, iafpis: To thefe add chlamys, bacchar, fyndon, icon,
But margo, cinis, pulvis, adeps, for- ceps, pumex, ramex, imbrex, obex, iene onix and fardonix, bic or
£C.
Neuters are all ending in a, as proble- ma; inen, except hie pelten, in ar, as jubar, in er thefe, verber, iter, uber, cadaver, zinziber, lafer, cicer, fifer, pix per, papaver ; fomtimes in wr, except hic furfur, inus, asonus, in ut, as caput ; to thefe marmor, equor, ador.
Greek proper names here end in as, an, is, and evs, and may be declin’d fom wholly after the Greek form, as Pallas, pallados, palladi, pallada; others in fom Cafes, as Atlas, acc. Atlanta, voc. Atla. Garamas, plur. garamantes, acc. garamantas. Pan, panos, pana, Phyllis, phyltidos, voc. phylli, plur. Phylli« des, acc. phyllidas. Tethys, tethyos, acc. tethyn, voc. tethy. Neapolis, neapoliosy acc. weapolin. Paris, paridos or parios, acc. parida or parin. Orpheus, orpheos, orphei, orphea, orphex. But Names in evs borrow fomtimes thir Genitive of the Second Declenfion, as Evechtheus, erechthei, Cic. Achilles or Achrllens,
Athile
( 855 )
Achillei, and fomtimes thir Accufa- tive in on or um, as Orpheus Orpheon, Thefeus Thefeum, Perfeus Perfeam, which fomtimes is formd after Greek words of the firft Declenfion Latin, Perfeus or Perfes, Perfe Perfe Perfen Perfe Per{a. The fourth Declenfion. He fourth is when the Genitive Singular endeth in us, the Dative
Singular in #s, and fomtimes in #, Pluralin bus, and fomtimes in vbxs.
Sing. s Plvr. No.Ge. Vo. Senfusf \No. Ac. Vo. Senfus Dat. fen/ui Gen. fenfnum Acc. fenfum Dat. Abl. fenfibus. Abl. fenfi. -
The fourth Declenfion hath two end- ings, #s anda; #s generally Mafculin, except fom few, as bec mani:s, ficus, the fruit of a tree, acus, pirticus, tré- bus; but penus and fpecus hic or hee. U of the Neuter, as gelu, genu, veru; but in the Singular moft part defective.
Proper Names in os and o long, per- taining to the fourth Declenfion Greek, may belong beft to the fourth in Latin, as Androgeos, Gen. Androgeo, Ac. Andro- geon, Bic Athos, hunc Atho, Virg. Hec Sappho, Gen. Sapphus, Acc. Sappho. Bet- ter Authors follow the Latin form, as Dido Didonis Didonem. But Fefus Fefu Felu Fefum Fefu Fela. -
The fifth Declenfion.
He fifth is when the Genitive and Dative Singular end ine, &c.
Sing. Plur. Nom. Voc. Res An o. Acc. Voc. res Gen. Dat. res <Gen. rerum Acc. rem oe Abl. rebus. Abl. ze
All Nouns of the fifth Declenfion are of the Feminin Gender, except dies hic or bec, and his Compound meridies hic only.
Som Nouns are of more Declenfions then one, as vas vafis of the third in the Sitigular, of the fecond in the Plural vafa vafornm. Colus, laurus, and fom others, of the fecond and fourth. Saturnalia, faturnalinmor fa- turnaliorum, faturnalibus, and fuch o- ther names of feafts. Poémata poéma- tum, poematis or poématibus, of the fe- cond and third Plural. Plebs of the third and fifth, plebis or plebes.
The Declining of Adjettiyes. Noun Adjective is declin’d with
three Terminations, or with three Articles.
An Adjective of three terminations is declin’d like the firft and fecond De- clenfion of Subftantives joyn’d together after this manner.
Sing. la Nom. bonis bona bonum j)\ Gen. boni bong boni Dat. bono bone bono Ac. bonum bonam bonum Voc. bone bona bonum Abl. bono bona bono.
Plur. . Nom. Vo. boni bong
bonovum Dat. Abl. bonis Ac. bonos bonas bona,
bona Gen. bonorum bonarum
In jike manner thofe in er and ur, as facer facra facrum, fatur fatura faturum, but unus, totus, folus, alsus, alter, ulus, uter, with thir compounds Neuter, #- terque, and the like, make thir Geni- tive Singular inz#s, the Dative in #, as Unus una unum, Gen. unins, Dat. u- mi, in all the reft like bonus, fave that alius maketh in the Neuter Gender ali- ud, and‘in the Dative aliz, and fom- times in the Genitive.
Ambo and duo be thus declin’d in the plural only. .
Nom. Voc. Ambo amba ambo
Gen. amborum ambarum amborum. Dat. Abl. ambobus ambabus ambobus Acc. ambos or ambo, ambas ambo.
Adjectives of three Articles have in the Nominative either one ending, as bic, hac, & hoc felix, or two, as hic Shae triftis & hoc triffe; and are de- clin’d like the third Declenfion of Sub- {tantives, as followeth.
‘ Sing. 7 » Plur. Nom. hic hec ¢y hoc’) \Nom. hi gy he felices, Felix. | hac felicia Gen. felicis |Gen. felicium Dat. felici Sd Dat. Abl. felicibus Acc. hunc ¢y hane feli- | | Acc. hos dy has felices cem, ¢y hoc felix | & hec felicia Voc. 6 felix | Voc. é felices, gy 6 fe- ADI. felice or felict J \. licia.
Sing. 4 No. hic ¢g hee ep a! x hoc trifte Gen. triftis Dat. Abl. trifli Ac. hunc ¢y bane tri- | fem, ¢ hoc trifte | Voc. 6 triftis dy 6 trifle
f Plur.
Nom. hi ¢5 he trifies Cy hec triftia -
| | Gen. triftivm
> pDat. Abl. triftibus
Ac. hos ¢y has triftes, & hac triftia
1 Voc. 6 trifles, do 4
J triftia,
There be alfo another fort which have in the Nominative Cafe three Terminations and three Articles, as hic acer, hic & hzc acris, hoc acre. In like manner be declined equejfer, vola- cer, and fom few others, being in al! other cafes like the Examples before-
going, Com-
( 856 )
Comparifons of Nouns.
Djectives, whofe fignification may
increafe or be diminifht,may form Comparifon, wherof there be two de- grees above the pofitive word it felf, The Comparative, and Superlative.
The Pofitive fignifieth the thing it felf without comparing, as durws hard.
The Comparative exceedeth his Po- fitive in fignification, compar’d with fom other, as darior harder, and is form’d of the firft Cafe of his Pofitive that endeth in 4, by putting therto or and ws, as of duri, hic & bec durtor, & hoc durivs: of dulci, dulcior, dulcius,
The Superlative exceedeth his Pofi- tivein the higheft degree, as duriffimus hardeft , and it is form’d of the firft Cale of his Pofitive that endeth in #, by putting therto fimus, as of duris da- ~ viffimus, dulcis dulciffimus.
Ii the Pofitive end imer, the Super- litive is form’d of the nominative cafe by putting to rsmus, as pulcher pulcher- rimus, Like to.thefe are vetus veterrs- mos, maturus maturimus ,. but. dexter dexterrimus, and finifter, finifterior, fini- fierrvimus.
All thefe Nouns ending in /is make the Superlative by changing # into 4i- mus, as humilis, fimilts, facilis, gracilis, agilis, docilts doctllimus.
All other Nouns ending in /# do fol- low the general Rule, as atalis utiliffimus,
Of thefe Pofitives following are form’d a different fort of Superlatives ; of fuperus, fupremus and fummus ; infe- rus, snfimus and imus; exterus, extimus and extremus ; pofterus poftremus.
Som of thefe want the Pofitive, and are form’d from Adverbs, of intra, interior intimus, ultra ulterior ultimus, citra citerior citimus, pridem prior primus,
‘ope propor proximuHs. 4 hen fae Pofitives without Cafe, as nequam, nequior, nequifjimus.
Som alfo from no Pofitive, as ocior ociffimus. Some want the Comparative, as NoUMS nOvilfimmus, inclyres inclytiffimnus,
Som the Superlative, as fenex fenior, juvenis junior, adolefcens adolefcentior.
Som ending in #s, frame thir Com- parative as if they ended in ens, bene- volus, maledicus, magnificus .magnificen- tior magnificentiffimus.
Thefe following are without Rule, Bonus melior optimus, Malus pejor peffi- aus, Magnus major maximus, Parvus minor minimus , Multus plurimus, mul- ta plurima, multum plus plurimum,
If a Vowel come before as, it is compared with magis and maxime, as Pins, magis pins, maxtme pins, idonens, magis and maxime idoneus. Yet fom of thefe follow the general Rule, as Afiduus affiduifimus, ftrenuus ftrenuior, - exiguus exiguiffimus, tenuis tenuior tenu-
iffimus.
A Pronoun is a part of Speech that - ftandeth for a Noun Subftantive,
either at prefent or before f{poken of,
as tlle, he or that, hic this, gut who.
There be ten Pronouns, Ego, tu, fus, alle, ipfe, iffe, hic, is, qui and ques, belides thir Compounds, egomet,tute, bicce, idem, quifnam, aliquis, and {uch others. The reft fo call’d, as mens, tus, fuus, nofter, vefter, noftras, veltras, cujus and Chi as, are not Pronouns, but Adjectives thence derivd.
Of Pronouns fuch as fhew the thir = prefeat are called Demonftrative: ego, ti, bic, and fuch as rei: to a thing antecedent, or fpoken of before, are called Relatives, as gui who or which.
Quis, and often qui, becaufe they ask a queftion, are called Interroga- tives, with thir Compounds ecquis, nunguts.
Of a Pronoun.
Declenfions of Pronouns are three.
Ego, tu, fui, be of the firft Declen- fion, and be thus delin’d.
Sing. = Plur. Nom. Ego Nom. Acc. Nos Gen. mei Gen. noftrum or noftri Dat. mihi Dat. Abl. nobis Acc. Abl. me Voc. carete Voc. caret.
Sing. Plur. Nom. Voc. Tu Nom. Acc. Voc. ws Gen. tui Gen. veltrum or veftri Dat. tibi Dat. Abl. vobiss Acc. Abl. te Sing. Wag Voc. caret 2 § Dat. fibi ‘ Plur. Gen. fui g Acc. Abl. fe.
From thefe three be deriv’d meus, tuus, fuus, nofter, vefter, noftras, ve- firas, (which are called Pofleffives ) wherof the former five be declin’d like Adjectives of three Terminations, except that meus in the Vocative Cafe maketh mi, mea, meum; Noftras, Ve- tras, with three Articles, as hic & bee 20ff 1 48542 hoc noftras or noftrate, vera. te. In other Cafes according to rule.
Thefe three, ile, ifte, ipfe, be of the fecond Declenfion, making thir Geni-
tive
as =
( 857 )
tive fingular in éws, thir Dative inz; and the former two be declin’d like the Adjective alius, and the third like anus before fpoken of. Nom. ile illa illud, Gen. illiws, Dat. ili. Sing. $n ifte ifta iftud, Gen. iftius, Dax. iti, Nom. ip/2 ip(aipfum, Gen. ipfins, Dat. ipfi.
Thefe four, hic, és, qui and quis, be of the third Declenfion. making thir Genitive fingular in jas, with j confo- nant, and be declin’d after this man- ner.
Sing. a Plur. Nom. hic hac hoc Nom. hi he hec Gen. hujus Gen. horum harum ho- Dat. huic rum
Voc. caret. Acc. hos has hec
Acc. hune hance hoc ( Dat. Abl. his Abl. hoc hac hoc es caret.
Of ffe and hic is compounded sic, iftec, sffoc or sftuc. Acc. iffunc, iffanc, voc or iftuc. Abl. iftoc, iftac, iftoc. Plu. ifec only.
Sing. ic Plur. Nom. # ea id Nom. ii ee ea Gen. ejus Gen. cornm earum eorum Dat. ei /Dat. Abl. iis or et Acc. eum eamid ( Acc. eos eas ea Voc. caret Voc. caret. Abl. eo e2 eo
Sing. 3) a6 Plur. Nom. qui que quod | Nom. qui que que Gen. cujus ,Gen. quorum quarum Dat. cui eS quorum (queis Acc.quem quam quod | is Abl. quibus or Voc. caret ACC. quos quas que
Abl. quo qua quo or qui) (Voc. caret.
In like manner quivis, quilibet, and quicungue the Compounds.
Sing. Nom. quis, qua or qua, quid, Gen, &c. like qui. So quifquam,quifnam, Compounds.
Of 2us are made thefe Pronoun Ad- jectives, cujus cuja cujum, whofe , and hic & hee cujasand hoc cujate, of what Nation.
Quifquis is defective, and thus de- clin’d,
Quifquas Quoquo No. Ac.s Quicquid > Ab. < Quaqua Quicquid Quoquo
OF a Verb.
Verb is a part of fpeech, that be- tokeneth being, as fum 1 am, or doing, as laudo | praife; and is declin’d with Mood, Tenfe, Number and
Perfon. Moods.
Here be four Moods which exprefs
the manner of doing 5 the Indica-
tive, the Imperative, the Potential or Subjunctive, and the Infinitive.
The Indicative Mood fheweth or de- clareth, as laudo | praife.
The Imperative biddeth or exhorteth as landa praife thou.
The Potential or Subjunctive is en- glifht with thefeSigns, may, can, might, would, could, fhould: Or without them as the Indicative, if a Conjunction go before or follow; as laadem, I may or can praife. Cwm landarem when I prail- ed. Caviffem, fi pravidiffem, I had be- ward if | had forefeen.
The Infinitive is englifht with this fign to, as laudare to praife,
Tenfes.
Here be three Tenfes which ex-
prefs the time of doing : The Pre- fent, the Preterit or paft, and the Future.
The Prefent Tenfe fpeaketh of the time that zow %, as lado! praile.
The Preterit fpeaketh of the time pat, and is diftinguifht by three de- grees: the Preterimperfect, the Pre- terperfect, and the Preterpluperfect.
The Preterimperfect fpeaketh of the time zot perfectly palt, as laudabam praifed or did praiie.
The Preterperfe&t fpeaketh of the time perfectly pat, as landavi | have
raifed.
The Preterpluperfect fpeaketh of the time more then perfectly paft, as lax- daveram \ had praifed.
The Future Tenfe fpeaketh of the time to come, as laudabo { fhall or will praife.
Perfons.
Hrough all Moods, except the In-
finitive, there be three Perfons in both Numbers, as, Sing. Lando I praife, /audas thou praifeft, /andat he praifeth ; Plur. Leudamus we praife, landatis ye praife, /audant they praife. Except fom Verbs which are declin’d or form’d in the Third Perfon only, and have before them this fign, #, as Tadet it irketh, eportet it behoveth, and are called Imperfonals.
The Verb which betokeneth being, is properly the Verb fm only, which is therfore call?d a Verb Subftantive, and formed after this manner.
Indicative. Pref. Tam. fing. Sum, es, eft, Plur. fumus, eftis, funt. Pret. iwa. ; imp. Eram,eras,erat, P/, eramus,eratis,eranc,
5 R Prer,
‘A T have been.
Pret. FFui, fuifti, fuir, Plu. fuimus, fuiftis, perfect fuerunt or fuere. I had been. ) Pret. § Fueram, fueras, fuerat, P/. fueramus, plup. fueratis, fuerant. Fu- T fhall or will be. i ture. UEro, eris, erit, P/. erimus, eritis, erunt. Imperative. Be thon, ‘ ‘f j wy S Sis,es, | Sit, 2 $F Si- | Sitis,efte, | Sint, & V efto. | efto. $s Umus, | eftote. | funto Potential. Pref. I may or can be. fing. Sim, fis fir, P/. fimus, fitis, fine.
I might or could be. Preter- § Effem or forem, es,et, P/. eflemus, effe- imperf. tis, effent or forent.
Preter- I might or could have been. perfec, 2 Fuerim, ris, rit, PJ, rimus, ritis, rint. Preterplup.( If I had been, with a con- < Fuiflem, es, et, P/. emus, ¢tis, ent. junction Si. Future. Sf I fhall be or fhall have been.
Si Fuero, ris, rit, P/. rimus, ritis, rint.
Infinitive.
Pref G 30 fieter-
4 se Fuiffe, to plete! Dee, to be. © Sree C have Or had sabia’ 4 &¢ pret, C been imperf. €. ‘a pluper. G ‘
Future 4 Fore, to be hereafter.
In like manner are form’d the Com- pounds ; Abfum, adfum, defuim, obfum, prefum, profum, poffum , but poffum iom- thing varies after this manfer.
Indicat. Pref. Sing. Poffum, potes, po- teft, Plur. poffumus, poteftis, poffunt. The other are regular, poteram, potut, po- theram, potero.
Imperative zt wants.
Potent. Pref. Pofim, &c. Preterim- perfect, Poffem,
Infin. Pref: Poffe. Preterit. Potniffe.
Voices.
i Verbs-that betoken doing are two Voices, the Aétive and the Pajfive.
The Active fignifieth to do, and al- waysendeth in 0, as deceo I teach.
The Paflive fignifieth what is done to one by another, and always endeth in or, as doceor | am taught.
From thefe are to be excepted two forts of Verbs. The firft are cal- led Weuters, and cannot take or in the paflive, as curro Lrun, fedeo | fit, yet fignifie fomtimes paflively, as vapulo I am beaten.
The fecond are call’d Deponents, an fignifie actively, as loquor 1 fpeak , or
C858
Neuters, as glorior I boaft: but are form’d like Paflives.
Conjugations. Ae both Active and Paflive have
four Conjugations, or forms of declining, known and diftingvifhe by thir Infinitive Mood active, which al- ways endeth in 7e.
Inthe firft Conjugation, after 4 long as laudare to praife. ‘
In the fecond, after ¢ long, as habere to have.
In the third, after ¢ fhort, as legere to read.
In the fourth, after é long, as audire to hear.
In thefe four Conjugations, Verbs are declin’d or form’d by Mood, Tenfe, Number and Perfon, after thefe Ex- amples.
Indicative Mood. Prefent Tenfe.
Singular. EEN . ee I Thou He a We Te They braife. praifeft. praifeth $ praife. praife. praije. Lando,laudas,laudat, Habeo, habes, habet, Lego, legis, legit, Audio, audis, audic, |
Plural.
laudamus,laudatis,laudant habemus, habetis, habent. legimus, legitis, legunt.
audimus, auditis, audiunt.
Preter-_ Laudabam,y I prais’d or did praife imperfett Habe bam, bas, bat. PI, : if . tenf. fing. Legebam, > hee at win oy Audiebam, i aicha> i on Laudavi I have prais-d. perfec Habui Qing. . i. : tenf. fine. Leg ifti, it, Plur. imus, iftis, Audivi erunt or ere, Preter-_ Laudaveram) I had prais‘d. pluperfed Habueram Fis PI } tele fine, esc s, rat, Plur. ramus, Audiveram awe I fhall or will praife. Laudabo bis, bir, P/ur. bimus, bitis, Future — Habebo bunt. tenf, fing. Legam ‘les, et, Plur. emus, etis, Audiam ent. Imperative Moad, Praife Let him Ret us Praife Let them thou. praife. praife. ye. praife.
Lauda, Landet Pl.lau- Laudate, Laudent, laudato. laudato, demus. laudatote. laudanto.
ejHabe, Habeat PI. habe- Habete, Habeant, & jhabeto. habeto. amus, _habetote. habento.
> Lege, Legat
2 Pl. lega- Legite, Legant, S Jlegito. legiro.
mus. legitote. legunto.
\Audi, Audiat P/. audi- Audite, Audiant, audito. audito. amus. auditore. audiunto.
Potential
( 859 )
Potential Mood.
Laudem, laudes, lauder, P/. Jaudemus,
Prefent | Habeam, laudetis, laudent.
tenje fing. Legam, pas, at, P/. amus, atis, ant. Audiam,
Preterim- Laudarem,*) I might or could praife.
perfect Haberem,
ten/. fing. Legerem, Cres, ret, Plur. remus, Audirem, retis, rent.
I might or could have prais’d.
Preter- Laudaverim, -
perfec Habuerim, Cris, rit, P/. rimus, ri-
tenfe fing. Legerim, ¢ tis, rint.
Audiverim, If I had prais’d,
fing. with Habuiffem,
Preterplu. Laudaviffem, (a fer, Pl. femus,
a Conjunc- Legiffem, fetis, fent. tion, Si. -Audivifiem,
If I fhall praife, or fhall have prais'd. Future
_. Laudavero, .. Habuero, © ris, rit, P/. rimus, ri-
Fenfe-fing. Legero, tis, rint. fe Si Audivero,
Infinitive Mood.
Prefent Laudare, Praife, and Pre Habere, @ Th Have. terimper- Legere, ys Read,
feé tenfe. Audire, Hear.
Preterper- Laudaviffe, Praifed. feet & Pre- Habuiffe, To have _) Had, terpluper- Legifle, or had ~ Read, fect tenfe. Audiviffe, Heard,
Verbs of the third Conjugation irregular in fome Tenfes of the Attive Voice. -
Indicative Mood
Prefent Tenfe fingular.
Volo, vis, vult, Volumus, vultis, volunt.
Nolo, - = JNolumus, —~nolunt. The reft % want ( & °)ing in this Tenle. Maio, mavis,ma- Malumus, mavultis, ma- vule lune, Volui. Pretevit, Nolui. Malui. Volo and Malo want the Imperative Mood. Imperative. : Noli, Nolite, Sing: 9 Nolito. é ie Nolitote. Potential. Prefent Velim, i eo: tenf. fing. Nolim,>is, it, Plur. imus, itis, int. Malin,
Preterim- Vellem, ; perfec — Nollem, pes, er, P/. emus, etis, ent. tenf. fing. Mallem,
Infinitive.
Velle, Prefent. $ret Malle. Indicat. Pref. Edo, edis or es, edit ox eff; Plur. Edits or effi. Imper. Ede or es,edito or efto. Edat,edia to or efto. Plur. Edite effe, editote effore. Poten. Preterimperfect Tent2, Ede- rem oc effem. Infinit. Edere or effe.
Verbs of the fourth Conjugation ir- regular, in Jome Tenfes ACive.
O, and queo with his Compound Ne- ques, Make eunt and queunt in the Plural Indicative prefent, and in thir Preterimperfect ibam and quibam, thir Future ibo and quibo. Imperat. J, ito. Eat, ito. Plur. Eazms, tte, itote. Eant, eunto, Potent. Eam. Irem. &c.
The forming of the Paffive Voice.
Indicative,
I am praifed. so Laudor,aris or are,atur,| jamur, amini,ancur. & |Habeor,eris or ere,etur,| = |emur, emini,entur. <3 \Legor, eris or ere, itur,J& imur, imini, untur. & [Audior, iris or ire,icur,} limur, imini,iuncur,
I was praisd, Preterim- Laudabar; ‘ f baris or bare,barur, Plur,
perfec# — Habebar, tenf. fing. Legebar, bamur, bamini, bantur, Audiebar,
Note that the Paffive Voice hath no Preterperfect, nor the Tenfes deriv’d from thence in any Mood. ,
I fhall or will be prais’d.
Laudabor, ? beris or bere, bitur, Plur, Future Habebor, bimur, bimini, buntur, tenf, fing. Legar, ae or ere, etur, P/. emur,
Audiar, emini, entur,
Imperative,
Bethou Lethimbe Let usbe Beye Let them be praisd. praisd. prais’d. praisd. prais'd, Laudare,laudetur, P. Jau- laudamini,laudencur laudator. laudator. demur.laudaminor. laudan- (tor. & Habere,habeatur, P.habe- habemini,habeantur, & habetor. habetor. amur. habeminor. habentor.
lar.
E Legere, legatur, Pl. lega- legimini, legantur, & legitor. legitor. mur. legiminor. legunter.
Audire,audiatur, ?.audi- audimini,audiancur, audiror. auditor. amur. audiminor, audiunror,
g°R..2 Potential,
( 860 )
Potential.
I may or can be prais’d. Lauder, eris or ere, etur, P/ur. emur,
Prefent- Habear, emini, entur. fing. Legar, paris or are, atur, Plu. amur, Audiar, amini, antur.
I might or fhould be prais'd, Pretevim- Laudarer,
perfect Haberer, \reris or rere, retur, Plu. fing. Legerer, remur, remini, rencur.
Audirer,
Infinitive.
Prefent & Laudari Praisd. Preterim- Waberi Had. perfec. Legi ¢ #0 ihe Read,
Audiri Heard.
Verbs irregular in fome Tenfes
Paffive.
Dor, editor, or eftur: The reft is Regular.
The Verb Fio, is partly of the Third, and partly of the Fourth Conjugation, and hath only the Infinitive of the Paflive Form.
Indicat. Pref Sing. Fio, fis, fit, Plur. fimus fitis, fiunt. Preterimper- fect, Fiebam. Preterperfect it wants, Future Fiam, &c. a
Imperat. Fi, fito. Plur. fite, fitote. Fiant, fiunto.
Potent. Pref. Fiam, &c. imperfect. Fierem,
Infinit. Fierz.
Alfo this Verb Fero, is contracted or fhort’n’d in fome Tenfes, both Active and Paffive, as Fers, fert, for fers, ferit, &c.
Indicat. Pref. Sing. Fero, fers, fert, Plur. — fertis, — Preterperfect. Tuli.
Imperat, Fer ferto, &c. Plur. Ferte fertote.
Potent. Preterimperfect, Ferrem, &c. Infinit. Ferre.
Preter-
Pajfive. Indicat. Pref. Sing. Feror, ferris or ferre, fertur, &c. Imperat. Sing. Ferre, fertor, &c. Potent. Preterimperfect, Ferrer. Infinit. Ferri.
Of Gerunds and Supines.
a be alfo belonging to the In- finitive Mood of all Verbs cer- tain Voices called Gerunds and Su- pines, both of the Active and Paflive fignification.
The firft Gerund endeth in di, as Laudandi .of praifing or of being praisd. The fecond in do,’ as Lau- dando in praifing or in being prais’d, The thirdin dum, as Laudandum to praife or to be prais‘d.
Note that in the two latter Conju- gations, the Gerunds end fomtimes in undi, do, dum, as dicendi or dicundi : But from Eo alwayes eundi, except in the Compound Ambiendi.
Supines ate two. The firft figni- fieth Actively, as laudatum to praife ; the latter Paflively, as laudatu to be praifed. Note that moft Neuters of the fecond Conjugation, and volo, volo, malo, with many other Verbs, have no Supine.
Verbs of the four Conjugations irree gular in the Preterperfect Tenfe or Supines.
Wee of the firft Conjugation form thir Preterperfect Tenfe in avi, Supine in atum, as Laudo/laudavi lau- datum.
Except
Poto potavi potatum or potums, neco necavi necatum. or nectum,
Domo, tono, fono, crepo, veto, cubo, form ui, itum, as cubut cubitum; but fecui feum, fricui fridum, mico micuis yet fome of thefe are found Regular in the Preterperfect Tenfe or Supine, efpecially compounded, as increpavit, difcrepavit, dimicavit, fonatum, dimica- tum,intonatum, infricatum, and the like.
Plico and his Compounds form ui or avi, as explicui exphcavt, explicitum or explicatum except fupplico, and fuch as are compounded with a Noun, as Dyplico Multiplico in avi only.
But Lavo lavi lautum lotum or lavas tum, juvo juvi, ddjuvo ddjuvi adjutum.
Do dedi datum, Sto fteti ftatum, in the Compounds, titi, ftitum and fom-
' times ftatum, as Prejto preftiti preftitum
and preftatum.
Ves of the fecond Conjugation form thir Preterperfect Tenfe in wi, thir Supine in itum, as babeo babut habitum.
Some are Regular in thir Preter- perfect Tenfe, but not in thir Supines, as doceo docui dottum, mifceo mifcus miftum, teneo tenui tentunt, torreo tore rui toftum, cenfeo cenfui cenfum, pateo patui paflum, careo carui calfum and ca. ~
ritum, Others
( 861 )
® Others are Irregular both in Preter- perfect Tenfe and Supines, as ‘fubeo jufi juffum, forbco forbui forp/i forptum, mulceo mulfi mulfum, luceo luxt.
Deo in di, as fedeo fedi fefJum, video vidi vifum, prandeo prandi pranfum. And fome in /s, as fuadeo fuafi fuafum, rideo rifi rifum, ardeo arft arfum. Four double thir firft Letters, as Pendeo pe- pendt penfum, mordeo momordi morfum, fpondeo {poponds fponfum, tondeo totonds tonfum, but not in thir Compounds, as dependi depenfum.
Geo in fi, and fome in xi, as urgeo urfi, mulgeo mul/i mulxi muldum, augeo auxi au@um, indulgeo indulfi indultum, frigeo frixi, lugeo luxi.
Teo leo and neo nevi, vieo vievi Vie- tum: But Cieo cievi citum, deleo delevi deletum, fleo flevi fletum, compleo com- plevi completum; as alfo the Com- pounds of Oleo, except redoleo and fub- oleo; but adolevi adultum, neo nevi netum, but manco manfi, torqueo torfi tortum, hereo befi.
Veoin wi, as ferveo fervi, but defer- vo deferbui, conniveo connivi and con- nixi, movi motum, VYovi Votum, cavi cautum, favi fautum.
He third Conjugation formeth the H Preterperfect Tenfe, by chang- ing O of the Prefent Tenfe into J; the Supine without certain Rule, ‘as Jego legt ledtum, bibo bibi bibitum, lambo lam- bi, feabo feabi, ico ict sdtum, mando mandi manfum, pando pands pajfum, edo edi efum or eftum, in like manner comedo, the other compounds efum only; rudorudi, fallo falli falfum, pfallo pfalli, emo emiemptum, vifo vifi vifum, verto verti verfum, folvo folvi folutum, volvo volvi volutum, exuo exui exutum, but ruvo rui ruitum,in compound rutum, as derui derutum; ingruo, metuo metui.
Othersareirregular both in Preter- perfect Tenfe and Supine.
In bo, feribo fcripfi feriptum , nuto nupfi nuptum, cumbo cubui cubitum.
In co, vinco vici vickum, dico dixt dic- tum, in like manner duco, parco peperci and par/i parfum and parcitum.
In do, thefe three lofe 1, findo fidi filum, feindo fcidi feiffum, fundo fudi fujfum. Thefe following, vado, rado, lado, ludo, divido, trudo, claudo, plau- do, vodo, fiand fum, as rofi rofum, but cedo ceffi ceffum. The reft double thir firft Letter in the Preterperfect Tenfe, but not compounded, as tundo tutuai tunfum, contundo contudi contufum, and foin other Compounds. Pendo pepen-
di penfum, dependo dependi, tendo teten- di tenfum and tentum, contendo conten- di, pedo pepedi peditum, cado cecidi ca- Juin, occido, recido recidirecafum, The other Compounds have no Supine. Cado cecidt cefum, occido occidi occifum. To thefe add all the compounds of do in this Conjugation, addo, credo, edo, dedo, reddo, perdo, abdo, obdo, condo, indo, trado, prodo, vendo vendidi ven- ditum, except the double Compound, obfcondo obfcondi.
In go, agoegiattum, dego degi, fata- &o fategi, frango fregt frattum, pango to joyn pegt pactum, pango to fing pan- Xi, Ngo anxt, jungo junxi juntum ; but thefe five, Fingo mingo pingo flrin- £oringo lofe a in thir Supines, as finxi fidum, ningo ninxi, figo fixi fixum, rego rextrecum 3 diligo, negligo, imtelligo, lexi leckum, fpargo fparfi fparfum. Thefe double thir firft Letter, tango tetigi tadum, but not in his Compounds, as contingo contigi, pargo to bargain pe- pigt pattum, pungo and repungo pupugi and punxi pundum, the other Com- pounds punxi only.
Ho in xi, traho traxi tra@um, vebo vext vedum.
Info, vello velli and vul/i vulfum, colo colui cultum ; excello, precello, celluicel- Jum; alo alui alitumaltum, The reft, not compounded, double thir firft Let- ter, Fallo fefclli falfum, refello refeli, pello pepuli pulfum, compello compuli, cello cecult, percello perculi perculfi perculfum.
In mo, vomo vomui vomitum, tremo tremui, premo preffi pref[4m, como, pre- mo, demo, fumo, after the fame man- ner, as fump/i, fumptum.
In No, fino frvi fitum, Sterno ftravi firatum, fperno fprevi [pretum, lino levs lini and livi litum. cerno crevi cretum, temno tempfi, contemno contemp/i con- temptum, gigno genui genitum, pono po- fui pofitum, cano cecini cantum, concino concinui concentum.
In Po, rumporupi ruptum, foalpo foal ft fcalptum, the reft in uz, as /irepo ftre- pur ftrepitum.
In quo, linquo liqui, relinquo reliqus relidum, coquo coxi cottum,
In Ro, verro verri and ver/i verfum, sero to fow fevi fatum, in compound; fitum, as infero infitum ; felo of another fignification moft us’d in his com- pounds, Affero, confero, defero, excro, ferui, fertum, uro ui uftum, gero gelfi £eftum, quero quafivi quafitum, tero tri- ui tritum, curro, excurro, precurro, cu= curri curfum, the other compounds double not, as concurro concurri.
In
( 862 )
In So, accerfo, arceffo, incef]o, laceffo, ivi itum, capefJo both zand ivi, pinfo pinfui piftum and pinfitum.
In foo, pafco pavi paftum, compefco, difpefco, ui, pofco popofct, difco ‘didici, quinifco quexi, nofco novi notum, but agnofco agnitum, cognofcocognitum.
In to, /ifto ftiti ftatum, flecto flexi flexum, pecto pexut pexi pexum and pe- Gitum, netto nexus next nexum, pledto plexi plexum, fterto ftertui, meto mef]us me[Jum, mitto mifi mifJum, peto petit petitum. Gs
In vo, vivo vixi vitkum,
In x0, texotexuitextum, nexo nexus nexum.
In cio, facio fect faum, jacio ject jadum, lacio lexi ledtum, fpecio fpext {petum, with thir Compounds, but e/z- cio elicus elscitum.
In dio, fodto fodi foffum.
In gio, fugio fugi fugitum.
In pio, capto cept captum, rapio ra- put vaptum, cupio cupivi cupitum, fapio fapui fapivi fapstum.
Inyio, pario pepert partum.
In tio, quatio quaffi quafJum, concutio concuffi concuffum.
In uo, pluo plus pluvi plutum, ftruo firuxi firudum, fluo fluxi fluxum.
He fourth Conjugation formeth fe the Preterperfect Tenfe in ivi, the Supine in itum.
Except, Venio vent ventum, com- perio, reperto, repert repertum, cambio campli campfum, fipio fep/s feptum, farcio farfe fartur2, fulcco ful fultum, fentio fenfi fenfum, haurio haufi hauftum, fan- cio fanxt fandum fancitum, vincio vinxt vindum, falio falut. faltum , in Com- pound fultum, as defilio defilui defultum, amicio amicut amidium, aperto, operio perut pertum, venco venivi venum, fin- gultivi (mgultum, fepelivi fepultum.
| Of Verbs Compounded.
Glin Verbs Compounded change a into e throughout, Damno, lado, Sacro, fallo, arceo, tracto, partio, farcio, carpo, patro, fcando, fpargo, as con{per- go confperfi confperfum.
Thefe following change thir firft Vowel into, and fom of them thir Supines into e, habeo, lateo, falio, fta- tuo, cado, ledo, cano, quaro, cédo, tango, egeo, teneo, taceo, fapio, rapio, placeo, difpliceo, difplicus difplicitum ; except complaceo perplaceo pa/thabeo.
Scalpo, calco, falto, change a into u, as exculpo;, claudo quatio lavo lofe a
as excludo, excutio, eluo.
Thefe following change thir firit Vowel into z, but not ‘in the Preter- perféct Tenfe, and fomtimes a into e in the Supine, emo, fedeo, rego, frango, capio, jacio, lacio, fpecio, premo, as comprimo compreffi compref[um, conjicio conject etnjetum, pango in two ondy, éompingo; impingo: Ago, in all but pe- rago, fatago, circumago, dego and cogo coegt: Facio witha Prepotition only, not in other Compounds, as inficio, olfacio: Lego in thefe only, diligo, eli- £9, intelligo, negligo, feligo, in the reft not, as prelego, add to thele fuperfedeo.
Of Verbs Defective.
Ve called Inceptives ending in jco, borrow thir Preterpertect Tenfe from the Verb wherof they are deriv’d, as tepefco tepui from tepec, in- gemifco ingemui from ingemo, as alfo thefe Verbs, cerno to fee, vidi from video, fido fedi from fedeo, fero tuli from tulo out of ufe, in the Supine Jatum, tollo fuftuli fublatum trom fuffero.
Thefe want the PreterperfectTente.
Verbs ending in afco, as puerafcos in ifco, as fatifco; in urio, except partu- 710, efurio: thefe alfo, vergo, ambigo, ferio, furo, polleo, nideo, have no Pre- terperfect Tenfe.
Contrary, thefe four, Odi, capi, novi, memini, are found in the Preter- perfect Tenfe only, and the Tenfes thence deriv'd, asodi, oderam, oderim, odifJem, odero, odiffe, except memini, which hath memento mementote in the Imperative.
Others are defective both in Tenfe and Perfon,as io, ais, ait, Plur. aiunt. The Preterimperfect aiebam is intire. Imperative, ai. Potential, aias, aiat, Plur. aiamus, aiant.
Aufim for aufus fim, aufis, aufit, Plur. au/fint.
Salveo, -falvebis, falve falveto, fal- vete falvetote, falvere. ;
Ave aveto, avete avetote.
Faxo, faxis, faxit, faxint.
Quafo, Plur. quefumus,
Infit, infiunt.
_ Anquio or Inquam, inquis inquit, Plur. inquiunt. Inguibat, Cic. Topic. inqui- Sti, mquit. Future, inquies, inquiet, Im- perat. Inque inquito. Potent. Inquiat.
Dor the firft Perfon Paflive of do, and for before farris or farre in the In- dicative, are not read, nor der or fer in the Potential.
Of
os.
( 863 )
Of a Participle.
Participle is a part of Speech, par- A taking with the Verb from whence it is deriv’d in Voice, Tenfe, and Sig- nification, and with a Noun Adjective in manner of Declining. Participles are either of the Active or Paflive Voice. Of the Adive Two. One of the Prefent Tenfe ending in ams, or ens, as elaudans praifing, babens, legens, andiens, and is declin’d like felix, as bic hac & hoc habens, Gen. habentu, Dat. baben- ti, &c. Docens docentis, &c. But from e, euns, and in the compounds zens eun- ris, except ambiens ambient. Note that fome Verbs otherwife defective, have this Participle, as atens. inqutens. The other of the Future Tenfe is moft commonly form’d of the firft Su-
pine, by changing m into vm, as of fi
landatum laudaturus to praife or about to praife, habiturus, letturws, auditurus ; but fom are not regularly form’d, as of fettum fecaturus, of jutum juvaturu, fonitum fonaturms, partum pariturus, ar- gutum arguitures, and fuch like , of fam, futurus: This, as alfo the other two Participles following are declin’d Jike bonus.
This Participle, with the Verb Sum, affordeth a fecond Future in the Adve Voice, as landatarus fum, es, eft, &c. as alfo the Future of the Infinitive, as laudaturum effe to praife hereafter, fu- turum effe, &c. 4
Participles of the Paflive Voice are alfo two, one of the Preterperfect tenfe, another of the Future.
A Participle of the Preterperfect Tenfe, is form’d of the latter Supine, by putting thereto s, as of landatu lau- datus prais'd, of habitu babstus, lettu le- étus, audit auditus.
This Participle joyn’d with the Verb Sum, fupplieth the want of a Preter- perfect and Preterpluperfeét Tenfe in the Indicative Mood paflive, and both them and the Future of the Potential ; as alfo the Preterperfect and Preterplu- perfect of the Infinitive, and with ire or fore the Future; as Jaudatus fum or fui Ihave been prais'd, Plur. laudati fumus or fuimus we have been prais’d, lauda- tus eram or fueram, &c. Potential, laudatus [um or fuerim, landatus effem or fuiffem, laudatus ero o fuero. Infinit. laudatum cffz or fuiffe to have or had been prais’d ; laudatum ive or fore to be prais'd hereafter.
Nor only Paflives, but fom Actives alfo or Neuters, befides thir own Pre- terperfect tenfe borrow another from this Participle; Cano Cenavi and Canatus fam, Furaviand Furatus, Potavi and Po- tus fum, Titubavi and tétubatus, Carco carus caffus fum, Prandeo prandi and pran- Jus, Pateo patui and paffus fim, Placeo pla- cut placitus, Suefco fuevi fuetus fum, Libet Libuye and libitam eff, Licet licuit licitum, Pudet puduit puditum, Piget piguit pigstum, Tadet teduit pertalum eff, and this De- ponent Adereor merui and meritus fum.
Thefe Neuters following, like Pa{- fives, have no other Preterperfect Tenfe, but by this Participle, Gaadeo gavifus fum, fido fifus, andeo anfus, fio fatlus, foleo folitus fum,
Thefe Deponents alfo form this Par- ticiple from Supines irregular; Za- bor lapfus, patior paffus, perpetior perpes- fus, fateor faffus, confiteor, diffiteor diffe/- us, gradior greffus, ingredwr ingrefjus, fatifcor feffus, mettor menfxs, utor ufus, ordior to {pin erditus, to begin orfus, nitor nifus and mius, ulcifcor ultus, ira- feor iratus, reor ratus, oblivifcor oblitus, fruor fruitus or fruitus, mifereor mifertus, tuor and tneor tuitus, loquor locutus, fe- quor fecutns, experior expertus, paci/cor pattus, nancifcor nattus, apifcor aptus, adipifcor adeptus, queror queftus, profici|- cor profettus, expergifcor experretius , comminifcor commentus, nafcor natus, mo- rior mortuus, orior ortus fur,
A Participle of the Future Paflive is form’d ofthe Gerund in dam, by chang- ing mintos, as of laudandam landandus to be prais'd, of kabendum habendus, &c. And likewife of this Participle with the Verb Sum, may be form’d the fame Tenfes in the Paflive,which were form’d with the Participle of the Preterper- fect Tenfe, as landandus (um or fui, &c.
Infinit. Laudandum effe or fore.
Of Verbs Deponent com Participles both of the Active and Paflive form, as loquor loquens locutus locuturus loquendus 5 wherof the Participle of the Preter Tenfe fignifieth fomtimes both Active- ly and Paflively, as dégnatus, teftatus; meditatus, and the like.
Of az Adverb.
AN Adverb is a part of Speech joyn’d with fome other to explain its fig- nification,as valde probus very honelt, be- aé eff itiswell, valdé doétus very iearn-
ed, bené mane early in the mornig- Of Adverbs, fom be of Time, as
hodié to day, era to morrow, &c. 7 Som
( 864 )
Som be of Place, as Ubi where, ibi there, &c. necdlefs to be here fet down.
Certain Adverbs alfo are compar’d, as Dotté learnedly, dottiis dottilfime, for- titer fortins fortiffime, fape fepius fepif- fime, and the like. ‘
Of a Conjunttion.
A Conianétion is a part of Speech that joyneth Words and Senten- ces together. :
Of Conjundtions fome beCopulatives, as & and, quoquealfo, mec neither.
Som be disjunctive, as aut or.
Som be Caufal, as vam for, quia be- caufe, and many fuch like.
Adverbs when they govern Mood and Tenfe,and joyn Sentences together, as cum, ubi, poftguam, and the like, are rather to be call’d Conjunctions.
Of a Prepofition.
A Prepofition is a part of Speech moft commonly, either fet before Nouns in Appofition, as ad patrem, or joyn’d with any other words in Com- polition, as imdoctus.
Thefe fix, di, dis, re, fe, am, con, are not read but in Compofition.
As Adverbs having Cafes after them, may becall’d Prepofitions, fo Prepofi- tions having none, may be counted
' Adverbs.
Of an Interjection.
AN Interjection isa part of Speech, exprefling fom paflion of the mind.
Som be of forrow, as hew, hei.
Som be of marvelling, as pape.
Som of difdaining, as vah.
Som of praifing, as exge.
Som of exclaiming, as 0, prob, and fuch like.
Figures of Speech.
Ords are fomtimes encreaft or diminifht by a Letter or Syl- lable in the beginning, middle or ending, which are call’d Figures of Speech. Encreaft In the beginning, as Guatus for Na- tus, Tetuli for tuli. Prothefis. Inthe middle, as Rectulit for Retulir, Cinfutus for Cinttus. Epenthefis.
Intheend, as Dicier for dict. Para-
And of many other forts gage.
Dinzjnifht.
In the beginning, as Rast for Eruit. Apherifis.
Inthe middle, as Audsis for Audivit, ‘Dixti for dixifit, Lamne for lamina. Syncope.
In the end, as Confili for confilii, fein for /cifne. Apacope.
The fecond Part of Grammar, commonly called Syntaxis, or Conftruction.
Itherto the Eight Parts of
Speech Declin’d and Unde-
clin’d have been fpoken of
fingle, and each one by it felf: Now
followeth Syataxis or Conftruciion, which
isthe right joyning of thefe parts to- gether in a Sentence.
Conftruction conlifteth either in the agreement of words together in Num- ber, Gender, Cafe, and Perfon, which is call’d Concord; or the governing of One the other in fuch Cafe or Mood as is to foilow.
Of the Concords. we be Three Concards or Agree-
ments.
The Firft is of the Adjective with his Subftantive.
The Second is of the Verb with his Nominative Cafe.
The Thirdis of the Relative with his Antecedent.
An Adjective Cunder whichis com- prehended both Pronoun and Partici- ple ) with his Subftantive or Subitan- tives, a Verb with his Nominative Cafe or Cafes, and a Relative with his An- tecedent or Antecedents, agree ail in number, and the two latter in perfon alfo: as Amicus certus. Virt dots. Pre- ceptor pralegit, vos vero negligitis. Xe- nophon & Plato fuere equales. Vir fa- pit, qui pauca loquitur. Pater & Pra- ceptor veniunt. Yea though the Con- junction be disjunctive, as Quos neque defidia neque Inxuria vittaverant. Celfus. Pater @ Preceptor, quos quaritis, But if a Verb fingular follow many Nomi- natives, it muft be applyed to each of them apart, as Nififoro& cuvia officium ac verecundia fua conftsterit. Val. Max.
An Adjective with his Subftantive, and a Relative with his Antecedent
agree
( 865 )
agree in Gender and Cafe ;, but rhe Re- lative not in cafe always, being oft- times govern’d by other conftructions : as Amicus certus in re incerta cernitur. Liber quem dedifti mibi.
And if it be a Participle ferving the Infinitive Mood future, it oft-times agrees not with the Subftantive neither in Gender norin Number, as Hane fibs rem prafidio {perat-fururum. Cic, -dudi- erat non datum ire filio Uxorem, Terent. Omnia potins adkum iri puto quam de pro- vinciis, Cic.
But when a Verb cometh between two Nominative Cafes not of the fame number, or 2 Relative between two Subftantives not of the fame Gender, the Verb in Number, and the Relative in Gender may agree with either of them 3 as Amantinm ive amoris inte- gratio eft, Quid enim nifi vota fuperfunt, Tuentur illum globum qui terra dicitur,
Animal plenum rationis, quem vocamus
hominem. dicimus. And if the Nominative Cafes be of feveral perfons, or the Subftantives and Antecedents of feveral Genders, the Verb fhall agree with the fecond perfon before the third, and with the firft before either; and fo fhall the Adjective or Relative in thir Gender ; as Ego @ tu fumus intuto. Tu & Pater periclitamint. Pater G& Mater mortw fuat, Frater & Soror quos vidifii. But in things that have not life, an Adjective or Relative of the Neuter Gender, may agree with Subftantives or Antecedents, Mafculin or Feminin, orboth together; as Arcus & calami firt bona, Arcuw & calami que fregifti. Pulcritudinem, conftantiam, ordinem in Confiliis fattifque confervanda putat- Cic. Of. 1. Ira & egritudo permifta funt. Sal. Note that the Infinitive Mood, or any part of a Sentence may be inftead of a Nominative Cafe to the Verb, or of a Subftantive to the Adjective, or of an Antecedent to the Relative, and then the Adjective or Relative fhall be of the Neuter Gender: And if there be more parts of .a Sentence then one, the Verb fhall bein the plural number ; Diluculo furgere faluberrimum eff. Vir- tutem fequi, vita eft boneftiffima. Au- dito proconfulem in Ciliciam tendere. In tempore vent, quod omninm rerum eft pri- mum, In multum dormis & fepe potas, qua dio fint corport imimica, - Somtimes alfo an Adverb is put for the Nominative Cafe to a Verby and for a Subftantive to an Adjective; as
Lutetia eft quam nos Parifios
f
Partim fignorum funt combufla. Prope centies & vicies erogatum eff. Cic. verr.4.
Somtimes alfo agreement, whether it be in Gender or Number, is ground- ed on the fenfe, norton the words; as Iam fenium for illum fenem. Ifte [celus for iffe fceleftia. Ter. Tranftulit in Eu- anchum fuan, meaning Comediam. Ter. Pars magna obligati, meaning Homines. Liv. Jmplicsti laqueis nudws uterque for Abs. Ov. Alter in altevius jaStantes lumina vultws, Ovid.’ that is, Alter & alter, Infperanti :pfa refers te nobis, for mibi. Catul. Difce omnes. Virg. Fn. 2. for tu qut{quis es. Dia importuna prodi- Lia, quos egestas tribuno plebis conftrittos addixerat. Cic. pro Seit. Pars wierfite- nuere ratem, Rbemus cum fratre Quirino jura dabant, Virg. thatis, Rhemus & frater Quirinus. Divellimur inde Iphitus & Pelias mecum. Virg.
Conftruction of Subftantives.
Itherto of Concord or Agreement 5
the other part followeth, which is Governing, wherby one part of Speech is govern’d by another, that is to fay, is put in fuch Cafe or Mood as the word that governeth or goeth before in conftruction requireth.
When two Subftantives com toge- ther, betokening divers things, wher- ofthe former may be an Adjective in the Neuter Gender taken for a Subftan- ‘tive, the latter ¢ which alfo may bea Pronoun) fhall be in the Genitive Cafe ; as Facundia Ciceronis. _Amator ftudio~ rum, Ferimur per opaca locorum, Cor- ruptus vanis rerum. Hor. Defiderium tui Pater efus.
Somtimes the former Subftantive, as this word Offcium or A4os, is under- ftood ; as Oratoris eff, It is the part of an Orator. Extrema eft dementia, Itis the manner of extream madnefs. Jgnave eft, It is the quality of a {lothful man. Ubi ad Diane veneris ,; Templum is under- ftood. fujtitiene prius mirer belline la- borum. Virg. Underftand Caufa. Ne- que illi fepofui Ciceris, neque longa invidit avenge. Hor. Supply partem.
But if both the Sultantives be fpoken of one thing, which is call’d appofition, they fhall be both of the fame Cafe; as Pater meus vir, amat me puerum.
Words that fignifie Quality, fol- lowing the Subftantive wherof they are fpoken, may be put in the Genitive or
' Ablative Cafe; as Puer bone sndolis, or bona indole. Som have a Genitive on- ly as Ingentts Rex nominu. Liv. De-
: 5 $ com
-
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cem annorum puer. Enjufmodi pax. Hy- jus generis animal, But genus is fom- times in the Accufative : as Si hoc genns rebus non proficitur. Watr. de re ruft. And the caufe or manner of a thing in the Ablative only ; as Sum tibi natura parens, praceptor conjilis. , Opus and Ufus when they fignifie
Need, require an Ablative; as Opus |
eft mibi tuo judicio, Vaigintc minis ufus eft filic,, But Opus is fomtimes taken for an Adjective undeclin’d, and figni- fieth Needful: as Dux nobis & Anthor opus eff. Alia qua opus funt para.
Conftruclion of Adjectives, govern-
ing’a Genttive. . r
Djectives that, fignifie: Defire ,
Knowledg, Ignorance, Remem- brance, Forgetfulnefs, and fuch likes as alfo certain others derivd from Verbs, and ending in av, require a Ge- nitive; as Cupidus auri, Peritws belli. Ignarus omnium, Memor prateriti. Ree us furtt. Tenax propofitt. Tempus edax rerum.
Adjectives call’d Nouns Partitive, becaufethey fignifie part of fom whole quantity or number, govern the word that fignifieth the thing parted or di- vided, in the Genitive; as Aliquis no- flrum. Primus omnium. Aurium mol- lior eft finiftra. Ovatorum eloquentiffimus. And oft in the Neuter Gender; as Multum lucri. Id negotii. Hoc nottis, Somtimes, though feldom, a word fig- nifying the whole, is readin the fame Cafe with the Partitive, as Habet duos Gladios quibus altero te occifurum minatur, altero villicum, Plaut. For Quorum al- tero. Magnum opus habeo in manibus; quod jampridem ad bunc ip[um (me autem dicebat ) quedam injftitui. Cic. Acad. t. Quod quedam for cujus quedam.
A Dative.
Aer that betoken Profit or Difprofit, Likenefs or Unlike- nefs, Fitnefs, Pleafiire, Submitting, or belonging ts any thing, require aDa- tive; as Labor eft utilis corpors. Equalis Heftors. Idoneus bello. Fucundus omnibus. Parenti fupplex.. Mihi proprium.
But fuch as betoken Profit or Dif- profit have fomtimes an Accufative with aPrepofition ; as Homo ad nullam partem utilis. Cic. Inter fe aquales.
And fom Adjectives fignifying Like- nefs, Unlikenefs, or Relation, may have aGenitive. Par bujus, Ejus culpe affines.
Domini fimilis es. Commune animantium eft conjunttionis appetitus. Alienum digni- tates ejus. Cic. Fin. 1. Fuit boc quondam | proproum populs Romani longe a domo bel- fare. But propeor and proximus admit fomtimes an Accufative , as proximus Pompeium fedebai. Cic.
An. Accufative.
Nor of Meaftre are put after Adjectives of like fignification in the Accufative, and fomtimesin the ab- lative; asTurris alta centum pedes, Are bor lata tres digitos. Liber craffus tres pollices, or tribus pollicibus. Somtimes in the Genitive; as Areas latas pedum denim facito.
All words exprefling part or parts of athing, may be put in the Accufative, or fomtimesin the Ablative ; as Sancius Ffrontem ox fronte. Excepto quod non fi- mul effes cetera latus. Hor. Nuda pedem. Oy. Os humerofque deo fimilis. Virg. Somtimes in the Genitive: as Dubsvs
mentis, An Ablative.
Aaa of the Comparative de- gree englifht with this fign then or by, as alfo Dignus, Indignus,Praditus, Con- tentus, and thefe words of Price, Carus, vilis, require an Ablative ; as Frigidtor lacie. Multo doiiior. Uno pede altior, Dignus honore. Virtute praditus. Sorte fsa contentus. Affe charum.
But of Comparatives, plus, amplins, and minus, may govern a Genitive, alfo a Nomnative, or an Accufative; as Plus quinquagintahominum, Amplius di orum millium. Ne plus tertia pars exin matur mellis, Varro. Paulo plus quingentos paffus. Ut ex fua cujufque parte ne minus dimidium ad fratrem perveniret. Cic. Verr. 4. And Dignus, Indignus, have fomtimes: a Genitive ,after them; as Militia eft operis altera digna tui. In- dignus.avorum. Virg.
Adjectives betokening Plenty or Want, will have an Ablative, and fomtimes a Genitive , as Vacuus ira, or iré. Nulla Epiftola snanis ve aliqua. Di- tiffimus agri. Stultorum pleno [wat omnia, Integer vite, fcelerifque purus. Expers ommum. Vobis immunibus hujus effe moli dabitur. bi
Words alfo betokening the cavfey or form, or manner of a thing, are put after Adjectives in the Ablative’ Cafe; as Pallidus ira, Trepidus morte futura. Nomine Grammaticus, re Bar-
barus. Of
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Of Pronouns.
Ronouns differ not in Conftruction ££ from Nouns, except that Poflef- fives, Mens, tuus, funs, nofter, vefter, by a certain manner of {peech, are fomtimes joyn’d to a Subftantive, which governs thir Primitive underftood with a Noun or Participle in a Genitive Cafe; as Dico mea unins opera rempubli- cam effe liberatam, Cic. for Mes snins opera. Inlike manner Neftra, duornm, trinm, pascorum, omninm virtute, for noftrum duorum, Gc. Meum folins pecca- tum, Cic. Ex tuo ipfins animo, For Tus ipfins. Ex fua cujufque parte, Id. Verr.2. Ne tua quidem recentia proximé Pratoris veftigia perfequs poterat. Cic. verr. 4. St meas prefantis preces non putas profuiffe, id. Pro Planc. Noftros vidifts flentis ocellos. Ovid.
Alfo a Relative, as gui or 4, fom- times anfwers to an Antecedent Noun or Pronoun Primitive underftood in the Pofleflive; as Ommnes laudare fortunas me- as qui filiam haberem tali ingenio preditism, Terent.
_ Conftruction of Verbs.
Erbs for the moft part govern ei-
ther one cafe after them, or
more then one ina different manner of Conftruction.
Of the Verb Subftantive Sum, and {uch like, with a Nominative, and other oblique Cafes.
Erbs that fignifie Being, as Sum,
exiffo, fio; and certain Paflives, as dicor, votor, falutor, appellor, habeor, exiftimor, videor, alfo Verbs of motion or reft, as incedo, difcedo, fedeo, with fach like, will have a Nominative Cafe after them, as they have before them, becaufe both Cafes belong to the fame perfon or thing, and the latter is rather in appofition with the former, then govern’d by the Verb; as Temperantia eff virtus. Horatins fa- lutatur Poeta. Aft ego qua divum incedo regina.
And if ef be an Imperfonal, it may fomtimes govern aGenitive, as U/fus Poete, ut moris eff, licentia. Phedrus 1.4. Negavit moris effe Gracorum ut Cc. Cic. Verr. 2.
But if the following Noun be of ano- ther perfon; or not direétly fpoken of
the former, both after Sum and all his Compounds, except poffum, it thall be put in the Dative ; as Eft mshi dome pa- ter, dulta petentibus defunt multa.
And if a thing be fpoken of, rela- ting tothe perfon, it may be alfoin the Dative; as Sum, tibs prafidio. Hac res eft mths voluptati. Quorum altert Caps- tomi cognomen fuit. Cic. Paftori nomen Fanftule fuiffe ferunt. Liv.
Of Verbs Tranfitives with an Acck- fative, and the Exceptions therto belonging.
Erbs Active or Deponent, call?d
Tranfitive, becaufe thir action pafleth forth on fom perfon or thing, willhave an Accufative after them of the perfon or thing to whom the action is don; as Amo te. Vitium fuge. Deum venerare. Ufus promptos facst, Fuvat ime. Oportet te,
Alfo Verbs call?d Neuters, may have an Accufative of thir own figni- fication; as Duram fervit fervitutem, Longam ire viam. Endymionis fomnum dormis. Paftillos Rufillus olet. Nec vox hominem fonat. Cum Glaucum faltaffet. Paterc. Agit letwm convivam. Horat, Hoc me later.
But thefe Verbs, though Tranfitive, Mifereor and Miferefco, pafs into a Genitive; as Mferere mez Somtimes into a Dative: Huic mifereor. Sen. Di- lige bonos, miferefce malis. Boet.
Reminifcor, Oblivifcor, Recordor, and Memini, fomtiines alfo require a Geni- tive ; as Date fidei reminifcitur. Me- mini tui, Oblivifcor carminis. Som- time retain the Accufative;, as Recordor puerttiam. Owitia qua curant fenes memi- nerunt, Plaut.
Thefe Impcrfonals alfo, inteve/t and refert, fignifying to concern, require a Genitive, except in thefe Ablatives Feminine, Alea, tua, fua, noftra, ve- fira, cuja. And the meafure of con- cernment is often added in thefe Geni- tives, magni, parvi, tanti, quanti, with thir Compounds, as Intereft omninm rehé agere, Tua refert teipfum noffe. Ve- ftra parvi intereft.
But Verbs of Profiting or Difprofi- ting, Believing, Pleafing, Obeying, Oppofing, or being angry with, pals into a Dative 3 as non potes miki commo- dare nec incommodare. Placeo omnibiu. Crede miki. Nimiam ne crede colori.
Pareo parentibus. Tibirepugno. Adole- [cents nibil eff quéd fuccenfeat. But of 5Sz thd
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the firft and third fort, avo, adjuvo, ledo, offendo,, retain an Accufative. Laftly, thefe Tranfitives, fungor, fruor, utor, potior, and Verbs betoken- ing want, pafs direct into an Ablative, Fungitur officio, Aliena frus infania, Utere forte tua. But fungor, fruor, utor, had antiently an Accufative. Verbs of Want, and potsor, may have alfo a Ge-
nitive. Pecunia indiget. Quafi tu hu- jus indigeas patris. - Potior Urbe, or Urbis.
Somtimes a phrafe of the fame figni- fication with a fingle Verb, may have the Cafe of the Verb after it , asid ope- ram do, that is to fay, id ago. Idne eftis authores mibi ? for id fuadetis. Quid me vobis tactio eff ? for tangztis. Plaut. Quid tibi banc curatio eft rem? Id.
The Accufative with a Genitive.
Itherto of Tranfitives governing
thir Accufative, or other Cafe, in fingle, and. direét Conftruction : Now of fich as may have after them more Cafes then one in Conftruction direct and oblique, that is tofay, with an Accufative, a Genitive, Dative, other Accufative, or Ablative.
Verbs of efteeming, buying or fel- ling, befides thir Accufative, will have a Genitive betokening the value of price, flocs, nibili, pili, hujus, and the like after Verbs of efteeming : Tanti, quanti, pluvis, minoris, and fuch like, put without a Subftantive, after Verbs of buying or felling ; as Nom hujus te aftimo, Ego illum flocct pendo, equi boni hoc facio or confislo. Quanti merca- 13 es hunc equum? Pluris quam vellem.
But the word of Value is fomtimes in the Ablative ; 2s Parvi or parvo a/ti- mas probitatem. moft ufually ; as Teruncio enum non emerim. And particularly in thefe Adjectives, Vili, paulo, minimo, magno, nimio, plurimo, dimidio, duplo, put without a Subftantive, as Vili vendo triticum, Redimite cap- tum quam queas minimo. And fomtimes aminore for minoris. Nam a Calio pro- pingui minove centeffiinis nummum movere non poffunt. Cic. Att. |. 1. But Verbs Neuter or Paflive have only the oblique Cafes after them; as Tanti eris aliis, quanti tibi fueris, Pudor parvi penditur. Which is alfo to be obferv'd in the fol- lowing Rules.
And this Neuter Valeo governeth the word of value in the Accufative; as Denarii ditti quod denos aris valebant. Varr.
And the word of Price.
Verbs of admonifhing, accufing, con- demning, acquitting, will have, befides thir Accufative, a Genitive of the Crime, or Penaltie, or Thing ; as 4d- monuit me erratt. <Accufas me furti 2 Vatem {celeris damnat. Furem dapli con- demnavit. And fomtimes an Ablative with a Prepofition, or without; as Condemnabo eodem ego te crimine. _Aceu- Sas furti, an fiupri, an utroque ? Derepe- tundis aecufavit, or damnavit. Cic.
Alfo thefe Imperfonals, peniter, ta- det, miferet, miferefcit, puder, piger, to thir Accufative will have a Genitive, either of the perfon, or of the thing ; as Noftrs nofmee peniter. Urbis me. teder. Muiferet me tui. Pudet me negli- gentia.
An Accufative with a Dative.
V Erbs of giving or reftoring, pro- mifing or paying, commanding or fhewing, trufting or threatning, add to thir Accufative a Dative of the per- fon 5 as Fortuna multis nimium dedit, Hic tibi promitto. «Ais alienum mihi nu- meravit. Frumentum imperat civitati- bus. Quid & cui dicas, videto. Hoc tibi
fuadeo, Tibi or ad te fcribo, Pecuniam omnem tibi credo, Utrique mortem mina- tus eff. ‘
To thefe add Verbs Active com- pounded with thefe Prepofitions, pra, ad, ab, con, de, ex, ante, [ub, poft, ob, in and inter ; as Pracipio hoc tiks. Admo- vst urbé exercitum. College {uo imperium abrogavit. Sic parvis componere magna folebam.
Neuters have a Dative only ; as Meis majoribus virtute praluxi. But fome com- pounded with pre and ante may have an Accufative , as Preftat ingemio alins ali- um. Multos anteit fapientia. Others with a Prepofition; as Que ad ventris vitkum conducunt. In hac fiudia incume bite. Cic,
Alfo all Verbs Active, betokning ac- quifition, likening or relation, com- monly englifht with to or for, have to thir Accufative a Dative of the per- fon ; as Magnam landem fibi peperit. Huic habeo non tibi. Se sits equarunt. Excpedi mihi hoc negotinm : but mibi, tibi, fibi, fomtimes are added for Elegance, the fenfe not requiring; as So hunc® fibi jugulas gladio. Terent. Neutersa Dative only ; as Non omnibus dormio. Libet mibi. Tibi licer.
Somtimes a Verb Tranfitive will have to his Accufative a double Dative, one of the perfon, another of the thing ;
as
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as Do tibi veftem pignori. Verto boc tibs vitiv. Hoc tu tibi landi ducis.
A double Accufative.
Erbs of asking, teaching, array-
ing, and concealing, will have two Accufatives, one of the perfon, another of the thing , as Rago te pecu- niam. Doceoteliteras. Quod te jamdu- dum hortor. Induit fe calceos. Hoc me celabas.
And being Paflives, they retain one Accufative of the thing, as Seztumque vecingitur anguem. Ovid. Met. 4. Jedui- tur togam. Mart.
Bot Verbs of arraying fomtimes change the ove Acufative into an Abla- tive or Dative 3 as Induo te tunica, Or tibi tunicam. Inflravit equim penula, Or equo penulam,
An Accufative with an Ablative.
Erbs Tranfitive may have to thir
V Accufative an ablative of the in- ftrument or caufe, matter, or manner “of doings and Neuters the Ablative only ; as Ferit eum gladio. Taceo metu, Malis gatdet alienis. Summa elaquentia caufam egit. Capitolium faxo quadr ato fubjiruttum eft. Tuo confilso nitor. Vef- cor pane. Affluis opibus. Amore abune das. Somtimes with a Prepofition of the manner ; as Summa cum humanmitate me trachavit.
Verbs of endowing, imparting, de- priving, difcharging, filling, empty- ing, and the like, will have an Ablative, and fomtimes a Genitive , as Dono te hoc annulo, Prima falute te impertit. Ali- quem familiarem fuo fermone participavit. Paternum fervum [us participavit confilti. Inter dico tibi aqua & igni. Libero te hoc metu, Implentur veteris Bacchi.
Alfo Verbs of comparing or ex- ceeding, will have an Ablative of the excefs 3 as Prefero hunc multis gradibus. Magno intervallo eum fuperat,
After all manner of Verbs, the word fignifying, any part of athing, may be put in the Genitive, Accufative, or Ablative; as Abfurde facis qui angas te
animi. Pendet animi, Dsfcrucior ant- mi, Defipit mentis. Candet dentes.
Rubet capillos. eAgrotat animo, magis quam corpore.
Nouns of Time and Place after Verbs. Ouns betokening part of time, be
put after Verbs in the Ablative, and fomtimes in the Accufative, as
Notte vigilas, luce dormis. Nullam par- tem nothis requiefcit. Cic. Abbinc trien- nium ex Andro commigravit. Ter. Re- fpondit triduo jllum, ad fummum quatri- duo periturum. Cic, Or if continuance of time, in the Accufative, fomtimes in the Ablative , as Sexagsnta anuos na- tus, Hyemcem totam ftertis. Imperium deponere malucrunt, quam id tenere pune Gum temporis contra Religionem. Cic. Imperavit triennio, G& decem menfibus, Suet. Somtimes with a Prepofition ; as Feré in diebus paucis, quabus hac atta funt. Ter. Rarely with a Genitive > as Temporis angufti manfit concordia dif- cors. Lucan.
Alfo Nouns betokening {pace be- tween places are put in the Accufative, and fomtimes in the Ablative; as Pe- dem hinc ne difcefferis. Abeft ab Urbe quingentis millibus paffuum, Terra mari- que gentibus imperavit.
Nouns that fignify Place, and alfo proper Names of greater places, as Countries, be put after Verbs of moy- ing or remaining, with a Prepotition, fignifying to, from, in, or by, in fuch cafe as the Prepofition requireth 5 as Proficifcor ab Urbe. Vivit in Anglia. Veni per Galliam in Iealiam.
But if it be the proper name of a lefler Place, as of a City, Town, or lefler Ifland, or any of thefe four, Az- mus, Domus, Militia, Bellum, with thefe figns, 0”, iz, or at before them, being of the firft or fecond Declenfion, and fingular number, they fhall be put in the Genitive; if of the third De- clenfion, or plural Number, or this word vws, in the Dative or Ablative ; as Vixit Rome, Londini, Ea babitabat Rhodi. Conon plurimum Cypri vixit. Cor. Nep. Procumbit humi bas, Domi belli- que fimul viximus. Militavit Cathagini or Cartbagine. Studuit Athenis. Rurt or rure educatus eft.
If the Verb of moving be to a place, it fhall be put inthe Accufative ; as Eo Romam, Domum, Rus. \f froma place, in the Ablative , as Difcefit Londins. Abiit Domo. Rure eft Reverfw.
Somtimes with aPrepofition, as 4 Brundifio profettus eft. Cic, Manil. Ur ab Athenis in Becotiam irem, Sulpit. apud Cic. Fam. 1. 4. Cum te profettum ab domo feirem. Liv. |. 8.
Conftruction of Paffives.
Verb Paflive will have after it an Ablative of the doer, with the prepofition 4 or ab before ir, fomtimes without, and more often a Dative: as , Virgiliws
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Virgiliws legitur a me. Fortes creantur fortibus. Hor. Tibi fama petatur. And Nevtropallives, as Vapulo, venco, liceo, exulo, fio, may have the fame Conftru- ction ; as Ab hoffe ventre.
Somtimes an Accufative of the thing is found after a Paflive; as Coronars Olympia. Hor. Epift. 1. Cyslopa move- tur. Hor. for falrat or egit. Purgor bilem. Id.
Confiruction of Gerunds and Su- pines.
Erunds and Supines will have fuch G cafes as the Verb from whence they com; as Otinm feribendi literas. Eo anditum Poetas. Ad confulendum tibi,
A Gerund in d& is commonly go- vern’d both of Subftantives and Ad- jectives in manner of a Genitive ; as Canfa videndi. Amor habendi, Cupi- dis vifendi. _ Certus exndi. And fom- times governeth a Genitive Plural ; as illorum videndi gratia, Ter.
Gerunds in 4 are us’d after Verbs in manner of an Ablative, according to former Rules, with or without a Pre- pofition , as Defeffis fism ambulando. Ai difcendo facile deterretur. Cafar dando, fublevando, ignofcende, gloriam adeptus eff. In apparando confumunt diem.
A Gerund in dum is us’d in manner of an Accufative after Prepofitions go- verning that cafe, as dd capiendum hoftes. Ante domandum ingentes tollent animos. Virg. Ob redimendum captigos. Inter caenandum, ‘
Gerunds in fignification are oft- times us‘d as Participles in dus, Tuorum confiliorum reprimendorum canfa. Cic. Orationem Latinam legendis noftris efficies pleniorem. Cic. Ad accufandos homines premio ducitur. ;
A Gerund in dum join’d with the Im- perfonal eff, and implying fome necef- fity or duty to do a thing,may have both the Active and Paflive Conftruction of the Verbfrom whence it isderiy’d ; as Vtendum eft atate. Ov. Pacem Trojane a rege petendum, Virg. Iterandum eadem ifta mibt. Cic. Servuiendsuws eft mihi ami- cis. Plura dix quam dicendum fuit. Cic. pro Seft.
Confirultion of Verb with Verb. Wr two Verbs com together
without a Nominative Cafe between them, the latter fhall be in the Infinitive Mood; as Cupio difcere. Or
in the firft Supine after Verbs of mov- ing; as Eo cubitum, fpeflatam. Or in the latter with an Adjective; as Turpe eff dittu. Facile factu, opys fests, Butif a Cafe com between, not go- vern'd of the former Verb, it fhall al- ways be an Accufative before the In- finitive Mood ; as Te redtiffe incolumem gaudeo. Malo me divitem effe, quam habers, And this Infinitive eff, will have ai- ways after it an Accufative, or the fame Cafe which the former Verb go- verns 5 as Expedit bonos effe vabis. Quo mili commiffo, non licet effe piam. Bue this Accufative agreeth with another underftood before the Infinitive, as Expedit vobis vos effe bonos. Natura bea- tis omnibis effe dedit. Nobis non licet effe tam difertis. The fame Conltru- tion may be us’d after other Infinicives Neuter or Paffive like to effe in fignifica- tion; as Maximo tibi poftea & civi, & duct evadere contigit. Val. Max.1.6. Somtimes a Noun Adjective or Sub- {lantive governs an Infinitive; as an- dax omnia perpeti. Dignns amari. Con- filium ceperunt ex oppido profugere. Caf. Minari diviforibis vatio non erat. Cic. verr. I. , Somtimes the Infinitive is put abfo- lute for the Preterimperfect or Preter- perfect Tenfe ; as Ego illud fedulo neza- re fattum. Ter. Galba autem multas fi- militudines afferre. Cic. Ile contra hac omnia ruere, agere vitam, Ter.
Conftruction of Participles.
jee govern fuch Cafes as the Verb from whence they com, ac- cording to thir Active or Paflive figni- fication ; as Fruiturus amicis, Nun- quam audita miki. Diligendus ab amnic- bw. Sate fanguine divim. Telamone creatus. Corpore mortal: cretus. Lucret. Nate ded. Edite vegibus. Lavo fu/penft Joculos tabulafque lacerto. Hor. Cenfus squefrem fummam. \d. Abeundum eft mibs, Venus orta mari. Exofus Bella. Virg. Exofus diis. Gell. | Arma Pero- jus. Ovid. But Pertefus hath an Acu- fative otherwife then the Verb; as Pertafus Ignaviam. Semet ipfe pertafus. Suet. To thefe add participal Adje- ctives ending in bilis of the Paflive Sig- fication, and requiring like cafe after them 3 as Nuls penetrabslis aftro lucus erate Participles chang’d into Adjectives have thir Conftruction by the Rules of Adjectives; as pperens vini, Fugi-
tans litinn, Fdons anim. y 4
( 871 )
Ax Ablative pat abfolute.
Two Nouns together, or a Noun and Pronoun with a Participle expreft or underftood, put abfolutely, that isto fay, neither governing nor governed of a Verb, thall be putin the Ablative , as Authore Se- natubellum geritur. Ae duce vinces, Cafare veniente hoftes fugerunt. Sublato clamore pralinen committitur.
Confiruttion of Adverbs.
WN and ecce will have a Nominative,
or an Accufative, and fomtimes with a Dative ; as En Priamus, . Ecce tibi fta- tus nofter. En habitum. Ecce autem al- tevuin,
Adverbs of quantity, time, and place require a Genitive , as Satis loguentie, fa- pientic parum{atis, A\fo compounded with aVerb; as Isverumfuarum fatagit. Tune remporis wbique gentium. Eo impudentia
rocchit. Quoad ejus fieri poterit.
To thefe add Ergo fignifying the caufe ; as Jilinsergo. Vig. Virtutis ergo. Fuge atgue formidinis ergo non abiturus. Liv.
Others will have fuch café as the Nouns from whence they come; as Adinime gen- tin, Optime omnium. Venit obviam iili. Canit fimiliter huic. Albanum, five Faler- numtte magis oppofitis delcstat. Hors
Adverbs are join’d in a Sentence to fe- veral Mcods of Verbs.
Of Time, Ubi, poftquam, cum or quum, to an Indicative or Subjunctive ; as Hee aby ditta dedit. Ubi nos laverimus. Poftguam excefit ex Ephebis, Cum faciam vitula, Virg. Cura canerem reges. Id. .
Denee while, to an Indicative. Donec eris felix. Donec until, to an Indicative or Subjunctive, Cogere donec oves juiffit. Virg. Donec ea aqua decocta fit, Colum.
Dia while, to an Indicative. Dum ap- peratur Virgo. Dum until, to an Indica- tive or Subjunctive 5 as Dum redeo. Tevr- tia dum Latio regnantem viderit aftas. Dum for diummodo fo as, or fo that, to a Subjanctive , Duan projim tibi.
Cuoad while, to an Indicative. Quoad expeitas contubernalem. Quoad until to a Subjunctive. Ommniaintegrafervabo, quoad exercitus luc mittaturs :
Sizulac, fimulatque to an Indicative or SubjunGtive 5 as Sismulac belli patiens erat, fimulatque adoleverit atas.
Ut as, to the fame Moods. Ur faluta- bis, ita refalutaberts. Ut fementem feceris, ita & metos. Hor. Ut fo foonas, to an In- Gicative only : as Ur ventum eft in Urbem:
Cuafi, tanquam, perinde, ac fi, to a Sub- jundtive only 5 as Quafi non norimus nos in- ter nos. Tanguam feceris ipfe aliquid.
Ne of forbidding, to an Imperative or Subjunctive 5 as We as We metuas:
Certain Adverbs of quantity, quality, or caule, as Quam, quotics, cur, quare, &e. Thence alfo qui, quis, quantus, qualis, and the like, coming in a fentence after the
principal Verb, govern the Verb follow- ing in a Subjunctive ; as Videte quam val- de malitie fue confidat. Cic. Quid eff cur tw in ifto loco yet Cic. pro Cluent! Subfideo mihi diligentiam comparavi qua quanta fit intelligi non poteft, nifiy &c. Cic. pro Quint. Nam quid hoc iniquius dici po- tet. Onam me qui caput alterius fortunafy; defendam, Priore loco difcere. Ibid. Nul- lum eft Officium tam fanttum atq;, folenne, quod non avaritiaviolare foleat. Ibid. Non me fallit, fi confulamini quid fitis re{ponfuri. Ibid. Dici vix poteft qutm multa fint que relpondeatis ante fieri oportere. Ibid. » Do- cut quo die hunc fibi promififje dicat, co die ne Roma quidem eum fuiffe. Ibid. Coxtur- batus difcedit neq, mirum cui hac optio tam mifera daretur. Ibid. Narrat quo in loco viderit Quintium. Ybid. Reéte majores eum qui focium fefelliffet in virorum bonorum numero non putarunt haberi oportere. Cic. pro Rofc. Am. Que concurfatio percontantiwm quid Prator edixiffet, ubi canaret, quid enuntiaffet. Cic. Agrar. 1.
Of Conjunitions.
(C_Oniunctions Copulative and Disjun-
ctive, and thefe four, Quam, mifr, pre- terguam, an, couple like cafes; as Socrates docuit Xenophontem & Platonem. Aut dies ot, aut nox. Nefcio albus an ater fit, Eft. minor natu quam tu, Nemini placet preter- quam fib.
Except when fom particular conftru- Ction requireth otherwife ; as Studui Ro- mae & Athens. Emi fundum centum aum- mis & pluris. Accufas furti, an fiupri, an utroque ?
They alfo couple for the moft part like Moods and Tentes, as Recto ftat corpore, delpicitque terras, But not always like Tenfes ; as Nift me lattaffes, G vana fpe produceres. Et habetur, & referetur tibi a me gratia,
Of other Conjundions, fom govern an Indicative, fom a Subjunctive, accord- ing to thir feveral Significations.
Etfi, tametfi, ctiamfiy quanguam an In- dicative 5 guamvis and licet moft common- ly a Subjunctive ; as Exfi nihil nevi afferre- batur. Quanquam animus meminiffe borret. Quamvis Elyfios miretur Gracia campos. Ipfe licet venias.
Ni, nifi, fi, fiquidem, quod quia poft- Guam, pofteaquam, antequam, priufquam an Indicative or Subjunctive 5 as ii vi ma- vis eripi: INi faciat. Caftigo te, non quod odeo babeam, fed quod amem. Antequam dicam. Si for quamvis a Subjunctive only. Redeam? Non fi me obfecrer. ;
Si_alfo conditional may fomtimes go- vern both Verbs of the fentence ina Sub- junctive 5 as Refpiraro fi te videro. Cic: ad Attic.
Quando, quandoquidem, quoniam an In- dicative ; as Dicite quandoquidem in molli confedimus herba, Quoniam convenimuts ambo.
Cui,
gilts :
Cum, fceing that, a Subjunctive; as Cum (is offcits Gradive virilibus aptus,
Ne, ai, num, of doubting, a Subjun- ctive;, as Nihil refert, feccrifire, aa per wa- feris. Vife num redierit.
Interrogatives alfo of difdain or reproach underftood, govern a Subjunctive; as tan- tum dem,..guantuim. ille. popofcerit ? Cic. verr. 4. Syluam tu Scaatiam vendas ?. Cic. Agrar. Furem aliquem aut rapacem aceufaris ? Vi- tanda femper erit omnis avaritia {ufpicio. Cic. ver. 4. Somtimes an Infinitive; as Mene incapto defiftcre vittam? Virg.
Ur that, left not, or although, a Sub- junctive 5 as Te oro, ut redeat jam in viam. Metuo ut fubfet hofpes. Ut omnia coatin= gant que volo.
Of Prepofitions.
OFF Prepofitions, fom will have an Ac-
cufative after them, fom an Ablative, fom both, according to thir different fig- nification.
An Accufative thefe following, Ad, a- pud, ante, adverfus adverfum, cis Citra, CUI CICA, Circiter, Contra, erga, extra, inter, intra, infra, juxta, ob, pone, per, prope, propter, pofl, penes, preter, fecundum, Supra, fecns, trans, ultra, ufque, verfus; But verfus is moft commonly. fet after the cafe it governs, as Londinum ver[us.
And for an Accufative after ad, a Dative fomtimes is us’d in Poets 5 as Jt clamor calo. Virg.’ Colo fi gloria tollit eAnea- dum, Sil. for ad colum ~
An Ablative thefe, 4, ab, abs, abf{que, cum, coram, de, ec, ex, pro, pre, palam, fine, teaus, which laft is alfo put after his Cafe, being moft ufually a Genitive, if it be plural; as Capulo tens. Aurinim te- nus, :
Thefe, both Cafes, In, fish, Juper, Jub- ter, clam, procul, ‘
Tn, fignitying to, towards, into, or againft, requires an Accufative 5 as Pifces cmptos obolo in canam feni. Animus in Teucros benignus. Verfa est in cineres Troja, In te committere tantum quid Troes potuere ? Laftly, when it fignifies future time, or for 5 as Bellum in trigefimum diem indixeruat. Defignati confules in annum fequentem, Alix pretia facinnt in fingula capita canum. Var.
os.)
‘ PUB ONG 1:8.
Hlunc tu now ames 2 Cic. ad Attic. °
( 872) |
Otherwife i7 will have an Ablative ; as In Urbe. In:Terris. i, es
Sub, when it fignifies te, or iz time about, or alittle befare, requires an Accu fative 5 as fub umbram properemus. Sub id tempus. Subaoétem Oterwife an Abla- tive., Sub pedibus. Sub umbra. » *
Super fignifying beyond, or prefent time, an Accufative; as Super Garamantas & Jn- dos, Super coenam. Suet. at {upper time. Of or concerning, an Ablative 3.as AZulra Juper Priamo vogitans. Super hac re.
Super; over: or upon, may have either cafe 5 as Super vipas Tiberis effufus. Sava Jedens fuper arma, ~Fronde {uper viridi.
So alfo may fubter 5 as pugaat im est fuper fubterque terras. Subrer dena teftudine. Virg. Clam patrem or patre. Procul mu- ros. Liv. Patria procul. <3 _. Prepofitions, in compofition goyern the fame cafes as before in appofition. _Aldibo hominem, Detruduat naves f{copulo, And the Prepofition is fomtimes repeated 5 as Detrahere de tua “fens nWagiam COgitavi,
‘And fomtimes underftood, governeth his
ufual cafe 5 as Habeo te locoparentis, Ab- paruit humana Jpecie. Cumis erant oviundi, Liv. Liberis parentibus oriundus, Colum. Mutat quadvata rotundis, Wor. Pridie Compitalia. Pridie nonas or calendas. Po- fridie Idus. Poftridie ludos. Before which Acculatives avte or post is to be under- {tood, Filii id atatis, Cic. Hoe noétis. Liv. Underftand Secundum. Or refer to part of time. Ovmia Mercurio fimilis. \irg. Underftand per.
Of Interjections.
CEtain Interjections have feveral Cafes
after them. O, a Nominative, Accu- fative or Vocative 5 as O festus dies homi- nis. O egolevus. Hor. O fortunates. O: forinofe puer.
Others a Nominative, oran Accufative 5 as Hen prifca fides! Heu fiirpem iavifam! Proh fanéte Jupiter! Proh deum atque ho- minum fidem! Hem tibi Davum!
Yea, thoughthe Interjection be under- flood 5 as Ade miferum! Ale cacum, qu hec ante non viderim !
Others will have a Dative ; as Hes mihi. Ve mifero mihi. Terent.
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