Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2012 with funding from
The Institute of Museum and Library Services through an Indiana State Library LSTA Grant
http://archive.org/details/completeworv6linc
Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln
Complete V
Abraham Lincoln
Photogravure from a Portrait taken from Life by
Charles A. Barry in Springfield, Illinois,
June, i860.
Complete Works of
Abraham Lincoln
Edited by JOHN G. NICOLAY and JOHN HAY
With an Introduction by
John Wesley Hill, and Special Articles
by Other Eminent Persons
New and Enlarged Edition
VOLUME VI
Lincoln Memorial University
Copyright, 1894, by JOHN G. NICOLAY and JOHN HAY
The Character of Lincoln/
WHILE I speak to you to-day, the body of the President who ruled this people is lying honored and loved, in our city. It is impossible with that sacred presence in our midst for me to stand and speak of the ordinary topics which occupy the pulpit. I must speak of him to- day; and I therefore undertake to do what I had in- tended to do at some future time, to invite you to study with me the character of Abraham Lincoln, the impulses of his life, and the causes of his death. I know how hard it is to do it rightly, how impos- sible it is to do it worthily. But I shall speak with confidence because I speak to those who loved him, and whose ready love will fill out the deficiencies in a picture which my words will weakly try to draw. I can only promise you to speak calmly, conscien- tiously, affectionately, and with what understanding of him I can command.
We take it for granted first of all, that there is an essential connection between Mr. Lincoln's char- acter and his violent and bloody death. It is no accident, no arbitrary decree of Providence. He lived as he did, and he died as he did, because he was
1 From a sermon at the Church of the Holy Trinity, Philadel- phia, April 23, 1865.
vi The Character of Lincoln
what he was. The more we see of events the less we come to believe in any fate or destiny except the destiny of character. It will be our duty, then, to see what there was in the character of our great Presi- dent that created the history of his life and at last produced the catastrophy of his cruel death. After the first trembling horror, the first outburst of in- dignant sorrow has grown calm, these are the ques- tions which we are bound to ask and answer.
It is not necessary for me even to sketch the bio- graphy of Mr. Lincoln. He was born in Kentucky, fifty-six years ago, when Kentucky was a pioneer State. He lived, as boy and man, the hard and needy life of a backwoodsman, a farmer, a river boat- man, and finally, by his own efforts at self-education, of an active, respected, influential citizen in the half- organized and manifold interests of a new and en- ergetic community. From his boyhood up he lived in direct and vigorous contact with men and things, not as in older states and easier conditions with words and theories ; and both his moral convictions and his intellectual opinions gathered from that contact a supreme degree of that character by which men knew him — that character which is the most distinctive possession of the best American nature — that almost indiscribable quality which we call in general clearness or truth, and which appears in the physical structure as health, in the moral constitution as honesty, in the mental structure as sagacity, and in the region of active life as practicalness. This one character, with many sides all shaped by the same essential force and
The Character of Lincoln vii
testifying to the same inner influences, was what was powerful in him and decreed for him the life he was to live and the death he was to die. We must take no smaller view than this of what he was. Even his physical conditions are not to be forgotten in making up his character. We make too little always of the physical; certainly we make too little of it here if we lose out of sight the strength and muscular activity, the power of doing and enduring, which the back- woods-boy inherited from generations of hard-living ancestors, and appropriated for his own by a long dis- cipline of bodily toil. He brought to the solution of the question of labor in this country, not 'merely a mind but a body thoroughly in sympathy with labor, full of the culture of labor, bearing witness to the dignity and excellence of work in every muscle that work had toughened and every sense that work had made clear and true. He could not have brought the mind for his task so perfectly, unless he had first brought the body whose rugged and stubborn health was always contradicting to him the false theories of labor, and always asserting the true. Who shall say that even with David the son of Jesse, there was not a physical as well as a spiritual culture in the struggle with the lion and the bear which occurred among the sheepfolds, out of which God took him to be the ruler of his people.
As to the moral and mental powers which dis- tinguished him, all embraceable under this general description of clearness or truth, the most remark- able thing in the way in which they blend with one
viii The Character of Lincoln
another, so that it is next to impossible to examine them in separation. A great many people have dis- cussed very crudely whether Abraham Lincoln was an intelligent man or not; as if intellect were a thing always of the same sort, which you could precipitate from the other constituents of a man's nature and weight by itself, and compare by pounds and ounces in this man with another. The fact is that in all the simplest characters the line between the mental and moral natures is always vague and indistinct. They run together, and in their best combinations you are unable to discriminate in the wisdom which is their result, how much is moral and how much is intellect- ual. You are unable to tell whether in the wise acts and words which issue from such a life there is more of the righteousness that comes of a clear conscience or of the sagacity that comes of a clear brain. In more complex characters and under more complex conditions, the moral and the mental lives come to be less healthily combined. They cooperate, they help each other less. They come even to stand over against each other as antagonists ; till we have that vague but most melancholy notion which pervades the life of all elaborate civilization, that goodness and great- ness, as we call them, are not to be looked for to- gether, till we expect to see and so do see a feeble and narrow conscientiousness on the one hand and a bad unprincipled intelligence on the other, dividing the suffrages of men.
It is the great boon of such characters as Mr. Lin- coln's, that they reunite what God has joined together
The Character of Lincoln ix
and man has put asunder. In him was vindicated the greatness of real goodness and the goodness of real greatness. The twain were one flesh. Not one of all the multitudes who stood and looked up to him for direction with such a loving and implicit trust can tell you to-day whether the wise judgments that he gave came most from a strong head or a sound heart. If you ask them they are puzzled. There are men as good as he, but they do bad things. There are men as intelligent as he, but they do foolish things. In him goodness and intelligence combined and made their best result of wisdom. For perfect truth con- sists not merely in the right constituents of character, but in their right and intimate conjunction. This union of the mental and moral into a life of admira- ble simplicity is what we most admire in children, but in them it is unsettled and unpractical. But when it is preserved into a manhood, deepened into reliability and maturity, it is that glorified childlike- ness, that high and reverend simplicity which shames and baffles the most accomplished astuteness, and is chosen by God to fill his purposes when he needs a ruler for his people of faithful and true heart, such as he had who was our President.
Another evident quality of such a character as this, will be its freshness or newness, so to speak. Its freshness, or readiness — call it what you will — its ability to take up new duties and do them in a new way will result of necessity from its truth and clear- ness. The simple natures and forces will always be the most pliant ones. Water bends and shapes itself
x The Character of Lincoln
to any channel. Air folds and adapts itself to each new figure. They are the simplest and the most infinitely active things in nature. So this nature, in very virtue of its simplicity, must be also free, always fitting itself to each new need. It will always start from the most fundamental and eternal conditions, and work in the straightest even although they be the newest ways to the present prescribed purpose. In one word it must be broad and independent and radical. So that freedom and radicalness in the character of Abraham Lincoln were not separate qualities, but the necessary results of his simplicity and childlikeness and truth.
Here then we have some conception of the man. Out of this character came the life which we admire and the death which we lament to-day. He was called in that character to that life and death. It was just the nature, as you see, which a new nation such as ours ought to produce. All the conditions of his birth, his youth, his manhood, which made him what he was, were not irregular and exceptional, but were the normal conditions of a new and simple country. His pioneer home in Indiana, was a type of the pioneer land in which he lived. If ever there was a man who was a part of the time and country he lived in this was he. The same simple respect for labor won in the school of work and incorporated into blood and muscle; the same unassuming loyalty to the simple virtues of temperance and industry and integrity; the same sagacious judgment which had learned to be quick-eyed and quick-brained in the
The Character of Lincoln xi
constant presence of emergency; the same direct and clear thought about things, social, political and re- ligious, that was in him supremely, was in the people he was sent to rule. Surely, with such a type-man for ruler, there would seem to be but a smooth and even road over which he might lead the people whose character he represented into the new region of na- tional happiness and comfort and usefulness, for which that character had been designed.
But then we come to the beginning of all trouble. Abraham Lincoln was the type-man of the country, but not of the whole country. This character which we have been trying to describe was the character of an American under the discipline of freedom. There was another American character which had been de- veloped under the influence of slavery. There was no one American character embracing the land. There were two characters, with impulses of irre- pressible and deadly conflict. This citizen whom we have been honoring and praising represented one. The whole great scheme with which he was ultimately brought in conflict, and which has finally killed him, represented the other. Beside this nature, true and fresh and new, there was another nature false and effete and old. The one nature found itself in a new world, and set itself to discover the new ways for the new duties that were given it. The other nature, full of the false pride of blood, set itself to reproduce in a new world the institutions and the spirit of the old, to build anew the structure of a feudalism which had been corrupt in its own days, and which had been left
xii The Character of Lincoln
far behind by the advancing conscience and needs of the progressing race. The one nature magnified labor, the other nature depreciated and despised it. The one honored the laborer and the other scorned him. The one was simple and direct. The other complex, full of sophistries and self-excuses. The one was free to look all that claimed to be truth in the face, and separate the error from the truth that might be in it. The other did not dare to investigate because its own established prides and systems were dearer to it than the truth itself, and so even truth went about in it doing the work of error. The one was ready to state broad principles, of the brother- hood of man, the universal fatherhood and justice of God, however imperfectly it might realize them in practice. The other denied even the principles, and so dug deep and laid below its special sins the broad foundation of a consistent acknowledged sinfulness. In a word, one nature was full of the influences of Freedom, the other nature was full of the influences of Slavery.
•Here then we have the two. The history of our country for many years is the history of how these two elements of American life approached collision. They wrought their separate reactions on each other. Men debate and quarrel even now about the rise of Northern abolitionism, about whether the Northern abolitionists were right or wrong, whether they did harm or good. How vain the quarrel is! It was
The Character of Lincoln xiii
inevitable. It was inevitable in the nature of things that two such natures living here together should be set violently against each other. It is inevitable, till man be far more unfeeling and untrue to his convic- tions than he has always been, that a great wrong asserting itself vehemently should arouse to no less vehement assertion the opposing right. The only wonder is that there was not more of it. The only wonder is that so few were swept away to take by an impulse they could not resist their stand of hatred to the wicked institution. The only wonder is that only one brave, reckless man came forth to cast him- self, almost single-handed, with a hopeless hope, against the proud power that he hated, and trust to the influence of a soul marching on into the history of his countrymen to stir them to a vindication of the truth he loved. At any rate, whether the abolitionists were wrong or right, there grew up about their vio- lence, as there always will about the extremism of ex- treme reformers, a great mass of feeling, catching their spirit and asserting it firmly though in more moderate degrees and methods. About the nucleus of Abolitionism grew up a great American Anti- slavery determination, which at last gathered strength enough to take its stand, to insist upon the checking and limiting the extension of the power of slavery, and to put the type-man whom God had been pre- paring for the task, before the world to do the work on which it had resolved. Then came discontent, secession, treason. The two American natures long advancing to encounter, met at last and a whole
xiv The Character of Lincoln
country yet trembling with the shock, bears witness how terrible the meeting was.
Thus I have tried briefly to trace out the gradual course by which God brought the character which he designed to be the controlling character of this new world into distinct collision with the hostile character which it was to destroy and absorb, and set it in the person of its type-man in the seat of highest power. The character formed under the discipline of Free- dom, and the character formed under the discipline of Slavery, developed all their difference and met in hostile conflict when this war began. Notice, it was not only in what he did and was towards the slave, it was in all he did and was everywhere that we ac- cept Mr. Lincoln's character as the true result of our free life and institutions. Nowhere else could have come forth that genuine love of the people, which in him no one could suspect of being either the cheap flattery of the demagogue or the abstract philan- thropy of the philosopher, which made our President, while he lived, the centre of a great household land, and when he died so cruelly, made every humblest household thrill with a sense of personal bereave- ment which the death of rulers is not apt to bring. Nowhere else than out of the life of freedom could have come that personal unselfishness and generosity which made so gracious a part of this good man's character.
Now it was in this character rather than in any
The Character of Lincoln xv
mere political position that the fitness of Mr. Lincoln to stand forth in the struggle of the two American natures really lay. We are told that he did not come to the Presidential chair pledged to the abolition of Slavery. When will we learn that with all true men it is not what they intend to do, but it is what the qualities of their natures bind them to do that deter- mines their career? The President came to his power full of the blood, strong in the strength of Freedom. He came there free and hating slavery. He came there, leaving on record words like these spoken three years before and never contradicted. He had said, " A house divided against itself cannot stand. I believe this Government cannot endure, permanently, half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved. I do not expect the house to fall; but I expect it will cease to be divided. It will be- come all one thing or all the other." When the question came he knew which thing he meant that it should be. His whole nature settled that question for him. With such a man, intentions far ahead meant little. Such a man must always live as he used to say he lived, (and was blamed for saying it) " controlled by events, not controlling them." And with a reverent and clear mind to be controlled by events, means to be controlled by God. For such a man there was no hesitation when God brought him up face to face with Slavery and put the sword into his hand and said, " Strike it down dead." He was a willing servant then. If ever the face of a man writing solemn words glowed with a solemn
xvi The Character of Lincoln
joy, it must have been the face of Abraham Lincoln, as he bent over the page where the Emancipation Proclamation of 1863 was growing into shape, and giving manhood and freedom as he wrote it to hun- dreds of thousands of his fellowmen. Here was a work in which his whole nature could rejoice. Here was an act that crowned the whole culture of his life. All the past, the free boyhood in the woods, the free youth upon the farm, the free manhood in the hon- orable citizen's employments — all his freedom gath- ered and completed itself in this. And as the swar- thy multitudes came in ragged, and tired, and hungry, and ignorant, but free forever from anything but the memorial scars of the fetters and the whip, singing rude songs in which the new triumph of freedom struggled and heaved below the sad melody that had been shaped for bondage; as in their camps and hovels there grew up to their half-superstitious eyes the image of a great Father almost more than man to whom they owed their freedom; were they not half right? For it was not to one man, driven by stress of policy, or swept off by a whim of pity that the noble act was due. It was to the American nature, long kept by God in his own intentions till his time should come, at last emerging into sight and power, and bound up and embodied in this best and most American of all Americans, to whom we and those poor frightened slaves at last might look up together and love to call him with one voice, our Father.
So let him lie here in our midst to-day, and let our
The Character of Lincoln xvii
people go and bend with solemn thoughtfulness and look upon his face and read the lessons of his burial. As he paused here on his journey from his western home and told us what by the help of God he meant to do, so let him pause upon his way back to his western grave and tell us with a silence more elo- quent than wjords how bravely, how truly by the strength of God he did it. God brought him up as he brought David up from the sheepfolds to feed Jacob, his people and Israel his inheritance. He came up in earnestness and faith and he goes back in triumph. As he pauses here to-day, and from his cold lips bids us bear witness how he has met the duty that was laid on him, what can we say out of our full hearts but this — " He fed them with a faithful and true heart and ruled them prudently with all his power." The Shepherd of the People! that old name that the best rulers ever craved. What ruler ever won it like this dead President of ours? He fed us faithfully and truly. He fed us with counsel when we were in doubt, with inspiration when we sometimes faltered, with caution when we would be rash, with calm, clear, trustful cheerfulness through many an hour when our hearts were dark. He fed hungry souls all over the country with sympathy and consolation. He spread before the whole land feasts of great duty and devotion and patriotism on which the land grew strong. He fed us with solemn, solid truths. He taught us the sacredness of government, the wickedness of treason. He made our souls glad and vigorous with the love of Liberty that was in his.
xviii The Character of Lincoln
He showed us how to love truth and yet be charita- ble — how to hate wrong and all oppression, and yet not treasure one personal injury or insult. He fed all his people from the highest to the lowest, from the most privileged down to the most enslaved. Best of all, he fed us with a reverent and genuine religion. He spread before us the love and fear of God just in that shape in which we need them most, and out of his faithful service of a higher Master who of us has not taken and eaten and grown strong. " He fed them with a faithful and true heart." Yes, till the last. For at the last, behold him standing with hand reached out to feed the South with Mercy and the North with Charity, and the whole land with Peace, when the Lord who had sent him called him and his work was done.
Abraham Lincoln
By William Cullen Bryant
O, slow to smite and swift to spare, Gentle and merciful and just!
Who, in the fear of God, didst bear
The sword of power — a nation's trust 1
In sorrow by thy bier we stand,
Amid the awe that hushes all, And speak the anguish of a land
That shook with horror at that fall.
Thy task is done; the bond are free;
We bear thee to an honored grave, Whose proudest monument shall be
The broken fetters of the slave.
Pure was thy life; its bloody close
Has placed thee with the sons of light,
Among the noble host of those
Who perished in the cause of Right.
Illustrations
Abraham Lincoln Frontispiece
Photogravure from a portrait taken from life by Charle3 A. Barry in Springfield, III., June, i860.
PAGE
Lincoln's Letter of Acceptance, May 23, i860 24
Fac-simile of the original letter to the President of the National Republican Convention.
Lincoln's Home in Springfield, III. . . .110
From an original photograph of the house where he lived when elected President.
William H. Seward 168
Wood-engraving after a daguerreotype taken about 1851.
Fort Sumter 220
After a rare engraving showing the effect of the bombardment.
Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln
Volume VI [i860 — 1861]
Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln
Abstract of Speech at Norwich, Connecti- cut— March 9, i860
WHETHER we will or not, the question of slavery is the question, the all-ab- sorbing topic, of the day. It is true that all of us — and by that I mean, not the Republican party alone, but the whole Ameri- can people, here and elsewhere — all of us wish the question settled — wish it out of the way.
It stands in the way and prevents the adjust- ment and the giving of necessary attention to other questions of national housekeeping. The people of the whole nation agree that this ques- tion ought to be settled, and yet it is not settled. And the reason is that they are not yet agreed how it shall be settled.
Again and again it has been fondly hoped that it was settled, but every time it breaks out afresh and more violently than ever. It was settled, 1
2 Abraham Lincoln [Mar. 9
our fathers hoped, by the Missouri Compro- mise, but it did not stay settled. Then the com- promise of 1850 was declared to be a full and final settlement of the question. The two great parties, each in national convention, adopted resolutions declaring that the settlement made by the compromise of 1850 was a finality — that it would last forever. Yet how long before it wa9 unsettled again? It broke out again in 1854, anc* blazed higher and raged more fu- riously than ever before, and the agitation has not rested since.
These repeated settlements must have some fault about them. There must be some inade- quacy in their very nature to the purpose for which they were designed. We can only specu- late as to where that fault — that inadequacy is, but we may perhaps profit by past experience.
I think that one of the causes of these repeated failures is that our best and greatest men have greatly underestimated the size of this question. They have constantly brought forward small cures for great sores — plasters too small to cover the wound. This is one reason that all settle- ments have proved so temporary, so evanescent.
Look at the magnitude of this subject. About one sixth of the whole population of the United States are slaves. The owners of the slaves con- sider them property. The effect upon the minds
i860] Norwich Speech 3
of the owners is that of property, and nothing else — it induces them to insist upon all that will favorably affect its value as property, to demand laws and institutions and a public policy that shall increase and secure its value, and make it durable, lasting, and universal. The effect on the minds of the owners is to persuade them that there is no wrong in it.
But here in Connecticut and at the North slavery does not exist, and we see it through no such medium. To us it appears natural to think that slaves are human beings; men, not prop- erty; that some of the things, at least, stated about men in the Declaration of Independence apply to them as well as to us. We think slav- ery a great moral wrong; and while we do not claim the right to touch it where it exists, we wish to treat it as a wrong in the Territories where our votes will reach it. Now these two ideas, the property idea that slavery is right, and the idea that it is wrong, come into col- lision, and do actually produce that irrepressible conflict which Mr. Seward has been so roundly abused for mentioning. The two ideas conflict, and must conflict.
There are but two policies in regard to slav- ery that can be at all maintained. The first, based upon the property view that slavery is right, conforms to the idea throughout, and de-
4 Abraham Lincoln [Mar. 14
mands that we shall do everything for it that we ought to do if it were right. The other policy is one that squares with the idea that slavery is wrong, and it consists in doing everything that we ought to do if it is wrong. I don't mean that we ought to attack it where it exists. To me it seems that if we were to form a govern- ment anew, in view of the actual presence of slavery we should find it necessary to frame just such a government as our fathers did — giving to the slaveholder the entire control where the system was established, while we pos- sessed the power to restrain it from going out- side those limits.
Now I have spoken of a policy based upon the idea that slavery is wrong, and a policy based upon the idea that it is right. But an effort has been made for a policy that shall treat it as nei- ther right nor wrong. Its central idea is indif- ference. It holds that it makes no more differ- ence to me whether the Territories become free or slave States than whether my neighbor stocks his farm with horned cattle or puts it into to- bacco. All recognize this policy, the plausible, sugar-coated name of which is "popular sov- ereignty."
Mr. Lincoln showed up the fallacy of this policy at length, and then made a manly vindi-
i860] Letter to Harvey 5
cation of the principles of the Republican party, urging the necessity of the union of all elements to free our country from its present rule, and closed with an eloquent exhortation for each and every one to do his duty without regard to the sneers and slanders of our political op- ponents.
*Letter to Alexander W. Harvey
Springfield, Illinois, March 14, i860. Dear Sir: Your despatch of the 27th ult. to Mr. Greely, asking if you could not have a speech from me on my return, was forwarded to me by Mr. G., reaching me at Exeter, N. H. The appointments I had then already made carried me so far beyond my allotted time that I could not consistently add another.
I hope I may yet be allowed to meet the good people of Buffalo before the close of the strug- gle in which we are engaged.
Yours respectfully,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to , March 16, i860
As to your kind wishes for myself, allow me to say I cannot enter the ring on the money basis — first, because in the main it is wrong; and sec- ondly, I have not and cannot get the money.
I say, in the main, the use of money is wrong;
6 Abraham Lincoln [Mar. 24
but for certain objects in a political contest, the use of some is both right and indispensable. With me, as with yourself, the long struggle has been one of great pecuniary loss.
I now distinctly say this — if you shall be ap- pointed a delegate to Chicago, I will furnish one hundred dollars to bear the expenses of the trip. Your friend, as ever,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to J. W. Somers
Springfield, March 17, i860.
My dear Sir: Reaching home three days ago, I found your letter of February 26th.
Considering your difficulty of hearing, I think you had better settle in Chicago, if, as you say, a good man already in fair practice there will take you into partnership. If you had not that difficulty, I still should think it an even balance whether you would not better remain in Chi- cago, with such a chance for copartnership.
If I went West, I think I would go to Kansas, — to Leavenworth or Atchison. Both of them are, and will continue to be, fine growing places.
I believe I have said all I can, and I have said it with the deepest interest for your welfare. Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
i860] Letter to Galloway 7
Letter to E. Stafford,
Springfield, Illinois, March 17, i860. Dear Sir: Reaching home on the 14th in- stant, I found yours of the 1st. Thanking you very sincerely for your kind purposes toward me, I am compelled to say the money part of the arrangement you propose is, with me, an impos- sibility. I could not raise ten thousand dollars if it would save me from the fate of John Brown. Nor have my friends, so far as I know, yet reached the point of staking any money on my chances of success. I wish I could tell you bet- ter things, but it is even so.
Yours very truly,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to Samuel Galloway
Chicago, March 24, i860. My dear Sir: I am here attending a trial in court. Before leaving home I received your kind letter of the 15th. Of course I am gratified to know I have friends in Ohio who are disposed to give me the highest evidence of their friend- ship and confidence. Mr. Parrott, of the legis- lature, had written me to the same effect. If I have any chance, it consists mainly in the fact that the whole opposition would vote for me, if nominated. (I don't mean to include the pro-
8 Abraham Lincoln [Apr. 6
slavery opposition of the South, of course.) My name is new in the field, and I suppose I am not the first choice of a very great many. Our policy, then, is to give no offense to others — leave them in a mood to come to us if they shall be compelled to give up their first love. This, too, is dealing justly with all, and leaving us in a mood to support heartily whoever shall be nomi- nated. I believe I have once before told you that I especially wish to do no ungenerous thing toward Governor Chase, because he gave us his sympathy in 1858 when scarcely any other dis- tinguished man did. Whatever you may do for me, consistently with these suggestions, will be appreciated and gratefully remembered. Please write me again. Yours very truly,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to C. F. McNeil
Springfield, April 6, i860. Dear Sir: Reaching home yesterday, I found yours of the 23d March, inclosing a slip from "The Middleport Press." It is not true that I ever charged anything for a political speech in my life; but this much is true: Last October I was requested by letter to deliver some sort of speech in Mr. Beecher's church, in Brook- lyn— two hundred dollars being offered in the first letter. I wrote that I could do it in Feb-
i860] Letter to McNeil 9
ruary, provided they would take a political speech if I could find time to get up no other. They agreed; and subsequently I informed them the speech would have to be a political one. When I reached New York, I for the first time learned that the place was changed to "Cooper Institute."
I made the speech, and left for New Hamp- shire, where I have a son at school, neither asking for pay, nor having any offered me. Three days after a check for two hundred dol- lars was sent to me at New Hampshire; and I took it, and did not know it was wrong. My understanding now is — though I knew nothing of it at the time — that they did charge for ad- mittance to the Cooper Institute, and that they took in more than twice two hundred dollars.
I have made this explanation to you as a friend; but I wish no explanation made to our enemies. What they want is a squabble and a fuss, and that they can have if we explain ; and they cannot have it if we don't.
When I returned through New York from New England, I was told by the gentlemen who sent me the check that a drunken vagabond in the club, having learned something about the two hundred dollars, made the exhibition out of which "The Herald" manufactured the article quoted by "The Press" of your town.
io Abraham Lincoln [May 12
My judgment is, and therefore my request is, that you give no denial and no explanation.
Thanking you for your kind interest in the matter, I remain, Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to
Springfield, Illinois, April 14, i860. My dear Sir: Reaching home last night, I found your letter of the 7th. You know I was in New England. Some of the acquaintances I made while there write to me since the election that the close vote in Connecticut and the quasi defeat in Rhode Island are a drawback upon the prospects of Governor Seward; and Trumbull writes Dubois to the same effect. Do not men- tion this as coming from me. Both those States are safe enough for us in the fall. I see by the despatches that since you wrote Kansas has ap- pointed delegates and instructed them for Sew- ard. Do not stir them up to anger, but come along to the convention, and I will do as I said about expense. Yours as ever,
A. Lincoln.
*Letter to Hawkins Taylor
Springfield, Illinois, April 21, i860. My dear Sir: Yours of the 15th is just re- ceived. It surprises me that you have written
i860] Letter to Wallace ii
twice, without my receiving an answer. I have answered all I ever received from you ; and cer- tainly one since my return from the East.
Opinions here as to the prospect of Douglas being nominated, are quite conflicting — some very confident he will, and others that he will not be. I think his nomination possible; but that the chances are against him.
I am glad there is a prospect of your party passing this way to Chicago. Wishing to make your visit here as pleasant as we can, we wish you to notify us as soon as possible, whether you come this way, how many, and when you will arrive. Yours very truly,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to Dr. Edward Wallace.
Springfield, Illinois, May 12, i860.
My dear Sir: Your brother, Dr. W. S. Wal- lace, shows me a letter of yours in which you request him to inquire if you may use a letter of mine to you in which something is said upon the tariff question. I do not precisely remem- ber what I did say in that letter, but I presume I said nothing substantially different from what I shall say now.
In the days of Henry Clay, I was a Henry- Clay-tarifT man, and my views have undergone no material change upon that subject. I now
12 Abraham Lincoln [May 21
think the tariff question ought not to be agitated in the Chicago convention, but that all should be satisfied on that point with a presidential can- didate whose antecedents give assurance that he would neither seek to force a tariff law by execu- tive influence, nor yet to arrest a reasonable one by a veto or otherwise. Just such a candidate I desire shall be put in nomination. I really have no objection to these views being publicly known, but I do wish to thrust no letter before the public now upon any subject. Save me from the appearance of obtrusion, and I do not care who sees this or my former letter.
Yours very truly, A. Lincoln.
Reply to the Committee sent by the Chi- cago Convention to inform Mr. Lincoln of his Nomination for President May 19, i8601
Springfield, Illinois, May 21, i860. Mr, Chairman and Gentlemen of the Com- mittee: I tender to you, and through you to the Republican National Convention, and all the
1 Lincoln's nomination was well received, except by extreme abolitionists. In i860 the presidential fight was four-cornered. There was the Republican Party, with Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin of Maine, which held that slavery was a moral wrong, and that its extension should be prohibited by Congress ; Douglas Democrats, with Douglas and Johnson of Georgia, indifferent to the right and wrong of slavery, but claiming each territory should have the privilege to decide the question; the Buchanan Demo-
i860] Letter to Giddings 13
people represented in it, my profoundest thanks for the high honor done me, which you now for- mally announce.
Deeply and even painfully sensible of the great responsibility which is inseparable from this high honor — a responsibility which I could almost wish had fallen upon some one of the far more eminent men and experienced states- men whose distinguished names were before the convention — I shall, by your leave, consider more fully the resolutions of the convention, denominated the platform, and without any un- necessary or unreasonable delay respond to you, Mr. Chairman, in writing, not doubting that the platform will be found satisfactory, and the nomination gratefully accepted.
And now I will not longer defer the pleasure of taking you, and each of you, by the hand.
Letter to J. R. Giddings
Springfield, Illinois, May 21, i860.
My good Friend: Your very kind and ac- ceptable letter of the 19th was duly handed me by Mr. Tuck.
It is indeed most grateful to my feelings that
crats, with J. C. Breckenridge of Kentucky and Joseph Lane of Oregon declaring that slavery was right and should be ex- tended; the Constitutional Union party, with Bell of Tennessee and Edward Everett of Massachusetts entirely ignoring slavery and recognizing no principles except " the union of the country, the union of the States and the enforcement of the laws."
14 Abraham Lincoln [May 23
the responsible position assigned me comes without conditions, save only such honorable ones as are fairly implied. I am not wanting in the purpose, though I may fail in the strength, to maintain my freedom from bad influences. Your letter comes to my aid in this point most opportunely. May the Almighty grant that the cause of truth, justice, and humanity shall in no wise suffer at my hands.
Mrs. Lincoln joins me in sincere wishes for your health, happiness, and long life.
A. Lincoln.
Letter to George Ashmun and the Repub- lican National Convention
Springfield, Illinois, May 23, i860.
Sir: I accept the nomination tendered me by the convention over which you presided, and of which I am formally apprised in the letter of yourself and others, acting as a committee of the convention for that purpose.
The declaration of principles and sentiments which accompanies your letter meets my appro- val ; and it shall be my care not to violate or dis- regard it in any part.
Imploring the assistance of Divine Provi- dence, and with due regard to the views and feelings of all who were represented in the con- vention— to the rights of all the States and Ter-
i860] Letter of Acceptance 15
ritories and people of the nation; to the invio- lability of the Constitution; and the perpetual union, harmony, and prosperity of all — I am most happy to cooperate for the practical suc- cess of the principles declared by the conven- tion.
Your obliged friend and fellow-citizen,
A. Lincoln.
Platform of the Republican National Con- vention held in Chicago, Illinois, May 16- 18, i860.
Resolved, That we, the delegated representatives of the Republican electors of the United States, in convention assembled, in the discharge of the duty we owe to our constituents and our country, unite in the following declarations :
1. That the history of the nation during the last four years has fully established the propriety and necessity of the organization and perpetuation of the Republican party; and that the causes which called it into existence are permanent in their nature, and now, more than ever before, demand its peaceful and con- stitutional triumph.
2. That the maintenance of the principles promul- gated in the Declaration of Independence and em- bodied in the Federal Constitution is essential to the preservation of our Republican institutions, and that the Federal Constitution, the rights of the States, and the union of the States, must and shall be preserved.
1 6 Abraham Lincoln [May 23
3. That to the union of the States this nation owes its unprecedented increase in population, its surprising development of material resources, its rapid augmen- tation of wealth, its happiness at home, and its honor abroad; and we hold in abhorrence all schemes for disunion, come from whatever source they may. And we congratulate the country that no Republican mem- ber of Congress has uttered or countenanced the threats of disunion so> often made by Democratic members without rebuke and with applause from their political associates; and we denounce those threats of disunion, in case of a popular overthrow of their ascendency, as denying the vital principles of a free government, and as an avowal of contemplated treason, which it is the imperative duty of an indig- nant people sternly to rebuke and forever silence.
4. That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions accord- ing to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endur- ance of our political fabric depends; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.
5. That the present Democratic administration has far exceeded our worst apprehensions in its measure- less subserviency to the exactions of a sectional inter- est, as especially evinced in its desperate exertions to force the infamous Lecompton constitution upon the protesting people of Kansas; in construing the per-
i860] Letter of Acceptance 17
sonal relation between master and servant to involve an unqualified property in persons; in its attempted enforcement everywhere, on land and sea, through the intervention of Congress and of the Federal courts, of the extreme pretensions of a purely local interest; and in its general and unvarying abuse of the power in- trusted to it by a confiding people.
6. That the people justly view with alarm the reck- less extravagance which pervades every department of the Federal Government; that a return to rigid economy and accountability is indispensable to arrest the systematic plunder of the public treasury by fa- vored partizans; while the recent startling develop- ments of frauds and corruptions at the Federal me- tropolis show that an entire change of administration is imperatively demanded.
7. That the new dogma that the Constitution, of its own force, carries slavery into any or all of the Territories of the United States, is a dangerous politi- cal heresy, at variance with the explicit provisions of that instrument itself, with contemporaneous expo- sition, and with legislative and judicial precedent; is revolutionary in its tendency, and subversive of the peace and harmony of the country.
8. That the normal condition of all the territory of the United States is that of freedom ; that as our Re- publican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained that " no person should be deprived of life, liberty, or property with- out due process of law," it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever such legislation is necessary, to
1 8 Abraham Lincoln [May 23
maintain this provision of the Constitution against all attempts to violate it; and we deny the authority of Congress, of a territorial legislature, or of any indi- viduals, to give legal existence to slavery in any Terri- tory of the United States.
9. That we brand the recent reopening of the Afri- can slave-trade, under the cover of our national flag, aided by perversions of judicial power, as a crime against humanity and a burning shame to our country and age; and we call upon Congress to take prompt and efficient measures for the total and final suppres- sion of that execrable traffic.
10. That in the recent vetoes, by their Federal governors, of the acts of the legislatures of Kansas and Nebraska prohibiting slavery in those Territories, we find a practical illustration of the boasted Demo- cratic principle of non-intervention and popular sovereignty embodied in the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and a demonstration of the deception and fraud in- volved therein.
11. That Kansas should, of right, be immediately admitted as a State under the constitution recently formed and adopted by her people, and accepted by the House of Representatives.
12. That while providing revenue for the support of the General Government by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an adjustment of these im- posts as to encourage the development of the indus- trial interests of the whole country; and we commend that policy of national exchanges which secures to the working-men liberal wages, to agriculture remunerate
i860] Letter of Acceptance 19
ing prices, to mechanics and manufacturers an ade- quate reward for their skill, labor and enterprise, and to the nation commercial prosperity and independence.
13. That we protest against any sale or alienation to others of the public lands held by actual settlers, and against any view of the free-homestead policy which regards the settlers as paupers or suppliants for public bounty; and we demand the passage by Con- gress of the complete and satisfactory homestead measure which has already passed the House.
14. That the national Republican party is opposed to any change in our naturalization laws, or any State legislation by which the rights of citizenship hitherto accorded to immigrants from foreign lands shall be abridged or impaired; and in favor of giving a full and efficient protection to the rights of all classes of citizens, whether native or naturalized, both at home and abroad.
15. That appropriations by Congress for river and harbor improvements of a national character, required for the accommodation and security of an existing commerce, are authorized by the Constitution and justified by the obligation of government to protect the lives and property of its citizens.
16. That a railroad to the Pacific Ocean is im- peratively demanded by the interests of the whole country; that the Federal Government ought to ren- der immediate and efficient aid in its construction ; and that, as preliminary thereto, a daily overland mail should be promptly established.
17. Finally, having thus set forth our distinctive
20 Abraham Lincoln [May 28
principles and views, we invite the cooperation of all citizens, however differing on other questions, who substantially agree with us in their affirmance and sup- port.
Letter to E. B. Washburne
Springfield, Illinois, May 26, i860. My dear Sir: I have several letters from you written since the nomination, but till now have found no moment to say a word by way of an- swer. Of course I am glad that the nomina- tion is well received by our friends, and I sin- cerely thank you for so informing me. So far as I can learn, the nominations start well every- where; and, if they get no back-set, it would seem as if they are going through. I hope you will write often ; and as you write more rapidly than I do, don't make your letters so short as mine.
Yours very truly, A. LINCOLN.
Letter to S. P. Chase
Springfield, Illinois, May 26, i860. My dear Sir: It gave me great pleasure to receive yours mistakenly dated May 17. Hold- ing myself the humblest of all whose names were before the convention, I feel in especial need of the assistance of all; and I am glad — very glad — of the indication that you stand ready. It is a great consolation that so nearly all — all except Mr. Bates and Mr. Clay, I believe — of those
i860] Letter to Hay craft 21
distinguished and able men are already in high position to do service in the common cause. Your obedient servant, A. LINCOLN.
*Letter to C. B. Smith
Springfield, Illinois, May 26, i860.
My dear Sir: Yours of the 21st, was duly received; but I have found no time until now, to say a word in the way of answer. I am in- deed, much indebted to Indiana; and, as my home friends tell me, much to you personally. Your saying you no longer consider Iowa a doubtful State is very gratifying. The thing starts well everywhere — too well, I almost fear, to last. But we are in, and stick or go through, must be the word.
Let me hear from Indiana occasionally. Your friend, as ever, A. LINCOLN.
* Letter to Samuel Haycraft
Springfield, Illinois, May 28, i860. Dear Sir: Your recent letter, without date, is received. Also the copy of your speech on the contemplated Daniel Boone Monument, which I have not yet had time to read. In the main you are right about my history. My father was Thomas Lincoln, and Mrs. Sally Johnston was his second wife. You are mistaken about my mother. Her maiden name was Nancy
22 Abraham Lincoln [June i
Hanks. I was not born at Elizabethtown, but my mother's first child, a daughter, two years older than myself, and now long since deceased, was. I was born February 12, 1809, near where Hogginsville (Hodgensville) now is, then in Hardin County. I do not think I ever saw you, though I very well know who you are — so well that I recognized your handwriting, on opening your letter, before I saw the signature. My rec- ollection is that Ben Helm was first clerk, that you succeeded him, that Jack Thomas and Wil- liam Farleigh graduated in the same office, and that your handwritings were all very similar. Am I right?
My father has been dead near ten years ; but my step-mother, (Mrs. Johnston,) is still living.
I am really very glad of your letter, and shall be pleased to receive another at any time.
Yours very truly, A. LINCOLN.
Form of Reply to a Numerous Class of Letters in the Campaign of i860.— [June?] i860
{Doctrine.)
Springfield, Illinois, , i860.
Dear Sir: Your letter to Mr. Lincoln of , and by which you seek to obtain his opin- ions on certain political points, has been received by him. He has received others of a similar
i860] Reply Form 23
character, but he also has a greater number of the exactly opposite character. The latter class beseech him to write nothing whatever upon any point of political doctrine. They say his posi- tions were well known when he was nominated, and that he must not now embarrass the canvass by undertaking to shift or modify them. He re- grets that he cannot oblige all, but you perceive it is impossible for him to do so.
Yours, etc., Jno. G. Nicolay.
24 Abraham Lincoln [June i
Short Autobiography written at the Re- quest of a Friend to use in preparing a Popular Campaign Biography in the Election of i860— June [1?] i860
ABRAHAM LINCOLN was born Feb- ruary 12, 1809, tnen in Hardin, now in the more recently formed county of La Rue, Kentucky. His father, Thomas, and grandfather, Abraham, were born in Rocking- ham County, Virginia, whither their ancestors had come from Berks County, Pennsylvania. His lineage has been traced no farther back than this. The family were originally Quakers, though in later times they have fallen away from the peculiar habits of that people. The grandfather, Abraham, had four brothers — Isaac, Jacob, John, and Thomas. So far as known, the descendants of Jacob and John are still in Virginia. Isaac went to a place near where Virginia, North Carolina, and Tennes- see join; and his descendants are in that region. Thomas came to Kentucky, and after many years died there, whence his descendants went to Mis- souri. Abraham, grandfather of the subject of this sketch, came to Kentucky, and was killed by
iM i\\ i fill1 ^J
"•a
1 r*
£• a
>§
Cj
§ s
<
s .1
.-. -j-J a.
24 Abraham Lincoln [June i
Short Autobiography written at the Re- quest of a Friend to use in preparing a Popular Campaign Biography in the Election of i860 — June [1?] i860
ABRAHAM LINCOLN was born Feb- ruary 12, 1809, then in Hardin, now in the more recently formed county of La Rue, Kentucky. His father, Thomas, and grandfather, Abraham, were born in Rocking- ham County, Virginia, whither their ancestors had come from Berks County, Pennsylvania. His lineage has been traced no farther back than this. The family were originally Quakers, though in later times they have fallen away from the peculiar habits of that people. The grandfather, Abraham, had four brothers — Isaac, Jacob, John, and Thomas. So far as known, the descendants of Jacob and John are still in Virginia. Isaac went to a place near where Virginia, North Carolina, and Tennes- see join; and his descendants are in that region. Thomas came to Kentucky, and after many years died there, whence his descendants went to Mis- souri. Abraham, grandfather of the subject of this sketch, came to Kentucky, and was killed by
ShKA) &st CJLo 0*ru*t^/wOv/ ens*** i~riLU~&, y^rw /m*-*-*!***-* rf cue*) t~rfce f*s~o~i /U-Ji~-i^e~UZ^j uu, £&, Csuas-*^
i860] Autobiography 25
Indians about the year 1784. He left a widow, three sons, and two daughters. The eldest son, Mordecai, remained in Kentucky till late in life, when he removed to Hancock County, Illinois, where soon after he died, and where several of his descendants still remain. The second son, Josiah, removed at an early day to a place on Blue River, now within Hancock County, In- diana, but no recent information of him or his family has been obtained. The eldest sister, Mary, married Ralph Crume, and some of her descendants are now known to be in Brecken- ridge County, Kentucky. The second sister, Nancy, married William Brumfield, and her family are not known to have left Kentucky, but there is no recent information from them. Thomas, the youngest son, and father of the pres- ent subject, by the early death of his father, and very narrow circumstances of his mother, even in childhood was a wandering laboring-boy, and grew up literally without education. He never did more in the way of writing than to bung- lingly write his own name. Before he was grown he passed one year as a hired hand with his uncle Isaac on Watauga, a branch of the Holston River. Getting back into Kentucky, and having reached his twenty-eighth year5 he married Nancy Hanks — mother of the present subject — in the year 1806. She also was born in
26 Abraham Lincoln [June i
Virginia, and relatives of hers of the name of Hanks, and of other names, now reside in Coles, in Macon, and in Adams counties, Illinois, and also in Iowa. The present subject has no brother or sister of the whole or half blood. He had a sister, older than himself, who was grown and married, but died many years ago, leaving no child; also a brother, younger than himself, who died in infancy. Before leaving Kentucky, he and his sister were sent, for short periods, to ABC schools, the first kept by Zachariah Riney, and the second by Caleb Hazel.
At this time his father resided on Knob Creek, on the road from Bardstown, Kentucky, to Nashville, Tennessee, at a point three or three and a half miles south or southwest of Atherton's Ferry, on the Rolling Fork. From this place he removed to what is now Spencer County, In- diana, in the autumn of 1816, Abraham then being in his eighth year. This removal was partly on account of slavery, but chiefly on ac- count of the difficulty in land titles in Kentucky. He settled in an unbroken forest, and the clear- ing away of surplus wood was the great task ahead. Abraham, though very young, was large of his age, and had an ax put into his hands at once; and from that till within his twenty-third year he was almost constantly handling that most useful instrument — less, of course, in plowing
i860] Autobiography 27
and harvesting seasons. At this place Abraham took an early start as a hunter, which was never much improved afterward. A few days before the completion of his eighth year, in the absence of his father, a flock of wild turkeys approached the new log cabin, and Abraham with a rifle- gun, standing inside, shot through a crack and killed one of them. He has never since pulled a trigger on any larger game. In the autumn of 1818 his mother died; and a year afterward his father married Mrs. Sally Johnston, at Eliza- bethtown, Kentucky, a widow with three child- ren of her first marriage. She proved a good and kind mother to Abraham, and is still living in Coles County, Illinois. There were no children of this second marriage. His father's residence continued at the same place in Indi- ana till 1830. While here Abraham went to ABC schools by littles, kept successively by
Andrew Crawford, Sweeney, and Azel W.
Dorsey. He does not remember any other. The family of Mr. Dorsey now resides in Schuy- ler County, Illinois. Abraham now thinks that the aggregate of all his schooling did not amount to one year. He was never in a college or academy as a student, and never inside of a college or academy building till since he had a law license. What he has in the way of educa- tion he has picked up. After he was twenty-
28 Abraham Lincoln [June i
three and had separated from his father, he studied English grammar — imperfectly, of course, but so as to speak and write as well as he now does. He studied and nearly mastered the six books of Euclid since he was a member of Congress. He regrets his want of education, and does what he can to supply the want. In his tenth year he was kicked by a horse, and ap- parently killed for a time. When he was nine- teen, still residing in Indiana, he made his first trip upon a flatboat to New Orleans. He was a hired hand merely, and he and a son of the owner, without other assistance, made the trip. The nature of part of the "cargo-load," as it was called, made it necessary for them to linger and trade along the sugar-coast; and one night they were attacked by seven negroes with intent to kill and rob them. They were hurt some in the melee, but succeeded in driving the negroes from the boat, and then "cut cable," "weighed anchor," and left.
March i, 1830, Abraham having just com- pleted his twenty- first year, his father and family, with the families of the two daughters and sons-in-law of his stepmother, left the old homestead in Indiana and came to Illinois. Their mode of conveyance was wagons drawn by ox-teams, and Abraham drove one of the teams. They reached the county of Macon, and
i860] Autobiography 29
stopped there some time within the same month of March. His father and family settled a new place on the north side of the Sangamon River, at the junction of the timberland and prairie, about ten miles westerly from Decatur. Here they built a log cabin, into which they removed, and made sufficient of rails to fence ten acres of ground, fenced and broke the ground, and raised a crop of sown corn upon it the same year. These are, or are supposed to be, the rails about which so much is being said just now, though these are far from being the first or only rails ever made by Abraham.
The sons-in-law were temporarily settled in other places in the county. In the autumn all hands were greatly afflicted with ague and fever, to which they had not been used, and by which they were greatly discouraged, so much so that they determined on leaving the county. They remained, however, through the succeeding win- ter, which was the winter of the very celebrated "deep snow" of Illinois. During that winter Abraham, together with his stepmother's son, John D. Johnston, and John Hanks, yet residing in Macon County, hired themselves to Denton OfTutt to take a flatboat from Beardstown, Il- linois, to New Orleans; and for that purpose were to join him — OfTutt — at Springfield, Illi- nois, so soon as the snow should go off. When
30 Abraham Lincoln [June *
it did go off, which was about the first of March, 1 83 1, the county was so flooded as to make traveling by land impracticable; to obviate which difficulty they purchased a large canoe, and came down the Sangamon River in it. This is the time and the manner of Abraham's first entrance into Sangamon County. They found Offutt at Springfield, but learned from him that he had failed in getting a boat at Beardstown. This led to their hiring themselves to him for twelve dollars per month each, and getting the timber out of the trees and building a boat at Old Sangamon town on the Sangamon River, seven miles northwest of Springfield, which boat they took to New Orleans, substantially upon the old contract.
During this boat-enterprise acquaintance with Offutt, who was previously an entire stranger, he conceived a liking for Abraham, and believ- ing he could turn him to account, he contracted with him to act as clerk for him, on his return from New Orleans, in charge of a store and mill at New Salem, then in Sangamon, now in Menard County. Hanks had not gone to New Orleans, but having a family, and being likely to be detained from home longer than at first expected, had turned back from St. Louis. He is the same John Hanks who now engineers the "rail enterprise" at Decatur, and is a first cousin
1 860] Autobiography 3 1
to Abraham's mother. Abraham's father, with his own family and others mentioned, had, in pursuance of their intention, removed from Macon to Coles County. John D. Johnston, the stepmother's son, went to them, and Abraham stopped indefinitely and for the first time, as it were, by himself at New Salem, before men- tioned. This was in July, 1 83 1. Here he rapid- ly made acquaintances and friends. In less than a year Offutt's business was failing — had almost failed — when the Black Hawk war of 1832 broke out. Abraham joined a volunteer com- pany, and, to his own surprise, was elected cap- tain of it. He says he has not since had any success in life which gave him so much satisfac- tion. He went to the campaign, served near three months, met the ordinary hardships of such an expedition, but was in no battle. He now owns, in Iowa, the land upon which his own warrants for the service were located. Re- turning from the campaign, and encouraged by his great popularity among his immediate neighbors, he the same year ran for the legisla- ture, and was beaten, — his own precinct, how- ever, casting its votes 277 for and 7 against him — and that, too, while he was an avowed Clay man, and the precinct the autumn afterward giving a majority of 115 to General Jackson over Mr. Clay. This was the only time Abraham was
32 Abraham Lincoln [June i
ever beaten on a direct vote of the people. He was now without means and out of business, but was anxious to remain with his friends who had treated him with so much generosity, especially as he had nothing elsewhere to go to. He studied what he should do — thought of learning the blacksmith trade — thought of trying to study law — rather thought he could not succeed at that without a better education. Before long, strangely enough, a man offered to sell, and did sell, to Abraham and another as poor as himself, an old stock of goods, upon credit. They opened as merchants ; and he says that was the store. Of course they did nothing but get deeper and deeper in debt. He was appointed post- master at New Salem — the office being too in- significant to make his politics an objection. The store winked out. The surveyor of Sangamon offered to depute to Abraham that portion of his work which was within his part of the county. He accepted, procured a compass and chain, studied Flint and Gibson a little, and went at it. This procured bread, and kept soul and body together. The election of 1834 came, and he was then elected to the legislature by the highest vote cast for any candidate. Major John T. Stuart, then in full practice of the law, was also elected. During the canvass, in a private conversation he encouraged Abraham [to] study
i860] Autobiography 33
law. After the election he borrowed books of Stuart, took them home with him, and went at it in good earnest. He studied with nobody. He still mixed in the surveying to pay board and clothing bills. When the legislature met, the law-books were dropped, but were taken up again at the end of the session. He was re- elected in 1836, 1838, and 1840. In the autumn of 1836 he obtained a law license, and on April 15, 1837, removed to Springfield, and com- menced the practice — his old friend Stuart taking him into partnership. March 3, 1837, by a protest entered upon the "Illinois House Journal" of that date, at pages 817 and 818, Abraham, with Dan Stone, another representa- tive of Sangamon, briefly defined his position on the slavery question; and so far as it goes, it was then the same that it is now. The protest is as follows :
Resolutions upon the subject of domestic slavery having passed both branches of the General Assembly at its present session, the undersigned hereby protest against the passage of the same.
They believe that the institution of slavery is founded on both injustice and bad policy, but that the promulgation of Abolition doctrines tends rather to increase than abate its evils.
They believe that the Congress of the United States has no power under the Constitution to inter-
34 Abraham Lincoln [June i
fere with the institution of slavery in the different States.
They believe that the Congress of the United States has the power, under the Constitution, to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, but that the power ought not to be exercised unless at the re- quest of the people of the District.
The difference between these opinions and those contained in the above resolutions is their reason for entering this protest.
Dan Stone, A. Lincoln,
Representatives from the County of Sangamon.
In 1838 and 1840, Mr. Lincoln's party voted for him as Speaker, but being in the minority he was not elected. After 1840 he declined a reelection to the legislature. He was on the Harrison electoral ticket in 1840, and on that of Clay in 1844, and spent much time and labor in both those canvasses. In November, 1842, he was married to Mary, daughter of Robert S. Todd, of Lexington, Kentucky. They have three living children, all sons, one born in 1843, one in 1850, and one in 1853. They lost one, who was born in 1846.
In 1846 he was elected to the lower House of Congress, and served one term only, commenc- ing in December, 1847, and ending with the inauguration of General Taylor, in March,
i860] Autobiography 35
1849. All the battles of the Mexican war had been fought before Mr. Lincoln took his seat in Congress, but the American army was still in Mexico, and the treaty of peace was not fully and formally ratified till the June afterward. Much has been said of his course in Congress in regard to this war. A careful examination of the "Journal" and "Congressional Globe" shows that he voted for all the supply measures that came up, and for all the measures in any way favorable to the officers, soldiers, and their families, who conducted the war through : with the exception that some of these measures passed without yeas and nays, leaving no record as to how particular men voted. The "Journal" and "Globe" also show him voting that the war was unnecessarily and unconstitutionally begun by the President of the United States. This is the language of Mr. Ashmun's amendment, for which Mr. Lincoln and nearly or quite all other Whigs of the House of Representatives voted. Mr. Lincoln's reasons for the opinion ex- pressed by this vote were briefly that the Presi- dent had sent General Taylor into an inhabited part of the country belonging to Mexico, and not to the United States, and thereby had pro- voked the first act of hostility, in fact the com- mencement of the war; that the place, being the country bordering on the east bank of the Rio
36 Abraham Lincoln [June i
Grande, was inhabited by native Mexicans, born there under the Mexican government, and had never submitted to, nor been conquered by, Texas or the United States, nor transferred to either by treaty; that although Texas claimed the Rio Grande as her boundary, Mexico had never recognized it, and neither Texas nor the United States had ever enforced it; that there was a broad desert between that and the country over which Texas had actual control; that the country where hostilities commenced, having once belonged to Mexico, must remain so until it was somehow legally transferred, which had never been done.
Mr. Lincon thought the act of sending an armed force among the Mexicans was unneces- sary, inasmuch as Mexico was in no way molest- ing or menacing the United States or the people thereof; and that it was unconstitutional, be- cause the power of levying war is vested in Con- gress, and not in the President. He thought the principal motive for the act was to divert public attention from the surrender of "Fifty-four, forty, or fight" to Great Britain, on the Oregon boundary question.
Mr. Lincoln was not a candidate for reelec- tion. This was determined upon and declared before he went to Washington, in accordance with an understanding among Whig friends, by
i860] Autobiography 37
which Colonel Hardin and Colonel Baker had each previously served a single term in this same district.
In 1848, during his term in Congress, he ad- vocated General Taylor's nomination for the presidency, in opposition to all others, and also took an active part for his election after his nomination, speaking a few times in Maryland, near Washington, several times in Massachu- setts, and canvassing quite fully his own district in Illinois, which was followed by a majority in the district of over 1,500 for General Taylor.
Upon his return from Congress he went to the practice of the law with greater earnestness than ever before. In 1852 he was upon the Scott electoral ticket, and did something in the way of canvassing, but owing to the hopelessness of the cause in Illinois he did less than in previous presidential canvasses.
In 1854 his profession had almost superseded the thought of politics in his mind, when the re- peal of the Missouri Compromise aroused him as he had never been before.
In the autumn of that year he took the stump with no broader practical aim or object than to secure, if possible, the reelection of Hon. Richard Yates to Congress. His speeches at once attracted a more marked attention than they had ever before done. As the canvass pro-
38 Abraham Lincoln [June 4
ceeded he was drawn to different parts of the State outside of Mr. Yates's district. He did not abandon the law, but gave his attention by turns to that and politics. The State agricul- tural fair was at Springfield that year, and Douglas was announced to speak there.
In the canvass of 1856 Mr. Lincoln made over fifty speeches, no one of which, so far as he re- members, was put in print. One of them was made at Galena, but Mr. Lincoln has no recol- lection of any part of it being printed; nor does he remember whether in that speech he said anything about a Supreme Court decision. He may have spoken upon that subject, and some of the newspapers may have reported him as say- ing what is now ascribed to him; but he thinks he could not have expressed himself as repre- sented.
*Letter to George Ashmun
Springfield, Illinois, June 4, i860. My dear Sir: It seems as if the question whether my first name is "Abraham" or "Abram" will never be settled. It is "Abra- ham," and if the letter of acceptance is not yet in print, you may, if you think fit, have my sig- nature thereto printed "Abraham Lincoln." Exercise your judgment about this.
Yours as ever, A. Lincoln.
i860] Letter to Hay craft 39
*Letter to Samuel Haycraft
(Private.) Springfield, Illinois, June 4, i860.
Dear Sir: Your second letter, dated May 31st, is received. You suggest that a visit to the place of my nativity might be pleasant to me. Indeed it would. But would it be safe? Would not the people lynch me?
The place on Knob Creek, mentioned by Mr. Read, I remember very well ; but I was not born there. As my parents have told me, I was born on Nolin, very much nearer Hodgen's Mill than the Knob Creek place is. My earliest recollec- tion, however, is of the Knob Creek place. Like you, I belonged to the Whig party from its origin to its close. I never belonged to the American party organization; nor ever to a party called a Union party, though I hope I neither am, nor ever have been, less devoted to the Union than yourself or any other patriotic man.
It may not be altogether without interest to let you know that my wife is a daughter of the late Robert S. Todd, of Lexington, Ky., and that a half-sister of hers is the wife of Ben Hardin Helm, born and raised at your town, but residing at Louisville now. as I believe. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln.
40 Abraham Lincoln [June 19
Autobiographical Memorandum Given to Artist Hicks, June 14, i860 I was born February 12, 1809, in then Hardin County, Kentucky, at a point within the now county of La Rue, a mile, or a mile and a half, from where Hodgen's mill now is. My parents being dead, and my own memory not serving, I know no means of identifying the precise local- ity. It was on Nolin Creek.
A. Lincoln.
*Letter to Samuel Galloway
(Especially confidential.)
Springfield, Illinois, June 19, i860. My dear Sir: Your very kind letter of the 15th is received. Messrs. Follet, Foster & Co.'s Life of me is not by my authority; and I have scarcely been so much astounded by anything, as their public announcement that it is author- ized by me. They have fallen into some strange misunderstanding. I certainly knew they con- templated publishing a biography, and I cer- tainly did not object to their doing so, upon their own responsibility. I even took pains to facili- tate them. But, at the same time, I made myself tiresome, if not hoarse, with repeating to Mr. Howard, their only agent seen by me, my pro- test that I authorized nothing — would be re-
i860] Letter to Galloway 41
sponsible for nothing. How they could so mis- understand me, passes comprehension. As a matter, wholly my own, I would authorize no biography, without time and opportunity to carefully examine and consider every word of it; and, in this case, in the nature of things, I can have no such time and opportunity. But, in my present position, when, by the lessons of the past, and the united voice of all dis- creet friends, I can neither write nor speak a word for the public, how dare I to send forth, by my authority, a volume of hundreds of pages, for adversaries to make points upon without end? Were I to do so, the Convention would have a right to re-assemble, and substitute an- other name for mine.
For these reasons, I would not look at the proof sheets. I am determined to maintain the position of truly saying I never saw the proof sheets, or any part of their work, before its pub- lication.
Now, do not mistake me. I feel great kind- ness for Messrs. F., F. & Co. — do not think they have intentionally done wrong. There may be nothing wrong in their proposed book. I sincerely hope there will not. I barely sug- gest that you, or any of the friends there, on the party account, look it over, and exclude what you may think would embarrass the party,
42 Abraham Lincoln [July 4
bearing in mind, at all times, that I authorize nothing — will be responsible for nothing. Your friend as ever, A. LINCOLN.
Letter to William Cullen Bryant
Springfield, Illinois, June 28, i860. My dear Sir: Please accept my thanks for the honor done me by your letter of the 16th. I appreciate the danger against which you would guard me, nor am I wanting in the pur- pose to avoid it. I thank you for the additional strength your words give me to maintain that purpose. Your friend and servant,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to A. G. Henry
Springfield, Illinois, July 4, i860.
My dear Doctor: Your very agreeable letter of May 15th was received three days ago. We are just now receiving the first sprinkling of your Oregon election returns — not enough, I think, to indicate the result. We should be too happy if both Logan and Baker should triumph.
Long before this you have learned who was nominated at Chicago. We know not what a day may bring forth, but to-day it looks as if the Chicago ticket will be elected. I think the chances were more than equal that we could
i860] Letter to Henry 43
have beaten the Democracy united. Divided as it is, its chance appears indeed very slim. But great is Democracy in resources ; and it may yet give its fortunes a turn. It is under great temp- tation to do something; but what can it do which was not thought of, and found impracticable, at Charleston and Baltimore? The signs now are that Douglas and Breckinridge will each have a ticket in every State. They are driven to this to keep up their bombastic claims of nationality, and to avoid the charge of sectionalism which they have so much lavished upon us.
It is an amusing fact, after all Douglas has said about nationality and sectionalism, that I had more votes from the southern section at Chicago than he had at Baltimore. In fact, there was more of the southern section repre- sented at Chicago than in the Douglas rump concern at Baltimore!
Our boy, in his tenth year (the baby when you left), has just had a hard and tedious spell of scarlet fever, and he is not yet beyond all danger. I have a headache and a sore throat upon me now, inducing me to suspect that I have an inferior type of the same thing.
Our eldest boy, Bob, has been away from us nearly a year at school, and will enter Harvard University this month. He promises very well, considering we never controlled him much.
44 Abraham Lincoln [July 21
Write again when you receive this. Mary joins in sending our kindest regards to Mrs. H., your- self, and all the family. Your friend as ever,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to Hannibal Hamlin
Springfield, Illinois, July 18, i860. My dear Sir: It appears to me that you and I ought to be acquainted, and accordingly I write this as a sort of introduction of myself to you. You first entered the Senate during the single term I was a member of the House of Representatives, but I have no recollection that we were introduced. I shall be pleased to re- ceive a line from you.
The prospect of Republican success now ap- pears very flattering, so far as I can perceive. Do you see anything to the contrary? Yours truly,
A, Lincoln.
Letter to Cassius M. Clay
Springfield, Illinois, July 20, i860. My dear Sir: I see by the papers, and also learn from Mr. Nicolay, who saw you at Terre Haute, that you are filling a list of speaking- appointments in Indiana. I sincerely thank you for this, and I shall be still further obliged if you will, at the close of the tour, drop me a
i860] Letter to Jonas 45
line giving your impressions of our prospects in that State.
Still more will you oblige me if you will allow me to make a list of appointments in our State, commencing, say, at Marshall, in Clark County, and thence south and west along over the Wa- bash and Ohio River border.
In passing let me say that at Rockport you will be in the county within which I was brought up from my eighth year, having left Kentucky at that point of my life. Yours very truly,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to A. Jonas
(Confidential.) Springfield, Illinois, July 21, i860. My dear Sir: Yours of the 20th is received. I suppose as good or even better men that I may have been in American or Know-nothing lodges; but, in point of fact, I never was in one at Quincy or elsewhere. I was never in Quincy but one day and two nights while Know-nothing lodges were in existence, and you were with me that day and both those nights. I had never been there before in my life, and never after- ward, till the joint debate with Douglas in 1858. It was in 1854 when I spoke in some hall there, and after the speaking, you, with others, took
46 Abraham Lincoln [Aug. 10
me to an oyster-saloon, passed an hour there, and you walked with me to, and parted with me at, the Quincy House, quite late at night. I left by stage for Naples before daylight in the morn- ing, having come in by the same route after dark the evening previous to the speaking, when I found you waiting at the Quincy House to meet me. A few days after I was there, Richardson, as I understood, started this same story about my having been in a Know-nothing lodge. When I heard of the charge as I did soon after, I taxed my recollection for some in- cident which could have suggested it; and I re- membered that on parting with you the last night, I went to the office of the hotel to take my stage-passage for the morning, was told that no stage-office for that line was kept there, and that I must see the driver before retiring, to in- sure his calling for me in the morning; and a servant was sent with me to find the driver, who, after taking me a square or two, stopped me, and stepped perhaps a dozen steps farther, and in my hearing called to some one, who answered him, apparently from the upper part of a build- ing, and promised to call with the stage for me at the Quincy House. I returned, and went to bed, and before day the stage called and took me. This is all.
That T never was in a Know-nothing lodge in
i860] Letter to Clay 47
Quincy, I should expect could be easily proved by respectable men who were always in the lodges and never saw me there. An affidavit of one or two such would put the matter at rest.
And now a word of caution. Our adversa- ries think they can gain a point if they could force me to openly deny the charge, by which some degree of offense would be given to the Americans. For this reason it must not publicly appear that I am paying any attention to the charge. Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
^Letter to C. B. Smith
Springfield, August 10, i860. My dear Sir: Yours of the 20th was duly received, and for which I sincerely thank you. From present appearances we might succeed in the general result, without Indiana; but with it, failure is scarcely possible. Therefore put in your best efforts. I see by the despatches that Mr. Clay had a rousing meeting at Vincennes. Yours very truly, A. LINCOLN.
Letter to Cassius M. Clay
Springfield, Illinois, August 10, i860. My dear Sir: Your very kind letter of the 6th was received yesterday. It so happened that our State Central Committee was in session here
48 Abraham Lincoln [Aug. 14
at the time; and, thinking it proper to do so, I submitted the letter to them. They were de- lighted with the assurance of having your as- sistance. For what appear good reasons, they, however, propose a change in the program, starting you at the same place (Marshall in Clark County), and thence northward. This change, I suppose, will be agreeable to you, as it will give you larger audiences, and much easier travel — nearly all being by railroad. They will be governed by your time, and when they shall have fully designated the places, you will be duly notified.
As to the inaugural, I have not yet com- menced getting it up ; while it affords me great pleasure to be able to say the cliques have not yet commenced upon me.
Yours very truly, A. LINCOLN.
Letter to T. A. Cheney
Springfield, Illinois, August 14, i860. Dear Sir: Yours of the 10th is received, and for which I thank you. I would cheerfully answer your questions in regard to the fugitive- slave law were it not that I consider it would be both imprudent and contrary to the reason- able expectation of my friends for me to write or speak anything upon doctrinal points now. Besides this, my published speeches contain
i860] Remarks at Springfield 49
nearly all I could willingly say. Justice and fairness to all, is the utmost I have said, or will say. Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
Remarks at Springfield, Illinois, August 14, i860.
My Fellow-citizens: I appear among you upon this occasion with no intention of making a speech.
It has been my purpose since I have been placed in my present position to make no speeches. This assemblage having been drawn together at the place of my residence, it ap- peared to be the wish of those constituting this vast assemby to see me; and it is certainly my wish to see all of you. I appear upon the ground here at this time only for the purpose of affording myself the best opportunity of seeing you, and enabling you to see me.
I confess with gratitude, be it understood, that I did not suppose my appearance among you would create the tumult which I now witness. I am profoundly grateful for this manifesta- tion of your feelings. I am grateful, because it is a tribute such as can be paid to no man as a man; it is the evidence that four years from this time you will give a like manifestation to the next man who is the representative of the
50 Abraham Lincoln [Aug. 17
truth on the questions that now agitate the pub- lic; and it is because you will then fight for this cause as you do now, or with even greater ardor than now, though I be dead and gone, that I most profoundly and sincerely thank you.
Having said this much, allow me now to say that it is my wish that you will hear this public discussion by others of our friends who are present for the purpose of addressing you, and that you will kindly let me be silent.
Letter to John B. Fry
Springfield, Illinois, August 15, i860. My dear Sir: Yours of the 9th, inclosing the letter of Hon. John Minor Botts, was duly received. The latter is herewith returned ac- cording to your request. It contains one of the many assurances I receive from the South, that in no probable event will there be any very for- midable effort to break up the Union. The people of the South have too much of good sense and good temper to attempt the ruin of the government rather than see it administered as it was administered by the men who made it. At least so I hope and believe. I thank you both for your own letter and a sight of that of Mr. Botts.
Yours very truly,
A. Lincoln.
i860] Letter to Weed S1
^Letter to Samuel Haycraft
Springfield, Illinois, August 16, i860. My dear Sir: A correspondent of the New York Herald, who was here a week ago, writing to that paper, represents me as saying I had been invited to visit Kentucky, but that I sus- pected it was a trap to inveigle me into Ken- tucky in order to do violence to me. This is wholly a mistake. I said no such thing. I do not remember, but possibly I did mention my correspondence with you. But very certainly I was not guilty of stating, or insinuating, a sus- picion of any intended violence, deception or other wrong, against me, by you or any other Kentuckian. Thinking the Herald correspon- dence might fall under your eye, I think it due to myself to enter my protest against the cor- rectness of this part of it. I scarcely think the correspondent was malicious, but rather that he misunderstood what was said.
Yours very truly, A. Lincoln.
Letter to Thurlow Weed
Springfield, Illinois, August 17, i860. My dear Sir: Yours of the 13th was re- ceived this morning. Douglas is managing the Bell element with great adroitness. He has his men in Kentucky to vote for the Bell candidate,
52 Abraham Lincoln [Aug. 27
producing a result which has badly alarmed and damaged Breckinridge, and at the same time has induced the Bell men to suppose that Bell will certainly be President if they can keep a few of the Northern States away from us by throwing them to Douglas. But you, better than I, understand all this.
I think there will be the most extraordinary effort ever made to carry New York for Doug- las. You and all others who write me from your State think the effort cannot succeed, and I hope you are right. Still it will require close watch- ing and great efforts on the other side.
Herewith I send you a copy of a letter written at New York, which sufficiently explains itself, and which may or may not give you a valuable hint. You have seen that Bell tickets have been put on the track both here and in Indiana. In both cases the object has been, I think, the same as the Hunt movement in New York — to throw States to Douglas. In our State we know the thing is engineered by Douglas men, and we do not believe they can make a great deal out of it. Yours very truly, A. LINCOLN.
*Letter to Samuel Haycraft
Springfield, Illinois, August 23, i860. My dear Sir: Yours of the 19th just re- ceived. I now fear I may have given you some
i860] Letter to Fisher 53
uneasiness by my last letter. I did not mean to intimate that I had, to any extent, been in- volved or embarrassed by you ; nor yet to draw from you anything to relieve myself from diffi- culty. My only object was to assure you that I had not, as represented by the Herald cor- respondent, charged you with an attempt to in- veigle me into Kentucky to do me violence. I believe no such thing of you or of Kentuckians generally; and I dislike to be represented to them as slandering them in that way. Yours very truly,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to C. H. Fisher.
Springfield, Illinois, August 27, i860. Dear Sir: Your second note, inclosing the supposed speech of Mr. Dallas to Lord Broug- ham, is received. I have read the speech quite through, together with the real author's intro- ductory and closing remarks. I have also looked through the long preface of the book to-day. Both seem to be well written, and contain many things with which I could agree, and some with which I could not. A specimen of the latter is the declaration, in the closing remarks upon the "speech," that the institution is a "necessity" imposed on us by the negro race. That the go- ing many thousand miles, seizing a set of sav-
54 Abraham Lincoln [Sept. 9
ages, bringing them here, and making slaves of them is a necessity imposed on us by them involves a species of logic to which my mind will scarcely assent.
{Apparently unfinished.)
*Letter to John
(Private.) Springfield, Illinois, August 31, i860. My dear Sir: Yours of the 27th is duly re- ceived. It consists almost exclusively of a his- torical detail of some local troubles, among some of our friends in Pennsylvania; and I sup- pose its object is to guard me against forming
a prejudice against Mr. McC . I have not
heard near so much upon that subject as you probably suppose; and I am slow to listen to criminations among friends, and never expose their quarrels on either side. My sincere wish is that both sides will allow by-gones to be by- gones, and look to the present and future only. Yours very truly, A. Lincoln.
Letter to Hannibal Hamlin,
Springfield, Illinois, September 4, i860. My dear Sir: I am annoyed some by a letter from a friend in Chicago, in which the follow- ing passage occurs: "Hamlin has written Col- fax that two members of Congress will, he fears,
i860] Letter to Washburne 55
be lost in Maine — the first and sixth districts; and that Washburne's majority for governor will not exceed six thousand."
I had heard something like this six weeks ago, but had been assured since that it was not so. Your secretary of state, — Mr. Smith, I think, — whom you introduced to me by letter, gave this assurance; more recently, Mr. Fessenden, our candidate for Congress in one of those districts, wrote a relative here that his election was sure by at least five thousand, and that Washburne's majority would be from 14,000 to 17,000; and still later, Mr. Fogg, of New Hampshire, now at New York serving on a national committee, wrote me that we were having a desperate fight in Maine, which would end in a splendid vic- tory for us.
Such a result as you seem to have predicted in Maine, in your letter to Colfax, would, I fear, put us on the down-hill track, lose us the State elections in Pennsylvania and Indiana, and probably ruin us on the main turn in November.
You must not allow it.
Yours very truly, A. LINCOLN.
Letter to E. B. Washburne
Springfield, Illinois, September 9, i860. My dear Sir: Yours of the 5th was received last evening. I was right glad to see it. It
56 Abraham Lincoln [Sept. 22
contains the freshest "posting" which I now have. It relieved me some from a little anxiety I had about Maine. Jo Medill, on August 30th, wrote me that Colfax had a letter from Mr. Hamlin saying we were in great danger of losing two members of Congress in Maine, and that your brother would not have exceeding six thousand majority for governor. I addressed you at once, at Galena, asking for your latest information. As you are at Washington, that letter you will receive some time after the Maine election. Yours very truly,
A. Lincoln.
*Letter to N. Sargent
Springfield, Illinois, September 20, i860. My dear Sir: Your kind letter of the 16th was received yesterday; have just time to ac- knowledge its receipt, and to say I thank you for it; and that I shall be pleased to hear from you again whenever it is convenient for you to write. Yours very truly,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to John Chrisman
Springfield, Illinois, September 21, i860. My dear Sir: Yours of the 13th was duly received. I have no doubt that you and I are related. My grandfather's Christian name was
i860] Letter to Henry 57
"Abraham." He had four brothers — Isaac, Jacob, John, and Thomas. They were born in Pennsylvania, and my grandfather, and some, if not all, the others, in early life removed to Rockingham County, Virginia. There my father — named Thomas — was born. From there my grandfather removed to Kentucky, and was killed by the Indians about the year 1784. His brother Thomas, who was my father's uncle, also removed to Kentucky — to Fayette County, I think — where, as I understand, he lived and died. I close by repeating I have no doubt you and I are related.
Yours very truly, A. LINCOLN.
Letter to A. G. Henry
Springfield, Illinois, September 22, i860. Dear Doctor: Yours of July 18th was re- ceived some time ago. When you wrote you had not learned the result of the Democratic conventions at Charleston and Baltimore. With the two tickets in the field I should think it possible for our friends to carry Oregon. But the general result, I think, does not depend upon Oregon. No one this side of the mountains pre- tends that any ticket can be elected by the people, unless it be ours. Hence great efforts to combine against us are being made, which, however, as yet have not had much success.
58 Abraham Lincoln [Sept. 27
Besides what we see in the newspapers, I have a good deal of private correspondence; and without giving details, I will only say it all looks very favorable to our success.
Make my best respects to Mrs. Henry and the rest of your famiy.
Your friend, as ever,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to G. Yoke Tams
(Private and confidential.) Springfield, Illinois, September 22, i860. My dear Sir: Your letter asking me "Are you in favor of a tariff and protection to Ameri- can industry?" is received. The convention which nominated me, by the twelfth plank of their platform, selected their position on this question; and I have declared my approval of the platform, and accepted the nomination. Now, if I were to publicly shift the position by adding or subtracting anything, the convention would have the right, and probably would be inclined, to displace me as their candidate. And I feel confident that you, on reflection, would not wish me to give private assurances to be seen by some and kept secret from others. I enjoin that this shall by no means be made public. Yours respectfully,
A. Lincoln.
i860] Letter to Harvey 59
Letter to J. M. Brockman
Springfield, Illinois, September 25, i860. Dear Sir: Yours of the 24th, asking "the best mode of obtaining a thorough knowledge of the law," is received. The mode is very simple, though laborious and tedious. It is only to get the books and read and study them care- fully. Begin with Blackstone's "Commen- taries," and after reading it carefully through, say twice, take up Chitty's "Pleadings," Green- leafs "Evidence," and Story's "Equity," etc., in succession. Work, work, work, is the main thing. Yours very truly,
A. Lincoln.
*Letter to J. E. Harvey1
(Private.) Springfield, III., September 27, i860. My dear Sir: Yesterday I was gratified by the receipt of yours of the 22d. There is no reality in that suspicion about Judge Kelly. Neither he nor any other man has obtained or sought such a relation with me.
Yours very truly,
A. Lincoln.
1 Kelley was a pioneer of the Pennsylvania iron industry and an advocate of high tariff. It is supposed that this letter refers to a report of his seeking a second place on the ticket of i860.
60 Abraham Lincoln [Oct. 2
*Letter to Professor Gardner
Springfield, III., September 28, i860. Dear Sir: Some specimens of your Soap have been used at our house and Mrs. L. de- clares it is a superior article. She at the same time protests that / have never given sufficient attention to the "soap question" to be a compe- tent judge. Yours very truly,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to J. H. Reed
Springfield, Illinois, October 1, i860. My dear Sir: Yours of September 21st was received some time ago, but I could not till now find time to answer it. I never was in McDon- ough County till 1858. I never said anything derogatory of Mr. Jefferson in McDonough County or elsewhere. About three weeks ago, for the first time in my life did I ever see or hear the language attributed to me as having been used toward Mr. Jefferson; and then it was sent to me, as you now send, in order that I might say whether it came from me. I never used any such language at any time. You may rely on the truth of this, although it is my wish that you do not publish it.
Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
i860] Letter to Harvey 61
*Letter to J. E. Harvey *
(Private and confidential.)
October 2, i860. My dear Sir: To comply with your request to furnish extracts from my tariff speeches is simply impossible, because none of those speeches were published. It was not fashion- able here in those days to report one's public speeches. In 1844 I was on the Clay electoral ticket in this State (/. e., Illinois) and, to the best of my ability, sustained, together, the tariff of 1842 and the tariff plank of the Clay plat- form. This could be proven by hundreds— per- haps thousands — of living witnesses; still it is not in print, except by inference. The Whig papers of those years all show that I was upon the electoral ticket; even though I made speeches, among other things about the tariff, but they do not show what I said about it. The papers show that I was one of a committee which reported, among others, a resolution in these words :
" That we are in favor of an adequate revenue on
1 At this time there were many people in the East in favor of securing a high protective tariff. Harvey had taken the stump in i860 and was besieged by numerous individuals to learn Lin- coln's views and so wrote to him about the matter. Harvey was U. S. Minister to Portugal durng Lincoln's first administration.
62 • Abraham Lincoln [Oct. 23
duties from imports so levied as to afford ample pro- tection to American industry."
But, after all, was it really any more than the tariff plank of our present platform? And does not my acceptance pledge me to that? And am I at liberty to do more, if I were inclined?
Yours truly, A. Lincoln.
^Letter to William Herndon
Springfield, III., October 10, i860. Dear William: I cannot give you details, but it is entirely certain that Pennsylvania and Indiana have gone Republican very largely. Pennsylvania 25,000, and Indiana 5,000 to 10,- 000. Ohio of course is safe.
Yours as ever,
A. Lincoln.
^Extract from a Letter to L. Montgomery Bond
October 15, i860. I certainly am in no temper and have no pur- pose to embitter the feelings of the South, but whether I am inclined to such a course as would in fact embitter their feelings, you can better judge by my published speeches than by any- thing I would say in a short letter if I were in- clined now, as I am not, to define my position anew.
i860] Letter to Speer 63
Letter to Miss Grace Bedell
(Private.) Springfield, Illinois, October 19, i860. My dear little Miss: Your very agreeable letter of the 15th is received. I regret the necessity of saying I have no daughter. I have three sons — one seventeen, one nine, and one seven years of age. They, with their mother, constitute my whole family. As to the whiskers, having never worn any, do you not think people would call it a piece of silly affectation if I were to begin it now?
Your very sincere well-wisher,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to William S. Speer,
(Confidential.) Springfield, Illinois, October 23, i860. My dear Sir: Yours of the 13th was duly received. I appreciate your motive when you suggest the propriety of my writing for the pub- lic something disclaiming all intention to inter- fere with slaves or slavery in the States ; but in my judgment it would do no good. I have al- ready done this many, many times ; and it is in print, and open to all who will read. Those who will not read or heed what I have already pub- licly said would not read or heed a repetition of
64 Abraham Lincoln [Oct. 29
it. "If they hear not Moses and the prophets, neither will they be persuaded though one rose from the dead."
Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
*Letter to J. C. Lee
(Confidential.) Springfield, Illinois, October 24, i860.
Dear Sir: Yours of the 14th was received some days ago, and should have been answered sooner.
I never gave fifty dollars, nor one dollar, nor one cent, for the object you mention, or any such object.
I once subscribed twenty-five dollars, to be paid whenever Judge Logan would decide it was necessary to enable the people of Kansas to defend themselves against any force coming against them from without the Territory, and not by authority of the United States. Logan never made the decision, and I never paid a dollar on the subscription. The whole of this can be seen in the files of the "Illinois Journal," since the first of June last.
Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
i860] Letter to Mrs. Hurlbut 65
^Letter to Major David Hunter
(Private and confidential.) Springfield, Illinois, October 26, i860. My dear Sir: Your very kind letter of the 20th was duly received, for which please accept my thanks. I have another letter, from a writer unknown to me, saying the officers of the army at Fort Kearny have determined, in case of Re- publican success at the approaching presidential election, to take themselves, and the arms at that point, South, for the purpose of resistance to the government. While I think there are many chances to one that this is a humbug, it occurs to me that any real movement of this sort in the army would leak out and become known to you. In such case, if it would not be unprofessional or dishonorable (of which you are to be judge), I shall be much obliged if you will apprise me of it. Yours very truly, A. LINCOLN.
*Letter to Mrs. S. A. Hurlbut
Springfield, Ills., October 29, i860. My dear Madam: Your good husband, who is making speeches for us in this county, has desired me to write you that he is well, which I take great pleasure in doing. I will add, too, that he is rendering us very efficient service. Yours very truly, A. LINCOLN.
66 Abraham Lincoln [Oct. 29
Letter to George D. Prentice
(Private and confidential.) Springfield, Illinois, October 29, i860. My dear Sir: Yours of the 26th is just re- ceieved. Your suggestion that I in a certain event shall write a letter setting forth my con- servative views and intentions is certainly a very worthy one. But would it do any good? If I were to labor a month I could not express my conservative views and intentions more clearly and strongly than they are expressed in our platform and in my many speeches already in print and before the public. And yet even you, who do occasionally speak of me in terms of personal kindness, give no prominence to these oft-repeated expressions of conservative views and intentions, but busy yourself with appeals to all conservative men to vote for Douglas, — to vote any way which can possibly defeat me, — thus impressing your readers that you think I am the very worst man living. If what I have already said has failed to convince you, no repe- tition of it would convince you. The writing of your letter, now before me, gives assurance that you would publish such a letter from me as you suggest; but, till now, what reason had I to sup- pose the "Louisville Journal," even, would publish a repetition of that which is already at
i860] Letter to Prentice 67
its command, and which it does not press upon the public attention?
And now, my friend, — for such I esteem you personally, — do not misunderstand me. I have not decided that I will not do substantially what you suggest. I will not forbear from do- ing so merely on punctilio and pluck. If I do finally abstain, it will be because of apprehen- sion that it would do harm. For the good men of the South — and I regard the majority of them as such — I have no objection to repeat seventy and seven times. But I have bad men to deal with, both North and South; men who are eager for something new upon which to base new misrepresentations; men who would like to frighten me, or at least to fix upon me the char- acter of timidity and cowardice. They would seize upon almost any letter I could write as being an "awful coming down." I intend keep- ing my eye upon these gentlemen, and to not un- necessarily put any weapons in their hands. Yours truly, A. Lincoln.
[The following indorsement appears on the back:]
(Confidential.)
The within letter was written on the day of its date, and on reflection withheld till now. It expresses the views I still entertain.
A. Lincoln.
68 Abraham Lincoln [Nov. 13
Letter to Hannibal Hamlin
(Confidential.) Springfield, Illinois, November 8, i860. My dear Sir: I am anxious for a personal interview with you at as early a day as possible. Can you, without much inconvenience, meet me at Chicago? If you can, please name as early a day as you conveniently can, and telegraph me, unless there be sufficient time before the day named to communicate by mail. Yours very truly,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to General Winfield Scott
Springfield, Illinois, November 9, i860. Mr. Lincoln tenders his sincere thanks to General Scott for the copy of his "views," etc., which is received; and especially for this re- newed manifestation of his patriotic purpose as a citizen, connected, as it is, with his high official position and most distinguished character as a military captain. A. L.
Letter to Truman Smith
{Private and confidential.) Springfield, Illinois, November 10, i860. My dear Sir: This is intended as a strictly private letter to you, and not as an answer to
i860] Letter to Hay craft 69
yours brought me by Mr. . It is with the
most profound appreciation of your motive, and highest respect for your judgment, too, that I feel constrained, for the present at least, to make no declaration for the public.
First. I could say nothing which I have not already said, and which is in print, and open for the inspection of all. To press a repetition of this upon those who have listened, is useless ; to press it upon those who have refused to listen, and still refuse, would be wanting in self-respect, and would have an appearance of sycophancy and timidity which would excite the contempt of good men and encourage bad ones to clamor the more loudly.
I am not insensible to any commercial or finan- cial depression that may exist, but nothing is to be gained by fawning around the "respectable scoundrels" who got it up. Let them go to work and repair the mischief of their own making, and then perhaps they will be less greedy to do the like again.
Yours truly, A. LINCOLN.
*Letter to Samuel Haycraft
Springfield, Ills., November 13, i860. My dear Sir: Yours of the 9th is just re- ceived. I can only answer briefly. Rest fully assured that the good people of the South, who
jo Abraham Lincoln [Nov. 19
will put themselves in the same temper and mood towards me which you do, will find no cause to complain of me.
While I cannot, as yet, make any committal as to offices, I sincerely hope I may find it in my power to oblige the friends of Mr. Wintersmith. Yours very truly,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to N. P. Paschall
{Private and confidential.)
Springfield, III., November 16, i860.
My dear Sir: Mr. Ridgely showed me a letter of yours in which you manifest some anx- iety that I should make some public declaration with a view to favorably affect the business of the country. I said to Mr. Ridgely I would write you to-day, which I now do.
I could say nothing which I have not already said, and which is in print, and accessible to the public. Please pardon me for suggesting that if the papers like yours, which heretofore have persistently garbled and misrepresented what I have said, will now fully and fairly place it be- fore their readers, there can be no further mis- understanding. I beg you to believe me sincere when I declare I do not say this in a spirit of complaint or resentment; but that I urge it as the true cure for any real uneasiness in the
i860] Letter to Asbury 71
country that my course may be other than con- servative. The Republican newspapers now and for some time past are and have been re- publishing copious extracts from my many pub- lished speeches, which would at once reach the whole public if your class of papers would also publish them.
I am not at liberty to shift my ground — that is out of the question. If I thought a repetition would do any good, I would make it. But in my judgment it would do positive harm. The secessionists per se, believing they had alarmed me, would clamor all the louder. Yours, etc.,
A. Lincoln.
*Letter to Henry Asbury
Springfield, III., November 19, i860. My dear Sir: Yours of the 9th was received in due course; but, till now, I have not found time to acknowledge the receipt of it.
It is a little curious, and not wholly uninter- esting, to look over those old letters of yours and mine. I would like to indulge in some com- ments, but really I have not the time. Yours very truly,
A. Lincoln.
72 Abraham Lincoln [Nov. 27
Remarks at the Meeting at Springfield, Illinois, to Celebrate Lincoln's Elec- tion, November 20, i860.
Friends and Fellow-citizens: Please excuse me on this occasion from making a speech. I thank you in common with all those who have thought fit by their votes to indorse the Republi- can cause. I rejoice with you in the success which has thus far attended that cause. Yet in all our rejoicings, let us neither express nor cherish any hard feelings toward any citizen who by his vote has differed with us. Let us at all times remember that all American citizens are brothers of a common country, and should dwell together in the bonds of fraternal feeling.
Let me again beg you to accept my thanks, and to excuse me from further speaking at this time.
Letter to Hannibal Hamlin
Springfield, Illinois, November 27, i860.
My dear Sir: On reaching home I find I have in charge for you the inclosed letter.
I deem it proper to advise you that I also find letters here from very strong and unexpected quarters in Pennsylvania, urging the appoint- ment of General Cameron to a place in the cabinet.
i860] Letter to Jackson 73
Let this be a profound secret, even though I do think best to let you know it. Yours very sincerely,
A. Lincoln.
*Letter to F. R. Jackson
Springfield, Ills., November 27, i860. My dear Sir: Your kind letter of congrat- ulation is received, and for which, please ac- cept my thanks. Below is my autograph, ac- cording to your request.
Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
74 Abraham Lincoln [Dec 8
Letter to Henry J. Raymond
(Private and confidential.)
Springfield, Illinois, November 28, i860.
MY DEAR SIR: Yours of the 14th was received in due course. I have de- layed so long to answer it, because my reasons for not coming before the public in any form just now had substantially appeared in your paper (the "Times"), and hence I feared they were not deemed sufficient by you, else you would not have written me as you did. I now think we have a demonstration in favor of my view. On the 20th instant Senator Trumbull made a short speech, which I suppose you have both seen and approved. Has a single news- paper, heretofore against us, urged that speech upon its readers with a purpose to quiet public anxiety? Not one, so far as I know. On the contrary, the "Boston Courier" and its class hold me responsible for that speech, and endeavor to inflame the North with the belief that it fore- shadows an abandonment of Republican ground by the incoming administration; while the Washington "Constitution" and its class hold the same speech up to the South as an open declara-
i860] Letter to Hamlin 75
tion of war against them. This is just as I ex- pected, and just what would happen with any declaration I could make. These political fiends are not half sick enough yet. Party malice, and not public good, possesses them entirely. "They seek a sign, and no sign shall be given them." At least such is my present feeling and purpose. Yours very truly,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to A. H. Stephens
Springfield, Illinois, November 30, i860. My dear sir: I have read in the newspapers your speech recently delivered (I think) before the Georgia legislature, or its assembled mem- bers. If you have revised it, as is probable, I shall be much obliged if you will send me a copy. Yours very truly,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to Hannibal Hamlin
{Private.) Springfield, Illinois, December 8, i860. My dear Sir: Yours of the 4th was duly re- ceived. The inclosed to Governor Seward covers two notes to him, copies of which you find open for your inspection. Consult with Judge Trumbull; and if you and he see no reason to the contrary, deliver the letter to
76 Abraham Lincoln [Dec. 8
Governor Seward at once. If you see reason to the contrary, write me at once.
I have had an intimation that Governor Banks would yet accept a place in the cabinet. Please ascertain and write me how this is. Yours very truly,
A. Lincoln.
Letters to W. H. Seward
Springfield, Illinois, December 8, i860. My dear Sir: With your permission I shall at the proper time nominate you to the Senate for confirmation as Secretary of State for the United States. Please let me hear from you at your own earliest convenience.
Your friend and obedient servant,
A. Lincoln.
{Private and confidential.) Springfield, Illinois, December 8, i860. My dear Sir: In addition to the accom- panying and more formal note inviting you to take charge of the State Department, I deem it proper to address you this. Rumors have got into the newspapers to the effect that the de- partment named above would be tendered you as a compliment, and with the expectation that you would decline it. I beg you to be assured that I have said nothing to justify these rumors.
i860] Letter to Seward 77
On the contrary, it has been my purpose, from the day of the nomination at Chicago, to assign you, by your leave, this place in the administra- tion. I have delayed so long to communicate that purpose in deference to what appeared to me a proper caution in the case. Nothing has been developed to change my view in the premises; and I now offer you the place in the hope that you will accept it, and with the belief that your position in the public eye, your integ- rity, ability, learning, and great experience, all combine to render it an appointment preemi- nently fit to be made.
One word more. In regard to the patronage sought with so much eagerness and jealousy, I have prescribed for myself the maxim, "Justice to all"; and I earnestly beseech your coopera- tion in keeping the maxim good.
Your friend and obedient servant,
A. Lincoln.
Reply to a Letter from William Kellogg, M. C, Asking Advice, December 11, i860.
Entertain no proposition for a compromise in regard to the extension of slavery. The instant you do they have us under again : all our labor is lost, and sooner or later must be done over. Douglas is sure to be again trying to bring in his "popular sovereignty." Have none of it.
78 Abraham Lincoln [Dec. 15
The tug has to come, and better now than later. You know I think the fugitive-slave clause of the Constitution ought to be enforced — to put it in its mildest form, ought not to be resisted.
Short Editorial Printed in the "Illinois JOURNAL," December 12, i860
We hear such frequent allusions to a sup- posed purpose on the part of Mr. Lincoln to call into his cabinet two or three Southern gen- tlemen from the parties opposed to him politi- cally, that we are prompted to ask a few ques- tions.
First, Is it known that any such gentleman of character would accept a place in the cabinet?
Second, If yea, on what terms does he sur- render to Mr. Lincoln, or Mr. Lincoln to him, on the political differences between them; or do they enter upon the administration in open op- position to each other?
Letter to E. B. Washburne
{Private and confidential.) Springfield, Illinois, December 13, i860. My dear Sir: Yours of the 10th is received. Prevent, as far as possible, any of our friends from demoralizing themselves and our cause by entertaining propositions for compromise of any sort on "slavery extension." There is no pos-
i86o] Letter to Gilmer 79
sible compromise upon it but which puts us under again, and leaves all our work to do over again. Whether it be a Missouri line or Eli Thayer's popular sovereignty, it is all the same. Let either be done, and immediately filibuster- ing and extending slavery recommences. On that point hold firm, as with a chain of steel. Yours as ever,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to John A. Gilmer
(Strictly confidential.) Springfield, Illinois, December 15, i860.
My dear Sir: Yours of the 10th is received. I am greatly disinclined to write a letter on the subject embraced in yours; and I would not do so, even privately as I do, were it not that I fear you might misconstrue my silence. Is it desired that I shall shift the ground upon which I have been elected? I cannot do it. You need only to acquaint yourself with that ground, and press it on the attention of the South. It is all in print and easy of access.
May I be pardoned if I ask whether even you have ever attempted to procure the reading of the Republican platform, or my speeches, by the Southern people? If not, what reason have I to expect that any additional production of mine would meet a better fate? It would make
80 Abraham Lincoln [Dec. 15
me appear as if I repented for the crime of hav- ing been elected, and was anxious to apologize and beg forgiveness. To so represent me would be the principal use made of any letter I might now thrust upon the public. My old record cannot be so used; and that is precisely the rea- son that some new declaration is so much sought.
Now, my dear sir, be assured that I am not questioning your candor; I am only pointing out that while a new letter would hurt the cause which I think a just one, you can quite as well effect every patriotic object with the old record. Carefully read pages 18, 19, 74, 75, 88, 89, and 267 of the volume of joint debates between Sen- ator Douglas and myself, with the Republican platform adopted at Chicago, and all your ques- tions will be substantially answered. I have no thought of recommending the abolition of slav- ery in the District of Columbia, nor the slave- trade among the slave States, even on the con- ditions indicated; and if I were to make such recommendation, it is quite clear Congress would not follow it.
As to employing slaves in arsenals and dock- yards, it is a thing I never thought of in my recollection, till I saw your letter; and I may say of it precisely as I have said of the two points above.
As to the use of patronage in the slave States,
i860] Letter to Gilmer 81
where there are few or no Republicans, I do not expect to inquire for the politics of the ap- pointee, or whether he does or not own slaves. I intend in that matter to accommodate the people in the several localities, if they them- selves will allow me to accommodate them. In one word, I never have been, am not now, and probably never shall be in a mood of harrassing the people either North or South.
On the territorial question I am inflexible, as you see my position in the book. On that there is a difference between you and us ; and it is the only substantial difference. You think slavery is right and ought to be extended ; we think it is wrong and ought to be restricted. For this neither has any just occasion to be angry with the other.
As to the State laws, mentioned in your sixth question, I really know very little of them. I never have read one. If any of them are in conflict with the fugitive-slave clause, or any other part of the Constitution, I certainly shall be glad of their repeal; but I could hardly be justified, as a citizen of Illinois, or as President of the United States, to recommend the repeal of a statute of Vermont or South Carolina.
With the assurance of my highest regards, I subscribe myself,
Your obedient servant, A. LINCOLN.
82 Abraham Lincoln [Dec. 18
P. S. — The documents referred to I suppose you will readily find in Washington.
A. L. Letter to Thurlow Weed
Springfield, Illinois, December 17, i860.
My dear Sir: Yours of the nth was re- ceived two days ago. Should the convocation of governors of which you speak seem desirous to know my views on the present aspect of things tell them you judge from my speeches that I will be inflexible on the territorial question ; that I probably think either the Missouri line ex- tended, or Douglas's and Eli Thayer's popular sovereignty, would lose us everything we gain by the election ; that filibustering for all south of us and making slave States of it would follow, in spite of us, in either case; also that I probably think all opposition, real and apparent, to the fugitive-slave clause of the Constitution ought to be withdrawn.
I believe you can pretend to find but little, if anything, in my speeches about secession. But my opinion is, that no State can in any way lawfully get out of the Union without the con- sent of the others ; and that it is the duty of the President and other government functionaries to run the machine as it is.
Truly yours,
A. Lincoln.
i860] Letter to Raymond 83
Letter to Edward Bates
(Confidential.) Springfield, Illinois, December 18, i860. My dear Sir: Yours of to-day is just re- ceived. Let a little editorial appear in the "Missouri Democrat" in about these words:
"We have the permission of both Mr. Lin- coln and Mr. Bates to say that the latter will be offered, and will accept, a place in the new cabinet, subject, of course, to the action of the Senate. It is not yet definitely settled which de- partment will be assigned to Mr. Bates."
Let it go just as above, or with any modifica- tion which may seem proper to you. Yours very truly,
A. Lincoln.
*Letter to Henry J. Raymond
(Confidential.) Springfield, Ills., Dec. 18, i860. My dear Sir: Yours of the 14th is received. What a very mad man your correspondent, Smedley is. Mr. Lincoln is not pledged to the ultimate extinction of slavery; does not hold the black man to be the equal of the white, unquali- fiedly as Mr. S. states it; and never did stigma- tize their white people as immoral and unchris-
84 Abraham Lincoln [Dec. 22
tian; and Mr. S. cannot prove one of his asser- tions true.
Mr. S. seems sensitive on the questions of morals and Christianity. What does he think of a man who makes charges against another which he does not know to be true, and could easily learn to be false?
As to the pitcher story it is a forgery out and out. I never made but one speech in Cincinnati — the last speech in the volume containing the Joint Debates between Senator Douglas and my- self. I have never yet seen Governor Chase. I was never in a meeting of negroes in my life; and never saw a pitcher presented by anybody to anybody.
I am much obliged by your letter, and shall be glad to hear from you again when you have any- thing of interest.
Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to E. B. Washburne
(Confidential.) Springfield, Illinois, December 21, i860. My dear Sir: Last night I received your letter giving an account of your interview with General Scott, and for which I thank you. Please present my respects to the general, and tell him, confidentially, I shall be obliged to
i860] Letter to Stephens 85
him to be as well prepared as he can to either hold or retake the forts, as the case may require, at and after the inauguration. Yours as ever,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to Alexander H. Stephens.1
(For your own eye only.) Springfield, Illinois, December 22, i860. My dear Sir: Your obliging answer to my short note is just received, and for which please accept my thanks. I fully appreciate the pres- ent peril the country is in, and the weight of re- sponsibility on me. Do the people of the South really entertain fears that a Republican admin- istration would, directly or indirectly, interfere with the slaves, or with them about the slaves? If they do, I wish to assure you, as once a friend, and still, I hope, not an enemy, that there is no cause for such fears. The South would be in no more danger in this respect than it was in the days of Washington. I suppose, however, this
JThis letter was written two days after the South Carolina convention had unanimously declared the union existing between it and the other States dissolved. Two months later than the date of this letter the Confederate States of America framed a provisional government with Jefferson Davis as President and Stephens as Vice-President. Stephens described the new gov- ment as " founded on the great truth that the negro is not equal to the white man; that slavery, subordination to the superior race, is his natural and normal condition."
86 Abraham Lincoln [Dec. 28
does not meet the case. You think slavery is right and ought to be extended, while we think it is wrong and ought to be restricted. That, I suppose, is the rub. It certainly is the only sub- stantial difference between us.
Yours very truly,
A. Lincoln.
^Letter to Major David Hunter
(Confidential.)
Springfield, Illinois, December 22, i860. My dear Sir: I am1 much obliged by the re- ceipt of yours of the 18th. The most we can do now is to watch events, and be as well prepared as possible for any turn things may take. If the forts fall, my judgment is that they are to be retaken. When I shall determine definitely my time of starting to Washington, I will notify you. Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to Hannibal Hamlin
Springfield, Illinois, December 24, i860. My dear Sir: I need a man of Democratic antecedents from New England. I cannot get a fair share of that element in without. This stands in the way of Mr. Adams. I think of Governor Banks, Mr. Welles, and Mr. Tuck.
i860] Letter to Trumbull 87
Which of them do the New England delegation prefer? Or shall I decide for myself? Yours as ever,
A. Lincoln.
*Letter to I. N. Morris
(Confidential.) Springfield, III., December 24, i860. My dear Sir: Without supposing that you and I are any nearer together, politically than heretofore, allow me to tender you my sincere thanks for your Union resolution, expressive of views upon which we never were, and, I trust, never will be at variance.
Yours very truly,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to Lyman Trumbull
Springfield, Illinois, December 28, i860. My dear Sir: General Duff Green is out here endeavoring to draw a letter out of me. I have written one which herewith I inclose to you, and which I believe could not be used to our disadvantage. Still, if on consultation with our discreet friends you conclude that it may do us harm, do not deliver it. You need not men- tion that the second clause of the letter is copied from the Chicago platform. If, on consulta- tion, our friends, including yourself, think it can
88 Abraham Lincoln [Dec. 29
do no harm, keep a copy and deliver the letter to General Green.
Yours as ever,
A. Lincoln.
[InclosureJ] Springfield, Illinois, December 28, i860.
General Duff Green.
My dear Sir: I do not desire any amend- ment of the Constitution. Recognizing, how- ever, that questions of such amendment right- fully belong to the American people, I should not feel justified nor inclined to withhold from them, if I could, a fair opportunity of express- ing their will thereon through either of the modes prescribed in the instrument.
In addition I declare that the maintenance in- violate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of powers on which the perfection and endur- ance of our political fabric depend; and I de- nounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as the gravest of crimes.
I am greatly averse to writing anything for the public at this time; and I consent to the publication of this only upon the condition that six of the twelve United States senators for the
i860] Letter to Bryant 89
States of Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisi- ana, Florida, and Texas shall sign their names to what is written on this sheet below my name, and allow the whole to be published together. Yours truly,
A. Lincoln. We recommend to the people of the States we represent respectively, to suspend all action for dismemberment of the Union, at least until some act deemed to be violative of our rights shall be done by the incoming administration.
Letter to William Cullen Bryant
Springfield, Illinois, December 29, i860.
My dear Sir: Yours of the 25th is duly re- ceived. The "well-known politician" to whom I understand you to allude did write me, but not press upon me any such compromise as you seem to suppose, or, in fact, any compromise at all.
As to the matter of the cabinet, mentioned by you, I can only say I shall have a great deal of trouble, do the best I can.
I promise you that I shall unselfishly try to deal fairly with all men and all shades of opin- ion among our friends.
Yours very truly,
A. Lincoln.
90
Abraham Lincoln [Jan. 3
Letter to Salmon P. Chase
Springfield, Illinois, December 31, i860. My dear Sir: In these troublous times I would much like a conference with you. Please visit me here at once.
Yours very truly,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to Simon Cameron
Springfield, Illinois, December 31, i860. My dear Sir: I think fit to notify you now that by your permission I shall at the proper time nominate you to the United States Senate for confirmation as Secretary of the Treasury, or as Secretary of War — which of the two I have not yet definitely decided. Please answer at your earliest convenience.
Your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to W. H. Seward
(Private.) Springfield, Illinois, January 3, 1861. My dear Sir: Yours without signature was received last night. I have been considering your suggestions as to my reaching Washington somewhat earlier than is usual. It seems to me the inauguration is not the most dangerous point
1861] Letter to Cameron 91
for us. Our adversaries have us now clearly at disadvantage. On the second Wednesday of February, when the votes should be officially counted, if the two Houses refuse to meet at all, or meet without a quorum of each, where shall we be? I do not think that this counting is con- stitutionally essential to the election; but how are we to proceed in absence of it?
In view of this, I think it best for me not to attempt appearing in Washington till the result of that ceremony is known. It certainly would be of some advantage if you could know who are to be at the heads of the War and Navy depart- ments; but until I can ascertain definitely whether I can get any suitable men from the South, and who, and how many, I cannot well decide. As yet I have no word from Mr. Gil- mer in answer to my request for an interview with him. I look for something on the subject, through you, before long.
Yours very truly,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to Simon Cameron
(Private.) Springfield, Illinois, January 3, 1861. My dear Sir: Since seeing you things have developed which make it impossible for me to take you into the cabinet. You will say this
92 Abraham Lincoln [Jan. n
comes of an interview with McClure; and this is partly, but not wholly, true. The more potent matter is wholly outside of Pennsylvania; and yet I am not at liberty to specify it. Enough that it appears to me to be sufficient. And now I suggest that you write me declining the appoint- ment, in which case I do not object to its being known that it was tendered you. Better do this at once, before things so change that you cannot honorably decline, and I be compelled to openly recall the tender. No person living knows or has an intimation that I write this letter. Yours truly,
A. Lincoln. P. S. — Telegraph me instantly on receipt of this, saying, "All right." A. L.
Letter to General Winfield Scott
Springfield, Illinois, January n, 1861.
My dear Sir: I herewith beg leave to ac- knowledge the receipt of your communication of the 4th instant, inclosing (documents Nos. 1, 2> 3> 4> 5> and 6) copies of correspondence and notes of conversation with the President of the United States and the Secretary of War concern- ing various military movements suggested by yourself for the better protection of the govern- ment and the maintenance of public order.
Permit me to renew to you the assurance of
1861] Letter to Hale 93
my high appreciation of the many past services you have rendered the Union, and of my deep gratification at this evidence of your present ac- tive exertions to maintain the integrity and honor of the nation.
I shall be highly pleased to receive from time to time such communications from yourself as you may deem it proper to make to me. Very truly your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to J. T. Hale
(Confidential.) Springfield, Illinois, January n, 1861. My dear Sir: Yours of the 6th is received. I answer it only because I fear you would mis- construe my silence. What is our present con- dition? We have just carried an election on principles fairly stated to the people. Now we are told in advance the government shall be broken up unless we surrender to those we have beaten, before we take the offices. In this they are either attempting to play upon us or they are in dead earnest. Either way, if we surrender, it is the end of us and of the govern- ment. They will repeat the experiment upon us ad libitum. A year will not pass till we shall have to take Cuba as a condition upon which they will stay in the Union. They now have the
94 Abraham Lincoln [Jan. 12
Constitution under which we have lived over seventy years, and acts of Congress of their own framing, with no prospect of their being changed; and they can never have a more shallow pretext for breaking up the government, or ex- torting a compromise, than now. There is in my judgment but one compromise which would really settle the slavery question, and that would be a prohibition against acquiring any more territory.
Yours very truly,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to W. H. Seward
(Private.) Springfield, Illinois, January 12, 1861.
My dear Sir: Yours of the 8th received. I still hope Mr. Gilmer will, on a fair under- standing with us, consent to take a place in the cabinet. The preference for him over Mr. Hunt or Mr. Gentry is that, up to date, he has a living position in the South, while they have not. He is only better than Winter Davis in that he is farther South. I fear if we could not safely take more than one such man — that is, not more than one who opposed us in the election, the danger being to lose the confidence of our own friends.
Your selection for the State Department hav- ing become public, I am happy to find scarcely
i860 Letter to Seward 95
any objection to it I shall have trouble with every other Northern cabinet appointment, so much so that I shall have to defer them as long as possible, to avoid being teased to insanity to make changes.
Your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln.
96 Abraham Lincoln rjan. 13
Letters to Simon Cameron
(Private and confidential.) Springfield, Illinois, January 13, 1861.
MY DEAR SIR: At the suggestion of Mr. Sanderson, and with hearty good- will besides, I herewith send you a letter dated January 3 — the same in date as the last you received from me. I thought best to give it that date, as it is in some sort to take the place of that letter. I learn, both by a letter from Mr. Swett and from Mr. Sanderson, that your feelings were wounded by the terms of my letter really of the 3d.
I wrote that letter under great anxiety, and perhaps I was not so guarded in its terms as I should have been ; but I beg you to be assured I intended no offense. My great object was to have you act quickly, if possible before the mat- ter should be complicated with the Pennsylvania senatorial election. Destroy the offensive let- ter, or return it to me.
I say to you now I have not doubted that you would perform the duties of a department ably and faithfully. Nor have I for a moment in- tended to ostracize your friends. If I should
1861] Letter to Cameron 97
make a cabinet appointment for Pennsylvania before I reach Washington, I will not do so without consulting you, and giving all the weight to your views and wishes which I consistently can. This I have always intended. Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN, [In do sure.'] Springfield, Illinois, January 3, 1861.
Hon. Simon Cameron.
My dear Sir: When you were here, about the last of December, I handed you a letter say- ing I should at the proper time nominate you to the Senate for a place in the cabinet. It is due to you and to truth for me to say you were here by my invitation, and not upon any sugges- tion of your own. You have not as yet signified to me whether you would accept the appoint- ment, and with much pain I now say to you that you will relieve me from great embarrassment by allowing me to recall the offer. This springs from an unexpected complication, and not from any change of my view as to the ability or faith- fulness with which you would discharge the duties of the place. I now think I will not definitely fix upon any appointment for Pennsyl- vania until I reach Washington.
Your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln.
98 Abraham Lincoln [Jan. 23
Letter to General John E. Wool
Springfield, Illinois, January 14, 1861.
My dear Sir: Many thanks for your patri- otic and generous letter of the nth instant. As to how far the military force of the government may become necessary to the preservation of the Union, and more particularly how that force can best be directed to the object, I must chiefly rely upon General Scott and yourself. It affords me the profoundest satisfaction to know that with both of you judgment and feeling go heartily with your sense of professional and official duty to the work.
It is true that I have given but little attention to the military department of government; but, be assured, I cannot be ignorant as to who Gen- eral Wool is, or what he has done. With my highest esteem and gratitude, I subscribe myself Your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to General Edwin C. Wilson
(Private.)
Springfield, Illinois, January 23, 1861.
Dear Sir: Your official communication of the 31st ultimo, addressed to Hon. A. Lincoln, was duly received.
Mr. Lincoln desires me to answer that while
1861] Letter to Wilson 99
he does not now deem it necessary to avail him- self of the services you so kindly offer him, he is nevertheless gratified to have this assurance from yourself that the militia of the State of Pennsylvania is loyal to the Constitution and the Union, and stands ready to rally to their support and maintenance in the event of trouble or dan- ger. Yours truly,
Jno. G. Nicolay.
Letter to R. A. Cameron, Marsh, and Bran- ham, Committee
Springfield, January 26, 1861. Gentlemen: I have the honor to acknowl- edge the receipt, by your hands, of a copy of a joint resolution adopted by the legislature of the State of Indiana, on the 15th instant, invit- ing me to visit that honorable body on my way to the Federal capital.
Expressing my profound gratitude for this flattering testimonial of their regard and esteem, be pleased to bear to them my acceptance of their kind invitation, and inform them that I will endeavor to visit them, in accordance with their expressed desire, on the 12th of February next. With feelings of high consideration, I remain Your humble servant,
A. Lincoln.
ioo Abraham Lincoln [Feb. i
Letter to Messrs. James Sulgrove, Erie Locke, William Wallace, and John T. Wood, Committee
Springfield, Illinois, January 28, 1861. Gentlemen: I received to-day from the hands of Mr. Locke a transcript of the resolu- tions passed at a meeting of the citizens of In- dianapolis, inviting me to visit that city on my route to Washington.
Permit me to express to the citizens of In- dianapolis, through you, their committee, my cordial thanks for the honor shown me. I accept with great pleasure the invitation so kindly tendered, and will be in your city on the 12th day of February next.
Your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to J. W. Tillman
Springfield, Illinois, January 28, 1861.
Dear Sir: Your letter of the 24th instant ad- dressed to Hon. A. Lincoln, inviting him, on behalf of the State Central Committee of Michi- gan, to pass through that State on his journey to Washington, has been received.
He desires me to reply, with profound thanks for the honor thus cordially tendered him, that having accepted similar invitations to pass
1861] Letter to Morgan 101
through the capitals of the States of Indiana and Ohio, he regrets that it will be out of his power to accept the courtesies and hospitalities of the people of Michigan so kindly proffered him through yourself and the committee. Yours truly,
Jno. G. Nicolay.
Letter to Edward Bates
Springfield, Illinois, January 28, 1861. Dear Sir: Hon. A. Lincoln desires me to write to you that he has determined on starting from here for Washington city on the nth of February. He will go through Indianapolis, Columbus, Pittsburg, Albany, New York, Philadelphia, Harrisburg, and Baltimore.
Albany, New York, and Philadelphia are not finally decided upon, though it is probable that he will also take them in his route. The jour- ney will occupy twelve or fifteen days. Yours truly,
Jno. G. Nicolay.
Letter to E. D. Morgan
Springfield, Illinois, February 1, 1861. Dear Sir: Your letter of the 19th ultimo ad- dressed to Hon. A. Lincoln, was duly received, in which you invite him to visit Albany on his
102 Abraham Lincoln [Feb. i
route to Washington, and tender him the hos- pitalities of the State and your home.
In accordance with the answer just sent to the telegraphic message received from yourself a few minutes since, Mr. Lincoln desires me to write that it has for some little time been his purpose to pass through Albany, and that he would have answered you to that same effect be- fore this, but for the fact that as the legislatures of Indiana, Ohio, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania had by resolution invited him to visit them, he thought it probable that a similar resolution would be adopted by the legislature of New York, and he had therefore waited to reply to both invitations together.
He will cheerfully accede to any arrange- ments yourself and the citizens of Albany may make for his stay, providing only no formal ceremonies wasting any great amount of time be adopted. Yours truly,
Jno. G. Nicolay.
Letter to W. H. Seward
{Private and confidential.) Springfield, Illinois, February i, 1861. My dear Sir: On the 21st ult. Hon. W. Kel- logg, a Republican member of Congress of this State, whom you probably know, was here in a good deal of anxiety seeking to ascertain to what
1861] Letter to Seward 103
extent I would be consenting for our friends to go in the way of compromise on the now vexed question. While he was with me I re- ceived a despatch from Senator Trumbull, at Washington, alluding to the same question and telling me to await letters. I therefore told Mr. Kellogg that when I should receive these letters posting me as to the state of affairs at Washing- ton, I would write to you, requesting you to let him see my letter. To my surprise, when the letters mentioned by Judge Trumbull came they made no allusion to the "vexed question." This baffled me so much that I was near not writing you at all, in compliance to what I have said to Judge Kellogg. I say now, however, as I have all the while said, that on the territorial question — that is, the question of extending slavery under the national auspices — I am in- flexible. I am for no compromise which assists or permits the extension of the institution on soil owned by the nation. And any trick by which the nation is to acquire territory, and then allow some local authority to spread slavery over it, is as obnoxious as any other. I take it that to effect some such result as this, and to put us again on the highroad to a slave empire, is the object of all these proposed compromises. I am against it. As to fugitive slaves, District of Columbia, slave-trade among the slave States, and whatever
104 Abraham Lincoln [Feb. 4
springs of necessity from the fact that the insti- tution is amongst us, I care but little, so that what is done be comely and not altogether out- rageous. Nor do I care much about New Mexico, if further extension were hedged against. Yours very truly,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to Thurlow Weed
Springfield, Illinois, February 4, 1861.
Dear Sir: I have both your letter to myself and that to Judge Davis, in relation to a cer- tain gentleman in your State claiming to dis- pense patronage in my name, and also to be au- thorized to use my name to advance the chances of Mr. Greeley for an election to the United States Senate.
It is very strange that such things should be said by any one. The gentleman you mention did speak to me of Mr. Greeley in connection with the senatorial election, and I replied in terms of kindness toward Mr. Greeley, which I really feel, but always with an expressed protest that my name must not be used in the senatorial election in favor of, or against, any one. Any other representation of me is a misrepresenta- tion.
As to the matter of dispensing patronage, it perhaps will surprise you to learn that I have
i86i] Letter to Morgan 105
information that you claim to have my author- ity to arrange that matter in New York. I do not believe that you have so claimed ; but still so some men say. On that subject you know all I have said to you is "Justice to all," and I have said nothing more particular to any one. I say this to reassure you that I have not changed my position.
In the hope, however, that you will not use my name in the matter, I am Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to Edwin D. Morgan
Springfield, Illinois, February 4, 1861. Sir: Your letter of the 30th ultimo, inviting me on behalf of the legislature of New York to pass through that State on my way to Washing- ton, and tendering me the hospitalities of her au- thorities and people, has been duly received.
With feelings of deep gratitude to you and them for this testimonial of regard and esteem, I beg you to notify them that I accept the invita- tion so kindly extended.
Your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln. P. S. — Please let ceremonies be only such as to take the least time possible. A. L.
106 Abraham Lincoln [Feb. 7
Letter to Edward Bates
Springfield, Illinois, February 5, 1861.
Dear Sir: Hon. A. Lincoln directs me to say to you that in case you intend going to Wash- ington about the time he proposes to start (the 11th instant), he would be pleased to have you accompany him on the trip he contemplates.
He does not desire to have you do this, how- ever, at the cost of any inconvenience to your- self, or the derangement of any plans you may have already formed.
Yours truly, Jno. G. Nicolay.
P. S. — Mr. Lincoln intended to have said this to you himself when you were here, but in his hurry it escaped his attention. J. G. N.
Letter to Charles S. Olden
Springfield, Illinois, February 6, 1861.
Sir: Your letter of the 1st instant inviting me, in compliance with the request of the legis- lature of New Jersey, to visit your State capital while on my journey to Washington, has been duly received.
I accept the invitation, with much gratitude to you and them for the kindness and honor thus offered. Your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln.
P. S. — Please arrange no ceremonies that will waste time.
i860 Letter to Dennison 107
Letter to the Governor and the Legisla- ture of Massachusetts
Springfield, Illinois, February 7, 1861. Gentlemen: Your kind letter of February 1, with a copy of the resolutions of the General Court, inviting me, in the name of the govern- ment and people of Massachusetts, to visit the State and accept its hospitality previous to the time of the presidential inauguration, is grate- fully received by the hand of Colonel Horace Binney Sargent; and, in answer, I am con- strained to say want of time denies me the pleas- ure of accepting the invitation so generously tendered. Your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to William Dennison
Springfield, Illinois, February 7, 1861.
Sir: Your letter of the 31st ultimo, inviting me, on behalf of the legislature of Ohio, to visit Columbus on my way to Washington, has been duly received.
With profound gratitude for the mark of re- spect and honor thus cordially tendered me by you and them, I accept the invitation.
Your obedient servant, A. LINCOLN.
Please arrange no ceremonies which will waste time.
108 Abraham Lincoln [Feb. 8
Letter to Messrs. J. G. Lowe, T. A. Phillips, and W. H. Gillespie, Committee
Springfield, Illinois, February 7, 1861.
Gentlemen : Your note of to-day, inviting me while on my way to Washington to pass through the town and accept the hospitalities of the citi- zens of Dayton, Ohio, is before me.
A want of the necessary time makes it impos- sible for me to stop in your town. If it will not retard my arrival at or departure from the city of Columbus, I will endeavor to pass through and at least bow to the friends there; if, how- ever, it would in any wise delay me, they must not even expect this, but be content instead to receive through you my warmest thanks for the kindness and cordiality with which they have tendered this invitation.
Your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to George B. Senter and Others, Committee
Springfield, Illinois, February 8, 1861. Gentlemen: Yours of the 6th, inviting me, in compliance with a resolution of the city coun- cil of the city of Cleveland, Ohio, to visit that city on my contemplated journey to Washing- ton, is duly at hand, and in answer I have the
1861] Letter to Finney 109
honor to accept the invitation. The time of ar- rival and other details are subject to future ar- rangement.
Your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to A. D. Finney and Others, Com- mittee
Springfield, Illinois, February 8, 1861. Gentlemen: Yours of the 4th, inviting me on behalf of the legislature of Pennsylvania to visit Harrisburg on my way to the Federal capital, is received; and, in answer, allow me to say I gratefully accept the tendered honor.
The time of arrival, and other details, are sub- ject to future arrangements.
Your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln.
no Abraham Lincoln [Feb. u
Farewell Address at Springfield, Illinois, February u, 1861 *
MY FRIENDS : No one, not in my situation, can appreciate my feeling of sadness at this parting. To this place, and the kindness of these people, I owe every- thing. Here I have lived a quarter of a cen- tury, and have passed from a young to an old man. Here my children have been born, and one is buried. I now leave, not knowing when or whether ever I may return, with a task before me greater than that which rested upon Wash- ington. Without the assistance of that Divine Being who ever attended him, I cannot succeed. With that assistance, I cannot fail. Trusting in Him who can go with me, and remain with you, and be everywhere for good, let us con-
1 W. H. Lamon, who witnessed this scene of farewell, says : "Having reached the train he [Lincoln] ascended the rear plat- form, and, facing the throng which had closed around him, drew himself up to his full height, removed his hat, and stood for several seconds in profound silence. . . . There was an un- usual quiver on his lip, and a still more unusual tear on his furrowed cheek. ... At length he began in a husky tone of voice, and slowly and impressively delivered his farewell to his neighbors. Imitating his example, every man in the crowd stood with his head uncovered in the fast-falling rain."
1861] Reply at Indianapolis in
fidently hope that all will yet be well. To His care commending you, as I hope in your prayers you will commend me, I bid you an affectionate farewell.
Reply to the Address of Welcome at In- dianapolis, Indiana, February n, 1861.
Governor Morton and Fellow-citizens of the State of Indiana: Most heartily do I thank you for this magnificent reception ; and while I can- not take to myself any share of the compliment thus paid, more than that which pertains to a mere instrument — an accidental instrument per- haps I should say — of a great cause, I yet must look upon it as a magnificent reception, and as such most heartily do I thank you for it. You have been pleased to address yourself to me chiefly in behalf of this glorious Union in which we live, in all of which you have my hearty sympathy, and, as far as may be within my power, will have, one and inseparably, my hearty cooperation. While I do not expect, upon this occasion, or until I get to Washington, to at- tempt any lengthy speech, I will only say that to the salvation of the Union there needs but one single thing, the hearts of a people like yours. When the people rise in mass in behalf of the Union and the liberties of this country, truly may it be said, "The gates of hell cannot prevail
ii2 Abraham Lincoln [Feb. 12
against them." In all trying positions in which I shall be placed, and doubtless I shall be placed in many such, my reliance will be upon you and the people of the United States ; and I wish you to remember, now and forever, that it is your business, and not mine ; that if the union of these States and the liberties of this people shall be lost, it is but little to any one man of fifty-two years of age, but a great deal to the thirty mil- lions of people who inhabit these United States, and to their posterity in all coming time. It is your business to rise up and preserve the Union and liberty for yourselves, and not for me. I appeal to you again to constantly bear in mind that not with politicians, not with Presidents, not with office-seekers, but with you, is the ques- tion: Shall the Union and shall the liberties of this country be preserved to the latest genera- tions?
Address to the Legislature of Indiana at Indianapolis, February 12, 1861
Fellow-citizens of the State of Indiana: I am here to thank you much for this magnificent welcome, and still more for the generous support given by your State to that political cause which I think is the true and just cause of the whole country and the whole world. Solomon says there is "a time to keep silence," and when men
i860 To Indiana Legislature 113
wrangle by the month with no certainty that they mean the same thing, while using the same word, it perhaps were as well if they would keep silence. The words "coercion" and "invasion" are much used in these days, and often with some temper and hot blood. Let us make sure, if we can, that we do not misunderstand the meaning of those who use them. Let us get exact definitions of these words, not from dictionaries, but from the men themselves, who certainly deprecate the things they would represent by the use of words. What, then, is "coercion"? What is "invasion"? Would the marching of an army into South Carolina without the consent of her people, and with hostile intent toward them, be "invasion"? I certainly think it would; and it would be "coercion" also if the South Caro- linians were forced to submit. But if the United States should merely hold and retake its own forts and other property, and collect the duties on foreign importations, or even withhold the mails from places where they were habitually violated, would any or all of these things be "in- vasion" or "coercion"? Do our professed lovers of the Union, but who spitefully resolve that they will resist coercion and invasion, under- stand that such things as these on the part of the United States would be coercion or in- vasion of a State? If so, their idea of means
ii4 Abraham Lincoln [Feb. 12
to preserve the object of their great affection would seem to be exceedingly thin and airy. If sick, the little pills of the homeopathist would be much too large for them to swallow. In their view, the Union as a family relation would seem to be no regular marriage, but rather a sort of "free-love" arrangement, to be maintained only on "passional attraction." By the way, in what consists the special sacredness of a State? I speak not of the position assigned to a State in the Union by the Constitution; for that, by the bond, we all recognize. That position, however, a State cannot carry out of the Union with it. I speak of that assumed primary right of a State to rule all which is less than itself, and ruin all which is larger than itself. If a State and a county, in a given case, should be equal in extent of territory, and equal in number of in- habitants, in what, as a matter of principle, is the State better than the county? Would an exchange of names be an exchange of rights upon principle? On what rightful principle may a State, being not more than one fiftieth part of the nation in soil and population, break up the nation and then coerce a proportionally larger subdivision of itself in the most arbitrary way? What mysterious right to play tyrant is conferred on a district of country with its people, by merely calling it a State? Fellow-
i86i] Address at Cincinnati 115
citizens, I am not asserting anything; I am mere- ly asking questions for you to consider. And now allow me to bid you farewell.
Address to the Mayor and Citizens of Cin- cinnati, Ohio, February 12, 1861
Mr. Mayor, Ladies, and Gentlemen : Twenty- four hours ago, at the capital of Indiana, I said to myself I have never seen so many people as- sembled together in winter weather. I am no longer able to say that. But it is what might reasonably have been expected — that this great city of Cincinnati would thus acquit herself on such an occasion. My friends, I am entirely overwhelmed by the magnificence of the recep- tion which has been given, I will not say to me, but to the President-elect of the United States of America. Most heartily do I thank you, one and all, for it.
I am reminded by the address of your worthy mayor that this reception is given not by any one political party, and even if I had not been so reminded by his Honor I could not have failed to know the fact by the extent of the multitude I see before me now. I could not look upon this vast assemblage without being made aware that all parties were united in this reception. This is as it should be. It is as it should have been if Senator Douglas had been elected. It is as it
u6 Abraham Lincoln [Feb. 12
should have been if Mr. Bell had been elected; as it should have been if Mr. Breckinridge had been elected; as it should ever be when any citi- zen of the United States is constitutionally elected President of the United States. Allow me to say that I think what has occurred here to-day could not have occurred in any other country on the face of the globe, without the in- fluence of the free institutions which we have unceasingly enjoyed for three quarters of a century. There is no country where the people can turn out and enjoy this day precisely as they please, save under the benign influence of the free institutions of our land.
I hope that, although we have some threaten- ing national difficulties now — I hope that while these free institutions shall continue to be in the enjoyment of millions of free people of the United States, we will see repeated every four years what we now witness.
In a few short years I, and every other indi- vidual man who is now living, will pass away; I hope that our national difficulties will also pass away, and I hope we shall see in the streets of Cincinnati — good old Cincinnati — for centuries to come, once every four years, her people give such a reception as this to the constitutionally elected President of the whole United States. I hope you shall all join in that reception, and
1861] Address at Cincinnati 117
that you shall also welcome your brethren from across the river to participate in it. We will welcome them in every State of the Union, no matter where they are from. From away South we shall extend them a cordial good-will, when our present difficulties shall have been forgotten and blown to the winds forever.
I have spoken but once before this in Cin- cinnati. That was a year previous to the late presidential election. On that occasion, in a playful manner, but with sincere words, I ad- dressed much of what I said to the Kentuckians. I gave my opinion that we as Republicans would ultimately beat them as Democrats, but that they could postpone that result longer by nomi- nating Senator Douglas for the presidency than they could in any other way. They did not, in any true sense of the word, nominate Mr. Doug- las, and the result has come certainly as soon as ever I expected. I also told them how I ex- pected they would be treated after they should have been beaten; and I now wish to recall their attention to what I then said upon that subject. I then said, "When we do as we say, — beat you, — you perhaps want to know what we will do with you. I will tell you, so far as I am authorized to speak for the opposition, what we mean to do with you. We mean to treat you, as near as we possibly can,
u8 Abraham Lincoln [Feb. 12
as Washington, Jefferson, and Madison treated you. We mean to leave you alone, and in no way to interfere with your institutions; to abide by all and every compromise of the Constitution ; and, in a word, coming back to the original proposition, to treat you, so far as degenerate men — if we have degenerated — may, according to the examples of those noble fathers, Wash- ington, Jefferson, and Madison. We mean to remember that you are as good as we ; that there is no difference between us other than the differ- ence of circumstances. We mean to recognize and bear in mind always that you have as good hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as we claim to have, and treat you accordingly."
Fellow-citizens of Kentucky! — friends! — brethren! may I call you in my new position? I see no occasion, and feel no inclination, to re- tract a word of this. If it shall not be made good, be assured the fault shall not be mine.
And now, fellow-citizens of Ohio, have you, who agree with him who now addresses you in political sentiment — have you ever entertained other sentiments toward our brethren of Ken- tucky than those I have expressed to you? If not, then why shall we not, as heretofore, be recognized and acknowledged as brethren again, living in peace and harmony again one with another? I take your response as the most re-
1861] To Cincinnati Germans T19
liable evidence that it may be so, trusting, through the good sense of the American people, on all sides of all rivers in America, under the providence of God, who has never deserted us, that we shall again be brethren, forgetting all parties, ignoring all parties. My friends, I now bid you farewell.
Address to Germans at Cincinnati, Ohio, February 12, 1861
Mr. Chairman: I thank you and those whom you represent for the compliment you have paid me by tendering me this address. In so far as there is an allusion to our present national diffi- culties, which expresses, as you have said, the views of the gentlemen present, I shall have to beg pardon for not entering fully upon the questions which the address you have now read suggests.
I deem it my duty — a duty which I owe to my constituents — to you, gentlemen, that I should wait until the last moment for a development of the present national difficulties before I express myself decidedly as to what course I shall pur- sue. I hope, then, not to be false to anything that you have to expect of me.
I agree with you, Mr. Chairman, that the working-men are the basis of all governments, for the plain reason that they are the more
120 Abraham Lincoln [Feb. 13
numerous, and as you added that those were the sentiments of the gentlemen present, represent- ing not only the working-class, but citizens of other callings than those of the mechanic, I am happy to concur with you in these sentiments, not only of the native-born citizens, but also of the Germans and foreigners from other coun- tries.
Mr. Chairman, I hold that while man exists it is his duty to improve not only his own con- dition, but to assist in ameliorating mankind; and therefore, without entering upon the details of the question, I will simply say that I am for those means which will give the greatest good to the greatest number.
In regard to the homestead law, I have to say that in so far as the government lands can be disposed of, I am in favor of cutting up the wild lands into parcels, so that every poor man may have a home.
In regard to the Germans and foreigners, I esteem them no better than other people, nor any worse. It is not my nature, when I see a people borne down by the weight of their shackles — the oppression of tyranny — to make their life more bitter by heaping upon them greater burdens ; but rather would I do all in my power to raise the yoke than to add anything that would tend to crush them.
1861] To Ohio Legislature 121
Inasmuch as our country is extensive and new, and the countries of Europe are densely popu- lated, if there are any abroad who desire to make this the land of their adoption, it is not in my heart to throw aught in their way to prevent them from coming to the United States.
Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, I will bid you an affectionate farewell.
Address to the Legislature of Ohio at COLUMBUS, February 13, 1861
Mr. President and Mr. Speaker, and Gentle- ment of the General Assembly of Ohio: It is true, as has been said by the president of the Senate, that very great responsibility rests upon me in the position to which the votes of the American people have called me. I am deeply sensible of that weighty responsibility. I can- not but know what you all know, that without a name, perhaps without a reason why I should have a name, there has fallen upon me a task such as did not rest even upon the Father of his Coun- try; and so feeling, I can turn and look for that support without which it will be impossible for me to perform that great task. I turn, then, and look to the American people, and to that God who has never forsaken them. Allusion has been made to the interest felt in relation to the policy of the new administration. In this I have
122 Abraham Lincoln [Feb. 14
received from some a degree of credit for having kept silence, and from others some deprecation. I still think that I was right. . . .
In the varying and repeatedly shifting scenes of the present, and without a precedent which could enable me to judge by the past, it has seemed fitting that before speaking upon the difficulties of the country I should have gained a view of the whole field, being at liberty to modify and change the course of policy as future events may make a change necessary.
I have not maintained silence from any want of real anxiety. It is a good thing that there is no more than anxiety, for there is nothing going wrong. It is a consoling circumstance that when we look out there is nothing that really hurts anybody. We entertain different views upon political questions, but nobody is suffering any- thing. This is a most consoling circumstance, and from it we may conclude that all we want is time, patience, and a reliance on that God who has never forsaken this people.
Fellow-citizens, what I have said I have said altogether extemporaneously, and I will now come to a close.
Address at Steubenville, Ohio, Feb. 14, 1861
I fear that the great confidence placed in my ability is unfounded. Indeed, I am sure it is.
i86i] Address at Steuben ville 123
Encompassed by vast difficulties as I am, noth- ing shall be wanting on my part, if sustained by God and the American people. I believe the devotion to the Constitution is equally great on both sides of the river. It is only the different understanding of that instrument that causes difficulty. The only dispute on both sides is, "What are their rights?" If the majority should not rule, who would be the judge? Where is such a judge to be found? We should all be bound by the majority of the American people ; if not, then the minority must control. Would that be right? Would it be just or generous? Assuredly not. I reiterate that the majority should rule. If I adopt a wrong policy, the opportunity for condemnation will occur in four years' time. Then I can be turned out, and a better man with better views put in my place.
i24 Abraham Lincoln [Feb. 15
Address at Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, Febru- ary 15, 1861
I MOST CORDIALLY thank his Honor Mayor Wilson, and the citizens of Pitts- burg generally, for their flattering recep- tion. I am the more grateful because I know that it is not given to me alone, but to the cause I represent, which clearly proves to me their good-will, and that sincere feeling is at the bot- tom of it. And here I may remark that in every short address I have made to the people, in every crowd through which I have passed of late, some allusion has been made to the present distracted condition of the country. It is natural to expect that I should say something on this subject; but to touch upon it all would involve an elaborate discussion of a great many ques- tions and circumstances, requiring more time than I can at present command, and would, per- haps, unnecessarily commit me upon matters which have not yet fully developed themselves. The condition of the country is an extraordinary one, and fills the mind of every patriot with anxiety. It is my intention to give this subject all the consideration I possibly can before
1861] Address at Pittsburg 125
specially deciding in regard to it, so that when I do speak it may be as nearly right as possible. When I do speak I hope I may say nothing in opposition to the spirit of the Constitution, con- trary to the integrity of the Union, or which will prove inimical to the liberties of the people, or to the peace of the whole country. And, fur- thermore, when the time arrives for me to speak on this great subject, I hope I may say nothing to disappoint the people generally throughout the country, especially if the expectation has been based upon anything which I may have heretofore said. Notwithstanding the troubles across the river [the speaker pointing south- wardly across the Monongahela, and smiling], there is no crisis but an artificial one. What is there now to warrant the condition of affairs presented by our friends over the river? Take even their own view of the questions involved, and there is nothing to justify the course they are pursuing. I repeat, then, there is no crisis, excepting such a one as may be gotten up at any time by turbulent men aided by designing poli- ticians. My advice to them, under such cir- cumstances, is to keep cool. If the great Ameri- can people only keep their temper on both sides of the line, the troubles will come to an end, and the question which now distracts the country will be settled, just as surely as all other diffi-
126 Abraham Lincoln tFeb- J5
culties of a like character which have originated in this government have been adjusted. Let the people on both sides keep their self-possession, and just as other clouds have cleared away in due time, so will this great nation continue to prosper as heretofore. But, fellow-citizens, I have spoken longer on this subject than I in- tended at the outset.
It is often said that the tariff is the specialty of Pennsylvania. Assuming that direct taxation is not to be adopted, the tariff question must be as durable as the government itself. It is a ques- tion of national housekeeping. It is to the government what replenishing the meal-tub is to the family. Ever-varying circumstances will re- quire frequent modifications as to the amount needed and the sources of supply. So far there is little difference of opinion among the people. It is as to whether, and how far, duties on im- ports shall be adjusted to favor home production in the home market, that controversy begins. One party insists that such adjustment oppresses one class for the advantage of another; while the other party argues that, with all its incidents, in the long run all classes are benefited. In the Chicago platform there is a plank upon this subject which should be a general law to the incoming administration. We should do neither more nor less than we gave the people reason
1861] Address at Pittsburg 127
to believe we would when they gave us their votes. Permit me, fellow-citizens, to read the tariff plank of the Chicago platform, or rather have it read in your hearing by one who has younger eyes.
Mr. Lincoln's private secretary then read Section 12 of the Chicago platform, as follows:
That while providing revenue for the support of the General Government by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an adjustment of these im- posts as will encourage the development of the indus- trial interest of the whole country; and we commend that policy of national exchanges which secures to working-men liberal wages, to agriculture remuner- ating prices, to mechanics and manufacturers adequate reward for their skill, labor, and enterprise, and to the nation commercial prosperity and independence.
Mr. Lincoln resumed: As with all general propositions, doubtless there will be shades of difference in construing this. I have by no means a thoroughly matured judgment upon this subject, especially as to details; some gen- eral ideas are about all. I have long thought it would be to our advantage to produce any neces- sary article at home which can be made of as good quality and with as little labor at home as abroad, at least by the difference of the carrying from abroad. In such case the carrying is
128 Abraham Lincoln [Feb. 15
demonstrably a dead loss of labor. For instance, labor being the true standard of value, is it not plain that if equal labor get a bar of railroad iron out of a mine in England, and another out of a mine in Pennsylvania, each can be laid down in a track at home cheaper than they could exchange countries, at least by the carriage? If there be a present cause why one can be both made and carried cheaper in money price than the other can be made without carrying, that cause is an unnatural and injurious one, and ought gradually, if not rapidly, to be removed. The condition of the treasury at this time would seem to render an early revision of the tariff in- dispensable. The Morrill [tariff] bill, now pending before Congress, may or may not be- come a law. I am not posted as to its particular provisions, but if they are generally satisfactory, and the bill shall now pass, there will be an end for the present. If, however, it shall not pass, I suppose the whole subject will be one of the most pressing and important for the next Con- gress. By the Constitution, the executive may recommend measures which he may think proper, and he may veto those he thinks im- proper, and it is supposed that he may add to these certain indirect influences to affect the action of Congress. My political education strongly inclines me against a very free use of
1861] Address at Cleveland 129
any of these means by the executive to control the legislation of the country. As a rule, I think it better that Congress should originate as well as perfect its measures without external bias. I therefore would rather recommend to every gentlemen who knows he is to be a member of the next Congress to take an enlarged view, and post himself thoroughly, so as to contribute his part to such an adjustment of the tariff as shall produce a sufficient revenue, and in its other bearings, so far as possible, be just and equal to all sections of the country and classes of the people.
Address at Cleveland, Ohio, February 15, 1861
Fellow-citizens of Cleveland and Ohio: We have come here upon a very inclement after- noon. We have marched for two miles through the rain and the mud.
The large numbers that have turned out under these circumstances testify that you are in earnest about something, and what is that something? I would not have you suppose that I think this extreme earnestness is about me. I should be exceedingly sorry to see such devotion if that were the case. But I know it is paid to some- thing worth more than any one man, or any thousand or ten thousand men. You have as-
130 Abraham Lincoln [Feb. 15
sembled to testify your devotion to the Constitu- tion, to the Union, and the laws, to the perpetual liberty of the people of this country. It is, fellow-citizens, for the whole American people, and not for one single man alone, to advance the great cause of the Union and the Constitution. And in a country like this, where every man bears on his face the marks of intelligence, where every man's clothing, if I may so speak, shows signs of comfort, and every dwelling signs of happiness and contentment, where schools and churches abound on every side, the Union can never be in danger. I would, if I could, instil some degree of patriotism and confidence into the political mind in relation to this matter.
Frequent allusion is made to the excitement at present existing in our national politics, and it is as well that I should also allude to it here. I think that there is no occasion for any ex- citement. I think the crisis, as it is called, is altogether an artificial one. In all parts of the nation there are differences of opinion on poli- tics; there are differences of opinion even here. You did not all vote for the person who now addresses you, although quite enough of you did for all practical purposes, to be sure.
What they do who seek to destroy the Union is altogether artificial. What is happening to hurt them? Have they not all their rights now
1861] Address at Cleveland 13 l
as they ever have had? Do not they have their fugitive slaves returned now as ever? Have they not the same Constitution that they have lived under for seventy-odd years? Have they not a position as citizens of this common coun- try, and have we any power to change that position? [Cries of "No!"] What then is the matter with them? Why all this excitement? Why all these complaints? As I said before, this crisis is altogether artificial. It has no foundation in fact. It can't be argued up, and it can't be argued down. Let it alone, and it will go down of itself.
I have not strength, fellow-citizens, to ad- dress you at great length, and I pray that you will excuse me; but rest assured that my thanks are as cordial and sincere for the efficient aid which you will give to the good cause in work- ing for the good of the nation, as for the votes you gave me last fall.
There is one feature that causes me great pleasure, and that is to learn that this reception is given, not alone by those with whom I chance to agree politically, but by all parties. I think I am not selfish when I say this is as it should be. If Judge Douglas had been chosen Presi- dent of the United States, and had this evening been passing through your city, the Republicans snould have joined his supporters in welcoming
132 Abraham Lincoln [Feb. 16
him just as his friends have joined with mine to-night. If we do not make common cause to save the good old ship of the Union on this voyage, nobody will have a chance to pilot her on another voyage.
To all of you, then, who have done me the honor to participate in this cordial welcome, I return most sincerely my thanks, not for myself, but for Liberty, the Constitution, and Union.
I bid you an affectionate farewell.
Address at Buffalo, New York, February 16, 1861
Mr. Mayor and Fellow-citizens of Buffalo and the State of New York: I am here to thank you briefly for this grand reception given to me, not personally, but as the representative of our great and beloved country. Your worthy mayor has been pleased to mention, in his address to me, the fortunate and agreeable journey which I have had from home, on my rather circuitous route to the Federal capital. I am very happy that he was enabled in truth to congratulate my- self and company on that fact. It is true we have had nothing thus far to mar the pleasure of the trip. We have not been met alone by those who assisted in giving the election to me — I say not alone by them, but by the whole population of the country through which we have passed.
1861] Address at Buffalo 133
This is as it should be. Had the election fallen to any other of the distinguished candidates in- stead of myself, under the peculiar circum- stances, to say the least, it would have been proper for all citizens to have greeted him as you now greet me. It is an evidence of the de- votion of the whole people to the Constitution, the Union, and the perpetuity of the liberties of this country. I am unwilling on any occasion that I should be so meanly thought of as to have it supposed for a moment that these demonstra- tions are tendered to me personally. They are tendered to the country, to the institutions of the country, and to the perpetuity of the liberties of the country, for which these institutions were made and created.
Your worthy mayor has thought fit to express the hope that I may be able to relieve the coun- try from the present, or, I should say, the threatened difficulties. I am sure I bring a heart true to the work. For the ability to perform it, I must trust in that Supreme Being who has never forsaken this favored land, through the instrumentality of this great and intelligent people. Without that assistance I shall surely fail ; with it, I cannot fail. When we speak of threatened difficulties to the country, it is natural that it should be expected that something should be said by myself with regard to particular
134 Abraham Lincoln [Feb. 18
measures. Upon more mature reflection, how- ever, others will agree with me that, when it is considered that these difficulties are without prec- edent, and have never been acted upon by any individual situated as I am, it is most proper I should wait and see the developments, and get all the light possible, so that when I do speak authoritatively, I may be as near right as pos- sible.
When I shall speak authoritatively, I hope to say nothing inconsistent with the Constitu- tion, the Union, the rights of all the States, of each State, and of each section of the country, and not to disappoint the reasonable expecta- tions of those who have confided to me their votes. In this connection allow me to say that you, as a portion of the great American people, need only to maintain your composure, stand up to your sober convictions of right, to your obli- gations to the Constitution, and act in accord- ance with those sober convictions, and the clouds now on the horizon will be dispelled, and we shall have a bright and glorious future; and when this generation has passed away, tens of thousands will inhabit this country where only thousands inhabit it now. I do not propose to ad- dress you at length; I have no voice for it. Allow me again to thank you for this magnifi- cent reception, and bid you farewell.
1861] Address at Syracuse 135
Address at Rochester, New York, February 18, 1861
I confess myself, after having seen many large audiences since leaving home, overwhelmed with this vast number of faces at this hour of the morning. I am not vain enough to believe that you are here from any wish to see me as an individual, but because I am for the time being the representative of the American people. I could not, if I would, address you at any length. I have not the strength, even if I had the time, for a speech at each of these many interviews that are afforded me on my way to Washington. I appear merely to see you, and to let you see me, and to bid you farewell. I hope it will be understood that it is from no disinclination to oblige anybody that I do not address you at greater length.
Address at Syracuse, New York, February 18, 1861
Ladies and Gentlemen: I see you have erected a very fine and handsome platform here for me, and I presume you expected me to speak from it. If I should go upon it, you would imagine that I was about to deliver you a much longer speech than I am. I wish you to under- stand that I mean no discourtesy to you by thus
136 Abraham Lincoln [Feb. 18
declining. I intend discourtesy to no one. But I wish you to understand that though I am un- willing to go upon this platform, you are not at liberty to draw any inferences concerning any other platform with which my name has been or is connected. I wish you long life and pros- perity individually, and pray that with the per- petuity of those institutions under which we have all so long lived and prospered, our hap- piness may be secured, our future made bril- liant, and the glorious destiny of our country established forever. I bid you a kind farewell.
Address at Utica, New York, February 18, 1861
Ladies and Gentlemen: I have no speech to make to you, and no time to speak in. I appear before you that I may see you, and that you may see me; and I am willing to admit, that so far as the ladies are concerned, I have the best of the bargain, though I wish it to be understood that I do not make the same acknowledgment concerning the men.
Reply to the Mayor of Albany, New York,
February 18, 1861 Mr. Mayor: I can hardly appropriate to my- self the flattering terms in which you commun- icate the tender of this reception, as personal
1861] Reply to Albany Mayor 137
to myself. I most gratefully accept the hospi- talities tendered to me, and will not detain you or the audience with any extended remarks at this time. I presume that in the two or three courses through which I shall have to go, I shall have to repeat somewhat, and I will there- fore only express to you my thanks for this kind reception.
138 Abraham Lincoln [Feb. 18
Reply to Governor Morgan of New York, AT Albany, February 18, 1861
GOVERNOR MORGAN: I was pleased to receive an invitation to visit the capital of the great Empire State of this nation while on my way to the Federal capital. I now thank you, Mr. Governor, and you, the people of the capital of the State of New York, for this most hearty and magnificent welcome. If I am not at fault, the great Em- pire State at this time contains a larger popula- tion than did the whole of the United States of America at the time they achieved their na- tional independence, and I was proud to be invited to visit its capital, to meet its citizens, as I now have the honor to do. I am notified by your governor that this reception is tendered by citizens without distinction of party. Be- cause of this I accept it the more gladly. In this country, and in any country where freedom of thought is tolerated, citizens attach them- selves to political parties. It is but an ordinary degree of charity to attribute this act to the sup- position that in thus attaching themselves to the
1861] Reply to Governor Morgan 139
various parties, each man in his own judgment supposes he thereby best advances the interests of the whole country. And when an election is past, it is altogether befitting a free people, as I suppose, that, until the next election, they should be one people. The reception you have extended me to-day is not given to me person- ally,— it should not be so, — but as the represen- tative, for the time being, of the majority of the nation. If the election had fallen to any of the more distinguished citizens who received the support of the people, this same honor should have greeted him that greets me this day, in testimony of the universal, unanimous devo- tion of the whole people to the Constitution, the Union, and to the perpetual liberties of succeed- ing generations in this country.
I have neither the voice nor the strength to address you at any greater length. I beg you will therefore accept my most grateful thanks for this manifest devotion — not to me, but the institutions of this great and glorious country.
Address to the Legislature of New York, at Albany, February 18, 1861
Mr, President and Gentlemen of the General Assembly of the State of New York: It is with feelings of great diffidence, and, I may say, with feelings of awe, perhaps greater than I have re-
140 Abraham Lincoln [Feb. 18
cently experienced, that I meet you here in this place. The history of this great State, the re- nown of those great men who have stood here, and have spoken here, and been heard here, all crowd around my fancy, and incline me to shrink from any attempt to address you. Yet I have some confidence given me by the generous manner in which you have invited me, and by the still more generous manner in which you have received me, to speak further. You have invited and received me without distinction of party. I cannot for a moment suppose that this has been done in any considerable degree with reference to my personal services, but that it is done, in so far as I am regarded, at this time, as the representative of the majesty of this great nation. I doubt not this is the truth, and the whole truth, of the case, and this is as it should be. It is much more gratifying to me that this reception has been given to me as the elected representative of a free peope, than it could pos- sibly be if tendered merely as an evidence of de- votion to me, or to any one man personally.
And now I think it were more fitting that I should close these hasty remarks. It is true that, while I hold myself, without mock modesty, the humblest of all individuals that have ever been elevated to the presidency, I have a more diffi- cult task to perform than any one of them.
1861] To New York Legislature 141
You have generously tendered me the support —the united support — of the great Empire State. For this, in behalf of the nation — in be- half of the present and future of the nation — in behalf of civil and religious liberty for all time to come, most gratefully do I thank you. I do not propose to enter into an explanation of any particular line of policy, as to our present diffi- culties, to be adopted by the incoming adminis- tration. I deem it just to you, to myself, to all, that I should see everything, that I should hear everything, that I should have every light that can be brought within my reach, in order that, when I do so speak, I shall have enjoyed every opportunity to take correct and true ground; and for this reason I do not propose to speak at this time of the policy of the government. But when the time comes, I shall speak, as well as I am able, for the good of the present and future of this country — for the good both of the North and of the South — for the good of the one and the other, and of all sections of the country. In the mean time, if we have patience, if we re- strain ourselves, if we allow ourselves not to run off in a passion, I still have confidence that the Almighty, the Maker of the universe, will, through the instrumentality of this great and in- telligent people, bring us through this as he has through all the other difficulties of our country.
142 Abraham Lincoln [Feb. 19
Relying on this, I again thank you for this gen- erous reception.
Address at Troy, New York, February 19, 1861
Mr. Mayor and Citizens of Troy: I thank you very kindly for this great reception. Since I left my home it has not been my fortune to meet an assemblage more numerous and more orderly than this. I am the more gratified at this mark of your regard, since you assure me it is tendered, not to the individual, but to the high office you have called me to fill. I have neither strength nor time to make any extended remarks on this occasion, and I can only repeat to you my sincere thanks for the kind reception you have thought proper to extend to me.
Address at Poughkeepsie, New York, Febru- ary 19, 1861
Fellow-citizens: It is altogether impossible I should make myself heard by any considerable portion of this vast assemblage; but, although I appear before you mainly for the purpose of seeing you, and to let you see rather than hear me, I cannot refrain from saying that I am highly gratified — as much here, indeed, under the circumstances, as I have been anywhere on my route — to witness this noble demonstration—
i860 Address at Poughkeepsie 143
made, not in honor of an individual, but of the man who at this time humbly, but earnestly, represents the majesty of the nation.
This reception, like all the others that have been tendered to me, doubtless emanates from all the political parties, and not from one alone. As such I accept it the more gratefully, since it indicates an earnest desire on the part of the whole people, without regard to political differ- ences, to save — not the country, because the country will save itself — but to save the institu- tions of the country — those institutions under which, in the last three quarters of a century, we have grown to a great, an intelligent, and a happy people — the greatest, the most intelligent, and the happiest people in the world. These noble manifestations indicate, with unerring cer- tainty, that the whole people are willing to make common cause for this object; that if, as it ever must be, some have been successful in the recent election, and some have been beaten — if some are satisfied, and some are dissatisfied, the de- feated party are not in favor of sinking the ship, but are desirous of running it through the tempest in safety, and willing, if they think the people have committed an error in their verdict now, to wait in the hope of reversing it, and setting it right next time. I do not say that in the recent election the people did the wisest
144 Abraham Lincoln [Feb. 19
thing that could have been done; indeed, I do not think they did ; but I do say that in accept- ing the great trust committed to me, which I do with a determination to endeavor to prove worthy of it, I must rely upon you, upon the people of the whole country, for support; and with their sustaining aid, even I, humble as I am, cannot fail to carry the ship of state safely through the storm.
I have now only to thank you warmly for your kind attendance, and bid you all an affectionate farewell.
Address at Hudson, New York, February 19, 1861
Fellow-citizens: I see that you have pro- vided a platform, but I shall have to decline standing on it. The superintendent tells me I have not time during our brief stay to leave the train. I had to decline standing on some very handsome platforms prepared for me yesterday. But I say to you, as I said to them, you must not on this account draw the inference that I have any intention to desert any platform I have a legitimate right to stand on. I do not appear before you for the purpose of making a speech. I come only to see you, and to give you the op- portunity to see me; and I say to you, as I have before said to crowds where there were so many
1861] Address at New York City 145
handsome ladies as there are here, I think I have decidedly the best of the bargain. I have only, therefore, to thank you most cordially for this kind reception, and bid you all farewell.
Address at Peekskill, New York, February 19, 1861
Ladies and Gentlemen: I have but a moment to stand before you to listen to and return your kind greeting. I thank you for this reception, and for the pleasant manner in which it is ten- dered to me by our mutual friends. I will say in a single sentence, in regard to the difficulties that lie before me and our beloved country, that if I can only be as generously and unanimously sustained as the demonstrations I have witnessed indicate I shall be, I shall not fail ; but without your sustaining hands I am sure that neither I nor any other man can hope to surmount these difficulties. I trust that in the course I shall pursue I shall be sustained not only by the party that elected me, but by the patriotic people of the whole country.
Address at New York City, February 19, 1861
Mr, Chairman and Gentlemen: I am rather an old man to avail myself of such an excuse as I am now about to do. Yet the truth is so dis-
146 Abraham Lincoln [Feb. 19
tinct, and presses itself so distinctly upon me, that I cannot well avoid it — and that is, that I did not understand when I was brought into this room that I was to be brought here to make a speech. It was not intimated to me that I was brought into the room where Daniel Webster and Henry Clay had made speeches, and where one in my position might be expected to do something like those men or say something worthy of myself or my audience. I therefore beg you to make allowance for the circumstances in which I have been by surprise brought before you. Now I have been in the habit of thinking and sometimes speaking upon political ques- tions that have for some years past agitated the country; and, if I were disposed to do so, and we could take up some one of the issues, as the lawyers call them, and I were called upon to make an argument about it to the best of my ability, I could do so without much preparation. But that is not what you desire to have done here to-night.
I have been occupying a position, since the presidential election, of silence — of avoiding public speaking, of avoiding public writ- ing. I have been doing so because I thought, upon full consideration, that was the proper course for me to take. I am brought be- fore you now, and required to make a speech,
i860 Address at New York City 147
when you all approve more than anything else of the fact that I have been keeping silence. And now it seems to me that the response you give to that remark ought to justify me in closing just here. I have not kept silence since the presi- dential election from any party wantonness, or from any indifference to the anxiety that per- vades the minds of men about the aspect of the political affairs of this country. I have kept silence for the reason that I supposed it was peculiarly proper that I should do so until the time came when, according to the custom of the country, I could speak officially.
I still suppose that, while the political drama being enacted in this country, at this time, is rapidly shifting its scenes — forbidding an an- ticipation with any degree of certainty, to-day, of what we shall see to-morrow — it is peculiarly fitting that I should see it all, up to the last minute, before I should take ground that I might be disposed (by the shifting of the scenes after- ward) also to shift. I have said several times upon this journey, and I now repeat it to you, that when the time does come, I shall then take the ground that I think is right — right for the North, for the South, for the East, for the West, for the whole country. And in doing so, I hope to feel no necessity pressing upon me to say any- thing in conflict with the Constitution; in con-
148 Abraham Lincoln [Fel>- 20
flict with the continued union of these States, in conflict with the perpetuation of the liberties of this people, or anything in conflict with anything whatever that I have ever given you reason to expect from me. And now, my friends, have I said enough? [Loud cries of "No, no!" and "Three cheers for Lincoln !"] Now, my friends, there appears to be a difference of opinion be- tween you and me, and I really feel called upon to decide the question myself.
1861] To New York City Mayor 149
Reply to the Mayor of New York City, February 20, 1861
MR. MAYOR: It is with feelings of deep gratitude that I make my ac- knowledgments for the reception that has been given me in the great commercial city of New York. I cannot but remember that it is done by the people who do not, by a large majority, agree with me in political sentiment. It is the more grateful to me because in this I see that for the great principles of our govern- ment the people are pretty nearly or quite unanimous. In regard to the difficulties that confront us at this time, and of which you have seen fit to speak so becomingly and so justly, I can only say I agree with the sentiments ex- pressed. In my devotion to the Union, I hope I am behind no man in the nation. As to my wisdom in conducting affairs so as to tend to the preservation of the Union, I fear too great confidence may have been placed in me. I am sure I bring a heart devoted to the work. There is nothing that could ever bring me to consent — willingly to consent — to the de- struction of this Union (in which not only the
150 Abraham Lincoln [Feb. ai
great city of New York, but the whole country, has acquired its greatness), unless it would be that thing for which the Union itself was made. I understand that the ship is made for the carry- ing and preservation of the cargo; and so long as the ship is safe with the cargo, it shall not be abandoned. This Union shall never be aban- doned, unless the possibility of its existence shall cease to exist without the necessity of throwing passengers and cargo overboard. So long, then, as it is possible that the prosperity and liber- ties of this people can be preserved within this Union, it shall be my purpose at all times to preserve it. And now, Mr. Mayor, renewing my thanks for this cordial reception, allow me to come to a close.
Address to the Senate of New Jersey, February 21, 1861
Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Senate of the State of New Jersey: I am very grateful to you for the honorable reception of which I have been the object. I cannot but remember the place that New Jersey holds in our early history. In the Revolutionary struggle few of the States among the Old Thirteen had more of the battlefields of the country within their limits than New Jersey. May I be pardoned if, upon this occasion, I mention that away back
1861] To New Jersey Senate 151
in my childhood, the earliest days of my being able to read, I got hold of a small book, such a one as few of the younger members have ever seen — Weems' "Life of Washington." I re- member all the accounts there given of the battle-fields and struggles for the liberties of the country, and none fixed themselves upon my imagination so deeply as the struggle here at Trenton, New Jersey. The crossing of the river, the contest with the Hessians, the great hard- ships endured at that time, all fixed themselves on my memory more than any single Revolution- ary event; and you all know, for you have all been boys, how these early impressions last longer than any others. I recollect thinking then, boy even though I was, that there must have been something more than common that these men struggled for. I am exceedingly anxious that that thing — that something even more than national independence; that some- thing that held out a great promise to all the people of the world to all time to come — I am exceedingly anxious that this Union, the Con- stitution, and the liberties of the people shall be perpetuated in accordance with the original idea for which that struggle was made, and I shall be most happy indeed if I shall be a humble in- strument in the hands of the Almighty and of this, his almost chosen people, for perpetuating
152 Abraham Lincoln [Feb. 21
the object of that great struggle. You give me this reception, as I understand, without distinc- tion of party. I learn that this body is com- posed of a majority of gentlemen who, in the exercise of their best judgment in the choice of a chief magistrate, did not think I was the man. I understand, nevertheless, that they come for- ward here to greet me as the constitutionally elected President of the United States — as citi- zens of the United States to meet the man who, for the time being, is the representative of the majesty of the nation — united by the single pur- pose to perpetuate the Constitution, the Union, and the liberties of the people. As such, I ac- cept this reception more gratefully than I could do did I believe it were tendered to me as an individual.
Address to the Assembly of New Jersey, February 21, 1861
Mr. Speaker and Gentlemen : I have just en- joyed the honor of a reception by the other branch of this legislature, and I return to you and them my thanks for the reception which the people of New Jersey have given through their chosen representatives to me as the representa- tive, for the time being, of the majesty of the people of the United States. I appropriate to myself very little of the demonstrations of re-
i86i] To New Jersey Assembly 153
spect with which I have been greeted. I think little should be given to any man, but that it should be a manifestation of adherence to the Union and the Constitution. I understand my- self to be received here by the representatives of the people of New Jersey, a majority of whom differ in opinion from those with whom I have acted. This manifestation is therefore to be re- garded by me as expressing their devotion to the Union, the Constitution, and the liberties of the people.
You, Mr. Speaker, have well said that this is a time when the bravest and wisest look with doubt and awe upon the aspect presented by our national affairs. Under these circumstances you will readily see why I should not speak in detail of the course I shall deem it best to pursue. It is proper that I should avail myself of all the information and all the time at my command, in order that when the time arrives in which I must speak officially, I shall be able to take the ground which I deem best and safest, and from which I may have no occasion to swerve. I shall endeavor to take the ground I deem most just to the North, the East, the West, the South, and the whole country. I take it, I hope, in good temper, certainly with no malice toward any section. I shall do all that may be in my power to promote a peaceful settlement of all our diffi-
154 Abraham Lincoln [Feb. 21
culties. The man does not live who is more de- voted to peace than I am, none who would do more to preserve it, but it may be necessary to put the foot down firmly. [Here the audience broke out into cheers so loud and long that for some moments it was impossible to hear Mr. Lincoln's voice.] And if I do my duty and do right, you will sustain me, will you not? [Loud cheers, and cries of "Yes, yes; we will."] Re- ceived as I am by the members of a legislature the majority of whom do not agree with me in political sentiments, I trust that I may have their assistance in piloting the ship of state through this voyage, surrounded by perils as it is; for if it should suffer wreck now, there will be no pilot ever needed for another voyage.
Gentlemen, I have already spoken longer than I intended, and must beg leave to stop here.
Reply to the Mayor of Philadelphia, Penn- sylvania, February 21, 1861
Mr. Mayor and Fellow-citizens of Philadel- phia: I appear before you to make no lengthy speech, but to thank you for this reception. The reception you have £iven me to-night is not to me, the man, the individual, but to the man who temporarily represents, or should represent, the majesty of the nation. It is true, as your worthy mayor has said, that there is great anxiety
1861] To Philadelphia Mayor 155
amongst the citizens of the United States at this time. I deem it a happy circumstance that this dissatisfied portion of our fellow-citizens does not point us to anything in which they are being injured or about to be injured; for which reason I have felt all the while justified in concluding that the crisis, the panic, the anxiety of the coun- try at this time, is artificial. If there be those who differ with me upon this subject, they have not pointed out the substantial difficulty that exists. I do not mean to say that an artificial panic may not do considerable harm; that it has done such I do not deny. The hope that has been expressed by your mayor, that I may be able to restore peace, harmony, and prosperity to the country, is most worthy of him ; and most happy, indeed, will I be if I shall be able to verify and fulfil that hope. I promise you that I bring to the work a sincere heart. Whether I will bring a head equal to that heart will be for future times to determine. It were useless for me to speak of details of plans now; I shall speak officially next Monday week, if ever. If I should not speak then, it were useless for me to do so now. If I do speak then, it is useless for me to do so now. When I do speak, I shall take such ground as I deem best calculated to restore peace, harmony, and prosperity to the country, and tend to the perpetuity of the nation
156 Abraham Lincoln [Feb. 22
and the liberty of these States and these people. Your worthy mayor has expressed the wish, in which I join with him, that it were convenient for me to remain in your city long enough to consult your merchants and manufacturers; or, as it were, to listen to those breathings rising within the consecrated walls wherein the Con- stitution of the United States, and, I will add, the Declaration of Independence, were orig- inally framed and adopted. I assure you and your mayor that I had hoped on this occasion, and upon all occasions during my life, that I shall do nothing inconsistent with the teachings of these holy and most sacred walls. I have never asked anything that does not breathe from those walls. All my political warfare has been in favor of the teachings that come forth from these sacred walls. May my right hand forget its cunning and my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth if ever I prove false to those teachings. Fellow-citizens, I have addressed you longer than I expected to do, and now allow me to bid you good-night.
Address in Independence Hall, Philadel- phia, February 22, 1861
Mr. Cuyler: I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing in this place, where were collected together the wisdom, the patriot-
1861] Independence Hall Address 157
ism, the devotion to principle, from which sprang the institutions under which we live. You have kindly suggested to me that in my hands is the task of restoring peace to our dis- tracted country. I can say in return, sir, that all the political sentiments I entertain have been drawn, so far as I have been able to draw them, from the sentiments which originated in and were given to the world from this hall. I have never had a feeling, politically, that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independence. I have often pondered over the dangers which were incurred by the men who assembled here and framed and adopted that Declaration. I have pondered over the toils that were endured by the officers and soldiers of the army who achieved that indepen- dence. I have often inquired of myself what great principle or idea it was that kept this Con- federacy so long together. It was not the mere matter of separation of the colonies from the motherland, but that sentiment in the Declara- tion of Independence which gave liberty not alone to the people of this country, but hope to all the world, for all future time. It was that which gave promise that in due time the weights would be lifted from the shoulders of all men. and that all should have an equal chance. This is the sentiment embodied in the Declaration of
158 Abraham Lincoln [Feb. 32
Independence. Now, my friends, can this coun- try be saved on that basis? If it can, I will con- sider myself one of the happiest men in the world if I can help to save it. If it cannot be saved upon that principle, it will be truly awful. But if this country cannot be saved without giving up that principle, I was about to say I would rather be assassinated on this spot than surrender it. Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there is no need of bloodshed and war. There is no necessity for it. I am not in favor of such a course; and I may say in ad- vance that there will be no bloodshed unless it is forced upon the government. The government will not use force, unless force is used against it. My friends, this is wholly an unprepared speech. I did not expect to be called on to say a word when I came here. I supposed I was merely to do something toward raising a flag. I may, therefore, have said something indiscreet. [Cries of "No, no."] But I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by, and, if it be the pleasure of Almighty God, to die by.
i860 Independence Hall Address 159
Address on Raising a Flag over Indepen- dence Hall, Philadelphia, February 22, 1861
FELLOW-CITIZENS: I am invited and called before you to participate in raising above Independence Hall the flag of our country, with an additional star upon it.1 I propose now, in advance of performing this very pleasant and complimentary duty, to say a few words. I propose to say that when the flag was originally raised here, it had but thirteen stars. I wish to call your attention to the fact that, under the blessing of God, each additional star added to that flag has given additional pros- perity and happiness to this country, until it has advanced to its present condition; and its wel- fare in the future, as well as in the past, is in your hands. Cultivating the spirit that ani- mated our fathers, who gave renown and celeb- rity to this hall, cherishing that fraternal feeling which has so long characterized us as a nation, excluding passion, ill temper, and precipitate action on all occasions, I think we may promise
*The State of Kansas, which was admitted into the Union January 20, 1861.-—N. and H.
160 Abraham Lincoln [Feb. 22
ourselves that not only the new star placed upon that flag shall be permitted to remain there to our permanent prosperity for years to come, but additional ones shall from time to time be placed there until we shall number, as it was anticipated by the great historian, five hundred millions of happy and prosperous people.
With these few remarks I proceed to the very agreeable duty assigned to me.
Reply to Governor Curtin of Pennsyl- vania, AT HARRISBURG, February 22, 1861
Governor Curtin and Citizens of the State of Pennsylvania: Perhaps the best thing that I could do would be simply to indorse the patriotic and eloquent speech which your governor has just made in your hearing. I am quite sure that I am unable to address to you anything so appro- priate as that which he has uttered.
Reference has been made by him to the dis- traction of the public mind at this time and to the great task that is before me in entering upon the administration of the General Government. With all the eloquence and ability that your governor brings to this theme, I am quite sure he does not — in his situation he cannot — appre- ciate as I do the weight of that great responsi- bility. I feel that, under God, in the strength of the arms and wisdom of the heads of these
1861] Reply to Governor Curtin 161
masses, after all, must be my support. As I have often had occasion to say, I repeat to you — I am quite sure I do not deceive myself when I tell you I bring to the work an honest heart; I dare not tell you that I bring a head sufficient for it. If my own strength should fail, I shall at least fall back upon these masses, who, I think, under any circumstances will not fail.
Allusion has been made to the peaceful prin- ciples upon which this great commonwealth was originally settled. Allow me to add my meed of praise to those peaceful principles. I hope no one of the Friends who originally settled here, or who lived here since that time, or who live here now, has been or is a more devoted lover of peace, harmony, and concord than my humble self.
While I have been proud to see to-day the finest military array, I think, that I have ever seen, allow me to say, in regard to those men, that they give hope of what may be done when war is inevitable. But, at the same time, allow me to express the hope that in the shedding of blood their services may never be needed, especi- ally in the shedding of fraternal blood. It shall be my endeavor to preserve the peace of this country so far as it can possibly be done consis- tently with the maintenance of the institutions of the country. With my consent, or without my
1 62 Abraham Lincoln [Feb. 22
great displeasure, this country shall never wit- ness the shedding of one drop of blood in frater- nal strife.
And now, my fellow-citizens, as I have made many speeches, will you allow me to bid you farewell?
Address to the Legislature of Pennsyl- vania, AT HARRISBURG, February 22, 1861
Mr. Speaker of the Senate, and also Mr. Speaker of the House of Representatives, and Gentlemen of the General Assembly of the State of Pennsylvania: I appear before you only for a very few brief remarks in response to what has been said to me. I thank you most sincerely for this reception, and the generous words in which support has been promised me upon this occas- ion. I thank your great commonwealth for the overwhelming support it recently gave, not me personally, but the cause which I think a just one, in the late election.
Allusion has been made to the fact — the in- teresting fact perhaps we should say — that I for the first time appear at the capital of the great commonwealth of Pennsylvania upon the birth- day of the Father of his Country. In connection with that beloved anniversary connected with the history of this country, I have already gone through one exceedingly interesting scene this
i860 Address at Harrisburg 163
morning in the ceremonies at Philadelphia. Under the kind conduct of gentlemen there, I was for the first time allowed the privilege of standing in old Independence Hall to have a few words addressed to me there, and opening up to me an opportunity of manifesting my deep re- gret that I had not more time to express some- thing of my own feelings excited by the occasion, that had been really the feelings of my whole life.
Besides this, our friends there had provided a magnificent flag of the country. They had ar- ranged it so that I was given the honor of raising it to the head of its staff, and when it went up I was pleased that it went to its place by the strength of my own feeble arm. When, accord- ing to the arrangement, the cord was pulled, and it floated gloriously to the wind, without an accident, in the bright, glowing sunshine of the morning, I could not help hoping that there was in the entire success of that beautiful ceremony at least something of an omen of what is to come. Nor could I help feeling then, as I have often felt, that in the whole of that proceeding I was a very humble instrument. I had not provided the flag; I had not made the arrangements for elevating it to its place ; I had applied but a very small portion of even my feeble strength in rais- ing it. In the whole transaction I was in the
164 Abraham Lincoln [Feb. 27
hands of the people who had arranged it, and if I can have the same generous cooperation of the people of this nation, I think the flag of our country may yet be kept flaunting gloriously.
I recur for a moment but to repeat some words uttered at the hotel in regard to what has been said about the military support which the Gen- eral Government may expect from the common- wealth of Pennsylvania in a proper emergency. To guard against any possible mistake do I recur to this. It is not with any pleasure that I con- template the possibility that a necessity may arise in this country for the use of the military arm. While I am exceedingly gratified to see the manifestation upon your streets of your mili- tary force here, and exceedingly gratified at your promise to use that force upon a proper emer- gency—while I make these acknowledgments I desire to repeat, in order to preclude any possible misconstruction, that I do most sincerely hope that we shall have no use for them; that it will never become their duty to shed blood, and most especially never to shed fraternal blood. I promise that so far as I may have wisdom to direct, if so painful a result shall in any wise be brought about, it shall be through no fault of mine.
Allusion has also been made by one of your honored speakers to some remarks recently made
1861] Reply to Washington Mayor 165
by myself at Pittsburg in regard to what is sup- posed to be the especial interest of this great commonwealth of Pennsylvania. I now wish only to say in regard to that matter, that the few remarks which I uttered on that occasion were rather carefully worded. I took pains that they should be so. I have seen no occasion since to add to them or subtract from them. I leave them precisely as they stand, adding only now that I am pleased to have an expression from you, gentlemen of Pennsylvania, signifying that they are satisfactory to you.
And now, gentlemen of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, allow me again to return to you my most sincere thanks.
Reply to the Mayor of Washington, D. C, February 27, 1861
Mr. Mayor: I thank you, and through you the municipal authorities of this city who accom- pany you, for this welcome. And as it is the first time in my life, since the present phase of politics has presented itself in this country, that I have said anything publicly within a region of country where the institution of slavery exists, I will take this occasion to say that I think very much of the ill feeling that has existed and still exists between the people in the section from
1 66 Abraham Lincoln [Feb. 28
which I came and the people here, is dependent upon a misunderstanding of one another. I therefore avail myself of this opportunity to assure you, Mr. Mayor, and all the gentlemen present, that I have not now, and never have had, any other than as kindly feelings toward you as to the people of my own section. I have not now, and never have had, any disposition to treat you in any respect otherwise than as my own neighbors. I have not now any purpose to withhold from you any of the benefits of the Constitution, under any circumstances, that I would not feel myself constrained to withhold from my own neighbors ; and I hope, in a word, that when we shall become better acquainted — and I say it with great confidence — we shall like each other better. I thank you for the kindness of this reception.
Reply to a Serenade at Washington, D. C, February 28, 1861
My Friends: I suppose that I may take this as a compliment paid to me, and as such please accept my thanks for it. I have reached this city of Washington under circumstances con- siderably differing from those under which any other man has ever reached it. I am here for the purpose of taking an official position amongst the people, almost all of whom were politically
*86i] Reply to Serenade 167
opposed to me, and are yet opposed to me, as I suppose.
I propose no lengthy address to you. I only propose to say, as I did on yesterday, when your worthy mayor and board of aldermen called upon me, that I thought much of the ill feeling that has existed between you and the people of your surroundings and that people from among whom I came, has depended, and now depends upon a misunderstanding.
I hope that, if things shall go along as pros- perously as I believe we all desire they may, I may have it in my power to remove something of this misunderstanding; that I may be enabled to convince you, and the people of your section of the country, that we regard you as in all things our equals, and in all things entitled to the same respect and the same treatment that we claim for ourselves ; that we are in no wise disposed, if it were in our power, to oppress you, to deprive you of any of your rights under the Constitution of the United States, or even narrowly to split hairs with you in regard to these rights, but are determined to give you, as far as lies in our hands, all your rights under the Constitution — not grudgingly, but fully and fairly. I hope that, by thus dealing with you, we will become better acquainted, and be better friends.
And now, my friends, with these few remarks,
1 68 Abraham Lincoln [Mar. 4
and again returning my thanks for this compli- ment, and expressing my desire to hear a little more of your good music, I bid you good-night.
Letter to William H. Seward (Private.)
Willard's Hotel,
Washington, March i, 1861. Dear Sir: If a successor to General Twiggs is attempted to be appointed, do not allow it to be done.
Yours in haste,
A. Lincoln
William H. Seward
Wood Engraving after a Rare Daguerreotype taken about fSji.
1861] First Inaugural Address 169
First Inaugural Address, March 4, 18611
FELLOW-CITIZENS of the United States: In compliance with a custom as old as the government itself, I ap- pear before you to address you briefly, and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President "before he enters on the execution of his office."
I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excite- ment.
Apprehension seems to exist among the people
1 When reading* Lincoln's first Inaugural it is well to recall the terrible conditions existing throughout the land early in 1861, From January 9th to February 1st Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana and Texas had joined South Carolina in se- ceding from the Union and had formed a provisional government with slavery for its cornerstone. Since December, i860, Major Anderson had been besieged in Fort Sumter in Charleston Har- bor. Lincoln was careful to seek the best advice in the prepara- tion of this Inaugural. After Judge Davis, O, H. Browning and Frank P. Blair, Sr., had criticised it, W. H. Seward was asked for an opinion. He thought it " strong and conclusive," but suggested some words of affection and confidence. This led to the poetic close of the address, the idea being Seward's, the language Lincoln's.
170 Abraham Lincoln [Mar. 4
of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be en- dangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that "I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to in- terfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no law- ful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so." Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations, and had never recanted them.
And, more than this, they placed in the plat- form for my acceptance, and as a law to them- selves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolu- tion which I now read :
Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institu- tions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the per- fection and endurance of our political fabric depend, and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force
1861] First Inaugural Address 171
of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.
I now reiterate these sentiments; and, in doing so, I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible, that the property, peace, and secur- ity of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming administration. I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the States when law- fully demanded, for whatever cause — as cheer- fully to one section as to another.
There is much controversy about the deliver- ing up of fugitives from service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions:
No person held to service or labor in one State, un- der the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein be dis- charged from such service or labor, but shall be de- livered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.
It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the re- claiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear their support to the
172 Abraham Lincoln [Mar. 4
whole Constitution — to this provision as much as to any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause "shall be delivered up," their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?
There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority; but surely that difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be sur- rendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done. And should any one in any case be content that his oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstan- tial controversy as to how it shall be kept?
Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guaran- tees that "the citizen of each State shall be en- titled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States"?
I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations, and with no purpose to construe the
1861] First Inaugural Address 173
Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules. And while I do not choose now to specify par- ticular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand unre- pealed, than to violate any of them, trusting to find impunity in having them held to be uncon- stitutional.
It is seventy-two years since the first inaugura- tion of a President under our National Consti- tution. During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have, in succes- sion, administered the executive branch of the government. They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success. Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar diffi- culty. A disruption of the Federal Union, here- tofore only menaced, is now formidably at- tempted.
I hold that, in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution, the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not ex- pressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is s^fe to assert that no govern- ment proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination.
174 Abraham Lincoln [Mar. 4
Continue to execute all the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure forever — it being impossible to de- stroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.
Again, if the United States be not a govern- ment proper, but an association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate it — break it, so to speak; but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it?
Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that, in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States ex- pressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778. And, finally, in 1787 one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Con- stitution was "to form a more perfect Union."
But if the destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the Con-
1861] First Inaugural Address 175
stitution, having lost the vital element of per- petuity.
It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union ; that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void ; and that acts of violence, within any State or States, against the authority of the United States, are insurrectionary or revolution- ary, according to circumstances.
I therefore consider that, in view of the Con- stitution and the laws, the Union is unbroken; and to the extent of my ability I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully exe- cuted in all the States. Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part; and I shall perform it so far as practicable, unless my right- ful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means, or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself.
In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence; and there shall be none, unless it be forced upon the national authority. The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the government, and to collect the duties and im~
176 Abraham Lincoln [Mar. 4
posts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere. Where hostility to the United States, in any in- terior locality, shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no at- tempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object. While the strict legal right may exist in the government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating, and so nearly impractic- able withal, that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices.
The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union. So far as possible, the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and reflection. The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exi- gency my best discretion will be exercised ac- cording to circumstances actually existing, and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fra- ternal sympathies and affections.
That there are persons in one section or an- other who seek to destroy the Union at all events,
i86i] First Inaugural Address 177
and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need ad- dress no word to them. To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak?
Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from — will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake?
All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right, plainly written in the Constitution, has been denied? I think not. Happily the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. If by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might, in a moral point of view, justify revolu- tion— certainly would if such a right were a vital one. But such is not our case. All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so
178 Abraham Lincoln [Mar. 4
plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guarantees and prohibitions, in the Constitution, that controversies never arise con- cerning them. But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration. No foresight can anticipate, nor any document of reasonable length contain, ex- press provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by State authority? The Constitution does not expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say.
From questions of this class spring all our con- stitutional controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. If the mi- nority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the government must cease. There is no other alternative; for continuing the government is acquiescence on one side or the other.
If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them; for a minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by such minor- ity. For instance, why may not any portion of
1861] First Inaugural Address 179
a new confederacy a year or two hence arbitra- rily secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this.
Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose a new Union, as to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed secession?
Plainly, the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and al- ways changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever re- jects it does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is impossible; the rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the ma- jority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left.
I do not forget the position, assumed by some, that constitutional questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court; nor do I deny that such decisions must be binding, in any case, upon the parties to a suit, as to the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to very high respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all other departments of the government. And
180 Abraham Lincoln [Mar. 4
while it is obviously possible that such decision may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, being limited to that par- ticular case, with the chance that it may be over- ruled and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be borne than could the evils of a different practice.
At the same time, the candid citizen must confess that if the ploicy of the government, upon vital questions affecting the whole peo- ple, is to be irrevocably fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made, in ordinary litigation between parties in per- sonal actions, the people will have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent prac- tically resigned their government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. Nor is there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges. It is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes.
One section of our country believes slavery is right, and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be ex- tended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive-slave clause of the Constitution, and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave-trade, are each as well enforced, perhaps,
i860 First Inaugural Address 181
as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly sup- ports the law itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, cannot be perfectly cured ; and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the sections than before. The foreign slave-trade, now im- perfectly suppressed, would be ultimately re- vived, without restriction, in one section, while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other.
Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other; but the different parts of our country cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it pos- sible, then, to make that intercourse more ad- vantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always; and when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either,
1 82 Abraham Lincoln [Mar. 4
you cease fighting, the identical old questions as to terms of intercourse are again upon you.
This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending it, or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are de- sirous of having the National Constitution amended. While I make no recommendation of amendments, I fully recognize the rightful authority of the people over the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself; and I should, under existing circumstances, favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it. I will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions originated by others not specially chosen for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or refuse. I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution — which amendment, however, I have not seen — has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Govern- ment shall never interfere with the domestic in-
r86i] First Inaugural Address 183
stitutions of the States, including that of persons held to service. To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments so far as to say that, holding such a provision to now be im- plied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable.
The chief magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they have conferred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the States. The people themselves can do this also if they choose; but the executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer the present government, as it came to his hands, and to transmit it, unimpaired by him, to his successor.
Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our present differences is either party without faith of being in the right? If the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with his eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal of the American people.
By the frame of the government under which we live, this same people have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief;
184 Abraham Lincoln [Mar. 4
and have, with equal wisdom, provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very short intervals. While the people retain their virtue and vigilance, no administration, by any extreme of wickedness or folly, can very serious- ly injure the government in the short space of four years.
My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time; but no good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied, still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it; while the new administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute, there still is no single good reason for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this favored land, are still competent to adjust in the best way all our present difficulty.
In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-country- men, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The government will not assail you.
1861] Letter to Seward 185
You can have no conflict without being your- selves the aggressors. You have no oath regis- tered in heaven to destroy the government, while I shall have the most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and defend it."
I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battle-field and patriot grave to every living heart and hearth- stone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.
Letter to William H. Seward
Executive Mansion, March 4, 1861. My dear Sir: Your note of the 2d instant, asking to withdraw your acceptance of my in- vitation to take charge of the State Department, was duly received. It is the subject of the most painful solicitude with me, and I feel con- strained to beg that you will countermand the withdrawal. The public interest, I think, de- mands that you should ; and my personal feelings are deeply enlisted in the same direction. Please consider and answer by 9 A. M. to-morrow. Your obedient servant, A. LINCOLN.
1 86 Abraham Lincoln [Mar. 8
Letter to Secretary Seward
Executive Chamber, March 7, 1861. My dear Sir: Herewith is the diplomatic address and my reply. To whom the reply should be addressed — that is, by what title or style — I do not quite understand, and therefore I have left it blank.
Will you please bring with you to-day the message from the War Department, with Gen- eral Scott's note upon it, which we had here yes- terday? I wish to examine the general's opinion, which I have not yet done.
Yours very truly,
A. Lincoln.
Reply to the Diplomatic Corps, March 7, 1861
Mr, Figaniere and Gentlemen of the Diplo- matic Body: Please accept my sincere thanks for your kind congratulations. It affords me pleasure to confirm the confidence you so gener- ously express in the friendly disposition of the United States, through me, toward the sover- eigns and governments you respectively repre- sent. With equal satisfaction I accept the assur- ance you are pleased to give, that the same dis- position is reciprocated by your sovereigns, your governments, and yourselves.
1861] Letter to Colfax 187
Allow me to express the hope that these friendly relations may remain undisturbed, and also my frequent wishes for the health and hap- piness of yourselves personally.
Letter to Schuyler Colfax
Executive Mansion, March 8, 1861. My dear Sir: Your letter of the 6th has just been handed me by Mr. Baker, of Minnesota. When I said to you the other day that I wished to write you a letter, I had reference, of course, to my not having offered you a cabinet appoint- ment. I meant to say, and now do say, you were most honorably and amply recommended, and a tender of the appointment was not withheld, in any part, because of anything happening in 1858.1 Indeed, I should have decided as I did easier than I did, had that matter never existed. I had partly made up my mind in favor of Mr. Smith — not conclusively, of course — before your name was mentioned in that connection. When you were brought forward I said, "Colfax is a young man, is already in position, is running a brilliant career, and is sure of a bright future in any event; with Smith, it is now or never." I considered either abundantly competent, and de-
xThe allusion here is to the fact that in the senatorial cam- paign of 1858 in Illinois, between Lincoln and Douglas, Mr. Colfax was understood to favor the reelection of Douglas. — N. and H.
1 88 Abraham Lincoln [M^. 9
cided on the ground I have stated. I now have to beg that you will not do me the injustice to suppose for a moment that I remember anything against you in malice.
Yours very truly,
A. Lincoln.
Order to General Scott
Drafted by President Lincoln and Signed by the Secretary of War. War Department, March 9, 1861. My dear Sir: I am directed by the Presi- dent to say he desires you to exercise all possible vigilance for the maintenance of all the places within the military department of the United States, and to promptly call upon all the depart- ments of the government for the means necessary to that end.
[Simon Cameron.]
Letter to General Scott
Executive Mansion, March 9, 1861. My dear Sir: On the 5th instant I received from the Hon. Joseph Holt, the then faithful and vigilant Secretary of War, a letter of that date, inclosing a letter and accompanying docu- ments received by him on the 4th instant from Major Robert Anderson, commanding Fort Sumter, South Carolina ; and copies of all which
1861] Letter to Scott 189
I now transmit. Immediately on receipt of them by me, I transmitted the whole to you for your consideration; and the same day you re- turned the package to me with your opinion in- dorsed upon it, a copy of which opinion I now also transmit to you. Learning from you verbally that since then you have given the sub- ject a more full and thorough consideration, you will much oblige me by giving answers, in writ- ing, to the following interrogatories:
( 1 ) To what point of time can Major Ander- son maintain his position at Fort Sumter, with- out fresh supplies or reinforcement?
(2) Can you, with all the means now in your control, supply or reinforce Fort Sumter within that time?
(3) If not, what amount of means, and of what description, in addition to that already at your control, would enable you to supply and re- inforce that fortress within the time?
Please answer these, adding such statements, information, and counsel as your great skill and experience may suggest.
Your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to Secretary Seward
Executive Mansion, March n, 1861. My dear Sir: What think you of sending ministers at once as follows: Dayton to Eng-
190 Abraham Lincoln [Mar. 14
land; Fremont to France; Clay to Spain; Cor- win to Mexico?
We need to have these points guarded as strongly and quickly as possible. This is sug- gestion merely, and not dictation.
Your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln.
^Letters to the Postmaster- General
Executive Mansion, March 12, 1861. My dear Sir: I understand that the outgo- ing and incoming Representatives for the Cleve- land District, unite in recommending Edwin Gowles for P. M. in that City; that Senator Wade has considered the case and declines to interfere; and that no other M. C. interferes. Under these circumstances, if correct, I think Mr. Cowles better be appointed. Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
Executive Mansion, March 13, 1861.
Hon. P. M. G.
Dear Sir: The bearer of this, Mr. C. T. Hempstow, is a Virginian who wishes to get, for his son, a small place in your Department. I think Virginia should be heard, in such cases.
Lincoln.
1861] Letter to Seward 191
Letter to
Executive Mansion, March 13, 1861. My dear Sir: You will start for Kansas be- fore I see you again ; and when I saw you a mo- ment this morning I forgot to ask you about some of the Kansas appointments, which I in- tended to do. If you care much about them, you can write, as I think I shall not make the ap- pointments just yet.
Yours in haste,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to Secretary Seward
Executive Mansion, March 13, 1861. Dear Sir: General Cameron desires that Jacob S. Haldeman may be appointed Minister Resident at Sweden and Norway; and I am will- ing to oblige him, if you see no objection. Your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to Secretary Seward
Executive Mansion, March 14, 1861. My dear Sir: Allow me to introduce Mr. F. Hassaurek, one of our best German Republican workers in America, residing at Cincinnati, and of whose character you cannot be ignorant. Please give him an interview.
Yours truly, A. LINCOLN.
x92 Abraham Lincoln [Mar. 15
Note asking Cabinet Opinions on Fort Sumter
Executive Mansion, March 15, 1861.
MY DEAR SIR : Assuming it to be pos- sible to now provision Fort Sumter, under all the circumstances is it wise to attempt it? Please give me your opinion in writing on this question.
Your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln. [The above note written to all the members of the Cabinet.]
Opinion on Fort Sumter from the Secretary of State.
Department of State,
Washington, 15th March, 1861.
The President submits to me the following ques- tion — namely : " Assuming it to be possible to now provision Fort Sumter, under all the circumstances is it wise to attempt it? "
If it were possible to peacefully provision Fort Sumter, of course I should answer that it would be both unwise and inhuman not to attempt it. But the facts of the case are known to be that the attempt must be made with the employment of military and marine force, which would provoke combat, and
i86i] Cabinet Opinion on Sumter 193
probably initiate a civil war, which the government of the United States would be committed to maintain through all changes to some definite conclusion.
History must record that a sectional party practi- cally constituting a majority of the people of the fif- teen slave States, excited to a high state of jealous ap- prehension for the safety of life and property, by impassioned, though groundless, appeals went into the late election with a predetermined purpose, if unsuc- cessful at the polls, to raise the standard of secession immediately afterward, and to separate the slave States, or so many of them as could be detached from the Union, and to organize them in a new, distinct, and independent Confederacy. That party was un- successful at the polls. In the frenzy which followed the announcement of their defeat, they put the machinery of the State legislatures and conventions into motion, and within the period of three months they have succeeded in obtaining ordinances of seces- sion by which seven of the slave States have seceded and organized a new Confederacy under the name of the Confederate States of America. These States, finding a large number of the mints, custom-houses, forts, and arsenals of the United States situate within their limits, unoccupied, undefended, and virtually abandoned by the late administration, have seized and appropriated them to their own use, and under the same circumstances have seized and appropriated to their own use large amounts of money and other pub- lic property of the United States, found within their limits. The people of the other slave States, divided
194 Abraham Lincoln [Mar. 15
and balancing between sympathy with the seceding slave States and loyalty to the Union, have been in- tensely excited, but, at the present moment, indicate a disposition to adhere to the Union, if nothing extra- ordinary shall occur to renew excitement and produce popular exasperation. This is the stage in this pre- meditated revolution at which we now stand.
The opening of this painful controversy at once raised the question whether it would be for the in- terest of the country to admit the projected dismem- berment, with its consequent evils, or whether patriot- ism and humanity require that it shall be prevented. As a citizen, my own decision on this subject was promptly made — namely, that the Union is inesti- mable and even indispensable to the welfare and hap- piness of the whole country, and to the best interests of mankind. As a statesman in the public service, I have not hesitated to assume that the Federal Govern- ment is committed to maintain, preserve, and defend the Union — peaceably if it can, forcibly if it must — to every extremity. Next to disunion itself, I re- gard civil war as the most disastrous and deplorable of national calamities, and as the most uncertain and fearful of all remedies for political disorders. I have, therefore, made it the study and labor of the hour, how to save the Union from dismemberment by peaceful policy and without civil war.
Influenced by these sentiments, I have felt that it is exceedingly fortunate that, to a great extent, the Fed- eral Government occupies, thus far, not an aggressive attitude, but practically a defensive one, while the
i86i] Cabinet Opinion on Sumter 195
necessity for action, if civil war is to be initiated, falls on those who seek to dismember and subvert this Union.
It has seemed to me equally fortunate that the dis- unionists are absolutely without any justification for their rash and desperate designs. The administra- tion of the government had been for a long time virtually in their own hands, and controlled and di- rected by themselves, when they began the work of revolution. They had, therefore, no other excuse than apprehensions of oppression from the new and adverse administration which was about to come into power.
It seems to me, further, to be a matter of good for- tune that the new and adverse administration must come in with both Houses of Congress containing ma- jorities opposite to its policy, so that, even if it would, it could commit no wrong or injustice against the States which were being madly goaded into revolu- tion. Under these circumstances, disunion could have no better basis to stand upon than a blind, unreasoning popular excitement, arising out of a simple and harm- less disappointment in a Presidential election. That excitement, if it should find no new ailment, must soon subside and leave disunion without any real sup- port. On the other hand, I have believed firmly that everywhere, even in South Carolina, devotion to the Union is a profound and permanent national senti- ment, which, although it may be suppressed and silenced by terror for a time, could, if encouraged, be ultimately relied upon to rally the people of the seced-
196 Abraham Lincoln [Mar. 15
ing States to reverse, upon due deliberation, all the popular acts of legislatures and conventions by which they were hastily and violently committed to disunion.
The policy of the time, therefore, has seemed to me to consist in conciliation, which should deny to dis- unionists any new provocation or apparent offense, while it would enable the unionists in the slave States to maintain, with truth and with effect, that the claims and apprehensions put forth, by the disunionists are groundless and false.
I have not been ignorant of the objection that the administration was elected through the activity of the Republican party, that it must continue to deserve and retain the confidence of that party, while conciliation toward the slave States tends to demoralize the Re- publican party itself, on which party the main re- sponsibility of maintaining the Union must rest.
But it has seemed to me a sufficient answer, first, that the administration could not demoralize the Re- publican party without making some sacrifice of its essential principles when no such sacrifice is necessary or is anywhere authoritatively proposed ; and, second- ly, if it be indeed true that pacification is necessary to prevent dismemberment of the Union and civil war, or either of them, no patriot and lover of humanity could hesitate to surrender party for the higher in- terests of country and humanity.
Partly by design, partly by chance, this policy has been hitherto pursued by the last administration of the Federal Government, and by the Republican party in its corporate action. It is by this policy thus pur-
i86i] Cabinet Opinion on Sumter 197
sued, I think, that the progress of dismemberment has been arrested after the seven Gulf States had seceded, and the border States yet remain, although they do so uneasily, in the Union.
It is to a perseverance in this policy for a short time longer that I look as the only peaceful means of as- suring the continuance of Virginia, Maryland, North Carolina, Kentucky, Tennessee, Missouri, and Arkan- sas, or most of those States, in the Union. It is through their good and patriotic offices that I look to see the Union sentiment revived and brought once more into activity in the seceding States, and through this agency those States themselves returning into the Union.
I am not unaware that I am conceding more than can reasonably be demanded by the people of the border States. They could, speaking justly, demand nothing. They are bound by the Federal obligation to adhere to the Union without concession or concilia- tion, just as much as the people of the free States are. But in administration we must deal with men, facts, and circumstances, not as they ought to be, but as they are.
The fact, then, is that while the people of the border States desire to be loyal, they are at the same time sadly, though temporarily, demoralized by a sympathy for the slave States which makes them for- get their loyalty whenever there are any grounds for apprehending that the Federal Government will re- sort to military coercion against the seceding States, even though such coercion should be necessary to
198 Abraham Lincoln [Mar. 15
maintain the authority, or even the integrity, of the Union. This sympathy is unreasonable, unwise, and dangerous, and therefore cannot, if left undisturbed, be permanent. It can be banished, however, only in one way, and that is by giving time for it to wear out and for reason to resume its sway. Time will do this, if it be not hindered by new alarms and provocations.
South Carolina opened the revolution. Appre- hending chastisement by the military arm of the United States, she seized all the forts of the United States in the harbor of Charleston, except Fort Sumter, which, garrisoned by less than a hundred men, stands practically in a state of siege, but at the same time defying South Carolina and, as the seceding States imagine, menacing her with conquest. Every one knows, first, that even if Sumter were adequately re- inforced, it would still be practically useless to the government, because the administration in no* case could attempt to subjugate Charleston or the State of South Carolina.
It is held now only because it is the property of the United States, and is a monument of their authority and sovereignty. I would so continue to hold it as long as it can be done without involving some danger or evil greater than the advantage of continued pos- session. The highest military authority tells us that without supplies the garrison must yield in a few days to starvation, that its numbers are so small that it must yield in a few days to attack by the assailants lying around it, and that the case in this respect would remain the same even if it were supplied but not rein-
1861] Cabinet Opinion on Sumter 199
forced. All the military and naval authorities tell us that any attempt at supplies would be unavailing without the employment of armed military and naval force. If we employ armed force for the purpose of supplying the fort, we give all the provocation that could be offered by combining reinforcement with sup- ply. The question submitted to me, then, practically is : Supposing it to be possible to reinforce and sup- ply Fort Sumter, is it wise now to attempt it instead of withdrawing the garrison? The most that could be done by any means now in our hands, would be to throw two hundred and fifty to four hundred men into the garrison, with provisions for supplying it for six months. In this active and enlightened country, in this season of excitement, with a daily press, daily mails, and an incessantly operating telegraph, the de- sign to reinforce and supply the garrison must become known to the opposite party at Charleston as soon, at least, as preparation for it should begin. The gar- rison would then almost certainly fall by assault be- fore the expedition could reach the harbor of Charles- ton. But supposing the secret kept, the expedition must engage in conflict on entering the harbor of Charleston. Suppose it be overpowered and de- stroyed, is that new outrage to be avenged, or are we then to return to our attitude of immobility? Shall we be allowed to do so? Moreover, in that event, what becomes of the garrison?
Suppose the expedition successful, we have then a garrison in Fort Sumter that can defy assault for six months. What is it to do then? Is it to make war
200 Abraham Lincoln [Mar. 16
by opening its batteries and attempting to demolish the defenses of the Carolinians? Can it demolish them if it tries? If it cannot, what is the advantage we shall have gained? If it can, how will it serve to check or prevent disunion? In either case it seems to me that we will have inaugurated a civil war by our own act, without an adequate object, after which re- union will be hopeless, at least under this administra- tion, or in any other way than by a popular disavowal both of the war and of the administration which un- necessarily commenced it. Fraternity is the element of union; war, the very element of disunion. Fra- ternity, if practised by this administration, will rescue the Union from all its dangers. If this administra- tion, on the other hand, takes up the sword, then an opposite party will offer the olive-branch, and will, as it ought, profit by the restoration of peace and union. I may be asked whether I would in no case, and at no time, advise force — whether I propose to give up everything? I reply, no. I would not initiate war to regain a useless and unnecessary position on the soil of the seceding States. I would not provoke war in any way now. I would resort to force to protect the collection of the revenue, because this is a necessary as well as a legitimate minor object. Even then it should be only a naval force that I would employ for that necessary purpose, while I would defer military action on land until a case should arise when we would hold the defense. In that case we should have the spirit of the country and the approval of mankind on our side. In the other, we should imperil peace and
1861] Cabinet Opinion on Sumter 201
union, because we had not the courage to practise pru- dence and moderation at the cost of temporary misap- prehension. If this counsel seems to be impassive and even unpatriotic, I console myself by the reflection that it is such as Chatham gave to his country under circumstances not widely different.
William H. Seward.
Opinion on Fort Sumter from the Secretary of the Treasury.
Treasury Department, March 16, 1861.
Sir: The following question was submitted to my consideration by your note of yesterday: "Assum- ing it to be possible to now provision Fort Sumter, under all the circumstances is it wise to attempt it ? "
I have given to this question all the reflection which the engrossing duties of this department have allowed. A correct solution must depend, in my judgment, on the degree of possibility, on the combination of rein- forcement with provisioning, and on the probable ef- fects of the measure upon the relations of the disaf- fected States to the National Government.
I shall assume, what the statements of the distin- guished officers consulted seem to warrant, that the possibility of success amounts to a reasonable degree of probability, and also that the attempt to provision is to include an attempt to reinforce, for it seems to be generally agreed that provisioning without reinforce- ments, notwithstanding hostile resistance, will accom- plish no substantially beneficial purpose.
The probable political effects of the measure allow
202 Abraham Lincoln [Mar. 16
room for much fair difference of opinion ; and I have not reached my own conclusion without serious diffi- culty.
If the attempt will so inflame civil war as to involve an immediate necessity for the enlistment of armies and the expenditure of millions, I cannot advise it in the existing circumstances of the country and in the present condition of the national finances.
But it seems to me highly improbable that the at- tempt, especially if accompanied or immediately fol- lowed by a proclamation setting forth a liberal and generous yet firm policy toward the disaffected States, in harmony with the principles of the inaugural ad- dress, will produce such consequences; while it cannot be doubted that in maintaining a port belonging to the United States and in supporting the officers and men engaged in the regular course of service in its defense, the Federal Government exercises a clear right and, under all ordinary circumstances, performs a plain duty.
I return, therefore, an affirmative answer to the question submitted to me,
And have the honor to be,
With the highest respect,
Your obedient servant,
S. P. Chase. Opinion on Fort Sumter from the Secretary of War. War Department, March 16, 1861.
Sir: In reply to the letter of inquiry, addressed to me by the President, whether, " assuming it to be possible now to provision Fort Sumter, under all the
1861] Cabinet Opinion on Sumter 203
circumstances is it wise to attempt it? " I beg leave to say that it has received the careful consideration, in the limited time I could bestow upon it, which its very grave importance demands, and that my mind has been most reluctantly forced to the conclusion that it would be unwise now to make such an attempt.
In coming to this conclusion, I am free to say I am greatly influenced by the opinions of the army officers who have expressed themselves on the subject, and who seem to concur that it is, perhaps, now impossible to succor that fort substantially, if at all, without capturing, by means of a large expedition of ships of war and troops, all the opposing batteries of South Carolina. All the officers within Fort Sumter, to- gether with Generals Scott and Totten, express this opinion, and it would seem to me that the President would not be justified to disregard such high authority without overruling considerations of public policy.
Major Anderson, in his report of the 28th ultimo, says: " I confess that I would not be willing to risk my reputation on an attempt to throw reinforcements into this harbor within the time for our relief, ren- dered necessary by the limited supply of our pro- visions, and with a view of holding possession of the same, with a force of less than twenty thousand good and well-disciplined men."
In this opinion Major Anderson is substantially sus- tained by the reports of all the other officers within the fort, one of whom, Captain Seymour, speaks thus emphatically on the subject: " It is not more than possible to supply this fort by ruse with a few men
204 Abraham Lincoln [Mar. 16
or a small amount of provisions, such is the unceasing vigilance employed to prevent it. To do so openly by vessels alone, unless they are shot-proof, is virtual- ly impossible, so numerous and powerful are the op- posing batteries. No vessel can lay near the fort without being exposed to continual fire, and the har- bor could, and probably would, whenever necessary, be effectually closed, as one channel has already been. A projected attack in large force would draw to this harbor all the available resources in men and material of the contiguous States. Batteries of guns of heavy caliber would be multiplied rapidly and indefinitely; at least twenty thousand men, good marksmen and trained for months past with a view to this very con- tingency, would be concentrated here before the at- tacking force could leave Northern ports. The har- bor would be closed; a landing must be effected at some distance from our guns, which could give no aid. Charleston harbor would be a Sebastopol in such a conflict, and unlimited means would probably be re- quired to insure success, before which time the gar- rison at Fort Sumter would be starved out."
General Scott, in his reply- to the question addressed to him by the President on the 12th instant, what amount of means, and of what description, in ad- dition to those already at command, would be re- quired to supply and reinforce the fort, says, " I should need a fleet of war vessels and transports, which, in the scattered disposition of the navy (as un- derstood), could not be collected in less than four months; five thousand additional regular troops, and
i86i] Cabinet Opinion on Sumter 205
twenty thousand volunteers — that is, a force suf- ficient to take all the batteries, both in the harbor (in- cluding Fort Moultrie) as well as in the approach or outer bay. To raise, organize, and discipline such an army (not to speak of necessary legislation by Con- gress, not now in session) would require from six to eight months. As a practical military question, the time for succoring Fort Sumter with any means at hand had passed away nearly a month ago. Since then, a surrender under assault or from starvation has been merely a question of time."
It is true there are those whose opinions are entitled to respectful consideration, who entertain the belief that Fort Sumter could yet be succored to a limited extent without the employment of the large army and naval forces believed to be necessary by the army officers whose opinions I have already quoted. Cap- tain Ward of the navy, an officer of acknowledged merit, a month ago believed it to be practicable to sup- ply the fort with men and provisions to a limited ex- tent, without the employment of any very large mili- tary or naval force. He then proposed to employ four or more small steamers belonging to the Coast Sur- vey to accomplish the purpose, and we have the opin- ion of General Scott that he has no doubt that Captain Ward, at that time, would have succeeded with his proposed expedition, but was not allowed by the late President to attempt the execution of his plan. Now it is pronounced, from the change of circumstances, impracticable by Major Anderson and all the other officers of the fort, as well as by Generals Scott and
206 Abraham Lincoln [Mar. 16
Totten; and in this opinion Captain Ward, after full consultation with the latter named officers and the superintendent of the Coast Survey, I understand now reluctantly concurs.
Mr. Fox, another gentleman of experience as a sea- man, who, having formerly been engaged on the Coast Survey, is familiar with the waters of Charles- ton Harbor, has proposed to make the attempt to sup- ply the fort by the aid of cutters of light draught and large dimensions, and his proposal has, in a measure, been approved by Commodore Stringham ; but he does not suppose, or propose, or profess to believe that provisions for more than one or two months could be furnished at a time.
There is no doubt whatever in my mind that when Major Anderson first took possession of Fort Sumter he could have been easily supplied with men and pro- visions, and that when Captain Ward, with the con- currence of General Scott, a month ago, proposed his expedition, he would have succeeded had he been allowed to attempt it, as I think he should have been. A different state of things, however, now exists. Fort Moultrie is now re-armed and strengthened in every way; many new hand batteries have been con- structed, the principal channel has been obstructed — in short, the difficulty of reinforcing the fort has been increased ten, if not twenty, fold. Whatever might have been done as late as a month ago, it is too sadly evident that it cannot now be done without the sacri- fice of life and treasure not at all commensurate with the object to be attained; and as the abandonment of
i86i] Cabinet Opinion on Sumter 207
the fort in a few weeks, sooner or later, appears to be an inevitable necessity, it seems to me that the sooner it be done the better.
The proposition presented by Mr. Fox, so sincerely entertained and ably advocated, would be entitled to my favorable consideration if, with all the lights be- fore me, and in the face of so many distinguished mili- tary authorities on the other side, I did not believe the attempt to carry it into effect would initiate a bloody and protracted conflict. Should he succeed in relieving Fort Sumter, which is doubted by many of our most experienced soldiers and seamen, would that enable us to maintain our authority against the troops and fortifications of South Carolina? Sumter could not now contend against these formidable adversaries if filled with provisions and men. That fortress was intended, as her position on the map will show, rather to repel an invading foe. It is equally clear, from repeated investigations and trials, that the range of her guns is too limited to reach the city of Charleston, if that were desirable. No practical benefit will re- sult to the country or the government by accepting the proposal alluded to; and I am, therefore, of the opinion that the cause of humanity, and the highest obligations to the public interest, would be best pro- moted by adopting the counsels of those brave and experienced men whose suggestions I have laid before you.
I have, sir, the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
Simon Cameron.
208 Abraham Lincoln [Mar. is
Opinion on Fort Sumter from the Secretary of the Navy. Navy Department, March 15, 1861.
Sir: In answer to your inquiry of this date, I take it for granted that Fort Sumter cannot be provisioned except by force, and assuming that it is possible to be done by force, is it wise to make the attempt ?
The question has two aspects — one military, the other political. The military gentlemen who have been consulted, as well as the officers at the fort, rep- resent that it would be unwise to attempt to succor the garrison under existing circumstances, and I am not disposed to controvert their opinions.
But a plan has been submitted by a gentleman of undoubted courage and intelligence, — not of the army or navy, — to run in supplies by steam-tugs, to be chartered in New York. It is admitted to be a haz- ardous scheme, which, if successful, is likely to be at- tended with some loss of life and the total destruction of the boats. The force which would constitute the expedition, if undertaken, as well as the officer in com- mand, would not, if I rightly understand the propo- sition, be of the army or navy. It is proposed to aid and carry out the enterprise by an armed ship at the mouth of the harbor and beyond the range of the shore batteries, which is to drive in the armed boats of the enemy beyond Fort Sumter. But suppose these armed boats of the enemy refuse to go into the inner harbor, as I think they will refuse, and shall station themselves between Sumter and the ship for the ex-
i86i] Cabinet Opinion on Sumter 209
press purpose of intercepting your boats, how can you prevent them from taking that station and capturing the tugs? There can be but one way, and that is by Dpening a fire upon them from Sumter, or the ship, or perhaps both. If this is done, will it not be claimed that aggressive war has been commenced by us upon the State and its citizens in their own harbor? It may be possible to provision Fort Sumter by the volunteer expedition, aided by the guns of Sumter and the ship — the military gentlemen admit its possibility, but they question the wisdom of the enterprise in its mili- tary aspect, and I would not impeach their conclusion.
In a political view I entertain doubts of the wisdom of the measure, when the condition of the public mind in different sections of the country, and the peculiar exigency of affairs, are considered. Notwithstanding the hostile attitude of South Carolina, and her long and expensive preparations, there is a prevailing belief that there will be no actual collision. An impression has gone abroad that Sumter is to be evacuated, and the shock caused by that announcement has done its work. The public mind is becoming tranquilizect un- der it, and will become fully reconciled to it when the causes which have led to that necessity shall have been made public and are rightly understood. They are attributable to no act of those who now administer the government.
By sending or attempting to send provisions into Sumter, will not war be precipitated ? It may be im- possible to escape it under any course of policy that may be pursued, but I am not prepared to advise a
210 Abraham Lincoln [Mar. 16
course that would provoke hostilities. It does not ap- pear to me that the dignity, strength, or character of the government will be promoted by an attempt to provision Sumter in the manner proposed, even should it succeed, while a failure would be attended with un- told disaster.
I do not, therefore, under all the circumstances, think it wise to attempt to provision Fort Sumter. I am, very respectfully,
Gideon Welles.
Opinion on Fort Sumter from the Secretary of the Interior. Department of the Interior, March 16, 1861.
Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your note of yesterday, requesting my opinion in writing upon the question whether, " assuming it to be possible to now provision Fort Sumter, under all the circumstances is it wise to attempt it? "
After a careful consideration of the opinions of Generals Scott and Totten, and also those of Com- modore Stringham and Mr. Fox, as presented to the President and his cabinet on yesterday, I have arrived at the conclusion that the probabilities are in favor of the success of the proposed enterprise so far as to secure the landing of the vessels at the fort, but there would be great danger of their destruction and the loss of many lives before their cargoes could be secured within the fort.
It would be impossible, in my judgment, to fit out and conduct the expedition with such secrecy as to
i86i] Cabinet Opinion on Sumter 211
keep those who have control of the harbor of Charles- ton in ignorance of their object, and of the mode and time of their approach. I do not therefore attach any importance to the proposition to approach the fort under the cover of night, but I should expect the ex- pedition to meet with all the resistance which the authorities of South Carolina may be able to com- mand.
The landing of supplies at Fort Sumter, if success- fully accomplished, would of itself be of no practical value, as it is quite clear that Major Anderson, with his present inadequate force, could not long maintain the fort against the means of attack now concentrated there.
As the attempt to supply the fort with provisions without the consent of the authorities of South Caro- lina would doubtless induce an attack by them, the effect of such an attempt, whether successful or not, would be the early loss of the fort and the destruction or capture of Major Anderson's command. It would therefore, in my judgment, be unwise to attempt to supply the fort with provisions, unless they were sent with such a force as would place beyond all doubt or contingency the success of the enterprise, and also with such reinforcements of men as would insure a success- ful defense of the fort against any attack which could be made upon it.
The occupation of Fort Sumter is not essential to the performance of any of the duties imposed upon the government. It cannot be used as a means of en- forcing the laws, or of compelling the people of South
212 Abraham Lincoln [Mar. 16
Carolina to perform the duties they owe to the Fed- eral Government. Viewing the question only as a military one, I cannot doubt that it would be expe- dient to abandon a position which can only be held at a great expense of life and money, and which, when held, cannot be used as a means of aiding the govern- ment in the performance of its duties.
But the most important question connected with this subject is one of a political character. The State of South Carolina is in open rebellion against the govern- ment. Her authorities have seized the public proper- ty, have wholly disregarded the laws of the United States, and have openly defied the government.
If the evacuation of Fort Sumter could be justly regarded as a measure which would even by implica- tion sanction the lawless acts of the authorities of that State, or indicate an intention on the part of the gov- ernment to surrender its constitutional authority over them, or if it could be regarded as an acknowledg- ment by the government of its inability to enforce the laws, I should without hesitation advise that it should be held without regard to the sacrifices which its reten- tion might impose. I do not believe, however, that the abandonment of the fort would imply such an acknowledgment on the part of the government. There are other means by which the power and the honor of the government may be vindicated, and which would, in my judgment, be much more effective to compel the people of South Carolina to render obedience to the laws, and which would at the same
1861] Cabinet Opinion on Sumter 213
time avoid the sacrifice of life which must result from a conflict under the walls of the fort.
The commencement of a civil war would be a calamity greatly to be deplored, and should be avoided if the just authority of the government may be maintained without it. If such a conflict should become inevitable, it is much better that it should com- mence by the resistance of the authorities or the people of South Carolina to the legal action of the govern- ment in enforcing the laws of the United States.
The public sentiment of the North would then be united in the support of the government, and the whole power of the country would be brought to its aid.
If a conflict should be provoked by the attempt to reinforce Fort Sumter, a divided sentiment in the North would paralyze the arm of the government, while treason in the Southern States would be openly encouraged in the North. It is well known that this question has already been much discussed throughout the country, and that even among the friends of the administration, many of those who demand that the laws shall be enforced urge the propriety of the with- drawal of our troops from Fort Sumter, believing that the retention of that fort is not essential to the honor of the government, or its power to enforce the laws.
While the abandonment of the fort would doubt- less to some extent create surprise and complaint, I believe that public sentiment would fully justify the action of the government when the reasons which prompt it shall be explained and understood.
214 Abraham Lincoln [Mar. 15
I therefore respectfully answer the inquiry of the President by saying that, in my opinion, it would not be wise under all the circumstances to attempt to pro- vision Fort Sumter. I am, with respect, Your obedient servant,
Caleb B. Smith.
Opinion on Fort Sumter from the Postmaster- General.
Post-Office Department,
Washington, March 15, 1861.
Sir: In reply to your interrogatory, whether in my opinion it is wise to provision Fort Sumter under pres- ent circumstances, I submit the following considera- tions in favor of provisioning that fort.
The ambitious leaders of the late Democratic party have availed themselves of the disappointment attend- ant upon defeat in the late presidential election to found a military government in the seceding States. To the connivance of the late administration it is due alone that this rebellion has been enabled to attain its present proportions. It has grown by this complicity into the form of an organized government in seven States, and up to this moment nothing has been done to check its progress or prevent its being regarded either at home or abroad as a successful revolution. Every hour of acquiescence in this condition of things, and especially every new conquest made by the rebels, strengthens their hands at home and their claims to recognition as an independent people abroad. It has been from the beginning, and still is, treated practical-
i86i] Cabinet Opinion on Sumter 215
ly as a lawful proceeding, and the honest and Union- loving people in those States must by a continuance of this policy become reconciled to the new government, and, though founded in wrong, come to regard it as a rightful government.
I, in common with all my associates in your council, agree that we must look to the people in these States for the overthrow of this rebellion, and that it is proper to exercise the powers of the Federal Govern- ment only so far as to maintain its authority to collect the revenue and maintain possession of the public property in the States, and that this should be done with as little bloodshed as possible. How is this to be carried into effect? That it is by measures that will inspire respect for the power of the government, and the firmness of those who administer it, does not admit of debate.
It is obvious that rebellion was checked in 1833 by the promptitude of the President in taking measures which made it manifest that it could not be attempted with impunity, and that it has grown to its present formidable proportions only because similar measures were not taken.
The action of the President in 1833 inspired re- spect, whilst in i860 the rebels were encouraged by the contempt they felt for the incumbent of the presi- dency.
But it was not alone upon Mr. Buchanan's weak- ness the rebels relied for success. They for the most part believe that the Northern men are deficient in the courage necessary to maintain the government. It is
216 Abraham Lincoln [Mar. 16
this prevalent error in the South which induces so large a portion of the people there to suspect the good faith of the people of the North, and enables the demagogues so successfully to inculcate the notion that the object of the Nothern people is to abolish slavery, and make the negroes the equals of the whites. Doubting the manhood of Northern men, they dis- credit their disclaimers of this purpose to humiliate and injure them.
Nothing would so surely gain credit for such dis- claimers as the manifestation of resolution on the part of the President to maintain the lawful author- ity of the nation. No men or people have so many difficulties as those whose firmness is doubted.
The evacuation of Fort Sumter, when it is known that it can be provisioned and manned, will convince the rebels that the administration lacks firmness, and will, therefore, tend more than any event that has happened to embolden them; and so far from tend- ing to prevent collision, will insure it unless all the other forts are evacuated, and all attempts are given up to maintain the authority of the United States.
Mr. Buchanan's policy has, I think, rendered col- lision almost inevitable, and a continuance of that policy will not only bring it about, but will go far to produce a permanent division of the Union.
This is manifestly the public judgment, which is much more to be relied on than that of any indi- vidual. I believe Fort Sumter may be provisioned and relieved by Captain Fox with little risk; and General Scott's opinion, that with its war comple-
i86i] Cabinet Opinion on Sumter 217
ment there is no force in South Carolina which can take it, renders it almost certain that it will not then be attempted. This would completely demoralize the rebellion. The impotent rage of the rebels, and the outburst of patriotic feeling which would follow this achievement, would initiate a reactionary movement throughout the South which would speedily over- whelm the traitors. No expense or care should, therefore, be spared to achieve this success.
The appreciation of our stocks will pay for the most lavish outlay to make it one.
Nor will the result be materially different to the nation if the attempt fails, and its gallant leader and followers are lost. It will in any event vindicate the hardy courage of the North, and the determination of the people and their President to maintain the authority of the government; and this is all that is wanting, in my judgment, to restore it.
You should give no thought for the commander and his comrades in this enterprise. They willingly take the hazard for the sake of the country and the honor which, successful or not, they will receive from you and the lovers of free government in all lands. I am sir, very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
M. Blair.
Opinion on Fort Sumter from the Attorney-General.
The President of the United States has requested
my opinion, in writing, upon the following question :
" Assuming it to be possible to now provision Fort
2i 8 Abraham Lincoln [Mar. 16
Sumter, under all the circumstances is it wise to at- tempt it?"
This is not a question of lawful right or physical power, but of prudence and patriotism only. The right is, in my mind, unquestionable, and I have no doubt at all that the government has the power and the means not only to provision the fort, but also, if the exigency required, to man it with its war com- plement of 650 men, so as to make it impregnable to any local force that could be brought against it. Assuming all this, we come back to the question, " Under all the circumstances, is it wise " now to provision the fort ?
The wisdom of the act must be tested by the value of the object to be gained, and by the hazards to be encountered in the enterprise. The object to be gained by the supply of provisions is not to strengthen the fortress so as to command the harbor and enforce the laws, but only to prolong the labors and priva- tions of the brave little garrison that has so long held it with patient courage.
The possession of the fort, as we now hold it, does not enable us to collect the revenue or enforce the laws of commercial navigation. It may indeed in- volve a point of honor or a point of pride, but I do not see any great national interest involved in the bare fact of holding the fort as we now hold it — and to hold it at all we must supply it with provisions — and it seems to me that we may, in humanity and patriotism, safely waive the point of pride in the consciousness that we have the power, and lack noth-
1861] Cabinet Opinion on Sumter 219
mg but the will, to hold Fort Sumter in such con- dition as to command the harbor of Charleston, cut off all its commerce, and even lay the city in ,ashes.
The hazards to be met are many and obvious. If the attempt be made in rapid boats, light enough to pass the bar in safety, still they must pass under the fire of Fort Moultrie and the batteries on Morris Island. They might possibly escape that danger, but they cannot hope to escape the armed guard-boats which ply all night from the port to the outer edge of the bar. These armed guard-boats would be sure to take or destroy our unarmed tugs, unless repelled by force, either from our ships outside the bar or from Fort Sumter within — and that is war. True, war already exists by the act of South Carolina ; but this government has thus far magnanimously for- borne to retort the outrage. And I am willing to for- bear yet longer, in the hope of a peaceful solution of our present difficulties. I am most unwilling to strike — I will not say the first blow, for South Carolina has already struck that — but I am unwill- ing, " under all the circumstances/' at this moment to do any act which may have the semblance before the world of beginning a civil war, the terrible con- sequences of which would, I think, find no parallel in modern times; for I am convinced that flagrant civil war in the Southern States would soon become a social war, and that could hardly fail to bring on a servile war, the horrors of which need not be dwelt upon.
To avoid these evils I would make great sacrifices, and Fort Sumter is one; but if war be forced upon
220 Abraham Lincoln [Mar. 16
us by causeless and pertinacious rebellion, I am for resisting it with all the might of the nation.
I am persuaded, moreover, that in several of the misguided States a large proportion of the people are really lovers of the Union, and anxious to be safely back under the protection of its flag. A re- action has already begun, and if encouraged by wise, moderate, and firm measures on the part of this gov- ernment, I persuade myself that the nation will be re- stored to its integrity without the effusion of blood.
For these reasons I am willing to evacuate Fort Sumter, rather than be an active party in the be- ginning of civil war. The port of Charleston is, comparatively, a small thing. If the present diffi- culties should continue and grow, I am convinced that the real struggle will be at the Mississippi; for it is not politically possible for any foreign power to hold the mouth of that river against the people of the middle and upper valley.
If Fort Sumter must be evacuated, then it is my decided opinion that the more southern forts, Pick- ens, Key West, etc., should, without delay, be put in condition of easy defense against all assailants; and that the whole coast, from South Carolina to Texas, should be as well guarded as the power of the navy will enable us.
Upon the whole, I do not think it wise now to attempt to provision Fort Sumter. Most respectfully submitted,
Your obedient servant, Edwd. Bates, Attorney-General.
£o
fcq
i86i] Message to Senate 221
Message to the Senate, March 16, 1861
TO THE SENATE of the United States: The Senate has transmitted to me a copy of the message sent by my prede- cessor to that body on the 21st of February last, proposing to take its advice on the subject of a proposition made by the British government through its minister here to refer the matter in controversy between that government and the government of the United States to the arbitra- ment of the King of Sweden and Norway, the King of the Netherlands, or the Republic of the Swiss Confederation.
In that message my predecessor stated that he wished to present to the Senate the precise ques- tions following, namely: "Will the Senate ap- prove a treaty referring to either of the sover- eign powers above named the dispute now existing between the governments of the United States and Great Britain concerning the bound- ary line between Vancouver's Island and the American continent? In case the referee shall find himself unable to decide where the line is by the description of it in the treaty of June 15, 1846, shall he be authorized to establish a line
222 Abraham Lincoln [Mar. 18
according to the treaty as nearly as possible? Which of the three powers named by Great Britain as an arbiter shall be chosen by the United States?"
I find no reason to disapprove of the course of my predecessor in this important matter; but, on the contrary, I not only shall receive the ad- vice of the Senate thereon cheerfully, but I re- spectfully ask the Senate for their advice on the three questions before recited.
Abraham Lincoln.
Reply to the Minister from Nicaragua, March 16, 1861
Mr, Molina: I am happy to receive the letters you present, and to recognize you, sir, as Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Nicaragua near the United States. In conferring a higher rank upon you as a token of regard, on the part of the government and the people of Nicaragua, toward this country, they have done our government and people an honor for which we are truly grateful ; while they have also mani- fested an increased confidence in you, which we can attest is deserved ; and thereby have done you a distinguished honor upon which we congrat- ulate you.
On behalf of the United States I fully recipro- cate, toward your government and people, the
i860 Letter to Seward 223
kind wishes and friendly purposes you so gener- ously express toward ours.
Please communicate to His Excellency the President of Nicaragua my high esteem and con- sideration, and my earnest wish for his health, happiness, and long life.
Be assured, sir, I do not allow myself to doubt that your public duties and social intercourse here will be so conducted as to be entirely ac- ceptable to the government and people of the United States.
Letter to Secretary Seward
Executive Mansion, March 18, 1861.
My dear Sir: I believe it is a necessity with us to make the appointments I mentioned last night — that is, Charles F. Adams to England, William L. Dayton to France, George P. Marsh to Sardinia, and Anson Burlingame to Austria. These gentlemen all have my highest esteem, but no one of them is originally suggested by me except Mr. Dayton. Mr. Adams I take because you suggested him, coupled with his eminent fitness for the place. Mr. Marsh and Mr. Bur- lingame I take because of the intense pressure of their respective States, and their fitness also.
The objection to this card is that locally they are so huddled up — three being in New England and two from a single State. I have considered
224 Abraham Lincoln [Mar. 26
this, and will not shrink from the responsibility. This, being done, leaves but five full missions undisposed of — Rome, China, Brazil, Peru, and Chili. And then what about Carl Schurz; or, in other words, what about our German friends? Shall we put the card through, and arrange the rest afterward? What say you? Your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to Secretary Chase
Executive Mansion, March 18, 1861.
Sir: I shall be obliged if you will inform me whether any goods, wares, and merchandise subject by law to the payment of duties, are now being imported into the United States without such duties being paid or secured according to law. And if yea, at what place or places, and for what cause, do such duties remain unpaid or unsecured?
I will also thank you for your opinion whether, as a matter of fact, vessels off shore could be effectively used to prevent such im- portations, or to enforce the payment or securing of the duties. If yea, what number and descrip- tion of vessels in addition to those already in the revenue service would be requisite? Your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln.
1861] Message to Senate 225
Letter to Secretary Welles
Executive Mansion, March 18, 1861. Sir: I shall be obliged if you will inform me what amount of naval force you could at once place at the control of the revenue service, and also whether at some distance of time you could so place an additional force, and how much? and at what time?
Your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to Attorney-General Bates
Executive Mansion, March 18, 1861. Sir: I shall be obliged if you will give me your opinion in writing whether, under the Con- stitution and existing laws, the executive has power to collect duties on shipboard off shore in cases where their collection in the ordinary way is by any cause rendered impracticable. This would include the question of lawful power to prevent the landing of dutiable goods unless the duties were paid.
Your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln.
Message to the Senate, March 26, 1861
To the Senate of the United States: I have received a copy of the resolution of the Senate,
226 Abraham Lincoln [Mar. 29
passed on the 25th instant, requesting me, if in my opinion not incompatible with the public interest, to communicate to the Senate the despatches of Major Robert Anderson to the War Department during the time he has been in command of Fort Sumter. On examination of the correspondence thus called for, I have, with the highest respect for the Senate, come to the conclusion that at the present moment the pub- lication of it would be inexpedient.
Abraham Lincoln.
Order to the Secretary of War
Executive Mansion, March 29, 1861. Sir: I desire that an expedition to move by sea be got ready to sail as early as the 6th of April next, the whole according to memoran- dum attached, and that you cooperate with the Secretary of the Navy for that object. Your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln.
[Inclosure."]
Steamers Pocahontas at Norfolk, Pawnee at Washington, Harriet Lane at New York, to be under sailing orders for sea, with stores, etc., for one month. Three hundred men to be kept ready for departure from on board the receiv- ing-ships at New York.
Two hundred men to be ready to leave Gov-
*86i] Cabinet Opinion on Sumter 227
ernor's Island in New York. Supplies for twelve months for one hundred men to be put in port- able shape, ready for instant shipping. A large steamer and three tugs conditionally engaged.
Opinions Written by Members of the Cabinet at the Verbal Request of the President, at a Cabinet Meeting held to Determine the Question of Sending an Expedition to Relieve Fort Sumter, March 29, 1861.
Mr. Seward, Secretary of State, wrote:
First. The despatch of an expedition to supply or reinforce Sumter would provoke an attack, and so involve a war at that point.
The fact of preparation for such an expedition would inevitably transpire, and would therefore pre- cipitate the war, and probably defeat the object. I do not think it wise to provoke a civil war beginning at Charleston, and in rescue of an untenable position.
Therefore I advise against the expedition in every view.
Second. I would call in Captain M. C. Meigs forthwith. Aided by his counsel, I would at once, and at every cost, prepare for a war at Pensacola and Texas: to be taken, however, only as a conse- quence of maintaining the possessions and authority of the United States.
Third. I would instruct Major Anderson to re- tire from Sumter forthwith.
228 Abraham Lincoln [Mar. 29
Mr. Chase, Secretary of the Treasury, wrote:
If war is to be the consequence of an attempt to provision Fort Sumter, war will just as certainly re- sult from the attempt to maintain possession of Fort Pickens.
I am clearly in favor of maintaining Fort Pickens, and just as clearly in favor of provisioning Fort Sumter.
If that attempt be resisted by military force, Fort Sumter should, in my judgment, be reinforced.
If war is to be the result, I perceive no reason why it may not be best begun in consequence of military resistance to the efforts of the administration to sus- tain troops of the Union, stationed under the author- ity of the government, in a fort of the Union, in the ordinary course of service.
Mr. Welles, Secretary of the Navy wrote:
I concur in the proposition to send an armed force off Charleston with supplies of provisions and rein- forcements for the garrison at Fort Sumter, and of communicating at the proper time the intentions of the government to provision the fort peaceably if unmolested. There is little probability that this will be permitted if the opposing forces can prevent it. An attempt to force in provisions without reinforc- ing the garrison at the same time might not be ad- visable; but armed resistance to a peaceable attempt to send provisions to one of our own forts will justify the government in using all the power at its com-
1861] Cabinet Opinion on Sumter 229
mand to reinforce the garrison and furnish the neces- sary supplies.
Fort Pickens and other places retained should be strengthened by additional troops, and, if possible, made impregnable.
The naval force in the gulf and on the southern coast should be increased. Accounts are published that vessels having on board marketable producfs for the crews of the squadron at Pensacola are seized — the inhabitants we know are prohibited from furnishing the ships with provisions or water; and the time has arrived when it is the duty of the government to assert and maintain its authority.
Mr. Smith, Secretary of the Interior, wrote:
Viewing the question whether Fort Sumter shall be evacuated as a political one, I remark that the effect of its evacuation upon the public mind will depend upon the concurrent and subsequent action of the government. If it shall be understood that by its evacuation we intend to acknowledge our inability to enforce the laws, and our intention to allow treason and rebellion to run their course, the measure will be extremely disastrous and the administration will become very unpopular. If, however, the coun- try can be made to understand that the fort is aban- doned from necessity, and at the same time Fort Pickens and other forts in our possession shall be de- fended, and the power of the government vindicated, the measure will be popular and the country will sus- tain the administration.
230 Abraham Lincoln [Mar. 30
Believing that Fort Sumter cannot be successfully defended, I regard its evacuation as a necessity, and I advise that Major Anderson's command shall be unconditionally withdrawn.
At the same time I would adopt the most vigorous measures for the defense of the other forts, and if we have the power I would blockade the Southern ports, and enforce the collection of the revenue with all the power of the government.
Mr. Blair, Postmaster-General, wrote:
First, As regards General Scott, I have no con- fidence in his judgment on the questions of the day. His political views control his judgment, and his course as remarked on by the President shows that whilst no one will question his patriotism, the results are the same as if he was in fact traitorous.
Second. It is acknowledged to be possible to re- lieve Fort Sumter. It ought to be relieved without reference to Pickens or any other possession. South Carolina is the head and front of this rebellion, and when that State is safely delivered from the author- ity of the United States it will strike a blow against our authority from which it will take us years of bloody strife to recover.
Third. For my own part, I am unwilling to share in the responsibility of such a policy.
Mr. Bates, Attorney-General, wrote:
It is my decided opinion that Fort Pickens and Key West ought to be reinforced and supplied, so as
1861] Letter to Stuart 231
to look down opposition at all hazards — and this whether Fort Sumter be or be not evacuated.
It is also my opinion that there ought to be a naval force kept upon the southern coast sufficient to com- mand it and, if need be, actually close any port that practically ought to be closed, whatever other station is left unoccupied.
It is also my opinion that there ought to be im- mediately established a line of light, fast-running vessels, to pass as rapidly as possible between New York or Norfolk at the North and Key West or other point in the gulf at the South.
As to Fort Sumter, I think the time is come either to evacuate or relieve it.
*Letter to John T. Stuart
Washington, March 30, 1861.
Dear Stuart: Cousin Lizzie shows me your letter of the 27th. The question of giving her the Springfield Post-office troubles me. You see 1 have already appointed William Jayne a territorial governor and Judge Trumbull's brother to a land-office. Will it do for me to go on and justify the declaration that Trumbull and I have divided out all the offices among our rela- tives? Dr. Wallace you know, is needy, and looks to me; and I personally owe him much.
I see by the papers, a vote is to be taken as to the Post-office. Could you not set up Lizzie and beat them all? She, being here, need know
232 Abraham Lincoln [Apr. i
nothing of it, so therefore there would be no in- delicacy on her part.
Yours, as ever,
A. Lincoln.
Order to Lieutenant D. D. Porter
Executive Mansion, Washington, April i, 1861.
Lieutenant D. D. Porter will take command of the Steamer Powhatan, or any other United States steamer ready for sea which he may deem most fit for the service to which he has been assigned by confidential instructions of this date.
All officers are commanded to afford him all such facilities as he may deem necessary for getting to sea as soon as possible.
He will select the officers to accompany him. Abraham Lincoln.
Recommended, WILLIAM H. SEWARD.
Instructions to Lieutenant D. D. Porter
Executive Mansion, April 1, 1861.
Sir: You will proceed to New York, and with the least possible delay, assuming command of any naval steamer available, proceed to Pen- sacola Harbor, and at any cost or risk prevent any expedition from the mainland reaching Fort Pickens or Santa Rosa Island.
You will exhibit this order to any naval officer at Pensacola, if you deem it necessary, after you
i86i] Order to Army and Navy 233
have established yourself within the harbor, and will request cooperation by the entrance of at least one other steamer.
This order, its object, and your destination will be communicated to no person whatever until you reach the harbor of Pensacola.
Abraham Lincoln.
Recommended, William H. Seward.
Order to Commandant Andrew H. Foote
Navy Department, Washington, April i, 1861. Fit out the Powhatan to go to sea at the earliest possible moment under sealed orders. Orders by a confidential messenger go forward to- morrow.
Abraham Lincoln.
Order to Officers of the Army and Navy
Executive Mansion,
Washington, April 1, 1861. All officers of the army and navy to whom this order may be exhibited will aid by every means in their power the expedition under the com- mand of Colonel Harvey Brown, supplying him with men and material, and cooperating with him as he may desire.
Abraham Lincoln.
234 Abraham Lincoln [Apr. i
Memorandum from Secretary Seward
Some Thoughts for the Presidents Consideration, April i, 1861.
First. We are at the end of a month's adminis- tration, and yet without a policy either domestic or foreign.
Second. This, however, is not culpable, and it has even been unavoidable. The presence of the Senate, with the need to meet applications for patronage, have prevented attention to other and more grave matters.
Third. But further delay to adopt and prosecute our policies for both domestic and foreign affairs would not only bring scandal on the administration, but danger upon the country.
Fourth. To do this we must dismiss the applicants for office. But how? I suggest that we make the local appointments forthwith, leaving foreign or general ones for ulterior and occasional action.
Fifth. The policy at home. I am aware that my views are singular, and perhaps not sufficiently ex- plained. My system is built upon this idea as a ruling one, namely, that we must
Change the question before the public from one upon slavery, or about slavery, for a question upon UNION OR DISUNION :
In other words, from what would be regarded as a party question, to one of patriotism or union. The occupation or evacuation of Fort Sumter, al-
*86i] Seward Memorandum 235
though not in fact a slavery or a party question, is so regarded. Witness the temper manifested by the Republicans in the free States, and even by the Union men in the South.
I would therefore terminate it as a safe means for changing the issue. I deem it fortunate that the last administration created the necessity.
For the rest, I would simultaneously defend and reinforce all the ports in the gulf, and have the navy recalled from foreign stations to be prepared for a blockade. Put the island of Key West under martial law.
This will raise distinctly the question of union or disunion. I would maintain every fort and pos- session in the South.
FOR FOREIGN NATIONS.
I would demand explanations from Spain and France, categorically, at once.
I would seek explanations from Great Britain and Russia, and send agents into Canada, Mexico, and Central America to rouse a vigorous continental spirit of independence on this continent against European intervention.
And, if satisfactory explanations are not received from Spain and France,
Would convene Congress and declare war against them.
But whatever policy we adopt, there must be an energetic prosecution of it.
For this purpose it must be somebody's business to pursue and direct it incessantly.
236 Abraham Lincoln [Apr. 1
Either the President must do it himself, and be all the while active in it, or
Devolve it on some member of his cabinet. Once adopted, debates on it must end, and all agree and abide.
It is not in my especial province;
But I neither seek to evade nor assume responsi- bility.
Reply to Secretary Seward's Memorandum
Executive Mansion, April 1, 1861.
My dear Sir: Since parting with you I have been considering your paper dated this day, and entitled "Some Thoughts for the President's Consideration." The first proposition in it is, "First, We are at the end of a month's adminis- tration, and yet without a policy either domestic or foreign."
At the beginning of that month, in the in- augural, I said : "The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the prop- erty and places belonging to the government, and to collect the duties and imposts." This had your distinct approval at the time; and, taken in connection with the order I immediately gave General Scott, directing him to employ every means in his power to strengthen and hold the forts, comprises the exact domestic policy you now urge, with the single exception that it does not propose to abandon Fort Sumter.
i86i] Reply to Memorandum 237
Again, I do not perceive how the reinforce- ment of Fort Sumter would be done on a slavery or a party issue, while that of Fort Pickens would be on a more national and patriotic one.
The news received yesterday in regard to St. Domingo certainly brings a new item within the range of our foreign policy; but up to that time we have been preparing circulars and in- structions to ministers and the like, all in perfect harmony, without even a suggestion that we had no foreign policy.
Upon your closing propositions — that "what- ever policy we adopt, there must be an energetic prosecution of it.
"For this purpose it must be somebody's busi- ness to pursue and direct it incessantly.
"Either the President must do it himself, and be all the while active in it, or
"Devolve it on some member of his cabinet. Once adopted, debates on it must end, and all agree and abide" — I remark that if this must be done, I must do it. When a general line of policy is adopted, I apprehend there is no dan- ger of its being changed without good reason, or continuing to be a subject of unnecessary debate; still, upon points arising in its progress I wish, and suppose I am entitled to have, the advice of all the cabinet.
Your obedient servant, A. LINCOLN.
238 Abraham Lincoln [Apr. 4
Letter to General Scott
Executive Mansion, April i, 1861. Would it impose too much labor on General Scott to make short comprehensive daily reports to me of what occurs in his department, includ- ing movements by himself, and under his orders, and the receipt of intelligence? If not, I will thank him to do so.
Your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln.
Order to Captain Samuel Mercer
{Confidential.) Washington City, April 2, 1861. Sir: Circumstances render it necessary to place in command of your ship (and for a special purpose) an officer who is fully informed and instructed in relation to the wishes of the government, and you will therefore consider yourself detached. But in taking this step the government does not in the least reflect upon your efficiency or patriotism; on the contrary, have the fullest confidence in your ability to perform any duty required of you. Hoping soon to be able to give you a better command than the one you now enjoy, and trusting that you will have full confidence in the disposition of the government toward you, I remain, etc.,
Abraham Lincoln.
i86i] Instructions to Anderson 239 *Order on Secretary of State
Executive Mansion, April 2, 1861. I direct that ten thousand dollars be paid to Captain M. C. Meigs, by the Secretary of State, from the Secret Service Fund.
Abraham Lincoln.
Order to Lieutenant- Colonel Keyes
Executive Mansion, Washington, April 3, 1861. You will proceed forthwith to the city of New York, to carry out the instructions which you have received here. All requisitions made upon officers of the staff by your authority, and all orders given by you to any officer of the army in my name, will be instantly obeyed.
Abraham Lincoln.
Instructions to Major Robert Anderson
Drafted by President Lincoln and Signed by the Secretary of War. War Department, Washington, April 4, 1861.
Sir: Your letter of the 1st instant occasions some anxiety to the President.
On the information of Captain Fox, he had supposed you could hold out till the 15th instant without any great inconvenience, and had pre- pared an expedition to relieve you before that period.
240 Abraham Lincoln [Apr. 6
Hoping still that you will be able to sustain yourself till the nth or 12th instant, the expedi- tion will go forward, and, finding your flag fly- ing, will attempt to provision you, and in case the effort is resisted, will endeavor also to reinforce you.
You will therefore hold out, if possible, till the arrival of the expedition.
It is not, however, the intention of the Presi- dent to subject your command to any danger or hardship beyond what, in your judgment, would be usual in military life ; and he has entire confidence that you will act as becomes a patriot and a soldier under all circumstances.
Whenever, if at all, in your judgment, to save yourself and command, a capitulation becomes a necessity, you are authorized to make it. Respectfully,
[Simon Cameron.]
[Indorsement in Lincoln s handwriting].
This was sent by Captain Talbot on April 6, 1 86 1, to be delivered to Major Anderson, if per- mitted. On reaching Charleston, he was refused permission to deliver it to Major Anderson.
i860 Instructions to R. S. Chew 241
Instructions to R. S. Chew
Drafted by President Lincoln and Signed by the Secretary of War.
Washington, April 6, 1861.
Sir: You will proceed directly to Charles- ton, South Carolina; and if, on your arrival there, the flag of the United States shall be fly- ing over Fort Sumter, and the fort shall not have been attacked, you will procure an interview with Governor Pickens, and read to him as fol- lows: "I am directed by the President of the United States to notify you to expect an attempt will be made to supply Fort Sumter with pro- visions only; and that, if such attempt be not resisted, no effort to throw in men, arms, or am- munition will be made without further notice, or in case of an attack upon the fort.,,
After you shall have read this to Governor Pickens, deliver to him the copy of it herein in- closed, and retain this letter yourself.
But if, on your arrival at Charleston, you shall ascertain that Fort Sumter shall have been al- ready evacuated, or surrendered by the United States force, or shall have been attacked by an opposing force, you will seek no interview with Governor Pickens, but return here forthwith.
242 Abraham Lincoln CAPr- *3
*Note to Secretary of War
Executive Mansion, April 10, 1861. Dear Sir: Gov. Curtin telegraphs us to send him a drill-officer. Better send one at once. I have talked with Colonel Smith about it. Your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln.
* Authorization of a Washington News- paper
Executive Department,
Washington, April nth, 1861. In virtue of his authority to designate at dis- cretion one newspaper in the city of Washing- ton for the publication of notices and advertise- ments from the executive departments, in ad- dition to the two entitled to such publication, by having the largest permanent subscription, (U. S. Statutes, Vol. 5, page 795), the President designates the "National Republican" and his private secretary will communicate this order to the several executive departments.
Abraham Lincoln.
[Endorsement of Same, February 16, l86j.^\ Although I do not perceive the necessity of it, I have no objection to say the above designation is to stand, until further order, notwithstanding any change of proprietors which may have oc- curred. A. Lincoln.
1861] To Virginia Convention 243
Reply to a Committee Composed of William Ballard Preston, Alexander H. H. Stuart and George W. Randolph, from the Vir- ginia Convention, April 13, 186 i
Gentlemen: As a committee of the Virginia Convention now in session, you present me a preamble and resolution in these words:
Whereas, in the opinion of this Convention, the uncertainty which prevails in the public mind as to the policy which the Federal Executive intends to pursue toward the seceded States is extremely in- jurious to the industrial and commercial interests of the country, tends to keep up an excitement which is unfavorable to the adjustment of pending difficulties, and threatens a disturbance of the public peace : there- fore
Resolved, that a committee of three delegates be appointed by this Convention to wait upon the Presi- dent of the United States, present to him this pre- amble and resolution, and respectfully ask him to communicate to this Convention the policy which the Federal Executive intends to pursue in regard to the Confederate States.
Adopted by the Convention of the State of Vir- ginia, Richmond, April 8, 1861.
In answer I have to say that, having at the beginning of my official term expressed my in- tended policy as plainly as I was able, it is with
244 Abraham Lincoln [Apr. 13
deep regret and some mortification I now learn that there is great and injurious uncertainty in the public mind as to what that policy is, and what course I intend to pursue. Not having as yet seen occasion to change, it is now my purpose to pursue the course marked out in the inaugural address. I commend a careful consideration of the whole document as the best expression I can give of my purposes.
As I then and therein said, I now repeat: "The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places be- longing to the government, and to collect the duties and imposts ; but beyond what is necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people any- where." By the words "property and places be- longing to the government," I chiefly allude to the military posts and property which were in the possession of the government when it came to my hands.
But if, as now appears to be true, in pursuit of a purpose to drive the United States authority from these places, an unprovoked assault has been made upon Fort Sumter, I shall hold my- self at liberty to repossess, if I can, like places which had been seized before the government was devolved upon me. And in every event I shall, to the extent of my ability, repel force by
1861] To Virginia Convention 245
force. In case it proves true that Fort Sumter has been assaulted, as is reported, I shall perhaps cause the United States mails to be withdrawn from all the States which claim to have seceded, believing that the commencement of actual war against the government justifies and possibly de- mands this.
I scarcely need to say that I consider the mili- tary posts and property situated within the States which claim to have seceded as yet belonging to the government of the United States as much as they did before the supposed secession.
Whatever else I may do for the purpose, I shall not attempt to collect the duties and im- posts by any armed invasion of any part of the country; not meaning by this, however, that I may not land a force deemed necessary to relieve a fort upon a border of the country.
From the fact that I have quoted a part of the inaugural address, it must not be inferred that I repudiate any other part, the whole of which I reaffirm, except so far as what I now say of the mails may be regarded as a modifica- tion.
246 Abraham Lincoln [Apr. 15
Proclamation calling 75,000 Militia, and Convening Congress in Extra Session, April 15, 1861.
By the President of the United States of America :
A Proclamation.
WHEREAS the laws of the United States have been for some time past and now are opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, in the States of South Caro- lina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the marshals by law:
Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, Presi- dent of the United States, in virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution and the laws, have thought fit to call forth, and hereby do call forth, the militia of the several States of the Union, to the aggregate number of seventy-five thousand, in order to suppress said combinations, and to cause the laws to be duly executed.
The details for this object will be immediately
1861] Proclamation for Militia 247
communicated to the State authorities through the War Department.
I appeal to all loyal citizens to favor, facili- tate, and aid this effort to maintain the honor, the integrity, and the existence of our National Union, and the perpetuity of popular govern- ment; and to redress wrongs already long enough endured.
I deem it proper to say that the first service assigned to the forces hereby called forth will probably be to repossess the forts, places, and property which have been seized from the Union ; and in every event the utmost care will be observed, consistently with the objects afore- said, to avoid any devastation, and destruction of or interference with property, or any dis- turbance of peaceful citizens in any part of the country.
And I hereby command the persons compos- ing the combinations aforesaid to disperse and retire peacefully to their respective abodes with- in twenty days from date.
Deeming that the present condition of public affairs presents an extraordinary occasion, I do hereby, in virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution, convene both Houses of Con- gress. Senators and Representatives are there- fore summoned to assemble at their respective chambers, at twelve o'clock noon, on Thursday,
248 Abraham Lincoln [Apr. 19
the fourth day of July next, then and there to consider and determine such measures as, in their wisdom, the public safety and interest may seem to demand.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.
Done at the city of Washington, this
15th day of April, in the year of our
[L. S.] Lord one thousand eight hundred and
sixty-one, and of the independence of
the United States the eighty-fifth.
Abraham Lincoln. By the President: William H. Seward, Sec- retary of State.
Proclamation of Blockade, April 19, 1861
By the President of the United States of
America:
A Proclamation.
Whereas an insurrection against the govern- ment of the United States has broken out in the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, and the laws of the United States for the collection of the revenue cannot be effectually executed therein conformably to that provision of the Constitution which requires duties to be uniform throughout the United States:
i860 Proclamation of Blockade 249
And whereas a combination of persons en- gaged in such insurrection have threatened to grant pretended letters of marque to authorize the bearers thereof to commit assaults on the lives, vessels, and property of good citizens of the country lawfully engaged in commerce on the high seas, and in waters of the United States :
And whereas an executive proclamation has been already issued requiring the persons en- gaged in these disorderly proceedings to desist therefrom, calling out a militia force for the purpose of repressing the same, and convening Congress in extraordinary session to deliberate and determine thereon:
Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, Presi- dent of the United States, with a view to the same purposes before mentioned, and to the protection of the public peace, and the lives and property of quiet and orderly citizens pursuings their law- ful occupations, until Congress shall have as- sembled and deliberated on the said unlawful proceedings, or until the same shall have ceased, have further deemed it advisable to set on foot a blockade of the ports within the States afore- said, in pursuance of the laws of the United States, and of the law of nations in such case provided. For this purpose a competent force will be posted so as to prevent entrance and exit of vessels from the ports aforesaid. If, there-
250 Abraham Lincoln [Apr. 20
fore, with a view to violate such blockade, a vessel shall approach or shall attempt to leave either of the said ports, she will be duly warned by the commander of one of the blockading vessels, who will indorse on her register the fact and date of such warning, and if the same vessel shall again attempt to enter or leave the block- aded port, she will be captured and sent to the nearest convenient port, for such proceedings against her and her cargo, as prize, as may be deemed advisable.
And I hereby proclaim and declare that if any person, under the pretended authority of the said States, or under any other pretense, shall molest a vessel of the United States, or the persons or cargo on board of her, such person will be held amenable to the laws of the United States for the prevention and punishment of piracy.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.
Done at the city of Washington, this
nineteenth day of April, in the year of
[L. S.] our Lord one thousand eight hundred
and sixty-one, and of the independence
of the United States the eighty-fifth.
Abraham Lincoln.
By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Sec- retary of State.
i86i] Reply to Hicks and Brown 251 Reply to Governor Hicks and Mayor Brown
Washington, April 20, 1861.
Gentlemen: Your letter by Messrs. Bond, Dobbin, and Brune is received. I tender you both my sincere thanks for your efforts to keep the peace in the trying situation in which you are placed.
For the future troops must be brought here, but I make no point of bringing them through Baltimore. Without any military knowledge myself, of course I must leave details to General Scott. He hastily said this morning in the presence of these gentlemen, "March them around Baltimore, and not through it." I sin- cerely hope the general, on fuller reflection, will consider this practical and proper, and that you will not object to it. By this a collision of the people of Baltimore with the troops will be avoided, unless they go out of their way to seek it. I hope you will exert your influence to pre- vent this.
Now and ever I shall do all in my power for peace consistently with the maintenance of the government.
Your obedient servant,
Abraham Lincoln*
252 Abraham Lincoln [Apr. aa
Telegram to Governor Hicks
Washington, April 20, 1861. Governor Hicks: I desire to consult with you and the mayor of Baltimore relative to pre- serving the peace of Maryland. Please come immediately by special train, which you can take at Baltimore; or, if necessary, one can be sent from here. Answer forthwith.
Lincoln.
Letter from the Secretary of State to the Governor of Maryland
Department of State, April 22, 1861.
Sir: I have the honor to receive your com- munication of this morning, in which you in- form me that you had felt it to be your duty to advise the President of the United States to order elsewhere the troop then off Annapolis, and also that no more may be sent through Mary- land; and that you have further suggested that Lord Lyons be requested to act as mediator be- tween the contending parties in our country, to prevent the effusion of blood.
The President directs me to acknowledge the receipt of that communication, and to assure you that he has weighed the counsels it contains with the respect which he habitually cherishes for the chief magistrates of the several States, and es-
1861] Letter to Hicks 253
pccially for yourself. He regrets, as deeply as any magistrate or citizen of this country can, that demonstrations against the safety of the United States, with very extensive preparations for the effusion of blood, have made it his duty to call out the forces to which you allude.
The force now sought to be brought through Maryland is intended for nothing but the de- fense of the capital. The President has neces- sarily confided the choice of the national high- way which that force shall take in coming to this city to the lieutenant-general commanding the army of the United States, who, like his only pre- decessor, is not less distinguished for his human- ity than for his loyalty, patriotism, and distin- guished public services.
The President instructs me to add that the national highway thus selected by the lieutenant- general has been chosen by him, upon consulta- tion with prominent magistrates and citizens of Maryland, as the one which, while a route is absolutely necessary, is farthest removed from the populous cities of the State, and with the expectation that it would therefore be the least objectionable one.
He cannot but remember that there has been a time in the history of our country when a gen- eral of the American Union, with forces de- signed for the defense of its capital, was not un-
254 Abraham Lincoln [Apr. 25
welcome anywhere in the State of Maryland, and certainly not at Annapolis, then, as now, the capital of that patriotic State, and then also one of the capitals of the Union.
If eighty years could have obliterated all the other noble sentiments of that age in Maryland, the President would be hopeful, nevertheless, that there is one that would forever remain there and everywhere. That sentiment is, that no do- mestic contention whatever that may arise among the parties of this republic ought in any case to be referred to any foreign arbitrament, least of all to the arbitrament of a European monarchy.
I have the honor to be, with distinguished con- sideration, your Excellency's most obedient servant, William H. Seward.
Letter to Reverdy Johnson
(Confidential.) Executive Mansion, April 24, 1861. My dear Sir: Your note of this morning is just received. I forbore to answer yours of the 22d because of my aversion (which I thought you understood) to getting on paper and fur- nishing new grounds for misunderstanding. I do say the sole purpose of bringing troops here is to defend this capital. I do say I have no purpose to invade Virginia with them or any other troops, as I understand the word invasion.
1861] Order to General Scott 255
But, suppose Virginia sends her troops, or ad- mits others through her borders, to assail this capital, am I not to repel them even to the cross- ing of the Potomac, if I can? Suppose Virginia erects, or permits to be erected, batteries on the opposite shore to bombard the city, are we to stand still and see it done? In a word, if Vir- ginia strikes us, are we not to strike back, and as effectively as we can? Again, are we not to hold Fort Monroe (for instance) if we can? I have no objection to declare a thousand times that I have no purpose to invade Virginia or any other State, but I do not mean to let them invade us without striking back.
Yours truly, A. Lincoln.
Order to General Scott
Washington, April 25, 1861. My dear Sir: The Maryland legislature as- sembles to-morrow at Annapolis, and not im- probably will take action to arm the people of that State against the United States. The ques- tion has been submitted to and considered by me, whether it would not be justifiable, upon the ground of necessary defense, for you, as general- in-chief of the United States army, to arrest or disperse the members of that body. I think it would not be justifiable nor efficient for the de- sired object.
256 Abraham Lincoln [Apr. 27
First, they have a clearly legal right to as- semble; and we cannot know in advance that their action will not be lawful and peaceful. And if we wait until they shall have acted, their arrest or dispersion will not lessen the effect of their action.
Secondly, we cannot permanently prevent their action. If we arrest them, we cannot long hold them as prisoners; and, when liberated, they will immediately reassemble and take their action; and precisely the same if we simply dis- perse them — they will immediately reassemble in some other place.
I therefore conclude that it is only left to the commanding general to watch and wait their action, which, if it shall be to arm their people against the United States, he is to adopt the most prompt and efficient means to counteract, even, if necessary, to the bombardment of their cities, and, in the extremest necessity, the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus.
Your obedient servant,
Abraham Lincoln.
Proclamation of Blockade, April 27, 1861
By the President of the United States of
America :
A Proclamation.
Whereas, for the reasons assigned in my proc-
i860 Proclamation of Blockade 257
lamation of the nineteenth instant, a blockade of the ports of the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Missis- sippi, and Texas, was ordered to be established :
And whereas, since that date, public property of the United States has been seized, the collec- tion of the revenue obstructed, and duly com- missioned officers of the United States, while engaged in executing the orders of their su- periors, have been arrested and held in custody as prisoners, or have been impeded in the dis- charge of their official duties, without due legal process, by persons claiming to act under au- thorities of the States of Virginia and North Carolina.
An efficient blockade of the ports of those States will also be established.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.
Done at the city of Washington, this
twenty-seventh day of April, in the year
[L. S.] of our Lord one thousand eight hundred
and sixty-one, and of the independence
of the United States the eighty-fifth.
Abraham Lincoln.
By the President: WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.
258 Abraham Lincoln [May 1
Order to General Scott, April 27, 1861 You are engaged in suppressing an insurrec- tion against the laws of the United States. If at any point on or in the vicinity of any military line which is now or which shall be used be- tween the city of Philadelphia and the city of Washington you find resistance which renders it necessary to suspend the writ of habeas corpus for the public safety, you person- ally, or through the officer in command at the point at which resistance occurs, are authorized to suspend that writ.
Abraham Lincoln.
*Note to Secretary of the Interior
Executive Mansion, April 29, 1861. Dear Sir: If the Pawnee Indian Agency has not already been disposed of, send a commis- sioner for it, in favor of Henry W. DePuy, of Nebraska. Yours truly, A. Lincoln.
Unsigned Draft of Letter to the Governor of Tennessee
Washington, D. C, May [1?] 1861.
Sir: Yours of the 29th ultimo, calling my
attention to the supposed seizure near Cairo,
Illinois, of the steamboat C. E. Hillman, and
claiming that the said boat and its cargo are the
i86i] To Governor of Tennessee 259
property of the State of Tennessee and her citi- zens, and demanding to know whether the seizure was made by the authority of this gov- ernment, or is approved by it, is duly received. In answer I have to say: this government has no official information of such seizure; but, assum- ing that such seizure was made, and that the cargo consisted chiefly of munitions of war owned by the State of Tennessee, and passing into the control of its governor, this govern- ment avows the seizure for the following reasons :
A legal call was recently made upon the said governor of Tennessee to furnish a quota of militia to suppress an insurrection against the United States, which call said governor re- sponded to by a refusal couched in disrespectful and malicious language. This government therefore infers that munitions of war passing into the hands of said governor are intended to be used against the United States, and the government will not indulge the weakness of allowing it so long as it is in its power to pre- vent. This government will not at present question but that the State of Tennessee, by a large majority of its citizens, is loyal to the Federal Union, and the government holds itself responsible, in damages, for all injuries it may do to any one who may prove to be such.
260 Abraham Lincoln [May i
Letter to Major Robert Anderson
Washington, D. C, May i, 1861.
My dear Sir: A few days ago I caused an official letter to be written to you, through the War Department, expressive of the approbation and gratitude I considered due you and your command from this government.
I now write this as a purely private and social letter to say I shall be much gratified to see you here at your earliest convenience, when and where I can personally testify my appreciation of your services and fidelity, and perhaps ex- plain some things on my part which you may not have understood.
I shall also be very glad to see any of the officers who served with you at Fort Sumter, and whom it might be convenient and agree- able for you to invite to accompany you here. Your obedient servant, A. LINCOLN.
Letter from the President's Private Secre- tary to George W. Caldwell
(Private.)
Washington, May 1, 1861. Dear Sir: Your letter of the 25th ult., ad- dressed to the President, was duly received and considered. Will you please to write to me where and how soon (and let the day be an
i860 Letter to Fox 261
early one) the leading and responsible men en- gaged in your movement can meet together, to receive and consult with such gentlemen as the government may send to represent its views about the matter.
Yours truly,
J NO. G. NlCOLAY.
Letter to Gustavus V. Fox
Washington, May i, 1861.
My dear Sir: I sincerely regret that the failure of the late attempt to provision Fort Sumter should be the source of any annoyance to you.
The practicability of your plan was not, in fact, brought to a test. By reason of a gale, well known in advance to be possible and not improbable, the tugs, an essential part of the plan, never reached the ground; while, by an accident for which you were in no wise respon- sible, and possibly I to some extent was, you were deprived of a war vessel, with her men, which you deemed of great importance to the enterprise.
I most cheerfully and truly declare that the failure of the undertaking has not lowered you a particle, while the qualities you developed in the effort have greatly heightened you in my estimation.
262
Abraham Lincoln
[May 3
For a daring and dangerous enterprise of a similar character you would to-day be the man of all my acquaintances whom I would select. You and I both anticipated that the cause of the country would be advanced by making the attempt to provision Fort Sumter, even if it should fail ; and it is no small consolation now to feel that our anticipation is justified by the result.
Very truly your friend,
A. Lincoln.
i86i] Proclamation for Militia 263
Proclamation calling 42,034 Volunteers, etc., May 3, 1 861.
A Proclamation.
WHEREAS existing exigencies demand immediate and adequate measures for the protection of the National Constitution and the preservation of the National Union by the suppression of the insur- rectionary combinations now existing in several States for opposing the laws of the Union and obstructing the execution thereof, to which end a military force, in addition to that called forth by my proclamation of the fifteenth day of April in the present year, appears to be indis- pensably necessary:
Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, Presi- dent of the United States and Commander-in- Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, and of the Militia of the several States when called into actual service, do hereby call into the service of the United States forty-two thousand and thirty-four volunteers, to serve for the period of three years unless sooner discharged, and to be mustered into service as infantry and cavalry. The proportions of each arm and the details of
264 Abraham Lincoln [May 6
enrollment and organization will be made known through the Department of War.
And I also direct that the regular army of the United States be increased by the addition of eight regiments of infantry, one regiment of cavalry, and one regiment of artillery, mak- ing altogether a maximum aggregate increase of twenty-two thousand seven hundred and four- teen officers and enlisted men, the details of which increase will also be made known through the Department of War.
And I further direct the enlistment for not less than one nor more than three years, of eighteen thousand seamen, in addition to the present force, for the naval service of the United States. The details of the enlistment and or- ganization will be made known through the De- partment of the Navy.
The call for volunteers hereby made, and the direction for the increase of the regular army, and for the enlistment of seamen, hereby given, together with the plan of organization adopted for the volunteers and for the regular forces hereby authorized, will be submitted to Con- gress as soon as assembled.
In the meantime I earnestly invoke the co- operation of all good citizens in the measures hereby adopted for the effectual suppression of unlawful violence, for the impartial enforce-
1861] Letter to Hamlin 265
ment of constitutional laws, and for the speediest possible restoration of peace and order, and, with these, of happiness and prosperity, throughout the country.
In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.
Done at the city of Washington, this
third day of May, in the year of our
[L. S.] Lord one thousand eight hundred and
sixty-one, and of the independence of
the United States the eighty-fifth.
Abraham Lincoln. By the President: William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
Letter to Vice-President Hamlin
Washington, D. C, May 6, 1861. My dear Sir: Please advise me at the close of each day what troops left during the day, where going and by what route ; what remaining at New York, and what expected in the next day. Give the numbers, as near as convenient, and what corps they are. This information, reach- ing us daily, will be very useful as well as satis- factory.
Yours very truly,
A. Lincoln.
266 Abraham Lincoln [May 7
Letter to Secretary Chase
Executive Mansion, May 6, 1861. My dear Sir: Mr. French S. Evans, the bearer of this, thinks there is an appraisership still vacant at Baltimore, and if so, I very sin- cerely wish you would give it to him. I have been greatly — I may say grievously — disap- pointed and disobliged by Mr. Corkran's refusal to make Mr. Evans deputy naval officer, as I requested him to do.
A point must be strained to give Mr. Evans a situation.
Yours very truly,
A. Lincoln.
Letter from John Hay to Johnson,
State Senator of Kentucky, May 6, 1861 The President directs me to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 26th ultimo, pro- testing against the stationing of United States troops at Cairo.
He directs me to say that the views so ably stated by you shall have due consideration, and to assure you that he would never have ordered the movement of troops complained of had he known that Cairo was in your senatorial district.
1861] Order to Anderson 267
Letter to Secretary Seward
Executive Mansion, May 6, 1861. My dear Sir: General Cameron is anxious that E. Joy Morris shall be minister to Con- stantinople; and if General Webb has definitely declined it, why might not Mr. Morris be ap- pointed? Pennsylvania is well entitled to the place, and General C. thinks there is political reason for the appointment being made at once. Your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln.
Order to Colonel Anderson, May 7, 1861
To all who shall see these presents, greeting:
Know ye that, reposing special trust and con- fidence in the patriotism, valor, fidelity, and ability of Colonel Robert Anderson, U. S. Army, I have empowered him, and do hereby empower him, to receive into the army of the United States as many regiments of volunteer troops from the State of Kentucky and from the west- ern part of the State of Virginia as shall be will- ing to engage in the service of the United States for the term of three years, upon the terms and according to the plan proposed by the proclama- tion of May 3, 1861, and General Orders No. 15 from the War Department, of May 4, 1861. The troops whom he receives shall be on the
268 Abraham Lincoln [May 10
same footing in every respect as those of the like kind called for in the proclamation above cited, except that the officers shall be commissioned by the United States. He is therefore carefully and diligently to discharge the duty hereby devolved upon him by doing and performing all manner of things thereunto belonging.
Given under my hand at the city of Washing- ton, this seventh day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and in the eighty-fifth year of the independence of the United States.
Abraham Lincoln.
By the President: SlMON Cameron, Secre- tary of War.
Letter to Secretary Chase
Executive Mansion, May 8, 1861.
My dear Sir: I am told there is an office in your department called "The Superintending Architect of the Treasury Department, con- nected with the Bureau of Construction," which is now held by a man of the name of Young, and wanted by a gentleman of the name of Christo- pher Adams.
Ought Mr. Young to be removed, and if yea, ought Mr. Adams to be appointed? Mr. Adams is magnificently recommended; but the great point in his favor is that Thurlow Weed and
x86i] Letter to Chase 269
Horace Greeley join in recommending him. I suppose the like never happened before, and never will again; so that it is now or never. What say you? Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to Secretary Chase
Executive Mansion, May 9, 1861. My dear Sir: Mr. James N. Muller wishes to be supervising inspector of steamboats for the district of Baltimore. I am somewhat inter- ested for him, and as the place is in your de- partment, if you will look into the question of his qualification for the place, and shall be satis- fied with him, I will appoint him, — no matter how soon. Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to Secretary Chase
Executive Mansion, May 10, 1861. My dear Sir: I have felt myself obliged to refuse the post-office at this place to my old friend Nathan Sargent, which wounds him, and consequently me, very deeply. He now says there is an office in your department, called the "Commissioner of Customs," which the incum- bent, a Mr. Ingham, wishes to vacate. I will be much obliged if you agree for me to appoint Mr. Sargent to this place.
Yours very truly, A. LINCOLN.
2-7o Abraham Lincoln [May 10
Unsigned Letter to Governor William Sprague
Executive Mansion, May 10, 1861.
My dear Sir: I think I had a letter from you some time ago naming a person whom you would like to have appointed post-master at Providence, Rhode Island ; and day before yes- terday a gentleman urged the name of Thomas A. Doyle as being the man whom you would like to have appointed. I write this now to assure you that while your wishes in this respect are entitled to and have received the highest consideration, there is a difficulty such as I have not surmounted in any other case. It is that a different man, Walter C. Simmons, is recom- mended by both the senators and both the old representatives of the State, and also by one of the new representatives.
In these cases the executive is obliged to be greatly dependent upon members of Congress, and while, under peculiar circumstances, a single member or two may be occasionally over- ruled, I believe as strong a combination as the present never has been.
I therefore beg you to be assured that if I follow the rule in this case, as it appears to me I must, it will be with pain, and not with pleasure, that you are not obliged.
1861] Florida Habeas Corpus 271 Proclamation Suspending the Writ of
Habeas Corpus IN FLORIDA, May 10, 1861
By the President of the United States of
America:
A Proclamation.
Whereas an insurrection exists in the State of Florida, by which the lives, liberty, and prop- erty of loyal citizens of the United States are endangered:
And whereas it is deemed proper that all need- ful measures should be taken for the protection of such citizens and all officers of the United States in the discharge of their public duties in the State aforesaid:
Now therefore be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do hereby direct the commander of the forces of the United States on the Florida coast to permit no person to exercise any office or authority upon the islands of Key West, the Tortugas, and Santa Rosa, which may be inconsistent with the laws and Constitution of the United States, au- thorizing him at the same time, if he shall find it necessary, to suspend there the writ of habeas corpus, and to remove from the vicinity of the United States fortresses all dangerous or sus- pected persons.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my
273 Abraham Lincoln [May 16
hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.
Done at the city of Washington, this
tenth day of May, in the year of our
[L. S.] Lord one thousand eight hundred and
sixty-one, and of the independence of
the United States the eighty-fifth.
Abraham Lincoln. By the President: William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
Order to Secretary Welles
Executive Mansion, May n, 1861.
Sir: Lieutenant D. D. Porter was placed in command of the steamer Powhatan, and Captain Samuel Mercer was detached there- from, by my special order, and neither of them is responsible for any apparent or real irregu- larity on their part or in connection with tha vessel.
Hereafter Captain Porter is relieved from that special service and placed under the direc- tion of the Navy Department, from which he will receive instructions and to which he will report.
Very respectfully,
Abraham Lincoln.
1861] Letter to Chase 273
Letter to Secretary Cameron
Executive Mansion, May 13, 1861.
Dear Sir: You see on the other side of this sheet that four German regiments already raised in New York wish to form a brigade and have Carl Schurz for their brigadier-general. Why should it not be done at once? By the plan of organization, I see I am to appoint the generals.
Schurz says he would, if allowed, go immedi- ately to Fortress Monroe; and if it would be an objection that, by rank, he would command the garrison there, he would, of choice, waive that.
I am for it, unless there be some valid reason against it. Answer soon.
Yours truly, A. LINCOLN.
Letter to Secretary Chase
Executive Mansion, May 16, 1861.
My dear Sir: I have not at all considered the qualifications of applicants for appraiserships at New York. Mr. David Webb seems to under- stand that he has no opposition for one of the places. If this is so, or, in any event, if you wish to appoint him, send me the commission.
Also send me a commission for Mr. George Dennison as naval officer. This last I shall have to do, and I may as well do it at once.
Yours truly, A. LINCOLN.
274 Abraham Lincoln [May 18
Letter to Secretary Chase
Executive Mansion, May 18, 1861.
My dear Sir: The suggestions of your note accompanying the commission for Mr. Dennison as naval officer at New York have been con- sidered in the same spirit of kindness in which I know they were offered. They present the very difficulty which has embarrassed me from the first in the case: that Mr. Dennison has not the position in the public eye which would lead to the expectation of his receiving so high an office. I believe I have told you fully what it was, and is, that pressed me to appoint him: the urgent solicitation of an old friend who has served me all my life, and who has never before received or asked anything in return. His (Mr. Dennison's) good character was vouched for from the start by many at New York, including Mr. Opdyke.
At length, when I was, as it were, in the very
act of appointing him, Mr. made a general
charge of dishonesty against him. I pressed him for particulars, and it turned out that Mr. Den- nison in his business as a lawyer had got some printing done for his clients, becoming person- ally responsible for the work, and had not paid for it when dunned. While this, if true, is cer- tainly not to be commended, I believe the like
1861] Letter to Blair 275
might, in some cases, be proven upon me. They are a class of debts which our clients ought to pay, and when we are personally dunned for them we sometimes hang fire. Besides, Mr. Dennison went far toward a satisfactory ex- planation of one case; and while Mr. in- timated that there were other cases, he did not specify them.
I consider that the charge of dishonesty has failed; and it now seems to me more difficult to change my purpose than if the charge had never been made.
Yours as ever,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to Colonel F. P. Blair
Washington, D. C, May 18, 1861. My dear Sir: We have a good deal of anxiety here about St. Louis. I understand an order has gone from the War Department to you, to be delivered or withheld in your dis- cretion, relieving General Harney from his command. I was not quite satisfied with the order when it was made, though on the whole I thought it best to make it; but since then I have become more doubtful of its propriety. I do not write now to countermand it, but to say I wish you would withhold it, unless in your judg- ment the necessity to the contrary is very urgent.
276 Abraham Lincoln [May 21
There are several reasons for this. We had better have him a friend than an enemy. It will dissatisfy a good many who otherwise would be quiet. More than all, we first relieve him, then restore him, and now if we relieve him again the public will ask, "Why all this vacillation?" Still, if in your judgment it is indispensable, let it be so.
Yours very truly,
A. Lincoln.
1861] Diplomatic Despatch 277
President Lincoln's Corrections of a Dip- lomatic Despatch written by the Secretary of State to Minister Adams, May 21, 18611
Department of State, Washington, May 21, 1861.
SIR: Mr. Dallas, in a brief despatch of May 2d (No. 333), tells us that Lord John Russell recently requested an in- terview with him on account of the solicitude which his lordship felt concerning the effect of certain measures represented as likely to be adopted by the President. In that conversation the British secretary told Mr. Dallas that the
1 It is quite impossible to reproduce in type the exact form of the manuscript of the despatch with all its interlineations and corrections ; but the above shows those made by Mr. Lincoln. Such additional verbal alterations of Mr. Seward's as merely corrected ordinary slips of the pen or errors of the copyist are not noted. When the President returned the manuscript to his hands, Mr. Seward somewhat changed the form of the despatch by prefixing to it two short introductory paragraphs in which he embodied in his own phraseology the President's direction that the paper was to be merely a confidential instruction, not to be read or shown to any one, and that he should not in advance say anything inconsistent with its spirit. This also rendered unnecessary the President's direction to omit the last two para- graphs, and accordingly they remained in the despatch as finally sent.
All words by Mr. Lincoln in notes or in text are in italics. All matter between brackets was marked out. — N. and H.
278 Abraham Lincoln [May 21
three representatives of the Southern Confeder- acy were then in London, that Lord John Rus- sell had not yet seen them, but that he was not unwilling to see them unofficially. He further informed Mr. Dallas that an understanding exists between the British and French govern- ments which would lead both to take one and the same course as to recognition. His lordship then referred to the rumor of a meditated block- ade by us of Southern ports, and a discontinu- ance of them as ports of entry. Mr. Dallas answered that he knew nothing on those topics, and therefore could say nothing. He added that you were expected to arrive in two weeks. Upon this statement Lord John Russell acquiesced in the expediency of waiting for the full knowl- edge you were expected to bring.
Mr. Dallas transmitted to us some newspaper reports of ministerial explanations made in Par- liament.
You will base no proceedings on parliament- ary debates further than to seek explanations when necessary and communicate them to this department. [We intend to have a clear and simple record of whatever issue may arise be- tween us and Great Britain.]1
The President [is surprised and grieved] regrets that Mr. Dallas did not protest against
1 Leave out.
1861] Diplomatic Despatch 279
the proposed unofficial intercourse between the British government and the missionaries of the insurgents [as well as against the demand for explanations made by the British government].1 It is due, however, to Mr. Dallas to say that our instructions had been given only to you and not to him, and that his loyalty and fidelity, too rare in these times [among our late representatives abroad, are confessed and]2, are appreciated.
Intercourse of any kind with the so-called commissioners is liable to be construed as a recognition of the authority which appointed them. Such intercourse would be none the less [wrongful] hurtful to us for being called un- official, and it might be even more injurious, because we should have no means of knowing what points might be resolved by it. Moreover, unofficial intercourse is useless and meaningless if it is not expected to ripen into official inter- course and direct recognition. It is left doubt- ful here whether the proposed unofficial inter- course has yet actually begun. Your own [present] antecedent instructions are deemed explicit enough, and it is hoped that you have not misunderstood them. You will in any event desist from all intercourse whatever, unofficial
1 Leave out, because it does not appear that such explanations were demanded.
2 Leave out.
280 Abraham Lincoln [May 21
as well as official, with the British government, so long as it shall continue intercourse of either kind with the domestic enemies of this country [confining yourself to a delivery of a copy of this paper to the Secretary of State. After doing this]1 When intercourse shall have been arrested for this cause, you will communicate with this department and receive further directions.
Lord John Russell has informed us of an un- derstanding between the British and French governments that they will act together in re- gard to our affairs. This communication, how- ever, loses something of its value from the cir- cumstance that the communication was with- held until after knowledge of the fact had been acquired by us from other sources. We know also another fact that has not yet been officially communicated to us — namely, that other Euro- pean States are apprised by France and Eng- land of their agreement, and are expected to concur with or follow them in whatever measures they adopt on the subject of recog- nition. The United States have been impartial and just in all their conduct toward the several nations of Europe. They will not complain, however, of the combination now announced by the two leading powers, although they think they had a right to expect a more independent,
1 Leave out.
1861] Diplomatic Despatch 281
if not a more friendly, course from each of them. You will take no notice of that or any other al- liance. Whenever the European governments shall see fit to communicate directly with us, we shall be, as heretofore, frank and explicit in our reply.
As to the blockade, you will say that by [the] our own laws [of nature] and the laws of nature and the laws of nations, this government has a clear right to suppress insurrection. An ex- clusion of commerce from national ports which have been seized by the insurgents, in the equit- able form of blockade, is the proper means to that end. You will [admit] not insist that our blockade is [not] to be respected if it be not maintained by a competent force ; but passing by that question as not now a practical, or at least an urgent, one, you will add that [it] the blockade is now, and it will continue to be so maintained, and therefore we expect it to be respected by Great Britain. You will add that we have al- ready revoked the exequatur of a Russian consul who had enlisted in the military service of the insurgents, and we shall dismiss or demand the recall of every foreign agent, consular or diplo- matic, who shall either disobey the Federal laws or disown the Federal authority.
As to the recognition of the so-called Southern Confederacy, it is not to be made a subject of
282 Abraham Lincoln [May 21
technical definition. It is, of course, [quasi] direct recognition to publish an acknowledg- ment of the sovereignty and independence of a new power. It is [quasi] direct recognition to receive its ambassadors, ministers, agents, or commissioners officially. A concession of bel- ligerent rights is liable to be construed as a recognition of them. No one of these proceed- ings will [be borne] pass [unnoticed] unques- tioned by the United States in this case.
Hitherto recognition has been moved only on the assumption that the so-called Confederate States are de facto a self-sustaining power. Now, after long forbearance, designed to soothe dis- content and avert the need of civil war, the land and naval forces of the United States have been put in motion to repress the insurrection. The true character of the pretended new State is at once revealed. It is seen to be a power exist- ing in pronunciamento only. It has never won a field. It has obtained no forts that were not virtually betrayed into its hands or seized in breach of trust. It commands not a single port on the coast nor any highway out from its pre- tended capital by land. Under these circum- stances Great Britain is called upon to intervene and give it body and independence by resisting our measures of suppression. British recog- nition would be British intervention to create
i860 Diplomatic Despatch 283
within our own territory a hostile state by over- throwing this republic itself. [When this act of intervention is distinctly performed, we from that hour shall cease to be friends, and become once more, as we have twice before been forced to be, enemies of Great Britain.]1
As to the treatment of privateers in the in- surgent service, you will say that this is a ques- tion exclusively our own. We treat them as pirates. They are our own citizens, or persons employed by our citizens, preying on the com- merce of our country. If Great Britain shall choose to recognize them as lawful belligerents, and give them shelter from our pursuit and pun- ishment, the laws of nations afford an adequate and proper remedy [and we shall avail ourselves of it. And while you need not say this in ad- vance, be sure that you say nothing inconsistent with it.']
Happily, however, her Britannic Majesty's government can avoid all these difficulties. It invited us in 1856 to accede to the declaration of the Congress of Paris, of which body Great Britain was herself a member, abolishing pri- vateering everywhere in all cases and forever. You already have our authority to propose to her our accession to that declaration. If she re- fuse to receive it, it can only be because she is
1 Leave out.
284 Abraham Lincoln [May 21
willing to become the patron of privateering when aimed at our devastation.
These positions are not elaborately defended now, because to vindicate them would imply a possibility of our waiving them.
1 We are not insensible of the grave importance of this occasion. We see how, upon the result of the debate in which we are engaged, a war may ensue between the United States and one, two, or even more European nations. War in any case is as exceptionable from the habits as it is revolting from the sentiments of the Ameri- can people. But if it come, it will be fully seen that it results from the action of Great Britain, not our own; that Great Britain will have de- cided to fraternize with our domestic enemy, either without waiting to hear from you our remonstrances and our warnings, or after having heard them. War in defense of national life is not immoral, and war in defense of independ- ence is an inevitable part of the discipline of nations.
The dispute will be between the European and the American branches of the British race. All who belong to that race will especially deprecate it, as they ought. It may well be be-
1 Drop all from this line to the end, and in lieu of it write, " This paper is for your own guidance only, and not [sic] to be read or shown to any one"
i860 Diplomatic Despatch 285
lieved that men of every race and kindred will deplore it A war not unlike it between the same parties occurred at the close of the last century. Europe atoned by forty years of suffering for the error that Great Britain com- mitted in provoking that contest. If that nation shall now repeat the same great error, the social convulsions which will follow may not be so long, but they will be more general. When they shall have ceased, it will, we think, be seen, whatever may have been the fortunes of other nations, that it is not the United States that will have come out of them with its precious Constitution altered or its honestly obtained dominion in any degree abridged. Great Britain has but to wait a few months and all her present inconveniences will cease with all our own troubles. If she take a different course, she will calculate for herself the ultimate as well as the immediate consequences, and will consider what position she will hold when she shall have forever lost the sympathies and the affections of the only nation on whose sympathies and affec- tions she has a natural claim. In making that calculation she will do well to remember that in the controversy she proposes to open we shall be actuated by neither pride, nor passion, nor cupidity, nor ambition ; but we shall stand simply on the principle of self-preservation, and that
286 Abraham Lincoln [May 25
our cause will involve the independence of nations and the rights of human nature. I am, sir, respectfully your obedient servant,
W. H. S.
*Letter to J. A. McClernand
Executive Mansion, May 21, 1861. My dear Sir: I have just had the interview with Gen. Cameron. He says the six Illinois Regiments shall be received at once, and prob- ably sent to Cairo. That he does not know, but will ascertain, whether heavy guns have gone to Cairo. That he thinks well of the proposition to buy the surplus produce on the Ohio ; and that he wishes to see you, and will admit you whenever you will send in your card. I wish you to go. Your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln.
*Telegram to Governor E. D. Morgan
Washington, May 22, 1861. Governor E. D. Morgan, Albany, N. Y.: I wish to see you face to face to clear these diffi- culties about forwarding troops from New York.
A. Lincoln.
i86i] Ellsworth Letter 287
.Letter to Colonel Ellsworth's Parents
Washington, D. C, May 25, 1861.
My dear Sir and Madam: In the untimely loss of your noble son, our affliction here is scarcely less than your own. So much of promised usefulness to one's country, and of bright hopes for one's self and friends, have rarely been so suddenly dashed as in his fall. In size, in years, and in youthful appearance a boy only, his power to command men was surpass- ingly great. This power, combined with a fine intellect, an indomitable energy, and a taste al- together military, constituted in him, as seemed to me, the best natural talent in that department I ever knew.
And yet he was singularly modest and defer- ential in social intercourse. My acquaintance with him began less than two years ago; yet through the latter half of the intervening period it was as intimate as the disparity of our ages and my engrossing engagements would permit. To me he appeared to have no indulgences or pastimes; and I never heard him utter a pro- fane or an intemperate word. What was con- clusive of his good heart, he never forgot his parents. The honors he labored for so laudably, and for which in the sad end he so gallantly
a88 Abraham Lincoln [May 27
gave his life, he meant for them no less than for himself.
In the hope that it may be no intrusion upon the sacredness of your sorrow, I have ventured to address you this tribute to the memory of my young friend and your brave and early fallen child.
May God give you that consolation which is beyond all earthly power.
Sincerely your friend in a common affliction,
A. Lincoln.
Letter from the Adjutant-General to General W. S. Harney
Washington, D. C, May 27, 1861. Sir: The President observes with concern that, notwithstanding the pledge of the State au- thorities to cooperate in preserving peace in Missouri, loyal citizens in great numbers con- tinue to be driven from their homes. It is im- material whether these outrages continue from inability or indisposition on the part of the State authorities to prevent them. It is enough that they continue to devolve on you the duty of putting a stop to them summarily by the force under your command, to be aided by such troops as you may require from Kansas, Iowa, and Illi- nois. The professions of loyalty to the Union by the State authorities of Missouri are not to
i86i] Despatch to Bartlett 289
be relied upon. They have already falsified their professions too often, and are too far com- mitted to secession to be entitled to your con- fidence, and you can only be sure of their desist- ing from their wicked purposes when it is out of their power to prosecute them. You will therefore be unceasingly watchful of their movements, and not permit the clamors of their partizans and opponents of the wise measures already taken to prevent you from checking every movement against the government, how- ever disguised under the pretended State au- thority. The authority of the United States is paramount, and whenever it is apparent that a movement, whether by color of State authority or not, is hostile, you will not hesitate to put it down.
I am, sir, very respectfully your obedient servant,
L. Thomas, Adjutant-General.
^Despatch to Colonel Bartlett
Washington, May 27, 1861. Col. W. A. Bartlett, New York: The Naval Brigade was to go to Fort Monroe without trouble to the Government, and must so go or not at all.
A. Lincoln.
290 Abraham Lincoln [June 13
Letter to General Scott
(Private.) Executive Mansion, June 5, 1861.
My dear Sir: Doubtless you begin to un- derstand how disagreeable it is for me to do a thing arbitrarily when it is unsatisfactory to others associated with me.
I very much wish to appoint Colonel Meigs quartermaster-general, and yet General Cam- eron does not quite consent. I have come to know Colonel Meigs quite well for a short ac- quaintance, and, so far as I am capable of judg- ing, I do not know one who combines the qual- ities of masculine intellect, learning, and ex- perience of the right sort, and physical power of labor and endurance, so well as he.
I know he has great confidence in you, always sustaining, so far as I have observed, your opin- ions against any differing ones.
You will lay me under one more obligation if you can and will use your influence to re- move General Cameron's objection. I scarcely need tell you I have nGthing personal in this, having never seen or heard of Colonel Meigs until about the end of last March. Your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln.
i86i] Letters to Cameron 291
*Letters to Secretary Cameron
Executive Mansion, June 13, 1861. My dear Sir: There is, it seems, a regiment in Massachusetts commanded by Fletcher Webster, and which Hon. Daniel Webster's old friends very much wish to get into the service. If it can be received with the approval of your Department and the consent of the Governor of Massachusetts I shall indeed be much gratified. Give Mr. Ashman a chance to explain fully. Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
Executive Mansion, June 13, 1861.
Hon. Secretary of War.
My dear Sir: I think it is entirely safe to accept a fifth regiment from Michigan, and with your approbation I should say a regiment presented by Col. T. B. W. Stockton, ready for service within two weeks from now, will be received. Look at Colonel Stockton's testi- monials. Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
Executive Mansion, June 17, 1861.
Hon. Secretary of War.
My dear Sir: With your concurrence, and that of the Governor of Indiana I am in favor
292 Abraham Lincoln [June 19
of accepting into what we call the three years' service any number not exceeding four addi- tional regiments from that State. Probably they should come from the triangular region between the Ohio and Wabash Rivers, includ- ing my own old boyhood home. Please see Hon. C. M. Allen, Speaker of the Indiana House of Representatives, and unless you per- ceive good reasons to the contrary, draw up an order for him according to the above.
Yours truly, A. Lincoln.
Executive Mansion, June 17, 1861.
Hon. Secretary of War.
My dear Sir: With your concurrence, and that of the Governor of Ohio, I am in favor of receiving into what we call the three years' service any number not exceeding six additional regiments from that State, unless you perceive good reasons to the contrary. Please see Hon. John A. Gurley, who bears this, and make an order corresponding with the above.
Yours truly, A. LINCOLN.
*Letter from O. P. Morton
New York, June 17, 1861.
His Excellency the President.
Dear Sir: The Hon. Robert Dale Owen is authorized to present for your consideration our
1861] Letter to Mansfield 293
cavalry regiment being now raised upon the border. It will be composed of the best ma- terial both in men and horses. Mr. Owen will present to you the peculiar claims and con- dition of the border, differing from the border of any other State. I trust Your Excellency may find it consistent with )^our views and the public interest to accept of this regiment.
Very respectfully, O. P. MORTON.
[Indorsement.]
June 22, 1 86 1. If agreeable to the Secretary of War, I ap- prove the receiving one of the regiments al- ready accepted from Indiana, organized and equipped as a cavalry regiment.
A. Lincoln.
Letter to General J. K. F. Mansfield
Executive Mansion, June 19, 1861.
My dear Sir: The inclosed papers of Colonel Joseph Hooker speak for themselves He desires to have the command of a regiment. Ought he to have it, and can it be done, and how?
Please consult General Scott, and say if he and you would like Colonel Hooker to have a command. Yours very truly,
A. Lincoln.
294 Abraham Lincoln [July 2
Letter to Secretary Cameron
Executive Mansion, June 20, 1861. My dear Sir: Since you spoke to me yester- day about General J. H. Lane, of Kansas, I have been reflecting upon the subject, and have concluded that we need the service of such a man out there at once; that we had better ap- point him a brigadier-general of volunteers to- day, and send him off with such authority to raise a force (I think two regiments better than three, but as to this I am not particular) as you think will get him into actual work quickest. Tell him, when he starts, to put it through — not to be writing or telegraphing back here, but put it through.
Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
[Indorsement.]
General Lane has been authorized to raise two additional regiments of volunteers.
Simon Cameron, Secretary of War.
*Letter to Kentucky Delegation
Executive Mansion, June, 29, 1861. Gentlemen of the Kentucky Delegation who are for the Union: I somewhat wish to au- thorize my friend, Jesse Bayles, to raise a Ken-
1861] Order for General Scott 295
tucky regiment, but I do not wish to do it with- out your consent. If you consent, please write so at the bottom of this.
Yours truly,
A. Lincoln. We consent.
R. Mallory. H. Grider. G. W Dunlap. J. S. Jackson. C. A. Wickliffe.
August 5, 1 86 1. I repeat, I would like for Col. Bayles to raise a regiment of cavalry whenever the Union men of Kentucky desire or consent to it.
A. Lincoln.
Order authorizing General Scott to Sus- pend THE WRIT OF Habeas Corpus, July 2, 1 86 1 To the Commanding General, Army of the
United States.
You are engaged in suppressing an insurrec- tion against the laws of the United States. If at any point on or in the vicinity of any military line which is now or which shall be used be- tween the city of New York and the city of Washington you find resistance which renders it necessary to suspend the writ of habeas corpus
296 Abraham Lincoln [July 4
for the public safety, you personally, or through the officer in command at the point where re- sistance occurs, are authorized to suspend that writ.
Given under my hand and the seal of the United States at the City of Washington, this second day of July, A. D. 1861, and of the inde- pendence of the United States the eighty-fifth. Abraham Lincoln.
By the President: William H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.
Letter to Secretary Seward
Executive Mansion, July 3, 1861. My dear Sir: General Scott had sent me a copy of the despatch of which you kindly sent one. Thanks to both him and you. Please as- semble the cabinet at twelve to-day to look over the message and reports.
And now, suppose you stop over at once and let us see General Scott [and] General Cameron about assigning a position to General Fremont. Yours as ever,
A. Lincoln.
i8t5ij Message to Congress 297
Message to Congress in Special Session, July 4, 18611
FELLOW-CITIZENS of the Senate and House of Representatives: Having been convened on an extraordinary oc- casion, as authorized by the Constitution, your attention is not called to any ordinary subject of legislation.
At the beginning of the present presidential term, four months ago, the functions of the Federal Government were found to be gener- ally suspended within the several States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Florida, excepting only those of the Post-office Department.
Within these States all the forts, arsenals, dockyards, custom-houses, and the like, includ- ing the movable and stationary property in and about them, had been seized, and were held in open hostility to this government, excepting
1 Lincoln's first message to the Thirty-seventh Congress was somewhat singular for the simple and direct appeal it made to the people to uphold the Constitution and defend their Govern- ment. It was received with marked approbation and applause, particularly that clause proposing a short decisive war, and measures to raise an army of four hundred thousand men for its accomplishment.
298 Abraham Lincoln [July 4
only Forts Pickens, Taylor, and Jefferson, on and near the Florida coast, and Fort Sumter, in Charleston Harbor, South Carolina. The forts thus seized had been put in improved con- dition, new ones had been built, and armed forces had been organized and were organizing, all avowedly with the same hostile purpose.
The forts remaining in the possession of the Federal Government in and near these States were either besieged or menaced by warlike preparations, and especially Fort Sumter was nearly surrounded by well-protected hostile batteries, with guns equal in quality to the best of its own, and outnumbering the latter as per- haps ten to one. A disproportionate share of the Federal muskets and rifles had somehow found their way into these States, and had been seized to be used against the government. Ac- cumulations of the public revenue lying within them had been seized for the same object. The navy was scattered in distant seas, leaving but a very small part of it within the immediate reach of the government. Officers of the Federal army and navy had resigned in great numbers; and of those resigning a large pro- portion had taken up arms against the govern- ment. Simultaneously, and in connection with all this, the purpose to sever the Federal Union was openly avowed. In accordance with this
1861] Message to Congress 299
purpose, an ordinance had been adopted in each of these States, declaring the States respectively to be separated from the National Union. A formula for instituting a combined govern- ment of these States had been promulgated; and this illegal organization, in the character of confederate States, was already invoking recog- nition, aid, and intervention from foreign powers.
Finding this condition of things, and believ- ing it to be an imperative duty upon the incom- ing executive to prevent, if possible, the con- summation of such attempt to destroy the Federal Union, a choice of means to that end became indispensable. This choice was made and was declared in the inaugural address. The policy chosen looked to the exhaustion of all peaceful measures before a resort to any stronger ones. It sought only to hold the public places and property not aready wrested from the government, and to collect the revenue, relying for the rest on time, discussion, and the ballot- box. It promised a continuance of the mails, at government expense, to the very people who were resisting the government; and it gave re- peated pledges against any disturbance to any of the people, or any of their rights. Of all that which a President might constitutionally and justifiably do in such a case, everything was
300 Abraham Lincoln [July 4
forborne without which it was believed possible to keep the government on foot.
On the 5th of March (the present incum- bent's first full day in office), a letter of Major Anderson, commanding at Fort Sumter, written on the 28th of February and received at the War Department on the 4th of March, was by that department placed in his hands. This letter expressed the professional opinion of the writer that reinforcements could not be thrown into that fort within the time for his relief, rendered necessary by the limited supply of provisions, and with a view of holding possession of the same, with a force of less than twenty thousand good and well-disciplined men. This opinion was concurred in by all the officers of his com- mand, and their memoranda on the subject were made inclosures of Major Anderson's letter. The whole was immediately laid before Lieu- tenant-General Scott, who at once concurred with Major Anderson in opinion. On reflec- tion, however, he took full time, consulting with other officers, both of the army and the navy, and at the end of four days came reluctantly but decidedly to the same conclusion as before. He also stated at the same time that no such sufficient force was then at the control of the government, or could be raised and brought to the ground within the time when the provisions
1861] Message to Congress 301
in the fort would be exhausted. In a purely military point of view, this reduced the duty of the administration in the case to the mere matter of getting the garrison safely out of the fort.
It was believed, however, that to so abandon that position, under the circumstances, would be utterly ruinous; that the necessity under which it was to be done would not be fully under- stood; that by many it would be construed as a part of a voluntary policy; that at home it would discourage the friends of the Union, embolden its adversaries, and go far to insure to the latter a recognition abroad; that, in fact, it would be our national destruction consummated. This could not be allowed. Starvation was not yet upon the garrison, and ere it would be reached Fort Pickens might be reinforced. This last would be a clear indication of policy, and would better enable the country to accept the evacua- tion of Fort Sumter as a military necessity. An order was at once directed to be sent for the landing of the troops from the steamship Brooklyn into Fort Pickens. This order could not go by land, but must take the longer and slower route by sea. The first return news from the order was received just one week before the fall of Fort Sumter. The news itself was that the officer commanding the Sabine, to which
302 Abraham Lincoln [July 4
vessel the troops had been transferred from the Brooklyn, acting upon some quasi armistice of the late administration (and of the existence of which the present administration, up to the time the order was despatched, had only too vague and uncertain rumors to fix attention), had re- fused to land the troops. To now reinforce Fort Pickens before a crisis would be reached at Fort Sumter was impossible — rendered so by the near exhaustion of provisions in the latter-named fort. In precaution against such a conjuncture, the government had, a few days before, com- menced preparing an expedition as well adapted as might be to relieve Fort Sumter, which ex- pedition was intended to be ultimately used, or not, according to circumstances. The strongest anticipated case for using it was now presented, and it was resolved to send it forward. As had been intended in this contingency, it was also resolved to notify the governor of South Carolina that he might expect an attempt would be made to provision the fort; and that, if the attempt should not be resisted, there would be no effort to throw in men, arms, or ammunition, without further notice, or in case of an attack upon the fort. This notice was accordingly given ; where- upon the fort was attacked and bombarded to its fall, without even awaiting the arrival of the provisioning expedition.
1861] Message to Congress 303
It is thus seen that the assault upon and re- duction of Fort Sumter was in no sense a matter of self-defense on the part of the assailants. They well knew that the garrison in the fort could by no possibility commit aggression upon them. They knew — they were expressly noti- fied— that the giving of bread to the few brave and hungry men of the garrison was all which would on that occasion be attempted, unless themselves, by resisting so much, should pro- voke more. They knew that this government desired to keep the garrison in the fort, not to assail them, but merely to maintain visible pos- session, and thus to preserve the Union from actual and immediate dissolution — trusting, as hereinbefore stated, to time, discussion, and the ballot-box for final adjustment; and they as- sailed and reduced the fort for precisely the re- verse object — to drive out the visible authority of the Federal Union, and thus force it to im- mediate dissolution. That this was their object the executive well understood; and having said to them in the inaugural address, "You can have no conflict without being yourselves the ag- gressors," he took pains not only to keep this declaration good, but also to keep the case so free from the power of ingenious sophistry that the world should not be able to misunderstand it. By the afTair at Fort Sumter, with its sur-
304 Abraham Lincoln [July 4
rounding circumstances, that point was reached. Then and thereby the assailants of the govern- ment began the conflict of arms, without a gun in sight or in expectancy to return their fire, save only the few in the fort sent to that harbor years before for their own protection, and still ready to give that protection in whatever was lawful. In this act, discarding all else, they have forced upon the country the distinct issue, "immediate dissolution or blood."
And this issue embraces more than the fate of these United States. It presents to the whole family of man the question whether a consti- tutional republic or democracy — a government of the people by the same people — can or can- not maintain its territorial integrity against its own domestic foes. It presents the question whether discontented individuals, too few in numbers to control administration according to organic law in any case, can always, upon the pretenses made in this case, or on any other pre- tenses, or arbitrarily without any pretense, break up their government, and thus practically put an end to free government upon the earth. It forces us to ask: "Is there, in all republics, this inherent and fatal weakness ?" "Must a govern- ment, of necessity, be too strong for the liberties of its own people, or too weak to maintain its own existence?"
1861] Message to Congress 3°5
So viewing the issue, no choice was left but to call out the war power of the government; and so to resist force employed for its destruc- tion, by force for its preservation.
The call was made, and the response of the country was most gratifying, surpassing in unan- imity and spirit the most sanguine expectation. Yet none of the States commonly called slave States, except Delaware, gave a regiment through regular State organization. A few regiments have been organized within some others of those States by individual enterprise, and received into the government service. Of course the seceded States, so called (and to which Texas had been joined about the time of the inauguration), gave no troops to the cause of the Union. The border States, so called, were not uniform in their action, some of them being almost for the Union, while in others — as Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas — the Union sentiment was nearly re- pressed and silenced. The course taken in Vir- ginia was the most remarkable — perhaps the most important. A convention elected by the people of that State to consider this very ques- tion of disrupting the Federal Union was in ses- sion at the capital of Virginia when Fort Sum- ter fell. To this body the people had chosen a large majority of professed Union men. Al-
306 Abraham Lincoln [July 4
most immediately after the fall of Sumter, many members of that majority went over to the orig- inal disunion minority, and with them adopted an ordinance for withdrawing the State from the Union. Whether this change was wrought by their great approval of the assault upon Sumter, or their great resentment at the government's resistance to that assault, is not definitely known. Although they submitted the ordinance for ratification to a vote of the people, to be taken on a day then somewhat more than a month dis- tant, the convention and the legislature (which was also in session at the same time and place), with leading men of the State not members of either, immediately commenced acting as if the State were already out of the Union. They pushed military preparations vigorously for- ward all over the State. They seized the United States armory at Harper's Ferry, and the navy- yard at Gosport, near Norfolk. They received - — perhaps invited — into their State large bodies of troops, with their war-like appointments, from the so-called seceded States. They form- ally entered into a treaty of temporary alliance and cooperation with the so-called "Confeder- ate States," and sent members to their congress at Montgomery. And, finally, they permitted the insurrectionary government to be transferred to their capital at Richmond.
1861] Message to Congress 307
The people of Virginia have thus allowed this giant insurrection to make its nest within her borders ; and this government has no choice left but to deal with it where it finds it. And it has the less regret as the loyal citizens have, in due form, claimed its protection. Those loyal citizens this government is bound to recognize and protect, as being Virginia.
In the border States, so called, — in fact, the Middle States, — there are those who favor a policy which they call "armed neutrality"; that is, an arming of those States to prevent the Union forces passing one way, or the disunion the other, over their soil. This would be dis- union completed. Figuratively speaking, it would be the building of an impassable wall along the line of separation — -and yet not quite an impassable one, for under the guise of neu- trality it would tie the hands of Union men and freely pass supplies from among them to the in- surrectionists, which it could not do as an open enemy. At a stroke it would take all the trouble off the hands of secession, except only what pro- ceeds from the external blockade. It would do for the disunionists that which, of all things, they most desire — feed them well, and give them disunion without a struggle of their own. It recognizes no fidelity to the Constitution, no obligation to maintain the Union; and while
308 Abraham Lincoln [July 4
very many who have favored it are doubtless loyal citizens, it is, nevertheless, very injurious in effect.
Recurring to the action of the government, it may be stated that at first a call was made for 75,000 militia; and, rapidly following this, a proclamation was issued for closing the ports of the insurrectionary districts by proceedings in the nature of blockade. So far all was be- lieved to be strictly legal. At this point the insurrectionists announced their purpose to en- ter upon the practice of privateering.
Other calls were made for volunteers to serve for three years, unless sooner discharged, and also for large additions to the regular army and navy. These measures, whether strictly legal or not, were ventured upon, under what appeared to be a popular demand and a public necessity; trusting then, as now, that Congress would read- ily ratify them. It is believed that nothing has been done beyond the constitutional competency of Congress.
Soon after the first call for militia, it was con- sidered a duty to authorize the commanding general in proper cases, according to his discre- tion, to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, or, in other words, to arrest and detain, without resort to the ordinary processes and forms of law, such individuals as he might
1861] Message to Congress 309
deem dangerous to the public safety. This au- thority has purposely been exercised but very sparingly. Nevertheless, the legality and pro- priety of what has been done under it are ques- tioned, and the attention of the country has been called to the proposition that one who has sworn to "take care that the laws be faithfully exe- cuted" should not himself violate them. Of course some consideration was given to the ques- tions of power and propriety before this matter was acted upon. The whole of the laws which were required to be faithfully executed were being resisted and failing of execution in nearly one third of the States. Must they be allowed to finally fail of execution, even had it been perfectly clear that by the use of the means necessary to their execution some single law, made in such extreme tenderness of the citizen's liberty that, practically, it relieves more of the guilty than of the innocent, should to a very limited extent be violated? To state the ques- tion more directly, are all the laws but one to go unexecuted, and the government itself go to pieces lest that one be violated? Even in such a case, would not the official oath be broken if the government should be overthrown, when it was believed that disregarding the single law would tend to preserve it? But it was not be- lieved that this question was presented. It was
310 Abraham Lincoln [Jul^ 4
not believed that any law was violated. The provision of the Constitution that "the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be sus- pended, unless when, in cases of rebellion or in- vasion, the public safety may require it," is equivalent to a provision — is a provision — that such privilege may be suspended when, in case of rebellion or invasion, the public safety does require it. It was decided that we have a case of rebellion, and that the public safety does re- quire the qualified suspension of the privilege of the writ which was authorized to be made. Now it is insisted that Congress, and not the executive, is vested with this power. But the Constitution itself is silent as to which or who is to exercise the power; and as the provision was plainly made for a dangerous emergency, it cannot be believed the framers of the instru- ment intended that in every case the danger should run its course until Congress could be called together, the very assembling of which might be prevented, as was intended in this case, by the rebellion.
No more extended argument is now offered, as an opinion at some length will probably be presented by the attorney-general. Whether there shall be any legislation upon the subject, and if any, what, is submitted entirely to the better judgment of Congress.
1861] Message to Congress 311
The forbearance of this government had been so extraordinary and so long continued as to lead some foreign nations to shape their action as if they supposed the early destruction of our National Union was probable. While this, on discovery, gave the executive some concern, he is now happy to say that the sovereignty and rights of the United States are now everywhere practically respected by foreign powers; and a general sympathy with the country is manifested throughout the world.
The reports of the Secretaries of the Treasury, War, and the Navy will give the information in detail deemed necessary and convenient for your deliberation and action ; while the executive and all the departments will stand ready to supply omissions, or to communicate new facts con- sidered important for you to know.
It is now recommended that you give the legal means for making this contest a short and de- cisive one: that you place at the control of the government for the work at least four hundred thousand men and $400,000,000. That number of men is about one tenth of those of proper ages within the regions where, apparently, all are willing to engage; and the sum is less than a twenty-third part of the money value owned by the men who seem ready to devote the whole. A debt of $600,000,000 now is a less sum per
312 Abraham Lincoln [July 4
head than was the debt of our Revolution when we came out of that struggle; and the money value in the country now bears even a greater proportion to what it was then than does the population. Surely each man has as strong a motive now to preserve our liberties as each had then to establish them.
A right result at this time will be worth more to the world than ten times the men and ten times the money. The evidence reaching us from the country leaves no doubt that the mate- rial for the work is abundant, and that it needs only the hand of legislation to give it legal sanc- tion, and the hand of the executive to give it practical shape and efficiency. One of the greatest perplexities of the government is to avoid receiving troops faster than it can pro- vide for them. In a word, the people will save their government if the government itself will do its part only indifferently well.
It might seem, at first thought, to be of little difference whether the present movement at the South be called "secession" or "rebellion." The movers, however, well understand the differ- ence. At the beginning they knew they could never raise their treason to any respectable mag- nitude by any name which implies violation of law. They knew their people possessed as much of moral sense, as much of devotion to law
1861] Message to Congress 3!3
and order, and as much pride in and rever- ence for the history and government of their common country as any other civilized and patriotic people. They knew they could make no advancement directly in the teeth of these strong and noble sentiments. Accord- ingly, they commenced by an insidious debauch- ing of the public mind. They invented an in- genious sophism which, if conceded, was fol- lowed by perfectly logical steps, through all the incidents, to the complete destruction of the Union. The sophism itself is that any State of the Union may consistently with the National Constitution, and therefore lawfully and peace- fully, withdraw from the Union without the consent of the Union or of any other State. The little disguise that the supposed right is to be exercised only for just cause, themselves to be the sole judges of its justice, is too thin to merit any notice.
With rebellion thus sugar-coated they have been drugging the public mind of their section for more than thirty years, and until at length they have brought many good men to a willing- ness to take up arms against the government the day after some assemblage of men have enacted the farcical pretense of taking their State out of the Union, who could have been brought to no such thing the day before.
3 14 Abraham Lincoln [July 4
This sophism derives much, perhaps the whole, of its currency from the assumption that there is some omnipotent and sacred supremacy pertaining to a State — to each State of our Fed- eral Union. Our States have neither more nor less power than that reserved to them in the Union by the Constitution — no one of them ever having been a State out of the Union. The or- iginal ones passed into the Union even before they cast off their British colonial dependence; and the new ones each came into the Union directly from a condition of dependence, except- ing Texas. And even Texas, in its temporary independence, was never designated a State. The new ones only took the designation of States on coming into the Union, while that name was first adopted for the old ones in and by the Declaration of Independence. Therein the "United Colonies" were declared to be "free and independent States"; but even then the object plainly was not to declare their independence of one another or of the Union, but directly the contrary, as their mutual pledge and their mut- ual action before, at the time, and afterward, abundantly show. The express plighting of faith by each and all of the original thirteen in the Articles of Confederation, two years later, that the Union shall be perpetual, is most con- clusive. Having never been States either in
1861] Message to Congress 315
substance or in name outside of the Union, whence this magical omnipotence of "State Rights," asserting a claim of power to lawfully destroy the Union itself? Much is said about the "sovereignty" of the States; but the word even is not in the National Constitution, nor, as is believed, in any of the State constitutions. What is "sovereignty" in the political sense of the term? Would it be far wrong to define it "a political community without a political su- perior"? Tested by this, no one of our States except Texas ever was a sovereignty. And even Texas gave up the character on coming into the Union ; by which act she acknowledged the Con- stitution of the United States, and the laws and treaties of the United States made in pursuance of the Constitution, to be for her the supreme law of the land. The States have their status in the Union, and they have no other legal status. If they break from this, they can only do so against law and by revolution. The Union, and not themselves separately, procured their independence and their liberty. By conquest or purchase the Union gave each of them whatever of independence or liberty it has. The Union is older than any of the States, and, in fact, it created them as States. Originally some de- pendent colonies made the Union, and, in turn, the Union threw off their old dependence for
316 Abraham Lincoln [July 4
them, and made them States, such as they are. Not one of them ever had a State constitution independent of the Union. Of course, it is not forgotten that all the new States framed their constitutions before they entered the Union — nevertheless, dependent upon and preparatory to coming into the Union.
Unquestionably the States have the powers and rights reserved to them in and by the Na- tional Constitution; but among these surely are not included all conceivable powers, however mischievous or destructive, but, at most, such only as were known in the world at the time as governmental powers; and certainly a power to destroy the government itself had never been known as a governmental, as a merely adminis- trative power. This relative matter of national power and State rights, as a principle, is no other than the principle of generality and locality. Whatever concerns the whole should be confided to the whole — to the General Government; while whatever concerns only the State should be left exclusively to the State. This is all there is of original principle about it. Whether the National Constitution in defining boundaries between the two has applied the principle with exact accuracy, is not to be questioned. We are all bound by that defining, without question.
What is now combated is the position that se-
1861] Message to Congress 317
cession is consistent with the Constitution — is lawful and peaceful. It is not contended that there is any express law for it; and nothing should ever be implied as law which leads to unjust or absurd consequences. The nation pur- chased with money the countries out of which several of these States were formed. Is it just that they shall go off without leave and without refunding? The nation paid very large sums (in the aggregate, I believe, nearly a hundred millions) to relieve Florida of the aboriginal tribes. Is it just that she shall now be off with- out consent or without making any return? The nation is now in debt for money applied to the benefit of these so-called seceding States in com- mon with the rest. Is it just either that creditors shall go unpaid or the remaining States pay the whole? A part of the present national debt was contracted to pay the old debts of Texas. Is it just that she shall leave and pay no part of this herself?
Again, if one State may secede, so may an- other; and when all shall have seceded, none is left to pay the debts. Is this quite just to credi- tors? Did we notify them of this sage view of ours when we borrowed their money?
If we now recognize this doctrine by allowing the seceders to go in peace, it is difficult to see what we can do if others choose to go or to ex-
318 Abraham Lincoln [July 4
tort terms upon which they will promise to re- main.
The seceders insist that our Constitution ad- mits of secession. They have assumed to make a national constitution of their own, in which of necessity they have either discarded or re- tained the right of secession as they insist it exists in ours. If they have discarded it, they thereby admit that on principle it ought not to be in ours. If they have retained it by their own construction of ours, they show that to be consistent they must secede from one another whenever they shall find it the easiest way of settling their debts, or effecting any other selfish or unjust object. The principle itself is one of disintegration, and upon which no government can possibly endure.
If all the States save one should assert the power to drive that one out of the Union, it is presumed the whole class of seceder politicians would at once deny the power and denounce the act as the greatest outrage upon State rights. But suppose that precisely the same act, instead of being called "driving the one out," should be called "the seceding of the others from that one," it would be exactly what the seceders claim to do, unless, indeed, they make the point that the one, because it is a minority, may rightfully do what the others, because they are a majority,
1861] Message to Congress 319
may not rightfully do. These politicians are subtle and profound on the rights of minori- ties. They are not partial to that power which made the Constitution and speaks from the pre- amble called itself "We, the People."
It may well be questioned whether there is to-day a majority of the legally qualified voters of any State, except perhaps South Carolina, in favor of disunion. There is much reason to believe that the Union men are the majority in many, if not in every other one, of the so-called seceded States. The contrary has not been dem- onstrated in any one of them. It is ventured to affirm this even of Virginia and Tennessee; for the result of an election held in military camps, where the bayonets are all on one side of the question voted upon, can scarcely be con- sidered as demonstrating popular sentiment. At such an election, all that large class who are at once for the Union and against coercion would be coerced to vote against the Union.
It may be affirmed without extravagance that the free institutions we enjoy have developed the powers and improved the condition of our whole people beyond any example in the world. Of this we now have a striking and an impres- sive illustration. So large an army as the gov- ernment has now on foot was never before known, without a soldier in it but who has taken his
320 Abraham Lincoln [July 4
place there of his own free choice. But more than this, there are many single regiments whose members, one and another, possess full practical knowledge of all the arts, sciences, professions, and whatever else, whether useful or elegant, is known in the world; and there is scarcely one from which there could not be selected a Presi- dent, a cabinet, a congress, and perhaps a court, abundantly competent to administer the govern- ment itself. Nor do I say this is not true also in the army of our late friends, now adversaries in this contest; but if it is, so much better the reason why the government which has conferred such benefits on both them and us should not be broken up. Whoever in any section proposes to abandon such a government would do well to consider in deference to what principle it is that he does it — what better he is likely to get in its stead — whether the substitute will give, or be intended to give, so much of good to the people? There are some foreshadowings on this subject. Our adversaries have adopted some declarations of independence in which, unlike the good old one, penned by Jefferson, they omit the words "all men are created equal." Why? They have adopted a temporary national constitution, in the preamble of which, unlike our good old one, signed by Washington, they omit "We, the People," and substitute, "We, the deputies of
1861] Message to Congress 321
the sovereign and independent States." Why? Why this deliberate pressing out of view the rights of men and the authority of the people?
This is essentially a people's contest. On the side of the Union it is a struggle for maintaining in the world that form and substance of govern- ment whose leading object is to elevate the con- dition of men — to lift artificial weights from all shoulders; to clear the paths of laudable pursuit for all; to afford all an unfettered start, and a fair chance in the race of life. Yielding to par- tial and temporary departures, from necessity, this is the leading object of the government for whose existence we contend.
I am most happy to believe that the plain peo- ple understand and appreciate this. It is worthy of note that while in this, the govern- ment's hour of trial, large numbers of those in the army and navy who have been favored with the officers have resigned and proved false to the hand which had pampered them, not one com- mon soldier or common sailor is known to have deserted his flag.
Great honor is due to those officers who re- mained true, despite the example of their treach- erous associates; but the greatest honor, and most important fact of all, is the unamimous firmness of the common soldiers and common sailors. To the last man, so far as known, they
322 Abraham Lincoln [July 4
have successfully resisted the traitorous efforts of those whose commands, but an hour before, they obeyed as absolute law. This is the pat- riotic instinct of the plain people. They under- stand, without an argument, that the destroying of the government which was made by Washing- ton means no good to them.
Our popular government has often been called an experiment. Two points in it our people have already settled — the successful establishing and the successful administering of it. One still remains — its successful maintenance against a formidable internal attempt to overthrow it. It is now for them to demonstrate to the world that those who can fairly carry an election can also suppress a rebellion; that ballots are the rightful and peaceful successors of bullets; and that when ballots have fairly and constitutional- ly decided, there can be no successful appeal back to bullets ; that there can be no successful appeal, except to ballots themselves, at succeed- ing elections. Such will be a great lesson of peace: teaching men that what they cannot take by an election, neither can they take it by a war; teaching all the folly of being the begin- ners of a war.
Lest there be some uneasiness in the minds of candid men as to what is to be the course of the government toward the Southern States after
1861] Message to Congress 323
the rebellion shall have been suppressed, the executive deems it proper to say it will be his purpose then, as ever, to be guided by the Con- stitution and the laws; and that he probably will have no different understanding of the powers and duties of the Federal Government relatively to the rights of the States and the peo- ple, under the Constitution, than that expressed in the inaugural address.
He desires to preserve the government, that it may be administered for all as it was admin- istered by the men who made it. Loyal citizens everywhere have the right to claim this of their government, and the government has no right to withhold or neglect it. It is not perceived that in giving it there is any coercion, any con- quest, or any subjugation, in any just sense of those terms.
The Constitution provides, and all the States have accepted the provision, that "the United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a republican form of government." But if a State may lawfully go out of the Union, hav- ing done so, it may also discard the republican form of government; so that to prevent its going out is an indispensable means to the end of main- taining the guarantee mentioned; and when an end is lawful and obligatory, the indispensable means to it are also lawful and obligatory.
324 Abraham Lincoln [July 10
It was with the deepest regret that the execu- tive found the duty of employing the war power in defense of the government forced upon him. He could but perform this duty or surrender the existence of the government. No compromise by public servants could, in this case, be a cure; not that compromises are not often proper, but that no popular government can long survive a marked precedent that those who carry an elec- tion can only save the government from imme- diate destruction by giving up the main point upon which the people gave the election. The people themselves, and not their servants, can safely reverse their own deliberate decisions.
As a private citizen the executive could not have consented that these institutions shall per- ish; much less could he, in betrayal of so vast and so sacred a trust as the free people have con- fided to him. He felt that he had no moral right to shrink, nor even to count the chances of his own life in what might follow. In full view of his great responsibility he has, so far, done what he has deemed his duty. You will now, according to your own judgment, perform yours.
He sincerely hopes that your views and your actions may so accord with his, as to assure all faithful citizens who have been disturbed in their rights of a certain and speedy restoration
i86i] Memorandum to Buckner 325
to them, under the Constitution and the laws. And having thus chosen our course, without guile and with pure purpose, let us renew our trust in God, and go forward without fear and with manly hearts.
Abraham Lincoln.
*Letter to Secretary Smith
Executive Mansion, July 6, 1861. My dear Sir: Please ask the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and of the General Land Office to come with you, and see me at once. I want the assistance of all of you in overhauling the list of appointments a little before I send them to the Senate.
Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
Memorandum to General S. B. Buckner, July 10, 1861
It is my duty, as I conceive, to suppress an insurrection existing within the United States. I wish to do this with the least possible dis- turbance or annoyance to well-disposed people anywhere. So far I have not sent an armed force into Kentucky, nor have I any present purpose to do so. I sincerely desire that no necessity for it may be presented; but I mean to say nothing which shall hereafter embarrass
326 Abraham Lincoln [July 15
me in the performance of what may seem to be my duty.
(Copy of this delivered to General Buckner, this 10th day of July, 1861.)
Message to the House of Representatives, July iij 1861
To the House of Representatives: In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 9th instant, requesting a copy of corres- pondence upon the subject of the incorporation of the Dominican republic with the Spanish monarchy, I transmit a report from the Secre- tary of State, to whom the resolution was referred.
1861] Vienna Memorandum 327
Memorandum about the Defeat at Vienna, Va., July 15, 1861
A DAY or two before the disaster at Vi- enna General Tyler had, by orders, with a force gone on the same road three miles beyond that point, and returned past it, seeing neither battery nor troops — of which General Schenck had been notified. The morn- ing of the disaster General Schenck received the order under which he acted, which is in words
and figures following:
( Headquarters Department, N. E. Virginia,
Arlington, June 17, 1861. Brigadier-General Schenck, Commanding Ohio Brigade. Sir: The general commanding directs that you send one of the regiments of your command on a train of cars up the Loudon and Hampshire Rail- road to the point where it crosses the wagon-road running from Fort Corcoran (opposite Georgetown) southerly into Virginia.
The regiment, being established at that point, will by suitable patrols feel the way along the road to Falls Church and Vienna, moving, however, with caution, and making it a special duty to guard ef- fectually the railroad bridges and look to the **ack.
328 Abraham Lincoln [July 16
The regiment will go supplied for a tour of duty of twenty-four hours, and will move on the arrival at your camp of a train of cars ordered for that pur- pose, and will relieve all the troops of Colonel Hun- ter's brigade now guarding the line.
I am, sir, very respectfully your obedient servant, James B. Fry, A. A. G.
As appears by the order, General Schenck was not ordered to go himself, but merely to send a regiment; and he went himself because the colonels of both his regiments happened to be absent; but he took Colonel McCook's regi- ment, and Colonel McCook overtook and joined him before the disaster occurred; and to whom (he being a regularly educated military man) the order was at once shown, and General Schenck did nothing afterward but upon his full concurrence. It is not true, as has been stated, that any notice was given General Schenck of a battery being at Vienna. It is true that a countryman told General Schenck he had heard there were troops at Vienna. He was asked if he had seen them, and he said not; he was asked if he had seen any one who had seen them, and he said not; but he had seen a man who had heard there were troops there. This was heard by Colonel McCook as well as General Schenck; and on consultation they agreed that it wa9 but a vague rumor.
1861] Message to Congress 329
It is a fact that not an officer or private who was present at the disaster has ever cast a word of blame upon either General Schenck or Col- onel McCook; but, on the contrary, they are all anxious to have another trial under the same officers.
Message to Congress, July 16, 1861
To the Senate and House of Representatives: I transmit to Congress a copy of correspondence between the Secretary of State and her Britannic Majesty's envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary accredited to this government, relative to the exhibition of the products of in- dustry of all nations, which is to take place at London in the course of the next year. As citizens of the United States may justly pride themselves upon their proficiency in industrial arts, it is desirable that they should have proper facilities toward taking part in the exhibition. With this view I recommend such legislation by Congress at this session as may be necessary for that purpose.
Abraham Lincoln.
Letter to Secretary Chase {Private.) Executive Mansion, July i8, i86r. My dear Sir: I can scarcely avoid an "un-
330 Abraham Lincoln [July 23
pleasantness," not to say a difficulty, or rupture, respectively with Mr. Senator King and Mr. Speaker Grow, unless I can find a place for each a man. Mr. Grow, knowing I have Mr. King on hand, as well as himself, was here this morning, insisting that the second and fifth au- thorships are still open, and that I might give them to Mr. King's man and to his. Is the fact so? Are those places open? If they are, you would both oblige and relieve me by letting them go as indicated. Grow's man is Joseph E. Streeter, really of Illinois (no acquaintance of mine), but, as Grow says, to be charged to
Pennsylvania. King's man is Smith, of
Minnesota. I neither know him nor remember his Christian name as given by Mr. King. Yours as ever, A. Lincoln.
*Letter to Secretary Seward
Executive Mansion, July 19, 1861. My dear Sir: I wish to see you a moment this morning on a matter of no great moment. Will you please call? Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
Message to Congress, July 19, 1861
To the Senate and House of Representatives: As the United States have, in common with Great Britain and France, a deep interest in the
1861] Military Memorandum 331
preservation and development of the fisheries adjacent to the northeastern coast and islands of this continent, it seems proper that we should concert with the governments of those countries such measures as may be conducive to those im- portant objects. With this view I transmit to Congress a copy of a correspondence between the Secretary of State and the British minister here, in which the latter proposes, on behalf of his government, the appointment of a joint com- mission to inquire into the matter, in order that such ulterior measures may be adopted as may be advisable for the objects proposed. Such legislation is recommended as may be necessary to enable the executive to provide for a commis- sioner on behalf of the United States.
Abraham Lincoln.
Memoranda of Military Policy Suggested
by the Bull Run Defeat, July 23, 1861
(July 23, 1861.)
1. Let the plan for making the blockade ef- fective be pushed forward with all possible de- spatch.
2. Let the volunteer forces at Fort Monroe and vicinity under General Butler be constantly drilled, disciplined, and instructed without more for the present.
332 Abraham Lincoln [July 24
3. Let Baltimore be held as now, with a gentle but firm and certain hand. > 4. Let the force now under Patterson or Banks be strengthened and made secure in its position.
5. Let the forces in Western Virginia act till further orders according to instructions or or- ders from General McClellan.
6. [Let] General Fremont push forward his organization and operations in the West as rapidly as possible, giving rather special atten- tion to Missouri.
7. Let the forces late before Manassas, except the three-months men, be reorganized as rapidly as possible in their camps here and about Arlington.
8. Let the three-months forces who decline to enter the longer service be discharged as rapidly as circumstances will permit.
9. Let the new volunteer forces be brought forward as fast as possible, and especially into the camps on the two sides of the river here.
(July 27, 1861.)
When the foregoing shall have been substan- tially attended to:
1. Let Manassas Junction (or some point on one or other of the railroads near it) and Stras- burg be seized and permanently held, with an
i86i] To Governor of New Jersey 333
open line from Washington to Manassas, and an open line from Harper's Ferry to Strasburg — the military men to find the way of doing these.
2. This done, a joint movement from Cairo on Memphis, and from Cincinnati on East Tennessee.
*Order to the Governor of New Jersey
Washington, D. C, July 24, 1861.
Sir: Together with the regiments of three years' volunteers which the Government already has in service in your State, enough to make eight in all, if tendered in a reasonable time, will be accepted, the new regiments to be taken as far as convenient, from the three months' men and officers just discharged, and to be organized, equipped, and sent forward as fast as single reg- iments are ready, on the same terms as were those already in the service from that State.
Your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln.
[Indorsement.] This order is entered in the War Department, and the Governor of New Jersey is authorized to furnish the regiments with wagons and horses. S. Cameron, Secretary of War.
334 Abraham Lincoln [juiy 30
Message to the House of Representatives, July 25, 1861 To the House of Representatives: In answer to the resolution of the House of Repre- sentatives of the 15th instant requesting a copy of the correspondence between this government and foreign powers on the subject of the exist- ing insurrection in the United States, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State.
Abraham Lincoln.
Message to the House of Representatives, July 25, 1861
To the House of Representatives: In answer to the resolution of the House of Repre- sentatives of the 22d instant requesting a copy of the correspondence between this government and foreign powers with reference to maritime rights, I transmit a copy from the Secretary of State.
Abraham Lincoln.
Message to the Senate, July 27, 1861 To the Senate: In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 25th instant relative to the in- structions to the ministers of the United States abroad, in reference to the rebellion now exist-
1861] Message to Senate 335
ing in the southern portion of the Union, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State. Abraham Lincoln.
Message to the House of Representatives, July 27, 1861 To the House of Representatives: In answer to the resolution of the House of Repre- sentatives of the 24th instant asking the grounds, reason, and evidence upon which the police commissioners of Baltimore were arrested and are now detained as prisoners at Fort Mc- Henry, I have to state that it is judged to be incompatible with the public interest at this time to furnish the information called for by the resolution. Abraham Lincoln.
Message to the Senate, July 30, 1861
To the Senate of the United States: In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 19th instant requesting information concerning the quasi armistice alluded to in my message of the 4th instant, I transmit a report from the Secretary of the Navy. Abraham Lincoln.
Message to the Senate, July 30, 1861
To the Senate of the United States: In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 23d instant requesting information concerning the impris-
336 Abraham Lincoln [Aug. i
onment of Lieutenant John J. Worden [John L. Worden] of the United States navy, I trans- mit a report from the Secretary of the Navy. Abraham Lincoln.
Reply to the Tycoon of Japan,
August i, 1 86 1
A. Lincoln, President of the United States
of America: To His Majesty the Tycoon of Japan.
Great and good Friend: I have received the letter which you have addressed to me on the subject of a desired extension of the time stipu- lated by treaty for the opening of certain ports and cities in Japan. The question is surrounded with many difficulties. While it is my earnest desire to consult the convenience of your Majes- ty, and to accede, so far as I can, to your reason- able wishes, so kindly expressed, the interests of the United States must, nevertheless, have due consideration. Townsend Harris, minister resi- dent near your Majesty,will be fully instructed as to the views of this government, and will make them known to you at large. I do not permit myself to doubt that these views will meet with your Majesty's approval, for they proceed not less from a just regard for the interest and pros- perity of your empire than from considerations affecting our own welfare and honor.
1861] Letter to Cameron 337
Wishing abundant prosperity and length of years to the great state over which you preside, I pray God to have your Majesty always in his safe and holy keeping.
Written at the city of Washington, this 1st day of August, 1861. Your good friend,
A. Lincoln. By the President: William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
Letter to Secretary Cameron
Executive Mansion, August i, 1861. My dear Sir: Herewith I inclose you a reso- lution of the Senate inquiring whether Hon. James H. Lane, of Kansas, has been appointed a general in the army of the United States; and if yea, whether he has accepted the appointment. Will you please furnish me, as soon as possible, copies of all record entries and correspondence upon the subject which are in your department, together with a brief statement of your personal knowledge of whatever may contribute to a full and fair statement of the case.
Yours truly, A. Lincoln.
Message to the House of Representatives, August 2, 1 86 1 To the House of Representatives: In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives
338 Abraham Lincoln [Aug. 7
of yesterday, requesting information regarding the imprisonment of loyal citizens of the United States by the forces now in rebellion against this government, I transmit a report from the Sec- retary of State, and the copy of a telegraphic despatch by which it was accompanied.
Abraham Lincoln.
Letter from Secretary Cameron to the Governor of Missouri
War Department, Washington, August 3, 1861. His Excellency H. R. Gamble: In reply to your message directed to the President, I am directed to say that if by proclamation you promise security to citizens in arms who volun- tarily return to their allegiance and become peaceable and loyal, this government will cause the promise to be respected.
I have the honor to be, very respectfully, Simon Cameron, Secretary of War.
Message to the Senate, August 5, 1861
To the Senate of the United States: In answer to the resolution of your honorable body of date July 31, 1861, requesting the President to inform the Senate whether the Hon. James H. Lane, a member of that body from Kansas, has been ap- pointed a brigadier-general in the army of the United States, and if so, whether he has accepted
1861] Letter to Cameron 339
such appointment, I have the honor to transmit herewith certain papers, numbered 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7, which, taken together, explain them- selves, and which contain all the information I possess upon the questions propounded.
It was my intention, as shown by my letter of June 20, 1861, to appoint Hon. James H. Lane, of Kansas, a brigadier-general of United States volunteers in anticipation of the Act of Con- gress, since passed, for raising such volunteers ; and I have no further knowledge upon the sub- ject, except as derived from the papers herewith inclosed. Abraham Lincoln.
Telegram from the President's Private Secretary to General Fremont
Washington, August 5, 1861. To Major-General Fremont: The President desires to know briefly the situation of affairs in the region of Cairo. Please answer.
JNO. G. NlCOLAY, Private Secretary.
Letter to Secretary Cameron
Executive Mansion, August 7, 1861. My dear Sir: The within paper, as you see, is by Hon. John S. Phelps and Hon. Frank P. Blair, Jr., both members of the present Con- gress from Missouri. The object is to get up an efficient force of Missourians in the southwest-
34° Abraham Lincoln [Aug. n
ern part of the State. It ought to be done, and Mr. Phelps ought to have general superinten- dence of it. I see by a private report to me from the department that eighteen regiments are al- ready accepted from Missouri. Can it not be arranged that part of them (not yet organized, as I understand) may be taken from the locality mentioned and put under the control of Mr. Phelps, and let him have discretion to accept them for a shorter term than three years or the war — understanding, however, that he will get them for the full term if he can? I hope this can be done, because Mr. Phelps is too zealous and efficient and understands his ground too well for us to lose his service. Of course provision for arming, equipping, etc., must be made. Mr. Phelps is here, and wishes to carry home with him authority for this matter.
Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
Letter to Secretary Stanton
Executive Mansion, August 8, 1861. My dear Sir: Edward Ellsworth, first cousin to Colonel Ellsworth who fell at Alex- andria, a non-commissioned officer in the fourth regiment of Michigan Volunteers, now stationed at the Relay House, wishes to be a second lieu- tenant in the army. He is present while I write
i86i] Fast-Day Proclamation 341
this, and he is an intelligent and an exceedingly wary-appearing young man of twenty years of age. I shall be glad if a place can be found for him. Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
Proclamation of a National Fast-day— August 12, 1861
By the President of the United States of America:
A Proclamation,
Whereas a joint committee of both houses of Congress has waited on the President of the United States and requested him to "recommend a day of public prayer, humiliation, and fasting, to be observed by the people of the United States with religious solemnities, and the offering of fervent supplications to Almighty God for the safety and welfare of these States, his blessings on their arms, and a speedy restoration of peace" :
And whereas it is fit and becoming in all peo- ple, at all times, to acknowledge and revere the supreme government of God; to bow in humble submission to his chastisements; to confess and deplore their sins and transgressions, in the full conviction that the fear of the Lord is the begin- ning of wisdom; and to pray with all fervency
342 Abraham Lincoln [Aug. 15
and contrition for the pardon of their past of- fenses, and for a blessing upon their present and prospective action:
And whereas when our own beloved country, once, by the blessing of God, united, prosperous, and happy, is now afflicted with faction and civil war, it is peculiarly fit for us to recognize the hand of God in this terrible visitation, and in sorrowful remembrance of our own faults and crimes as a nation and as individuals, to humble ourselves before him and to pray for his mercy — to pray that we may be spared further punish- ment, though most justly deserved; that our arms may be blessed and made effectual for the reestablishment of law, order, and peace throughout the wide extent of our country; and that the inestimable boon of civil and religious liberty, earned under his guidance and blessing by the labors and sufferings of our fathers, may be restored in all its original excellence:
Therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do appoint the last Thurs- day in September next as a day of humiliation, prayer, and fasting for all the people of the nation. And I do earnestly recommend to all the people, and especially to all ministers and teachers of religion, of all denominations, and to all heads of families, to observe and keep that day, according to their several creeds and modes
1861] Telegram to Morton 343
of worship, in all humility and with all religious solemnity, to the end that the united prayer of the nation may ascend to the Throne of Grace, and bring down plentiful blessings upon our country.
In testimony whereof, I have here- unto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed, this [L. S.] twelfth day of August, A. D. eighteen hundred and sixty-one, and of the inde- pendence of the United States of Amer- ica the eighty-sixth.
Abraham Lincoln. By the President: William H. Seward,
Secretary of State.
Telegram to Governor O. P. Morton
Washington, D. C, August 15, 1861. Governor Morton, Indiana: Start your four regiments to St. Louis at the earliest moment possible. Get such harness as may be necessary for your rifled guns. Do not delay a single regi- ment, but hasten everything forward as soon as any one regiment is ready. Have your three additional regiments organized at once. We shall endeavor to send you the arms this week.
A. Lincoln.
344 Abraham Lincoln [Aug. 16
Telegram to General Fremont
Washington, August 15, 1861. To Major-General Fremont: Been answer- ing your messages since day before yesterday. Do you receive the answers? The War De- partment has notified all the governors you designate to forward all available force. So telegraphed you. Have you received these messages? Answer immediately.
A. Lincoln.
Telegram to John A. Gurley
Washington, D. C, August 15, 1861. John A. Gurley, Cincinnati, Ohio: The Grosbeck regiment is ordered to join Fremont at once. Has it gone? Answer immediately.
A. Lincoln.
*Letter to James Pollock
Washington, August 15, 1861. My dear Sir: You must make a job for the bearer of this — make a job of it with the col- lector and have it done. You can do it for me and you must. Yours as ever,
A. Lincoln.
1861] Proclamation 345
Proclamation Forbidding Intercourse with
Rebel States, August 16, 1861
By the President of the United States of
America:
A Proclamation.
WHEREAS on the fifteenth day of April, eighteen hundred and sixty- one, the President of the United States, in view of an insurrection against the laws, Constitution, and government of the United States which had broken out within the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alaba- ma, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, and in pursuance of the provisions of the act entitled "An act to provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions, and to repeal the act now in force for that purpose," approved February twenty-eighth, seventeen hundred and ninety-five, did call forth the mili- tia to suppress said insurrection, and to cause the laws of the Union to be duly executed, and the insurgents have failed to disperse by the time directed by the President; and whereas, such insurrection has since broken out and yet
346 Abraham Lincoln [Aug. 16
exists within the States of Virginia, North Caro- lina, Tennessee, and Arkansas ; and whereas, the insurgents in all the said States claim to act under the authority thereof, and such claim is not disclaimed or repudiated by the persons ex- ercising the functions of government in such State or States, or in the part or parts thereof in which such combinations exist, nor has such insurrection been suppressed by said States:
Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, Presi- dent of the United States, in pursuance of an act of Congress approved July thirteen, eighteen hundred and sixty-one, do hereby declare that the inhabitants of the said States of Georgia, South Carolina, Virginia, North Carolina, Ten- nessee, Alabama, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Mississippi, and Florida (except the inhabi- tants of that part of the State of Virginia lying west of the Alleghany Mountains, and of such other parts of that State and the other States hereinbefore named, as may maintain a loyal adhesion to the Union and the Constitution, or may be from time to time occupied and con- trolled by forces of the United States engaged in the dispersion of said insurgents), are in a state of insurrection against the United States, and that all commercial intercourse between the same and the inhabitants thereof, with the ex- ceptions aforesaid, and the citizens of other
1861] Proclamation 347
States and other parts of the United States, is unlawful, and will remain unlawful until such insurrection shall cease or has been suppressed; that all goods and chattels, wares and merchan- dise, coming from any of said States, with the exceptions aforesaid, into other parts of the United States, without the special license and permission of the President, through the Secre- tary of the Treasury, or proceeding to any of said States, with the exceptions aforesaid, by land or water, together with the vessel or ve- hicle conveying the same, or conveying persons to or from said States, with said exceptions, will be forfeited to the United States ; and that from and after fifteen days from the issuing of this proclamation all ships and vessels belonging in whole or in part to any citizen or inhabitant of any of said States, with said exceptions, found at sea, or in any port of the United States, will be forfeited to the United States; and I hereby enjoin upon all district attorneys, marshals, and officers of the revenue and of the military and naval forces of the United States to be vigilant in the execution of said act, and in the enforce- ment of the penalties and forfeitures imposed or declared by it; leaving any party who may think himself aggrieved thereby to his applica- tion to the Secretary of the Treasury for the remission of any penalty or forfeiture, which
348 Abraham Lincoln [Aug. 24
the said secretary is authorized by law to grant if, in his judgment, the special circumstances of any case shall require such remission.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.
Done at the city of Washington, this sixteenth day of August, in the year of [L. S.] our Lord eighteen hundred and sixty- one, and of the independence of the United States of America the eighty- sixth. Abraham Lincoln. By the President: William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
Letter to Secretary Cameron
Executive Mansion, August 17, 1861. My dear Sir: Unless there be reason to the contrary, not known to me, make out a commis- sion for Simon [B.] Buckner, of Kentucky, as a brigadier-general of volunteers. It is to be put into the hands of General Anderson, and delivered to General Buckner or not, at the dis- cretion of General Anderson, Of course it is to remain a secret unless and until the commis- sion is delivered. Yours truly,
A. Lincoln.
[Indorsement.] Same day made.
1861J Letter to Magoffin 349
Letter to Governor B. Magoffin
Washington, D. C, August 24, 1861.
Sir: Your letter of the 19th instant, in which you "urge the removal from the limits of Ken- tucky of the military force now organized and in camp within said State," is received.
I may not possess full and precisely accurate knowledge upon this subject, but I believe it is true that there is a military force in camp within Kentucky acting by authority of the United States, which force is not very large, and is not now being augmented.
I also believe that some arms have been fur- nished to this force by the United States.
I also believe that this force consists exclu- sively of Kentuckians, having their camp in the immediate vicinity of their own homes, and not assailing or menacing any of the good people of Kentucky.
In all I have done in the premises, I have acted upon the urgent solicitation of many Ken- tuckians, and in accordance with what I be- lieved and still believe, to be the wish of a majority of all the Union-loving people of Ken- tucky.
While I have conversed on this subject with many eminent men of Kentucky, including a large majority of her members of Congress, I
35° Abraham Lincoln [Sept. 2
do not remember that any one of them, or any other person, except your Excellency and the bearers of your Excellency's letter, has urged me to remove the military force from Kentucky or to disband it. One other very worthy citizen of Kentucky did solicit me to have the augment- ing of the force suspended for a time.
Taking all the means within my reach to form a judgment, I do not believe it is the popular wish of Kentucky that this force shall be re- moved beyond her limits, and, with this im- pression, I must respectfully decline to so re- move it.
I most cordially sympathize with your Ex- cellency in the wish to preserve the peace of my own native State, Kentucky; but it is with regret I search [for], and cannot find, in your not very short letter any declaration or intimation that you entertain any desire for the preservation of the Federal Union.
Your obedient servant,
Abraham Lincoln.
Letter to General John C. Fremont1
Washington, D. G, September 2, 1861. My dear Sir: Two points in your procla- mation of August 30 give me some anxiety:
1 The slaves that found their way into the Union camps were a source of much embarrassment to the commanding generals. Butler, at Fortress Monroe, cleverly proved and held them as
1861] Letter to Fremont 351
First. Should you shoot a man, according to the proclamation, the Confederates would very certainly shoot our best men in their hands in retaliation ; and so, man for man, indefinitely. It is, therefore, my order that you allow no man to be shot under the proclamation without first having my approbation or consent.
Second. I think there is great danger that the closing paragraph, in relation to the con- fiscation of property and the liberating slaves of traitorous owners, will alarm our Southern Union friends and turn them against us; per- haps ruin our rather fair prospect for Kentucky. Allow me, therefore, to ask that you will, as of your own motion, modify that paragraph so as to conform to the first and fourth sections of the act of Congress entitled, "An act to confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes," approved August 6, 1861, and a copy of which act I herewith send you.
This letter is written in a spirit of caution, and not of censure. I send it by special mes- senger, in order that it may certainly and speed- ily reach you. Yours very truly,
A. Lincoln.
contraband of war. Fremont, without consulting the President, declared the negroes free. Popular approval of his hasty eman- cipation act was short lived, however, for a severe military reverse soon followed. November 2nd Fremont was relieved of his command, but received another later.
352 Abraham Lincoln [Sept. n
Letter to General David Hunter
Washington, D. C, September 9, 1861. My dear Sir: General Fremont needs as- sistance which it is difficult to give him. He is losing the confidence of men near him, whose support any man in his position must have to be successful. His cardinal mistake is that he isolates himself and allows nobody to see him, and by which he does not know what is going on in the very matter he is dealing with. He needs to have by his side a man of large ex- perience. Will you not, for me, take that place? Your rank is one grade too high to be ordered to it, but will you not serve the country and oblige me by taking it voluntarily?
A. Lincoln.
Telegram to New England Governors l
War Department, September 11, 1861.
General Butler proposes raising in New Eng- land six regiments, to be recruited and com- manded by himself, and to go on special service.
I shall be glad if you, as governor of
will answer by telegraph if you consent.
A. Lincoln.
1 Form of telegram sent to Washburn of Maine, Fairbanks of Vermont, Berry of New Hampshire, Andrew of Massachusetts, Buckingham of Connecticut, and Sprague of Rhode Island.
i86i] Order to Fremont 353
Order to General Fremont
Washington, September u, 1861. Sir: Yours of the 8th, in answer to mine of the 2d instant, is just received. Assuming that you, upon the ground, could better judge of the necessities of your position than I could at this distance, on seeing your proclamation of August 30 I perceived no general objection to it. The particular clause, however, in relation to the confiscation of property and the liberation of slaves appeared to me to be objectionable in its nonconformity to the act of Congress passed the 6th of last August upon the same subjects; and hence I wrote you, expressing my wish that that clause should be modified accordingly. Your answer, just received, expresses the preference on your part that I should make an open order for the modification, which I very cheerfully do. It is therefore ordered that the said clause of said proclamation be so modified, held, and construed as to conform to, and not to transcend, the provisions on the same subject contained in the act of Congress entitled, "An act to con- fiscate property used for insurrectionary pur- poses," approved August 6, 1861, and that said act be published at length with this order. Your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln.
354 Abraham Lincoln [Sept. 15
Letter to Mrs. Fremont
Washington, D. C, September 12, 1861. My dear Madam: Your two notes of to-day are before me. I answered the letter you bore me from General Fremont on yesterday, and not hearing from you during the day, I sent the answer to him by mail. It is not exactly cor- rect, as you say you were told by the elder Mr. Blair, to say that I sent Postmaster-General Blair to St. Louis to examine into that depart- ment and report. Postmaster-General Blair did go, with my approbation, to see and con- verse with General Fremont as a friend. I do not feel authorized to furnish you with copies of letters in my possession without the consent of the writers. No impression has been made on my mind against the honor or integrity of General Fremont, and I now enter my protest against being understood as acting in any hos- tility toward him.
Your obedient servant, A. LINCOLN.
Letter to Joseph Holt
Executive Mansion, September 12, 1861.
Dear Sir: Yours of this day, in relation to
the late proclamation of General Fremont, is
received. Yesterday I addressed a letter to him
by mail on the same subject, and which is in-
1861] Indorsement on Letter 355
tended to be made public when he receives it. I herewith send you a copy of that letter, which, perhaps, shows my position as distinctly as any new one I could write. I will thank you to not make it public until General Fremont shall have had time to receive the original. Your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln.
Indorsement on Letter of John W. Davis, [September 15?] 1861 The President has read this letter, and he deeply commiserates the condition of any one so distressed as the writer seems to be. He does not know Mr. Davis — only knows him to be one of the arrested police commissioners of Balti- more because he says so in this letter. Assum- ing him to be one of those commissioners, the President understands Mr. Davis could at the time of his arrest, could at any time since, and can now, be released by taking a full oath of allegiance to the government of the United States, and that Mr. Davis has not been kept in ignorance of this condition of release. If Mr. Davis is still so hostile to the government, and so determined to aid its enemies in destroying it, he makes his own choice.
356 Abraham Lincoln [Sept. 22
Letter to General Scott
Washington, D. C, September 16, 1861. My dear Sir: Since conversing with you I have concluded to request you to frame an order for recruiting North Carolinians at Fort Hat- teras. I suggest it to be so framed as for us *:o accept a smaller force — even a company — if we cannot get a regiment or more. What is neces- sary to now say about officers you will judge. Governor Seward says he has a nephew (Clar- ence A. Seward, I believe) who would be will- ing to go and play colonel and assist in raising the force. Still it is to be considered whether the North Carolinians will not prefer officers of their own. I should expect they would. Yours truly, A. Lincoln.
^Endorsement on Paper, September 17, 1861 Will Lieutenant General Scott please con- sider, and inform me what can be, and ought to be done as a recognition of the gallantry of the officers who fought with General Lyon at Wil- son's Creek? A. Lincoln.
Order to Secretary Cameron
Executive Mansion, September 18, 1861. My dear Sir: To guard against misunder- standing, I think fit to say that the joint expe-
1861] Letter to Browning 357
dition of the army and navy agreed upon some time since, and in which General T. W. Sher- man was and is to bear a conspicuous part, is in no wise to be abandoned, but must be ready to move by the 1st of, or very early in, October. Let all preparations go forward accordingly. Yours truly, A. LINCOLN.
Order to General Fremont
Washington, September 22, 1861. Governor Morton telegraphs as follows: "Colonel Lane, just arrived by special train, represents Owensborough, forty miles above Evansville, in possession of secessionists. Green River is navigable. Owensborough must be seized. We want a gunboat sent up from Pa- ducah for that purpose." Send up the gunboat if, in your discretion, you think it right. Per- haps you had better order those in charge of the Ohio River to guard it vigilantly at all points.
A. Lincoln.
Letter to O. H. Browning
(Private and confidential.) Executive Mansion, September 22, 1861. My dear Sir: Yours of the 17th is just re- ceived; and coming from you, I confess it as- tonishes me. That you should object to my adhering to a law which you had assisted in
358 Abraham Lincoln [Sept. zz
making and presenting to me less than a month before is odd enough. But this is a very small part. General Fremont's proclamation as to confiscation of property and the liberation of slaves is purely political and not within the range of military law or necessity. If a com- manding general finds a necessity to seize the farm of a private owner for a pasture, an en- campment, or a fortification, he has the right to do so, and to so hold it as long as the necessity lasts; and this is within military law, because within military necessity. But to say the farm shall no longer belong to the owner, or his heirs forever, and this as well when the farm is not needed for military purposes as when it is, is purely political, without the savor of military law about it. And the same is true of slaves. If the general needs them, he can seize them and use them; but when the need is past, it is not for him to fix their permanent future condition. That must be settled according to laws made by law-makers, and not by military proclama- tions. The proclamation in the point in ques- tion is simply "dictatorship." It assumes that the general may do anything he pleases — con- fiscate the lands and free the slaves of loyal peo- ple, as well as of disloyal ones. And going the whole figure, I have no doubt, would be more popular with some thoughtless people than that
i86i] Letter to Browning 359
which has been done! But I cannot assume this reckless position, nor allow others to assume it on my responsibility.
You speak of it as being the only means of saving the government. On the contrary, it is itself the surrender of the government. Can it be pretended that it is any longer the Govern- ment of the United States — any government of constitution and laws — wherein a general or a president may make permanent rules of prop- erty by proclamation? I do not say Congress might not with propriety pass a law on the point, just such as General Fremont proclaimed. I do not say I might not, as a member of Congress, vote for it. What I object to is, that I, as Presi- dent, shall expressly or impliedly seize and ex- ercise the permanent legislative functions of the government.
So much as to principle. Now as to policy. No doubt the thing was popular in some quar- ters, and would have been more so if it had been a general declaration of emancipation. The Kentucky legislature would not budge till that proclamation was modified; and General An- derson telegraphed me that on the news of Gen- eral Fremont having actually issued deeds of manumission, a whole company of our volun- teers threw down their arms and disbanded. I was so assured as to think it probable that the
360 Abraham Lincoln [Sept. 24
very arms we had furnished Kentucky would be turned against us. I think to lose Kentucky is nearly the same as to lose the whole game. Kentucky gone, we cannot hold Missouri, nor, as I think, Maryland. These all against us, and the job on our hands is too large for us. We would as well consent to separation at once, in- cluding the surrender of this capital. On the contrary, if you will give up your restlessness for new positions, and back me manfully on the grounds upon which you and other kind friends gave me the election and have approved in my public documents, we shall go through triumph- antly. You must not understand I took my course on the proclamation because of Kentucky. I took the same ground in a private letter to General Fremont before I heard from Ken- tucky.
You think I am inconsistent because I did not also forbid General Fremont to shoot men under the proclamation. I understand that part to be within military law, but I also think, and so privately wrote General Fremont, that it is impolitic in this, that our adversaries have the power, and will certainly exercise it, to shoot as many of our men as we shoot of theirs. I did not say this in the public letter, because it is a subject I prefer not to discuss in the hearing of our enemies.
1 86 1] Memorandum About Guns 361
There has been no thought of removing Gen- eral Fremont on any ground connected with his proclamation, and if there has been any wish for his removal on any ground, our mutual friend Sam. Glover can probably tell you what it was. I hope no real necessity for it exists on any ground. Your friend, as ever, A. LINCOLN.
Memorandum about Guns
Washington, September 24, 1861. If twenty guns, and a carriage and appoint- ments to each, shall be made, equal or superior to the Ellsworth gun carriage exhibited some time since to Captain Kingsbury, and more re- cently to me, the quality to be judged of by Cap- tain Kingsbury, and shall be delivered to the Government of the United States at this city within sixty days from this date, I will advise that they be paid for at the price of three hun- dred and fifty dollars for each gun with its car- riage and appointments, and in addition will advise that reasonable charges for transporta- tion from Worcester in Massachusetts to this city be paid. Will also advise that forty cents per pound be paid for all good ammunition suit- able for said guns, which shall be furnished with said guns, provided the amount does not exceed two hundred rounds to each gun.
A. Lincoln.
7/. aoofl.