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Kernohan, J. W.

The county of Londonderry in three centuries, with notices of the Ironmongers' estate

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CONTENTS.

PAGE. PREFACE

INTRODUCTION ... ... ... ,

A GREAT ENTERPRISE ... ... -

LONDON AND LONDONDERRY ... ,,

THE TROUBLES OF THE COMPANIES ... ... ,5

THE PROPORTION OF IRONMONGERS ... ... 2\

THE INSURRECTION OF 1641 ... ... 32

RESTORATION AND REVOLUTION ... yj

RELIGIOUS REVIEW ... «-

• • • r'O

EMIGRATION ... ... ... ... ,„

SOCIAL LIFE ... ... ... -^

ROADS AND TRADE ... 60

CHURCHES AND CHURCH LIFE 67

• '

NOTABLE MEN OF LONDONDERRY ... ... 74

THE PASSING OF THE COMPANIES ... 78

APPENDIXES — HEARTH MONEY ROLLS 81

PREFACE

E eccentric Earl of Bristol when Bishop of Derry expressed a desire to "make the County of Derry look like a gentleman." And he expended lavishly of his income in the endeavour not only to beautify the Church but to advance, according to his view, the temporal welfare of the people. The Bishop was' an Englishman representing a type, a period and a policy long since passed. He was one of the picturesque figures that strutted on the stage of Irish history at a time when the masses were becoming more conscious of themselves and their power.

In this year of grace nineteen hundred and twenty one, the curtain rises on a new scene in which the actors are called on to assume the responsibility of self-government. It is surely a testimony to their satisfaction with the success of their relationship to England that the people of Ulster are undertaking this duty rather reluctantly and from that feeling of goodwill which has ever prompted their race to come to the aid of the mother country in her hours of difficulty. Not that they received any special favours other than what was derived from ordinary trade connection. The balance was generally against them. Sacrifice was always expected.

To understand why the people of the northern province feel they are sacrificing .cherished sentiments, even to this extent, is difficult for those who are unversed in Irish history. It is an appropriate moment then to recall the story of the Plantation and the three hundred years that followed As the City of London was charged with the organized settlement of a tract of country which has since been officially called Londonderry the writer in the following pages has endeavoured to give an account of the settlement, to state the con- dition of the country when the great Guilds of London became undertakers, to recount the struggles writh their native neighbours, and to outline the social life of the people, their industries and literature. The valley of the Lower Bann has been treated with more detail, and a fuller account given of the " propor- tion " of the Company of Ironmongers. For the emigration that took place several American books have been under contribution, particularly Charlts K. Bolton's " Scotch-Irish Pioneers in Ulster and America." In addition to the better known works of Irish history and pamphlet literature relating to the

province the writer has consulted with advantage some unpublished diaries, many MS. records in the Public Record Office, Dublin, and in other collections. He has added some early lists of inhabitants in the hope that they will be useful tor genealogical purposes. For fuller particulars of the political and industrial changes of the nineteenth century in County Derry the reader is referred to Dr. H. S. Morrison's recently published " Modern Ulster."

Acknowledgment is due to the following who kindly lent blocks: — The Proprietors of the " Belfast Telegraph " for the frontispiece ; Mr. F. J. Bigger, M.R.I. A., for the "Flight of Earls "(p. 4); Messrs. M'Caw, Stevenson, & Orr, Ltd., for "Sir Arthur Chichester " (p. 10), and " Dungiven Abbey" (p. 24); Mr. H. L Glasgow, o« " The Mid-Ulster Mail," for " Sailers' Settle- ment " (p. 30); the Curator of the Belfast Art Gallery and Museum for " An Ulster Kitchen" (p. 56); and the Presbyterian Historical Society of Ireland for " Colonel Alexander Lawrence " (p. 75).

I must also express my deep obligation to the Editor of the " Coleraine Chronicle," but for whose assistance these sketches would not have received a more permanent form than the columns of a newspaper afforded.

•

LONDONDERRY IN THREE CENTURIES.

CHAPTER I.

Flight of the Earls- Travellers' marvellous tales— The "County of

Coleraine " -The last of the O'Cahans— Celtic customs

doomed -An Irish shealing-- Lady O'Cahan

and a Duchess.

The gray hills and jutting headlands of the Donegal coast have ever exercised on us a strange fascination. In childish years, hefore the westward trend of the tourist traffic had gone further than the Antrim seaboard, we roamed in fancy over those hill-tops receding within the enclosing cliffs of that great peninsula of Innishowen, with its twin guardian loughs of Foyle and Swilly ; we qnestianed eagerly the fisher-folk of the Antrim shore as to their distant voyages to that yellow streak of sand that seemed to disappear in the cliffs near the Green- castle light-house ; and to the still more tantalizing and disappearing Inistrahull light, which told of a lone speck of land in those wild northern waters. That castle with its broken crown on its wave- beaten point of land was, we were told, the target of some mighty Spanish galleon of old.

Inquiring into the storied past of the territories washed by the waters of the Atlantic we learned of an historic incid- ent, known as the " Flight of the Earls," which opened the way for the great transformation called the Plantation of Ulster. The scene of the dramatic episode was the waters of the Swilly. In 1588 a Prince of Tyrconnel was treacher- ously seized and shipped away from Rath- tunlian ; but a far more touching and fateful affair was the Flight of the F,arls of Tyrone and Tyrconnel from the same spot nineteen years later. On 14th September, 1607,' a ship lay at anchor off RathmuUan, and before nightfall it had carried away, to use tho full-blooded language of the Four Masters, a " dis-

tinguished company of whom the sea has not borne and the wind has not wafted, in modern times, n number of persons in one ship more eminent, illustrious, or noble ill point of ganoalogy, heroic deeds, valour, feats of arms, and brave achiev- ments than they."

This decisive event has suggested many diverse thoughts about the chief actors. What moved them ? Was it despair ? or cowardice? or hope of future revenge by the aid of the foreigner whose sanctuary they were then seeking? Whatever it was, it brought relief to the British sovereign and his adventurous soldiers wlio had been for long years trying to bring the turbulent people of Ulster into subjection ; and it cleared the way for the great scheme of planting the Province with colonists of British blood.

And a groat opportunity it was, what- ey»r the motives were that prompted the distinguished statesmen and soldiers who were destined to grasp it. A great and responsible task, too, it presented. The Province, by all accounts. \\as a wasted wilderness. It could not well be other- wise after so many years of desolating strife. One of the administrators, Sir John Davies, who was directed, with others, to revive and replenish the war- worn territory, in his famous work in- quiring into the causes that retarded Ire- land's conquest, attributed the want of progress and waste character of the land to the native tribal customs, specially those, relating to the election of the chief and tho ownership of the land. As we shall see later, a principal feature of the new scheme <>f plantation was the

(01 STY LONDONDERRY IN TIHil > .TMTIUKS.

iiin i>l tin- Knglish system of Ininl tenure. There was thus a clash of twii ^v stems with fateful results. The Kli/:t'.<-tli;ui adventurers endeavoured to impress upon tin- Queen the necessity for a inor«' <i>rtuin tenure of the land for the native Irish tenants, which was denied them liy their own custom.

\Yc cannot reasonably <loubt tho state- ments of soldiers and travellers ahout the wild and inhospitable character of Ulster in the end of the sixteenth and beginning of the seventeenth century. A report on I he state of Ireland in Shane O'Neill's time pronounces the county of Coleraine ml. -eh afterwards was made portion i County Ixindomlorrv) " for the most I irt waste," and the neighbouring ter- ritory of T • ro'i" -oini'v hut similar, hav- ing In. I: ictilleid hi Mil ll State, witlllll a

t « oh -month through quarrels among tli" O'Neills the .selves. " Woods and IM. s," " ii vciy last country. full of m.iiil and bog." are common descriptions as applied to the northern counties. • Kven in nbat '.ia- soon ;' thriving settlement in County Down, as the author of the, " Montgomery .Miinii.sci 'ipi s " quaintly narmtes. the nen comers found the lands '' more wasted than America when tho Spaniards landed there." About thirty before, when Sydney was Lord Deputy, the adjoining territory of Kin- t-larty was rc|«ntcd " all desolate and waste, full of thieves, outlaws, and unre- claimed people." (Illieial as this descrip- tion was it has abundance of support. The author of thn ' Montgomery .Manu- scripts," referring to the parishes of Doiiaghadcc and New tow nards, says "thirty ii'mis could not he found, nor any stone \\alls. but ruined, roofless churches, and a few vaults at (iroyabbey, and a stump of an old castle in New- toHii." Sui-h a dark background, no doubt, served to throw into relief the transformation effected by the settlers in a short time; for the same old writer gives a pretty picture of Arcadian life in the new colony- " Now everybody minded their trades, and the plough and the spade, building and setting fruit

. ••tc.. in orchards and gardens, and by ditching in their grounds. The old women spun, and the young girls plied their nimble fingers at knitting; and

> hod v was innocently busy. Now

the golden peaceable age renewed, no

mentions quenuotu lawyers, or

•ish or Irish feuds between clans and families, and surnames, disturbing thit tranqnillitv of thoso times ; and the towns and templet, were erected, with other great works done." In this way eril report* of wolves and woodkernos' were

dispelled, and commerce between the two islands wns established under satisfactory conditions.

While the travellers of those times wore not all Munchausens, most of them were prone- to seize upon the marvel* they saw or heard about. None that wn have met with is more curious than the narration (if William Lithgow, a Scotch- man who visited Ireland in the first decade of tho seventeenth century. " There are," he said, " more lakes, brooks, strands, quagmires, bogs and marshes in this country than in all Christendom besides ; for travelling there in winter all my daily solace was sink- down comfort ; whiles boggy-plunging deeps kissing ray horse's belly ; whiles over-mired saddle. Itody and all ; and often or ever set ;i-su iiiimmg in great danger, both I and my guides, of our lives. That for cloudy and fountain-bred perils T was never before reduced to such a floating labyrinth, considering that in five months space I quite spoiled six horses, and my- self as rircd as the worst of them."

I.ithgow must have had his imagina- tion stirred by a visit to County Derry. For 11 in the Down of Elizabeth's time there worn such barbarous conditions aa abo'.e de.-< ribed. the counties of Coleraine and Tyrone, particularly tho latter, must have been more savage still. Gerard Itoau- in his " Natural History " specially mentions tho forest of Olencon- kein as being one of (he greatest in Ire- land. And such a " fastness " it was for the native Irish to conduct their par- ticular mode of warfare from that tho scheme for its plantation was postponed till the other es, heated counties had been settled.

All that portion of land now included within the counties of Tyrone and Lon- donderry formed with some extra dis- tricts tho great territory or triheland of the clan Cinel Eoghan (Owen), one of whom in earlv times had taken the name O'Neill. When Sir John Perrot, th« Lord Deputy, formed seven counties of Ulster (1586), the territory of Tyrone vvns broken up, and the northern part, called O'Cahan's Country, became the County of Coleraine ; and afterwards, when the agreement with the City of London was made by which large tracts of territory were granted to the London Guilds, the Barony of Loughinsholin was added to Coleraine, and the whole re- named the County of Londonderry. Other portions having been transferred to Armagh and Donegal, the remaining Urge tract of country retained the name of Tyrone and is the present county of that name.

COUNTY LONDONDEBBT IN THREE CENTCBIKS.

A State document describes Colernine County at the time it was ahired as fol- lows : —

" The County of Coleraine containeth all O'Cahan's country, and lieth be- tween Lough Foyle and the Bann. The Captain thereof is one Rory O'Cahan, al- ways left to the government and rule of Tur O'Neill, and therefore contributeth to him. The chief strength of this man is hia own nation, who are able to make 140 horsemen and about 400 footmen. Yet, because he hordereth so near tb,e Scot, he is much affected to them and at all times doth yield them great relief and succour. He hath buildings in his country upon Lough Foyle side, two strong castles, the one called Anagh, and the other Limavady ; and upon the Bann, near the salmon fishing, two castles, the one called the Castle of Colernine, some- what defaced, yet wardable; the other Castle Roe, wherein Turlough O'Neill keepeth a constable, and a ward, to re- ceive his part of the fishings."*

Turlough O'Neill succeeded to the chieftainship on the death of Shane the Proud, who overran Ulster in his day — Shane, who gave good proof of his boast that what he had won with the sword, he would with the same weapon keep. Turlough also was heir to the overloFd- ship of the O'Cahan, who was his principal feudatory, while the O'Mullans, Magilligans, M'Closkys, O'Diamonds, O'Toghills, and other families were sub- ject to the O'Cahan, and paid tribute to him. The families forming the sept, compared with later times, were not numerous. The 140 horse and 400 foot would represent about a third of the en- tire adult population. They were, never- theless, a powerful people, particularly when they could count on the assistance of the Scots in time of war. And the more open character of their country made them rely more upon their castles than on the woodland "fastnesses.'1 The O'Neills scorned the former in their pre- ference for the intricacies of the bogs, woods, and loughs.

The strength of the O'Neills was de-

* The O'Cahan castles, as well as l>cin;; in positions of groat strength, and well chosen for defensive purposes, were from the scenic point of view beautifully situated. Anagh was near Derry, but the principal residence was at Limavady. The site is still shown at the picturesque Dog's Leap on the River Roe. The castle had a moat and draw- bridge and a circular tower with guns in double tier. Beside it stood Sir Thomas Phillips's stone house of two stories, with orchard, pleasure garden, and dovecot. The name is all that remains of the keep at Castleroe, two miles south of Coleraine.

scribed by a certain pirate, who made a bold bid for fame by a novel proposal to attack them in their island fortress with a kind of armoured vessel on Lough Neiigh, maniii'cl by KM) men. '' His [The O'Noili's] strength," said tho pirate. " lay not in tho number of men employed, but in his own craftiness. He covereth himself in the privities of his country, with his creaght. He trusted not in castles ; he razed the strongest castles. He dependeth on certain fresh water loughs where neither ship nor boat can approach his treasures."

The long supremacy of the O'Neills in Ulster had given them a degree of pride which is aptly illustrated in the well- known story of one of the race who in the fifteenth century caused one of the bloodiest of battles by his wordy en- counter with a prince of the O'Donnells. " Send me my rent," said O'Neill, " or

if you don't !" " I owe you no rent,"

briefly and promptly retorted O'Donnell,

" and if I did 1"

The O'Cahans had numerous residences through their territory, but the chief of them were the strongholds already men- tioned. That at Limavady was accounted the chief one. This and the castle at Enagh Lough, not far from Derry, formed a protection on the western side, while Coleraine . and Castleroe were suitable ipots for a similar guard to defend the passes on the Bann.

The last days of their sovereignty in the ancestral domain make a dismal story. And, whether by constraint or otherwise, they seem to have had a large share in their owu undoing. In ,1 feud with the tribe of O' Lynns which lay on the southern side of their country, they robbed themselves of a kind of buffer state against the English from the South. The O'Lynns were wiped out, leaving only their name in the harony of Lough- inshollen (Lough-mis-O'Lyn).

In tho gallant struggle which Hugh O'Neill long waged against the Queen and her armies. Rory M'Manus O'C'ahan was his principal ally, and on his death bis son and heir, Uonnell Ballagh O'Cahan, continued to play a distin- guished part in the same capacity. When The O'Neill made peace at length — and stipulated for himself and those \\lio had been in alliance with him pertVci freedom of person and property— Don nell H:-illagh was, of course, included. He was not a free agent. He pleaded with the Queen that, he hod acted perforce n./ninst her. and bis hard case should ha p been re- spected. One would friii hide the un- worthy ((induct of the pr, -.on* concerned in the l;i-l day.- "!' the ^il'ant

C«>r STY LONDONDBBBY IN TH11KE CKNTritlKS.

chieftain. It was M> easy for the con- queror to urge aguinsi him conspiracy and revolt, whirl) under tho Kn^lisli ••% s- tom of land tenure involved the trans- gressor in I'm fciture. Hv the Hrchon law it was not so. The services of the last O'Cahan, however, should have earned for him security and possessions in the lands which his people had enjoyed since the eleventh centnry.

A succession of able Kli/.abethan admin- istrators had Keen in practical agreement a* to the necessity of abolishing Celtic customs of land tenure which operated as m bar to progress among the clansmen. And if the presence of the chief hindered

i.m:-" \Ve khall *e,c that Sir Arthur C'hichcstcr in his endeavour to produce a contented tenantry »ime<l at creating iiioi-c stable eoiiditious. Tlie disparity of estates, in his \ iew , ''drew the depend- ence of all the rest of the subjects upon the. great ones," am] therefore his policy was directed to the establishment in I'lster of an independent yeomanry.

Sir Henry Sidney's suggested " course of refoi million '' may be taken as the model of all his successors who attempted to reduce, the lawless Northern parts to order an a Province of tho Crown. His plan was to make shires, and place sher- iffs and officers of law in them, abolish

THK FLKSHT OK THE EARLB.

the carrying out ot sii, li reforms «e may perhaps the better understand the treat- ment meted out to a lord like The. O'Cahan. A certain amount of experience already gained where exactions like " coigne and livery " had ceased gave Hiifficieiit inducement to continue reforms of this kind. Security of tenure for the tenant, and the enjoyment of settled estate* by inheritance were iiii|H>ssible an long as the tribal custom of tanistry, or

:on of a successor to the leadership of the clan as distinguished from Un- English practice of hereditary sin cession,

a ilra. What rhanee was there of improvement when \ebted rights were unknown, and each tenant had no more than " a scrambling transitory pojs.--.-

i liieltaiuships and all exactions of coigne ami livery, and so reduce the greatness oi Irish L>r<ls. and take the dependence of their clansmen from them. He would :ilso establish free schools in every dio- cese, and his design included a Council and President in I'lster. Male-gavel and lanisiiy continued long to work barbar- i/.ing results, the one " so mincing and subdividing the Irish gentry as to make them only fit to execute the unruly com- mands of tbcir lords," and the other incapacitating those lords from giving a farming and still less a building lease.

The Irish custom was a primitiTo type • •t < u ilisation and has been compared nith the system in force among the (•••rmans as described by Caesar ami

COl'NTY LONDONDKRHT IJs7 THKKE CENTUKIES.

Tacitus. * There was no Bottled possess- ion, the. land lii'in^ occupied in turns for tillage purposes, and the distribution of allotments was changed from time to time. To lireak these native customs in Ulster Elizabeth with her devotion to order and good government set herself. And while Tier soldier adventurers were not accompanied with forces adequate for the settled occupation of the province, they had little hesitation in interpreting want of loyalty on the part of the chiefs in accordance with their conception of common English law, even though it con- flicted with Brehon ideas and customs. They understood the Queen's desire for peace and order, at the same time that they endeavoured to put in force her vigorous policy. If the native chiefs failed to respond sufficiently to her desire for conciliation, and went down in the struggle, while they are bound to evoke sympathy in their sad case, the prosperity which has resulted must be accounted a sufficient justification for the change from the old order, in harmony with the com- mon law* of the land.

To represent this as the introduction of feudalism in Ireland would bo incor- rect. Feudalism, as interpreted by Sir Walter Scott, was an excellent thing in theory, but it took a long course of time to rid it of abuses, and by the time of the Ulster Plantation it had been shorn of its oppressive features to a very con- siderable extent. The Rev. George Hill's description of it is not lovely, but if he supposed it to have been introduced iu Ulster according to his representation of it, then ho was either incorrectly in- formed or desired to minimise the evils of the exactions of the Irish lords. In his view the cuttings, eosherings, and exactions connected with Irish tenures were in comparison mere child's play. And yet an Elizabethan statute describes " coyne and livery " as the " very nurse and teat that gave suck and nutriment to all disobediences., enormities, vices, and iniquities of this realm." And their re- moval, according to the same authority, was followed by such an alteration that where before there was but " howling, crying, cursing, penury, and famine, now is there in stead thereof mirth, joy,

* Mrs. Alice 8. Green in her " Irish Nationality " attempts to show that " in the Irish system we may see the shaping of a true democracy." But this idealizing of the Celtic pastoral life is ably controverted by Professor Henry .1. Ford in " The Scotch Irish in America." Of Celtic Ireland he says — " At the opening of the seventeenth century it* institutions retained their barbarian pattern. although those institutions were in their dotage."

jollity, and blessing, your Majesty, with such plentifulness of grain and victuals among the people of this realm as the like hath not been seen or heard of within the memory of man." That was said of a time anterior to the Plantation by at least thirty years.

Nor is it correct t« say that the O'Cahans were quite stripped of lands. In the negotiations preceding the Plant- ation their claims are often presented to notice, and Donnell Ballagh's brother wag mentioned too for his portion in the dis- tribution, but Donnell (mow Sir Donnell) being consigned to the Tower, and others of tin- family fugitives, the claims were easier to satisfy. We find the name an holding freeholds, and so late as 1830 an old O'Kane and his wife on the Iron- mongers' Estate were noticed by a deputy of the London Company as being a lineal descendant of an original settler.

Although Sir Donnell O'Cahan was banished his wife remained in the neigh- bourhood of Limavady where she haol a freehold townland. A curious anecdote is related by Sampson in his '' Survey of Londonderry," which gives the im- pression that Lady O'Cahan lived a deso- late widowhood in the ruins of her ancestral home. The Duchess of Buck- hingham, who when widowed married the Earl of Antrim, according to the story, having the curiosity to visit Lady O'Cahan, found her sitting on her bent hams before a fire of branches, wrapped in a blanket. The windows of the half- ruined edifice wore stuffed with straw. What authority there is for such a dismal picture we cannot say. It was certainly not poverty which had brought the deso- late lady to such a pass.

There is possibly an explanation to be found in the view an English Duchess would take of the Irish mode of living in the temporary structures which tb« ereaghts erected in the course of their wanderings with their herds. The, aggre- gate of families following a single herd of cattle was called a " creaght," and for the time being their encampment would form a market, and be the equivalent of a town or village. Their dwellings wore composed of booths constructed of wattles of brushwood and hand-baked clay, which could be easily removed and set up again as tho owners moved to fresh pasturage. The abolition of this manner of living was a principal object of the settlers, »s there could he no settled system of farming and improvement while it survived. Al- though it was only in Elizabeth's tirao there tirst arose in England a proper con- ception of domestic comfort embracing such refinements ns carpets, pillows, even windows and the cosy chimney corner,

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THREE CENTUBIES.

the Duchess would he likely to regard tho windows stuffed with straw at night and the hole in the middle of the roof of sod and heather as barbarous. The mode of erectiug such shcalings is confirmed by the author of the " Irish Hudibrns " (1680), which, even allowing for the ••tire, may be quoted for its minuteness of detail " Built without wither brick or stone

Or couples to lay roof upon :

With wattlots unto wattle* tied

(Fixed in the ground on either side)

Did lik-- a shaded arbour show.

With wats of soda and roof of straw.

The floor beneath with rushes laid, stead

Of tapestry; no bed or bedstead;

No pouts, nor bolts, nor hinges in door,

No chimney, kitchen, hall, or winder;

Hut narrow dormant* stopt with hay

All night , and open in the day.

On either side there, was a door,

I'.xt- ni from roof unto the. floor

Which (her. like hedgehogs, stopt with straw,

Or open, as the wind does blow :

And though they reach from top to floor,

His (irarn crept in upon all-four.

Betwixt tho door there was a spot

I' the middle, to hang o'er tho pot." *

A French traveller, M. le Gouz, who . riftited Ireland in 1644. has left some interesting particulars of the Northern Irish. The men were arrayed in breeches, and while they had a covering for the hack they scorned such luxuries as bon- nets, shoes, or stockings. In the latter respect they resembled tho Highland " rexlshanks '' who were generally to be found in time of war following the ban- ners of The O'Neill. The dress of the women, even those bordering on Scotland, i-ted of n double rug girded round their waists and fastened to the throat.

The Ijady O'Calmn may have made ;i point cil appMring to her distinguished visitor in native guise. Her blanket was the double rug of the Frenchman's de- scription. Kven an inventory of articles in tin1 Dungannon Castle of the O'Neills while mentioning useful domestic utensils has hardly an article of luxury save red taffeta curtains The U'Cahan princess wax dfiiiiitlcs- maintaining the honour of her race. They were « proud stock,

It is related of n celebrated minstrel of the County Deny «ept . Kory Da 1 1

• .l.ilin Ray commenting nil the Scots

ilK in 1661 kavs they wear blnu bon The u..i>,cn ilriwscil in while limn, which " haii^-- el,,wn their backs as if a napkin were pinned iilmnl th'-ni." Tin- impression he gives nf the men is lhat !l»-v were extravagant in • fellow rome out of <;e clad like a gentleman." H* an uninviting picture of the Scotch > .,'>. •

O'Kaiie. n ho had gone to Scotland I the downfall of his chief, that when King James I. visited that country, Korv had the honour of being invited to the C.ourt. " A greater than King .lames has laid his hand on my shouldei ." exclaiineil minstrel. "Who H as that-' the King inquired. " The O'Kaiie. Sire," replied Rory Dall O'Kaiie. Tliose who are in- terested in English literature will find this haughty bard introduced by Sit Walter Scott in his " Legend of Mont- rose " as Rory Dall Morrison.

We have dwelt at considerable length on tho O'Cahnns and their country Be- cause a new order of things that brought prosperity in the long run succeeded the old patriarchal system. The ethical ques- tion involved it is not our duty to dis- cuss further than to say that Elizabeth was obliged in her own defence to inter- fere in this lawless corner of her domin- ions. F.ven in James I.'s time it was a common saying, "He that would Eng- lanil win, must with Ireland first begin." East Anglia had it as a current proverb. The Spaniards were much alive to tho importance of the truth embodied in it, one of* them quoting it in a letter to Philip many years before the Armada arrived in English waters. It was as much as Elizabeth's throne was worth to . neglect the dangers lurking in an Irish invasion. The Irish princes were ever ready to gather to the standard of tho I'ope when erected in their domains. Fronde has covered tho main point in his defence of Elizabethan policy, when he sa>s "Meanwhile, neither the faults of particular soldiers, nor the negligence of Queen Eli/.ahcth could alter the csseiiti.il nature ol facts. The worst cruelties of the garrisons were but the occasional copies of the treatment of the Irish by one another. The best and only hope for the country was the' extension of F.nglish influence, over it, and by the necessity ol things that influence continued to grow. (Jladlv would Elizabeth 'ha\ e let. Ireland alone it the I'ale would have, been decently obedient, and the- chiefs have remained at peace v. ith her and with cadi other. It 'mild not hi'. They identified tin of Ireland with the wrongs of llnh Church ; they made' themselves soldiei the I'ope; they threw themselves on the snpixirt of I'hilip tho Second ; and the Oneon was driven, in spite' of herself, to encounter them one after another, and force them tt> acknowledge her authori'

Kven in the1 twentieth century if Mexico does not behaxc itself or makes itself H lumping off ground for an assault on Aiueriiaii rights a Presi.'.ui, of the Tinted Sintes must take a< ..n and send n punitory expedition.

COUNTY LONDONDEURY IN THKEE CENTURIES.

CHAPTER II.

A GREAT ENTERPRISE.

Remedy for Ulster's ills Chichester and Davies : soldier and

scholar An independent tenantry Project for the

Plantation Romantic journey to Limavady

Conditions of Plantation.

The Karl of Tyrone had given in his submission a few days after the death of Queen Elizabeth in 1603. Though he is said to have expressed, when the tidings reached him, his vexation and bitter dis- appointment at not having stood out for better terras, it was a vain regret. The Subsequent actions of the various parties, native or foreign, concerned in the division of the lands were such as to make his flight with his brother rebel a sad neces- sity four years later. It was not till 1609 that the problem presented by their dis- appearance and the forfeiture of their territories was taken in hand by the new King and his counsellors. The O'Cahans, too, were out of the way. And the im- perious and hot-headed youth. Sir Cahir p'Dogherty, who, in revenge of a personal insult, burned the recently erected town of Derry and killed its Governor, Sir George Pawlett, had but just paid the penalty by his death on the field of battle after a short campaign when the royal commissioners set out for Ulster.

Tho policy of planting English colonies in Ireland was no new tiling. The coun- ties of Down and Antrim had both been favoured in this respect, but without a permanent success. It was an era of adventure. The discoveries in America and the commercial prospects abroad had enlarged ideas. Courtiers like the Earl of Essex and Sir Thomas Smith under- took the planting of colonies in Ulster, but with insufficient men and resources. Tn Munster, too, signal examples of failure, with the causes, were forthcoming for the guidance of the agents of the King in dealing with .the northern regions. There it was found that by in- termingling the natives among the Eng- lish the latter were overborne and un- done. Besides, experience' proved the mistake of granting a large tract of coun- try to a single adventurer.

The ancient plan of settling colonies of yeomen and small freeholders among less civilized peoples who were in this way

to be leavened by such superior habits and culture as their stronger neighbour* were able to impart most commended itself for the new experiment in Ulster, The attempt to hold turbulent clans in check by military garrisons was to be abandoned. Barbarous customs were gradually to give way by &n educative process which should wean away the conquered people from primitive and unprogressive practices. A succession of able soldiers and adminis- trators had been almost unanimous in the remedies suggested for the ills of Ulster. Even so greiit, and so wise a person as Srr Francis Bacon had taken the- pro ect seri- ously to heart, and in liis o\vu stately Eng- lish emphasized the root cause~ of the chronic disorders of Ireland— the abso- luteness of the chiefs, the oppressive nature of their exactions, an idle soldiery and barbarous customs aided by " poets or heralds that enchant them in savage manners."

But it fell to a distinguished soldier of tbe late wars who had now been raised to the dignity of Lord Deputy of Ireland to enter with masterly skill and states- manship into the details of the projected plantation.* Sir Arthur Chichester, a native of Devonshire, had considerable service to his credit, having been an officer

* We have no desire to glorify Sir Arthur Chichestor. He was one of the great pro- ronsuls of the age in which ho lived and moved, and could not claim to have risen above tho moral standard of that age. Ho helped himself liberally to the forfeited lands. no doubt thinking himself justified in reaping a. reward for the services he had rendered. He had also before him the example of the great tract of country in County " Antrim, which the Earl of Antrim succeeded in pre- serving for himself. When in the wars b-i acted ruthlessly by his own acknowledgment. But wo see him in a different, light when li • had attained to tho chief position of authorit • in Ireland: and it is from his actions and correspondence during that period wo are to judge of his ability and character as a states- man rather than from the rigour with which he exercised his military policy.

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THREK CENTURIES.

ill tin- Lou Countries, and Spain, aud wounded at tlu< Siege of Amiens. He had plttyod n considerable part in the wars with the O'Neills. His qualities of head and heart were such as to entitle him to the high position he attained as head of tho Kind's Irisli Administration. His was the strong hand and the educated mind that we associate with the " sea- dogs " and adventurers who in a spacious •go laid tho' foundations of England's greatness, allowing always for the limita- tions imposed by the roughness of tin- times in which he lived.

Associated with him in the Government wan another eminent man, Sir John Davits, tho Attorney-General, whose fame as a litterateur and poet was en- hanced I iy liis writings on Irish affairs, and his picturesque despatches and records of official movements. Such a partner- ship of soldier and scholar makes us in- debted for an intimate and accurate re- cord of the proceedings connected with tho Plantation of Ulster.

Whoever his tutor may have been, Chi- chester had got a firm grasp of tho main principles tliat underlay and were to guide the 1'lster settlement. An equality of estates that would not give "excessive [Miner to any one person but such as to induce men of influence to spend their fortunes on their lands was of prime im- portance. His object was to produce a ruiiietited tenantry independent of the overlord by giving thorn a potential inter- in the improvement of their farms. This would directly hit the tribal custom by which the clansmen had no direct or individual interest in the land. There was a clashing of t«o systems of land tenure, and it is interesting to reflei t that the endeavour to overthrow the tran- sitory interest of the clansmen may have l>.-.-n res|MinsiMe for the evolution of that tenant right nhieh lias been a peculiar feature of the t'lster lam! question. The new landlords were to grant lenses, for lertain fixed [lenoils at tixed rents,, the reservation of rent to replace the cuttings exacted by the cbiets in the old system, *o iiptly desi rilied l.y one of themscK ,- when be said that then followers' purses were their only exchequer. As a writer in the " I'lster Journal of Archaeology " p. ll'i) |M>ints out (and it was after a ripe experience), leasehold was regarded \dara Smith as having contributed i fully to the grandeur of England.

\\" i an easily suppose Chichester's

mental picture of nourishing '•ommunitic-.

• knight or M|iiire had gathered

him ;i luippv MIII! i entente,! yeomanry

!>•_: l.y industry in the profits of th'c

land, as pn.l.ahly b,. bad earlier l,y his

•I him in the erection nnd

defence of his castle. R. Barry O'Brien in his " Irish Land Question " makes a point of distinguishing Chichester's scheme from what had existed in other parts of Ireland, the central feature of the former being the settling of the principal men in a competent freehold, and the creation of an independent body of small free- holders, so that, in theory at least, Ulster landlords were gentry who settled down as residents on their own estates. And as it turned out estates of 3,000 acres at most we-ro granted to undertakers, and the average was between 1,000 and 2,000 acres.

A second chief consideration with Chi- chester was the native population. A contented native constituency was to his mind a necessary condition for a peace- ful settlement, and while swordman and outlaw were to be got rid of, the position of the peasant with respect to his colonist neighbour merited careful attention. The clansman would have every chance of a settler's life if only he would adopt "civil" habits. The choice was between the plains where he could quietly exercise his in- dustry, and the wooded tracts in which ho would be tempted to retain his old habits of creaghting and idleness, and from which he could swoop down upon the unfortunate colonist. It was Chichestor's idea that the servitor class — those who were in tho King's service as soldiers and the like — could bo planted in suitable spots as colonists whose military ex- perience and knowledge of the country would bo serviceable to hold in check the unregonerate clansman. In the end, this suggested arrangement was shelved in favour of a mixture of English, Irish, nnd Scotch settlers, with certain portions for churches, schools, and corporations.

That general plan having been agreed upon and approved by the King, reports and conferences followed which may be given in brief outline. It was in the January of 1609 that " A I'ro.i.-ct for the division and plantation of the escheated lands in six several counties of ' 'Ister, namely. Tyrone, Colerainc, Donegal). 1 managh. Armagh, and Cavan " was issued. ft contained a schedule of the lands to bo divided, count-, by cotintv : and definitely stated the s, home of allot- ment to tlio undertakers, the Monitors, the natnes. and the church. C'lnef .li: Ley and the Attortiey.-Gciicral I);i lonfeiTeil with the King and Council with the result that the "Orders and Condi- tions to lie observed by the I'ndertakors " was published in March Hill!!, the condi- tions being pretty much on the lino- tbo-e set forth in the " Project," but without the geographical particulars "I the earlier document. The largest division

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THJIEE CENTURIES.

of land, corresponding somewhat to a barony, \vns styled a " Precinct," which was divided into proportions of three M/es. The " great " proportion contained 2,000, the " middle," 1,500, and the " small." IjOOO acres. The provisions for building, and for making freeholders and leaseholders, with other details of the organization of the settlements completed the scheme.

Tli«> Kiiifj; had a partiality for his own countrymen, and therefore it is not sur- prising that the Scottish Privy Council «as invited to supply a list of undertakers, out of which a careful selection was made. James evidently relied on the many fam- ilies of good social standing, though not rich in gear, in the south-west parts of Scotland to be a hie to bring companies of their sturdy, hard-headed countrymen. They were to he Lowlanders. There were enough of the Highland redshanks already in County Antrim. Fifty-nine Scottish undertakers were chosen and given land to the extent of 81,000 acres in the five counties.

The new Commission which was issued in July 1609, for the purpose of making a fresh survey, holding assizes, and dis- tinguishing Crown from Church lands is interesting to us as having sat at Lima- vady and Derry ; and from the camp near the town on the Roe Davies wrote in- teresting letters. The journey, which was by Dungannon and Desertmartin, was through the wilds of the mountainous dis- tricts to the west of the Carntogher range. Wo can gather from the Attorney- General's letters a picture of the military party traversing the almost trackless passes of the forest of Glenconkein. the greatest and noblest of them all. It was a strange cavalcade. But there were car- riages, too, which obliged them to keep the lower ground. Davies says the wild inhabitants " wondered as much to see the King's Deputy as the ghosts in Virgil wondered to see Aeneas alive in Hell." The party passed along by Desertmartin in order probably to allow of the examina- tion of the island fortress there, which afterwards was the scene of many en- counters.

Davies described the arrival in O'Cahan's " fruitful country." The business of surveying the lands was exe- cuted rapidly, because they had sent in advance a couple of surveyors to prepare notes of names, sites, and extents of town- lands. * A guard was necessary, for a previous map-maker who had the temerity

* These Barony maps of 1609 are still issued in facsimile by the Government, but the section covering Coleraine Barony has been lost.

to measure out the country of Tyrconnell had lost his head through want of neces- sary precaution. The simple country folk had, as always^ an aversion to " having their country discovered." Nor was it only in the seventeenth century that any one savouring of the surveying depart- ment of the estate office was viewed with suspicion in country parts.

The next task was the removal of the natives, who, until the settlement was complete, had been granted the use of the lands. It was timed for November, 1610. The trouble began at Cavan. The Irish gentry were sufficiently astute to claim that they had estates of inheritance in their lands and were freeholders. But they were told that according to common English law they had no such estates, as indeed they had not by their tribal law. The followers of the principal gentlemen would seem to have taken advantage of the change to the new system, for the latter complained that their tenants re- fused to make good their wants according to the custom by which they distributed their cattle among the clansmen, who in return supplied the needs and expenses of their chiefs. In the O'Cahan country we find by a return that they were mostly of the name O'Mullan who stood in this relation to the O'Cahan gentlemen.

By August, 1610, the lands were ready for occupation by the settlers, and a pro- clamation was issued with certain stipu- lations in which we can recognise the work of Chichester. They were already embodied in a paper drawn up by him more than a year before. Servitors and . natives were to have freedom from rent for four years. They were to erect within three years upon a proportion of 1,500 acres one house of stone or brick with a bawn about it ; and on a proportion of 1,000 acres merely a bawn or courtyard. These two classes also held their lands by the most favourable tenure, merely a leasehold with a fixed rent, whereas the rest of the undertakers were to hold by the feudal tenure of knight's service, which meant that they were to provide the Crown with a military force and arms.

Chichester's paper with the reasons urged in support shows the wisdom of these provisions with a view to easing the lot of the settlers and securing their con- tinuance in their new and difficult pos- ition. Above all he was of opinion that there must be men of sufficient power, influence and social standing to encourage and protect less powerful colonists. Applications there were in plenty, but they were sifted with such care and regard for the requirements of a new colony that in the end we find 81,500 aeres in the

10

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THHKK CF.NTI 1UKS.

occupatiun of .">fi Kngli-h undertakers, 59 Scottish holding Hl.lXXi acres, while Iti.ill I acrec were divided among .">!> servitor*. TTie natives Here assigned altogether 69,927 acre*.

It will he observed that no mention is made of the counties i>i Dim n :md Antrim among the escheated territories. They had nlroadjr heen planted lor the most p«rt. The Mac Donn.-lls hud n-ieived tho

larger part of County Antrim. In Down i :iiul sin < e.sstul colonies « ere estab- lished liy the Hamilton^ and Montgom- ery. This gi-neral account of tho Plant- ation in I Ister and the reasons for it* origin prepares the way for a narrative of ill" nettlemenl of the county now known as Londonderry, alter which we shall pro- iee<| to give some ski'tches of the part of it \\lin h fell to the lot of the Ironmongers Company.

SIR ARTHUR CHICHESTER,

Lord Deputy of Ireland.

COUNTY LONDONDKKKY IN THKKE CENTURIES.

11

CHAPTER III.

LONDON AND LONDONDERRY.

What were the London Companies ?— —Motives to induce them to- plant. Formation of the Irish Society. The Companies

enter on the scene. Infancy of Coleraine. Trade

and prices. Labour and. wages in 1608.

So far in our narrative O'Cahan's country or the County of Coleraine has been used to designate the tract of conn- try which forms now the larger part of the county officially known as London- derry. Derry as a modern town dates only from 1600. When the province was " shired " about 1685 the county got the name from the principal town, Coleraine, and its component baronies were only three — Tirkeeran, Keenaught, and Cole- raine. How the ancient Irish name Derry came to have " London " prefixed to it and its future fortunes linked to the City of London — for it soon came to be reck- oned tho chief place in the reconstructed county — is practically the story of the Irish Society, or to give it the official title — " The Honourable Society of the Governor and Assistants of London of the New Plantation in Ulster within the realm of Ireland commonly called the Irish Society."

Before the Commissioners set out to survey the lands to be allotted in Ulster the King had conceived the design of inviting the City of London through its wealthy guilds or trade corporations to take part in the settlement. His primary object was to " reclaim tho people from rebellion to order, from superstition to true religion, from poverty to prosperity" ; and if his patriotic intentions were to be fulfilled in a territory where O'Neills, O'Cahans, O'Mullans, O'Hagans, and O'Quins could at short notice turn out small, but efficient bodies of fighting men, it was evident that appeal must be made to powerful companies of settlors who could co-operate in times of emergency, and bring their wealth and machinery to hoar upon so hazardous an experiment.

What were these Guilds or Companies? They were, as their names imply, at first unions or corporations for the encourage- ment and protection of the various trades. As time advanced they took on another function through being regarded as pretty safe depositories for money left for char-

itable and eleemosynary purposes. In this respect they corresponded to the concep- tion of the modern public trustee. In this way tlu-y wore possessed of large funds. By advancing money on mortgage they also got control of estates which after long years grew valuable, though it may havo meant a long wait, and after sur- momting distresses and difficulties. They were' a convenient source for supplying money for wars and other general pur- poses. The general body of the citizens- was represented in them in some form or other. The combination of the character of commercial organizations for advance- ment of trade with that of public trustee- ship no doubt suggested to tho King the desirability of employing their resources and securing their co-operation in the Ulster settlement. Their eminence and organization satisfied the requirements of the promoters of the Plantation. The spirit of adventure for gain was depre- cated. Bacon in his Essay on Plant- ations explicitly states that the under- takers should be rather noblemen and gentlemen than merchants — " For they [the merchants] look ever to the present gain."

Tho course of tho negotiations with King .James before embarking on the Plantation provides an interesting study of which spirit predominated in these gentlemen of the City— devotion to th» public interest or tho desire for gain. Tho Londoners have been the subject of much hostile criticism for the part they played in the Ulster venture, and for alleged neg- ligence in fulfilling their agreement. Tliero is a good deal of evidence on both sides. Whether such criticism is justified depends* to somo extent on a proper interpretation of tho attitude of the merchant Guilds towards tho proposal of the King. Wa- tt prompted by the expressed " It is naught " of the buyer, or by the implied indifference of the bargainer?

.Tamos may havo put his philosophic and patrintii ideas in tho forefront. Ho urged

12

Col NTV LONDONDERRY IN THltKK CKNTUKIKH.

it as matter of honour and example. But hit proposal to the City was supported by a paper entitled " Motives and Reasons to induce the City of London to under- take tin- Plantation in the North of Ire- land " which was issued in May, 1609. Briefly, the " Motives " suggested as an inducement u new outlet for commercial enterprise, an increase of trade, and a relief for the congested condition of the City, whereby "one tradesman was scarce- ly able to live by another." Other raluable concessions were included, and the appeal closed with " the profits which London shall receive by the plantation." James had a shrewd suspicion that all these glowing attractions were necessary. But still the Mayor, the official represen- tative, showed no signs of responding. Only after three, months was he moved to call the City Companies into conference. They, too, were indifferent to the goodly prospect* of the scheme, and were rebuked by the Lord Mayor. Was it policy? Or were there more attractive opportunities for capital in more distant realms — " the wealth of Ormus and of Ind?" Perhaps the tales told of this remote province, its " wild inhabitants," its bogs and morasses, its ever recurring rebellions, did not afford nil alluring prospect.

At length, awakened to their duties by the precept of the Tx>rd Mayor, the Com- panies by their representatives were so far committed to the project that they agreed to send four " wise, grave, and dis- creet citizens " to view the land, and in accordance with their report they would ultimately decide. So anxious was the Government that the report should be favourable that they were to be entrusted to specially picked guides who would see to their being conveyed by the best roads and entertained in English fashion, with a promise of further concessions, if neces- sary. The result was their sympathies were captured so far that Davies, one of the guiiles. was able, to write to the Earl of Salisbury that they " like and praise the country very much — specially the Bann and the river of Lough Foyle."

'Hie viewers were back in London by November with samples of commodities — raw hides, tallow, salmon, pipe staves, beef, and the like. It may ho here re- marked that Chichester nnd Phillips, who had interests in the lands offered to the

. seem to have acted quite honestly in their endeavour to i-nrry out the be- hetts of the Kmtf. Otherwise they could easily have frightened off the deputation from the City, and spoiled the Theme. (Mi their report being presented to the

:non Council it proved " much to their liking,'' and after much debating matters proceeded apace. Articles of agreement

were signed on 28th January, 1610, and two days later a special Company was formed on which devolved all the. manage- ment of the Irish estates. This was the Irish Society ; and, though constituted now, it did not receive incorporation by charter till 1613.

Its composition may be noticed. It was to be established within the City, and -to consist of one Governor, one Deputy to the Governor, and twenty-four Assistants, chosen from the aldermen and commoners. It was not chosen from the Companies, though the members would be all members of Companies. An election was to take place once a year at the meeting of the Common Council of London (the executive of the Corporation) at which the Deputy and twelve of the Assistants were re- movable, hut were eligible for re-election. In this way twelve of the Assistants might continue in office for the space of two years. The. courts of the Society were to meet in the Guildhall, and receive and disburse monies, and transact all business relating to the estates in Ireland. The Irish Society was merely the instrument or representatives of the City for carrying out the conditions imposed by the Crown. There, were thug three parties — though practically one — to the agreement — trie City (that is, the Common Council nomin- ated by the Companies), the Companies themselves as nominators and subscribers, and the new Society formed to manage the Trust.

The Irish Society having come into existence, Tristram Beresford and John Rowley were despatched to Ireland as the general agents of tho City.

The terms of agreement between the Privy Council and tho City were a com- plete triumph for the London merchant companies. At least, at first sight it would so appear from a perusal of the " Articles." They numbered twenty-seven in all ; and in them wo find nothing to show that the Londoners were hound by the '• Orders and Conditions " which ap- plied to the other undertakers — an import- ant fact in the light of what happened afterwards, when they were accused of breaking their agreement. However, the Fxmdoncrs scored in the protractod nego- tiations. Tho whole barony of Loughin- sholin, with the great woods thereon, was added to their territory. Four thousand - wen- taken from Donegal, and three thousand from Antrim to form the I/ilicr- ties of Derry and Coleraine res|>e< lively. The little iiiunty of Coleraine thus en- larged became, the modern Londonderry, though " Derry " is the appellation gener- ally used. Cor [xi ratio us were to be erected at Derry and Coleraine. Two hundred to be built at Derry with

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THKEE CENTURIES.

room for 300 more; nnd 100, with room for 200 more, at Coleraine. But the whole county with most of tho special rights and privileges was secured to tho City repre- sciitat ives.

In the financial arrangemonts only do they seem to have boon out-manoeuvred. They stipulated for an expenditure of £20,000. The Lords of the Council were wise enough to foresee that more would be required, but gave way knowing that once the agreement was signed means could bo devised to secure further ad- vances, which in tho end totalled £60,000. The twenty-sixth Article — " That tho City should have time, during the term of seven years, to make such reasonable demands as time should shew to be needful, but could not presently be foreseen " — wag surely a valuable concession, if not a con- venient loophole in case matters did not turn out as expected.

A pause ensued. The Companies having to find the money hesitated. The Lords were in no hurry to give legal possession of the lands. They were rather inclined to retract ; or foreseeing the money difficulty they wished to have the whip hand. They were playing for time. On the other hand the Companies were either in a real diffi- culty to find the money, or were playing a waiting game. Individual members of Companies had to subscribe. In the case of the Ironmongers onlv twenty-two mem- bers were found to adYance their quota. The Wardens of the Mercers' Company, the Clothworkers' Company, and other Guilds were actually committed to prison for default in payment. Were Chichester's fears to be realized? He is reported to have prayed that the Londoners " prove not like their London women, who some- times long to-day and loathe to-morrow."

An interesting story attaches to the refusal of a Clothworker, known as " rich Spencer," to advance his £200. Lord Cpmpton was a suitor for the hand of Sir John Spencer's daughter, but did not for some reason meet with the father's approval. The young lady, according to the story, hid herself in a basket, and was lowered from one of the windows into the arms of her lover. The marriage took place, and Queen Elizabeth herself acted the part of peacemaker. Lord Compton in the end was obliged to pay the £200, as hjs father-in-law passed from the world persisting in his refusal. Probably under James the wealthy Clothworker would have been less obstinate.

By a minute of the Ironmongers we find such high sentiments being urged on the members as that " we are born for our country, our parents, and friends " ; and would receive " honour and reputation

with posterity."

Hitherto we have not had tho Companies in direct relationship with the Govern- ment : merely as actors behind tho scenes. The chief dramatis porsonae have been the King, the Lords of the Privy Council, the Lord Mayor and the Court of Common Council. Enter now tho Companies them- selves on the scene, and at a moment which may have much significance. Through loss of records the full facts are hidden from us. The Irish -Society was to have the management of tho estates. For the first time wo find the Companies being given the choice of accepting an allotment of the divided lands (in which they would have to observe tho conditions of tho Plantation) or of allowing the management to remain with the Society. Was this the outcome of the policy of delay ? Were the purse-strings to be loosed by giving the Companies themselves a direct pecuniary interest in the development of the new colony:' To interpret it so would be accepting the often-urged complaint that the Londoners were only actuated by mer- cenary motives while seeming to work in the national interest. In truth, one can- not follow the negotiations without getting the impression that the merchant Com- panies were acting tho part of a joint- stock company whose share-holders were keenly alive to the prospect of adequate returns for the money contributed. And this new development, this peremptory order about division of the lands — they were given a week to decide— indicates a " reconstruction " of the company in view of the " calls " now to be made in quick succession. £20,000 was already spent. Where had it gone? Sums ranging from £10,000 to £2,500 were called for between 1611 and 1616. The share-holders were naturally anxious to have an idea of how tho money was being spent. What is known in modern Stock Exchange parlance as " salting a mine " in order to deceive the innocent share-holders at home was a practice which these shrewd City men were suspicious of, though expressed in simpler language than its modern equiv- alent.

The two parties were carefully watching each other. Some of the Companies did not consent at once to the order about " division." They saw no signs of a legal assignment of the property, which the Government wore evidently holding back in order to put more pressure on the others. Great dissatisfaction was ex- pressed at tho want of progress. There was » conference with the Privy Council at the close of the year 1C12, and on 20th March following the Charter «as duly pre- pared and delivered two years and thn«> months after the Citv had committed itself

14

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IX THREE CENTURIKS.

to the undertaking. Tin-, had • stimulat- mg effect. Two trusty Commissioners, Alderman Smithes and Mr. Springham, were sent to Ulster to inquire into the state of the plantation and correct abuse*. Their report received in London in Norem- UT, 1613, was not complimentary to those charged with the work of building and developing the properties ; and from it we learn of the rigorous manner in which these new inspectors proceeded to reform abuses and introduce retrenchment.

Whatever remonstrance had been ex- pressed about the slow progress of the plantation in other parts of the county a little satisfaction was given at Coleraine, because there were timber and other articles ready lying for the work. Derry and Coleraine were the only placet that received the first attention of the City's agents. But the two gentlemen now re- porting spared neither of these towns. Taking their report about Coleraine we hare quite a fund of information, which is worth giving for the light it throws on the infant settlement. The " chiefest street " was unpaved and almost impass- able. Several houses were not plastered ; and lying open, they naturally had not at- tracted tenants. " A general storehouse allowed the rain to pour through so shame- fully that the contents were spoiled ; firkins of butter decayed ; cheeses rotten, " grievous to behold " ; nails sent from Derry in open baskets and consequently rusty. Other houses were tenantless be- cause of the In^h rents charged. The church, though it had a good attendance of worshippers, showed signs of neglect, and was uuplastered. Its interior was de- scribed as " fowle '" and " unhandsome," and the supply of pews very scanty.

Tile labour market was a great difficulty. The Londoners themselves were blamed for having sent over workmen of an indiffer- ent class, and Sir Thomas Phillips at a later date made it n subject for his indict- iiirnt of tin- City Companies that they never would pay them their wages. The Alderman and his colleague were more ex- plicit. The workmen had been long un- paid, and having to get credit with the trader-, were mule ted hy the clerk to the groat dishonour of the City of London. Hie offending official appears to have de- ducted from the men's wages at the rate «>f ~2\ per cent, in order to pay the traders' liilU. The strike even in those days was the workman's weapon, and whore Inbonr was s<arre. lie replied by working only a few hour-, in other words, according to tho rate of pay, as he said.

Trans|>ort work w»^ s|M-rially open to abuse in operations where so much was re- quired. But these vigilant and active city

men wrought reforms very quickly and effectively. One of the agents, who was eventually dismissed, was in the habit of including his own needs while supposed to be doing the carting for the City. The City's one cart also did as much work as three of the others, " which did eat the City's grass and hay." All this was changed by getting Edmund Hayward to contract for the work, thereby effecting a saving. The cost was 29 shillings a week — instead of £5 — under the new system.

Tho same radical reform was introduced in the woods where the same agent, Row- ley, and others had teams of oxen, work- ing under uneconomic conditions. " We sold away the City's team," the report says, " discharged the servants, and agreed with two mon to square and carry all the City's timbers already felled from the City's wood at 10s Cd a load; and to carry all the timber already squared at 8s 6d a load."

Shipping charges were also overhauled. " Such great barques should not have been built." The " Dove" was to be brought from London. The other boats were sold, and it was agreed that the carriage of timber and other materials between Cole- raine mid Derry should be at tho rate of 5s 5d the ton, a saving, it was expected, of more than " half in half." On a wharf and quay, and in cutting of the Leap, there was spent £1,500 at least.

AH these inquiries and reforms imply a reflection on tho City's general agents, Rowley and Beresford, who were also re- buked for making into pipe hogshead and barrel! staves the timber of the woods, as being a violation of the articles of agree- ment. The whole report of the deputation, however, provides an instructive picture or the infancy of tho Coleraine settlement, which must have corresponded pretty nearly to the primitive conditions to be faced by the backwoodsmen in the American clearings in more recent years. The picturesqueness of the situation also appealed to the minds of the two City gentlemen. When the original deputation of four " discreet " citizens came along the Bann by boat from Toome they were impressed by the advantages of the place, having seen iron ore actually smelted at Toome, while the " goodness of the air and the fruitfulness pf the land around Coleraine." with its plentiful supply of briHiks and rivers, " shrubby «ood grounds," and turf for fuel presented under their special guides an inviting pros- pi-. I. A different atmosphere surro mdod the second deputation. They were not be- ing feted like their predecessors, who had MM h court paid to them. Strict exaction of terms was the principal object of the

•COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THREE COUNTIES.

15

Government now. And dissatisfaction ruled generally.

AtdiTiiiiiii Smythes and his follow com- missioner made very good use of thoir time. Their investigations extended to the state of trade, prices of provisions, and valuation of townlands. This last duty was for the purpose of a draft scheme for the division and allocation of the lands among the Companies, which, it may be stated, was accepted hy the Court of Com- mon Council.

As regards trade there is an instructive schedule in the State Papers of the prin- cipal articles that had a ready sale in the county at this time: —

" The most vendible commodities at the Derry and north parts of Ireland are all manner of wines, aqua vitae, strong waters, salt, kersies, broadcloth, starch, grocery, tobacco, gunpowder, hops, fi/wl- inn; pieces, paper, knives, gloves, needles, tape, hard and soft wax, all manner of felts for men and children, glasses, earth- enware, all manner of pewter, pins, points, laoes, ribbons, combs, stuffs, nails of all sorts, drugs, Holland, cambric, lawn, lace, thread, madder, indigo, brass and iron pots, brewing vessels, kettles, playing and working cards."

There was but little coin in circulation, and so the products of the country were disposed of by exchange. The paper con- tinues with a brief list of " commodities " — " live cattle, beeves, hides and tallow, between Michaelmas and Christmas ; sal- mon and herrings between Midsummer and Michaelmas. These the merchants of Ireland do most commonly give in truck, for there are little monies stirring."

The prices of provisions in Ulster as noted by the Commissioners are helpful as providing a standard whereby the value of money may be measured. Statements of prices are unintelligible without some

standard of value to which they may b* referred. Pounds shillings and pence are only relative terms. According to the Commissioners' report the prices ruling in Ulster then were : For a cow or bullock, 15s, or about one halfpenny per Ib. ; a sheep, 16<1 to 2s ; a hog, 2s ; barley, lid a bushel ; oats, Id a bushel ; and strong beer, 16s a, barrel.

These figures enable us to understand the value of labour yvheu expressed in terms of £. s. d. as we find it in a paper printed from the Carew Manuscripts, and there stated to be in operation in Tyrone in 1608.— For a plough-holder 6s 8d a quarter, with meat and drink ; for a leader of a plough, 5s; for a beam holder, 3s 4d; for a COW!K>V (for two heifers), Id per halt year. Maintenance was evidently the chief return for the labourer's services. A good servant maid got 10s a year, and a labourer's pay per day, with meat, was 2d. A master carpenter or mason was re- warded with 6d if he had also meat and drink, but if he provided for himself he was allowed 12d a day. The price of the largest pair of brogues was only 9d. Such was the money rate at Coleraine at the time we are considering.

Conditions between master and man were regulated by the State, reminding us of the customs of the old manorial system in the England of the fourteenth century just befcrre the Peasant Revolt, when the labourer was tied to the soil. The inten- tion was partly to prevent vagrancy. No labourers were allowed to wander from one barony to another without a warrant from a Justice of the Peace ; and no servant was to be hired for a less term than half a year. The Government had a sharp eye for the " sturdy beggar " type, which they dreaded as a result of the break up of the clan system, and the conversion of the woodkerne into a bandit of the woods or a vagabond.

16

COUNTY LONDONDEKBY IN THBKE CENTTKIES.

CHAPTER IV.

THE TROUBLES OF THE COMPANIES.

Allotment of the county.— Town planning in Coleraine.— Dangerous

navigation of the Bar. Forfeiture of the City lands.—

Tyranny of the Star Chamber. — A notable Derry pioneer. — " The price of a head."

Tlio best testimony to the zeal and care oxercued'by/ the City's two Commissioners in the task ;i--iL.'ii''d them is to IK* found in th* ready acceptance of the report and its suggestion*, chief among which was tin- tentative division of the lands into |iii.|i<irtniii> for tin1 Companies. At a meeting on 17th December, 1613, the allotment took place, and each Company left with the satisfactory feeling that at length it was in practical possession of a twelfth of tin- land of the county, in qual- ity, if not exactly in quantity. By a process of grouping lesser Companies with the twelve chief Guilds a division wan effected in such proportion as to form an even division of the £10,000 already sub- scribed. Londonderry and Colerainc with the ferries, fishings, and the lands adjac- ent to tbo two towns, were reserved as incapable of division. Hence their man- agement by tho Irish Society ever since*

In this way, then, the Guilds of Mer- cers, Grocers, Fishmongers, Goldsmith*, Skinners, Merchant Tailors, Saltern, Iron- mongers, Vintners, Clothworkers, Drapers, and Haberdashers became linked each with a large tract of the Countv of London- derry, and the City of London became a kind of foster-mother — charged by Royal warrant, at any rate, with the high and responsible duty of securing it, in the words of Sir John Davies, " to the Crown* of England for ever." The only legal action still necessary to put them in secure possession of their estates was the grant of a licence of mortmain which was not made till 1615.

Dissatisfaction at the slow progress of the plantation still reigned. We Took for Mvnes of busy life and action. When the City agents arrived, several years before, Sir John Davies'g sanguine temperament wan BO stirred that in a letter he gave expression to his high expectations with one of his classical allusions. He found cue li preparation at Coleraine, " such store of timber and other materials brought in place, so many workmen so busy in sever*!

plac-es about their several tasks as nie- thought 1 saw Dido's colony building of Carthage in Virgil," and proceeds to quote the famous lines beginning — " In- stant ardeirtes Tyrii." His high hopes, however, were disappointed. Over three years had elapsed, and the London under- takers who were to have been at actual work in May, 1611, were only at the end of 1613 at length moving. The Irish Society was now in a position to direct their ugcnt Beresford to give possession of their proportions to the Companies, who were represented by persons already resid- ing in the county, not having agents of their own. In the beginning of 1614 the Ironmongers' Ooinpany wrote to an under- taker at Ijifford, Perkins, asking for a re- port of the state of their allotment along tlii< Baun with suggestions for the build- ing of a castle; and other particulars. Their agent, George Canning, did not arrive till the year was well advanced. His commission was dated 19th September, 1614, but he was probably on the scene earlier. He saw something of the excite- ment of a small rebellion which flamed up in 1614-1.5 and was brought to an end by the execution of BIX of the leaders.

We weary almost of the continual com- plaints and remonstrances about the want of progress, though it is due to the investi- gations and reports that we get much of our knowledge of the. Plantation. Sir Josias Bodley made two surveys and re- ported in the usual strain. A limit of time was now set, and if by that date thorn was not the desired improvement, a threat was made that the King would proceed with the utmost rigour without respect of persons,- because " no man's worth is able to counterbalance the safety of a Kingdom." The effect of this warning is seen in certain directions issued by the Society — to prepare for making manors and appointing freeholders, and to send artisans with families to settle in Ulster. Twelve boys from Christ's Hospital and other poor children arrive at Derry to b«

COI'NTY I,OM)ONI>r.KKY IN T1IKKK COrXTlKS.

17

appn mired. Hut their numbers were too

few .

In the books of tin' Ironmongers Com- pany ilirrc is si record of a precept to " tho Warden and ('oinyiialtic of the Misterie of Ironmongci -s." recommending that the artisans to ho scut o\er hi> ready for em- barkation \\iih a supply of victuals by the end of May lliln. not persons of defamed life, nor drunkards, but of good reputa- tion. Religion generally received first roll- Kid, 'ration in instructions about the Plant- ation Chun-lies were to be " rc-cdilied " and furnished with a minister and a Hilile. a Book of Common Prayer, and a Communion Cup. Kvcn the (hisses of artisans required were specified — weavers of linen, cloth, fustian, felt makers, and trimmers of hats, locksmiths and farriers, taiiner.s and hellinongors, glass makers, pe\\ terers, coast fishermen, tallow chand- lers, dyers, and curriers.

Another proof of renewed activity is to ho found in the presence of two Com- missioners from London on a tour of in- vestigation. Their report was made in October 1616. and, as before, provides in- teresting particulars regarding Coleraine and Derry. Cole.raine had ramparts made of earth and sods, along which ran a ditch filled or soon to be filled with water. Then' were also " pallisadoes from both sides of the fortifications made into tho river " and two " drawbridges don.o by our direction." Town planning also occu- pied the attention of the visitors. They suggested " another row of houses answer- able, to the other in High Street, Cole- laine, not now being built in any uniform- ity. And we wish these to be built of stone, KO as to be defensible against the weather. \Ve caused the Mayor to assemble the whole town where we made offer to givo to as many as will build a single bouse of stone (with three or four rooms) £"20 and a lease thereof for eighty years and for a rent of 6s 8d per annum. And only one, Howard. hath accepted of our offer for nine single houses, but we hope more will be en- couraged in a short time. We find there are 116 single houses slated, but inhabited by sixty-three families, having made two or three houses into one. Some of them that were built of brick begin to decay and the Walls of tho others are by weather much decayed. We have given order that the dormers thereof be slated as at Derry which is as durable as stone. This will make them strong where before they were of loame and lime and ready to fall down."

Then and for long afterwards the diffi- culty of entering the river IJann from the sea 'with vessels was a hindrance to the progress of the town, so that Portrush was regarded as the port, of Coleraine.

The offer made by the Commissioners i* worth noting. ,

" The Bar is very dangerous. \Vc saw Portrunh so rocky and open to the Norih seas that it is very dangerous, but ««• made an offer that if town and country will join together to make a good harbor there that we would be a means to the city to give, fJOO towards that charge when it should be finislfed." *

The fisheries were let then at £800. The Society at this time was concerned about the fact of a good many of the settlers having departed from the country. It was due- to the' uncertainty that pre- i ailed. This, it will be remembered, formed one of the dangers against which, in the view of Chichester, special pre- cautions were to be taken. And it was one- of the instructions laid on the Com- missioners from the City that land was to be attached to each house ; and in leases there was to be a provision against sell- ing without first acquainting .the Society •' because divers of Coleraine, as wo have heard, emitted their houses and left tho towns." Other reasons could bo sug- gested for their departure. Many of tln» Knglishmen found life in this northern region not at all agreeable, but the un- certainty of tenure was a principal canst . It was reported also that the churches were ministered to by English nen. Through tho county. however. th.> churches were without both roots and ministers. Tho year 1617 saw another Royal Commission *f inquiry, and an im- portant event in the history of the Com- panies. Conveyances were made to them. appointing and naming manors. Here we have the feudal customs transplanted to Irish soil. By the manorial system a certain quantity of land was set apart for the demesnes or home-farm, e-ourts leet and courts baron were erected, and free- holders were appointed holding each a townland from the lord of the manor for which they were to render general services for the . good of the county. Other manorial rights and privilege's were granted. It was in 1017 that the Iron- mongers' proportion was named the' .Manor of Lizard, presumably from the animal which formed one of the support- ers in their coat' of arms. The Society, however, reserved timber, game, and fish- ing of all sorts and other seignorial rights.

The- plantations in the six counties were

* Mr. (iawin Hamilton, cine of the very well- known family of that name in County Do- n. \\;is ,[ mi-rebuilt who bad three ships wire h tradc-d from Coleraiiic. He was clrc.wnc d at the Harmiiiitli whilr .>n<;a{r«'<l »itli sotnr men in navigating his ipswl across the Bur. Ho was bnriod »t l>l«raine.

(tH'MY I.ONLONDEKKY IN TH1C1.K < i Ml I

i to !»• subjected tn a still more im- portant investigation, known as 1'ynnnr'n Surv. v A le\\ general observation-.

gathered I nun it will show tin1 progress aln .idy made. In Hritish families there well' li.'.'l'i Uidies <>!' men. lint, il occasion required, it v, MS believed s. 11(10 mule! he mustered for dctciire pur|xises. A fourth pan id' tin- liinil was not fully inhabited.

Hi. ..i-rles with inuviis numbered 1(>7;

anil of haw IIS Illhlle there were IL'. There

were I.S'C ordinary dwelUn^houaed of

s >ni> and tim her. Inn in tlir Knglish i.ishion in ton in ccds nnd otherwise. The note of uncertainty is still prominent, and

till* R'-:it;h ! tt'ors lire cli-.ll\cc| ;;s alolH-

" i.t'.uz Lusl.nr.clrio." If it wore not for the -o tenants using tin- plough vigor- OIIMV, tin' re; of tin- (Mipulation would '•avo starvrd. K'sewhoro it is stated the Knjish were inoro given to building than |ilic|.jhin/ . » hercas t !»• Irish simply jirn/.i-d tin- land they routed from the I'.ii i'sl,. I'yiiiiiir remarks that the lands of llic City of l.onclcui had the ^n-ati'st niiiiilii'i- of Irish tenantK. The Londoners i'lli'Unl they were not hound to rcmovo the. n li\ their articles of aureemont. I'yiu.itr puts it that five of the proportions vc'i' not " estated " to any person, hut were \\orki1*! hy agents, who found the Irish more profitahle than English !• n. mis. and c oMM'<|iH'iitly did not wish to low them. Tliis was the hurden of Sir Thomas I'hillips's i harnos. too. The other seven proportions of the Companies wero leased for 01 years, and the lessees plended the like exruses for retaining tho native tenants. Heresfonl, the Soriety's am-nt, even ventured to disclaim that the Companies were planters. Rather thoy were " purchasers," he said.

The Hritisli who had huilt housen at their own expense were aggrieved through not h;i\iiin " estates made to them." and were i-iisilv inclined to sell out and do- part. The Companies do not seem to have otli i.'d l.oiMisi's for huilding us was the r;is|. in Coleraine. At a meeting of the Irotitnongers in. I.OIH|..II report was made that .some of the frccliolcl.'rs hnd wild their townlniids " to inferior persons " in contravention of their covenants. In 1624 it was found that many hundreds of British families had gone. Mutters were getting serious. Inquiry followed inquiry, and Commission" followed each other in rapid succession.

At length certain articles were drawn up which Sir Thomas Phillips was en- trusted to see duly oliserved. Hut. al- though warned several times, the Irish ty disregarded the order. 'Hie Com- panies seem tn have heeome emholdcMeil •he long |M.riod of threats without • n following, Their answers were

firm and without the conventioual language customary in Hoyal c-n Krom them we learn that jlie walls of Coleraine were deemed of sufficient strength without stone lacing, that the

Society would s,.e to it that till II four

ferries should he erected, so that no one' could cross on hurdles or rntlis. [t re- fused to Iniild a hridge. alleging that that was a charge to he undertaken liy his Majesty. The defalcations of the Society in the matter of n hridge over the Kami formed one of the charges urged hy Phillips, who even suggested inhumanity and alleged that their motive was desiro for pvoi'ts lYo:i; .1 ferry. He had seen as many as twenty-two persons drowned at ono time in crossing.

At length the Mow fell. Kffect was given to the forfeiture clauses in the patents. The lands were sequestered, and the charters revoked; and the rents re- eeived were to be appliwd to improving the fortifications of Coleraine and Perry. Phillips was again to be disappointed. Commission, sequestration, and restora- tion alternated for a few \ears till 1632, when Hishop Hramhall. who held the See of Derry, was appointed receiver of the rents for the King's use. Bramhall wan an Knglish eeelesiastie whose influence in

Charles carried on his father's policy in regard to the Companies' Irish estates. But the introduction of Bramhall as re- ceiver of rents was ominous. Charles was in need of money. Here was a great op- portunity to secure a good fine, with some show of justice. And what hetter tribunal before which to bring the stubborn re- calcitrant Companies than the Court of Star Chamber, which in the hands of Laud and his associates proved a useful instrument for exacting penalties and thereby getting tho required money for the' needy King. Judgment was pro- nounced against the Londoners. Their Charter was cancelled with a fine of £70,000. They were conscious of the ap- proaching crisis, and made some show of resistance. They even offered £100,000 to be relieved of the Articles of Planta- tion, professing to he unable to make tho individual Companion surrender the lands. Eventually a fine of £12,000 for having broken the Charter was accepted, but pro- ceedings were rt>-opeiied in the Star Chamber, and the dispute onilcd by the withdrawal of the Charter in 1039.

One of the first acts of the Txmg Parlia- ment was to order the reinstatement of the London Companies in their Irish possessions in response to a petition from the Corporation of the City, in which tho achievements of the Londoners in Ireland were detailed. It was represented that Derry and Colerainc were rebuilt, roads

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THHKE CENTUBIBS.

1'.)

were. «iado, schools liuilt, and fifteen chun lirs rebuilt, or erected. Tho out- break of the Rebellion in Ireland turned things upside down again, hut on its ter- mination Commissioners went to Ireland to n •sumo possession and grant new leases. The Rebellion worked great havoc iu the Companion' possessions in County Derry, as \vo shall yet see. If we set the charges made l\v the Court of Star Chamber over against the grounds on which the Commons condemned the Star Chamber sentence their is not much to choose between them. In fact, statements made in the pronouncement of the popular assembly were false, at. for example, that tho citizens, were not bound by the Articles of Plantation.

The favour of the City, or rather its opulence and influence. were worth coquetting with by all parties. Charles on his return I'roni Scotland in 1041 sought to ingratiate himself with the Companies; Cromwell was equally desirous of their financial succour, and gave them p. Charter in Hi'S. but as it was declared void on the return of the monarchy it is sufficient to say that the troubles of the Companies were brought to an end, as far as their Irish connection was concerned, by the full and sufficient grant of the Charter of 1662, and the restoration of the letters patent, previously cancelled. This was a happy conclusion of the stormy period which had passed since London began its connection with Ulster, particularly when wo remem- !>er that the Londoners had offered a huge mini to be relieved of the fine of £70.000 imposed by the Star Chamber, if only they were secured in their estates and dis- charged from all the Articles of Plantation and other covenants and claims.

Whatever be thought of the illegal pro- cedure of the Court of Star Chamber against tho sentence of which the Com- panies appealed, there was little chance of redress of grievances from the ordinary courts of justice. The plea has been made that tho writ of seire facias on which the judgment of the Star Chamber was ob- tained was issued out of the Court of Chancery ; and a Commission of inquiry into the'lands was ordered by the Court of F.xehequer, so that we have the various courts joining with the Star Chamber, which would seem to provide sufficient • warrant for the arbitrary proceedings of that unpopular tribunal. In the words of Maeaulay, however, " the tribunals afforded no protection to the subject against the civil and ecclesiastical tyranny of that*period. The judges of the common law, holding their situations during the pleasure of the King, were scandalously obsequious. Yet, obsequious as they were, they were less ready and efficient instru-

ments of arbitrary power than a class of courts, the memory of which is still, after the lapse of more than two centuries, held ill deep abhorrence by the nation."

A figure of great experience and influence in ilte important and fateful pro- gross of the Plantation in I'lsier had |.:i~vd I'rom the . one of this life's worries lief ore the finaj events we have Keen de- scribing took place. Sir Thomas Phillips did not live even 10 see the grant of lands revoked by the King, as he had so per- sistently pressed for in season and out of season. Holding a subordinate, position to the Lord Deputy. Chiohe.'ter, he was his faithful lieutenant, and from his great knowledge of the country, was relied upon by the King also for any service necessary for the furtherance- of his Ulster venture — one " whoso diligence, fidelity, and circum- spection we are well assured of." A sol- dier, who had seen much service in tho Elizabethan wars, he belonged to that class of servitors who hail been rewarded with grants of land before the Plantation was mooted at all. Phillips declared that he. bought the site and land surrounding the monastery at Coleraine — where he was dwelling in 1608 --with four tow nlands east of the river. Ho had established a market, too. When the Londoners required all private interests to be cleared, Sir Thomas exchanged his Coleraine property for two pieces of territory, one at Limavady, where he principally resided, and the other at the Moyola River, which afterwards formed the Castledaw son estate. * He was a planter of much energy, and his des- cendants played an important part in the stirring events of the century. His grant of land at Limavady was made the Manor of Limavady. with 500 acres in demesne at a rent of six pence. We have seen that he was the guide appointed to conduct tho original deputation of London citizens sent to spy out the land, and how successfully, and apparently how honestly he performed that mission. "His willing sacrifices were, no doubt, prompted by. an understanding that future recompense was in store for him.

* Phillips's grant at Castledawson he called the " Oabtege Garden," containing 500 acres in eight townlands. Thomas Daw- son, of Drogheda, purchased the property in 1633. and his son Joshua took out a patent to erect it into the Manor of Castledawson. The " Horse Pond," the Limavady estate, had in reality 3,500 acres. George Phillips, who sent warning to Derry on the approach of Antrim's regiment, and was chosen governor of the city in 1688. was Sir Thomas Phillips's grandson. In 1700 he sold the Manor of Limavady to the Rt. Hon. William Conolly. Speaker of the Irish House of Commons.

n

r\ I.ONHONUKliliY IN THHKK I'KNTI 111KS.

\Vh*-thi*r li<- was disappointed in his ex- pectations or IIOl. 01 what diet I tll<>

changes liiiil u|>oii his feelings tow arils the |j4iiiiluii>-r- we may leave out of account. Hut for his rc|>eated petitions against, mill Ins |M-rsistcnt hostility in them «i- should be li- - aMc to mulct .siiiiul tl»' history of the Brut twcnu yt-iirs ot their association with I'lstiT. Thr burden of his complaints turned mi the question of the retention of the Irish tin the proportions' us lenant.s. The author of "the Story of the Irish Society " suggests that it was from humanitarian motives the Londoner* de- cliin-d to drive nway the native tenanis. It in a plea which cannot, however, be substantiated. From Itilll rents were being drawn from the Irish, and George fanning in writing to his Company asK s instructions n.- to how he may " safely set " part of the estate to the natives. «tatnit: at the same time that, prices would fnll if the natives departed. Also in the mind of Phillips there was clearly the be- lief that the new Protestant settlement was endangered by the presence of so many Hainan Catholic inhabitants. And they were for the most part on the Com- panies' hinds. He alleged that the priests were being exploited for the sake of get- ting higher rents by their influence, and were consequently invited guests at the tables of the agents. In return for such Kervices the people* who refused to pay dunes for saying JIIIISH were prosecuted in the sheriff'!, courts. Uy ]6.'W, ac<-ording to tho estimate of J'hillips, there were hut 6.000 " British bodies " in all the planted counties. .iv hile the natives were four times as many.

On the other hand, the Londoners boldly defended their actions. Hie delay they attributed to the failure of the Govern- ment tit give them peaceable |>ossession bv clearing out all prmitc interests of uervi- tors anil the like. Kinally, they protested they HI-II- in.! I,,. inn! to remove the Irish. Poor I'lullip-'s temper was -ur.lv tried h\ their derisive taunts. The •• London lac- tiiin." as In- styled them, used unbecoming language towards In- semints ;HH| agents, i ailing li,. -in " Phflippians." And getting uearied nl his nunieioiis ( 'ommissioiis ol

illliuiry thev tried the etl'ei I ill ridicule.

mid got a play prepare,! with the familiar

title .Much Ado aU.ut Nothing." II.

inn. h hardship in his military

!. but these Londoners \.\i.| liim

Mini, ilian nil his adventures.

" •tinned to pour a bum- on them of

kind. Thc> , I, ^.irhiiaut

r.-nts. failed to provide sufficient

l"r thei .,,,,1 i,|,|,If.s,eil the

tenants m ()„. 1;,,,ous n.urts. in short. ""'•1' -ic ol iiiisdciiieaiii'urs a.s , an

!. Iliat tho Londoners

showed a unite commercial spirit t» too plain. They gathered in their rents from tlie beginning, and, if we can believe 1'hillips. made no corresponding expi'lidi- ture. There is little difference in the mate made by both sides of the annual income derived from th- lint I hero

i eater discrepancy when one comes to line the balance sheet made o'i I'hillips, by which it would appear that alter twenty year*.' management of their propel u in I'lster they had received i.". Hi. I KMI more than they disbursed. 'Hie t 'I.IM|I:II]I.'- on the other hand put their e\penditure at tllD.OOO, instead of Ciiil.iKKi according to Phillijis's calculation, lint there can be no certainty on this point.

A case can be made out for the Com- panies. Great persuasion had to be em- ployed to induce them to join the venture, and C'liK hcster himself had Ins doubts, well knowing, as lie said, that neweoi would have to " abide some storms before coming to a profitable harvest." From all accounts we are to coin lude that the undertakers did not exert themselves to bring the required numbers of British set- tlers. Xor did they give them sufficient inducement to stay, if they did come, r'iiiam-e and profit weighed too much in the minds of the members ol the Com- panies in '.ondi.n. the public interest being treated as n secondary matter altogether. I'hillips would not allow that loss had been ~n-tained by the. Plantation. If it did not proceed as quickly as he. desired, he, never- theless, was convinced that such as had (dine in the capacity ot servants of the Companies had " made good," or, as he expressed it. were " become masters of good and plentiful estates." although pre- i miislv poor.

That Phillips was an cnierprising and energetic plainer is plain. Me had made some headway at C'oleriiiue before sur- rendering ii to the Londoners, and pio- bubly his -1,-atcst service was in the tact and skill In- ilisplaved in piloting the Ci viewers tlnough the count . when a p'.-i siiasive tongue was a first tcqiiisite. As •, pioneer he did ex( client work in making roads through hogs and woods. :,ml by i|,:,t ineaiis he was able to transport timber tor building purposes. At Lin.avady. where In- erected Ins .astle, Jie brought water in a slni.e to his mill, and built an inn lor the i onvcnieiK. of travel!.. \nd when

•Miidd have it that these efforts were nl small value lie made the effective j-eply. which lovers the case of nthor original planters in I'lster, that " I' price of a head." which he olten vein: . not

lo lie undervalued.

COl'XTY LONDON I >KtiKY IN THBEE CKNTURIES.

21

CHAPTER V.

THE PROPORTION OF IRONMONGERS.

Warfare of the tribes. — Founding- of churches.— Grange of Agivey.—

Ironmongers get possession. Correspondence of Canning,

the first agent. Pirates and robbers. Erection

of Manor of Lizard and Agivey Castle. — Ruin of Canning averted.

When Sir Thomas Phillips undertook the threefold part of guide, philosopher, and friend to the grave and discreet citizens of London in their mission to inspect and learn for themselves if the project of King J ames was worthy of the support of the ancient and opulent merchant Guilds of the Citv, we are to form a mental picture of a place and time both picturesque and romantic. It was a curious company that travelled by boat along the River Bann from Tixmie to Coicraino and the sea. The old warrior of many campaigns in Franco and the Low Countries, who held the castle of Too me and thirty acres with a guard at the rent of a pair of gilded spurs what time the King should visit the wild fortress, was a strange contrast to the City gentlemen intent ou. weighing the values 01 the natural products of the couiui-y as though on 'Change, but at the same time impressed by the scenic grandeur of the places passed. Not that their military friend had not an eye to advantage of trade too. Had he not se- cured a grant of a market at his towu of Coleraine, and licenses for aqua vitae and other " mysteries." as well as the cii.-toln.s on merchandize imported and exported from Portrush and the Mann:-' But we cannot doubt that the fortifications CM < n- pied his attention largely, too, the castles at the Cranagh, and Mountsandal, and Castlerue.

Whatever information may he lacking TCI us aliont the tracks and roads of the county in early limes when the Primate made his Visitation, or the Judges their Circuit, here was a great waterway that carried the lirst real pioneers of London's trade in this remote part of His Majesty's Kingdoms. Dutch traders there were certainly, and off Portrush Breton lishe1'- nien fished for dogfish and rays which wen- regarded as a delicacy in Spain. There were too the famous salmon i

ies of the Foyle and Bann. But here WHS a great new enterprize which if Phillips' s imaginary flights were to be realized would result in huge profits and redound to the honour of the Londoners and the King. Xo doubt, Phillips dreamed of the time when the Bann would he a channel of traffic in merchandize along whose banks there would he towns and villages requiring supplies.

When the time came for the division of the county among the Companies Lot 7 tell to the Ironmongers. We have little means of- knowing accurately what the character of this countryside was. We may let our imagination play on those early days when the native tribes in- dulged in " hostings " against each other. The old annals tell us of a predatory ex- cursion made by some chieftain and his clansmen into I'lidia, where numbers were slain by thorn, and countless cows wen- carried off. They plundered Coleraine and other clinrc hc>, and a great battle was fought in which the I'lidians were de- feated with the loss of one and tweni\ chieftains, and son.- of chieftains. Similar tales \\ere told of the l>ra\e days of old when brother slew brother ill sanguinary i-iii uuiiter. These were the da\ s when John de Coiircy mid his mail-clad Knights buil: '.'•' C.ileraine. endowed

churches, and wasted and de>olated the invaded territories. There was a ford at Camus old church where these hands ol warriors freq'.iontly cmsseci in their fora\s, calling the while for |>ra\cr and blessing at the monasteries and religious settlements in the sequestered, glades by the streams. There was the AM;ev at Dungiven founded about 110!) A.D. which wirli its (i , rntrrl O'Oilian tomb is still a valued architectural feature of the dis- trict. At Krrigal and Peseriojjiiil St. Columhkillc had founded monasteries. Agivey was a kird of parish, having a

n

COT NTY I.ONim'DKISliY IN THUKK G'KNTTKIES.

priory liki> Dungiven and some lands ad- joining.

Nut less Hllciellt Was the " terlllOe " Of

Aghadowey. which liail nlsi> its quarters of land granted by some tom|)oral lord. Tin- so churches were in a ruined condition when the Ironmongers came on the scene. Their lands had pas.sed to officers who longht ill the lute warn, hut their inter- est!, were purchased agreeably to tho cpn- ditions made with the London Companies. We find Sir Toby Caulficld in possession of the " Grange of Agheavy ' (Agivey) HIK! some townlands denominated Glas- gort, Mullaghmore, Gwymore, Coolecrow, Guybeg. and Tullnghard. Caulfield, who was ancestor of the Charleinont family, uas one of the soldier adventurers who had got |x>ssession of properties through the county. Agivey and Kilrea were both i-ompart little parishes, or extra-parochial districts, which had been " appropri- ated " to the Abbey of SS. Peter and Paul of Armagh, and some years before the City undertook the plantation, they were allotted t«i Sir Toby, probably in payment for his services. He resigned them in favour of the Londoners.

Among the advowsons or right of pat- ronage of <-hurches granted to the Compan- ies were those of Errigal (Temple Errijjal it was then calle<l), and Desertoghill. Aghadowey was ternmn land and so was reserved for the Hishop of Derry. Agivey being part of the monastery lands before referred to had come to the Crown at the. time of the dissolution of monasteries by Henry VIII., and so was passed to the Ironmongers' Company. In the official language of an Inquisition taken in 1609, Aghadowcy is noticed: — " The parish of Aghadowoy, wherein is Ixith a parson and a vicar, and that the tithes of the said parish are paid in kind, one third part thereof to the parson, another third to the vicar, and the other third part to the herenagh : and that they are to bear the i linrue ol repairing and maintaining the parish church of Aghadowey equally, and that there is one garden of glebe land be- longing lit the vicar; and that the parson and vicar paid twelve pence a piece proxies to the Hishop of Perry." There »as a similar finding made regarding the parishes of Krrigal and Desertoghill. In 16IK5 Sir .lobn Sidnev was laying claim to Aghadowev Church lands on the grounds tlmt he bad piirrlia-,.,1 them along with other- belonging to Dungiveii and Macos- <|Uin Abbeys. There Has still another grants- in the Ironmongers' proportion w ho-e interest* may have had to he (•ought out. CiMirge Hamilton had got a looting in the pro|xirtion of Teadane rwanU Kdein on the march with the •li'-r denominations do

not correspond exactly with those of the more accurate survey ol HMi'.l.

When George Canning arrived as agent for the Ironmongers and set about mating arrangements tor building the rastlo, Aghey had evidently been chosen as the most suitable |>osition. In writing to IMS employers to ascertain the extent of land to be laid to the castle as demesnes he suggested the balliboe of Agivey. contain- ing six townlands ; or, if they hoped to have a market town on their proportion then more acres should be required. This was the first settlement of the Iron- mongers. The six townlands are named tinder the heading '' Athgeavo Grange": -Ballyreah, Refamore. Glaskard, Mnlla- more, Ballenegew, Colcrow. Most of these denominations will be recognised in the modern names in the Parish of Agivey — -Ret>, l.issaghinore, Glasgort, Mullamore. and Colcrow. We have not identified Uallonegew. The church, which had the earlier name. "Our Lady's Chapel," was repaired by the Company, who also paid a salary to the minister, as they drew the tithes. Heing abbey lands there was no glebe land attached to the church.

The association of the Ironmongers' Companv with their Irish estate may be saiil in begin with the opening months of the year 1014, a short time after the City's agent, Hereof ord, had been in- structed to give possession of Proportion No. VII. to their representatives, one of whom was Captain Edward Doddington, who had built a castle at Dungiven and got a lease of the Skinners' Estate in 1617. The Ironmongers' knew little or nothing about their property, and wrote to Mr. Thomas Perkins, an undertaker near Lifford desiring the favour of a report upon the state of the country and its re- quirements in the following terms, under the -date 14th February, 1613: —

" After our very hearty commendations. Whereat your last being in London with u* you gave UB knowledge both of your lovn and experience, with desire of your further testimony of the same, we, there- fore, entertaining your kind offer and friendship, request you that out of that |OM> i.in will certify us the state and nat- ure <if that niuntrv wherein we are fallen liv our lot in number 7, within 4 miles of Coleruini', and on part of the limin, and tin- litif-t place for erection of a princi- pal castle; and how the, country will afford us stuff and workmen, leaving to your jiiili.'ini-iii and report hen in more than we wish or will set down, expecting onh answer, anil the plea«ure you may do us, and leave wishing you proujvioini health from the Almighty."

The following month a survey of the estate was ordered to be made, and meas- ures taken for erecting a castle and haw n.

col'NTV LONDONDERRY IN TIIRKK CENTURIES.

33

ll MIIIII Ill-came apparent that tin' presence of a special agent was necessary for the management ol their concern, anil so (leor^e Canning, a member of an old Waiu it kshire family, was chosen lur tho position. His commission, which is dated l!)th September, llil I, describe.* him as a " citi/.en iiiid ironmonger," and among (it her instructions authorizes him to stake out the lands, prepare materials for building, and choose sites for their erec- tions. Tho proportion that fell to the lot of tho Company is rather scattered, and, though extending from MacoM|uin to a distance three miles south of Garvagh, ilncs not form a compact estate.

The following is the earliest list of town- lands comprised by the estate. The names in brockets are the larger portions or hallilictoes which were suh-divided into quarter lands and townlands : —

(Athgeave Grant;!-), Ba.Ki-ah, Kcfanioro, Glas- kard. Mtillamore, Halli-negew, Colcrow. (Mulla Incfi), Droinslalilf, Scaltcc, Knock- duff. Clonback. Ruskey,' Clarliill, I'lonken, Cormuticla, Slialtali. Claggnn. Rccske, Mnlhi Inch, Gort ffaddy. (.'ixili-apall, Rinjjrasso, CocMrum. (Jffpytulla), Too Culler.s. (Kannakillc), Ba.na.Nonta, Ba. Skanlan, Ba. Brack, }!a.('lo<;ii. Colour. Dro- C'rnm, Ba. William, Killea'u, Killnaglas lia.na.Cluntn<;li, Bn.na.f'han. (Agovenall) Ba.Ohagan, Knislitom, Carrowrca. Tawny more, Cah, Liskall, Liraaboy, TalldufTi- Lisnacrpog. (Ballciie Fueigh), Terkerliin Gort Glagon, Maln-n-mcw, C'oulban, Stat- alurty, Don Mayne, Brackaboy, Colcros- kean. (Forsett Mona), Ra.Moorc, Todon • Bane, Trean Altona.

It is to be noted that the balliboe of Garvagh is not included in the list. Nor have we discovered when it was assigned to a free-holder. In Sampson's map it is marked as a native freehold of which there are several lying adjacent to the Com- pany's lands. Certain allotments were reserved for deserving natives, just as for service to the Crown on assi/es, etc., the reservations were ordered in the manors of the Companies for free-holders of Brit- ish birth. By KiliS Garvngh had attained the proportion of a village and had a larger number of inhabitants than either Agivey or Aghadowey townland. The ex- planation may be offered that the original settlement of the Cannings at Agivey was not sufficiently central, and the Govern- ment surveyors, finding it advisable for the proper control of the remoter districts of the estate, suggested a, plantation " further into the country," say at Magheramore. The argument was that this proportion formed the entrance to Gleneonkeyne, " the chief est strength Tyrone had, and the place of his last refuge, and the nursery of the rebellion in the North." Garvagh may have been

chosen instead of Magheramore, the previously suggested position for a plant- ation.

\Ve are fortunate in still having copies of part of George Canning's correspond- ence with his employers in London, which throws considerable light on the state of tho settlement and on the difficulties en- countered by the pioneer settlors of Agha- dowey. The ivriter of the letters seems to have been animated by a desire to do the best he could for his Company, which in the end proved to be the promotion of his own interests too. On his arrival at Agivey, which he reached via Derry, he had to complain of the extreme severity of the weather of the preceding winter, with the Bann so swollen with the abund- ance of snow that it was impossible to utilize the river for the conveyance of materials. Hence the backwardness of building. Hrickmaking was carried on not far from Agivey on the other side of the Da nn. Canning had much to say on the letting of the lands. The Scotch were ready to give higher rents, but they would not in his opinion perform so good build- ing, which is confirmed from another source. He presents a pitiful tnle of his dangers and troubles from pirates at the mouth of the river and robbers in the woods. To cope with tho latter it was necessary to travel in companies well pro- vided with arms. " Please to send two pair of bullet moulds and lead " was a significant request.

He also reveals his anxiety to stand well in the eyes of his fellow-citizens, his thoughts hovering between the sacrifice he was making and the desire to serve his own interest .as well. He was leaving a small estate held in fee simple at Barton, in Warwickshire, and pictures to himself one of his brother Londoners accepting the conditions of his bargain — " He would •look back ten times towards London be- fore ho came so far as St. Alban's." One can detect a sneer on the part of this country squire at the London tradesmen when he hinted that the Company " need not long have looked for a chapman that would have promised ninny great things but in the performance '' would have fallen far* short of what he had under- taken. There were some of his fel'ow members in London who were dissatif ;ed with him on the ground probably of his requirements in the shape of " hrtrd cash," which they were reluctant to ad- vance. He was obliged to plead with them for n sufficient quantity of land to support him in the position he had to maintain as chief agent and tenant, and w as allowed the three ' townlands, Cah, Brackaboy. and Ballymore (Ballury '-). The demesnes were not yet laid out to the

COl'XTV I.ONDON1)KK1;V IN THKKE CK.MVHIKS.

iJungiven Abbey.

01 Den-y.

\S'lllJi'W Ol A \\'iii<t<>»>'ur 0

, '- -«lii -, — c

2

/</*

.^» J *>• ^

j.'H ^ -:~e_ -'*9 . - .

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THRKE CENTURIES.

25

entitle at Agivey, where he resided. We may anticipate a little by saying that he petitioned, for the stewardship of the M;uior when created. Not only that, but in 1619 a lease of the estate for forty-one years was made to him at a rent of £150 a year, with the condition that he build bridges, and a mill, glaze the church windows, provide a pulpit, seats, doors, and a steeple for four bells, with £20 a year as minister's stipend.

So vivid a picture is gained from the letters of Canning written soon after his settlement that we append copies, only modernizing the spelling.

.Right Worshipful, — May it please you to un.l.-rstand that, after a long stay at Chester for passage, I arrived at the Derry upon the llth of May, and from thence to your pro- portion, where I found all things in tlie same state I left them, not anything affected by Mr. Heyward concerning the materials for building to which he hath tied himself by articles. His reason and excuse was the extremity of the winter. The like hath not here been known in the memory of man, the waters so extreme with the abundance of snow that it was impossible to pass anything upon the Bann, besides their cattle being brought into such poverty that they are yet hardly restored to do any service. This excuse must be favourably construed, because I see that Mr. Warner, who hath been here all winter could not possibly till yesterday get a boatful of limestone to tho place of the Mercers' building, having the last summer provided the most part of their stone in place and agreed with masons for the work, who came from Derry to set upon it the beginning of this month, and were forced to return back and do nothing. So their work is not yet begun. He hath agreed with Mr. Benson for the stone work, 4s 2d tho perch for their castle. I think it not unfit to follow the same course, for Mr. Benson is best able to perform it of all the men in those parts, having by reason of the build- ings and fortifications at the Derry most of the workmen in the North of Ireland at his disposal, and I can hear yet of no other that doth any work more reasonable nor perform better than he hath done. Here are now some bricks making not far from our place of building across the Bann. If they prove good (which most men doubt) then it. will do well after the stone walls are raised to the first floor to finish it up with brick. A thin wall will then be sufficient, but in all men's judgment the bottom must needs be stone.

Since my coming I have busied myself for the most part in seeking for your rent, some be- ing lost by reason of this late rebellion, some of your tenants being tainted with it, but it is to no great value ; and also in settling the lands upon the tenants for another half year, which I find very hard to do, so many of their cattle being dead with famine in tfhe snow that they are not able to stock their lands, so of force give some of them

up, yet I have made shift to set all except some 6 towns, which I hope will not lie wasto neither.

Letters have lately come from his Majesty for the speedy performance of the plantation, a copy whereof I have sent to your worships herein enclosed, desiring to be speedily ad- vised from you how to proceed in the letting of your lands. If you confer this letter with tho articles of the plantation to which it hath reference you the better decree me. Here are some English and Scottish which are willing to deal with me for some few of your townlanda, but none will take under 31 years, and hardly any of the English come to the rents they are now at if they build at their own charge. The Scots are willing to give better rents than the English, but I doubt they will hardly perform so good building. Here is such catching after tenants that I think it not fit to put any away that will condescend to indifferent con- ditions and covenants. I am sure the Mercers' lands are some set at a lower rent than they were at tho last year, and no estate under 31 years. I think there is some 20 towns of theirs set since I went to England, and are desirous to set more after the same rates. If the natives do depart off from the city's lands, the prices will doubt- less fall. I desire to be fully instructed upon what conditions and covenants I may safely set part of your lands to the natives. Some of them have promised me privately that they will conform themselves, but they are very fearful of their own countrymen yet till their troubles are fully passed over. I am informed by some here that the one-third part of the land appointed for glibe lands at our Lady Church in the ballibeto of Agivey was mistaken by Mr. Alderman Smythees, for it being Abbey lands there ought to be no glibe to. be taken of it. I do not hear of any of the same Abbey lands that doth allow any in other proportions. I pray you understand the truth of it from him, in time it may be better helped than hereafter. I desire also to know how many balliboes you are pleased to appoint for the demesnes of your castle, and which they are, that I may the better proceed to the letting of the residue as occasion shall afford. I think the whole ballibo of Agivey con- taineth 6 townlands (glibe and all), to be fittest to belong to the castle, or if you please to lay any more lands to it. that if hereafter you please to have a market town upon your proportion it may happily be thought fit to be near the place, for it will lin more convenient (having to ferry there) for the lands on the other side of the Bann, and not much unfit for the rest of your own lands.

The dangers of these troubles have hindered the setting of land much, and must be more upon some otlier proportions than ours. There are yet divers out in rebellion in tlie woods, and sometimes light upon passengers and rob them, and sometimes light into the houses and do many villainies. The la«t week they took an Irishman as he was keep- ing cattle in the woods upon the Mercers'

COfXTY LONDONDERRY IN THREE CENTURIES.

proportion and hanged him with a with in a tree, and, 'tis thought, for no other cause but that Mr. being an Irishman had conformed himself and gone te our church. Many outrage* are daily put in practice which make* those that have buiineu abroad in the country to be very circumspect, for the robbert which are yet out hare given out speeches that if they would take any English of account they would have their pardon* or hang them. Thi* cause* evrry man to provide so for his own safety that it draws « greater charge to them than other- wise had needed. And I fear that my ex- penses will exceed your good liking. Where- fore I desire you all in your Worships' favour that you would be pleased to appoint rvc weekly or monthly allowance to your own i- intent, for I protest I had rather bear part of my charges myself than to deliver up an account of exprnw* which should bo any way displeasing tn you.

As noon as I hare ;rot our materials in some ». "1 forwardness, which I hope will be shortly, then I will writ* to your Worship* for a supply of more money by Mr. Leates appointment as ho riid offer, for here will be want of money as soon as the work goes forward. All the money here will hardly satisfy Mr. Hoy ward ; and I beseech you not to let me want wherewith to satisfy the workmen. I will not charge you with more than shall bo needful. So being loth to be tedious for this time I humbly take my leave and rest at your Worships' service. GEORGE CANNINGE.

Heyward (Haward) is a name that figures in Coleraine history about 1641. He i* probably tho same person we had reference tn already as a contractor for certain works nt Coleraine. Right Worshipful, — May it please you to understand that my last letters to you wa* by Mr. Vincent, preacher at Coleraine, and now being this Sabbath come to Coleraine I hear of this conveyance which doth purpose to go forward to-morrow morning, and therefore I am enforced to write in some haste so that I cannot write so largely of your business here and my account as I would have done if I had more time, but thus much I must give you understand that the money which did rest in my hand* upon ny last account i* almost all disbursed, and your building now begun, which is not fit should be neglected nor prolonged, and be- cause I am uncertain how long it will be before I shall hear from your Worships, 1 have presumed to take up a hundred pound* of Mr. Beresford to be paid per my Dill of exchange in London which I hope (and do not doubt but) you will see performed. If I had not «pokc of it when I did the Fish- monger.' agent had had it. I am beholding to Mr. Rcresford, for he wa* very willing to supply my want* in your buiineu with it. Now the time of the year i* come to follow tho building of your castle with all conveni- ent ipeed, and money must daily be laid <>ut. \Vhir<fnr,. I entreat you not to dislike with me for taking up thi* £100 now I may have

it, and also I pray you not to be unmindful to supply your business hero with more a* you in your wisdoms, do understand to be needful. I will in my next letters (which shall bo per tho first that I may conveni- ently send by) write you again the particu- lars of my accounts, that you may continu- ally understand how your money is laid out, but in my former letters I have earnestly desired to know what your Worship* will allow mo for my own expense* in your ser- vice per the week that I may then perfect my account and send it to you. I perceive that some of my worshipful friend* in the Company did something dislike the account* of my charges in my first employment here the last year. I fear they would more dis- like now, and therefore I rather choose to refer it to your own pleasures than I would offend, nothing doubting but you will con- sider tho troublcsomcnea* of this year in these parts which cannot be but it must augment my charges rather than lessen it. But, whatsoever it please you to allow me I be»eech you let me have your love* with it, and I shall be highly content.

I am informed (but how true it i* I know not) that some in Coleraine have accused me of some thing* to your Worships. If so, you may perceive by my letter* and account* cent you -heretofore how untrue the accusation is in part, and you shall in the end find that all rest i* as false, and there- fore I beeeech you if any such thing come to you against me, to give no credit to it until you understand the truth, and if I be faulty let me find no favour. I see it so common a practice among some men to busy themselves in such matters that it hath made mo over doubtful. For, I cannot flatter them, nor will I yield to some things which is expected from me, which makes me to be more subject to their ill wills and HI words, but I doubt not of your kind censures, until you find just cause to the contrary. And so for this time I humbly take my leave and commit you all to the protection of tho most Highest, resting ever at your Worships' command.

GEORGE CANNINGE.

Coleraine, the 25th of February, 1615.

This letter plainly proves that money was not forthcoming in as liberal a quantity as was required by the struggling colony. Mr. Beresford, the city's general agent, was acting the part of hanker.

In another letter written from his estate in Warwickshire Canning shows a certain amount of naivete. His solicitude for the tenants, it may be observed, squared won- derfully with his private interests. The erection of a court baron, of which, by the way, he wan to have the stewardship, was morely for the purpose of protecting the settlors of tho infant plantation from the oppression of the soldiers and molestation liv sheriffs and their bailiffs. He urged also the erection of a corn mill and r«-r- tain small bridges. He was also anxious

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THREE CENTURIES.

27

that his social status should not compare unfavourably with that of the agents of the neighbouring proportions whose charges in attending at Derry would be less than his. Besides, he was careful to point out that he was not a suitor from need. He was independent. For, had he not an estate in England worth £100 per annum, and not in debt to the extent of tenpence? And few were going to Ireland with a " more sufficient estate," or a larger household.

His ably argued case met with much success. Not only did he get the town- lands which were to ensure his social posi- tion, but the expected stewardship of the Manor, a lease of the estate itself, and certain tithes were plums which fell to the share of the ''chief fee farmer," as he called himself. His successful pleading was not a little helped by his presentation of the dangers and difficulties of his posi- tion as shadowed in the next letter.

Right Worshipful, — In my next I purpose (God willing) to send you tho particulars of my account. I hope in the meantime I shall receive answer from your Worships of my last letlers. The news here is nothing but the continual troubles in these parts, both by sea and land. Sir Thomas Phillips is now going from Coleraine to sea with 3 or 4 small barques after the pirates; God speed him well. There were never sithence I came hither so many Kernes nut in the woods as now ; they are in five or six several com- panies so that men can travel no way near any woods without great danger, except they go a good company together and well pro- vided. The last day of April, Mr. Nicholas Elcock. acent for the Clothworkers, was taken by Revelin M'Cull and his company; he had two men with them. Those thev left bound. • and would have killed them had it not been to deliver a letter, which they compelled Mr. Elcock to write to some of bis friends. The effect was that if their pardons were not pro- cured within 14 days, or they had not £100 sterling delivered them by some means at the 14 days' end they would hang him. So they took him into the woods and kept him two days and one night, trailing him from place to place ; but the second evening (the country being raised after them and divided many ways) some of the country churls, by the great goodness of God, happened in a thick obscure place in the woods where Mr. Elcock was with a few of the Kernes — the rest were gone abroad for more prey — at the sight of whom the Kernes fled. So Mr. Elcock es- caped, almost past hope, blessed be God.

Divers robberies and some murders have been committed near us since that time, and they are now grown so bold that on Tuesday last, being the 7th of this month, a company of rebels, about 6 of the clock, in the afternoon, entered into an Englishman's house, six miles on this side Derry, upon the high way, where Mr. Fowkeg did lie at his first coming into this country. They wounded the man of the

house very sore, ?» tliat In- will very hardly escape with life, and took li'-iweew £7 and £8 in money, and all tin rest of bii goodi that were worth carrying away; and some that brought the first ti'liiiL's of it hither reported that four or five nt |I>.- villains most grossly ill-treated his wife.

These mischiefs and miseries causeth us to stand continually upon a good guard, and, when we travel, to take good strength with us. Wherefore, might it please you when you send those materials I wrote for in my last, also to send over some more arms, as muskets, callivers, powder, and bullets (the last callivnrs' bullets you sent were all too big). Wherefore, if you please to send two pair of bullet moulds and lca-1 were best, so they be made fit for the pieces, also some halberts and halt pikes. When the second floor is laid on the castle, I hope it will be a secure place against a hundred men if we be anything well provided within. For this time I must crave your pardons for my abrupt writing, an'd commit you all to the protection of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, resting ever at your Worships com- mand.

GKORGE CANNINGE.

Agivey, 13th May, 1616.

" The Churl of Ireland is a very simple man and toilsome, desiring nothing but that he may not be eaten out with cess, coyne, and livery — the Irish exactions which aro as slavish as the tenure by villeinage formerly here in Kngland."

The MS. from which we have this de- finition of an Irish peasant of Elizabeth's reign draws a comparison with the villein in the feudal period in England. Both villein and Irish churl were subject to tho lord or chief, both body, lands, and goods, which condition was the chief cause, it was alleged, of the rebellion in Ireland, " the poor and baser sort being led by their superiors, as in times past here in Eng- land before the suppression of the said villeins, whereliv the government became absolute."

The same MS. provides a vivid account of tho character of a Kerne, and the ex- action called " coyne and livery." " There will come a Kerne or Galloglass (which be the Irish soldiers) to lie in the churl's house. While he is there he will be master of the house, he will not only have meat, hut also money allowed him, and at his departure the best things he shall see in the said churl's house, be it linen, cloth, mantle, or such like."

In 1615 the Irish Society was in a posi- tion to arrange with the 'Com panics for making their proportions into regular manors, with courts leet and courts baron for relief of their tenants, as Mr. Canning had suggested. They were also to set apart land for demesnes, and for commons for the tenants. It was not till 1617 tluit the Ironmongers agreed to name their

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THREE CENTURIES.

manor " I,i/.iinl." pre-umuliK fnmi the Minl-olic figure on their coat of arras, the supporting ligurrs Koing lizards. By the condition^ "I the I'laiitatinn a certain number of freeholders were to be made holding -mid! <|uantities of land so as to provide jurors at the assizes and for other service-.. On this estate there were six namely, George Canning;, the agent, hold- ing the three nalliboes, Hallimore, Bracka- boy (Brockabov). and Cah; William Wilkes. one balliboe called Liskall (Lis.- call) ; John Kxfull, the halliboe of Caldutf • Alt-lull ) ; Nntlmniel Carrington, the balli- boe of Tawnymore (Tamneymore) ; John Petty, the balliboe of Lisarbony ; and William Canning, the balliboo of Colcos- k iea n (CoolcoBcreaghan).

There was an earlier nomination of free- holders in response to instructions given in 1616. Their names were George Can- ning, Thomas Hillnian, Nathaniel Carring- ton, Andrew Warner, Thomas Rock, and Richard Simpson. Hillmnn was an alder- man of Coleraine, and objection may hare been taken to him because he did not re- side on his free-hold, an was expected.

The meeting at which the contract with George Canning was signed and sealed (July, 1619) had a report before it that freeholders had sold their estates contrary to their covenants and to inferior persons. When Sir Josias Bodley reported un- favourably to the King of the slow pro- gr. -- of the Plantation, and brought down is wrath on the offending Londoners a note wan delivered to Bodley in the end of 1616 from which we get the earliest description of the settlement at Agivey. Their chief house or castl/' is fifty foot in length and On- breadth thereof thirty foot and hath four flenches, one at each corner. The height of the laid wall i» 51 foot and four foot thick built of stone and brick and covered with slates. There ii (tone, hrick, timber, and limo ready in place and agreed with for the making tho Baune and other houses the next spring. There are also six other dwelling-homes at the tame place built of strong timber, where- of three are covered and the otheri the workmen arc about.

There are now dwelling [at Agirey] four families of English and more ready to come hither ai »oon u the hotuei are finished, for which purpose I am DOW ready to go into England.

There ia set of thii proportion one and thirty ballibori to Englith and Scottish for one and thirty yean, to be planted with five and twenty householders, and to build *o many house* and one sufficient bawn. Whereof

* There if a record of Assizes at Derry in 1615 in which among the jurors occur the name* of Nathaniel! Canngtoo, Motlench (Mulla- hmchi and Qorrv M'Shane of Ballyaehery

• I of English and -Ii thirteen fan

number now dwelling upon thii proportion of land is seventeen several hous»- I*, besides divert others which are ready io rome as soon u their houses arc finished, many of which are already framed and some rained and some wholly covered, as Mr. Hillman's and others.

In Nicholl's "Account of the Company (if Ironmongers " (p. 392) is a plan of the castle taken from the Company's Irish Correspondence Book, which corresponds to the a i>ove description. The ground plan shows three apartments, a kitchen, a par- lour (with " seller '' underneath) and a liall larger than either of the other rooms. In front there appears a courtyard 60 feet i 32 feet, and outside the wall there is a ditch, and a drawbridge at the entrance to the courtyard. It will bo noticed that there is no mention of native Irish duell- ing on Canning's lands. It is purposely omitted. TTie Londoners seem to have formed n design not to disclose such in- formation. And in the State Papers still another letter of George Canning a is pre- served in which, admirable correspondent that he was, he tells Sir Thomas Phillips that he cannot furnish tho required infor- mation without the consent of the Com- pany in London. At the same time he gives the important information that natives residing on the adjoining lands of servitors and of the bishop grazed some of his townlands, which seems like con- forming to the letter, if not to the spirit, of the, taw.

Captain Pynnar's Report made in 1619 states that there was " an infinite number of Irish " on the estate, which cannot be correct ; for in 1622 the number of natives is given as 131. and in 1624 it had fallen to 88. It was difficult to get at the truth. A memorandum of the twelve Companies' proportions has 30) townlands of the Iron- mongers' lands planted with Irish tenants, while the remaining ]6J townlands were occupied by British settlers. Pynnar's account of the Mercers' proportion is equally unsatisfactory in this respect. On the other hand, an excellent report of the Merchant Taylors' settlement nearer Cole- rnine appears in Pynnar's Survey. The British tenants had got proper leases, or •• estate-." Canning could give only articles of agreement, which was a " great hindrance " to progress.

The full report is instructive and is given here verbatim : — Ironmongers' Hall. — George Cammynge, Agent for the Company, is here resident; but h* hath no Order to make any Estates to any Tenants, that are come hither to dwell ; not- withstandipg, there are divers that have dis- bursed a great deal of Honey, and built good Houses. All that these Hen can get

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THKEE CENTURIES.

29

art- Artii-l'-H of Agreement for thirty one i\ they fear that this ra»y be altered by others that may com* after. Notwithstanding, they pay for every Town- land, which they account to be but tixty Acres, five Pounds, ten Shillings, or live Pounds per Annum. The Uncertainty of this is a great hindrance of the Plantation. The Cattle, which was formerly begun, is thoroughly finished, being a very good and strong Castle: and then- is a Bawne of Brick and Lime, whereof there arc but three Sides done, without Flankers, which inaketh the Place of no Strength. There are also eight dwelling Houses of Cage Work, some are slated, and some shingled, but they itand so far asunder that they can have but little Sucoonr one of another. Besides here in an Infinite Number of Irish upon the T.,and, which give such great Rents that the English cannot get any Land.

On a ncighbourfng'proportioa the dwell- ings of some of the tenants were so scattered that the people, were obliged to support and help the wood Kerne that went up and down the countryside. No amount of suggestion that the Londoners were animated by humanitarian considera- tions in their treatment of the natives will excuse them for the disregard of the stipu- lations on this score. And subsequently outbreaks of rebellion were in large part due to the insufficient numbers of British planted on the soil of Ulster. The King's warning to the planters, when he declared that " no private man's worth is able to countervaile the safetie of a Kingdoms," was a matter of much import for the future history of Ulster.

The next glimpse we get of the Agivey settlement (and probably the most inter- esting of them all) is from the survey of Sir Thomas Phillips and Richard Hadsor, Esq., who were given a commission in 1622 to report upon the Plantation. Drawings were prepared of the Compan- ies' buildings, and these are preserved in Lambeth Palace Library. The description of the " Buildings of the Company of Ironmongers " as given in the State Papers (1615-1625) is as follows: — A large house of two stories, the lower of stone, the upper of red brick, with two red brick chimnies, and four circular flanking towers with conical slated roofs at "the angles, and weather vanes on each, standing in the centre of a large bawn, the wall be- ing of red brick. There are 6 large two- storied framework houses; underneath each is written John Knyghton, Francis Hatford, Thomas Knock, John Powell, Thomas Wilks, John Robinson : one small stone house, slated, Guy Chamberlane. There are 3 other low circular houses, thatched, with the names underneath, William Chamberlane, Mr. Booth, John Ireland. There are three others without names. The Commissioners' Noto. — Freeholders resi-

dent upon their freeholds, 1; British men present on this proportion, 65; whereof armed, 50: natives on this proportion, 131. The few British that inhabit this proportion live si> scattered that upon occasions they are unable in succour one another, and are dailv robbed and spoiled or driven to leave the country. This proportion being the en- trance to Glanconkeyne, the chiefest strength Tyrone had, and the place of his last refuge, and the nursery of the rebellion in tho North, it were fit for the strengthening of those parts a plantation were made further into the country. The fittest place (as' we conceive) is Maherimore some 8 miles from the Ban, and this place; and the manor house in - some convenient place. It were fit the freeholds were laid together or divided into two parts, each freehold having two balh'boes, as the city received tl»e same from his Majesty, which would be a good strength to that part of the country, other* wise what ix done there already is to small purpose for the safety thereof.

From the various reports we are able to measure the progress made in building and number of men. The six houses of 1616, increased to eight in 1619, were only nine in 1622. The men enrolled at a muster in 1618 on the Ironmongers' pro- portion numbered fifty-six. These were grown to sixty-five in 1622, and a later •muster dated about 1630 shows a total of one hundred and twenty-three able-bodied persons.

The same names also can be traced — Alexander Gould, Thomas Rock, Thomas Miller, Andrew Gray, Guy Chamberlain, William Chamberlain, Andrew Hunter, Thomas Gatt [Gait], Paul Gatt, John Exfull, William Wilkes, Nathaniel Car- rington, and Robert Montgomery. Their residence may be learned from the Hearth Money Rolls of 1663.

Tho freeholders were <in uncertain quan- tity, only three, Kxfull. Wilkes. and Car- rington, being found in the 1663 list. Canning seems generally to have been troubled with his freeholders. In the Star Chamber suit it was laid to tin- charge of the Ironmongers that Bally- william and Ballybrack had been demised to Donnagh O'Cahan and Shane O'Quig respectively. Two of the houses at Agivey were occupied by Guy and William Chamberlain. Among benefactors of the Ironmongers' Company the name Cham- berlain occurs twice.

The Companies made an effort to manage their own estates through agents. but apparently the returns received were not sufficient to prevent the City merchants from seeking to rid themselves of the responsibility they had incurred, by leasing the lands for a term. They were satisfied to have a fixed annual pay- ment. A chief tenant's existence in Ire-

10

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THREE CENTURIES.

land iti these early days was . but tun1 of roses. It may seem to have been not a bad bargain for Canning to get the whole estate for £150 a year, even allowing for the difference of money value then and now. The Salters' Estate, which was poorer, was also let in 1627 at little more than £100 a year to an English gentleman named Whistler, in whose family it remained for a long period. One of the Whistlers in an ap- plication to the Salters' Company given an indication of the troubles of a land owner then. After the Rebellion of 1641, which cleared the estate of tenants, he says he got a few straggling people to come upon the land, ana in four years (1657-1660) all ho could get out of it was £134 above the public taxes imposed. And he compounded with the Company at a slight loss to himself. But those were very loan years, it is to be remembered.

(ifur^o Canning leased the Ironmongers' lauds in 1617, and some years later we Lrct a glimpse of a landlord's difficulties, i|iiiti- apart from the conditions laid upon him I iy the State, in a letter written from Agivey by him making a peculiar request of the Company. In 1631 there was a combination of the Irish native tenants to resist paying their rent, or rather the arrears that had accrued. In distraining on about thirty of thorn, one of them, " an old Irishman having overheated himself with running, within 6 days after died, having no wound nor hurt on his body, yet the coroner and the jury gave up their verdict of manslaughter against Mr. Canning and his servant then with him." Having evidently his personal enemies, who were, as he said, thirsting after his estate, " which may come into strangers' hands, to the ruin of him and his ten children," he feared an adverse

Salters' Settlement at Magherafelt.

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THREE COUNTIES.

31

verdict at the Assizes also. He there- fore begged from the Company a warrant under their common seal to be sent to the minister of Coleraine, Mr. Vincent, and Mr. Godfrey Baker, merchant, authorizing them to seize his goods and chattels, for the Company's use, if he should happen to be convicted. Canning's fears did not materialize. But the Rebellion brought dire results to the family fortunes. Their English estate seems to have been sold in 1630, and the proceeds invested in County Derry, as explained by George's son, Paul Canning, in a narrative account of his practical ruin.

The Rev. George Hill, author of " The Plantation in Ulster," who shows a cer- tain bias always against the Londoners, gives the impression that Canning* soon had the plums, such as they were, in his own hands. He certainly gives all the

appearance of a man of energy not at all backward in pushing a bargain. He had too some of the church revenues. Of the "appropriations," as they were styled, in tho Derry Diocese, he held Kilrea, " taking to himself two thirds of the tithes, leaving only one to the incum- bent." We have already seen that Agivey (as well as Kilrea) having been abbey lands wore in the possession of the Companies, and Canning as lessee of the Manor of Lizard collected the tithes and paid the minister £20.

•Georgo Canning, first agent of the Iron- mongers, who died in 1646, was grandfather of tho Georgo Canning who took a distinguished part in the actions leading to the siege of Derry. Ho in turn was great great grand- father of the statesman Canning, who was cousin to the first Baron Garvagh, grandfather of the present Lord Qarvagh.

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THREE CENTfRIKS.

CHAPTER VI.

THE INSURRECTION OF i64i.

Irish tories.— Partiality of Rev. George Hill.- Protestants weakened

by Strafford. Battle at Garvagh. Portnaw Massacre.—

Siege of Coleraine. — -Complexity of parties. — Reid on the massacres. Desolation of the Estates.

"A plague on this book; it has bred all -In- quarrel." This exclamation ac- companied the insulting treatment meted out to a copy of the Bible in County Fermanagh at the outbreak of the Re- bellion or 1641. " This quarrel " is the mod»Rt description applied to one of the gravest events in Irish history. The ex- pression of the hope that in a few weeks all the Bibles in Ireland should meet * similar fate to this one was merely an- other way of declaring war on the Pro- testants who had si- 1 tied down in Ulster anil had already brought it to a consider- able degree of prosperity considering the paucity of their numbers. It was to be a religious war. The native inhabitants adhered firmly to their old faith, and were encouraged in their opposition to the mis- sionary efforts of the Protestant Church by the incessant instigation of the Roman Catholic clergy who found the new order of tilings not at all profitable to tliuir Church. Not that the example or zeal of the Established clergy was calculated to produce many conversions. It is only too true that their conduct did not much re- commend them. And their exactions were, if anything, as galling as were those of the priests. If religion had much to do with the origin of " the quarrel " — and the religious question is not to be con- fined to one side only — there was an Miuic trouble too which provide* an interesting subject of investigation. It is admitted the country was prosperous and quiet, but the prosperity, it has bean urged, was confined to the people of British extraction — " the strangen." How so? The new colonists, who were farmers and tradesmen and merchants, had come not so much for warlike pur- poses as to be«>me partners in a settled nuiiity to whom commerce held out '•rinlit |n Many of the clansmen

had adopted tho new ways and nere pre- pan-d to live at peme uitli their neigh- bours. But a |irr,|Mirtion of tliein, . Incfly

the dispossessed gentlemen and their sons, would not adapt themselves to work to which they had been unaccustomed, auil had besides "a lot of idle followers. In spite of all efforts to prevent it, the natives were still subject to " cutting* and cosherings " with the added burden of tithes and exactions made by the State Church. And sympathy must be extended to such of them as were prevented from getting settled estates or farms. A re- port of the state of Clstor about 1630 represents the country as being sparsely inhabited, " the proportions being wide and large." " For the Irish of whom many townships might be formed do not dwell together in any orderly form, but wander with their cattle all the summer in the mountains, and all the winter in the woods. And until those Irish are settled, the English dare not live in those parts, for there is no safety either for their goods or lives, which is the main cause., though other reasons may be given why they do not plentifully go thither, and cheerfully plant themselves in the province." The gentlemen who had been accustomed to make their followers' purses " their exchequer '" did not readily adopt the new style of life. We may quote, in confirmation of the above, from an Act passed in Charles I.'s reign, a statement showing that the clansmen were in some sense between the devil and the deep sea, and were ready for any desperate venture such as the country was soon to experience.

"There are," savs the Act, "many young gentlemen of this Kingdom that have little or nothing to live on of their own, and will not apply themselves to labour, but live coshering in the country, cessing themselves and their followers, their horses and their greyhounds upon the poorer inhabitants, sometimes exact- ing money from them to spare them and their tenants, nnd go elsewhere for their suppers and breakfast, which the poor

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THREE CENTURIES.

33

people dare not deny them. . . And, whereas by that lawless kind of life of these idle young gentlemen and others, being commonly active young men and such as seek to have many followers and dependant*, many other inconveniences are likely to arise, for they are apt, on the least occasion of disturbance, to rifle and make booty of his Majesty's loyal sub- jects, n nd to be heads and leaders of out- laws and rebels, and in the meantime do and must support their excessive and es- penseful drinking and gaming by secret stealth or growing into debt." To language so graphic, which one would not expect in an Act of Parliament, Froude, the historian, adds: — "Ireland would have benefited little from such owners of. her soil had they remained in occupation. But the Act describes, in reality, only the inveterate and immemorial habits o"f so- called Irish gentlemen before forfeiture was heard or thought of." There were thus in Ulster the very elements to pro- duce the conflagration that soon came about.*

The author of that valuable work " The Plantation in Ulster," singularly enough chose to identify himself with the natives in what he has written about this period of Irish history. His partiality is seen most in his " Macdonnells of Antrim " in which he has exhausted his efforts in the attempt to discover anything to be found to the discredit of the Puritan or Parlia- mentary party and the Scotch Covenant- ers. In his view the native Irish were oppressed beyond human endurance and feared a conspiracy of English and Scotch Puritans directed to their utter destruc- tion. For his opinions he relied chiefly on Carte, the biographer of Ormonde, on violent Nationalist writers of the school of Curry, and on the Catholic Remon- strance which was not presented to the Government till many months after the

*For a very lively picture of how the young Irish gentry were the uninvited guests of a clansman called O'Mullan, at Limavady, who was prepared to let byegones be byegones and settle down under the new regime, see his examination quoted in full in Hickson's " Ire- land in the Seventeenth Century " (i. p. 18). It furnishes a good example of " coshering " as practised by these idle fellows. In his " Lays of the Western Gael " Sir Samuel Ferguson makes a pathetic lament for the de- struction of this class:—

" For the plain must be broke By the share of the stranger, And the stonemason's stroke Tells the woods of their danger, The green hills and shore Be with white keeps disfigured, And the Mote of Rathmore Be the Saxon churl's haggard."

excesses of the Irish campaign had taken place, and which seems to have been a post factum attempt to explain and justify an outbreak that had failed in so many points. The document has em- bodied in it some things that could only have been known after six months' ex- perience of the Rebellion. The historian Carte, whom Hill adopted as mentor, in his fierce Royalist zeal could not treat the Scots or the Parliamentary party with fairness. The historian Hallam has stated that Carlo dwelt at length on every cir- cumstance unfavourable to the opposite party, but despatched the Ulster massacre in such a manner as was " hardly recon- cileable with fair dealing." We shall see later how grossly unreliable Hill is in his treatment of the Portnaw massacre.

Wo have already learned something of the state of Ulster before the Wentworth regime began. Tyrannical as Strafford was there is evidence to show that trade was prospering. But one cannot read the records of the period without seeing the jealousy of the Scots that everywhere manifested itself among the English in- habitants. The Scots were planting them- selves in ever increasing numbers and getting much of the trade of the country. A Revenue officer who visited the London Companies' estates in 1637 says: — "The country is spacious, the soil for the most part good, and yielding commodities of the best value ; but alas ! I find that the English there are but weak and few in number, there being not forty houses in Londonderry of English of any note, who for the most part only live. The Scots being many in number, and twenty to one for the English, having privy trade in the town and country, thrive and grow rich, and the Irish for the most part beg, being the reward of their idleness."

When Lord Deputy Wentworth began his Irish administration in 1632 he en- tered on a career in which lie was deter- mined to make his Royal master absolute ruler. He united with his high-handed policy the ideas of Archbishop Laud on church government and rit\ial. The result of this evil combination of Church and State was a cleavage in the Protestants of Ulster, an estrangement whose weaken- ing effects are felt to the present day. By the introduction of Star Chamber despotism and High Commission Court tyranny a heavy hand was laid on the Nonconformists. The terrors of the Black Oath drove numbers of the Scotch away at a time when everything was needed to encourage and strengthen the Protestant interest. By geographical proximity and every law of nature the Scots were bound to predominate in Ulster howsoever they

COl'NTY LONDONDERRY IN THBBE CENTURIES.

roused the hostility of the English. At tlii.- date we may \\oinliT nt the folly of attempting to repress the rising influence uf the Scottish population both in trade and church matters. There was a strong feeling of discontent ninong the Puritan element, and not less in the oouiity Den\. where, us tlic hitter complaint of the " High Churchman Peter Heylin, chaplain to the first Charles, had it the S.nts. while they proved themselves vigorous planters and improvers, had the hardihood to assert and priu ti/.e their national form of worship. Not long bo- fore the Rebellion began the Noncon- formists protested to I'mliament against prelatic interference even more than civil disability.

"ho plan to seize Dublin Castle was foiicd by infornuition given by Owen O'C'onnoly, of Money more, who was ac- quainted with one of the chief conspira- tors. 1 ut in Ulster the insurrection pro- ceeded at first according to design. Sir Phel;m O'Neill by an act of treachery seized Charlemnnt Castle. Money-more, a strong position, fell before Cormack O H.e.'.an; Magherafelt and Hellaghy and other places were easily overcome. The people were taken completely by surprise and were almost defenceless. Strafford I. ad disarmed the I'liritun section of the/ population. In a lew days after the out- break on -'l:li October the open towns in County Derry were in the hands of the rel»els. A feu places like Lirnavady, Ciirricktergus, and Coleraine were pre- served. There were large plantations of Scotchmen in Tyrone, and these made with all haste to Carrickfergus. Coleraine provided a shelter for the terrified and plundered refugees from neighbouring parts. Agivey Castle, however, held out for more than a month, as we shall see, aided, no doubt, by its nearness to Cole- raine. Unfortunately the aggressors halted not at plunder and dispossession. Many murders were committed in the first few weeks.

The first encounter of any conscquenc e that occurred in County Deny »as near (iarvagh, where it was thought wise to plant a garrison to guard the approach to Coil-mine. Kdward How ley, whose rcsi- di in c was at Castlcroi'. was given the command of a few hundred men (400, • iding to one account) who on being attacked by a force of 1,000 under link O'Hayan. i>l Moneymore, drew out of the town to a hill. lly mere -trengtli nf nniiiliers they were over- powered and oliliged to retreat. Their commander and one of the Cunning family their lives. A fragment of rnjimi- .•,) in Trinity College, Dub-

lin, and written by Mr. Vesey, rector of Coleraine, gives a more circumstantial account of the fight. " A command of two or three hundred men beiijg com- mitted to the charge of Kdward Rowley. Ksq.. of Castleroe, a garrison was planted at Garvagh, a small village seven miles from Coleraine, to repress the inroads into the Barony of ttoleraine, and sup- press the rising of the Irish within it. This garrison being twice assaulted fought prosperously in the first encounter, slay- ing divers of the enemy, but in the latter very disastrously to the loss of near two hundred men's lives whereof divers were of note and remarkable in the country, and amongst them the said Edward Rowley, commander of the party. This defeat was given the 13th December, 1641." He says it was the first defeat of the Kritish by skirmishing in those parts. To Vesey "s hostile feelings towards the Scots we owe more detailed reasons for Rowley's defeat. Owing to his absence from his command on the pre- vious day when the first skirmish took place and the consequent suggestions of cowardice, the commander of the British in order to vindicate his reputation was compelled to fight " with far unequal numbers (scarce two to twenty) and was overpowered with meer multitude." Vesey concludes his account with some remarks about the ttavage cruelty of the victors towards the slaughtered leader, which we forbear to repeat without corroboration.

The country was now at the mercy of the rebels almost to Coleraine. A garri- son still manned the Castle at Agivey, which held out till the first days of January, when a relieving force from the direction of Ballymoncy removed Mr. George Canning and his goods across the river to safety. He was besieged by a force of 500 men under the command of Manus Roe Otahan. We have no means of knowing the manner in which the be- leaguered party were rescued. But from Depositions preserved in Trinity College, Dublin, we learn that it was the with- drawal of a force sufficient to effect the rescue from Archibald Stewart's regiment that brought about the Portnaw massacre. Stewart was Lord Antrim's agent and was evidently kept busy moving about the northern part of the county repress- ing the rising. As' a mutter of policy, perhaps, ho had induced his kinsmen the Macdonnells to take command of two companies of Highlandci s. With the object of securing the ford at Portnaw, near Kilrea. be had disposed his troops at points a short distance from each other. To make up the relieving party for Agivey he withdrew a number of

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THKEK CENTURIES.

•AS

musketeers from each company except the Highlanders, and marched to the Cross which was on the opposite side of the Bnnn from Agivey. In his absence Macelonnell's companies, assisted by Irish, to the number, it was said, of two thousand, fell upon their comrades of the previous day and killed about sixty of them. It was a cruel and treacherous action, carried out two hours before day- light. The employment of the British colours in the dim light completed the deception of the unsuspecting and sleep- ing companies. Stewart evidently remon- strated with one. of the Macdonnells for their part in the affair ; for in replying to his " cousin," in language befitting an arrogant victor, Sir James Macdonnell makes some attempt to exonerate his accomplices, but really admits the atrocities afterwards committed on the terrorized population, though skilfully at- tempting to lay the blame on the " com- mon people " that he could not control. Stewart, who had retired to Coleraine, would not trust himself to the heroes of Portnaw, or his wily cousin, and not- withstanding the latter's apparently bene- volent appeal that it was a suitable moment to surrender before Sir Phelim's conquering lambs arrived, Archibald Stewart kept his colours flying till relief «am«.

An attempt has been made to represent the Portna affair as a fair fight in which the Highlanders and Irish succeeded by the employment of stratagem. The Rev. George Hill may be taken as an example of this class of apologist. The ingenuity displayed in his version of the incident at least does credit to his imaginative powers. He gives no evidence to support, in fact goes quite in the face of the sworn depositions of those who had been present when the murders took place. The witnesses on examination made it clear that the Highland companies were part of the British regiment until the morning of the disaster. Hill ignores this consensus of evidence and represents the principal offender, Alaster Macdonnell, as having separated himself from his kinsman at the outbreak of the war. At least that is the view expressed by him in " The Macdonnells of Antrim " (1873) ; but when he wrote " The Stewnrts of Ballintoy " some years earlier (1^(55) the version there given corresponds to the clear evidence of the Depositions. Even in a reprint of this pamphlet so late as 1900 he allowed the story to stand, so that we are unable to state, which was his real view. Loyalty to the respective families of Macdonnell and Stewart does not excuse the contradiction.

In Hill's y.eal to assure himself of the

rlmriictfr of the Macdonnellg and iheir associates, when massacre was concerned, he instances the siege of C'lougli Castle by Alaster Macdonnell when- be swore by the cross on his sword that if surrender was made all would escape unharmed. And large numbers of people had flocked to the shelter of the castle. Hill is satisfied the promise was kept as far as possible. Some of those escaping, including women and children, were, however, killed by what the author calls •' a murderous gang " 'ed bv Toole M'Hugh O'Hara. (See " The Macdonnells of Antrim " p. 64.) A few pages further on we learn that Toole O'Hara was one of the same Alaster Macdonnell's associ- ates in the battle of the Laney near Ballymoney.

After tho battle of the Laney in which a defeat was inflicted on Stewart's men from Coleraine the whole country was at the mercy of the rebels, who proceeded to invest the town. The besiegers lay at a distance of only a mile or two away at Ballyrashano, " at Peter Lowrie's and the Sterlin's houses." They also occu- pied Castleroe. Coleraino suffered severely. A pestilential fever that broke out carried off thousands in several of the principal towns of County Antrim. Owing to its overcrowded condition and scarcity of provisions the death-roll of Coleraine was heavy. " In four months, the mortality beginning with the Spring, there died an hundred a week constantly, and sometimes an hundred and fifty by just account taken by Henry Beresford, gentleman, one of the last that closed that blnck list. So that two thousand died in a short space."

Still the place held out. The first help that reached it came from the Laggan forces when making; a march through the north-western districts which they did so much to preserve. Mervyn, one of the colonels of that army, after describing the manner of giving succour to the hard pressed town wrote: — " At Castle Roe, a mile from Coleraine, were lodged seven colours of the enemy to secure the Bann fishing to themselves. We took the colours, put many to the sword ; and the town of Coleraine hath a garrison there now, mid enjoys tho fishing to them- selves, lieins; the ur.-ntest stilmon fishing in Christendom.''

The Karl of Antrim, who was a serious loser through the disordered condition of his estiues, and whose tenants were en- gaged in the conflict in such large num- bers, also sent in provisions to the dis- tressed people. Vesey, the minister, mentions also a bountiful supply of food and clothing from " the Honourable and

36

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THREE CENTliai ^

ever Charitable City of London, which gave being and privileges of the place." Them also came, he says, a " small pinnace sent by the Earl of Argyle hav- ing four small pieces, which saved the salmon fishing." It strikes one as curious that no mention is made by Vcsey in his MS. of the powerful assist- ance lent by the Laggan army. They were chiefly Scots. He has sufficiently hard words to say of the Scotch regiment that was left in Colerainc after the Earl of Leven had passed through the town on his march to Dungannon by way of County Derry. His Excellency's regi- ment continued there from October, 1642, to tho year 1648 when it surromlored to General* Monk, then the Parliament leader.

The presence in Ulster of tho Scottish forces needs explanation. War having broken out in Lngland, a sufficient army could not be spared to put down the Irish rising. An arrangement was made between the Parliamentary party and the Scottish Estates that a force of 10,000 Scots should cross to Ulster and under- take the task of quelling the outbreak in Ireland. A part of the army arrived in May, 1642, but the bulk did not come till August. It was a regiment of this army that was placed in Coleraine as being an important position. Sir George Monro, the officer in command, had a varied career while in Ireland, and served the several parties in turn. Vesey calls him a " surly mercenary," while Adair's de- scription— " a proud, self-willed man "• indicates his general unpopularity.

The complexity of the situation in Ulster through the existence of tho various parties engaged in reducing the country to order was productive of much jealousy and disunion. Richard Sellings, Secretary of the Supreme Council of the Confederation of Kilkenny, formed to undertake the government of Ireland and root out English dominion, has given an analysis of the different parties and their relationship to each other. Ormonde's party was thoroughly royalist and epis- copal. The Scots were generally zealous for tho Covenant, in which the Parlia- mentary party al.-o joined. But they wore in favour of monarchy. There were many Knglishmen in Ulster loyal to the Parlia- ment df England, who were "docile and pliant to the principles of faith, which the Presbyterian or Independent party in the Parliament, according as they pre- vailed, infused into them." The > regarded t'Uter as part of their share in the timeliest cit Ireland, and " repined at the great estates they enjoyed in a iiiiiutry almost ContigOOU to Scotland." Knglifth. mi the other hand, mur-

mured iigaiiist tin uf King

.lames, \\lio li.nl planted (he subjects ul' :( distinct Crown, and given them siuh \a.-t possessions in a dominion inseparable from England." These differences, Bell- ings argued, fomented jealousies, but did not prevent both uniting against the Pope's supremacy. It required consider- able dexterity on the part of the com- manders to keep pace with the ups and downs of the parties. Sir George Monro got possession of Coleraine again in June, 1649. He had then turned royalist.

The arrival of Cromwell in Ireland in August effected a transformation. Sir Charles Coote, who held Derry for the Parliament, in turn ousted Monro from Coleraine, and effecting a junction with the Cromwellian officer Venables de- cisively defeated Monro and the royalists in December, 1649. From this time to the Restoration the Republican party had uninterrupted sway.

A rather bloodcurdling story of the treatment of some inhabitants of Agha- dowey is preserved in the Trinity College Depositions. A certain Nicola, wife of James Fulton, of Dunboe, was witness, and her evidence -was confirmed by Janet Minnis, who had also suffered on the occasion. Being duly sworn Nicola Fulton said that "about Lammas, 1642, when General Lesly and the Scotch army marched through Coleraine over the Bann, she, this examinant, Paul Gait, Archy Craig, James Anderson, and one Janet Minnis, went some short time after said army into Aughidowny, five miles distant from Coleraine, to see what w»s become of their houses and goods at Aughidowney, which when they fled from the Irish after the rout and killing of the British at Garvagh thev left behind them. That being at Aughidowny, looking for what they could find of their own goods to relieve them in Coleraine, where they with thousands more had fled for shelter, nlHtut a dozen of the Irish rebels came on horseback to Aughidowny, which this examinant and her friends perceiving they fled into the bogs, whereupon the said Irish horsemen alighted and pursued them, and took them all but the said .1 nines Anderson, who fled another way and escaped." The rest of the deposition describes the cruelties to which some of the persons named wfere subjected. A father and son of the name of Taafe are

ally mentioned as being resident Aghadowey when the rebellion begun, and " bore some office among the Irish." It is pleasant to find that two of the \\omen escaped, though " some of the Irish wished to hare them killed, but is of them said thev had no orders

COUNTY LONDONDEKHY IN THP.EE CENTUHIES.

37

to kill women." The cruelties were not all on one side. There were many repri- sals by the British. A recent writer, Fitzpatrirk, author of a book relating to the Insurrection, testifies to the " artful and dexterous phrasing " of the histor- ian Reid on the subject of retaliation. " Tin-so dreadful massacres," says Reid, " were no doubt retaliated, to a certain extent, by the exasperated British. Suffering under the treachery and re- venge of the Humanists, who declared they would hi- satisfied with nothing short of the utter extirpation of the heretics, it was scarcely possible for the Protest- ants to provide for their security, without inflicting summary punishment on such perfidious and implacable enemies. The violence of the Protestant soldiery was in somo degree justified, as well by the authority of the State, as by the circum- stances of the country, and a due regard to self-preservation. In many instances they doubtless exceeded their orders, and acted with unnecessary and culpable cruelty. But their severities have been grossly exaggerated by Romanist, and even by Protestant, writers, who not only shut their eyes, to the awful provocations previously received, but endeavour to fix upon the British the guilt of being the foremost in the work of blood. Thus, the murder of several Roman Catholic in- habitants of the district of Islandmagee, n-sar Cnrrk-kiergus, in the beginning of the mouth of January, has not only been eftiegiously exaggerated, and attributed to parties wholly innocent of it but it has been placed early in November, and averred to have been the first blood shed in this unhappy contest.''

Paul Canning gave the following report of the state of the Manor after the Re- bellion, in a letter of 29th November, 1654:—

" That the castle and manor house, and »11 other buildings whatsoever were upon the said manor, together with the church, the corn-mill and three bridges, were and are totally demolished and destroyed in the late rebellion.

That no tenant will plant upon any part of the said manor unless he be free of rent and taxes for one year, and from thence at a very easy rent for five <r six years; and aftsr that will not exceed four or five pounds the balliboe per annum for 21 years' lease.

That there are not twenty timber trees fit for building upon the manor, being wasted in the late .... command, and after by warrant from the Committee of Revenues in Ulster.

That the said Paul Canning sold his estate in England in the year 1630 for about £2,000. which money he laid out in plant- ing and stock upon the said proportion,

all which he lost by the said rebellion . with loss of life of many of his dear ' friends."

\Ye have already seen that Coleraino had received assistance in its distress from London. Tho Companies were ex- pected to furuish relief of all kinds, as was natural when the sufferings of the people had touched the hearts of the Dutch who were mcived to send provi- sions. Tho City sent provision, clothing, and accoutrements for several companies of foot. Pieces of artillery were required to be sent by the Companies, and on the walls of Derry are still to be seen four of these cannon bearing the names of some of tho Companies. When the Lord Mayor desired relief for Derry and other places, tho Company of Ironmongers, while com- plying with tho request, showed at the same time a considerable amount of prudence, reminding him of their expendi- ture on their estate with little return, and the prospect of tho plantation being ruined by the rebels. But to show their sympathy with their " brethren's misery in Ireland " they were pleased out of their " poor stock to relieve them with 20 quarters of wheat or the value thereof in money, so as it be no precedent, nor prejudice in the future, and that it may be speedily and safety conveyed unto them." Their more than ordinary pre- caution did not avail much at present. They wero soon ohlig.-d to raise £3.400 towards a levy made by Parliament for defence of the realm. And the Earl of Essex was supplied by them to the extent of n number of pikes, swords with belts, headpieces, muskets with bandoliers and rests.

By tho year 1G"-0 the troubles were so much abated that the Companies conferred about their lauds in Ireland, the return of which to them they had good reason to count on. Commissioners were sent over to settle affairs ; and all leases were re- newed. New coiiM-ynnces were made to the Companies in 165S, and in the same year a lease was given to Paul Canning by the Ironmongers for a term of forty- oily years at a rent of £270 a year and a fine 'of £500.

Paul Canning was evidently in London on this business when he penned the fol- lowing letter: —

Bro. Edward Canning, — I am (God willing) intended shortly :or Ireland, !>;,t if it fa'l so that the bearer hereof, Co!. Bromne'd (who is empowered by the Worshipful Company of Ironmongers to view their proportion), do cnnit- to A:-i\vv before my- self, and then I pray a:nl cl.sir.- y.u or my wife to cause some of the ;IMS know- ing men of my tenants to show :r. d inform him what he shall desire to sec and know

38

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THREE CENTURIES.

concerning the =aiiu, without any delay or pretence whatsoever. This being oil at present from,— Your very loving brother,

PAUL CANNING. London. 8th July, 1658.

The original planter, Geonge Canning, passed away in Kilii before he had seen the end of his troubles. One of his sons, William, perished in the struggle. The next representative of the family, Paul Canning, may have remained during the war, and was perfectly acquainted with the havoc made on the estate. Bv his own account he was almost ruined. Other estates had a similar doleful tale to re- late. The li-->c«- of the Salters' Estate at Maghcrafelt declared that there was not a single tenant on any of the lauds till 1656, and in the following year he was able to get a "few straggling people " to settle on his estate. On the Grocers' Estate a like condition of affairs existed. Much of the land was quite waste. All the fair promises of the Plantation were brought to nought and without advantage to anyone. In the

case of the Merchant Taylors, in order to meet the demand for money for the preservation of Ireland part of the Com- pany's plate had to be sold to raise the required proportion of the levy.

Miss Hickson's summing up in her re- ference to the failure of the conspirators to stand by each other in a certain case where they had drunk plentifully of whiskey — " extraordinary good aqua vitae "— may be quoted as appropriate. " Each one of these depositions, especi- ally that in which the passage about the friar's aqua vitae occurs, ... is a graphic, half-comic, half-tragic revelation of that restless, vain-glorious, and wildly sanguine temperament, which has shown itself from age to age in a certain class of Irishmen, who, sometimes with a just cause for discontent, often without it, have engaged in equally insane plots, wildly planned, miserably organized, fall- ing to pieces of themselves through the follies, treacheries, and intemperate nabits of the plotters."

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THREE COUNTIES.

•

CHAPTER VII.

RESTORATION AND REVOLUTION.

Prosperity under the Cromwells. — The population of Ireland. — Return

of Charles. - Charter restored to the Irish Society. — State Church

culpable. — Increase of the Scots.— Miserable state of the

Church. — The battle for freedom. — Defence of Coleraine

and the Bann. — Aghadowey defenders. — Valour

unrewarded. — Some gallant officers. — Steady

influx of Scotch planters. — Extracts

from wills.

Fierce and terrible as was the onslaught made, by Cromwell when he set out upon tho reconquest of Ireland, his eight or nine years of rule showed the suitability of his government !>y the measure of prosperity to which the island attained. Cromwell held the belief of the time that, Ireland being an inseparable part of the British dominions, any attempt to over- throw tho authority of the government of the country by an attack on tho com- mon weal deserved just retribution by forfeiture of land held by the conspira- tors. Ownership of land brought with it certain responsibilities towards the State, and the neglect of these duties or wilful defiance of tho power from which all rights in land were derived gave to the rilling authority the right to deprive the delinquent of his possession of the same. Early in the civil wars large estates were confiscated on such grounds, and the land thus acquired formed the payment for money advanced by adventurers, and also for those who served in the Parliament's armies. Had this arrangement been fully carried out and soldiers settled on the land, Ireland would have been subjected to a military occupancy. The London Companies contributed to the money levies, and so in County Derry forfeitures were few. In County Antrim a Crom- wellian officer, Captain John Galland, was allotted lands in the Barony of Kileon- way, afterwards known as the Finvoy Estate. He resided at the Vow, and his granddaughter became wife to the Pros- byterian minister of Finvoy, the Rev. Robert Haltridge.

Under the Cromwellian settlement the population again increased, and though at first exception was made against the im-

migration of Scotchmen, this rather futile policy was abandoned. Toleration of re- ligion— at least, of the Protestant, form of religion — was allowed, industry was encouraged, and what is more remark- able, the presence of Irish representatives in the Parliament at London made virtu- ally tho two countries one. Had this ad- ministration continued, a new era, it was hoped, would have ensued in Ireland. Tho " English interest " in Ireland was then mainly Puritan. And remembering that it was the age of tho immortal figures, Milton and Bunyan, it is not as- suming too much to suppose that amid all the differences of the time both in creed and politics, Puritanism was most in harmony with English thought. It is, indeed, remarkable that in Ireland, at any rate, tho restoration of monarchy and Episcopacy was effected so easily, when one considers the tolerant spirit of Henry Cromwell and the strong military backing - he could have counted on. The Scots who had the superiority in numbers among the Protestant population of the North gave their acquiescence as they hoped much from Charles Stuart, and were not favourably disposed to the In- dependents who were the ruling section.

Since the Rebellion the Protestants had increased. The sources for determin- ing the population are incomplete, but Sir William Petty's calculations are usually adopted. He thinks there were 220,000 British in the whole Kingdom be- fore the outbreak of war, and that the Scots in Ulster numbered 100,000. while there were only 20,000 English inhabi- tants. Out of a total population of 1,466.000 about a third part had been wiped out in various ways, leaving a

40

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THREE CENTURIES.

British population of 150,000. But a largo number of Scotch nrrivrd during Cromwell's regime, so that a number of i s after the Restoration it was be- lii-vrd the Roman Catholics could claim WOO.OOO, while of 300,000 Protestants there wore 100.000 Siiitch Presbyterians, tho other 200,000 IHMIIR divided' equally between Kpis< opnlians and Nonconform- ists other than Presbyterians. About the time that these calculations were made, 1672. large numbers were being driven out of Scotland by the persecuting measures of the Government. We hare little data to help in the enumeration of tho population of County Derry. By the survey of 1619 Pynnar reported there were 012 available men fit to bear arms in tbo whole county, a number which, ac- cording to a muster-roll, had increased to 1.030 nbout twelve years later. What is believed to ho a census return of about the year 1659 divides the population of the Parish of A^liadowoy between 232 English and Scots and 2J2 Irish. The comparatively large number of Presby- terian tongregations in Ulster in 1661 proves how much the Scotch population had increased during the Protectorate. Sixty-eight ministers were dispossessed and seven conformed to the re-established Church.

On 4th August, 1660, Charles was pro- claimed King in Dublin and all the prin- cipal towns. There was everywhere feverish haste among the time-servers to take advantage of the change of constitu- tion and join in the acclamations of joy that greeted the new order of things. What form the rejoicing took in County Derry ws do not know. The town of Eilrea possesses a relic of the time which by its inscription, " God Save the King," still testifies to the loyalty of some person or persons associated with the estate. Nor wa§ the county generally involved in thin troublesome problems presented by th* settlement of claims to land which occupied the attention of parties in Ire- land for some years. The restoration of the Charter to the Irish Society in 1663 gave the necessary title to the London Companies, and on 30th May, 1663, the Manor of Lizard was recreated and re- eonveved to the Company of Ironmongers. For the rest of Ireland the Act of Settle- ment removed the many difficulties arising out of the claims to land.

The agents and lessees of estates set them -.-Ives to rebuild their broken fortunes, and from their complaints or applications to the Companies we are en- abled to gather a few particulars. The new tenant of the Salters' proportion, (tabricl Whistler, could in four years

from 1657 get only £134 as net rent, el- even for years after tho Restoration the full revenue1 from his estate, it appears, only paid the head rent to the Company. From 1677 onwards he was more Miecess- ful. The whole rent of the more fortun- ately situated Gnu-ors' proportion from 1654 to 1658 was besides arrears of free- holders £451, and charges being deducted the Company received in all £97 10s Od. Colonel Tristram Beresford, the same gallant gentleman, probably, who played a notable part in taking Coleraine for General Coote, was charged with settling affairs on that estate, and at the same time put in proposals for a lease of it to himself for 61 years. He reported the tenants as being in an unsettled condi- tion and without leases, and with very indifferent housing conditions. It was perhaps to his interest to represent matters in an unfavourable light.

Ecclesiastical reports throw consider- able light on the period following the Re- storation. With monarchy the State Church was re-established. That able prelate, the friend and lieutenant of Laud, Bramhall, was recalled and made Primate. All speed was made to remould the Church on tho old lines. It would have been a seemly thing to wait till consecration before the bishops proceeded to exercise the extreme rigour of the law — a law which was theirs only by a King's letter — against the nonc-onforming minis- ters, particularly in 1'lster counties, where the preponderating sentiment was already Scottish. The Presbyterian minis- ters were ousted from their parishes where the people were for the most part of that persuasion. Carte would have us believe that in Down and Antrim the people were in a few years brought to con- formity with the established religion. The evidence of the Earl of Mount- alexander, the chief agent in having Episcopacy restored, is quite to the con- trary.

Tho harsh proceedings — to use the mild- est language — that followed the enaction of the Act of Uniformity were directed more against the Presbyterians than the Roman Catholics. And it was worse than folly to adopt such a stupid policy in a country where consolidation of the Pro- testant interests was of prime import- ance. " The miserable division," says Froude, "in the face of the common enemy, thus condemned the Church from the fi'rst to irremediable failure as a mis- sionary institution. It made no convert* from the Catholics." It prevented im- migration. On the contrary, it started the flow of emigration to the American which so impoverished our

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THREE CENTURIES.

41

country. The parish churches were not r\.'ii kept in repair, and the fact that sumo of the clergy held many benefices showed the miserable condition of the Church. The Earl of Clarendon, writing in 1686, said it was an ordinary thing for a, minister to have five or six cures of souls, and to get them supplied by those who would do it at the lowest price. The Church was part of the machinery of the State, and much of the time of the clergy was occupied in spying upon individuals and parties supposed to bo engaged in designs against the Government. Laud's policy was to make the Church ecclesiasti- cal as distinguished from the evangelical- ism promoted by such men as Ussher and Bedell. The Secretary of State, writing in 1679, shows the state of the official mind. The leaders in Waterford County, he said, " keep a due correspond with tlio.se of the North of Ireland, who are most Siots and Scotch breed and are the Northern Presbyterians and fanatics, Instly, able-bodied, hardy, and stout men, where ono may see three or four hundred at every meeting house on Sundays, and all the North of Ireland is inhabited with these, which is the popular place of all Ireland by far."

Numbers alone were hound to prevail in the end, and in spite of the repression and disabilities imposed on the people of Scottish extraction, a considerable amount of freedom was gradually being gained. In the neighbourhood of Derry the Scotch were in great -numbers, and in the struggle for their rights, as was to be expected, there were commotions, even riots, about 1670. A great part of the city was burned down two years pre- viously.

A sad picture of the state of the churches through the county is obtained from a Representation made to the Lon- don Companies by the Bishop of Derry, who was engaged in a serious effort to get funds. " The churches, especially those within the twelve London propor- tions, are generally ruinous, and not one, except that within the city, is in repair and accommodation fit for God's worship, neither arc the inhabitants, such is their extreme poverty, anyways able to rebuild or repair them. So that the holv offices of God's public worship are for the most part administered either in a dirty cabin or in a common ale-house. Not only the churches are ruinous, but also the minis- ters are generally and necessarily non-re- sident, not having any houses upon their cures nor being able through meanness of estate, and numerousness of their families to build themselves honses, nor can they find habitation to be hired upon

the place. The country is generally so impoverished through want of trade that the tenants cannot pay their rents." And yet it was but a few years earlier that the Presbyterians were building churches in greater numbers. The Bishop's complaint applied only to the parish churches. Adair, the Presbyterian historian, who was a contemporary of the Bishop, makes some appropriate remarks in showing that the " legal Churchmen " were distasteful to the people. "Men of estates found their tenants oppressed, impoverished, and rendered unable to pay their rents through the covetousness and draining of the superior clergy by their rents and tithes ; but especially by the official courts which were a heavy plague upon the people through their cruelty and unreasonable exactions for noncon- formity, arbitrarily governing all ; their lust, eovetonsness, and power being their only ride, especially where they knew any- thing was to bo had."

Tbe Bishop's energetic efforts and busi- ness-like proposals may have brought about an improvement. Wo do not know how the Companies responded. But a Primatical Visitation of ten years later found the churches of Maghera, Kilrea, Ballyscullion, and Desertmartin to be in good repair. The London Companies may have lost touch with their estates which they had let to middlemen. It is curious that the Bishop's Representation required the recommendation of the King to the Irish Society.

The Revolution of 1688 was for England a bloodless affair ; and in that country it is sometimes forgotten that the moment- ous event did not pass so lightly in Ire- land. The coming of James II. to the throne and the policy pursued by him at a somewhat rapid rate had a different effect on the people of the two island/). James was an avowed Papist, and his actions alarmed the English nation. In Ireland, where with the advice and aid of Richard Talbot, afterwards Earl of Tyrconnell, he filled positions of import- ance and the high offices with persons of his own faith, he naturally gained the sympathy and support of the mass of the people. When in their alarm and ex- asperation the English people invited William, Prince of Orange} to maintain the " Protestant religion and liberties of England," James fled to France, where he sought refuge with his friend and ally, the BoiirlHin king, Louis XIV. William not unwillingly consented to come to Eng- land, because as King of a powerful Pro- testant nation he would be the better able to grapple with the despotism of Louis. The coming struggle 'was really in the

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THREE CENTURIES.

interests of human freedom, and many of tin- brave Huguenots who had suffered the persecuting lash of the French monarch were destined to meet on Irish soil th« allies of Louis.

As matters had heen prepared in Ire- land. James had a better prospect of suc- cess there. Not that the Roman Catholic Irish wore attracted by any scheme to replace an English King on his throne. And had they known it, the Pope was not averse to the expedition of William, for the success of whose arms the Catholics of Austria offered prayers. They still clung to the hope of recovering the lands of which they believed themselves to have been wrongfully deprived. So with reck- less courage they threw in their lot with James and his commander, Tyrconnell. Thr Protestants of Ulster rushed to arms for the Prince of Orange. They were taken by surprise by the rapid progress of the enemy towards the chief strong- holds in the North.

After what is known as the " Break of Dromore," in County Down, Sir Arthur Knwdon led a force of horse and foot through County Antrim to Coloraine. Hig design was to hold the passes on the Mann, and prevent the Irish troops from musing into the County of Londonderry. Lord Blayney with troops from Armagh <nme by \rny of Charlemont. The army of (Jenernl Hamilton lingered on the way, getting good plunder in a " plentiful country " before appearing before Cole- raine. In order to retard the progress of the enemy the bridge at Portglenone bad been cut down— a very fine wooden structure. An order was given that the )>oats oti Lough Neagh and th« river should be burnt, a precaution which, strangely enough, was neglected. The garrison at Coleraine was daily being strengthened by fresh arrivals of horse and foot.

The story of the attack on Coleraine may best bo summarized from an excellent account in a scarce tract entitled, " A True niul Impartial Account." The forti- ficationt. of the town were such as we have •li «rribed before in the earlier history of the town. There was a mud wall of con- siderable, height with a deep wet ditch round three siilc* of the town. The river, on which there was a drawbridge, formed tin' protection of the fourth side. Major Gustavus Hamilton, who was in command :ii C.iliTiiine. spared no efforts to make the pla<e tenable. It was on 28th March, 1<>«0, that the enemy marched against the "ith five cannon, three of which »ITP planted against the river gate, at- t.'ii'led with a body of dragoons. The other two faced the King's Gate, and :*orted by a Ixvly of horse. The

foot were drawn up in the centre. " They began to play very warmly at the town, and the town as hotly at them ; but there being many hedges and gardens near the works, the enemy's foot got into them, which much preserved them from the shot of the town, as also did a water-mill very near the town, where about thirty or forty of the grenadiers got, and galled the townsmen on the works. This dispute lasted till near night; and when they found there was no good to be done with the town, marched off their foot in a shower of snow, so that the town could not observe their motion. When the foot were clearly drawn off, the dragoons fol- lowed, and then the horse marched ; but in such confusion and disorder they were, that had the town sallied out wi. °ome troops of horse and a brisk |>nrty <• -<ot they certainly had ruined the enemy, n ho were so terrified at a great body of hi'i'sc (being the Lord Blayney 's regiment) a).-i some foot drawn out on a hill beyond tl'.- town, that they dropped two of theii cannon on the road, with much of their baggage and luggage, anil the next morn- ing came and brought them away, having lost about sixtv m >n the day before, and several wounded, amongst whom Sir Gregory Byrne was shot in the head, but recovered of the wound." The Jacobite army had hoped to take the town by sur- prise, hut after this repulse they re- treated, spreading themselves along the Antrim side of the river Bann.

The Williamites had as their object the defence of the line of the river, and were accordingly disposed at various points on the Derry side. A body lay at Toome ; Major M'itchelburn (afterwards the well- known Governor of Derry) held the fonl at New Ferry; Colonel George '::;.;, ing was stationed at Magherafeit, Sir John Magill at Kilrea. and Colonel Edmon stone watched Portglenone. The force at Agivey was commanded by a local man, Captain Blair. The crossing of the river a little above Portglenone by a force, not without a severe encounter, rendered the plan of the defenders of the line use- less, and as a military necessity Coleraine was evacuated, and the troops, attended by the people of the country, retired in the direction of Derry, where the final glorious and successful stand was made.

Sir Arthur Rawdpn's diary is the authority for the statement that

" The Protestants at Fagivie [Agivey], under command of Captain Blair, beat back some of the Irish who had crossed the river there."

The name of Blair appears in some of

the documents connected with the famous

. and probably represents the officer

who did good service at the pass near

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THREE CENTURIES.

Agivey. A contemporary poem recording the achievements of many Ulster gentle- men has : —

" Our General did wonders everywhere, Assisted by Lieutenant-Colonel Blair."

In 1663 Aghadowoy townland had as one of its occupants Major Robert Blair, and Major William Blair held with Alexander Montgomery the townland of Bally- brittain. They were represented in later years by the famijy of Blair-Stirling. Their monumental inscriptions may be read in Aghadowey Churchyard. The Blairs being of Scottish descent, were attached to Aghadowey Presbyterian congregation, in the records of which are found the name of Colonel Thomas Blair in some negotiations about the purchase of a manse farm, and other members of the family. The minister of the congre- gation,, Thomas Boyd, was in Derry dur- ing the Siege, and his successor in Agha- dowey, James M'Gregor, had the rank of Lieutenant, and is recorded as having had a share in announcing the relief of the city by discharging a shot from the Cathedral ' tower. The lato Rev. Dr. Brown, of the same congregation, was de- scended from Cornet Brown, who fell in the fight at Pennyburn Mill.

The Cannings proved themselves de- voted to the public interest at this critical period. George Canning, who had the rank of Colonel, raised a regiment on his estate. He was son of the member of the 'family who lost his life in the battle at Garvagh in 1641.

In spite of the sacrifices made and the valour displayed by the gallant defenders, there was much reason to complain, after the siege was over, of the treatment ac- corded to the soldiers and their officers. Kirke acted in high-handed fashion, and treated the people as if they were a con- quered enemy. By his manner of break- ing up regiments and dismissing officers ho robbed many of the latter of their due reward. The Government was not more liberal in its treatment of the deserving persons. For many years a committee en- deavoured on behalf of the garrison to re- cover arrears of pay and compensation for losses and outlay. Colonel Hamill, of Lifford, wearied of the trust, and resigned it to his brother, who in a memorial stated that £5,000 was given to Colonel Walker for his services. No doubt, he was making sarcastic allusion to " Governor " Walker, who lost no time in hurrying away to London via Glasgow and Edinburgh, where, if we judge by the honours showered on him, he was regarded as the saviour of the city. Had he sur- vived the Williamite wars he would have been raised to the bishopric, and would

then have had an opportunity to press on the Government the just claims of the citizens and country parts for reparation after fire and sword had done their worst.

Derry had not the benefit of the Bishop's encouragement- and assistance during the trying moments of the troubles. Ezekiel Hopkins, who then held the See, so favoured the doctrine of the divine right of Kings that he ran counter to the determination of the citizens, and retired to England. He even warned them against the dangers of rebellion, and was rudely interrupted, it is said, by one of the Apprentice Bovs, who had shut the gates. " My lorcJT" said he, " your doctrine's very good, but we can't hear you out just now." In shutting out the King's soldiers, the citizens had, as they believed, foiled the despotism of their faithless monarch, and by their long-drawn-out hardships had preserved and handed on the sacred cause of freedom.

In the years that have intervened it has been an object of pride with many families to trace connection with the famous Siege. Some of the more pro- minent nnmes are known, but, unfortun- ately, records of tlio rank and file have not been preserved. Of those who fell under the ban of James's Parliament we havo the, names Downing (Bellagh.v), Rainey (Magheraf elt) , Blair (Aaha- dowey), Hillhouse (Ballykelly), Phillips (Limavady), Adair (Ballymena) , Rowan CC'lougb), Galland (Vow), and Church (Kilrea). Other names made known to us, chiefly by the Armagh poem, belong- ing to men who distinguished themselves, are Hyndman, Godfrey (Colernine), Fisher (afterwards of Garvjigh). Hunter and Mulhollnnd (M:\ghera), M'Cauland, Jackson "(Tobermoro). and many others. A few took protection from the Jacobite army.

Tn the operations necessitated by the movement of armies none of the counties suffered so much as County Derry. One of the owners of estates declared it would take twenty years of peace to restore the country to the condition it enioyed before the war. A difficulty was expected in the recovery of rents lost during the troubles, an<j the tenants were considered objects requiring relief. In on estate in County Antrim a riot arose among a handful of tenants in resentment against the payment of the full rent due. An abatement of a quarter only was allowed by the harsh landowner.

There was a steady stream of Scotch planters into the province in the years succeeding the settlement. It was esti- mated that 50,000 made their homes in

44

COUNTY LONDONDEBBY IN THBEE CENTURIES.

l'1-ter in a short period. The linen trade revived, am I much of it was in the hands of these n.-w settlers, as is learned from a pamphleteer of the period who wrote adversely of the " conduct of the Dis- senters.'"' He also speaks with regret of the departure of English farmers, whose improved land passed to Scotchmen, but not without payment for the improver's interest, it is certain. The question of goodwill was coming to the front at the Beginning of the eighteenth century, al- though we hare seen indications of tenant- right early in the Plantation settlement. Air. Canning, on being questioned as to the fines and heriots paid by tenants on the Ironmongers' Estate on death or alienation, stated that " on alienations only twenty shillings were paid, and on dea'ths ye best live beast." He also gave the interesting information that the town- hiiuls were known by the ancient denomin- ations, hut were refined by the English and Scotch planters. The lands too were chiefly distinguished by rivulet boundaries. At this time the Presbyterians purchased the goodwill of a farm for their minister, as the congregational records tell us. That there were difficulties about farms for the increasing population is seen by a record of three parishioners being disciplined for seeking from the landlord certain farms in Can, owned by David Beard, James Clark, and George Clark, " over their heads." A similar attempt to forestall another in the possession of land occurred in the Connor district in 1711, and the offender was refused admission to the Communion while he continued obstinate. From the wills of the period we can gather a few particulars of the property possessed by the landed gentry ana the ordinarv farmers. A Bible was a common and evidently valued testamentary gift. Articles of household furniture, " cliists," " Ijuodg," and the like, wearing apparel, even to the shirt, were all thought worthy of being handed on to members or relatives of the testator. The clothes specified bore eloquent testimony to the thrifty charac- ter of our forefathers. Any store of money was usually held by the landlords at interest, and was styled " bonds." Among the larger farmers horses, " moors," cows, sheep, and silver spoons bulk largely in the disposal of property. There seem to have been large sheep walks in some district-. Members of the land- lord class had usually a good supply of acreage to endow gradually extending family branches with. George Downing. of Ballyscullion, who desired burial in the romantic Church Island in Lough Beg. had the leases of ample domains in County Derry for fortunate heirs ; and his other possessions included a saddle, pistols, a

new wig, a new suit of clothes, his gnu and his sword. What was evidently a charitable bequest was '' three bushells of shellen " yearly to Mrs. Tom during his lease of Bollaghy mill. Mrs. Tom was probably the widow of the minister of Castlodawson, who had had the oversight of a verv large parish extending to the Bann. A I'reshyterian colony settled in this neighbourhood on the invitation, it is said, of the Dawson family, and by their aid developed the estate on which the town of Castledawson was built. Squire Downing died about 1730. An in- ventory attached to a will of the period gives the value of some farm stock : — four big cows, £6 ; three young beasts, £1 Is Od; nine sheep, £1 2s 6d; one horse, £2. A press was valued at lOd, and three chests at 10s 6d.

In the year 1705 George Canning, junior, got a new lease of the estate for a term of 21 years, at an annual rent of £250 a year, with a renewal fine of £1,900. The old stipend of £20 a year to the minister of Agivey was still part of the agreement. The improvement in the value of land, and the change in the value of money should have brought about a re- adjustment of this rent-charge for the benefit of the incumbent.

In the will of John Huey (1704), who had a house and land at Kilrea, a lease of Tyanee is mentioned as a legacy " in case the lease is not broken by the new heir coming in." Probably the new heir was young Mr. Canning. A good many years pass before we get stocks of linen yarn mentioned in the family inheritance. A new era may -be said to begin for the Ulster small farmer with the development of the linen trade.

The bitter churchman and pamphleteer before referred to vexed his partial soul over the success the Scots were having among the trading community. From being pedlars they were becoming men of estate. They had got two-thirds of the trade of Ireland. As rents^ were paid largely in kind money was scarce, but the coming of armies and the circulation caused thereby gave the shrewd Scotch- man an opportunity for enterprise in the matter of provisioning. He went as far as Franco for his purchases. Belfast was reckoned the second trailing town in Ire- land, but from it Scotch merchants had spread into all the other towns. They were accounted "generally frugal, in- dnstrious, very national, and very helpful to each other against any third." Their gentry too were credited with like habits and temper. This description, while it is derived from an evidently unsympathetic and jealous critic, may be taken as pretty accurate.

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THHEE CENTUKIES.

CHAPTER VIII.

RELIGIOUS REVIEW.

Racial and religious differences. Protestant compromise. Bishop

Ryle on Land.— Toleration not practized.— A Vicar of Bray.— The Test Act— Causes of emigration. — Penal laws.—

Hardships of the clergy. Roman Catholic

Church. Dean Inge on hierarchy.

With our well authenticated knowledge of the condition and character of the Northern farmer it may be a matter for surprise that it was within the first fifteen years of the century that the tide of emigration to the American colonies be- gan. There were occasional bad harvests both in Scotland and Ireland, which had their effect in a displacement of popula- tion. But religious influences were also at work. Penal repression was resumed at the end of William's reign, and to understand the moaning of this new " ex- pulsive force " a short review of the religious history of Ulster is necessary.

It has been almost a condition of social existence for the Ulster-man to be imbued with religious feeling and to indulge in the theological spirit, as if it were an ex- clusive possession. In this — to some people — insular or provincial character- istic he has rather prided himseVf. Indeed for Ulster it mav be said to be the reason of its being. Had not the Royal planter the promotion of the Reformed religion as a principal object in his scheme of settlement? And in all the turns and changes of events in the once remote and turbulent province religion played a lead- ing part. We are perforce obliged to take serious account of it as a guiding principle in the politics of the people. It was late in the day when religion became a con- current cause, with race or nationality, of the quarrels between Ireland and Eng- land— in the closing years of the sixteenth century, to be more exact. The isolation of Ulster from the English districts of the Pale rendered it independent. Where the Queen's writ did not run, how could the religious policy of the invader get a foot- ing? Articles of religion might be pro- mulgated, but they had no practical effect until James mounted the English throne. By the Act for the suppression of monas- teries in Henry VIII's time, those institu- tions naturally came under the law. They

remained in the remote North in the pos- session oi the orders.

The late Professor Mahaffy has main- tained that as a consequence of the reviTal of the Roman religion by the influence of Jesuits tho chances of the spread of the Reformed faith were delayed till the quarrel of race became also one of creed. Friars and Jesuits haunted the chiefs and directed their policy so well that they ranged themselves under the banner of the Pope. Tim mistakes and disasters in the attempted settlements in the other provinces but added power to these very active agents in tho North.

When James made some of his Scotch friends bishops in the Ulster dioceses, they placotl many of thoir countrymen in the parish churches. Tin- scarcity of suitable ministers for such positions gave rise to an accommodating spirit. Besides, there was not yet in Si-otlniid the distinction between Presbyterian and Episcopalian that became so intensified in the next reign. And Triuitv College was sending men of acceptable principles to the northern people. Wentworth and Laud, when they entered on their new campaign altered all this. Their thorough-going absolutism in Church and State succeeded for a time. The " stock of Puritanism " and Presbyterianism that Peter Heylin said the Scotch settlers brought with them presented a stiff problem to the reforming pair. Bramhall was brought to Derry to cope with this. The impeachment and death of Charles's favourites were fol- lowed by the establishment in undisputed power of Presbyterianism. The Laudian regime was unfortunate for the struggling Protestant Church in Ulster, and created the division in the ranks that has lasted ever since.

" I hold that he did more harm to the Reformed Church of England than any man that ever lived — more than Gardiner, Bonner, Cardinal Pole, and Bloody Mary,

46

COUNTY LONDOXDEBKY IN THREE CKNTUIUES.

all put together. I have already said that he probably mount well, and acted conscientiously. I quite believe that he thought his policy was doing God and the Church of England good service. But the consequences of his policy, both direct and indirect, were disastrous, mis- chievous, and evil in the extreme. So says Bishop Ryle.

The period of the Civil Wars saw many vicissitudes in the religious life of Ulster, Anglicans, Presbyterians, and Independ- ents in turn having the supremacy, ac- cording as Jacobites, Scots, or Croni- wellians had the chief power in the Government. Kach communion held its own form of religion to be of divine right, and all the others false and erroneous. After the overthrow of the Pre-Reforma- tion Church there was a conflict of theo- logical opinions, which had not settled down in the seventeenth century. Toler- ation, as we now understand it, was almost unknown. The Protestant Church in Ulster was Puritan in character until the advent of Laud. His representatives here endeavoured to make the Church ecclesiastical and Anglican. Ussher was Puritan and Evangelical rather. When tho Scutch army arrived in 1642 accom- panied hy chaplains, and their general was given the chief command, the pre- vailing form of religion was Presbyterian. Sessions were erected rapidly in various parts of the country, and the Church of Scotland continued to send ministers and encouraged the infant Church in many ways. Those clergymen who would not adopt the Scotch form of worship were repla<-ed by Presbyterian pastors. And as the Scots settlers were in the majority, particularly in Antrim and Down, this procedure was not likely to give offence to the parishioners who had rebuilt the churches and contributed most of the tithes for the support of the clergy. In the endeavour to evade the discipline re- quired by the Scots counterfeit Presby- teries were formed. The regular Army Presbytery had much difficulty with a mock Presbytery of Route in which Mr. Vesey. of Coleraine, figured prominently. While it simulated the Presbyterian form it had not the proper credentials, so that when the opportunity arrived its members provc.l theniM-lves proper ecclesiastical gymnasts. Vesev had an eye on a good fat living. He claimed Camus-Macosquin, and lamented his material losses, the sal- mon fishing having failed as never before. " I have fished in troubled waters," he said. " ersr sim-e I knew it all along th« whole tract of our wars and troubles- and «o am like to do still while want will permit me to remain in this troublesome place or unbrothcrly neighbourhood.''

When he was bewailing his sad state he was a supporter of Cromwell, whose reign as Protector he prayed . for. But at tne Restoration he found his proper place with Kramhall's aid, and escaped from an " un- brotherly " lot of parishioners.

When tho Parliamentarians came into power it was the turn of the Independ- ents to direct the control of religious affairs, and apparently they made an effort to secure suitable godly men as parish ministers. At first Presbyterians were excluded, but the Cromwells exer- cized a wise discretion, and allowed the utmost toleration to Protestants, at least. Episcopalian, Presbyterian, and Independent were admitted to the parish livings.

The Restoration brought again Epis- copacy as the dominant Church, and in the form that Laud desired. Bramhall was recalled to be Primate. For many years Presbyterianism was a proscribed religion. Fines and imprisonments were a usual method of dealing with nonconform- ity. Ecclesiastical courts practized the utmost rigours of the law. Severe ai the persecution was. it did not assume the horrible forms that the Scots were sub- jected to in their own country. A result of this was that many fled to Ireland as being a more desirable asylum for refuge. This accession of strength in Ulster en- abled the Presbyterians to become a for- midable body to deal with, and a greater degree of liberty was pained. By the year 1670 they wore beginning to erect meeting-houses in some parts of the country, and bolder attempts woiv made to worship after their own simple manner, though the forms of service in the two principal Churches cannot have been very different. There were periods when I In- Book of Common Prayer was not in use m tlie parish churches. So much had it fallen into disuse that after the Restora- tion clergymen were required to produce certificates that it was rend regularly in their The numerical superi.

of the I'n-sli.Merinns did not, however, ensure for them a just or sufficient politi- cal influence. And hence the- repressive enactments against which they struggled. They were making a brave fight for their rights when the Revolution came. Both parties then closed their ranks again*! the com mini foe. The1 Presbyterians were twenty to one within the walls of Derry, and the support they gave to the Revolu- tion settlement should have secured for them full political privileges. King William was up against tho jealousy of the Church party at every point. They saw their own parishioners growing fewer while the influx of Scotch men made the

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THREE CENTURIES.

47

Nonconformists so numerous that one of their bishops calculated they were as forty to one of the Episcopalians. Th» Vicar of Belfast complained of the posi- tions they were getting in the corporate towns, and accused them of exclusive dealing.

A Tost Act was introduced and passed in 1704 (after the death of William) which expelled them from all public offices and employments, unless on conditions to which they could not consent. Even in Derry, the city which they had defended by their heroism, they were excluded from offices of' honour unless they violated their conscience. The disabilities inflicted need not be specified further than to say that office in the army and navy, in the excise or customs, and in the courts of law, was denied to a Presbyterian. Episcopacy being thus the way to public life, as well as being the religion of a " gentleman," it is not surprising that there were for social reasons many defec- tions from the officially ostracized body. On the other hand, there were still more who loyally adhered to their faith and friends.

The attractions of trade and farming were not such as to counterbalance the denial of social and political freedom. News was being brought of better chances in the Western continent. Encouragement would be given for settling in regions which, while they liad to be won from primeval nature and the Red Indian, gave that measure of freedom which was re- fused at home. Then began the stream of emigration which continued at an ap- palling rate during the eighteenth century.

We have many sources of correct in- formation as to the causes of the emigra- tion. The Dissenters, as they were called by Englishmen, supplied reports to the Government in which they represented not merely the increased rents as root causes of the trouble, but the oppression of the ecclesiastical courts in the matter of tithes and marriages. There were also political disabilities. The letters of Pri- mate Boulter, who came to Ireland in 1725, are very instructive. His concern was to defend the tithes, and while practically admitting the state of affairs as represented by the reports received from the North, he endeavours to lay the blame on the landlords. It is true; there were bad seasons that contributed, through the scarcity so caused, to the de- pression that reigned among the people. Agriculture was not then conducted on any sound principles, and the linen manu- facture helped to eke out the scanty re- turns from cultivation of the soil.

Boulter, writing in 1728, says: — " The whole North is in a ferment at present, and the people are every day engaging one another to go next year to the West Indies [i.e., to North America]. The worst is that it affects only Protestants, and reigns chiefly in the North, which is the seat of our linen industry." Between 1725 and 1768 it is reckoned that the emigration increased from a rate of 3,000 to 6,000 a year, making in all about 200^000. It is to be noted that this whole- sale emigration was confined to Protest- ants. Although Roman Catholics were comprehended in the sufferings entailed by the penal enactments of Queen Anne — a code of laws modelled on those of King Louis XIV. and directed against the French Protestants — they were not in- duced to join in the exodus to the West. The Romanist was a proscribed being, and the danger at all times dreaded from the " further growth of Popery " involved both him and his Presbyterian neighbour in distress. The persistent activity of Jesuits and friars in their efforts for the overthrow of the English power in Ireland subjected them to constant surveillance, lint it is not to be supposed that a man- hunt was regularly pursued. There were occasional outbursts of violence on both sides. Except in 1641 the Romanist was never in a position to show what a terror he could become.

In courts of law, too, the judges often endeavoured to evade the penal enact- ments in favour of the prosecuted parties. In times of great excitement and re- bellion hangings were resorted to after the manner of the time. In the parish of Faughanvale the settlers decided to build a church in the village although the old building was but a half-mile distant, fear of " surprisal " being the reason as- signed. We have already seen that when George Canning distrained for arrears of rent and a charge of manslaughter was brought against him, because an old tenant died through over-exertion in running, the law was impartially exercized in favour of the complainants, and Canning was in danger of having his pro- perty confiscated. Froude says in regard to the High Church bishops of Queen Anne's time: — " To them a Catholic was but an erring brother, while a Calvinist was a detested enemy."

When Oliver Plunket, Primate, visited Derry diocese in 1671 he reported that " the Dominicans had two convents in that diocese, one in the city of Derry, of six friars ; the prior, F. Patrick O'Dyry, is an exceedingly good man, and a great preacher. The other convent is in Cole- raine, and consists of ten friars ; the prior, Dominick Loreman, is famous for

COfXTY I.OXDON DERBY IN THREE CENTURIES.

preaching. The Franciscans have in this diocese a icsidciicc of tour friars." In four years from llWi!) to I(i7.'i I ho primate confirmed ls.ii.Vi. and the sacrament was ofton celebrated in the mountains and woods. At the time when these religious orders were openly nt work in Coloraine ami Derry, the Presbyterians of the latter place were licit allowed to have their plaee of worship within the walls.

It in n» pleasure to recall these rugged times, except for tho purpose of finding a just estimate of the relationships of the several denominations. The conclusion arrived nt is that it was intolerable that a hod.v of imported clerics should hy their preponderating influence in the" Irish House ( f Ixirds In able to thwart not only the legitimate aspirations of the people hut even the well-intentioned designs of a King and his statesmen to work for their amelioration. These grievances have now passed away, hut their effects am still felt.

In n little hook, " Brief Memoirs of the Mishops ol Derrv," the state of (R.C.) religion in Derrv nt the beginning of tho eighteenth century is set forth. It eon- tains many particulars of ecclesiastical appointments, and in moderate language ••tales some of the hardships endured by the clergy. Many of them arose from the economic condition of the country, and affected all the denominations equally, except that the tithes were in the hands of the " heretics."

When it is said that " no prelate has his own house, and bishops are obliged to go from house to house of the gentry, and the gentry are getting tired of' such visits," no hotter can he said of the Pres- hyterian pastors, who were " quartered " in the houses of their parishioners. Thn priests had no fixed residence either, and often would not taste flesh meat for four or five months, a deprivation which was common among the peasantry for a century and more afterwards. Earlier in the century the Primate's food when on visitations was " oaten hread, hutter, and stirahout." This was the humhle fare of the common people. The stipend each priest had from a family was two shillings, with one shilling for a hnptism nn'l four shillings for a marriage. Out of his humhle allowance he contributed e support of his hishop. We have sivn that tho stipend allowed to the Pro- mt rector of Agivey was hut £20, which represented his share of the tithes.

In 17O| an Act for the registration of parish priests was paused, which required among other things that they ihowd re- port tl isclv.-s to the civil' authorities

-lonally. From this re<-ord some par-

ticulars are gathered ahout County Derry parishes. Cornelius M'Kaughlin was pas- tor of Errigal, Aghndowey, Macosquin, Killowen, Colernine, and Dunboe. He re- sided at Tubarren, in Krrigal, and his securities were Richard Lynam, of Cole- raine, gentleman, and Thomas Little, of the same place, yeoman. Henry Crilly, junior, pastor of the Grange of Agivey, resided at Tamlaght O'Crilly, and was secured by Manus O'Breilaghan, of Maghera. gentleman, and William Cook, of Coleraine, mason. Henry Crilly was pastor of Tamlaght O'Crilly, Kilrea, and Desertoghill, and resided at Tamlnght. His sureties were Thomas O'.Mullan, of Kaughanvnle. gentleman, and Archibald Boyle, of Banagher, gentleman.

A Government return supplied ahout 1094 reported that tho same Henry O'Crilly lived in the townland of Drum- lane, and had so resided for ahout thirty years. He also served Kilrea parish, and in " the last troubles was very forwnrd for the burning of the town." In the combined parishes of Desertoghill and Krrigal there were then none of the clergy resident. '' Dominick M'Gowan, alias Smith, a Dominican friar, officiates in this parish and holds land here, hut the place of his abode is Mr. Stafford's house in Portglenone Cornelius M'Lnughlin, a secular priest, comes often here to officiate." We see that the friar was under the protection of the landlord of Portglenone, a member of an English family that had settled there in the time of Elizabeth.

In one of the above named parishes there are three houses close together where the people of the district go to worship quietly without let or hindrance. We have seen that it was not always so. The words of a modern Knglish Dean, Dr. Inge are worthy of consideration, and will fittingly close this religious re- view : — " Intolerance has never taken such odious shapes ns when Christian priests have had the direction of public policy. It is an evil legacy from Judaism, augmented by the Roman feeling about treason. which was transferred from the Emperor to the Church. The spirit of exelusiveness, the belief that our own religious body alone is blessed hy God, gives a logical justification for persecu- tion and bigotry. It perverts our sense of God's justice, and makes us bitter and unreasoning partisans. Against this gigantic evil '-an only be set the great in effective force which results trom the cohesion, discipline, and con- fidence of n hierarchically ordered hody. But since this force has been most often used on the wrong side, we cannot desire its further extension."

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THRKE CENTURIES.

49

CHAPTER IX.

EMIGRATION.

Trade and farming conditions.— Dobbs on the causes of Emigration.—

Pioneer Ulster Scots of America. Character of the

emigrants. Bann Valley exodus. Persons of

property and long settled in Ireland.— Wills and other records.

Had it been possible to bring about an industrial revival with a prospect of its continuance without the deliberate and destructive interference of the State such as had occurred in the case of the Irish woollen manufacture, the depopulation and consequent impoverishment of the Northern counties might have been lessened. Agriculture was the principal occupation of the tenant farmer. The domestic manufacture of linen that in later years proved such a pleasant feature of rural life by adding to the means and expanding the comfort of the tiller of the soil had not yet reached that stage of development sufficient to counteract the distress occasioned by bad seasons and the failure of crops. Proper methods of husbandry were not understood, and the necessary capital which an improved linen trade could provide to help cultiva- tion was not forthcoming.

The liberal policy of William towards the trade was giving fresh life to com- merce. By his en<-ouragement Louis Crommelin and a band of skilled workers settled in Ulster, and by the introduction of improved methods started the staple industry on a happier career. But the improvement was slow. Mr. Dobhs, a land agent, aud a neighbour of Louis Croninielin, made some interesting and instructive remarks on farming and the linen trade in 1728. He was an advocate of tenant-right to give the farmer a settled interest in his land and iinproTo- ments. Want of good tenures in addition to high rents increased the emigration ; and in his view a permanent property in another land formed a powerful attraction to the dispirited Ulster farmer, whether rich or poor. When the richer sort had the examples of their poor neighbours being dispossessed at the expiration of their leases, anticipating a similar fate they sold out and carried their effects with them.

Wo have already had abundant evidence of the motives that induced the hardy northern farmers and weavers to lend a ready ear to the stories of attractive openings for colonists in America. Some had but recently transplanted themselves from Scotland, only to move again to a newer sphere.

Sea captains, some of them associated with the counties of Derry and Antrim, industriously spread the desirable infor- mation of larger opportunities in the New World. One Captain Holmes, son of a Presbyterian minister, influenced a number of Ulster ministers to organize an expedition, and with a view to secur- ing better prospects of settlement an agent was sent in advance with a petition to Governor Shute, signed by a number of individuals representing families resi- dent in the valley of the Lower Bann, including the towns Ballymoney, Kilrea, Coleraine. and other places. Aghadowey was also largely represented among the signatures. As a result of this movement the minister of Aghadowey, the Rev. James M'Gregor, and a large part of his congregation .sailed for America in 1718. and thus began the steady stream of emigration from Ulster, which ex- tended pretty well through the whole century. M'Gregor was well qualified for liis task of lender, having had a mili- tary training. He was a Lieutenant in Defry during the Siege, and is credited with having Keen entrusted with the duty of announcing the relief, of the city by firing signal* from the big gun placed on the tower of the Cathedral.*

After experiencing many hardships on reaching the American shore, M'Gregor

*The father of the Rev. James M'Gregor, Captain M'Gregor. had settled in Majrillijian, and his daughter, Elspeth, married Lachlan M'Curdy, of the same place, and so was ancestor of Mrs. Allan (nee Fisher), former- ly of Garvagh, now of Dunboe House.

50

COUNTY I.OSDONDERBY IN THREE CENTUKIKS.

and a part of the emigrants took charge of a district on the frontier and formed the township of Londonderry, New Hamp- shire, which preserved not only the name, hut the character of the old country which they left practically as exiles. The names of the first settlers of the New London- derry wore: — M'Keen, Barnett, Olen- denin, Mitchell, Sterrett, Anderso^, Alexander, Gregg, Clark, Nesmith, Weir, Morrison, Allison. Steele, and Stewart. One can picture to himself the interesting sight of the landing of the emigrant ships at Boston. And so rapidly difl the trade increase that it was thought all Ireland would soon he in America. Cotton Mather, the New Kngland divine, may be relied on as a good authortv on the character of the emigrants of the Bann Valley, when lie voluntarily testified that " the |>eople »ho are upon this transporta- tion are of such principles, and so laudable for their soSriety, their honesty, their industry, thut we cannot hut embrace you with a most fervent charity, and cherish hopes of nolile settlements to he quickly made."

A writer with a sympathetic heart ami ready imagination has described this ex- P"dition from the Bann Valley in rather glowing language: —

" On a certain September morning in the year 171H, a cavalcade in which were women and children whose dress and bearing bespoke the farming class might have (teen seen leaving Aghadowey by the Derry road. In the, cavalcade 'were a number of the old-fashioned wheel-cars, with their low, solid wheels, and broad bottoms, upon which were piled provi- sions, wearing apparel, and household effects. Accompanying the procession, and acting as guidV, philosopher, and friend was a clergyman in the prime of life, and dressed in the simple garb of the 1'resbyterian ministers of that period. The clergyman was accompanied by his MIII, a boy of eight summers, whose n'ine is mm IK -corded an honoured place in the national biography of the Great Republic of the West. As the cavalcade wends its «i'v along the road, the people are ever ami anon lasting regretful looks at the waving fields of golden corn, the green valleys, and the wooded hills, now assum- ing an autumnal Brown, of their native parish.

Tlie cavalcade is a band of emigrants, of about one hundred families, on their way to Derry. there to embark for the •ern World. The clergyman is the Rev. James M'Gregor, second minister of the Presbyterian Congregation of Aghadowey. to which all the families be- longed, and who accompanied them to America. The reasons which induced

these people to leave their native land and undertake a voyage across the Atlantic, which in those days was tedious and full of hardships, and to face the un- certain prospects of new settlers, were partly religious and partly agrarian. Being Presbyterians, they were subjected to the unjust and insulting provisions of the Test Act, under which it was penal for a person of their persuasion to teach a school, or to hold the humblest office in the State. Then again, at the time of the Revolution, when a considerable part of the country lay waste, and when the whole framework of society was shattered, land had been let on lease at very low rents to 1'resbyterian tenants. About 1717-18 these leases began to fall in, and the rents were usually doubled and frequently tripled. Hence, farmers became discouraged, and a number of them belonging to Aghadowey formed the design of emigrating to America, where they would be able to reap the fruits of their own industry.

There were men with hoary hair

Amid that pilgrim band ; Why had they come to wither there,

Away from their childhood's land? There was woman's fearless eye,

Lit by her deep love's truth; There was manhood's brow serenely high.

And the fiery heart of youth."

Recently Lord Rosebery described these Ulster Scots as " the toughest, the most dominant, the most irresistible race that exists in the universe at this moment." And the late President Roosevelt similar- ly pays a tribute to the same stock — " That these Irish Presbyterians were a bold nnd hardy race is proved by their at once pushing past the settled regions and plunging into the wilderness as the leaders of the white advance."

Before this concerted scheme of M'Gregor and his friends in 1718 there was little association between Ulster and New Kngland. Then- was a trade in tobacco and cotton in return for cargoes of farm tools and dress materials with the southern ports. Now there sprung up a brisk passenger traffic between the i»<> < outlines.

The Rev. William Boyd. the first agent or delegate from Ulster, who carried the |H-tition to Governor Shute, was minister ol Mm-osquin, and was' treated while in America with all the respect due to the representative of an important body of people desirous of transferring themselves to the new colonies. He met with much kindness from the famous Cotton Mather, who helped him along his way by testi- monials and letters. " Since his Being in New Kngland (as well as before that),"

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THBBE CENTURIES.

said this divine, " by the exemplary holiness of his conversation, and the eminency of his ministerial gifts, he has obtained a good report among all men."

Mr. Boyd's petition had attached to it two hundred and seventeen names, all in the petitioners' own hand except seven. Seven ministers were among those who signed — Higginbotham, of Coleraine ; Cobham, of Clough; Neilson, of Kil- raughts; Leech, of Ballymena ; Porter, of Bushmills; Neill, of Ballyrashane ; and a few from other parts of Ulster. But none of them emigrated. The minister of Dunboe, James Woodside, did, the same year, make the great venture, the tale of whoso hardships but enhances our ad- miration for the enterprise and bravery of these early colonists. He embarked with forty families, consisting of above one hundred and sixty persons, from Derry Lough, according to his own story. Boyd returned to his work at Macosquin. The majority of the names supporting his petition are still to be found in the coun- ties of Antrim and Derry. The place of residence, however, is not given. From other sources a few of the emigrants of this period can be identified. Hugh Montgomery was from Aghadowey, James M'Keen was a native of Ballymoney dis- trict. Matthew Watson from Coleraine, James Smith from Uallykelly, Robert Waite from Aghadowey, Jane MacMullin from Castledawson, William White from Dunboe, Margaret Stuart from Boveedy, James Gregg (a bleacher) from Macos- quin, Thomas and John Holmes from Coleraiue, make up but a scanty list of these pioneer settlers that can with cer- tainty be identified with our neighbour- hood. Very many others are classified as from "North Ireland." John Motley, ancestor of the historian of the Nether- lands, was an emigrant from Belfast.

There seems some confusion in this record left by two persons from the Bann district :—" Jane MacFadden, of George- town, about 82 years of age, testifieth and saith that she. with her late husband, Andrew MacFadden, lived in the town of Garvo in the County of Derry on the Bann w'ater in Ireland belonging to one Esqr. Fullinton being a pleasant place and called Summersett and about forty six- years ago my husband and I removed from Ireland to Boston."

For these interesting details we are in- debted to a valuable work, " Scotch Irish Pioneers in Ulster and America," by Charles Knowtes Hoi ton, a descendant of one of tbo emigrant families. His re- search throws considerable light on the relationship of Ulster and America when the great emigration began. Extracts

from letters are printed in the volume which indicate the ferment caused by the Arrival of so many " confounded Irish."

" Irish families enough ; above 200 souls are come in already, and many now hourly expected; so that I wish you were here; they are none to be sold, have all paid their passages sterl. in Ireland."

"I am of opinion all the North of Ireland will bo over here in a little time, here being another vessel yt is a third, with Irish families come in, and 5 more, as they say, expected, and if their report be true, as I this day heard, if the en- couragement given to these be liked at Ireland, 20 ministers with their congrega- tions in general will come over in Spring ; I wish their coming so over do not prove fatal in the end."

" Pray tell him he is much out of the way to think that these Irish are ser- vants ; they are generally men of estates, and are come over hither for no other reason but upon encouragement sent from hence upon notice given them they should have so many acres of land given them gratis to settle our frontiers as a barrier against the Indians."*

Surveyor-General Lcchmere's " es- tates " were with us called farms. Ser- vants were wanted in plenty, and a Boston newspaper advertizes the arrival of the Pink "Dolphin" from Dublin, with " servants, boys, tradesmen, hus- bandmen, and maids, to be disposed of.'' Another letter referring to an Irish sea captain's movements says — " The method they go in with the Irish is they sell them so many acres of land for 12d the acre and allow them time to pay it in."

An account of life in the new colony is given in a Quaker's letter to his sister in Ireland, in which, after telling how well pleased he is with the change, he says >— " My father bought a tract 'of land con- sisting of five hundred acres for which he gave 3oO pounds. It is excellent good land, but none cleared except about 20 acres, with a small log house and orchard planted." In advising a friend to follow his example, he counsels him to " pay what money he can conveniently spare at that side and engage himself to pay the rest at this side, and when he comes here

* In the " Belfast News-Letter " (Novem- ber 1, 1763) John Rea. of Rea's Hall, Georgia, S.C., advertized for eight young men, trades- men or labourers, and two young women " who make good butter and cheese." Matthew Rea. Drumbo. would pay the passage, and indent for four years' service: they would be paid £5 yearly, bed and board. Also to receive their own bounty — £4 and 100 acres of land each. Said John Rea was bred at Maghrenock, Ballinahinoh, and was thirty-three years in South Carolina.

n

COl'NTY LONDONDEBBY IN THBEE CENTfBIES.

if he can get no friend to laj down the money for him. when it comes to the worst, he may hire out 2 or 3 children. . . . . I would hare him procure 3 or 4 lusty servants and agree to pay their passage. At this side he might sell 2 and pay the other's passage with the money.

I'lii- parties who went out under the leadership of M'Gregor and his friends were organized companies bent on the formation of settlements which could be run on proper business lines without the impediments that hampered them in their Irish home. Their foresight in sending agents in advance had not brought the success tlwy desired. They arrived at Boston in trie summer of 1718. M'Keen, a leader among them, was informed by the Governor of fcood land at ('asm Bay, in Maine, where Portland now is. A portion of the company retired to the country, and some remained in Boston. The Caseo Bay company had to winter partly on board their ship enduring cold and want of food. They returned to Haverhill, Massachusetts, 'in the spring, from which they moved to an unoccupied tract called Xutficld, where they erected their temporary residences. Mr. M'Gregor joined them, and became their first pastor. Ho died there in 1729, and was succeeded by his friend, the Rev. Matthew Clerk, 'of Kilrea. The little i-olony being on the frontier, was exposed to attacks from the Indians, but was singularly fortunate. Five months after their first settlement they numbered seventy families. They discovered that there wax another claim to the section, and so were obliged to purchase the tract on which they afterwards erected a town- ship, which was incorporated in \~f2 with the name Londonderry. When one finds in the same State towns called Coleraine, Antrim, and Belfast he is disposed to re- gard the founders of such townships as having been no mere birds of passage, but pcr-ons with a firm footing in I'lster de- sirous iif retaining memories of the old country in their now abode. They carried with them, too, the occupations and habits of this country. Kvcry house had its IIHIIII and spinning-whoo!. The equipment of their farmsteads and houses was. such as was familiar in the North of Ireland for ninny years after.

The government of their touiishiiis -•-.-ins to |iH\e heen modelled on the

• ourts of the Chunh. The body of re-

•ivos i\ero tin- " Seles tiaeii," and tbejr chairman vias styled "Moderator.1' Among the public record* of Ireland a diligent M».ir< li would disclose much in- formation alMiut lannlios who ttoro locat-

• <l in I'lster for vears before the oarlv

emigration period. It is, however, BO tedious and laborious to extract the de- tails that very fow attempt to add to our knowledge of the subject. We have had the pleasure of handling a fow of these documents, sometimes tattered, almost always faded, but perhaps the only exist- ing records of persons who have long since passed from the stage of lite.

A few of these belonging specially to the Aghadowey district may interest some Dreaders. A very tattered paper contains the will of John Cnrgill, dated 1682, leav- ing a son, John, to administer his father's effects. Mr. John Leslie (of Ballymoney, probably) and Mr. James Austin, of Coleraiue, were among the creditors.

There is another will made in 1686 by David Giveen, of Crossmackeever, in the parish of Aghadowey, which shows the testator to have been possessed of a con- siderable amount of money, and to have left many relatives of the same name. In the same year a sailor of Coleraine, James Holmes, had a license granted for marriage with Margaret Kerr. of Derry.

There are wills of Andrew Mowatt, of Maghera (1686), and of James Shields, of Churchtown, Aghadowey (1686). The goods of John Cargill, of '' Bally-naze. " Aghadowey, were administered by his son, John, in 1685, and the same duty was performed in the same year for Robert Bamford, of Bovagh, Aghadowey. by his widow, Margaret. A similar document attests a similar service rendered to Matthew Haslett, Drum-gaily, Dunboe. in 1684. There' are like records of John Holmes, of Killyvalley, Garvagh (1686), John Blair, of Maghora ; .Mini James Young, of Dosortoghill (KiMi; and James Dorrance, of Ballnry. parish of Desertoghill, got a license to marry Margaret M'Kmley, of the city of Derry (1685). Some of these very early family records exist only through having been entered in the Register Book of the Diocese of Derry, written in Latin in u clerkly hand difficult to read. It may bo of interest to the curious to luive a copy in the original form and spelling of tin- last will and testament <>'' Ninian Clark, a ruling elder of Aghadow . v Presbyterian Church. His death in 171 ! is recorded in the old Session Book of the congregation. It is a simple document in wonderful spelling and grammar, and evidently the composition of Nininn himself. We hn\e the mention of Mr. Paul Kullerton. who is, no doubt, the squire ol that IIIIIIK t'orrod to by Jane M'r'addon who iVti the Bann water for Boston in I7M. The will is endorsed " Ninian Clarke his will dated March ye fl 1714."

" To God I Commit my Soul and to

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THIIEE CESTCU1KM.

my onlv Saviour. 'Hi is is my will this day yt I leave my holding to my wife and my son .John C'lurk and tor all other (ioods and Chattels that is about the lions to be equally divided in four parts to the first of the Childor that is Maricd and the rest to Remain with their mother and I Leave Mr. I'aidl tfnllortoun to he overseer of this and William Walles. This being niy Last Will, and Test us wittness in present I do hereunto set my hand.

N'inan Clarke.

As Wittness Robertt Campbell (his mark), John Martteen (his mark), Cathren Clark (her mark).

In another handwriting is the following further witness to the trust imposed on Paul Fullerton.

Witness pson that heard Niuian Clark Hpock to Paul Fullerton that he owen the above wireten to he his last will and de- sire I the sd Fullerton to keep it.

Duncan M'Nichell (his mark).

The records of the' '' New London- derry " congregation in America, be- ginning 1740, have recently been printed by the Presbyterian .Historical Society of America. They have preserved copies of testimonials or disjunction certificates given to emigrants from Ireland. In

1711 Hannah Hind'mtn presented her •' certificate from Ireland," no place men- tioned. Nathaniel Thumps from

Faughanyale congregation, had three testimonials, one from the congregation, another from John Stirling, a Justice of the I'enre. and a third signed by Conally M'Catisland, all dated 1787.

Aih.-i -tisements appeared in the "Bel- fast News-Letter " in great plenty about the middle of the century, of which the following is a sample: — "The 'Nancy' brigantinc, of C'olerain. 100 tons, James Irvine, commander, will sail from Skerries Road, off Portrush. to Philadelphia, by 1st June next."

List of arrears of excise and licences for 1689. 1690, 1691, and 1692:— Kilrea— Meave O'Cahan, Widow Jamison, .Tames Hrice, Widow Kdwards, James Curry, John Howey Port<jlenone — Margaret

Hamilton, Jenet Hill, Pat M'Clurges, Jenet Kenedy. Rasharkan- -John Miller. llasharkan or Vow — Kli/.abeth Fullerton. Uovagh — John Jackson. Aghadowey — Robert Glass. Clarvaghy— Widow Smith, John Minns, Andrew Johnston. Kilreah Walk — Wine Licenses for 1692 — John Howey, Widow Edwards, John M'Duffee, John Minns, John Miller, Pat M'Clurgos, Kdward Galland, Win. Maxwell, Win. Jonston,

54

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THREE CENTURIES.

CHAPTER X.

SOCIAL LIFE.

Tories and outlaws.— Abduction of girls. — Witches and charms.-

Domestic architecture.— Wesley in Co. Derry.— Clergyman's

daily life.— Funerals.— Curious marriage ceremony.—

Theological discussions.— Peden the Prophet.—

An old communion. — Reading clubs

and literature.

There are no statistics by which one can get a proper conception of the state of society in the early half of the eighteenth century, at least for County Derry. One has, therefore, to fall back on rather out-of-the-way gleanings from which to get a picture of the people and their way of living. Their safety from tones and outlaws was not yet assured. In 1729 the Mansion House of Vow, the residence of the Oallands, was burned by some banditti of this class. The house was then occupied by Mr. William Moore's servants, and of the guilty per- sons there was named Richard Gallund. A good many years earlier (1(383) the bridge nt Portglenone hail a very strong double gate, the pur|M»se of which wns to keep back the County Derry tories.

Another form of crime which was too common both in England and Ireland, and II&B been expatiated on by F roude. wns the abduction of young girls of good standing who were forcibly married to men in need of fortunes. There are well authenticated instances of such exploits, nn<l tlie immunity which the perpetrators • ,i the outrages often enj'oyeo has called forth < riticL-m of the state of public "pinion wbii h tolerated the practice. An example of tin* kind was tlie subject of legal inquiry in 173-"), when Roger (I'Cahan. of Kilnii. did with others " burglariously WIIUT and carry olf at night Sarah Thompson, of Driiim roon. in order to marry her." It indieiii. rather feeble administration of the law that the result of the investigation was merely to proclaim these gentry " robbers and !..|.|..u. .- out in anus, nml on their keeping, and not amenable to law."

As «as ti, !M< e\pecu-<l. stub an intoler- nMe olli-n. e uoiild inline under the e ot the Kirk Session. An in- of abduction ill Aghadowey is re-

corded in the Session Book, but the prin- cipal offender not being an inhabitant of the parish, the ruling elders were foiled of their prey. The record runs: — "It having been evident to this session that John lloyd did join in company with David Lawson to bring away Mr. William Hustown's daughter unknown* to her parents upon the Sabbath day in order to be married to the said Lawson, etc." It was an added offence in the eyes of the session and " all good people " that the abduction took place on the Sabbath.*

Occasionally in church records the sanctity attaching to marriage vows is touched on. WTien the marriage of a couple was proclaimed it was not unusual for a second claimant to the young lady's hand to lay a complaint with the Session that he was already engaged to her by a solemn promise mutually made. Tlie vow of marriage may have been made by both parties on a Bible.

Witchcraft was, of course, an indict- able offence, and gave rise to an unusual amount of ferment in a neighbourhood. Properly regarded, it was an anti-Christ- ian religion common to all countries, and the severest measures were adopted to stop it, not at all creditable to the parties concerned. We find .such superstitions appearing in the form of charm.- and spells being used for finding articles that had been stolen. One offender pleads guilty to the charm of " turning a key " on such an occasion, and smother of "dreaming and fasting" fi r the same purpose.

Very little money was in circulation. Rents' and stipend wen' sometimes paid in kind, as no money was to be had

* Mr. William Houston was minister of Ballyagheran [Ballywillan] 17CO-1721. His tombstone is in Agherton graveyard.

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THBKE CENTURIES.

55

among the people. Occasionally in the church collections there were coins " laid bj as uncurrent."

A clerk and precentor of the church at Aghadowey had to leave the neighbour- hood through fear of being sent to prison by his creditors. His wife, however, ap- plied to the Session for a testimonial of his good conduct during the time of his residence in the parish. The very lean years 1728 and 1729 were responsible for a complaint of the presence of many " poor strangers," who were a burden on the charity of the churches.

The houses of the people were of a very humble order. Domestic archi- tecture had not yet reached any degree of excellence. Even the church buildings were of the plainest description and covered with thatch or shingles. Even in England church architecture was in the early part of the century at a low ebb. tt had become almost a lost art. It lias been remarked that we owe something to this apathy. They at least kept the buildings from falling. Had nny restora- tion been attempted, " if they had done more, they would probably have done worse." .

In the case of Aghadowey an excuse was offered for not having erected a dwelling-house and offices for the minister, that no encouragement was given by the landlord for building on the farm they had purchased. The fixity of tenure that the Plantation Commission- ers dreamed of had not become a reality at the time. Even the houses of the gentry were the long low thatched structures that many remember and that we find still in existence as outhouses. A traveller through County Dorry in 1752 speaks of some gentlemen's " seats with good plantations " near Limavady. Cole- '•aine had a handsome town house built by the Irish Society. Dr. Thomas Molyneux, who passed along in 1708. speaks of a " pretty improvement of one, Mr. Jackson's, joining the town " Jackson Hall, or the Manor House. And Agivey house may have retained some- thing of its ancient glory when James Cuningham, merchant, of London, re- tired to his country house by the pleasant Bann. or when Patrick Mackey adver- tised in 1760 that he had got by mistake from Garvagh fair a web of linen cloth, which he was desirous of returning to the proper owner.

• When tho Canning lease of the Iron- mongers' Estate expired it was then let to four gentlemen — Patrick Mackey. a merchant, of London ; Henry Lecky, James Cunningham, a city merchant; and Samuel Craighead, another merchant of London. Their lease was executed in

April, 1725, at the previous rent, but with tho very much increased fine of £12,800. When the Companies were short of funds they preferred an immediate supply by means of a large renewal fine. Legal proceedings in Chancery about the Estate supply us with a list of tenants of 1733.*

When John Wesley visited Derry and Tyrone in 1771 he observed a considerable improvement in the appearance of the country since his previous visit a few years earlier. For above thirty miles it was cultivated like England and " sprinkled up and down with little new- built houses." But he has hard things to say of the travelling, which was all done on horseback, except such times as he itinerated on foot.

They were faithful and patient nags that stood the long and constant journeys of such as were obliged to travel through tho country parts when means of com- munication were so poor. The diary of the Rev. John Kennedy, minister of Ben- burb (1714-1761), is a bare but faithful record of almost daily jaunts on horse- back, frequently along the northern end of Lough Xeagh.* It is curious to read of the multifarious duties of a country minister then. Lending a hand at all the operations of a farm, baptizing,' marrying, visiting peasant and squire. Master John Kennedy spent a good deal of time at the building of his meeting-house. Between " xcrawing " and " latting '' he would be culled to a member's house,, where though the chimney had fallen the children had been mercifully preserved. His relatives lived in the Stewartstown district, and his visits to them were frequent. We do not gather a favourable picture of that part of the country from the Terrier of tbf> Manor of Sal (otherwise the Salters' Fst'ito) nliout the middle of the century. Tlip town of Magherafelt was composed of thatched houses, and cabins, and shingled houses (none were yet slated) of two stories or a story and n half for the more comfortable townsfolk. The churches and market-house comprised the public build- ings. AVhilo some townlands nro de- scribed as being '' arable and pasture, small part shrub of wood and moss," and having n good farm house, malt-house, and orchard, the rest were poor cabins. Tho next townland has four small farm Vouscs, with most of the land in arable

* At th:s time, too (1729). Jhe Company purchased the Canning interest in the tithes of Agivey and the ferry for £1,155. Thi next lessee of the estate was Josi.ts Duprp, Esq., for 61 years, commencing 1767.

* The late Rev. Gilbert A. Kennedy, c.f Carland, Aghadowey, and Canibusnetnaii, was lineally descended from this minMer.

56

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THREE CENTI'KIES.

state. But " mostly shrub of Hood, moss, l>on, and rucks " is descriptive of an ad- joining one having nothing but " poor <. -i hi us and Irish creats."

Master John Kennedy gives us a glimpse of the funerals of In- day. In the case of titled persons, like tin- Mont- goraerys, of the Ards, there was an ela- borate ceremonial arranged to conduct the deceased to his last resting-place. When it i.-iim- to the death of the wife of the local s<|uirc « ho had been at her town house in Dulilin there was also an ordered ceremony. The minister went to Armagh to me«t the hearse, returned Ky Dungaunon, where the night was spent. Continuing the journey to Cookstown,

A few days later this old-time clergy- man may have to record the fact that n* got no gloves at a wedding, and when he married Abraham Plunket'g daughter to one Davispn he performed the ceremony mi the hillside in a company of nearer se\ ent y persons. Kennedy belonged to a family several members of which had t» endure the fires of persecution in Scotland and Ireland too. Marriage was a pro- scribed rite to ministers of his Church at this time. Was this curious ceremony carried out on the hillside to evade the officers of the law ?

He was attending a meeting of his Synod at Dungannon when the news came of the death of the King. Ye Synod loy-

An Ulster Kitchen.

they were nict l>\ a great «>ni|iuny. They

got " mourii'nus," whirh iacuded

(.boulder sun I. There w.-re MX of tin* Presbyterian minister-, anil MX of the " Church clergy." and MX bearers. The

proces- Kent strainlit tu JVrryloran

churchy ard. When tin- minister's own •lied be made the simple rucord : — " We ncnt ill. »ii and . arried her up on horses and tno'ponln [pole-] very well." This form ol hincral bier lias been

in our own day. They had " hear- er* " also, the Miss's Hlai kcr, Lindsay, and Kcnniily, and throe of the name Ktewart. And the whole affair in •!•••., rih- «d »• " very decent."

ally and dutifully attended at the Castla and the market-place, wbere they "gath- ered in a ring at Mr. Gordon1! and drank loyal healths." If Mr. Cordon's was the Inn there would he good business that day.

There was another way of celebrating such an event. The 'day that the first Ceorge was made King was observed as a day of tbanlueiving at Aglmdowey meet- ing-house, and the amount of money col- Icetivl for " public uses " testifies to the laruc congregation that assembled on thai occasion. The thanksgiving sermon preai-bed by the Rev. John Abernethy in n-lebration of th« same happy event was

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THKKE CENTURIES.

57

printed in one of those quarto tracts that issued from the recently established Bel- fast Press and circulated among the country congregations. Sermons and re- ligious literature formed the bulk of the reading of the country folk. They were immensely interested in doctrinal "discus- sions ; and the ferment that arose about ' the question of subscribing to human creeds and standards like the Westminster Confession of Faith gave ample exercise to the unsophisticated minds of the people on the banks of the Rann. They had at Kilrea a rough but doughty champion of the older and orthodox school. The Rev. Matthew Clerk slashed furiously at his opponents. At Coleraine, on the other hand, the Rev. Robert Higginbotham showed his sympathy with the now lights, in company with the minister of Aghadowey. the ' Rev. John Elder, while across the river at Bally- money, the Rev. Robert M'Bride, grand- father of the Admiral of that name, re- flected on Elder in a manner not conducive to the most friendly relationship between the brethren. The publications sent forth and studiously circulated in that disturb- ing period formed the staple of the think- ing among the people of the congrega- tions. Division in the internal structure of the Presbyterian body then began. When the Seceders and the Methodists appeared later there was ample material for theological discussion, Higginbotham, this time in defence of the old position, met his opponents at Ballyrashane, and expounded his views from a platform erected in the open in the presence of a large audience. The travelling pedlar had also a supply of chap-book literature, of kinds suited to both grave and gay. The contents of his pack contained " T'he Life of Peden the Prophet " and " The Fortun- ate and Unfortunate Lovers," or perhaps still more vulgar prints.

As an illustration of the popularity of Peden's prophecies, the curious fact 'was disclosed in a newspaper correspondence that in the vestry-book of Ballyrashane there is an historical record of the succes- sive pastors of the Church, to one of whom is attributed a speech the sole authority for which was the statement that it was handed down traditionally in a local family. As a matter of fact, the saying can be found in any copy of " The Life of Mr. Alexander Peden,"' and had become the common property of the countryside.

To gather a correct idea of what occu- pied the thoughts of the more intellectual man in the country parish, we can fortun- ately consult a common-place book that was preserved in Aghadowey for over two centuries. It is brown with' age and peat

smoke, and the penmanship, in part — for it is in two hands — is anything but invit- ing. The first owner, " Samuel Hyndman Lei v ing at the Miltoune neir Aughgivie and Countie of Londonderrie (writtin februarie the twentie fifth day 1695/6," copied sermons and addresses that no doubt he regarded as classics, utterances of Josias Welch or Ren wick, difficult to get in his day, and still more unobtain- able now. It pleased him to have a full copy of a letter addressed by a troubled saint at Limerick to a friend' in America. There were snatches of poetry usually in solemn strain like a metrical letter from an English martyr to his wife, and notes on Irish Church history that appealed to him as supporting his own views of Church government as, for example, on the authority of Vsher, that Patrick put a bishop in every church in Ireland. At first sight one wonders why the diarist made a careful note of communion celebra- tions with the name of the preacher and his text in various parts of the country. To the inquirer the explanation is simple when lie remembers that it was the custom then to resort in great numbers to neigh- bouring (or even distant) <-ongregation* where the sacred feast was being cele- brated, the degenerate type of which fs fnmiliar to readers of Burns's " Holy Fair."

John Given, of Ballymena, in his •' Voices from the Rostrum." gives his impressions of a communion service held in the open, which he attended as a hoy about the year 1825. There were the members of the congregation and a multi- tude of strangers, mothers and daughters, the latter having each a red rose or piece of southern wood, or thyme laid in be- tween the leaves of the Bible ; grey haired fathers and stalwart young men, some seated on chairs or forms, while the greater part occupied the green sward, in a vacant part of which were placed the tables. At one end was the " tent " or temporary pulpit, with the principal table immediately in front. The address de- livered before the first table was surround- ed with communicants — called the " action sermon," or " fencing the tables." was usually taken from the Song of Solomon ; nnd the forty-sixth Psalm was sunsj to the time " Martyrs," which was traditionally believed to be the military march of the Scottish Covenanters. This picturesque scene was worked into sympathetic verse by Given.

On the strength of the entry " John Miller His book." we may mate a con- jecture that the second owner was V-". David Miller, a prominent member of f'e old Aghadowey congregation. It was 1'e who made the careful register of the

COrSTY LONDONDERRY IN THREF CENTURIES.

names of the ministers of the Route Pres- bytery who died between 1671 and 1712. The question of tin1 Person of Christ occu- pied his attention, ns lie quoted from I'nMius l,eiitulns and Josephus. There are isolated hits of historical and geographical information, the products of tin- different oountrie*, a portion of a P->«lm. an epigram, and sententious utter- ances, like- " The heart is the closet the month is the hall, the common sense the custom-house." A fragment of an ancient almanac showing tahles of distances and fairs i- sewn into the old (xmlc.

Their reading was not exclusively re- ligious ; they had Tery human feelings. Music i niiks and psalters neatly and patiently worked out by the hand like the old samplers of our grandmothers attest the tastes of the more refined families.' Thn writer has a hook of this class which h" values as being the work of a Maghera- felt man, curiously illuminated and in purts wonderfully decorated with quaint figures. It is chiefly devoted to giving the riidim 'tits of mrsic with numerous tunes in the old notation, two of them called hy local mimes. A portion of the hook is occupied with poetical pieces chiefly of a pastoral H nd sportive order, some of them with Lntin renderings also. A version of Chevy Chase, a poem hv Allan Ramsay, pieces Irke •' The Well-featured Lass " and '• The Tippling Philosophers " help to make up this curious " Vocal Music Book collected hy John Fullton. March 20th Anno Domini 1721 22."

The^Bibles seem to have come chiefly from Scotland, at anv rate, in the seven- teenth century. There was a plentiful supply of (looks in company with linen cloth from that country. One such cargo had a do/en Bibles. 2 'dozen Testaments, •• (In/en l'-:ilni hooks. 2 gross of pamph- !••'-. " bullets." and other hooks bon- 1 and unbound. Kven where we do t.:\d Dublin-printed BiMes they sometimes have the S'-otch version of 'the Psalm-.. while sometimes the Edinburgh Psalter is hound along with a Bihle printed in Lon- don. The writer has a Bihle (Cambridge, 164*) with which is hound a copy of the Psalter printed in 1650 at Edinburgh, the year when the new translation based on Rous's version was ordered to be sung all through Scotland. This copy was used in Cmrri< kfergus.

The improvement generally in the trade and <«mfort of tlie people in the closing years of the century brought more money and desire for reading hooks. From then wo tra-e the formation of Reading Clubs and other societies tending to the spread • if education and n greater range of litera- ture. In the school* the children were Mill taught mainly from the Catechisms

and the Bihle. In the classical schools the pupils wore well instructed in Greek and Latin by clergymen who had spare time and the need to add to their modest incomes.

A Reading Society in the parish of Desertoghill still circulated in 1830 such works as Doddridge's " Exposition of the New Testament," Newton's "Sermons," Klavel on the Mind and Soul, Wilhson on Sacramental Meditation, Hervey's " Meditations " and Josephus. There were departures into secular literature in some parts. The minute book of a Read- ing Club in the writer's possession, which began its existence in 1803, has a record of purchases of books, with prices at- tached. Shakespeare is noted side by side with " The History of the Devil," and "La Belle Assemble,.. " Sir Walter Scott's works were in much favour. " Guy Mnnnering " is re<n>rded ns being pur- chased in three volume form for £1. A book on farriery \v;is coupled with John- son's " Lives of the Poets " ; but who would have looked for Ravnal, Rabelais, or Machiavelli in this rural library? The circulation of these, with works on the French and American Revolutions, are in keeping with the knowledge that constitu- tional questions were much in the minds and debates of the people. The stringency of the rules drawn up for the guidance of these clubs may be capable of more than oqe construction. At any rate, they show a ready conception of tfce value attachiag t» order and good government in theoe rural communities.

When the Frenchman, De Latocnajv, made a tour through Ireland in 1797, he happened to find himself on the banks of the Bann in the companv of a young man who discoursed freely, nut, according to his companion, nonsensically — he was a Royalist — on tho grievances of the people of Ireland. He thought it was the same foolish talk as the people of France had been fed on before the Revolution. The Frenchman's view of the peasant, when he 'li-Toursed about equality, fraternity, and oppression, was rather one of contempt, thinking him happy if he was only assured of personal liberty and peace to enjoy the fruit of his labour. What did they matter to him — plurality of voting, elections, impediments of commerce, taxes on wine and other goods? The incident serves to show us the stirring of thought in the young men of the period.

Respect for dramatic art had not reached C'olernine and neighbourhood in the beginning of last century. Playacting was neglected in the social circles of Cole- raine. When a deputation of the Irish ty was on a visit to their estates in 1^2"i a theatrical company was performing

COI:KTV LONDONUEMBY IN THREE CKNTUKIE8.

59

in the Town Hall. Out of pure charity the members spent a short time in a theatre quite empty except for a shirtless toy and a legless soldier. The towns- folk found more iittrnction probably in the meetings of tho Synod of Ulster which wen- being held at the same time.

. Some commotion was caused in Agha- dowey about the same time by the per- formance of Goldsmith's celebrated comedy by a number of young gentlemen, the pupils of a certain Mr. William Gillin, M.A., who, it seems, was a licentiate of the Presbyterian Church. Apparently hie object in presenting the piece was, in ad- dition to helping a charity, to introduce what to his mind was part of a liberal education. But the innovation was too advanced for that age in Aghadowey, and the innovator came off second best in the encounter. The prologue prepared for the occasion has at any rate survived. Nor does Magherafelt seem to have had more tender feelings for the gentleman of the buskin and the mask, as we gather from " The Player's Farewell Address to the Quality of Magherafelt,'' in which with all the literary skill at his command he shot his parting bolt:—

" Curs'd was thw day when our Shakesper- ian race

Implored support in such a worthless place,

Where taste's extinct, where men are un- refined.

Foes to liberality and unkind. » » » »

'Tw as well we did not ask -it from that

clown, The stutt'ring Sovereign of the little

town ; Who like some tyrant, famed in ancient

day,

A sceptre grasps, which he's unfit to sway, A man devoid of taste and judgment

sound, The pest and terror of the country round."

Who this obscure player was, or what class of drama ho presented, we have no means of knowing, an his valedictory or rather maledictory poetical effort was as- signed to a different class of " rejected addresses " from that of the brothers Smith. His allusion to the mask of re- ligion gives an indication that his produc- tions did not satisfy the taste of the people he sought to entertain, strangers that they were to the mysteries of the playhouse.

60

COfNTV I.ONDONDE.iH,- IS THREE CENTUKIES.

CHAPTER XL

ROADS AND TRADE.

Configuration and trade.— The main highways.— Arthur Young on

the roads. Coleraine as a port. — Industries of the county.—

Romance of linen. — Reasons for success in Ulster.—

Portrush roadstead.— Revolution in thought and

machinery. — Primitive bleaching processes. —

Derry bleachers. — Old-time buyers.

Tin1 configuration of the County Lon- donderry has had nut a little to do with the industry which by slow degrees brought it from poverty to a condition of comparative wealth and comfort. Before the middle of the eighteenth century the hpinning und weaving operations which, combined with the culture of the flax on • the little farm, turned the homestead into u kind of self-contained manufactory were on a very moderate scale, and gave but little opportunity for an accumula- tion of capital. The alternation of work at the wheel and loom with terms of out- door labour on the land almost robbed the tenant of the right to be called a farmer.

I'lu' spread of the bleaching trade in the province effected a transformation. Districts blessed with natural features suited to providing artificial power in plenty stepped forward in advance of less favoured parts ; and if the means of <x>m- iiniiih iitiun by roads were good for the better conveyance of the goods when finished then an additional factor in de- velopment was present. In the former ie-|i.-i i ,.in county had an advantage, lleing intersected by a range of hills which provided an abundance of streams bleachers- were attracted by the supply of water power. In the matter of roads tln> i utility mis. it any thing, less favoured tlnin its neighbours. The question of roads wag discussed by the London Com- panies at the time of the Plantation, and it »n- stated that highways were to be made through the country as well a* along the Ilium The proposals received the unsatisfactory replv that they would be iiniile by tile inlialntaiits as the iiniiitry wan being planted and settled.

Tin- prim ipal roads between the old lush town* were repaired. Chichcster iiml his CVjiunn-sHiiiers used one of these

when going to Derry iu 1608, when the wild Glenmen wondered to see such a cavalcade. It will be remembered that the inspection of the fort at Desertmartin intended for the help of travellers that way delayed the strange company in its passage by the Pass of Glenshane. Of crossways there were few or none but mere tracks, which were gradually evolved through the bridle paths to lanes for the slide and wheel cars. Sir Thomas. Phillips dragged his timber from the woods over almost impassable country. While some of the undertakers went direct by boat to Derry, the deputation of Londoners landed at Carrickfergus and made their way to Coleraine through Antrim. In Dobhs's description of County Antrim in 1683 the state of the roads "is given. There was a direct route by way of Antrim, Bnllymena, Bally- money, and Coleraine. The continuation of this by Limavady was the popular way to Derry. There was a timber bridge at Coleraine, for use more than ornament. Another road led by way of Randalstown and Portglenonc into County Derry, and was " ill enough for travellers in winter."

Whatever value may be set on the Giant's Causeway as an asset to the North of Ireland we are indebted to it for first attracting tourists of a scientific bent to our undiscovered country. Dobbs did not include it in his Description, but the contributions of King, Bishop of Derry, to the " Philosophical Trans- actions" of the Royal Society marked it out as a phenomenon worthy < I the in- vestigation of subsequent tra .'Hers. No tourist of the eighteenth century pa that wav without visiting the Causeway. Bishop Nicholson also interested himseli j.ly in his diocese; and it is regrettable that 'his plan of parish histories to be

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THREE CEMCJliESJ.

61

provided hy hi* clergy had not more suc- i.'ss thai! the N'atural History of Magilligan liy Robert Innes. The crrentric Earl of Bristol was more lavish in his benefactions to his diocese. He would " fain wake the county of Derry look like a gentleman," he said, and spent his fortune and emoluments like a gentleman.

Dr. Thomas Molyneux left an interest- ing account of his trip to the Northj enticed by Bishop King's scientific dis- coveries. A couple of extracts from it suffice to show the reputation the roads had in the respective counties.

" From hence [Shane's Castle] arrived in 4 or 5 hours through a miserable, wild, barbarous, boggy countrey to as bad a lodging in a poor village called Maghereoghill. Having passed the night hut ill, wo were soon on our journey, and arrived early through a wild, open countrey at Ballymoney — a pretty, clean. English-like town belonging to the Earl of Antrim, who has here in possession a prodigious scope of land, I believe of some 30 or 40 miles in length."

" From this [OolerameJ to near New- town, which is half-way to Derrv, is all a most excellent, new, artificially made Cawsey in dismal, wild, boggy mountains. It runs for some miles in an exact straight line, and it makes a pretty figure to see a work so perfectly owing to Arf and industry in so wild a place. 'Twill cost £600.'"'

Rarely do we find evidence of a traveller in County Derry save by the Coleraine-Derry journey. John White- hurst, who wrote on the formation of the earth in 1786, made some geological in- vestigations in the vicinity of Maghera and Garvagh, as he passed that way to Coleraine. Molyneux's trip, however, was seventy-eight years earlier.

There is no early account of the main routes through Connty Derry. We have to fall back on the maps which seem to follow the same plan very much. The earliest we have showing roads are dated about 1720. A main artery ran at that time from Stewartstown bv Moneymore, Maghera, and Garvagh to Coleraine ; and it would he older than the one which traversed the district nearer the Bnnn by Magherafelt, Bellaghy, and Kilrea. An- other transverse route from Derry touched at Dungiven, Maghera, Bellaghy, and across the Bann at New Ferry to Ahoghill. The destruction of the bridges across the Bann in 1689 robbed Port- glenone of its importance as a passage to County Derry. This was the old road through the Pass of Glenshane. This rather inhospitable region was improved bv a newer line about 1800. Another

important communication between Kilrea and Limavady through Garvagh was then in existence. The road through Ringsend past Aghadowey Church to the Ferry at Agivey does not appear so early. 'One must observe in this connection that if the London Companies had. when they undertook the Plantation, used their un- rivalled organization and planned in co- operation a scheme of roadways through the <-ounty it would have been a piece of engineering which would be a monument to themselves and a Messing to their territory. What a pity that the collec- tion of rents outweighed everything from the start!

In the last thirty years of the century when such a vade mecum as the Post- chaise Companion was found to be a necessity for every traveller improve- ments were going on in nil directions, hills being cut, roadways diverted round the base of the hills instead of over the summit, and new lines altogether were constructed. Sampson, author of the " Survey of Londonderry " (1802) thought a main highway between Derry and the mid-district of the Bann passing through the Vale of Glenullin and so between Dungiven and Limavady would have been of advantage.

Arthur Young has some interesting re- flections to make on the roads of Ireland (1776-1779).. " For a country so very far behind us," lie says, " as Ireland to have got so much the start of us in the article of roads is a spectacle that cannot fail to strike the English traveller exceedingly." When he visited Ireland the making of roads by presentment to the Grand Jury was in operation. The Act which ended the old system of so many days of forced labour had been passed only seventeen years before. The effect of it was felt everywhere. The leading gentlemen had usually the asking of presentments and attended to their private interests first, a practice which Young did not condemn, because the pursuit of their own interest ensured the public benefit in the end. When individuals worked for the public alone, they were very badly served. His comparison of these roads blanching off from private residences and some day meeting and so providing excellent ways of communication, to rays going off from a centre, left the surrounding space without connection for a time. It looks like special pleading for a system at one <• haphazard, and surely the acme of waste- fulness. This does not take into account the temptation to the local magnate to divert roads or make new cuttings with a sole regard to the development or com- pactness of his own demesne, of which examples could be given. To follow this

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THREE CENTIIUKS.

lin.' of thought would take us into the clearances, perhaps confiscations, of farms by landowners in order to enlarge demesnes. Kvt>n here a critic could be found to suggest that there was a com- pensatory advantage in having these, as it were, educational oases planted in the midst of a backward countryside.

A reason for the good state of the Irish roads was the lightness of the vehicles they carried, usually the cars and later carts led by a single horse. In England the waggons required two or more animals to draw them. There was, how- ever, the corresponding disadvantage of the cars being capable of holding a very small load " such as an Englishman would be ashamed to take in a wheel- barrow." This made carriage very costly. The cars were but flat platforms laid on the axletree with wheels made of a single piece of wood, sometimes without side- boards. It was an easy step in the evolu- tion to the jaunting car from these primi- tive vehicles. The small farmers hung on side stops when they took their women folk to church. They were verv light, not weighing much moro than 2j cwt., and did not impose much burden on the sorry garrons of n brown or sorrel colour that were used in the hilly districts. They are still used in the glens of County Antrim. Sometimes the loads were back- borne, particularly packs of linen yarn and cloth.

The plan adopted in making roads was this. A foundation of earth was thrown up on which a layer of broken stone was spread. On this they scattered a coating of earth tn bind tin- stones, and on top of that there was a layer of gravel, if obtainable. Otherwise soft broken basalt was used. The gravel-covered roads in some of the Donegal districts form de- lightful carpet-like avenues. When the " manufacturers " or bleachers settled down in certain districts — men with some

• apital and influence — they formed a very eligible class for making presentments, and these districts with highways to market towns benefited accordingly, as for example in the neighbourhood of Cnleraine Pack horses were much used for the conveyance of commodities^ but as the end of the eighteenth century was approached larger carts were being in- troduced.

As an outlet for the products of the country along the Bann. Coleraine wag severely handicapped. So much was it once regarded as a likely centre that it gave the num.' to the pre-Plantation

• ••unity, but it* inferiority to Derry in respect of its port facilities gave it a •rcpndarv portion. The difficulty of en- tering th<> river at the Darmonth made

I'ortrttsh UN real port ; and for a time it was thought that inland communication with that harbour by a canal should be tried. Navigation along the Bann was also hindered by the natural obstructions at several points along its course. Derry was distant, and the natural barrier of the mountain range had the usual effect on the geographical distribution of such commerce as existed, diverting it rather to Belfast. The means of communication particularly by water being indifferent, it would be instructive to learn how Cole- raine surmounted its difficulties. What early exporting trade it had was chiefly in cattle, beef7 butter, and hides, which gave importance to tradesmen like coopers, butchers, salters, and tanners. Scotland, it is said, supplied coal, salt, ropes, griddles, sugar, and tea, old apparel, and drapery. An interesting account of its trade is found in the report of the Surveyor General of Customs in 1637. " The harbour of the town," he says, " is a bad harbour, and so danger- ous to go in or out, that sometimes shipping lieth four or five months before they can get to sea which is all the ad- vantage the city of Londonderry have of them, by means whereof they are forced to carry all their goods along the coast thither in boats to oe shipped there. Yet there are some nine or ten ships belong- ing unto the town, whereof the biggest exceeds not 30 toiii. There are snips now a-building on the stocks and some newly launched at my being there; hut they were of better burthen, and some of them were 100 tons. They are made bv an excellent carpenter, as they say, there ; and divers of his making are ap- proved good sailors as can almost )><• found in any country.

The Custom house there is far from the quay, in the midst of the town, in large- ness not much exceeding a cobbler's shop. They have freely bestowed a large plot of ground for a wharf, where there is room enough to build Custom hou-c. store houses, or any other that shall be needful, besides the crane, which they did very freely and readily grant."

The Collector of the port had remarked on the effect of the new policy of Strafford, the Lord Deputy whose inter- ference with the linen trade was notori- ous. " The merchants that buy the yarn now are in worse case by their own report than before. . . . For that by this new making up of yarn th- --<• that wind it tie the labels so hard r..n the yarn differs in colour where tlu>-< knots and labels are from the other part of the skein, and would make the cloth piod and of several colours ; but that the weavers are forced to break it off at

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THKEE CENTURIES.

63

• •very bout and tie knots, which is very troublesome to them, and prejudicial unto the cloth." Here we have an ex- ample of the restrictions enforced so rigorously by Strafford, who is credited with having done so much to improve the jinen trade. A merchant of Chester is in the same report said to have paid 23s 4<1 impost for every pack of yarn at Chester besides what he paid at Cole- raine. In that year the total of the customs outwards was . £150 ; inwards, £132.

The same official incidentally mentions the fact that the Deputy Surveyor at Derry then \vns 'William 'Whitaker. son of the famous divine of that name, and bears testimony to his ability and honesty.

Shucking accounts are given of the tyrannical methods employed by Strafford in what ho professed to bo his self- sacrificing efforts to promote the linen industry in Ireland. Certain privileges, however, were allowed to weavers and premiums awarded to flax cultivators.

Belfast's imports about 1646 included such articles as haberdashery, buttons, drills, lints, gloves, sickles, and rice. Few statistics are available for the com- merce of the Coleraine area until 1800, and the circumstance of much of the carriage of commodities being by land hinders any accurate estimate of imports and exports The exports were still

beef, butter, hides, and linen. The foreign trade was chiefly with the Baltic ports and North America. Vessels not exceeding 200 tons burthen drawing 8} feet of water could then pass the danger- ous obstruction at the mouth of the river. To cope with this drawback to the trade of the town a company of local Merchants built the present harbour at Portrush about 1830 This alternative scheme not having the desired effect, Acts of Parliament wore obtained author- izing Commissioners to raise funds for removing the bar, erecting piers and other works, which were brought to com- pletion in the eighties of last century. Vessels of 500 tons can now enter the river, and dues which in 1860 were not over £20 have increased a hundredfold.

Tho county had formerly its own flour, paper, and flax mills, potteries, sugar houses, breweries, and distilleries. Jn the year 1832 there was a large export trade in wheat, oats, barley, and butter. Timber, hemp, seeds, and tallow formed much of the returns of imports to Cole- raine about the middle of the century. To-day linen weaving, shirt and collar making, ironfounding. and distilling are among its chief industries, while its ancient salmon fisheries have attained a

just celebrity. But the romance of the industry of the surrounding district is really the story of the development of the linen trade.

One of the important factors in the de- velopment and prosperity of the linen trade in Ulster was the introduction of skilled - operatives from France and the Low Countries. William III. promised liberal support to any efforts to improve the industry and supplemented it by making Louis Crommehn, a native of Picardy, overseer of the linen manu- facture of Ireland. Crommelin's family had been engaged in the trade for some generations, and having been persons of rank and Huguenots, their representative was able to transfer to Lisburn skilled workers to teach better methods, as well as capital to purchase improved machinery and tools. His knowledge of foreign markets was also an important consideration. The benefit of such an intelligent and enterprising refugee from French intolerance soon had a salutary effect on the industry, which spread to neighbouring towns like Lurgan. Before this time the texture of the linen pro- duced was coarse, but improved machinery slowly altered all that. A Linen Board was established in 1711, which by a system of bounties and prizes probably helped in the progress of the trade, though it is not established that free expansion without State interference would not have been better suited to the character of the Ulster manufacturer. It provides an interesting subject for inquiry why the industry made such an advance in Ulster as compared with the rest of Ireland. For the Linen Board extended its operations over all the country, and certain parts enjoyed the patronage of benevolent landlords and others who did all they could to promote the linen manufacture in their own dis- tricts. But they did not succeed. The industrious character of the Ulster colon- ists was a factor. The Scotch had, too, an advantage in marketing. Jealous churchmen complained that they had almost a monopoly of trade and dealt ex- clusively with one another. The system of tenant-right belonging peculiarly to Ulster has also been suggested as foster- ing a type of independent small-holder, who conducted the manufacture in several of its stages on his own farm, and so contributed to its steidy growth. The domestic system brought employment to both sexes. In periods of depression ho could turn to his farm for support till a better day returned.

They had, too, their markets and fairs already established, and while we have not exact information on this point wo

M

COl-XTY LONDONDKRRY IN THBEE CENTTRIKS.

know tlint Minkcy. an Agivey morchant, took by mistake a linen web from Garvagh fair as early as 1760, and we have already seen that buyers of linen attended at CoJeraine in 1637. When Archdeacon Pococke passed through Coleraine in 1752 In- observed a groat market was held every Saturday for linen and yarn, which «;iv tin- " rim-! support of the place." Hi-, jottings of visits were very interest- ing, nnd though they included tea- drinking, lie had not a taste for statistics of trade. Perhaps the inhospitable character of the port of Portrush ac- counted for the unfavourable impression left on his mind after a visit to the now popular watering-place. " Portrush," he says, " is a little creek encompassed with .sandy banks which gain on the land as the sands do in Cornwall. Though it is well sheltered, yet there runs such a sea that it is not safe for the boats in winter; at some distance from this creek is an island called Skerries, and in .the map I'ortriish Island, which makes the sea to the South a pretty good road to ride in ('tiring the bummer season, but it is only a shelter to the North, the lands on the Kast side being sonic little covering to the Knst and West. This little, town is of so little consequence that there is not a public house in it for the accommoda- tion of travellers ; they have but one merchant in the town, who deals chiefly in shipping off corn r,nd kelp." About the same time (17*0-60) emigrant ships lay in the shelter of the Skerries, as ap- pears by advertisements in the " Belfast News- Letter."

So well did these farmer-weavers suc- ceed that some rose so much al>ove their fellows as to become what was called " manufacturers " or '' drapers." men who at first bought up yarn in quantities and later extended the operation so far as to employ a number of weavers to whom they supplied the yarn to be woven into cloth, which they disposed of in the markets. These were men with some capital, and all honour is due to them for their enterprise and persistence in over- timing the many difficulties that impeded tin- trade. Improved methods were •TOlriflg very slowlv and gradually. Finer work was needed, and, perhaps most of all, capital. There were no banks. The focal land-owners and bleachers came to the aid of the smaller men. Farmers deposited their small •avings with the upper middle class, who*- interest was generally in land. But there were those who had invest- ments in both land and linen. We have •n example in the London merchants who leased the Ironmongers' Estate in 1725, ..f whom, and probably two, engaged

in the trade, and may have been pro- moters of it in our district. Bleaching was a very slow process, especially when it took place only in the summer months. Merchants had to wait a considerable time for their money though the worker had to be paid on the spot. They had, therefore, to become their own backers. When banks were established in the early years of last century a great fillip was given to trade bv the facilities for credit they supplied. Markets, too. were dis- tant. For a long time Dublin was the centre to which the linen made in Derry was sent for export to London and abroad ; and the time required for the passage to London was very great. In 1756 the ship " Kdward " was six weeks on the voyage from the Lagan to Ix>ndou, and great were the risks from privateers. The establishment of the White. Linen Hall in Belfast in 1785 marked a new era for the North of Ireland. It was the beginning of the movement of the centre of the trade from Dublin. The merchants there were experienced in making-up and other technical requirements for market- ing.

The end of that centurv saw some re- markable movements and developments which affected the prosperity of the trade. The political changes brought about by the Volunteer movement re- sulted in the removal of restrictions on the commerce of Ireland. It was a picturesque episode in our history, and must be remembered with interest because of the revolution in thought it helped to create in the community. So popular did the movement become that everyone went a-volunteering till the treasonable tendencies it developed put a check on the more sober-minded section of the public. It was accompanied, too, by such brilliant exploits as the daring adventure in Bjpl- fast Lough when Paul Jones engaged in combat the " Drake." the sloop of war which lay at Belfast to protect shipping. The conspiracies and revolts which landed a seething and discontented populace in the Rebellion of 1798 had naturally a dis- turbing influence on the trade we are considering. About 1780 there were large numbers of unemployed. There wen- Hearts of Oak, and Hearts of Steel, and Defenders and Peep p' Day Boys, nnd Ireland seemed as if ^it had recovered its • nire glorious tribal feuds. A riotous and reckless mood took hold of even its saner people.

A meeting was held in Colt-mine in 1792, James Hazlett, Ksq., in the chair, when subscriptions were collected to the amount of £600 to send to the French National Assembly as a patriotic donation. A ln< al linen magnate. John Wilson, Ksq..

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THREE CENTURIES.

65

of Drumcroon, subscribed a hundred guineas. Belfast turned out in its thousands to celebrate the taking of the Bastille, and jorums of the liquor that "sets the Irishman a-madding flowed in great profusion. But a still more dis- turbing factor arose in England. Ark- wright and Hargreaves by their cotton spinning machinery produced such a re- volution that cotton almost ousted linen in Belfast, until the installation of wet spinning saved the situation once more. Ancient powers and systems tumbled down before the onward march of steam power and its appliances.

It was in connection with the bleaching business that Aghadowey gained its fame. Celebrated as was its make of webs of certain breadth and excellence, it was swallowed up iu the distinctive name " Coleraines" applied to all such descrip- tion of linens. This was an early attempt at standardization of cloths. Crommelin established a bleach-green at Lisburn in 1701. The date assigned for the first of these works in Ooleraine district is 1744, and Aghadowey had the honour of leading off in the new enterprise. We are not certain whether the credit is due to a certain John Orr, who in that year estab- lished a green in Bally brittain, or to a John Blair who followed the same example at Ballydevitt. Tradition has it that the trade^— presumably the bleaching business — was first introduced by a man called Sherlo about the beginning of the eighteenth century. " He backed the linen with cow dung, kelp, and soap, washed it and blued it, dried it, and beetled it by hand, and having spread it on the grass packed it in wickerwork creels and carried it on horseback to Dublin." This amalgamation of func- tions, as described, may have a substance of truth, and probably represents the primitive bleaching process. The kelp and soap supplied the place of the chemicals that were used later, such as potash and sulphuric acid. The ancient mode required the cloth to be steeped first in cow's urine, a woman then trampling it with her feet in a tub, after the Scotch fashion of washing clothes, and changing the water till it became clear. Beetling by machinery was begun in Ulster about 17'Jo, and in the improved chemical pro- cesses chlorate of lime, vitriol, and soda are used. Owing to the slowness of the early process naturally bleaching was an expensive business. The cost of bleaching a coarse web was nearly half the value of the article in the brown state. Even in the nineteenth century when the cost was much reduced ten to thirteen weeks was the time usually required for giving the fabric a perfect white finish. Among

the materials used in former times was buttermilk, and in some places dairies were kept in order to have a plentiful supply of milk for the souring process. Sampson in his " Survey " states the number of registered bleachers in County Derry to have been 58 in 1800, with an annual output of 250,000 pieces, equival- ent in value to £562,500 sterling. Twenty to forty thousand pieces formed a fair output from the principal concerns. In 1920 there are but two bleaching estab- lishments in the whole county, those of Carey, M'Clellan and Co., in Derry, and John Adams and Co., of Ballydevitt, Aghadowey. An output of 5,000 pieces a week would hardly satisfy a large con- cern now.

The abundance of water was undoubted- ly the attraction for the enterprising in- dividuals who made Aghadowoy such an important centre of the bleaching busi- ness. The district is intersected by the Agivey River, which in its course past Garvagh to the Bann receives accessions from the Mettican and Aghadowey Rivers, and also by the Macosquin River. The original two greens had increased to five in 1782, and in 1836 there were ten in full working order. From various causes they gradually ceased till now there is but one large concern.

As mechanical methods improved the tendency was to centralize the business, so that what was done in a large number of small concerns is now more economic- ally produced by a few in suitable localities.

The registered bleachers in 1782 were J. Molyneux ^Keely), J. Orr (Bally- britain), A. Brown (Aghadowey), J. Chambers (Cullyrammer), and W. Forrester (Greenfield).

The number of hands employed at all the bleachfields in Ulster in 1855 was 4,183, both men. women, and boys. At Mullamore the Messrs. Barklie 'in their extensive works employed 260 persons in the same year. The Mullamore works were among the first three or four in im- portance in Ulster, and its proprietor was one of the most enterprising men of his day. " To have been taught the business of bleaching at Aghadowey was considered as quite sufficient to give ;> man the highest station as a finisher of linen," says M'Call. Weaving was also it - troduced on a large scale by the same firn . It is said there were as many as 800 loom ; employed there in making cloth. Whe •: the trade was declining in 1830 Mi . Barklie found that a return of .3 per cent . on his capital was not possible, and the greens were kept going just to prevent the machinery going out of order. Mr. Wilson, of Drnmcroon, had a similar tale to tell. He had made improvements to

«6

COUNTY LONDONDKHBY IN THBKE CKNTt'BIES.

tin- eM,-i,t of l: 10.000. and had an ex- d'llcnt property, lint the trade was BO un- prnntalile that he was retiring from it. real- m entertained for the large- iiiiin- l.rr- employed iii this way, as farming was then a subsidiary occupation. The increase in the business of yarn produc- tion through the revolution created by the net-spinning system tided over the diffi- culties, and the absorption of the smaller greens was n gradual process. In 1830 Mr Hnnkin's works at Inchaleen were rc- ported as fully employed, and the grounds covered with the white fal>ric — a beautiful night. He was. linui-ier, paying a smaller rent for his farm and groen than the other bleachers were rated at.

.'• full list is desiraMe : — Rushbrook (.Tolin Knox), two wheels; Greenfield, three wheels; and Mullnn, two wheels, each occupying twenty-five acres, and be- longing ;<i Messrs Hunter, Hemphill, and M'l'.'rhind. Bnl! hritain, worked by thrct wheels, also belonged to the same Company. Ballydevitt (John Adams and Thomas Bennett), four wheels, in two good houses, covering thirty acres ; Keely (.lohn Blair), three wheels, thirty acres; Collins (John Wilson), two wheels: Gortin (Samuel Conn) ; Kitlykergan (idle and advertised for sale), two wheels, sixteen

a< res ; Miillamore (Alex, and (ieorge Barklie), three wheels, twenty-three acres. Ka< li of the above establishment-, had a drying house and lapping room.

We get an idea of the expansion of the whole Irish trade from M'Call's figures for 1700 and 17HO-— under a quarter million yards and twenty million yards respect ivi-- ly. An enormous increase took place in the next sixteen years, when it was doubled, ft then receded. What is the year's output now? For the Belfast area it is represented by a web of 191 million yards, valued at £7,000,000. If it were unrolled it would make a white path four feet wide round the earth's surface; or it would supply material for a huge tent covering 700 acres of ground.

The buyers who attended the markets in J^)e old days were a type by themselves. Being their own bankers, they carried their gold with them, protected by their pistols. For better security they travelled in companies. Obliged to set 'out in all weathers, their life was strenuous and full of risks, but once astride their saddles enveloped in their great coats, these knights of the road formed a picturesque feature of the markets and the countryside.

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CHAPTER XII.

CHURCHES AND CHURCH LIFE.

Some Celtic Church foundations— Outstanding- Episcopal clergymen—

Rev. James M'Gregor of Aghadowey and America— Ministerial

life two centuries ago — A useful diary— Aghadowey

Kirk-session book and ministers— Methodism

and Dr. Adam Clarke — Secession—

The Bryce family— Garvagh

and Boveedy Churches.

Without attempting to trace the history of the many church sites in the county, reference may be made to £ few of the outstanding places. In Irish annals they are usually associated with Patrick or Columhkille or some other saint. Reeves tells us an effort was made to represent Aghadowey as a con- ventual establishment, 'called the hospital or termon of St. Gowry after the patron saint. The name is preserved in the townland of Segorry.

Desertoghill (O'Tuohill's desert) was called after the family of O'Tuohill that formerly farmed the place as herenaghs. Oolgan says it was founded by St. Columbkille. Deserts or hermitages

existed in the neighbourhood of monas- teries, and are comparable with similar settlements in Syria and Egypt. The foundation of a monastery at Errigal was placed as early as the year 589, and at- tributed to St. Columbkille.

More generally interesting from the point of view of Irish ecclesiastical archi- tecture are Dungiven, Banagher, and Maghera churches. Difficult as is the subject these ancient sites provide some evidence. The date assigned for the Abbey at Dungiven is 1100, and that at Hamijrhcr is tirst mentioned in 1121. The carving on the doorways at Maghera and Banagher is like the ornamental work of the old stone crosses that are referred to the tenth century. The native styles were changing under the in- fluence of contact with England and the Continent.

Xone of the present-day denominations represent these ancient foundations of the Celtic- Church in Ireland. The State Church c-amo with the planters.

One can do little more than name a

few outstanding figures and refer the reader to the " Ulster Journal of Archaeology " (vols. ii.-iv., N.S.) for a full list of incumbents and appointments. Aghadowey formed part of the prebend belonging to the Cathedral Church of Derry. By a Visitation of 1622 we learn that Prebendarv Thomas Turpin held two parishes as weti a:-. Aghadowey, that the cure was served by a curate, a M.A., and a preacher, and that there was a glebe consisting of 1£ tov.nlnnds. The churches were mostly ruinous. William Vincent, who at the Plantation was rector of Coloralne, became Prebendary of Agha- dowey in 1628.

Hubert Uage (Iti91-172o) was succeeded in this charge hv his son, John Gage, in 1725.

Dr. Henry Barnard held Aghadowey from 1763 till he resigned for Maghera in 1787. He was second son of William, Bishop of Derry (1748-68). and father of the distinguished general, Sir Andrew F. Barnard, by Mary, daughter of Stratford Canning, Esq., of Bovagh. Dr. Barnard's elder brother, Thomas, who was Dean of Derry, was a member of the chief British literary societies, and belonged to the brilliant circle of Goldsmith, Johnson, and Reynolds. He resided at Bovagh Castle. Henry Bruce, inducted in 1787, became a baronet in 1804. having succeeded to the Irish estate of the Earl of Bristol, Bishop of Derry. Sir H. Bruce was grandson of Rev. Patrick Bruce, Presbyterian minister of Drumho and Killyleagh, and belonged to a junior branch of the royally descended Bruces. He died in 1822, and was buried at Downhill.

Robert Alexander {1832-69), who had served in the army, was father of the

68

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THREE CENTURIES.

la to I'limatc Alexander. He died in 1872.

Erriual, the parish in which Garvagh is situated, had in Hi'-'l' Robert Barker as mi mullein, lnit tin1 cure "as discharged by an Irish .scholar, whose parishioners were almost wholly Irish natives. It is said to In' the site of a monastery found- ed l>> Si . Columbkille, and later de- stroyed by the Danes. " St. Onan's Rock," in the neighbourhood, is named after the patron saint Adanman. Wat- mough, the rector of Errigal, died in Derry during the famous siege.

Tin- Rev. George Vaughan Sampson, rector from 1807 to 1827. was the able and cultured author of the "Statistical Survey of Ixindonderry," and compiler of the estate map of the county (1813). He died in the glebe-house.

'I In- incumbent of Desertoghill in 1622 was described as " an honest man, but no preacher or graduate." He was resi- dent in the parish. Edward Canning was the rector in 1663.

For a few years after 1732 Benjamin Bacon. F.T.C.D., was rector of Desertog- lull. He held the rectory of Magilligan, his native parish, at n lator date, and was Archdeacon of Derry. His father, Robert Bacon, was a landowner at Mii^illinan. Dr. Bacon's younger daughter, tho least of whose attractions was said to be a fortune of £10,000, be- came the wife of Dominick M'Causland.

The Rev. Oliver M'Causland resigned the parish in 1825 when he became rector of Tamlaghtfinlagan ; and from 18-12 to 1846 tho Rev. Redmond C. M'Causlaud had charge, and was suc- ceeded1 by the Rev. Robert Gage, after- wards of Kilrea.

Presbyteriauism was a plant of sturdy growth along the Bann valley. It came n itb the Scots, who settled in large num- bers on the Companies' estates. The Ri'v. Thomas Boyd enjoyed the tithes as parish minister under the Protectorate, and refusing to conform at the Restora- tion was ejected from his living. Being prnliably the chosen of his people, he con- tinned to preach privately in the parish of Desertoghill. As a field preacher he came under the eye of the law, such as it w as in those unsettled times, and by order of the House of Lords the judges who " rode that circuit " proceeded •gainst him for holding a conventicle. Id pnsMsl through the rigours of the -u'He <if Derry, and died in 1699.

Hi> -in lessor, James M'Gregor, h:is an ini-Te-t as Ix-inn probably l«>rn in Ire- land. His father was Captain .M'Un-i/.or, nl .MatrilligRii. said to have been a Crom- Helhaii nfhi er. Tbe son was also a man of valour, having served in the siege

with the rank of lieutenant before study- ing for the ministry. He received ordina- tion in Aghadowoy in 1701, and laboured successfully for seventeen years in his large parish before emigrating to America. There lie was in nigh favour with Cotton Mather, the New England divine who called him the peacemaker from his singularly good temper. He was a valued member of the church in Ireland because of his knowledge of Gaelic, and was employed by the Synod of Ulster in their missions to the natives. A sermon preached by the Rev. James M'Gregor on the eve of his departure from Ireland has some value as stating in precise form the reasons for his re- moval with a large company to America — briefly, to escape persecution ; and to be allowed to worship according to the dictates of conscience and the rules of the inspired Word. His sister. Elspeth, married Captain Lachlan M'Curdv, and was ancestor of the well-known M'Curdy Greer and other local families.

Some idea of the life of a minister of the period can be gathered from old diaries and records of church courts. In 1702 a student was required to study divinity for four years after passing through a course of philosophy. At this time an Irish student attending classes in Edinburgh paid " fourpence weekly for his chamber." The daily routine included public worship at eight o'clock, at ten o'clock, and in the afternoon, and twice on the Sunday. The Presbytery's super- vision was of an exacting kind before he received license to preach.

In the course of the week a minister's time was occupied in the usual pastoral duties and in working in the garden and farm. At the Presbytery meeting he received his share of the Regium Donuin, or undertook the disposal of a publication by a brother minister on a topic of the hour, or a devotional work by John Fox or John Bunyan newly issued from tin- Belfast Press. By order of the kirk- session he was to arrange with the binder for two books of " two quire " and " three quire." Five little books in which to keep the parish accounts cost him 3s lOd. One can picture him re- turning from a long journey to Belfast or Derry or Armagh laden with his pur- chases, which, if Tie had a family, in- cluded boots for himself and Tom and IVn. Probably the shoes were " trysted " in the town, whither he has sent Will for herrings, which he failed to get.

After marrying Lnird Morrow's daughter he sets off for Belfast, passing through Kisburn and on to John Celstoii's, where he " lighted." On

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THREE CENTURIES.

69

Sunday he occupied the pulpit of Mr. Mastertown in the new erection in Rose- mary Street. He " lectured " again on Monday. After a week spent in the town the return journey is undertaken by Antrim, where he " lay " at William M'Conkey's for the night. Off again next morning by Shane's Castle, where he saw Mr. Fraser, and married a couple before proceeding to Dawson's Bridge [Castledawson]. On the way to Dun- gannon he halted to dine with Mr. Stewart, of Killymoon, of the same stock as brought over the original Scottish colony that settled at Cookstown. The company was enlivened by the presence of two neighbouring gentlemen, Mr. Jackson, of Tobermore, and Mr. Cunning- ham, of Springhill, both prominent mem- bers of the Synod of Ulster's meetings. Mr. Jackson was one of the heroes of the Siege.

On his way to Stewartstown he turned aside to Ballygoney, where his sister, Ledlie, lived. Home once more. Peg Blackley 'had been there since Sunday, and quilting had given the women oppor- tunity for companionship and gossip. There was the bad news that the bay colt had perished in a bog hole. There were some baptisms — Dan. Miller's and Nath. Gordon's children. There were sick people to see — Tom Olipher and " Widow David Morrow."

A full day at home was necessary to oversee the occupations of the manse and farm. His son, Gilbert, got 5s 5d to buy a spinning wheel for Jean. Two of the workers had lapped 20 " pieces " of linen cloth and " turned " two. Will Ritchie was a welcome visitor with six " duty hens " ; and the day following a couple of bolls of oats, part of the promised stipend, helped to replenish the larder. A pig was bought for ten shillings. There was a feast next day, when the neighbouring minister, Mr. Gumming, Smart, and his wife, Mr. Tom Mathers and wife, and Mrs. Houston and the children, dined at the manse. The duty hens' ranks were thus thinned. The minister had been giving his services in match-making at Richardson's where sonu1 parties were gathered. John Gilehrist and Will Bowman had gone off to America, and Widow Wilson's family were moving next. But worst of all ! the news had come that Alec Saunderson had run away with a '" hussy," a stone- cutter's daughter, and he only licensed to preach at last Presbytery's meeting. " A sad reproach " ! says the diarist. From the intimation that the little black- cow bad been sold for thirty-six shillings the talk turned on the state of the meet- ing-house. Last Communion one of " ye

couples " gave way just as the minister was going to " distribute ye fourth table," and a scale was raised. These were great occasions when as many as eight or ten tables were .served, and ser- vice began at eight o'clock in the morn- ing. In the week previous there was the fast day and the lecture, and on Monday following one minister lectured and an- other preached.

The day following the party visitation was continued, and the usual catechizing in families took place. Another day at home and the minister lent a hand at " leading turf " or baking turf with half a dozen other workers ; or there was seed corn to clean, or beans, turnips, or parsnips to sow, or boxwood to plant. Bees " cast " a second time. The meadow was stoned, and neighbours gathered to plough the land. They were '' very merry '' alter tt Presbytery meet- ing, and " the going was hard " in the frost and snow— so difficult that the good man made the entry — " A mercy I was safe!" Then again another funeral, and after it the will and other papers were perused, and two bonds only were due to the testator — a disappointment 1

The now meeting-house and scliool- houso took up much of the minister's time. He records parts of days spent at " latting,'v " scraiving," and " shing- ling " ; nnd the second '' gavel " was raised window-high. When rain came the cutting of scraws gave place to the marrying of Robert Reid's daughter or the baptism of Tom Hodge's first grand- child.

Those were the days of patronage, and the poor parson was ready to pay court to the squire such times as he was not absent in the metropolis. He was merely following the tradition of the Scottish parish and its local laird and patron. In Ireland, however, his was not " the religion of a gentleman." But he gave himself up for a little to the allurements of the social circle within which his posi- tion entitled him to enter. An invita- tion to dine at Mr. Houston's, where he would meet Squire Wingfield, required him to don his three-cornered hat and wig, his long waistcoat, and red cravat.

At a late meeting of the General Synod his brethren (and their wives) were warned against vanity ; they were to avoid " powderings. vain cravats, half shirts, and the like." But this was not a clerical gathering, and sure he found Mr. Wingfield " mighty ciril." And when he went to pay his respects to him, the lord of the manor was " very free and promised good encouragement, ' so that in recording the event be added, " God be blessed that raises friends!"

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CUI NH LONDONDEltRY IN THBEE CKNTUKIKS.

u:i- the daily round of the parson

•• passing rich on fortv pounds," as

gathered from the unpublished diary of

the Rev. John Kennedy, of Benburb, an

example of which for a week in 1725 is

subjoined :

Saturday 20 [Nov.] At home.

Sabbath 21. Lectur'd. Prov.

Monday 22. I went to Ardmagh wt. Jam: liirdman. Bound Charles wt. Mr. Morton 7 yean. pd. fee.

Tuesday 23. Went to st-e old Spark at George Aiken's. Mr. Mulligan and I met at Kille- lolman. He wu at Munterbirn ye Sabbath before. He married Job: Frwel's daughter. Wo went both to Mr. Cochran's. Met for prayer. Orr was not there. I came home that night. Mr. Richeson and Mr. Tho: Cummin here. Ye last stayed all night.

Wednesday 24. I went to Dungann: with Mr. Cumin. Ye committee met. Mr. Moor was transported from Bellironey to New- town. I stayed all night.

Thursday 25. Was in Dungau : Came home yt night wt. Mr. Cumin, Mr. Irwen, and Mr. Fran: Scot.

Friday 26. I went to Mr. Bond and pay'd ye mare. Came home.

Saturday 27. At homo. Reckoned wt. Jama Armstrong for a pair of boots to self and shoes, and to Tom what to make a pair, to Peg and Let and to Jam: and Will,, and half seals to P'-g Olipher— in all Ss and 6 pence, 4 of it for stipend, Is 6d for a Bible in part. 1 went to baptize Jo: Wyly's child.

In the years following the Revolution, when there was a second " planting " with churches, there was a difficulty in keeping pace with the influx of popula- tion in respect of buildings. The manses were humble structures and affected with damp. The little closet where the minister could retire for study or prayer had a small stock of folios and quartos. There was Durham on Revelation ; and Rutherford on Church Government or Naphtah helped him in his defence of his principles. Others with quaint titles like •• The Little Stone out of the Mountain/' or " The Banders Disbanded," and a few commentaries completed the stock. An unsympathetic critic of the seventeenth i.-ntury is fain to believe the clergy were proud and avaricious, paying much atten- tion to " augmentations and reek- money," the latter being a tax like hearth-money. Cotton Mather described th«- immigrant ministers as " of disdain- ful inrrmgc," and of "an expression full of <i levity " not usual among the New Kiiglanii ministers n ho had the deport- ment traditionally attributed to the Puritan*.

In the old Session-book of Aghadowey there ii a single reference to the de- parture ..i tin- minister. The last meet- ing of Session, the record of which is in

the handwriting of Mr. M'Gregor, was held on llth April, 1718. This old record exemplifies the important duties of a kirk-session. It was more than a judicial body; it had executive powers as well. It ruled the whole parish, making in- vestigation into the morals of the people, endeavouring to heal family discords, and imposing a Kind of penance by requiring offenders to appear before the congrega- tion. This public acknowledgment of the offence was the form in which the 'con- fession and absolution of the pre-R.-- formation Church surriTed in Scotland. Charity was a first consideration with the Session. Little of the money collected was disbursed on the meeting-house, so that after the distribution to the local poor help was available for distant objects like the burning of the town of Tandoragee, or Andrew Stuart's house in Boveedy, or for the widows of six men who had been drowned in Lough Swilly. In short, the Session discharged the functions of a modern Poor-Law Board. When it is recorded that many poor strangers were supplicating help it should be understood that there was then much casual labour. The poor moved about in search of work, erecting such temporary shelters as would give them protection from the weather. In the bad seasons of 172R-30 these poor folk were glad to re- ceive in return for work merely the necessary food to maintain life.

The Session had charge of all the arrangements for the. "great work" of the celebration of the communion. The large number that attended these cele- brations explains the comparatively largo amount spent on the elements provided for a single communion. For a 1706 celebration the wine was procured from John Clerk, of Maghera. When the new meeting-house was completed there was spent on the first flagons and cups, which came from Dublin, the sum of

£2 I]R 2d. and a shilling on a

the instrument used for measuring the

passage of time during the service.

I'mler the date 1706 Samuel M'Cullogh, who had a school in Caheny, and nimn- tained " heretical doctrines," fell under the displeasure of the Session. The Caheny people were enjoined to see that a teacher of such advanced views would not get entertainnient in any family there. In that terrible year, 1 Thomas Robertson's son, William, is re- corded as having gone to America; and John, son of James Sliirln, of Rce, nave a subscription as an acknowledgment of (Jod's goodness in delivering him out of a dangerous fever.

Tin- practice of requiring testimonials or disjunction certificates from those

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THREE CENTURIES.

71

mmnbcrs of congregations changing their residence was strictly observed. The following is an example of one issued by tli« ciders i>f Aghadowey to an emigrant family in 1719: —

" The bearer, Abraham Holmes, Janet Given* hifi mother-in-law, Mary Morison his "if. ;:TIC] their two children, has lived in this congregation the most part of them from their infancy, and all along, and now at their de- parture they were not only sober and free of publick scandle, But also of good report and Christian Conversation (children exopted) now Communicants with us. And now being about to transport themselves to New Eng- land in America wo have nothing to hinder their being received as members of any Christian Society, and may be admitted to sealing ordinances wherever providence may order their lot: all of which is certified at Ahadonia this 12th day of June 1719.

Witness by

JOHN GIVENS. DAVID CAKGILL."

The next minister of Aghadowey, Mr. John Elder, came into office at a critical period when the Synod wns in danger of being rent through differences of opinion on the question of subscribing the West- minster Confession of Faith. He fell foul of two such staunch defenders of the orthodox party as Robert M'Bride, of Ballymoney, and Matthew Clerk, of Kilrea. Although treated with great consideration by the members of the Synod, he withdrew from it, and joined the Presbytery of Antrim in 1728. The effect en the congregation was disastrous, many families joining the neighbouring congregations of Garvagh, Boveedy, and Macosquin. The records of the Session indicate clearly how much the subject was agitating the minds of the members, whose discussions travelled beyond the mere question of subscribing to human standards. With Mr. Elder's death in 1779 the congregation reverted to the Synod of Ulster.

Nor does the next minister seem to haTe been more happy in his relationship with brethren of his" Presbytery. The RPV. Samuel Hamilton, M.A., 'was fifth son of Samuel Hamilton, a farmer in the parish of Boveva. He was ordained in Aghadowey on 1st June, 1773. and died ISth July. 1788. He. was thought rather critical of his fellow ministers, probably on doctrinal points. The Route Presby- tery. which superintended ecclesiastical matters over the larger part of Derry and North Antrim, showed an indifference to order and to the regulations of the Supreme Court of the Church. Indeed, it was under some kind of censure for a time.

Magee College benefited to the extent

of £2,000 by the will of Dr. George Fullerton, who rose to distinction in Australia. His father (1790-1813) suc- ceeded Mr. Hamilton in Aghadowey.

The next ministry may be styled the golden age of the congregation for length as well as distinction. John Brown, son of Samuel Brown, of Trinaltinagh, was born there in 1793, and after a college course at Glasgow, was ordained in 1813. He was a man of more than average ability and strength of character. Per- haps hie most fateful sermon was the " Peace Sermon," delivered to an open- air audience at Ringsend composed mostly of Roman Catholics, at a time when party feeling ran high. He was in- fluential in raising the standard of prim- ary education in his district, and was one of the foremost fighters for the establish- ment of a college completely under the control of his Church — Magee College, Derry. His labours in church extension were extraordinary. Moneydig, Ring- send, Drumreagh, Swateragh, Port- stewart, and Portrush were due largely to his efforts. He died in 1873.

The Rev. J. B. Huston (1874-90) wag son of the Rev. Dr. Huston, of Macosquin.

The date assigned for the introduction of Methodism at Coleraine is 1772, but twelve years earlier Wesley preached at Garvagh to an audience of Episcopalians, Roman Catholics, Presbyterians, and Cameronians, and in 1797 there was an earnest society there of about thirty per- sons. A great Methodist mission was conducted in the district between Kilrea and Garvagh in 1817 with good results. A Wesloyan evangelist who visited Gar- vagh in 1800 is reported to have declared that while he found many sects there he could not find Jesus. It is to he remem- bered that the erudite Dr. Adam Clarke, who was born near Maghera. and became a Methodist in 1778, lived as a boy near Garvagh, probably at Moyletra, where among his school-fellows was one of tke Church family subsequently of Myroe.

The religious life of a large part of the eighteenth century has been painted in sombre colours. The church records of that period in Ulster support the conten- tion that there was general laxity and indifference to religion. The soil was ready for the introduction of the Seces- sion Church from Scotland. The phases of the Evangelical movement that ap- peared as Secession were faithfully repro- duced in Ireland. The first minister of that persuasion who was settled in Ulster (1746) was a native of County Derry*— one of the Patton family, of Myroe.

When the Synod of Ulster found a part

JERRY IN THREK CENTrRIES.

of Hay congregation in Countv Donegal foll< ving tin1 Sci edcrs they adopted the • iieitt of inviting another Scotchman as a i .ninter attraction. That same yoar (17IS) then- was n petition for supplies from A^hatlowoy. The petitioners, re- presenting a small society of 3o persons and one cMder, continued ax a society till 1763, and in 176") Mr. Samuel Moore, ion of Patrick Moore, of Ballysallagh. near Bangor, was ordained and continued their minister till his death in 1803. He w»§ author of " 'Die Criterion."

This was the heginning of tho schisms in the district, a few particulars of which will illustrate tho relationship of the congregations to each other. They continued to divide and sub-divide in a umnnor which indicated that this was then •«. laudable form of church extension. Wo see the o;,;?osite tendency at work to Jay. Crossbar (formed about 1787) was the Secession part of the congrega- tion of Macosqtiin, as Killaig (as it came to be called) hived off from Aghadowey. Tho first minister of Crossgar, Rev. Charles Campbell, resigned in 1800, and was succeeded liv Rev. William Wilson (1801-1839).

The latter' s oldest daughter was mother of the late Rev. R. J. Lynd, D.U., of Belfast, and his son, Dr. Robert Wilson, was Professor of Biblical Litera- ture in tho Presbyterian College, Belfast.

Cause of disagreement was again found in that bone of contention — Regium Domini. When in ]H(IO an augmentation of tho Bounty was granted with the " hateful condition of classification " there was a storm of protest.

The members of Killaig experienced a ro\ival when they invited the Rev. Jan:es Bryce, a native of Lanarkshire, to settle in their midst. He had already proved his stern unbending temper at Newton Wick, in Caithness, and he left a reputa- tion for strict adherence to principle on some points which seem to us now trifling and unimportant. He settled in Killaig in 180.V Mr. Bryce took a firm stand in regard to the bounty, and was suspended by his own Synod. It meant " pecuni- ary martyrdom " for the resistor, but ho not only maintained his ground in Killaig. but wa- success! ul in forming the Associate Prohytory ol Ireland, com- '•n congregations. This '•ytcr.v united with the 1'nitod Pros- rinii Church in 1H58, and is now mergifl in the fiiitod Free Church.

Tho l»te Primate Alexander had a great admiration for this " picturesque and dominating figure in tho annals of a remote .ODIUM parish." His wile, he *atd, shared his privations. "She did tho bmuework, visited the sick, and tnuglit

her sons Greek.'' The eldest son. Dr. R. J. Bryce, was » distinguished educa- tionist, and as Principal of the Belfast Academy , left his mark on more than one generation of the youth of Ulster. Two of his brothers were men of mark. Dr. Arch. Bryce was Principal of the High School, Edinburgh. Dr. James Bryoe, of the High School, Glasgow, was father of the present Viscount Bryce, late Ambassador at Washington.

Dissatisfaction on the question of the bounty was responsible for the schism in Crossgar and Garvagh, which gave origin to 3rd Garvagh (lately dissolved) and Ballylintagh (which became extinct in 1883). Glasgow Burgher Presbytery sent supplies in 1811, a church was erected in 1812, and the Rev. William Stewart was ordained in Ballylintagh in 1817, with Garvagh as a united charge. 3rd Gar- vagh was an offshoot from the Secession congregation (now Main Street), which had begun a separate life in 1773, and of which the Rev. Thomas Mayne (1773- 1825) was the first minister, and the Rev. .J. B. Rontoul (1827-1886) was his successor.

Garvagh became independent in 1833, and the Re.-. A. Thomson was installed there in 1835, having been ordained pre- viously in Paisley. Mr. Stewart died in 1845, hut previously (1841) his congrega- tion had joined the Scotch Original Secession Synod, and Mr. William Matthews, of Dunning, N.B., was or- dained in 1843. When changes took place in the Original Secession Synod, Mr. Mathews and part of his congrega- tion united (1H.V2) with the Free Church, and subsequently joined the General As- sembly. The portion of the Ballylintagh congregation that disapproved of tne union of 1852 built a church at Dromore, and adhered to the Original Soceders. Similarly a remnant «f the Garvagh con- gregation was shed, and joined the Re- formed Presbyterians. This tendency to subdivision wholly ceased, and now a pro- • Ml of reunion has tho approval of the nia^s of the I're^liyterians.

Tho original (iarvagh Presbyterian con- gregation can bo traced by record to the period of 1642. Although the succession of ministers is plain, little is known per- sonally of them till tho Rev. Henry Henry's arrival in 17S8. He removed to Connor the same yea*, and tho R«v. .lames Brow ii. who discharged a faithful ministry there for the long period of •">•"> years, was ordained in 1705.

RingKond, the first minister of which was the Rev. Thomas Boaro, originated in l^.'VJ in connection with the Synod of I'lstor.

Here is the plan- to give tho official

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THREE CENTURIES.

73

version ef the Bovi>edy U.P. congregation (sr<- the writer's "Two Ulster Parishes "). There were representatives of the principle of Secession in Boveedy at an early period. Mr. Adam Boyle wag ordained in 1782. Ho had been a student under John Brown, of Haddington. Though some of hi.s people were opposed to the Bounty, their dissatisfaction did net assume a divided shape till the ap- pointment of a successor. The part in sympathy with Mr. Bryce's principles re- ceived supplies from his Associate Pres- bytery in 1845, and built a church two years later. The first minister, Mr. James Fitzpatrick, from Killaig, was or- dained pastor of Boveedy and Knock- loughrim in 1846. He became sole pastor of the latter place in 1862. It had been in existence as a Secession charge since 1751. The suceessors of Mr. Fitzpatrick in Boveedy were Mr. James C. Balders- ton (1865-68). and Mr. Walter Buchan, inducted 1868. Knockloughrim is now a united charge with Tobermore under the General Assembly.

The cause of Reformed Presbytery in Ireland suffered extinction for nigh hulf- a-century as far as pastoral services were miueriied after the death of the Rev. David Houston in 1699. He had begun preaching in the Ballymoney district. Societies kept together, however, and about 1763 there were three organised congregations. Vow was the principal centre, and from it sprang the congrega- tions of Cullybackey and Ballylagan. Ministers had a very wide area to cover in their efforts to supply ordinances to their adherents. The Rev. Willaim Staveley worked almost single-handed in heroic fashion, after three of the brethren had gone to America, and after many vicissitudes the cause continued to pro- gress from 1800. The Rev. Simon Cameron (1816-1855) was succeeded in Ballylagan by Revs. John Hart, Dr. Lynd, A. C. Crregg, and others.

Some notes on the Roman Catholic Church have been given in an earlier chapter.

COUNTI I.IIXI.ONUEUUY IN THJUJK ::KNXVJUJ;S.

CHAPTER XIH.

NOTABLE MEN or LONDONDERRY.

The men of Londonderry, cither lx>rn in the county or sprung from families settled there, who lmvt> risen to emincnc c are numerous. O'Douoghiie in his " Irish Ability " places it after Down, Antrim, and Tyrone in point of distinction. Among the gre.it statesmen and adminis- trators that the county has given to the Kmpire. li" reckons the Lawrences lust. I ' ir names arc enrolled liijji in the :::,nals of the Indian Kmpirc. Sir Henry Lawrence. Sir John (aiterwurd.s I/ord Lawrence), and S.r (ic.irge Lawrence were win.s ol a suli . i. Colonel Alexnnder LH \\.enco (176M885), who left County Terry as .1 yn :'i, :ind won fame in the < i ly Indian c;ii. ..nigi;.-. The Lawrences were early sett:. . > at Duiiiioe and Cole- rnine districts. Of tin- Cannings sprung from the (iar. a;.di f.uuily of that name George (.'aiming ( i 770-1827), statesman, stands first. His uncle, Paul Canning, was father of the first Ixird Ciarvagh, and another uncle, Str:»tF'Ji:l Car.ning. a Lon- doii hanker, was father of the first Viscount Stratford de Hedeliffo (1786- l-^l), diplomatist. The late Hon. Alhert Cunning, son of the first Lord, achieved literary distinction. Sir Charles S. Scott, of the Willsboro', Derry, family, is to be added to the list of eminent diplomatists. This family has many local connections — Iticliardsun <>f Somerset, Lyle of Knock- tarna, and O'Hara of Coleraine.

In naval and military annals ther. iro many Derry names, (icneral Sir E. P. l.c.-i.-h. \'.('., who dii-d in 1913, was IMTII at Derry. The Torrens family, from whom there sprang many re'.-tors and -oldii-rs. were dc-, .•!••!. -d from a William- it«> officer who settled :it Pungiven. Of ihe soldier memliers the liest-known were ir-(;eneral Sir H< nry Torrens (177(5- t-L'-t and his son. Sir Arthur Wellesley Torr.'iis. l>oth distingui>b«d in many

Hritish campauta*. In Rohert Torreni, K.R.S. (1760-1864). we had an eminent political tNDiioniist. H|ICIM- •mn, Sir Rohcrt Torri-n-. Premier of Australia, was author of the Torrens Act. Ton ins M'Cullagh Torrens was a noted pnlitii ian and author. •hid. B Torrens i 177H 1. <"<>). ^r:incl-

father of tin hue Hon. Knhert Torrens ill. M.P., was a hrother of (iem-ral Sir Henry Torrens. and was reared at Hall . Tin. lo. -i| representative

'ie family is Major Torrens, late of

Somerset. Coleraine. Lieiiteiiaiit-lieii.-iin Sir William Thornton, horn near Deity about 1779, was engaged in many American campaigns. In the Bruce family there were Admiral Sir Henry Bruce, of Ballyscullion, son of the first Haronet ; nnd the present Admiral Sir J. A. T. Bruce, son of the late S.ir IJervey Bruce. O'Donoghue L'lves Mngherafelt as the birthplace of Admiral Sir Rohert Hagan, who died in 1863. An amazing story could be told of Colonel G. Hamilton Browne, who earned the nickname of " Maori " Browne liy his exploits in the Australian wars. HP was brought up at Cumber. He died in 1916 in Jamaica. Lieutenant-Colonel J. S. M. Lenox- Convngham. who served with distinction in the Great War, and was killed in 1916, was a member of the old family of Spring- hill, Moiipyiiiore, being descended from a Scotchman who settled there at the Plantation. Charles Thomson, " per- petual secretary " of Congress (hiring the period of the American Revolutionary War, who prepared the famous Declara- tion for publication, was from Maghera.

The county has contributed very many members to the Church, some of whom rose to eminence. Probably the most distinguished was Dr. Adam Clarke, the erudite commentator, of whom there are several memorials in the county. He was IKITII in 17(52 nt Moybeg, near Maghera. Near Maghcra also the celebrated Presby- terian divine and persuasive orator, Dr. Henry Cooke (1788-1868), first saw the light. Tin- name of the third divine associated with the same neighbourhood, though horn near Stew nrtstow n, is that of the Rev. Alexander Carson, a noted Baptist, an- ci-ctor of the Coleraine Cnrsons. The Kcv. Dr. Toll ill.. Bishop of Down and Connor, who died in 1914, was a native of Qortmacrane, near Kilrea.

Hie Rev. Thomas \Vitherow, the !e hi-torian of the Siege of Derry, and author of other valuable works, was -si\cly Presbyterian minister at Maghera and Professor in the- Presliyter- iicii College. Derry. He was a native' of the Banaghcr district. We would gladly claim the- Rev. John Ahernethy ( 1 > . !7l'i) as a Derry man. He was probably born lit Brigh. Co. Tyrone, hut spent -ome time at Coleraine when his father

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THHEE CENTURIES.

75

was Presbyterian minister there. If William Law's works benefited by the re- i-uinnu 'filiation of Dr. Samuel Johnson, Abernethy's work on the Attributes de- served esteem if only because it was re- ceived with acceptance — a qualified ac- ceptance— by the famous critic. Aber- nethy was father of the great surgeon of the same name. The late Primate Alexander was tin- most eminent divine produced by the Established Church in Derry. His fame as orator and poet is BO well-known as not to require special mention. He is of the same family as the Alexanders of Limavady and the Earl of Oaledon, all descended from a Scotch Presbyterian divine who settled in the North of Ireland about 1618. Other theological writers born at Derry were the

Rev. James B. Gordon, author of an im- partial history of the Rebellion of '98; and Alexander Knox (1757-1816), whose works were collected and who seems to have- anticipated the Oxford Movement. The Rev. Archibald Boyd, who when in Derry engaged in denominational contro- versy, became Dean of Exeter. Others of note were Dominick M'Causland, Q.C., of the Liraavady family ; and the two religious poets, the Rev. Charles D, Bell (1S19-1898), horn at Ballymaguigan, near Castledawson, and the Rev. John S. B. Monsell (1811-75), born at Derry. Through the R*v. William Porter, of Limavady (1774-1843), we had a Belfast Biblical scholar, John Scott Porter, who was father of the late Master of the Rolls, Sir Andrew Marshall Porter. His uncle,

COLONEL ALEXANDER LAWRENCE

(1764-1835). Father of the famous soldiers.

76

COI'XTY U)NI>ONDEBBY IN THREE CENTURIES.

iiiiutlirr son of the Limavady minister, tin- Hon. \Villiain Porter, was Attorney- Ceneral at the Capo, while \\is half- hruthci , tin.' Rev. Classou Porter, of Larne (1813-1885), was a well-known antiquary and writer on Presbyterian his- toriial MihjiH-ts. Other Dorry lawyers were Kin-oil Dawson and Baron Martin. The former, a member of the Castledaw- MIII family, lived through most of the eighteenth century, and besides being nitty and handsome, is remembered better liy his drinking song, " Bumpers, Squire Jones." than as a legal luminary. Sir Samuel .Miirun. Baron of Exchequer (1801-1888), was of the Martins of Myroe, hi- lather being a solicitor of Culmore, Limavady. Samuel M'Qurdy Greer, son of the minister of Dunboe, after stern lighting as a Presbyterian and Tenant- righter against unfair odds, became a judge in 1879. Through his mother he was related to the Macurdys of Magilligan. David, Raukin, born in Agha- dowcy district, emigrated and left the bulk of his fortune to a School of Mcdianical Trades which he had founded in St. Louis, U.S.A.

There are a few notable names in si ience. Joseph Clarke, M.D. (1758- 1H34), son of James Clarke, a farmer near Moneymore, was author of medical treat- ises. At Portglenone was born Dr. William Babington (1756-1833). physician and mineralogist, and practically founder of the Geological Society. His son, Benjamin, invented the laryngoscope. Besides the Bahingtons, there were Dr. James Bryce (1806-77), geologist, born at Killaig, and father of Viscount Bryce; Professor John Perry, F.R.S., engineer and mathematician, born at Garvagn; Sir .lame- Murray (1788-1871), inventor of fluid magnesia ; and Professor St. Clair Thomson, the present eminent throat specialist, son of a Scotchman living at Derry.

There are several distinguished artists to be reckoned among the notables of the county. There were Kdward Shiel, painter, and James Heffernan, sculptor, and John O'Connor, a painter of histori- cal subjects, who died in 1889. Hugh Thomson, who was born in Coleraine in I -Mill, and who died this year (19*20) ranks among the best black and white artists of the time. There is nothing to surpass Ins ^raii-liil illustrations of eighteenth century subjects. Arthur D. M'Cormick, also from Coleraine, gained fame in ez- l»s-litions to the Himalayas and the ('aucaaus, to which he was attached as special artist. Philip H. Miller, A.R.H.A., is don of a former Headmaster of Foyle College.

Tn general literature the county can

lioast dt many celebrities. George Far- quliar (1G7---1717), actor and dramatist, takes first rank among students of the drama, and his early and pathetic death was a loss to literature. The " Beaux' Stratagem '' was regarded as a model. \Villiiim Phillips, dramatist, was sou of George Phillips, probably the same who was Governor of Derry at the time of the Siege, and grandson of Sir Thomas Phillips of Limavady. Captain William, who was elected a burgess of Limavady in 1097 in room of George Phillips, lately deceased, was doubtless the dramatist. (See Boyle's Records of Limavady). More than a century later Cnmnish, near Dun- given, gave birth to John Mitchel, the sincere but misguided patriot, who was reared in an age which Dears no compari- son with the present Ireland, and who should be remembered for his literary skill rather than his advocacy of the cause on account of which he wrecked his pro- mising career. Not far distant, at Cumber, was born in 1841. William G. Aston, the great writer and authority on Japanese suojects. And of the Dungiven family of Torrens was sprung the Oriental scholar, Henry Whitelock Torrens, son of the Major-General , before mentioned, and translator of " The Arabian Nights." Many other notable men in various walks of life could be mentioned as belonging to County Derry, but the foregoing have' been based on D. J. O'Donoghue s list, which includes also Dr. James Johnson (1777-1845), a traveller and writer as well as a physician ; John E. M'Cullough (1837-85), the American actor, and Charles Williams, the war correspondent, both natives of Coleraine. Many of the prominent figures associated with the Siegeof Derry have to be omitted. Admiral Sir Thomas Graves (born about 1747) was one of four Admiral sons of the Rev. Thomas Graves. At Copenhagen he was second in command to Lord Nelson, a:.d in an old song is bracketed with him :

•' Go now, my brave boys, let it never be said That ever Lord Nelson or Graves was

afraid."

The county was rich in poets greater or b-s^er. Kdward Walsh, who was by accident born in the county, is claimed rather by the South. Gorges K. Howard (1716-1786), described as poet, architect, legal and political writer, was son of a captain of dragoons at Coleraine, where also was born in 1793 William M'Comb, who. as well as being successively teacher and bookseller, produced some popular poetry. Hugh Harkin (17.J1-1854), both teacher and journalist, was a native of Magilligan, and the Caiiii'lian poet, George Martin, emigrated from the Kilrea district in 182*2 when a lad of ten. In the

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THREE CENTURIES.

77

samo year was born at Derrydorough, Andrew Orr, otherwise " An Aghadowey man," who tiring of the toil of linen- bleaching in the establishment of the Messrs. Wilson, of DrumcToon, followed the gold seekers to Australia, where he continued to cultivate the poetic muse. His pieces have not been collected, but some of them have had a deserved popu- larity, and one of them is found in some anthologies. A stanza with its fine re- frain runs : —

The sunny South is glowing in the hue of

Southern glory, And the Southern Cross is waving o'er the

freest of the free; Yet in vain, in vain my weary heart would

try to hide the story

That evermore 'tis wandering back, dear

native land to thee. The heathy hills of Malazan, the Bairn's

translucent waters, Glenleary's shades of hazel, and Agivey's

winding streams: And Kathleen of the raven locks, the flower of

Erin's daughters, Lost heaven of 'wildcring beauty ! thou art

mine at least in dreams.

O the green land, the old land! Far dearer than the gold land With all its landscape glory and unchanging summer skies.

Let others seek their pleasure In the chase of golden treasure, Be mine a dream of Erin and the light of Kathleen's eyes!

n

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THBEE CENTURIES.

CHAPTER XIV.

THE PASSING OF THE COMPANIES.

The Companies' absentees The Volunteers The '98 Rebellion- Only partial risings Watty Graham of Maghera The

Land Acts and Sales to tenants Lawsuit of

1898 The Companies discourage

industries.

In concluding these sketches outlining the origin and progress of the British settlement in Londonderry, our narrative .should include the severance of the con- nei tion of the Companies with their Irish estates. Previous to the nineteenth cen- tury their interest in their Londonderry property was of the most meagre kind. Absenteeism was an evil that received and merited general denunciation , and the Londoners were in this respect grave offenders. After the Restoration settle- ment they resigned the management of their lauds to middlemen on terminable leases, and thus renounced their responsi- bility as landlords. Four of the Companies in violation of the Plantation terms sold their estates in perpetuity before 1740.

As the leases fell in the Companies re- sumed management by agents in the late century. Wherefore this revived interest? Had the stirring events of the end of the eighteenth century recalled their attention to a concern to which they should have had a relationship other than that of a sleeping partner content with drawing a regular income P The first sign of this re-awakened interest appeared in the re- port made by a secretary of the Irish Society after a visit to Derry in 1802. In • oMsc<|iiciiee of what he saw and heard his Narrative contained caustic comments on the evil of the absentee landlord. Ho drew it -inking picture of the people toiling for a miserable subsistence while they saw the fruits of their labour tarried off to be Hpent in .mother country. Some years Inter deputations ol the So. n-u l>. -.in to x i-.it Derry and Coleraine.

County Derry had experienced the marching and arming of Volunteers. To mention a few, there were battalions or companies at Limavady (Captain Jamas Boyle) ; at Mugherafelt (('apt . Tracy) ; at Garragh (Oil. Canning) ; at Dumbo (('apt. Haalrtt) ; at Coleraine (Capts. Lyle and

Gault); at Ballywillan (Capt. Cromie) ; and at Macosquin (Col. Richardson).

Then came the dark shadow of the Rebellion of '98, and its aftermath of misery. Emblazoned on the banners of the Volunteers were such sentiments as "Freedom of Trade" and "Reform of Parliament." But when the extreme spirits hurried along to demands for se- paration from England there were seces- sions from the ranks before the actual outbreak came.

There was only a partial rising in County Derry. The deep impression made by the French Revolution was manifested in celebrations at Ballymoney and Lima- vady. Castledawson's " Sons of Liberty " and Maghera' s " National Guards " in the enthusiasm of their new-found ideas of liberty talked of their efforts " to silence the bubbling of jealousy, illumine ignor- ance, and inspire public confidence." And Masonic Lodge No. 730 at Garvagh solemnly declared that " titles such as monarchy, serenity, excellency are ponder- ous and oppressive mountains in the great globe of despotism." A mechanic near Kilrea exercized his rustic ingenuity in the construction of a guillotine, thereby giving proof of his levelling principles.

There were to be simultaneous rii-ings at Maghera, Kilrea, and Garvagh, but one of the leaders at Kilrea having turned in- former both there and at Garvagh the in- Mirgonts melted away. At Maghera. how- ever, about 5,000 men turned out, but on ri'< civing intelligence of the defeat of the rebels at Antrim, with whom they were to effect a junction, this formidable assi-mhiHge dispersed, and one of their leaders, Walter Graham, was bctiayed and hanged. He wan for long afterward claimed a popular hero, and at election lime Ins name was one to conjure with. Any attempt at a rising in Aglmdowey would have been checked by the Bovagh

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THREE CENTURIES.

79

Cavalry, which under Captain Hoyland scoured the country as far as Mnghera. At Rnsharkin and Pbrtglenone the in- surgent spirit was cowed by the yeomanry, while Bftllymoney was burned. The sever- ity of the methods employed to extinguish the rebellion, and especially the excesses of the soldiers, left the people thoroughly stunned. This, combined with the v. retched state of the country, made the l» "isnntry an object of compassion, so that when representatives of the Companies visited their tenantry their hearts were touched not more by their good nature than by their poverty.

The first of the Companies to turn its attention to the improvement of its pro- perty was the Drapers', when the middle- man's lease expired in 1817. In 1823 Mr. William Parnell, on behalf of the Iron- mongers, visited their estate, and his re- port, which was printed, furnishes inter- esting particulars of a large part of the country. With a view to the reversion of the estate the Ironmongers appointed an 'agent in 1832, and when the Beresford lease terminated in 1840 they were in a position to effect improvements. The other Companies were similarly moved to expend considerable sums on building, draining, and roads, assisted by the tenants and sometimes by the county. The model Company in this respect was the Drapers.

The series of Land Acts passed since 1870 has brought about a transformation in the land tenure of the county, and the majority of the tenants are now practically proprietors of their farms. Taking the Companies in their order from the west side of the county, the Goldsmiths' land, which was alienated in 1730, has been partly sold to the tenants by the subse- quent proprietors. The adjoining propor- tion of Grocers was in the Company's management from 1821 till 1872, when the lands were sold partly to the tenants and partly to private landowners. From 1820 to 1886 the Fishmongers adjoining worked the estate, and made many improvements. Their chief town is Ballykelly, and the tenants purchased under' the" 1886 Act. South of these and in the centre of the county is the Skinners' Estate, which is in five separate divisions. It was sold under the 1886 Act. Between the Roe and the Bann were the Haberdashers and the Clothworkers. The estate of the former was sold in perpetuity to the Beresford family, who held it "till 1871, when a portion was purchased by the tenants under the Act of the year before. When the Clothworkers' lease expired in 1841 the Company managed the property till 1871, and then it was sold to Sir Kerrey Bruce. The Company did not favour peasant proprietorship.

Following the line of the Bftnn from Coleraine there is frst the Somerset Estate, which was sold in perpetuity in 1726 to Mr. William Richardson. In 1894 it was offered to the tenants, and for the most part purchased by them. Next, south of the Somerset Estate (formerly the Merchant Taylors) was the Iron- mongers', which passed to the tenants about 1889. Next were the Mercers, who were the last of the Companies to part with their Irish property. They took ad- vantage of the Wyndham Act of 1903, and effected a sale in 1906. It was under this Act that the Irish Society, too, fell into line with the Companies and trans- ferred their agricultural lands to the occupying tenants. The name of Vintners as a land-owning Company has become almost forgotten, for the reason that in 1737 the estate was sold to certain private persons who came to be known as the Bellaghy Proprietors, some of whom have sold to their tenants. Magherafelt, the principal town on the Salters' Estate, had the advantage of being built and im- proved during the regime of the Batesons, whose lease expired in 1853. They are generally credited with having been good landlords. There was, therefore, dis- satisfaction when the Salters declined to give leases adequate to provide the neces- sary encouragement to building and manu- facturers. The tenants were enabled to purchase their holdings about 1885. A sum of £230,000 was realised by the sale.

A Report of the Irish Society (1836) speaks in enthusiastic terms of the model character of the town of Moneymore and the surrounding estate on which the Drapers' Company had spent large sums of money in public works and improve- ments designed to add to the comfort of the tenantry. The land passed to the tenants soon after the Ashbourne Act of 1886. These transactions between land- lords and tenants were purely on business lines. The example of the Drapers' Com- pany in vesting a small sum in trustees as a perpetual charity might well have been followed by the other Companies if only to preserve their names in the re- spective districts. ' It was rather gallinn; to find some of the Companies contributing large sums of money to London charitable institutions. Not only were they not satisfied with the returns received from Irish property, but in 1832 a lawsuit was begun (which, however, failed) with the object of having it decided that the Irish Society were mere trustees for the other Companies of the profits of -their proper* y at Derry and Coleraine.

The position of the Society as publ" • trustees having been made more explit:D all their surplus profits have been devoted

COUNTY LONDONDERRY IN THREE CENTURIES.

to the objis ts for which the trust was ori^iiui'ly founded. Encouraged by the es- tHMi.slmuMit of thin principle some persons representing the tenantry endeavoured by an action-at-law to have the Companies also declared trustees for the purposes of the Plantation rathor than private pro- prietors. The trial took place in 1896 when most of the property had passed to the tenants by Government aid. The Master of the Rolls decided in favour of the Companies.

It would he useless now to indulge in vain regrets because the London Com- panies declined to encourage manufactur- ing industries as well as agriculture. Coal and iron there were none locally, but the utilization of water power, of which there was an abundance, might have brought about in some areas an increased prosperity that would neither have left the tenants dissatisfied detractors of their former landlords nor the Companies ashamed of the three hundred years' con- nection between London and Londonderry.

COl'NTY LONDONDERRY IN THHKK CKNTURIES.

81

APPENDIX A.

Muster Roll (circ. Ifi !0) of British on the Ironmongers' Estate. Tlie last eleven were not arnud.

Puiil Canning, Kichard Canning, William Canning, Kvunce Morrisse. Owen M;Gilandryes, .lolin M'Mnllan, John Vincent, 'I'homas Moone, Thomas Stahin, Cuthliert Bar, Lancelot M'Kinly, Bryan M'Glenan, James llymplull, John M'Gill. Klias Church, Kohcrt Hemphill, Thomas Moore <yoiinger), John Henry, Thomas Rook, .John Hennct, Alexander Gould, Thomas .Miller, Allen Smith, Andrew Cray. Owen M'Gilbredy, Adam Reed, William Copeland, William Chambers, Thomas Moore- (elder), John Ross, David Rolili, Lawrence Wells, Guv Chamhorlyn, Alex. Chamberlyn, Alex. M'Alester, Cullam M'Ketriss, Donnell M'Fetriss, Morto M'Murroghy, Donnell M'Mnr- roghy, Movie Collom, Wm. Collome. Geo. Reed, John Tome (elder), John Tome (younger), James Gihson, David Blacker. John Henderson, Robert Long- more, Wm. Chamberlin, And. Hunter, Martin Thomson, Geo. Asby, David Patterson. Wm. Spire., Adam Spire (elder), John Keemyng, Allen Gout, James Spyre (elder), John Smyth, John

Spyre, I'aul Gaut, Hugh Spyre, Thus. Gate, Jiihn Thomson, Roht. Wilson, Adam Spyre (younger), John Hughston, John Smale, Hnijjga Smith, Hugh Will- son, .John M'Kee, Laurence Spire ii'ldi-r), Thomas Murryne, John Reed, Rolit. Reed, John Anderson, Ruht. Wanl, Wra. Porter. Wm. Vincent, K, I ward Wei., Rol.t. Kxtiill, Win. Wilk, Thos. (iihson. Roht. Smyth, Natli. Carinnton, Pat. M'Ready, Rielul. Dixon. Thos. Lull, James Rod, Pat. M'Gill.redy, Thos. Hamhidg, Richd. TyniinH, Adam Armestron, Henry Willis, Kdw. Itson, Win. Cross (elder), Geo. Cross, Thos. Morgan. Francis Mason, Doiineil Port, Rol.t. Raton, C'has. Harrison, Wm. Harrison, Mii-hl. Liggat, James Garven, Saml. Bramson, Thos. Hnnnmr. Wm. M (Jill. Hen. Tip- lady, Turlo O'Kat, Turlo MaKaspy. Hen. Kinington, Geo. Canning, Rol.t. Mungomery, Wm. Wytty, Hen. Degar- nock, James Spire (youngc-r), Harnel.y Kerne, Roliert Spire, Wm. Gaml.ell, John F'xfall. John Gylrs. Wm. Cross.

APPENDIX B.

Names of the householders who paid Hearth Tax in the Parish of Aghadowey in 16GB, with the townlands in which they resided. The modern name is in some instances inserted in brackf ts. Those marked (') appear on the Subsidy RolJ, and represent the most substantial persons in the parish.

O'Cullent. Dripps,

Wm.

Bally hntoch — Lawrence Croskannally — William

Barnes.

Belliclogh — John Fulton, Roht. Moore. Kilieage — John Fulton, *Willm. Moore. Bellycann — Alexander Henry, Alexander

Hemphill. Crosrnackiver — Alexander Blayr, John

Boyd, Frau. De Lapp, John M'Smith. Clintoch — Richard M'Allester, Duncan

M'Allester, Brian M'Chaine, John

Hnie, Willm. Waters. Craigleewe— *John Hobkin (elder), John

Hot.kin (younger). Creghlea — ifohn .M'C'le»v.-, Wm. Arthur,

Alexander Patterson.

Lishnamuck — Jo. Robinson, James John- ston, David An-hbald. Minebranen — David Krwin. Andrew

Shenon, Willm. M'C'lenaii, Kol.ert

Alisonn. Cohens— David Givenn, John Giffin.

Patrick M'Xauckton.

Manogher — Widow Craige, James Smith. Knockadow Knockadufl — David Po« ,

Tliomas M'Xarton, Alexander Hendry,

'Widow Hendrv.

Ballacvry Ballmrees — Rol.t. Nettley,

•John Cargill, John Pitchely. Shaltey [Scalty]— "Andrew ' Hunter,

James Ridd. Carcrow Culcrow] — *AIexand<>r (iold,

James Thompson.

Fagivey — *Paul Caiininge (4 hearths), Morris Dunrumple, Andrew Grey,

Tho. Brooks, Widow Ridd, Thos. Smith,

Patrick M'Allester. Clairhill— Thos. Till, Donnell M'Cloy,

Thomas O'Mullahan. Ruskie — To. Sherrilae. Killy iKeely]— *Hugh Blaire, Herbert

M 'Combe.

Bellewain Ballywillin — Thomas Miller. Bellbritten — .Major William Blnir, Alex- ander Montgomery. Mullcy [Mullanl— Gorie Meltonn, John

Walhn e. Bellmakally Beg — Wm. Jack Younger,

James Jack. Hugh Jack. John

M'Allctt. Bellm'ally More— *John Allen (elder).

John Allen (younger), Jame^ Crawford.

Huniphrie Ardibald, Harrie Xininn.

G*^orge Foster.

OBIB8.

Collie;;or > ,, ],l.:,!,|, \\'i,!

nningham, J»i,ie> H. Tlia Lishboy- !,,;,; l'.,:, ,|. Thomas Duncan,

\Vm. Jamison Killkeran [ Killykergan]— Rohert Dun-

• Pey, (lilhert Man Se, • [Segorry]— *Wm. Coldwell,

Col.lv. ,. II. Will. Crvill.

Minecarry— H,,l,,.n Mnnt.-r. Cilhert Litte, .'» Morrison, Jo. Vincent. Jolm

Knl. It \VilM.ll.

Carneroe— John Smiyle. Rnhert M-(;uy.

H Iliiiitei . William Stuart. Taml.ick I Tamlaght J— .l,,lii, K-nnedx CortiriB D;MI,| Tonisoii. James Smith. Claggen— Widow Church. Hiian O'Mnl-

!.IM. llnl.llil ()'l;ill\.

DrochJt-Drochett [ Droghead]— Neal mac-

Kei

Driir. ly ; Drumeil 1— Ouiy O'Chaine Ir Intertill— Donnoghy M'Redy. Cl^lford — Willinin l.pcatt, Donnoiihio

M-AII.-ster. Mullowinoh— John .Morrison, Robt. Morri-

^"ii. Richnnl Katon. Ki"vcauly [Cul'ycapplel— Pnul Gatt,

'I iina-i (intt, ThomnH Slioir, Wm. Hog.

Killa?se ' Kiltest I- Shan, OMnllan,

Meam'Coker ; MeawemanougherJ— Tims Dnii'jr. Shan,. ( )' I)OH<.M]|. Rorv O'Don- KiH.

AJKhadowey — Major Rohprt Itlairo,

-liu'l.K. John Milli-r, \Vhit.-. \\'id(j\\ Hinh. Ifli^li YC Jainr, Hai-nc-. l<i(hard Gilbert.

Carnalach i Carnrallagh] — .TOM ph \Valk«>r,

WnlkiT, .liilin Ho;,. Daviil Itoy.

Irdreach— Ardriach [Ardreagh] — John

CIH hi'i Mil, Thomas Gilmorfe.

Mollenobron — Jolm

Corten — John M'Cammnh, John Cooke. Boveagh — Hohcrl (;iasv,.. John Hanner,

Thomas Palim-r. Cachenny — Widow Johnston, Donnoghie

O'Calian, Huph Torrancc, Alexander

Weir. Moyochill— »Thomns Ridtl. Hugh Ridel.

On the Subsidy Roll appear also George Ellison, Oonagh |?Bovagh|; Neale O'Ongg, Clagan; and Knogner Lanagivey.

APPENDIX C.

of those rated for Ueirih Tax in the Parish of DeseitoKhill in 1B63, with townlaixl denominations.

1 Moyneys ' Movenis] -'Hohert Catter- «ood. Murdoch. O'Muldarv, John Ster- ling, Roliert Gillmore, John Miehell.

Cullarmer [ Cullyram«r ]— * John Getty, James Chambers, Kli/.ahpth Ca'rr i willow). John Steon.

Culneman — «Hugh Torrance, Owen •['Orach.

Moynaghdeg [ Moneydig] — Ferdoragh 'Cahan, Do wish O'Cahan, Donm-1'. (yQuigge, Aghio O'Ouigge.

Ballury— Andrew Surley, *George Dor- ian.,.. Th.imas Crook, Rohert Baker, Maryt. Snderland (widow).

Tedenbane Edenbane]— I'att M'Redy, Doooghy O'Dempsi,..

Trenaltenagh— Owen M-Redy. Dermoyt

Carballendobe— Donell M'Clarone, OillaB-

l'i'-k Stuart. John M'Clowie Moiletratoy— «Mr. (i,^,. C'hurch. Lishacrm - Fergus Kenedie, Rorie

Ballmsana — James Tath, Donnogh

M I..K i it Dullaghy—Brian M'Cowell. Owen M'Dor-

rogh. Killtvally— John Terlx>rt, John Hunter,

John Kenedy, Geo. Holmen, ThomaB

Hunter. Carrowreagh — Tnomas Haden.

Drumaduff — «Xeal Fullerton, Brian

O'Lappan. Ballyagan — .John Jamison, Alexander

Holmes, Uny Mulhalane [widow]. Magherymore— »James Arhuckell, Patrick

Crawford. Culbane *Quillm Reddie, Robert Harvie,

John Mortum.

Tirkerin— David Stuart. Agnes Stuart. Cortnecloghan — Roht. M'Clowy Cormick

O'Cahan, Patrick M'Henry. ' Laaragh— «Mr. Edward 'Vincent [2

hearths]. Tamniringogg— Rohert Stuart. Donnell

M'Gilligan, Donnell M'Slandris. Ballyelem — Alexander Major, Owen

O'Hampen. Ballydonaghy [ Ballydollaghan]— William

Bloek. Rohert Maxwell. Moyletraghill— Rohert Fulton, Hone

H.ddell. Cregall — Donnoghy .M'Olomon, Hugh

O'Leanghrev. Killrin [ Kurin]— Alex. M-Oowie, Neal

M'Clowie, Donnell M'Clowie, Gillnspie

Crociout f Grasslands 1— Rorv O'Cahan, Hen. Hall.

Also on tin- Subsidy Roll — Richard O'Cahan, Moneydig, and John O'0«i(t. Ballyaghagan.

COl'NTY LONDONDBRHY IN THHEE CKNTUIUKS.

83

APPENDIX D.

Names of those rated for Hearth Tax in the Parish of

MMiey Kollof 1

"i«-!oMino to th«

Carvaghy — John Chambers, Rohert

Soulosliy, John Ciniiiinghani, \Vm.

(Vman. Charles M'Cotter, Andrew

Alexander, Robert Mullegan, Hugh

Smith, Hugh O'Doghertie, Alexander

Christie, Roliert Gault, John Philips,

Donnognie M:i< Philips, James Clisdale,

Kdward To« nosend, John \Vooclro\v,

Jennett Holsliev. Coage— Willm Miller, Xace. M'Allister,

Donoghy Duff M'Allister. Curragh, Anadett, and Moy Boy— John

Hunter, Charles Bannatyno, John

Nelson, John Clarke. Pankerrin [Tirkeeran]— Toage O'Higgoii,

Brian M'Cormick, Brian Oge O'Chain,

Donnaghie O'Chaine. Coolanasilla - Maims O'Mullan, Owen

M'Owen, *Shane O'Mullan. Donnell

O'Mullan, Donnoghie O'Mullan, Kdmd.

M'Ma, Kdnul. O'Mullan. Ballyhorn — Rory O'Mullan, Rorie

O'Munney. Cagh— *Tirlogh M'Allister, Gilduff

O'Cahan. Crucanadolg and Moboy — Tohn Maxwell,

Rohert Alexd., William Gilmore. Tinebarrow [Tubarren]— Tamlo O'Higgin.

Neal M'Minc-lagh. Trugavilly — Maims O'Mullan. Culnaskillagh — Shane ro O'Mullan.

Phelomie O'Mullan, Shane M'Brian

O'Mullo. Ballisherin Bolerar. - *Hugh Duff

O'Mnlkeran, Donaghie more O'Adillan,

Tirlo oge O'Mulla. Cortnomoyagh — Teagr O'Connell, Wm.

Ballagh M'Vagh. Cortfad— Robert Miller. Ballistraid— Wm. Fullerton. David White. Farantunelp [ Farrentemple] — Mr. Rohert

Montgomery, * Ma mis O'Cahan.

LisnccrehOg— Rorie

Brockagh— K<lmd. M\I,,skie, Milloghlin

M'CIo»kie.

Ballyrogan— Dc.nnoglii.. O'CaliRii. Clonkeens [Clenkeen]— Jolm Sourley

Kvnu O'M'ullan.

Bellarse and Creogh O'Donnell—

O'Mullan, ()\ven O'Cahan, Brian Kmgh

O'Mulan. i Shanfongfort — Dernmyt M'Cahan,

Donnel M'llggrame. Lishs?! f Liscall] — Hugh O'Cosnaghan,

Henry M'Qaaiden. Teeccnimore [Tamny morel —Shane

M'Closkie.

Moyagan | Mettican]— James Coeheran. Inniskallin [ Inshaleen]— John Derremfill,

Hugh O'Dempsie. Brockaboy and Ounvenny _ *Rorie

O'Cahan. Clill.-'.spic M'Connell. Donnaghy

O'.Mulvanny, Donnaijhie M'Cormick,

Henry M'Cormirk, Patrick M'Allherrin,

Brian O'MulIan, Brian Di.'F O'Mullan

[one hearth]. Cortnamock - Brian M'Cilenn, Neeee

O'Mullan. Patrick O'Kranly, Tirlo

M'Loghlin, Xeal ()'(iillon, Dermovt.

O'ConnelL Srocknockboy and Dunevany — Donnoghie

O'Higgins, Tirlo M'Gilgan, Alister

M'Connell, Donnell M'F.vann, Hugh

M'Mill..-n, Shane O'Dogherty. Cullansillagh—Quig O'Chaine, Henry

M'Henry. Lishnaskreogh — Chan O'Chaine, Inch

O'She, John M'Tlhe, Neal O'Dempsie,

Donnel M'Lester.

Also on the Subsidy Roll — Rohert Alexander, Moboy, and Owen O'Cush- nagan, Tamneymore.

ERRATA.

Page 18. line 31 — After "influence in" read "Ireland was due to Wentworth, Farl of StrafTord. and Archbishop Laud, a trio, indeed, who hold an unenviable notoriety, not less in Ireland than in England. Here the scone shifts really from Ulster to London. We pass from the slow. p'ioddinR yeomen of thn nmv Plantarimi. the intermittent outbursts if the Irish Robin TToodn, and the sudden attacks of the pirates OP the high-pooped vessels makir« for the Bann and Foyle. Th<> Londoners' fortunes become pirt of t!i« prpat political stiu<;glt> now in progress between King and people."

Pime 41, linn 29 — For " prim \tical " read " prima'i*!."

45, Mne 2 Page 7:t. line 6

For '" I<and ' For •' 1782

read roaH

17S1."

Pa»e 75, line 3— For ' 1816 " r-:id " lf>3\.''

INDEX

	Page,
Al.finciliy, K>-\ . .lohn	... 74	Camphell, Roht.	... 53
Adair AghailiiHey •_':_'. 13. 1*. .•iadowc\ Man. All	... 43 in. .ML .'.-'. •••!! ... 77	Canning, Geo. ±.'. L'.H. -_N, 31, 34, 43. Canning, (leu., statesman	11. 17 ... 71
Aghadowey inhaliitants	36, 53	Canning. Paul
AghadoH ev Scssion-lmok	43, 54, 55	Canning, Wm.	... 28
Aho-hill '	61	Canning lease '
Agivcy. Defence of Agirey Castle	43, 48, 55, 61 ... 34 28, 2"	Cargill, David Cargill, John	... 71 ... 62
Alexander	... 50	Carrickfergus	... 34
Alexander. Primate	72, 7:.	Carrington. Nnth.	... 29
Allan. .Mrs.	... 49	CaHtledaw .son	... 41
Allison America. Tra<le with A nders< Hi	60 ... 50	('asth'dawson Manor Celtic customs and democracy	... 19 ... 5
Anderson, .lames	... 36	Chanil.erlain. Guy	... 29
ASSCH late I'reshytery	... 72	Chamoerlain, Win.	... 29
		Chamhers, J.	... 65
		Chevy Chase	... 58
Huron, Ben.	68	Chichester, Sir A.	... 7
Haker, (Jodfrev	... 31	Chiehester's land scheme	... 8
Bsllykelly	... 43	Church	... 43
Kallwnetia	... 43	Clark	... 50
Hallymuney	49, 61	Clark. Geo.	... 44
Hallyrashanc		Clark, John. Maghera	... 70
1 tally rashane CControversy	57	Clarke, Dr. Adam	71, 74
Hallysi illlioil	... 41	Clendenin	... 50
Hamford, Rolxjrt	... 52	Clerk, Rev. Matthew	62, 57
Banagher	... 48	Clough	... 43
Haiin. The	... 42	Cliuigh C'astle	... 35
Mann Valley	49, 50. 51	Coloraine 14, 34, 36,	43, 48,
Harklie	... 65	49, 53, 56,	61. r,i.
Harnioiiih	. ... 62	Colernine, Defence of	... 42
Barnard, Dean	... 67	Coleraine eX|M)rt8	62, 63
HnrneU	... 50	Coleraine. Port of	68
1. Da\ id	... H	C'oleraine. Shiphnilding at
Hehast	... .11	Coleraine Siego	&"
BeUaghy	31. 13. lil	Communion. An old	... 57
Blinker. .Miss	... -.ii	Ccingrc-^ationg —
Hliiir. Colonel	I'J. 13	Aghadowcy	71
Blair, .lohn	.",2	( *i cissga r •	... 72
Blair-Stirling	13	Macoscjuin	... 7'J
Bleaching	60, 65. 66	(Jar\ ;i"h	... 72
l!olton, C. K.. historiaiL	... 51	Rillak
Hoston	... 50	Ball\ lintagh	... 72
Hm-eedv ('.I*. Church	... 72	Rin^M-nd	... 72
Hoyd. .lohn	".I	llovc-edy	... 73
Boyil. Hev. Thomas	)3	Knot kloiighrim	73
Hovel's iM'tinon. Hev. Win.	51	Conveyaiu*s	... 62
Boy le. l{. \ . Adam	73	CcMikstown
Movie Arch.	...	('ushering	32. 33
\l K.-(i.	76	Crni<i. Arch.
.all. Krchl.p.	... 40	('•;ii.rl]c jtd, Saml.
	... 53	C'rilly. Henrv	1-
A	... 85	Cromnic lin. Louis
1'ron ii. Het . John	... 43	C'oinwi'll in Ireland	36, 30
•• fnniilv	... 71	C'unningham. .Tame*
n family	... 72	Cunningham of Rpringhill
	... 72	CSirry

	Page.	Pape.
: J.	1, 8	Hillhouse	43
Dnvison, Miss	... 56	Hillinan, Thos.	28
|)CIT\. Defenders of	... 43	Hills', Hev. Geo., partiality 33,	:t-"i
Derry, Presbyterians in	... 47	Hindtnan. Hannah	53
Detertoghil] ' 21,	22, 67	Holmes, Capt.	49
l>. . rtmartin	9, 41	Holmes of Coleraine	51
and tenant-right	... 49	Holmes John	52
Docklingtou, Capt. E.	... 22	Houston, Mr. Wm.	54
Dominicans	... 47	Howard 17,	26
I)orran<e, James	... 52	Huey	53
Downing hi uatic art not approved	43, 44 ... 59	Huey, John Huguenots, The 42,	44 63
Drapers	... 64	Hunter	43
Dunboe	48, 51	Hunter, And.	29
Dungiven Abbey 21, 22,	24, 67	Hvndman 43,	57
Dupre, Josias	... 55
		Incumbents	67
Edwards	53	Inhabitants' names, 1689-92	53
Klcock, Nich.	... 27	1 nnes, Robert	61
KUler, Rev. John	... 57
Emigrants' names 51,	52, 53	Jaekson 43, 53,	Bfi
Emigration 47,	49, 64	Jackson of Tobermore	69
KrriKal 21,	22, 48	Jamison	53
Estates re-conveyed	... 36	Jesuit activity ... 45,	47
Evangelical movement	... 71	Johnston, And.	53
Exports and imports	... 63	Johnston, Wm.	53
		Jones, Paul	64
Farquhar, Geo., dramatist	... 76
Faughanvale 47,	48, 53	Kennedy	56
Feudalism	... 27	Kennedy, Jenet	53
Fisher	43, 49	Kennedy, Rev. John, Diary of 55,	70
Fit/.patrick. Rev. J.	... 73	Kilrea 34, 40. 41, 43, 44, 48, 49, 53,	,61
Klijiht of the Earls	... 1	Kirk-session, The	70
Forfeiture of estates	... 18
Forrester, W.	... 65	Labour and prices in 1608	15
Franciscans	... 48	1-agpan forces	85
Freeholders	... 28	liBnd Acts	7!'
Fronde and Elizabethan policy	... 6	I/aney, Battle of	:«
Fullerton, Eliz.	... 53	T^awrence	71
Fullerton. Mr. Paul	51. 52	Law son. David	54
Fulton, James	... 36	Lec-ky, Henry	56
Funerals	... 56	Lenox-Cony ngham. Colonel	74
		Leslie, Mr. John	52
Galland 39, 43,	53, 54	Leven, Earl of	36
Gait, Paul	29, 36	Limavndy 34, 43,	61
Gait, Thos.	... 29	Limavady Manor	19
Garvajili 23, 43, 49,	55, 61	Lindsay	56
Garvagh, Battle of	... 3t	Linen trade, Progress of 63,	66
Giant's Causeway an asset	... 60	Little. Tlios.	W
Giveon, David	... 52	Lizard Manor	27
Given, John	... 57	Londonderry, N.H. 50, 52,	58
Glass	... 53	Lynd, Rev.'R. J.	72
Glenshane	... 61
Godfrey	... 43	M'BrioV, Admiral	57
Gordon's Inn	. . . 56	M'liiide. Rev. Robt.	:,7
Gould, Alex.	... 29	M'Causland	n
Graham, Watty	... 78	M'Oau.slnnd. Conollv	w
Grav, And.	... 29	M'ClurgoR	53
Gre*r, S. M 'Curdy	68, 76	Macosouin	.->!
Gregg	. . . .-.o	M 'Curdy. Lachlan	1:1
(•rcii^, James	51. 52	Macdonnell. Alaster	31
Grocers' Kstate	... 40	M'Duffee	53
		AI'Fadden, And.	51
Hamill, Col. Hugh	43	M'Gregor. Rev. .las. 43, 49,	08
Ha milton	... 53	M'Keen 50	">.")
Has!, 'it. Matthew	... 52	Mnckev, Patrick	55
Hn/.let. James	... 64	M'Kinley. Margt.	52
Hiaeinbotharo, Rev. R.	57	MacMullin, Jane	81
Hill, .Tenet	... 53	M'Nichell, Duncan	r>.T

	Page.
ra 41, 43,	61, 78	Reading clubs	58
Magheratelt 48, 65,	58, 59	llion of 1798	78
Majiilligan	... 61	Reformed Presbytery	73
Manors erected	... 17	Roads	60
Marriage customs	64, 56	Rock, Thos.	29
Miiriin, .lolin	... 53	Route Presbytery	46
Mather. Cotton	... 50	Rowan	43
Miixwdl, Wm.	... 53	Rowley, Ed.	84
Methodism	... 71
Milli-r, David	... 57
Miller. John	63, 57	Salters' Estate 80, 88, 40,	65
Miller, Thos.	... 29	Shields, James	52
Minus. John	... 53	Shute. Governor	49
Mitchell	... 50	Smith, James	61
Molynoux, J.	... 65	Smith, Widow	63
Moneymore	... 34	Steele.	50
Money. Value of	16, 44	Sterrett	60
Monk, General	... 36	Stirling, John	63
Moiiro, Sir Geo.	... 36	Stewart	50
Montgomery, Hugh	... 51	Stewart, Arch.	34
Montgomery, Root.	... 29	Stewart of Killyiuoon	69
Morrison	... 50	Stewartstown	61
Motley, historian	... 51	Strafford and linen trade 62,	63
Mnwatt. And.	... 52	Stuart, Margret	51
Mov, -set Book Club	... 58	Superstitions	54
Mii'lholhmd	... 43
Mulliiiniire Works	... 65	Tamlaght	48
Music hook. Ms.	... 68	Tanistry and tenure	4
		Tenant-right 44,	49
Natives and the Companies	20	Test Act 47,	50
Neunith	... 50	Thompson, Nath.	53
New England	... 60	Thompson, Sara	54
New Ferry	... 61	Thomson, Hugh, artist	76
Nonconformists penalized	40, 50	Thomson, Prof. St. dair	76
Notable men of Deny	... 74	Tippling Philosophers, Hie	68
		Tobermore	43
O'Cahan country, The	2—6	Toome 21,	42
O'Cahan, Lady	... 5	Torrens family	74
1 i C:ihan. Manus	... 84	Trade with America	50
O'Cahan, Roger	... 54
nr.ihan, Sir Donnell	3, 5	Ulster linen trade, Reason! of
O'Hapan, Cormaok	... 34	success of	63
ir.Mullan, Thos.	... 48	Ulster Scots, men of estates	51
Orr. .1.	... 65	Ulster Scots, Roosevelt on	50
Orr. Andrew	... 77	Ulster Scots, Rosebery on	1 i
Pedlar literature	67	Vesey 84,	46
IVden the Prophet	... 57	Vincent, Wm.	67
Penal laws	... -17	Volunteers, The 64,	78
PhUlipi	... 13	Vow, The 89, 43, 53,	54
Phillips. Sir Thos.	19. 20
Phintiitiiiii. Conditions of	8, 9	\Vaite, Robt.	6]
Pllliiket. Ah.	•	Watson, Matthew	.-,1
Pnnket. Arehhji.	... 47	Weir	60
I'oioike's Tour	... 64	Wont worth' s policy	88
Population of Ireland	... 39	\Ycslev, John	H
Porter familv	... 75	Wilkes, Wm.	29
Port.^li. none 42, 48	. r.3. '.I	Wills. Old	52
Piirtnn Masnacre	. . .HI	Wilson. John	64
Portrnsh 63,	62. 01	Wilson. Dr. Robt.	72
• '>!,. Pisnse of	If,	Wimjfield, Squire	08
'••. tcriaii ministers	... 71	Whitiiker, Wm.	63
Presl.vtiTiMiis penalized	... 17	White. Wm.	M
Pnntiii' 84	. 30. I'.	Whitehurst, John	n
Pviiiinr'- SUMI-V	... IS	Witchcraft	M
It.lllh \	.13	•'lanry. An independent	4
irkin	... 53	Youne. Arthur, traveller	01
Itea. .In!, n. emigrant	. . .11	Young. .Iame«	r,-2

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DA Kernohan, J. W. 990 The county of Londonderry in) L8K4 three centuries, with notices of the Ironmongers' estate

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