8S. H. BURNHAM (~ \) CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY BEQUEST OF STEWART HENRY BURNHAM 1943 DATE DUE i, L {ie tae |e es a Cornell University Library udubon the natura iii 005 AUDUBON THE NATURALIST z : Loony AE: be eds Sane AFTER THE RARE ENGRAVING BY C. TURNER, A, R, A., OF THE MINIATURE PAINTED BY FREDERICK CRUICKSHANK, ABOUT 1831; PUBLISHED FOR THE ENGRAVER BY ROBERT HAVELL, LONDON, 1835. Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www. archive.org/details/cu31924005339274 AUDUBON THE NATURALIST A HISTORY OF HIS LIFE AND TIME BY FRANCIS HOBART HERRICK, Ph.D., Se.D. PROFESSOR OF BIOLOGY IN WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY; AUTHOR OF “THE HOME LIFE OF WILD BIRDS,” ETC, IN TWO VOLUMES ILLUSTRATED VOLUME I D. APPLETON AND COMPANY NEW YORK LONDON 1917 A f\ Coryrriaut, 1917, By D. APPLETON AND COMPANY Printed in the United States of Ameriea TO ELIZABETH MY SISTER PREFACE The origin of the gifted ornithologist, animal painter, and writer, known to the world as John James Audubon, has re- mained a mystery up to the present time. In now lifting the veil which was cast over his early existence, I feel that I serve the cause of historical truth; at the same time it is possible to do fuller justice to all most intimately concerned with the story of his life and accomplishments. The present work is in reality the outcome of what was first undertaken as a holiday recreation in the summer of 1903. While engaged upon a research of quite a different character, I reread, with greater care, Audubon’s Ornithological Biog- raphy, and after turning the leaves of his extraordinary illus- trations, it seemed to me most strange that but little should be known of the making of so original and masterful a character. As I was in England at the time some investigations were undertaken in London, but, as might have been expected, with rather barren results. After my return to America in the following year the search was continued, but as it proved equally fruitless here, the subject was set aside. Not until 1913, when this investigation was resumed in France, did I meet with success. Every man, however poor or inconsequential he may ap- pear or be, is supposed to possess an estate, and every man of affairs is almost certain to leave behind him domestic, pro- fessional, or commercial papers, which are, in some degree, a mark of his attainments and an indication of his character and tastes. In the summer of 1913 I went to France in search of the personal records of the naturalist’s father, Lieu- tenant Jean Audubon, whose home had been at Nantes and in the little commune of Couéron, nine miles below that city, on vii Vili AUDUBON THE NATURALIST the right bank of the Loire. The part which Lieutenant Audubon played in the French Revolution was fully revealed in his letters, his reports to the Central Committee, and nu- merous other documents which are preserved in the archives of the Préfecture at Nantes; while complete records of his naval career both in the merchant marine and governmental ser- vice (service pour l’Etat) were subsequently obtained at Paris; but at Nantes his name had all but vanished, and little could be learned of his immediate family, which had been nearly extinct in France for over thirty years. Again the quest seemed likely to prove futile until a let- ter, which I received through the kindness of Mr. Louis Gold- schmidt, then American Consul at Nantes, to M. Giraud Gangie, conservateur of the public library in that city, brought a response, under date of December 29, 1913, in- forming me that two years before that time, he had met by chance in the streets of Couéron a retired notary who assured him that he held in possession numerous exact records of Jean Audubon and his family. The sage Henry Thoreau once re- marked that you might search long and diligently for a rare bird, and then of a sudden surprise the whole family at dinner. So it happened in this case, and since these manuscript records, sought by many in vain on this side of the Atlantic, are so important for this history, the reader is entitled to an account of them. Upon corresponding with the gentleman in question, M. L. Lavigne, I was informed that the documents in his possession were of the most varied description, comprising letters, wills, deeds, certificates of births, baptisms, adoptions, marriages and deaths, to the number, it is believed, of several hundred pieces. This unique and extraordinary collection of Audubon- ian records had been slumbering in a house in the commune of Couéron called “Les ‘Tourterelles” (“The Turtle Doves”) for nearly a hundred years, or since the death of the naturalist’s stepmother in 1821. Since I was unable to judge of the authenticity of the documents or to visit France at that time, my friend, Pro- | PREFACE ix fessor Gustay G. Laubscher, who happened to be in Paris, engaged in investigating Romance literary subjects, kindly consented to go to Couéron for the purpose of inspecting them. Monsieur Lavigne had already prepared for me, and still held, a number of photographs of the most important manuscripts, which are now for the first time reproduced, and, with the aid of a stenographer, in the course of two or three days they were able to transcribe the most essential and interesting parts of this voluminous material. But at that very moment sinister clouds were blackening the skies of Europe, and my friend was obliged to leave his task unfinished and hasten to Paris; when he arrived in that city, on the memorable Saturday of August 1, 1914, orders for the mobilization of troops had been posted ; it was some time before copies of the manuscripts were received from Couéron, and he left the French capital to return to America. These documents came into the hands of Monsieur La- vigne through his wife, who was a daughter and legatee of Ga- briel Loyen du Puigaudeau, the second, son of Gabriel Loyen du Puigaudeau, the son-in-law of Lieutenant and Mme. Jean Audu- bon. Gabriel Loyen du Puigaudeau, the second, who died at Couéron in 1892, is thought to have destroyed all letters of the naturalist which had been in possession of the family and which were written previous to 1820, when his relations with the elder Du Puigaudeau were broken off; not a line in the handwriting of John James Audubon has been preserved at Couéron. In June and July, 1914, Dr. Laubscher had repeatedly applied to the French Foreign Office, through the American Embassy at Paris, for permission to examine the dossier of Jean Audubon in the archives of the Department of the Marine, in order to verify certain dates in his naval career and to obtain the personal reports which he submitted upon his numerous battles at sea, but at that period of strain it was impossible to gain further access to the papers sought. Having told the story of the way in which these unique and important records came into my possession, I wish to ex- x AUDUBON THE NATURALIST press my gratitude to Professor Laubscher for his able co- operation in securing transcriptions and photographs, and to Monsieur Lavigne for his kind permission to use them, as well as for his careful response to numerous questions which arose in the course of the investigation. In dealing with letters and documents, of whatever kind, in manuscript, I have made it my invariable rule to reproduce the form and substance of the record as it exists as exactly as possible; in translations, however, no attempt has been made to preserve any minor idiosyncrasies of the writer. The source of all scientific, literary or historical material previously published is indicated in footnotes, and the reader will find copious references to hitherto unpublished documents, which in their complete and original form, with or without transla- tions, together with an annotated Bibliography, have been gathered in Appendices at the end of Volume II. For con- venience of reference each chapter has been treated as a unit so far as the footnotes are concerned, and the quoted author’s name, with the title of his work in addition to the bibliographic number, has been given in nearly every instance. Besides the many coadjutors whose friendly aid has been gladly acknowledged in the body of this work, I now wish to offer my sincere thanks, in particular, to the Misses Maria R. and Florence Audubon, granddaughters of the naturalist, who have shown me many courtesies, and to the Hon. Myron T. Herrick, late American Ambassador to France, for his kindly assistance in obtaining documentary transcripts from the Department of the Marine at Paris. I am under special obligations also to the librarians of the British Museum and Ox- ford University, the Linnean and Zodlogical Societies of Lon- don, the Jardin des Plantes at Paris, the Public Libraries of Boston and New York, and the libraries of the Historical So- cieties of New York, Philadelphia, Boston and Louisiana, as well as to the Director of the Museum of Comparative Zodlogy of Harvard University, and to the American Museum of Natural History in New York City, for photographs of paint- ings and other objects, for permission to read or copy manu- PREFACE xi scripts, and for favors of various sorts. Furthermore, I am indebted to the good offices of Mr. Ferdinand Lathrop Mayer, Secretary of Legation, Port-au-Prince, and of M. Fontaine, American Consular Agent at Les Cayes, Haiti, for a series of photographs made expressly to represent Les Cayes as it appears today. I would also acknowledge the courtesy of the Corporation of Trinity Parish, New York, through Mr. Pendleton Dudley, for an excellent photograph of the Audu- bon Monument. I cannot express too fully my appreciation of the hearty response which the publishers of these volumes have given to every question concerned with their presentation in an ade- quate and attractive form, and particularly to Mr. Francis G. Wickware, of D. Appleton and Company, to whose knowl- edge, skill, and unabated interest the reader, like myself, is in- debted in manifold ways. My friend, Mr. Ruthven Deane, well known for his inves- tigations in Auduboniana and. American ornithological litera- ture, has not only read the proofs of the text, but has gener- ously placed at my disposal many valuable notes, references, Pictures, letters and other documents, drawn from his own researches and valuable personal collections. I wish to express in the most particular manner also my ap- preciation of the generous spirit in which Mr. Joseph Y. Jeanes has opened the treasures in his possession, embracing not only large numbers of hitherto unpublished letters, but an unrivaled collection of early unpublished Au- dubonian drawings, for the enrichment and embellishment of these pages. For the loan or transcription of other original manuscript material, or for supplying much needed data of every description, I am further most indebted to Mr. Welton H. Rozier, of St. Louis; Mr. Tom J. Rozier, of Ste. Genevieve ; Mr. C. A. Rozier, of St. Louis; the Secretary of the Linnean Society of London, through my friend, Mr. George E. Bullen, of St. Albans; Mr. Henry R. Howland of the Buffalo So- ciety of Natural Sciences, of Buffalo; Mr. William Beer, of the Howard Memorial Library, of New Orleans; and Mr. W. xii AUDUBON THE NATURALIST H. Wetherill, of Philadelphia. For the use of new photo- graphic and other illustrative material, I am further indebted to Mr. Stanley Clisby Arthur, of the Conservation Commis- sion of Louisiana, and to Cassinia, the medium of publication of the Delaware Valley Ornithological Club. Through the kindness of Messrs. Charles Scribner’s Sons I have been permitted to draw rather freely from Audubon and His Journals, by Miss Maria R. Audubon and Elliott Coues, and to reproduce three portraits therefrom; original photographs of two of these have been kindly supplied by Dr. R. W. Shufeldt. I also owe to the courtesy of the Girard Trust Company, of Philadelphia, the privilege of quoting cer- tain letters contained in William Healey Dall’s Spencer Ful- lerton Baird. To my esteemed colleague, Professor Benjamin P. Bour- land, I am under particular obligations for his invatuable aid in revising translations from the French and in the translitera- tion of manuscripts, as well as for his kindly assistance in correspondence on related subjects. I have derived much benefit also from my sister, Miss Elizabeth A. Herrick, who has made many valuable suggestions. To all others who have aided me by will or deed in the course of this work I wish to express my cordial thanks. Francis H, Herrick. Western Reserve University, Cleveland, July 2, 1917. _CONTENTS OF VOLUME I PREFACE Moye iat) Mw) welt) cei sve tel) ok eh rs eet ie ee envi CHRONOLOGY . . - ° : A # 4 oO Bae pes? CHAPTER I IntRopucTION Audubon’s growing fame—Experience in Paris in 1828—Cuvier’s patron- age—Audubon’s publications—His critics—His talents and accom- plishments—His Americanism and honesty of purpose—His foibles and faults—Appreciations and monuments—The Audubon Societies —Biographies and autobiography—Robert Buchanan and the true history of his Life of dudwbon. . . . «. «. « « « 1 CHAPTER II Jean AupuBON anv His Famity Extraordinary career of the naturalist’s father—Wounded at fourteen and prisoner of war for five years in England—Service in the French merchant marine and navy—Voyages to Newfoundland and Santo Domingo—His marriage in France—His sea fights, capture and imprisonment in New York—His command at the Battle of Yorktown—Service in America and encounters with British priva- (SS me 6 & 6 Gt, Go 8 Oo be eo a te oo EB CHAPTER III Jean AvpuBoNn as Santo Dominco PLANTER anD MErcuanT Captain Audubon at Les Cayes—As planter, sugar refiner, general merchant and slave dealer, amasses a fortune—His return to France with his children—History of the Santo Domingo revolt— Baron de Wimpffen’s experience—Revolution of the whites—Op- position of the abolitionists—Effect of the Declaration of Rights on the mulattoes—The General Assembly drafts a new constitution —First blood drawn between revolutionists and loyalists at Port- xili xiv AUDUBON THE NATURALIST au-Prince—Ogé’s futile attempt to liberate the mulattoes—Les Cayes first touched by revolution in 1790, four years after the death of Audubon’s mother—Emancipation of the mulattoes—Resistance of the whites—General revolt of blacks against whites and the ruin of the colony. os “« "| -\6 “el -ie "4, ‘Kel a 0) © CHAPTER IV. AvpvuBon’s Birtu, NaTIONALITY, AND PARENTAGE Le an Cayes—Audubon’s French creole mother—His early names—Discov- ery of the Sanson bill with the only record of his birth—Medical practice of an early day—Birth of Muguet, Audubon’s sister— Fougére and Muguet taken to France—Audubon’s adoption and baptism—His assumed name—Dual personality in legal documents —Source of published errors—Autobiographic records—Rise of enigma and tradition—The Marigny myth .~ . . .« .». . CHAPTER V Lizvutenant AvupvuBon as REVOLUTIONIST Background of Audubon’s youth—Nantes in Revolution—Revolt in La Vendée—Siege of Nantes—Reign of terror under Carrier—Plague robbing the guillotine—Flight of the population—Execution of Charette—The Chouan raid—Citizen Audubon’s service—He re- enters the navy and takes a prize from the English—His subse- quent naval career—His losses in Santo Domingo—His service and rank—Retires on a pension—His death—His character and appear- ie eS a Ge Se CHAPTER VI Scuoot Days in France Molding of Audubon’s character—Factor of environment—Turning fail- ure into success—An indulgent step-mother—The truant—His love of nature—Early drawings and discipline—Experience at Roche- fort—Baptized in the Roman Catholic Church . . . | . CHAPTER VII First Visir To tHe Unitrep States, anp Lire aT “Mitt Grove” Audubon is sent to the United States to learn English and enter trade —Taken ill—Befriended by the Quakers—Settles at “Mill Grove” PAGE 36 52 73 90 CONTENTS XV PAGH farm—lIts history and attractions—Studies of American birds be- gun—Engagement to Lucy Bakewell—Sports and festivities CHAPTER VIII Dacosta anp THE “Mitu Grove” Mine Advent of a new agent at “Mill Grove’—Dacosta becomes guardian to young Audubon and exploits a neglected lead mine on the farm —Correspondence of Lieutenant Audubon and Dacosta—Quarrel with Dacosta—Audubon’s return to France. . . ©. «© « CHAPTER IX AvpuBON’s Last Visir To HIS HOME IN FRANCE Life at Couéron—Friendship of D’Orbigny—Drawings of French birds —D’Orbigny’s troubles—Marriage of Rosa Audubon—The Du Pui- gaudeaus—Partnership with Ferdinand Rozier—Their Articles of Association—They sail from Nantes, are overhauled by British privateers, but land safely at New York—Settle at “Mill Grove” . CHAPTER X “Ts GERBETIERE’? OF YESTERDAY AND TODAY Home of Audubon’s youth at Couéron—Its situation on the Loire— History of the villa and commune—Changes of acentury. . . CHAPTER XI First Ventures in Business at New York, AnD SEQUEL THE “Mitt Grove” MIne Audubon and Rozier at “Mill Grove’—Their partnership rules—At- tempts to form a mining company lead to disappointment—Deci- sion to sell their remaining interests in “Mill Grove” to Dacosta— Division of the property and legal entanglements—Audubon as a clerk in New York—Business correspondence and letters to his father—Later history of the lead mine and Dacosta—Audubon continues his drawings in New York and works for Dr. Mitchell’s Museum—Forsakes the counting-room for the fields—Personal Sketchive; ws) je) een) fe je Hes el re ie el tee 98 113 127 136 TO 146 xvi AUDUBON THE NATURALIST CHAPTER XII Earzty Drawines In France anp AMERICA PAGE Child and man—His ideals, perseverance and progress—Study under David at Paris—David’s pupils and studios—David at Nantes arouses the enthusiasm of its citizens—His part in the Revolution —His art and influence over Audubon—Audubon’s drawings of French birds—Story of the Edward Harris collection—The Birds of America in the bud—Audubon’s originality, style, methods, and mastery of materials and technique—His problem and how he solved it—His artistic defects . 4 7 7 A es . . 173 CHAPTER XIII AupusBon’s MarriacE AND SETTLEMENT IN THE WEST Audubon and Rozier decide to start a pioneer store at Louisville, Kentucky—Their purchase of goods in New York—“Westward Ho” with Rozier—Rozier’s diary of the journey—An unfortunate investment in indigo—Effect of the Embargo Act—Marriage to Lucy Bakewell—Return to Louisville—Life on the Ohio—Depres- sion of trade—William Bakewell’s assistance—Audubon’s eldest son born at the “Indian Queen”—The Bakewells—Life at Louisville . 186 CHAPTER XIV A Meetine or Rivats, anp SKETcH oF ANOTHER PIONEER Alexander Wilson and his American Ornithology—His canvassing tour of 1810—His retort to a Solomon of the bench—Descriptions of Pittsburgh, Cincinnati and Louisville—Meeting with Audubon— Journey to New Orleans—Youth in Scotland—Weaver, itinerant peddler, poet and socialist—Sent to jail for libel—Emigrates to the United States—Finally settles as a school teacher near Philadel- phia—His friendships with Bartram and Lawson—Disappoint- ments in love—Early studies of American birds—His drawings, thrift, talents and genius—Publication of his Ornithology—His travels, discouragements and success—His premature death—Con- flicting accounts of the visit to Audubon given by the two natural- ists—Rivalry between ‘the friends of Wilson, dead, and those of Audubon, living—The controversy which followed—An evasive “Flycatcher”—-Singular history of the Mississippi Kite plate . . 202 CONTENTS XVil CHAPTER XV EXPERIMENTS IN TRADE ON THE FRONTIER PAGE The Ohio a hundred years ago—Hardships of the pioneer trader— Audubon’s long journeys by overland trail or river to buy goods— The “ark” and keelboat—Chief pleasures of the naturalist at Louis- ville—The partners move their goods by flatboat to Henderson, Kentucky, and then to Ste. Geneviéve (Missouri)—Held up by the ice—Adventures with the Indians—Mississippi in flood—Camp at the Great Bend—Abundance of game—Breaking up of the ice— Settle at Ste. Genevitve—The partnership dissolved—Audubon’s return to Henderson—Rozier’s successful career—His old store at CVG, (EGNEENGe 6 G CHAPTER XVI Avpuson’s Mitzi anp Finat Reverses in Business Dr. Rankin’s “Meadow Brook Farm”—Birth of John Woodhouse Audu- bon—The Audubon-Bakewell partnership—Meeting with Nolte— Failure of the commission business—Visit to Rozier—Storekeeping at Henderson—Purchases of land—Habits of frontier tradesmen —Steamboats on the Ohio—Popular pastimes—Audubon-Bakewell- Pears partnership—Their famous steam mill—Mechanical and finan- cial troubles—Business reorganization—Bankruptcy general—Fail- ure of the mill—Personal encounter—Audubon goes to jail for debt . ° te . . . . . ° ° . . ° ° ° CHAPTER XVII 233 247 Tor Entcma or Avupuson’s Lire anp THE History or His Famizy 1n France Death of Lieutenant Audubon—Contest over his will—Disposition of his estate—The fictitious $17,000—Unsettled claims of Formon and Ross—Ilusions of biographers—Gabriel Loyen du Puigaudeau— Audubon’s relations with the family in France broken—Death of the naturalist’s stepmother—The Du Puigaudeaus—Sources of CEiigie? di 6 0) @ oo co po Go 6 Sm Ge “ors CHAPTER XVIII Earty Episopes or WESTERN LIFE Methods of composition—“A Wild Horse”—Henderson to Philadelphia in 1811—Records of Audubon and Nolte, fellow travelers, com- 262 xvii AUDUBON THE NATURALIST PAGE pared—The great earthquakes—The hurricane—The outlaw—Char- acterization of Daniel Boone—Desperate plight on the prairie— Regulator law in action—Frontier necessities—The ax married to the ygrindstone™. 3.) We. 2 remote ot cme Met eet i) ceed CHAPTER XIX ‘AUDUBON AND RaFINESQUE The “Eccentric Naturalist” at Henderson—Bats and new species—The demolished violin—“M. de T.”: Constantine Samuel Rafinesque (Schmaltz)—His precocity, linguistic acquirements and peripatetic habits—First visit to America and botanical studies—Residence in Sicily, and fortune made in the drug trade—Association with Swainson—Marriage and embitterment—His second journey to America ends in shipwreck—Befriended—Descends Ohio in a flat- boat—Visit with Audubon, who gives him many strange “new species”—Cost to zodlogy—His unique work on Ohio fishes—Profes- sorship in Transylvania University—Quarrel with its president and trustees—Return to Philadelphia—His ardent love of nature; his writings, and fatal versatility—His singular will—His sad end and the ruthless disposition of his estate. . . - +» «© « «© 285 CHAPTER XX Avupuson’s AINEID, 1819-1824: WanprErincs THROUGH THE WEstT aNnD SouTH Pivotal period in Audubon’s career—His spur and balance wheel— Resort to portraiture—Taxidermist in the Western Museum—Set- tles in Cincinnati—History of his relations with Dr. Drake—De- cides to make his avocation his business—Journey down the Ohio and Mississippi with Mason and Cummings—Experiences of travel without a cent of capital—Life in New Orleans—Vanderlyn’s rec- ommendation—Original drawings—Chance meeting with Mrs. Pir- rie and engagement as tutor at “Oakley’—Enchantments of West Feliciana—“My lovely Miss Pirrie’—The jealous doctor—Famous drawing of the rattlesnake—Leaves St. Francisville and is adrift again in New Orleans—Obtains pupils in drawing and is joined by his family—Impoverished, moves to Natchez, and Mrs. Audu- bon becomes a governess—Injuries to his drawings—The labors of years destroyed by rats—Teaching in Tennessee—Parting with Mason—First lessons in oils—Mrs. Audubon’s school at “Beech- woods”—Painting tour fails—Stricken at Natchez—At the Percys’ plantation—Walk to Louisville—Settles at Shippingport . . . 301 CONTENTS x1X CHAPTER XXI Désut as a NaTuRALIsT PAGE Makes his bow at Philadelphia—Is greeted with plaudits and cold water —Friendship of Harlan, Sully, Bonaparte and Harris—Hostility of Ord, Lawson and other friends of Alexander Wilson—A meeting of academicians—Visit to “Mill Grove’—Exhibits drawings in New York and becomes a member of the Lyceum—At the Falls of Niagara—In a gale on Lake Erie—Episode at Meadville—Walk to Pittsburgh—Tour of Lakes Ontario and Champlain—Decides to take his drawings to Europe—Descends the Ohio in a skiff— Stranded at Cincinnati—Teaching at St. Francisville. . . . 327 CHAPTER XXII To Evrorre anp Success Audubon sails from New Orleans—Life at sea—Liverpool—The Rath- bones—Exhibition of drawings an immediate success—Personal ap- pearance—Painting habits resumed—His pictures and methods— Manchester visited—Plans for publication—The Birds of America —Welcome at Edinburgh—Lizars engraves the Turkey Cock—In the réle of society’s lion—His exhibition described by a French critic—Honors of science and the arts—Contributions to journals excite criticism—Aristocratic patrons—Visit to Scott—The Wild Pigeon and the rattlesnake—Letter to his wife—Prospectus—Jour- meya touLondon pen eeu een) ew ee) Meus ce) re be eh neu ten be C4 CHAPTER XXIII Avupuson in Lonpon Impressions of the metropolis—A trunk full of letters—Friendship of Children—Sir Thomas Lawrence—Lizars stops work—A family of artists—Robert Havell, Junior—The Birds of America fly to Lon- don—The Zodlogical Gallery—Crisis in the naturalist’s affairs— Royal patronage—Interview with Gallatin—Interesting the Queen— Desertion of patrons—Painting to independence—Personal habits and tastes—Enters the Linnean Society—The white-headed Eagle —Visit to the great universities—Declines to write for magazines —Audubon-Swainson correspondence—‘Highfield Hall” near Tyt- tenhanger—In Paris with Swainson—Glimpses of Cuvier—His re- port on The Birds of America—Patronage of the French Govern- ment and the Duke of Orleans—Bonaparte the naturalist. . . 377 XxX AUDUBON THE NATURALIST CHAPTER XXIV First Vistr To AMERICA IN SEARCH OF New Birps PAGE Settles for a time in Camden—Paints in a fisherman’s cottage by the sea—With the lumbermen in the Great Pine Woods—Work done— Visits his sons—Joins his wife at St. Francisville—Record of jour- ney south—Life at ‘“Beechgrove’—Mrs. Audubon retires from teaching—Their plans to return to England—Meeting with Presi- dent Jackson and Edward Everett. . . . .« «© « -« CHAPTER XXV Avupuson’s LETTERPRESS AND Its Rivas Settlement in London—Starts on canvassing tour with his wife— Change of plans—In Edinburgh—Discovery of MacGillivray—His hand in the Ornithological Biography—Rival editions of Wilson and Bonaparte—Brown’s extraordinary Atlas—Reception of the Biography—Joseph Bartholomew Kidd and the Ornithological Gal- lery—In London again. . «© «© « « © «© «© e« - 420 437 ILLUSTRATIONS IN VOLUME I Audubon. After a photograph of a cast of the intaglio cut by John C. King in 1844. Embossed medallion. . . . 0 - Cover Audubon. After the engraving by C. Turner, A.R.A., of the minia- ture on ivory painted by Frederick Cruikshank about 1831; “Lon- don. Published Jan. 12, 1835, for the Proprietor [supposed to have been the engraver, but may have been Audubon or Havell], by Robert Havell, Printseller, 77, Oxford Street.” Photogra- vure . . . . . . : é . . ° i aa Statue of Audubon by Edward acts Valentine in Audubon Park, | New Orleans . . . é 0 . Facing The Audubon Monument in Trinity asepek New York, on Chil- dren’s Day, June, 1915 : . 6 3 : - Facing Les Cayes, Haiti: the wharf and postoffice . 9g 0 - Facing Les Cayes, Haiti: the market and Church of Sacré Coeur . Facing First page of the bill rendered by Dr. Sanson, of Les Cayes, Santo Domingo, to Jean Audubon for medical services from December 29, 1783, to October 19, 1785 . 0 ° . . . Facing Second page of the Sanson bill, bearing, in the entry for April 26, 1785, the only record known to exist of the date of Audubon’s birth . . . . . . . . . : - Facing Third page of the Sanson bill, signed as accepted by Jean Audubon, October 12, 1786, and receipted by the doctor, when paid, June 7, 1787S ti“ : . . . . . . . . - Facing Audubon’s signature at various periods. From early drawings, legal documents and letters . Lieutenant Jean Audubon and Anne Moynet Audubon. After por- traits painted between 1801 and 1806, now at Couéron . Facing Jean Audubon. After a portrait painted by the American artist Polk, at Philadelphia, about 1789 . . dG : - Facing Jean Audubon’s signature. From a report to the Directory of his Department, when acting as Civil Commissioner, January to Sep- tember, 1793 dj i , 0 0 : . : . b Certificate of Service which Lieutenant Audubon received upon his discharge from the French Navy, February 26, 1801 ° Q : xxi AGE 14 14 40 40 54 55 54 63 78 78 79 84 xxii AUDUBON THE NATURALIST PAGE “Mill Grove” in 1835 (about). After a water-color painting by Charles Wetherill. . . ° . . . . j - Facing “Mill Grove,” Audubon, Pennsylvania, as it appears to-day . Facing “Mill Grove” farmhouse, west front, as it appears to-day . Facing “Fatland Ford,” Audubon, Pennsylvania, the girlhood home of Lucy Bakewell Audubon. : : . . . . - Facing Early drawings of French birds, 1805, hitherto unpublished: the male Reed Bunting (“Sedge Sparrow”), and the male Redstart Facing Receipt given by Captain Sammis of the Polly to Audubon and Ferdi nand Rozier for their passage money from Nantes to New York, May 28, 1806 3 . A 6 . . . . . . “La Gerbetiére,” Jean Audubon’s country villa at Couéron, France, and the naturalist’s boyhood home . . ° . . - Facing “La Gerbetitre” and Couéron, as seen from the highest point in the commune, windmill towers on the ridge overlooking Port Launay, on the Loire . . . . . . ° . - Facing “La Gerbetiére,” as seen when approached from Couéron village by the road to Port Launay . . . . . . - Facing Port Launay on the Loire . . . . . . - Facing Beginning of the “Articles of Association” of John James Audubon and Ferdinand Rozier, signed at Nantes, March 23, 1806 Facing First page of a power of attorney granted by Jean Audubon, Anne Moynet Audubon and Claude Francois Rozier to John James Au- dubon and Ferdinand Rozier, Nantes, April 4, 1806 . Facing Signatures of Jean Audubon, Anne Moynet Audubon, Dr. Chapelain and Dr. Charles d’Orbigny to a power of attorney granted to John James Audubon and Ferdinand Rozier, Couéron, November 20, 1806. . . é ‘ cs . : . . . Facing Early drawings of French birds, 1805, hitherto unpublished: the Euro pean Crow, with detail of head of the Rook, and the White Wag- tail . Q . . . 6 ° . . . - Facing Early drawing in crayon point of the groundhog, 1805, hitherto un- published . . : . . . ° . - Facing Water-color drawing of a young raccoon, 1841 ° . - Facing Alexander Wilson . . . . . . . . - Facing William Bartram . . . . . . . . - Facing The “twin” Mississippi Kites of Wilson and Audubon, the similarity of which inspired charges of misappropriation against Audu- bon ot te . . . . . . . . . Facing 102 102 110 110 128 . 134 136 142 142 142 146 152 153 174 182 182 212 212 228 ILLUSTRATIONS Xxill PAGE Audubon’s signature to the release given to Ferdinand Rozier on the dissolution of their partnership in 1811 ds 6 A . « 242 Ferdinand Rozier in his eighty-fifth year (1862) . : - Facing 246 Rozier’s old store at Ste. Geneviéve, Kentucky 0 Q . Facing 246 Letter of Audubon to Ferdinand Rozier, signed “Audubon & Bake- well,” and dated October 19, 1813, during the first partnership under this style . ° . 6 3 A a 9 . 251 Audubon’s Mill at Henderson, Kentucky, since destroyed, as seen from the bank of the Ohio River F . 6 6 3 - Facing 254 An old street in the Couéron of today . . ° . . Facing 264 “Les Tourterelles,’ Couéron, final home of Anne Moynet Audubon, and the resting-place of exact records of the naturalist’s birth and early life . d é : : ' 0 s 3 . Facing 264 Early drawings of American birds, 1808-9, hitherto unpublished: the Belted Kingfisher and the Wild Pigeon . . . - Facing 292 Bayou Sara Landing, West Feliciana Parish, Louisiana, at the junc- tion of Bayou Sara and the Mississippi River . - Facing 314 Scene on Bayou Sara Creek, Audubon’s hunting ground in 1821s . . . . . : . . . - Facing 314 Road leading from Bayou Sara Landing to the village of St. Francis- ville, West Feliciana Parish . é 5 d é . Facing 318 “Qakley,” the James Pirrie plantation house near St. Francisville, where Audubon made some of his famous drawings while acting as a tutor in 1821 . . . . . . S . . Facing 318 An early letter of Audubon to Edward Harris, written at Philadel- phia, July 14, 1824 . 5 . . 5 . . . . . 332 Note of Dr. Samuel Latham Mitchell, written hurriedly in pencil, recommending Audubon to his friend, Dr. Barnes, August 4, 1824 6 6 6 5 . : : ds : 6 5 ‘ . 337 Crayon portrait of Miss Jennett Benedict, an example of Audubon’s itinerant portraiture. After the original drawn by Audubon at Meadville, Pennsylvania, in 1824 , ; ' fs . Facing 342 Miss Eliza Pirrie, Audubon’s pupil at “Oakley” in 1821. After an oil portrait . s . . : ° . Facing 342 Early drawing of the penis vias Hawk, 1810, hitherto un- published. 6 . . 0 0b 5 . Facing 348 Pencil sketch of a “Shark, 7 feet long, off Cuba,” from Audubon’s Journal of his voyage to England in 1826 . a . Facing 348 First page of Audubon’s Journal of his voyage from New Orleans to Liverpool in 1826 . . . . . a - Facing 349 xxiv AUDUBON THE NATUKALISI PAGE Cock Turkey, The Birds of America, Plate I. After the original engraving by W. H. Lizars, retouched by Robert Havell. Color . . . . : : . : 9 ° . Facing 358 Title page of the original edition of The Birds of cian Volume II, 1831-1834 . . . . . . . 381 The Prothonotary Warbler plates, The Birds of America, Plate XI, bearing the legends of the engravers, W. H. Lizars and Robert Havell, Jr., but identical in every other detail of engrav- ing . . . . . . . . . . . Facing 384 Reverse of panels of Robert Havell’s advertising folder reproduced on facing insert . . . . . . c . . . . 386 Outside engraved panels of an advertising folder issued by Robert Havell about 1834. After the only ae aes copy known to exist . . . . . : . . Facing 386 Inside engraved panels of Robert Havell’s eee eee folder, showing the interior of the “Zodlogical Gallery,” 77 Oxford Street Facing 387 Reverse of panels of Robert Havell’s advertising folder, reproduced on facing insert .*° . : ° é 6 6 p é . . 387 Title page of Audubon’s Prospectus of The Birds of America for 1831 . . . . . . . . - 391 English Pheasants surprised by a Spanish Dog. After a painting by Audubon in the American Museum of Natural History . Facing 394 Letter of William Swainson to Audubon, May, 1828 5 . 6 . 402 Audubon. After an oil portrait, hitherto pasts painted about 1826 by W. H. Holmes. . . . . Facing 412 Part of letter of Charles Lucien Bonaparte to Audubon, January 10, 1829 . . : d . . . . . . . ALT Mrs. Dickie’s “Boarding Residence,” 26 George Street, Edinburgh, where Audubon painted and wrote in 1826-27, and in 1830- 31 . . . : . . . . . . - Facing 438 The Academy of Natural Sciences, aise After an old print. é : 9 3 . . Facing 438 Title page of the Ornithological Biography, Volume I . . » «441 CHRONOLOGY 1785 April 26.—Fougére, Jean Rabin, or Jean Jacques Fougére Audubon, born at Les Cayes, Santo Domingo, now Haiti. 1789 Fougére, at four years, and Muguet, his sister by adoption, at two, are taken by their father to the United pate, and thence to France. 1794 March 7 (17 ventose, an 2).—Fougére, when nine years old, and Muguet at six, are legally adopted as the children of Jean Audubon and Anne Moynet, his wife. 1800 October 23 (1 brumaire, an 9).—Baptized, Jean Jacques Fou- gére, at Nantes, when in his sixteenth year. 1802-1803 Studies drawing for a brief period under Jacques Louis David, at Paris. 1803 First return to America, at eighteen, to learn English and enter trade: settles at “Mill Grove” farm, near Phila- delphia, where he spends a year and begins his studies of American birds. XXV xxvi AUDUBON THE NATURALIST 1804 December 15.—Half-interest in “Mill Grove” acquired by Francis Dacosta, who begins to exploit its lead mine; he also acts as guardian to young Audubon, who becomes engaged to Lucy Green Bakewell; quarrel with Dacosta follows. 1805 January 12-15 (?).—Walks to New York, where Benjamin Bakewell supplies him with passage money to France. January 18 (about).—Sails on the Hope for Nantes, and ar- rives about March 18. A year spent at “La Gerbetiére,” in Couéron, where he hunts birds with D’Orbigny and makes many drawings, and at Nantes, where plans are made for his return, with Ferdi- nand Rozier, to America. 1806 Enters the French navy at this time, or earlier, but soon with- draws. March 23.—A business partnership is arranged with Ferdinand Rozier, and Articles of Association are signed at Nantes. April 12.—Sails with Rozier on the Polly, Captain Sammis, and lands in New York on May 26. They settle at “Mill Grove” farm, where they remain less than four months, meanwhile making unsuccessful attempts to operate the lead mine on the property. September 15.—Remaining half interest in “Mill Grove” farm and mine acquired by Francis Dacosta & Company, condi- tionally, the Audubons and Roziers holding a mortgage. 1806-1807 Serves as clerk in Benjamin Bakewell’s commission house in New York, but continues his studies and drawings of birds, and works for Dr. Mitchell’s Museum. CHRONOLOGY XXVil 1807 With Rozier decides to embark in trade in Kentucky. August 1—They purchase their first stock of goods in New York. August 31.—Starts with Rozier for Louisville, where they open a pioneer store. Their business suffers from the Embargo Act. 1808 June 12.—Married to Lucy Bakewell at “Fatland Ford,” her father’s farm near Philadelphia, and returns with his bride to Louisville. 1809 June 12.—Victor Gifford Audubon born at Gwathway’s hotel, the “Indian Queen,” in Louisville. 1810 March.—Alexander Wilson, pioneer ornithologist, visits Audu- bon at Louisville. Moves down river with Rozier to Redbanks (Henderson), Ken- tucky. December.—Moves with Rozier again, and is held up by ice at the mouth of the Ohio and at the Great Bend of the Mis- sissippi, where they spend the winter. 1811 Reaches Sainte Geneviéve, Upper Louisiana (Missouri), in early spring. April 6.—Dissolves partnership with Rozier, and returns to Henderson afoot. Joins in a commission business with his brother-in-law, Thomas W. Bakewell. December.—Meets Vincent Nolte when returning to Louisville from the East, and descends the Ohio in his flatboat. xxvii AUDUBON THE NATURALIST 1812 The annus mirabilis in Kentucky, marked by a series of earth- quakes, which begins December 16, 1811, and furnishes material for “Episodes.” Commission house of Audubon and Bakewell is opened by the latter in New Orleans, but is quickly suppressed by the war, which breaks out in June. Spring.—Starts a retail store, on his own account, at Hender- son. November 30.—John Woodhouse Audubon, born at “Meadow Brook” farm, Dr. Adam Rankin’s home near Henderson. 1812-1813 Storekeeping at Henderson, where he purchases four town lots and settles down. 1816 March 16.—Enters into another partnership with Bakewell; planning to build a steam grist- and sawmill at Henderson, they lease land on the river front. 1817 Thomas W. Pears joins the partnership, and the steam mill, which later became famous, is erected. (After long disuse or conversion to other purposes, “Audubon’s Mill” was finally burned to the ground on March 18, 1913.) 1818 Summer.—Receives a visit from Constantine Samuel Rafinesque, who becomes the subject of certain practical jokes, at zodlogy’s future expense, and figures in a later “Episode.” CHRONOLOGY XXIX 1819 After repeated change of partners, the mill enterprise fails, and Audubon goes to Louisville jail for debt; declares him- self a bankrupt, and saves only his clothes, his drawings and gun. Resorts to doing crayon portraits at Shipping- port and Louisville, where he is immediately successful. 1819-1820 At Cincinnati, to fill an appointment as taxidermist in the Western Museum, just founded by Dr. Daniel Drake; set- tles with his family and works three or four months, at a salary of $125 a month; then returns to portraits, and starts a drawing school. 1820 Decides to publish his “Ornithology,” and all his activities are now directed to this end. October 12.—Leaves his family, and with Joseph R. Mason, as pupil-assistant, starts without funds on a long expedition down the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers, to New Orleans, hoping to visit Arkansas, and intending to explore the country for birds, while living by his talents: from this time keeps a regular journal and works systematically. 1821 January 7.—Enters New Orleans with young Mason without enough money to pay for a night’s lodging. February 17.—Sends his wife 20 drawings, including the famous Turkey Hen, Great-footed Hawk, and White-headed Eagle. Obtains a few drawing pupils; is recommended by John Vander- lyn and Governor Robertson, but lives from hand to mouth until June 16, when Audubon and Mason leave for Ship- pingport; a fellow passenger, Mrs. James Pirrie, of West Feliciana, offers Audubon a position as tutor to her daugh- ter, and with Mason he settles on her plantation at St. Francisville, Bayou Sara, where he remains nearly five months ; some of his finest drawings are made at this time. xxx AUDUBON THE NATURALIST October 21.—Leaves abruptly and returns with Mason to New Orleans, where he again becomes a drawing teacher, and resumes his studies of birds with even greater avidity. December.—Is joined by his family, and winter finds them in dire straits. 1822 March 16.—To Natchez with Mason, paying their passage by doing portraits of the captain and his wife; while on the way finds that many of his drawings have been seriously damaged by gunpowder; teaches French, drawing and dancing at Natchez, and Washington, Mississippi. July 23.—Parts with Mason, after giving him his gun, paper and chalks, with which to work his way north. September.—Mrs. Audubon, who was acting as governess in a family at New Orleans, joins him at Natchez, where she obtains a similar position. Receives his first lessons in the use of oils from John Stein, itinerant portrait painter, in Natchez, at close of this year. 1823 January.—Mrs. Audubon is engaged by the Percys, of West Feliciana parish, Louisiana, and starts a private school at “Beechwoods,” belonging to their plantation, in St. Fran- cisville, where she remains five years. March.—Audubon leaves Natchez with John Stein and Victor on a painting tour of the South, but meeting with little suc- cess, they disband at New Orleans; visits his wife, and spends part of summer in teaching her pupils music and drawing. Adrift again; both he and Victor are taken ill with fever at Natchez, but when nursed back to health by Mrs. Audu- bon, they return with her to “Beechwoods.”’ September 30.—Determined to visit Philadelphia in the inter- ests of his “Ornithology,” he sends on his drawings and goes to New Orleans for references. October 3.—Starts with Victor for Louisville, walking part of the way. CHRONOLOGY XXXi 1823-1824 Winter spent at Shippingport, where Victor becomes a clerk to his uncle, Nicholas A. Berthoud. Paints portraits, panels on river boats, and even street signs, to earn a living. 1824 To Philadelphia, to find patrons or a publisher; thwarted; is advised to take his drawings to Europe, where the engrav- ing could be done in superior style; befriended by Charles L. Bonaparte, Edward Harris, Richard Harlan, Mr. Fair- man, and Thomas Sully, who gives him free tuition in oils. August 1.—Starts for New York, with letters to Gilbert Stuart, Washington Allston, and Samuel L. Mitchell; is kindly re- ceived and made a member of the Lyceum of Natural His- tory. August 15.—To Albany, Rochester, Buffalo, Niagara Falls, Meadville, and Pittsburgh, taking deck passage on boats, tramping, and paying his way by crayon portraits. September.—Leaves Pittsburgh on exploring tour of Lakes On- tario and Champlain for birds; decides on his future course. October 24.—Returns to Pittsburgh, and descends the Ohio in a skiff ; is stranded without a cent at Cincinnati; visits Vic- tor at Shippingport, and reaches his wife in St. Francis- ville, Bayou Sara, November 24, 1825-1826 Teaches at St. Francisville, and gives dancing lessons at Wood- ville, Mississippi, to raise funds to go to Europe. 1826 May 17.—Sails with his drawings on the cotton schooner Delos, bound for Liverpool, where he lands, a total stranger, on July 21. xxxii AUDUBON THE NATURALIST In less than a week is invited to exhibit his drawings at the Royal Institution, and is at once proclaimed as a great American genius. Exhibits at Manchester, but with less success. Plans to publish his drawings, to be called The Birds of Amer- ica, in parts of five plates each, at 2 guineas a part, all to be engraved on copper, to the size of life, and colored after his originals. The number of parts was at first fixed at 80, and the period of publication at 14 years; eventually there were 87 parts, of 435 plates, representing over a thousand individual birds as well as thousands of American trees, shrubs, flowers, insects and other animals of the entire con- tinent; the cost in England was £174, which was raised by the duties to $1,000 in America. Paints animal pictures to pay his way, and opens a subscription book. October 26.—Reaches Edinburgh, where his pictures attract the attention of the ablest scientific and literary characters of the day, and he is patronized by the aristocracy. November, early.—William Home Lizars begins the engraving of his first plates at Edinburgh, and on the 28th, shows him the proof of the Turkey Cock. Honors come to him rapidly, and he is soon elected to mem- bership in the leading societies of science and the arts in Great Britain, France and the United States. 1827 February 3.—Exhibits the first number of his engraved plates at the Royal Institution of Edinburgh. March 17.—Issues his “Prospectus,” when two numbers of his Birds are ready. April 5.—Starts for London with numerous letters to distin- guished characters and obtains subscriptions on the way. May 21.—Reaches London, and exhibits his plates before the Linnean and Royal Societies, which later elect him to fel- lowship. Lizars throws up the work after engraving ten plates, and it is transferred to London, where, in the hands of Robert CHRONOLOGY XXXiil Havell, Junior, it is new born and brought to successful completion eleven years later. Summer.—Affairs at a crisis; resorts to painting and canvasses the larger cities. December.—F ive parts, or twenty-five plates, of The Birds of America completed. 1828 March.—Visits Cambridge and Oxford Universities; though well received, is disappointed at the number of subscribers secured, especially at Oxford. September 1.—To Paris with William Swainson; remains eight weeks, and obtains 13 subscribers ; his work is eulogized by Cuvier before the Academy of Natural Sciences, and he re- ceives the personal subscription, as well as private commis- sions, from the Duke of Orleans, afterwards known as Louis Philippe. 1829 April 1.—Sails from Portsmouth on his first return to America from England, for New York, where he lands on May 1. Summer.—Drawing birds at Great Egg Harbor, New Jersey. September.—To Mauch Chunk, and paints for six weeks at a lumberman’s cottage in the Great Pine Woods. October.—Down the Ohio to Louisville, where he meets his two sons, one of whom he had not seen for five years; thence to St. Francisville, Bayou Sara, where he joins his wife, from whom he had been absent nearly three years. 1830 January 1.—Starts with his wife for Europe, first visiting New Orleans, Louisville, Cincinnati, Baltimore, and Washing- ton, where he meets the President, Andrew Jackson, and is befriended by Edward Everett, who becomes one of his first American subscribers. April 1.—Sails with Mrs. Audubon from New York for Liver- pool. Settles in London; takes his seat in the Royal Soci- xxxiv AUDUBON THE NATURALIST ety, to which he was elected on the 19th of March; resumes his painting, and in midsummer starts with his wife on a canvassing tour of the provincial towns; invites William Swainson to assist him in editing his letterpress, but a dis- agreement follows. Changes his plans, and settles again in Edinburgh; meets Wil- liam MacGillivray, who undertakes to assist him with his manuscript, and together they begin the first volume of the Ornithological Biography in October. 1831-1839 The Ornithological Biography, in five volumes, published at Edinburgh, and partly reissued in Philadelphia and Bos- ton. 1831-1834 In America, exploring the North and South Atlantic coasts for birds. 1831 March.—First volume of the Ornithological Biography pub- lished, representing the text of the first 100 double-ele- phant folio plates. April 15.—Returns with his wife to London. May-July.—Visits Paris again in the interests of his publica- tions. August 2.—Starts with his wife on his second journey from England to America, and lands in New York on Septem- ber 4. Plans to visit Florida with two assistants, and obtains prom- ise of aid from the Government. October-November.—At Charleston, South Carolina, where he meets John Bachman and is taken into his home. November 15.—Sails with his assistants in the government schooner Agnes for St. Augustine. CHRONOLOGY XXXV 1832 : April 15.—In revenue cutter Marion begins exploration of the east coast of Florida; proceeds to Key West, and later returns to Savannah and Charleston. Rejoins his family at Philadelphia, and goes to Boston; there meets Dr. George Parkman, and makes many friends. August.—Explores the coasts of Maine and New Brunswick, and ascends the St. John River for birds. Returns to Boston, and sends his son Victor to England to take charge of his publications. 1832-1833 Winter.—In Boston, where he is attacked by. a severe illness induced by overwork; quickly recovers and plans expedi- tion to Labrador. 1833 June 6.—Sails from Eastport for the Labrador with five assist- ants, including his son, John Woodhouse Audubon, in the schooner Ripley chartered at his own expense.. August 31.—Returns to Eastport laden with spoils, including few new birds but many drawings. September 7.—Reaches New York and plans an expedition to Florida. September 25.—Visits Philadelphia and is arrested for debt, an echo of his business ventures in Kentucky; obtains sub- scribers at Baltimore, and in Washington meets Washing- ton Irving, who assists him in obtaining government aid; finds patrons at Richmond and at Columbia, South Caro- lina. October 24.—Reaches Charleston and changes his plans; with his wife and son passes the winter at the Bachman home, engaged in hunting, drawing and writing. 1834 The number of his American subscribers reaches 62. April 16.—Sails with his wife and son on the packet North America from New York to England with large collections. Settles again in Edinburgh, and begins second volume of his Biography, which is published in December. xxxv1 AUDUBON THE NATURALIST 1835 Many drawings, papers and books lost by fire in New York. Part of summer, autumn and winter in Edinburgh, where the third volume of his Ornithological Biography is issued in December. 1836 Audubon’s two sons, who have become his assistants, tour the Continent for five months, traveling and painting. August 2.—Sails from Portsmouth on his third journey from England to the United States; lands in New York on Sept. 6 and canvasses the city. September 13.—Hurries to Philadelphia to obtain access to the Nuttall-Townsend collection of birds, recently brought from the Rocky Mountains and Pacific Coast; is rebuffed, and bitter rivalries ensue; Edward Harris offers to buy the collection outright for his benefit. September 20.—Starts on a canvassing tour to Boston, where he meets many prominent characters, and obtains a letter of commendation from Daniel Webster, who writes his name in his subscription book. Visits Salem, where sub- scribers are also obtained; meets Thomas M. Brewer, and Thomas Nuttall, who offers him his new birds brought from the West. October 10.—Is visited by Washington Irving, who gives him letters to President Van Buren and recommends his work to national patronage. October 15.—Returns to Philadelphia, where attempts to obtain permission to describe the new birds in the Nuttall-Town- send collection are renewed; he is finally permitted to pur- chase duplicates and describe the new forms under cer- tain conditions. November 10.—To Washington, to present his credentials, and is promised government aid for the projected journey to Florida and Texas. 1836-1837 Winter.—Spent with Bachman at Charleston, in waiting for his promised vessel; makes drawings of Nuttall’s and Townsend’s birds, and plars for a work on the Quadrupeds of North America. CHRONOLOGY XXXV1l 1837 Spring.—Starts overland with Edward Harris and John W. Audubon for New Orleans; there meets the revenue cutter Campbell, and in her and her tender, the Crusader, the party proceeds as far as Galveston, Texas; visits President Sam Houston. May 18.—Leaves for New Orleans, and on June 8 reaches Charleston. John Woodhouse Audubon is married to Bachman’s eldest daughter, Maria Rebecca. To Washington, and meets President Martin Van Buren. July 16.—Sails with his son and daughter-in-law on the packet England from New York; reaches Liverpool on August 2d, and on the 7th is in London. The panic of this year causes loss of many subscribers, but Audubon decides to extend The Birds of America to 87 parts, in order to admit every new American bird discov- ered up to that time. 1838 June 20.—Eighty-seventh part of The Birds of America pub- lished, thus completing the fourth volume and concluding the work, which was begun at Edinburgh in the autumn of 1826. Summer.—By way of a holiday celebration tours the High- lands of Scotland with his family and William MacGilli- vray. Autwmn.—To Edinburgh, where, with the assistance of Mac- Gillivray, the fourth volume of his Biography is issued in November. 1839 May.—Fifth and concluding volume of the Ornithological Bi- ography is published at Edinburgh. A Synopsis of the Birds of North America, which immediately follows, brings his European life and labors to a close. xxxvii AUDUBON THE NATURALIST "Late summer.—Returns with his family to New York, and set- tles at 86 White Street. Victor, who preceded his father to America, is married to Mary Eliza Bachman. Projects at once a small or “miniature” edition of his Orni- thology, and begins work on the Quadrupeds. Collabora- | tion of Bachman in this project is later secured. 1840-1844 First octavo edition of The Birds of America is published at Philadelphia, in seven volumes, with lithographic, colored plates and meets with unprecedented success; issued to subscribers in 100 parts, of five plates each with text, at one dollar a part. 1840 June.—Begins a correspondence with young Spencer F. Baird, which leads to an intimate friendship of great mutual benefit, Baird discovering new birds and sending him many specimens. 1841 Purchases land on the Hudson, in Carmansville, at the present 157th Street, and begins to build a house. July 29.—Writes to Spencer F. Baird that he was then as anx- ious about the publication of the Quadrupeds as he ever was about procuring birds. 1842 A pril.—Occupies his estate, now included in the realty section of upper New York City called Audubon Park, which he deeded to his wife and named for her “Minnie’s Land.” September 12.—Starts on a canvassing tour of Canada, going as far north as Quebec, and returns well pleased with his success, after spending a month and traveling 1,500 miles. Plans for his western journey nearly completed. CHRONOLOGY XXXIX 1843 March 11.—At fifty-eight, sets out with four companions for the region of the Upper Missouri and Yellowstone Rivers, but is unable to attain his long desired goal, the Rocky Mountains. November.—Returns with many new birds and mammals. 1845-1846 The Viviparous Quadrupeds of North America, in collabora- tion with the Rev. John Bachman, issued to subscribers in 80 parts of five plates each, without letterpress, making two volumes, imperial folio, at $300.00. John W. Audubon, traveling in Texas, to collect materials for his father’s work. 1845 Engrossed with drawings of the Quadrupeds, in which he re- ceives efficient aid from his sons. July 19.—Copper plates of The Birds of America injured by fire in New York. December 24.—Bachman, his collaborator, issues ultimatum through Harris, but work on the Quadrupeds, which had come to a stand, is resumed. 18 46-1847 John W. Audubon in England, painting subjects for the illus- tration of the Quadrupeds of North America. 1846-1854 The Viviparous Quadrupeds of North America, in collabora- tion with John Bachman, published in three volumes, octavo, text only, by J. J. and V. G. Audubon; volume i (1847) only appeared during the naturalist’s lifetime. xl AUDUBON THE NATURALIST 1847 Audubon’s powers begin to weaken and rapidly fail. 1848 February 8.—John W. Audubon joins a California company organized by Colonel James Watson Webb, and starts for the gold fields, but his party meets disaster in the valley of the Rio Grande; he leads a remnant to their destination and returns in the following year. 1861 January 27.—Jean Jacques Fougére Audubon dies at ‘‘Min- nie’s Land,” before completing his sixty-sixth year. AUDUBON THE NATURALIST Nothing extenuate, Nor set down aught in malice... . SHAKESPEARE, Othello to his biographers. Time, whose tooth gnaws away everything else, is power- less against truth. Hvx.ey. What a curious, interesting book, a biographer, well ac- quainted with my life, could write; it is still more wonderful and extraordinary than that of my father. AvDUBON, in letter to his wife, March 12, 1828. AUDUBON NATURALIST CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Audubon’s growing fame—Experience in Paris in 1828—Cuvier’s patron- age—Audubon’s publications—His critics—His talents and accom- plishments—His Americanism and honesty of purpose—His foibles and faults—Appreciations and monuments—The Audubon Societies— Biographies and autobiography—Robert Buchanan and the true his- tory of his Life of Audubon. It is more than three-quarters of a century since Audubon’s masterpiece, The Birds of America, was completed, and two generations have occupied the stage since the “American Woodsman” quietly passed away at his home on the Hudson River. These generations have seen greater changes in the development and ap- plication of natural science and in the spread of sci- entific knowledge among men than all those which pre- ceded them. Theories of nature come and go but the truth abides, and Audubon’s “book of Nature,” repre- sented by his four massive volumes of hand-engraved and hand-colored plates, still remains “the most mag- nificent monument which has yet been raised to ornithol- ogy,” as Cuvier said of the parts which met his aston- ished gaze in 1828; while his graphic sketches of Ameri- can life and scenery and his vivid portraits of birds, 1 2 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST drawn with the pen, can be read with as much pleasure as when the last volume of his Ornithological Biography left the press in 1839. This appears the more remark- able when we reflect that Audubon’s greatest working period, from 1820 to 1840, belonged essentially to the eighteenth century, for the real transition to the nine- teenth century did not begin in England before 1887; then came the dawn of the newer day that was to wit- ness those momentous changes in communication and travel, in education, democracy and ideas, which char- acterize life in the modern world. When Audubon left London for Paris on Septem- ber 1, 1828, it took him four days by coach, boat and diligence to reach the French capital, a journey which in normal times is now made in less than eight hours. Mail then left the Continent for England on but four days in the week, and to post a single letter cost twenty- four sous. Writing at Edinburgh a little earlier (De- cember 21, 1826), Audubon recorded that on that day he had received from De Witt Clinton and Thomas Sully, in America, letters in answer to his own, in forty- two days, and added that it seemed absolutely impossi- ble that the distance could be covered so rapidly. This was indeed remarkable, since the first vessel to cross the Atlantic wholly under its own steam, in 18388, re- quired seventeen days to make the passage from New York to Queenstown. “Walking in Paris,” said Audubon in 1828, “‘is disa- greeable in the extreme; the streets are paved, but with scarcely a sidewalk, and a large gutter filled with dirty black water runs through the middle of each, and peo- ple go about without any kind of order, in the center, or near the houses.” The Paris of that day contained but one-fourth the number of its present population. INTRODUCTION 3 Having reaped the fruits of the Revolution, it was enjoying peace under the Restoration; moreover, it was taking a leading part in the advancement of natu- ral science, of which Cuvier was the acknowledged dean. It was but a year before the death of blind and aged Lamarck, neglected and forgotten then, but destined after the lapse of three-quarters of a century to have a monument raised to his memory by contributions from every part of Europe and America, and to be recog- nized as the first great evolutionist of the modern school. Audubon had not seen his ancestral capital for up- wards of thirty years, not since as a young man he was sent from his father’s home near Nantes to study draw- ing in the studio of David, at the Louvre. Though in the land of his fathers and speaking his native tongue, his visit was tinged with disappointment. At the age of forty-three he was engaged in an enterprise which stands unique in the annals of science and literature. But fifty plates, or ten numbers, of his incomparable series had been engraved, and this work had then but thirty subscribers. That he was bound to sink or swim he knew full well. On August 30 he wrote: “My subscribers are yet far from enough to pay my ex- penses, and my purse suffers severely from want of greater patronage.” This want he had hoped to satisfy in France, but after an experience of eight weeks, and an expenditure, as he records, of forty pounds, he was obliged to leave Paris with only thirteen additional names on his list. Yet among the latter, it should be noticed, were those of George Cuvier, the Duke of Or- leans and King Charles X, while six copies had been ordered by the Minister of the Interior for distribution among the more important libraries of Paris. More- over, he had won the friendship and encomiums of 4 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST Cuvier, which later proved of the greatest value. The savants who gathered about him at the meeting of the Royal Academy of Sciences, over which Cuvier pre- sided, exclaimed, “Beautiful! Very beautiful! What a work!”, but “What a price!”, and acknowledged that only in England could he find the necessary support. Audubon concluded that he was fortunate in having taken his drawings to London to be engraved, for the smaller cost of copper on that side of the Channel was an item which could not be overlooked. Little did he dream that commercial greed for the baser metal would send most of his great plates to the melting pot half a century later. No doubt he was right also in con- cluding that had he followed certain advisers in first tak- ing his publication to France, it would have perished “like a flower in October.” It should be added that King Charles’ subscription expired with his fall two years later, while that of Cuvier ended with his death in 1832. Audubon was one of those rare spirits whose post- humous fame has grown with the years. He did one thing in particular, that of making known to the world the birds of his adopted land, and did it so well that his name will be held in everlasting remembrance. His great folios are now the property of the rich or of those fortunate institutions which have either received them by gift or were enrolled among his original subscribers, and wherever found they are treasured as the greatest of show books. The sale of a perfect copy of the Birds at the present day is something of an event, for it com- mands from $3,000 to $5,000, or from three to five times its original cost. All of Audubon’s publications have not only become rare but have increased greatly in price; they are what dealers call a good investment, an experi- INTRODUCTION 5 ence which probably no other large, illustrated, scien- tific or semi-scientific works have enjoyed to a like de- gree. As has been said of Prince Henry the Navigator, though in different words, John James Audubon was one of those who by a simple-hearted life of talent, de- votion and enthusiasm have freed themselves from the law of death. Audubon was a man of many sides, and his fame is due to a rare combination of those talents and powers which were needed to accomplish the work that he finally set out to do. His personality was most winning, his individuality strong, and his long life, bent for the most part to attain definite ends, was checkered, adventurous and romantic beyond the common lot of men. Few men outside of public life have been praised more lavishly than Audubon during his active career. Though he had but few open enemies, those few, as if conscious of the fact, seemed to assail him the more harshly and persistently. In reading all that has been said about this strenuous worker both before and since his death, one is continually struck by the perverse or contrary opinions that are often expressed. He was not this and he was not that, but he was simply Audu- bon, and there has been no one else who has at all closely resembled him or with whom he can be profitably com- pared. One charges that he did not write the books which bear his name. Another complains that he was no philosopher, and was not a man of science at heart; that he was vain, elegant, inclined to be selfish, inconse- quential, and that he reverenced the great; that he shot birds for sport; that he was a plagiarist; that he was the king of nature fakirs and a charlatan; that he never propounded or answered a scientific question; and, 6 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST finally, that though at times he wrote a graphic and charming style and showed occasional glimpses of pro- phetic insight, he cannot be trusted; besides, he might have been greatly indebted to unacknowledged aid re- ceived from others. These or similar charges were brought against Audubon during his lifetime, as they have been made against many another who has emerged quickly from obscurity into world-wide renown. Many attacks upon his character were assiduously repelled by his friends, though seldom noticed publicly by himself; as if con- scious of his own integrity, he was content to await the verdict of time, and time in America has not been recre- ant to his trust. Some of these charges it may be neces- sary to examine at length, if found to be justified in any degree, while others may be brushed aside as un- worthy of even passing consideration. Evidence of every sort is now ample, as it seems, to enable us to do justice to all concerned, to penetrate the veil that has hidden much of the real Audubon from the world, and to place the worker and the man in the fuller light of day. The reader who follows this history may expect to find certain blemishes in Audubon’s character, for the most admirable of men have possessed faults, whether conscious of them or not. The lights in any picture would lose all value were the shadows wholly with- drawn. If we blinded ourselves to every fault and foi- ble of such a man, we might produce a sketch more pleasing to certain readers, but it would lack the vitality which truth alone can supply. The more carefully his character is studied, however, as Macaulay said of Addi- son, the more it will appear, in the language of the old anatomists, “sound in the noble parts, free from all INTRODUCTION 7 taint of perfidy, of cowardice, of cruelty, of ingrati- tude, of envy.” In this attempt to present a true and unbiased estimate of Audubon in relation to his time, we have the advantage of dealing with a well rounded and com- pleted life, not with a broken or truncated one. He impressed many of his contemporaries in both Europe and America with the force of his contagious enthusi- asm and prolific genius, and their opinions have been recorded with remarkable generosity. On the other hand, “if a life be delayed till interest and envy are at an end,” said an excellent authority,’ “we may hope for impartiality, but must expect little intelligence,” because the minute details of daily life are commonly so vola- tile and evanescent as to “soon escape the memory, and are rarely transmitted by tradition.” Such details, which often reveal character while they add color and life to the narrative, have been amply supplied, as the reader will find, by Audubon himself, not only in his journals and private letters already published but in the numerous documents of every sort that are now brought to light. If “the true man is to be revealed, if we are to know him as he was, and especially if we are to know the influences that molded him and so profoundly affected him for good or evil, we must begin at the beginning and follow him through his struggles, his temptations, his triumphs.” It might be better to start “in the cradle,” or even forty years before he was born, for, as modern biology teaches us, nature is stronger than nurture and race counts for much. Certainly this man can never be understood if removed from the environ- ment which time and circumstance gave him; he needs 1Samuel Johnson, The Rambler, No. 60. 8 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST the historical background, furnished in part by his con- temporaries, some of whom were rivals with whom he had often to struggle to make his way. In recounting this history, in many cases hitherto unwritten, we must recognize the proverbial difficulty of tracing human motives to their proper source, and endeavor to form no harsh judgments without ample basis in docu- mentary or other evidence. No more ardent and loyal American than John James Audubon ever lived. His adopted country, which he would fain have believed to have been that of his actual birth, was ever his chief passion and pride, and for him the only abode of sweet content. Few have seen more of it, of its diversified races, climates and coasts, its grand mountains, its noble lakes and rivers, its virgin forests and interminable prairies, with all the marvelous stores of animal and plant life which were first truly revealed to the pioneer woodsman, artist and naturalist. None has been more eager to hand down to posterity, ere it be too late, a true tran- script of its wild and untameable nature while, as he would say, still fresh from the Creator’s own hand. Audubon’s beneficent influence during his long en- forced residence abroad, as a representative of Ameri- can energy and capacity, can hardly be measured, while in his own land few were more potent in bringing the nation to a consciousness of its unique individuality and power. Audubon, as has been said, saw nature vividly col- ored by his own enthusiasm, and he never looked at her “through the spectacles of books.” His writings, however unpolished or written with whatever degree of speed, have the peculiar quality of awakening en- thusiasm in the reader, who, like the youth poring over INTRODUCTION 9 Robinson Crusoe, feels within him a new ardor, in this instance, for hunting and studying birds and for leading a life of adventure in the wilderness. It would be as unjust to judge of Audubon’s rare abilities as a de- scriptive writer from the letters, journal jottings and miscellaneous extracts given in this work, as to weigh his accomplishments as an artist from his itinerary por- traits or his early sketches of animals in crayon point and pastel. Those cruder products of his pen and brush, however, as the reader will find, possess a high degree of interest from the light which they throw on the de- velopment of his character and art, as well as from their personal and historical associations. His best and only finished literary work, the Ornithological Biog- raphy, in five large volumes, with the revisions and additions which later appeared, abound in animated pictures of primitive nature and pioneer life in America as well as vivid portraits of the birds and other charac- teristic animals. A good illustration of Audubon’s habit of blending his own experiences with his biographies of birds is found in the introduction to his account of the Common Gannet: On the morning of the 14th of June 1833, the white sails of the Ripley were spread before a propitious breeze, and onward she might be seen gaily wending her way towards the shores of Labrador. We had well explored the Magdalene Islands, and were anxious to visit the Great Gannet Rock, where, according to our pilot, the birds from which it derives its name bred. For several days I had observed numerous files proceeding northward, and marked their mode of flight while thus travelling. As our bark dashed through the heaving bil- lows, my anxiety to reach the desired spot increased. At length, about ten o’clock, we discerned at a distance a white 10 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST speck, which our pilot assured us was the celebrated rock of our wishes. After a while I could distinctly see its top from the deck, and thought that it was still covered with snow sev- eral feet deep. As we approached it, I imagined that the at- mosphere around was filled with flakes, but on my turning to the pilot, who smiled at my simplicity, I was assured that noth- ing was in sight but the Gannets and their island home. I rubbed my eyes, took up my glass, and saw that the strange dimness of the air before us was caused by the innumerable birds, whose white bodies and black-tipped pinions produced a blended tint of light-grey. When we had advanced to within half a mile, this magnificent veil of floating Gannets was easily seen, now shooting upwards, as if intent on reaching the sky, then descending as if to join the feathered masses below, and again diverging toward either side and sweeping over the sur- face of the ocean. The Ripley now partially furled her sails, and lay to, when all on board were eager to scale the abrupt side of the mountain isle, and satisfy their curiosity.” Audubon’s accounts of the birds are copious, inter- esting and generally accurate, considering the time and circumstances in which they were produced. When at his best, his pictures were marvels of fidelity and close observation, and in some of his studies of mammals, like that of the raccoon (see p. 182), in which seemingly every hair is carefully rendered, we are reminded of the work of the old Dutch masters and of Albrecht Diirer; notwithstanding such attention to microscopic detail, there is no flatness, but the values of light and shade are perfectly rendered. In his historical survey of American ornithology, Elliott Coues was fully justi- fied in designating the years 1824-1853 as representing the “Audubonian Epoch,” and the time from 1834 to its close as the “Audubonian Period.” “The splendid ? Ornithological Biography (Bibl. No. 2), vol. iv, p. 222. INTRODUCTION 11 genius of the man, surmounting every difficulty and dis- couragement of the author, had found and claimed its own. . .. Audubon and his work were one; he lived in his work, and in his work will live forever.” ® There is no doubt that Audubon regarded an honest man as the quintessence of God’s works, and though he sometimes set down statements which do not square with known facts, this was often the result of lax habits, or of saying what was uppermost in his mind without retrospection or analysis. When memory failed or when more piquancy and color were needed, he may have been too apt to resort to varnish, but for every- thing written on the spot his mind was as truth-telling as his pictures. In considering the good intent of the man, his extraordinary capacity for taking pains, and his vast accomplishments, criticism on this score seems rather captious. On the other hand, when it came to dealing with his own early life, that was a subject upon which he reserved the right to speak according to his judgment, and in a way which will be considered later. Audubon left England to settle his family finally in America in the autumn of 1839, when he was fifty- four years old, and since he lived but twelve years longer, probably few are now living who retain more than a childish memory of his appearance in advanced age. Many Londoners will recall an odd character, an aged print dealer who used to sit alone, like a hoary spider in its web, in his little shop in Great Russel Street, close to the British Museum, and another of similar type, who may still haunt a better known land- mark, the old ‘“‘naturalist’s shop” in Oxford Street, not far from Tottenham Court Road and but a min- 3 Elliott Coues, Key to North American Birds, 4th ed., p. xxi (Boston, 1890). 12 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST ute’s walk from the spot where most of Audubon’s Birds were engraved. Both had seen the naturalist walk the streets of London and had known him in busi- ness relations. He occasionally strolled into the old naturalist’s shop, which has been occupied by father and son for nearly a century. The son, then a young clerk, is now (1918) the crabbed veteran who still waits on customers but never waits long; should you hazard a question before making a purchase, he will roar like the captain of a ship and leave you to your own devices; but show him money and the change in his demeanor is wonderful; his hearing improves, his tone softens, and he may recount for you what he remembers of times long past, which is not much. Audubon in the thirties seemed to him like an aged man, an impression quite natural to a youth. He also remembered seeing Charles Waterton, Audubon’s declared enemy and supercilious critic, William Swainson, his one-time friend, and William MacGillivray, his eminent assist- ant; that they were great rivals expressed the sum of his reflections. He recalled the time when Oxford Street was filled, as he expressed it, with horses and donkeys, and of course knew well the old Zoological Gallery, No. 79 Newman Street, in which for a time Robert Havell & Son conducted a shop in connection with their printing and engraving establishment. ‘The latter, when moved by Robert Havell, Jr., to No. 77 Oxford Street, was nearly opposite the old Pantheon, which still lingers, and not far from the corner of Wrisley Street, the present site of Messrs. Waring & Gillow’s large store. We already possess several biographies of Audu- bon, and many of his letters of a personal or scientific interest and most of his extant journals, though but a INTRODUCTION 13 fraction of those which originally existed, have been pub- lished. “America, my Country,” has not forgotten him. Mount Audubon rises on the northerly bound of Colo- rado as an everlasting reminder of the last and grand- est of all his journeys, that to the Missouri River in 1843. American counties and towns,* as well as parks and streets in American cities, bear his name. At least four of his beloved birds have been dedicated to him. In 1885, thirty-four years after his death, the New York Academy of Sciences began a popular movement through which a beautiful cross in marble was raised in 1893 above his grave in Trinity Cemetery.® The “one hundred and twenty-fifth anniversary” ° of the natural- ist’s birth was celebrated in New York in 1905, and at * Audubon, in Audubon County, Iowa, in Beeker County, Minnesota, and in Wise County, Texas, as well as Audubon, Montgomery County, Pennsylvania, in which his old farm, “Mill Grove,” is situated. Audubon Avenue is the first of the subterranean passages which lead from the entrance of Mammoth Cave, and is noted for its swarms of bats. Audubon Park, New York City, between the Hudson River and Broadway and ex- tending from 156th, to 160th Streets, embraces a part of “Minnie’s Land,” the naturalist’s old Hudson River estate, but is a realty designation and is now almost entirely covered with buildings (see Chapter XXXVI). 5The Audubon Monument Committee of the New York Academy of Sciences was appointed October 3, 1887, and made its final report in 1893, when this beautiful memorial was formally dedicated. Subscriptions from all parts of the United States amounted to $10,525.21. The monument is a Runic cross in white marble, ornamented with American birds and mammals which Audubon has depicted, and surmounts a die bearing a portrait of the naturalist, modeled from Cruikshank’s miniature, with suitable inscriptions, the whole being supported on a base of granite; the total height is nearly 26 feet, and the weight 2 tons. It was presented to the Corporation of Trinity Parish by Professor Thomas Eggleston, and received by Rev. Dr. Morgan Dix. The cemetery has since been cut in two by the extension of Broadway; the monument is in the northerly section, close to the parish house of the Chapel of the Intercession. The monument at New Orleans, mentioned below, was erected under the auspices of the Audubon Association, at a cost of $10,000, most of which was secured through the efforts of Mrs. J. L. Bradford, $1,500 having been contributed by residents of the Crescent City. The figure is in bronze, and stands on a high pedestal of Georgia granite. The beautiful bust of Audubon at the American Museum of Natural History is by William Couper, of Newark, N. J. * As will later appear, this was in reality the 120th anniversary. 14 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST the American Museum of Natural History an admirable marble bust of Audubon was unveiled on a notable occa- sion, December 29, 1906, when similar honors were paid to Louis Agassiz, Spencer Fullerton Baird, Edward Drinker Cope, James Dwight Dana, Benjamin Frank- lin, Joseph Henry, Joseph Leidy, John Torrey, and Alexandcr von Humboldt. On November 26, 1910, a statue of Audubon, after an admirable design by the veteran sculptor, Edward Virginius Valentine, of Rich- mond, Virginia, was unveiled in Audubon Park, New Orleans, where the naturalist, with pencil in hand, is represented in the act of transferring to paper the like- ness of a favorite subject. He also occupies a niche in the Hall of Fame at New York University. In recent times Audubon’s name has become a house- hold word through the medium of the most effective instrument which has yet been devised for the conser- vation of animal life in this or any country, the National Association of Audubon Societies for the Protection of Wild Birds and Animals. This has become the coor- dinating center for the spread and control of a great national movement that received its first impulse in 1886.” Launched anew ten years later, it has advanced “The first Audubon Society, devoted to the interests of bird pro- tection, was organized by Dr. George Bird Grinnell, editor of Forest and Stream, in 1886, and 16,000 members were enrolled during the first year; Dr. Grinnell was also the father of the Audubonian Magazine (see Bibliography, No. 190), which made its first appearance in January, 1887; by the middle of that year the membership in the new society had in- creased to 38,000, but with the disappearance of the Magazine in 1889 the movement languished and came to a speedy end. In 1896 a fresh start was taken by the inauguration of State societies in Massachusetts and Pennsylvania, and the movement gathered greater force through the in- auguration in 1899 of the admirably conducted magazine, Bird-Lore, as its official organ. The State societies were federated in 1902, and the National Committee then created gave place in 1905 to the National Association. See Gilbert Trafton, Bird Friends, for an excellent summary of the work of the Audubon Societies, and the “Twelfth Annual Report of the National Association of Audubon Societies,” Bird-Lore, vol. xviii (1916). “AYO YAOR MON ‘YStueg APU, jo uoyesodiog ay} Jo Asejytnoo Aq poystqng ‘GI6T “ANAL ‘AVE S.NIUCHHO NO ‘HUOX MIN SAUALANAD ALINIHL NI LNAWONOW NO#AGAY did Aqstt “SNVAITYO MAN ANLLNATVY AgpuvyS “A A SOINIOUL ANYLY A duy ‘Muvd MGM jo Asojinoo Aq peysyqng NOUWAGAV NI Ag Nowoadqny JO FAALVIS INTRODUCTION 15 with ever increasing momentum, until now it is the gov- erning head of twenty-nine distinct State societies, as well as eighty-five affiliated clubs and similar organiza- tions. In 1916 it counted a life membership of 356, with 3,024 sustaining members, and realized a total in- come of over $100,000. It should be added that during the past six years over 2,900 Junior Audubon Clubs have been formed in the schools, through which nearly 600,000 children have been instructed in the principles of the Audubon Society. Well may it be that this ad- mirable organization, with its successful efforts for re- medial legislation in state and nation; its initiative, with the aid of the National Government, in establishing Federal reservations or sanctuaries for the perpetuation of wild life; its educational activities through the exten- sion of its influence to the pupils of the public schools; and its watch and ward over all the varied interests of its cause, will keep the name of Audubon greener to all future time than the most cherished of his works. Of Audubon’s works the public now sees but little and knows even less, all without exception having been long out of print. His admirable plates of birds and mammals have been widely copied and still serve for the illustration of popular books, but most of his publica- tions were projected on too large and expensive a scale for general circulation, having been first sold to sub- scribers only and often at great cost. No complete reprint, revision or abridgment of his principal volumes has been made for half a century (see Bibliography, Appendix V). No complete bibliography of Audu- bon has ever been prepared, and none will remain com- pleted long, for it is hard to imagine a time when com- ment on his life, his drawings, and his adventures will altogether cease. 16 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST In May, 1834, William MacGillivray, who was as- sisting him in the technical parts of the Ornithological Biography, suggested that Audubon write a biography of himself, and predicted a wide popularity for such a work. Audubon entertained the idea but was then too deeply immersed in The Birds of America to give it much attention; yet in 1835 he wrote out a short sketch, entitled Myself, addressing it in the fashion of that day to his two sons, and then laid it aside. Mrs. Audubon evidently had access to this manuscript when the life of her husband, to be referred to later, was in course of preparation, and thus it has furnished, directly or indi- rectly, nearly all that has been published concerning the naturalist’s early life. This fragment, which extends to about thirty printed pages, was characterized by Audubon as a “very imperfect (but perfectly correct) account of my early life,” and though written with an eye to its possible publication, which was clearly sanc- tioned, it was evidently never revised. The manuscript was long lost but eventually was “found in an old book which had been in a barn on Staten Island for years”’; it was first published by the naturalist’s granddaughter, Miss Maria R. Audubon, in 1898, and again in 1898. As will later appear, this account is inaccurate in many important particulars. Audubon expressed the intention of extending his personal history, which he promised to delineate with a faithfulness equal to that bestowed on the birds, but the task was never resumed. Yet more than most writers have done, he wove the incidents of his own career into the pages of his principal works, and this strong personal flavor added much to their charm. Un- fortunately, in giving such personal or historical details he is most vulnerable to a critic, who insists first upon INTRODUCTION 17 accuracy, for errors of various sorts and confused and conflicting statements are far too common. Of the more formal biographies of Audubon, the first to appear was a slender volume entitled Audubon: the Naturalist of the New World, by Mrs. Horace Steb- bing Roscoe St. John, published in England in 1856.° In the same year this work was expanded and reissued by the publishers who at that time had charge of the sale of Audubon’s works in America.® The American publishers explained in their edition that inasmuch as “the fair authoress in preparing her interesting sketch of Audubon . . . appears not to have been aware of the publication of his second great work, the Quadru- peds of North America (which had not been advertised, we believe, in Europe) they have taken the liberty of giving some account of it and making numerous ex- tracts from its pages.” *° Perhaps the most interesting or valuable things in this little volume at the present day are the woodcut on the title page showing Audu- bon’s house on the Hudson as it then appeared, sur- rounded by tall trees, and, inserted on a flyleaf, a list of all of Audubon’s published works and the prices at which they could be procured in New York just prior to the Civil War (see Note, Vol. I, p. 204). ®In this year Charles Lanman, writer, and at a later time librarian of the Library of Congress, wrote to Victor Audubon as follows: “Are not you and your family willing now to let me write a book about your illustrious father? I feel confident that I could get up something very interesting and which would not only help the big work, but make money. I could have it brought out in handsome style, and should like to have well engraved a portrait and some half dozen views in Kentucky, Louisiana, and on the Hudson, Write me what you think about it.” Lanman’s letter is dated “Georgetown, D. C., Oct. 8, 1856”; on November 1 Victor Audubon replied, declining the proposal. ® Messrs. C. S. Francis & Company, of 554 Broadway, New York. The publishers in this instance do not appear to have been better informed, for the text of the Quadrupeds, from which they quote, was written by John Bachman, and the first volume of it was issued in London in 1847; see Bibliography, No. 6. 18 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST In 1868 there appeared in England a work of com- bined and confused authorship, commonly referred to as “Buchanan’s Life of Audubon,” the “sub-editor,” as he called himself, having since become better known as an original, skilled and prolific writer of verse, drama, fiction and literary criticism. At that time Robert Buchanan was twenty-six years old, and had published five volumes of poems in rapid succession, some of which had been received with favor by the public. A second and third edition of this Life followed in 1869. Finally the work was resurrected and again sent to press, unre- vised, in 1912, when it appeared in “Everyman’s Library,” at a shilling a copy, with an introduction which had served as a review of the work in 1869. A recent biographer of Alexander Wilson speaks of Buchanan as “commissioned by Mrs. Audubon to write her husband’s life,” but the lady herself, as well as Buchanan, has told a different story. It seems that in about the year 1866, Mrs. Audubon prepared, “with the aid of a friend,” an extended memoir of her husband, which was offered to an American publisher but with- out success. The “friend,” at whose home Mrs. Audu- bon was then living, was the Rev. Charles Coffin Adams,"* rector of St. Mary’s Church, Manhattanville, now 135th, Street, New York. The Adams manuscript, which consisted chiefly of a transcript from the natural- ist’s Journals, then in possession of his wife, was com- pleted presumably in 1867. In the summer of that year it was placed in the hands of the London publishers, “Rev. Dr. Adams was rector of this parish for twenty-five years, from 1863 to his death in February, 1888; he was the author of three volumes on religious subjects and various smaller tracts; from 1855 to 1863 he had charge of a church in Baltimore, Maryland, and while there published an anonymous pamphlet entitled “Slavery by a Marylander; Its Institu- tion and Origin; Its Status Under the Law and Under the Gospel” (8 pp. 8vo. Baltimore, 1860). INTRODUCTION 19 Messrs. Sampson Low, Son, & Marston, who without any authority turned it over to one of their hard-pressed, pot-boiling retainers, Robert Buchanan, poet and young man of genius. Buchanan boiled down the original manuscript, as he said, to one-fifth of its original com- pass, cutting out what he regarded as prolix or unnec- essary and connecting “the whole with some sort of a running narrative.” + Mrs. Audubon was unable to recover her property from either publishers or editor or to obtain any satisfaction for its unwarranted use. Whatever defects the Adams memoir may have pos- sessed, this is much to be regretted, since, as her grand- daughter has said, Mrs. Audubon had at her command many valuable documents, the originals of which have since been destroyed. Buchanan, like Audubon, had been reared in com- parative luxury, “the spoiled darling of a loving mother.” After the failure of his father in various news- paper enterprises about four years before this time, he had gone up to London with but few shillings in his pocket and had begun life there literally in a garret. The reflection that Audubon had fought a similar but much harder battle in that same London thirty years before, and won, should possibly have awakened in him a somewhat friendlier spirit than was then displayed. It must be admitted, however, that Buchanan produced a very readable story, although there was not a word in his whole book which showed any real sympathy with 4 Buchanan said that the manuscript submitted to him was inordinately long and needed careful revision; he added that “while he could not fail to express his admiration for the affectionate spirit and intelligent sym- pathy with which the friendly editor discharged his task, he was bound to say that his literary experience was limited.” After copying a passage from one of Audubon’s journals, this editor had the unfortunate habit of drawing his pen through the original; in this way hundreds of pages of Audubon’s admirable “copper-plate” were irretrievably defaced. 20 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST Audubon’s lifelong pursuits, any knowledge of orni- thology, or any interest in natural science. Though ex- pressing unbounded admiration for the naturalist, his foibles and faults seem to have hidden from this biog- rapher the true value of his distinguished services. In respect to a knowledge of natural history it should be added that Buchanan laid no claims, and of Audubon’s accomplishments in this field comparatively little was said, the book, like the Adams’ manuscript from which it was drawn, being mainly composed of extracts from the naturalist’s private journals and “Episodes,” as he called his descriptive papers. It was here that Audubon made the strongest appeal to this literary editor, who concluded his preface with the following words of praise: “Some of his reminiscences of adventure . . . seem to me to be quite as good, in vividness of presentment and careful colouring, as anything I have ever read.” Buchanan dilated on Audubon’s pride, vanity and self-conceit, faults which may have belonged to his youth but which were never mentioned by his intimate friends and contemporaries except under conditions which re- flected rather unfavorably upon themselves. Com- plaints on this score were spread broadcast by review- ers of this work, seventeen years after the naturalist’s death and with the suddenness of a new discovery. They were undoubtedly based on the unconscious and allow- able egotisms of such personal records as Audubon habitually made for the members of his family when time and distance kept them asunder. Vanity and self- ishness could have formed no essential parts of a char- acter that merited the eulogy which follows: Audubon was a man of genius, with the courage of a lion and the simplicity of a child. One scarcely knows which to INTRODUCTION 21 admire most—the mighty determination which enabled him to carry out his great work in the face of difficulties so huge, or the gentle and guileless sweetness with which he throughout shared his thoughts and aspirations with his wife and children. He was more like a child at the mother’s knee, than a husband at the hearth—so free was the prattle, so thorough the confi- dence. Mrs, Audubon appears to have been a wife in every respect worthy of such a man; willing to sacrifice her personal comfort at any moment for the furtherance of his great schemes; ever ready to kiss and counsel when such were most needed ; never failing for a moment in her faith that Audubon was destined to be one of the great workers of the earth.'® No one will deny, however, that Buchanan was right in saying that in order to get a man like Audubon under- stood, all domestic partiality, the bane of much biogra- phy, must be put aside; but it is equally important to make such allowances as the manifold circumstances of time and place demand, and to be a reasoner rather than a fancier. This work abounds in errors, but it is not clear to what extent they were due to carelessness on Buchanan’s part. It was certainly a mistake to attribute Buchanan’s attitude to partiality for Alexander Wilson, who, like himself, was a Scotchman. It was a case of tempera- ment only, for gloom and poverty had embittered his life. As his sister-in-law and biographer ™ said of him, “he was doomed to much ignoble pot-boiling. . . . He had few friends and many enemies,” and “had received from the world many cruel blows,” while “no man needed kindness so much and received so little.” Per- * Robert Buchanan, The Life of Audubon (Bibl. No. 72), p. vi. “See Harriet Jay, Robert Buchanan: Some Account of His Life, His Life’s Work, and His Literary Friendships (London, 1903). Robert Williams Buchanan was born at Caverswell, Lancashire, August 18, 1841, and died in London, June 10, 1901. 22 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST haps the best key to the sad history of this able writer was given by himself when he said: “It is my vice that I must love a thing wholly, or dislike it wholly.” His wife, we are told, was much like himself, and “like a couple of babies they muddled through life, tasting of some of its joys, but oftener of its sorrows.” Undoubt- edly Robert Buchanan was a genuine lover of truth and beauty; he has written numerous sketches of birds and outdoor scenes, but with no suggestion of nature as serving any other purpose than that of supplying a poet with bright and pleasing images. It was with the purpose of correcting the false im- pressions created by animadversions in Buchanan’s Life that Mrs. Audubon, with the aid of her friend, James Grant Wilson, revised this work and published it in America under her name as editor, in 1869. ‘The changes then made in Buchanan’s text, however, were of a minor character and most of its errors remained uncorrected. The naturalist’s granddaughter, Miss Maria R. Audubon, was inspired in part by similar feel- ings in preparing, with the aid of Dr. Elliott Coues, her larger and excellent work in two volumes, entitled Audubon, and His Journals, which appeared in 1898. To her all admirers of Audubon owe a debt of gratitude for giving to the world for the first time a large part of his extant journals, as well as many new facts bear- ing upon his life and character. Other briefer biogra- phies of Audubon which have appeared have been taken so completely from the preceding works, and have re- peated and extended their errors to such an extent, as to call for little or no comment either here or in the pages which follow. Through the discovery in France of new document- ary evidence in surprising abundance we-are obliged to INTRODUCTION 23 draw conclusions contrary to those which have hitherto been accepted, and the new light thus obtained enables us to form a more accurate and just judgment of Audu- bon the man, and of his work. CHAPTER II JEAN AUDUBON AND HIS FAMILY Extraordinary career of the naturalist’s father—Wounded at fourteen and prisoner of war for five years in England—Service in the French mer- chant marine and navy—Voyages to Newfoundland and Santo Domingo—His marriage in France—His sea fights, capture and im- prisonment in New York—His command at the Battle of Yorktown— Service in America and encounters with British privateers. Few names of purely Gallic origin are today better known in America, or touch a more sympathetic chord of human interest, than that of Audubon, and few, we might also add, are so rare. John James Audubon first made his family name known to all the world, and though he left numerous descendants, it has become well nigh extinct in America, and is far from common in France. The great Paris directory frequently contains no entry under this head; Nantes knows his name no longer, and it is rare in the marshes of La Vendée, where at some remote period it may have originated. The lists of the army of five thousand which Rocham- beau’s fleet brought to our aid in the American War of Independence show but a single variant of this euphoni- ous patronym, in Pierre Audibon,' a soldier in the regi- ment of Touraine, who was born at Montigny in 1756; but in the fleet of the Count de Grasse which codperated with our land-forces at the Battle of Yorktown, on October 19, 1781, a ship was commanded by an officer with whom we are more intimately concerned. This 1For similar spelling of the name by John James Audubon, see Appendix I, Document No. 12. 2A JEAN AUDUBON AND HIS FAMILY 25 was Captain Jean Audubon, who was later to become the father of America’s pioneer woodsman, ornitholo- gist and animal painter. By birth a Vendean, at the age of thirty-seven Jean Audubon had plowed the seas of half the world, and in the course of his checkered career, as sailor, soldier, ,West Indian planter and merchant, had met enough adventure to furnish the materials for a whole series of dime novels. Short of stature, with auburn hair and a fiery temper, he was then as stubborn and fearless an opponent as one could meet on the high seas, and one of the gamest fighting cocks of the French merchant marine. How much Jean Audubon’s son owed to his French creole mother will never be known, but to this self-taught, thoroughly capable, and enterprising sailor we can surely trace his restless activity, his versatile mind and mercurial temper, as well as an inherent ca- pacity for taking pains, which father and son possessed to a marked degree. The true story of Jean Audubon’s career has never been told, but even at this late day it will be found an interesting human document; and what is more to our purpose, it throws into sharp outline much that has hitherto remained obscure in the life of his remarkable son. The first Audubon to leave any imprint, how- ever faint, upon the history of his time, this honest, matter-of-fact sailor, would have been the last to wish to appear in the garb of fiction, and we shall base our story solely upon the unimpeachable testimony of public and private records, which researches in France had happily brought to light before the beginning of the war in 1914.” 2¥For notice of these records of Jean Audubon and his family, see the Preface, and for the most important dccuments, Appendix I. 26 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST Jean Audubon came by his sailor’s instincts and fighting prowess naturally, for his father, Pierre Audu- bon of Les Sables d’Olonne, was a seaman by trade. Like his son he captained his own vessel, and for years made long voyages between French ports in both the old and the new worlds. Pierre Audubon, the paternal grandfather of John James Audubon, and the first of that name of whom we have found any record,° lived at Les Sables d’Olonne, where with Marie Anne Martin, his wife, he reared a considerable family in the first half of the eighteenth century. Les Sables, at the time of which we speak, was a small fishing and trading port on the Bay of Biscay, fifty miles to the southwest of Nantes, but is now be- come a city of over twenty thousand people. Lying on the westerly verge of the Marais, or salt marshes and lakes of La Vendée, the inhabitants of the district, and more particularly of the Bocage, or plantations, to the north and northeast, were noted from an early day for their conservatism, as shown in a firm adherence to ancient law and custom, as well as for their unswerving loyalty to the old nobility and to the clergy. Like their Breton neighbors on the other side of the Loire, the Vendeans were honest, industrious, and faithful to their civic obligations; they were also independent, resource- ful, and knew no fear. When the neighboring city of Nantes planted trees of liberty and displayed the Na- tional colors in 1789, the Vendeans were stirred to indig- nation and later to arms, while the Chouans on the right bank of the river were quick to follow their example; in short, the rebels of La Vendée raised such a storm that * Pierre Audubon’s service in the merchant marine of France is un- doubtedly recorded in the archives of the Department of Marine in Paris, but all researches in that direction were suddenly halted by the war. JEAN AUDUBON AND HIS FAMILY 27 for months the very existence of the infant Republic was threatened. This spirit of revolt to the newer order, the Chouanerie, as it came to be called, was stamped out for the time, but a few smoldering embers always remained, ready to burst into flame at the slightest provocation; recrudescent symptoms of this tendency had to be suppressed even as late as 1830, when Charles X, the last Bourbon king, lost his crown. Pierre Audu- bon’s family, no doubt, shared many characteristics of their Vendean and Breton neighbors, but as the sequel will show, one at least did not approve of their political course, for he took up arms against them, and presum- ably against many of his own kith and kin. Jean Audubon was born at Les Sables on October 11, 1744, and was christened on the same day, his god- father being Claude Jean Audubon, in all probability an uncle after whom he was named, and his godmother, Catharine Martin, presumably an aunt. Twenty-one children, according to the naturalist, blessed the union of Pierre Audubon and his wife, and were reared to ma- turity. Whether this statement is strictly accurate, or what became of so large a family cannot now be ascer- tained.* *Jean Audubon had a brother Claude, and on February 27, 1791, he wrote to him, asking for 4,000 francs, which he needed for the purchase of a boat. It was probably this brother who lived at Bayonne, and left three daughters, Anne, Dominica, and Catherine Francoise, who married Jean Louis Lissabé, a pilot (see Vol. I, p. 263). If this inference be correct, and the sum referred to was demanded in payment of a debt, it may explain a statement of the naturalist that his father and his uncle were not on speaking terms. Another brother is said to have been an active politician at Nantes, La Rochelle and Paris from 1771 to 1796, when he dropped out of sight for a number of years. When heard of again he was living at La Rochelle in affluence and piety. This was apparently the Audubon to whom the naturalist referred in certain of his journals and private letters as one who, possessing the secret of his birth and early life, had done both him and his father an irreparable injury (see Vol. I, p. 270). A sister, Marie Rosa Audubon, was married in 1794 to Pierre de 28 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST Pierre Audubon was engaged by the French Gov- ernment to transport the necessities of war to Cape Breton Island in 1757, when the world-wide struggle between France and Great Britain for supremacy in the New World was at hand. The French were deter- mined at all hazards to hold their great fortress of Louisburg, which had been taken by the English but again restored to the French not many years before. This was the strongest and most costly fortress on the American continent, as well as a great center for the valuable trade in salted fish. By a coincidence, or pos- sibly out of compliment to his wife, Pierre’s ship bore the name of La Marianne, and when he sailed from his home port of Les Sables d’Olonne on April 15, 1757, he took with him his own son, Jean, as cabin-boy, when the lad was but thirteen years old. In the following May Great Britain threw down the gauntlet to France, and the terrific seven years’ struggle began. The great fortress of Louisburg fell in the following year to the English fleet, and was left a heap of ruins. His father’s ship, the Mary Ann, was involved, and young Jean Audubon, who thus began his fighting career at four- teen, was wounded in the left leg and made a prisoner. With many of his compatriots he was taken to England, landing on November 14, 1758, where he remained in captivity for five years; he was released but a short time Vaugeon, a lawyer at Nantes; their only son, Louis Lejeune de Vaugeon, was living at Nantes as late as 1822, when he deeded his former home to Henri Boutard. (The substance of this and the preceding paragraph is based partly upon data furnished by Miss Maria R. Audubon.) Jean Audubon gave his daughter, Rosa, the name of her aunt, but in later life seems to have broken off all relations with his brothers. Upon his death his will was immediately attacked by Mme. Lejeune de Vaugeon, of Nantes, and by the three nieces from Bayonne (see Chapter XVII). The naturalist does not give the name of the aunt who, as he said, was killed during the Revolution at Nantes, but I have found no reference to any other. JEAN AUDUBON AND HIS FAMILY 29 before the treaty of peace was signed at Paris, February 10, 1768. Apart from her interests in the West Indies, France was stripped at this time of all her vast pos- sessions in America, save only the two little islands of Saint Pierre and Miquelon. Whether Pierre Audubon shared the fate of his son we are unable to say, for at this point he drops out of our records and we do not hear of him again. It is certain that he never made another voyage with Jean, who returned to his native town with his passion for the sea unabated, and at nineteen reéntered the mer- chant marine as a novice. His next voyage, on the ship La Caille, Captain Pigeon, was to execute a govern- mental commission at the Island of Miquelon. Five golden years of his youth had been spent in captivity; if productive of nothing else they had given him a knowl- edge of the English tongue, but they had also engen- dered bitter hatred of the English race, a feeling which his son confessed to have shared in his youthful days.® The period from 1766 to 1768 was occupied in four voyages to Newfoundland, probably in the interest of the codfish trade, first as sailor before the mast in Le Printemps, and then as lieutenant in a ship called also La Marianne, with alternate sailings from, and to, La Rochelle and Les Sables d’Olonne. On his third voyage to Newfoundland, which was made in 1767, when he was twenty-three years old, Jean Audubon ranked as 5 This was recalled by the naturalist on March 5, 1827, when he wrote: “As a lad I had a great aversion to anything English or Scotch, and I remember when travelling with my father to Rochefort in January, 1800, I mentioned this to him. . . . How well I remember his reply... . ‘Thy blood will cool in time, and thou wilt be surprised to see how gradually prejudices are obliterated, and friendships acquired, towards those that we at one time held in contempt. Thou hast not been in England; I have, and it is a fine country.’” (See Maria R. Audubon, Audubon and His Journals (Bibl. No. 86), vol. i, p. 216). 30 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST lieutenant of his vessel, but in the summer of 1768 he shipped again from Les Sables as sailor before the mast for a short trading cruise on the coast of France; in this instance the vessel, called Le Propre, was captained by Pierre Martin, who was possibly an uncle. At this juncture Jean Audubon enlisted in the French navy (service for the State) as a common sailor, and made two voyages on governmental business from the port of Rochefort, serving altogether nearly nine months (1768-9). After the termination of this last engage- ment nothing is heard of Jean for over a year, when in 1770 he makes his first appearance at Nantes, the city that was to know him in many capacities for nearly half a century. There he reéntered the merchant ma- rine, and on November 1, 1770, began a series of eight voyages, lasting as many years, to the island of Santo Domingo, the western section of which was then in pos- session of France. Since much of the mystery which hitherto has shrouded the early life of John James Audubon is in- volved in the West Indian period of his father’s career, we shall now trace this history in considerable detail. The great export trade of French Santo Domingo in those days was in brown and white sugar, then known as the “Muscovado” and “clayed” sorts, which for the year 1789 amounted to over 141,000,000 pounds, valued at more than 122,000,000 francs; and in coffee, which in the same year totaled nearly 77,000,000 pounds, esti- mated to be worth nearly 52,000,000 francs. While all ®In 1789 over 7,000,000 pounds of cotton and 758,628 pounds of indigo were exported from the French side of the island, while further products of that year, including smaller amounts of cocoa, molasses, rum, hides, dye-woods, and tortoise shell, swelled the grand total of exports to 205,000,000 livres or francs. Bryan Edwards, however, whose deductions were based on official returns, placed the average value of all exports from French Santo Domingo for the years 1787, 1788, and 1789, at JEAN AUDUBON AND HIS FAMILY 31 such estimates were no doubt very crude, they serve to illustrate the richness of the prize that attracted French- men by hundreds to the colony, an island that to many seemed a paradise in prospect, but which proved to be a purgatory in disguise. Jean Audubon’s voyages were all made in the in- terest of this valuable trade.. Since they commonly lasted from six months to nearly a year, they became doubly hazardous to a French sailor after the outbreak of the American Revolution, for if he escaped his Scylla, the inveterate pirate, he might expect to en- counter an equally formidable Charybdis in an Eng- lish privateer. Though the northwestern corner of Santo Domingo was the center of their forays, Jean never lost a ship to the buccaneers, and though some- times caught by the English, he never surrendered. He made three successive voyages from 1770 to 1772 in La Dauphine, commanded by Jean Pallueau, first as lieutenant and later as captain of the second grade, but on his last five voyages to the West Indies he captained his own ships, known as Le Marquis de Lévy (1774), 171,544,000 livres in Hispaniola currency, or £4,765,129 sterling; this would be equivalent to about $23,158,426, and imply a purchase value of the French livre or franc of about 1314 cents in American money. The number of plantations of every kind in the French colony was estimated by Edwards in 1790, at the outbreak of the Revolution, at 8,536; there were over 800 sugar plantations, over 3,000 coffee estates, to mention two such resources. If to these items we add nearly half a million slaves, the total valuation of the movable and fixed property of the French planters and merchants of this period would reach 1,557,870,000 francs. In 1788, 98 slave ships entered the six principal ports on the French side, and landed 29,506 negroes; Les Cayes received 19 of these ships, which delivered at that port 4,590 blacks. These slaves were sold for 61,936,190 livres, or at the rate of 2,008.37 livres each; according to Edwards this was equivalent to £60 sterling, or to about $291.60 in American money, at the rate of 14% cents to the livre or franc. See particularly Francis Alexander Stanilaus, Baron de Wimpffen, 4 Voyage to Santo Domingo in the Years 1788, 1789, and 1790, translated by J. Wright (London, 1817) ; and also Bryan Edwards, dn Historical Survey of the French Colony in the Island of San Domingo (London, 1797). 32 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST Les Bons Amis (1775-6), and Le Comte d’Artois (1777-8). Captain Audubon was married on August 24, 1772, at Paimbceuf, to Anne Moynet,’ a widow of some prop- erty, who had been born at Nantes in 1735 and was thus nine years his senior. Her married name was Ricordel. She possessed several houses at Paimbceuf, and acquired one in 1777, which was rented to the Administration at the time of the Revolution (see Vol. I, p. 80), as well as a dwelling at Nantes, where she lived while her roving sailor of a husband was in Santo Domingo or the United States. Madame Audubon was a woman of simple tastes, devoted to culture, and, as we shall see, possessed of a kind heart. When Captain Audubon left Les Cayes, Santo Domingo, on his last trading voyage, in the spring of 1779, bound for Nantes with a valuable cargo, his ship, Le Comte d’ Artois, was attacked by four British cor- sairs and two galleys. With the odds overwhelmingly against him, he fought until his crew were nearly all killed or disabled, and after an abortive attempt to blow up his vessel, tried to escape in his shallop. For the second time he was made a prisoner by the English, who in this instance took him to New York, then in the possession of British troops. He was landed in that city on May 12, 1779, and was held there as a prisoner of war for thirteen months. If our inference be correct, he finally owed his release to the efforts of the French Ambassador, Monsieur de la Luzerne, the same, we believe, who had been a Governor of Santo Domingo, and who in 1790 became its Minister of Marine. As "As signed by herself, but variously spelled “Moinet,” or “Moynette” in family documents of the period. On August 28, four days after their marriage, they drew up and signed a mutual contract regarding the disposition of their property in case children should be born to them. JEAN AUDUBON AND HIS FAMILY 383 will be seen presently, this diplomat again exerted him- self in Captain Audubon’s behalf. It is interesting to find that on this occasion Jean Audubon was fighting not only for his life, but for his property. His vessel, Le Comte d’Artois, was very heavily armed. Though of only 250 tons, she carried no less than ten cannon, four of which were mounted on gun carriages, and ten bronze pivot guns, which might imply that she was originally designed as a priva- teer. ‘The ship was not destroyed when her captain was made prisoner, but was taken by the English to Ports- mouth, New Hampshire (?), and burned there before December 15 of the following year. Before starting on this disastrous voyage Captain Audubon had sold the vessel and his interest in her cargo to the Messrs. La- croix, Formon de Boisclair and J acques, with whom later he had extensive dealings in slaves; but he was not paid, and though an indemnity seems to have come from the British Government, he was never able to obtain a satisfactory settlement of the Formon claim.° *The destruction of Le Comte d’Artois is noticed in a document bearing date of January 19, 1782; the name of the town only is given, but it is probable that it refers to the United States. ®For repeated reference to this unsettled claim, see his letter of 1805 to Francis Dacosta (Chapter VIII), where the name is written “Formont.” The bill of sale of Le Comte d’Artois was drawn on February 21, 1779, when Jean Audubon appeared “before the notaries of the king in the seneschal’s court of Saint Louis,” and was described as “resident at Les Cayes, opposite the Isle & Vaches.” The document, which in my copy is incomplete, reads in part as follows: “The present M. Jean Audubon, captain-commander of the ship Le Comte d’Artois, of Nantes, armed for war and now laden with mer- chandise, anchored in this roadstead of Les Cayes, dispatched, and at the point of departure for France; armed by the Messrs. Coirond Brothers, merchants at the said city of Nantes, acting in his own name as one interested in the armament and cargo of the vessel, as well as in his capacity as captain; [he] acting as much also for the said furnishers of arms as for the others interested in the said armaments, and the mer- chandise, which will be hereafter mentioned, in consideration of the rights of each, promises to have these presents accepted and approved in due 34 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST Jean Audubon’s release from captivity in New York, in June, 1780, probably marks the period of his first intimate acquaintance with the United States. We know only that he did not return immediately to either Santo Domingo or France, but became an en- thusiast for the American cause, and sought the ear- liest opportunity to avenge his wrongs at the hands of the British. He did not have long to wait, for through the exertions of the Ambassador de la Luzerne, he was placed in command of the corvette Queen Charlotte. With her, in October, 1781, he joined the fleet of the Count de Grasse before Yorktown,’® where he soon witnessed the surrender of Cornwallis and the humilia- tion of his enemies. After this turning point of the war Captain Audubon remained in the United States, and in April, 1782, commanded a merchantman called L’ Annette," in which he was also personally interested, and delivered a cargo of Virginia tobacco at the port of Nantes. Shortly after his return to America in the time; which said person, appearing in said names, in the quality afore- said, by these presents has sold, ceded, given up, transferred, and re- linquished all his legal rights in the aforesaid ship, to the business-asso- ciates Lacroix, Formon de Boisclair & Jacques, three merchants in partner- ship, living in this town, purchasers conjointly and severally, for them- selves and the assigns of each, to the extent of one third; To wit: the said ship Le Comte d’Artois, of the said port of Nantes, of about two hundred and fifty tons, at present anchored in this roadstead of Les Cayes, dispatched, and at the point of departure for France, with all its rigging, outfit, and dependences, which consist among other things of two sets of sail, complete, and newly fitted out, all the tools, and the reserve sets of these, with the munitions of war, consisting of ten cannon, four of them mounted on gun carriages, and all that goes with them... .” (Translated from the French original in possession of Monsieur Lavigne.) *The fact that Captain Audubon did not accompany Rochambeau’s fleet which assembled at Brest in April, 1780, and reached Newport in mid- July, may account for the omission of his name from the lists that have been recently published. See Les Combattants Francois de la Guerre Américaine, 1778-1783 (Paris, 1903). “Others interested in this vessel were Messrs. David Ross & Com- pany, with whom Captain Audubon later had financial difficulties (see Chapter VIII). JKAN AUDUBON AND HIS FAMILY 35 same year he was placed in command of an American armed vessel The Queen and sent on another mission to France. Near the Chaussée des Saints he was at- tacked by a British privateer, but after a stubborn fight at close quarters he sank his enemy and entered the port of Brest. Nothing is said of the taking of pris- oners on such occasions, and there were doubtless few survivors among the defeated crew. This command Jean Audubon held until peace was concluded between Great Britain and her former colonies in America, prob- ably until the close of 1783. The hostile army was dis- banded in the spring of that year, the treaty of peace was made definitive in September, and on November 25, 1783, the last British troopers left the city of New York. CHAPTER III JEAN AUDUBON AS SANTO DOMINGO PLANTER AND MERCHANT Captain Audubon at Les Cayes—As planter, sugar refiner, general mer- chant and slave dealer, amasses a fortune—His return to France with his children—History of the Santo Domingo revolt—Baron de Wimpffen’s experience—Revolution of the whites—Opposition of the abolitionists—Effect of the Declaration of Rights on the mulattoes— The General Assembly drafts a new constitution—First blood drawn between revolutionists and loyalists at Port-au-Prince—Ogé’s futile attempt to liberate the mulattoes—Les Cayes first touched by revolu- tion in 1790, four years after the death of Audubon’s mother—Emanci- pation of the mulattoes—Resistance of the whites—General revolt of blacks against whites and the ruin of the colony. After the American struggle for liberty had been finally won, Captain Audubon resigned his commission held in the United States and returned to his home at Nantes, but town or country could not hold him long. Lured by the prospects of great wealth which Santo Domingo offered to the merchant of those days, and having learned by long experience in her ports the devi- ous methods by which fortunes were attained, he de- cided to give up the sea and embark in colonial trade. For six years, from 1783 to 1789, he lived almost con- tinuously in the West Indies, and as merchant, planter, and dealer in slaves amassed a large fortune. Mean- while his wife, who had seen little of him since their marriage in 1772, remained at Nantes. Captain Audubon traveled through the United States early in 1789, and again late in that year when on his way to France, probably in the first instance returning 36 PLANTER AND MERCHANT 37 to Santo Domingo by way of the Ohio and the Mis- sissippi. Symptoms of unrest were already prevalent in the northern provinces of the island but had caused no serious alarm in the south. Jean Audubon’s aim seems to have been to collect debts due him in the United States and to leave the capital invested there. At all events it was on this occasion that he purchased the farm of “Mill Grove,” near Philadelphia, the history of which will be given a little later (see Chapter VII). He had no intention, however, of living in Pennsylvania, for he immediately leased this estate to its former owner and hurried away. July 14, 1789, found the elder Audubon enlisted as a soldier in the National Guards at Les Cayes. These colonial troops, which were originally militia organiza- tions modeled after similar bodies in France, were reor- ganized at this time to meet any possible emergencies. Affairs in the southern provinces of Santo Domingo had followed, up to this moment, their normal course, and Jean Audubon, who could have learned nothing of what had transpired at home, decided to entrust his various interests to the hands of agents and return to France. This was probably in late August or early September, 1789, as we know that he first returned to the United States and visited Richmond, Virginia, at the close of that year.1_ Strangely enough, on the twen- tieth day of the former month the National Assembly at Paris had voted the celebrated Declaration of Rights, which was destined to upturn the whole social system of Santo Domingo and to convert that island into a purgatory of the direst anarchy, strife, and bloodshed which the world had ever known, or at least remem- bered; but fully six weeks must have elapsed before news 1See letter to Dacosta, Vol. I, p. 121. 38 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST of this grave decision could have reached the colony. At this time Jean Audubon was no doubt regarded as a very rich man, and though he happened to leave Les Cayes at a critical moment, little could he have dreamed of the disaster that awaited him there as well as in his beloved France. His personal affairs during this eventful period, involving as they necessarily do the early life of his distinguished son, have hitherto been shrouded in the dark and sinister history of that ever smiling but ever turbulent island. Now, however, the veil of mist that has settled over the page can be pene- trated at the most important points. In this and sub- sequent chapters we shall follow the life of father and son through the course of events which has been thus briefly summarized, To return to the earlier threads of our narrative, at about the close of 1783 Captain Audubon was en- gaged by the Coirond brothers, colonial merchants at Nantes, to take charge of their foreign trade, which centered chiefly at Les Cayes,* Santo Domingo, then a most thriving and populous town, as it is today the largest seaport on the southern coast of the Republic of Haiti. Their ships brought sugar, coffee, cotton and other West Indian products to France, and laden with * The proper name of this seaport town, as given by all French cartog- raphers and writers, is Les Cayes, meaning “the cays” or “keys” (small islands, Spanish cajos); omitting the article it is often simply written “Cayes.” French residents on the island, however, when dating or ad- dressing a letter or receipting a bill would naturally write “aux Cayes,” meaning of course “at The Cays,” where the document was signed or where the person to whom the letter was addressed resided (see the Sanson bill, and bills of sale of negroes, Appendix I, Documents Nos. 1, 4, 5, and 6). It was thus an easy step for Englishmen, in ignorance or disregard of the French usage, to call the town “Aux Cayes”; even as early as 1797, Bryan Edwards, though giving the name correctly on his map, which doubt- less had a French source, wrote “Aux Cayes” in his text; the corruption has survived, and is occasionally found in standard works, but is too egregious to be tolerated. PLANTER AND MERCHANT 39 fabrics, wines and every luxury known to the colonists of that day, returned to Les Cayes, as well as to Saint Louis, an important port a little farther to the east, where these merchants also possessed warehouses and stores. In a short time Jean Audubon had acquired an in- dependent business of his own, both as a planter and merchant. He made his home at Les Cayes, but ex- tended his enterprises to Saint Louis and possibly to other points. From this time onward he commonly described himself as négociant,? or merchant, and his son, when writing to his father from America, addressed him in this way. His business letters and other docu- ments of the period refer to his house at Les Cayes, his plantations of cane and his sugar refinery, his exporta- tion of colonial wares, his purchases of French goods, particularly at Nantes, and to his trade in black slaves which eventually assumed large proportions. How im- portant his sugar plantations may have been is not known, but a tax-receipt shows that at one time he pos- sessed forty-two slaves.*| The naturalist said that his father acquired a plantation on the Ile a Vaches, an island of considerable importance at the southern bound of the roadstead of Les Cayes and nine miles from the town, but we have found no other reference to it. Great numbers of negroes must have passed through Jean Audubon’s hands, as shown by his bills of sale, which strangely reflect the customs of a much later and sadder day on the North American continent (see Ap- pendix I, Documents Nos. 4-6). In one of these bills, 2? And sometime as marchand, more strictly a retailer. * Since a colonist’s wealth was estimated upon the number of slaves he could afford, and since a slave was regarded as equivalent to a return of 1,500 francs a year, Jean Audubon’s income on this basis would have been 63,000 francs. 40 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST dated at Les Cayes, September 16, 1785, Jean is cred- ited with one-half the net proceeds of the sale of forty negroes, bought originally of M. Th. Johnston for the sum of 60,000 francs, and sold by Jean Audubon and Messrs. La Croix, Formon & Jacques for 71,552 francs; after deducting 183 francs for food and treatment, the net returns became 71,369 francs, and Jean’s profits, on a half-interest basis, 5,684 francs, or about 142 francs per head. The prices of these slaves, which were sold to planters on the island when not retained for their own use, ranged from 1,500 to 2,100 francs, or from $300 to $420, at the present rate of exchange. It is interesting to notice that while these negroes were held for sale, the exact period of which is not stated, they re- ceived as food eighty bunches of bananas and three beef heads; though under the care of a physician, it is not surprising to find that one of them died. Another bill, bearing date of August 7, 1785, records the sale to Jean Audubon of ten negroes and three negresses for a total sum of 26,000 francs; 16,000 francs of this amount was paid in sugar, but what is particularly interesting now is the fact that a balance of 2,000 francs was finally can- celled on June 9, 1788, a year or more after Jean Audu- bon, according to the accepted accounts, is supposed to have lost his wife and his property and to have fled from the island. Mme. Anne Moynet Audubon never visited America, and her husband, as we have seen, left Santo Domingo in 1789, before the outbreak of the revolu- tion. His property remained substantially intact until after 1792, and in some years, it is believed, yielded him in rents 90,000 francs, which at present rates in American money would be equivalent to $18,000. In giving his certificate of residence at Nantes in that eventful year, Captain Audubon publicly declared that LES CAYES, HAITI: THE WHARF AND POST OFFICE; AT THEI LEFT IS SEEN A PILE OF LOGWOOD AWAITING SHIPMENT. LES CAYES, HAITI: THE MARKET AND CHURCH OF SACRE COUR. After photographs made at Les Cayes in June, 1917, and obtained through the kindness of Mr. Ferdinand Lathrop Mayer, Secretary of Legation, Port-au-Prince, Haiti. PLANTER AND MERCHANT 41 he possessed a dwelling, a sugar refinery, and ware- houses or stores at both Les Cayes and Saint Louis. Moreover, his West Indian estate was not completely . Settled until 1820, two years after his death. Slaves were regarded in Santo Domingo as an in- dispensable commodity, as they had been in Virginia and the Carolinas for a century past, and were still to be for three-quarters of a century to come; the “friends of the blacks” as the abolitionists were called, were con- sidered by most planters as the enemies of the whites. Degradation and cruelty, ever attendant upon a system that drew its chief support from the self-interest of a class, were all too common in the island, yet there were many who earnestly strove to soften the lot of their slaves. Though a born fighter, Jean Audubon was hu- mane, and the evidence, so far as it goes, shows that his own slaves were treated with kindness and consid- eration. This period in Santo Domingo, particularly from the year 1785 to 1789, not only is important for our story, but happened to mark a crisis in French sover- eignty in America. It will be necessary, therefore, to follow certain events in a history which can serve only as a warning to mankind, for it contains little to satisfy the understanding and nothing to excite the fancy or gladden the heart. It is to be noticed first, however, that according to the accepted accounts, John James Audubon was born of a Spanish creole mother, in Lou- isiana, in 1780. Shortly after his birth, his mother is said to have gone to Santo Domingo, where she perished in a local uprising of the blacks, when Jean Audubon’s plantations and property were totally destroyed; Jean managed to escape with only his two children, a few faithful slaves, and a part of his money and valuables, 4.2 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST to New Orleans, whence he subsequently went to France. Investigation of existing records has proved that these statements are not in accord with the facts, but before entering into further personal details it will be well to examine those conditions on the island of Santo Domingo which led many into easy fortune only to involve them later in a ruin as complete and irre- trievable as it was unforeseen and unnecessary. For nearly a hundred years the western half of Santo Domingo had been held by France, and to every out- ward appearance it had enjoyed such unbounded and steadily increasing prosperity that it was regarded with envy on every side; in fine, it seemed to be one of the richest and most desirable colonies in the whole world. Historians, said an observer of a later day,” were “never weary of enumerating the amount of its products, the great trade, the warehouses full of sugar, cotton, coffee, indigo and cocoa; its plains covered with splendid estates, its hillsides dotted with noble houses; a white population, rich, refined, enjoying life as only a luxuri- ous colonial society can enjoy it.” Few could then see the foul blot beneath so fair a surface, or realize that what had been bought by the misery and blood of a prostrate race would demand an equivalent, and that a settlement might be forced. Negroes had been imported into Santo Domingo from the African coasts in incredible numbers, first by Spain after she had succeeded in exterminating the in- offensive native Caribs, and later by France. One hun- dred thousand blacks of all ages were entering the col- onies each year, and to secure this number of bossals, — as the native Africans were called, involved the death °See Sir Spencer St. John, Hayti, or the Black Republic, 2d ed. (New York, 1889), PLANTER AND MERCHANT 43 of nearly as many more, either through the fighting that preceded their capture on land, or from the terrors of pestilence or shipwreck that awaited them at sea. By 1790 the blacks of Santo Domingo outnumbered the whites sixteen to one, and the number of blacks then in the island was estimated at 480,000, in contrast to 30,800 whites, and about 24,000 free mulattoes or “people of color.” Under French rule the blacks had been subjected, as many believed, to a system of slavery unsurpassed for cruelty and barbarity. No doubt there were French- men who, in their fierce struggle to become rich, worked their slaves beyond human endurance and did not hesi- tate to terrorize them with the severest punishment upon the first symptoms of revolt; but, on the whole, such sweeping denunciations were probably unjust. An impartial observer and historian of that day, himself an Englishman,® declared that the French treated their slaves quite as well as the English did theirs, and clothed them better. He believed that the lot of the Santo Domingo blacks at the period of which we speak would compare favorably with that of the peasantry of Europe, a comment made familiar to American ears when applied to the slave population of the South. The real trouble came from the more enlightened disaffec- tion of the mulattoes and free negroes, fanned by the fanatic zeal of abolitionists abroad, particularly of those who formed the society of Les Amis des Noirs in France, who were determined to carry out their policies by any means and at whatever cost. The mulattoes were really in worse plight than the actual slaves, for they were virtually slaves of the State * Bryan Edwards, Esq., M.P., F.R.S., &c., dn Historical Survey of the French Colony in the Island of San Domingo (London, 1797). 44, AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST and had no master to whom they could appeal, being subject to military service without pay, to the corvée or labor upon the highways, the hardships of which were insupportable, as well as to a constant and galling tyranny. The law was invariably framed in favor of the white man, who, if he struck a mulatto, was subject to a trivial fine, while retaliation by the man of color might cost him his right hand. It should be added, however, that custom was usually more lenient than the law, and that such atrocious enactments were generally a dead letter. As might have been expected in the circumstances, the mulattoes took their revenge on the despised blacks, whom they were permitted to hold as slaves. ‘They were notoriously the hardest taskmasters in the island, and in return they were naturally envied and hated by the ignorant mass of black humanity. The whites, to complete the discord, were divided among themselves, the Frenchmen from Europe affecting a superiority over the white creoles, the seasoned natives of the island, a condition that never made for good feeling. Moreover, the white planter, who endeavored to gain a foothold by producing sugar, cotton or coffee, seems to have had a just grievance against the merchants whom the law favored and who set the price for negroes and all other commodities that had to be bought in exchange for produce. Such at least was the conviction and ex- perience of a keen observer, Francis Alexander Stanis- laus, Baron de Wimpffen,’ who went to Santo Domingo in 1788, tried to establish himself as a coffee planter at Jaquemel, on the southern coast not far from Les Cayes, and after three years of fruitless effort, gave up the attempt in disgust, glad to escape, as from the flames *See Note, Vol. I, p. 31. PLANTER AND MERCHANT 45 of purgatory, to the United States, where he settled in Pennsylvania. Baron de Wimpffen’s lack of success no doubt colored his impressions of the country to some extent, but after making due allowance on this score, we find in his letters, beyond a doubt, an essentially true picture of Santo Domingan society and plantation life at the very time and place with which our story is most intimately concerned. A sketch of the picture which the Baron has drawn, though in brief outline, will enable us better to understand the real condition of affairs. The prevailing taste in Santo Domingo, according to this observer, was creolian tinctured with boucan, or with the characteristics of the buccaneers. White so- ciety on the island was divided into governmental or town officials, merchants, and planters, the several classes having their own interests, which were often con- flicting. The planters were concerned only with ne- groes, their sugar, their cotton or their coffee, and could talk of nothing else; values were reckoned in negroes, or in sugar, for which slaves were commonly exchanged. The laxity of morals, the absence of schools, and the total lack of books were patent on every hand. After sunset dancing was the chief form of amusement in the towns, and handsome mulattoes were the acknowledged Bacchantes of the island. It was from this class that housekeepers were usually chosen by the greater part of the unmarried whites. They had “some skill,” said Baron de Wimpffen, “in the management of a family, sufficient honesty to attach themselves invariably to one man, and great goodness of heart. More than one European, abandoned by his selfish brethren, has found in them all the solicitude of the most tender, the most constant, the most generous humanity, without being in- 46 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST debted for it to any other sentiment than benevolence.” Expense of cultivation at this time is said to have risen out of all proportion to the value of the product. While negro service was a prime necessity to the planter, the African mine was becoming exhausted; even then slave dealers were penetrating a thousand leagues or more from the Guinea coast. Added to the cost of slaves, which was yearly increasing and had already reached to 2,000 or even 3,000 francs per head, the Gov- ernment exacted a ruinous capitation tax, which bore with special weight on the planter.* Physicians and lawyers, however ignorant, exacted exorbitant fees; masons and carpenters, however inefficient, demanded an unreasonable wage; they, we are told, with the mer- chant and official governmental class, were the only money makers on the island. The merchant whom we have seen taking the planter’s produce at his own price, in exchange for slaves again at his own price, had the advantage in every business transaction; the planter, as a result, was his chronic debtor, and at usurious rates. Subject to an enervating climate, which Europeans with their intemperate habits could seldom endure for long, the planter, though weak and sick himself, was often obliged to be overseer, driver, apothecary, and nurse to his negroes, the slave of his slaves. In spite of every care, out of one hundred imported negroes the mortality was nearly twenty per cent in the first year. Where less oversight was given to their food, the slight- est scratch was likely to degenerate into a dangerous wound, while the most dreaded disease, then known in English as the “yaws” and in French as la grosse vérole *The Superior Council, sitting at Port-au-Prince, in 1780 fixed the tax for the parish of Les Cayes at the rate of 2 francs, 10 centimes per head, which in this instance was certainly trifling. (Note furnished by M. L. Lavigne.) PLANTER AND MERCHANT AT (to distinguish it from the smallpox, la petite vérole), was a scourge for which no remedy had then been found. Every slave was branded with a hot iron on the breast, with both the name of his master and that of the parish to which he belonged, but notwithstanding such pre- cautions desertions were far from uncommon. The Santo Domingan blacks were put to work in the morning with a crack of the arceau, a short-handled whip, delivered on their backs or shoulders, and so ac- customed had they become to the regularity of this stimulus that they could hardly be set in motion with- out it. How to manage the true bossal, as distinguished from the African creole, with humanity and success was a problem to which many considerate planters must have addressed themselves in vain, if, as this one de- clared, the black’s ruling passion was to do nothing, and he was by nature a thief, to whom indulgence was weak- ness and injustice a defect of judgment that excited both his hatred and his contempt. Stanilaus further observed that the soil of Santo Domingo was then already becoming exhausted, and he believed that the day of rapid fortunes for the planter had passed. “Calculate now,” said he, “the privations of every kind, the commercial vicissitudes, the perpetual apprehensions, the disgusting details, inseparable from the nature of slavery; the state of languor or anxiety in which he vegetates between a burning sky, and a soil always ready to swallow him up, and you will allow with me that there is no peasant, no day-labourer in Europe, whose condition is not preferable to that of a planter of San Domingo.” “I never met,” he adds, “9 West Indian in France who did not enumerate to me with more emphasis than accuracy, the charms of a residence at Saint Domingo; since I have been here, I 48 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST have not found a single one who has not cursed both Saint Domingo, and the obstacles, eternally reviving, which, from one year to another, prolong his stay in this abode of the damned.” Having followed De Wimpffen to this point, the reader is entitled to hear his parting epigrams. “The more I know,” he said, of the inhabitants of Saint Do- mingo, “the more I felicitate myself on quitting it. I came hither with the noble ambition of occupying myself solely in acquiring a fortune; but destined to become a master, and consequently to possess slaves, I saw, in the necessity of living with them, that of studying them with attention to know them, and I depart with much less esteem for the one, and pity for the other. When a person is what the greater part of the planters are, he is made to have slaves; when he is what the greater part of the slaves are, he is made to have a master.” Whether Jean Audubon’s long experience would have confirmed all that has just been said is doubtful, for he was primarily a merchant or dealer and thus be- longed to the favored class. But what especially inter- ests us now is that both he and De Wimpffen were owners of plantations in the southern province of Santo Domingo at the same time. The one who wished to retain a valuable property followed the custom of the time by confiding the management of his affairs to an agent, either at a fixed salary or on a profit-sharing basis; while the other, who stayed long enough to dis- cern the trend of events, was glad to sell his land and his slaves and shake the dust of the island from his feet forever.® Before resuming the intimate details of our narra- ° Baron de Wimpffen sailed from Port-au-Prince for Norfolk, Virginia, in July, 1790, about a year after Jean Audubon had left the island. PLANTER AND MERCHANT 49 tive, we must follow the whirlwind of political events already set in motion in the island colony. In the spring of 1789 the white colonists of Santo Domingo took ad- ministrative matters into their own hands, and without vestige of legal authority, elected and dispatched eight- een deputies to the States-General, then sitting in France. These men reached Versailles in June, a month after that body had declared itself the National Assem- bly, but only six were ever admitted to its counsels. For a long time opposition to the planters had been fomented in Paris by the “Friends of the Blacks,” the abolition society to which we have referred; stories of cruelty to the slaves, colored and intensified in passing from mouth to mouth, as invariably happens when atrocity tales are used as partisan weapons, added to the arrogance and extravagant habits of many planters when resident in the mother country, did not tend to soften the prejudice of the public towards their class. The planters could get no consideration at home, and, as we have seen, the Declaration of Rights followed promptly in August, while a legislative Assembly was ordered in September. Meantime the mulattoes on the island were clamoring for the political rights which the decree had promised them, and, to make matters worse, some of the influential whites espoused their cause, even preaching the enfranchisement of the blacks, from whom up to this time little had been heard. In short, the whites were divided as effectually as were blacks and mulattoes. The dominant party in Santo Domingo, led by the Governor-General, were determined to uphold the old despotic régime, while the General Assembly, which met at Saint Marc in obedience to orders from the mother country, on April 16, 1790, drafted a new constitution. 50 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST The clash came in July of this year, and in the northern province, where the first blood of the revolution was drawn at Port-au-Prince. On October 12, 1790, James Ogé, a mulatto, inspired, financed and equipped by the “Friends of the Blacks” in Paris, landed secretly in Santo Domingo, established a military camp at Cap Francois and called all mulattoes to arms. His plan. was to wage war on the whites as well as upon all mulat- toes who refused to join his standard of revolt; but Ogé and his company were quickly suppressed, and this in- competent leader, who fled to Spanish territory, was later extradited and broken on the wheel. This episode naturally infuriated the whites against all mulattoes, who took up arms at Les Cayes and at other points. The whites also armed, and a skirmish occurred at Les Cayes, Jean Audubon’s old home, where fifty persons on both sides lost their lives, but a temporary truce was immediately effected. This was the first serious inci- dent in which the town of Les Cayes figured in the bloody revolution of Santo Domingo; it occurred, we believe, in the late autumn of 1790. Audubon’s mother had then been dead four years, and her son, the future naturalist, had left the country in the fall of 1789; in order to bring out these facts clearly it has seemed neces- sary to enter into this detail. Later events in Santo Domingo now moved in a direction and with a velocity which few then were able to comprehend. The danger and the potency of the voleano that had long been muttering beneath their feet needed but a few touches from without to reveal its full explosive power. These were furnished not only by the mulattoes, many of whom, after having fought under French officers in the American Revolution, had returned to the island and there spread wide the spirit PLANTER AND MERCHANT 51 of disaffection and revolt; but also by the National Assembly in France, which by its vacillating policies destroyed every hope of reconciliation. In March, 1790, this Assembly granted to the citizens of Santo Domingo the right of local self-government, but only a year later, on May 15, 1791, tore up this decree and emancipated the mulattoes. When the news reached the island six weeks later, the colony was thrown into the utmost con- sternation; the whites as a class refused point-blank to accept the decision and summoned an Assembly of their own, which met in August. The mulattoes again took up arms, and the blacks, who by this time had been won to their side, started a general revolt which had its origin on a plantation called “Noé,” in the parish of Acul, nine miles from Cap Francois. They began by burning the cane fields and the sugar houses and murdering their white owners. henceforth Santo Domingan history becomes an intricate and disgusting detail of conspira- cies, treacheries, murders, conflagrations, and atrocities of every description. The only ray of light comes from the first genuine leader of the blacks, the gallant but unfortunate Toussaint, in 17938. As has already been intimated, Jean Audubon’s Santo Domingo property suffered long after he left the island, and certainly after 1792 when, as we shall soon see, revolutions were demanding his attention and all his energies at home. CHAPTER IV AUDUBON’S BIRTH, NATIONALITY, AND PARENTAGE Les Cayes—Audubon’s French creole mother—His early names—Discovery of the Sanson bill with the only record of his birth—Medical practice of an early day—Birth of Muguet, Audubon’s sister—Fougére and Muguet taken to France—Audubon’s adoption and baptism—His as- sumed name—Dual personality in legal documents—Source of pub- lished errors—Autobiographic records—Rise of enigma and tradition— The Marigny myth. Santo Domingo, though repeatedly ravaged by the indiscriminate hand of man, is a noble and productive land, which, for the diversity and grandeur of its scenery and the rare beauty of its tropical vegetation, was justly regarded as one of the garden spots of the West Indies and worthy to be in truth a “Paradise of the New World.” For every lover of birds and nature this semi- tropical island, and especially Les Cayes, upon its south- westerly verge in what is now Haiti, will have a pe- culiar interest when it is known that there, amid the splendor of sea and sun and the ever-glorious flowers and birds, the eyes of America’s great woodsman and pioneer ornithologist first saw the light of day. Jean Audubon met somewhere in America, and probably at Les Cayes, a woman whom he has described only as a “creole of Santo Domingo,” that is, one born on the island and of French parentage, and who is now known only by the name of Mlle. Rabin.!. To them was *This was one of the commonest names among the French creoles of Santo Domingo, and was possibly assumed, though the evidence is in- conclusive. See Vol. I, p. 61. 52 BIRTH AND PARENTAGE 53 born, at Les Cayes, a son, on the twenty-sixth of April, 1785. This boy, who was sometimes referred to in early documents as “Jean Rabin, créole de Saint-Domingue,” and who again was called “Fougére”’ (in English, “Fern”’), received the baptismal name of Jean Jacques Fougére six months before his sixteenth birthday. The bill of the physician, Doctor Sanson of Les Cayes, who assisted at young Audubon’s birth still exists, and as the reader will perceive, it is a highly unique and interesting historical document.? Written in the doctor’s own hand, it is receipted by him, as well as approved and signed by Jean Audubon himself. This tardy discovery, along with other pertinent records in the commune of Couéron, in France, finally resolves the mystery which has ever hedged the Melchizedek of American natural history. The child’s name, of course, is not given in the bill, but authentic records of Audu- bon’s subsequent adoption and baptism agree so com- pletely in names and dates as to establish his identity beyond a shadow of doubt. Much other documentary evidence which also has recently come to light is all in harmony with these facts, and further shows that the natal spot and time as given in the Sanson bill can refer only to this talented boy. But before turning to these legal documents we must examine the personal record of Jean Audubon’s physician. Dr. Sanson’s carefully itemized account, to the amount of 1,339 francs, extends over a period of nearly two years, from December 29, 1783, to October 19, 1785; it was accepted and signed by Captain Audubon on October 12, 1786, and receipted by the doctor when 2For photographic reproduction see p. 54; and for transliteration and translation, Appendix I, Documents Nos. 1 and la; for “Fougére” see Appendix I, Documents Nos. 2 and 3; and for “Jean Rabin,” Docu- ments Nos. 14, 16, 17 and 18. 54 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST paid on June 7, 1787. The bill is interesting as a com- mentary on the medical practice of an early day, as well as for the light, which it throws on Jean Audubon’s Santo Domingan career, his establishment at Les Cayes, and his treatment of black slaves and dependents. This quaint document, moreover, tends to confirm a remark of Baron de Wimpffen to the effect that every doctor in Santo Domingo grew rich at his profession, and also recalls what he said in regard to the household remedies of the period. “Every colonist,” to quote this observer again, “is commonly provided with a small chest of medicines, of which the principal are manna, salts, and rhubarb; the country itself produces tamarinds, and the leaves of the cassia tree, a slight infusion of which, with a little orange juice, makes as good a purge as a mixture more scientifically composed.” This physician’s chief resources are seen to have been ipecacuanha, purgative decoctions, including such as the tamarind tree provided, manna, mineral waters, lotions, plasters, and kino, an astringent juice derived from different leguminous plants, which gave a red color to the saliva, not to speak of “other medicines,” the na- ture of which is not revealed, which were liberally sup- plied to whites and blacks, both old and young, alike. It will be noticed further that the slaves of African birth when not named are referred to as “bossals,”’ though many young blacks and mulattoes are called “Joue”;* that a cooper, attached presumably to the 2The word “Joue,” which occurs eleven times in this document—as “mulatto Joue,” “Joue mulatto,’ “negro bossal named Joue,” and “little negro Joue”—suggests the English equivalent “Cheek,” but no such usage appears to be authorized. It is evidently a proper name, and is more likely to prove the French rendering of a word common to one of the negro dialects of the island. On the other hand it might represent a corrupted pet name, like “joujow” or “bijou,” bestowed by the French creoles of Santo Domingo upon their favorite négrillons or petits négres, 3 LQOT Mm udu bon ae a Senson Chiwrgiue ay Ba ee SQVOLY, e; - A ae proud un mene eonel TZ Cy SD J ONY iprrcatuanha pousimemryre Moyal _ _ oo b omnes, D4 une quedoocsen pons tn Te FP Saye oy “ | : VS ff M0 Je enous pour tor Orin is Sarnal Y Gy O. | a Vil COG pres ecins pores Ua Wnne Sone £ y * 6; | ie 7 f er durdeore penwun-Soa/ _ y (ey 1 Wie (ny Haseena pour un Gono y Oy y : 77 Mrdeorrn pons 4 multhe gorur - v C E ee “abe Une a1.) 0 t0 ogee On "deed Bor Z y, “ fo 4% . Wats wife Mala ‘eeznr) 5.0% tnocule L901 imotule ‘Rose30% §0z Z | ~ oyul gt: +1 pop cone per Wee Po pe Fe ey G Z fo wre Oe pow te nuh hr 4 Z Gy JG apo} too poral pron LM Dobie, i (ye | Lf Madaocnee Pornsorusrugss wy, Y Le madeorne pores ee 5 ; YY Voge rade orpre pousAorr Y eas ay ’ PIES pe fe 4 WO jie Aredeertee procs Doriarngins ‘ gL Vila, y Wun mndeciur pour La: meyers Zp done iy te doin, rire, ofA 261.0dr, es es verte Ju tu lites : Be 6% taswuh un puttnc ee Vitel Leese C tn Qudi Bon & ee du fihanh PA Se tnarianes eh Se fa Moat 0 36, he [ip epep se paige Hf pons tain fe MOL 01 2D ee eG, y IG y tars eorter ton Mae : y , Vj pare on mR: Y QI Suinns bu Oy cdo sf tlhe) ny eA Pi8f (ow be Can arionds lor, sous Pie yas 46, yi oe Jap Dap ted a oe Ape lee hig ae ns wet rigs ae eveaseust-0 es chy Spi | 53e4 ak - VN = NS x WON NAR , FIRST PAGE OF THE BILL RENDERED BY DR. SANSON, OF LES CAYES, SANTO DOMINGO, TO JEAN AUDUKON FOR MEDICAL SERVICES FROM DECEMBER 29, 1783, To ocrorerR 19, 1785. Atter the original document in possession of M. L. Lavigne, at Couéron. The note in upper left-hand corner, “trés curieux Mlle. Rabin & son enfant,” has been added by a later hand. a Aectgiha Hebe ork a7 VIB, gy ipa mGabini A. « Sy bayer snrinarrhe YoMnan pours 1 Rabin GP iff ane ansdevioas rors Le negertlon jones eZ \. vo? WA : lon SOR Naa ae : Y jp ware se)scins pores ons. : 2 ey Zé. BY foam ur made pros tn’ aude Ben y, ; 1p z ; fP i] f tur Predeorn, pou be nenpi tion Jour 4, 3 Y ZG 7 WA QO natn pores pn Babin SY, 7 ey PB pe puede CURe Pre) 4 ira ris y G; Be Wa 7 Gy 10 puodocvr: pos Leer feos y Gy Z . [log “os Made eng pore Gb loraates Z a VAL jp bin & irra pons a toms bss Lv Gy fiag dee S03 2 86 Firma pos te tannwbrrs / by Vey Low “Jo jan «RFI porwr. & Ouaahe» Gy 4 J ly frou Doyen eo Fira Pons Le lousieh, Bar y Vy ff Oyud 42, Lire vesirte Ba aut proms m1 AJA aan 3 Ion y fi? f bie Kota pr tee %, pipaLe guste tRacinadde ji vA Oy ¢ ie ‘ Lf f weer Kelton proves Rabin Z Gy J ; : J) pews Atelon pons on Fiabn vy Gy SG f on amsdocins pour ee larrieles Y Gs, VGC tion Boyan 2a FERN pO Bitrriwhe oy 5. 4 y 107 Trou Pov} 2 Xo FA Ae poor G Perak, / yy g / 17 Liew Seyer Ww ftvia pou & tonrab» ye [hp Aton jis Vay Bele cn <4 VU, LUE Ny ae i / é K . ®) Na a : NS £mN ; ree B54 7 BuioBas, POs W oO Y 13 397 7] Miia s 5 , £- 1h ponvia~ Ua om, Sotwet onions Netesias 3De, Gy 7 Y Va 'Y f 19 ny 1% Z @ ly £ G4 Gs Vy 4 Y 4 G Z &y f o4 THIRD PAGE OF THE SANSON BILL, SIGNED AS ACCEPTED BY JEAN AUDUBON, OCTOBER 12, 1786, AND RECEIPTED BY TITE DOCTOR, WHEN PAID, JUNE 7, 1787. BIRTH AND PARENTAGE 55 Audubon sugar refinery, was dosed thrice daily with kino on four days ‘in succession; and that this favorite treatment was repeated a month later. A clerk in the establishment, Monsieur Aubinais, is mentioned as re- quiring frequent attention, as well as Jean Audubon himself, who was once bled at the arm. In the entry for March 27, 17 84, there is this inter- esting reference: “Inoculated Cesar, Jupiter, and Rose, at thirty francs each, ninety francs”; and if there were any doubt why Cesar had been inoculated, a hint is immediately given under May 11: “For attention, visits, and remedies, during the smallpox (la petite vérole) of the mulatto Joue, sixty francs”; again we read: “June 30, inoculated a little negro bossal, named Joue, thirty francs.” Every fresh batch of negroes landed in the colonies led to a new outbreak of this terrible scourge, and but one other disease, la grosse vérole,* was more common or more fatal among the blacks. For a long period it had been a common prac- tice to inoculate both whites and blacks directly with the smallpox in order to secure some degree of protec- tion against its most virulent form, but this method of fighting the devil with fire had its disadvantages. By the end of the eighteenth century opinion was about equally divided upon the advisability of continuing the measure, since induced variola or smallpox was apt to be virulent, and was often quite as infectious as when manifested in the usual and natural way. Then came Edward Jenner’s grand discovery, made twelve years before this date but not announced until 1798, that vac- cinia would prevent variola. Almost immediately vac- which played a more or less ornamental réle in many households, whether as footmen or servants. In any case the use of this word is doubtless purely local. “See Vol. I, p. 46. 56 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST cination spread like wild fire over Europe, and it has never been appreciated more fully or more highly lauded by the best representatives of the medical profession everywhere than at the present day. The most interesting references in this historic document are to ‘““Mlle. Rabin,” whose name occurs no less than seventeen times, beginning May 21, 1784, and closing with the entry for the seventeenth of August, 1785. We learn that the physician spent the nights of April 24 and 25, 1785, at the woman’s bedside, and that her child was born on the twenty-sixth day of that month, probably in the morning. It will be noticed fur- ther that she had been bled previously at the arm, that she had suffered also from the erysipelas, and that later she was treated for abscesses. These frequent attentions of the physician, extending over several months, the last record being for August 17, show only too clearly that at this time Audubon’s mother was in feeble health. All that is further known about her is that she died either at the close of 1785 or in 1786, when her infant son was probably less than a year old.° A daughter of Jean Audubon, Rosa, who was first called Muguet (in English, “Lily of the Valley”), was also born in Santo Domingo, and probably at Les Cayes, on April 29, 1787. Her mother, Catharine Bouffard, “créole de Saint-Domingue,”’ who subsequently went to France, had another daughter, born also at Les Cayes, named Louise, who was living at La Rochelle in 1819.° ‘It was stated in the act of adoption, which was drawn up in March, 1794, that Audubon’s mother had then been dead “about eight years,” and the testimony of the Sanson bill shows that she was alive as late as October, 1785. *The following letter of inquiry concerning Louise was written by Rosa’s husband when Jean Audubon’s will was being attacked in the courts at Nantes. It is dated at Couéron, June 26, 1819, and is addressed to “Monsieur Carpentier Chessé, engraver, place Royale, Nantes:” “Following the friendly offer that you made me, I have the honor of BIRTH AND PARENTAGE 57 When Captain Audubon finally left the West Indies in the autumn of 1789, he took with him, in the care of trustworthy slaves, these two children, Fougere or Jean Rabin, aged four and a half years, and Muguet or Rosa, an infant of less than two. We know that he visited Richmond, Virginia, to collect a long outstanding claim against David Ross, then engaged in an iron in- dustry near that city (see Chapter VIII, p. 121), and it is possible that he traveled by way of New Orleans and the Mississippi and Ohio rivers. After spending some time at the close of this year in the United States, he went to France and made a home for his children at Nantes. This city became essen- tially their permanent abode until their father’s retire- ment from the navy on January 1, 1801, when he finally settled in the little commune of Cou€éron, on the north bank of the Loire. The storm that burst over Nantes soon after their arrival revealed the true colors of Jean Audubon’s patriotism, and the man was seen at his best, as will be related in the following chapter. Madame Audubon, who had no children of her own, tenderly received the little ones, thus wafted from over the sea to her door in the Rue de Crébillon.*. As the asking you to undertake, at your next visit to La Rochelle, the following inquiries: “1, There should be at La Rochelle (it is thought at the home of the widow Scipiot) a Miss Louise Bouffard, born at Les Cayes, Santo Domingo, in America. “What is her position? What is she doing? What is her conduct? In short I should like to know absolutely all about her, being charged by the Madame, her mother, to make all inquiries.” (Translated from original in French, Lavigne MSS.) 7A principal street in the old quarters of Nantes, leading from the Place Royale to Place Graslin. Jean Audubon named this street as his place of residence in 1792, when he was living in a house belonging to Citizen Carricoule. He made his home also at No. 39, rue Rubens, a short street, with many of its houses still intact, in the same quarter; this was rented of Francoise Mocquard for five years, beginning June 24, 1799 (le 6 Messidor, an 7), at four hundred francs per annum. He also dwelt 58 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST story proceeds we shall see that she was a most kind, if over-indulgent, foster mother, and became excessively proud of her handsome boy. “The first of my recol- lective powers,” said the naturalist when writing of him- self in 1835,° “placed me in the central portion of the city of Nantes . . . where I still recollect particularly that I was much cherished by my dear stepmother .. . and that I was constantly attended by one or two black servants, who had followed my father to New Orleans and afterwards to Nantes.” Jean Audubon, who spent a good part of his life at sea and in a country almost totally devoid of morals, must be considered as the product of his time. He was better, no doubt, than many who made greater profes- sions, better certainly than a Rousseau, who gave excel- lent advice to parents upon the proper methods of rearing their children but sent his own offspring to orphan asylums. As most men have their faults, said the son, the father “‘had one that was common to many individuals, and that never left him until sobered by a long life”; but, he added, “as a father, I never com- plained of him; his generosity was often too great, and his good qualities won him many desirable friends.” Whatever his faults, Jean Audubon was just, generous and possessed of a kind heart. He was in reality a truer father than many who give their children their name but deny them sympathy and a wise oversight. Jean at various times at No. 5, rue de Gigant, and in the rue des Carmes, where his wife possessed a house, as well as in the rue des Fontenelles and the rue Saint-Leonard. Very likely “La Gerbetitre” at Couéron was occupied intermittently, especially in summer, after the outbreak of the Revolution and his reverses in fortune; even after his retirement there in 1801, he still kept a lodging (pied-d-terre) at Nantes, where, as it chanced, he died, though it was not his usual stopping-place. See Note, Vol. I, p. 86. 8See Maria R. Audubon, dudubon and His Journals (Bibl. No. 86), vol. i, p. 8. BIRTH AND PARENTAGE 59 Audubon not only cherished the two children but made them his heirs. On March 7, 1793, Fougere at the age of eight and Muguet at six’ were legalized by a regular act of adoption in the presence of witnesses at Nantes as the children of Jean and Anne Moynet Audubon. This step was taken at the very moment when the storm had burst over La Vendée, when the fate of Nantes was trembling in the balance and the life of her citizens was most insecure. The act of adoption reads: ° Extract from the registers of births of the sections of La Halle and Jean Jacques of the commune of Nantes, department of the Loire inférieure, on the seventh of March, 1749, the second year of the Republic, one and indivisible, at ten o’clock in the morning. Before us, Joseph Theulier, public officer, elected to deter- mine the public status of citizens, have appeared in the town hall, Jean Audubon, commanding the war sloop Cerberus, ves- sel of the Republic, aged forty-nine years, native of Les Sables d’Olonne, department of La Vendée, and Anne Moinet his wife, aged fifty-eight years, native of the former parish of Saint- Leonard, of this commune, who, assisted by René Toussaint Julien Beuscher, manufacturer, aged twenty-five years, living in the section of La Halle, Rubens Street, and by Julien Pierre Beuscher, marine surgeon, aged twenty-four years, living in the section of La Fraternité, Marchix Street, and employed steadily in the said war sloop Cerberus, have declared before me that they do adopt and recognize from this moment as their lawful children, to wit: A male child named Fougére, born since their marriage, which took place on the twenty-fourth of August, 1772, in the com- mune of Paimbeuf, in this department, to him, Jean Audubon, and a woman living in America, who has been dead about eight years, and a female child, named Muguet, born also since the ®For the original text of this act, here given in translation, see Appendix I, Document No. 2. 60 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST marriage aforesaid, to him and another woman living in Amer- ica, named Catharine Bouffard, of whose fate he is ignorant. The two children being present, the first aged nine years, that will expire on the 22d of next April, the second aged seven years, that will also expire on the 26th of April next, and both having been born in America, according to this declara- tion that the witnesses above mentioned have signified as true, I have drawn up the present act, which the natural father and the mother by adoption, as well as their witnesses have signed, together with myself in this said day and year. It will be noticed that in this legally attested docu- ment, Bouffard, the true name of Muguet’s mother, is given, while the name of the mother of Audubon is sup- pressed. It might therefore be inferred that the name Rabin, which appears later, was assumed, but as already remarked, such evidence is not conclusive. Fougére, who was also called Jean Rabin, was bap- tized on October 23, 1800, by a priest of the church of Saint-Similien at Nantes. The archives of this church for the period in question have disappeared, but Jean Audubon’s copy of the record has survived, and reads as follows:’° Tue Act or Baptism or JEAN AUDUBON-RaBIN October 23, 1800 We, the undersigned, certify to have baptized on this day Jean Jacques Fougére Audubon, adoptive son of Jean Audu- * Research at Nantes in 1915 revealed that the baptismal records of the parish of Saint-Similien were wanting for the period from 1792 to 1803, so it is probable that they were destroyed in the Revolution. The municipal archives of Nantes possess a book of baptismal records of the city without distinction of parishes, but this shows the names of neither “Fougere,” “Rabin,” nor “Audubon,” for the year in question. The Abbé Tardiveau was un prétre assermenté, or ae of those priests who had sworn in 1790 to recognize the civil constitution of the clergy. For copy of the act of baptism in the French original, see Appendix I, Document No. 3. It is impossible to say whether the heading as given in my copy of this act was in the original or not. BIRTH AND PARENTAGE 61 bon, lieutenant of afrigate of the Republic, and of Anne Moinet, his legitimate wife, who being present bear witness that the adoption of the said Fougére, made by them, is in accordance with the present act. [Signed] Tarpiveav, priest of Saint- Similien, of the town of Nantes. The act of adoption was drawn at a time when Cap- tain Audubon could have had little leisure to consult records had he been disposed to do so, but the dates of birth which he then gave for these two children were correct both as to the year and month. Fougére, how- ever, was born on the twenty-sixth, instead of the twen- ty-second of April, and Muguet, on the twenty-ninth, instead of the twenty-sixth, of that month. Audubon’s mother’s name is indicated in numerous legal documents of later date, and, as will appear, in every instance her son’s identity is clearly established. Young Audubon, who disliked the names of Fougére and Rabin, and naturally wished to be rid of their early associations, adopted the fanciful name of “La For- est,” ** but used it only sporadically and for a short time. Some of his drawings of birds made at Nantes or Coué- ron as early as 1805, and in New York in 1806 and 1807, and possibly others of slightly later date, are signed “J. L. F. A.,” or “J. J. L. Audubon.” ?” Jean Audubon and his wife are said to have settled “An English writer once gave the name of Audubon’s mother as Mile. La Forét. * Audubon’s signature underwent frequent variations during the first twenty-five years of his life, but after 1820 he almost invariably signed himself “John J.,” or “J. J. Audubon.” In the record of the civil marriage of his sister, at Couéron in 1805, his name appears as “J. J. L. Audubon;” in the “Articles of Association” with Ferdinand Rozier, signed at Nantes in 1806, it is “Jean Audubon,” and in the release given on the dissolution of this partnership, at Ste. Geneviéve, in 1811, the English form, “John Audubon,” appears. 62 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST some property upon “Jean Rabin, créole de Saint Do- mingue,’ which he refused to accept, saying, “my own name I have never been permitted even to speak; accord me that of Audubon, which I revere, as I have cause to do.” 1° The reference in this instance was, I believe, to the final will of Lieutenant Audubon, according to which his property, after being held in usufruct by his wife during her lifetime, was to be equally divided be- tween their two adopted children. In his first will the son was referred to as “Jean Audubon,” but in the sec- ond and last document, executed in 1816, two years be- fore the testator’s death, he appears as “Jean Rabin.” Madame Audubon drew four wills; in the first, dated December 4, 1814, her adopted son is called “Jean Au- dubon”; in the next, of 1816, he is “Jean Rabin, créole de Saint-Domingue,”’ while in a draft written December 26, 1819, he is styled simply “Jean Rabin’; finally, in her fourth and last testament of July 16, 1821, the word- ing is “Jean Audubon, called ‘Jean Rabin.’” It is thus very plain that Audubon’s foster parents consid- ered it advisable to have his identity clearly set forth in legal documents. In one of his autobiographical sketches Audubon remarked that his own mother was said to have been as wealthy as she was beautiful, and if this were true, such caution might be explained and a key found to certain other enigmatical conditions which seemed to hedge his early life. But to such pos- sibilities it will be necessary to revert at a later point of our story.’® This dual personality was set forth by the naturalist himself, but in a more curious form, in a power of attor- * This statement was made to me by Miss Maria R. Audubon in 1914. “For full text of the six wills drawn at different times by Jean Audubon and his wife see Appendix I, Documents Nos. 13-18. * See Chapter XVII. gore 7 = 1807 1811 Ait igGntt, D0 AUDUBON’S SIGNATURE AT VARIOUS PERIODS FROM 1805 To 1847. The first, fourth and sixth are from early drawings; the second from Audu- bon and Rozier’s “Articles of Association”; the fifth from a release given to Rozier; and the remainder from letters. 63 64 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST ney'® executed at Henderson, Kentucky, on July 26, 1817, in favor of his brother-in-law, Gabriel Loyen du Puigaudeau. This measure was taken more than a year after Audubon’s father had drawn up his last will, in which the son was referred to as “Jean Rabin,” and was evidently designed to facilitate any settlement of this will which events in France might render necessary. The naturalist was then engaged in his famous but dis- astrous financial enterprises on the Ohio River,’’ but whether any intimation had come to him of possible legal troubles, which later actually ensued in France, cannot be stated. * This unique document reads as follows: “To all to whom these presents may come: know ye that I, John Audubon, having special trust and confidence in my friend, G. Loyen Du Puigaudeau, of the Department of Loire and [sic] Inférieure, and Parish of Couéron, near Nantes, in the kingdom of France, [do constitute him] my true and lawful attorney, and the true and lawful attorney in fact of Jean Rabin, husband of Lucy Bakewell, of the County of Henderson and State of Kentucky, in the United States of America, for us [?], the said Jean Rabin, and in our name to our use and benefit, to ask, demand, sue for, recover, and receive all and every part of the Real and Personal Estate, that is to say Lands, Tenements, Grounds, Chattels, and credits, which I have, or either of us, in the Department of Loire and [sic] Inferieure in the kingdom of France, aforesaid, and to make sale of the same, either at auction, or by contract of the said Lands and Tenements, Goods, Chattells, and Credits, to receive the money arising from said sale, to give any Receipt, acquittance, or other discharge for the said money or any part thereof, if money or specie shall be received, or for any property he may receive in exchange or barter for said Real and personal Estate, and our said attorney, or the attorney of Jean Rabin aforesaid, is hereby authorized and empowered to make, give, execute, and deliver any Deed, Covenant, or transfer of said Real and Personal Estate to the purchaser of all or any part thereof for us, or for the said Jean Rabin, in as full and ample a manner as he, the said Jean, could do, was he personally present in said Department, in the Kingdom. In testimony whereof the said John Audubon has hereunto set his hand and affixed his seal the Twenty Sixth day of July, Anno Domini One thousand & Eight hundred and Seventeen. Joun J. Avpuzon [Seal within] On the back of the preceding is the notary’s certificate that Jean Audu- bon appeared before him; seal affixed, and dated July 26, 1817. Signed, “A[mproze] Barpanp, Notary of Henderson County, Kentucky.” See Chapter XVI. BIRTH AND PARENTAGE 65 In reading the published accounts of Audubon’s early life many have been puzzled by the absence of defi- nite dates, as well as by the numerous contradictions in which they abound. It is needless to burden this nar- rative with a tedious reference to all these errors or to attempt to trace their origin, which no doubt had many sources, but since we have given the first true account of the naturalist’s birth, we cannot pass these matters without a word of comment. The situation is somewhat involved, since we should possibly differentiate between what Audubon at different times believed to be true, and what he wished to make known to his family or to the public; possibly also we should discriminate between what he actually published over his own signature dur- ing his lifetime and the material which has appeared since his death, even though originally written by his own hand. The first definite date which Audubon ever gave con- cerning his own life was that of his marriage in 1808, when he was twenty-three years of age, and all that he ever published of a biographical nature is to be found in his Ornithological Biography.** In the introduction to this work he simply said that he had “received light and life in the New World,” and further that he returned to America from France, whither he had gone to receive the rudiments of his education, at the age of seventeen. Since Audubon’s first return to America was in the autumn of 1808, when he was actually about eighteen and one-half years old, this statement is not so wide of the mark as to imply that the date of his birth was not then well understood. Moreover, the record of his adop- tion, which was certified to at the time of his baptism in 1800, was carefully preserved among the family docu- * Vol. i, p. v; see Bibliography, No. 2. 66 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST ments, and there is no reason to suppose that knowledge of his age was ever withheld from him. Nevertheless, Audubon was inclined to overestimate his years, a char- acteristic rare in these days; when at Oxford in 1828 he was asked for his autograph, and was begged to in- scribe also the date of his birth; “‘that,”’ he said in record- ing the incident, “I could not do, except approximately,” and his hostess was greatly amused that he should not know. While going down the Ohio River in 1820, bound for New Orleans, Audubon took advantage of a rainy day to write in his journal something about himself that he thought his children at some future time might desire to know. This brief record may or may not have been at hand when in 1835 he wrote the more extended ver- sion that finally saw the light in 1893." Since the manu- script of the later sketch was presumably in possession of Mrs. Audubon when the biography of her husband was prepared in New York about the year 1866, that account in its various versions has furnished biograph- ers with practically all of the available material, not purely conjectural, concerning the naturalist’s early life. Such additions as were made subsequently have proved to be very inaccurate. In the first of these sketches, which, so far as it goes, is more in strict accord with facts, Audubon said nothing of his birth, and of his mother remarked only that he had been told that she was “an extraordinary beauti- ful woman,” who died shortly after he was born. His father, he added, saw his wealth torn from him, until there was left barely enough to educate his two chil- dren, all that remained of the five, his three elder broth- * Published by Maria R. Audubon (Bibl. No. 78) in Scribner’s Magazine, vol. xiii (1893). BIRTH AND PARENTAGE 67 ers” having been “killed in the wars.” He then believed, as he said, that his first journey to France was made when he was two years old. The later and fuller biography, referred to above as written in 1835 and published in 1893, begins with these words :*" The precise period of my birth is yet an enigma to me, and I can only say what I have often heard my father repeat to me on this subject, which is as follows: It seems that my father had large properties in Santo Domingo, and was in the habit of visiting frequently that portion of our Southern States called, and known by the name of, Louisiana, then owned by the French Government. During one of these excursions he married a lady of Spanish extraction, whom I have been led to understand was as beauti- ful as she was wealthy, and otherwise attractive, and who bore my father three sons and a daughter,—I being the youngest of the sons and the only one who survived extreme youth. My mother, soon after my birth, accompanied my father to the estate [sic] of Aux Cayes,** on the island of Santo Domingo, and she was one of the victims during the ever-to-be-lamented period of the negro insurrection of that island. My father, through the intervention of some faithful ser- vants, escaped from Aux Cayes with a good portion of his plate and money, and with me and these humble friends reached New Orleans in safety. From this place he took me to France, where having married the only mother I have ever known, he left me under her charge and returned to the United States in the employ of the French Government, acting as an officer under Admiral Rochambeau. Shortly afterward, however, he 22 Whether Jean Audubon had other sons born in Santo Domingo is not recorded, and this reference of the naturalist, which was repeated in his later sketch, cannot be verified. See Maria R. Audubon, Audubon and His Journals (Bibl. No. 86), vol. i, p. 7. 22 See Note 2, Vol. I, p. 38. 68 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST landed in the United States and became attached to the army under La Fayette. The true history of Jean Audubon’s commercial, naval, and civic career is given in the preceding and fol- lowing chapters. The naturalist, in his letters and journals, made fre- quent allusions to his age, but, as his granddaughter re- marked, with one exception, no two agree; hence, his granddaughter concluded that he might “have been born anywhere from 1772 to 1783.” In the face of such uncertainty she adopted the traditional date of May 5, 1780, adding that the true one was no doubt earlier. Audubon was thus five years younger than his biograph- ers supposed, and twenty-one years were added to the age of his father, who actually lived to be only seventy- four years old, while his son died in his sixty-seventh year. Wherever there is mystery there tradition is certain to raise its head, and though the naturalist carried his “enigma” to the grave, others, building upon his story, have fixed upon the very house in Louisiana in which he is said to have been born. Indeed, advocates of more than one house in that state as the probable scene of Audubon’s nativity have arisen in recent times. We are obliged, therefore, to examine somewhat farther the now universally received but thoroughly erroneous idea that John James Audubon was a native of Louisiana at a time when that Commonwealth was part of a prov- ince of France. Upholding a tradition of rather recent growth, Au- dubon’s granddaughter has expressed the belief that the naturalist was born in a house belonging to the famous Philippe de Marigny and known as “Fontainebleau.” BIRTH AND PARENTAGE 69 This was a sugar plantation on the north side of Lake Ponchartrain, three miles east of what is now the vil- lage of Mandeville and twenty-five miles due north of New Orleans. Pierre Enguerrand Philippe de Mandeville, Ecuyer Sieur de Marigny,** at one time owner of vast estates in and about New Orleans, was born in that city in 1750, and served as its aleade or mayor for two years. A lavish dispenser of hospitality, in 1798 he entertained in great state the Duke of Orleans, later known as Louis Philippe of France, together with his two broth- ers who accompanied him. He died at New Orleans, leaving five sons, of whom the third, Bernard Marigny, later became the owner of “Fontainebleau,” which it has been mistakenly assumed was inherited from his father. At the time of the Duke of Orleans’ visit just mentioned Jean Audubon had been out of the country nine years; there is no evidence of his ever having owned property at New Orleans, or ever having sus- tained any relations with the Marigny family. Before following the Marigny myth further, it will be interesting to notice a late echo of the “Fontaine- bleau” story. In 1910 the Reverend Gordon Bakewell, then in his eighty-ninth year, gave some interesting rem- iniscences of Audubon, and spoke very definitely con- cerning both the time and place of his birth. Dr. Bake- well was a nephew of Mrs. Audubon, and as a youth, in 1834, had passed some time at her home in London. John W. Audubon, with his father’s assistance, painted at that time a portrait of young Bakewell, who at a See J. W. Crozart, “Bibliographical and Genealogical Notes Con- cerning the Family of Philippe de Mandeville, Ecuyer Sieur de Marigny, 1709-1800,” Louisiana Historical Society Publications, vol. v (New Orleans, 1911). The portrait referred to below now hangs in the H. Sophie New= comb Memorial College, New Orleans. 70 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST later day was welcomed in their home on the Hudson. Dr. Bakewell’s contribution was as follows: ** The uncertainty as to the place of Audubon’s birth has been put to rest by the testimony of an eye witness in the person of old Mandeville Marigny now dead some years. His re- peated statement to me was, that on his plantation at Mande- ville, Louisiana, on Lake Ponchartrain, Audubon’s mother was his guest; and while there gave birth to John James Audubon. Marigny was present at the time, and from his own lips, I have, as already said, repeatedly heard him assert the above fact. He was ever proud to bear this testimony of his protection given to Audubon’s mother, and his ability to bear witness as to the place of Audubon’s birth, thus establishing the fact that he was a Louisianian by birth. We do not doubt the candor and sincerity of the excellent Dr. Bakewell, but are bound to say that the incidents as related above betray a striking lapse of memory and an even greater misunderstanding of re- corded facts. Singularly a footnote to the paragraph quoted shows that the Marigny to whom he refers was, as must have been the case, Bernard Mandeville de Ma- rigny, who was born in 1785, the same year as the nat- uralist. Since both were in the cradle at the same time, he is hardly available as a witness. Moreover, the official records of the United States Government prove that the estate called “Fontainebleau” was not in possession of the Marigny family at the time of Audubon’s birth. The land in question was granted to a creole named Antonio Bonnabel, on January 25, 1799, by Manuel Goyon de Lemore, Governor-General of the Province of Louisiana and West Florida. Bonnabel sold his tract *Gordon Bakewell (Bibl. No. 90), ibid., p. 31. BIRTH AND PARENTAGE 71 to Bernard Marigny in 1800, and Congress confirmed his title to it by a special act in 1836.2° Bernard Marigny served in the French army towards the close of the Napoleonic period, and his return to the United States from France, about 1818, is said to have been hastened by a duel which he fought with one of his superior officers. On his return he named Bonna- bel’s old tract on Lake Ponchartrain “Fontainebleau,” in remembrance of the place where his regiment had been assigned for duty in France, and eventually built upon the estate a sawmill and a sugar-house, and planted sugar cane, living meanwhile on another plantation two and one-half miles away. The latter estate was allotted by him in 1832, when he gave it the name of Mandeville: the settlement thus started has since grown to a village of some 1,500 people. Here a summer house which be- longed to Bernard’s father still exists, although in al- tered form; it has been raised to accommodate a lower story, and is now known as the “Casino.” According to those who have most carefully investigated existing rec- ords, this is the only house in Mandeville which belonged to the elder Marigny at the time of which we speak. *>See Laws of the United States, Treaties, Regulations, and Other Documents Respecting the Public Lands, vol. i, p. 301 (Washington, 1836). In Number 756, entitled “An Act for the Relief of Bernard Marigny, of the State of Louisiana,” Marigny is mentioned as assignee of Antonio Bonnabel, and his claim, which was confirmed, is described as follows: a tract of land of 4,020 superficial arpents, in the State of Louisiana, parish of St. Tammany, “bounded on the southwest by Lake Ponchartrain, and on the northwest by lands formerly owned by the heirs of Lewis Davis.” I am informed by Mr. Gaspar Cusachs, president of the Historical Society of Louisiana, who has carefully investigated the titles of this property and to whom I am indebted for much information concerning it and its owners, that the tract described above included the estate of “Fontainebleau.” Marigny’s claim included also a smaller tract of 774 arpents in the same parish. This land was bounded on the southwest by Lake Ponchartrain, on the north by Castin Bayou, and on the south by the tract acquired from Bonnabel; it was granted to the heirs of Lewis Davis in 1777, and certain of them filed a claim for it in 1812. 72 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST Bernard Marigny was one of those who befriended Audubon when he was in desperate straits at New Or- leans in 1821, by advancing him money in return for portraits or drawings of birds. He died in that city in 1868, when in his eighty-third year, a poor and honest man. CHAPTER V LIEUTENANT AUDUBON AS REVOLUTIONIST Background of Audubon’s youth—Nantes in Revolution—Revolt in La Vendée—Siege of Nantes—Reign of terror under Carrier—Plague rob- bing the guillotine—Flight of the population—Execution of Charette— The Chouan raid—Citizen Audubon’s service—He reénters the navy and takes a prize from the English—His subsequent naval career—His losses in Santo Domingo—His service and rank—Retires on a pension— His death—His character and appearance. The ancient city of Nantes, long famed for the beauty of its situation on the banks of a noble river, within easy reach of the sea, as well as for its importance in the arts of war and peace, numbered at the time of the Revolution 70,000 souls. The modern visitor to this favored spot will find quiet and orderly streets adorned with monumental statues (one of these representing Guépin, the revered historian of the city), the old build- ings nearly all replaced by better, the Loire spanned by handsome bridges, and the ancient bounds of the town extended until it has become the sixth city of the Re- public. Since Nantes formed a somber background to Audubon’s youth, we shall follow in brief some of the ordeals through which his family, in common with thou- sands of other Nantais, were destined to pass during those eventful years which witnessed the close of the eighteenth century in France. When Captain Audubon reached Nantes presumably not far from the beginning of 1790, he found the city in a state of the greatest turmoil and agitation. The 73 74 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST commons, or third estate, included hundreds of its rich and influential citizens, and their demands for a fair hearing and a representation equal to that of the other orders had then passed the stage of open revolt, for they had planted their “liberty tree” and were sworn to de- fend it. In August of 1789 a permanent Committee of Public Safety had been constituted at Nantes, and by the end of that month 1,200 had volunteered for serv- ice in the National Guard. There were many loyalists in the city but they could not crush the ardent spirit of this revolt, and when in September money was needed to equip the revolutionary soldiery, young school chil- dren raised large sums for the popular cause. Jean Audubon immediately cast his lot with the revolution- ists and joined the National Guard, but how much serv- ice he saw in the field cannot now be determined; it is known, however, that he was with these troops in the spring of 1792.7 In March, 1793, the loyalists of La Vendée rose to arms, and marching on Nantes under the able leadership of Charette, threatened to put its garrison to the sword if it were not surrendered within six hours. The Na- tional Guard met these invaders outside the walls and left the citizens to shift for themselves. Thus thrown upon their own resources, the Nantais showed that they could help themselves. They requisitioned and used for defense everything at hand; they exhumed the leaden coffins in their grand cathedral and appropriated water- spouts for ammunition, while their church bells were molded into cannon. Though held in check, the Ven- deans laid siege to the city, and but for the resolution of its mayor, Baco, Nantes would probably have fallen —in which event Audubon would have had a different *One period of this service bears date of May 31. LIEUT. AUDUBON, REVOLUTIONIST 75 history and would probably never have become a pio- neer naturalist in America. Baco, disregarding the advice of his military chiefs, immediately placarded the walls of Nantes decreeing death to any who should suggest capitulation, and called all the inhabitants to arms, sparing neither woman nor child. The Vendeans had met their match, for they were dealing with many of their own blood, but though the siege began in early March, they were not effectually dispersed until the end of June, and then only after much bloodshed without the walls. When the immediate crisis had passed, the Constitution of the Republic was unanimously accepted by the eighteen sections of Nantes, on the twenty-first day of July, 1792. A few months later in that fateful year a more ter- rible calamity befell the city, when the reign of terror under the notorious ultra-revolutionist, Jean B. Carrier, began. Carrier reached Nantes on October 8 and at once proposed to exterminate both the Vendean royal- ists and their Nantais sympathizers. He reorganized the entire administration to suit his purposes, and to carry out his plans recruited from the lowest classes a revolutionary army to spy upon, denounce and arrest private citizens, many of whom were sent to Paris for trial when not secretly dispatched. The whole district was soon paralyzed by the barbarity of the crimes then committed, and the unhappy Vendeans were dragged to Nantes, to be shot, guillotined or drowned, in such num- bers that the city was unable to bury its dead or the river to discharge them to the sea. Thus perished thou- sands, uncounted if not unknown, and the pestilence of typhoid fever that immediately followed claimed an- other heavy toll regardless of political sympathies. While these dire scenes were being enacted, Jean Jacques 76 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST Fougére Audubon, then a lad of eight years, was living in the heart of Nantes, and his father was one of its leading revolutionists. An aunt of the future orni- thologist, according to his account, who was one of these wretched victims of revolutionary fury, was dragged through the streets of Nantes before his eyes, but appar- ently she did not actually meet her death at that time.” That Jean Audubon moved his family out of Nantes during the revolutionary crisis is possible, and Couéron would have been available as a place of refuge. Many Nantais are known to have fled to Lorient on the coast of Brittany, where they found in the heroic youth Jul- ien the ardent and fearless patriot who was destined to become the real savior of their stricken city. Young Julien denounced Carrier in his letters to Robespierre, and when one of these was intercepted, defied him in person. When his stirring appeals finally reached the Tribunal at Paris, its misnamed representative was re- called, and left Nantes under cover of night on Febru- ary 14, 1794. During his mad reign of four months, Carrier had gone far towards carrying out his theory of republican government, that should begin, as he openly avowed, by “suppressing” half of the population of France. The records show that nearly nine thou- sand bodies were buried in Nantes in a little over three months, from January 15 to April 24, 1794. The plague of fever no doubt accounted for many of these, but the wide reaches of the Loire never told their full story. Though the most grievous affliction of Nantes passed with the recall of Carrier, the city had no lasting peace until the execution of the Vendean leader, Charette, in March, 1796; “Poor Charette,” said Audubon, writing in his journal at Liverpool, December 24, 1827, “whom ?See Note 4, Vol. I, p. 27. LIEUT. AUDUBON, REVOLUTIONIST 77 I saw shot on the place de Viarme at Nantes.” This virtually ended the war in the Vendée, but the Chouans, under their intrepid chief, Dupré, the miller, called “Téte-Carrée,” managed to furnish considerable excite- ment, and raided Nantes in 1799. Dupré’s followers stole in secretly at three o’clock on the morning of Octo- ber 19 and left before daylight, after liberating fifteen royalists from the prison, which seems to have been their chief purpose. The cannon of alarm was fired from the Chateau; the tocsin sounded, calling the city to arms; there was much street fighting, but it was too foggy and dark.to distinguish friend from foe, and when the Na- tional Guard was finally assembled, the enemy had vanished. This brief attack cost the city twenty-one deaths and wounds for twice the number,’ but it was only a passing incident in comparison with events that had gone before. Thenceforth the history of the town is blended with that of the nation.* We have only slight indications of Jean Audubon’s activities from the close of 1789, when, according to his own statement, he was in the United States, to the period of his service in the National Guard at Nantes in the spring of 1792; he was then living in the house of Citizen Carricoule, rue de Crébillon, and the lease of his “Mill Grove” farm, which was renewed in October, 1790, was dated at Nantes. We may safely assume that he was 2 The mayor, Saget, at the moment he was crossing the Place Egalité (the Place Royale of today) received point-blank a ball in his right thigh and another in his left leg, and lost both limbs. *For the revolutionary history of Nantes I am chiefly indebted to M. A. Guépin’s excellent Histoire de Nantes, 2d ed. (Nantes, 1839); Hipp. Etiennez, Guide du Voyageur & Nantes, et aux Environs (Nantes, 1861); A. Lescadien et Aug. Laurent, Histoire de la Ville de Nantes, t.2 (Nantes, 1886); F. J. Verger, Archives curieuses de la Ville de Nantes et des Départments de l'Ouest, t. 5 (Nantes, 1837-41); and to a scholarly mono- graph by Dugast-Matifeux, entitled Carrier 4 Nantes: Précis de la Conduite patriotique et révolutionnaire des citoyens de Nantes (Nantes, 1885). 78 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST engaged in revolutionary business during most of this interval: his name begins to appear in the written rec- ords of Nantes and of the department of the Lower Loire in January, 1798, and existing documents’ show that he was engaged as a commissioner and member of the Department and as a member of the Council of the Navy until the twenty-fifth of June, when he enlisted for active service in the navy of the Republic. Jean Audu- bon served also on various republican committees, his duties comprising the enlistment of recruits, organizing the National Guard, soliciting funds and food supplies for Nantes, finding cannon and other military or naval materials, posting proclamations, administering the oath of allegiance, and watching the movements of loyalist troops in the district. We have seen that the father of the naturalist was a game and determined fighter, and there is ample written testimony to prove that in the commune of Nantes he was regarded as an ardent patriot, who could be relied upon to act with tact, and if necessary with force. Having been appointed a Civil Commissioner by the Directory of the Department on January 17, 1793, Citi- zen Audubon was sent to Savenay, a town of some im- portance twenty-five miles to the northwest of Nantes. His instructions on this mission were to gather useful 5 The unpublished documents of this Department are preserved in the archives of the Préfecture at Nantes, and through the courtesy of their custodians I was enabled to examine them freely. These documents deal with all the revolutionary changes in church and state consequent upon the breaking down of the old régime, and with the enrollment of vol- unteers and the dispatch of armed forces to centers of disturbance throughout that district. The present manuscripts are said to represent but a fraction of those which originally existed, the archives having been subjected to repeated raids, thefts, and wanton destruction by fire and other means. The most important have been listed and published by the Government in summary form under the title, Les Archives du Département de la Loire Infériewre, 1790-1799, Série L. (Nantes, 1909). LIEUTENANT JEAN AUDUBON ANNE MOYNET AUDUBON AFTER OIL PORTRAITS PAINTED BETWEEN 1801 anv 1806, Now IN POSSESSION OF M. L. LAVIGNE, AT COUERON. JEAN AUDUBON AFTER AN OTL PORTRAIT PAINTED BY THE AMER- ICAN ARTIST POLK, AT PHILADELPILIA, ABOUT 1789, NOW IN POSSESSION OF MRS. MORRIS FRANK TYLER. PURLISITED BY COUR- TESY OF MISS MARIA R. AUDUBON. LIEUT. AUDUBON, REVOLUTIONIST 79 information on the civil, moral and political state of the district, “in order to bring a remedy,” and to administer the oath of allegiance to all administrative and judicial bodies. Jean began operations without delay, and his report, which was kept in journal form and embraces the period from January 19 to September 10, 1798, is an interesting document; it covers fifty-one large fools- cap pages, written now in a fine and again in a bold, regular hand, in the course of which his characteristic signature® occurs no less than twenty-two times, each oe Duh ONE OF JEAN AUDUBON’S SIGNATURES IN HIS REPORT TO THE DIRECTORY, 1793. From the original in the archives of the préfecture at Nantes. section of the report having been signed as completed. In one section of this journal he wrote: “Our opera- tions having been finished, we assembled around the tree of liberty, and there sang the hymn of the Marseillaise, which was interrupted with frequent shouts of ‘Vive la république!,; ‘Vive la nation!, and more than one charge of musketry.” Jean Audubon with eight others was charged with or- ganizing the National Guard in the canton of Pellerin, and ordered to accompany the detachment that marched to the relief of Pornic, March 27, 1798. The Citizen was busy also in other directions. He said in his report: ®During the Revolution Jean Audubon always added to his signature the cabalistic sign of three dots between parallel lines, which possibly stood for the three watchwords of the Republic—“Liberté, Egalité, Fra- ternité.” 80 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST In virtue of the power conferred upon us by the Central Committee, on the ninth of April we were transported to the parish of Couéron, where we arrived at seven o’clock in the morning. Proclamations were posted both at Couéron and at Port Launay close by, while some were sent across the river to Pellerin. We availed ourselves on this occasion of the services of two officers of a corsair, who demanded that we aid in re- moving from Pellerin four cannon with four-pound balls, and we succeeded in putting to flight a small barque and four men, who an hour later returned with cannon. . . . The parish of Couéron appears very tranquil, and is in a better mood than [at first] seemed to us. A little later Jean proceeded to Paimpceuf on a simi- lar errand. His letters to the citizen-administrators of that commune are dated at Nantes on the seventeenth of April and the fourteenth of May; in one of these he refers to “the sum of four hundred francs” due from the Administration “for one year’s rent of my house in calle Rondineau (da la calle rondino), which you have taken for a corps de garde” (see Vol. I, p. 32). In July and August of this second year of the Repub- lic, Citizen Audubon was sent to his native town of Les Sables d’Olonne to follow the movements of the loyalist generals Westermann and Boulart,’ a mission which *In the published orders and correspondence of the royalist General Boulart the following letter, given here in translation, is addressed to Citizen Audubon: “I give you notice, Citizen, that my aide-de-camp will arrive immediately from Niort. I beg you to do all in your power to come this evening to confer with me, since I have something to ask you of the utmost importance. I also inform you that there has arrived at Les Sables Citizen Anguis, the people’s representative. Perhaps it would be more advantageous that you should see him this evening, and that tomorrow early we attempt to bring all three together. You could depart in the morning for Nantes.” [Signed] “THe Generat Bovurarrt.” Jean Audubon filed this letter from the enemy with his Department, but his answer is not given. See Ch. L. Chassin, Etudes Documentaires sur La Révolution Francaise: La Vendée Patriote, 1793-1800, vol. ii, p. 306, t. 1-4 (Paris, 1894-1895). LIEUT. AUDUBON, REVOLUTIONIST 81 could hardly have been agreeable if, as seems to have been the case, some of his own people were loyal to the old régime. Correspondence by sea between Les Sables and Nantes, which was open before the siege, was not broken at this time, for the royalists had named one of their representatives, Benoit, as a delegate “to fraternize with the citizens of Nantes, to invite the authorities to correspond, and beg them to send food if they had more than they required.” Four of Jean’s letters, dated at Les Sables on the fifth and eighth of July and the sixth of August, besides one from La Rochelle on the four- teenth of July, all addressed to the Administration of the Loire inférieure, have been preserved. In the manuscript records of the Department for 17938 is found also a notice of Jean’s appointment as Spe- cial Commissioner, with a memorandum of all the money paid to reimburse him for the expenses of his numerous journeys. Thus, it is noted that he had been paid 145 francs for a service of twenty-nine days, which would represent the modest allowance of a dollar a day. An- other item shows that he had received 100 francs for a tour of ten days; a note which was added to this item to explain the Directory’s sanction for the payment of another forty-five francs and ten sous reads as follows: “by its order of the sixth of March last, the Council had, in effect, named Citizen Audubon as its Commissioner, to visit the coasts and to secure signatures, with full power to treat with all people, to acquire materials for the navy and other objects of his mission; if this mission did not prove successful, it was solely through force of circumstances, and not from any lack of zeal on his part.” ° ® Délibérations-Arrétés de Directoire du Département. In MSS. pp. 107-108. 82 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST On the twenty-fifth of June, 1793, while engaged in duties to which we have just referred, Jean Audubon was appointed, with rank of ensign, to command the Republican lugger named the Cerberus.’ During this charge, which lasted until the twenty-second of Novem- ber of the following year, he fought one of the stiffest engagements of his career. On the twelfth of July he encountered the Brilliant, an English privateer of four- teen cannon which had captured an American ship laden with flour; and after a desperate battle which lasted three hours, in the course of which Jean was wounded in the left thigh, the Englishman, beaten and obliged to sur- render his prize, was glad to escape under cover of night. Jean towed the American into the port of La Rochelle, and afterwards sent to the Administration a full account of the engagement.’? Ensign Audubon’s next command was a dispatch boat called L’Eveillé (“The Awak- ened’’), on which he served for nearly nine months, from November 23, 1794, to August 14, 1795. He was then detailed for port duty at La Rochelle from August 15, 1795, to January 24, 1797. His last ship was L’Insti- tuteur (“The Institutor”’), which he commanded with the rank of liewtenant de vaisseawu, January 25 to October 3, 1797, while he was engaged in govern- mental business between the ports of La _ Ro- chelle and Brest. The financial losses which Lieutenant Audubon sus- tained at Les Cayes in consequence of the revolution in Santo Domingo were a crushing blow to him; he never recovered his fortune, later estimated by his son-in-law ® Jean was actually in command of this war vessel in March of that year, as shown by a document given in full in Chapter IV (p. 59). * These records are on file in the archives of the Department of Marine at Paris, but access to them will doubtless be denied until peace is restored in Europe. LIEUT. AUDUBON, REVOLUTIONIST 83 at a sum which at that day would have been fabulous." The business house in which he was interested failed; his plantations, refinery, houses and stores, the rents from which, as we have seen, in certain years after 1789, had yielded 90,000 francs, were presumably ravaged and partially destroyed. When the news of this misfortune reached him after 1792, his hands were tied by revolu- tions at home. Though he applied to his Government for relief, as undoubtedly did a host of other losers, he was eventually granted only a small indemnity, not exceeding 80,000 francs. Friends of Jean Audubon at Nantes had made re- peated demands of the Ministry of Marine that he be given a rank more in accord with his patriotism and effi- cient service to the State, and on October 11, 1797, he was commissioned lieutenant-commander (lieutenant de vaisseau) ,*” one grade below that of captain. He held this rank for three years, during which he was engaged in vigilance service at Les Sables d’Olonne and in mili- tary duty at Rochefort, or until he was retired from the navy for disability, January 1, 1801 (le 11 nivose, an 9), at the age of fifty-seven.’* He had served the uM. L. Lavigne writes that he possesses a copy of a letter addressed by M. G. L. du Puigaudeau to a lawyer in Paris, in which it is stated that Lieutenant Audubon’s losses amounted to 1,500,000 francs. After making due allowance for the psychological tendency to overestimate losses, especially when sustained in remote and romantic lands, the true amount was no doubt large. 2Or “lieutenant of a frigate,’ and corresponding to “mate” in the merchant marine. 3The certificate which Lieutenant Audubon received at the time of his discharge is preserved among the Lavigne manuscripts and docu- ments at Couéron, and is headed: Port ETAT des Services du Citoyen Jean Audubon natif des DE Sables d’Ollonne Département de La Vendée 4gé de RocHeErort. 58 ans. It is signed by the Chief of Administration, Daniel, the Naval Com- mander-in-Chief of the District, Martin, and by the naval commissioner and clerk, February 26, 1801 (le sept Ventose, an 9 de la République). 84 AUDUBON. THE NATURALIST oe Nw. GocHEFORT. St Etat des Services du yen yr Cudubon natif dos Sables D'ONonne Département de La Vendees agé de 58 Ang. qsmom|PORTS|DOTE! mons | moms (PoRTs| Date ptnach pupee ee peses ee a oe me ft | eee [er eassararions § 5 aweeelee | oe | ———— eS ee re ee alee renee ame te BY. |e helt] of anh lun nye Sa SS, 760. | Sam | a2 Pare) bees tegen peal wes |h Ate ca he Rate ta eee Poem FO |agKtus| mms | OF... Seeman in 797. |S Anem|co ame | Lo Ptomem | few’ EP) ty Bevin OMe Pes AAD ting gp Big 2 EP ne = ra ee SIGNATURE TO THE RELEASE GIVEN BY AUDUBON TO FERDINAND ROZIER ON THE DISSOLUTION OF THEIR PARTNERSHIP AT STE. GENEVIEVE, APRIL 6, 1811. From the Tom J. Rozier MSS. miles”; but this does not agree with a later account, in which he spoke of having “purchased a beauty of a horse,” and, happy in the prospect of again seeing his family, set out for Dr. Rankin’s house in Kentucky. In the earlier record he also wrote that he once had a friend in trade, referring to Ferdinand Rozier, “with whom he did not agree, and so they parted forever’; but Audubon visited Ste. Genevieve in the autumn of 1811 and in the winter of 1812, probably for the pur- pose of collecting his money and settling his affairs, while the following letters of this period show that EXPERIMENTS IN TRADE 243 friendly relations with his old partner were not seriously impaired: ® John James Audubon to Ferdinand Rozier Lovuisvitte. 2d November 1811. Mr. F. Rozier St. Geneviéve. My Dear Rozirr; I reached here on the 31st of last month a little fatigued, as you can well imagine. Yesterday I wrote to T. W. Bake- well at New Orleans, and doubt not he is sending you regularly the prices current of the market there. I have found here a letter addressed to my brother-in-law from Benj. Bakewell, who complains of us, and says that we ought to settle with him in one way or another; write to him at Pittsburgh; I will be with him, possibly at the same time, and will speak with him; by the bill which he inclosed you will see that we are his debtor for 55$. I am leaving here in 2 or 3 days. I wish you health and prosperity, and with the respects of my wife, I am always your friend & Servant J. AUDUBON. [Addressed] Mr. F°. Rozier \ Merchant St Genevieve u.L. John James Audubon to Ferdinand Rozier Suippincport. 10th Augst. 1812 My pear Rozier ;— As it is quite likely that the present opportunity is safe, I take pleasure in writing you a few words. Your letter sent to Philadelphia was duly received, and an- 5 See translations from copies of the originals, in French, in possession of the Louisiana Historical Society, New Orleans, in Appendix I, Document No. 21. 244 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST swered promptly; since I have heard news of you only by the most indirect means, I would be happy if you can give a few moments to your friends, if you would count me in their number, and would write me from time to time; I left Phila- delphia last month with my wife and son; most of this time was spent in descending the Ohio, which is at present very low; we had the barge and crew of G[en]l. Clark, with the com- pany of Mr. R. A. Maupin, and of Mrs. Galt, who had spent several months at New York & at Phil?. I shall probably de- scend [the river] to New Orleans this autumn with N. Ber- thoud ; [all kinds of ] merchandise are extremely scarce and very dear, everywhere, but even more is this true of coarse woolens, which one does not find at all. I have no doubt your lead is selling very well, this article having increased considerably [in value] since the war. In the latter part of my stay in the East I received a letter from my father, and one from your brother; all your family were then well, that is, four months ago; your brother is very anxious to hear from you; if peace should come at a day not far remote (and may it please God that this be so), I hope to get into communication with him. I have written to him and I urge you to do the same; your letters can be delivered, if sent to New York, and from thence on the Cartel. My wife is well and [so is] my son; may you be the same, and count among the number of your friends him who would esteem you always. Adieu J. AUDUBON. [Addressed] Mr’ F. Rozrers Mercht St Genevieve u.L. Friendly relations with his former partner in trade were occasionally renewed by the naturalist in after life. *Boat for the exchange of prisoners of war. EXPERIMENTS IN TRADE 245 At one of their last meetings, in 1842, Rozier, who had then returned from France, visited Audubon at his home on the Hudson, and both were entertained in New York by their mutual friend, Nicholas Berthoud. Ferdinand Rozier, with whom we now part company, lived to enjoy abundant prosperity as a trader and mer- chant at Ste. Geneviéve. Born in Nantes on November 9, 1777,’ at the age of twenty-five he entered the French navy, at a time when Napoleon was contesting with England the supremacy of the sea. He made numerous voyages, and we hear of him at the Cape of Good Hope, the Island of France or Mauritius, at Cadiz, Teneriffe, and at the Island of Bartholomew. Eventually, on April 8, 1804, he embarked on the cutter Eaperiment, with Captain Upton in charge, bound for the United States, where he visited a number of American ports, including Philadelphia and Norfolk. In the following year he returned to France in the frigate President, Captain Gallic Lebrosse, and entered the harbor of Nantes on March 1, 1805.8 In the spring of that year John James Audubon, as we have seen, had also re- turned to that city, and plans were eventually laid for their commercial aggrandizement in the New World which both had so lately visited. To what extent Au- dubon’s dreams failed of realization may be gathered from the following chapters. Having settled finally at Ste. Genevieve, Rozier, at thirty-six, married Constance Roy, a girl of eighteen, who bore him ten children, four of whom, all octogena- rians, were living in 1905. Ferdinand Rozier’s thrift and industry soon brought him substantial rewards. In his earlier days he is said to have made six journeys to ™Compare Note, Vol. I, p. 152. ®See Note, Vol. I, p. 148. 246 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST Philadelphia on horseback to purchase merchandise, and these trading expeditions were uniformly successful. His trade extended over the whole of Upper Louisiana, and he lived to see the great growth of Missouri as a sovereign state, along with the development of the fabu- lous mineral wealth of the district.® Rozier’s old store at Ste. Genevieve, for long a land- mark in that community and considered a pretentious building in its day, was undoubtedly built after the date of Audubon’s visit. The front was devoted to the service of customers and a large shed or stock room was placed at the rear, while the family lived in the main section, which was entered by a door not shown in our illustration.*? When this building was demolished to make way for modern changes, the wooden pins used in joining the frame were treasured by many as souve- nirs of pioneer times. Ferdinand Rozier, who outlived Audubon by thirteen years, died at Ste. Genevieve on January 1, 1864, at the age of eighty-seven years. If he were one of those who thought that Audubon was wasting his time in his ardent zeal for natural history, it should not surprise us, for their ideals were in conflict, and the naturalist’s way of working was certainly not conducive to success in trade. ° For this characterization of Ferdinand Rozier I am indebted mainly to an account by his son, Firman A. Rozier, at one time mayor of Ste. Genevitve and member of the State Legislature; see his History of the Early Settlement of the Mississippi Valley (Bibl. No. 202) (St. Louis, 1890). For a photograph of the old Rozier store at Ste. Geneviéve, as well as for the likeness of Rozier, made in 1862, when he was in his eighty- fifth year, I am indebted to the kindness of Mr. Ruthven Deane, who received them from a son of Ferdinand, Felix Rozier, in November, 1905, when the latter had attained his eighty-third year. by hinte.) Gary, IN HIS EIGHTY-FIFTH YEAR (1862) FERDINAND ROZIER’S OLD STORE AT STE. GENEVIEVE, MISSOURI. ‘This and the above published by courtesy of Mr. Ruthven Deane. CHAPTER XVI AUDUBON’S MILL, AND FINAL REVERSES IN BUSINESS Dr. Rankin’s “Meadow Brook Farm’—Birth of John Woodhouse Audu- bon—The Audubon-Bakewell partnership—Meeting with Nolte—Failure of the commission business—Visit to Rozier—Storekeeping at Hender- son—Purchases of land—Habits of frontier tradesmen—Steamboats on the Ohio—Popular pastimes—Audubon-Bakewell-Pears partnership— Their famous steam mill—Mechanical and financial troubles—Business reorganization—Bankruptcy general—Failure of the mill—Personal en- counter—Audubon goes to jail for debt. The seven years which followed the outbreak of war with England in 1812 were the most disastrous in the naturalist’s career. In many respects they were critical for the entire country, since hundreds who were not affected directly by the war were ruined by the finan- cial troubles which followed in its wake. To Audubon reverses came at this time in rapid succession. Bereft of one and then another of his children,’ with his family in straitened circumstances in France, and reduced to bankruptcy himself, he finally resolved to throw up trade, for which he was never fitted, and to make his avocation the real business of life. We shall see how, by the unstinted use of such talents as he possessed, through unremitting effort, and with the aid of his ener- getic and capable wife, he was able, at the age of forty- five, to turn failure into success. After his return to Henderson in the spring of 1811, Audubon began to look for another opening in trade, 1 While living at Henderson the Audubons lost their two daughters, Rosa and Lucy, both of whom died when very young. 247 248 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST living meanwhile with his family at the home of Dr. Adam Rankin, called “Meadow Brook Farm.” Dr. Rankin was the first educated physician in his district, and was for many years an officer of the court. A doc- tor of the older school and a genuine lover of his kind, with a large heart and an open hand, he made his home a hostelry where anyone in need could find refuge with- out money and without price. No doubt he was at- tracted to the naturalist by kindred tastes, and it is known that they became life-long friends. The old house, to which Audubon refers in one of his “Epi- sodes,” ? was built of logs, and stood at some distance from the pike, about two miles from the village in a southeasterly direction. There were experienced in greatest frequency, in the winter of 1811 and 1812, the terrific earthquakes that repeatedly shocked the country at that time; there also Audubon’s younger son, John Woodhouse, was born on November 30, 1812. The Ran- kin farm became at a much later day the site of the vil- lage of Audubon, which still later was to be incorporated in the growing city of Henderson, when most of the old landmarks had been obliterated. Dr. Rankin built a more commodious and pretentious brick house in the village itself, and was neighbor to the naturalist for many years, their houses being on the same or adjoining lots. He was thrice married and had many children, the eldest of whom, William Rankin, became Audubon’s favorite companion in the field; together they ransacked the country for birds and animals of every sort. Audubon’s unfortunate business relations with his brother-in-law, Thomas W. Bakewell, began in the au- tumn or winter of 1811, when the naturalist was in the 2“The Earthquake,” Ornithological Biography (Bibl. No. 2) vol. i, p. 280. FINAL REVERSES IN BUSINESS 249 East and Bakewell was about to return to New Orleans in the employ of a firm of Liverpool merchants who dealt in cotton. Bakewell, who had seen much of the South since the failure of his uncle in New York, in- duced Audubon to join him in an independent commis- sion business, with the assurance that his French nationality would help their undertakings. According to Vincent Nolte, when they were descending the Ohio in December, 1811, Audubon displayed a business card, showing the firm name of “Audubon and Bakewell,” and indicating that they were to deal in such homely products as pork, lard and flour. Thomas Bakewell, we are told, taking with him all the disposable funds of Audubon, who continued to send him “almost all the money” that he could raise, opened their business at New Orleans in the winter or spring of 1812, just in time for the war, which broke out in June, to destroy it. When he returned north, in August of that year, Thomas Bakewell, said the naturalist, suddenly appeared one day at “Meadow Brook Farm,” while he was making a drawing of an otter, and after bewailing their misfor- tune in trade, departed. At the approach of spring in 1812 Audubon was hard pressed for funds, and Rozier’s notes to him being then overdue he set out on foot for Ste. Genevieve to collect his money in person. He went out with a party of friendly Osage Indians, but returned, still afoot and unpaid, with his faithful dog as his only companion.® The prairies were then flooded and converted into vast This journey was probably made in February, though the date is given as April (see Maria R. Audubon, Audubon and his Journals, vol. i, p. 44), if the legends of four drawings of this time are to be trusted; all are labeled Pennsylvania, and bear the following dates: Swamp Sparrow, March, 1812; Spotted Sandpiper, April 22, 1812; White-throated Sparrow, April 24, 1812; and Whippoorwill, May 7, 1812. 250 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST lakes, but Audubon, anxious to reach his home, pressed on, walking, as he said, ‘one hundred and sixty-five miles in a little over three days, much of the time nearly ankle- deep in mud and water.” It was probably on this jour- ney, though it may have been in the previous year, that an incident occurred which he has related in “The Prairie,” * when, as he declared, for the first time in the course of his wanderings for upwards of a quarter of a century, his life was in actual danger from his fellow man. When at last he had obtained some ready money, Au- dubon rode to Louisville, where he purchased on the half-cash, half-credit basis a small stock of goods, and again set up a retail shop at Henderson. This modest venture promised so well that he bought land with the intention of making that town his permanent home. “T purchased,” said he, “a ground-lot of four acres, and a meadow of four more at the back of the first.” On the latter, to follow this account, were several buildings and an excellent orchard, “lately the property of an English doctor, who had died on the premises and left the whole to a servant woman as a gift, from whom it came to me as a freehold”: other land, he added, adja- cent to the first, was later secured. These curiously embroidered statements regarding land transactions at Henderson in 1813 are not in har- mony with the existing records of that frontier town. Henderson, as its historian ° tells us, was laid out orig- * Ornithological Biography (Bibl. No. 2), vol. i, p. 81. In his bio- graphical sketch of 1835 Audubon said that this occurred on his first return from Ste. Genevieve to Henderson (in 1811), a contradiction char- acteristic of his manner of dealing with biographical and historical details. For an account of this “Episode,” see Chapter XVIII. 5 For early references to Henderson I am indebted mainly to Edmund L. Starling, History of Henderson County, Kentucky (Bibl. No. 186), who had access to all the town and county records. ee ee se SEE Anwersp = fig 3 a foe pe Buney oo ia oe re ae Se i girices lof Wines 7) oe ioral See fs Sent eas Ss Qn ae Aa ke: Wig ef ae us we Awe A as, CAL, bx eae a on pall os os AL nS en = ‘a rl Dee, 7 2 Prottinn ice : See LETTER OF AUDUBON TO FERDINAND ROZIER, SIGNED “AUDUBON & BAKEWELL,” AND DATED OCTOBER 19, 1813, DURING THE FIRST PARTNERSHIP UNDER THIS STYLE. From the Tom J. Rozier MSS. 251 252 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST inally in 1797 into 264 one-acre lots, of which compara- tively few had been sold at the time of which we speak, though nominal: prices were asked and a few had been given away to encourage settlement. Audubon is re- corded as having purchased four one-acre lots from the town, two in 1813 and two in the following year, while a long lease was taken upon land adjacent to the river where later rose his famous mill.’ The old Audubon store for general merchandise, built of hewn logs, in a single story, stood at the corner of Main and Mill Streets (now Second Street), fronting the latter, at a point where a modern departmental establishment has since risen. Adjoining this primitive store, on the main street, was his log dwelling,® of one and a half stories, with a square porch at the entrance. Immediately opposite, on the two-acre strip of land pur- chased in 1814, lay a small pond which Audubon is said to have stocked with turtles in order to gratify his special fondness for this delicacy. Audubon’s winning manners made him a popular ®In 1819, the year of Audubon’s departure, 129 town lots had been sold, while 29 had been given to privileged persons or to prospective settlers. * According to the town records, as quoted by Starling, on December 22, 1813, Audubon purchased lots numbers 95 and 96, which were one- half of the square lying on the west side of Third Street and between Green and Elm Streets, from General Samuel Hopkins, agent of the Messrs. Richard Henderson & Company; on September 3, 1814, he bought lots numbers 91 and 92, or one-half of the square on the west side of Second Street, between Green and Elm. The mill site on the Ohio River was a part of the land given to Henderson by the Transylvania Com- pany, the original owners of a large part of Kentucky; this site was leased for 99 years to J. J. Audubon, was sold and resold, but reverted to the city of Henderson in 1915. In the latter year the project was broached of obtaining the original mill site, together with adjoining prop- erty along the river, and converting the whole into a public park dedicated to Audubon. 7 At a somewhat later time the naturalist occupied a one-story frame house, built in 1814, which stood at the corner of Fourth and Main Streets; see Starling, op. cit. FINAL REVERSES IN BUSINESS 253 figure among the early settlers of this region, and for the space of three years he enjoyed life as never before; “the pleasures,” he said, “which I have felt at Hender- son, and under the roof of that log-cabin, can never be effaced from my heart until after death.” But in a community of exacting business men he could never have made a permanent success; he was too good a target not to be riddled by many who were ready to take advantage of his liberality and easygoing ways. Traveling from Frankfort to Lexington in 1810, Wil- son complained that the people were all traders but no readers, even of the newspaper; every man, he said, had “either some land to buy or sell, some law-suit, some coarse hemp or corn to dispose of; and if the conversation does not to lead to any of these, he will force it.” Many stories, and no doubt much idle gossip, concern- ing Audubon’s life and habits, were current at Hen- derson long after he left the village. It was said that he would often go into the woods in his pursuit of birds and remain from home for weeks at a time; that he was once known to have followed a hawk for three days in succession and in practically a straight course, swimming creeks when necessary, until it finally fell to his gun. When steamboats made their first appearance on the Ohio, they naturally excited the greatest interest, and a favorite pastime of many of the men and boys was diving from the side of a boat into the river. On one of these occasions Audubon is said to have made his appearance in the crowd of sightseers and to have as- tonished everyone by plunging from the bow and emerg- ing from beneath the stern of the vessel after swimming under her entire length. According to traditional ac- counts, Mrs, Audubon, who was also an expert swimmer, 254 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST would enter the river clad in a regular bathing costume and cross with ease to the Indiana shore. In spite of the hard times Audubon managed to keep out of serious business troubles until he entered into another partnership with Thomas Bakewell, his brother- in-law. Their project in this second association was to erect a steam lumber and grist mill at Henderson, which of all mortal follies the naturalist considered in the retro- spect to have been one of the worst. It is recorded that on the sixteenth day of March, 1817, John James Au- dubon and Thomas W. Bakewell, under the designation of “Audubon and Bakewell,” applied to the trustees of the village for a ninety-nine year lease of a section of land on the river front. Their petition was granted, upon a consideration of $20 per annum, and the part- ners began to build their mill on the property and com- pleted it within that year. Thomas W. Pears,’ a former fellow-clerk of both Audubon and Bakewell in New York, early joined the enterprise, which was regarded at the time as one of considerable magnitude. Their mill, which stood for ninety-five years, became famous in the annals of the Ohio Valley.*° Said the historian of Henderson County, writing in 1879: The weather boarding, whip-sawed out of yellow poplar, is still intact on three sides. The joists are of unhewn logs, many of them over a foot in diameter, and raggedly rough. The foundation walls are built of flat, broken rock and are four and a half feet thick. Mr. Audubon operated the mill on a large scale for those times. His grist-mill was a great convenience, and furnished a ready market for all of the surplus wheat raised in the surrounding country. His saw-mill also was a wonderful convenience, doing the sawing for the entire county. °See Note 15, Vol. I, p. 124. ** A Henderson correspondent of Joseph M. Wade, under the signature of “W. S. J.,” August 8, 1883, gave the following account of the structure. EE PTA OTL TPS oo y ARETE hie: aS as ti AAMT CIEL ERISA SSIES ICED ‘ a f OMLEE I ii AUDUBON’S MILL AT HENDERSON, KENTUCKY, SINCE DESTROYED, AS SEEN FROM THE BANK OF THE OTTO RIVER. After a photograph of 1894, published by courtesy of Dr. R. W. Shufeldt. FINAL REVERSES IN BUSINESS 255 Mr. and Mrs. Pears, who had no liking for Hender- son, early withdrew and sold their interest in the mill ™ to Audubon and Bakewell, thus adding to their financial embarrassment. 'The engines, which seem to have given no end of trouble, were constructed by David Prentice, an intelligent Scotch mechanic; since his first work after coming to this country was to erect a steam threshing mill at “Fatland Ford,” his services were probably se- cured by William Bakewell, who afterwards helped to establish him at Philadelphia. While at Henderson he is said to have fitted a small engine and paddlewheels to a keel boat, which was christened the Pike, and to have taken it up the river to Pittsburgh. Prentice seems to have entered the partnership and to have re- tired with Bakewell. In order to extend the sphere of their operations, Au- dubon is said to have purchased at this time a tract of 1,200 acres of government land,’’ and to have engaged a band of stalwart Yankees to fell and deliver the timber. According to one account, they were a party of emi- grants who had come to Henderson with their families and encamped on the river bank. For a time all went well, but one day when they failed to deliver their usual The original mill covered forty-five by sixty-five feet, and consisted of four stories and basement; the basement walls of stone stood four feet thick, while at the third story the thickness was three feet; the three upper stories were in frame. The studding measured three by six, and the rafters four by eight, inches. Many of the large timbers that could then be seen were sound and apparently good for a century or more. Parts of the old machinery that had been used in the grist mill were lying about under the eaves; the building was then used as a tobacco stemmery. See Joseph M. Wade (Bibl. No. 182), Ornithologist and Odlogist, vol. viii, p. 79 (1883). The old Audubon mill in more recent times was incorporated into a warehouse for the storage of leaf tobacco; it was burned to the ground on March 18, 1913. 1 The mill is supposed to have cost about $15,000; of this sum Thomas Pears .is said to have contributed from $3,000 to $4,000, and William Bakewell a similar amount in the interest of his son, while Audubon presumably furnished the balance. Maria R. Audubon, op. cit., vol. i, p. 47. 256 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST supply of logs, it was found that they had decamped and fled down the river towards the Mississippi, taking on their flatboat Audubon’s draft oxen and in fact all the plunder that they could lift. Nothing was ever recovered and but one of the fugitives was ever seen again; this man boarded a river boat on which the nat- uralist happened to be traveling, and it is said that upon being recognized he jumped into the river and swam to the shore like a frightened deer. When Bakewell finally withdrew, Audubon appears to have been left stranded, and the business was taken over by a new set of men, including another brother-in- law, Nicholas Berthoud, and Benjamin Page of Pitts- burgh, who continued it under the name of J. J. Audu- bon & Company."* Agents were also secured at various points on the Ohio and Mississippi rivers. Excepting, as we must assuredly do, his ever staunch friend, Nicho- las Berthoud, Audubon believed that he was “gulled by all of these men.” In 1818 a new era of building and general prosperity seemed to dawn in the valley of the Ohio. A new bank was chartered at Henderson, and the woodwork of its brick structure was furnished by Audubon’s mill.” %In his journal of 1820 Audubon said that after the withdrawal of Bakewell, “men with whom I had long been associated offered me a partnership. I accepted, and a small ray of light appeared in my busi- ness, but a revolution occasioned by a numberless quantity of failures put all to an end.” “One of J. J. Audubon & Company’s bills is here reproduced from Starling, op. cit. “To the President and Directors of the Bank of Henderson to Henderson steam mill: “To three pieces of scantling, 56 feet, 414 c.......... $ 2.52 “To ten pieces of scantling, 34 feet...........2.0200e “To sixty rafters, 714 feet, at 4 C.......eeeee eee eens 28.56 “To five pieces scantling, 40 feet, at 3 c.............. 1.20 “To fifteen joists [?], 27814 feet, at 6 C.........000e. 16.71 “J. J. Audubon & Co.” $48.99 FINAL REVERSES IN BUSINESS 257 This bank, however, failed in the course of two years, and forty others scattered throughout that sec- tion broke in rapid succession, after having done little more than add to the flood of worthless paper notes that was demoralizing business and sending hundreds. into bankruptcy. The mill was in operation barely two years. The ma- chinery, of which a wooden bolting shaft and wooden cog wheels remained as a curiosity to recent times, seems to have worked badly from the start. But aside from the inexperience of the builders and the financial trou- bles of the day, the enterprise was foredoomed to fail- ure in a district which raised but little wheat, and in which the demand for lumber was then comparatively slight. “How I labored,” said Audubon, “at that in- fernal mill! But it is over now; I am old, and try to forget as fast as possible all the different trials of those sad days.” In the course of the Audubon and Bakewell partner- ship *° the naturalist became involved in a personal quar- rel with a man whose initials are given as “S—— B—.” It seems that in 1817 Audubon’s mechanic, David Prentice, had built for him a small steamboat, though for what purpose is not known. When their in- terests were severed, we are told, Mr. B purchased this steamer, but paid for it in worthless paper. The captain of the craft ran her down to the Mississippi and thence to New Orleans, and Audubon, who was deter- mined to arrest this man if necessary, started in pursuit in a skiff. He failed, however, to overhaul the fugitive, and reached New Orleans only to find that his vessel * According to W. G. Bakewell, Bakewell-Page-Campbell (Bibl. No. 200), Thomas Bakewell sold his interest in the store and mill to Audubon in 1817, but this is contradicted by other accounts. For the incident which follows, see Maria R. Audubon, op. cit., vol. i, p. 34. 258 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST had been surrendered to another claimant. ‘This was probably in May, 1819, for in his journal of the follow- ing year, under date of November 23, when he was again moving down the rivers but in more leisurely fashion, he speaks of two large eagle’s nests, one of which he remembered having seen as he “went to New Orleans eighteen months” before. Through the researches of a later historian I am now able to give a more exact account of this affair. The purchasers of the steamboat were William R. Bowen, Samuel Adams Bowen, Robert Speed, Edmund Townes, Obediah Smith, George Brent and Bennett Marshall, who immediately sued Audubon in the sum of $10,000, on the plea that he had maliciously taken out an attachment upon the vessel in New Orleans, where it had been detained. They represented to the judge of the circuit court, Henry P. Broadnax, that Audubon was about to leave Kentucky, and a warrant was issued to arrest him; he was taken into custody, said the narra- tor whom I am following, “but executed a bail bond in the sum of $10,000 with Fayette Posey as surety, and was released.” Convinced that a trial at Henderson would lead only to a defeat of justice, Audubon now served notice that he would apply for a change of venue to another county. “That notice together with the other papers in the action, is among the records of the Daviess circuit court, at Owensboro, Kentucky. It was written and signed by Audubon. Application for a change of venue was made at Hardinsburg and the case was trans- ferred to the Daviess circuit court.” When the case was called, the plaintiffs asked for a continuance, and it was granted them, but when the case was called again at the next term of court, the plaintiffs failed to appear, and the action was finally dismissed. FINAL REVERSES IN BUSINESS 259 Returning home, Audubon was obliged to walk from the mouth of the Ohio River to Shawnee Town. Upon reaching Henderson he found that Mr. Bowen had an- ticipated him. Acting upon advice, he was prepared for an encounter with this man, who as his neighbors de- clared, had sworn to kill him, and “whose violent and ungovernable temper was only too well known.” The anticipated encounter ensued. Audubon, who was then carrying his right hand in a sling from a recent injury received in his mill, waited, as he said, until he had re- ceived twelve severe blows from his assailant’s bludgeon; then with his left hand he drew a dagger and struck in his own defense. His assailant was felled to the ground, but happily the wound inflicted was not mortal. Mr. Bowen was carried away on a plank, and when the affair was settled in the judiciary court, according to a Hen- derson tradition, Judge Broadnax gravely left the bench, approached the man who had been under charge of assault, and said: “Mr. Audubon, you committed a serious offense—an exceedingly serious offense Sir—in failing to kill the d rascal.”** “Thomas Bakewell,” added the naturalist, “who possessed more brains than I, sold his town lots and removed to Cincinnati, where he has made a large fortune, and I am glad of it.” When the mill was finally closed and the company dissolved in 1819, Audubon as usual was the heaviest *See Dixon L. Merritt (Bibl. No. 226a), “Audubon in Kentucky,” The Taylor-Trotwood Magazine, vol. 10 (1909), p. 293. Thomas Bakewell later became a successful builder of steamboats, first at Pittsburgh, and after 1824 at Cincinnati, where he was an im- portant factor in the rising commerce of the Ohio Valley, and where he left his mark on the history of that city. As a theoretical mechanic in iron and wood he is said to have had no superior; his business was nearly destroyed in the panic of 1837, and he never regained his financial position. To his credit also it must be added that in 1860, at the age of seventy-two, he began at the bottom of the ladder again by engaging as a clerk with a paper company at Cincinnati, and, refusing the proffered 260 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST loser. Arrested and sent to the Louisville jail for debt, he was able to obtain release only by declaring himself a bankrupt in court. “I paid all I could,” ** he said in his journal of the following year, “‘and left Henderson poor and miserable in thought. My intention to go to France and see my mother and sister was frustrated, and at last I resorted to my poor talents to maintain you and your dear mother, who fortunately became easy at her change of condition, and gave me a spirit such as I really needed, to meet the surly looks and cold re- ception of those who so shortly before were pleased to call me their friend.” “I parted,” to revert to his later account, “with every particle of property I held, to my creditors, keeping only the clothes I wore on that day, my original drawings, and my gun.” Without a dollar in his pocket he left Henderson and walked to Louisville alone; “this,” he said on reflection, “was the saddest of all my journies, the only time in my life when the Wild Turkeys that so often crossed my path, and the thou- sands of lesser birds that enlivened the woods and the prairies, all looked like enemies, and I turned my eyes aid of his children, he did not give up work until his eightieth year, seven years before his death in 1874. See W. G. Bakewell, Bakewell-Page- Campbell (Bibl. No. 200). * Audubon was not so accurate when in his biographical sketch of 1835 he said: “Finally I paid every bill, and at last left Henderson probably forever ...,” for when at Charleston with Bachman in 1834, one of his former creditors attempted to sue him for debt and apparently carried his case to court. When Bachman asked for an explanation, Audubon wrote from New York, April 5, 1834, as follows: “Respecting the suit let me tell you... that I went to Gaol at Louisville after having given up all to my creditors, and that I took the benefit of the act of insolvency at the Louisville Court House, Kentucky, before Judge Fortunatus Crosby & many witnesses, and that a copy of the record of that step can easily be had from that court ...I wish friend Donkin to do all he can to put a Conclusion—stop to this matter, for it makes me sick at heart.” The lawyer here referred to was probably Judge Dunkin, friend of Bachman and distinguished in his profession, who had a planta- tion at Waccamaw, near Charleston, South Carolina (see Chapter XXVII, Vol. II, p. 64. FINAL REVERSES IN BUSINESS 261 from them, as if I could have wished that they never existed.” Passing down the Ohio in the following year Audu- bon made these entries in his diary: November 2nd, 1820. Floated down slowly within two miles of Henderson. I can scarcely conceive that I stayed there eight years, and passed therein comfortably, for it is undoubt- edly on the poorest spot in the country, according to my pres- ent opinion. Nov. 3rd, 1820. We left our harbor at daybreak, and passed Henderson about sunrise. I looked on the mill perhaps for the last time, and with thoughts that made my blood al- most run cold bit it an eternal farewell. CHAPTER XVII THE ENIGMA OF AUDUBON’S LIFE AND THE HISTORY OF HIS FAMILY IN FRANCE Death of Lieutenant Audubon—Contest over his will—Disposition of his estate—The fictitious $17,000—Unsettled claims of Formon and Ross— Illusions of biographers—Gabriel Loyen du Puigaudeau—Audubon’s relations with the family in France broken—Death of the naturalist’s stepmother—The du Puigaudeaus—Sources of “enigma.” Lieutenant Jean Audubon, as already recorded, died at Nantes in 1818, at a time when his son’s financial troubles in America were culminating, and left an estate, then none too large, for the sole enjoyment of his widow during her lifetime. The naturalist, so far as is known, never received a penny in payment of bequests made by either his father or stepmother, but the reasons for this fact were far different from those which his biographers have assigned. We have referred to the curious wording which appears in the six different wills that were executed by Lieutenant Jean Audubon and Anne Moynet, his wife, between the years 1812 and 1821.1. The first four of these documents * were of a mutual nature, and were so drawn that the survivor should enjoy the entire property of the other during his or her lifetime, but this eventually was to be divided between their two children, or heirs of the latter should any exist. In Jean Audu- bon’s last will, made at Couéron on the 15th of March, +See Chapter IX, p. 63. ?For complete text of these wills, in the original, See Appendix I, Documents 13-18. 262 THE ENIGMA OF AUDUBON’S LIFE 263 1816, he added the provision that in case his “disposi- tions in favor of Jean Rabain and Rose Bouffard, wife of Loyen du Puigaudeau, should be attacked and an- nulled,” he bequeathed his entire estate, without excep- tion, to his wife, Anne Moynet, for her sole use. His fears, as already intimated, were well grounded, and his will was immediately contested by four nieces, Mme. Lejeune de Vaugeon of Nantes, Mme. Jean Louis Lissabé, whose husband was a pilot, and Anne and Domenica Audubon, seamstresses at Bayonne.® This trial dragged on in the courts for a long time, and served further to impoverish Madame Audubon, who was obliged to dispose of most of her valuable effects, but it was finaly settled by a compromise in 1820. In that year, at the age of eighty-five, she left “La Ger- betiere” to live with her daughter and son-in-law at “Les Tourterelles” close by, where she remained until her death on October 18, 1821. It seems incredible that Audubon should not have heard of the death of his foster mother, since he had been devotedly attached to her in his youth and was moreover a beneficiary under her will. Yet on August 6, 1826, he wrote in his journal: ‘My plans now are to go to Manchester, to Derbyshire to visit Lord Stanley, Bir- mingham, London for three weeks, Edinburgh, back to London, and then to France, Paris, Nantes, to see my venerable stepmother, Brussels, and return to Eng- land.” On September 30 of the same year he wrote from Liverpool: “I long to enter my old garden on the Loire and with rapid steps reach my mother,—yes, my mother! the only one I truly remember; and no son 2 See Note 4, Vol. I, p. 27. The suit brought by these plaintiffs was based upon a French law, which at that time debarred a natural child from inheriting property. 264 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST ever had a better, nor more loving one.”* Again in 1828 he spoke of this estimable woman as if she were then alive, although she had been dead seven years. In Madame Audubon’s last will, which was made in the July preceding her death, she left her property to be equally divided between her two adopted children, “Mr. Jean Audubon, called Jean Rabin, husband of Lucy Bakewell, and who I believe is at present in the United States of America, and to Rose Bouffard, wife of M. Gabriel Loyen du Puigaudeau, my son-in-law, who is living at Couéron”; she also took care to guard against the pretensions of any spurious heirs, and to make provision for her grandchildren in case of the death of either or both of her heirs direct. Having given the precise, if somewhat prosaic, re- corded facts of the case, we will quote the story nar- rated by the naturalist’s biographers, who never could have seen the legal documents and who thus had only hearsay and conjecture on which to build: At this juncture [of critical business affairs at Henderson], the father of Audubon died; but for some unfortunate cause he did not receive legal notice for more than a year. On be- coming acquainted with the fact he traveled to Philadelphia to obtain funds, but was unsuccessful. His father had left him his property in France of La Gibitére [Gerbetiére], and seven- teen thousand dollars which had been deposited with a mer- chant in Richmond, Virginia. Audubon, however, took no steps to obtain possession of his estate in France, and in after years, when his sons had grown up, sent one of them to France, for the purpose of legally transferring the property to his own sister Rosa. The merchant who held possession of the seventeen thousand dollars would not deliver them up until Audubon ~ *Maria R. Audubon, dudubon and his Journals (Bibl. No. 86), vol. i, pp. iii and 130. titi AN OLD STREET IN THE COUERON OF TO-DAY. “IES TOURTERELLES,” COUERON, FINAL HOME OF ANNE MOYNET AUDUBON, AND THE RESTING PLACE OF EXACT RECORDS OF THE NATURALIST’S RTI AND EARLY LIFE. THE ENIGMA OF AUDUBON’S LIFE 265 proved himself to be the son of Commodore Audubon. Before this could be done the merchant died insolvent, and the legatee never recovered a dollar of his money.® A key to the origin of the fictitious seventeen thou- sand dollars is probably to be found in the letters of Jean Audubon to Francis Dacosta, written in 1805,° where he refers to certain unsettled business claims against his former partners, Messrs. Formon and Ross, who had been respectively interested with him in two vessels, Le Comte d’ Artois and the Annette, the history of which has already been noticed.” They were also en- gaged at a later time in certain iron-works above Rich- mond, Virginia, but with these Lieutenant Audubon was not directly concerned. Formon, his partner in Santo Domingo trade, who was charged with having drawn $1,650 in excess of his share, had died without making any final settlement of their accounts; another asso- ciate, Edward, had died in London leaving an unset- tled claim of $300; while David Ross, who was owing a certain sum, had also died without liquidating his debt. The amount of the latter claim probably was not large, since Dacosta was instructed to use this sum for his needs in developing the mine at “Mill Grove” should he be so fortunate as to collect it; “when you receive my papers from Miers Fisher,” said Lieutenant Audubon in his letter of the 22d of June, 1805, “you will find a promissory note of Mr. Samuel Plaisance of Richmond, for the business of the widow Ross. If there were jus- tice there this sum should be paid to me with the costs.” Lieutenant Audubon was never able to collect these ® Lucy B. Audubon, ed., The Life of John James Audubon (Bibl. No. 73), p. 55. *See Chapter VIII, p. 121. 7 See Chapter II, pp. 33 and 34. 266 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST different amounts, which probably did not much exceed $2,000, but an echo of one of these transactions ap- peared as late as 1819, when Audubon’s brother-in-law sent him a document referring to the claim on the Ross estate, in the hope that some money might still be forth- coming, writing as follows: * In turning over some letters I have found a letter of Mr. David Rost [Ross], and a memorandum that I thought pointed to what was referred to in it. As I have sometimes heard it said that this Mr. David Rost owed a considerable sum, it should be possible that this letter, which is in English, might be of use to you. I cannot say anything about it, not knowing your language, and not having ventured to get it translated, from fear of compromising us, I am sending it to you, [and] you will judge of its importance. Should chance will that it bring you money, send me some of it, I beg you, for I am in great need of it. The same biographer whom we have just quoted said in reference to “La Gerbetiere”: “This estate was left by Commodore Audubon to his son John James, who conveyed it to his sister without even visiting the domain he so generously willed away.” We have now seen what provisions were actually made for the dis- position of this property under the terms of the various wills of Lieutenant Audubon and his wife. We need only add that not long after his father’s death, the nat- uralist lost touch with his family in France; his one- half interest in his stepmother’s estate, which was heav- ily encumbered, was never claimed, and at a much later day was informally relinquished in favor of his sister and her family. * From G. L. du Puigaudeau’s copy of his letter to John James Audu- bon (at Henderson), dated “Couéron, August 15, 1819,” translated from the French. (Lavigne MSS.) THE ENIGMA OF AUDUBON’S LIFE 267 During his Henderson period Audubon was in communication with his brother-in-law, Gabriel Loyen du Puigaudeau, who kept him informed in regard to all that transpired in their French home; on July 26, 1817, the naturalist had given him a power of attorney, the curious wording of which has already been noticed.® Whether deterred by the legal complications which soon followed, displeased by the mode of settlement, or for . what other cause now unknown to us, Audubon seems to have severed all relations with his family at Couéron, or to have written to them only after long lapses of silence. On New Year’s Day, 1820, Gabriel du Puigau- deau dispatched to him a friendly letter *° of greeting: I take the opportunity at the renewal of the year, to offer you the good wishes of the entire family. Our every desire is that you, your beloved wife, and dear children may be happy, that you may prosper, that you may enjoy good health, and this is the wish of your nieces also. But, awaiting the pleasure of seeing you all, by what fatality during the past eighteen months have I not had any news of you, why no reply to at least twenty letters that I have written to you? Can I have been so unfortunate that some one has given you any report that would prejudice you against me? I do not believe that there could exist any one who would be able to do this, at least with truth; if some one has really sought to estrange your friendship for me, act with frankness, and tell me your sus- picions. I do not believe it would be difficult to destroy them, and I even promise that I would offer you no reproach for having momentarily believed it, should this after all have oc- curred. For what concerns our business affairs, I refer you to my letters which have preceded this. ®See Vol. I, p. 64. This, and the letter to follow, translated from Gabriel du Puigau- deau’s copies. (Lavigne MSS.) 268 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST This letter was sent to Henderson, Kentucky, more than a year after the naturalist had finally left that state; at the moment it was written he was making his way down the Ohio River to New Orleans in a flatboat, “the poorest man aboard,” as he thought at the time. Writing in his journal on December 26, 1820, when they had touched at Natchez, Audubon said that on that day he had received letters from his wife, who was then at Cincinnati, written on November 7 and 14, and that the last “contained one from my brother, G. Loyen Dupuigaudeau, dated July 24, 1820.” If the month in this instance was misnamed, this might have been the following letter, which was written at Couéron on the twenty-fourth of June, 1820, and sent to Henderson like the last. Two years have passed without our having any news of you. What a long lapse of time, and in what anxiety are we plunged! In God’s name give us some news about yourself, if it be but a word to set us at rest in regard to your condition. I should not know how to persuade myself that you were not on friendly terms with me, since I have given you no cause [for grievance]; if it is so, be generous enough to relieve me from this anxiety. The business matters of Mr. Audubon are at last concluded, and I await only the return of the papers from Cayes to set them in order with justice [to all].1? Profiting by an opportunity for New York, I have only time to refer to my letters of 15 September, 30 October, 19 December, 1818, 1st February, 15 April, 15 May, 3d August, 1819, in all their contents. Madam Audubon is coming to live with us; she found her- self isolated at “La Gerbetiére,” and was very dull there; I wish that she may be contented here. She does not cease to This reference is evidently to the litigation over Lieutenant Audu- bon’s will and the final disposition of his estate. THE ENIGMA OF AUDUBON’S LIFE 269 speak of you, and is as much astonished as I am that we re- ceive no news of you. The naturalist’s elder son, Victor, visited Couéron about the year 1835, when his cousin, Gabriel Loyen du Puigaudeau the second, who was nearly of the same age, returned from military service to meet him. He was disappointed at the appearance of his father’s old home, “La Gerbetiére,” which had not been occupied by the family for fifteen years.” Rosa Audubon du Puigaudeau, the naturalist’s sis- ter, died at “Les Tourterelles” after August 3, 1842, leaving a daughter, Rose du Puigaudeau, who died without issue, October 20, 1881, and, if we are correctly informed, one son, Gabriel Loyen du Puigaudeau the second, who died at “Les Tourterelles,’ Couéron, June 23, 1892, when past his eightieth year; a daughter of this only son was married to Monsieur L. Lavigne, notary at Couéron. At the time of her uncle’s death, his property, including the personal records of Lieuten- ant Jean Audubon, passed into the hands of Madame Lavigne, who is a grand step-niece of the naturalist, and who aside from her children, so far as known, is the only surviving member of his family in France. At this point we must examine a little more care- fully the peculiar status of what Audubon referred to 2 It was thought that Victor had come to settle the family’s financial affairs, and his uncle and aunt asked if this were the case; he replied that it was not, that the children of Jean Audubon who were in America had taken their [share of the] property in that country, while those in France had theirs in France; he considered that all was settled, but if Rosa’s children wished for any money, they had but to ask for it, and the heirs in America would send them what they desired; the subject was then dropped. A considerable correspondence followed this visit, but the letters were all destroyed about twenty-five years ago by Monsieur du Puigaudeau, when putting his effects in order. This account is given on the authority of Monsieur Lavigne. 270 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST as the “enigma” of his life. In some of his private journals and letters ** he dramatically declared that a mystery had surrounded his early existence, which he was bound by a solemn oath exacted by his father never to reveal, and that this secret must be carried by him to the grave. If it be the duty of a biographer to make the true character of his subject known, the passage of time would now seem to sanction reference to many personal matters which a century ago should have been more rigidly guarded. I enter upon this task solely with the view of placing Audubon’s character in a truer and fairer light. The essential facts regarding Audubon’s birth and early years have now been given, and this is the true, though possibly not the complete, story. Anything which we now add, however, can be regarded as little better than speculation. Audubonis said to have received through his father a large sum of money from an un- known or unnamed source,'* but as such stories are apt to be exaggerated, especially when an ocean intervenes between a testator and his heir, the statement may be erroneous; we have seen that Lieutenant Audubon was not in a position to make such gifts himself had he been so disposed. If the report were true, the money may have come from the estate of his mother, and through the agency of the mysterious “Audubon of La Ro- % These passages, which were shown to me by his granddaughter, Miss Maria R. Audubon, in 1914, but not for publication, occur in his journals under the following dates; June 4, 1826, at sea; March 15, 1827, at Edin- burgh, after describing a visit of Lady Selkirk and her daughter; again on the 18th of March of the same or the following year; and on October 8, 1828, when writing to his wife from Paris and reflecting on the advisabil- ity of visiting his old home at Nantes. While these extraordinary passages are not quoted, out of deference to the wishes of his granddaughters, it seems only just to Audubon, in view of the revelations that have already been made, to add this brief reference to the incidents in question. “4 This statement was made to me in 1914 by Miss Maria R. Audubon. ' THE ENIGMA OF AUDUBON’S LIFE 271 chelle,” who is said to have been a politician. In some of the passages which we do not quote, the naturalist would have his family believe that he was of noble birth, that his adoptive father was not his true father, and that both he and Lieutenant Audubon had received irremediable injury through the treachery of the mys- terious uncle, “Audubon of La Rochelle.” Now these strange statements of the naturalist, though not in accord with the facts as they are known to us, should be interpreted, I believe, in the light of possible stories that may have come to him in the glamour of his -youth; his mind may have been diverted by them, he may have believed them, but of this nothing now can positively be known. To continue our conjectures, it is possible that the plain conflict between these supposititious tales and the facts that were revealed at his adoption, his baptism, and in the wills of his father and stepmother, as well as by the lawsuit which followed the former’s death, all led him to resort to “enigma.” We should also remember that the naturalist, who was careless of dates and historical facts, had finally left his home at the age of twenty, when young men as a rule are not curious about their family history, and that he reached the reminiscent stage late in life. It seems probable that the wording of his father’s will and the later at- tempt to annul it finally induced him to wash his hands of the whole matter, even to breaking off relations with his family in France. Feeling, as undoubtedly he did, that public knowledge of those conditions, for which he was in no way responsible, might be a bar to all future aspirations, he was not loath to let the matter rest, so far as he and his immediate family were con- cerned, under a cloak of mystery. If such were in truth. 15 See Note, Vol. I, p. 27. 272 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST the case, I think few would find cause to blame him. When we view the whole subject in this double light, of a duty owed to his family and of the possibility that conflicting stories had come to him at an earlier day, any embroidery or confusion which appears in many of his statements of a personal nature can be better under- stood. Such an explanation would be quite convincing if payments had actually come to him from his own mother’s estate. We will only add that Mrs. Audubon, who seemed to have shared her husband’s intimate thoughts, ap- parently believed to the last in his high birth. When her younger son, John Woodhouse Audubon, lay at the point of death, in February, 1862, she was summoned to his bedside, but reached it too late to see him alive; upon entering the room Mrs. Audubon is said to have exclaimed: “Oh, my son, my son! to think that you should have died without having known the secret of your father’s early life!’ When asked by members of her family to what she then referred, she turned their questions aside, saying only that such remarks were common in moments of intense grief and excitement. CHAPTER XVIII EARLY “EPISODES” OF WESTERN LIFE Methods of composition—“A Wild Horse”—Henderson to Philadelphia in 1811—Records of Audubon and Nolte, fellow travelers, compared— The great earthquakes—The hurricane—The outlaw—Characterization of Daniel Boone—Desperate plight on the prairie—Regulator law in action—Frontier necessities—The ax married to the grindstone. Audubon’s sketches of life and scenery in America, which he designated as “Episodes,” were interspersed in his Biography of birds’ to brighten the narrative and beguile the reader. Extending to the number of sixty, and dealing mainly with events between the years 1808 and 1834, they abound in tales of adventure and graphic pictures of pioneer life which for their per- sonal charm, local coloring, and human interest are worthy of high praise. Some of these sketches have been copied widely and some have been translated into Audubon’s native tongue; some have even found their way into schoolbooks. While they have deservedly won the naturalist many readers, not a few have subjected him to harsh criticism on the score of too vivid coloring or historical inaccuracy, a fault to which he was par- ticularly prone. Whenever Audubon went directly to nature to exercise his pencil or brush or wrote with his subject before him, he was truth itself, but in writing offhand and from memory of past events he was wont 1In the first three volumes only of the Ornithological Biography (Bibl. No. 2), being omitted from the last two on account of the exigencies of space. 273 274 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST to humor his fancy, disregarding dates as readily as he did the accents on French words. This tendency is particularly apparent in the accounts of some of his early adventures in the western country, such as “Louis- ville in Kentucky” (1808-10), “The Prairie” (1812), “A Wild Horse” (1811-13), and “The Eccentric Nat- uralist” (1818), the history of which is detailed in the following chapter. We shall examine some of these stories at this point, though their composition belongs to a later period, in order to reach a just conclusion in regard to the author’s method, as well as for the intrinsic interest of the narratives themselves. During Audubon’s early life in Kentucky, as we have seen, he frequently visited the East, whether in the interest of birds or business, traveling by way of the river and the forest roads. Incidents of these journeys frequently occur in the “Episodes,” but since dates com- monly are omitted and the order of events is liable to be blended or confused, they cannot be trusted always for historical accuracy. Thus, “The Wild Horse” episode * professes to be an account of a single journey from Henderson, in Kentucky, to Philadelphia and back again, whereas some of the events recorded occurred in reality at least two years apart, such as the meeting with Nolte at the Falls of the Juniata River in December, 1811, and the naturalist’s return from Pennsylvania with the proceeds of “Mill Grove,” which could not have been earlier than 1818, the date of its sale to Mr. Samuel Wetherill, Junior.? Audubon visited Philadelphia in November, 1811, 2 Ornithological Biography, vol. iii, p. 270. > While the object of this visit is not mentioned in the “Episode,” it is stated in the second biographical sketch; the ambiguities connected with the sale of this farm, in which others besides Audubon were then interested, are discussed in Chapter XI. “EPISODES” OF WESTERN LIFE 275 and returned to Kentucky in December of that year, but whether it was upon this or some other journey that he rode a wild horse through seven states in going from his home at Henderson to the Quaker city, or whether such a journey ever occurred, is immaterial to the interest of the narrative. In this instance, how- ever, we have the advantage of comparing the notes of a fellow traveler, Vincent Nolte, then a merchant at New Orleans.* First to follow Audubon’s account, as given in his “Episode,” we are told that he rode a wild mustang, named “Barro,” that had never known a shoe, having been recently captured near the headwaters of the Arkansas. In going east he diverged from the beaten track to extend his knowledge of the country and of its bird life. From Henderson he passed through the heart of Tennessee to Knoxville, thence to Abing- ton, the Natural Bridge, and Winchester in Virginia, crossed the corner of West Virginia to Harper’s Ferry, then to Frederick, Maryland, and on through Lancas- ter to Philadelphia; there, he said, he remained four days, and returned by way of Pittsburgh, Wheeling, Zanesville, Chillicothe, Lexington and Louisville, to Henderson. He estimated the whole distance traversed at “nearly two thousand miles,” and at a rate of “not less than forty miles a day.” Much is said in praise of his favorite bay horse, and its food and daily treatment are duly recorded. This horse was very docile, and would wade swamps, swim rivers, and clear a rail fence like an elk; corn blades as well as corn and oats entered into his daily ration, to which a pumpkin and fresh eggs, when procurable, were occasionally added. _ It was upon his return journey that the naturalist met with Vincent Nolte, who twelve years later did his *Vincent Nolte, Fifty Years in Both Hemispheres (Bibl. No. 176). 276 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST chance acquaintance a good turn, when the latter was about to sail for England in 1826.5 Nolte, said Audubon, was mounted on a superb horse, for which he had paid three hundred dollars, and a servant on horseback led another as a change. I was then an utter stranger to him, and when I approached and praised his horse, he not very courteously ob- served that he wished I had as good a one. Finding that he was going to Bedford to spend the night, I asked him what hour he would get there: “Just soon enough to have some trouts ready for our supper, provided you will join when you get there.” I almost imagined that Barro understood our conversation; he pricked up his ears, and lengthened his pace, on which Mr. Nolte caracolled his horse, and then put him to quick trot, but all in vain; for I reached the hotel nearly a quarter of an hour before him, ordered the trouts, saw to the putting away of my good horse, and stood ready at the door to welcome my com- panion. From that day to this Vincent Nolte has been a friend to me. Audubon added that they rode together as far as Shippingport, now a part of Louisville, where his brother-in-law, Nicholas Berthoud, was then living. We shall now follow the equally circumstantial but widely divergent account of this meeting and the sub- sequent journey as given by the other traveler. Nolte had sailed from Liverpool in September, 1811, and landed in New York after a perilous voyage of forty- eight days. He had no servant, but was accompanied by a young Englishman, named Edward Hollander, whom he had engaged in a business capacity while in London and with whom he was making his way to New Orleans. Hollander had been sent in advance to Pitts- °See Chapter XXI, p. 352. “EPISODES” OF WESTERN LIFE 277 burgh to purchase two flatboats, for in addition to their horses they had planned to carry 400 barrels of flour, from the sale of which in the South they expected to defray the expenses of their journey. Having pur- chased a fine horse in Philadelphia, Nolte left that city in December, and with saddle-bags strapped to his horse’s back, rode on “entirely alone.” He crossed the highest point of the Alleghany ridge at ten o’clock of a winter’s morning and later in the same day reached a small inn “close by the Falls of the Juniata River.” “The landlady,” to quote his narrative, “showed me into a room, and said, I perhaps would not mind taking my meal with a strange gentleman, who was already there.” This stranger, who immediately struck him as “an odd fish,” “was sitting at a table, before the fire, with a Madras handkerchief wound around his head, exactly in the style of the French mariners, or laborers, in a seaport town.” In the course of the conversation which then ensued he declared that he was an English- man, but Nolte was the last person to be deceived on a question of nationality and remarked at once that his speech betrayed him. “He showed himself,” to quote our senior traveler again, “to be an original throughout, but at last admitted that he was a Frenchman by birth, and a native of La Rochelle. However, he had come in his early youth to Louisiana, had grown up in the sea- service, and had gradually become a thorough Ameri- can.” When asked how this account squared with his earlier statement, said Nolte, “he found it convenient to reply in the French language: ‘when all is said and done, I am somewhat cosmopolitan; I belong to every country.’ This man,” to conclude, “who afterwards won for himself so great a name in natural history, par- ticularly in ornithology, was Audubon, who, however, 278 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST was by no means thinking, at that time, of occupying himself with natural history.” In the interview as thus far recorded, Audubon was clearly chaffing his new acquaintance, for not one of the statements attributed to him was true, if we accept the fact of his French extraction. Nolte, to be sure, writes as a somewhat vain and garrulous man, and after a lapse of forty-three years, but he professes to speak the truth and there is no reason to suppose that his nar- rative is pure invention. Nolte further informs us that Audubon’s father-in-law, Mr. Bakewell, “formerly of Philadelphia,” was “then residing and owning mills at Shippingport,” which was not the case. To continue, finding that Audubon, who was bound for Kentucky, was a companionable man and devoted to art, a field which he had cultivated himself, Nolte proposed that they should travel together, and offered the naturalist a berth on one of his flatboats. He thankfully accepted the invitation, and we left Pitts- burgh in very cold weather, with the Monongahela and Ohio rivers full of drifting ice, in the beginning of January, 1812. I learned nothing further of his traveling plans until we reached Limestone, a little place in the southwestern corner of the State of Ohio.® There we had both our horses taken ashore, and I resolved to go with him overland, at first to visit the capital, Lexington, and from there to Louisville, where he expected to find his wife and parents-in-law. . . . We had hardly finished our breakfast at Limestone, when Audubon, all at once, sprang to his feet, and exclaimed in French; “Now I am going to lay the foundation of my establishment.” So saying, he took a small packet of address cards from his pocket, and some nails from his vest, and began to nail up one of the cards to the door of the tavern, where we were taking our meal. ® Limestone or, as it was later called, Maysville, was on the left bank of the river, in Kentucky, and about a hundred miles east of Cincinnati. “EPISODES” OF WESTERN LIFE 279 Later they rode on together as far as Lexington, where they appear to have parted company. The discrepancies between these accounts could hardly be greater, and they serve to illustrate the lib- erties which Audubon sometimes took with facts in com- posing his “Episodes.” The travelers met, not on horse- back, but at the supper table of a country inn; Nolte was then alone and had but one horse, while the greater part of the return journey was made by flatboat with Audubon as his guest; corn blades, pumpkins and trout suggest any other season than midwinter, with heavy snows on the mountains and rivers choked with ice. Audubon in this instance, as already explained, com- bined the incidents of two different journeys and col- ored the narrative to suit his fancy. There was no ap- parent motive to mislead the reader, and one of his readers he must have known would probably be Vincent Nolte, though he was not a subscriber to The Birds of America; Nolte did read the story, and was pleased with the “flattering acknowledgment of the little service” that he was able to render Audubon at that time as well as later in his career. Both travelers felt the great earthquakes while mak- ing this journey, but probably not until they had parted company at Lexington. Audubon has given a vivid account of this experience in a characteristic sketch, but as usual there are no dates." He was overtaken, as he said, while “traveling through the Barrens of Kentucky . In the month of November,” when he thought his terrified “horse was about to die, and would have sprung from his back had a minute more elapsed, but at that instant all the shrubs and trees began to move from their very roots; the ground rose and fell in successive ™“The Earthquake,” Ornithological Biography, vol. i, p. 239. + 280 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST furrows, like the ruffled waters of a lake.” For “November” he should have written “January” of the year 1812.° This series of memorable earthquakes was followed in 1813 by a hurricane, more terrific than destructive, which swept the lower part of Henderson County, Ken- tucky, and cut a wide swath through the virgin forests, without causing any loss of life. Audubon’s account of this event ® is that of a close observer who escaped destruction by a hair’s breadth and who related only what he himself had experienced. Critics inclined to be supercilious have complained that he exaggerated the importance of a merely local event and stretched the course of the storm some 800 miles until it had covered several states. “Sir,” said Waterton, in pointing a dart through Audubon to another target, “this is really too much even for us Englishmen to swallow, whose gullets are known to be the largest, the widest, and the most elastic, of any in the world.” What Audubon said was: “T have crossed the path of this storm, at a distance of a hundred miles from the spot where I witnessed its fury, and, again four hundred miles farther off, in the State of Ohio. Lastly, I observed traces of its ravages on the summits of the mountains connected with the ’ These historic earthquakes, which were most destructive of life and property in the lower Mississippi Valley, began on December 16, 1811, and therefore before Audubon and Nolte had reached the western country. They were noted for their remarkable frequency and persistence, 221 shocks having been recorded in a single week at Henderson, Audubon’s home at that time; though their force was mostly spent after the first three months, they did not wholly die away in the Ohio Valley until December 12, 1813, when the last feeble vibration was recorded by Dr. Daniel Drake at Cincinnati; the worst shocks at this point were experi- enced on December 16, 1811, on January 23 and February 7, 1812. See Daniel Drake, Natural and Statistical View of Cincinnati, and the Miami Valley; with an appendix, containing observations on the late Earth- quakes, (Cincinnati, 1815); and Edmund L. Starling, History of Hender- son County, Kentucky (Bibl. No. 186). ®°“The Hurricane,” Ornithological Biography, vol. i, p. 262. “EPISODES” OF WESTERN LIFE 281 Great Pine Forest of Pennsylvania, three hundred miles beyond the place last mentioned. In all these different parts, it appeared to me not to have exceeded a quarter of a mile in breadth.” Audubon was doubt- less mistaken in his hasty inference that marks of forest devastation observed at such widely separated points were due to the same storm, but this would only illus- trate a lack of caution which he sometimes displayed. A contemporary writer *° declared that Audubon’s account of “Mason,” the outlaw, whose name we are told should be spelled “Meason,” was altogether fabu- lous; that he was not killed by a regulator party, nor was his head stuck upon a tree in the way described.*? The same critic further discredited the naturalist’s ac- count of Daniel Boone, whom he had characterized as follows: ** “The stature and general appearance of this wanderer of the western forests approached the gigan- tic. His chest was broad and prominent; his muscular powers displayed themselves in every limb; his coun- tenance gave indication of his great courage, enter- prise, and perseverance.” “Boone,” said this writer, “was under six feet high, probably not more than five feet, ten inches, and of that round, compact build, which makes little show. Though very active, he had the ap- pearance of being rather slender and did not seem as large as he really was.” In the case of the outlaw, Audubon no doubt retold a story that had passed from mouth to mouth, but he later learned to be wary of second-hand information, which in matters of natural history sometimes led him into more serious difficulties. In his description of Boone there was no more apparent James Hall (Bibl. No. 123), Western Monthly Magazine, vol. ii (1834). u“The Regulators,” Ornithological Biography, vol. i, p. 105. 22“Colonel Boone,” ibid., vol. i, p. 503. 282 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST motive to deceive than in the case of his own father, to whom his imagination had added nearly half a foot in stature."* When Audubon was returning from Ste. Gene- vieve in the spring of 1812, an incident occurred in which, for the first time in the course of his wanderings for upwards of twenty-five years, he felt his life to be in danger from his fellow man.** Overtaken by night on the prairie, he approached the hearth fire of a small log cabin, which at first was mistaken for the campfire of some wandering Indians. On craving shelter, he was admitted by a tall, surly woman in coarse attire, who displayed both an evil eye and a repellent counte- nance; but she offered him a supper of venison and jerked buffalo meat and bade him to make his bed upon the floor. When she espied his gold watch and chain, her demeanor suddenly changed and she asked to take them in her hand; she put the chain around her brawny neck and by her manner betrayed every token of cov- etous desire. Meanwhile, a young Indian stoic, who was nursing a recent arrow wound, had been sitting in silence by the fire; though he spoke not a word, he cast an expressive glance in Audubon’s direction whenever the woman’s back was turned, and having drawn his knife from its scabbard, expressed in pantomime what the confiding stranger might eventually expect. Audubon’s suspicions were at last thoroughly aroused. He asked for his watch, and under pretense of forecasting the weather, took up his gun and saun- tered out of the cabin; in the darkness outside he slipped a ball in each of the barrels of his gun, scraped the edges of his flints, renewed the primings, and returned with a * See Chapter V, p. 88. *«The Prairie,” Ornithological Biography, vol. i, p. 81. “EPISODES” OF WESTERN LIFE 283 favorable report of his observations. Then laying some deer skins on the floor in a corner and calling his faith- ful dog to his side, he lay down and to all appearances was soon asleep. Presently sounds of approaching voices were heard, and at length two sturdy youths, who were evidently the woman’s sons, appeared bear- ing a dead stag, which they had slung to a pole; they asked at once about the stranger, and called loudly for whisky. Audubon tapped his dog, who showed by eye and tail that he was already alert. Observing that the whisky bottle was paying frequent visits to the mouths of the trio, he hoped that they would soon be reduced to a state of helplessness, but the woman was seen to take in her hands a large carving knife and go delib- erately outside to whet its edge on a grindstone; then, calling to her drunken sons, she asked them to settle the stranger and bade them do their bloody work with- out delay. Audubon cocked both barrels of his gun, touched his dog again, and was resolved to shoot at the first suspicious move. At this dramatic moment the door suddenly opened and two burly travelers with rifles on their shoulders entered the cabin. Audubon sprang to his feet, and welcoming the strangers with open arms, lost no time in making known to them his desperate position. No parley was necessary, for, said he, they were regulators, who then and there took the law into their own hands. The woman and her sons were promptly secured, bound, and left until morning to sober off; they were then led into the woods and shot. “We marched them into the woods off the road,” said Audubon, “and having used them as Regulators were wont to use such delinquents, we set fire to the cabin, gave all the skins and implements to the young Indian, and proceeded, well pleased, towards the settlements.” 284 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST Would you believe, he added, that not many miles from where this happened, “and where fifteen years ago, no habitation belonging to civilized man was expected, and very few ever seen, large roads are now laid out, culti- vation has converted the woods into fertile fields; tav- erns have been erected, and much of what we Americans call comfort is to be met with? So fast does improve- ment proceed in our abundant and free country.” I have given a paraphrase of this “Episode” as a further illustration of Audubon’s tales of adventure. There is doubtless a certain amount of invention, and it reads like the setting of a dime novel incident, but we see no reason to doubt the substantial truth of either the local coloring or the fact. In answer to the question of a recent commentator,’® “Did remote prairie cabins have grindstones and carving knives?” we would reply that the knife and the ax have followed man to the frontier posts of civilization everywhere, and without the grindstone the ax is useless. As a concrete instance in point, compare this minute entered in the Proprie- tors’ Book of Records of Perrytown, afterwards Sut- ton, New Hampshire,” for the third day of September, 1770: “Voted a grindstone of about 8 shillings to be sent up to Perrystown, for the use of the settlers there”; the first settler had entered that wilderness but three years before, and at the time this vote was taken the number was five. * John Burroughs, John James Audubon (Bibl. No. 87), p. 37. *See History of Sutton, New Hampshire, compiled by Augustus Harvey Worthen, pt. 1 (Concord, 1890). CHAPTER XIX AUDUBON AND RAFINESQUE The “Eccentric Naturalist” at Henderson—Bats and new species—The demolished violin—“M. de T.”: Constantine Samuel Rafinesque (Schmaltz)—His precocity, linguistic acquirements and _ peripatetic habits—First visit to America and botanical studies—Residence in Sicily, and fortune made in the drug trade—Association with Swain- son—Marriage and embitterment—His second journey to America ends in shipwreck—Befriended—Descends the Ohio in a flatboat—Visit with Audubon, who gives him many strange “new species”’—Cost to zodlogy—His unique work on Ohio fishes—Professorship in Transylvania University—Quarrel with its president and trustees—Return to Phila- delphia—His ardent love of nature; his writings and fatal versatility— His singular will—His sad end and the ruthless disposition of his estate. Audubon’s humorous sketch of “The Eccentric Naturalist” has often been quoted, and it presents a picture which is amusing, however short of the truth it may fall or however it may fail in doing justice to its subject. Though his real hero is not named, no doubt as to his identity has ever been entertained. This episode occurred at Henderson in the late summer of 1818, and was published thirteen years after in the Biography of birds.’ Since the story was not fully told then and the after-effects were productive of much harsh criticism, it cannot be overlooked if we would do justice to both the writer and his subject. When walking one day by the river, to follow Audu- bon’s story, he saw a man landing from a boat with what appeared like a bundle of dried clover on his back; 1“The Eccentric Naturalist,” Ornithological Biography (Bibl. No. 2), vol. i, p. 455. 285 286 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST he concluded from his appearance that the stranger must be “an original,” a term which had been applied also to himself. A meeting followed, and the stranger, who had inquired for Mr. Audubon’s house, explained that he was a naturalist, and had come to see Audubon’s drawings of birds and plants; he bore also a letter from a friend, introducing “an odd fish” which might “prove to be undescribed.”” The visitor was made welcome in Audubon’s Henderson home, where, to quote the naturalist, at table his agreeable conversation made us all forget his singu- lar appearance. ... A long loose coat of yellow nankeen, much the worse of the many rubs it had got in its time, and stained all over with the juice of plants, hung loosely about him like a sac. A waistcoat of the same, with enormous pockets, and buttoned up to the chin, reached below over a pair of tight pantaloons, the lower parts of which were buttoned down to the ankles. Huis beard was as long as I have known mine to be during some of my peregrinations, and his lank black hair hung loosely over his shoulders. His forehead was so broad and prominent that any tyro in phrenology would instantly have pronounced it to be the residence of a mind of strong powers. His words impressed an assurance of rigid truth, and as he directed the conversation to the study of the natural sciences, I listened to him with as much delight as Telemachus could have listened to Mentor. All had retired for the night when of a sudden a great uproar was heard in the visitor’s room. To his great astonishment, Audubon found his guest running about the apartment naked, holding the “handle” of his host’s favorite violin, the body of which had been battered to pieces against the walls in the attempt to secure a number of fluttering bats which had entered by an open window. “I stood amazed,” said Audubon, “but he AUDUBON AND RAFINESQUE _ 287 continued jumping and running round and round, until he was fairly exhausted, when he begged me to procure one of the animals for him, as he felt convinced they belonged to ‘a new species.’ Although I was convinced to the contrary, I took up the bow of my demolished Cremona, and administering a sharp tap to each of the bats as it came up, soon had specimens enough.” Other incidents of this visit, which Audubon said lasted three weeks, are fully recorded. The eccentric naturalist collected an abundance of plants, shells, bats and fishes. One evening he failed to appear, and after a prolonged search was nowhere to be found; nor were the Audu- bons wholly assured of his safety until some weeks later they received a letter with due acknowledgments of their hospitality. The “M. de T.” of this episode was Constantine Samuel Rafinesque, in many respects the most singu- lar figure that has ever appeared in the annals of Ameri- can science. Although young in years, for Rafinesque was then but thirty-five, he was already old in experi- ence and that of the bitterest sort; and although already known to many in both hemispheres, he had few friends. It is certain that neither Audubon nor anyone else in that part of Kentucky had ever heard of him before. Born in Constantinople, of a father who was a French merchant from Marseilles and of a mother with a German name who by nativity was Greek, Rafinesque had known life in many lands, and was destined, as he said, to be a traveler from the cradle to the tomb.” His ?For the characterization of Rafinesque given in the present chapter I am chiefly indebted, aside from his own writings, to his two most sym- pathetic biographers, Richard Ellsworth Call and T. J. Fitzpatrick, as well as to David Starr Jordan; see Bibliography, Nos. 198, 228, and 183. Fitz- patrick gives photographic reproductions from Rafinesque’s exceedingly diversiform and scattered works; his bibliographic titles extend to 939, and “Rafinesquiana” to 134. 288 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST first voyage, made with his parents on their return to France, by way of Scutari in Asia, Smyrna, and Malta, led to his first discovery, when he was a year old, for he was able to announce that “infants are not subject to sea-sickness.” At eleven he read Latin and collected plants; at thirteen he wrote his first scientific paper, “Notes on the Apennines,” which he had seen when traveling from Leghorn to Genoa. His father, who set out for China in 1791, fell in with pirates, but man- aged to reach America; he died of the yellow fever in Philadelphia in 1798. To escape the Reign of Terror in France, Rafinesque’s mother fled with her children to Italy, where four years were passed at Leghorn. There Constantine studied with private tutors, but his educa- tion was never formal and he was allowed to follow his omnivorous tastes, reading, as he said, ten times more than was taught in the schools. His writings are mainly in French, Italian, and English, and his facility with languages was no doubt remarkable, even if we discount his egotized estimate of his own attainments: “I have undertaken to read the Latin and Greek, as well as the Hebrew, Sanskrit, Chinese, and fifty other languages, as I felt the need or inclination to study them.” In 1802 Rafinesque was sent with his brother to America and became a shipper’s clerk at Philadelphia, where he spent all of his spare time in the study of nature, plants being his first and greatest love. Here he was befriended by Dr. Benjamin Rush, and during this period he made the acquaintance of many pioneer naturalists in the United States. In 1805 the offer of a lucrative situation in Sicily lured him back to the Old World and to a country already known to him. There he soon discovered the medicinal squill, of ancient re- AUDUBON AND RAFINESQUE _ 289 pute and thought to be an antidote, which in the form of syrup was long the bane of childhood; this and other medicinal drugs he exported to the European and American markets in such quantities that before the secret of his trade became known to the jealous Sicil- ians, he had reaped from it, in conjunction with his other enterprises, a small fortune. During the ten years that were spent in Sicily we find him the manager of a successful whisky distillery, the chancellor or secretary of the American Consulate at Palermo, editor, writer, and correspondent of learned men in Europe, as well as traveler and explorer in every part of the island, which he proposed to monograph with all of its contents. At Palermo Rafinesque met the English naturalist, William Swainson, his lifelong correspondent; together they tramped over the island and together they worked for a number of years on the fishes of the western coast.® Swainson, who became the friend of Audubon, was one of the few who later defended Rafinesque. Rafinesque espoused a Sicilian woman of the Cath- olic faith, and had by her two children, of whom a daughter lived to maturity; this experience seems to have embittered him against the sex, for no other woman excepting his mother, to whom his Life of Travels was dedicated, was ever mentioned in his writ- ings, and this one was disinherited in his extraordinary will. Through fear of being drafted into the French wars, he assumed for a time his mother’s family name of Schmaltz, and finally left Sicily in disgust; taking with him his fortune and “fifty boxes of personal goods,” 3“At Palermo,” said Swainson, “I had the pleasure of meeting... Rafinesque Schmaltz, whose first name is familiar to most zodlogists. In the society of such congenial minds, I passed many happy hours, and made many delightful excursions ... by the inducement of the latter, I was led to investigate the ichthyology of the western coast.” (See Bibliography, No. 170.) 290 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST he set out again for America in 1815. Sicily, he de- clared in epigram, offered “a fruitful soil, a delightful climate, excellent productions, perfidious men, deceitful women.” This second voyage to the New World began late in July but did not end until 100 days later, when, on the night of November 2, his ship ran on the Race Rocks near New London, at the western end of Long Island Sound, and eventually went down within sight of land with all his possessions. “I had lost everything,” he said, “my fortune, my share of the cargo, my collec- tions and labors for twenty years past, my books, my manuscripts, my drawings, even my clothes .. . all that I possessed, except some scattered funds, and the insurance ordered in England for one third of the value of my goods.” “I have found men,” he continued, “vile enough to laugh without shame at my misfortune, in- stead of condoling with me! But I have met also with friends who deplored my loss, and helped me in need.” One of these friends was Dr. Samuel L. Mitchell of New York, who had given a helping hand to Audubon,’ and it was probably through him that Rafinesque ob- tained a position as private tutor in a family living on the Hudson. Traveling up and down the country, col- lecting objects in natural history, writing, with frus- trated attempts at business, occupied a number of the following years; meanwhile he had aided in founding the Lyceum of New York and had become a member of the Literary and Philosophical Society. At Philadel- phia he found another friend in Mr. John O. Clifford, of Lexington, Kentucky, who encouraged him to visit the West, and in the spring of 1818 he descended the Ohio in an “ark” in company with several others who ‘See Vol. I, pp. 171 and 336, AUDUBON AND RAFINESQUE — 291 had joined him in the enterprise. At Shippingport he was welcomed by the Tarascon brothers, flour mer- chants, formerly of Marseilles and Philadelphia, and it was through them, possibly, that he first heard of Audu- bon’s drawings of birds. Such was the “odd fish” who a little later greeted Audubon on the river bank at Henderson. Had Audu- bon known the true history of his visitor either then or at a later time, he would not, we believe, have held him up to ridicule in the “Episode” quoted above, and could he have foreseen the unpleasant consequences that ensued, his conduct would assuredly have been different. A part of the episode, which Audubon does not relate, was supplied by another naturalist at a much later day.® Audubon, it seems, was at that time a good deal of a wag, and whether to vent his dislike of species-mongers, to avenge the loss of his violin, or to gratify some spirit of mischief, he played upon the credulity of his guest, in a way that could be deemed hardly creditable, in giving him detailed descriptions and even supplying him with drawings of sundry impossible fishes and mol- lusks. Rafinesque took the bait eagerly, duly noted down everything on the spot, and, what was more un- ®See David Starr Jordon (Bibl. No. 183), Popular Science Monthly, vol. xxix (1886). “The true story of this practical joke was told me by the venerable Dr. Kirtland, who in turn received it from Dr. Bach- man;” the latter, I might add, was the friend and correspondent of the “Sage of Rockport” after a visit at his home near Cleveland in the summer of 1852. In the private notebooks of Rafinesque copies of Audu- bon’s drawings are still to be seen, and “a glance at these,” said Dr. Jordon, “is sufficient to show the extent to which science through him has been victimized.” Audubon was also responsible for a number of extraordinary “new species” of birds, the most notorious of which was the Scarlet-headed Swal- low, of which Rafinesque published the following account in 1820: “Hirundo phenicephala. WHead scarlet, back gray, belly white, bill and feet black. A fine and rare swallow seen only once by Mr. Audubon near Henderson, Kentucky .. .” See Samuel N. Rhoads, “Constantine S. Rafinesque as an Ornithologist,” Cassinia, No. XV (Philadelphia, 1911). 292 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST fortunate for American zodlogy, a year later began to publish the results. ‘The fictitious species of fish, to the number of ten, “communicated by Mr. Audubon,” first appeared as a series of articles in a short-lived and long forgotten western magazine,’ but in 1820 they were gathered into a little volume’ now considered so quaint and rare that it has been reproduced in its entirety. In this pioneer work on the ichthyology of the Ohio River and the great Middle West, 111 kinds of American fresh-water fishes are briefly described. Those ten “new species,” representing apparently a number of new genera, “so like and yet so unlike to anything yet known,” long remained a stumbling block to American zoologists; naturally they tended to discredit the work of Rafinesque. °The Western Review and Miscellaneous Magazine, Lexington, 1819-20. ‘Ichthyologia Ohiensis, or Natural History of the Fishes inhabiting the River Ohio and its tributary Streams, preceded by a physical descrip- tion of the Ohio and its branches. By C. S. Rafinesque, Professor of Botany and Natural History in Transylvania University, Author of the Analysis of Nature, &c. &c. Member of the Literary and Philosophical Society of New-York, the Historical Society of New-York, the Lyceum of Natural History of New-York, the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, the American Antiquarian Society, the Royal Institute of Natural Sciences of Naples, the Italian Society of Arts and Sciences, the Medical Societies of Lexington and Cincinnati, &c. &c. “The art of seeing well, or of noticing and distinguishing with accuracy the objects which we perceive, is a high faculty of the mind, unfolded in few individuals, and despised by those who can neither acquire it, nor appreciate its results.” Lexington, Kentucky: printed for the author by W. G. Hunt. (Price one dollar.) (Pp. 1-90. Lexington, 1820.) Fitzpatrick (see Bibliography, No. 228) gives a list of 14 copies of this work, the whereabouts of which are known; we can add another from the library of Dr. Jared P. Kirtland, now in the collections of Western Reserve University; it is bound up with Dr. Kirtland’s notebook on birds and fishes, and labeled “Scraps of Natural History. My Note Book;” a written notice on the inside of the cover, imploring the finder to return the volume to its owner if lost, is signed by Dr. Kirtland and dated “Cleveland, O., Oct. 16th, 1839.” Probably fewer than 20 original copies of the work now exist. It was reproduced in a limited edition, with a sketch of Rafinesque’s life and works by Richard Ellsworth Call, published by the Burrows Brothers’ Company of Cleveland in 1899. “LALCION D’AMER- CILUTE DE Lomo JULY 15, A. ALCEDO ALCION. DRAWN BY IW, “PASSENGER PIGEON—A, W. Vom. pecemn. 11, TE TRES AUDUBON. BIRDS: ABOVE, AMERICAN EARLY UNPURBLISITED DRAWINGS OF QUE SEP TRIONALE BUFFON. KING FISTLER, TRO8. BELTED KING FISITER A, / J. J. AUDUBON. NO. 1103” BELLE CHUTE DE Ny ETAGEE, MIGRATORIA, 12 peENNeES A wr WILD no. 109.” LA QUE COLUMBA PIGKON, J. 1809. APPEL Published by courtesy of Mr, Joseph Y. Jeanes. AUDUBON AND RAFINESQUE — 293 As a specimen of these spurious fish stories, which were previously published in both America and Europe, we reproduce a part of Rafinesque’s description of the “91st. Species. Devil-Jack Diamond-fish. Litholepis adamantinus”: This may be reckoned the wonder of the Ohio. It is only found as far up as the falls, and probably lives also in the Mississippi. I have seen it, but only at a distance, and have been shown some of its singular scales. Wonderful stories are related concerning this fish, but I have principally relied upon the description and figure given me by Mr. Audubon. Its length is from 4 to 10 feet. One was caught which weighed four hundred pounds. It lies sometimes asleep or motionless on the surface of the water, and may be mistaken for a log or a snag. It is impossible to take it in any other way than with the seine or a very strong hook, the prongs of the gig cannot pierce the scales which are as hard as flint, and even proof against lead balls! Its flesh is not good to eat. It isa voracious fish: Its vulgar names are Diamond fish, (owing to its scales being cut like diamonds) Devil fish, Jack fish, Garjack, &c. . . . The whole body covered with large stone scales laying in oblique rows, they are conical, pentagonal, and pentedral with equal sides, from half an inch to one inch in diameter, brown at first, but becoming of the colour of turtle shell when dry: they strike fire with steel! and are ball proof! While we cannot defend Audubon in his treatment of Rafinesque, it would be hardly fair to judge such incidents wholly in the light of after events, for, as our narrative will show, it is unlikely that he ever saw Rafinesque or heard of him again until long years after this incident, certainly not until after his “Episode” was published in 1831.° Rafinesque evidently enjoyed 8 Probably not before October of that year, when Audubon first met John Bachman, at Charleston, South Carolina. 294 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST this sketch of himself, for he gave unstinted praise to the work in which it was published. As late as 1832, when the appearance of T'he Birds of America seems to have stimulated him to even more grandiose conceptions of his own merits than was usual, he declared that his dis- coveries were counted by the thousand, and that he had traveled twenty thousand miles, always collecting and drawing. In view of the fact that drawing was a talent which nature had unequivocally denied him, it is inter- esting to read this boast that an unfriendly critic drew forth: “My illustrations of 30 years’ travels, with 2,000 figures will soon begin to be published, and be superior to those of my friend Audubon, in extent and variety, if not equal in beauty. I shall study and write as long as I live, in spite of all such mean attempts against my reputation and exertions, trusting in the justice of lib- eral men.” ® After leaving Audubon at Henderson in the sum- mer of 1818, Rafinesque passed down the Ohio into the Mississippi, pausing only to pay his respects at the famous communistic settlement of New Harmony, by the mouth of the Wabash in Indiana, then the abode of Thomas Say, David Dale Owen, and Charles Le Sueur, all of whom have left bright and honored names in the annals of American science. He eventually re- turned to Philadelphia by way of Lexington, Kentucky, where he was induced to settle and teach natural his- tory and the modern languages in the Transylvania University, at that time the most important seat of learning in the West. After closing up his business * Reply to a criticism of G. W. Featherstonhaugh (The Monthly Ameri- can Journal of Geological Science), in Rafinesque’s Atlantic Journal and Friend of Knowledge, No. 3, p. 113 (Philadelphia, 1832). Rafinesque occa- sionally spoke of meeting “my friend Audubon,” who, he declared, had invited him to join his expedition to Florida in 1831-32. AUDUBON AND RAFINESQUE — 295 affairs in Philadelphia, Rafinesque entered upon his new labors at Lexington in the autumn of 1819. He was probably the first teacher of these subjects west of the Alleghanies, and certainly the first in that section of the country to use the present object method in the elucidation of natural history. The lot of a pioneer in education has never been a sinecure, and the post which Rafinesque then filled was not a “chair” but a hard “settee.” In those days the classics were in the saddle and “rode mankind,” while the natural sciences, when tolerated at all, were given short shrift; yet this eccen- tric foreigner held his position for seven years and ac- complished an extraordinary amount of work. As usual he spread his energies over the whole field of knowledge, lecturing, writing and publishing on almost every subject, but concentrating upon none. Mean- while, he roamed far and wide and made extensive col- lections. While at the Transylvania University Rafinesque seems to have applied for the master of arts’ degree, but was at first refused, as he said, “because I had not stud- ied Greek in a college, although I knew more languages than all of the American colleges united, but it was granted at last; but the Doctor of medicine was not granted, because I would not superintend anatomical dissections.” One of his many projects, as meritorious as it was im- practical, at that time, was a Botanic Garden with a Library and Museum for Lexington, which was then but a small village; though land was actually secured and a start in tree planting begun, the project of course came to nothing and had to be abandoned. KRafinesque also invented, as he believed, the present coupon system of issuing bonds, the “Divitial Invention,” as he called 296 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST it; in 1825 he set out for Washington in order to secure his patent rights, but his Journey and idea never brought him any returns. On the contrary, the incident marked the culmination of his troubles with the president of the University and its governing board, whom he seems to have constantly nettled by his independent ways and roaming habits. Upon returning from Washington he found that Dr. Holley, who, he said, “hated and de- spised the natural sciences” and wished to drive him out altogether, had broken into his rooms during his ab- sence, and had “given one to the students, and thrown all my effects, books and collections in a heap in the other,” besides depriving him of certain other privi- leges. “I took lodgings,” he continued, “in town and carried there all my effects; thus leaving the college with curses on it and Holley; who were both reached by them soon after, since he died next year at sea of the yellow fever, caught at New Orleans; having been driven from Lexington by public opinion; and the College has been burnt in 1828 with all its contents.” After this unpleasant experience Rafinesque re- turned to Philadelphia, where he spent the last and saddest part of his checkered career. His insistent ideas, which were undoubtedly the index of an unbal- anced mind, increased, especially his mania for describ- ing “new species” of animals and plants; this mania perverted everything that he wrote, especially toward the end of his life, and made him a thorn in the side of every naturalist who tried to verify his work. A non- conformist and a respecter of no authority but his own is never popular, though a part of the antagonism which Rafinesque aroused was due to the conservatism of his age. He boldly advocated organic evolution when al- most the whole world believed that species were fixed AUDUBON AND RAFINESQUE 297 and unchangeable things, and in many other respects was fifty years ahead of his time; but nothing was ever carefully worked out in his fertile mind, with the conse- quence that the world paid no heed to his crude and undigested ideas. The great mass of Rafinesque’s books and mono- graphs, his “tracts,” broadsides, and ephemeral papers of all sorts, extending to nearly a thousand titles, must have gone into paper rags, when not used to kindle fires, for he was generous in their distribution, and they are now exceedingly rare. He touched nearly every- thing, it is true, but little that he touched, especially in this later period of his life, did he ever truly orna- ment. His best pioneer work, in the opinion of com- petent students, was that done upon the fishes of Sicily and the natural history of the Ohio Valley; his Medical Flora, in two volumes (1828 and 1830), is also admitted to have possessed real value; but his writings are now sought after as literary or scientific curiosities, and as such they are unique. No doubt Rafinesque was often treated unjustly, either through ignorance or intent, while many natural- ists were exasperated by the barbed arrows which he shot into the air or direct at the mark. Others through sheer inability to follow him gave up the attempt, one writer ?° saying that such an attitude was justified when it appeared that he had made six species out of one, not to speak of several different genera and two sub- families. If anyone still believes that Rafinesque has been misjudged, says Giinther,"* let him read his letters to Swainson, from 1809 to 1840, fifty-three in number, Isaac Lea, in A Synopsis of the Family of Naiades, pp. 8-9 (Phila- delphia, 1836). "See Bibliography, No. 204. 298 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST covering 178 closely written quarto or folio pages, now in possession of the Linnean Society of London. “Rafinesque,” continues this critic, “was a man deeply to be commiserated, not merely on account of the un- fortunate circumstances which left him in his youth to himself, without teacher or guide, but still more on the ground of that natural disposition by which his uni- versal failure in life was brought about. He was pos- sessed of a feverish restlessness which entirely disquali- fied him from serious study of any of the multitudinous subjects which attracted his mind in rapid succession.” Rafinesque, bereft of friends and fortune, unknown even to his neighbors, by whom he seems to have been regarded as a harmless herb doctor, was left to struggle on alone, without recognition and without sympathy or support. Reduced finally to abject poverty, he con- cocted and sold medicines which were advertised much like quack remedies at the present day, especially his “Pulmel,” which without a doubt he thought had cured him of the pulmonary consumption. To advertise this he wrote a little treatise, hoping to realize something from its sale and at the same time to avoid any undue appearance of empyricism. Toward the very end of his life, Rafinesque pro- jected a savings bank, and, strangely enough, this seems to have been a success, though just how is not clear, since it both borrowed and loaned money at six per cent. He had already attempted to secure rights on a “steam-plough,” a “submarine boat,” “incombustible houses,” and similar novelties which abler inventors have later perfected. For a long time he led the life of a perfect recluse in a garret in a poor quarter of Phila- delphia, in the midst of his collections, his books and his manuscripts, never the world forgetting but ever by AUDUBON AND RAFINESQUE 299 the world forgot. There, in the direst misery, he died in 1840, at the age of fifty-six, without a word of cheer or a tear of regret. His body was barely saved from the dissecting table and given decent burial through the loyalty and promptitude of one of his few remaining friends, Dr. William Mease, who with undertaker Bringhurst, broke into the room where his body lay and let it down through a window by ropes.’ Even his will was ruthlessly violated, and all of his effects, in eight dray-loads, were hurried off to the public auction rooms and sold in bargain lots, his books and all else bringing but a mere pittance, not even enough to pay his land- lord and the administrator of his estate. Thus died the “eccentric naturalist” whom Audubon had portrayed, and for whom the world in general had shown scant sympathy. Rafinesque, nevertheless, pos- sessed a mind of extraordinary acumen and an energy and versatility little short of marvelous. He dipped into every field of knowledge, looking for precious metal, but much that he brought to the surface was dross. His restless versatility alone would probably have ruined him, for nothing short of an analysis of the globe with all of its contents would have satisfied his ambitious spirit. His was the ardor of the traveler and the explorer, with a passionate love for nature sel- dom equaled, but without the incentive and the patience of the investigator or a balance-wheel in the judgment. His ambition in early life was to become the greatest naturalist of his age; had his early training and environ- 2 The landlord, to whom Rafinesque had been in arrears for rent, had locked his body in the room and refused permission for its burial, think- ing to find a market for it in one of the medical schools of the city. Rafinesque was buried in a little churchyard, then outside of the limits of the city, known as Ronaldson’s cemetery, now at Ninth and Catharine Streets. See :Call and Fitzpatrick, Bibliography, Nos. 198 and 228. 300 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST ment been suited to his needs, and had fortune favored him more consistently with her smiles, this ambition possibly might have been realized, but we suspect that in this case nature would have proved stronger than nurture, and that he would have been Rafinesque to the end. CHAPTER XX AUDUBON’S ENEID, 1819-1824: WANDERINGS THROUGH THE WEST AND SOUTH Pivotal period in Audubon’s career—His spur and balance-wheel—Resort to portraiture—Taxidermist in the Western Museum—Settles in Cin- cinnati—History of his relations with Dr. Drake—Decides to make his avocation his business—Journey down the Ohio and Mississippi with Mason and Cummings—Experiences of travel without a cent of capital— Life in New Orleans—Vanderlyn’s recommendations—Original draw- ings—Chance meeting with Mrs. Pirrie, and engagement as tutor at “Oakley”—Enchantments of West Feliciana—“My lovely Miss Pirrie’— The jealous doctor—Famous drawing of the rattlesnake—Leaves St. Francisville and is adrift again in New Orleans—Obtains pupils in drawing and is joined by his family—Impoverished, moves to Natchez, and Mrs. Audubon becomes a governess—Injuries to his drawings— The labors of years destroyed by rats—Teaching in Tennessee—Parting with Mason—First lessons in oils—Mrs: Audubon’s school at “Beech- woods”—Painting tour fails—Stricken at Natchez—At the Percys’ plantation—Walk to Louisville—Settles at Shippingport. ‘Audubon’s failure at Henderson was the crucial turning point in his career. For the five years that immediately followed he led a peripatetic existence in the southern and western states, seldom tarrying long at one point, often leaving his family for months at a time, living from hand to mouth, but ever bent on per- fecting those products of his hand and brain, his life studies of American birds and plants. At this crisis Audubon could have accomplished nothing but for the intelligent devotion of his capable wife. Generous, emotional, inclined to be self-indul- gent, Audubon needed both the example and the spur of a strong character such as his wife possessed, and at this time Lucy Audubon furnished both the motive 301 302 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST power and the balance-wheel that were requisite for the development of her husband’s genius. Without her zeal and self-sacrificing devotion the world would never have heard of Audubon. His budding talents event- ually would have been smothered in some backwoods town of the Middle West or South. For the space of nearly twelve years, Mrs. Audubon, now as the head of a small private school, now as a governess in some friendly family who appreciated her worth, practically assumed the responsibility for the support and educa- tion of their children in order that her husband’s hands might be free, and with her hard-earned savings was able to aid him materially in the prosecution of his labors. When relatives or friends upbraided him for not entering upon some form of lucrative trade, she recognized his genius and always came to his support, being fully persuaded that he was destined to become one of the great workers of the world. Whatever oth- ers may have said or done at that time, both Audubon and his wife were confident of the ultimate success of his mission. In short, the work in which the naturalist was engaged became a family interest, in which every member was destined sooner or later to bear a part. Audubon recalled a somber incident of this time which he thought might furnish a lesson to mankind, and he shall relate it in his own words: After our dismal removal from Henderson to Louisville, one morning when all of us were sadly desponding, I took you both, Victor and John, from Shippingport to Louisville. I had purchased a loaf of bread and some apples; before you reached Louisville you were hungry, and by the river side we sat down and ate our scanty meal. On that day the world was with me as a blank, and my heart was sorely heavy, for scarcely had I enough to keep my dear ones alive; and yet through those dark AUDUBON’S ANEID 303 days I was being led to the development of the talents I loved, and which have brought so much enjoyment to us all... . At Shippingport Audubon was welcomed by his brother-in-law, Nicholas A. Berthoud. Wasting no time in vain regrets, he began doing portraits in crayon, and with such success that he was able to rent a modest apartment and have his family about him again. From no charges for his tentative efforts the price was grad- ually raised until he received five dollars or more a head; with the spread of his fame orders filled his hands, and he was called long distances to take likenesses of the dying or even of the dead. Audubon’s facility in portraiture was a valuable resource, and it kept him from the starving line at many a pinch in later years. Through the influence of friends the naturalist was offered a position as taxidermist at a museum which had just been started at Cincinnati; here his family joined him in the winter of 1819-20, and here he remained for nearly a year. The published accounts of this Cincin- nati experience are strangely confused and have led to aspersions of bad faith which were, we believe, quite undeserved. “I was presented,” said Audubon, “to the president of the Cincinnati College, Dr. Drake, and immediately formed an engagement to stuff birds for the museum there, in concert with Mr. Robert Best, an Englishman of great talent,” adding that his salary was large; so industrious were they, to continue his account, “that in about six months we had augmented, arranged, and finished all that we could do,” but they found to their sorrow “that the members of the College museum were splendid promisers and very bad paymasters.” * 1Maria R. Audubon, Audubon and his Journals (Bibl. No. 86), vol. i, p. 36. 304 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST It has been stated that Audubon got nothing from Dr. Drake, but that “Mrs. Audubon afterwards received four hundred dollars, of the twelve hundred due,” and that the remainder was never paid. This matter can now be fully cleared up, and it will appear that the Cincinnati College was in no way involved; Dr. Drake was not its president, although he drew its charter and was one of its trustees; the Museum in which the nat- uralist worked was an independent foundation; and Mrs. Audubon was probably paid in full for the service which her husband had rendered. Audubon wrote in his journal in 1820, when this experience was fresh in his mind, that owing to his talent for stuffing fishes he entered the service of the Western Museum at a salary of $125 a month; he made no complaint at that time of any lack of pay. More- over, on the day before he started on his cruise down the Ohio River on the 11th of October of that year, the Rev. Elijah Slack gave him a letter of introduction in which he said that Audubon had “been engaged in our museum for 3 to 4 months, and that his perform- ances do honor to his pencil.” Since Mr. Slack, like Dr. Drake, was one of the managers of the Western Museum, he must have known of Audubon’s term of service. We are convinced that Dr. Daniel Drake,’ 2 [bid., vol. i, p. 49. *Dr. Daniel Drake (1785-1852) was one of the most versatile and prolific writers on medicine which the West has ever produced, and Cincinnati owed to him much, for he was instrumental in organizing in that city a church, a literary society, a museum, a hospital, a college, and a school of medicine, while he enjoyed a large medical practice, lectured on botany, and was a partner in two mercantile establishments. We might also add that his “Notice concerning Cincinnati” (pp. 1-28, i-iv. Printed for the author at Cincinnati, 1810), of which only three copies are known to exist, is the earliest and rarest published record of that city. This little pamphlet included a “Flora” of the city for 1809, and from it we transcribe this interesting extract (p. 27): “May 10. Black locust in full flower. AUDUBON’S ANEID 305 whose character was above reproach and who was a keen naturalist himself, was Audubon’s good friend, and that no misunderstanding ever rose between them. In writing offhand from memory, years after the events, Audubon misstated the facts but evidently without design. In 1818 Dr. Drake organized the Western Museum Seciety, of which he said: “I have drawn up the con- stitution in such a manner as to make the institution a complete school for natural history, and hope to see concentrated in this place, the choicest natural and arti- ficial curiosities in the Western Country.” The first meeting of the Society was held in the summer of 1819, not long before Audubon was engaged to work for it. The membership fee was $50, a considerable sum for that period, but the enterprise was well patronized. It was in charge of a board of whom Dr. Drake was the moving spirit; another member, as we have seen, was Rev. Mr. Slack, who became the first president of the Cincinnati College, which was organized in 1818-19. The collections of the Museum were placed in one of the buildings of the College in order better to serve the students and public, which would account for some of the confusion noted above. Dr. Drake’s hands at this time were more than full; in October, 1819, he wrote to a friend: “The ties which bind me to the world at large seem every day to increase in strength and numbers. The crowd of mankind with “It is highly probable that the flowering of this beautiful tree, the Robinia pseudocacia of Linnzus, indicates the proper time for planting the important vegetable the Indian corn. For several successive years I have observed our farmers generally to plant corn during some stage of its flowering. This from the 10th to the 20th of May.” For the privilege of examining one of the original copies of this paper, I am indebted to Mr. Wallace H. Cathcart of the Western Re- serve Historical Society of Cleveland. 306 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST whom I have some direct or indirect concern, thickens around me, and [I see little prospect of more leisure, nor any of retirement and seclusion.” At this juncture also, when Audubon and Best were working for his Museum, Dr. Drake was experiencing the first disas- trous check in his energetic career. In January, 1820, in spite of the opposition and intrigue of professional rivals, he succeeded in organizing the Medical College of Ohio, and Robert Best became the assistant in chem- istry and the curator of the Western Museum. Opposi- tion did not abate, but instead of strangling the College which he had founded, the marplots succeeded in ex- pelling the Doctor from its staff. At last, feeling obliged to leave the city, Dr. Drake accepted in 1823 a position in the rival medical school of Transylvania University, and thus became a colleague of Constantine Rafinesque. It will be seen. that Audubon’s engage- ment at Cincinnati fell in a troubled era, and the annoy- ance which he may have felt at lack of pay was probably no fault of the harassed doctor. While at Cincinnati Audubon was obliged to resort to his crayon portraits; and he also started a drawing school, but it required all of Mrs. Audubon’s skill in management to keep the family out of debt. In 1820 he began for the first time seriously to consider the pos- sibility of publishing his drawings, and under the spur of this incentive began to exert himself as never before. He planned a long journey through the Middle West and South, his intention being to descend the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers, explore the country about New Or- leans, and then proceed as far east as the Florida Keys; he wished also to ascend the Red River, cross Arkansas, and visit the Hot Springs, before returning again by river to Cincinnati. Lack of ready money was no draw- AUDUBON’S NEID 307 back, for he was now confident of being able to live by his talents alone. Accordingly, he left his wife to care for their two boys, and on October 12, 1820, started down river in a flatboat, bound for New Orleans. His companions on this journey were Captain Cummings,‘ an engineer who had been in the government service, to whom Audubon became much attached; J oseph R. Mason, a promising artist of eighteen, in the rdle of pupil-assistant, and his dog “Dash.” Although Audubon had no funds, he was careful to provide himself with letters to or from men of mark who could be of assistance to him and this cus- tom was followed to good effect at a much later day. On this occasion he bore recommendations from William H. Harrison, who afterwards became Presi- dent, to Governor Miller of Arkansas, and from Henry Clay, as well as his letter from Rev. Elijah Slack, in which it was stated that the naturalist was traveling to complete his collection of the birds of the United States which he intended to publish at some future time. Audubon also wrote a personal letter to Governor Miller, fully outlining his plans, and asking for infor- mation; he told the Governor that he had been working fifteen years, and that his drawings of birds and plants were all from nature and life-size, showing that the idea of publication which was afterwards realized was then fixed in his mind. Audubon kept a careful journal on this journey, which extended over a year, the last entry being for the close of 1821.” 4 See Audubon’s letter to Thomas Sully, reproduced in Vol. II, p. 68. In his Ohio and Mississippi Rivers Journal Audubon wrote on April 5, 1821: “Cap. Cumming left us on the 10 for Phila; the poor man had not one cent with him.” 5 This early journal fills a large unruled book, measuring about 13 by 8 inches, of 201 pages, beginning with Oct. 12, 1820, and closing with December 31, 1821; it forms a part of the John E. Thayer collection of 308 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST As their flatboat stopped at many towns and planta- tions on the rivers, Audubon could hunt game and birds to his heart’s content. Having resolved, as he said, never to draw from a stuffed specimen, he worked at every new bird with the greatest diligence. It seems almost incredible that he should never have met with the Hermit Thrush before this journey, yet under date of “Oct. 14, 1820,” there is this entry: “We returned to our boat with a Wild Turkey, a Telltale Godwit and a Hermit Thrush, which was too much torn to make a drawing of it; this was the first time I had met with this bird, and I felt particularly mortified at its condition.” ° Their visit to Natchez furnished Audubon with ma- terials for at least two of his “Episodes.” * This inci- dent of his generosity may be taken as characteristic; finding that one of his companions was down at the heel and as short of ready money as himself, he sought out a shoemaker and offered to do a portrait of the man and his wife for two pairs of boots; the proposal was accepted forthwith, and he set to work; the sketches were finished in the course of two hours, and Audubon Audubon and Wilson manuscripts and drawings in possession of Harvard University, having been once included in the estate of Joseph M. Wade. The collection embraces four early drawings by Audubon, presumably at one time in the hands of Edward Harris (see Note 9, Vol. I, p. 180); 73 of Audubon’s original letters, comprising largely his correspondence with Dr. John Bachman; 60 letters by Victor G. Audubon; and a few by other mem- bers of the naturalist’s family. See the Annual Report of the Curator of the Museum of Comparative Zodlogy for 1910-1911. Through the courtesy of Professor E. L. Mark, and the Director of the Museum, Dr. Samuel Henshaw, I have been permitted to examine these numerous documents. In any direct or casual reference to this valuable material, I have endeavored not to overstep the bounds of pro- priety, in view of the fact that the University contemplates publishing copious extracts from it at an early day. It should be noticed that excerpts from this journal have already appeared in print. See following Note. °See Ruthven Deane (Bibl. No. 41), The Auk, vol. xxi, pp. 334-338. *“Natchez in 1820” and “The Lost Portfolio,” Ornithological Biography (Bibl. No. 2), vol. iii, pp. 529 and 564. AUDUBON’S ANEID 309 and his companion, having selected their boots, went on their way rejoicing. Audubon left Natchez on December 31, 1820, on a keel boat belonging to his brother-in-law, Nicholas A. Berthoud, who accompanied him, and at one o’clock the steamer Columbus hauled off from the landing and took them in tow. Towards evening, when they were looking up their personal belongings, the naturalist found to his dismay that a portfolio containing all of the drawings that he had made on the voyage down the river was missing. Letters were despatched to Natchez friends, but it was not until the 16th of March that his anxiety was relieved; the missing portfolio had been found and left at the office of The Mississippi Repub- lican, whence it was forwarded on his order, and reached his hand on the 5th of April. ‘So very generous had been the finder of it,” he said, “that when I carefully examined the drawings in succession, I found them all present and uninjured, save one, which had probably been kept by way of commission.” On New Year’s Day, 1821, they came to at Bayou Sara, at the mouth of the inlet of that name, which later saw much of Audubon and his family. On the following day he made a likeness of the master of their craft, Mr. Dickenson, for which he was paid in gold; he also outlined two warblers by candle-light in order to have time to finish them on the morrow. The captain of their steamer in his anxiety to make haste had set them adrift at this point, and they were obliged to make their way as best they could, by aid of the current and oars, to the port of New Orleans, which was finally entered on Sunday, January 7, 1821. Audubon landed at New Orleans without enough money to pay for a night’s lodging, for someone had 310 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST relieved him of the little he possessed, and he was obliged to pass several nights on the boat while looking for work. Undismayed by his financial straits, his first visit at day- break on Monday was to the famous markets of the southern city, where he found dead birds exposed for sale in great numbers—mallard, teal, American wid- geon, Canada and snow geese, mergansers, tell-tale god- wits, and even robins, bluebirds and red-wing black- birds; he added that the prices were very dear. Upon leaving Cincinnati Audubon had resolved upon making one hundred drawings of birds; this was actually accomplished, but only after repeatedly modi- fying his plans and working in more humble capacities than he was at first inclined to consider. On the 12th of January he wrote in his diary of meeting an Italian painter at the theater, and of showing him his drawing of the White-headed Eagle * at the rooms of Mr. Ber- thoud; “he was much pleased,” and took him “to his painting apartment at the theater, then to the directors, who very roughly offered me one hundred dollars per month to paint with Monsieur l’Italien. I believe really now that my talents must be poor,” said Audubon. His refusal of this offer in view of his straitened circum- stances, and the entry which followed, were character- istic: “Jan. 13th, 1821. I rose up early, tormented by many disagreeable thoughts, again nearly without a cent, in a bustling city where no one cares a fig for a man in my situation.” The following day Audubon applied to a self-taught portrait painter, John W. ® The original of this admirable drawing had been shot at New Madrid, on the Ohio, on November 23, and Audubon, who immediately began to work on it, recorded his conviction that the White-headed or Bald Eagle and the “Brown Eagle,” which he later called “The Bird of Washington,” were two different species; he thought that the young of the former, which was also brown, was much smaller in size. See Vol. I, p. 241. AUDUBON’S ANEID 311 Jarvis, and after showing his drawings, was engaged to assist him in finishing the “clothing and ground”; but this artist’s manners were declared to be so uncouth and the pay so poor that he left him in disgust. When he had made a hit, as he said, with the like- ness of a well known citizen, orders came to him, and he was able to resume his drawing of birds. On Feb- ruary 22 he recorded that he had spent his time in “running after orders for portraits, and also in vain endeavors to obtain a sight of Alexander Wilson’s ‘Ornithology,’ but was unsuccessful in seeing the book, which is very high priced.” Later, however, he appears to have succeeded in this quest, for on the 17th of that month he was able to send his wife twenty drawings of birds, eight of which were marked as “not described by Willson.” Among them were the originals of some of the most famous of his plates, such as the Great-footed Hawk, the White-headed Eagle, and the Hen Turkey.® Having seen in a newspaper a notice of an expedi- tion which the Government was about to send to the *These drawings were as follows: “Common gallinule; Not described by Willson; “Common gull; Not described by Willson; “Marsh hawk; “Boat tailed grackle; Not described by Willson; “Common Crow; “Fish Crow; “Rail or Sora; “Marsh Tern; “Snipe; Not described by Willson; “Hermit Thrush; “Yellow Red poll Warbler; “Savannah Finch; “Bath Ground Warbler; Not described by Willson; “Brown Pelican; Not described by Willson; “Great Footed Hawk; “Turkey Hen; Not described by Willson; “Cormorant; “Carrion Crow or Black Vulture; “Imber Diver; “White Headed or Bald Eagle.” 312 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST Pacific Coast, to survey the boundary of the territory that had been recently ceded by Spain, Audubon be- came much excited over a possible appointment as draughtsman and naturalist. He sat down at once and wrote a personal letter to President Monroe, while hun- dreds of imaginary birds of new and interesting kinds seemed to come within the range of his gun; on the 31st of March he was still pondering on the project, and al- though it is not likely that his letter ever reached the eye of the President, he did receive a recommendation from Governor Robertson of Louisiana. It was with this expedition in view that he sought an interview with John Vanderlyn,” an eminent painter of historical subjects, then working in New Orleans; according to one version Vanderlyn treated him as a mendicant, and ordered him to lay down his portfolio in the lobby, but ended by giving him a very complimentary note, in which he praised his drawings without stint, particularly his studies of birds. During the five months spent at New Orleans in 1821, Audubon attempted to support himself and his companion by means of their artistic talents, while he was pushing forward his ambitious design of figuring all of America’s birds and most characteristic plants. That he received scant encouragement but many rebuffs is not surprising. They did succeed in obtaining a few pupils in drawing, and Audubon made a number of rapid portraits, but after living for a time on Ursuline Street, near the old Gonvent, and later shifting from * Vanderlyn, like Audubon, had been a pupil of David at Paris; he produced historical paintings of merit, as well as panoramas, then coming into vogue; some of the latter were exhibited in the “Rotunda” which he erected for that purpose in City Hall Park, New York, but this enter- prise failed, and his building was seized by the city for debt. Vanderlyn died in absolute want in 1852. See Samuel Isham, The History of Ameri- can Painting (New York, 1915). AUDUBON’S ANEID 313 one quarter to another, their finances had reached so low an ebb by the beginning of June that a move was imperative. Audubon then decided to go to Shipping- port, Kentucky, and on the 16th of June, with young Mason, he again boarded the steamer Columbus, John D’Hart, captain, and started up river. An incident now occurred which affected the naturalist’s whole after life by introducing him to one of the most favored spots in Louisiana, if not in the whole country, for the study of bird life, not to speak of the impressions which the charm of new scenery, a rich flora, and natural products of the most varied description must have then made on his mind. Mrs. James Pirrie, wife of a prosperous cotton planter of West Feliciana Parish, happened to be their fellow-passenger. Doubtless her curiosity was piqued by the winning manners and flowing locks of the artistic traveler, whose Gallic accent at once be- trayed his nationality. Whether Audubon had made her acquaintance previous to this journey or not is not known, but before it was ended his fine enthusiasm and ambitious plans had found a sympathizer, and he was engaged as tutor to Mrs. Pirrie’s daughter at $60 a month. To further his ornithological pursuits it was understood that he and his companion should live at “Oakley,” her husband’s plantation, five miles from St. Francisville, on Bayou Sara, and that one-half of his time should be absolutely free for hunting and drawing. Thus, on June 18, 1821, was forged the link that bound the heart of Audubon to the State which was first in his affections, and which he would fain believe might have been the scene of his nativity. Well may the Louisianians of today adopt him as their son, for from that early time he cherished their State as in a pecu- liar sense his own. 314 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST It was a hot and sultry day when our wanderers landed at Bayou Sara," a small settlement at the junc- tion of the sluggish stream which bears that name and the Mississippi, and proceeded to climb to St. Francis- ville, the village a mile away on the hill. Mrs. Pirrie, who seems to have preceded the travelers by carriage, sent some of her servants to relieve them of their lug- gage, which Audubon said they found light. ‘They rested in the village at the house of Mr. Benjamin Swift, where they were invited to stay to dinner, then at the point of being served, but feeling somewhat ill at ease, they thanked their host and again took to the road. Following their leisurely guides, they now traversed a country so new, so strange, and so enchant- ing, that the five miles to the Pirrie house seemed short indeed. “The rich magnolias, covered with fragrant blossoms, the holly, the beech, the tall yellow poplar, the hilly ground, and even the red clay,” to quote Audu- bon’s record made at the time, “all excited my admira- tion. Such an entire change in the face of nature, in so short a time, seems almost supernatural, and sur- rounded once more by numerous warblers and thrushes, I enjoyed the scene.” In passing up the Mississippi from New Orleans, the topography of the country suddenly changes at 4 “Bayou,” in Louisiana, is a term commonly applied to any slow- running stream. According to the tradition gathered on the spot by Mr. Stanley C. Arthur, both stream and settlement were formerly called “New Valentia,” while the present name was derived from an old woman called “Sara,” who many years ago lived at the mouth of the Bayou, where she practiced some sort of spurious physic. St. Francisville, on the hill, re- ceived its name from the circumstance that the brothers of St. Francis, who had a mission at Pointe Coupée, on the opposite bank, were in the habit of ferrying their dead over the river, in order to bury them on the high ground; “Bayou Sara” and “St. Francisville” are used interchange- ably by the inhabitants. See S. C. Arthur (Bibl. No. 230), Times-Picayune, New Orleans, August 6, 1916. BAYOU SARA LANDING, WEST FELICIANA PARISH, LOUISIANA, AT OF BAYOU SARA AND THE MISSISSIPPI RIVER. SCENE ON BAYOU SARA CREEK, AUDUBON’S HUNTING GROUND IN 1821. This and the above after photographs by Mr. Stanley Clisby Arthur, 1916. AUDUBON’S ANEID 315 about this point; in the parish of West Feliciana the alluvial lowlands of the river valley give place to beau- tiful highlands, which still harbor as rich and distinctive a flora and fauna as in Audubon’s day. Following Audubon’s course in June, 1916, or ninety-five years later, Mr. Arthur found the region about St. Francis- ville wonderfully rich in birds, and there noted seventy- eight resident kinds which were seen on the same day, from shortly before noon to seven o’clock in the evening. Upon reaching the plantation house, Audubon and his companion were kindly received by the Scotchman, James Pirrie, who introduced to them his daughter, Eliza, then a beautiful and talented girl of seventeen— “my lovely Miss Pirrie, of Oakley,” as Audubon once characterized her in his journal—who was to become his pupil in drawing, and who, as after events proved, was destined to a romantic and checkered career. The “Oakley” house, which by a strange turn of fortune’s wheel thus became the naturalist’s home in the summer of 1821, has changed but little since that time, but the century that has nearly sped its course has added strength and beauty to the moss-hung oaks which now encompass it and temper the heat of the southern sun in the double-decked galleries which adorn its whole front. Built of the enduring cypress, as my correspond- ent remarks, the house stands as firm and sound as the gaunt but living sentinels of that order which tower from the brake not far away. Audubon spent nearly five months at the Pirrie estate. He worked with great ardor at his Ornithology and produced the originals of many of his plates that were afterwards published, while his assistant, Joseph Mason, who had followed him from Cincinnati, labored with equal diligence at the plants that were chosen as a 316 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST setting for the birds.’” An early drawing of the Chuck Will’s Widow is dated “Red River, June, 1821,” and it is probable that he followed this stream into Arkansas, for on leaving Cincinnati in the autumn of the previous year, he had planned to enter that State, and later ref- erences in his journals clearly imply that this object was attained. Another favorite hunting ground was Thompson’s Creek, and he often recalled its heated banks, where, on a Fourth of July, he once satisfied his hunger by “swallowing the roasted eggs of a large soft shelled turtle.” On August 11, 1821, while Audubon was living at “Oakley,” he made this entry in his journal: Watched all night by the dead body of a friend of Mrs. B ; he was not known to me, and he had literally drunk himself to an everlasting sleep. Peace to his soul! I made a good sketch of his head, as a present for his poor wife. On such occasions time flies very slow indeed, so much so that it looked as if it stood still, like the hawk that poises over its prey. In the same journal also, for August 25, occurs a record which throws light on one of Audubon’s most discussed and questionable pictures, that of the mock- ing-birds defending their jessamine-embowered nest from the sinister designs of a rattlesnake; ** little did he On the original drawing of the Pine-creeping Warbler The Birds of America (Plate cxl), the following legends appear in Audubon’s autograph: “Drawn from Nature by John J. Audubon, James Pirrie’s Plantation, Louisiana, July 10, 1821. Plant, J. R. Mason.” Sixteen of Audubon’s originals, which still bear the designations of time and place, were produced during this interval, in the year 1821; they embrace the Mississippi Kite (Plate cxvii, see Vol. I, p. 228), June 28; Yellow-throated Vireo (Plate cxix), July 11; Red-cockaded Woodpecker (Plate ccclxxxix), July 29; American Redstart (Plate xl), August 13; Summer Red-bird (Plate xliv), August 27; Prairie Warbler (Plate xiv), Sept. 3; and the Tennessee Warbler (Plate cliv), Oct. 17. “The Birds of America, Plate xxi. AUDUBON’S ANEID 317 think at the time how much discord this venomous rep- tile, when coiled in the branches of a tree, could later breed.** The entry was: Finished drawing a very fine specimen of a rattlesnake, which measured five feet and seven inches, weighed six and a quarter pounds, and had ten rattles. Anxious to give it a position most interesting to a naturalist, I put it in that which the reptile commonly takes when on the point of striking madly with its fangs. I had examined many before, and especially the position of the fangs along the superior jaw-bones, but had never seen one showing the whole [of the fangs] exposed at the same time. He then described the generous provision which nature has made to keep the rattlesnake in fighting trim, by giving it a dental arsenal on which it can draw in case of loss; he added that the heat of the day was such that he could devote only sixteen hours to the drawing. At this time Audubon was a handsome and attrac- tive man; his pupil, who did not enjoy the best of health, was attended by a young physician who was also her lover. It is not surprising therefore to learn that jeal- ousy on the part of the doctor led to a misunderstanding, and that the naturalist suddenly made his departure and returned to New Orleans. In recording this incident Audubon could not repress his amusement at the pre- scription of the physician, who ordered the young lady to abstain from all writing and drawing for a period of four months, but meanwhile permitted her to eat any- thing which pleased her fancy, in spite of the relapses of fever that occasionally occurred. Audubon was al- lowed to see her only at appointed hours, as if, he said, he were an extraordinary ambassador to some distant 4 See Chapter XXVIII, p. 72. 318 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST court, and was obliged to preserve the utmost decorum of manner; he expressed the belief that he had not once laughed in the presence of the young lady during the entire term of his tutorial engagement, which lasted from the 18th of June to the 21st of October. Later, in December of the same year, when his former pupil passed him without recognition in the streets of New Orleans, he indulged in the reflection that she had ap- parently quite forgotten the great pains with which at her own request he had done her portrait in pastels, but, thanks to his talents, he thought that he could run the gauntlet of the world without her help.’® At New Orleans Audubon soon found new pupils, particularly through the aid of Mr. R. Pamar and Mr. William Braud,’® who came to his assistance, Mrs. Braud and her son paying him at the rate of three dol- lars for a lesson of one hour. On November 10, 1821, he wrote: Continued my close application to my ornithology, writing every day, from morning until night, omitting no observations, correcting, re-arranging from my notes and measurements, and posting up; particularly all my land birds. The great many errors I found in the work of Wilson astonished me. I try to speak of them with care, and as seldom as possible, knowing the good will of that man, and the vast many hearsay accounts he depended on. * The vivacious Miss Pirrie did not marry the young doctor, but eloped to Natchez with the son of a neighboring planter, who died within a month in consequence of a cold, said to have been contracted when he waded a deep stream with his lady-love in his arms. Audubon’s pupil was thrice married, and bore five children; she died April 20, 1851, and her ashes now rest by the side of her second husband, the Reverend William Robert Bowman, the parish minister at St. Francisville. See Arthur (Bibl. No. 230), loc. cit. *© Mistakenly written “Brand” by Audubon’s biographers, according to Mr. Stanley C. Arthur, who writes that “Braud” is a very common name in New Orleans. ROAD LEADING FROM BAYOU SARA LANDING TO THE VILLAGE OF ST. FRAN CISVILLE, WEST FELICIANA PARISH, LOUISIANA. > “OAKLEY,” JAMES PIRRIE’S PLANTATION HOUSE NEAR ST. FRAN CISVILLE. This and the above after photographs by Mr. Stanley Clisby Arthur, 1916. AUDUBON’S A NEID 319 Again, on the 25th of that month is this entry: Since I left Cincinnati I have finished 62 drawings of birds and plants, 3 quadrupeds, 2 snakes, fifty portraits of all sorts, and the large one of Father Antonio,’ besides giving many lessons, and I have made out to send money to my wife suffi- cient for her and my Kentucky lads, and to live in humble com- fort with only my talents and industry, without one cent to begin on. I sent a draft to my wife, and began to live in New Orleans with forty-two dollars, health, and much anxiety to pursue my plan of collecting all the birds of America. The close of the year 1821 found Audubon teaching a few pupils at New Orleans, where, he said, his style of work and the large prices he received caused him the ill will of every artist in the city. The figure which he cut in the streets, with his loose dress of nankeen and long, flowing locks, made him wish to appear like other people, and he was soon able to rejoice in a new suit of clothes. Though still in need of work, when he was asked to aid in painting a panorama of New Orleans, he refused, begrudging the time, saying that he did not wish to see any other perspective than that of the last of his drawings. Having been from home for over a year, Audubon now wished to have his family about him again.** His Father Antonio de Sedella, popularly known as “Peére Antoine,” after 1791 pastor of St. Louis Cathedral; an idol of the people, but execrated by historians. “This seditious priest is a Father Antoine; he is a great favorite of the Louisiana ladies; has married many of them, and christened all their children; he is by some citizens esteemed an accomplished hypocrite, has great influence with the people of color, and, report says, embraces every opportunity to render them discontented under the American Gov- ernment.” Ewecutive Journal of Governor Claiborne. See Charles Gayarré, History of Louisiana, vol. iv, pp. 154-155 (New Orleans, 1903). 18 This item occurs in Audubon’s journal for October 25; “Rented a house in Dauphine street at seventeen dollars per month, and determined to bring my family to New Orleans.” 320 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST plan did not appeal to his practical wife, who had many friends at Cincinnati, where she was assured of a good income through her teaching; Mrs. Audubon also felt that to be constantly shifting about was anything but favorable to the education of their children. Her re- luctance, however, gave way, and in December she joined her husband in New Orleans, but only to find that the city could afford them no settled means of sup- port. The situation of the Audubon family during the winter of 1821-22 became precarious in the extreme, and for two months Audubon gave up his habit of journal- izing, one reason being that he could not afford the paltry sum necessary to buy a blank book for this pur- pose. Compelled at last to make a new move, Audubon started for Natchez, on the 16th of March, 1822, paying for his passage on the steamer Eclat by doing a crayon portrait of the captain and his wife. It was while going up the river at this time that he opened a chest containing two hundred of his drawings to find them sadly dam- aged by the breaking of a bottle of gunpowder, but the loss then sustained was apparently slight in comparison with that which he had experienced in an earlier disaster. To follow his account of this earlier and better known incident, when leaving Henderson for Philadelphia, he carefully placed all of his drawings in a wooden box and entrusted them to the care of a friend, with in- junction that no harm should befall them; upon return- ing several months later, his treasure chest was opened, but only to reveal that “a pair of Norway rats had taken possession of the whole, and had reared a young family amongst the gnawed bits of paper, which but a few months before represented nearly a thousand inhabi- tants of the air.” The heat that was immediately felt AUDUBON’S ANEID 321 in his head, said the naturalist, was too great to be en- dured, and the days that followed were days of oblivion to him; but upon recuperation he took up his gun, his notebook and his pencils, “and went forth to the woods as gaily as if nothing had happened”; after a lapse of three years his portfolio was again filled, and the earlier work replaced by better. Audubon’s drawings and plates were also repeatedly ravaged by fires, but this was at a much later day. While Audubon was engaged in teaching French, music, or drawing, now to private pupils at Natchez, now in @ school at Washington, Mississippi, nine miles away, the summer of 1822 passed with the outlook as ominous as ever. On August 23 he wrote: “My friend, Joseph Mason, left me today, and we experienced great pain at parting. I gave him paper and chalks to work his way with, and the double barrelled-gun . . . which I had purchased in Philadelphia in 1805.” Mason, who, for a year and nine months, was Audubon’s aid and con- stant companion, seems to have settled eventually as an artist in Philadelphia, where we hear of him in 1824 and again in 1827."° In the following December Audubon received a fresh impetus towards the goal of his ambition by the arrival at Natchez of a traveling portrait painter, named John Stein, who gave him his first lessons in the use of oils; his initial attempt was the copy of an otter from one of his own drawings. Audubon and Stein together later painted a full-length portrait of Father Antonio which was sent to Havana. Artists who have worked long in one medium are not always successful in another, but those who have seen some of Audubon’s later and better works in oil, such as his large canvas of the Wild 19 See Audubon’s letter to Sully, Vol. II, p. 69. 322 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST 20 Turkeys,” must admit that he attained a high degree of skill. As will be seen, this acquisition was a strong string to his bow; when in England his brush helped largely to pay for the issue of his early plates. Mrs. Audubon, who joined her husband in New Orleans on December 8, 1821, soon felt obliged to seek employment. She engaged as nurse or governess in the family of Mr. Braud, presumably the same whose wife and son had received instruction in drawing from the naturalist the previous autumn, and remained with that family until September, 1822, when the death of the child that was placed in her charge left her free to follow her husband to Natchez. After attempting a similar po- sition in the home of a clergyman there and finding it impossible to obtain her salary, in January, 1823, she was invited by the Percys to West Feliciana,”* then a prosperous cotton district, at the apex of the salient made by the neighboring state of Mississippi and bor- dered on two sides by the great river. Her worth was evidently appreciated, for she was encouraged to estab- lish a private school on the Percys’ plantation, which she conducted successfully for five years. Captain Robert Percy, who before coming to Amer- ica in 1796 had been an officer in the British Navy, was living at this time with his wife and five children at their plantation of “Weyanoke,” on Big Sara Creek, fifteen miles from St. Francisville; this town, owing to its large shipments of cotton, was then at the height 20 Naw in the collection of Mr. John E. Thayer, Lancaster, Mass. Mr. Stanley C. Arthur, whose recent visit to this region has already been noticed, gathered there from the lips of old residents, some of whom were descendants of those who had known the Audubons, a store of reliable data by which the history of the naturalist at this important phase of his life is revealed in its true light; to him I am indebted for a series of excellent photographs of the region, its historic houses and people, as well as for much needed information. See Arthur (Bibl. No. 230), loc. cit. AUDUBON’S ANEID 323 of prosperity, and its population no doubt exceeded that of the present day; it now stands at about one thou- sand souls. Letters and journals of the period constant- ly refer to ““Beechwoods,” which was not the mansion house, though it undoubtedly belonged to the Robert Percy estate. There it was that the wife of the natural- ist lived, and there she started her school, for the benefit not only of the Percy boys and girls, but also of a lim- ited number of children of their wealthy neighbors; her own son, John Woodhouse Audubon, then eleven years of age, at this time received instruction at her hands. The parish of West Feliciana, at this early period, was one of the richest cotton-producing sections of the entire State; its care-free planters led an easy life until the “king”? was unceremoniously dethroned by a small, but not insignificant insect which has proved mightier than either fire or sword, namely, the boll-weevil; now many a fine old estate which has languished under the influ- ence of the pest could probably be bought for a song. “Beechwoods,” thus devoted to educational purposes, later came into the hands of Thomas Percy, but the house, like that of ‘““Weyanoke,” was long since burned to the ground. While Mrs. Audubon was establishing her rules and authority at the Percy school, the naturalist was paint- ing with Stein at Natchez, and he remained there with his elder son until the spring of 1823. At this period he wrote in his journal: “I had finally determined to break through all bonds, and follow my ornithological pursuits. My best friends solemnly regarded me as a madman, and my wife and family alone gave me encour- agement. My wife determined that my genius should prevail, and that my fina] success as an ornithologist should be triumphant.” 324 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST In March, 1823, Audubon and friend Stein bought a horse and wagon, and in the hope of raising money through their joint efforts as itinerant portrait painters, set out with Victor on a tour of the Southern States. This venture, however, did not succeed, and after visit- ing Jackson and a number of other towns, they disband- ed at New Orleans. Audubon then started north with his son for Louisville, but upon paying a visit to his wife at the “Beechwoods” school, he was invited by the Percys to remain there for the summer and “teach the young ladies music and drawing.” According to a tradition which has survived among the Percy descendants, Audu- bon spent most of his time in roaming through the woods, but he also taught his wife’s pupils to swim in the large spring house at ““Weyanoke,” where the water could be deepened at pleasure. It was also said that he painted the Wild Turkeys in the woods of Sleepy Hollow near by, but I have already given Audubon’s own record in regard to one of these pictures, and, as Mr. Arthur re- marks, the places in Louisiana where he drew these famous subjects are as numerous as the beds in which Lafayette slept when at New Orleans. Audubon remained with the Percys during the greater part of the summer, or until some misunder- standing arose, when he was again adrift and upon a sea of difficulties. While visiting a plantation near Natchez, both he and Victor were stricken with fever; his faithful wife hastened to them, and after nursing both back to health, she returned with them to the Percy plantation, where they remained from the 8th to the 30th of Sep- tember. In the autumn of 1823 Audubon was determined to visit Philadelphia, in the hope of finding a sponsor for his “Ornithology.” Although the work was then far AUDUBON’S ANEID 325 from ready for publication, he felt that at least he might better his condition, and with this end in view he sent his drawings from Natchez to that city; a hasty visit was made also to New Orleans, for the purpose, no doubt, of obtaining credentials to possible patrons in the East. At last, on October 3, he started with Victor on the steamer Magnet for Louisville. Low water quickly held them up after entering the mouth of the Ohio, and they were obliged to disembark at the little village of Trinity, at the mouth of Cash Creek, the scene of Audubon’s misadventures with Rozier thirteen years before. The remoteness of the situation and the state of their funds, which corresponded with that of the river, left no alternative but to walk, and they under- took to reach Louisville, several hundred miles distant, afoot. Two other travelers joined them, and with Vic- tor, then a lad of nearly fourteen, the party left the creek at noon on October 15 and struck across country through the forests and canebrakes. At Green River, which was reached on the 21st, Victor gave out from sheer exhaus- tion,”* and the remainder of the journey was finished in a Jersey wagon. At length, said Audubon, “I en- tered Louisville with thirteen dollars in my pocket.” At Shippingport, then an independent town at the Falls of the Ohio, he was obliged to settle down for the win- ter. A place for Victor was found in the counting- house of Nicholas A. Berthoud, while the father under- took anything that came to hand, painting portraits, landscapes, panels for river boats, and even street signs, 2 One of the early steamboats on the Ohio that had been built at Pittsburgh, in 1821, by Thomas W. Bakewell, his buother-in-law and former partner. 2 See “A Tough Walk for a Youth,” Ornithological Biography (Bibl. No. 2), vol. iii, p. 371; and “The Hospitality of the Woods,” ibid., vol. i, p. 383. 326 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST so hard pressed was he at times to eke out a subsistence for them both. Yet Audubon was as sanguine as ever, and on November 9 he recorded the resolution “to paint one hundred views of American scenery,” and added: “T shall not be surprised to find myself seated at the foot of Niagara,” a prediction which was fulfilled in the following year. During the winter spent at Shippingport, Audubon lost a gentle friend in Madame Berthoud,” the mother of Nicholas. In his journal for January 20, 1824, we read his emotional words: I arose this morning by the transparent light which is the effect of the moon before dawn, and saw Dr. Middleton passing at full gallop towards the white house; I followed—alas! my old friend was dead! . . . many tears fell from my eyes, ac- customed to sorrow. It was impossible for me to work; my heart, restless, moved from point to point all round the com- pass of my life. Ah Lucy! what have I felt to-day! ... I have spent it thinking, thinking, learning, weighing my thoughts, and quite sick of life. I wished I had been as quiet as my venerable friend, as she lay for the last time in her room. * This lady had a remarkable history. She was the widow of the Marquis de Saint Pie, and was at one time a dame d’honneur of Queen Marie Antoinette; like many others of noble birth, she had fled from Paris during the Revolution, and emigrated to America, where with her husband she assumed the name of Berthoud. Her son, Nicholas Augustus, had married Mrs. Audubon’s sister, Eliza Bakewell, in 1816. CHAPTER XXI DEBUT AS A NATURALIST Audubon makes his bow at Philadelphia—Is greeted with plaudits and cold water—Friendship of Harlan, Sully, Bonaparte and Harris— Hostility of Ord, Lawson and other friends of Alexander Wilson—A meeting of academicians—Visit to “Mill Grove’—Exhibits drawings in New York and becomes a member of the Lyceum—At the Falls of Niagara—In a gale on Lake Erie—Episode at Meadville—Walk to Pittsburgh—Tour of Lakes Ontario and Champlain—Decides to take his drawings to Europe—Descends the Ohio in a skiff—Stranded at Cin- cinnati—Teaching at St. Francisville. In 1824 after five hard years of struggle and em- barrassment, Audubon decided that the time had come to bring his labors to the light of day. At thirty-nine, he read and spoke two languages but was without ade- quate training in either; he had never written a line for publication, and to the scientific world he was a stranger. Though without a definite plan, he cherished the ardent hope of presenting the birds of his beloved America as he had depicted them, to the size of life, and with all the added interest and zest that a natural environment could give them. To Philadelphia the naturalist now turned his steps, for that city was then a Mecca for scientific men. Leav- ing Shippingport in March, he reached the Quaker capital on the fifth day of April. There he purchased a new suit of clothes, and, dressed “with extreme neat- ness,” paid his respects to Dr. William Mease, the one friend there whom he had known intimately in his younger and more prosperous days. It was primarily 327 328 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST through this excellent man’s interest that Audubon met the leading artists and scientific men of the city, in- cluding Thomas Sully, Robert and Rembrandt Peale, Richard Harlan, Charles Le Sueur, and Charles L. Bonaparte, the latter then a rising young ornithologist of one and twenty. It was Bonaparte who introduced Audubon to the Academy of Natural Sciences, where his drawings were exhibited and generally admired. Among his critics on that occasion was George Ord, who from their first interview seems to have looked upon the new luminary with jealous eyes. Whether this was true or not, there is no doubt that Ord became one of his few really bitter and implacable adversaries, and not many days elapsed before Audubon came to feel that many in Philadelphia would be glad to see him return to the backwoods of the Middle West, from which, like an apple of Sodom, he seemed suddenly to have dropped into their midst. Those who were most interested in the continued sale and success of Wilson’s Ornithology, he declared, advised him not to publish anything, and threw not only cold water but ice upon all his plans. Thus began that unseemly rivalry, fos- tered for many years by George Ord in this country, between the friends of Alexander Wilson and those of John James Audubon, the dead embers of which are oc- casionally stirred even to this day.’ Ord, who was about Audubon’s own age, was a quiet, persistent, and unassuming worker, held in high esteem by many of his associates. Audubon seems to have done his best to conciliate him then and at a later day, but all to no purpose; Dr. Harlan once advised him to give up the attempt, since Ord, he declared, had no heart for friendship, having been denied that blessing by *See Chapter XIV. DEBUT AS A NATURALIST 329 nature herself. Ord, as we have seen, had edited the eighth and written the ninth, or concluding, volume of Wilson’s American Ornithology, as well as a life of its author; the appearance of a new star in the ornithologi- cal horizon may not have been a welcome sight. At all events, we soon find him engaged upon a new edition of Wilson’s work. Ord had objected to Audubon’s method of combining plants and other accessories with his drawings of birds, a criticism that in the case of purely technical works could be easily sustained, and some of his later charges, though carried too far, were not wholly without foundation.® Bonaparte,* on the other hand, was captivated by *This was the third edition of the American Ornithology, issued by Messrs. Collins & Company in New York and by Harrison Hall of Phila- delphia, in three octavo volumes, with an atlas of 76 plates colored by hand, in 1828-9. Mr. Hall, who appears to have been the person most interested financially in this edition, was a brother of James Hall, author of a notorious review in which this work was praised at the expense of Audubon, who was viciously attacked (see Bibliography, No. 123). Friends of Audubon repeatedly asserted that as soon as his popularity and success began to check the sales of Wilson’s work, Ord and a few others, aided by interested publishers, began a systematic series of attacks, some notice of which is taken in Chapter XXVIII. 3See Chapter XIV. *Charles Lucien Jules Laurent Bonaparte, Prince of Canino and Musignano, the eldest son of Lucien, and nephew of Napoleon, Bonaparte, was born at Paris in 1803, and died there in 1857. At this time he was settled with his uncle and father-in-law, Joseph Bonaparte, former King of Spain, at Philadelphia, and there and at Bordentown, New Jersey, where Joseph had an estate, he undertook the study of American birds. His best known scientific works are: American Ornithology, or the Natural History of the Birds of the United States, not Given by Wilson, 4 volumes, quarto, with 27 colored plates, Philadelphia, 1825-1833; and Iconographica della Fauna Italica, Rome, 1833-1841. In 1828 he retired to Italy, where he was devoted to literary and scientific pursuits. He was an early sub- scriber to Audubon’s Birds of America, but their relations were somewhat strained on the publication of the Ornithological Biography in 1831 (see Chapter XXIX). Bonaparte later entered politics in Italy, and was leader of the republican party at Rome in 1848 and 1849; after having been expelled from France by the order of Louis Napoleon, he was permitted to return in 1850, and became director of the Jardin des Plantes in Paris. He was a closet naturalist rather than a field student, but did much for the reform of nomenclature. In his Ornithology the number of American birds was raised to 366, nearly one hundred having been added since the 330 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST Audubon’s drawings and anxious to secure his services for his own work, then well in hand. This was the American Ornithology, for which Titian R. Peale was then making the drawings, and Thomas Lawson, who had been Wilson’s engraver, was engaged on the plates; though quite distinct in itself, this was much in the style of Wilson’s earlier work, of which it was virtually a continuation. When Bonaparte introduced Audubon to these men, it is not surprising that the meeting was not productive of the best of feeling on either side. Peale’s stiff and rather conventional portraits of birds naturally failed to awaken enthusiasm in “the trader naturalist,” as some who looked upon him as a rival rather contemptuously called him. The interview with Lawson, if correctly reported by his friend,’ shows that his interest could not have been of the most disinterested sort. “Lawson told me,” said this reporter, “that he spoke freely of the pictures, and said that they were ill drawn, not true to nature, and anatomically incorrect.” Thereupon Bonaparte defended them warmly, saying that he would buy them and that Lawson should en- grave them. “You may buy them,” said the Scotchman, “but I will not engrave them . . . because ornithology requires truth in the forms, and correctness in the lines. Here are neither.” Other meetings are said to have fol- lowed, but to have ended only in mutual dislike. Never- theless, one of Audubon’s drawings was engraved by Lawson and appeared in Bonaparte’s work,® but most work of Wilson was revised by Ord, but he added only two that were new, Cooper’s Hawk, (Accipiter cooperi), named after William Cooper of New York, and Say’s Phoebe (Sayornis saya), dedicated to Thomas Say, and first procured by Titian R. Peale in the Rocky Mountain districts of the Far West. Perhaps his most important technical work, the Conspectus Generum Avium, begun in 1850, was incomplete at the time of his death. 5 William Dunlap, History of the Rise and Progress of the Arts of Design in the United States (Bibl. No. 59), vol. ii, p. 402 (New York, 1834). ®°The Boat-tailed Grackle, vol. i, plate iv. DEBUT AS A NATURALIST 331 of the figures in Bonaparte’s concluding volumes were by the hand of a German named Alexander Rider. It was doubtless a fortunate circumstance that the preju- dice and obstinacy of this overbearing Scot was a bar to any further absorption of Audubon’s talents.” Audubon met at this time a more appreciative en- graver in Mr. Fairman, who urged him to take his draw- ings to Europe and have them engraved in a superior style; on July 12 the naturalist wrote that he had drawn “for Mr. Fairman a small grouse to be put on a bank- note belonging to the State of New Jersey.” By some lucky chance this incident brought him the acquaintance of Edward Harris,* whom he met that summer in Phila- delphia, and who became one of his most constant and disinterested friends. It was Harris who a few days after their meeting took all of the drawings which Au- dubon had for sale and at the artist’s own prices; ° who for years was continually sending him rare or desirable specimens of birds; who accompanied him through the Southern States to Florida in 1837 and on the famous 7™He seems, however, to have supplied Bonaparte liberally with notes, for after devoting fifteen pages to the biography of the Wild Turkey, Audubon said: “A long account of this remarkable bird has already been given in Bonaparte’s American Ornithology, volume I. As that account was in a great measure derived from notes furnished by myself, you need not be surprised, good reader, to find it often in accordance with the above.” Ornithological Biography (Bibl. No. 2), vol. i, p. 16. 8 Edward Harris was born at Morristown, New Jersey, in 1799, where he died in 1863. Without the incentive to earn money or the ambition to acquire fame, he lived the life of a gentleman of leisure, devoted to natural history, to sport and to the cultivation of his paternal acres. He had the gift of friendship, was widely traveled, wrote charming letters, and kept careful records of his observations, but rarely published any- thing. The breeding of fine stock was one of his hobbies, and as a result of a journey to Europe in 1839, when he visited a horse fair in Normandy, he is credited with having first introduced the Norman breed into America. “The beneficent results of his quiet, unobtrusive life,” says an appreciative biographer, “reach down to our time, and, after half a century, we are glad that Edward Harris lived.” See biographical sketch by George Spencer Morris, in Cassinia, vol. vi (Philadelphia, 1902). ®See Chapter XII, p. 179. & Ors é Ate IER. KF Oa SS ee SS fiionn wow ee : Ace eZ acer’ Pa vay oe “e Ah _Pl aire 2 Ap Bini’ Boe A aig Forni nog Ay Cons Jac, fed Cees Be ob st HL Eomed ) atte Lew) tine ow “Coes zz, anee tacks i RSP ge, Pit PAG 2 a ee nae Vg AED Sea Si Ber Se BH fig ETFS eee ae SES a A Zz = PSIG eS = ee en AN EARLY LETTER OF AUDUBON TO EDWARD HARRIS, DATED JULY 14, 1824, av THE BEGINNING OF THEIR LIFE-LONG FRIENDSHIP. From the Jeanes MSS. Audubon’s last letter to Edward Harris, from the same source, is reproduced in Volume II, page 287. 332 DEBUT AS A NATURALIST 333 Missouri River Expedition in 1843. Edward Harris became a patron of science through his friendship with scientific men, and many besides Audubon were indebted to him for judicious advice as well as more substantial benefits. The Academy of Natural Sciences, founded in 1812, was well established at this time, and its rapidly grow- ing Museum was already the largest and most valuable in the New World; ornithology was a favored subject, and the Academy’s roll embraced every American pio- neer worker of note in the entire field of the natural sciences. The following account of a meeting of the Academy, held on October 11, 1825, when Ord presided, has been preserved in a letter of the period: *° A few evenings since I was associated with a society of gen- tlemen, members of the Academy of Natural Sciences. There were present fifteen or twenty. Among the number were Le Sueur, Rafinesque, Say, Peale, Pattison, Harlan, and Charles Lucien Bonaparte. Among this collection life was most strikingly exemplified : Le Sueur, with a countenance weather-beaten and worn, looked on, for the muscles of his ironbound visage seemed as incapable of motion, as those on the medals struck in the age of Julius Cesar. Rafinesque has a fine black eye, rather bald and black hair, and withal is rather corpulent. I was informed that he was a native of Constantinople; at present he lives in Ken- tucky. Dr. Harlan is a spruce young man... . Peale is the son of the original proprietor of the Philadelphia Museum, and one who visited the Rocky Mountains with Major Long; he is a young man, and has no remarkable indications of countenance to distinguish him. Say, who was his companion 20 Written by Dr. Edmund Porter of Frenchtown, New Jersey, to Dr. Thomas Miner of Haddam, Connecticut, on October 25, 1825. See Witmer Stone, “Some Philadelphia Ornithological Collections and Col- lectors, 1784-1850,” The Auk, vol. xvi (New York, 1899). 334 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST in the same expedition, is an extremely interesting man; to him I am particularly obligated for showing me their Museum and Library. I think he told me that their society had pub- lished nine volumes. . . . Bonaparte is the son of Lucien Bona- parte and nephew to the Emperor Napoleon; he is a little set, black-eyed fellow, quite talkative, and withal interesting and companionable. Among the working naturalists at Philadelphia Dr. Richard Harlan was possibly one whose friendship was most valuable to Audubon; the artist from whom he received most encouragement was Thomas Sully, the portrait painter, who took him into his studio and gave him lessons in the use of oils. Sully was one of those who saw the good side of Audubon’s character, discerned his talent, and predicted for him a great future; at a later day Sully was able to rejoice in finding his predic- tion amply fulfilled. Convinced that the advice which Fairman and Bona- parte had given him was sound, Audubon decided to look to Kurope for a publisher of his Birds, and with this end in view, set hard to work at his drawings. “I had some pupils offered,” he said, “at a dollar per lesson; but I found the citizens unwilling to pay for art, al- though they affected to patronize it. I exhibited my “Thomas Sully (1783-1872), Englishman by birth, who had come to America at an early age, and like Audubon had waged a bitter struggle before success was achieved, became one of the first portrait painters of the early American School. In 1831 Sully wrote to Audubon that his success in England and France had charmed all of his friends in America, that it was like a personal triumph to them, and that it would soon silence his few remain- ing enemies; “Be true to yourself, Audubon,” he added, “and never doubt of success.” It has been said that when Audubon first came to Philadel- phia in 1824 he applied to Sully for instruction, saying that he wished to become a portrait painter (see Dunlap, op. cit.); again that he was ready to sell his drawings to the highest bidder; but the records of his journals from 1820 onward are sufficiently consistent to show what his purpose really was. DEBUT AS A NATURALIST 335 drawings for a week, but found the show did not pay, and so determined to remove myself.” Audubon re- mained in Philadelphia until August, and while in doubt as to what step he should take next, he was cheered by a visit to “Mill Grove,” made in the carriage of his Quaker friend, Reuben Haines. To quote his journal: As we entered the avenue, which led to the farm, every step brought to my mind the memory of past years, and I was bewildered by the recollections until we reached the door of the house, which had once been the residence of my father as well as of myself. The cordial welcome of Mr. Wether- ill, the owner, was extremely agreeable. After resting a few moments, I abruptly took my hat and ran wildly to the woods, to the grotto where I first heard from my wife that she was not indifferent to me. It had been torn down, and some stones carted away; but raising my eyes towards heaven, I repeated the promise we had mutually made. We dined at Mill Grove, and as I entered the parlor I stood motionless for a moment on the spot where my wife and myself were forever joined. In this dramatic rehearsal the naturalist clearly im- plies that he was married in the parlor of his own home, but his excellent wife, who was surely in this instance the better authority, explicitly states that their marriage took place in her father’s house at “Fatland Ford.” Since Audubon was in the habit of sending extracts from his journal to his family, it is clear that errors of this sort were the simple result of an impulsive tem- perament; the moment his imagination pictured his wedding as having taken place in his old abode, down went the jotting in the journal, which was written at odd moments anywhere, often at late hours, and with no care in revision or thought of future publication. On August 1, 1824, Audubon recorded in his diary 336 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST that he had left Philadelphia for New York on the day before, “in good health, free from debt, and free from anxiety about the future.” Sully had given him glow- ing letters of introduction to Gilbert Stuart, Washing- ton Allston and Colonel Trumbull, but then as now mid- summer was not a propitious time to find city people at home, and he began to consider the advisability of visiting both Albany and Boston. Alternately elated or depressed by the prospects of the day or the hour, Audubon wrote on August 4 that he had called with a letter of introduction on Dr. Mitchell, who had given him “a kind letter to his friend Dr. Barnes.” This hur- riedly penciled note from the Nestor of American sci- ence of that day has been carefully preserved, and reads as follows: Dr. Samuel L. Mitchell to Dr. Barnes Mr. A. who brings strong testimonial of excellence from our friends in Pha is now sitting with me—I have been de- lighted and instructed by a Display of his Port Folio contain- ing Drawings Done from Life of North American Birds and illustrating the Connect, of ornithology with Botany. he has Superior attainments & skill in the natural sciences which he has cultivated for more than 20 y. he wishes to show his Elegant performances to the Mem- bers of the Lyceum and to be made a Member of that Society— it is his intention to Leave this City for Boston on Sunday morning. Meanwhile I recommend him to your good offices. Yours Truly as ever Sam, L. MircHeti Aug t 4 t 1824 *For the favor of examining a collection of interesting autograph letters written to Audubon in Europe and America, some of which are here reproduced, I am indebted to the kindness of Mr. Henry R. Howland, secretary of the Buffalo Society of Natural Sciences. This note was written on a narrow strip of manila-colored drawing paper. net 4. asthe Bose, Sf oS Tren ahr ete af ct Sp Pore ia wer frend tw PLE nae fatong wih me A Lave Raw Be bigdee wm Incl a Sihhay hao Sox Fe OW corto, Drain Done frome &: American AIS of Bes and Sha cTiatin Th C onnisf> gZ cumethebory sar th Boliery . Ke 2a Sufiarrer COC 0am oP bt AGL be The Retin wt Lente lias at 12—Visit- ed Many Vessels for My Passage and concluded to go in the Ship Delos of Kennebunk Cap® Joseph Hatch bound to Liv- erpool, Loaded with Cotton entirely— The Red River Steam Boat left on her return on Sun- day and I Wrote by her to Thee My Dearest Friend and for- ward? Thee 2 Small Boxes of Flowering Plants— saw, spoke to & walked with Charles Briggs, much altered young man— Lived at New Orleans at G. L. Sapinot in Company with Costé— During My Stay at New Orleans, I saw my old and friend- ly acquaintances the familly Pamar; but the whole time spent *Audubon’s 1826 manuscript journal, which I examined through the courtesy of Miss Maria R. Audubon in 1914, was written, mostly in pencil, in a ruled blank book, of similar size and quality to that used on the Ohio River in 1820-21 (see Note, p. 307), and was illustrated with a number of pencil sketches, chiefly of fishes. On page 2 was a rough out- line sketch of first mate Sam L. Bragdon, of Wells, Maine, reading in the booby hatch; to his kindness Audubon paid a written tribute; there was also a drawing of a “Balacuda [Barracouta] Fish, June 17, 1826;” of a “Shark, 7 ft. long; off Cuba, Jn. 18” (see reproduction); and of a “Dolphin; Gulph of Florida, May 28;” other sketches were of a line or “thread-winder,” a Flying Fish, and outlines of the Cuban coast. Audubon presented a sketch of the “Dolphin” to Captain Hatch, whose vessel, the Delos, went down on the Grand Banks of Newfoundland in the summer of 1831, but not until her crew and valuables had been trans- ferred to another boat that stood by. (For this note I am indebted to Miss Maria R. Audubon.) EARLY UNPUBLISHED DRAWING OF THE “FROG- EATER,” COOPER’S HAWK; “RED BANKS, KY.. NOVEMBER 29, 1810. LoNGEUR TOTAL 19 pouces Potps 1b. 602. QUEUE 12 PENNEs.” Published hy courtesy of Mr. Joseph Y. Jeanes. fe bate, Dr, fe Ve TS ; PENCIL SKETCH FROM AUDUBON’S JOURNAL OF HIS VOYAGE TO ENGLAND IN 1826: “sHArK 7 FEET LONG, OFF CUBA, JUNE 18TH, 1826.” Published by courtesy of Miss Maria R. Auduhon. Pi be oe a Millay eee xs Kind 7 ots Pe GP La pay os ee OE GD ol J-ofloe<) ta.) on, CE) Pee ure emrere eyes (Sot ae) or LE KO FLD ee ae ome 25 (on Pe pee ee ee) ae gy fig alow Pog ay aa ce af Sire ae Re Aloe ww Deg Wes aE aS é igi my PLL a) ce ea ar Gp Gog SI aes mo hee SES afer ek mI— FIRST PAGE OF AUDUBON’S JOURNAL OF HIS VOYAGE FROM NEW ORLEANS TO LIVERPOOL. Reproduced by courtesy of the Misses Florence and Maria R. Audubon 349 350 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST in that City was heavy & dull—a few Gentlemen Call4 to see My Drawings—I Generally Walked from Morning untill Dusk My hands behind me, paying but very partial attention. to all I saw—New Orleans to a Man who does not trade in Dollars or any other Such Stuffs is a miserable Spot = fatigued and discovering that the Ship could not be ready for Sea for several days, I ascended the Mississipy again in the Red River and once more found Myself with my Wife and Child. I arrived at M*S Percy at 3 o’clock in the morn- ing, having had a Dark ride through the Magnolia Woods but the Moments spent afterwards full repaid me—I remained 2 days and 3 Nights, was a Wedding—of Miss Virginia Chisholm with M™ D. Hall & I Left in Company With Lucy M's Percy’’ house at Sun rise and went to Breakfast at My good [friend’s, Augustin Bourgeat]. The captain and mates of the Delos were friendly, and whenever their vessel was becalmed, they would let down a boat so that Audubon could procure the stormy Petrel and numerous other birds which he was anxious to examine in the flesh or depict for his “Orni- thology.” During his long voyage of sixty-five days our adven- turous traveler was alternately elated or depressed by hopes or fears for the future, until land was at last reached on Friday, July 21, 1826. The appearance of Liverpool, said Audubon, “was agreeable, but no sooner had I entered it than the smoke became so oppressive to my lungs that I could hardly breathe.” At the customs he was charged two pence on each of his drawings, “as they were water-colored,” but on his American books he had to pay “four pence per pound,” a circumstance in which he was possibly favored by the following letter which he had brought with him from a friend in New Orleans: TO EUROPE AND SUCCESS 351 Edward Holden to George Ramsden. New Orieans, May 26th., 1826. Grorcr Ramspen, Ese. Dear Sir. The present will be handed to you by Mr. J. J. Audubon of this city, whom most respectfully I beg to introduce to you. The principal object of Mr. Audubon’s visit to England is to make arrangements for the publication of an extensive and very valuable collection of his drawings in Natural History, chiefly if not wholly of American Birds, and he takes them with him for that purpose. Can you be of any assistance to him by letters to Manchester and London? If you can I have no doubt that my introduction of him will insure your best at- tention and services.—Mr. Audubon is afraid of having to pay heavy duties upon his drawings. He will describe them to you, and if in getting them entered Low at the Custom House, or if in any other respect you can further his views, I shall consider your aid as an obligation conferred upon myself. Pray intro- duce him particularly to Mr. Booth, who I am sure will feel great interest in being acquainted with him, were it only on ac- count of the desire he has always expressed to be of service to the new Manchester Institution, to which Mr. Audubon’s draw- ings would be an invaluable acquisition. I am Dr. Sir Yours truly, Epwarp Ho.pen. Among the letters which Audubon carried on this occasion, but which apparently he did not deliver, was the following, addressed by a friend in New Orleans to General Lafayette: ” 2 Addressed “GENERAL LAFAYETTE, Paris ou Lagrange.” Translated from the French original, kindly sent to me by Mr. Ruthven Deane. 352. AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST Louis P. Caire to General Lafayette New Orteans, 15 May, 1826. My pear GENERAL, Monsieur Audubon, after having spent twenty-two years in the United States, is returning to Europe in order to publish a work to which he has devoted his entire life. This distinguished ornithologist, who bears letters from the most eminent citizens of the Union, will find, I trust, the encouragement to which his talents and his perseverance so fully entitle him, and how- ever flattering may be the recommendations which his friends are eager to give him, these are yet, my dear General, beneath his merits. I have presumed to assure him of your patron- age, and in introducing him to you I am convinced that it will be agreeable to you both. Adieu my General: give my kind regards to all your fam- ily, and permit me to embrace you as I love you. Louis P. Carre. Before Audubon left New Orleans, an old acquain- tance, Mr. Vincent Nolte * of that city, had also fur- nished him with credentials, in which it was stated that the naturalist was carrying with him four hundred orig- inal drawings, and that his object was “to find a pur- chaser or a publisher.” “He has a crowd of letters,” continued Nolte, “from Mr. Clay, De Witt Clinton, and others for England, which will do much for him; but your introduction to Mr. Roscoe and others will do more.” ‘This judgment was sound, but the most valu- able letter which Audubon carried proved to be that of Nolte himself addressed to Richard Rathbone, Esq., of Liverpool, for it brought him into immediate friendly relations with an influential family of merchants which also included William Rathbone, a brother, as well as their father, William Rathbone, Senior, whose interest *For an account of Audubon’s meeting with Nolte see Chapter XVIII. TO EUROPE AND SUCCESS 353 in birds had made him in his younger days an amateur collector and student. Seldom has the réle of Mzcenas been played more effectively and with less ostentation than by those intelligent men of affairs, to whom Audu- bon, with his fine enthusiasm and bold literary plans, seemed to embody all the romance of the New World. They stood sponsor for his work and worth, and did all in their power to make their new discovery known. At the home of the senior Rathbone, called ‘“Green- bank,” three miles out of Liverpool, the naturalist was warmly welcomed, and his excellent hostess, Mrs. Wil- liam Rathbone, the “Queen bee,” as he called her, re- ceived from him lessons in drawing and became his first subscriber. At this period Audubon often complained of shy- ness felt in meeting strangers, but his “observatory nerves,” as he said, never gave way. He studied his English friends as closely as he had the birds of Amer- ica, and the results of his shrewd observations were often turied to practical account. That he was as diffi- dent as he declared himself to be may be doubted, for he seems to have met nearly everyone of prominence wherever he went, and a list of his acquaintance at the end of his sojourn abroad would read much like a “Blue Book” of the British Isles. ' At Liverpool Audubon received much assistance also from Edward Roscoe, botanist and writer, Dr. Thomas S. Traill * and Adam Hodgson, who introduced *Dr. Thomas Stuart Traill, after whom one of our common flycatchers was named, was a founder of the Royal Institution at Liverpool, and later a professor of medical jurisprudence at Edinburgh. When the keepership of the Department of Natural History in the British Museum became vacant through the resignation of Dr. Leech in 1822, Dr. Traill supported William Swainson for the position; when George J. Children received the appointment, he was disinclined to accept defeat, and entered upon a crusade against the Museum’s trustees in a series of anonymous articles 354 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST him to Lord Stanley. When he came to write his Orni- thological Biography, these early friends were all pub- licly called by name, and we thus had (though, as it afterwards appeared, in name only) the “Rathbone Warbler,” ® “Stanley Hawk,” “Children’s Warbler,” “Cuvier’s Regulus,” “Roscoe’s Yellow-throat,” “Selby’s Flycatcher,” and_ still possess “Bewick’s Wren,” “Traill’s Flycatcher,’ “Henslow’s Bunting,” © “Mac- Gillivray’s Finch,” and “Harlan’s Hawk,” to cite a few instances of this form of acknowledgment. Within barely a week after landing at Liverpool a total stranger, Audubon was invited to show his draw- ings at the Royal Institution. The exhibition, which lasted a month, was a surprising success; 413 persons, as he recorded, were admitted on the second day, and it netted him one hundred pounds although no charge for admission was made during the first week. Everyone, said the naturalist, was surprised at his appearance, for he wore his hair long, dressed in un- fashionable clothes, rose early, worked late, and was abstemious in food and drink. Shortly after his arrival, contributed to the Edinburgh and Westminster Reviews. Traill’s exposure of the neglect which the natural-history collections had suffered in the custody of the British Museum paved the way to a separate Department of Zodlogy, which in the able hands of John E. Gray, and later in those of Sir Richard Owen, led to the present great Museum of Natural History at South Kensington. 5In dedicating the Sylvia rathbonia Audubon said: ‘Were I at liberty here to express the gratitude which swells my heart, when the remembrance of all the unmerited kindness and unlooked-for friendship which I have received from the Rathbones of Liverpool comes to my mind, I might pro- duce a volume of thanks. But I must content myself with informing you, that the small tribute of gratitude which it is alone in my power to pay, I now joyfully accord, by naming after them one of those birds, to the study of which all my efforts have been directed. I trust that future naturalists, regardful of the feelings which have guided me in naming this species, will continue to it the name of the Rathbone Warbler.” “Named after John Stevens Henslow, Professor of Botany in the University of Cambridge, whom Audubon had met in 1828, when Charles Darwin was still his pupil. TO EUROPE AND SUCCESS 355 his sister-in-law, Mrs. Alexander Gordon, urged him to have his hair cut and to buy a fashionable coat, but he could not then bear to sacrifice his ambrosial locks, which continued to wave over his shoulders until the following March. If we can accept Sir Walter Besant’s characterization of the period, the “long-haired Achean” was no stranger to the streets of London as late as 1837: “brave is the exhibition of flowing locks; they flow over the ears and over the coat-collars; you can smell the bear’s grease across the street; and if these amaranthine locks were to be raised you would see the shiny coating of bear’s grease upon the velvet collar below.” Audubon had not been in England three weeks before he resumed his drawing and painting habits, at first in order to repay his friends for their kindness, and later as a means of support; at times he would devote every spare moment to this work, and he was then able to paint fourteen hours at a stretch without fatigue. On October 2 he recorded that he had made in less than twenty minutes a diminutive sketch of the Turkey Cock from his large twenty-three hour picture. This was for Mrs. William Rathbone, Senior, who later presented it to him in the form of a handsome gold- mounted seal, inscribed with his favorite motto, “Amer- ica, my country.”* The facility which Audubon dis- played in producing his pictures of animal life—Amer- ican wild turkeys, trapped otters, fighting cats, English game pieces, and the like, in a style both novel and indi- vidual, added much to his immediate popularity in Eng- ™This seal, the design of which has since been adapted for a book- plate, was long in use, and though at one time lost, is still in possession of the family. A copy of the large original, which was to serve as his first plate, was presented to the Royal Institution of Liverpool as an acknowledgment of its hospitality, for it had refused remuneration in any other form. 356 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST land, as it later did to his purse. His painting devices are thus referred to in a journal entry for January, 1827: No one, I think, paints in my method; I, who have never studied but by piece-meal, form my pictures according to my ways of study. For instance, I am now working on a Fox; I take one neatly killed, put him up with wires and when satisfied with the truth of the position, I take my palette and work as rapidly as possible; the same with my birds; if practicable I finish the bird at one sitting,—often, it is true, of fourteen hours,—so that I think they are correct, both in detail and composition. When he was painting pheasants and needed a white one as “a keystone of light” to his picture, a nobleman sent word that he would be given “leave to see the pic- tures” in his hall, but this Audubon characteristically refused, being determined to pay no such visits without invitation. On the 10th of September, 1826, Audubon left Liv- erpool, in a hopeful mood, for Manchester, with the in- tention of visiting the chief cities of England and Scot- land. He was fortified with a bundle of letters to a long list of distinguished people, including Baron von Humboldt, General Lafayette, Sir Walter Scott, Sir Humphry Davy and Sir Thomas Lawrence. His first step proved a disappointment, and when he finally left the City of Spindles six weeks later, he found himself poorer than when he had entered it. At Manchester, however, he added to his list of interested friends and possible patrons, and acting upon their suggestion, opened a subscription book for the publication of his long meditated work, to be called The Birds of America. The Rathbones, as well as other friends whose advice TO EUROPE AND SUCCESS 357 he esteemed, tried to dissuade him from the plan of publishing his drawings in their full size, which was that of life, on account of the great expense involved and the enormous bulk such a work would assume; but he could not bring himself to give up the idea, in which he received the support of the London bookseller, Mr. Bohn, who, after seeing Audubon’s drawings reversed his opinion, saying that they must be brought out in their full size, and that they would certainly pay. After coming to England Audubon often thought of the shifting scenes and strange contrasts his life had brought. One day he felt the pinch of poverty, but on the next fared sumptuously at the tables of the rich; now a rambler in the wilds of America, glad to accept the hospitality of the humblest prairie squatter, now the guest of some metropolitan aristocrat. “The squatter,” he said, when writing in England, “is rough, true, and hospitable; my friends here polished, true, and gener- ous. Both give freely, and he who during the tough storms of life can be in such spots may well say that he has tasted happiness.” While at Manchester Audubon was driven to the town of Bakewell, “the spot,” he wrote in deference to his wife, “which has been honored with thy ancestor’s name.” Shortly after, on October 23, he started by stage for Edinburgh, and the distance of 212 miles was covered in three days; the fare was £5 5s. 5d., which he regarded as exorbitant, but he complained not so much of the charge as of the beggarly manner of the drivers, who never hesitated to open the door of their coach and ask for a shilling at the slightest provocation. At Edinburgh Audubon was welcomed so warmly that he began to feel that ultimate success was at last within his reach. Professor Robert Jameson of the 358 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST University did much to make his work known, and in- vited him to codperate in an enterprise upon which he was then engaged; * this was pronounced by Dr. Knox of the Medical School to be a “job book,” but whatever its merits may have been, Audubon decided after due reflection to stand on his own feet. Not long after reaching the Scottish capital, Audu- bon made the acquaintance of Mr. W. Home Lizars, styled “a Mr. Lizard” by a snapshot biographer of a later day, a well known, expert engraver and painter, who engaged in various publishing enterprises. When Audubon had held up a few of his drawings for his inspection, Lizars rose, exclaiming: “My God! I never saw anything like this before.” The picture of the Mockingbirds attacked by a rattlesnake particularly struck his fancy, but when he came to the drawing of the Great-footed Hawks, “with bloody rags at their beaks’ ends, and cruel delight in their daring eyes,” Lizars declared that he would both engrave and publish it. “My. Audubon,” said he, “the people here don’t know who you are at all, but depend upon it, they shall know.” Lizars eventually agreed to engrave and bring out the first specimen number of The Birds of America, and about the 10th of November made a beginning with the first plate. On November 28, 1826, he handed Au- dubon a first proof of the Wild Turkey Cock, a subject chosen to justify the great size of the work, which was to be in double elephant folio, and which in point of size is perhaps to this day the largest extended publica. tion in existence.® This and the second plate, which represented the Yellow-billed Cuckoo *° in the act of ® See Note, Vol. I, p. 375. °The plates as issued, untrimmed, measured 3914 by 2914 inches; see Bibliography, No. 1. See Note, Vol. II, p. 197. Incidentally it may be noticed that the “tiger PLATE 1! yee PES —— é ) oC wh Engraved by WH Lizars Fain’ Wild Mb thet MELEAGRIS GALLOPAV®. Linn Male. Retouched by R-Havell June y L Mf Drawn from nature by J JAudubon F,R,S. BLS Maen toe Mee meacreipernita, TO EUROPE AND SUCCESS 359 seizing a tiger swallowtail butterfly on a branch of the paw-paw tree, were finished by December 10; the first number of five plates was ready some weeks later. Li- zars engraved at Edinburgh the first ten of Audubon’s plates, but most of these were subsequently retouched, colored and reissued by his successor in London, as will presently appear. 7 When Audubon’s pictures were exhibited at the Royal Institution of Edinburgh, their success was imme- diate, and like the appearance of a new Waverley novel, they became the talk of the town; the American woods- man had provided a new thrill for the leaders of fash- ion, as well as for the literati and the scientific men. The “noblest Roman of them all,” Sir Walter Scott, refused to attend, but after having met the naturalist he wrote this in his journal: “I wish I had gone to see his drawings; but I had heard so much about them that I resolved not to see them—‘a crazy way of mine, your honor.’ ” Philaréte-Chasles, a well known French critic of the period, has left the following record” of the effect which this exhibition made on his impressionable mind: We have admired in the rooms of the Royal Society of Edinburgh the public exhibition of [ Audubon’s ] original water- color drawings. A magic power transported us into the for- ests which for so many years this man of genius has trod. swallowtail” in this plate was possibly added for effect, for few of our birds, which habitually hunt moths, ever prey upon butterflies. I have seen the cabbage butterfly and a few of the smaller kinds brought to the nests of the Chebec and Wood Pewee but never a “monarch” or “papilio”; yet some affirm that the Kingbird will attack the “monarch.” “Translated from Etudes sur la Littérature et les Meurs des Anglo- Americains au XIXe siecle, “Audubon,” pp. 66-106 (Paris, 1851). Philaréte-Chasles, who wrote chiefly on American, English and European authors and books, has seventy volumes credited to him in the National Library at Paris. 360 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST Learned and ignorant alike were astonished at the spectacle, which we will not attempt to reproduce. Imagine a landscape wholly American, trees, flowers, grass, even the tints of the sky and the waters, quickened with a life that is real, peculiar, trans-Atlantic. On twigs, branches, bits of shore, copied by the brush with the strictest fidelity, sport the feathered races of the New World, in the size of life, each in its particular attitude, its individuality and peculiarities. Their plumages sparkle with nature’s own tints; you see them in motion or at rest, in their plays and their combats, in their anger fits and their caresses, singing, running, asleep, just awakened, beating the air, skimming the waves, or rending one another in their battles. It is a real and palpable vision of the New World, with its atmosphere, its imposing vegetation, and its tribes which know not the yoke of man. The sun shines athwart the clearing in the woods; the swan floats suspended between a cloudless sky and a glittering wave; strange and majestic figures keep pace with the sun, which gleams from the mica sown broadcast on the shores of the Atlantic; and this realization of an entire hemisphere, this picture of a nature so lusty and strong, is due to the brush of a single man; such an unheard of triumph of patience and genius!—the resultant rather of a thousand triumphs won in the face of innumerable obstacles !” Another French writer *” remarked that Audubon produced the same sensation among the savants of Eng- land that Franklin had made at the close of the eight- eenth century among the politicians of the Old World; his works, he added, should be translated into his native tongue, and produced in a form which would enable them to reach the library of every naturalist in France. One after another the scientific, literary, and arts so- “Pp. A. Cap, in L’Illustration for 1851. Cap’s hint was taken by Eugene Bazin, who translated copious selections from the Ornithological Biography, which were published in two volumes in Paris in 1857 (see Bibliography, No. 38). TO EUROPE AND SUCCESS 361 ,cieties of the modern Athens elected Audubon to honor- ary membership; Combe, the phrenologist and author of The Constitution of Man, examined the naturalist’s head and modeled it in plaster, for of course it proved to be a perfect exemplification of his system; Syme, the artist, did his portrait for Lizars to engrave. Meanwhile the press was giving such flattering accounts of the-man and his work that Audubon confessed that he was quite ashamed to walk the street. At the annual banquet of the Royal Institution, held at the Waterloo Hotel and presided over by Lord Elgin, Audubon was toasted, and it required all his resolution to rise and, for the first time in his life, address a large assembly; this, how- ever, he managed to do in the following words: “Gen- tlemen; my command of words in which to reply to your kindness is almost as limited as that of the birds hanging on the walls of your Institution. I am truly obliged for your favors. Permit me to say; may God bless you all, and may this society prosper.” On the 10th of De- cember he wrote: “My situation in Edinburgh borders on the miraculous,” and he felt that his reception in that city was a good augury for the future. But the life that he was compelled to lead was extremely fatiguing, and he often longed to return to his family and to his favorite magnolia woods in Louisiana. “I go to dine,” he wrote, “at six, seven, or even eight o’clock in the eve- ning, and it is often one or two when the party breaks up; then painting all day, with my correspondence, which increases daily, makes my head feel like an im- mense hornet’s nest, and my body wearied beyond all calculation; yet it has to be done; those who have my best interests at heart tell me I must not refuse a single invitation.” But notwithstanding the tax which society always levies upon the lion’s strength, he wrote almost 362 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST daily in his journal or diary,'* and its pages, from which we have been quoting, became a mirror of all that he saw, heard, or did. Audubon was generous with his time, as with everything else, and would never hesitate to lay aside his own work for the sake of a friend who was eager to acquire his method of drawing. But when his entertainment commenced with an invitation to breakfast, he began to be alarmed at the large share of his working hours which had to be surrendered to his friends. “I seem, in a measure,” he said, “‘to have gone back to my early days of society and fine dressing, silk stockings and pumps, and all the finery with which I made a popinjay of myself in my youth ... It is Mr. Audubon here, and Mr. Audubon there, and I can only hope they will not make a conceited fool of Mr. Audu- bon at last.” In response to urgent appeals he began at this time to contribute to the scientific journals of the Scottish capital, a step which only served to remind him that the rose was more prolific in thorns than flowers. Dr. Brewster, however, in his Journal of Science, and John Wilson in Blackwoods, sang pxans in his praise, and there is no doubt that “Christopher North,” so like and yet so unlike the American woodsman, did much to smooth his path in his own country as well as in Europe. Though keenly feeling the need of literary advice in those early contributions, Audubon was quite shocked at the alterations which Dr. Brewster had made in one of these articles, for though the editor had “greatly im- proved the style,” he had quite “destroyed the matter.” On December 21, 1826, Audubon wrote to Thomas Sully that he would send him a copy of the first number of his Birds, with the request that he forward it in his *See Maria R. Audubon, Audubon and his Journals (Bibl. No. 86). TO EUROPE AND SUCCESS 363 name “to that Institution which thought me unworthy to be a member . . . There is no malice in my heart,” he continued, “and I wish no return or acknowledgment from them. I am now determined never to be a mem- ber of that Philadelphia Society.” Let it be noted, however, that Audubon was elected to membership in the American Philosophical Society, when their recog- nition could no longer be withheld and when mutual animosities had died down. ‘Three days later he re- corded that all of his drawings had been taken from the walls of the Royal Institution, where they had been on exhibition a month, and that he was intending to present to the Society his large canvas of the Wild Tur- keys, for which Galley, the picture dealer, had offered him a hundred guineas on the previous day.** Among Audubon’s early patrons were Lord and Lady Morton, and more than once he was invited to visit them in their beautiful country seat of “Dalma- hoy,” where a large, square, half-Gothic building, crowned with turrets and adorned with all the signs of heraldry, overlooked a beautiful landscape to Edin- burgh, marked by its famous castle, seen in miniature on the horizon, eight miles away. Being somewhat ap- prehensive of meeting the former Chamberlain to the late Queen Charlotte, Audubon had imagined the Earl ** Audubon’s copy of this oil painting remained in the possession of his family until a few years ago, when it was sold for a much greater amount. It now adorns the beautiful ornithological museum of Mr. John E. Thayer, at South Lancaster, Massachusetts; it represents a cock and hen turkey in life size, adapted from the subjects of his two most famous plates, and is in an admirable state of preservation. Mr. Thayer’s collec- tion also embraces Audubon’s large canvas of the Black Cocks, from the Edward Harris estate, a charming study of the Hen Turkey, with land- scape setting, and, also in oils, several smaller panels of Flickers and Passenger Pigeons, which, if not the work of the naturalist, are copies after his originals, and possibly made by Joseph B. Kidd. (See Vol. I, p. 446; and for a notice of Mr. Thayer’s other Audubonian drawings, Vol. II, p. 227, and Appendix II.) 364 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST to be “a man of great physical strength and size”; in- stead, however, he saw a small, slender man, tottering on his feet, weaker than a newly hatched partridge; he welcomed me with tears in his eyes, held one of my hands, and attempted speaking, which was difficult to him, the Countess meanwhile rubbing his other hand. I saw at a glance the situation, and begged he would be seated . and I took a seat on a sofa that I thought would swallow me up, so much down swelled around me. It was a vast room, at least sixty feet long, and wide in proportion, let me say thirty feet, all hung with immense paintings on a rich purple ground; all was purple about me. The large tables were cov- ered with books, instruments, drawing apparatus, a telescope, with hundreds of ornaments. After luncheon Audubon’s “Book of Nature” was pro- duced, and his drawings spread out and admired. Next day the Countess, who was “a woman of superior intel- lect and conversation,” was given “a most unnecessary lesson” in drawing, for, said the naturalist, “she drew much better than I did; but I taught her to rub with cork, and prepare for water-color.” Before he left the Countess wrote her name in his subscription book, and arranged that he should return and resume his instruc- tion. One of Audubon’s early friends at Edinburgh was Captain Basil Hall,’® traveler and writer, who was then about to start on a journey through the United States; he told the naturalist that he was a midshipman on board the Leander ‘when Pierce was killed off New York,” at the time of Audubon’s return with Rozier to America in 1806, when Captain Sammis, upon seeing the British * Basil Hall (1788-1844), noted for his travels in China, Korea, and on the coasts of Chili, Peru and Mexico, visited the United States in 1827- 28; his Travels in North America appeared in 1829. TO EUROPE AND SUCCESS 365 frigate, “wore around Long Island Sound, and reached New York by Hell Gate.” It was at Captain Hall’s home that Audubon met Francis Jeffrey. The indom- itable critic and reviewer was described as “a small (not to say tiny) man,” who entered the room “with a woman under one arm, and a hat under the other.” ‘His looks were shrewd,” said the naturalist, his eyes “almost cun- ning” and though he talked much, he appeared unsym- pathetic. Their meeting was productive of no friendly feelings on either side. : Three months after reaching Edinburgh, the long awaited opportunity of meeting the greatest literary figure of the day came to Audubon unexpectedly, for he did not wish to be introduced in a crowd. Under date of January 22, 1827, he wrote that Captain Hall came to his rooms and said: “Put on your coat, and come with me to Sir Walter Scott: he wishes to see you now.” “In a moment,” said Audubon, “I was ready. . . . My heart trembled; I longed for the meeting, yet wished it over.” When they were ushered into Sir Walter’s study, the great Scot came forward, and warmly pressing the hand of his visitor, said he was glad to have the honor of meeting him. Audubon’s record of the meeting continues: His long, loose, silvery locks struck me; he looked like Franklin at his best. He also reminded me of Benjamin West ; he had the great benevolence of William Roscoe about him, and a kindness most prepossessing. I could not forbear looking at him; my eyes feasted on his countenance. I watched his move- ments as I would those of a celestial being; his long, heavy, white eyebrows struck me forcibly. His little room was tidy, though it partook a good deal of the character of a laboratory. He was wrapped in a quilted morning-gown of light purple silk; he had been at work writing on the “Life of Napoleon.” 366 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST He writes close lines, rather curved as they go from left to right, and puts an immense deal on very little paper... . I talked little, but, believe me, I listened and observed. Two days later Audubon paid Scott a second visit, this time with his portfolio, but little was recorded of this interview other than that it was more agreeable than the first, and that he greatly admired the accomplished Miss Scott, to whom he later sent as a gift the first number of his plates. Audubon’s drawings were ex- hibited at a meeting of the Royal Society over which Sir Walter presided, and Scott was also in attendance at the Royal Institution when Audubon’s large paint- ing of the Black Cocks was shown. “We talked much” on this occasion, said the naturalist, “and I would have gladly joined him in a glass of wine, but my foolish habits prevented me.” This restriction on wine was soon removed, as was that on whisky, whether of the Scotch or Kentucky brand, and during his later life in America Audubon was never a teetotaler by any means. While at the Exhibition Sir Walter pointed to Land- seer’s picture of the dying stag, saying, “many such scenes, Mr. Audubon, have I witnessed in my younger days.” Audubon was doubtless too polite to express an opinion of that popular artist, though of that very pic- ture he had written in his journal three days before that there was no nature in it, and that\he considered it a farce; “the stag,” he said, “had his tongue out, and his mouth shut! The principal dog, a greyhound, held the deer by one ear, just as if a loving friend; the young hunter had laced the deer by one horn very prettily, and in the attitude of a ballet-dancer was about to cast the noose over the head of the animal.” Scott and Audubon were kindred spirits in their love TO EUROPE AND SUCCESS 367 of sport, of wild and untameable nature, as well as of man in his Homeric relation to it. Shortly after their first interview the great Scotsman wrote this handsome tribute in his journal: January 22 [1827].—A visit from Basil Hall with Mr. Audubon, the ornithologist, who has followed that pursuit by many a long wandering in the American forests. He is an American by naturalization, a Frenchman by birth; but less of a Frenchman than I have ever seen—no dash, or glimmer, or shine about him, but great simplicity of manners and behaviour ; slight in person, and plainly dressed; wears long hair, which time has not yet tinged; his countenance acute, handsome and interesting, but still simplicity is the predominant character- istic. Of the later visit of which we just spoke we find this account: January 24.—Visit from Mr. Audubon, who brings some of his birds. The drawings are of the first order—the atti- tudes of the birds of the most animated character, and the situations appropriate; one of a snake attacking a bird’s nest, while the birds (the parents) peck at the reptile’s eyes—they usually, in the long-run, destroy him, says the naturalist. The feathers of these gay little sylphs, most of them from the Southern States, are most brilliant, and are represented with what, were it [not] connected with so much spirit in the atti- tude, I would call a laborious degree of execution. This ex- treme correctness is of the utmost consequence to the natural- ist, [but] as I think (having no knowledge of vertu), rather gives a stiffness to the drawings. This sojourner in the desert has been in the woods for months together. He preferred as- sociating with the Indians to the company of the Back Settlers ; very justly, I daresay, for a civilized man of the lower order— that is, the dregs of civilization—when thrust back on the sav- age state becomes worse than a savage. .. . 368 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST The Indians, he says, are dying fast; they seem to pine and die whenever the white population approaches them. The Shawanese, who amounted, Mr. Audubon says, to some thou- sands within his memory, are almost extinct, and so are vari- ous other tribes. Mr. Audubon could never hear any tradition about the mammoth, though he made anxious inquiries. He gives no countenance to the idea that the red Indians were ever a more civilized people than at this day, or that a more civilized people had preceded them in North America. He refers the bricks, etc., occasionally found, and appealed to in support of this opinion, to the earlier settlers,—or, where kettles and other ‘utensils may have been found, to the early trade between the Indians and the Spaniards. Audubon was anxious to receive a written recom- mendation from the great “Wizard of the North” touch- ing the merits of his work, the publication of which had just begun, but Sir Walter Scott sensibly demurred, on the ground that his knowledge of natural history was insufficient to qualify him to pass expert judgment. “But,” he added, “I can easily and truly say, that what I have had the pleasure of seeing, touching your talents and manners, corresponds with all I have heard in your favor; and I am a sincere believer in the extent of your scientific attainments.” While Audubon was playing the réle of society’s pet lion at Edinburgh in the winter of 1827, he was painting to meet the expense of engraving his first plates, and writing at odd times of the day or night. On February 20 he recorded that his paper on the “Habits of the Wild Pigeon of America” was begun on the previous Wednesday, and finished at half past three in the morning; so completely, said he, was he trans- ported to the woods of America and to the pigeons, that his ears “were as if really filled with the noise of TO EUROPE AND SUCCESS 369 their wings”; yet he added that were it not for the facts it contained, he would not give a cent for it, “nor any- body else, I dare say.” Four days later, at the Wer- nerian Society, he read his paper on the rattlesnake, but the torrent of abuse which soon rewarded his efforts in this direction finally led him to reserve all literary efforts for a future and more propitious time.’ A large painting begun in January of this year, called “Pheasants attacked by a Fox,” was probably a variant of the “Pheasants attacked by a Dog” (illus- trated at page 394), the original of which is now in the American Museum of Natural History, New York City. This canvas, which was exhibited by the Scottish Society of Artists in February, 1827, measured nine by six feet, and was the largest piece he had ever attempted. “Sometimes I like the picture,” he said, and “then a heat rises in my face and I think it a miserable daub.” “As to the birds,” he added, “so far as they are con- cerned I am quite satisfied, but the ground, the foliage, the sky, the distance, are dreadful.” 17 In the spring of 1827 Audubon enjoyed the novel sensation of going to church in a sedan chair, and of hearing Sidney Smith preach. “He pleased me at times,” he said, “by painting my foibles with care, and again I felt the color come to my cheeks as he por- trayed my sins.” Later there was an opportunity to meet the famous preacher with his fair daughter, and to show them his drawings of American birds. The following letter ** was sent at this time to his wife in America: 1°See Chapter XXVIII. Maria R. Audubon, op. cit., vol. i, p. 204. Which I owe to the kindness of his granddaughter, Miss Maria R. Audubon; it is superscribed “Mrs. Audubon, St. Francisville, Bayou Sarah, Louisville, p Wm Penn;” it reached New Orleans on June 13, and is endorsed as answered on June 23. 370 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST Audubon to his Wife EprnsurcH March 12th 1927, My Dearest Frienp I am now proud that I can announce thee the result of the last meeting of the Royal Society of Edinburgh. I was unanimously elected a Foreign Member of that Institution on the 5%2 Instant and am at last an F. R. S. —Wilt thou not think it wonderful; to me it is like a dream, and quite as much so when I see the particular attentions paid me by all ranks of the best Society. On the 6t4 I received the official Letter from the Secretary with the seal of the Society and the arms of Scotland—this along with my other diplomas and Letters, I assure thee enable me to be respected and well received in any portion of the Civilized World. Sir Walter Scott has also been so kind as to give me a Letter that I may exhibit wherever I may go=I have Two Letters from him very kind—all this I think will afford thee great Pleasure. I am now preparing to leave Edinburgh and will do so in a few days, I am now anxious to visit London as soon as I possibly can, and yet want to spend a few days at New Castle, York, Liverpool, Dublin, then back again to England, go by Cambridge and Oxford.—If I meet the success that I expect in that Tour it is very probable that soon after my reaching London, I will write for thee to Come, and when I do so, my Lucy may come without the least Hesitation for I will then be ready to receive her! Since my last of the 224 of February, I have received thine of the 31t of December, 34 of January and 8t of D2 this last mostly John’s, I am particularly glad that thou hast left the Beech Woods, yet thou might as well have given me at once thy good reasons for doing so. I hope that at this Instant that I am writing, thou art snug and comfortably settled afresh. The Trees and Segments have not yet arrived, but I hope to hear soon that they have—I have not a word about the Seeds reaching yet. do my Love always say by what vessel any thing comes. as John as concluded to take Lessons of Music TO EUROPE AND SUCCESS 371 I have no wish to sell my Gun but wish to give it him as his ow[n] in Fee Simple, as soon as he deserves it from thy own Hands. May God bless him!—if all continues well with me Victor and him may rise to eminence and therefore try Johny’s Spunk, do beg or make him draw all kinds of Limbs of Trees or Flowers for me and whenever he kills a bird of any kind tell him to measure the Guts particularly and make a regular list of the names of the Birds, length and thickness of those Guts and their contents= I wrote a long letter to each Victor and N. Berthoud on the 27 February, but not a word from either of them as yet reached me. I was quite shocked to see thy last letter of the 8th of January without the print of thy new Seals, I am quite frightened at thy watch not having reach! thee, yet I hope every new Letter will bring me better tidings. I now collecting Let- ters from all my Friends here and will have God knows enough of them. I only hope I may soon be in a regular way of making a comfortable living for ourselves all: All the papers and books I send thee mention my name. My work is look? upon as unrivalled in any Country, I will soon know how it will pay.—I can only add that I will write to thee from all the places I visit—Let Victor have a copy of this= Collect all kinds of Curiosities whatever—try to send or bring with thee but send first if Possible Live Birds of hardy kinds such as Blue Jays by THEmsetves. Red Birds D°. red wing4 Starling D°, Partridges &° &{—present my humble respects to ME & M?S Johnsons an remembrances to good Friend bourgeat —try to send me an account of the growing of Cotton from A to Z, written by an able Planter—I wish thee to make regu- lar memorandums thyself respecting all about Habits & Lo- calities &° &—thou wilst scarce believe that this day there [are] in many places 16 feet of snow. the weather has been tremendous—yet with all this no Invitation is ever laid aside 2 John Woodhouse Audubon at this time was in his fifteenth year, and this injunction regarding the internal anatomy of birds, to which ornitholo- gists had hitherto paid but little attention, was given three years before his father made the acquaintance of MacGillivray. (See Chapter XXX.) 372, AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST and the other evening I went to Diner in a Hackny Coach drawn by 4 Horses, and to church on Sunday last in a Sedan chair to hear the famous Sidney Smith. curious diferences of manners here I assure thee. I have seen and know personally all the great men of Scot- land and many of England. What a curious interesting book a Biographer—well acquainted with my Life could write, it is still more wonderfull and ex- traordinary than that of my Father! Fear not my connecting myself in any way with Charles M. he is a mere worm on the hearth, and since he has abandoned his Grand Flora is out of my books—it has perhaps been an error in our Lives that thou didst not come with me. So much indeed do I now think so that I have advised Cap? Hall to take his Lady and child with him. be sure to pave the way for them to Judge Mathews and N. Berthoud to whom I have given him letters to.—I send thee his Travels, read his interview with Napoleon; I write my Journal every day, it seems that that portion of it forward4 thee long ago as never reach4 thee as thou dost not mention it. I am sorry for all these little mis- fortunes and can hardly a/c for them. I have not heard from H. Clay but will refresh his memory, I hope at the same time to receive a Letter from the President—TI hope this day the last beautiful broach I sent thee as a new Years gift is shining on thy bosom, as I have witnessed the brightness of thy own sweet Eyes. oh my Lucy what would I give now in my possession for a kiss on thy Lips and God for ever bless thee thine Husband and Friend for ever— Joun J. AupuBon F. R. 5. E. Fellow Royal Society Edinburgh— F, A. S.— D? D2 D2 antiquarians— M. W. S. N. H.—Member Wernerian Society of Natural His- tory M. 8. A.— D2 = Society of Arts of Scotland— M. P. L. S.— De ~—s Philosophical & Literary Society Liverpool M. L. N. Y.— D2 = Lyceum of New York. TO EUROPE AND SUCCESS 373 My Dear Jonn— I am very thankfull to you for your Letters con- tinue to write from time to time, draw, and study music closely, there is time for all things—I give you my Gun with all my Heart best wishes, but earn it at your Dear Mamma’s will—God bless You— Your Father and Friend— Joun J. AupuBON At Edinburgh Audubon met a young landscape painter, Joseph B. Kidd, and the two worked together for some time, Kidd receiving instruction in animal painting and Audubon hints on the treatment of his landscapes, which had always been a source of trouble to him. Kidd was Audubon’s Edinburgh agent for a time, and later entered upon the ambitious project of reproducing all of his birds in oils, as will be noticed later.”° On March 17, 1827, when the second number of his Birds was in preparation, Audubon boldly issued his “Prospectus,” contrary to the advice of some of his friends, who could see only egregious folly in such an undertaking and regarded it as foredoomed to failure. As everybody knows, it is easier to say things than to do them, but all these friendly critics sang a different tune later on, when they had seen more of the indom- itable will and self-reliance of the man, who was to carry steadily forward to a successful issue a work which was in press nearly twelve years and which cost over $100,000 to produce. In Audubon’s original prospectus of The Birds of America the specifications as to the form, size, and cost of the work, which had been determined for some months, underwent little 2 See Chapter XXV. 374 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST change in subsequent editions of this printed state- ment.” Audubon left Edinburgh for London on April 5, 1827, with locks shorn but energy unabated. He fol- lowed a roundabout course, visiting Belford, “Mitford Castle,’ Newcastle-upon-Tyne, York, Leeds, Liver- pool, and Shrewsbury, at every point extending his ac- quaintance, showing his drawings to many, and adding appreciably to his growing list of subscribers. Several days were spent in hunting and drawing birds with the Selbys, at their beautiful country place called “Twizel House,” at Belford, in Northumberland, where he was soon made to feel as much at home as with his older Liverpool friends, the Rathbones, at “Green Bank.” P. J. Selby, after whom Audubon named a Flycatcher which appeared in his second number, was an amateur artist and ornithologist, and at that time was engaged upon an extensive publication to which Audubon was 21The work, as originally announced, was to appear in parts of 5 plates each, at 2 guineas a part, and in order to distribute the expense to purchasers it was expected to issue but 5 parts a year. The plates, to be engraved on copper, were of double elephant folio size, and printed on paper of the finest quality, all the birds and flowers to be life-size, and to be carefully colored by hand, after the originals; any subscriber was at liberty to take a part or the whole. It was stated in the prospectus of 1829, when 10 parts had been published: “There are 400 Drawings, and it is proposed that they shall comprise Three Volumes, each containing 133 Plates, to which an Index will be given at the end of each, to be bound up with the volume. ... It would be advisable for the subscriber to procure a Portfolio, to keep the Numbers till a volume is completed.” To avoid the expense entailed by copyright regulations in England, indices and all other letterpress were eventually omitted; the number of parts was extended to 87, or 435 plates, and the number of volumes to 4, a necessity imposed by the discovery of many new birds, even after the omission of the figures of the eggs, which Audubon had reserved for the close, and the undue crowding of many of his final plates. The “Prospectus” issued with the first volume of the text in 1831 contained a list of the first 100 plates, together with extracts of reviews by Cuvier and Swainson, and a list of subscribers to the number of 180. For further details, see Bibliography, No. 1, and Appendix III, No. 2. TO EUROPE AND SUCCESS 375 invited to contribute, a single volume of plates and text having then been published.?? At Newcastle, where Audubon spent a week, he saw much of its grand old man, Thomas Bewick, “the first wood cutter in the world,” and conceived a deep regard for him, which he afterwards expressed in one of his “Episodes.” As they parted, this great son of nature held him closely by the hand, and for the third time repeated, “God preserve you!” “I looked at him in such a manner,” said Audubon, “that I am sure he understood I could not speak.” * Illustrations of British Ornithology, by Prideaux John Selby. The British Museum copy of this work is in two large folio volumes (measur- ing about 2514 by 2014 inches), and was issued originally in numbers which appeared at irregular intervals. Vol. I, plates i-iv (of bills, heads, and feet), i-c (of land birds); most of the plates are by Selby, and many were etched by him and autographed, 1819-1821; plates xiv, xvi, and xx are by Captain R. Mitford, whose home, “Mitford Castle,” near Morpeth, Northumberland, was visited by Audubon in April, 1827; published at Edinburgh by Archibald Constable & Co., and by Hurst, Robinson & Co., London, 1825 (?)-1827. Volume II, plates i-ciii; printed for the Proprietor & published by W. H. Lizars, Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown, Green & Longman, London; and W. Curry, Junr. & Co., Dublin, MDCCCXXXIV. Quaritch, in offering a copy in 1887, at £55, stated that there were 383 figures, in 221 colored plates, and that the pub- lished price was £105. Newton (Dictionary of Birds, p. 27) says that the first series of these “Illustrations” was published in codperation with Sir William Jardine, in 3 volumes of 150 plates, in 1827-1835, after which a second series was started by them, and completed in a single volume of 53 plates, issued in 1843.. This was the “job book” mentioned earlier in this chapter (see p. 358), but neither Jardine’s nor Jameson’s name is mentioned in the volumes which I have examined. In a letter to Audubon, dated “Sept. 13h 1830 Twizel [1?] House,” and postmarked “Belford,” Selby said: “I expect to bring my own work to a conclusion during the course of this winter having only the plates of another Number to finish. I am happy to add that the Work is doing well & is more than paying itself. The second Vol: of letter press will appear with the last No.” Two volumes of text were published in 1825 and 1833 respectively; the first, after readjustment to fit the “quinarian doctrine,” to which Selby was a temporary convert (see Vol. II, p. 94), was issued in a second edition at London, in 1841; the second volume bore the imprint of Lizars, who soon after began to work for Audubon. Selby’s plates were for the most part rather crudely drawn, etched and colored, and could be commended only as the work of amateurs who strove for accuracy. 376 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST As he proceeded southward, his subscription list augmented apace, Manchester alone giving him eighteen new names, and he began to feel more sanguine of suc- cess, if, he added, “I continue to be honest, industrious, and consistent.” CHAPTER XXIII AUDUBON IN LONDON Impressions of the metropolis—A trunk full of letters—Friendship of Children—Sir Thomas Lawrence—Lizars stops work—A family of artists—Robert Havell, Junior—The Birds of America fly to London— The Zoological Gallery—Crisis in the naturalist’s affairs—Royal patronage—Interview with Gallatin—Interesting the Queen—Desertion of patrons—Painting to independence—Personal habits and tastes— Enters the Linnean Society—The White-headed Eagle—Visit to the great universities—Declines to write for magazines—Audubon-Swain- son correspondence—“Highfield Hall” near Tyttenhanger—In Paris with Swainson—Glimpses of Cuvier—His report on The Birds of America—Patronage of the French Government and the Duke of Orleans—Bonaparte the naturalist. Audubon reached London on May 21, 1827, and put up at the “Bull and Mouth” tavern, but soon moved into more permanent lodgings at number 55 Great Russell Street, near the British Museum. Though for a long time eager to see the capital, no sooner had he reached it than he was anxious to be away and more homesick than ever for his family and his beloved America. London then seemed to him “like the mouth of an immense monster, guarded by millions of sharp- edged teeth,” from which he could escape only by miracle. He had brought with him a formidable array of letters addressed to the élite of the capital,’ and he bore * Among the sixty or more persons to whom Audubon carried written credentials at this time were the following: the Duke of Northumberland, Robert Peel, Sir Humphry Davy, Sir J. D. Aukland, Albert Gallatin, the American Minister, Sir Thomas Lawrence, David Wilkie, Dr. Buck- land, Dr. Holland, Dr. Roget, Dr. Wollaston, William Swainson, Sir William Herschel, and his son, afterwards Sir John Herschel, John George Children, R. W. Hay, N. A. Vigors, Captain Cook, John Murray and Robert Bakewell (see Vol. II, p. 134). ‘377 378 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST besides nearly a trunkful for the Continent, as well as general letters from Henry Clay, Andrew Jackson and others in America for our consular and diplomatic rep- resentatives in Europe. His epistolary basis for the acquisition of useful acquaintances could hardly have been better, and further testimonials were gathered at every stage of his progress to the city of his hopes, but Audubon’s best letter of credit, which could be read by all the world, was an open, winning countenance. After he had wandered over London for the greater part of three days without finding a single individual at home, he was tempted to consign his valuable documents to the post, an error which he did not repeat, as it deprived him of the acquaintance of fully one-half of the people to whom they were addressed. One of these London letters which follows, written by Captain Basil Hall to John Murray, the noted publisher and founder of the Quarterly Review, is particularly interesting in show- ing that Audubon was far from pleased with the prog- ress of his work in Edinburgh, and that he was then contemplating a change which was later effected. Basil Hall to John Murray Epins 23rd Feby. 1827 My Dear Sir This will be delivered to you by my friend Mr John Audu- bon, an American Gentleman who has been residing here this winter, & I beg in the most particular manner to introduce him to your acquaintance and to ask for him the advantage of your good offices. Mr Audubon has spent [a] great part of his life in making a collection of drawings of the Birds of North America, & in studying their Habits, with the intention of publishing a Com- plete Ornithology of America. For such a work his materials, both in the shape of drawings and of written notes, are immense ma AUDUBON IN LONDON 379 and he is now going to London in order to set this gigantic work in motion. Mr Audubon, however, is not very well versed in the details of such matters, & therefore I beg of you to have the goodness to aid him with your advice on the occasion—to introduce en- gravers printers & so forth to him, and generally speaking to put him in the way of bringing out his work in an advantageous manner to himself. I trust all this will give you no more trouble than you will be willing to take at my earnest solicitation. I remain Ever, My Dear Sir, Most Sincerely Yrs Basiu Hatt. Joun Murray Esqr Audubon carried also a long letter from “Mr. Hay,” * dated at “16 Athol Crescent, Edinburgh, 15 March, 1827,” and addressed to the care of his brother, Robert William Hay, of Downing Street, West, in which this curious statement occurs: ‘‘Mr. A. is son of the late French Admiral Audubon, but has himself lived from the cradle in the United States, having been born in one of the French colonies.” The document which was to prove of greatest service to him, however, was addressed to John George Chil- dren,* then in charge of the Department of Zodlogy in ? Probably the same that is referred to in his journals as “Mr. Hays, the antiquarian.” *J. G. Children (1777-1852) was early interested in chemistry, and at Tunbridge built a good laboratory, in which Humphry Davy con- ducted many of his early experiments, and while there was seriously in- jured in October, 1812. In 1824 Children discovered a method of extract- ing silver without the use of mercury. When Mr. Children, Senior, be- came insolvent through the failure of his bank, his son obtained a position at the British Museum; in 1816 he was librarian in the Department of Antiquities, but in 1823 he was transferred to a post in zodlogy which was eagerly sought by William Swainson; he was secretary of the Royal Society in 1826-27, and again in 1835-37. He resigned his position at the Museum in 1840, when Swainson was again an unsuccessful candidate, and 380 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST the British Museum and secretary of the Royal Society. Children assumed the management of Audubon’s work when he returned to America in 1829 and again in 1831; to him and Lord Stanley, in 1830, the naturalist probably owed his nomination to membership in the Royal Society. Soon after reaching London Audubon paid his re- spects to Sir Thomas Lawrence, for whom he had two letters, and made an appointment for showing his work to this famous artist. He was also gratified to receive the subscription of Lord Stanley and of Charles Lucien Bonaparte, who was then in London. Audubon had not been in London a month before word was received from Lizars that all his colorers had struck work and that everything was at a stand. Ac- cordingly, he began to search London for skilled work- men, and on June 18 wrote: “I went five times to see Mr. Havell, the colorer, but he was out of town. I am full of anxiety and greatly depressed. Oh! how sick I am of London!” Three days later another discour- aging letter came from Lizars, who shortly after threw up his contract and left his patron in a sad predica- ment—with an enormously expensive work, still-born, on his hands, without adequate funds, and, in short, with all his cherished plans suspended in mid-air. Audu- bon no doubt realized that if his grand undertaking were to succeed at all, it must experience a new birth in London, where an expert engraver of the requisite enterprise and zeal must be found without delay. He closed his journal on the second day of July with the was succeeded by J. E. Gray (see Vol. I, p. 353). Children was not a pro- ductive zodlogist, but has been described as a lovable soul, who was never soured by illness or other misfortunes, and who was as zealous in his friend- ships as in science. See “A. A.” (Anna Atkins), Memoir of J. G. Children, Esq. (Bibl. No. 175). « SS es \@Oz cap (onrezmat prawires ) see Zw S> JOHN JAMES AUDUBON, LFillow of the Royal Societies of London &Lainburgh and of the Linncrawd Loologtial. Sccictes of London Member of the Natural Liistory Soticty of Faris. oS the Lyceum of New Xork, o be Polosophical Society and the Academy of Nataral Sciences of Tirludephia, GF lhe Natural History Socwety Go Goston of Charleston. ke. ke Le, = OLI~0) ee ane) Published by’ the Author. Vol. II. 1831. 34. TITLE PAGE OF THE ORIGINAL EDITION OF “THE BIRDS OF AMERICA,” VOLUME u, 1831-1834. 381 382 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST remark that he was too dull and mournful to write a line, and it was not opened again for nearly three months. This gap in Audubon’s record can now be filled in reference to some important particulars, for in the in- terval he made his greatest discovery in England, in Robert Havell, Junior, then a young and unknown artist of thirty-four, who through eleven years of the closest association with his new patron was to become one of the greatest engravers in aquatint the world has ever seen. Until recently the intimate story of Audu- bon’s relation to the Havells has been much obscured.* The reference in the journal record of June 19, just given, was undoubtedly to Robert Havell, Senior, who for many years was associated with his father, Daniel Havell, the first of five generations of artists of that name, in the engraving and publishing business, but who at this time was established independently at 79 Newman Street, London; he also conducted a shop called the “Zodlogical Gallery,” at which were sold en- gravings, books, artists’ materials, naturalists’ supplies, and specimens of natural history of every sort. His three sons, Robert, George, and Henry Augustus, all became artists, but the eldest, who bore his father’s name, was educated for a learned profession. Contrary to his father’s injunctions and advice, Robert, who was bent on becoming an artist, abruptly left his home in 1825, determined to shift for himself. He began with an extensive sketching tour on the River Wye, in Mon- mouthshire, and produced numerous paintings which, *In the account which follows, as well as in numerous instances in Chapter XXXII, I am most indebted to George Alfred Williams, who in “Robert Havell, Junior, Engraver of Audubon’s The Birds of America,” (Bibl. No. 232) (Print-Collectors Quarterly, vol. vi, no. 3, pp. 225-259, Boston, 1916), has given the only satisfactory account of the Havell family and the best analysis of the work of the great engraver. AUDUBON IN LONDON 383 as his biographer remarks, display all the charm found in the work of his distinguished cousin, William Havell. These won immediate recognition in London, where he received commissions from various publishers, includ- ing the house of Messrs. Colnaghi & Company. Robert Havell, Senior, then in his fifty-eighth year, though deeply interested in Audubon’s adventurous plans, felt himself too old to embark on so extended a work, which it was then believed would require from fourteen to sixteen years for completion; he volun- teered, however, to do his best to find a substitute. With this in view, he applied to Mr. Colnaghi, the pub- lisher, and was immediately shown the unsigned proof of a beautiful landscape, exquisitely drawn and en- graved by one of the youthful retainers of his estab- lishment. The elder Havell, after scrutinizing it care- fully, exclaimed, “That’s just the man for me!” “Then,” replied the publisher, ‘“‘send for your own son!” Through this singular coincidence, father and son be- came reconciled and a partnership between them was soon announced. As a test of young Havell’s skill, to follow the story of his biographer, Audubon gave him his drawing of the Prothonotary Warbler, which had already been engraved and issued by Lizars as Plate iii of The Birds of America earlier in that year. MHavell finished the engraving in two weeks, when a proof was struck and the naturalist summoned. Audubon examined the print with the utmost keenness and deliberation; then he seized the sheet, and holding it up, danced about the room, calling out in his French accent: “Ze jig is up, ze jig is up!’ The Havells, who at first thought this might signify disapproval, were quickly disabused when Audubon approached young Robert and, throw- 384 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST ing his arms about his neck, assured him that his long- sought engraver had been found at last. Having given this story, I wish it were possible to confirm it, but a close examination of this plate proves either that the story is a fiction, or that some other drawing was used as a test of Havell’s skill.° The part which this interesting family played in Audubon’s success will be unfolded later.° Suffice it now to say that Messrs. Robert Havell & Son, in Lon- don, undertook afresh the production of The Birds of America in the summer of 1827. The partnership was divided or dissolved in 1828, when Robert, junior, who from the first did all of the engraving, took entire charge of that part of the business, and moved his en- graving establishment around the corner to 77 Oxford Street; there it remained until broken up in 1838. Rob- ert Havell, Senior, continued in charge of the printing and coloring until 1830, when he seems to have per- manently retired, two years before his death in 1832, events which, as will be seen, are indirectly registered in the legends of some of Audubon’s plates.’ *Mr. Charles E. Goodspeed, who recently sent me two of the original plates of the Prothonotary Warbler, one bearing the legend “Engraved by W. H. Lizars Edinr,” and the other, “Engraved, Printed & Coloured, by R. Havell Junr,” called attention to the identity of the two engravings. That these two impressions are absolutely identical in aquatint and line is proved by applying a magnifying glass to any part of their surfaces, and by counting and comparing the lines or dots within any selected area what- soever; in short, they differ only in their legends, and in the coloring which was applied by different hands. That such methods should have been adopted for excluding Lizars’ name is certainly surprising. In the first or Edinburgh impression of Lizars’ original plate, the artist’s legend reads: “Drawn by J. J. Audubon M. W. S.,” and names of bird and plant appear at the bottom of the plate in three lines: “PROTHONOTARY WARBLER. Dacnis protonotarius. Plant Vulgo Cane Vine.” In the London edition the corresponding designations are: “Drawn from nature by J. J. Audubon F, R, S. F, L, S.,” and PROTHONOTARY WARBLER. Sylvia Protono- tarius. Lath, Male. 1. Female, 2. Cane Vine.,” in four lines. °See Chapter XXXII. 7 See ibid. “ANVIL AM GdddV SVM TOL SD N1YO'IOO dH. OL Td ONTAG AONAUTIAIG DNAUVddV ANV SONIAVUDNGA JO TIVLAG UAHLO AUTADT NI IVOMNACL Lag *(LHOLy) ‘ac STISAVH = Luadou aNXv (Lag) SUVZI1T ‘H ‘AM SYUAAVUDNA MIL JO SQNADAT AML ONIUVAG SIX ALVTId «CVORIAITY JO SGU ILL, “SaLWId UAINUVA AUVLONOILLOUd dILL : a Ariseran a parses AUDUBON IN LONDON 385 Under the younger Havell’s guiding hand, Audu- bon found that his illustrations could be produced in better style, more expeditiously, and at far less cost than in Edinburgh. When Lizars was later shown the third number which the Havells had produced, he called his assistants and observed how completely the London workmen had beaten them; he even offered to resume work on the engraving and at Havell’s price, but Audu- bon was averse to further experimenting. “If he can fall,” said he, “twenty-seven pounds in the engraving of each number, and do them in a superior style to his previous work, how enormous must his profits have been; a good lesson to me in the time to come, though I must remember Havell is more reasonable owing to what has passed between us in our business arrange- ments, and the fact that he owes so much to me.” This characteristic note was sent from Liverpool, December 6, 1827, to his agent, Daniel Lizars, father to W. H. Lizars, at Edinburgh: I will not ask if you have any new name for me, as I might be disappointed were I to expect an affirmative answer. If you see Sir Wm. Jardine tell him that Charles Bonaparte has left the U. S. for ever, and has gone to reside in Florence, Italy. I have wrote to Mr. Havell to send you a No. 5, which I wish you to send to Professor Wilson, or indeed a whole set, to enable him to write the notice he has promised for me the Ist. of next month. Audubon sent another letter to this agent, from London, January 21, 1828, when he was still waiting for an answer to his last: “When I write to any one I expect an answer, but when I write to a man I esteem, and to whom I entrust a portion of my business, I feel ENGRAVINGS. 1n submitting this List of Pablications, R..HaVELL begs to state, he has on Sale 2 very extensive and well selected Assortment of ENGRAVINGS and Works OF ART, arranged in Portfolios, with the Prices affixed, comprising subjects after Wilkie, Tarner, Martin, Lawrance, Newton, Burnett, and others. Lithographs, Stadies of Animals, Figures and Heads, &c. &e. Views in the Ionian Islands, by J. Cartwright. . Court of Persia, Albanian and Greek Costumes. Birds af Beste by J. J. Audabon, vol. land Oritologia! B Biography, by J. J. Auda- bon, vol. 1 and Antiguities of Mexico, by Lord Visconnt, Kingsborough. Hexandrian Plants, by Mrs. E. Bary. African Animals and Scenery, by Daniels. Birds of Paradise, by F. Le Vaillaint. Aeronautical View of London. Ditto ditto of Paris. Panoramic View of King George's Sound. Panoramic View.of Corfu. Foreign Costumes. All Works on Natural History. Floral Ilastrations of the Seasons, by Mrs. . Roscoe. R. H. begs to observe that all Works entrusted to his care for Publication are Engraved, Printed and Coloured, under his entire inspection, on his Establishment, by which means they are not made public antil ready for delivery. Superfine Water Colours, In Cakes or Boxes. R. Haveie begs to recommend his SuPeRFINE WATER Colours, as being prepared with the greatest care, and solicits a Trial. £&.s. d In Mahogany Boxes, 18 cakes, lock, palettes, marble slab, sarees Be: 110 0 Ditto ditto, cakes .....ccceeeee 110 Ditto ditto, 12 cakes, without tdvawer® Boers 018 0 Ditto ditto, 12 cakes, lock and drawer .. - 0-15 0 Ditto ditto, 12 cakes, without ditto .. 013 0 Dittc ditto, 18 cakes, sliding top . 015 0 Ditto ditto, 12 cakes, ditto . 010 6 Ditto ditto, Gcakes, ditto ....40.. 060 Cumberland Black Lead Drawing Pencils. CAMEL HAIR AND SABLE BRUSHES. Whatman’s Superfine smooth rolled Drawing Paper, sold in sheets, quires or reams. BRISTOL BOARDS OF ALL COLOURS AND THICKNESS. Genuine FJndian Ink. English and French Crayon PaPER of all Colours. Ditto ditto CRALKS. REVERSE OF PANELS OF ROBERT HAVELL’S ADVERTISING FOLDER REPRODUCED ON FACING INSERT 386 C — it paps & Bas intake ov Cbara? ' Side (Sudawe Black Lead Pencils, § ee | m the Highest Ferfect fangs pr AN CK p56 DRAW py APER aie Si: ee) Papeee) VA euck, yy Ore lian SHELLS. g vee ¥ tew of London ROBT HAVELL. 77, OXFORD STREET Importer ot and Dealer in BRITISH & FOREIGN, BIBRDS,INSECTS&«c. An Extenswe atsortmend cf Birds Oval & Square Shades OUTSIDE ENGRAVED PANELS OF AN ADVERTISING FOLDER ISSUED BY ROBERT HAVELL, Anout 1834; THE PRINTING ON THE REVERSE IS REPRODUCED ON THE FACING PAGE. From the only copy known to exist, in possession of Mr. Ruthven Deane. It isa strip of heavy paper, 18 by 35% inches in size, printed on both sides, and folded twice, the folded size being 41% by 354 inches. One side bears the four panels, engraved by Robert Havell, reproduced on this and the following page; and the reverse, the printed matter reproduced on pages 386 and 387. yz) 4 Majestic coon INSIDE ENGRAVED PANELS OF THE ADVERTISING FOLDER ISSUED BY ROBERT ITAVELT, Anpout 1834. The lower panel shows the interior of the “Zodlogical Gallery,” 77 Oxford Street. Audubon’s plate of the Cock Turkey is being examined at one of the tables. R. HaveLy begs to inform Zoological Collectors that, having an extensive correspondence, he is enabled to supply Natural Productions from all parts of the Globe. Birds and Beasts Stuffed and Preserved In the highest perfection, at his Establishment, and the greatest care taken to place the specimens in their natoral altitades and pursuits. A GOOD ASSORTMENT OF INSECTS, BOTH BRITISH AND FOREIGN. A great variely of Coloured and Black Eyes. TAXIDURMIE, or the Art of Collecting & Preparing Objects of Natural History. Maple, Gold and Black Cases, FITTED-UP IN A SUPERIOR STYLE, WITH COLOURED SKY. GLASS SHADES, OVAL, ROUND AND SQUARE, OF ALL SIZES. The present Collection consists of the most rare LAXD and WaTER Birps from Nort AMERICA, &c. PICTURES AND PRINTS Framed and Glazed, in Gold, Maple, and all kinds of Ornamental and Fancy Woods, Straining, Varnishing, &c, DRAWINGS AND PRINTS LENT OUT TO COPY ON THE FOLLOWING TERMS: £. s. d. Yearly Sabscription ..........- we accceccccees seccenceee 3 3 O Half-yearly ditto ..seeccesccccece scccccccsee 1 Il 6 Quarterly ditto... eocccccccee O 16 0 Weekly ditto .cccccccccccsccccccscccrccctscscccevevee O 2 6 A GREAT VARIETY OF RICE DRAWINGS, AND RICE PAPER OF ALL SIZES. Plain and Omamental Albums. Ditto ditto Scrap Books. Ditto ditto Blotting Cases. Ditto ditto ditto, with lock and key. MINIATURE.FRAMES AND GLASSES. Sketch Books of all sizes. ORDERS FOR EXPORTATION executed with promptitade, and on the lowest terns, at 77, OXFORD STREET. REVERSE OF PANELS OF ROBERT HAVELL’S ADVERTISING FOLDER REPRODUCED ON FACING INSERT 387 388 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST miserable until I hear from him. . . . I am extremely anxious to close my business for 1827, and cannot do so without receiving your a/c, and the money due by my subscribers.” The summer of 1827 was probably Audubon’s most critical period in England. His work was then in the air and ruin of all his hopes seemed inevitable, but with palette and brush he again extricated himself from financial difficulties. At this time, he said, “I painted all day, and sold my work during the dusky hours of the evening as I walked through the Strand and other streets where the Jews reigned; popping in and out of Jew-shops or any others, and never refusing the offer made me for the pictures I carried fresh from the easel.” He sold seven copies of the “Entrapped Otter” in London, Manchester, and Liverpool, and from seven to ten copies of some of his other favorite subjects; once when he inadvertently called at a shop where he had just disposed of a picture, the dealer promptly bought the duplicate and at the same price that he had paid for the first. In the autumn of this year, when it was found that his agents were neglecting their business, Audubon determined to make a sortie to collect his dues and further augment his subscription list. He left London on September 16, and visited in succession Manchester, Leeds, York, Newcastle-on-Tyne, Alnwick Castle and Belford, to see the Selbys, finally reaching Edinburgh on the 22nd of October. Audubon had set his mark at obtaining 200 sub- scribers by May, 1828, but he fell far short of realizing it. On August 9 he wrote: “This day seventy sets have been distributed; yet the number of my subscribers has not increased; on the contrary, I have lost some.” AUDUBON IN LONDON 389 At York he found that a number of his Birds, which had been forwarded from Edinburgh before he had taken his departure, “was miserably poor, scarcely colored at all”; and a copy of his first number which was later examined at the Radcliffe Library in Oxford was so unsatisfactory that he rolled it up and took it away, with the reflection that Lizars, whom he had paid “so amply and so punctually,” could have made him a better re- turn. The colorists gave no end of trouble, but he never hesitated to reject their work when it did not meet his requirements, and the defective plates were invariably sent back to Havell’s shop to be washed, hot- pressed, and done over again. To such watchful care must be ascribed, in large measure, the high degree of perfection which his big work eventually attained. When it is remembered that upwards of one hundred thousand of his large plates had to be colored labori- ously by hand, and that at one time fifty persons were engaged at the Havell establishment, we can understand the difficulties involved in maintaining a uniform stand- ard of excellence in a work that was issued piecemeal and spread over a long period of time. In August, 1827, Audubon wrote to Mrs. Thomas Sully of Philadelphia to announce the removal of his business to London. By this change he expected to save “upwards of an hundred pounds per annum, a large sum,” as he remarked, “for a man like me.” His third number had then been issued, and he expressed the hope that all would go smoothly after “this first year of hard trials and times,” and that he would be able to send for his wife and one of his sons in the coming autumn or winter. He was then painting “a flock of Wild Turkeys for the king, who had honored him with his particular patronage and protection.” When writ- 390 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST ing to his young son, John W. Audubon, on the 10th of the same month, he charged him to devote two hours daily to the preparation of bird skins, and to send him not only the skins but live birds and mussel shells, for which he would be duly paid. Said the father: I would give you 500 dollars per annum, were you able to make for me such drawings as I will want. I wish you would draw one bird only, on a twig, and send it [to me] to look at, as soon as you can after receiving this letter. . . . I should like to have a large box filled with branches of the trees, cov- ered with mosses &c., such as Mama knows I want; now recol- lect, all sorts of Birds, males and females, ugly or handsome. Audubon had come to London with the idea of hav- ing his work published under the patronage of King George IV;; in order to gain a personal interview with the Sovereign he had brought a letter to Robert Peel, who was then the Home Secretary, but a change in the Cabinet had upset his plans and the letter was re- turned. He then applied to the American Ambassador, Mr. Albert Gallatin, who upon their first meeting ad- dressed him in French and showed “the ease and charm of manner of a perfect gentleman”; but when the ques- tion of an audience with the King was broached, Gal- latin laughed at the idea as preposterous. “The king,” he declared, “sees nobody; he has the gout, is peevish, and spends his time playing whist at a shilling a rubber. I had to wait six weeks before I was presented to him in my position of ambassador, and then I merely saw him six or seven minutes.”” When Audubon then sug- gested that the Duke of Northumberland might interest himself in his behalf, Gallatin, who disliked the English heartily, replied: “I have called hundreds of times on like men in England, and have been assured that his UNDER TITE SPECIAL PATRONAGE Wer Most Excellent Majesty, QUEEN ADELAIDE, THE BIRDS OF AMERICA, ENGRAVED FROM DRAWINGS MADE IN THE UNITED STATES AND THEIR TERRITORIES.’ BY JOHN JAMES AUDUBON, PRs. & E SELLOW OF THD LINNRAM AND BOOLOGICAL BOTIETING OP LOSDON) MEMAER OF TRE LECEUM OF NEW YOOK, THB NATUBAL HIATORY MM IBTY OF PARIS, THE WERNE® QIAN MATUBAL RISTORY GOCIETY OF EMIWAUAGH) HONORARY MEMAER OF THB CCOTTISH ACADEMY OP PAINTING, ECULPTCAB AND ARCHITECTURE, Ge. PUBLISHED BY THE AUTHOR; AND TO BE SEEN AT MR R. HAVELL'S JUN. THE ENGRAVER, 77. OXFORD STREET, LONDON. ; MDCCCXXXI. TITLE PAGE OF AUDUBON’S PROSPECTUS OF “THE BIRDS OF AMERICA” FoR 1831. 391 392 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST grace, or lordship, or [her] ladyship was not at home, until I have grown wiser, and stay at home myself, and merely attend to my political business, and God knows when I will have done with that.” As the American Ambassador had predicted, King George evinced no ardent desire to meet the American woodsman, though he consented to take the work under his patronage and to become a subscriber on the usual terms; this plan, however, fell through, for the King, who was reported to have taken his copy, failed to pay for it. With Queen Adelaide, on the other hand, the naturalist was more successful, and in his “Prospectus” of 1831 she was announced as his special patron, with her name heading his list. Negotiations to interest the Queen were going on when the following note was sent to Audubon by Sir J. W. Waller, who occupied some position in the king’s household and was spoken of as “oculist to his majesty”: Sir J. W. Waller to Audubon Saturday 9 o clock [1830]. I have scarce an Instant as I am going to Town to break- fast with the Dk. of Gloucester, but yr. Letter is urgent & therefore I can only desire Mr. A. to send his Number imme- diately to the Stable Yard, directed to her Majesty, & the first moment I can see her, I will speak on the subject, but at this Moment I will not promise to mention it to the King for reasons I cannot put on paper. Yrs. ever, J. W. Water At Edinburgh Audubon was alarmed to find that subscribers were rapidly deserting him, six having can- celled their names without the formality of giving rea- AUDUBON IN LONDON 393 sons. He hoped to supply their places at Glasgow, then a rich city of one hundred and fifty thousand people, but after a visit there of four days in November, 1827, he was obliged to return to Edinburgh with but one new name on his list. On October 22 he expressed the resolve for the com- ing year “‘to positively keep a cash account” with him- self and others, ‘‘a thing” he had “never yet done.” The wisdom of that decision was apparent upon settling his accounts for 1827 with both Lizars and Havell, as ap- pears from this note, written in his journal on January 17, 1828: “It is difficult work for a man like me to see that he is neither cheating nor cheated. All is paid for 1827, and I am well ahead in funds. Had I made such regular settlements all my life I should never have been as poor a man as I have been; but on the other hand I should never have published the “Birds of America.” Again, for February 7 we find this record: ‘“Havell brought me the sets he owed me for 1827, and I paid him in full. Hither through him or Mr. Lizars I have met with a loss of nearly £100, for I am charged with fifty numbers more than can be accounted for by my agents or myself. This seems strange always to me, that people cannot be honest, but I must bring myself to believe many are not, from my own experiences.” Shortly after reaching London, as we have seen, Audubon had made the acquaintance of Sir Thomas Lawrence, then at the head of the Royal Academy and favorite painter of the Court and fashionable society. The friendship of this influential artist at a critical mo- ment proved most fortunate, for Sir Thomas called repeatedly at his lodgings, and at each visit brought patrons who went away with some of his pictures but not without leaving a handsome toll of sovereigns in 394 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST his lap; the “Entrapped Otter” again did duty by bringing him twenty-five pounds, while others returned from seven to thirty-five pounds. At a later time the artist visited the “Zoological Gallery,” as the Havell establishment in Newman Street was then known, and saw Audubon’s large paintings called “The Eagle and the Lamb,” and “English Pheasants Surprised by a Spanish Dog” or “Sawve qui peut.” Audubon, who on this occasion missed seeing his distinguished visitor, had written in his journal three days before (December 23, 1828) that the paintings were what he called “‘fin- ished,” but that, as usual, he could not bear to look at either. Sir Thomas praised the “Eagle,” admired an “Otter,” which was later exhibited in London, but gave no opinion on the “Pheasants.” Afterwards, however, when Audubon proposed to present this canvas to King George, the artist assured him that this picture was worth 300 guineas and that it was too good to be given away; if offered to the King, no doubt, said he, “it would be accepted and placed in his collections, but you would receive no benefit from the gift.” According to a later record, this canvas was sold to Mr. John Hep- penstall of Sheffield; whether it was ever delivered, or not, I do not know, but either the original or a copy, here reproduced, now forms the central figure in the large Audubon collection in the American Museum of Natural History in New York, and is an excellent illus- tration of the elaborate and ambitious character of Audubon’s larger compositions. These fortunate wind- falls came none too soon, for to follow the journal: Mr. Havell had already called to say that on Saturday I must pay him sixty pounds. I was then not only not worth a penny, but had actually borrowed five pounds a few days be- fore to purchase materials for my pictures. But these pic- *AUOLSI EL " SON NVOWANY AHL gO ASALUNOD qd “MUOX MAN *‘XUOLSIIL wun -LYN do Iv SAIN NV q i J SOd NI MON qZ1S NI GAT ANIN AM i NLINIVd IV NISIUO SXSomaqav wav “OOd HSINVdS V Ad GUSIUdUNS SINVSVUHd HSIION®G, AUDUBON IN LONDON 395 tures which Sir Thomas sold for me enabled me to pay my borrowed money, and to appear full-handed when Mr. Havell called. Thus I passed the Rubicon. This was before the reform of the penal laws in Eng- land, when it seems to have been hard for a man to escape hanging, not to speak of being sent to prison for debt, the chief terror of life in certain circles. There were 228 capital offenses, and in 1829 in the city of London alone 7,114 persons were sent to the debtors’ prison.® Without the sale of his pictures in the summer of 1827, Audubon felt that he must certainly have become a bankrupt, yet he was periodically displeased with the results of his efforts in oil colors, and resolved to “‘spoil no more canvas” but to draw “in my usual old untaught way, which is what God meant me to do”; “I can draw,” he continues, “but I shall never paint well.’ In the fall of 1828, however, he was again working in oils, and produced four large pieces, one of which was called “The Eagle and the Lamb,” and two others which were doubtless variations of his “Pheasant” and “Otter” pic- tures. “It is charity,” said the artist, “to speak the truth to a man who knows the poverty of his talents, and wishes to improve; it is villainous to mislead him, by praising him to his face, and laughing at his work as they go down the stairs of his house.” Sir Thomas Lawrence had praised some of these pictures and had promised to select one for exhibition at Somerset House. As regards “The Eagle and the Lamb,” which Audu- bon hoped would go to Windsor Castle, William Swainson would give no opinion; the same canvas, or ® See Sir Walter Besant, London in the Nineteenth Century (London, 1909). 396 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST else a replica, was in possession of the Audubon family in 1898.° On December 14, 1827, Audubon wrote that, acting upon the advice of Mr. Maury, the American consul at London, he had presented a copy of his Birds to John Quincy Adams, the President of the United States, and another, through Henry Clay, to the Ameri- can Congress; in order that the latter should be as perfect as possible, Havell was asked to do the color- ing himself, but these proposed gifts do not appear to have been executed.’° New Year’s, 1828, found the naturalist in Man- chester, where but a few days before he had received the fifth and last number of his plates for 1827 and expressed himself well pleased with it. While return- ing to London by coach, he consented to take a hand at cards to accommodate his fellow passengers, but declined to play for money; “I never play,” he con- fessed, “unless obliged to by circumstances; I feel no pleasure in the game, and long for other occupation.” “TI missed my snuff,” he added, and whenever his hands went into his pockets in search of the box, he “discov- ered the strength of habit thus acting without thought”; but he remembered a resolution he had formed to give up the habit and stuck to it for a time at least; doubt- less, like his later friend, John Bachman, he reformed more than once, for in a letter to Victor Audubon, of November 5, 1846, Bachman added this postscript: “To Audubon: The snuff—the snuff, it is here! I have just taken a pinch, and the ladies have blown you up— sky-high, for teaching me such a bad practice; I say, ®See Maria R. Audubon, Audubon and his Journals (Bibl. No. 86), vol. i, p. 342, where the “Eagle and the Lamb” is reproduced. See Vol. I, p. 436. AUDUBON IN LONDON 397 however, that you beat me all to pieces in that art.” The first winter in London dragged heavily for the naturalist, who exclaimed in January, 1828: “How long am I to be confined in this immense jail”; when Daniel Lizars reported from Edinburgh the loss of four of his subscribers, he writes, “I am dull as a beetle. Why do I dislike London? Is it because the constant evidence of the contrast between the rich and the poor is a constant torment to me, or is it because of its size and crowd? I know not, but I long for sights and sounds of a different nature,” such, we might add, as the flocks of wild duck which were occasionally seen from Regent’s Park as they passed over the city and made him more homesick than ever. Audubon hated the city quite as cordially as Charles Lamb ever affected to detest the country, and when leaving it, afoot or by stage, it seemed as if he could never be rid of it. “What a place is London,” he would say, but naively add: “many persons live there solely because they like it.” On February 4, 1828, Audubon was elected to mem- bership in the Linnean Society, and in November he presented it with a copy of his work, which was then well under way. This was noticed in a letter to Swain- son, written on November 7, when no acknowledgment of the gift had then been received; and he mentioned also the sale of his picture of “Blue Jays” for ten guineas. At a meeting of the Linnzan Society not long after his election, copies of Selby’s Illustrations, of British Ornithology and of his own work were placed side by side for inspection, and “very unfair compari- sons were drawn between the two”; had Selby, Audu- bon reflected, been given “the same opportunities that my curious life has granted me, his work would have 398 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST been far superior to mine”; “I supported him,” he added, “to the best of my power.” Revision of his older drawings demanded much of Audubon’s attention during these years. On February 10, 1828, he began the Whiteheaded Eagle (No. 7, Plate xxxi), the original of which had been procured on the Mississippi, where the bird was represented as din- ing on a wild goose; now, he said, “I shall make it breakfast on a catfish, the drawing of which is also with me, with the marks of the talons of another eagle, which I disturbed on the banks of the same river, driving him from his prey.” On the 16th of that month he was engaged with this drawing from seven in the morning until half after four, stopping only to take the glass of milk which his landlady would bring to him. This plate was engraved in the following April, and on May 1, 1828, a first proof was sent to the Marquis of Lands- downe, president of the Zoological Society, as a mark of appreciation by its author, who had become a member of that body in the preceding winter. A striking characteristic of Audubon’s work was its diversity, produced not only by attractive embellish- ments of many kinds, but by the moving force and action with which he ever sought to vitalize his sub- jects. It is therefore not surprising that he was nettled by an incident like this: February 28. To-day I called by appointment on the Earl of Kinnoul, a small man, with a face like the caricature of an owl; he said he had sent for me to tell me all my birds were alike, and he considered my work a swindle. He may really think this; his knowledge is probably small; but it is not the custom to send for a gentleman to abuse him in one’s house. I heard his words, bowed, and without speaking, left the rudest man I have met in this land. AUDUBON IN LONDON 399 Audubon had not yet visited the great university towns of England, the support of which he knew would be a valuable asset, and on March 3, 1828, he set out by stage for Cambridge. His driver, he remarked, “held confidances with every grog-shop between Lon- don and Cambridge, and his purple face gave powerful evidences that malt liquor [was] more enticing to him than water.” His reception at Cambridge was hearty; he was entertained by Professors Sedgwick, Whewell, and Henslow, dined repeatedly “in Hall” with the dons, and received the subscription of the librarian of the University. It is interesting to recall that young Charles Darwin, “the man who walks with Henslow,” as some of the dons called him, was then an undergrad- uate at King’s College, and that thirty-one years were to pass before modern biology was born in 1859, the year of the appearance of the epoch-making Origin of Species. By the 15th of March Audubon was again in Lon- don, and on the 24th he started for Oxford. Dr. Williams, as he noted in his journal, subscribed for his Birds in favor of the Radcliffe Library, as did also Dr. Kidd for the Anatomical School; but, though hospita- bly treated by all, not one of the twenty-four colleges of that great University emulated their example, and the naturalist went away disappointed. Upon his return to London in early April, Audubon received a call from John C. Loudon, editor of the Magazine of Natural History, and was invited to con- tribute to that journal. “I declined,” he said, “for I will never write anything to call down upon me a second volley of abuse. I can only write facts, and when I write these, the Philadelphians call me a liar.” He was then chafing under the criticism which his rattlesnake 400 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST stories had produced." On April 6 the persistent Mr. Loudon called again and offered Audubon eight guineas for an article, only to be again refused. Still unwilling to admit defeat, the editor proposed to en- gage William Swainson to prepare an extended review of the naturalist’s work, and in this he succeeded so well that Audubon immediately relented and sent him a paper.’* Swainson offered to write the review for a copy of the work at its cost price, and Audubon replied in the following letter: *° Audubon to William Swainson Lonpon, April 9th 1828. My pear Sir, Mr. Loudon called on me yesterday and showed me a letter from you to him, in which many very flattering expressions re- specting myself and my works you are so kind as to offer to 4 See Chapter XXVIII. “The seventh which he had contributed to the scientific press of Europe, entitled “Notes on the Bird of Washington (Falco Washing- toniana), or Great Sea Eagle,” now believed to have been mistaken by him for an immature stage of the true “bird of freedom,” the White- headed Eagle. It was dated “London, April, 1828,” and was published in Loudon’s Magazine for July of that year. See Bibliography, No. 23. ** From the originals in possession of the Linnean Society of London. Swainson’s scientific correspondence was taken with him to New Zealand, where it remained fifty years, until returned by his daughter, who sent it to Sir Joseph Hooker; it was finally purchased by a number of Fellows of the Society, and presented to its historical collections. It consists of 934 letters written by 236 correspondents, from 1806 to 1840. Of the 24 letters written by Audubon, and dated 9 April, 1829, to 11 January, 1838, none has been previously published. Dr. Albert Giinther, who has given a summary of their contents (Proceedings of the Linnean Society, 112th Session, 1900; Bibliography, No. 204) found them rather disappoint- ing, since they dealt mainly with personal and domestic matters, and were written in a style characterized as “fantastic and unnatural.” Through the kindness of my esteemed friend, George E. Bullen, Esq., of the Hertfordshire County Museum, St. Albans, and through the courtesy of the Council of the Linnean Society and its secretary, Dr. Daydon Jackson, I am able to reproduce transcripts of the most inter- esting of these letters, which readers in America will, I believe, find interesting because of their personal details. I am indebted also for their good offices to John Hopkinson, F.L.S., and to William Rowan, Esq. AUDUBON IN LONDON 401 review the latter so as to have your opinion in writting in time for the first no. of the magazine that will appear next month.— you also desire that I should send you a sett of the works as far as publishing which you wish to keep provided I will let you have it at the price ét costs me. I assure you my Dear Sir, that was I to take you at your word it would be a sore bargain for you as the a/m would be very nearly double that for which it is sold to my subscribers.—therefore you will permit me to alter your offer and to say that if it suits you to pay 35 shillings per number I will be contented; I would be still more so was I rich enough to present it to you— It is the only set on hand at present except one which I must have to exhibit.— The answer respecting the Shrieke [Shrike] has I hope met with your wishes.— Ever since I became acquainted with our mutual friend Dr. Fraill [Traill] I have had a great desire to see and speak to you & I regret that I never have had an opportunity. My time is so completely taken up that it is with difficulty that I can enjoy a day’s rest—Should you come to town pray call on me when I may have the pleasure of shaking your hand and to as- sure you verbally that I am truly and sincerely yours obé® st Joun J. AUDUBON 95 Great Russell St. Bedford Sq. Thus began an intimate friendship between William Swainson and John James Audubon which lasted until 1830, and their intercourse did not wholly cease before From the context of the nine letters which are here reproduced with- out change, it is evident that Audubon paid little attention to grammar, syntax, or orthography, but if the reader will compare the letters written before and after 1830, or before and after his first serious discipline in English composition (see Chapters XXIII and XXIX), he will find marked improvement in all these respects. 402 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST “ Letece4é Ae aeccake? Bf Ane, Ace Ki“ ee Sore EO Sue: meses 40ree atige? eeey eee ao CON ge: aaa I ateeel emcenes Lor a Fee hen ae hpncet ere A, geet EP LG. Aeaer ar ER 20e Knit, LETTER OF WILLIAM SWAINSON TO AUDUBON, MAY, 1828. From the Deane MSS. 1838. In his use of English at this time Audubon was not far behind Swainson, whose mother tongue it was. Swainson, according to Dr. Giinther, was “ex- , tremely careless in orthography and loose in his style of writing: he persistently misspelt not only technical terms, but also the names of foreign authors, and even of some of his familiar friends and correspondents; he AUDUBON IN LONDON 408 knew no other language but his own, and the applica- tion of Latin and Greek for the purpose of systematic nomenclature was a constant source of error.” At this time Swainson was living in semi-retirement at a farmstead of considerable size, called “Highfield Hall,” ** near Tyttenhanger Green, a small settlement, off the highroad, two miles southeast of the historic town of St. Albans, in Hertfordshire; though his letters were always dated from “The Green” at Tyttenhanger, his associations were with the more considerable village of London Colney, but a mile to the south, on the road to Barnet. Audubon had brought a letter of intro- duction from Dr. Traill, a valiant champion of Swain- son at Edinburgh, but was unable to go to the country to deliver it. Swainson, however, attended promptly to the review, and on April 11, 1828, sent it to Mr. Loudon, who published it in the May number of his Magazine.*® Swainson’s review was extremely laudatory, and Audubon reproduced extracts from it in later editions of his “Prospectus.” 'To quote a characteristic para- graph, he said that the naturalist’s ornithological papers * Swainson’s house has been kindly identified by my friend, Mr. George E. Bullen, to whom I am indebted also for an interesting photograph, taken from an old print. Mrs. Swainson, who died February 12, 1835, was buried in the parish church, with which she was closely identified, at London Colney, and a tablet to her memory is still to be seen there. Swainson probably preferred the historic associations of Tyttenhanger, a name originally applied to the manor and manor house of the Abbot of St. Albans, a famous abbey property acquired before the Conquest, with a history extending over six hundred years, but he did not live there. The oldest resident now on the spot, a man over ninety, told Mr. Bullen that as a boy he often collected butterflies, moths and other specimens of natural history which he took to “Highfield Hall,” and was always paid by one of the Swainson children. Since Swainson’s time the original house, which was approached by a long walk, has become almost un- recognizable, having received an addition to one side; the grass land which then surrounded it has been converted into beautiful lawns. * See Bibliography, No. 95. 404 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST printed in one of the Scotch journals, are as valuable to the scientific world, as they are delightful to the general reader. They give us a rich foretaste of what we may hope and expect from such a man. There is a freshness and an originality about these essays, which can only be compared to the animated biographies of Wilson. . . . To represent the passions and the feelings of birds, might, until now, have been well deemed chi- merical. Rarely, indeed, do we see their outward forms repre- sented with any thing like nature. In my estimation, not more than three painters ever lived who could draw a bird. Of these the lamented Barrabaud [Barraband], of whom France may be justly proud, was the chief. He has long passed away; but his mantle has at length been recovered in the forests of America. Audubon spent four days with Swainson and his family at Tyttenhanger, from May 28 to June 1, 1828, when they talked birds and made drawings; Audubon also showed Swainson “how to put up birds in his style, which delighted him.” The friendship between these men, though very intimate while it lasted, received a sudden check two years later, when Audubon was about to publish the letterpress to his plates, as will be related farther on."® Though his hands were already more than full at this time, Audubon seems to have played with the idea of publishing a work on the birds of Great Britain, but on May 1 he wrote to Swainson that the plan did not meet with favor, and later he relinquished all claims in such a project to his assistant, William MacGillivray.” In the spring of 1828 Audubon began to think of returning to the United States, to renew or revise his drawings and extend his researches. “I am sure,” he **See Chapter XXIX. See Vol. II, p. 130. AUDUBON IN LONDON 405 said, “that now I could make better compositions, and select better plants than when I drew mainly for amuse- ment.” In order to raise the necessary funds, he re- sorted again to picture painting, his never failing re- source, and worked in oil colors daily from morning light until dusk, unless called to Havell’s to decide some ques- tion of necessary detail. The following letters to Swainson shed further light on this work and on the progress of The Birds of America, the eighth number of which was published early in July: Audubon to William Swainson Lonpon, July Ist 1828. My pear Sir.— I have been expecting to have the pleasure of seeing you for upwards of a week, having mentioned in your last note that you intended spending a couple of days in London before the end of June.—When are you coming?—the beautifull lamb came quite safe and is now on the canvas (in efigy) for ages to come—I bought a superb Golden Eagle from Mr. Cross that also has helped to fill it have been deleted, and it is impossible to read them.| I long to shew them to you.—I have finished the picture of the Tur- keys, and painted a white headed eagle—in fact I have worked from 4 every morning untill dark—but the best news I have to tell is; that I have received 4 letters from my wife, one dated Qnd of May, all well—but not quite settled about coming before the end of summer. I have changed quarters and am now at 79 Newman Street Oxford Street, in Mr. Havell’s house where I have taken 3 rooms and feel more comfortable although I have not the little piece of ground to walk on.—I imagine the country to be now quite beautifull and had I time to spare would walk out to see you Mrs S & the dear little folks at Tittenhanger Green.—I received a visit on Saturday last of the whole of Lord Milton’s family who after complimenting the author of the “Birds of America” very kindly subscribed for [Here apparently some words 406 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST two copies of the work.—I have mended my pen—I should have sent the Blackwood magazine to you, but I so much expected to see you here that it is yet on my table, and will keep it untill you come.—All my exertions to procure live grouses have been abortive here—I have written to Scotland to a friend and per- haps will have some soon.—The 8th number is now printing and colouring and will be out this month—the 9th is began.—If you are hungry or thirsty when you come to town please make for my [here a word is omitted], and I will try to manage matters in this way.—May I ask what you are doing?—I saw Dr Fraill’s [Traill’s] son a few days ago—he inquired after your son and family.—I expect a copy of Loudon’s magazine this evening. I feel anxious to see what sort of a cut the Doves make, as well as the birds of Washington.— With sincerest regards & esteem to yourself and Lady— I am yours most truly Joun J. AupuBoN. 79 Newman Street, Oxford Street. Audubon to William Swainson Lonpon Thursday July 1828. My prar Mr Swarnson, Although your last note said that you knew not when I should have the pleasure of seeing you in town, I have hoped every morning to see you that day.—When will you come?— There is a talk of my picture of the Eagle and the Lamb going to her Majesty, Sir Walter Waller has been written to on the subject and every thing is in train to lead poor I like a lamb to Windsor Castle !—TI am told the picture is a grand one but you, my dear Sir, have not said so! When you come I will show you 13 grouses pretty fairly grouped on one canvas, with seven pheasants with a Fox on another, etc. etc. I have worked hard this month from 4 p.m. untill 7 a.m. [sic] every day—I re- gretted that your brother did not come to see me—I have a great desire to see you but I cannot at present leave town.— AUDUBON IN LONDON 407 My 8th No. is just out.—The 9th & 10th are engraving.—I have sent word to my son to land [?] & bring some skins for you & perhaps you may have a rare assortment bye and bye.— I hope your Lady and dear Children are all quite well Pray re- member me kindly to them. I wish to name a bird after you in the Ist No. of 1829 & wish you to choose a name. Believe yours ever and truly obliged J. J. Aupuzon 79 Newman Street, Oxford Street. By the 9th of August eight pictures had been be- gun, but none was finished, and the number of his sub- scribers had fallen to seventy. At about this time Cap- tain Basil Hall*® returned from his journey through the United States, and brought direct news from Victor Audubon, who was then at Louisville, from Dr. Richard Harlan and Thomas Sully, to all of whom the natural- ist’s letters had been delivered the previous year. Towards the end of the month Audubon received the following note from the secretary of the Zodélogical So- ciety, N. A. Vigors, who was also anxious to obtain from him an article for his Journal: N. A. Vigors to Audubon Brorer Cr Aug. 23, 1828. My pear Sir :— I hope you do not forget your promise of giving us a paper for the Zoological Journal. We should be much grati- fied by having your name with us: and, if possible, should wish to have whatever you may favour us with within the next ten days. I have been but a few hours in town, and shall leave town again tomorrow for a few days, or I should have called 18See Note, Vol. I, p. 364. 408 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST upon you to speak personally upon the subject. I believe I have already mentioned, that we are in the habit of remu- nerating those of our correspondents who wish for payment for their labours, at a rate not exceeding £10.10.0 per sheet. A letter from you in answer will reach me, if sent to Bruter Ct: before Wednesday on which day a parcel will be forwarded to me from thence. Believe me my dear Sir, Yours faithfully, N: A: Vicors, [ Addressed] J. J. Avpuson Esq., 69 Great Russell St. ; Bloomsbury. [ Readdressed ] Newman Street, Oxford Street ‘¢ Audubon refused this request, saying that “no money can pay for abuse,” and this time he did not retract. Without immediate prospect of seeing his family, for neither Mrs. Audubon nor her sons were enthusiastic over the proposal that they should go to England, the naturalist was momentarily depressed; he turned to Swainson for advice, at the same time suggesting that they visit Paris together. Audubon wrote in his journal for August 16, 1828, that he had invited Swainson to accompany him to France, whither his friend had ex- pressed a desire to go when the subject had been broached at Tyttenhanger; on the 25th of that month he added: “I do not expect much benefit by this trip, but I shall be glad to see what may be done.” ‘The letter just referred to follows: AUDUBON IN LONDON 409 Audubon to William Swainson Lonpon, Wednesday Augt. 13, 1828. My pear Mr. Swarnson, I reached my lodging in great comfort by the side of your amiable Doc" Davie two hours and a half after we shook hands —I wish I might say as much of my Journey through Life.—I have had sad news from my dear wife this morning, she has posi- tively abandoned her coming to England for some indefinite time, indeed she says that she looks anxiously for the day when tired myself of this country I will return to mine and live al- though a humbler (Public) Life, a much happier one—her letter has not raised my already despondent spirits in some- things and at the very instant I am writing to you it may per- haps be well that no instrument is at hand with which a woeful sin might be committed—I have laid aside brushes, thoughts of painting and all except the ties of friendship—I am miserable just now and you must excuse so unpleasant a letter—Would you go to Paris with me? I could go with you any day that you would be please to mention, I will remain there as long and no longer than may suit your callings—I will go with you to Rome or anywhere, where something may be done for either of our advantage and to drive off my very great uncomfortable- ness of thoughts—My two sons are also very much against com- ing to England, a land they say where neither freedom or sim- plicity of habits exist and altogether uncongenial to their mode of life—What am I to do? As aman of the World and a man possessed of strong unprejudiced understanding I wish that you would advise me.—But now on your account I will change the subject—I called on Newman two days ago & to the following enquiries he gave me yesterday the following answers What the price of 1% doz best Pure Lake dowards [?] answer 12/— y% “ce 66 Carmin: ce 15 20/— %“« © UltraMarine ss s 84/— Y% “* “ Vermillion F a 6/— 1%“ “ Terra di Verona a oa 4/— 410 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST As I thought the above prices enormous I have declined advising chalks for you & will await your advent.— Should you not feel inclined to go to France at present which by the bye is the very best season on account of seeing the vintage etc. etc.—please write to me so or come to town which would be still more agreeable & talk the matter over as I think I would persuade you to absent yourself for a month or so—I hope your kind lady continues quite well & your Dear Little ones— Believe me yours most sincerely . Joun J. Aupuson. Please write by return of Post— 79 Newman Street Oxford Street. On this journey to Paris Audubon was accompanied by Mr. and Mrs. Swainson and an American artist, named Parker, who had been at work on a portrait of the naturalist in oils. For Audubon it was mainly a canvassing tour; Parker hoped to obtain orders for por- traits, and Swainson, new ornithological material at the great museum in the Jardin des Plantes, for a work upon which he was then engaged.’® The party set out on the 1st of September, travel- ing by way of Dover and Boulogne, and reached Paris on Thursday, September 4. They alighted at the Mes- sagerie Royale, Rue des Victoires, and, after looking up lodgings, went at once to the Jardin des Plantes to pay their respects to Cuvier. The Museum of Natural History was closed, but they knocked and asked for the Baron. “He was in,” said Audubon, in the journal of his Paris experience, * Fauna Boreali-Americana; or the Zodlogy of the northern parts of British America; Part Second, “The Birds;” by William Swainson and John Richardson (London, 1831). AUDUBON IN LONDON 411 but, we were told, too busy to be seen. Being determined to look at the great man, we waited, knocked again, and with a certain degree of firmness sent in our names. The messenger returned, bowed, and led the way up stairs, where in a minute Monsieur the Baron, like an excellent good man, came to us; he had heard of my friend Swainson and greeted him as he deserves to be greeted; he was polite and kind to me, though my name had never made its way to his ears. I looked at him, and here follows the result: age about sixty-five ; size corpulent, five feet five, English measure; head large; face wrinkled and brownish; eyes gray, brilliant and sparkling; nose aquiline, large and red; mouth large, with good lips; teeth few, blunted by age, excepting one on the lower jaw, measuring nearly three-quarters of an inch square.?° They were immediately invited to dine on the follow- ing Saturday at six o’clock, and later saw Cuvier at his home, at his Museum, and at the Academy of Sciences, over which he presided. Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire pleased Audubon greatly and proved to him by his conversation that he under- stood perfectly the difference between the French and the English. The Duke of Orleans, who then occupied the Palais Royal, seemed to him the finest physical type of man he had ever met. “He had my book brought up,” said the naturalist, ‘and helped me untie the strings and arrange the table, and began by saying that he felt great pleasure in subscribing to the work of an Ameri- can, for he had been most kindly received in the United States and should never forget it.” When the plate of the Baltimore Orioles was held up to view, the Duke exclaimed: ‘This surpasses all I have seen, and I am not astonished now at the eulogiums of M. Redouté.” He conversed in both English and French, had much 20 Maria R. Audubon, op. cit., vol. i, p. 306. 412 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST to say of American cities and rivers, and added: ‘You are a great nation, a wonderful nation.” The Duke wrote his name in Audubon’s subscription book, prom- ised to try to enlist a number of the crowned heads of Europe in his behalf, and gave him besides a number of orders for pictures of animals. Audubon had already made friends with the veteran painter of flowers, Pierre Joseph Redouté, and when it was proposed that they should exchange works, the “Raphael of Flowers” consented, gave Audubon at once nine numbers of his Belles Fleurs, and promised to send “Les Roses.” During this visit of eight weeks Parker painted por- traits of both Cuvier and Redouté; Swainson worked steadily at the Museum, where Isidore Geoffroy Saint- Hilaire gave him the use of his private study; while Audubon, for the most part, was driving from post to pillar in his not altogether successful efforts to extend his subscription list. As already intimated, his greatest success in Paris was in winning the friendship and en- dorsement of Cuvier, who reported upon his work at a meeting of the Royal Academy of Sciences held on September 22.7". Audubon has related how on this occa- sion he had an appointment to meet the Baron in the library of the Institute at precisely half past one o’clock; he waited; the hall filled, and the clock ticked on, but the great savant did not appear. Finally, said Audubon, after an hour had passed, “all at once I heard his voice, and saw him advancing, very warm and ap- parently fatigued. He met me with many apologies, and said, ‘Come with me’; and as we walked along, he explaining all the time why he had been late, while his hand drove a pencil with great rapidity, and he told me % See Vol. I, p. 3. AUDUBON AFTER A PORTRAIT JN OILS, HITHERTO UNPURBLISIIED, PAINTED ABOUT 1826 W. H. HOLMES FOR WALTER HORTON BENTLEY, OF MANCHE 1913 IN POSSESSION OF HIS GRANDSON, JOIIN CONWAY BE MERLY OF GLASGOW. IN THE ORIGINAL AUDUBON IS REPRES IN A GREEN COAT, A CRIMSON CLOAK WITIT DEEP FUR EDGING THROWN OVER ONE SHOULDER, AND WITIL PORTFOLIO IN HAND. FROM A PILOTOGRAPH IN POSSESSION OF MR. RUTHVEN DEANE. AUDUBON IN LONDON 413 that he was actually now writing the report on my work?’ *’ Cuvier’s published report, which was ex- tremely laudatory, showed little signs of haste. After speaking of Audubon’s talents and accomplishments he said: The execution of these plates, so remarkable for their size, seems to us equally successful in the drawing, the engraving, and coloring, and though it may be difficult to represent relief in a colored print with as much effect as in painting proper, this is no disadvantage in works on natural history; natural- ists prefer the true color of objects to those accidental shades which result from the diverse inflections of light; necessary though these be for completing the truth of a picture, they are foreign as well as prejudicial to scientific accuracy.”* By November Audubon was once more in London, busy at painting to fill his orders and his purse. On the 11th of the month, we find Swainson, whose own exchequer was empty, writing to Audubon for a loan; ‘this letter, and one soon to follow, illustrate some of the characteristics to which we have referred: William Swainson to Audubon Tuesday 11 Nov. 1828. I had written the enclosed, my dear Mr. Audubon, before ryour letter of Monday reached me. It has come this instant, Dreams, you know, must always be interpreted contrawise, we might have lifted up our arms, as you saw in your dream but, if you had not awoke, it was no doubt to have shaken hands! But that my regard for you may be evinced, I will bring myself to lay under an obligation, which I would only ask for one of my own family. I was that moment thinking to which I should 22 Maria R. Audubon, op. cit., vol. i, p. 323. 2 See Bibliography, No. 93a. 414 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST write, to ask the loan of 80 £ for a few months, and now I will ask it of you. If you was aware of the peculiar feelings which we Englishmen have on such occasions, perhaps you would smile, but so it is that we never ask any one, from whom we have the least idea of a refusal. Now, did I not believe you to be a sincere friend, do you imagine I should have told you I was in want of Money much less have asked you to lend me some. The fact is, I have suffered a severe loss during my being in Paris, what little I had on hand has been spent there and in making preparations for the publication of my Zool. Illustrations. Two or three months however, hard work will bring me round again & repay you. Let me see your letter to the President of the Zool. Soc. before it goes, and you shall see mine. I shall be most thankful for the Grouse. I send 2 draw- ings to Havell to be engraved spur him on for I want to have every thing ready before the new year. Yours most sincerely, W. Swarnson. Joun J. Aupuson, Esq. 79 Newman St. In December the Swainsons invited Audubon to dine with them at Christmas; in his letter Swainson said: Why are you so sad? I would lay ten shillings that old Havell has been disappointing you as he has done me. He is in matters of business a complete daudle—an old woman, and I have done with him. His son I think better of he has a good idea of punctuality in business. . . . In one of your walks I hope you have thought about the French Wine that we talked so much about and have ascertained the particulars from your friend, so that we may order a cask. I hope you have not mis- taken the price,—for if not, nothing that can be drank in this country is one half as cheap. AUDUBON IN LONDON 415 In the following letter Swainson refers to the second series of his Zodlogical Illustrations, the sale of which was irritating him, and to N. A. Vigors, with whom he had entered upon a notorious controversy in 1828: William Swainson to Audubon 18 January, 1829. My Dear Mr. Avpvuzon, I write this in utter uncertainty whether it will find you in London. My first number has now been out three weeks—it has been seen and universally admired, and how many copies do you think the Publisher has sold? now pray guess as the Americans say. 100—no. twentyfive, no. fifteen, no. ten? yes. positively ten copies and no more, has been sold. I blush almost to confess this mortification to even, you, but so it is. Now, my dear Sir, what am I to think of the “generally diffused taste,” as the phrase is, for Natural History. This allthough vexing to me, may be a consolation to you, who are able to exhibit on what I call your Red Book the names of a good portion of 150 subscribers to a 200 guinea Book. Think yourself my friend exceedingly well off. The amount of sale must be kept silent, it would be a nice nut to crack for V [igors]. & his friends. I shall be able to do without the water birds, if you have not found any. I have had a most extraordinary letter from Waterton, which will highly amuse you. The man is mad—stark, staring mad. Yours very faith’ly W. Swalnson. Can you tell me any safe expeditions made of sending and receiving letters and Parcels from Philadelphia. J. J. Aupuson Esq. "9 Newman St. Oxford St. * The three volumes of this series bear date of 1832-33, but the preface is inscribed “Tittenhanger Green St. Albans, 24 th July, 1829.” 416 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST Early in 1829 Bonaparte wrote from Rome, where he had then settled, and the following letter shows that he had then heard of Audubon’s visit to France, and was keenly interested in his success: Charles L. Bonaparte to Audubon Rome January 10 th 1829. Dear Sir I received in due time your favours of November 3d. & De- cember 21 st. & now come to thank you for them, wishing you or rather expressing to you at the occasion of the renewal of the year, the warm wishes I constantly have for your health, happiness & especially for the success of your work. From the contents of your letter I clearly perceive that one at least of my letters to you must have miscarried. Nothing could be more interesting to me than the narrative of your journey to France, though I had heard from other quarters the good & well deserved reception you met with. Your letter of August 20 th. never came at hand, & it must have been the same with at least one of mine to you. What you mention about Tem- minck quite astonishes me! . . . I thought he would have un- + dertaken even a journey to see you & your drawings! ! ! Please let me know when you write whether the Ornithological Illus- trations of Jardine, Vigors & Co are stopped or still going on.—The animals I spoke to you of were reported as deliv- ered to you by Mr Gray of the British Museum who had re- ceived them for me from the U. States. Is it not so? . Corvus Cornix with us is very fond of the sea shore & feeds occasionally on fish, but I never observed it had the singular habits of C. ossifragus at least as described by Wilson. I am surprized at Messrs J B’s conduct; I have always found them extremely kind and well disposed towards me; & although we have settled our accounts I had no reason to be- lieve they would refuse our box. However we can do without their interference quite as well, & I hope you have already for- warded the box to Leghorn recommending it to the care of my AUDUBON IN LONDON 417 SAL RE ERNE Reis ety; NRISERE RS COvHAN an APA Nes: Sia aan > ny >, ohf ww of Caf = SS mo Fen Aa See ce ees ae LB sw dat sha aa gpm GPW PE we aw “7 whe seg Ye! ~~ ‘A py ae opie ay Vek nl heh sce AE A... AV Kn 7 bop you atns oCosaly fo heh nae (Margene ee Nt SA yp YARIS ned ii? Pat eg: SF ai ts x} PCL Bip a 51) Ll 1d jee VE, sehr {| RY eh SN fe ee ane ‘S ey 7 hae Ae a of ll powirn y inne Kee oN Ne F Rye ho a BE lite me 17 AM ny Miah coregee aren NL ou, ALA we Nae ec ‘het Y, one ake Le Rees TARDE IL Capen Ay Met bons fotks ~ x é + : a S i LKQ, PART OF LETTER OF CHARLES LUCIEN BONAPARTE TO AUDUBONp JANUARY 10, 1829. From the Howland MSS. agent in that port. Messrs F. & A. Filuchs.(?) I shall keep a good lookout for it being extremely anxious to see your new number. I should never have done if I was [to] repeat [to] you all the praise given to your work by our Italian artists & men of science! . . . I shall merely state that on my part I prefer the plate of Goldfinches to any other, birds and plants, being life itself; & that I am most anxious to see Astur Stan- leyi which I strongly suspect to be my Falco Cooperii. . . By this time, however you may have been able to ascertain the fact . . . please let me know how the thing stands. It is only 418 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST by your letter that I hear of my work (2 d) being in London: I have not yet seen a copy myself nor did I know positively that it had been published. You must surely have received one from myself at all events, for I directed Messrs Gay & Lea to let you have one of the very first out. Let me know whether you have it & your opinion about it.—I think you are right in going to Russia, especially as in giving them the American Birds you will probably give us the Russians, some of which are hardly known. Try to get for me Pyrrhula longicauda, P. rosea & Scalopax—thalina, the latter especially. I shall not loose sight of the portrait, but it will be still more difficult to get the signature. I will however endeavor from some of my rela- tions. You were right in supposing me “dans les bras de la paix & le bonheur d’un heureux pére de famille” but greatly mis- taken to think I was taking “le plaisir des sciences”. Settling and other cursed worldly affairs have so much taken up my time, that I have not looked a specimen or a book since I am in Rome . . . my small library itself & my Cabinet have not even been arranged & I tremble to find all my birds destroyed when the happy day will come to look into them. In the mean time an addition has been made six weeks ago to my small fam- ily. I have another son who has received the names of Lucien Louis Joseph Napoleon & better than that who is the porthrait of health itself. I am sure you will divide my happiness & excuse my delay in answering you principally on that account. I am in debt with half the scientific world & this has been the first letter I scratched since I am in Rome! . . . I hope to be more regular & less in a hurry in future . . . though God knows! . . . I will not however close this letter without men- tionaing the pleasure I had the other day in getting you a new subscriber & that among the English themselves.! The Earl of Shrewsbury & his good Lady highly admired your work the other day at my house & were so pleased with it that they said they would write immediately to add their name to the list. The Earl of Shrewsbury is as you know the first Earl of Great Britain a catholic & what is more to you a man of great taste. His not having heard of your work shows that you have not AUDUBON IN LONDON 419 made enough noise about it: & I am sure his name will be followed by a great many others to which Mr. Chapittar (Lord Shrewsb. friend) has promised me to show the work & deliver the prospectuses. Did you hear of the death of poor Mr Barnes killed by a stag (?). It is a great loss for the Queen. I remain, Dear Sir, begging you the London news your most obliged friend Cuaries L. Bonaparte. [ Addressed] Mr. J. J. Aupuzon 79 Newman Street | Oxford St. London Inghilterra. [Endorsed] Answered Feby. 8 th. 1829. J.J. A. Audubon continued to work on his paintings dur- ing the winter of 1828-9, hoping to put his affairs in such order that he might be able to start for America in the following year. CHAPTER XXIV FIRST VISIT TO AMERICA IN SEARCH OF NEW BIRDS Audubon settles for a time in Camden—Paints in a fisherman’s cottage by the sea—With the lumbermen in the Great Pine Woods—Work done—Visits his sons—Joins his wife at St. Francisville—Record of journey south—Life at “Beechgrove’—Mrs. Audubon retires from teaching—Their plans to return to England—Meeting with President Jackson and Edward Everett. Audubon laid his plans to visit America in 1829 with unusual care, and was fortunate in being able to entrust his publication to the competent hands of John George Children, of the British Museum. This was to be actually his third voyage to the United States, but it was the first which he made from English soil, and after he had become known as an ornithologist and animal painter. He wished to renew at least fifty of his earlier drawings and to obtain new materials of every description. Although he was naturally anxious to see his wife, from whom he had been absent for nearly three years, and his boys, the elder of whom had been left at Shippingport five years before, he felt constrained to devote to his work every moment that could be spared. When writing to his wife of his difficulties and pros- pects at this period, he assured her that he would act cautiously, with all due diligence and sobriety, and con- tinued: Thou art quite comfortable in Louisiana, I know; there- fore wait there with a little patience. I hope the end of this year will see me under headway sufficient to have thee with 420 TO AMERICA IN SEARCH OF BIRDS 421 me in comfort here, and I need not tell thee I long for thee every hour I am absent from thee. If I fail, America will still be my country, and thou, I will still feel, my friend. I will return to both and forget forever the troubles and expenses I have had; when walking together, arm in arm, we can see our sons before us, and listen to the mellow sounding thrush, so plentiful in our woods of magnolia.* A little later in 1829 he also wrote: “I have finished the two first years of publication, the two most difficult to be encountered.” At that time he fully expected that fourteen years would be required for the comple- tion of his task, owing to the many difficulties experi- enced, especially in securing competent workmen, as well as the necessity of distributing the expense for the benefit of his subscribers. When Havell had been provided with all the draw- ings needed for the remainder of the year 1829 and the first issue of 1830, Audubon sailed from Portsmouth on the Ist of April, 1829, in the packet ship Columbia, which reached New York on the opening day of May. “T chose the ship,” he said, “on account of her name, and paid thirty pounds for my passage.” He paused in New York to exhibit his drawings at the Lyceum of Natural History, of which he had become a member in 1824, but soon hurried to Phila- delphia, and finally settled down for work at Camden, in New Jersey, later known to fame as the home of “the good gray poet.” There, at a boarding house kept by a Mr. Armstrong, he remained three weeks, from about May 23 to June 18, hunting and painting every day. From Camden he went to Great Egg Harbor, then a famous resort of both land and water birds in great variety, and for three weeks more he lived and 1Mary F. Bradford, dudubon (Bibl. No. 85). 422 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST worked in a fisherman’s cabin by the sea. It is interest- ing to recall that Alexander Wilson, in company with George Ord, had spent a month at this point in the spring of 1813. The following letter * from Swainson was probably the one to which Audubon replied from New Jersey on September 14: William Swainson to Audubon My pear Mr. Aupuson I welcomed the news of your arrival in America yesterday, and as I am making up a packet for Liverpool today, I seize the opportunity of wishing you joy and happiness in the new world. I am surprised and disappointed as not receiving one line from Ward it is at the best negligent, and somewhat ungrate- ful. Hope you have begun your studies among the birds on a better plan than formerly, that is, in preserving the skins of every one on which there is the least doubt whether the bird is young or old, particularly the former. If you are to give scientific descriptions and definitions of the species this precaution is absolutely necessary. What your Amer- icans do with their money I know not, Mr. Lea tells me he cannot procure one purchaser for my new Illustrations: here it is now going on very well. You asked me what you can do for me in America. I will tell you. Send me a cart load of shells from the Ohio, or from any of the Rivers near New Orleans. The very smallest, as well as the very largest—all sizes. I have been long expecting those which your son promised you for me near twelve months ago! but I have heard nothing of them! you may spend a few dol- lars for me and send people to fish the shells at the dry sea- son, when the waters are low, that is the best time. Things go on here much as usual, but I have not been in London since Xmas. The first volume, containing the Quad- ? Published originally by Ruthven Deane (Bibl. No. 218), The Auk, vol. xxii, 1905. TO AMERICA IN SEARCH OF BIRDS 423 rupeds, of Dr. Richardson’s work, is out. I am now busy in preparing the second, which contains the Birds. Let me par- ticularly direct your attention to the manners of the Cedar Bird, Ampelis Americana. I suspect it feeds much on Insects in default of fruit, but what is desirable, is to know the way in which it captures Insects, whether as a flycatcher ie. by seizing them on the wing, or like the Gold crest—by picking them up among the branches or leaves. I am now in close correspondance with Charles Bonaparte, & a most valuble cor- respondant he is. Mrs. Swainson is just recovering from her confinement af- ter giving me another little son I am happy today they are both going on well. Wilson I believe mentions two birds very like the Red eyed Flycatcher, this is a point deserving your attention, but the manners of these birds are much more important. I feel con- vinced there are several species of my Genus Ammodramus shore finch, in the So. States, they all have narrow pointed tails, like the seasidefinch of Wilson. I further suspect there is more than one species confounded with the Towee Buntling. I hope soon again to hear more fully from you, and of your ornithological acquisitions. The dear little ones are quite well. Yours very sincerely, Wo. Swainson Tue Green 26 June 1829. Me. Joun J. AuDUBON care of Mess. Tuomas E. Waker & Co. Merchants. New York [Philadelphia ] On the 4th of July Audubon returned to Phila- delphia and prepared for a longer sojourn in the Great Pine Forest, or Great Pine Swamp, as it was sometimes called, in Northumberland County, Pennsylvania. In 424 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST this letter to his son we shall find an account of his plans and accomplishments: Audubon to his son, Victor PuiLapeLPuia, July & th., 1829. My pear Victor :— I have been in America two months this day, and not a word from you have I had in answer to my several letters, dated New York, and at this place. I am also without answer from your Mama, but do not feel so surprised as I know that about 2 months is the time necessary to have a return from Louisi- ana. I have come to take your Mama over to England, if her wish inclines her to do so, and have wrote fully to her, giving her all the particulars respecting my situation that I thought could possibly be trusted to a letter. I have also come to America to redraw some of my earliest productions, and am now closely engaged at this. I remained near this city for 8 weeks, and since have spent 3 more at Great Egg Harbour, from which place I returned yesterday. I have already 13 drawings by me. I have letters from Lon- don, up to 80 th. April, when all my business was going on well with an increase of 4 subscribers. I have no news to transmit; on the contrary, I was in hopes that ere this I should have had at least one long letter from you. I beg you will write me when you last heard from your Mama. Direct your letter to the care of Messrs Thos. E. Walker, & Co, mer- chants here, who know all my movements, and will see anything forwarded to wherever I may choose to go to. I hope your uncle Berthoud & family are ahi well; present them my best regards, and to all others who may feel inter- ested in my welfare, and believe me your affectionate father, Joun J. AuDUBON. I have bought a good gold time-keeper, intended for you, and a copy bound, of my work, and wish to know how it can be forwarded. God bless you. TO AMERICA IN SEARCH OF BIRDS 425 After outfitting himself in Philadelphia, Audubon proceeded to Mauch Chunk; his provisions for this jour- ney to the forest consisted of a “wooden box containing a small stock of linin, drawing-paper, my journal, colors and pencils, together with twenty pounds of shot, sev- eral flints, a due quantum of cash, my gun “Tear Jacket,’ and a heart as true to nature as ever.” From Mauch Chunk he traveled fifteen miles into the heart of the wooded hills, and was received into the family of Jedediah Irish, lumberman and philosopher, whose praise was celebrated in a later “Episode.” * ‘What pleasure,” said the naturalist, “I had in listening to him, as he read his favourite poems of Burns, while my pencil was occupied in smoothing and softening the drawing of the bird before me. Was this not enough to recall to my mind the early impressions that had been made upon it by the description of the golden age, which I here found realized?’ During his stay in the forest Audubon paid par- ticular attention to the smaller land birds, such as finches, warblers and flycatchers, and many of the orig- inal drawings which were made in the summer of 1829 still bear his penciled designations of time and place.* * See “The Great Pine Swamp,” and “Great Egg Harbour,” Ornithologi- cal Biography (Bibl. No. 2), vol. i, p. 52, and vol. iii, p. 606. * Though the year is not usually indicated on the originals, the follow- ing drawings probably belong to this period: , Black Poll Warbler, New Jersey, May. Wood Pewee Flycatcher, New Jersey, May. Small Green-crested Flycatcher, New Jersey, May. Golden-crowned Thrush, New Jersey, May. Warbling Flycatcher, Vireo giluus, New Jersey, May 23. Yellow-breasted Chat, New Jersey, June 7. Sea Side Finch, Great Egg Harbour, June 14. Marsh Wren, New Jersey, June 22. Bay-winged Bunting, Great Egg Harbour, June 26. Canada Flycatcher, Great Pine Swamp, August 1. Pine Swamp Warbler, Great Pine Swamp, August 11. Black and Yellow Warble:z, Great Pine Swamp, August 12. 426 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST About ten weeks ® were spent in the woods, from late July until the 10th of October, when the naturalist re- turned to Philadelphia and settled again for a time in Camden. At this period he was enjoying the best of health and spirits, and he worked during the entire sea- son under the highest pressure of which he was capable. At Camden, October 11. 1829, he wrote: I am at work, and have done much, but I wish I had eight pairs of hands, and another body to shoot the specimens, still I am delighted at what I have accumulated in drawings this season. Forty-two drawings in four months, eleven large, eleven middle size, and twenty-two small, comprising ninety- five birds, from Eagles downwards, with plants, nests, flowers, and sixty kinds of eggs.® besides those belonging to the house where I lodge. I rise long before day, and work till night-fall, when I take a walk, and to bed. At about the middle of October Audubon set out to join his family in the South. Crossing the mountains by mail-coach to Pittsburgh, where he met his former partner in business, Thomas Pears (see p. 254), he de- scended once more his favorite river, the Ohio. It was no longer necessary to rough it on a flatboat or to sleep on a steamer’s deck; it was to be “poor Audubon” no longer. To be sure, he was not rich, but he had made his way and his mark, and the attention which he now I live alone, see scarcely any one, Hemlock Warbler, Great Pine Swamp, August 12. Autumnal Warbler, Great Pine Swamp, August 20. Connecticut Warbler, New Jersey, September 22. Mottled Owl, New Jersey, October. Though Audubon said that he spent only six weeks in the forest, the indications upon his drawings imply a longer period. ®At this time Audubon intended to figure, in full size and natural colors, the eggs of the “Birds of America,” for which the concluding numbers of his plates had been reserved, but when the time came, these numbers had to be given over to new acquisitions, so the eggs were eventually crowded out. TO AMERICA IN SEARCH OF BIRDS 427 began to receive when traveling in his adopted land must have gratified his heart. He paused at Louisville to visit his two boys, the elder of whom, Victor, was then a clerk in the office of his uncle, William G. Bake- well, while John was with another uncle, Nicholas A. Berthoud. Hastening on he reached Bayou Sara on November 17, where he finally joined his wife, who was living at the home of William Garrett Johnson, in West Feliciana Parish, near Wakefield. Some account of this journey is given in the following letter,” written on the eighteenth to Dr. Richard Harlan; in the post- script Audubon gives the first reference to a new hawk which he proposed to name after his friend, and which has given no little trouble to ornithologists ever since: * Audubon to Dr. Richard Harlan [Superscribed] Ricu? Hartan Esq’. M. D. &c &e &e Philadelphia Pens# St Francisvitte Lovuisrana Novembr 18th 1829— My Dear Frienv.— You will see by the data of this the rapidity with which I have crossed two thirds of the United States. I had the happi- ness of pressing my beloved wife to my breast Yesterday morn- ing; saw my two sons at Louisville and all is well.—from Philadelphia to Pittsburgh I found the Roads, the Coaches, horses Drivers and Inns all much improved and yet needing a great deal to make the traveller quite comfortable—The slow- nesse of the stages is yet a great bore to a man in a hurry—I remained part of a day at Pittsburgh where of course I paid my respects to the Museum! I was glad to see the germ of 7 At one time in possession of Dr. R. W. Shufeldt, who received it from Mrs. Audubon; given verbatim by Elliott Coues (Bibl. No. 43), Bulletin of the Nuttall Ornithological Club, vol. v, 1880. 8 Harlan’s Hawk, or the Black Warrior, is now regarded as a southern variety of the Red-tailed Hawk, and is designated under the trinomen, Bueto borealis harlani. 428 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST one—it is conducted by a very young man named Lambdin—I made an arrangement with him [place of seal—paper gone] & & &€ at Cincinnati I also visited the Museum [paper gone] it scarsely improves since my last view of it, except indeed by wax figures and such other shows as are best suitable to make money and the least so to improve the mind.—I could not see D [illegible] my time was very limited.—The Ohio was in good order for Navigation and I reached Louisville distant from you about 1,000 Miles in one week.=as you spoke of travelling westwardly I give you here an a/c of the Fare.—to Pittsburgh all included 21$.—to Louisville 12$.—and 25 $ more to Bayou Sarah where I Landed. 30 $ is the price from Louisville to N. Orleans. =our Steam Boats are commodious and go well—but my Dear Friend the most extraordinary change has taken place in appearance as I have proceeded.— The foliage had nearly left the Trees in Pensylvania, the Swal- lows had long since disapeared severe frost indeed had rendered Nature gloomy and uninteresting—Judge of the contrast: I am now surrounded by Green Trees and Swallows gambole around the house as in Pensylvania during June & July=The mock bird is heard to sing and during a Walk with my Wife yesterday I collected some 20 or 30 Insects=that is not all, a friend of mine here says that he has discovered 2 or 8 New Birds! ! !—new Birds are new birds our days, and I shall en- deavour to shew you the Facts Simile when again I shall have the pleasure of shaking your hand— although so lately arrived, I have established the fact that M's A. and myself will be on our way towards “Old England” by the 15th of Jan.Y- we will ascend the Mississipi and after resting ourselves at Louisville with our sons and other rela- tives about one month and then proceed with the Rapidity of the Wild Pigeon should God grant our wishes !— have you seen or heard any thing of Ward?—have you the little sketch of Dear?—=we had a passenger on Board the Huntress named Potts from your City who knows you well a lively young Gentleman; has a Brother (a Clergyman) estab- lished and married at Natchez.— TO AMERICA IN SEARCH OF BIRDS 429 I will begin Drawing next week having much scratching with the Pen to perform this one, and I am also desirous to make [paper gone] Large Shipment of aborigines both animal and vegetal as soon as possible—Turkeys, Aligators, Oppos- sums, Paroekett, and plants, as Bignonias & & &* will be removed to the Zoological Gardens of London, from the Natural ones of this Magnificent Louisiana !—meantimes I will not for- get my Friends in Phil* no I would rather forgive all, to all my Ennemies there.—assure Dr Hammersley that Ivory Billed and Peleated Woodpeckers will be skinned, and who knows but I may find something more for him.—I will give free leave to Dr. Pickering to chuse amongst the Insects and who knows but I may find something new for him. remember me most kindly to both, nay not in the common manner of saying “M* Audubon begs to be remembered” no not [at] all. This way M? A re- members you and you and J will remember you and you and I always ! !— May I also beg to be remembered in humble words to a fine pair of Eyes; divided, not by the Allegany Mountains; but by a nose evidently imported from far East, to a placid forehead, to a mouth speaking happiness to ————— [dash nearly across page. | Should you see Friend Sully remember me to him also—and should you see George Ord Esq" Fellow of all the Societies Imaginable present him my most humble ————— [dash line more than across the page. | Should you see that good woman where I boarded at Camd’den tell her that I am well and thankful to her for her attentions to me.— I cannot hope the pleasure of an answer from you here but you may do so, and I say pray do so, directed to the care of N. Berthoud Esq? Louisville Kentucky.—by the bye my sons are taller than me, the eldest one so much altered that I did not know him at first sight, and yet I have Eyes— God bless You, Your Friend Joun J. AuDUBON. 430 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST [The following is written across the first page:] I reopened my letter to say that I have Just now killed a Large New Falcon yes positively a new Species of Hawk almost black about 25 Inches Long and 4 feet broad tail square Eye yellowish White, Legs and Feet bare short & strong. I will skin it!!!— remember me to Lehman What I have said about the Hawk to You must be Lawful to Academicians and you will please announce Falco Harlanii by John J. AupuBon ES Sits The following extracts are from a letter ° written by Swainson, January 30, 1830, and sent to Havell in London to be readdressed: William Swainson to Audubon I know not in what part of the Wilds of America you may now be wandering, but I hope you are fully intent upon your great object, and that you are not only making drawings, and taking notes, but preserving Skins, of all your little favorites. Don’t forget the Shrikes, of which I have strong suspicions there are 2 or 3 species mixed up with the name of Logger- head. Should you be in the land of the Scarlet Ibis, do pray procure a dozen or two of the best skins, they are the most magnificent birds of No. America, and are said to be common towards New Orleans. You will learn frm the Newspapers how uncommonly severe is our winter the snow-has now been upon the ground five weeks and it is still falling. I manage, however, to walk out every day, and thus have acquired better health than I have enjoyed for many years. Previous to your embarking to England, which I hope you will do very early in the spring you must do me one favor. ® Published by Ruthven Deane (Bibl. No. 217), The Auk, vol. xxii, 1905. TO AMERICA IN SEARCH OF BIRDS 431 Bring me two Grey Squirrels alive, and a cage full of little birds, either the painted or non-Pareil finch the Blue finch, or the Virginian Nightingale, as they are called, 3 or 4 of each to guard against casualties by death on the voyage. I do not care one farthing whether they sing or not, so that I presume they may be got for a mere trifle. The Squirrels would delight the little people beyond measure, and would prove a never- failing source of amusement to them. I believe you have other kinds than the grey, so that any will do. If you cannot get them pray supply their place by two Parrots of America. We continue pretty well at the Green. Seldom go to town, but I find people begin to discover the true character of V [igors]. and many that were formerly his friends now speak very differently of him. His father having died the property has come to him. He has now taken a fine house in the Re- gents park, and holds conversaziones (in humble imitation of those of the President of the Royal Society) every Sunday evening during the season!! all this is very grand, and he ap- pears to have abandoned writing any more papers on or- nithology, since I have begun to point out his errors. Ward wrote to me since my last, he is a poor weak fellow, with a good natural disposition, but so little to be depended upon, that he is turned round by every feather, after insert- ing that he could not go on “in my service” as he called it, under ten dollars a week, he now says he should be most happy to receive four. He says not a word of his marriage, which proves his wish to decive one. I have done with him... . I hope you have got me lots of River shells. About the beginning of the year 1827 Mrs. Audu- bon gave up her “Beechwoods” school, and thereafter took a position as governess in the home of Mr. William Garrett Johnson, whose plantation, called ‘“Beech- grove,’ was situated in the same parish. An anony- mous writer thus referred to this house in 1851: *° Thomas B. Thorpe (Bibl. No. 64), Godey’s Lady’s Book, vol. xlii, 1851. 432 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST In the hospitable mansion of W. G. J: » in the parish of West Feliciana, if one will look into the parlor, they will see over the piano a cabinet sized portrait, remarkable for a bright eye and intellectual look. The style of it is free, and there is an individuality about the whole that gives assurance of a strong likeness. Opposite hangs a proof impression of the bird of Washington, a tribute of a grateful heart to an old friend. The first is a portrait of Audubon painted by himself; the other is one of the first [of his] engravings that ever reached the United States. There Audubon spent nearly two months at the close of 1829, and followed his usual occupations of hunting and drawing, while his wife prepared for their contem- plated journey to Europe. He is said to have drawn at this time the “Black Vulture attacking a herd of Deer,” several large hawks, squirrels, and heads of deer which were never finished. Although Audubon’s business affairs in England had been left in charge of his trustworthy friend, John G. Children, his engraver, Havell, had become alarmed at the loss of subscribers and the failure of certain of their agents, and particularly M. Pitois of Paris," to render due returns. Havell, as it proved, was unduly disturbed, but his gloomy accounts tended to hasten the naturalist’s departure, a circumstance that was later deplored. ‘These matters are clearly reflected in the following letter written from the Johnson home in Lou- isiana when the Audubons were preparing to leave it; particularly interesting are the included statements 4 While in Paris in 1828, Audubon wrote on October 26 that he had received a call from “a M. Pitois, who came to look at my book, with a view to becoming my agent here; Baron Cuvier recommended him strongly, and I have concluded a bargain with him. He thinks he can procure a good number of subscribers. His manners are plain, and I hope he will prove an honest man.” See Maria R. Audubon, dudubon and his Journals (Bibl. No. 86), vol. i, p. 339. TO AMERICA IN SEARCH OF BIRDS 483 through which it was hoped that a competent successor might be secured for the duties of the position which Mrs. Audubon had so ably filled: Audubon to Robert Havell Brecn Grove, Louisiana Decr 16th 1829 My Dear Mr Havetit.— I received yesterday from New York your letter of the 29th. Sept. which must have reached Philadelphia 3 days after my departure for home= I am sorry that Bartley should have made you suffer a moment by sending you the intelligence of the failure of the several subscribers you mention in your favor—it cannot be helped—there is none of your fault and J must repair these matters when I reach England again= I am considerably more sorry and much vexed that Sowler should have failed in his written promise to accept your Dfts.— even in a case of the diminution of subscribers he could cer- tainly have sent you a progressional amount—I am now almost sure that Pitois has failed or acted the Rogue= We are making all preparations in our power to leave Louisiana on the 5 or 10th. of Jan.y and we will proceed as fast as Steam Boats, Coaches and the weather will admit of and we will sail for England from New York with all possible dispatch. I have made a shipment of Forest trees to England that I hope will turn to good account as they are to be presents to Public Institutions &c and that I think it necessary to be remembered myself.— We are both well—our sons are at Louisville, Kentucky where we will see them about the 20th. of next month.—I sent you in my letter a proposal for your sister and should you not have received it I send it you again here in Mrs A.’s. hand writing.—I would advise your sister to come if the money is an object.—I think that besides she will be comfortable with the familly Johnson—if she thinks fit to wait untill we see her, we can tell her all about it.= 434 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST I have received only one letter from friend Children dur- ing all this absence against my very many— I hope the insects I sent him by the Annibal have reached safely. —have no news to give you—Keep up a good heart—we will be in London as soon as possible——I have not had a letter from Miss Hudson for a long time—I hope her mother & her are well—Remember me kindly to your Dear Wife and Little ones—Mrs Audubon joins me in all good wishes—If you see Parker my remembrances to him=I will carry with me some Drawings that I know will make the graver and the Acid Grin again.— Believe me your friend— Joun J. Aupuson. When you present my sincere regards to friend Swanson [Swainson] tell him that I have had only one letter from him and that I am now quite unable to say where Mr Ward is=—I had a letter from Henry Havell*? the other day merely ac- knowledging the money I have paid him—he was in New York, I hope quite well— [ Enclosure ] A friend of ours here named Wm. Garrett Johnson (a cotton planter) a gentleman who resides in a perfectly healthy and agreeable part of the country, desires that I should write to England to procure for him a Governess, one who can teach music, drawing and the usual branches of education to young Ladies. Mr. Johnson will pay the sum of one thousand dol- lars per annum, board, lodging &c, also and considered in all respects as a member of the family, to any lady who will un- dertake occupation (the sum is about 230£) the governess will have to instruct ten or twelve young persons of various ages, and may make the arrangement for five years if desirous of it. I have thought this would suit your sister precisely, and for my part knowing the family Johnson as I do I should think it an excellent thing for her. if not I will look for some one when “Henry Augustus Havell, a younger brother of Robert Havell, Junior; see Vol. II, p. 191. TO AMERICA IN SEARCH OF BIRDS 435 IT am in England, Sailing from England direct for New Orleans, steam Boats reach the place of Mr Johnson in two days. Duplicate. I, Wm. Garrett Johnson do authorize my friend J. J. Audu- bon to make the above proposition and do by these present obli- gate myself to comply with them punctually and particularly. Wo. Garrett JoHNsON. [ Addressed ] Mr Rost Haveuy Ju® Engraver 79 Newman Street Oxford Street London England “On January 1, 1830,” said the naturalist, “we started for New Orleans, taking with us the only three servants yet belonging to us, namely, Cecilia, and her two sons, Reuben and Lewis. We stayed a few days at our friend Mr. Braud’s, with whom we left our servants, and on the seventh of January took passage on the splendid steamer Philadelphia for Louisville, paying sixty dollars fare.”** After a long visit with their sons, on the seventh of March they ascended the Ohio to Cincinnati, and at Wheeling took the mail-coach to Washington. At the national capital Audubon met the President, Andrew Jackson, and was befriended by Edward Everett, at that time a leader in the House of Representatives. “Congress,” said the naturalist, “was then in session, and I exhibited my drawings to the House of Representatives, and received their subscrip- %See Lucy B. Audubon, ed., Life of John James Audubon, the Naturalist (Bibl. No. 73), p. 203. Since black slaves were the only domestics available in the South at that time, it is probable that the “servants” referred to were employed by Mrs. Audubon at her “Beech- grove” school, 436 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST tion as a body.” He also recorded that he obtained three subscribers in Baltimore, and left for Philadel- phia, where they remained a week. The following note, which Edward Everett gave Audubon for New York, is particularly interesting, since it expressly states that at that time the ornithologist had not received a single subscriber in the United States: Edward Everett to Dr. Wainwright Wasuincton 18 March 1830 My pear Sir, Allow me to introduce to your acquaintance, the bearer of this letter, Mr. Audubon of Louisiana. His drawings of American Birds, of which he will show you some, will I am sure command your approbation, as they have the applause of Europe.—I am sorry to say, that he has not yet procured a single subscriber, in the United States of America. Will not one of your Institutions in New York—or your wealthy and liberal individuals—take a copy? I pray you endeavor to procure him at least one subscriber, in New York.— Yours with great regard E. Everett. Rev Dr WarnwricHt Audubon had evidently reconsidered his expressed intention of presenting a copy** to Congress, and to Edward Everett belongs the credit of subscribing to The Birds of America in behalf of the Congressional Library. At about this time also he obtained another subscriber at Washington, in the person of Baron Krudener, the Russian envoy, but later experienced dif- ficulty in collecting his dues.*° “See Vol. I, p. 396, * See Vol. II, p. 38. CHAPTER XXV AUDUBON’S LETTERPRESS AND ITS RIVALS Settlement in London—Starts on canvassing tour with his wife—Change of plans—In Edinburgh—Discovery of MacGillivray—His hand in the Ornithological Biography—Rival editions of Wilson and Bonaparte— Brown’s extraordinary atlas—Reception of the Biography—Joseph Bartholomew Kidd and the Ornithological Gallery—In London again. On the Ist of April, 1830, Audubon and his wife sailed from New York in the packet ship Pacific, bound for Liverpool, where they landed after a voyage of twenty-five days. Upon returning to London the nat- uralist found that upon the 18th of the preceding March he had been elected to membership in the Royal Society, an honor for which he felt indebted to Lord Stanley and his friend Children, of the British Museum; after paying the entrance fee of £50, he took his seat in that body on the 6th of May. The painting of pictures was at once resumed to meet his heavy expenses, but towards the end of July he started with Mrs. Audubon on a canvassing tour, in the course of which his plans sud- denly were changed so that London did not see him again for nearly a year.1_ On this journey they touched at Birmingham, Manchester, Leeds, York, Hull, Scar- borough, Whitby, New Castle, and Belford, to visit the Selbys, and on the 13th of October reached Edinburgh, where they were soon comfortably settled in the natural- ist’s old lodging place, the house of Mrs. Dickey, Num- ber 26, George Street. 1His correspondence with William Swainson from this point, and the history of his letterpress so far as that naturalist was concerned, will be unfolded later (see Chapter XXIX). 437 438 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST Audubon was now ready to begin the text of his Birds of America, to be called Ornithological Biogra- phy, which is often referred to as his “Biography of Birds.” This work, which was eventually extended to five large volumes of over three thousand pages, was published at Edinburgh from 1831 to 1839. He had made crude beginnings with this in view as early as 1821, and on October 16, 1830, he wrote: “I know that I am not a scholar .. .” but, “with the assistance of my old journals and memorandum-books, which were written on the spot, I can at least put down plain truths, which may be useful, and perhaps interesting, so I shall set to at once. I cannot, however, give scientific de- scriptions, and here must have assistance.” 'To supply this need, as we have seen already, he had earlier applied to William Swainson, but the negotiations with that naturalist were soon broken off, and led to a sharp and acrid discussion upon the authorship of the work itself.” By arare stroke of genius or good fortune, Audubon chose for his assistant a young Scotch naturalist, Wil- liam MacGillivray, who had been introduced to him by another naturalist, James Wilson, soon after he reached the Scottish capital. MacGillivray agreed “to revise and correct” his manuscript at the rate of two guineas per sheet of sixteen pages, and in the latter part of October, 1830, they set to work. We shall soon have occasion to speak more fully of his debt to this esti- mable Scotchman,* and will only add here that a better trained or more competent helper than MacGillivray could hardly have been found in Great Britain or else- where. ?See Chapter XXVIII, p. 87. ®=See Chapter XXX. MRS. DICKIE’S “BOARDING RESIDENCE,” 26 GEORGE STREET, EDINBURGH, WHERE AUDUBON OCCUPIED APART- MENTS AND PAINTED AND WROTE IN 1826-27 AND 1830-31. A LARGE PUBLIC BUILDING NOW OCCUPIES THE SITE. After a photograph in possession of Mr. Ruthven Deane. THE ACADEMY OF NATURAL SCIENCES OF PHILADELPHTA. After an old print; reproduced from Cassinia for 1910. AUDUBON’S LETTERPRESS 439 No sooner had Audubon begun to write than it was learned that “no less than three editions of ‘Wilson’s Ornithology’ were about to be published, one by Jameson, one by Sir W. Jardine, and another by a Mr. Brown.” The outlook could not be considered encour- aging, but this intelligence only nerved him to greater effort, and he was determined to push his own publica- tion with such unremitting vigor as to anticipate them all. “Since I have been in England,” he wrote in his journal, “I have studied the character of Englishmen as carefully as I have studied the birds in America, and I know full well that in England novelty is always in demand, and that if a thing is well known it will not receive much support.” Audubon worked continuously at his Biography, rising before the dawn and writing all day, while the able worker at his side carried his efforts far into the night, and in three months the first volume was ready for the printer; Mrs. Audubon meanwhile copied their entire manuscript to be sent to the United States in order to secure the American copyright. When this work was offered to the publishers at Edin- burgh, however, not one of them, said the naturalist, would offer a shilling for it, but this did not deter him from publishing it at once and at his own expense.* On March 13, 1831, he wrote: “The printing will be com- pleted in a few days, and I have sent copies of the sheets to Dr. Harlan, and Mr. McMurtie, at Philadelphia, and also one hundred pounds sterling to Messrs. 'T. Walker & Sons, to be paid to Dr. Harlan to secure the copy- right, and have the book published there.” *The first volume of the Ornithological Biography in the European edition bears the imprint of “Adam Black, 55 North Bridge, Edinburgh;” in the four subsequent volumes this was changed to “Adam and Charles Black,” while the entire work was printed by “Neill & Co., Printers, Old Fish Market, Edinburgh.” See Bibliography, No, 2. 440 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST The following friendly letter from one of Wilson’s editors belongs to this period: Sir William Jardine to Audubon Jarvine Hart 3 d Decr. 1830— My pear Sir, I only learnt a few days since that you were to winter in Edinburgh, and perhaps since you are not Hurried for time in Trovelly [?] will come out to spend a day or two with me—If you can come out before the 10 th. when I shall have the pleas- ure of shewing you some Blackgame Shooting— The season expires on the Tenth of the Month partridges have bred so ill that there is scarsely any in the whole country, and pheas- ants have been so lately introduced that they are yet rather scarce— In a wet day you may have your easel & brushes I should wish much to hear your account of Wilson during the times you hunted with him—and also some account of the New Species you figure in the american Ornithology— I am happy to learn you intend figuring the learned Men of America as accompanyment to your work particularly the ornithologists, do you know the painter of the portrait of Wilson— I have three portraits of him in the House, and also a profile taken by the machine I should like to have your opin- ion of them one of the portraits was painted from an original that went to America— I shall expect to hear you are coming soon—Mr Lizars will tell you about coaches—&c With best regards believe me Sincerely yours Wo Jardine [ Addressed] J. Aupuson Esqr Care of W. H. Lizars Esqr 3 James Square Edinburgh. Audubon was not outstripped by his Edinburgh rivals, who to all appearances had planned to cover the ORNITHOLOGICAL BIOGRAPHY, OR AN ACCOUNT OF THE HABITS OF THE BIRDS OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA; ACCOMPANIED BY DESCRIPTIONS OF ‘THE OBJECTS REPRESENTED TN THE WORK ENTITLED THE BIRDS OF AMERICA, AND INTERSPERSED WITIT DELINEATIONS OF AMERICAN SCENERY AND MANNERS. BY JOHN JAMES AUDUBON, F.R.SS.L.& E. VELLOW OF THE LINXFAX¥ AXD ZOOLOGIVAL SOCIETIES OF LOXDOX ; MEMBER OF THE LYCEC AND LINNEAN SOCIETY OF XEW YORK, OF TUL NATURAL UINTORY SOCIETY OF PARIS, TOB WERNERIAX NATURAL HISTORY SOCIKTY OF EDINBURONS HOXORARY MEMBER OF THE SOCIETY OF XNATUBAL WISTORY OF MAXCHESTKR, AXD OF THE SCOTTISH acaDENY OF PAINTING, ARCUITECTURE, AXD ECULPTURE, &c. EDINBURGH: ADAM BLACK, 55. NORTH BRIDGF, EDINBURGH: ® HAVELL JUN. ENGRAVER, 77. OXFORD STREET, AND LONGMAN, REES, BROWN, & GREEN, LONDON; GEORGE SMITH, TITHEBARR STREET, LIVERPOOL; T. SOWLER, MANCHESTER; MRS ROBINSON, LEEDS; E CHARNLEY, NEWCASTLE; POOL & BOOTH, CHESTER; AND BEILBY, KNOTT, & BEILBY, BIRMINGHAM. MDCCCXXXI. TITLE PAGE OF VOLUME I OF THE “ORNITHOLOGICAL BIOGRAPHY.” From a copy presented by Audubon to William MacGillivray and bearing the latter’s signature. 441 442 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST field of American ornithology so thoroughly as to render his work a drug on the market, if not to make it super- fluous. Whether this were really true or not, there is no doubt that Audubon’s activity furnished the stimulus to the sudden appreciation of the work of his predeces- sor that was manifested in Edinburgh at this very mo- ment of time. It will be interesting to see just what these rival enterprises were. Professor Jameson, who had been of great service to Audubon at the beginning of his undertaking, prepared a pocket edition of Wil- son’s and Bonaparte’s Ornithology, with miniature plates which were issued separately, and the two works, which were intended to go together, were published in 1831.° Sir William Jardine brought out an edition of Wilson’s and Bonaparte’s work, in three large volumes, with plates engraved by W. H. Lizars after the orig- inals and carefully colored by hand. This was thor- ° American Ornithology, or the Natural History of the Birds of the United States. By Alexander Wilson and Charles Lucien Bonaparte. Edited by Robert Jameson... Regius Professor of Natural History in the University of Edinburgh. Appearing as vols. Ixviii-lxxi of Con- stable’s Miscellany, 4 vols., 18mo., Edinburgh and London, 1831. This was the fourth (?) edition of Wilson’s work, and the first (?) to appear in Europe; with portrait of Wilson and vignettes on titles engraved by Lizars, memoir of Wilson by W. M. Hetherington, and extracts from Audubon, Richardson, and Swainson. The plates of this edition were issued in numbers, under title of Illustrations of American Ornithology; reduced from the work of Wilson; 18mo., Edinburgh and London (1831). In a notice of the first number which appeared in the Caledonian Mercury (Edinburgh) for Oct. 29, 1831, it was stated that the plates were issued in small size to be bound up with Jameson’s edition of the text, and that they were intended “for a different class of purchasers from those likely to take the folio edition, then being brought out by the publishers of Constable’s Miscellany. The plates were engraved in line and executed in a very superior style, both plain and colored.” ® American Ornithology; or Natural History of the Birds of the United States, by Alexander Wilson, with a Continuation by Charles Lucien Bonaparte, Prince of Musignano. The Illustrative Notes and Life of Wilson by Sir William Jardine, 3 vols., 8vo.. London and Edinburgh, 1832. The second (?) European edition of Wilson and Bonaparte, with 97 hand-colored plates engraved by Lizars. The Caledonian Mercury in AUDUBON’S LETTERPRESS 448 oughly legitimate enterprise, but the climax was reached when Captain Thomas Brown began to publish an “Audubonized edition” of Wilson’s and Bonaparte’s plates, or an attempt to present their plates of American birds in the Audubonian manner, to the extent at least of showing the characteristic flowers, trees, and insects of the American continent, a plan to which some of Audubon’s earlier critics in Philadelphia had offered strenuous objection. Brown’s large atlas of plates’ was noticing the work, October 29, 1831, said: “It must be highly gratifying to the friends and connections of poor Sandy Wilson to see such honor, at last, paid to his memory in his native land.” "Tllustrations of the American Ornithology of Alexander Wilson and Charles Lucien Bonaparte, Prince of Musignano. With the addition of numerous Recently Discovered Species, and Representations of the Whole Sylva of North America. By Captain Thomas Brown [etc., etc.]. Folio, with engraved title, engraved dedication, index, and 124 engraved and hand-colored plates. Edinburgh, Frazer & Co., 54 North Bridge, William Curry, Jun’r & Co., Dublin & Smith, Elder & Co., 65 Cornhill, London, MDCCCXXXV. It is stated by the editor of this extraordinary work that he had added 161 birds, and that 87 have been considerably enlarged. There are 167 representations of American trees and shrubs, said to have been copied for the most part from Michaux’ Silva. The striking Hibiscus grandiflorus (plate xli) was taken without acknowledgment from Audu- bon’s drawing of the Blue-winged Warbler (The Birds of America, plate xx). For the most part the figures of birds are redrawn from Wilson and Bonaparte and given new positions and backgrounds. A few of the plates, as that of the California Vulture (no. 1), bear the legend, “Drawn by Captn. Tho. Brown;” all are uneven, and many extremely poor in execution, the fourteen by W. H. Lizars being the best. J. B. Kidd, for a time associated with Audubon (see Vol. I, p. 446) is credited with four plates; other engravers employed on the work were James Turvey, who exe- cuted the elaborate title, Samuel Milne, James Mayson, R. Scott, J. & J. Johnstone, E. Mitchell, William Davie, S. A. Miller, John Miller, Audw. Kilgour, Wm. Warwick, and W. McGregor. Plate xiv, the Snowy Owl, Strix nyctea, engraved by the editor, has the interest of a caricature. Some plates show as many as fourteen birds in a medley of brilliant foliage, flowers and fruits. The violence of the coloring is often such as to destroy the effect of the best plates, and gaudy butterflies flit through the pages as if they were the common food of every species, not excluding the American grouse (see Note, Vol. I, p. 359). Captain Brown’s Illustrations were said by a writer in the Edinburgh Literary Journal for April 9, 1831, “to form a companion to the letterpress in Constable’s Miscellany (see Note, Vol. I, p. 442); price, colored, 15 shil- lings; plain, 10s. 6d. A few in elephant folio (same size as Selby’s British Ornithology); colored, 1 guinea. To be completed in 10 parts, each con- 444 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST issued in parts, from 1831 to 1835, and was intended as a further companion to Jameson’s text for all who could afford that expensive form of illustration. By a curious coincidence Audubon’s Ornithological Biography (vol. i), Jameson’s edition of Wilson and Bonaparte (vol. i), and Brown’s Illustrations (pt. i), were all noticed on the same page of the London Literary Gazette for April 9, 1831. “This day is published,” so reads the taining 5 colored plates; 22 inches long by 17 inches broad, being con- sidered more than double the size of the original work.” The first number of this work was reviewed in the London Literary Gazette for October 8, 1831, when it was said that in it were represented 25 birds, 13 forest trees, and 12 insects; the completed work would comprehend “all the forest trees of America, with their fruits, together with the principal insects of the country,” as well as all the birds that had been discovered up to the time of issue. Brown’s piratical work must have had a very limited circulation, since it is now so rare that not even the British Museum possesses a copy, and, so far as known, it is not found in any public library of the United States. I was told at Wheldon’s, the London shop devoted to works on natural history, that but two copies had ever been handled, and that they commanded a high price. The work was originally sold at £26. The only copy known to me is in the library of the Zodlogical Society in London, from which the present citation is made; on one of its fly-leaves is written this note: “I have seen the wrapper of No. 1 of this work. It is dated 1831. There is no information as to its contents. C. Davis Sanborn. 22.5.05.” This copy was referred to by Dr. Theodore Gill; see The Osprey, vol. v, pp. 31 and 109 (Washington, 1900 and 1901). Dr. Walter Faxon has traced two other copies, one formerly in possession of Professor Alfred Newton, and another, but very imperfect set, in a private library at Tarrytown, New York. According to Faxon, a single brown paper wrap- per preserved in the Tarrytown copy bears a full printed title, which differs, however, from that which was subsequently engraved for the completed work; for fuller citation, see “A Rare Work on American Ornithology,” The Auk, vol. xx (1903), pp. 236-241. Mr. Ruthven Deane has written me that several years ago he secured in New York a fragment of this work, consisting of the paper wrappers of four Parts, Nos. 1-4, the last three of which contained five plates each; there were in addition 10 scattered plates, making 25 plates in: all; the price of “21 Shillings” is printed on each of the wrappers, which also bear the date “1831,” but no titles. Another pirated work, Illustrations of the Genera of Birds, by the same author, was begun in 1845, but met with even less success, and was never completed; this was taken from A List of the Genera of Birds, pub- lished in 1840 by George Robert Gray, and according to Alfred Newton (A Dictionary of Birds, London, 1896, p. 30, note) was “discreditable to all concerned with it.” AUDUBON’S LETTERPRESS AAS advertisement of Audubon’s work, “price 25s. in royal octavo, cloth, Ornithological Biography. ...” If the desire of these various editors were to cripple the work of the American naturalist, their efforts were certainly vain, for he was able to make his way against all com- petitors. Brown’s work was a failure, so few copies having been distributed that it is doubtful if more than one ever came to this country, and only one is known to be in possession of any large library in England. Audubon’s initial volume of the Biography was well received and drew forth immediate and unstinted praise from many sources. He was anxious that MacGillivray should contribute some account of it to the London Quarterly Review, then under the editorial manage- ment of John Gibson Lockhart, but his suggestion was coldly received and drew forth the following declara- tion of independence from his able, if as yet undistin- guished, coadjutor: ® With respect to the review, I can only say that if Mr. Lockhart is so doubtful as to my powers, he may doubt as long as he lists. I shall not submit any essay of mine to his judgment. If you had informed me that he or the conductor of my other review would print a notice of your works, I should have agreed to write one with pleasure, but under existing cir- cumstances I shall not, it being repugnant to my feelings and contrary to my practice and principles to sue for favor with any man. I have already written three reviews of your books which have been printed, and when I am applied to for a fourth I shall write it too, with ‘“‘an elegance of style, a power of expression, and knowledge of the subject” equal to those usually displayed by the editor of the Quarterly. 8See Ruthven Deane (Bibl. No. 209), The Awk, vol. xviii (1901). The extract is from a letter dated “Edinburgh, 22 Warriston Crescent 7th May, 1831.” 446 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST Some of the criticism, whether friendly or hostile, which this work eventually evoked will be considered in a later chapter. Shortly after his arrival in London, Audubon re- ceived a call from Joseph Bartholomew Kidd, a young artist whom he had met at Edinburgh the previous March, and was attracted so much by his “youth, sim- plicity and cleverness” that he again invited him to paint in his rooms. On the 31st of March, 1831, an agreement was made with Kidd °® to copy some of his drawings in oils and put in appropriate backgrounds. “It was our intention,” said Audubon, “to send them to the exhibition for sale, and to divide the amount between us. He painted eight, and then I proposed, if he would paint the one hundred engravings which com- prise my first volume of the Birds of America, I would pay him one hundred pounds.” In 1832 Captain Thomas Brown gave this notice of the undertaking in the Caledonian Mercury: About a year ago Audubon conceived the grand idea of a Natural History Gallery of Paintings, and entered into an agreement with Mr. Kidd to copy all his drawings of the same size, and in oil, leaving to the taste of that excellent artist to add such backgrounds as might give them a more pictorial effect. In the execution of such of these as Mr. Kidd has fin- ished, he has not only preserved all the vivacious character of the originals, but he has greatly heightened their beauty, by the general tone and appropriate feeling which he has pre- served and carried throughout his pictures. Kidd worked intermittently on some such scheme for about three years, and produced numerous pictures ° Kidd, who was twenty-three at the time he began to work for Audubon, died in 1889, when he had attained his eighty-first year. AUDUBON’S LETTERPRESS 4A on canvas or mill-board. He was thus engaged in 1833 when he wrote to ask for an advance of from twelve to fourteen pounds on account of an accident that had befallen him on the 16th of May of that year. Kidd said in his letter that while he was attending a sale of Lord Eldin’s pictures, the floor of the building sud- denly gave way with a crash and precipitated the whole company, together with the furniture, into a room be- low; that he had sustained many bruises himself, not to speak of a dislocated arm, but what with blisters, cupping, nurses and remedies of all sorts, he was then slowly mending. Another of their projects was to publish Kidd’s copies of Audubon’s drawings as indi- vidual pieces, and a notice of this appeared in Black- wood’s Magazine for 1831. John Wilson, in reviewing Audubon’s work in the magazine for that year said: “it is expected that there will be completed by Audu- bon, Kidd, and others,—Four Hundred Subjects. Audubon purposes opening, on his return [from America], an Ornithological Gallery, of which may the proceeds prove a moderate fortune!” All such plans, however, seem to have been delayed or frustrated, and a misunderstanding with Kidd brought them suddenly to a close in 1833. Audubon’s explicit directions under this head were given in a letter to his son Victor, written at Charleston on Christmas Day of that year.'° When his letterpress was finished, Audubon left Edinburgh with Mrs. Audubon on April 15, 1831. Newcastle, York, Leeds, and Manchester were again visited, and a pause of several days was made at Liver- pool before proceeding to London, when, as the natural- ist recorded, they “traveled on that extraordinary road, called the railway, at the rate of 24 miles an hour.” In See Chapter XXVII, p. 62. 448 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST May ™ they visited Paris, Audubon no doubt wishing to collect the money due from his agent there, as well as to introduce his wife to the unrivaled attractions of the great city. Upon returning to London in July he had the pleasure of again meeting his fidus Achates, Edward Harris,’* of Moorestown, New Jersey, and immediately began to put his affairs in order for a long period of absence. While Audubon was in Paris, the following letter *° was written by his staunch friend and supporter in Con- gress, Kdward Everett, who, as has been seen, fully ap- preciated the national character of his great undertak- ings. The effort of this able advocate to give The Birds of America free passage to their native land, however, do not appear to have been successful until two years later, as a letter to be quoted in due course clearly indi- cates. Edward Everett to Audubon Cuartestown, Mass., May 19th, 1831. My bear sir I duly received your favor of the 1st. of Nov. accompanied with some copies of the Prospectus, and a few days since your letter of the 5th. March reached me. I owe you an apology for being so tardy in my reply to the former letter. It reached me at Washington, while I was confined with a severe illness, * An indication of the time of this visit is given by the following inscription written in the copy of the first volume of the Ornithological Biography, which was presented to Cuvier at this time: To Baron G. Cuvier, with the highest respect of the author.— Paris— 17 th. May, 1831. *On Wednesday evening, July 27, 1831, Audubon sent the following note to Mr. Harris: “Come to meet me tomorrow, precisely at twelve o'clock, at our lodgings, 121 Great Portland street.” * For the perusal of this letter the reader is indebted, as in so many other instances, to Mr. Ruthven Deane. AUDUBON’S LETTERPRESS 449 with which, since Oct. last, I have till lately been much afflicted. I was, most of the session, in such a state of health, as to be kept at my lodgings, and when in my place, in the House of Representatives, little able to attend to business. As soon as I went abroad, after the receipt of your letter, I consulted some of the most influential members of Congress, as to the probability of being able to pass a bill for the free introduc- tion of your work. Last winters session was the short session, terminating by the Constitution on the 3d. of March. At this session, it is always very difficult to pass any bills, originating during the session. The time is regularly taken up by bills, prepared the previous winter. In addition to this circum- stance, more than half of the last session was taken up, by an impeachment before the Senate. A procedure, which suspended during its continuance, the legislative business of the two Houses, and left no time for scarce anything, beyond the annual appropriation bills for the support of the government. Under these circumstances, the gentlemen, whom I consulted, were of opinion with me that it was impossible, for want of time, to pass a bill in your favor, and that it was therefor better not to attempt it, at the late session, but to reserve it for next winter, when it can be brought up seasonably, and with good hope of success. I shall take great pleasure to seize the first moment, at the opening of the next session, to bring the subject before Congress. The portions of your work, which arrived at Washington before I left it, were publicly exhibited in the library, and attracted great attention and unqualified admiration. The same is true of the copy received by the Boston Athenaeum. The plates were specially exhibited in the great hall of the Athenaeum, to the entire satisfaction and delight of those who saw them. The copy-right law authorizes any citizen of the U. States to take out a copy-right of his work, on depositing a printed copy of the title page in the office of the District Court. I infer from your letter of the 5th. of March, that you had sent copies of the printed sheets of your work to Drs. Harlan and 450 AUDUBON, THE NATURALIST M. Mertrie [McMurtie] of Philadelphia with a view of hav- ing the copy-right. I have distributed a part of your prospectuses, and shall do the same with the rest, in the manner that may seem most likely to promote your interest. I regret to say, that I have not yet been able to add another, to the list of your subscribers. You mention, in each of your letters, the little picture you were so kind, as to propose sending me. This alone leads me to say, that whenever it comes to hand, it will be most wel- come: but that, engaged as you are in laboring in the cause of science and of America, you must not feel obliged to con- sume one hour of your precious time at the sacrifice of those higher objects. I am happy to be able to say to you, that my health, though not wholly restored, is greatly improved, and that if you will continue to favor me with your commands, I will prove my- self, hereafter, a more punctual correspondent. I look forward with sincere pleasure, to the prospect of meeting you again, on this side of the Atlantic, and with my respectful compliments to Mrs. Audubon, I beg leave, dear sir, to tender you the assurance of my high respects, and with it my most friendly salutations. Epwarp Everstt. P. S. Since the foregoing was written, I have received your favor of the 23d. of April. I beg leave particularly to thank you for your kindness in reference to the picture. I shall prize it, not merely on account of its scientific value and beauty as a work of art, (both of which I feel assured it will be found to possess) but as a token of your friendly regard. It will give me great pleasure to furnish you any letters in my power, for your adventurous south western tour. These I shall have the pleasure of handing you, when we meet this side the water. You were elected in November last a fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, on the nomination which I had the honor to submit to that body. Owing to a change in the AUDUBON’S LETTERPRESS 451 secretaryship a delay arose in preparing your diploma, which will however be forwarded in a few days. Upon balancing his accounts with The Birds of America at about this time, Audubon thought it was truly remarkable that $40,000 should have passed through his hands for the completion of the first volume. Who would believe that once in London I had only a sovereign left in my pocket, and did not know to whom to apply for another, when at the verge of failure; above all, that I extricated myself from all my difficulties, not by borrow- ing money, but by rising at four o’clock in the morning, work- ing hard all day, and disposing of my works at a price which a common labourer would have thought little more than suffi- cient remuneration for his work? To give you an idea of my actual difficulties during the publication of my first volume, it will be sufficient to say, that in the four years required to bring that volume before the world, no less than fifty of my subscribers, representing the sum of fifty-six thousand dol- lars, abandoned me! And whenever a few withdrew I mwas forced to leave London, and go to the provinces, to obtain others to supply their places, in order to enable me to raise the money to meet the expenses of engraving, coloring, paper, printing . . .; and that with all my constant exertions, fa- tigues, and vexations, I find myself now having but one hundred and thirty standing names on my list. (1) PERCU bss BRI EP ay 8 Sees ete