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Frontispiece Pirate I

Ikpakhuak and his wife Higilak in full dancing costume

REPORT

OF THE

CANADIAN ARCTIC EXPEDITION
1913-18

VOLUME XII:

THE COPPER ESKIMOS

SOUTHERN PARTY—1913-16

OTTAWA
F, A. ACLAND
PRINTER TO THE KING’S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY
1923

eo
HS
eo

v./2

pt. A

This volume is one of a series of
reports dealing with the results of the
Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-1918,
which was led by Mr. Vilhjalmur
Stefansson under the direction of the
Department of the Naval Service. The
Geological Survey of the Department of
Mines was also interested in the ex-
pedition, sending several specialists with
it, and is issuing part of the technical
volumes of the series of reports. Copies
of this volume, paper-bound, may be
obtained for fifty cents apiece from the
Department of the Naval Service,
Ottawa.

PART A: THE LIFE OF THE COPPER ESKIMOS

Vol. xii—50932

THE LIFE OF THE COPPER ESKIMOS - By D. Jenness

Issued January12, 1922

PREFACE 4

The series of reports of which this is Volume XII and the first complete
volume to be issued, will give the narrative and scientific results of the Canadian
Arctic Expedition, 1913-18. The expedition, under the command of Mr.
Vilhjalmur Stefansson, was originally planned to remain in the field from 1913
to 1916 and many earlier publications refer to it as the Canadian Arctic Expe-
dition, 1913-16. Although many members of the scientific staff were officers
of the Geological Survey of the Department of Mines, the general direction of
the expedition for administrative purposes was placed in the hands of the
Department of the Naval Service.

As the expedition was planned to work in two comparatively distinct
fields at some distance from each other, it was divided into two parties.
The Northern Party, whose field was primarily the Beaufort sea and
the Arctic archipelago, remained in the field from 1913 to 1918 under the imme-
diate supervision of Mr. V. Stefansson. The work of the Southern Party was
confined more particularly to the Arctic mainland and the adjacent islands,
under the direction of Dr. R. M. Anderson, and returned in the autumn of
1916. General accounts of the work of the two main parties and subsidiary
parties, rosters of the scientific staffs and a portion of their contributions to
the results of the expedition have been given in summary reports to the Govern-
ment and in popular narrative and will be summed up in the forthcoming Volume
I of this series.

In order to have the scientific results of the expedition properly worked
up, the specimens distributed to specialists, and the reports adequately published,
an Arctic Biological Committee was appointed jointly by the Department of
the Naval Service and the Department of Mines in January, 1917. This
committee consisted of Chairman, Professor E. E. Prince, F.R.S.C., D.Sc.,
Dominion Commissioner of Fisheries; Secretary, James M. Macoun, C.M.G.,
F.L.S., Botanist and Chief of the Biological Division of the Geological Survey;
Professor A. B. Macallum, F.R.S., M.D., D.Sc., Ph.D., LL.D., Chairman of
the Commission for Scientific and Industrial Research (later professor of bio-
chemistry at McGill University); C. Gordon Hewitt, D.Sc., Dominion Entom-
ologist and Consulting Zoologist of the Department of Agriculture; and R. M.
Anderson, Ph.D., Zoologist of the Geological Survey, representing the expedition
and the Victoria Memorial Museum, the final depository of the specimens
collected by the expedition. Various members of the committee took up the
editing of different sections, and Dr. R. M. Anderson was appointed general
editor of the reports.

The Committee has been at work for nearly five years and reports have
been prepared or are in preparation by seventy-three specialists. Dr. Hewitt
had fortunately practically completed his work on Volume III (Insects) before
his untimely death on February 29, 1920, but Mr. Macoun had not finished
his work on the botanical volumes at the time of his death on January 6, 1920.
The scope of the committee was later enlarged to include the geographical,
topographical, and anthropological work of the expedition and three new members
were added in 1920, namely A. G. Huntsman, Ph.D., of the Biological Board
of Canada; Edward Sapir, Ph.D., Chief of the Division of Anthropology,
Victoria Memorial Museum; and M.O. Malte, Ph.D.,. Dominion Agrostologist
and Honorary Curator (later Chief Botanist) of the National Herbarium.

For convenience in publication and distribution it was arranged that
the Department of the Naval Service should issue Volumes I (Narrative of the
Expedition), VI, VII, VIII, IX, and X (Marine Biology and Hydrography),
and XII (The Life of the Copper Eskimos), while the Department of Mines

6 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

should issue Volumes II (Birds and Mammals), III (Insects), 1V and V (Botany)
XI (Geology and Geography), XIII, XIV, and XV (Ethnology), and XVI
(Archeology.) Where several different reports are included under one volume,
dated separates are issued for distribution to specialists interested in the par-
ticular branch covered, and copies are preserved to be bound in the complete
series of volumes.

The author of the present memoir, Mr. D. Jenness, M.A. (Oxon.), F.R.A.L.,
Associate Ethnologist, Victoria Memorial Museum, after graduating from the
University of New Zealand in 1908, was a student of anthropology in Balliol
College, Oxford University. From 1911 to December, 1912, he was sent by
Oxford University as a Research Student to New Guinea, and part of his work
there has appeared in a volume ° entitled’ ‘‘The Northern D’Entrecasteaux,”’
by D. Jenness and A. Ballantyne, Oxford University Press, 1920. After return-
ing from the Arctic Mr. Jenness was on overseas service, with the Canadian
Field Artillery from 1917 to 1919, which fact accounts in some degree for the
delay in publication of this report.

Arctic PuBLICATIONS COMMITTEE.

CONTENTS.

Chapter Page
PREFACE.......0 ccc c cece cece ees 5:
INTRODUCTION. «0c. cee ees veusessseaa- Ag uae deehee Sad 9

I Tue Counrry oF tHE Coprrer EskIMos..... 12 oo eae 13:
II] Tue Expioration oF THE CouNTRY...... he cdi. eae rofearat 28
III Tue Disrripution or THE PoPULATION... ... .. 0 ....-ee- 82
IV Trapbr anv INTERCOURSE........ ears ene eee ae ee 44
V Dwe.ines.............. a 56
VI Dwettines (Continued)..... 65
VII Soctan ORGANIZATION....... 83
WILD. BOD ys 3 235 ein cs Sade voces 97
IX Winter Lire.................... 110
X SumMMeER LIFE.............. 121
XI Hunting ann FISHING....... 0... ...... Rede Shard | cadom:, Slee 145
XII Marriage, Cuttpsrrta, NAMING AND TREATMENT OF CHILDREN. 158
XIII Sickness, DratHanp BuRIAL... .. 1... 02. 1. wee ee 171
XIV Rewicious BELIEFS........ 00.0... 002.0 02. cee ee ve eee 179
XV SHAMANISM................0... Pea id ee teh ee Anse ames 191
XVI Swamanism (Continued).... ... 0.000.000.2002. cee cee 203
XVII AMUSEMENTS.................. cae nd a ee eee 218
XVIII PsycHotocy anp Moratity.......... Mis. ae toast, eones 228
APPENDIX..............00.. any Paar wat lgis @ iypkah aebah Sr svents cas is Te 243
BIBLIOGRAPHY....... bales ees oh 250
INDEX....... se aU cage cay ee sates. Gogo ees 269
TABLE OF ILLUSTRATIONS
PLATES
Page
I Ikpakhuak and his wife Higilak in full dancing costume.................... Frontispiece.
II The construction of a snow hut, two figures................ Non se FH Y £4 FERS TERT 253
Ill A winter settlement in the Duke of York archipelago, two figures...............5 255
IV Eskimos cooking and eating, three figures.........0. 0.00 e ec cece eee ce eeeueeues 257
V Summer travelling, three figures.......... 0.0 c cece ee eee ent ee ennees 259
VI Eskimo landmarks, three figures........... 00000 c ccc cece cece n cence eneeeene 261
VII Spearing salmon in a weir at the mouth of Nulahugyuk creek, near Bernard
harbour, three furs. 5.5.6 9 osiee sive oa-sivai ven Sviare Ga diae owhaiie’s es Galea vigranase de ee 263
VIII Family life, three Pgures........ 6 ieee ccc ec eettnet ett e ene eeneees 265
IX Kanneyuk and Kila, two Dolphin and Union strait girls, in full dress, two figures 267
TEXT FIGURES
1. Eskimo camp beside a fishing lake behind Bernard harbour....................000% 16
2. View of Mt. Wivyaurun from Lake Angmaloktok, Colville hills, S.W. Victoria island. 24
3. Frozen falls on Okauyarvik creek, S.W. Victoria island................0ececeeeuee 25
4. A group of Copper Eskimo men and boys who spent the summer of 1914 in Noahognik. 35
5. Eskimo camp off the mouth of the Coppermine river................0eceeeeuceees 38
6. View of the south coast of Banks island, near Cape Lambton.....................- 46
7. Puivlik Eskimos welcoming visitors from Prince Albert sound at Lake Tahiryuak,
BWV. Victoria Island. occccc. dinsines cone Meee AEE GNA Rs Ge eG nae ooo ghee Race kak Ne 51
8. A typical Copper Eskimo lamp, carved out of soapstone................000-eeee 54
9. Maffa, a Tree river native, making a stone lamp............... cece cece teen eens 54

10. A fish-hook of caribou antler, from a ruined house beside the Inman river.......... 56

11. Old stone hut near Locker point............ cece eee e erect eee erent eet e tenes Be 57

12. Interior of -asnow hutiys fac sc.sa4iseaawae odarngeieine unui Gas Bye ales decks ek ee ow 62

13. A typical single-roomed snow hut..... ee ee ee ee ee ee oe cee 65

14. A single snow hut with a dance-house in front............ iri Beah oa Aeon Guta fenteatn ee 66

15. Two houses erected side by side, but opening in different directions................ 66

16. Two houses erected some distance apart, but joined at their entrances.............. 67

17. Two houses with joined passages, one of which was evidently built before the other. . 68

18. Two houses built in collaboration, with a single passage for both..................5 69

19. A two-roomed dwelling, each room opening into the other, with a door-way common to -

Oth sess aissinras.¢ nies gaccwitrekcde ob RR DE ERAT CARESS SORE EMER ET Me gee aaa aE Dh eae tes

20. A two-roomed dwelling opening on a dance-house......... 0... cece eee eee ee 71

8 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18
21. Three single-roomed dwellings with joined passages...........000 see eeee eee e ee eees 72
22. A two-roomed dwelling joined to a single-roomed hut through the passage........... 73
23. A three-roomed dwelling with a dance-house 74
24. A four-roomed dwelling with a dance-house............ cece cece eee ete eee 75
25. An ordinary single hut enlarged to accommodate more inmates............++-+++6- 76
26. Theframe of: a.spring: tentis «occas sras.g es wank de atanded 9 aneceva a eats arr aitiar ea Satan! dele 78
27. A spring tent with an outer wall and passage of snow-blocks.............-.0000005 80
28. A summer tent at the fishing lake behind Bernard harbour.............-...+-++0+5 81
29. Stone rings on an old camp site near Bernard harbour................+.020e eee ee 82
30. Two summer tents joined together............ 0... eee cece teen te tne 85
31. Caches raised on stones to protect them from the foxes............eeeeeeeeeeeeees 91
32. Haugak bringing in Dryas integrifolia for fuel, Colville hills, 8.W. Victoria island.... 99
33. Fish hung up to dry, Nulahugyuk creek, near Bernard PUR ance cuns outs 104
34. Tree river Eskimos descending to the sea at the approach of winter...........-.--- 110
35. Eskimo hunters starting out for the sealing-grounds, Dolphin and Union strait....... 112
36. The return from the sealing-grounds, the dogs dragging home the seals............. 114
37. A migration train near Cape Krusenstern.......... 0.0.00 cece ee ees 117
38. A rest durirg a migration, near Cape Krusenstern...........2.0.05.0 0002 eee 118
39. A cache on top of a high rock at Point Wollaston.............. 00.00 c eevee eee ee 122
40. Ikpakhuak jigging for fish in Lake Ekallugak, Colville hills..................-..-55 129
41. The return from a caribou hunt, packing the game, Colville hills................... 130
42. Dressing for a dance, Lake Tahiryuak, 8.W. Victoria island...............-...-0-5 132
43. Avranna repairing his bow, Colville hills........... 0... cece eee ee ees 135
44, An Eskimo autumn encampment at Lake Kigiaktallik, S.W. Victoria island......... 142
45. Digging for water through the ice of Okauyarvik creek, 8.W. Victoria island......... 143
46. A Bathurst inlet native shooting with bow and arrow........... 0.000 cee eee eee eeee 145
47. An Eskimo hunter at Cape Barrow........... 000 c cece cee cece eee eee e eee nneee 147
48. A representation of a caribou crive, drawn by an Eskimo of Northern Alaska....... 150
49. A representation of a caribou drive, drawn by the Copper Eskimo Tepalduaals ape baasrt 151
50. Jigging for fish through ¢n ice-crack in a lake near Bernard harbour... cswas 154
51Ka lyutaryun and her baby Okomik................... Jew VAAN AS ES EE ee 166
52. Eskimo mothers and their children on the trail......... 2.202.200. e cece ee ee eee 168
53. A Tree river Eskimo wearing a fillet of caribou-skin around his forehead toc cure a head- ie
UCTS acess scauspe vsnchetisp dan step Giese se SUe oS Ce thea na Sots SEA RE he eae et acu ges dnc Ne gas aecierst dusted 2
4s, Phere ravierOl EVA VAP OM cs scccass, oo encceungs dceverd tueserexacitn acpstn isin sna oynpeas doin ne Goae Tak Argun w aE 175
55. Pegging out caribou-skins to dry in the sun, Bernard harbour. . pahemeaee- LSS
56. Women wading ashore from a fishing-lake just south of Bernard harbour...... garnets 193
57. An Eskimo in his kayak, Port Epworth............. 20.0 ese e cece eee eens 197
58. A Tree river native harnessing his dog in preparation for the day’s sealing.......... 204
59. Tokalluak, a Coppermine river shaman.......... 00 cece nee eect 206
60. Digging fishing-holes through the ice, Lake Angmaloktok, Colville hills............ 210
61. Ilatsiak, the most important shaman among the Copper Eskimos.................. 215
62. Children playing “‘tag,”’ Dolphin and Union strait.........0.0.0000.0 00000 ccc eee 219
63. Children making houses of pebbles, Colville hills............0.0.00.0 000220 e eee ee 220
64. Angivranna, a Coppermine river native, beating a drum.................. 0.000005 223
65. Copper Eskimos holding a dance in the dance-house, from a drawing by the Mackenzie
PIV.EY, HUB)EII Os Po Al ALY BRE acest nea Scenstyvien. pes eon Sa Vena 9 eae ca cacahtitn 2 Mangione aie Geass 226
66. Okalluk and Tusayok, the former making a cooking-pot from a tin can, the latter
making arrow-heads from an antler.......... 0... ccc eee eect e eee e eee eee 230
67. An Eskimo woman and her dog, both carrying packs, Port Epworth................ 234
‘68. The coming of the missionary. Rev. H. Girling among the Eskimos of Dolphin and
Union straltss ax cee eunwereaule s 1exdies eRe es rane hoes aa ss USSR AA ed BRAS Sayers 238
69. The influx from the west. Christian Jorgensen Klengenberg (a Dane), his wife (an
Eskimo woman from Wainwright inlet, N. Alaska), and their family, all of whom
migrated into Coronation gulf in 1916.0... ... cc cece ccc e eee ee ence eee eens 241
MAPS. °
1. Sketch map of southwestern Victoria island showing wanderings of Puivlik Eskimos

from. April to November, 1905). : ois, . peace ew tes OE OHA ERS HEUER ER Daw mARO se ave 126

2. Sketch map showing the distribution of the Copper Eskimos, Coronation Gulf region,

INGTLA WIGS tal CETILOLICS 1.4.0. canvass 2.6 dcdie 08 Kopvared dak emewardce autuuinn eagteienk Rladyisea busted an eae sete 278

THE LIFE OF THE COPPER ESKIMOS

By D. JENNEss

Victoria Memorial Museum, Ottawa, Canada.

INTRODUCTION

When the Canadian Arctic Expedition left Esquimalt, British Columbia,
on June 17, 1913, there were two anthropologists on its staff, M. Henri Beuchat,
the famous French savant, and myself. Our instructions called for three years
research work in the vicinity of Coronation gulf, M. Beuchat devoting his
attention more specifically to the language, manners, customs and religious
beliefs of the Eskimos of that region—the Copper Eskimos—while I was to
study their physical anthropology, technology, and archeology. The first year
was a year of disaster. Our largest vessel, the Karluk, was crushed in the ice,
and several members of our staff, including M. Beuchat, perished either on the
ice or on Wrangell island. At the same time the remainder of the expedition
found itself doomed to spend its first winter on the north coast of Alaska. From
November, 1913, to February, 1914, I lived with the Eskimos near Barrow,
gathering folk-lore and compiling a grammar and vocabulary of the language.
In March I travelled eastward, and joined the southern party of the expedition
at Collinson point, about 100 miles west of the Alaska-Canada boundary. There
I continued my linguistic studies for a short time, then at the end of May moved
down to Barter island, and spent the next few weeks in excavating some of the
ancient ruins on this old trading-site of the Alaskan and Mackenzie river Eskimos.
The large collection of archeological specimens now stored in the Victoria
Memorial Museum at Ottawa represents but a portion of the ethnological
results that were obtained during our first year in the Arctic, when we were
still over a thousand miles from our original objective. Indeed it was not until
August, 1914, that the southern party of the expedition was able to establish
a base at Bernard harbour, on the south side of Dolphin and Union strait,
within the territory of the Copper Eskimos. There, with less than two years at
my disposal, I had to carry out M. Beuchat’s work as well as my own, and attempt
as far as possible to cover the whole wide field of anthropological research.

The autumn of 1914 was spent in routine duties around our station at
Bernard harbour. We had to unload the vessels, build a house and store-room,
set up the meteorological instruments, and collect the driftwood scattered
along the coast for fuel during the coming winter. Our only assistant at, this
period was a young Mackenzie river native named Palaiyak, most of whose time
was taken up in hunting. Twice we were visited by small bands of local natives
who lingered in our vicinity for two or three days, then disappeared again inland.
At the beginning of November, as soon as it was possible to travel along the
coast by sled, one of the topographers, Mr. J. R. Cox, accompanied me on a
short trip west to Cape Bexley in order to discover whether any of the Eskimos
had come down to the coast in that direction. Our journey was fruitless, how-
ever, for we found no traces of the natives anywhere.

On November 19, two families of the natives suddenly appeared at our
station, and a few days later I joined them at their camp three or four miles
east. One of them guided me at the end of the month to the Eskimos on the

10 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

opposite side of the strait, with whom several days were spent. I visited the latter
Eskimos again early in December, and lived with them for about three weeks.
The greater part of January was spent in their winter settlement at the Liston
and Sutton islands, and time was found to pay a brief visit to another group
of Eskimos who were living on the south coast of Victoria island some fifty miles
to the northwest. In February I accompanied Dr. R. M. Anderson, the leader
of our party, up the Coppermine river, and on the return journey visited the
Eskimos of western Coronation gulf. Many of these gulf people accompanied us
to Bernard harbour, and settled down beside us, so that it was possible to carry
on researches at our own station. Towards the end of the month I accompanied
Mr. Cox on a short survey trip along the coast to Locker point, and had an
opportunity of paying another visit to the Eskimos in that region.

In April, 1915, the Eskimos, who had been living in large communities on
the sea ice all through the winter, began to break up into small bands and slowly
travel towards the land at various points along the coast. As they would be
hunting and fishing inland throughout the summer, and would probably seldom
come near our station, I decided to attach myself to one of their parties during
that period and to share their migratory life. An old couple adopted me into
their family, and from May to November we wandered about in the southwest
of Victoria island. By that time the strait was frozen solidly again and I was
able to rejoin the expedition at Bernard harbour.

A large band of natives settled beside our station in the middle of November,
and for a month researches were carried on among them without going further
afield. They crossed over to the Liston and Sutton islands early in December,
and I followed them and spent the greater part of that month and of the follow-
ing January in their settlement. In February, 1916, accompanied by the Rev.
H. Girling, an Anglican missionary who had entered the country the previous
summer, I travelled east to the Jamieson islands in order to visit the Bathurst
inlet natives. Very bad weather was encountered on both the outward and the
homeward journeys, so that we did not reach Bernard harbour again until
March 18. A large train of natives from all parts of Coronation gulf followed us
to our station and settled down beside us for a month, a very welcome pro-
ceeding, as it saved me from the necessity of living in their settlements. On April
20, Mr. Girling and myself set out for his station some 120 miles to the west, at
Point Clifton, the topographers of the expedition having reported near this
point some ancient houses built of wood and sod after the manner of the western
Eskimos. I returned on May 15, and continued my ethnological work among
some Eskimo families who had camped beside our house. June was a very busy
month, as all our specimens had to be packed and the ship loaded in preparation
for our departure as soon as the ice conditions should render navigation possible.
Nevertheless, towards the end of the month, I journeyed overland to Cape
Krusenstern to examine an old stone house in that vicinity, and to visit the
various bands of Eskimos who were trapping salmon in different creeks along
the coast. Finally, on July 13, 1916, after spending rather less than two years
in the region of Coronation gulf, the expedition sailed out of Bernard harbour
on its return journey to civilization, and our field-work came to an end.

I was greatly handicapped during our first year in this Copper Eskimo
country by the lack of an interpreter. We had been able to secure the services
of only one western native when we entered the region, the Mackenzie river
youth Palaiyak. This boy had but the merest smattering of English, and more-
over much of his time was inevitably taken up with miscellaneous duties around
the station, such as hunting. During the seven months spent with the
Copper Eskimos on Victoria island I had no interpreter at all. Conditions were
much more favourable in the second year, for Dr. Anderson was able to engage
a half-breed Eskimo boy named Patsy Klengenberg to help me in my work.
Patsy could neither read nor write at first, but he had a fair conversational know-

Introduction 11

ledge of English and had spoken Eskimo from his earliest years. Although
barely sixteen years of age he was strong and hardy, an excellent traveller and
a skilful and fearless hunter. Probably no better interpreter could have been
found anywhere along the Arctic coast.

Most of my researches were carried out in the settlements of the Eskimos,
for it was neither possible nor expedient to keep the natives around our station.
Our party of six white men had to live in one small room, and whenever the
Eskimos were introduced the house was so crowded that the staff had to retire
to their bunks. That there was never the slightest friction, in spite of the incon-
veniences and discomforts to which they were subjected, was due entirely to
their staunch comradeship and friendly co-operation. They often put them-
selves to considerable trouble in order to obtain information for me, and,
without ‘their assistance, the present volume would have been far more im-
perfect and incomplete. Their help was not confined to the field, for since our
return they have generously placed their photographs at my disposal for the
illustration of my reports. I take this opportunity of thanking Dr. Anderson
and my colleagues for all their assistance.

I am indebted also to the Rev. H. Girling for many friendly criticisms, and
for additional information that he has acquired since we left the Arctic. Mr.
Girling has spent four years among the Copper Eskimos, from 1915-19, and during
that period he has accomplished a great deal of valuable linguistic work. His
long residence in the country, and his special gift for acquiring languages, have
se him the foremost authority on many matters pertaining to the Copper

skimos.!

The maps and illustrations for the present volume, apart from the photo-
graphs, were prepared by O. E. Prud’homme, artist of_ the Geological
Survey.

In this, the first of the ethnological reports, and the only one that is likely
to interest the general public, the simplest spelling possible has been adopted for
all Eskimo words, in order to make the book more readable. Most, if not all,
of these words will be found in one of the later volumes that it is hoped to
publish, where a more accurate phonetic system will be employed. These later
volumes will deal with the more technical phases of Copper Eskimo ethnology,
the physical appearance of the natives, their clothing and implements, their
language, mythology and songs. The expedition brought back a large collection
of phonographic records, photographs, and ethnological specimens, many of
which will be utilized in illustrating the different memoirs.

The main sources of information for all that relates to the ethnology of the
Copper Eskimos are the works of Mr. V. Stefansson, the commander of the
Canadian Arctic Expedition. Mr. Stefansson obtained an astonishing amount
of very valuable information in a comparatively short space of time, and while
it was inevitable that a certain number of errors should have crept into his
accounts, yet his works will always stand as the basis on which future investiga-
tors will have to build. His publications, together with the other works that
have been consulted, are given in the bibliography; most of these works are
quoted in abbreviated form in the course of the report.

1The Rev. H. Girling died of pneumonia at Ottawa on Feb. 21, 1920, while he was south on furlough.

He was a man of considerable culture and attainments, with large views and larger sympathies. In all

practical matters he was exceedingly capable and energetic, while his strong winning personality gained

him a great influence over all the natives among whom he worked. He was planning to carry out some

ethnological work for the Geological Survey on his return to the Arctic, but his sudden death when only
30 years_of age put an untimely end to his career.

Country of the Copper Eskimos 13°

CHAPTER I

THE COUNTRY OF THE COPPER ESKIMOS!

Although the region inhabited by the Copper Eskimos attains to no very
extreme latitudes—hardly more than a few degrees, indeed, beyond the Arctic
circle—yet its continental character renders the climate more severe than might
otherwise be expected. The Eskimos themselves divide the year into five
seasons: winter, okiuk, from the middle of November till the end of February,
when the sun barely rises above the horizon at noon and for several weeks is
missing altogether; early spring, opinraksak, from the beginning of March till
the latter half of April, when the snow begins to melt; spring proper, opinrak,
from the end of April till-the land is bare of snow; summer, auyak, when the days
are warm, the snow has left the ground, and for a few short weeks all but the
largest lakes are free from ice; and finally autumn, okiuksak, when the weather
once again grows cold, the lakes freeze over, and the land begins to resume its
winter garb. The lengths of the different seasons naturally vary somewhat from
year to year, but autumn will roughly include the period from about the middle
of September till the middle of November, while summer comprises the months
of July and August and the early part of September.

The coldest period is from the middle of January till towards the end of
February. In the winter of 1914-15 the average temperatures of the four coldest
months were: November —9° F., December —4° F., January —24° F., and Feb-
ruary —22°F., while the first fifteen days of March averaged —24° F. For the
corresponding months in the winter of 1915-16 the temperatures were, November
—12° F., December —19° F., January —17° F., February —25° F., and March
up to the 15th, —22° F. The lowest temperatures recorded were —49° F. in the
former winter, on January 20, 1915, and —44° F. in the latter, on February 19,
1916. These readings were obtained at Bernard harbour; lower figures were
registered at times in other places, but probably the thermometer seldom or
never falls as low at any place along the coast as on the plateau to the south.?

Winds of extreme velocity are of very rare occurrence. The maximum
recorded in winter by the expedition’s anemometer at Bernard harbour was 46
miles an hour, on December 7, 1915, whereas at Collinson point, in north Alaska,
80 miles an hour was registered in the winter of 1913-14. It is the long-continued
cold with a certain dampness in the atmosphere, and the combination of a strong
wind with a low temperature, that renders the climate very severe. In one of
the worst blizzards in the winter of 1914-15 the thermometer stood at —30° F.
while the wind had an average velocity of 30 miles an hour. In the following
winter there were several blizzards when the temperature was below —20° F.,
and the wind above 20 miles an hour. In March, 1916, almost every man in a
settlement of Kilusiktok natives at the Jamieson islands had the marks of severe
frost-bites on his face, though there are grounds for believing that the average
Eskimo freezes less easily than the average European. Travelling under these
conditions is rendered more difficult by the lack of all road-houses; the Eskimo
at the end of each day’s journey in winter has to build a new snow-hut for himself

1This chapter deals with the country in its economic aspects only, in so far as they affect the Eskimo
inhabitants. For descriptions of its topography, geology and biology the reader is referred to the special
reports on those subjects that are being published by other members of the expedition. Cf. also Stefansson,
My Life with the Eskimos (especially the appendix by Dr. R. M. Anderson), and Anthrop. Papers, A.M.
N.H., vol. XIV, rt. I, Introduction.

"The Rev. H. Girling informs me that in the winter of 1916-17 his thermometer at Bernard harbour
registered —57° F. for three days, and in the following winter it dropped on one occasion as low as —62° F,

14 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

and his family. The days too, from November to February, are short—a fine
day in mid-December offers only about five hours in which- there is light enough
for travelling, and in foggy or cloudy weather even this period is greatly reduced.

The break between winter and spring seems to come about the middle of
April. Already the days are growing long, and the nights correspondingly short.
May sees the triumph of the light with the appearance of the midnight sun.
The snow is then rapidly melting from the land, and the creeks and rivers are
on the point of breaking out; but the nights are still chilly and strong winds not
at all infrequent. June and July are delightful months in an average season,
except for occasional fogs which may last two or three days. North and south
winds often occur, whereas at all other times of the year the prevalent winds are
east and west. The first half of July is perhaps the most pleasant period in the
year. Rivers and streams are rushing in full flood and the smaller lakes have
lost their covering of ice. All the birds have come back and are joyfully building
their nests. The sun circles round in the sky without setting, the air is warm,
and in a good season a tent is hardly needed. A few insects, flies and butterflies
and bees, have made their appearance, but the weather is not yet hot enough to
bring those hosts of mosquitoes that in the height of summer plague animals and
men alike. The warmest month is August, when the thermometer sometimes
reaches 70° F. on the coast. September marks a decline again, shorter days,
colder weather and the departure of all the birds save a very few species. In
October winter is already drawing in. The sea is frozen solid in November, and it
is possible to travel almost anywhere by sled. December brings back both the
cold and the dark.

Generally speaking the coast is low, sloping back in undulating ridges to
an interior plateau. The ridges run usually east and west at no great distance
from each other, and are connected by numerous short transverse ridges
that enclose a network of lakes and ponds of every size and shape. At
various points along the shore there are upstanding cliffs of dolomite or diabase.
The coast becomes more rocky east of the Coppermine river, and granite makes
its first appearance. Nearly all the islands with which Coronation gulf is littered
have high upstanding cliffs facing the east and south. Only three rivers carry
any great volume of water, the Coppermine (Kogluktok), the Tree (Kogluktualuk)
and the Hood (Kattimannik); but there are numerous smaller rivers, the Rae
(Pallik), the greater and lesser rivers Kugaryuak, the Anialik, the Wentzel
(Kogluktuaryuk), the Utkustkkalluk, and, on Victoria island, the Kimiryuak
ee into Forsyth bay, and the Kugaluk which enters the sea behind Bell
sland.|

Reindeer moss! is abundant in the valleys of most of these rivers, which are
therefore favorite haunts for the migratory caribou. Practically the whole of
the country lies beyond the northern limit of trees; there are only two places,
in fact, where timber is found, viz. in the valleys of the Tree and of the Copper-
mine rivers, for which reason these two possess a peculiar economic importance.?
Occasional beds of willow that grow to a height of five or six feet appear as
veritable forests among the prevailing heather and moss and grass and tiny
flowering plants a few inches high with which the greater part of the country is
covered. The driftwood that is found here and there on the sea-shore would be
far more valuable to the natives than this scanty vegetation, did not the heather
supply them with fuel during the summer months; and the caribou and musk-
oxen find sustenance in the moss and grass where man finds none.

1 Reindeer ‘‘moss’’ is the name popularly applied t> various species of lichen, Cladonid, and other
allied geiera.

2A small river, the Napaktauktuak, a few miles east of the Coppermine, is said to reach back to timber.
The Dease river, though it flows into Great Bear lake, may be considered for our purposes to lie in the
basin of the Coppermine, since it is only accessible to the Eskimos by way of the latter.

Country of the Copper Eskimos 15

It is fortunate for the Copper Eskimos that their land lies in the track of
a great caribou migration. In the first days of spring the deer that are scattered
all over the barren lands west of Hudson bay begin to move northward, seeking
their summer pastures on the shores of the Arctic sea and in the great archipelago
beyond. The first herds reach the coast as early as the end of April, and the
migration continues well into June, when the ice of the straits usually is too
unstable to admit-any longer of their passage. In July, August and September
the deer scatter out, but they muster again on the south shores of Victoria
island in October, and cross the straits on their journey south between
the end of that month and early December. By Christmas they have disap-
peared altogether in most places, though a few herds remain all the winter in
certain favoured valleys, notably in the basin of the Coppermine river. But
when the caribou have gone the sea is frozen solid again, and the natives can
track out the breathing-holes of the seals that abound in these waters.

- Seals and caribou are the most abundant game animals. Musk-oxen are
found east of the Coppermine river, and in the north of Victoria island. Ground
squirrels are numerous in certain areas on the mainland, and foxes are fairly
common everywhere: wolverines and wolves, on the other hand, are comparatively
rare outside of the Coppermine valley, and only an occasional brown bear is
encountered even in the places where its natural foods, berries and roots, are
most abundant.

Many migratory game-birds, such as ducks, loons and ptarmigan, have
their breeding grounds in this region, but not in such numbers as to influence
the economic situation to any marked extent. Fish are much more important.
Nearly every lake teems with salmon and lake trout, and innumerable schools of
salmon! migrate up the rivers and streams each year to spawn. These, with
the tom-cod that abound in certain bays, furnish about a third of the total food
supply of the natives.

The Eskimos have names not only for different divisions of the country,
but also for certain subdivisions of them, and most of the creeks and many of
the more important lakes, headlands, and islands have also their distinctive
appellations. The most westerly district that is still inhabited is the country
known generally as Akulliakattak, which extends along the coast from about
Stapylton bay to Cockburn point and for an indefinite distance behind. The
more correct designation for this area is Akunnik, for Akulliakattak is really
only the name for Hope point and for a fair-sized lake behind it, ten miles long
perhaps and four miles wide, which is the rendezvous of the Eskimos who have
hunted and fished in the interior during the spring and summer. At this lake
they sew their new deerskin clothes in the autumn, and make their preparations
for going out on the ice of the strait and beginning the winter’s sealing. Leaving
Lake Akulliakattak, they migrate down the stream Storak into South bay.
Often they stop a day or two at Cape Bexley to make their final preparations
before crossing the strait, whence this cape has received the name of Ineksarvik,
the ‘‘Place where everything is finished.”” One derivation for the word Akulli-
akattak gives it the meaning of ‘‘ Short portage’’, which would refer to an over-
land route from Stapylton or South bay to the head of the Rae river, a route the
Eskimos often take in preference to the long journey round the coast.2,- Mr. J. R.
Cox, one of our topographers, made this portage in the course of his surveys,
and the brief description he has given of the country will be found a little farther
on. The Eskimos say that it abounds in fish, and that caribou are fairly numer-

1There is no true salmon along the Arctic coast, the fish that is called salmon throughout this memoir
being a salmon trout, belonging to the genus Salvelinus.

2Erdmann (Eskimoiches Wérterbuch), gives the meaning in Labrador as ‘‘ein Mittelland,’’ z.e., the
and between two bays or gulfs. é

16 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

ous in spring and summer, though not to the same extent as farther east. In
many places near the coast we found the remains of Eskimo caches, and ee
set up for deer-drives. Cockburn point is called Aiyeyak, and the two sma
islands off it Piywmaleksiakuk. ; noe ao

East of Akulliakattak or Akunnik is Noahognik, a district which includes
all that broad triangular peninsula that has its apex at Locker point. Here the
country is more irregular, with the ridges higher and the lakes more numerous.
Fish are very abundant, and many caribou pass through on their annual migra-
tion to and from Victoria island. Bernard harbour is an excellent wintering
place for small schooners, but the Eskimos have no name for it, though the small
bay next to it, on its eastern side, is called Ugywksiorvik. Off the entrance to
the harbour lies Chantry island, Kikiktaryuak, the “Big island,” so named because
it is much larger than the tiny islets and reefs that fringe the coast. In 1914 some
of the local Eskimos passed the interval between the summer’s hunting and the

Figure 1.—Eskimo camp beside a fishing lake behind Bernard harbour

winter’s sealing on its northern extremity, for food was scarce, and the men
could hunt for seals in the broken ice off the point while the women stayed at
home and sewed their winter garments. Other natives gathered at the mouth
of a small creek, Nulahugyuk, four miles east of Bernard harbour, which issues
out of a large lake named Hingittok or Hingiktok, a few miles inland. In spring
large numbers of salmon migrate up this stream to the lake, and at the same
time, or usually perhaps a little later, there is a seaward migration of the young
salmon out of the lake itself. In 1916 the migration up-stream began in May.
Towards the end-of June it ceased, and nearly all the Eskimos who had gathered
there to’ fish went inland. But a few days later the young fish, probably two
seasons old, began to. come down, and at the same time there was a renewal of
the upstream migration of the larger salmon. Only one family of Eskimos had
remained behind, and they reaped all the benefit. Generally three or four
schools, each numbering from six to thirty-six fish, would enter the stream
within the twenty-four hours.

,

Country of the Copper Eskimos 17

About eight miles east of Nulahugyuk creek there is another named
Kogluktuaryuk. Here too the salmon migrate in large numbers, and bearded
seals haunt the adjacent waters. North of Cape Lambert, whose dolomite
cliffs rise to a height of eighty feet, are the Lambert islands, a favourite sealing-
ground of some of the local Eskimos in early spring. Lakes and ponds are very
numerous in the country behind this cape. One of the largest is Lake Kogluk-
tuaryuk, the source of the creek of the same name; its diameter is about a mile
and a half, and it lies a few miles south-west of Cape Lambert. The Eskimos
often come here to fish; in the spring of 1916 we saw the remains of a camp on
the shore of the lake and three of their caches on the coast just north of it.
Willow is scarce here, but heather abundant, so that the natives had no lack of
fuel ; besides heather they seemed to have used also a few sticks of driftwood
which they had carried in from the coast.

In the same spring a band of natives was fishing on another fair-sized creek
that flows into Paisley cove. It is called Noahognik, and, like the others, issues
from one of the many lakes two or three miles inland. Cape Krusenstern is
Nuvuk, the “Point”, and Mount Barrow, in the peninsula behind it, Uvaiyu.
The low narrow isthmus just north of Mount Barrow is a favourite portage of
the Eskimos, as it enables them to avoid the longer route and the rough ice that
always gathers round Cape Krusenstern. Another longer portage is often made
here, especially by natives coming from the south; they begin from the bay
just west of Locker point (Tikirak), on the left side of the high bluff Kikigarnak,
which lies directly behind the point; then, crossing a chain of small lakes and
skirting a low hill named Imneligaryuk, they issue into the deep bay between
Cape Krusenstern and Paisley cove. The small bay at the east end of the
shorter portage is a well-known place for tom-cod, and the coast in the vicinity
is an excellent hunting-ground for both the rough seal (Phoca hispida) and the
bearded seal (Hrignathus barbatus), which are the mainstay of the Eskimos
during the winter.

One of the regular routes which the caribou take in their spring migration
to Victoria island is across the neck of the Krusenstern peninsula. Eskimo
encampments have therefore left their remains on all the highest points in the
neighbourhood. On the summit of the hill Kikigarnak, behind Locker point, .
there is a peculiar stone hut which may have been an observation post over the
surrounding country. The country to the south and east of here has been
described for me by our two topographers, Messrs J. R. Cox and K. G. Chipman,
who made a survey of the coast and a part of the hinterland. Mr. Cox begins
his account thus:—

“Travelling south from the abrupt limestone cliffs of Cape Krusenstern,
one reaches in three or four miles a country for the most part grass-covered and
far more pleasant to the eye than the desolate coast of Dolphin and Union strait.
From the high land back of Cape Lockyer [Locker point] one may look inland
for many miles over a vast grass-land broken only by a ridge of low cliffs that
extends from the first bay to the north of Basil Hall bay to Cape Lambert.
The same type of country continues to Basil Hall bay, a narrow inlet with shores
from fifty to two hundred feet high, which extends in a north-westerly direction
for about ten miles from the coast. The low grassy hills at the foot of the inlet
are said by the Eskimo to be one of the best places to get deer in the summertime.
The south shore of Basil Hall bay runs out to form the low shingly promontory
of Cape Hearne. About three miles back from the point there is a fine set of
cliffs rising to a height of 205 feet.!

1No name was obtained for Cape Hearne itself, but the cliffs behind it had apparently two names,
Imik and Ulugvik. The bight between Basil Hall bay and Cape Kendall is called Ituksiorvik.

23335—2

18 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

“The country to the south and west is again low and grassy till near the foot
of the next bay. From this bay to Cape Kendall (Imnalugywat) the foreshore
is low and tundra-like, though a few miles inland it rises to a height of two or
three hundred feet, in uneven and somewhat rocky terraces.

“At Cape Kendall the dolomite country gives way to the more severe and
rough diabase country. From Cape Kendall to some twenty miles up the Rae
river (Pallik),! on the north side, there is an almost continuous series of diabase
bluffs which average about 180 feet in height. At the mouth of the Rae river
there is a low grass flat several miles wide where there are always deer to be
found in the spring-time. The Rae river carries only a small volume of water,
and from what one can see of it in the winter-time, has a large number of rapids.
About 18 miles from the coast there is a cascade of about ten feet, where, in the
summer-time, the Eskimo frequently gather to spear fish. From 20 to 50 miles
up the Rae river, the country is for the most part open, grassy and rolling, with
occasional isolated diabase buttes. About 32 miles up, the river expands into
a lake a third to half a mile wide and eighteen miles long, lying in a trough at
the southern edge of the grass country, which extends as far as one can see to
the north. A couple of miles to the south the country drops off several hundred
feet into what appears to be very rough and rugged rocky country. At the west
end of the lake the river passes through a series of low rocky diabase hills for
several miles. Here a considerable number of stone caches and shooting shelters
were noticed. To the west of these hills the river again expands into a long
narrow lake through open grassy country, and after about ten miles breaks up
into four small branches. This is practically the head of the river, and here
the willows are plentiful and large—growing up to fifteen or twenty feet high.
Elsewhere on the river willows are scarce and small, with the exception of a
couple of small willow-covered islands in the first lake.

“Striking overland in a northeasterly direction from the head of the Rae river one
travels for thirty-five miles through a gently rising grass country with only one low
dolomite ridge. Thence to the coast on the south side of Stapylton bay, the country,
though still for the most part grassy, is rather more uneven, and one passes
three sets of low hills formed of mud and gravel, and holding one or two very
small lakes. No large lakes were seen from the head of Rae river to the coast.
Eskimo shooting shelters and tent rings were observed: amongst the mud hills.”

Mr. Chipman then continues the account for the Coppermine river region :—

“The Richardson river? comes from the south and southwest and empties
into the same inlet as the Rae river. What is apparently a large flat to the
south of the Rae is really a triangular flat of which two sides are the Rae and
the Richardson. This flat is a feeding ground in the fall and spring for large
herds of caribou, and just across the Rae are numerous stones and turfs for
drives. The mouths of the rivers are said to be good fishing places, but some
distance from the sealing grounds.

“From the Rae to the Coppermine (Kogluktok) the country is made up of
gentle grassy slopes and valleys broken by diabase hills with the characteristic
steep slopes to the south and more even slopes to the north. The former afford
good hunting grounds for caribou.

“The Coppermine reaches the coast through two mouths enclosing a large
low island, grass covered except for two diabase hills on the northern end.

1The name Pallik has been extended to embrace the whole of the Rae river region.

2Mr. ,Chipman gives two names for this river, Niakongiak and Kugnahik; the latter means simply
‘River.”” I myself obtained (from description only) the name Walliak, which was extended to apply to
the whole region between the Rae and the Coppermine rivers. From this word comes the name Walliar-
miut, by which all these western Coronation gulf Eskimos often designate themselves.

Country of the Copper Eskimos 19

This island is a well-known fall gathering place for those Eskimos who have
spent the summer up the Coppermine, those who have been in the country of the
Rae and Richardson rivers, and for some people from the east. It is a good fish-
ing ground, and when we were there in the spring, herds of caribou were con-
tinuously visible.

“Tnland from the mouth of the Coppermine, the country is generally tundra,
rising evenly and with scattered lakes in the small valleys. Not far above the
mouth the river contracts to about half a mile in width and has steeply sloping
alluvial cut banks.

“Eskimos travelling inland in the Coppermine river country have as their
principal object the securing of wood. Secondary objects are the trade with
Indians or white men at or near Great Bear lake, the securing of copper, and
the hunting of caribou for the fall clothing skins. Hunting and fishing to supply
daily wants are at all times of first importance.

“The generally accepted route of travel on the Coppermine is to go up the
west side of the river for some indefinite distance, usually twenty to forty miles,
then strike southwest for Dismal lake (Tasirpik), and then south to Lake
Rouvier (Imernek), and west to Great Bear lake (Imaryuak). Some of those
who this year (i.e. 1916) went to Great Bear lake told me they would return to
near the northwest corner of Dismal lake, swing north and even west from there
and come back to the Coppermine near its mouth. In all about eighty Eskimos
left the mouth of the river this year for inland and of these about half left the
main party at various times after ten miles up the river and went west. These
said they were going to the places where they found copper. The two latter
parties would probably meet at some time before fall.

“A party of three or four families from the Tree river also went inland.
They said they would follow up the west branch of the Tree river to where it
headed near the Coppermine and then go overland to the Coppermine where
they expected to meet and trade with the Indians. These are presumably Dog
Rib Indians from Fort Rae. They expected to be gone until the snow was on
the ground and to bring wood in addition to the lead and powder they would get.
from the Indians. ,

“The party from the Tree river left the coast just a few days before the snow
left. The party from the mouth of the Coppermine did not leave the coast until
the snow was nearly all gone. Both parties were packing with their dogs.

“The route up the west side of the Coppermine is one of easy travel. Long,
gentle, grassy tundra slopes to low rolling country offer no difficulties to either
packing with dogs or travel with toboggan. The usual travel is some distance
back from the river, and before they strike for Dismal lake, no creeks with
steep gullies are met. Travelling toward Dismal lake, the country is level with
a good deal of swampy tundra until one commences to climb the long slopes of
the so-called Copper mountains. These mountains, which attain an elevation
of probably not more than 1,500 feet, are in reality a long series of basalt terraces.
Since they occupy a belt of about fifteen miles wide and the terraces are numerous
and low, the general effect is of a long gentle slope on the north with a somewhat
steeper and more irregular slope to the south. Dismal lake lies just south of
this ridge.?

“From Dismal lake to Lake Rouvier, the country is more rugged, but there
are at least two recognized routes to Lake Rouvier, both of them following the
gently sloping valleys of creeks which have numerous lakes. These valleys
offer good feeding and hunting grounds for caribou, and the lakes probably
contain fish.

1The Rev. H. Girling writes that ‘‘The Eskimos go up the Coppermine to where a line of cliffs running
inland comes to an end in a round hill with a definite cutting on the east side. This hill is known as Koluk-
huk, and from its summit the Dismal lakes are clearly visible. The natives follow the hills to a gully,
which leads them to the lakes.

23335—23

20 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

‘Lake Rouvier is the source of what may be considered as the east branch
of the Dease river. The route crosses the lake, then cuts east over a low and
gently sloping ridge of tundra hills to the south side of the valley of the main
Dease river. It follows this to the “(Garche”’ hills, crossing the southeast branch
of the Dease at ‘‘Big Stick island”, and from the “‘Garche”’ hills, which are some
fifteen miles east of Great Bear lake, the route goes through the timber to the
lake.

“ With straight travel the above route would occupy about ten or twelve
days. The Eskimos of course have to sustain themselves during the trip, and
it takes them longer. It would seem that they usually leave the coast with
enough dried meat for three or four days. The whole Coppermine valley to
its mouth seems to be good caribou country, but within two or three days of the
coast the people do not seem to rely on finding them. We ourselves, except
for three on the opposite side of the river which we could not get at, saw none
until we had left the Coppermine; but from then on we always had plenty and
without going out of our way to get them. Caribou offered an abundant supply
of food and we had no need to consider fish or other sources of supply. In both
Dismal lake and Lake Rouvier, however, fish are known to be plentiful and the
Eskimos say that the many small lakes which are abundant throughout the
gently rolling tundra country are full of fish. Ducks, loons, bear, etc., are not
numerous, but are sometimes used by the people as a source of food.

“Wood for various purposes seems to be obtained most largely from the
vicinity of “Big Stick island.”! This place, about thirty-five miles east of
Great Bear lake on the southeast branch of the Dease river, is an area of several
hundred acres of excellent timber. It is surrounded by the Barren lands, and
is recognized as a good hunting ground both by the Eskimos and by the Indians
of Great Bear lake. It is here, when the Indians are hunting, after their return ,
from the summer trips to the trading posts, that the meeting between the two
peoples takes place.

“On the Coppermine itself timber comes to about twenty miles from the
mouth, but the trees there are small and stunted and consequently neither in
size nor in easiness of being worked are they adaptable for use by the Eskimos.
From that point on up the river, trees are frequently met with and in places
they attain considerable size. In the valley of the Kendall river, which connects
Dismal lake with the Coppermine, there is abundant timber, and at the east
and west ends of Dismal lake there is a small amount. The balance of the shore
of Dismal lake is said to be destitute of trees except for a small clump in a
cirque-like basin near the “Narrows.” Lake Rouvier has abundant timber on
its north side. It was here that Fathers Le Roux and Rouvier had their house.
The main valley of the Dease is well timbered, especially as Great Bear lake is
approached. In all of this country the timber is confined to the immediate
vicinity of the river or lake valley; the surrounding hills and plains are a part
of the ‘Barren lands.”’

“Mr. D’Arcy Arden, a well-known traveller in the north, who has made
his headquarters at the east end of Great Bear lake since 1914, tells me that in
1914 the Eskimos were wandering all through the country south of the east end
of the lake as far as Cape McDonnel (which is locally known as Caribou point).
From there directly east to the Coppermine, old tent rings and other signs of
their camps were numerous.

“Tt would seem that “ Big Stick island” and the country immediately
east of Great Bear lake are the main objective points of the Coppermine river
Eskimos in their inland excursions in the summer. There it is that they get
the wood for various purposes and there it is that they meet and trade with the
Indians. If any person were to look for the Eskimos at “ Big Stick island ”

ma Stefansson, Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, pp. 82-3; My Life with the Eskimo,

p. 2:

Country of the Copper Eskimos 21

or elsewhere, it must be remembered that the camps will not be found immediately
on the Dease or in the valley, but somewhere on or among the surrounding hills.
Old camp sites are very numerous on the north side of Dismal lake, particularly
at the ‘‘ Narrows ”’, and it is there where both fish and caribou are numerous
that they get the supply of fall skins for clothing. They here get caribou both
by hunting on land and by spearing from kayaks as the caribou are swimming.
Aside from these two main or more permanent gathering places, the country
and the camp sites indicate that the Eskimos are wandering around in small
parties.

“ Except that they go west and south from ten to twenty miles up the
Coppermine, nothing is known of the country where those Eskimos who go after
copper get their supply and where they spend the summer. The others, how-
ever, spend the summer mostly in the country bounded by Dismal lake, the
Coppermine, and the east end of Great Bear lake. Throughout this area,
es caribou and fish are abundant, and the country itself is one of easy
travel.

Mr. Cox now takes up the account of the country to the eastward :—

‘“‘ About ten miles to the east of the Coppermine there is a small river
(the Napaktauktuak), which runs back into timber and is said to have plenty of
fish. Eight miles farther east is the western Kugaryuak, which reaches the coast
through a wide grass flat. The country from here to the eastern Kugaryuak!
(28 miles) is broken and rough—typical of the diabase country. The eastern
Kugaryuak is a fair sized stream and has plenty of willows about the mouth.
About ten miles farther east there is a wide steep grassy valley coming down
out of the diabase opposite a group of four large islands with striking bluffs.
This place is known as Sallik, and is said to be a very good place to hunt deer
in the spring-time. Immediately to the east of here granite takes the place of
the diabase on the coast and continues to about ten miles west of Port Epworth.
This is a rough and barren stretch of coast, though doubtless well supplied with
lakes. From a grassy bay about twelve miles west of Port Epworth, there ‘s a
portage (about one-half to three miles) into a large lake which runs back of the
coast to within a third of a mile of the southwest corner of Port Epworth. This
route is sometimes used, and the lake holds plenty of fish.

“From the point northwest of the bay mentioned to the large bay just
south-west of Agiak? the coast is bleak and barren diabase, almost entirely
devoid of soil and vegetation. A few miles south of the coast, however, lies
the granite country, which is relatively much more fertile, though extremely
rough and swarming with lakes of all sizes. The Tree river (Kogluktualuk)
running into the southeast corner of Port Epworth has granite on the east and
dolomite on the west. About six miles up from the mouth are fine falls sixteen
feet high, below which, and through the rapids which run for about two miles
below the falls, the Eskimos do a good deal of fishing. In the summer of 1915,
at least a dozen people made their living here—chiefly on fish. There are
plenty of willows up to three inches in diameter for fuel. Some ten miles above
the mouth, the river forks into two branches of about equal size. Not much
is known of the east branch, though it is said to have its source in a large lake,
bees is also the source of the Hood river or of a branch of it, according to
Maffa.4

“Both branches of the Tree river run up into the timber about five sleeps
up (i.e., 50 to 60 miles). The western branch for about 25 miles up runs through
a rather narrow grassy valley with steep ridges on either side. The surrounding

1The valleys of both Kugaryuak rivers abound in caribou. All this region is known as Asiak.
2The Eskimos here obtain whetstones for their knives, hence the name Agiak, i.e. ‘‘Whetstone.””
3The inland district between Tree river and Bathurst inlet is called Pingangnaktok.

4Maffa was a Tree river Eskimo who served the expedition as a hunter and guide. Itis very improbable
however, that the same lake should be the source of two distinct rivers flowing in different directions.

22 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

country is full of lakes, most of which have fish. This west branch is said to
come very close to the Coppermine river some distance above the big bend in
that river, and the Eskimos sometimes make the portage across.

“From the foot of Gray’s bay the coast runs in a northeasterly direction to
Cape Barrow (Hanninik), and is of granite throughout. Three rivers of nearly
equal size come out to the coast in this stretch: the Anialik at the southwest
corner of Gray’s bay; the Kogluktuaryuwk opposite the south end, and the
Utkusikalluk opposite the north end of Hepburn island (Igluhugyuk). In the
country lying between the Kogluktuaryuk and the Utkusikalluk musk-oxen’ are
still to be found in small numbers, and a group of natives was hunting them
near the mouth of the Kogluktuaryuk as we passed there in the spring of 1916. -
About the Kogluktuaryuk, the coast and the country for a mile or two inland
are low and grassy, but elsewhere the granite comes to the beach and the
country is excessively rough.! Nevertheless, in the numerous tiny valleys there
is considerable grass and feed, and caribou are fairly plentiful from March
onwards.

“From the foot of the north arm of Inman harbour (A maroalligit) there is
a very short portage over into Bathurst inlet a short distance north of Galena
point. This is the route generally taken by the Eskimos.

“From Cape Barrow to Detention harbour (Akeahugyuwk) the country is
granitic. From Detention harbour to Kater point (Naukhiakavik) the country
is much broken and indented with deep bays, and there are many wide grassy
valleys and flats—as for instance at the foot of Moore bay, where we saw some
tents near the mouth of the river (i.e., in the summer of 1915).

“Practically all of the south and west sides of Arctic sound are open and
rather low country. The Hood river (Kattimannik) comes in at the southwest
side between fairly high mud banks, its mouth spreading out over several square
miles of sand flats. At the southeast corner of Arctic sound, there is a small
river known as the Kilustktok.t

“Banks peninsula is fairly high and rocky (amygdaloid), but has several
fair-sized fishing lakes and some grassy valleys. On the east side of Banks
peninsula a long sound runs down into ‘‘Brown’s channel,” which is in reality a
bay with low grassy country at the foot. A fine set of diabase-capped dolomite
bluffs from 800 to 1,000 feet runs along the west side of this low land. A small
river (Hanningaksiorvik), running out of a lake a short distance inland, drains
the valley.

“Hast of this bay as far as we have gone the mainland consists of a red
quartzite which makes a rather rough country. On the peninsula forming the
west side of “Brown’s channel” is a large tidal lake in a stretch of low land.
Here, and in small lakes close to it, is a favourite fishing place of the Eskimos.
It is also a good place for caribou.

“With the exception of three, the islands in Bathurst inlet that we visited
are so barren and rocky that they are not very much visited by caribou. The
three islands that have a fair proportion of grass-land are the two Kannuyak
islands and Algak (the island to the south of Igloryuallik), and caribou are
plentiful on these islands in the spring-time. Algak, Ekkalulialuk, and the
northern Kannuyak island have good fishing lakes.

“Throughout Bathurst inlet there is good tom-cod fishing anywhere close
to the land, especially in bays, channels and near big cliffs. The people we met
there were living largely on tom-cod helped out by an occasional caribou, a few
lake trout and a considerable number of squirrels. They catch few, if any, seal
in Bathurst inlet in the spring-time.”’

1This country is called by the natives Nennitak.
?The whole of the neighbouring district bears the same name.

Country of the Copper Eskimos 23

_ Banks peninsula was near the most easterly point of the mainland reached by
any of the members of our expedition; the country beyond is known only from
the journeys of the earlier explorers and of the Royal Northwest Mounted Police
patrol in 1917, and from the descriptions of the Coronation gulf Eskimos. The
eastern side of Bathurst inlet is known as Umingmaktok, while Kent peninsula,
to the north is Kiglinguyak. Farther east is Asiak, the country of the Asiagmiut
people, while opposite them on the southeast corner of Victoria island is Ekaluk-
tok, the home of the Ekaluktomiut. Hanbury says of Asiak that it is a very
barren country, though caribou, musk-oxen and fish abound, while in winter
polar bears are killed on the ice. This was borne out by the statements of an
Asiak native whom I met near Bathurst inlet, but hé added that there were no
brown bears, although they are occasionally encountered west of Kent peninsula.

Turning to Victoria island there is the district of Hanerak, opposite Stapylton
bay, on, the other side of Dolphin and Union strait. This was the country of
the Haneragmiut before they ceased to exist as a separate unit; it extends from
about Cape Baring (Ikpigyuak) to the point marked “Cliffs about 80 feet’’ on
Rae’s map, nearly northeast of Cape Bexley. Following the coastline around
from Cape Baring, the first slight point, which also is marked by Rae ‘Cliffs
about 80 feet,” is called Nauyat, from the numbers of seagulls ((nauyat) which
make it their haunt. Between Nauyat and Point Pullen (Sinieluk), a rocky
promontory connected with the mainland behind by a narrow isthmus of sandy
clay, is Bell island (Kikiktaryuk). A long low sandpit runs out from the west
side of Point Pullen towards Bell island, and a small sandy islet lies almost
awash half way between the two, but Bell island itself is high and rocky. On
it are the ruins of an old wood and sod hut, according to Captain Jos. Bernard,
who wintefed in a little nook behind Point Pullen in 1913-14. Mount Arrow-
smith, directly behind, is called by the Eskimos Annorillit, and a peak just to
the west of it is Kingmiktorvik. The Colville hills are here not more than a mile
or two from the sea, and two creeks of considerable size have their outlets in
Penny bay. One, the Attautsikkiak, rises beside Mount Kingmiktorvik, and rushes
down in a narrow bed between high steep banks of clay superimposed on dolo-
mite until it reaches the mud flats on the coast. In autumn the stream is dim-
inished to a mere brook, though it evidently pours down a great volume of water
in spring. The other creek, the Kugaluk, is larger and longer, flowing more from
the east and receiving considerable accessions from a number of small lakes.
Its banks are wider apart and generally not so high as those of the Atiqutstkkiak,
though in one place, about five miles from the sea, where it cuts through a bed
of dolomite running northwest by southeast, it forms a beautiful gorge some
300 yards long and from 50 to 100 yards wide, while the cliffs are about 40 feet
high. Here the Eskimos often fish in summer, jigging with long lines from a
ledge half way down the face of the cliff into a deep pool beneath. Just below
the gorge, nodules of pyrites are found in the creek bed, and from time immemor-
ial the Eskimos have come here to gather them, using them to strike fire. The
Kugaluk also pours its waters into Penny bay, about a mile southeast of the
Attautsikkiak.

The dolomite cliffs of Cape Hamilton (Misumeok) are the most conspicuous
feature along this coast.!. The next small cape a few miles farther east is Niahog-
naryuk, and the coast for a few miles east of that again is called Kinaruk. About
25 miles east of Cape Hamilton are the dolomite cliffs of Tulukak, the home of
“ravens,” which have another home in a smaller dolomite cliff just to the west
known as Tulukakak. To the traveller sledding along the coast, Tulukakak seems
to be about 50 feet high, with its cliffs running north and south, Tulukak itself
being a little higher and running approximately east and west. Then follows a
shallow bay about 12 miles broad, bounded on the east by the cliffs of Ingnerin
(“fire-stone,” because, it is said, pyrites exists here also). Ingnerin is sometimes

1Rae gives them an altitude of 170 feet.

24 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

included in the country of the Akulliakattangmiut, for when that group crossed
over from South bay in the autumn, it used to unite with the Haneragmiut at
this place and spend the first part of the winter sealing in the vicinity. Although
the Haneragmiut are now extinct as a separate group, the Akulliakattangmiut
still cross over to Ingnerin and do not unite with their eastern neighbours as a
rule until after the sun returns, i.e., about February. ;

Bordering on Hanerak is the district of Pucvlck. Beginning from Ingnerin,
it seems to reach to about Point Dickens, in the narrow strait just before it
broadens out to make Coronation gulf. The general trend of the coast from
Nauyat to Simpson bay is southeast, with a broad deep bight at Simpson bay.
The Colville hills do not dip quite so far south, so that although at Richardson
bay they come within a mile or two of the coast, farther east, to the north of
Read island, the two are separated by an undulating plain from 10 to 15 miles
wide. This plain, like the Colville hills to the north, is full of lakes and ponds,
some of which, especially those close to and draining directly into the sea, teem
with fish, the sea salmon. North of Read island is the low peak Kingautak, a
very familiar landmark to the Eskimos. The Colville hills, which are of brown-
ish clay formation without signs of any rock exposure, sweep round to the
northeast with no apparent break, forming the “‘ Museum range ” remarked by
Mr. Stefansson. Here there is one very prominent peak, visible even from

= . . ‘ a
Fig. 2. View of Mount Wivyaurun from Lake Angmaloktok, Colville hills, S.W. Victoria island

Simpson bay in clear weather; Mr. Stefansson called it Mount Bumpus, while
the Eskimo name is Wivyaurun. Some ten miles NNW. of Wivyaurun, in about
lat. 69° 45 N and long. 118° W., is a large lake apparently about ten miles in
diameter, though it is difficult in the spring to distinguish islands from shore
line even with the binoculars. This is Lake Tahiryuak, beyond the Colville
divide, a well-known rendezvous where the Puivlik natives of the south meet the
Kanghiryuak natives of the north in the later days of spring. From Mount
Wivyaurun, Museum range (or the Colville hills), for the two here seem identical
appears to continue down to the southward, probably with a trend east. ;

The Colville hills enclose an enormous number of lakes and ponds, ranging
from tiny lagoons a few yards wide to lakes several miles in diameter. All
except those that freeze to the bottom in winter abound in lake trout and lake

Country of the Copper Eskimos 25

salmon, and the Eskimo inhabitants spend four or five months each year in
wandering about from one fishing-ground to another. The ridges themselves
are almost devoid of vegetation, but there are pleasant meadows here and there
round the margins of the lakes. Most of the deer that remain in this part of
Victoria island during the summer, however, find better pasture on the plains
nearer the sea.

Several large creeks, almost rivers, flow out of the hills into Simpson bay.
One issues out into the sea beside a high knoll named Tipfiktok, near where
Linklater island is marked on the chart. Still another, known as Epiullik, has
its exit northeast of Read island:. The Eskimos sometimes gather at Epiullik
in the autumn. More often they assemble at the mouth of the Okauyarvik creek
a little farther east, in a well-sheltered harbour where Rae marks “15 May.”
Bearded seals abound both at this place and at Epiullik in the autumn, lying
on top of the young ice. Okauyarvik is an excellent place from which to start
the overland journey to Prince Albert sound in the spring, though the Colville
hills can be crossed almost anywhere by sled. The Okauyarvik creek has its
source in Lake Kigiaktallik, one of the larger lakes in the Colville hills, and

Fig. 3. Frozen falls on Okauyarvik creek, S.W. Victoria island

winds about in a roughly SSW. direction for some 40 miles before it finally reaches
the sea. A few miles east of it the Kimiryuak, probably the largest creek in
this region, falls into Forsyth bay, and a little south of that again, in a rather
deep bight just below Clouston bay, falls the Kogluktok river. Where the coast
approaches nearest to the Liston and Sutton islands there is a point called
Nuvuk; but beyond this the Eskimo names for the salient topographical features
have not been recorded. The whole coast from Ingnerin to Lady Franklin
point consists of a low gravel ridge, for the dolomite which protrudes in high
cliffs farther to the west continues inland when the coast turns south, and the
different streams from the interior have to cut deep channels through it on their
way to the sea.

1Between these two streams apparently is the district called Iglulik; Read island (or Beads island, for
the charts have both names; the natives call it Kigiktanneuk) lies about three miles off the shore, and
consists of low gravel terraces of dolomite, with here and there boulders of diabase and granite.

26 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

In the strait between Puivlik and Noahognik lie the Liston and Sutton
islands. Really there are three islands, called by the Eskimos Ahungahungak
(Liston island), Putulik (Sutton island), and Illuvillik; all three are included in
the general name Ukailit. The two former islands have high dolomite cliffs on
their northern and southern faces, and much broken ice gathers around them in
winter. Seals, both rough and bearded, are very numerous, so that the Eskimos
from both sides of the strait have made this place their winter resort. The
Puivlik natives generally make their way along the coast first to Nuvuk, for from
there they can cross over in a single day; otherwise it would be necessary to
camp one night on the ice, and a gale at this time of the year (December) might
cause a great crack to open up and engulf them.

The only member of the southern party of the expedition who travelled
along the south coast of Victoria island east of Lady Franklin point was Mr.
Frits Johansen, one of our biologists, who was there in March, 1916. ‘“The Miles
islands,” he writes, ‘‘ consist of diabase with the typical formations of this region,
steep and high cliffs on the south and east, low and flat on the north and west.
Except in pockets and on gravelly slopes the vegetation was very poor. Few
animals occur here, but we noticed tracks of foxes, wolverines, lemmings, hares,
ptarmigan and ravens, as well as caribou tracks, it being the time of their spring
migration. Only the middle islands contained any driftwood to speak of, and
they only on the north and west sides; it was there also that the usual signs of
temporary Eskimo encampments were seen, tent-rings, wood-gatherings, and
the like, showing that the Eskimos, like myself, used the islands as a pathway
from the mainland to Wollaston land. The ice was often very rough and
screwed up around the islands, especially where the coast was steep and
rocky, but it seemed to have been safe for passage from November on.

“ Richardson island, further east, consists solely of diabase. Facing
Coronation gulf, there are perpendicular cliffs several hundred feet high,
impossible to scale and dropping clear to the water; but facing the sound are
gentle slopes of smooth rock clear to the beach, covered more or less with gravel
and vegetation. Also the higher land in the interior of the island has good
vegetation right to its top and is rather easily scaled from the north side, espe-
cially where creeks come down. Numerous caribou were seen here in larger or
smaller herds climbing or grazing on the slopes on both sides of the sound. In
the sound itself between Richardson island and the coast of Wollaston land
are a number of islands. Two, at its mouth, mark the gateway coming from the
west, and another half-way up the sound marks the narrowest place and divides
it into a northern and a southern arm. The northern route is much the shorter,
and along it were found tent-rings of the Eskimos and their meat-caches.

‘Murray point is a rocky peninsula of diabase overlying limestone or dolo-
mite, which itself lies on a bed of sandstone. It is connected with Wollaston land by
a series of lagoons, sandbars and tundra swamps, over which the Eskimos portage.
It was here that I met three families of natives who were living in snow huts
in Wellbank bay, where they had been sealing since the autumn of 1915.
Some of them had visited the natives of Bathurst inlet that winter, and all had
fairly civilized implements, hardly anything being made of copper; there were
even guns and ammunition. A few days journey to the eastward, they told
me, lay a river named Hagavaktok, which is open till late in the fall and is the
only considerable stream along the whole coast to Simpson bay. This Haga-
vaktok apparently flows into the sea in the neighbourhood of Byron bay.

__ “The coast of Wollaston land opposite Richardson island consists of steep,
high cliffs of diabase, which change a little further west to sandstone ridges that
slope gently down to the beach, but rise more quickly inland to a height of about
100 feet. This extends as far as Lady Franklin point. The land along here is
more or less covered with gravel, boulders and vegetation, and shows the usual

Country of the Copper Eskimos 27

signs of Eskimo settlements, of which the most remarkable were large sandstone
slabs laid on edge to form rude rectangular shelters for the hunters. Tracks of
caribou were numerous in this place. The ‘ Mackenzie river’ is really a series
of creeks that issue from a system of swamps, ponds, and lakes a little way inland.
Except on a small basalt island at the mouth of this ‘ river,’ where I found meat
caches made from boulders, there were no signs of Eskimo encampments either
at the mouth or up inland along the ‘ river.’ A short-cut portage across the base
of Ross point is known to the local:'Eskimos, and I also used it to great advantage.

From Lady Franklin point to Wellbank bay, the coast is almost entirely void of
driftwood.” :

Such then is the character of the Copper Eskimo country in so far as we
were acquainted with it. Those portions of the mainland and of Victoria island

which we did not visit will probably be found to differ in no important respect
from the regions already described.

28 Canadian Arctic.Expedition, 1913-18

CHAPTER II

THE EXPLORATION OF THE COUNTRY

The first of the early explorers to reach the country of the Copper Eskimos
was Samuel Hearne, who travelled overland with a party of Chipewyan Indians
to the mouth of the Coppermine river in 1771. Just below Bloody fall they fell
in with a band of Eskimos living in five tents on the west side of the river, all
of whom they massacred. Another party living in seven tents on the eastern
bank managed to make its escape, with the exception of one old man who was
so intent on collecting his things that the Indians fell upon him before he could
reach his canoe. Only two small pieces of iron were found in the spoils of the
twelve tents. Hearne’s party, afraid to linger any longer in this region, hastily
returned to the south again, and for another half a century the Copper Eskimos
were left undisturbed.

In 1819, Captain Franklin, afterwards Sir John Franklin, was placed in
command of an expedition sent out to explore the north coast of America east-
ward from the mouth of the Coppermine river. In 1821 he reached the lower
waters of the Coppermine, and found a party of Eskimos at the same place at
which Hearne had encountered them, just below Bloody fall. Most of the
natives fled, but Franklin was able to communicate with one family, from which
he learned that the tribe called themselves Naggeooktormceoot, or Deer-Horn
Esquimaux, that they usually frequented the Bloody fall during June and the
following months for the purpose of salting [?] salmon, then retired to a river
which flows into the sea a little farther west (Richardson river) and passed the
winter in snow-houses.

Leaving these Eskimos, Franklin proceeded by boat along the coast to the
eastward as far as Point Turnagain. At various places he came on fresh traces
of Eskimo settlements, but nowhere did he see the Eskimos themselves. On the
return journey he ascended the Hood river for some distance, then struck over-
land to Fort Providence, on Great Slave lake. No white man since Franklin
has ever made this journey, but the Eskimos of the present day follow almost
the same route, though some of them ascend the Tree river instead of the Hood.

Richardson and Kendall, in the course of Franklin’s second expedition in
1826, travelled eastward from the Mackenzie river in two boats, the Dolphin
and the Union. They encountered first, the Eskimos of Kittigaryuit village,
in the Mackenzie delta, the inhabitants of which “had heard of the Esquimaux
at the mouth of the Coppermine river, and knew them by their name of ‘Naggoe-
ook-tor-moe-oot’ (or Deer-horns), but said they were very far off, and that they
had no intercourse with them, adding that all the inhabitants of the coast to
the eastward were bad people.”

Farther east, these explorers saw recent footsteps of a small party of Eskimos
on the beach in the neighbourhood of De Witt Clinton point. Again, ‘‘five miles
beyond the Harding river, on the extremity of a rocky cape, the Esquimaux had
constructed several storehouses of drift timber, which were filled with dried
deer’s meat and seal-blubber; along with which, cooking kettles, and lamps made
of potstone, copper-headed spears, and various other articles, were carefully
laid up. The ashes of the recently extinguished fires showed that the natives
had quitted this place only a few days.”

It is reasonable to suppose that both the foot-prints and the storehouses
were due to the same Eskimos, who were probably western natives, since the
storehouses were built of wood. They bear out the present-day tradition amongst
the Copper Eskimos that the two peoples had intercourse up to two generations

Exploration of the Country 29

ago, i.e., until nearly the middle of the nineteenth century. No Copper Eskimos
have ever been seen farther west than Stapylton bay, though traces of them
exist as far as Wise point, where they seem to have met their western neighbours.
Richardson noticed that they had marked most of the prominent points around
Mount Barrow, at Cape Krusenstern, by erecting piles of stones similar to the
cairns that the shepherds in Scotland build for landmarks, and adds that these
erections were occasionally noticed after doubling Cape Parry, though they
were not so numerous. This is precisely what one might expect in a region where
two peoples overlapped. At Young point there were several caches of this nature,
and near them were some typical implements of Copper Eskimo culture. In
1915, Dr. Anderson noticed about a dozen stone caches and three or four stone
tent rings some two hundred yards inland from the sea, eight miles east of De
Witt Clinton point. Even as far west as Langton bay these stone caches are
found, though there some of them are probably graves, since the western
natives often covered their dead to protect them from wild animals and birds
of prey. In the vicinity of the Burrow islands, Darnley bay, in 1911, Dr.
Anderson discovered a stone cooking-pot broken and mended with copper
splices, and a blubber pounder of musk-ox horn, objects that were undoubtedly
made by Copper Eskimos.

Richardson and Kendall met none of the Copper Eskimos on this journey,
though they found that a party had just quitted Bloody fall, probably frightened
by the presence of white men. Back, however, encountered them when he
descended the Back or Great Fish river in 1833. All down its course he had
noticed their traces, and at Lake Franklin he finally came on a small party
fishing. He remained with them only one day, but in that time succeeded in
establishing cordial relations. Five years later, in 1888 and 1839, Dease and
Simpson explored the coast from the mouth of the Coppermine to beyond Back
river. In 1838 they saw two or three Eskimo families below Bloody fall, but the
natives were alarmed at their presence and fled over the ice towards some
distant islands. Eskimo caches were noticed at various points along the coast
east of the Coppermine, placed upon lofty rocks out of reach of beasts of prey;
but they saw none of their owners, who had all gone inland to hunt caribou after
their winter seal-hunt among the islands. Close to Cape Turnagain was a place
where three Eskimo tents had been pitched in the preceding year, with a little
stone fire-place on one side, and near Cape Franklin they passed the remains of
a larger camp where there were several human skeletons; but they nowhere
found recent traces of the people.

In the following year they were more successful. Some thirty Eskimos
were encamped at Richardson river, and one family, whose tent was placed
on an island in mid-stream, was left behind when the others fled precipitately
to the hills. With this family the explorers were able to communicate, and while
the information they gathered was of little value, they yet left a favourable
impression on the natives which proved of much service to Richardson ten years
later. East of Cape Alexander, Dease and Simpson saw vestiges of Eskimos
wherever they landed, for the most part very old; but they never fell in with the
natives again during their journey.

In 1848 Richardson again made the journey from the mouth of the Mackenzie
to the Coppermine river, ascending the latter to Great Bear Lake. On this
occasion he was accompanied by Rae, and the party was ferried across the mouth
of the Rae river by the Eskimos. Rae returned in the two following years, and
explored the coast of the mainland from Cape Lambert to Cape Alexander,
and the south coast of Victoria island from Cape Back to Cape Alfred. Besides
meeting his old acquaintances on the Rae river, he had an interview with three
Eskimos near Cape Flinders, and saw others on a neighbouring island. He says
of the Cape Flinders natives, ‘These people appeared to have been poorly fed
as they were much leaner than Esquimaux generally are; they had never been

30 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

in communication with white people before, and were at first much alarmed,
but we very soon gained their complete confidence.’”? The only other place at
which he met with natives was along the southwest coast of Victoria island.
There were thirteen Eskimo lodges a few miles to seaward of Cape Hamilton,
with the inhabitants of which he established relations. None of the women
showed themselves, but all the men were well and cleanly dressed in deerskin.
They were all very fat, having evidently abundance of seal’s flesh and fat,
large quantities of which were carefully deposited in seal-skin bags under the
snow. It was difficult, he says, to make them understand that no return was
expected for some presents he made them.

But though he met with no more natives, Rae found traces of them in
several places. Cambridge bay seemed to be one of their favourite resorts,
judging by the numerous stone-marks and several caches of provisions, clothing,
etc., deposited on the banks of the river there. He observed that it was doubt-
less an excellent fishing-station immediately after the breaking up of the ice,
since he saw many salmon sporting in the transparent waters in the vicinity.
Between Cambridge bay and Pelly point there was nothing to indicate that the
Eskimos had recently visited the points at which his party touched. One other
observation that he made is worth noticing. The Eskimos, he says, have a
great respect for caches of any kind. Some that he had made himself on the
southwest coast of Victoria island were left untouched, notwithstanding that
one, or perhaps all of them had been seen by the natives. ;

McClure was the next navigator to fall in with the Eskimos. During the
spring of 1851 one of his ae parties came on five families near Berkeley point,
at the southern entrance of Prince of Wales strait between Victoria island and
Banks island. They seemed very simple and honest, and when presented with
anything, they appeared incapable of supposing that anyone would give them
an article without expecting an equivalent. His fellow-explorer, Collinson,
spent the following winter, 1851-2, in Walker bay, and about fifty of these natives
built their snow huts near him. A sledge party under Lieutenant Jago met about
a hundred othersin Prince Albert sound. None were seen north of 72° 10’ N. in
Prince of Wales strait.

Collinson sailed east through Coronation gulf in the following summer, and
wintered in Cambridge bay. Rae had seen only caches here, but Collinson met
the natives themselves. He says: “ The number seen by us in this vicinity I
estimated at between two and three hundred, of which between fifty and a, hun-
dred returned in the spring; the inner harbour, the large lake west of Mount Pelly,
and the peninsula about Cape Colborne, forming their hunting and fishing
ground from May until October; at which period they follow the deer to the
mainland, where, having first collected together in the neighbourhood of the
Finlayson islands, they winter; but the precise spot we did not discover oat
could not, however, have been very far from us, as we were visited continually
during the winter. I fully expected to have found them on the Finlayson Islands
in the spring, as it was usual for them to come from that direction; but on my
visit in April, there were no signs of winter huts, although numerous caches
showed them to be a place of great resort.’’!

_ _ For fifty more years this region remained unvisited, then David T. Hanbury
in 1902 made a journey from Chesterfield inlet to Ogden bay, and along the
coast to the Coppermine river, which he ascended, as the earlier explorers had
done, to Great Bear lake and the Mackenzie river. He first met with the
Copper Eskimos, about forty-five people altogether, a few miles inland from
Ogden bay; the natives, following their usual custom, gave a dance in his
honour. Frem this point to as far west as Gray’s bay small parties of natives
were met with in several places; but from there onward no more were seen till he
reached the Dismal lakes, where he found four tents, but only three people living
in them at the time. Hanbury’s journey was one of the most successful that

1Collinson, p. 284.

Exploration of the Country 3]

has ever been made in these northern regions, and he has left a very interesting
and valuable account of the country he passed through and of the people he
encountered.

A Danish trapper and trader, Captain C. Klengenberg, with a small schooner,
the Olga, spent the winter of 1905-6 in the vicinity of Cape Kendall, on south-
west Victoria island. He met a party of the Prince Albert sound natives in the
early spring, and they camped near his ship for three days, then disappeared
north again. Two years later an American whaler, Captain Wm. Mogg, in
the same. vessel, wintered in Minto inlet, and met some of the Eskimos there.!
In 1910, Mr. V. Stefansson, travelling by sled along the coast, visited the
Eskimos of Dolphin and Union strait and west Coronation gulf, then con-
tinued up the Coppermine to Great Bear lake. In the following year he
returned, accompanied by Dr. R. M. Anderson, and visited also the natives of
Prince Albert sound. Captain Jos. F. Bernard with his schooner, the Teddy
Bear, remained in the country for three years; he spent his first winter, from
1910-11, in a bay a few miles east of the Coppermine river, his second, 1912-13,
in Bernard harbour, and the last, 1913-14, in a little bight behind Cape Kendall
on Victoria island.

A few other travellers, working down to the mouth of the Coppermine from
Great Bear lake, have met the Eskimos within the last few years. In the summer
of 1912, two brothers, G. M. and L. D. Douglas, accompanied by the geologist,
Dr. August Sandberg, descended to the mouth of the Coppermine in the course
of their investigations into the copper deposits of this region. They. fell in with a
considerable number of Eskimos of whom they have published some interesting
photographs. Messrs. J. Hornby and C. D. Melville lived from 1908 to 1911
on Great Bear lake; they met some of the Eskimos in their first year? and many
more later. Mr. Melville returned south in 1911, but Mr. Hornby remained
for three years longer. Another traveller, Mr. D’Arcy Arden, was at Great
Bear lake from 1914 to 1916. He visited the mouth of the Coppermine with a
police patrol in the spring of 1916, and returned to Bear lake again in the following
summer with Mr. K. G. Chipman, one of the topographers of the Canadian
Arctic Expedition. In 1911, Father Rouvier, of the Order of Mary Immaculate,
established a mission on a lake at the head of the Dease river, where Father Le
Roux joined him in the following year. At this period the Eskimos were visiting
Great Bear lake each summer to trade with the white men and Indians, and in
the fall of 1913 the two priests followed some of them north to the mouth of the
Coppermine river, and were murdered close to Bloody fall. Two other white
men, Messrs. H. V. Radford and T. G. Street, who started from Hudson bay
and travelled overland to Bathurst inlet in the summer of 1912, were also killed
by the natives. In 1914 the Canadian Arctic Expedition established itself in
Dolphin and Union strait and spent two years in exploring the surrounding
country. The Anglican mission sent ina party during the summer of 1915;
their schooner was blown ashore close to the Croker river, but their leader, the
Rev. H. Girling, travelled east in the winter and gained a firm foothold amongst
the natives, both in Dolphin and Union strait and in Coronation gulf. Finally,
in the summer of 1916, the Hudson’s Bay Company established a post in Bernard
harbour, which the-Canadian Arctic Expedition had just vacated, and other white
traders and western Eskimos prepared to follow in their train. The barriers
which have separated this country from the outside world for so many centuries
have been swept away, and this last outpost of the Eskimo race is now thrown
open to the invader.‘

1A pparently it was Capt. Mogg who collected the specimens of implements and clothing acquired by
the American Museum of Natural History from Capt. Cottle in 1907. See Anthrop. Papers, AM.N.EL,
Vol. II, pt. II, p. 314, et seq.

2See Stefansson, Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, p. 259.

’These two travellers presented some Copper Eskimo specimens to the Victoria Memorial Museum
at Ottawa, where they are now on exhibition.

4See Stefansson, Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, pp. 287, et seg.

32 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

CHAPTER III
THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE POPULATION!

Earlier writers have distinguished a number of “ tribes ” among the Copper
Eskimos; but the term “tribe,” if we use it at all, should be given a very broad
interpretation, for the groups into which these natives divide themselves have
none of the permanence and stability that we are accustomed to associate with
tribes in other parts of the world. It is true that each group has its local name,
a name derived from the district it habitually frequents in summer; but the
individual members are constantly changing from one group to another, not
merely temporarily for some special purpose, such as the acquisition of stone
lamps and pots or the obtaining of wood for sleds and tables, but permanently
also, whenever the new district offers greater advantages, especially in the
matter of game. At the east end of Coronation gulf, when a native was asked
what district he belonged to, he would sometimes answer “‘ Oh, I have v ny
homes. Asiak, Pingangnaktok, Nennitak, Kilusiktok, I have lived in . 4 oJ,
both when 1 was young and since I reached manhood.” Another would say
“It makes no difference which you call my home, Puivlik, Kogloktok, Nennitak,
Kiglinik or Kilusiktok, for I have lived in all those places.” A native who is
living in Bathurst inlet one year, may be hunting in the Coppermine region the
next, while still later you may find him in south-west Victoria island. In a
settlement of Eskimos at the Duke of York archipelago in February, 1915,
there were representatives of the following districts: Kilusiktok, Nagyuktok,
Asiak, Kogloktok, Pallik, Walliak, Puivlik, Noahognik, Hanerak, Akulliakattak
and Kanghiryuak. By representatives in this case is meant that the natives
had lived most of their lives in one or other of these districts, although they were
all amalgamated at that particular time into one settlement at the west end of
Coronation gulf. A year later, in a settlement off the mouth of the Tree river,
only four out of thirteen adults called themselves Tree river natives proper
(Pingangnaktok); one came from Kilusiktok, one from Asiak near the Copper-
mine river, one from the Coppermine itself, four from Walliak, one from Noahog-
nik and one from Akulliakattak.

Districts that are poor in game naturally become wholly or partly deserted
in time, while others continue to support a considerable population. Generally
speaking the tendency of the natives is to keep to the districts in which they
were brought up, where every lake and hill, every favourite haunt of fish and
caribou, is familiar to them. If an Eskimo migrates to another district he invari-
ably tries to associate himself at first with one of its older inhabitants who can
guide him about the country. When our expedition was leaving this region in
the summer of 1916, arrangements were made with a trustworthy native named
Ikpakhuak to take charge of our station in Bernard harbour till other white
men should arrive a month or two later. Ikpakhuak at first was rather unwilling,
for his real home was across the strait and the new district was unfamiliar to
him; he was not acquainted, he said, with the places in which to find fish and
ae and he feared that he might have difficulty in providing food for his
amily.

The Eskimos, like ourselves, have that indefinable feeling of home in the
country they have known since childhood. Some of the natives who wandered
in the summer of 1915 over southwest Victoria island had been absent for two
or three years in Coronation gulf. Travelling with them I was greatly touched

1For this whole chapter cf. especially Stefansson, Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, pp.
25-40 and G.S.C. Museum Bulletin, No. 6, pp. 14-15.

Distribution of the Population 33

by the joy with which they would recognize each prominent lake and hill, and
call up memories of earlier days with which these landmarks were associated.
One of their kinsmen had died in that region; they wept as they passed near his
grave, and some of them, after the day’s fishing was over, went back to visit it,
and spent the night there in mourning.

However shifting and changing then the groups may be, a man will be
bound to one more closely than to any of the rest, and will usually call himself
a member of that group, though he may be living at the time in another far
remote. But the longer he remains in his new home the weaker grow the ties
that bind him to the old, till finally he merges in the group with which he is
living and calls himself by its name. Thus a woman who had spent all her
earlier life in the country behind Stapylton bay migrated with her parents to
Nennitak, at the east end of Coronation gulf. There after some years she
married, and though later she wandered all over the mainland between that
place and Stapylton bay, she called herself a Nennitak woman, because most
of her kinsfolk lived in that direction and the associations of her first home had
become less dear to her. Her husband again was brought up in Walliak, but he
spent his youth and early manhood in Kilusiktok, where he became one of the
m+ famous shamans in the country. He was living during the three summers
frure .Ji4 to 1916 in the basin of the Coppermine river close to his boyhood
home, but he called himself a native of Kilusiktok, and was regarded as such
by the rest of his people. It is certainly not true to say of the Copper Eskimos,
what Boas remarks of the Eskimos of Hudson bay, that ‘‘almost without excep-
tion the old man returns to the country of his youth, and consequently by far
the greater part of the old people live in their native districts.”1 Yet it may
have been true in earlier times, since there is reason to believe that the floating
character of the Copper Eskimo groups has been greatly accentuated in recent
years.

It is necessary to bear all this in mind, therefore, when attempting to classify
the different groups that are actually found in the country at the present day.
Mr. Stefansson has given a fairly accurate list of them, and a map showing their
relative locations. The most westerly group on the mainland is the one round
Stapylton bay, known as the Akulliakattangmiut. They gather in the fall at
Lake Akulliakatttak, which is not, as Mr. Stefansson believed, the source of the
Rae river, but a large lake, comparatively speaking, some three miles south of
South bay. There they sew their new clothing before the sun disappears for
the winter night, which in this latitude, allowing for refraction, occurs about
November 25; as soon as the ice is firm enough, they migrate out past Cape
Bexley. It was at Cape Bexley that one of our sledging parties, on December
23, 1914, found a village they had just deserted. It consisted of eight snow houses,
or rather of two double houses and four single ones.’ Dr. Anderson recorded in
his diary, ‘“The natives had evidently come from the south along the coast (of
South bay), camped here one night, and gone on this morning, passing just
round the point, thence straight out on the ice in the direction of Victoria island.
The houses were scarcely iced inside, so the Eskimos must have been short of
blubber for fuel, and had probably just come from inland. One double house
was about fifty yards north of the others, one double and three single houses were
in a close bunch, and a single house was about one hundred and fifty yards south
away from therest.’’ Thesenatives had crossed over to Ingnerin on Victoria island,
where they were joined by three families who had spent the summer on Victoria
island. Early in January this community was still at Ingnerin, living in eleven
snow huts; by March they had moved south into the middle of the strait, and
were there joined by some of their eastern neighbours. Two families came with
our party to Victoria island in the summer of 1915, others went east, and only
about six families returned to the region of Stapylton bay.

1Boas, Central Eskimo, p. 466.
23335—3

34 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

Mr. Stefansson found thirteen families encamped on the ice north of Cape
Bexley in the spring of 1910, though a settlement of over forty houses but a
short time before had been deserted near Hope point. He states that Cape
Bexley is a trading rendezvous where people from the east come to visit the
Akulliakattangmiut, even from the east coast of Victoria island. This did not
happen during the time that the expedition remained in the neighbourhood,!
though natives from the east end of Coronation gulf visited the Dolphin and
Union strait Eskimos when they were camped in the neighbourhood of the
Liston and Sutton islands, both in 1915 and 1916. Normally this intercourse
took place just before spring, about the beginning of March, when the days
were long and travelling much less difficult. In the fall of 1915, however, a
large band of Eskimos from the Coppermine river region, attracted by the
prospects of trade with the expedition, came west into Dolphin and Union strait,
and camped first at Bernard harbour, then with the local natives at one of the
Liston and Sutton islands.

Opposite the Akulliakattangmiut, on the other side of the strait, once lived
the Haneragmiut, the ‘people on the side of the land.” Mr. Stefansson estimated
their number at about forty, and states that ‘a few of them each year hunt on
the mainland with the Akulliakattangmiut or farther east, but the larger number
go north into the Colville mountains to a fishing lake called Tahiryuak, where
they also get numerous caribou, and where .. . . they some years meet a few
representatives of the Kangianermiut.’’ These latter people, he says in another
place, are the inhabitants of the mouth of the Rae river. There was a settlement
of about seventeen Haneragmiut people near Tulukak which he visited in the
spring of 1910.

_ In the summer of 1915 the region of Hanerak was entirely uninhabited,
save for my own party, which extended its wanderings into this portion of the
country as well as over Puivlik to the eastward. The Eskimos said that the
Haneragmiut were extinct as a separate group; several had died one summer
near a small lake named Pisiksitorvik in the Colville hills, and the rest soon
became dispersed among the surrounding groups, so that now the district is
often uninhabited. In 1916 only one family intended to hunt there; they were
encamped on the shore near Point Williams in the month of June, fishing in
the lakes and hunting in the hills immediately behind the point. One of our
western natives shot a bearded seal on the ice and offered them most of the
meat, but they had so much meat and blubber of their own that they refused
even to drag the animal to shore and cache it. There are at least two lakes named
Tahiryuak in this region, and still another northeast of Prince Albert sound,
but the best known of them all is the lake where my party of strait natives met
the Prince Albert sound Eskimos in the summer of 1915. This is probably the
one that Mr. Stefansson heard of, though the natives who normally meet there
are the Kanghiryuarmiut from the north and the Eskimos, particularly the
Puivlirmiut, from Dolphin and Union strait.?

The Noahognirmiut are the next group to the east on the mainland. In
the summer of 1914 there were nineteen people inhabiting this district, all of
whom called themselves Noahognirmiut, though two of them when cross-
questioned named other places as their original homes. During most of the
summer they wandered about in two separate bands, but two of the natives
kept changing about from one band to the other. In the autumn the two
bands came down to the coast at different times. The first to arrive, on
November 12th, consisted of two families only, six people in all who made
their camp at the mouth of a creek four miles east of Bernard harbour where
they had left their caches in the spring. Here they stayed for about three
weeks, then, early in December, they crossed the strait and joined the Puivlik
Eskimos at the mouth of the Kimiryuak river. The other band, thirteen in

1Nor has it happened since then, the Rev. Mr. Girling informs me.

: Mr. Stefansson has since explained to me that the word Kangianermiut in the passage quoted above
is obviously an error for Kunghiryuarmiut.

Distribution of the Population 35

number, did not reach the coast till the end of November, when they camped
on the north end of Chantry island. On December 5th they migrated across
to the Liston and Sutton islands and commenced their winter sealing, though
one of the men had already done a little sealing from the mainland. The Puivlik
Eskimos from Victoria island joined them just before the new year, and the
two groups remained united until the spring.

In the following summer, 1915, about forty Eskimos from various groups
wandered about in Noahognik, while most of the nineteen who were there in
the previous year went away to other districts. In the spring of 1916 about
ninety Eskimos were hunting and fishing in Noahognik, several of whom had
come from as far east as Bathurst inlet; many of them, however, probably
went down to the Rae river valley about July or August. The increase in the
number of inhabitants during these two summers was due to the presence of
the expedition and the opportunities for trade that it offered, In earlier times
there were probably not more than twenty inhabitants, for the region is notice-
ably lacking in caribou, especially in mid-summer, when their skins are of the
greatest value to the Eskimos.

Opposite the Noahognirmiut, on Victoria island, are the people called
Puivlirmiut, who wander in summer over all the country between the Colville

Fig. 4. A group of Copper Eskimo men and boys who spent the summer of 1914 in Noahognik

hills and the shores of Simpson bay as far south as Point Dickens. When I
first met them at the end of November, 1914, they were encamped some two
or three miles up the estuary of the Kimiryuak river in nine double houses,
houses, that is to say, that comprised two rooms each, with a single passage
way leading to both. There were then 56 people, but the number was increased
to 62 a few days later by the addition of two families from Noahognik. In the
following summer eighteen natives, all closely connected by kinship or by
marriage, were hunting and fishing in the districts of Puivlik and Hanerak; in
the autumn they all gathered together at the mouth of the Okauyarvik creek.
Three other families (thirteen people), who were wandering at the same time
a little to the southeast, came down in the autumn to Clouston bay. In 1916,
late in the spring, more than thirty people were encamped at the south end of
Clouston bay, and one family had gone to the northwest; all of them intended
to spend the summer in Puivlik.

In the month of December, when the sealing on the ice commences, the
Puivlik and Noahognik Eskimos regularly unite at the Liston and Sutton

23335—33

36 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

islands, the particular island each winter being determined by the condition
of the ice in the vicinity and the positions of the best sealing grounds. The
Akulliakattak Eskimos used to join the Haneragmiut at the same time a little
to the west, either on the south coast of Victoria island near Ingnerin, or ‘else
in the middle of the strait between that place and Cape Bexley. At Christmas,
1914, the number of natives at the Liston and Sutton islands was 75, whereas
at Ingnerin there were about 40. In the following year about the same period
there were no natives at all at the latter place, but 139 at the former, since all
the Eskimos in the strait, and even some from Coronation gulf, had assembled
at Bernard: harbour a short time before in order to trade with the expedition.
In February, after the sun returns, the island groups usually move west a few
miles to new and unexhausted sealing-grounds. It was during this month, in 1915,
that the two bands in the strait amalgamated, and I was assured that this was
their usual custom, though the meeting is frequently postponed until March.1
Some time in March, too, they are regularly visited by the Eskimos of Corona-
tion gulf, and all the groups undergo reshuffling, some of the visitors remaining
in the west to spend the summer in the districts bordering on Dolphin and
Union strait, while some of the local natives go east to Coronation gulf.

Mr. Stefansson mentions several tribal divisions at the west end of
Coronation gulf. He states that the Kangianermiut or Uallirgmiut, to the
number of about 30, occupy the headwaters of the Rae river; the Pallirmiut,
who number perhaps 40, occupy the basin of the same river; the Kogluktogmiut,
numbering about 30, inhabit the valley of the Coppermine river, and the
Kugaryuarmiut, numbering 25, the basin of the Kugaryuak river, eighteen miles
east of the Coppermine. On the opposite side of the gulf, on Victoria island,
Mr. Stefansson mentions the Nagyuktogmiut and the Killinermiut, two names,
he considers, for a single tribe that numbers about fifty.

Some of these groups are no longer in existence. Neither myself, nor the
Rev. Mr. Girling later, ever heard of a people called Kangianermiut, while as
regards the alternative name Mr. Stefansson gives for them, Uallirgmiut (or,
as it sounded to me Uwalliarmiut), this was the usual designation of all the
Eskimos who gathered for the winter’s sealing at the west end of Coronation
gulf. Uwalliak or Walliak (for the ‘““U” is always faint and often imperceptible),
as nearly as I could discover, is or was a name for Richardson river, which
empties into the same estuary as the Rae. More rarely these natives were
called Pallirmiut, or Rae river Eskimos. In reality, any division into groups
that may have existed formerly has now been obliterated, and even the natives
themselves have ceased to make any distinctions. Some men when pressed
would say that they were originally Pallirmiut, but often they would add that
the Pallirmiut were extinct now; and whenever they gave themselves a name
of their own accord if was generally either Uwalliarmiut or Kogluktomiut.
Another group name that was sometimes heard was Asiagmiut, from Asiak,
a district that lies apparently between the Coppermine and the Kugaryuak
rivers; I never heard any natives call themselves Kugaryuarmiut, though the
term would be quite a natural one. Nagyuktok, according to most of the
Eskimos, includes all the islands off the south shore of Victoria island between
about 113° W. and 111° W., north and northwest of the Jamieson islands. Hence
they said it was uninhabited in summer, since the natives are unable to exist
on small islands at that season, but must go either to the mainland or to Victoria
island to the north. On the other hand one or two natives, when questioned
as to where they intended to spend the summer of 1916, said they were going
to Nagyuktok, meaning the south portion of Victoria island between perhaps
Lady Franklin point and the Richardson islands. Thus there would seem to

1The Rev. Mr. Girling informs me that in 1918 they did not amalgamate at all. The Puivlirmiut and
Noahognirmiut were camped near Cape Lambert in March, while the Akulliakattangmiut were at the
Liston and Sutton islands.

Distribution of the Population 37.

be two uses of the word, one restricting its meaning to the islands just mentioned,
the other including with them the country to the northward, which really lies
between Puivlik and Kiglinik. Possibly this latter meaning was the older of
the two, since the Nagyuktomiut were perhaps the most widely known of all
the groups in this region, their fame reaching even to the Eskimos of the
Mackenzie delta. The name Nagyuktok, according to some natives, was given
to this region because of the abundance of caribou there (nagyuk, horn); they
seemed not to know of the legend recorded from the Baillie islanders by Mr.
Stefansson, that the people were called Nagyuktomiut because they fought
for their wives with caribou antlers.!

Native tradition, joined to the present confusion of group names, seems to
indicate a considerable decrease in the population of Coronation gulf within
recent times. The most northerly island in the Duke of York archipelago is
named Inyuernerit, ‘the uninhabited place,” because a great number of Eskimos
died there long ago.2 The island is now generally avoided for that reason. In
the summer of 1912 or 1913 (my informants were a little indefinite about the
exact date) there were fifteen deaths among the West Coronation gulf Eskimos,
whereas in the summer of 1914 there was only one.’ Whatever the reason may
be, at the present day at least no definite groups can be distinguished at the west
end of Coronation gulf. Natives gather there from all the surrounding regions;
some are on their way to the soapstone deposits farther to the eastward; others
are seeking for copper or wood between the Coppermine and the Dismal lakes;
while others again merely come to hunt in a region where caribou are known to
be plentiful. Within the last few years, too, there has been the additional
motive of trade with Indians and white men at Great Bear lake. In the autumn
these natives assemble at various points according to their hunting grounds in
the summer. Some of them gather together on the south shore of Victoria
island, others at the mouth of the Rae river; but the majority assemble on one
of the small islands a few miles east of the mouth of the Coppermine river, where
they have left their caches in the spring safe from the depredations of wolverines
and foxes. In winter they all unite into a single settlement close to the Berens
islands, and when the sun returns at the beginning of the year they gradually
work their way northwards towards Cape Krusenstern, whence visits can easily
be made to the natives farther west. A few go east at this season, while natives
from east and west join up with this central group till its character is totally
changed. Then in the spring, about May, the natives fall back to the coast
again, different bands separate according to the localities in which they intend
to pass the summer, and the cycle begins over again.

In February, 1915, we found all the natives of this region gathered into one
settlement in the Duke of York archipelago. There were twenty-three huts,
and the number of inhabitants was somewhere between seventy and eighty.
Most of them followed us west in the following month, and spent two or three
days at Bernard harbour, and two or three more with the natives in the strait.
Three or four families stayed there, the rest moved slowly east again, and dis-
persed to the land at various places between Cape Krusenstern and the Copper-
mine river. In the autumn of the same year many of these natives, as soon as
the ice enabled them to travel by sled, came again to Bernard harbour—an
innovation in their ordinary movements occasioned by the presence of the
expedition. Others again came from as far east as Tree river, till by November
29 no less than one hundred and twenty-seven natives were living alongside of
us, some in tents, but the majority in snow huts. A few, about fifteen altogether,

1Stefansson, My Life with the Eskimo, p. 159.

2Mr. Stefansson, Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H. Vol. XIV, pt. I, p. 131) says that about 40 (?) natives
died there some 15 years before, i.e. about 1895.

2Possibly there was an.epidemic of influenza contracted from the white men or Indians at Great Bear
lake. But cf. Amundsen, Vol. II, p. 329.

38 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

had not yet crossed over from Victoria island, and a band of perhaps fifty had
remained behind somewhere near the mouth of the Coppermine river. These
Coppermine people moved northwards at the end of January, and by the middle
of February had camped off Locker point in a settlement of fifteen snow huts.
Roughly speaking, therefore, at the date of the expedition’s arrival, there were

Fic. 5. Eskimo camp off the mouth of the Coppermine river
(Photo by J. J. O’ Neill)

about 180 people in Dolphin and Union strait and at the west end of Coronation
gulf. Now that other white men and western natives are finding their way into
the country, Eskimos from all the surrounding regions will probably gravitate
to these parts, and the different groups will amalgamate even more than they
have done up to the present.

Farther east there was a small group located around the Tree river, though
it extended east as far as Grays bay. Its members called themselves Ping-
angnaktomiut, Pingangnaktok being the name of the district south and east of
‘Tree river. Some of the older natives had not moved out of this locality for a
great many years. In the summer of 1915 there were nineteen natives (fourteen
adults and six children) fishing on the Tree river itself, and ten others (seven
adults and three children) fishing on the Anialik river which flows into Grays
bay.t. In February, 1916, seventeen adults and eight children were living in
snow huts about seven miles north of Tree river, and six others (four adults
and two children) were travelling between this settlement and Bernard harbour.
The majority of these natives moved in to the mouth of the Tree river at the
beginning of May, and probably spent the summer in that vicinity.

About seven miles northwest of the most western of the Jamieson islands
we found another settlement early in the same year. Here the natives called
themselves vaguely Kilusiktomiut, but different groups had their representatives
amongst them. A few days before our arrival (on March 2, 1916) they had
moved from a still larger settlement some ten miles northeast, where we found
the twenty-nine snow-huts they had just abandoned. Thirty-five of their
number had gone west to Bernard harbour, and about half the remainder went
northeast. About a dozen of the latter were seen by the biologist, Mr. F.
Johansen, in Wilbank bay on Victoria island on March 26, and a month later a
sledging party met them in Bathurst inlet. At the beginning of May about
thirty of these Kilusiktok natives were encamped on Hepburn island, whence
they moved across into Grays bay a week or two later. At that time thirteen
other natives were fishing about three miles east of Cape Barrow, and seven

Hanbury found natives fishing at Grays bay in the late spring of 1903.

{

Disirtbution of the Population 39

more were at Banks peninsula. The remainder of the inhabitants of Bathurst
inlet were lost to view inland, but more than fifty deserted snow-houses were
seen on one of the Barry islands, Igloryuallik; the natives had evidently erected
them in the previous autumn before they went out on the ice to seal, for a
similar settlement was noticed a few miles farther north. After spending the
summer in the country round Bathurst inlet the Eskimos regularly return at its
close to this island of Igloryuallik to sew their winter clothing, while the natives
round Grays bay repair at the same time to the north end of Hepburn island.

__ A few Eskimos fish and hunt each summer on the opposite shore of Victoria
island. The only name that I could obtain for this district was Kiglinik, and
for the people Kiglinirmiut. Kiglinik means literally “the back country,” and
so might easily be applied to any district that lay north of any other. The Rev.
Mr. Girling tells me that the Bathurst inlet natives often use the term Kiglinir-
miut for any Victoria island Eskimos, even the Puivlirmiut to the westward.
Nevertheless the word seemed to have a more restricted meaning as well, and
to designate that portion of Victoria island that lies directly opposite Bathurst
inlet. The natives here are never very numerous. They gather in the autumn
somewhere on the coast till their winter clothing is completed, then move out
on the ice and combine with the natives from the opposite shore. The total
population at this end of Coronation gulf is apparently somewhere around two
hundred.

Hanbury says? that the natives between Cape Bathurst and the Copper-
mine river are called Kuyakiyuarmiut, but the name seemed unknown to the
Eskimos. I met. Probably what he heard was Kugaryuarmiut, the people of
the Kugaryuak river. There is a small river flowing into the bottom of Arctic
sound, which, with the country surrounding it, is known by the name of Kil-
usiktok. Strictly speaking therefore, the Kilusiktomiut should be only those
people who make this their summer home.2 Actually, however, the name is
used, both in Coronation gulf and farther west, for all the natives who spend the
winter on the ice off Bathurst inlet. The western natives sometimes call these
people Umingmaktomiut, from Umingmak, the high land on the east side of
Bathurst inlet not far from the Barry islands. Mr. Stefansson heard of a rumour
of a permanent village in this place, but rightly suspected its truth; probably it
merely referred to the great autumn gathering at Igloryuallik. He mentions,
too, the Kogluktualugmiut,. or Tree river people (Kogluktualuk is the local
name for the Tree river), who call themselves also the Utkusiksaligmiut,’ and
the Kogluktuaryumiut or people of the Kogluktuaryuk river which flows into
Grays bay. None of these names seem to be used at the present day, though a
few natives call themselves Nennitagmiut, or inhabitants of the district of
Nennitak, which seems to be the country behind Cape Bathurst. As a matter
of fact, any locality can potentially give its name to the people who habitually
frequent it, so that it is possible at any time for a new group to arise and for an
old one to drop out of existence.*

The natives say that the region about Bathurst inlet was very densely
populated up to some three generations ago. Many of the people were then
stricken with sickness and died; their bones are said to be visible still on a small
island near Igloryuallik.? The country was thus left almost uninhabited, but it

Hanbury, p. 177. : . :

2Mr. Stefansson was mistaken in supposing the Kilusiktomiut to be a Victoria island people.

3] think Mr. Stefansson may have been misled here by the meaning of the word Ukkusiksalik—'‘The
place that possesses material for making pots,” and the fact of soapstone existing in this region. The Ukku-
siksaligmiut, according to the testimony of the Coronation gulf natives themselves, dwell much farther
east. They are usually located by other writers, e.g. Boas, at the mouth of Backsriver, or between
Backs river and Wager inlet.

'The Rev. Mr. Girling informs me that two new group names were adopted about 1917. The people
who hunt in Southern Victoria island in what has been called Nagyuktok now call themselves Tuktuk-
tomiut (i.e. the Caribou-hunters), while some natives who spent the summer round the Napaktoktok
river a little west of Tree river call themselves Napaktoktomiut. a

5Dease and Simpson found several human skeletons near Cape Franklin in 1838 (J.R.G.S. Vol. 9,

p. 325).

40 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

was gradually peopled again by natives from the surrounding districts. This
would account for the present distribution of the population, the great numbers
that dwell in Bathurst inlet, and the comparatively few that are scattered along
the south coast of Victoria island and between Bathurst inlet and the Copper-
mine river on the mainland. The tradition is borne out also by the statements
of individual natives as to their birthplaces. Relatively few of the men who
were sealing off Bathurst inlet in the winter of 1916 had been born in that region;
they had gone there from Umingmaktok, or from the Coppermine river area, or
else from the opposite shore of Victoria island. Others again had been born
there, but their parents or grand-parents were immigrants. One old man stated
that his grandfather had come there by sled from Asiak, beyond Kent peninsula,
accompanied by five other families. Four of the families returned to Asiak,
but the other two, including his grandfather, stayed on in Bathurst inlet, where
their descendants are living still.

Two natives from Asiak, beyond Kent peninsula, were living off Bathurst
inlet in the winter of 1916. One had come in the autumn, and was passing his
first winter in the country. He had married a Kilusiktok woman, but intended
to return in the spring to his native home and take his wife back with him.
The Asiagmiut, he said, were more numerous than the Kilusiktok natives with
whom he was living, more numerous too than the Ekaluktomiut on the opposite
side of Dease strait. Mr. Stefansson understood from the Prince Albert sound
natives that the Asiagmiut might number between fifty and a hundred, and this
would correspond to my own information. Kent peninsula probably forms
part of their country, though it is called by a name of its own, Kiglinguyak;
nothing is known as to its inhabitants, if there be any at all at the present time.
The Asiagmiut who visit the Bathurst inlet natives seem to travel by the same
route as Hanbury, between Kent peninsula and the mainland. Rae met three
natives near Cape Flinders, and Hanbury found others all the way from the
east side of Kent peninsula to Ogden bay. Near Ogden bay there were six
families in one settlement, and forty-five natives in another, but Hanbury
does not mention to what group they belonged; possibly they were Asiagmiut
also. Probably there are many local groups in this region just as elsewhere,
though their names are not known to the western natives, who usually call all
the people east of them Kivalirmiut (i.e., Easterners). Beyond the Asiagmiut,
Coronation gulf natives know of the Netsilingmiut and one or two other groups,
but they could give us no estimate concerning their numbers.

We did not meet with any natives from Ekaluktok, though some of them
visited and traded with the Bathurst inlet people in the spring of 1915, returning
to their own country again before the ice broke up in the strait. The population
of this group, according to the reports of other natives, was somewhere about
fifty. The Rev. Mr. Girling has written to me stating that one of his mission
parties, led by the Rev. E. Hester, visited the Ekaluktomiut in the winter of
1918, when they were encamped midway between Victoria island and Kent
peninsula. At that time they numbered only a few families. Mr. Stefansson
deduced a much higher estimate for the group, about two hundred, judging by
the accounts he received from the Prince Albert sound natives; but either his
estimate is exaggerated or only a small portion of the tribe frequents Dease strait.
It was possibly these people whom Collinson met in the neighbourhood of Cam-
bridge bay, though they then numbered between two and three hundred. More
probably, however, they were Kiglinirmiut, since that group appears to have
been far more important formerly than now.?. Rae found no recent indications
of people between Cambridge bay and Pelly point, but Lieutenant Hansen came
upon thirty or forty natives in the neighbourhood of Taylor island. He under-

_ 1His grandfather’s name was Kingaulik; the other men in the party were Arnauyuk, Aumeyok, and
Aitauk, and two others whose names he could not remember.
3Collinson, p. 284. The Bathurst inlet patrol found many of the Bathurst inlet natives calling them-
selves ‘Killin-e-miut.’

Distribution of the Population 41

stood from them that they were Kilnermiun, i.e., Kiglinirmiut, but Mr. Stefansson
asserts that they were Ekaluktomiut.: I am rather inclined to believe, however,
that Hansen was right, or at least that some of them may have been Kiglinirmiut.
It is worth noting that on his return journey Hansen saw two of their sled trails
running south to De Haven point, indicating that two families at least intended
to pass the summer somewhere on the southeast coast, not inland from Albert
Edward bay; the season was too late for them to be crossing the strait. The
two groups are certainly contiguous, and Schwatka expressly states that the
Netsilingmiut and the Uzgyulingmiut used to meet the ‘“Qidneliq” of Coronation
gulf, which indicates that the latter people were accustomed to travel eastward.?
Mr. C. Leden tells me that the Eskimos on the west shore of Hudson bay apply
the term Kiglinirmiut to the inhabitants of-Bathurst inlet. But until these
eastern natives have been actually visited and studied, it is better to leave
their exact numbers and group divisions undefined?

One region has not been mentioned, the west coast of Victoria island, where
two groups are now living, the Kanghiryuarmiut of Prince Albert sound and the
Kanghiryuatjagmiut of Minto inlet. Lieutenant Jago, who was with Collinson
in 1852, met about a hundred natives in Prince Albert sound who probably
belonged to the former of these two groups. About fifty other natives were
wintering at the same time near Walker bay, in which region McClure had met
five families. Our chief knowledge of these groups, however, comes from Mr.
Stefansson, who visited the Prince Albert sound people in the spring of 1911,
when he estimated their number at two hundred or a little over. The northern
party of the Canadian Arctic expedition had a base at Cape Kellett from 1914
to 1916, and in 1915nother was established near Armstrong Point, in Prince
of Wales strait. From both of these places our people had many dealings with
the northern natives, and Mr. G. H. Wilkins, the photographer of the expedition,
made the same estimate of their number as Mr. Stefansson. Mr. Wilkins
further informs me that in the winter of 1914-15 the Kanghiryuarmiut were
encamped near the entrance of Prince Albert sound, while the Kanghiryuatjag-
miut, who comprised only about half a dozen families (Mr. Stefansson estimated
their number at twenty) were living outside of Minto inlet, close to the shore of
Banks island. In the following winter fully half of the Kanghiryuarmiut joined
their northern neighbours, so that the two settlements were about evenly divided.
Two families of Prince Albert sound natives whom I met in the summer of 1915
just north of the Puivlik district, said that the main body of their people had
gone to a lake called Tahiryuak close to some copper deposits a day’s Journey
northeast of the sound. They had not met the Kanghiryuatjagmiut that winter,
nor did they know of the presence of white men at Cape Kellett. Members of
the two groups then would seem to have met in the late spring or summer of
that year, either on the ice or somewhere inland. In the winter of 1917-18
again, the Rev. Mr. Girling informs me, some two hundred Kanghiryuak natives
were camped a little south of Holman island at the northwest corner of Prince
Albert sound. Where the Kanghiryuatjagmiut were at that time he could
not say.

The Eskimos of Dolphin and Union strait assert that the Kanghiryuarmiut
were much more numerous in former times than they are now. About 1875
(Higilak, a woman of about 45 years of age, was said to be a baby at the time)
a great storm broke up the ice in Prince Albert sound early in the spring, and
many of the natives were drowned. Others again perished through famine.
The ice never left the shore one summer, and was consequently very heavy
and broken the following winter. The natives could find very few seal-holes
in the piled-up ridges, and many of them starved to death. Quite recently

1Amundsen, Vol. II, p. 329; Stefansson, My Life with the Eskimo, p. 283 et seq.
2Science, Vol. IV, 1384, p. 543, quoted by Boas, Central Eskimo, p. 465.
8Further information on this region that has come to hand later ‘will be found in the appendix.

42 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

again they were overtaken by another famine, so severe that they were reduced
to eating the frozen corpses of their dead, and in one instance at least a boy
was actually killed and eaten. ih : :

Mr. Stefansson states that a large group called Ugyulingmiut perished
from famine to the north of Minto inlet. The name Ugyulingmiut was vaguely
familiar to the natives of Dolphin and Union strait, but they seemed to think
that the tribe dwelt, somewhere to the eastward. Early explorers located a
group with this name in the neighbourhood of King William island.’

All the groups or tribes that have now been described, from Dolphin and
Union strait in the west to Ogden bay in the east, including Victoria island and
Banks island, form a fairly homogeneous unit. The most noticeable variation
that could be observed throughout this region was in the intonation of the voice.
The natives of Prince Albert sound have a much higher range of inflection than
the natives south of them. They speak in high-pitched tones, “in their heads”
as it were, but usually drop to a lower and more normal key at the end of the
word or clause. This peculiarity, however, is not confined to Prince Albert
sound; it is adopted by some of the Eskimos in Bathurst inlet and farther east,
and is said to be characteristic also of the Ekaluktomiut, so that at the present
day at least it is not confined to any single area. Apart from this there is nothing,
either in the physical appearance of the natives? or in their culture, that would
distinguish one group or area from another, while the differences in dialect are
infinitesimal. The uniformity of culture throughout the region, and its marked
difference from the culture of the Eskimos in all other places, justifies Mr.
Stefansson in giving these natives a separate appellation, and his term “Copper
Eskimos” (i.e., Eskimos who use copper instead of stone in their implements)
very aptly seizes upon their most striking characteristic.

The total population of the country would seem to be between 700 and 800-
At the close of 1914, 115 of these were living in Dolphin and Union strait, about
75 at the west end of Coronation gulf, 200 at the east end, and about 215 in
Prince Albert sound and Minto inlet. From Kent peninsula to Ogden bay
the population is probably not more than 150. Mr. Stefansson’s estimate is
somewhat higher; if we add together the numbers that he assigns to each tribe
his total would come to about 1,100, but then he apparently overestimated the
population a little everywhere except in Prince Albert sound and Minto inlet.

The Copper Eskimos, like the Eskimos of Greenland’, show a preponde-
rance of males over females. Of the 127 natives who gathered at Bernard
harbour in November, 1915, 67 were males and only 60 females. The
disparity was apparent both in the adults and the children, 46 men as compared
with 42 women, and 21 boys as against 18 girls. At the settlement off the
mouth of the Tree river in February, 1916, there were only 11 males to 14 females,
but this was sn exceptional case, and the inequality was in the children, 6 girls
to 2 boys, not in the adults. Probably as many females are born as males,
but the mortality among them is higher; for the Eskimos, like many tribes
that live by the chase, much prefer boys to girls, and in times of hardship or
distress it is always the latter who suffer first.

No statistics were obtained as to the mortality in this region. Amongst
adults death was nearly always due to natural causes, either old age or the
perils that are inseparable from life in the Arctic; an occasional murder added
to the number. The natives were remarkably healthy: measles, influenza,
tuberculosis, and venereal diseases, all common amongst Eskimos elsewhere,
were unknown here. Occasionally they were assailed with diarrhoea or with
indigestion, and colds were frequent at the beginning of winter, but the only
malady that ever proved fatal was an insidious stomach trouble that may have

1Cp. Boas, Central Eskimo, p. 456 et seq. ‘
*The physical characteristics of the Copper Eskimos will be dealt with in a separate memoir.
2Except those of Smith sound. See Kroeber, Bulletin A.M.N.H., Vol. XII, 1899, p. 268.

Distribution of the Population 43

been a form of ptomaine poisoning. Parry mentions this disease at Iglulik in
Baffin island.!’ He says; “The complaints of those that died at their huts, there-
fore, did not come under observation. It appears, however, to have been
acute inflammation of some of the abdominal viscera, very rapid in its career.
In the generality, the disease assumed a more insidious and sub-acute form,
under which the patient lingered for awhile, and was then either carried off by
a diarrhoea, or slowly recovered by the powers of nature.’ In one case that I
observed the man was attacked very suddenly and died within a few days,
while in another the patient lingered for many months. In the first case the
victim fell ill early in the winter, when the natives were still eating caribou meat
and fat that had been secured during the previous summer and fall; in the latter
the man had been quite well during part of the summer at least, but was ill
when I saw him in December and hardly able to walk. The exact origin and
nature of the disease, however, is uncertain, nor had we any means of ascertain-
ing its frequency. With the influx of traders and missionaries into the country
the conditions of life are fast changing. Famine looms less in the foreground,
but in its place European diseases are threatening the health of the communities
and bid fair to rival all other causes in their effect on the death-rate.

; iParry, Vol. 4, p. 75.,

44 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

CHAPTER IV

TRADE AND INTERCOURSE!

All the groups of the Copper Eskimos maintain a constant intercourse
with one another, but naturally the extent of their relations varies inversely
with the distance between them. Mr. Stefansson believes that prior to 1830
there was a continuous chain of habitations along the coast from Langton bay
to Coronation gulf. It is true that ruins of wood and sod houses have been
found at various places between Cape Lyon and Cape Krusenstern, all dating
back probably at least a hundred years, but the fewness and rude character of
these remains seem to indicate the presence of occasional travelling parties of
western natives or temporary settlements that lasted but one or two winters,
rather than any permanent habitations.2 Moreover, while seals are plenciful
along the coast, caribou seem to be rather scarce, so that there would be little
inducement for natives acquainted with the more bountiful districts east and
west of them to fix their homes in this region. It is worth pointing out in this
connection that Richardson and Kendall saw no dwellings in 1826, but only
a few store-houses built of drift-wood at Young point, where the Eskimos had
cached their things for the summer while they themselves wandered inland.

The Copper Eskimos have no traditions that would point to their having
lived farther west than now. They know, however, that their ancestors up
to two generations ago used to meet the western natives in the vicinity of Wise
point. These western natives, who came from the country of Avvak (Cape
Bathurst), traded mainly for stone lamps and implements of copper, giving in
exchange iron knives; it was only rarely that they purchased stone pots, since
they had pots of clay that they themselves made. How far back these relations
date is uncertain. Higilak, an Akulliakattak woman of about 45 years of age,
said that long ago a party of Copper Eskimos travelling west came upon a
large settlement of Eskimos on a point near the mouth of a great river that had
high cliffs along one bank; before that time they had not known there were
people to the west of them. The Copper Eskimos married some of the strangers’
women and afterwards frequently went west again to meet them. Once they
found them living with Indians, but this was in a different place.

Awallook, an Eskimo who was living on the Richardson river, told Simpson
that he had heard there were Eskimos far west who wore labrets, but that he
had never seen any himself?. Wemetan old woman of the same name at the
west end of Coronation gulf in the winter of 1914-15. When she was a little
girl, she said, strange people came from the westward to Dolphin and Union
strait, but they never reached Coronation gulf; they were not white men, but
Eskimos like themselves. She had heard that her own people had come to the
Rae river district long ago from the west. Another elderly man named Anerak,
who belonged to the same group, said that the Copper Eskimos used to meet
and trade with the western natives near some high cliffs on the sea-shore (one
of the promontories near Wise point). Occasionally some of the western natives
would return with them, while a few of the Copper Eskimos would sometimes
go west. He himself many years ago made a journey to this place, hoping
to meet these people, but became frightened when he found the place deserted
and turned back home.

1For this chapter see especially Stefansson, Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, pp. 17-19,
25, 133 et seq., and G.S.C., Museum Bulletin No. 6.

*But see Appendix, where the opinion expressed here is modified in the light of more recent information.

3Simpson, Discoveries, p. 347.

Trade and Intercourse 45

Two western Eskimos, a man and a woman, once stayed with the Copper
Eskimos, according to a native from Bathurst inlet. The man soon died, but
the woman lived for a great many years among them. A year or two after-
wards another western native named Uksokak joined the Copper Eskimos.
These three natives had come by sled along the coast in spring, not by boat in
summer. Panigyuk, a very old woman who died at Cape Bathurst about
1913, and who had seen the boats of Richardson’s party in 1848, was said to be
a native of Nagyuktok and to speak the Copper Eskimo dialect. Higilak’s
grandfather had married a woman named Allikammik who had come east from
Avvak; she was one of three western women who had married Copper Eskimos.
It was in this generation, Higilak said, that the intercourse between the two
groups came to an end.

Mr. Stefansson attaches much importance to the trade connections between
the Cape Bathurst Eskimos and those of Victoria and Banks islands by way
of Cape Parry and Nelson head. It was always the western Eskimos, he says,
who crossed the strait, and then it was only by sled, late in March or early in
April. The Cape Bathurst natives still remembered this trade route, but knew
nothing of the one along the coast to Dolphin and Union strait. The Copper
Eskimos, on the other hand, had clear recollections of the latter route, but
not of the former. From the large number of ruined houses round Franklin
bay and Cape Parry it is quite certain that many years ago (just how many
we cannot really estimate, but probably not much more than a century) there
must have been a considerable population in this region. In spite of this,
however, it is hard to believe that they could have had any regular communi-
cation with Banks island by sled, for there is a very strong current off Cape
Parry, and the sea is sometimes open throughout the entire winter. The
Cape Bathurst natives are well aware of this, and moreover they have always
been chary of going far out on the ice at any time. While it is not improbable
therefore that small parties did cross over to Nelson head on two or three occa-
sions, it is highly unlikely that this could ever have been a regular trade-route.
Moreover no traces were found at Nelson head that would indicate visits from
western natives, no remains, for example, like the stone graves or houses of
wood and sod that were discovered in Dolphin and Union strait. The northern
party of our expedition had a base at Cape Kellett, and Mr. G. H. Wilkins,
the photographer, made one or two journeys along the southern coast of Banks
island, of which he furnishes the following account:—

“The first sign of there having been human inhabitants of Banks island
was found on the side of the valley near the southwest coast and about thirty
miles from Cape Kellett. Here we found a tent ring which had been formed
many years ago, for it was almost completely overgrown with moss. Nearby
were several small sticks of driftwood which had been hacked by some blunt
instrument. Although the camp site looked so old. the chips of wood were
still in a good state of preservation.

“As we continued along the coast toward Cape Kellett, we found a number
of these camp sites. Some were situated on the side but near the breast of a
hill, while others were directly on top. It was generally noticed that those
on the side of the hill had some musk oxen horns or bones lying about nearby,
and usually in the vicinity one would find semicircular ‘blinds built’ of sods
for the most part, but later on in the northern part of the island we found these
‘blinds’ built of stone. (The stones were not available on the southwestern
part of the island.) They rarely were higher than nine inches high and I never
saw one higher than eighteen inches at the highest part. These were used
to hide behind to shoot the musk oxen.

“About twenty miles from Cape Kellett and about a mile from the beach
I found a skull very much weather worn and so fragile that it was difficult to
handle without it crumpled. It is among the collection of specimens at Banks
island together with another which I found seven miles from Cape Kellett,

46 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

This one was much larger and stronger. Near, too, was found an old whittling
knife and a short-bladed knife much rusted. There was a grassy mound of
earth nearby, but we could find no further trace of instruments having been
left there. At the head of the sand spit which forms Cape Kellett, is a large
deserted village of thirty or more houses. They seem to have been built of
sod around a frame work of whale bones. Some of the houses are now crumbling
away owing to the inroad of the sea, but the majority of them are still intact,
but very much overgrown with moss and tundra. The earth nearby is very
much stained with whale or seal oil, and in the heat of summer there is still
an odor of decaying animal matter to be noticed in the vicinity. In winter
this attracts a number of foxes that dig in the snow and throw up yellow stained
turf, but one cannot see that they get anything to eat for their pains. Because
of having to do other work connected with the boats of the Expedition, I was
unable to do any digging around here; but there is no doubt that the site is a
rich field for anthropologists. ,

‘During ‘the course of the expedition I travelled almost the complete
circumference of Banks island, crossed overland over the southern section

(Photo by G. H. Wilkins)
Fig. 6. View of the south coast of Banks island, near Cape Lambton

and hunted over the country for many miles inland from nearly all parts of the
coast. The ruined village at Cape Kellett was the only one seen, but one could
scarcely go twenty-five miles in any direction without seeing a tent ring or
some chips of drift wood, showing that at some time or other it had been a
hunting ground of some human race.”

In reading this account we are at once struck by the fact that it was at
Cape Kellett that the western natives established a settlement, not at Nelson
head; further that there was this one settlement only, for no other ruins were
found anywhere else along the coast. The tent rings and the semicircular “blinds’”’
for hunting seem rather to indicate Copper Eskimos, for we find similar remains
in every part of Victoria island and on the mainland around Coronation gulf.
Another point to notice is that the inhabitants were essentially whale and seal
hunters, and this presupposes the possession of the large skin boats called
umiaks. Here we have a basis for a reasonable theory. Whales are very com-
mon between the mainland and Banks island, and they have always been hunted

Trade and Intercourse AT

by the Cape Bathurst natives. In their large skin boats these Eskimos must
often have travelled far out to sea, and known of the great land north of them;
so in the days when their communities were still flourishing a colony hived off
one summer and established itself at Cape Kellett. No doubt it still kept up
a connection with its home country, mainly by boat, perhaps, since to cross
the ice by sled directly is probably almost as difficult as from Cape Parry to
Nelson head, unless, of course, the season is an exceptional one. It is not unlikely
that even by boat the natives usually crossed between Cape Parry and Nelson
head, for not only is the distance much shorter, but both these points are high
and conspicuous, whereas Capes Bathurst and Kellett are low and sandy.

How long the settlement lasted and when it died out we have no knowledge,
but from the overgrown condition of the ruins it could hardly have been less
than a century ago and may have been much longer. The isolation of the place,
and the absence, so far as we know, of any similar ruins along the coast, seem
to indicate that the rest of Banks island was uninhabited at the time, or at
least that the two peoples had no contact with each other.!. This would explain
why the Victoria island natives who now seal round Nelson head have no
knowledge of any trade-relations with their neighbours across the strait, although
a Kanghiryuak native told Mr. Wilkins that he had followed a bear so far out
on the ice that he had seen the land on the other side.

The Copper Eskimos had no intercourse with the Indians of Great Bear
lake until Mr. Stefansson brought them together in 1910; since then they have
regularly visited the lake each summer and traded their dogs for guns and am-
munition. Up to 1910 they were afraid of the Indians, and apparently never
reached quite as far as Bear lake, its north end at least.2, They have a tradition
that long ago some Indians came up from the south and massacred many of
the Walliak natives, after which they went away west, carrying with them the
Eskimos’ pots. Possibly there is some reference in this to the massacre at
Bloody fall. Higilak told me that the Eskimos never fought with the Indians,
though the latter would steal their copper and pots. Once when the Indians
were close to a party of Eskimos the latter kindled a great fire and threw the
ashes into the eyes of their enemies. Natives from Bathurst inlet at the present
day often travel overland in summer to the country between the Coppermine
river and McTavish bay. Much of their journey to the Coppermine can be
made in kayaks, since there are numerous lakes everywhere, as Franklin found
on his first journey. Caribou too are abundant, and every summer scores of
them are’ herded into the lakes and speared from kayaks. I was unable to
learn whether the Eskimos often came into contact with Indians along this
route; probably not, for we found little or no evidence in their culture and tradi-
tions that would indicate any established relations. Mr. Chipman met some
Tree river Eskimos in the spring of 1916 who were heading for the upper reaches
of the Coppermine in order to trade with Dog Rib Indians from Fort Rae;
but presumably this was a new departure in their movements, and dated back
no more than three or four years. The amicable relations established between
the two races in 1916 were still further improved in the following year, when a
band of 17 Indians from Fort Rae and Great Bear lake descended to the mouth
of the Coppermine river to visit a white trader named Klengenberg.2? Thus
European influence, after extending slowly north for several centuries, is at last
making itself felt in this region, and for the first time since Hearne’s day the
Indians have ventured to approach the Arctic coast.

1Various considerations, too lengthy to deal with in this volume, incline me to believe that the Copper
Eskimos are comparatively recent immigrants into the country that they now occupy.

2Cf. Simpson, Discoveries, p. 347; Stefansson, My Life with the Eskimo, p. 216.
3Report of the Bathurst Inlet Patrol, p. 38.

48 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

One route, the main one perhaps, to the Akilinnik [Thelon] river and the
Eskimos of the interior, has its starting point in Bathurst inlet. r. Stefansson,
influenced perhaps by Hanbury’s account, has stated that the Copper Eskimos
begin their overland route from Ogden bay. Hanbury certainly found Eskimos
in that neighbourhood who were on their way to the Akilirnik, and others
whom he had actually met on that river in 1899. No doubt the more eastern
people do take this route, the Asiagmiut for example, and perhaps some
of the Kanghiryuarmiut and Ekaluktomiut as well; but the natives of the
east end of Coronation gulf usually start from Bathurst inlet. Sometimes
they leave in winter and make the journey by sled, carrying seal-blubber for
fuel and living on caribou and musk-oxen; sometimes in summer, packing their
goods and provisions on their backs. One old man, the shaman Ilatsiak, had
visited the Akilinnik no less than three times, crossing in early winter and
returning the following spring. He lived on caribou, he said, and instead of
seal-blubber used caribou fat for fuel and light. Their supplies, however,
frequently ran out, and then they would sit crouched up on their skins, shivering
with the cold. The inland natives, he said, frequently endure the same hard-
ships.

Victoria island natives sometimes follow the same route, for a Kilusiktok
Eskimo informed me that many Ekaluktomiut had come to his country on
their way to the Akilinnik. A more easterly route, used perhaps by the Asiak
natives, follows the course of the Ellice river! No Indians are ever encountered
between the coast and the Akilinnik, and usually no Eskimos either, though
sometimes the northern people meet the Backs river natives, since the Backs or
Saningaiyok river is only six days’ journey from the sea at Bathurst inlet. TIlat-
siak said that it has five tributaries, and that finally it enters the country of
Ukkusiksalik, somewhere east of Kilusiktok, but more distant probably than
Netsilik.

The Copper Eskimos secured guns and ammunition and knives from the
Akilinnik people in exchange for the skins of caribou, musk-oxen and foxes.
Ilatsiak had bought from them a saw, an axe, powder for his rifle, two big snow-
knives and a few things of lesser importance. At the same time the Copper
natives obtain wood from which to make their sleds and weapons. Sometimes
they stayed with the Akilinnik people for a year or two, and went down to
Chesterfield inlet with them to meet and trade with white men; occasionally
too, an Akilinnik native would return with them to Bathurst inlet. These
inland natives, however, being ignorant of the method of seal-hunting on the
ice in winter, could never remain for any long period with their northern neigh-
bours, but were compelled to hasten south again in quest of caribou and musk-
oxen.

An Akilinnik native visited the expedition at Bernard harbour about
Christmas, 1915. He told us that his people have a regular formula to describe
the natives of Bathurst inlet; translated it ran: ‘They are good people to meet,
they are pleasant companions. They always have plenty of seal-meat. They
ar ee people. Whenever they go sealing they always secure plenty
of seals.

South of the Akilinnik the Coronation gulf natives know of a people called
Aligattalingmiun, who live on a large river close to the country of the white
men. In the land of these Eskimos they say there is one very large river with
five smaller rivers leading to it (tributaries?), and the white men live on the one
farthest away. Ilatsiak had seen some of these Aligattalingmiun, who were
living on a tributary of the Akilinnik at a place called Kanralasiorvik, where
many caribou crossed the river in the fall during their annua: migration south-

1Cf. the Report of the Bathurst Inlet Patrol.

Trade and Intercourse 49

wards. The strangers were living in very large tents and possessed a numbe
of kayaks, which they would lash together when ferrying big loads across th
rivers and lakes.

Only within quite recent times did the Coronation gulf Eskimos meet
with any of the Pallik Eskimos from the southwest hinterland of Hudson bay.!
A Kilusiktok hunter named Sikoaluk, who died a few years ago, came upon a
few of these natives while hunting to the south of Bathurst inlet, probably in
the vicinity of Backs river. Kaksavik, a Pallik Eskimo who visited our station
at Bernard harbour in December, 1915, left hisnative district in 1912 and migrated
to the country of Saningaiyok or Backs river,? because of the abundance of caribou
and musk-oxen in that region. In the summer of 1914 he met some Bathurst
inlet natives who told him that white men were living to the westward, so as
soon as the fall set in he left two of his wives and their children inland, and
with his third wife, and a young couple from the Akilinnik, travelled north and
west till he came to Bernard harbour. He stayed with us for three days, then
crossed to the Liston and Sutton islands to visit the local Eskimos. They
immediately held a dance in his honour, which he returned on the following
day; on the third he left again for Backs river.

_ Tlatsiak, the Kilusiktok shaman whom I have mentioned, gave an account
of how two Akilinnik natives named Kitiraiyak and Innitak met two Back
river natives named Pattuyak and Pakunnuak. In friendly rivalry they strove
to knock each other down. One succeeded in throwing his adversary, but the
latter quickly rose and knocked him down in turn, tearing his clothes; his com-
panion, too, was equally successful. After the wrestling was over they lived
together for a few days and traded for various goods. On another occasion a
party of Eskimos was living on a grassy flat beside a large lake named Tahiryuak
not far from Backs river; another band was living on the opposite side of the
lake, behind a long spit that projected into the water. One day four men
from the flat lashed two of their kayaks together and crossed over to visit their
neighbours; two sat in the kayak holes and paddled, while one lay across the
bows and the other across the sterns. As they drew near the spit five natives
went forward to meet them, and one of the paddlers, Pitiganna, cried out,
“We have come from the place where the long grass grows beside the lake.
We have come in two kayaks lashed side by side, to visit you dwellers on the
spit.”” As soon as the kayaks grounded the man in the bow jumped ashore
holding a knife in his hand, and the other three followed quickly after. The
five strangers approached them, one grasping a-spear. First they had a wrestling
contest to find out which side was the stronger, then the visitors went up to
the tents and they all ate together and traded.

Natives from Dolphin and Union strait and from the west side of Coronation
gulf seldom travel beyond Bathurst inlet. My Eskimo Ikpakhuak, whose
home was in Puivlik, had never been farther east than Cape Barrow, though
he knew of the Netsilingmuit, a ferocious people who stabbed strangers in the
arms and head and killed them. He had even heard of the Aivilingmiut, who
dwell somewhere beyond the Netsilingmiut, but more than this he did not know.
The natives at the east end of Coronation gulf, on the other hand, have met
some of the Netsilingmiut at an inland named Putulik, which was said to be
one of a cluster of five small islands a short distance beyond Kent peninsula;
the others were named Tigaktok, Anaktok, Kingmiktok and Nallok, the last
two perhaps being different names for the same island. Not far from them ,
is a much larger island named Nugluktarvik, which may possibly be Melbourne
island. These places apparently are all in Asiak, and the natives from either
side travel there to meet one another.

10f. Stefansson, My Life with the Eskimo, p. 251.
2The Backs river natives are called Saningaiyomiut. Kaernermiut, an alternative name Mr. Stefansson

gives them, means ‘“‘the‘people of the flat land.”
23335—4

50 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

Ilatsiak, who had thrice visited the Akilinnik region, had also been three
times to Netsilik, or at least had visited those people three times. Many white
men, he said, men without chins on their faces,! go to that country in ships,
and the Netsilingmiut barter.with them for knives. Somewhere in that direction
also, he believed, were a people with long claws on their hands with which they
tear strangers to pieces.

The father of Kingollik, a Bathurst inlet native still living, once made a
trip to the country of Netsilik, and his sister married a Netsilik man. Other
Bathurst inlet natives had also visited that country, and have met natives
there from other groups, Aivilingmiut (Repulse bay natives?), Mallorektomiut
who live behind them (tungant, i.e. north?), and Ukkusiksalingmiut (Wager
bay inland to the mouth of Backs river). One man who is still living, the father
of a young Tree river native, married a woman of Asiak and made a journey
to the country of the Aivilingmiut. The Netsilingmiut, these Coronation gulf
natives say, have a very peculiar manner of welcoming strangers; they give
them a buffet on the head or shoulder with their fists. Their mittens deaden
the force of the blow to some extent; nevertheless it is no mere tap, for in one
case at least a visitor was “‘killed for a time”’ (i.e., stunned) by a buffet behind
the ear? The country of Netsilik is almost devoid of driftwood, consequently
its people are eager for sleds and other objects of wood which the western natives
possess, though the Netsilingmiut also purchase stone lamps and pots. In
exchange they give the Copper natives articles of iron, such as knives and
harpoon heads. A few of the Netsilingmiut had guns from white men, but not
knowing how to use them, they broke them up, the western natives say, for
the sake of the iron. One Eskimo in Coronation gulf had heard of white men
who visited the shores of Netsilik and Ukkusiksalik one summer in two ships,
but left again before the sea froze over; one of the ships had four masts, the
other only two. He had heard too that a Bathurst inlet native who had
migrated to Netsilik after the death of his parents had finally boarded a ship
of the white men and sailed away with them. Evidently this is a reference to
the Eskimo named “Manni,” whom Amundsen took west with him when he
left the Netsilik country.‘

Returning to the northwestern natives—those inhabiting the regions
of Prince Albert sound and Minto inlet—there were three routes at least by
which they communicated with their southern and eastern neighbours. Some
of them used to follow round the coast past Cape Baring and meet the Eskimos
of Dolphin and Union strait in the neighbourhood of Cape Hamilton early in
the spring, about April. Captain Klengenberg fell in with them near this place
in the winter of 1905-6, and in the spring of 1915, when I travelled along the
coast to Cape Kendall, some Prince Albert sound natives were camped only
a few miles farther north, as we learned a few months later. The Hanerak
natives, when that group still existed, and the natives from Akulliakattak
across the strait, regularly fell back in this direction in the spring of the year
after they had associated with the Puivlik and Noahognik Eskimos east of
them and come into contact there with visitors from Coronation gulf; and
although the Hanerak group is now dispersed, the Akulliakattak natives still
often return to the neighbourhood of Point Williams before crossing the strait
to their own country. Nor was it only their kinsmen of Dolphin and Union
strait that the Kanghiryuak natives encountered here, but apparently western
Eskimos as well. On Bell island, close to Cape Kendall, Captain Jos. Bernard
found some stone cairns used as graves, and the ruins of three old sod houses

oe” Stefansson, Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, p. 802; My Life with the Eskimos,
p.179.
2Cf. Boas, Central Eskimo, p. 609. :
3A Puivlik native informed me that the Kanghiryuarmiut obtained some guns from McClure’s ship,
the Investigator, but as they did not know how to use them they broke them up. They had not seen any
of the white men who abandoned this ship in Mercy bay.

‘Amundsen, Vol. II, p. 114.

Trade and Intercourse 51

that formerly had wooden frames. In two similar ruins that he found at the
bottom of Lady Richardson bay, some 800 yards from the beach beside a stream,
the posts were still partially preserved; they were made of driftwood logs split
into halves, the original diameters of the logs being about two feet. Cape
Hamilton is visible from Wise point on a clear day, and we know from the
traditions of the Copper Eskimos that they frequently met the western natives
at Wise point. It seems very probable therefore that some of the western
natives crossed over to Victoria island to meet the northern people, and spent
the winter there, building from logs of driftwood houses of wood and sod like
those they used in their own country; for we can hardly attribute these remains
to the Copper Eskimos, who are, or were until recently, entirely unfamiliar
with dwellings of this character.
The second route which the northern Eskimos follow is inland to Lake
Tahiryuak, which is roughly about ten miles in diameter and studded with
islands of every shape and size. It lies approximately in lat. 69° 50’ N. and long
112° W. Several families of the northern natives usually come here each summer
to meet the Puivlik Eskimos from the south, though sometimes they meet
about thirty miles to the southwest at the small lake of Numikhoin in the
Colville hills In the summer of 1915 we waited several days at this latter
place hoping that they would join us; when they failed to appear we went on
to Lake Tahiryuak, where we met two families that had Just arrived from
Prince Albert sound. When the first family appeared on the first day of June
all the Puivlik natives lined up on top of the bank overlooking the lake to give

Fig. 7. Puivlik Eskimos welcoming visitors from Prince Albert sound at Lake Tahiryuak
S.W. Victoria island

them a welcome. The leading man of the visitors culled out as he drew near
us, tlanaitut? “Are the people friendly?” and the Puivlik natives all joyfully
shouted, ‘‘Yes, they are friendly.” One of our party, Kesullik, then rushed
down the slope, and wrestled with one of the visitors, pretending to push him
away, and exclaiming nunaga, nunaga, “1t’s my land,” while the visitor answered
tikittunga, “I have reached it, I have come.”’ Every one was greatly excited,

1In December, 1914, a Puivlik Eskimo promised to guide me to the Kanghiryuarmiut the following
spring. It was too cold to cross the hills in winter, he said, while the route round the coast (via Cape
Baring) was too long.

23335—4}

52 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

and gathered, laughing, around the wrestlers. Some of us were stfangers
and had to introduce ourselves, so the leader of the Kanghiryuarmiut came
and stood before each one of us in turn and asked us our names. As soon as
the introductions were over we helped the newcomers to drag up their sled
and unload it, then watched them set up their tent, after which we all filed
inside and ate of their food. Two of the Puivlik men in the afternoon erected
a dance-house of snow, roofing it over with skins and with the sheet that covered
my sled, since the temperature at this time of the year would not permit of the
usual dome of snow. The ceremonial dance of welcome took place in the evening,
though everyone was eagerly watching for the second family of the northern
natives to arrive. This did not happen till midnight, when a little girl ran
out to meet them and assure them that they were welcome, while the rest of
us remained on the bank. Again we filed into their tent and ate some of their
food, but the dance that was to be given in their honour was postponed till
the following day.

A little trading was carried on between the two groups late in the evening
of the first day, but most of it.took place the following morning before breakfast.
It was done individually, sometimes out of doors, sometimes in one or other of
the tents. The northern natives brought polar bear skins, copper-headed
ice-chisels, musk-ox skins and a few miscellaneous articles like polar bear mittens,
which they exchanged for iron knives, tins, deerskin clothes, tent poles, etc.;
the regular price for an ice-chisel was an iron snow-knife. One of the Puivlik
women exchanged a small knife for a stone pot, the northern woman being
given an old pemmican can to serve her for cooking instead.!

Economically these northern Eskimos are of little importance to their
southern neighbours, at least at the present day. Most of the things that are
lacking to the natives of Dolphin and Union strait are more easily procurable
from the Coronation gulf Eskimos during the winter, when they can be packed
on sleds, than from the Kanghiryuak during the summer, when many of their
possessions are cached on the coast and only what is absolutely necessary is
ever carried inland. ‘ Musk-ox skins and ladles of musk-ox horn can be obtained,
through the Coppermine natives, from the people of Bathurst inlet, while, as
regards copper, the Coppermine natives themselves can easily supply all that
is needed. In fact it would seem that the Coppermine valley, rather than
either Victoriaisland or Bathurst inlet, was always the main source of the supply
of this metal, the amygdaloidal nodules scattered over the surface being perhaps
more numerous and more accessible here than elsewhere. At all events most
of the Dolphin and Union strait natives possessed one or more nodules from
this region, which they had either gathered themselves or obtained by barter.
From one Puivlik native we obtained a solid block weighing nearly forty pounds
which had come from the Coppermine; originally it had been twice as large.
It must be remembered, however, that iron has largely superseded copper during
the last ten or fifteen years; and that while the softer metal alone was procurable
the deposits at the head of Prince Albert sound must have been far more im-
portant economically than they are now.

The most valuable commodity that the Kanghiryuak natives furnish at
the present day is the skin of the polar bear, small strips of which are in use
everywhere for icing the runners of sleds, and in many cases also for footpads
when sealing. Even polar bear skins however can be obtained by the southern
Eskimos in other ways. Occasionally a stray animal wanders down into Dolphin
and Union strait in the early part of the winter and is killed; or one will linger
on the land near Cape Baring during the summer, where the Puivlik natives in
1915 killed a mother and its cub. The animals rarely, if ever, penetrate into
Coronation gulf, but the Eskimos of that region can obtain their skins by bar-

1Cf. Stefansson, My Life with the Eskimo, p. 273.

Trade and Intercourse 53

tering with the natives beyond Kent peninsula, where polar bears are said to
be numerous. Altogether, therefore, the Eskimos of Prince Albert sound are
at a disadvantage now in regard to their southern neighbours, on whom they
are largely dependent for stone lamps, pots and wood.

The third route that these northern natives follow in the maintenance of
trade relations is eastward. According to Mr. Stefansson they ascend a river
named Kagloryuak at the head of Prince Albert sound, cross a divide and
descend the Ekaluktok river to Albert Edward bay. Somewhere in this region
they meet the Ekaluktomiut, and a few of them sometimes journey south to
Ogden bay on the mainland and make their way to the Akilinnik river. Some
of them, no doubt, do follow this route at times, but since both the Ekaluktok
and the Kanghiryuak natives visit the Bathurst inlet people by way of Dease
strait, it would seem reasonable to suppose that there is a shorter route overland,
probably from the deep inlet on the south side of Albert Edward bay to Cam-
bridge bay or perhaps even Anderson bay, whence they could either turn west
into Dease strait or south to the Ellice river.1 Somewhere on the divide between
the Kagloryuak and the Ekaluktok rivers there must be a regular meeting place
between the two groups, for the son of a Prince Albert sound woman whom we

-met at Lake Tahiryuak visited the Ekaluktomiut somewhere inland one summer,
and was drowned a few weeks later on his way back.

There is always much trade, of course, between neighbouring groups, and
even between members of the same group. In the spring of 1915 a woman in
Dolphin and Union strait went round the whole settlement trying to buy a
tent-pole. Brisk barter took place when the west Coronation gulf Eskimos
visited this settlement in March. One woman bought musk-ox skins with some
cartridges she had received from the expedition, another sold a large wooden
table. Dolphin and Union strait natives purchese stone lamps and pots, musk-
ox ladles, blubber pounders, sled-toggles, and skins both of deer and of musk-
oxen from the Eskimos of Coronation gulf, besides of course copper and imple-
ments made of it. As their own region, however, furnishes them with few com-
modities for bartering, many, perhaps the majority, of these strait natives at
some time in their lives make special journeys eastward, in order to collect
their own copper and wood in the valleys of the Coppermine and Dease rivers,
and to hew out their own lamps and pots near Tree river.

Mr. Stefansson has greatly magnified the difficulty of making stone pots
and lamps, naturally enough, for he never saw their manufacture. He says,
“To make a large pot (inside measure say 9 by 40 inches and 7 inches deep)
is said to take all a man’s spare time for a year, and some take two years to
the making of a pot. Lamps are more quickly made. Certain individuals
are considered expert pot-makers, and: many others attain old age without
ever having made a large pot, though all have owned one or more. We have
here the beginning of division of labour, the germ of a ‘trade.’ These pot and
lamp makers furnish the best example known to me both of specialization of
industries by tribes and of the division of labour among individuals.’

Two members of the staff of our expedition, Mr. J. R. Cox and Mr. J. J.
O’Neill, watched the manufacture of a lamp about 3 feet long at Port Epworth
in July, 1915. The workman, who was only a young man of about twenty-five
years, hewed his block out of the solid rock in a single day. Two days later
his lamp was finished, though he worked only at odd intervals. At the same
time the children were amusing themselves by making small lamps and pots
from two to eight inches long. Working steadily, even an unskilled native
could make the largest lamp in use in three days, and a pot would take him very
little longer. A Dolphin and Union strait woman wandered east with her

1But see the appendix, where this subject is discussed in the light of more recent information.
2Geol. Survey Canada, Museum Bulletin, No. 6, 1914, p. 28.

54 _ Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

Fig. 8. A typical Copper Eskimo lamp, carved out of soapstone

husband one spring, spent the summer around§Treejriver, and returned to
her own land the following winter with a large lamp and a pot that they had
made. This was in fact the object of their journey, although neither of them
had ever seen a lemp or a pot manufactured before. The majority of the
natives of Coronation gulf do the same thing at some time or other in their
lives, for fresh soapstone (tale chlorite schist) such as is found at Tree river
requires no great skill in handling, and can be adzed quite easily even with so
soft a metal as copper. It is only natural that the local natives should often
make extra pots and lamps for trading purposes, but they by no means specialize
in this industry, nor rank in any way as professional stone-cutters.

ree ee

Fic. 9. Maffa, a Tree river native, making a stone lamp (Photo by J. R. Cox)

Trade and Intercourse 55

Little need be added to Mr. Stefansson’s descriptions of the manner in
which strangers are welcomed.!. The shouting of taima as a sign of peaceable
intentions seems to be a Hudson bay usage not employed by the Copper Eskimos
among themselves, although they are doubtless fully aware of its meaning.”
The ordinary method of signifying peace is to hold up the arms so that the
strangers may see you are carrying no weapons. A party of Noahognik Eskimos,
coming down to the coast in the early fall of 1914, found us established at
Bernard harbour. They approached our tents to within about 200 yards, and,
standing in line on the crest of the ridge, alternately raised their open hands
above their heads, and, stooping, lowered them again towards the ground,
thus signifying that they had lain their weapons on the ground and held nothing
in their hands. We laid our rifles on the ground (we had been hunting seals),
‘returning their gestures, and twice again they repeated their signs as we
approached. : Ee

In November of the same year I engaged a Noahognik native named
Aksiatak to guide me to the Puivlik settlement across the strait. Skirting
along the coast of Victoria island we fell in with four Eskimos, all coming from
different directions. Aksiatak ran ahead at top speed, flinging up his arms
to indicate peace; the four Eskimos likewise started to run, converging towards
their settlement. Soon my companion was hidden from view behind.a ridge,
and when I came up with him about a mile farther on he and the strangers were
together. The four natives gave the peace signal as I approached and arranged
themselves in line, the tallest man on the right. He told me his name, I told
him mine, and the process was repeated all along the line. Then we started
out -again towards their settlement. As we drew near, Aksiatak ran ahead
with a local native on each side of him, shouting ‘‘White man, white man,”
while the other two ranged themselves on either’side of me and told me to run
also. Men and women and children immediately began to pour out of the
huts and rush to meet us. All the men and some of the women introduced
themselves one after another, pressing round me in an excited throng; then
an elderly native led me into his hut.

The presence of women in the party is a sure sign that no hostility need
be apprehended. The custom of carrying a knife when going to meet strangers
has often been noticed.? It is done even when the visitor knows there is nothing
to fear. As a Coronation gulf native expressed it, ‘“‘We carry knives in our
hands when we go out to welcome strangers, just as the Netsilingmiut greet
them with a buffet in the face. They have one custom, we have another.”
The visitor is always expected to confirm the good relations by presenting his
hosts with some of the food he has brought, and they in turn send him dainty
portions of whatever they happen to have on hand. A dance is given to wel-
come him during which he is especially marked out for honour by some leading
man in. the community. The compliment is returned on the following day
when the visitor and his people give a dance in return. Trading may occur
at any time after the visitors have settled down in the camp and eaten some food.

IMy Life with the Eskimo, p. 172, 190 et seg.; Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. iI, pp.
235, 301. Cf. Parry, Vol. II, pp. 165-6.

1See Hearne, p. 379; Douglas, p. 204.

1See Back, p. 381; and Stefansson, Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I., p. 264.

56 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

CHAPTER V
DWELLINGS

Materials from which to construct a dwelling are very limited among the
Copper Eskimos. There is no standing timber anywhere along the coast, and
the shores are almost bare of drift-wood. To obtain the wood they need for
sleds and household furniture the natives must travel south for many days
far into the interior. It is true that a little spruce still grows within thirty
and even twenty miles of the coast in the valley of the Coppermine river, but
it is all too small and stunted to be of any great value. The natives at the
western end of Coronation gulf obtain their timber from the neighbourhood
of Great Bear lake, while the eastern people often travel down to the Akilinnik
river for the same purpose, though the journey takes them half the year.

One would hardly expect then to find in the Copper Eskimo country huts
of wood and sod such as dot the coastline everywhere from Alaska to Baillie
island. Traces of these, however, are not altogether lacking, for ruins of old
wooden houses have been noticed at various places from Cape Lyon to Corona-
tion gulf. There are six or seven on the small islands off Cape Lyon, and six,
very old and covered with grass, about fifty yards from the shore between
Deas Thompson and De Witt Clinton points, a little east of the Roscoe river.
Fourteen similar ruins near the mouth of the Inman river were examined by
the Rev. H. Girling, and the implements he recovered from them conclusively
prove that the inhabitants of that site were western natives.

Fie. 10. A fish-hook of caribou antler, from a ruined house beside the Inman river

These places are outside the limits of the Copper Eskimo country, but
there are other ruins of the same type that lie within them. Four or five were
found on Chantry island in the spring of 1918, and about the same time seven
others were noticed at Cape Krusenstern, and one on an island off Locker point.
Mr. W. G. Phillips, the Hudson Bay Company’s factor at Fort Bacon (Bernard har-
bour), tells me that the houses of Cape Krusenstern were built of wood, rock,
and a good quantity of whalebone, and that the specimens gathered from them
were strange to the Copper Eskimos. In one of the houses there seemed to
have been an open fireplace, for the gravel was burnt in one spot and massed
together with oil; in each of them there was a well or hole in the middle lined
with flat stones. Captain Bernard’s discovery of wood and sod houses on
south-west Victoria island has been mentioned in the previous chapter. Almost
certainly these dwellings were erected by western natives several generations
ago, for the Copper Eskimos build their houses of snow blocks only, and never
on any occasion employ wood in their construction.

Dwellings 57

The early explorers found stone huts on the islands of the Parry archipelago
similar to those that are still used by the natives of Smith sound.!. Mr. Stefans-
son discovered one of these huts near the mouth of the Kimiryuak river, but his
Copper Eskimo companion was afraid to let him enter it—why I do not know,
since other natives have frequently been inside.2 Captain Bernard found
another on Bell island not far from the ruins of the wood and sod houses of the
western natives; he excavated the floor to the depth of about a foot, but found
nothing but stones and a few seal-bones. Larger than either of these, according
to the natives, is a stone hut at Tutukok, near Lady Franklin point. I was
not able to examine any of these huts, but visited one on the top of Kikigarnak
hill behind Locker point. In shape it resembled a truncated cone, built of
flat slabs of dolomite laid roughly one on top of another. Its height was about
6 feet, while the inside diameter diminished gradually from 4 feet 6 inches at
the bottom to 2 feet 6 inches at the top. There was a small door facing WSW.,
2 feet 6 inches high and 1 foot 6 inches wide, the bottom being raised 1 foot
4 inches above the level of the floor. From an architectural point of view the
most interesting feature was the use of the cantilever principle in closing
the roof.2 The space to be covered was roughly circular, with a diameter of a

Fie. 11. Old stone hut near Locker point

little more than two feet. Apparently no s‘ngle slab to hand was large enough,
so the builders used several smaller slabs instead. Two sufficed to cover about
half the space on the south side; another was laid over the northern segment,
resting on the wall, and the interspace was filled in with two overlapping slabs.
Both the roof and the sides had many chinks and openings through which the
wind and rain could enter. A rude flooring had been laid with slabs of dolomite,
and near the doorway, close to the outer walls, were two stone rings where some
Eskimos had evidently set up their tents in shelter from the east wind. About
fifteen yards to the northwest was a pillar of seven or eight dolomite slabs laid
one on top of another, though with what object it is hard to imagine. Elsewhere,

1See C. R. Markham, p. 169 et sq.
2My Life with the Eskimo, p. 274 et seq.., 288; Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, p. 297
3Cf. Peary. The Secrets of Polar Travel, 1917, pp. 136-7.

58 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

on the summit of the same hill, was another tent-ring, with its hearth-stones
close beside it, and a low wind-break of stones from behind which the country
north and east could be scanned for several miles.

Birds and animals had evidently been the latest occupants of the hut
for we found their bones scattered both above and below the floorstones. The
ground was frozen hard, and I had no time to stay and excavate. It is hardly
possible that the structure could ever have been a dwelling, since there was
barely room for a man even to squat inside. The natives gave varying accounts
of its origin. Some said it was made by white men long ago, possibly Rae’s
party when it tried in vain to cross the strait to Victoria island.’ Certainly
if it was intended for an observation post looking out on the gulf to the east
and south, no better site could have been chosen anywhere. Another version
assigned it to the tornrin, the dwarf people who were driven underground by
the Copper Eskimos long ago.2 They were responsible, too, for a curious
structure that we found on the plain behind Cape Lambert. It was made of
large flat slabs of dolomite set on edge in the shape of a rectangle, about 8 feet
long by 4 feet wide, and from 1 foot to 1 foot 6 inches high. It was unlike the
remains of a Copper Eskimo camping-site, and may have been due to the western
natives. Whether the stone houses should be assigned to the same origin (stone
being used because of the lack of driftwood), or whether they belong rather
to that earlier people who have left similar remains round Hudson bay and
in the Parry archipelago, must be left uncertain until the Copper Eskimo country
and the adjacent regions have been more fully explored and we have more
information concerning the distribution of these houses.’

The only types of dwellings known to the Copper Eskimos are the snow-
hut and the tent. Sometimes a traveller finds them with neither, but camping
instead under the open sky; only rarely, however, for it is seldom that a man
can sleep with comfort out of doors in this region. Occasionally of course
night overtakes a hunter without a tent, and without any means of building
a snow hut. He will then wander round for a time, searching for his camp,
and when weariness overcomes him, squat down on the ground or snow for a
while and fall asleep, with his chin resting on his chest, his legs outstretched,
and his arms withdrawn inside his coat and folded' against his body. In time
the cold awakens him and he rises and resumes his journey. In June and July,
sometimes too in August, a party will often leave its tents and journey off to
hunt or fish for a few days in some adjoining district, carrying only sleeping-
bags and a few skins. Such open-air bivouacs are very pleasant as long as the
weather remains fine; the warm hours of the morning are generally given over
to sleep, and the party does not stir till nearly noon. Should rain come on or
a fog arise they can soon construct a rude shelter by converting their ice-chisels,
fish-spears and walking-sticks into tent-poles and stretching their skins around
and over them. At the end of May, 1915, we made a trip of some 50 miles to
meet the Eskimos of Prince Albert sound. Two families in our party left their
tents behind. At first they merely set up a wind-break, driving a row of sticks
into the ground at an inclined angle and spreading their skins over them; later,
when we had to wait for several days at the rendezvous, they ranged their poles
in an oval and madea regular tent. Then ablizzardstruck them, and the howling

1See Richardson, p. 178.
2Cf. Boas, Central Eskimo, p. 635; Meddelelser om Grgnland, Vol. XX XIX, p. 688 et seq.

3The stone huts on Southampton island which were used for meat caches had no doorway, but were
opened at the top (Boas, BulletinIV, A.M.N.H., Vol. XV, p. 475). Captain Bernard tells me, however,
that the natives of Adelaide peninsula build huts like those among the Copper Eskimos for trapping foxes.
A bait of meat or fish or blubber is laid on the floor, the door cl sed, and the roof either opened, or closed
with a lightly balanced stone that will cave in when the fox steps on it. Once the animal has entered the
trap it is unable to escape. I cannot help thinking, however, that this is a secondary use, the structures
pe Soe intended, perhaps, for meat-caches. The doorway would be convenient, but not abso-
utely essential.

Dwellings 59.

wind drove eddies of snow inside their tent under its flapping edges, so they
built a low circular wall of snow-blocks and raised their tent on that. A few
weeks later in similar circumstances they made a wall with turf instead of snow.
It was only about a foot high, but it anchored down the edges of their tent and
kept the rain from flooding it. In August of the same year, during a gase of
driving sleet and snow, two men without a tent stretched some deerskins over
a gap between two crags and weathered it out in comparative comfort. Mc-
Clintock mentions the case of an old woman near Pond’s bay (Pond’s inlet)
who had neither hut nor tent, but a sort of lair constructed of a few stones and
a seal-skin spread over them, so that she could crawl underneath.! These, how-
ever, are exceptional cases. Normally the Copper Eskimo lives in a snow-hut
through the winter months, and moves into a deer-skin tent as soon as the warmth
cf spring renders his house untenable.

The first step? in constructing a snow-hut is to find a suitable site. Not
only must the snow be deep enough but it must also possess a certain firmness.
It must not be crumbly, as it is when granular, or soft as when freshly fallen,
otherwise the blocks will fall to pieces at the slightest touch; as for its depth,
that should be at least a foot. There are two ways of cutting snow-blocks,
horizontally and vertically, and it depends on the depth of snow which one the
native will employ. In the former method a rectangle is cut to the size required
and the block is undercut for as far as the knife will reach. A kick below will
now release it, and slightly raise one side so that it can be lifted in the hands.
Sometimes careful pressure with the foot on top will break it off where a kick
beneath would crack it. The depth at which the undercut is made decides the
thickness of the block. This is the only method possible when the snow is
shallow. Vertical cutting requires deep snow, for here it is the width of the
block that is regulated by the depth. A few rapid cuts with the knife, a few
vigorous kicks to scatter the loose snow, and a space is cleared from which the
first block can be cut away. A cut on each side gives it its length, and the
knife is run backwards and forwards underneath to give the width of the block
One face and the sides are now clear, and all that remains to be done is to deter-
mine its thickness and separate the remaining face. This is the only delicate
part of the operation. The first cut must not be deep, otherwise the block will
be sure to crack on one side before the knife has reached the other. Usually
the man runs his knife along the back face twice, cutting free about half its
surface; then he stabs it down about the middle, when the block breaks off as
a rule and falls towards him. If this should not release-it he stabs it again
on the side that he thinks is holding, and sometimes on the other side as well.
Once ‘the first block has been extracted the others proceed more easily, since
there is more open space in which to work and their shape is already half out-
lined. Vertical cutting is quicker and easier than cutting horizontally, besides
which there is more snow in the same surface area. Then too the deeper down
you cut in making your house the less high you have to build. It makes no
difference if you come to ice, for a floor of ice is quite as good as one of snow.
A deep snow-drift gives you half your wall already built. With a small house
almost all the blocks required can be taken from the floor, but should more
be needed they can soon be obtained outside and pushed in through an opening
cut in the bottom of the wall.

One or sometimes two men therefore build up the house from the inside,
while the housewife and the children make an outer rampart all around it
about six inches or a foot away, and fill the interspace with soft snow. The
arrangement of the first tier of blocks naturally determines the size and shape
of the subsequent house. A Mackenzie native who was building us a hut in

1McClintock, p. 133.
2Cf. Stefansson’s account in Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, p. 6 et seg., and Amund-
sen, Vol. II, ch. VIII.

60 ‘Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

which to shelter the dogs made the diameter of his first tier far too great, so
that instead of his walls approaching in a perfect Byzantine dome, they mounted
skywards almost to a cone. A more skilful workman might have made a sym-
metrical dome despite the diameter, but the.art of building snow-huts is fast
dying out amongst the western natives. :

The critical stage in the building of a snow hut comes with the second tier,
for then the spiral form commences and judgment and experience are required
to know at what place to begin. The younger men often seek the advice of
their elders; and I have seen even an old woman correct a youth and show him
where to begin his coil. Often the spiral form is barely noticeable when the
hut is finished, and one has the impression that the blocks are set up anyhow.
The neatest workmen make their blocks rectangular, and lay them so that the
joints will come in steps, no block falling exactly over the one below. As each
is laid in place the knife is run along the joints and the block punched sharply
on the top to fit it tightly against its neighbours. Thus the builder follows
round his spiral, curving gradually inwards till only a small opening remains
above. The final stage is the most critical of all, for the roof will collapse if
made too flat, and part of the structure may cave in from an accidental knock,
or the unskilful jointing of a block. The joints are therefore bevelled, but
even so it is sometimes necessary to hold one block up with the hand till it is
wedged securely by the next. The keystone requires skilful handling. It is
roughly trimmed to shape, then pushed up through the opening in the roof
and gently lowered from above. . The left hand poises it above the hole, while
with the right the builder trims its edges and those of the blocks against which
it sets

The structure is now complete, but many chinks and gaps remain where
the blocks fit imperfectly together. These must be closed from without, if
the housewife has not already done this after making her rampart. Small
blocks of hard snow are jammed into the larger gaps, and all the joints are
filled with soft snow, which acts like mortar and cements the blocks together.
It matters little if a few chinks still remain on top, for the warmth inside the
hut sets a current of air flowing upwards and outside; but unless the lower
wall is tight the house will be very draughty and uncomfortable. This cannot
happen as long as an outer rampart is built all round, but the temporary hut
for one night’s occupation only has usually no such rampart; instead, soft
snow is packed tightly round the base of the lower tier, and into all the joints.

Not every hut is built so carefully. Sometimes the shape is oval, the
length much greater than the breadth. Then the side walls are gradually
brought together till a row of longer blocks laid across like beams will close
the roof. But this is a very slovenly way of building. More often the hut is
dome-shaped, but the blocks are entirely unsymmetrical, being set up in any
manner so long as they hold together. The spiral form is then quite absent,
although the same care is still required in beginning the second tier. Even the
rule that no joint should come directly above the one below is not adhered to,
and the joints come anywhere. This in fact is the usual form of hut, and the
perfect dome built with symmetrical blocks arranged in a continuous spiral
which earlier writers have so consistently depicted is of very rare occurrence.
In fact not every native has the necessary skill to make it, besides which it
requires more time and labour. But every man can build a snow-hut of some
kind or another, and must indeed at the end of each day’s journey that he makes
in winter. He may have travelled many miles, dragging a heavy sled, and
darkness is almost upon him before he begins his hut; naturally, then, he is
much too tired to care about its shape so long as it provides his family and
himself with a comfortable shelter for the night.

‘The hut that we were describing was complete indeed, but it had neither
furniture nor door. If snow-blocks from without were used in building it there

Dwellings 61

will be a hole in one of the bottom blocks through which to pass them in; if
no such hole exists one is quickly cut out with the knife. Now the woman
goes inside, carrying her snowshovel with her, levels the floor in the front half
and raises a bank behind it to form the sleeping-platform. Often in building
the hut the man will cut his blocks from the front part only, leaving the snow
behind at its natural level, which is now one tier above the floor; this gives a
platform already made, and he has merely to pass in the furniture for his wife
to arrange in order.

While the wife is thus busy within, the man must construct a passage for
his hut. This is a simple operation, merely the building of two straight walls
about three feet apart and from four to five feet high roofed over at the top
with horizontal blocks. Before he begins it he closes the hole through which
the furniture was passed and does not cut the doorway until after the passage
is finished. The hut is thus hermetically sealed, and time is given the woman
to light her lamp and warm the room before her husband enters. . In making
the door he pokes his knife through the wall at the end of the passage, cuts out
an arch about two feet high, and calls to his wife within to give it a kick; the
block falls outwards into the passage'and is quickly dragged away. .The
man’s work is now finished, save that he must pile all bags and pokes and lash-
ings, that are not wanted in the house, on top of the rampart outside, and dis-
pose his sled in safety for the night.

Meanwhile his wife is arranging the house within. Usually a gap is made
in the middle of the sleeping-platform where clothes and other articles can be
conveniently stowed away. Then she arranges the platform itself, covering
it over with mats of willow twigs tied together with rawhide thongs, and bridging
the gap with three or four planks. Musk-ox skins are laid on top of the matting,
and on these again the deerskins, in two layers, the lower ones having the fur
side downwards while the upper skins have the fur on top. In the upper skin—
each is called a kak—not only should the fur be upwards, but the hair should
lie towards the door; for, like a carpet, they must be swept from time to time
and naturally the sweeping is done outwards on to the floor along the set of the
hair. The sleeping-bags, the men’s tool-bags, the women’s sewing-kits and
various other articles are strewn indiscriminately on top of the skins till bed-
time, when the room is tidied up.

In front of the platform the lamp and table with their appurtenances
occupy half the floor space, while the door comes in the middle of the are at
the very bottom of the wall. Usually, but by no means invariably, the lamp
is to the left of the door, as seen from the inside. The natives have a curious
device for supporting the lamp and table, and every family adopts the same
method. One piece of the furniture consists of a long board shaped like the
letter L, but widest at the elbow. This is used to form a strut, the long end,
the top of the Ly being driven into the wall of the house, while the short end
rests directly upon the floor or on top of a small block of snow. The table isa
long flat board resting at one end on the elbow of the strut; the other, like
the strut, to which it is at right angles, is driven deep into the wall. It thus
lies parallel to the front of the sleeping platform, from which it is separated by
a narrow space along which the wife can move freely in and out. Both table
and platform stand some two feet above the floor.

Two poles run parallel to the table and just behind it; on one side their
ends are resting on the strut, while on the other they are driven into the snow
wall of the hut. On top of these is placed the lamp, a shallow trough of stone
with a partition usually along the back; sometimes, instead of a single lamp of
large dimensions two smaller ones are used, placed end to end. Care must be
taken to set the lamp horizontally, or with a slight tilt forward so that the oil
will run towards the wick. Some contrivance is then required for suspending
the cooking-pot above it, so a short stick, notched at its upper end, is planted

62 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

vertically on the edge of the main strut near its elbow; another stick is now laid
across it at right angles, parallel to the strut below, with one end resting in the
notch, and the other driven into the wall; this gives a second strut on top of
the first. Two poles are laid across this new strut, parallel with those sup-
porting the lamp, and the drying rack, an oval hoop of wood with rawhide web-
bing, is set on top of them. From the foremost pole, the one that lies nearest
the sleeping platform, the pot is suspended by two cords in such a way that it
hangs about half an inch above the flame of the lamp, while from the pole
behind shoes and other small articles that require drying are suspended. If
two families share a dwelling, or the man has a second wife, another lamp and
its outfit is set up in similar fashion on the opposite side of the hut. Often the
space is vacant, and a little girl will play at housekeeping in this corner, erecting
a lamp there for herself, either a small one made of soapstone in the usual manner,
or merely a hollow pebble from the beach.

Fic. 12. Interior of a snow hut

Houses intended for more than one night’s occupation nearly always have
windows made of ice. These are chipped out with ice chisels from fresh-water
lakes or streams in the fall of the year, and are roughly squared so that each
side will be from 2 feet to 2 feet 6 inches long. The window is let into the wall
behind the lamp, or sometimes just above the door, either as soon as the hut is
built or more usually on the following morning; it thus lights up the fore part
only, but the snow itself is semi-translucent, so that as long as the sun is shining
a window is hardly needed at all. In the twilight hours of midwinter, however,
even the front of the hut beneath the window is only dimly lit up, while the
back and sides are in deep obscurity. One house we saw had a window in its
passage, but this was very unusual; apparently the family has an extra ‘pane’
which they determined to put to use. Very large ‘houses, especially dance-
houses, often have two “‘panes’’ let in side by side, with but one block of snow
between them. The frost which settles on these windows is scraped away

Dwellings 63

with a woman’s knife, just as the natives farther west scrape their gut windows;
these latter, by the way, are totally unknown in Coronation gulf.1

Some houses have a small recess built in a corner near the door; this is for
storing meat, or for housing a litter of pups. Sometimes the passage is broadened
in one place for the same purpose. Often two houses are joined together, or
several unite round a common forecourt which forms the village dance-house.
The Eskimo is very skilful in modifying the shape of his hut to suit his needs.
One snow-hut in which I lived was dripping badly, besides which it had an awk-
ward shape, so its owner knocked out the roof and part of one side and built it
up afresh. The warmth of the hut had transformed the inner face of each
snow-block into ice to the depth of about an inch, so that he had to chop it
away with a small hatchet. This transformation of the snow to ice explains
the solidity of a snow-hut, which is so great indeed that a full-grown man can
stand on the very top of the roof without its collapsing. The same native who
had thus re-shaped his dwelling once made a chimney of snow-blocks in a small
snow hut when we were trying to cook inside with chips of driftwood. He
derived the notion no doubt from the stove pipes at our station, but it showed
at least his versatility and his skill in handling snow.

A snow-hut is a very comfortable dwelling even in mid-winter, unless the
temperature falls unusually low and a blizzard is raging out of doors. Even
then, in a well-built hut with a long semi-subterranean? pessage, the natives are
not uncomfortable, provided that the lamp can be kept burning to its full extent.

If the temperature of the hut rises above the freezing-point, the ceiling
immediately begins to drip. This often happens when the meals are being
cooked, or when the house is filled with people. Slight dripping can usually
be stopped by chipping away the ice at the place from which the drops are
falling, or by holding against it a lump of snow, which will freeze against the
wall and lower the temperature at that spot. Neither method, however, will
permanently stop it, unless the temperature of the hut is lowered as well. Often
when the ceiling of a hut is thus plastered with lumps of snow, they themselves
become soaked like sponges and fall on the inmates’ heads; I have seen this
happen to a native lying in his sleeping bag, with a rather amusing result.
The only sure remedy is to knock a small hole in the roof, so that the cold air
streaming in will freeze the walls again. Old huts are pitted with many holes
where the roof and walls have dripped and melted away. By day the natives
take no notice unless the weather is stormy, but at night, before going to bed,
someone will often go outside and close all the chinks with snow. It is not
always pleasant, though, to stumble about in the darkness and clamber up on
to the roof, so frequently they merely block the largest holes from inside with
scraps of skin or mittens, or with handwipers of ptarmigan skins, and let the
others remain. The door is closed with a block of snow, dragged inside and set
in place from within, with loose snow cementing the edges. It is not wise to
close up the hut too tightly, however, or the air becomes foul and suffocating.
In the fall of 1914, I was travelling with a Copper Eskimo across Dolphin and
Union Strait, and carefully closed up every chink and cranny in our first snow-
hut, in order to increase its warmth. Early next morning our lamp refused to
burn, and it was only then that we realized how impure the air was and quickly
broke open the door.’

1The owner takes: his window out to pack on his sled at every migration, and his wife hands him the
bedding through the hole it leaves in the wall. Mr. Stefansson saw a number of deserted huts with such
holes in them, and his first interpretation of them as windows was as correct as his second. The window
is naturally set above or nearly above the lamp, and as this may be on either side of the door, the
window may be also, not, as Mr. Stefansson thought, on one side only. Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H.,
Vol. XIV, pt. I, p. 247.
%.e., partly ur der the surface cf the snowdrift.

8Cf. Stefansson, My Life with the Eskimo, p. 245 et seq.

64 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

In the fall, before the sea is frozen solidly over, the Eskimos often build

their huts on the very edge of the land.!' The rise and fall of the tide then
frequently splits the ice, and cracks the hut above it. The roof threatened to
cave in on this account in one house, but its owner propped it up with a pole,
one end of which rested on the floor while the other was jammed beneath. a
board laid flat against the roof. In 1915 our first snow-hut in the fall was
built above a tide-crack, and during the night we were awakened several times
by loud reports like gun-shots; next morning we found our hut was split from
one side to the other. On another occasion the house-wife was dressing and
stepped from the sleeping platform to the floor, when suddenly she sank up to
her knees in a pool of slush ice where the tide had oozed up through a crack.
Even when badly cracked, soft snow jammed in the seams will hold a house
together, unless the cracks are opened further by the next high tide. The
walls show wonderful stability, and even half a hut will stand alone and un-
supported. :
; The size of the hut depends on the number of occupants, but the length of
the passage is determined by other considerations, mainly by that of warmth.
A hut that is built for one night only has hardly any passage at all, while those
intended for longer occupation have passages ranging in length from 15 to 40
feet. They are often made quite short at first, and extended when a gale arises.
Sometimes the entrance is slightly curved away from the wind, or given a T=
shape so that one mouth or the other can be closed according to the weather.
One man built a dome-shaped roof over his entrance, forming a kind of store-
house; but this was very unusual, most natives merely broadening the passage
in one place to answer the same purpose. Generally the house is built to face
the south so that the window will catch the light of the sun; the passage will
then also run towards the south. But the rule is not invariable, since the
builder has to modify his plans in accordance with the depth of snow.

A small hut was built for me when I paid my first visit to these Eskimos.
It was oval in plan, 10 feet long, 6 feet 9 inches wide, and 4 feet 6 inches high.
The blocks were of different sizes, the bottom ones, as usual, much larger than
those above. They varied greatly in shape, too, leaving many ill-fitting open
corners which were blocked with snow. Soft drift-snow was piled round the
bottom of the outside to keep out the draught. The door was a small arch cut
in two bottom blocks 2 feet high and 1 foot 10 inches wide. There was no
window, but the snow was semi-translucent and gave sufficient light for most
purposes during the day. The passage was very short and slightly curved. It
was unroofed save for one block over the door, but the next day when a strong
wind arose and the snow began to drift my native donned his working clothes
and in about five minutes covered it over and slightly extended the mouth so
that it pointed away from the wind. The door itself was a snow-block shaped
to fit: the doorway. It was therefore longer than it was broad and so could be
pushed inside; for at night before going to bed the door is always closed from the
inside. There was a groove cut in the middle of its inner face so that it could
be lifted more readily. Often when the weather is mild the natives merely cover
the doorway with a skin or bag, or throw their coats down in the entrance,
provided that the dogs are not so starved that they will tear the skins to pieces
during the night.

IMr. Stefansson (Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, rt. I, p. 50) says that the Kanghiryuarmiut
are the only Copper Eskimos, except perhaps the Ekaluktomiut, who ever build winter houses on land

or even near land. This is exactly where every tribe does build them in the fall, and again in the late
spring.

Dwellings 65

CHAPTER VI

DWELLINGS (Continued)

Hitherto only the simplest form of house has been described; but there are
many varieties, from the single isolated hut to the group of three or four that
open on a common dance-house. No rule governs the Eskimos in these matters;
they build their huts together or separate as fancy dictates. In view, however,
of certain theories that have been put forward on the subject, notably by M.
Mauss', it may be well to examine the different types of houses that we observed
among the Copper Eskimos, without attempting in this place to compare them
with the dwellings of Eskimos elsewhere.

Fig. 13 is the plan of a house built by an Eskimo of Dolphin and Union strait
at the Liston and Sutton islands in the fall of 1914. It was 10 feet 10 inches
long and 9 feet 6 inches wide, with a maximum height of 6 feet 3 inches. The
platform was raised 2 feet above the level of the floor and had a maximum length
of 6 feet from front to back. The door was 1 foot 11 inches high by 1 foot 9 inches
wide, while the window, which was 2 feet 3 inches above it, was 2 feet 3 inches
high by 2 feet 1 inch broad. The passage was straight, 13 feet 3 inches long,

CLL

Fic. 13. A typical single-roomed snow hut

with a slight variation in width at different places but averaging about 2 feet
6inches. The inmates of the hut were Ayallik, a man of about fifty years, his wife
Kaumak, a motherly old dame of nearly the same age, their son Ivahluk, a boy
about eight years old, another son Taptuna, of about thirteen years, and
Anauyuk, a widower, Ayallik’s nephew, himself probably forty-five years old.
Their sleeping places on the platform, as well as my own during the few days
I lived with this family, are given in the figure, and the outlines of the lamp

1L’Année Sociologique, 1906: Essai sur les variations saisonniéres des sociétés eskimos. 9me Année,
1906.
23335—5

66 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

and table, showing their positions, are marked in front of the platform. The
hut was a single-roomed dwelling of the ordinary type, built at the end of a day’s
journey across the strait at the opening of the sealing season. .

A development from this type of house is one which has a dance-house in
front, built just over the doorway. Fig. 14 illustrates a dwelling of this kind
which was seen at an Eskimo settlement in the Duke of York archipelago, Coro-
nation gulf, in February, 1915. The hut belonged to a famous shaman named
Uloksak, who at this time possessed two wives; each wife kept to her own side
of the hut, where she had her own cooking ‘and drying outfit.

Dance-house

Fic. 14. A single snow hut with a dance-house in front

Sometimes two huts are almost joined together, but their passages open
out in opposite directions. This is usually due to the condition of the snow,
and so is more frequent in the fall of the year when its depth is not very great.

Fic. 15. Two houses erected side by side, but opening in different directions

Fig. 15 gives the plan of two such huts, erected on the southwest coast of Victoria
island in December, 1914, by two men, Kanaiyok and Arnaktak, for their families:
Their proximity in this case was due to the limited number of places behind the

1Eskimos sleep with their heads towards the door, though occasionally when the hut is crowded
one or more of them will lie in the opposite direction, as the feet naturally take up less room than the
shoulders. Cf. Hall, p. 258.

Dwellings 67

sandspit where the snow was deep enough to build a house, and the passages were
made separate to keep the dogs of the two families from fighting with one an-
other. Kanaiyok’s family consisted, besides himself, of his wife Akulluk, their
baby daughter Kavva, and his father Tupik. With Arnaktak were his wife
Kulahuk and her little son Tannaumik, and two single men, brothers, not closely
connected with the family, named Tunnerittok and Agluak; in the previous
settlement which the Eskimos had just abandoned these two men had lived in
a hut of their own (see Fig. 21).

Sometimes, as in Fig. 16, two houses comparatively far apart have their
passages joined near the entrance. This is convenient in stormy weather, wher
the snow drifts into the passageways and requires constant shovelling. One
of these huts was inhabited by a man named Haviuyak, his wife Pikhugyuk,
and their unmarried son Avalittok; in the other dwelt Kuniluk, his wife Kormiak
and their three boys, Niptanatsiak, Taipanna and Kulitana, the last a baby
about twelve months old.

Fic. 16. Two houses erected some distance apart, but joined at their entrances

When I joined the settlement of Puivlik Eskimos on the coast of southwest
Victoria island in November, 1914, I went to live in a double hut similar to that
represented in Fig. 19, one side of which was inhabited by a man named Haviuyak
and his wife Itokanna, the other by Haviuyak’s father Haviron and his two
younger brothers, Utuallu, a youth of about sixteen years and Haugak, a boy of
perhaps eight (see Fig. 22). About a week later an Eskimo named Aksiatak
brought his family across the straits and joined the settlement, partly for the
sake of company, but mainly because he was short of food and the Puivlir-
muit bad an abundance of caribou meat and fish. He then built a separate
hut on the outskirts of their settlement; but three weeks later, when the whole
band migrated some four miles along the coast, he arranged with Haviuyak
that they should build their huts together side by side, each with a short passage
of its own where the dogs of the two households could sleep apart. This was

23335—5}

68 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

done in the manner shown in Fig. 17: Haviuyak, with the help of his brother
Utuallu, built a large single-roomed hut, while Aksiatak set up a smaller one
beside it. Nakitok, the person who is marked as sleeping between Aksiatak
and his wife Nik, was their only son, at this time about six years old.

Fig. 17. Two houses with joined passages, one of which
was evidently built before the other

In this last example the huts were still so separate that they might almost
be regarded as independent of one another; but in the case of two that lay along-
side of the hut represented in Fig. 13 there could be no possible doubt but that
they were built in collaboration. They were inhabited by Ayallik’s kinsmen,
Kallun and Kaminggok. Kallun’s wife was Imilguna, a woman remarkable
from the freckles that covered her face, and they had one young daughter,
Kungaiyuna. Algik, Kallun’s brother, a young man of perhaps eighteen years,
lived with them as one of the family. Kaminggok was a shaman whose wife
Kalyutarun had given him two children, a little girl named Akana, and a baby
boy Okomik. The latter had some disease which kept it from growing, so in
the winter of 1915-16, when the Eskimos were very short of food, the mother
killed it. It was then about three years old, but could neither talk nor walk,
having been bewitched, its mother believed, by some evil spirit. Akana, the
other child, was about seven years old, and eager to play at house-keeping, so
she set up a hollow pebble on one side of the hut to serve asa lamp. Her mother
used to give her the wick and blubber, and the child tended the lamp herself.
These two houses were so close together that a conversation carried on in normal
tones in one could be plainly heard by the people in the other (Fig. 18).

A further stage in complexity is reached when the houses actually combine,
forming a single two-roomed dwelling Such was the house of Aksiatak and his
kinsman Hitkok at Nulahugyuk creek four miles east of Bernard harbour, in
November, 1914, before they crossed the strait to join the Puivlirmiut on the
other side. Hitkok’s household consisted of himself, his widowed sister Iguak
and his nephew Hogaluk, a boy of about fourteen years. The rooms were

\

Dwellings 69

built as contiguous circles, a small arc of each being left uncovered to form a
common forecourt and afterwards roofed over with a dome as in Byzantine
architecture. The dance-house, which is usually built over a two-roomed
house, is made in exactly the same way, only the dome is much larger, and the
roof in consequence higher, so that the builders have to stand on bags to finish
it. In Aksiatak’s double house an ice window was let into the side of the dome
so that it lit up both the forecourt and Aksiatak’s room; a similar window was
set in the front of Hitkok’s room. At the bottom of the forecourt wall, imme-
diately below the window, was the low arched doorway, cut in one of the snow-
blocks with a single sweep of the knife. One entered on hands and knees; so
narrow in fact was the doorway that a person rather bigger than the average
had some difficulty in squeezing through. Half-way along its length the passage
broadened, and here was kept the snowshovel, as well as one or two other things

\

VL Lp

Fic. 18. Two houses built in collaboration, with a single passage for both

which could not conveniently be brought into the house, and would not be
damaged by the dogs. The passage then made a sharp curve before issuing out
into the open air, so that its mouth, being directed northward, would drift up
less easily under the prevailing east and west winds. One day, however, a
north wind arose, and Aksiatak had to extend his passage so that it opened
towards another point of the compass, a task he performed in a very few minutes.
Various sticks, harpoons, etc., were planted upright in the walls around the out-
side of the house, and bales of clothing were laid on top of the outer rampart.
The dimensions of the two rooms were as follows :—

Aksiatak’s room. Hitkok’s room.
Length (max.) 10’ 5” il
Breadth (max.) 6’ 9” 8’ 11”
Height (max.) 5’ 11” 6’ 8”
Height of platform 1’ 3” yo 4”

Length of platform 6’ 6" aN

70 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

The door, which was common to the two rooms, was 2 feet 1 inch high
by 1 foot 8 inches wide. The window in the forecourt was 2 feet 2 inches high
by 1 foot 9 inches wide, and the one in Hitkok’s house had approximately
the same dimensions. The front wall of the forecourt was about 2 feet in advance
of those of the two rooms, but the height was the same as in Hitkok’s room.

VLLLLILLLLL

Fic. 19. A two-roomed dwelling, each room opening into the other, with a door-way common
to bot

The passage had the following dimensions :—
Length 17’ (2’ were added to it later, at right angles to the mouth,
to keep out the drifting snow)
Breadth (average) 2’ 6”
Breadth (maximum) 5’ 8”
Height (average) 3’
Height (maximum) 4’ 11”
The outside entrance was 3’ 4” high and 2’ 1” wide.

On November 22, when the temperature outdoors was —2° F. and the
lamp in Hitkok’s room was burning along only half its length, i.e. about 15”,
the temperature inside that room was 35° F. at a distance of three feet from the
lamp and, 30° F. against the back wall.

In the two-roomed hut just described the rooms were parallel with one
another. This, however, is not always the case. Fig. 20 gives the plan of a
hut in which they are arranged at right angles. It was built in the beginning
of January, 1915, to shelter the families of Ikpakhuak and his nephew Huputaun.
It would have been exactly the same as the hut represented in Fig. 19, but
for the angle at which the two rooms lay with regard to one another. <A few

Dwellings 71

days after its construction the front walls of the two rooms were torn down
and a large cupola erected over them to form a dance-house for the community.
Where the wall of the dance-house joined his room Ikpakhuak made a bed of
willow-matting covered with an old sealskin for one of his dogs that had a litter
of pups. His family consisted of his wife Higilak, his nephew and adopted
son Haugak, (the son of Haviron in Fig. 17), Higilak’s daughter (by a former,
husband) Kanneyuk, who was about twelve years of age, and myself, since
this was the family into which I was formally adopted. The other household
comprised Huputaun, his wife Uvillok, their baby boy Kotsik, and a little girl
Holoak, of about ten years. Apart from the hut itself the passage was interesting
because it had a T-shaped entrance, roofed over so that one side or the other
could be closed according to the direction of the wind.

Fie. 20. A two-roomed dwelling opening on a dance-house

So far we have seen two huts coalescing into a single two-roomed dwelling
with a dance-house over the forecourt, but nothing in the snow itself prevents
three or four huts from coalescing in the same way. The only difficulty lies
in the fact that the more numerous the huts that have to be joined together
the larger must be the forecourt or dance-house that connects them, and the
more difficult it is to construct when the only material that can be employed
is snow. Consequently, while the usual custom is to build the dance-house
over a two-roomed hut, one built over three rooms is not at all rare, but one
over four is very unusual. Still, all these types are found, since the Eskimos
are not bound by any rules in the matter and suit their own convenience. Fig.
21 represents a group of three huts where the passages all unite to make a common
entrance. They were built in March, 1915, about fifteen miles west of the
Liston and Sutton islands, whither the Eskimos had migrated for the sealing

72 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

in the longer days of spring. Each hut was inhabited by a separate family.
In the first was Ikpakhuak’s, which was the same as in Fig. 10, save that a young
girl, Arnauyuk or Kila, about fourteen years old, had joined it for a short time
before her marriage; in the next hut lived Atigihyuk and his wife Kaiyoranna
with their little girl Uvillok; and in the third Hitkok and his kinsfolk. The
passage of this third hut had a small recess on one side half way along its length,
for the same purpose as the widening in the passage represented in Fig. 19.

Fic. 21. Three single-roomed dwellings with joined passages

Sometimes two of the three houses coalesce into a single two-roomed dwelling,
while the third remains separate, though its passage joins up with the other.
This type I observed at the last settlement of the Puivlik Eskimos before they
migrated to the coast in December, 1914. The two-roomed hut was the dwelling
of Haviuyak and his family (see Fig. 17), while the single hut linked up with
it was the home of the two brothers Tunnerittok and Agluak who later went
to live with Arnaktak’s family (see Fig. 15).

In November, 1915, a three-roomed dwelling was built at Bernard harbour
with a dance-house over the common fore-court. Two of the rooms contained
‘two families each, while the third had only one. Each family had its separate
lamp, and the different members slept in the usual places; thus the wife slept

Dwellings 73

in the corner where she could superintend the lamp and the cooking, and
between her and her husband was their little child, whenever there was one.
The family that lived by itself left the settlement before the rest, so the others
closed up the front of the empty room with snow-blocks to make their house
smaller and warmer (Fig. 23).

MM

Fig. 22. A two-roomed dwelling joined to a single-roomed hut through the passage

A curious four-roomed dwelling and dance-house was seen at the Liston and
Sutton islands in December, 1915. I was not present when it was made and
therefore cannot say whether the different rooms were erected at the same time
or not. Architecturally two of the rooms must be regarded as excrescences,
their only connection with the rest being that their doorways led into the dance-
house instead of into a corridor. The dance-house formed the forecourt of the
other two rooms, one of which was inhabited by two families not very closely
related. Each family, as usual, had its own lamp and furniture, and the places
in which the various inmates slept followed the usual custom. The winter
that year was very stormy, and both food and blubber were scarce, so that the
lamps had to be extinguished in many houses. The two rooms at the back
of the dance-house were soon abandoned, as they were cold and uncomfortable
unless the lamps were burning full. The other two families were better off
as they could bar their doors and make their rooms almost airtight; they there-
fore remained where they were till February, when the whole settlement migrated
some ten miles farther west (Fig. 24).

74 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

All the snow-huts among the Copper Eskimos were of one or other of these
types. The particular form adopted by any family depended on various con-
siderations, the two most important being the amount of snow available and
the size of the family. Less space was naturally required where there were
no children and a medium-sized hut could conveniently serve two families;
besides, with two lamps it could be kept more comfortable, especially when
fuel was scarce. Again two families that had not seen each other for some

Aaritak
Hakeak
|| Saveu

Fig. 23. A three-roomed dwelling with a dance-house

time naturally liked to be together, so they would make their rooms con-
tiguous or join their passages.| The arrangements in one settlement were
seldom followed in the next. As each family reached the camping-place the
‘man would choose his site, and those who came up later would have to search
round for themselves. Sometimes two would decide to build together before
they started out, sometimes not until they chose their sites. It was rare for
two families that lived together in one settlement to stay together in the next,
apparently because they had tired of each other’s company and were anxious
for a change. Where two families shared a single room, each as a rule kept
to its own side of the hut, though there was never anything to mark a division
between them.

1Mr. Stefansson (Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, p. 293) says, ‘‘I was told that usually,
but not always, double houses are built by those who are in the habit of exchanging wives.’’ It is true
that they do sometimes build double or two-roomed houses‘in such cases, but just as often they live in
separate huts, and a two-roomed house in itself raises no presumption of wife-exchange.

Dwellings ; 75

In February, 1916, I was travelling in Coronation gulf, and in my party
were an Eskimo and his wife. They built a snow-hut for themselves each night
while the rest of us slept in a tent. One night while we were camped on the
ice a blizzard sprang up and raged all the next day. The dogs refused to face
it in the morning, so we had to stay where we were until it abated. There was
no wood of course on the ice, and we had very little kerosene for our primus
lamp, so our tent was cold and uncomfortable. Two of the Eskimos therefore
turned out and built an extension to the snow-hut, then broke down the inter-

Fig. 24. A four-roomed dwelling with a dance-house

vening wall. This gave an oblong structure, rounded at the ends, with a long
platform for the bed and a very narrow space for the floor in front. The woman
kept a small blubber lamp burning in one corner, resting on a block of snow.
Her place was right beside it, while the rest of us occupied the remainder of the
platform. The original passage was left in place, but was slightly extended
and its mouth curved away from the wind. The shape of this hut was therefore
very unusual, but it was only a make-shift to shelter us while the blizzard lasted.
The Eskimos often enlarge a deserted hut in this way to provide a travelling
party with accommodation for the night (Fig. 25).

76 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 191 3-18

In the fall of the year, when the natives return from inland to resume their
winter life, the snow is not everywhere suitable for building a hut. Consequently
they have recourse to their heavy spring tents, and only abandon them when
they reach some convenient place in which to cache them until the spring.
This occasionally leads to curious combinations. A large band of Eskimos

Fie. 25. An ordinary single hut enlarged to accommodate more inmates

settled in Bernard harbour in November, 1915. Some lived in tents with
passages of snow, others in snow-huts of the usual types. In one case the
passages of a snow-hut and a tent were joined together like the huts in Fig. 17,
in another the tent and snow-hut were made to form a two-roomed dwelling,
like the double snow-hut of Fig. 19.

These winter settlements sometimes spread over a considerable area,
while at other times they are crowded together within a very narrow space.
The determining factor is the amount of snow. A settlement in the Duke of
York archipelago in February, 1915, covered an area of about 300 x 125 yards.
There were 21 dwellings, only five of which were two-roomed; the rest were
all single and isolated, for the snow was shallow in this vicinity. When half
of the settlement migrated a week or two later to Bernard harbour they built
their houses almost touching one another. In November, 1914, the Puivlik
Eskimos had a settlement in Forsyth bay, and their houses were all two-roomed,
or in pairs with common passages, arranged in a single line along the face of a
low ridge. Their next settlement was made behind a sandspit about four
miles along the coast. Here most of the houses again were two-roomed, or in
pairs, but the line was very irregular and there was a single house standing about
100 yards away from the rest. Their third settlement was at Putulik, one
of the Liston and Sutton islands. In this their houses followed roughly the
line of the shore, and the single huts were in the minority. At the end of Feb-
ruary they migrated to the westward, and were joined by other natives; but
now they were living far out on the ice and had no shore to guide their planning,
so their huts were scattered in all directions. Fully half of them were detached
and single, while the rest were two-roomed or in pairs with common passages.
In the middle of March they moved west again, at least all who had not before
that time gone eastward and joined the Eskimos of Coronation gulf. One man
now set up a large skin tent, the rest building ordinary huts of snow; but since
there was only one long drift which offered a sufficient depth of snow they
built their houses side by side, some single, others in pairs with the passages

Dwellings 77

linked together; in one case three families joined their passages. Three late-
comers had to build some distance away, though still along the same bank of
snow; their huts were single, two of them facing south like all the rest, but the
third opening northwards, because only in that direction could snow be found
to build the passage. :

It is clear therefore that M. Mauss’ description of the typical snow hut is
not applicable to this region. He says, “Il est, d’ordinaire, multiple, composite;
c’est-a-dire que deux ou trois iglous s’agglomérent ensemble et viennent débou-
cher sur un méme couloir; il est toujours excavé en terre; il est toujours muni
d’un couloir dont le débouché est & demi souterrain; enfin, il contient, au mini-
mum, deux bancs de neige avec deux places de lampes.’’ In the first place
single houses are as common as two-roomed huts, or huts joined in their pas-
sages. The entrance is by no means always half-underground; often indeed
it is on exactly the same level as the surrounding field of snow, though since the
blocks of which it is built are generally cut out of its floor, it usually lies about
a foot below that level. Finally it is not true of these Eskimos that the hut
contains at least two platforms and two lamps, though this may be the usual
type in Hudson bay?

The dance-house is not always built over the huts of the same family or
families. At the end of a day’s migration the men are usually tired, and gladly
retire to rest as soon as their huts are finished and the women have prepared
a hasty meal. The dance-house is never built till the following day, or even
later. Someone, usually a man of influence, will take the initiative, and a friend
or relative will co-operate with him, nearly always, of course, the man over whose
house he proposes to build. A dance-house can never stand alone, at least not
in winter, because there would be no lamp to keep it warm; and it is preferable
to build it in front of a two-roomed house rather than of a single hut because
then there will be at least two lamps to heat it.

There are two courses open to the Eskimo in March, when the sun begins
to climb higher in the sky and its warmth makes the snow-hut drip intolerably:
he may either move at once into his spring tent, or he may build a snow-hut as
before, but roof it over with skins instead of with a dome of snow. The latter
is the simpler method, but makes an uncomfortable dwelling because the roof
is apt to be low. Moreover at this season of the year the Eskimos are already
preparing to leave the ice and take to the land for the spring and summer, when
a tent is indispensable. Consequently most of them use their tents, though
sometimes when these have been cached some distance away the other method
must be resorted to for a few days. Hanbury mentions spring snow-huts
roofed with skins in the neighborhood of Baker lake.? Occasionally they are
constructed in the autumn also, when the snow is still too soft to cohere into a
dome. We built a hut of this type in Victoria island on October 14, 1915,
when travelling inland to pick up our summer caches. The walls settled some-
what in the night, and the roof sagged heavily through the weight of the falling
snow, so that by morning there was hardly a foot of space between the sleeping
platform and the skins above. The hut was comfortable enough as long as we
stayed in our sleeping bags, but when we tried to sit up and dress, the roof
refused to budge a single inch, and our plight was really a most amusing one.

Each family chooses its own time for removing from a snow hut into a tent.
The change nearly always occurs at the end of a day’s migration, for at this
season of the year no settlement lasts longer than two or three weeks. In

1The warmth of the house is materially increased by making the entrance of the outer rassageway
slightly higher. The Eskimos are fully aware of this; a native told me that his hut was cold because it
was built on a sloping bank and the entrance to the passage was lower than the level of the house. It
was early in the fall, and he could not remedy the defect, because nowhere else was the snow deep
enough to build.

2Cf. Boas, Bulletin A.M.N.H., Vol. XV, pt. I, p. 9 et seq. and Fig. 140.

3Hanbury, p. 75.

78 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

1915 one man set up his tent at the end of February; but this was exceptionally
early, and no one followed his example till the latter half of March. In the
following year the winter was very severe and spring began rather late; no one
dreamed of moving out of a snow-hut till the beginning of April. During the
first week of that month there were three settlements within twenty miles of
Bernard harbour. One, twelve miles east, consisted of five snow-huts and one
tent. The second, between the two eastern islands of the Liston and Sutton
group, had nine tents and only one snow-hut; the latter belonged to two little
girls, who had induced some boys to build it for them that they might play at
housekeeping. The third settlement was twenty miles west of the Liston
and Sutton islands and consisted of snow-huts only, sixteen in number.

The spring tent of a prosperous Eskimo is very heavy, both on account of
its size and from the weight of the deerskins of which it is composed. Skins
and poles together weigh upwards of seventy pounds, and occupy a good deal
of space on the sled. The tent is as large as, often larger than, a good-sized
snow-hut, that is to say it will measure perhaps 15 feet from front to back,
with a maximum breadth of 11 feet and a height of about 7 feet. Ten or twelve
poles support the ridge-pole, and short sticks, snow-beaters, walking-sticks,
etc., poked in behind the poles keep the tent stretched taut. The four or five
poles at the far end, which are lashed together at the end. of the ridge-pole,
give it a semi-circular back. While the man is fastening these together, his
wife will lash two others to the front end of the ridge-pole, leaving a triangular
opening. The other poles are then ranged along the sides, leaning against the
ridge-pole without being lashed, and the tent is drawn all round the frame,
encircling it on the back and sides and half closing up the front.

Ss Cd

Fic. 26. The frame of a spring tent

The woman now laces the tent along the ridge-pole and halfway down the
front, while the husband anchors it securely around the bottom with stones or
blocks of snow. If the weather is still cold, and the snow is suitable, a low
snow wall is first erected and the tent poles planted on top. Then a foot or
so outside it another low wall is made all round and the interspace filled with
soft loose snow. Into this the edges of the tent are pegged, and more loose
snow is stamped over it to keep out any draught. Finally, on top, are placed
the bags of clothing and other articles that are not required inside the tent.

The front of the tent is now broad and gaping, but the sleeping platform
must be arranged before it is closed up, the table and lamp and drying rack
set up on snow-blocks, and the bedding and household utensils passed inside.
After this is done a short passage of snow-blocks is built as in the case of an
ordinary hut. Sometimes the passage is made before the goods are passed

Dwellings 79

inside, for there is still a gap between the end of the passage roof and the apex
of the front wall of the tent. When everything is entered this gap is closed
with a skin, which is tied or jammed in some way at the top and covered with
snow at the bottom.

Such a tent is rectangular, but with rounded ends to give it more space.
Sometimes, however, the front is finished off square, if the family is small and
has little property to keep inside. The ridge-pole is often inclined so that the
back of the tent is higher than the front. The gaping seam along the ridge
can be stuffed with scraps of skin, odd mittens, hand-wipers of ptarmigan skins
and anything else that lies to hand. The tent itself is generally made of caribou
skins obtained in spring, the hair of which is long and loose and consequently
unfit for clothing; about fifteen are required for a single tent. It is generally
erected with the hair side out, as Mr. Stefansson says, but the rule is not invari-
able. Usually it takes about three days to sew a tent after the skins are scraped,
but if the woman is very industrious, she may finish it in two. In the spring
of 1915 a woman finished a tent in two days, while her mother-in-law was nearly
a week in making one but a little larger; the second woman, however, was
sewing other things at the same time, besides doing most of the cooking for
our party. Her tent was not as strong as she had hoped, for the spring skins
soon rotted and began to tear in several places; so in the fall, when our hunting
was very successful and we had plenty of serviceable skins, she put fifteen of
them aside to make a new tent.

An hour is easily consumed in setting up one of these tents, with its outer
wall and passage of snow. They are very comfortable, however, and rather
more spacious than the ordinary snow-hut. The doorway is the same as in
a snow-hut, an oval gap in the snow, on a level with the bottom tier of blocks
.or sometimes a little lower, the snow-blocks for the passage walls being taken
out of the floor. In stormy weather a wind-break of snow is often built along
one side of the tent. As a rule there is no need of a window, for the days are
long in spring and the obscurity inside the tent is rather a relief from the dazzling
glare outside; occasionally, however, the passage is slightly enlarged at the side
of the door and a window of ice inserted in the side. On April 15th, 1915, a
tent in which the flame of the lamp extended about 18 inches gave a temperature
of 43° F. at the front of the sleeping-platform, though the thermometer outside
stood at zero. In the late spring, and also in the fall, when the snow is shallow
or melting, a patch of bare ground is chosen for the camping-site and the edges
of the tent are held down with large stones; a passage is impossible in such
cases.

The interior arrangements of the spring tent are the same as in the snow-
hut. When erected over a floor of snow it has a sleeping-platform, table and
lamp exactly like the hut. On bare ground a platform is impracticable, but
the bedding is arranged in the same way, though on a level with the floor. If
the family still have a lamp and blubber they set it on the ground in the usual
place, and arrange the cooking pot above it on two stones, one on each corner
of the lamp. In most places, however, by the time the snow has melted there
is plenty of other fuel available, willow or heather or the Dryas octopetala, and
the stone lamp is cached away until the fall. In fine weather cooking takes
place out of doors, but whenever it is cold or windy a hearth is made just inside
the doorway. Thesmoke soon fills the tent and slowly drifts out of the entrance ;
if it becomes unendurable the flap in the rear of the tent is raised a little, and
the current of air that pours in drives the smoke through the doorway.

Another kind of tent is occasionally seen, a conical tent like the Indian tipi.
Unlike the tipi, however, the skin covering reaches to the very top of the cone,
for the blubber lamp, if properly trimmed, gives out hardly any smoke and a
venthole is unnecessary. This tent, like the rectangular one, can be raised
on snow-blocks and furnished with a passage; one that I saw in Coronation

ra

80 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 191 3-18

gulf was about 18 feet high, while its diameter at the bottom was about 20 feet.
Possibly this was the kind of tent that Hearne saw at the mouth of the Copper-
mine river, though his description is far from clear. _ It is much less common
than the rectangular tent, yet the Copper Eskimos have used: it for’as long
as they can remember. The conical tent described by Murdoch from Barrow,
Alaska, and by Mr. Stefansson from the Mackenzie delta, differed from the
Copper Eskimo type in that only four or five of the poles reached the apex of
the cone, the remainder leaning against a hoop that passed over the principal
poles some 6 feet from the ground. :

(Photo by R. M. Anderson).
Fic. 27. A spring tent with an outer wall and passage of snow-blocks

The inland Eskimos of northern Alaska, and some of the Mackenzie natives,
often use bee-hive tents of an altogether different shape; originally they were
made of deerskin, but this has now been superseded by cloth. The frame is
of pliant willow sticks, which are bent over in pairs and lashed together to
form a series of arches.2, The Copper Eskimos, however, are unacquainted
with this style of tent, which is more akin to one used by the Indians.

The summer tent of the Copper Eskimos has the same shape as their rectan-
gular spring tent, only it is much smaller and made of lighter skins. Often
indeed, they use not deerskins but sealskins, from which the hair has been

1Murdoch, p. 86; Stefansson, Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, rt. I, p. 26 et seq.
2See the excellent photographs in E. de K. Leffingwell, The Canning River Region, Northern Alaska,
Interior Department, U.S.G.S., Professional Paper 109, Plate VII., Washington 1919.

Dwellings 81

removed, or sometimes both deerskins and sealskins combined; a family from
Prince Albert sound had a tent even of musk-ox skins. Walking-sticks, ice-pick
handles, and fish-spears serve for poles, with the addition of one or two light
sticks that are generally carried along for this specific purpose. The doorway
is more open than in the spring tent, since the ends are rarely long enough to
meet in front without making the interior too restricted; even with the end
partly open the occupants barely have room to stretch themselves out at night.
Such a tent is comfortable and airy enough in fine weather, but it affords very
poor shelter in a storm. The rain drips through the seam along the ridge,
and the wind beats in through the open door while the poor Eskimo crouches
shivering within. He can raise it up on walls of turf, or in the fall on snow-
blocks, and block his door with a spare skin, but these are sorry makeshifts;
so, before the rigour of the autumn overtakes him, he generally retraces his foot-
steps and recovers the heavy tent he used in spring.

(Photo by R. M. Anderson)
Fig. 28. A summer tent at the fishing lake behind Bernard harbour

The interior arrangement of the summer tent differs in no way from the
spring tent as above described. Often both in spring and summer two tents
are joined together so as to have a common entrance, like the common passage
of a two-roomed hut. They then lie, not in a straight line, but at an obtuse
angle with one another so that the walls meet together on the side facing the
common door. Just as in the snow-hut, more than one family sometimes sleep
in a single tent; but, as everv household has a tent of its own, this seldom occurs
except when one is visiting another, or when a party wanders off on a hunting
or fishing excursion for a few days, and leaves most of its property behind.

All over the country the Eskimos have left traces of their camping sites
in the shape of rings of stones that have once held down their tents, with the
hearth-stones lying a few feet to one side. Early explorers have often noticed

23335—6

82 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

these in other regions.! There are remains of caches too, heaps of stones that
have covered meat or blubber or clothing to protect them from the wolverines
and foxes. Near Bernard harbour there were many remains of all these kinds.
Some of the rings were very small and may simply have been weights to hold

2°
gg (en)
Pl aS oo — S 0 | 5
0 l iS) o t Q |
te 7 8 | Q 9
a , ) 0 ----g’-—
ieee sila 9-0-9 eae Gee
ae | a 29 8 ? a : ¢
~saco eo _+ ° 0 \ g
a, 9 9 2
o ' 0 fm d oca Qo e
a | o € ot OG
O58 ao
1 e °
0 a 0 is o S %
ae Q a9
ge 7 8 j "
oh a On 4 o
b L 0 Ra a Q
° 0 (OQ.
Cas) SS
026-0 9 / io zu
e460 fe »
i Sgt 2 2)
h we F =o
i) aot

Fic. 29. Stone rings on an old camp site near Bernard harbour

down drying deerskins; others were plainly; tent-rings, for there were hearth-
stones close beside them. Often not far away were large overturned boulders
to which the natives had fastened their dogs. The plans and dimensions of
some of those rings are given in Fig. 29.

Cf . McClintock, p. 168, et passim; Parry, Vol. I, p. 70f.

Social Organization

CHAPTER VII

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION

83

The Copper Eskimos, like all the other branches of their race, have built
up their society on the basis of the family, the term family being taken to mean

a man, his wife and their direct descendants.

There are certain peculiarities,

however, in their conception of the family, and the angle from which they
regard the various relationships, both within and without it, differs considerably

from our own.

This is evident from their kinship terms, a table of which is

given below. As the vocative forms are never used in some cases, I have given

throughout the forms for the 3rd person singular.

Meaning}
Relation to Male
Term or Female Relation to Relation to
Male Female
(CD). QlGt Gace neo s PAGE ees grandfather
(father’s-father?)
(2) atatsianga............... grandfather
(mother’s father?)
(3) ananga..........0..005- grandmother
(4): ONGC. wicacadan vases cade father?
(5)! OPN sc ase tale hen te ay mother?
(8) WATE. cen ccc kaw aaxs child
(7) PPNANGE : ee acces ccs ewe son
(8) PANnia........... eae ‘|daughter
(9) kattangota............... sibling!
(LO \iGNG AYN sink ecaeacai samen S-< wann ot eeaek Dak ANSE MARA older brother..... older sister
(LID ttle sees cies aia clei cae aceSid with ate shoe erate Bees hearin ee younger brother. . [younger sister
(D2 ncaa lee scteeciicre tack esta gee lente Pep anc ak oe i ra Re older sisters
(AB NeyOs 2 i geting Maou eae Gl wad wiped aes pew a mont younger sister
(LEONG s sa5 Osx tee enol tava bade eR Reed eRe CEE oa S bal heR bom hee Gra older brother
(U5) akalliangaesnc ss os seses slacs cu hues oa eee ABs ee Hee Se Bee eN vane Meeuenes younger brother
(16) inrotata................./grandchild
(17) pangnaryua............- paternal uncle
(18): Gt8t@ sic ata end eeenecas paternal aunt
(19) ONG sin Secne a teeta ate maternal Uncle. oc ace sale Rew eee 4 cosets brother’s child
(20) cried cg Sa ietens nei ate a maternal aunt....
(21) Kangigange seein tacgneg Sle ne gugty pee Barked Hons Gee brother’s child
(22) OY OF Urs cake 2 fe saie ey tute esd aN te os tte aveus Gaes Srge UES Sopa ce sister’s child
(23): % susie eganesua saws ee isles sete iaawe yee Hpeusudon| baa e ene? haenees sister’s child
(24) nuatkattia............0.. kinsman or relative’

1The Rev. H. Girling has kindly confirmed the accuracy of most of these terms.

2Lit. ‘‘man’’, or ‘‘male’’.
3Lit. ‘‘woman”’, or ‘“‘female’’.

Little children often use amama as the term of address.
4‘Sibling”’, a new word coined by American anthropologists, combines the meanings of both ‘‘brother’’
and ‘‘sister’’; that is to say, it denotes common parentage without making any distinction in regard to

X.
5] have heard the word agarulua used once or twice instead of alekka but this may be due to the in-

fluence of Mackenzie river Eskimos.

It is certainly not the usual term in Coronation Gulf.

’The Barrow (N. Alaska) word is nunakattia, which means ‘‘place-companion”’ or ‘‘fellow-countryman’”’.
Since all the Eskimos living in one place are connected in some way, either by affinity or consanguinity,

the term naturally acquired the additional meaning of “relative” or ‘‘kinsman’’.

the Copper Eskimo word nuatkattia is uncertain.

23335—64

The derivation ,of

84 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

Meaning
Relation to Male or :
Term Female Relation to Relation to
Male Female
(25) uwingd...... 0.2... ee husband
(26) nulianga................}wife
(27) arnakattia.............. alternate wife (where two
men interchange wives)
(28) angotaukattia............ alternate husbandi
(29) ukkwanga...............|daughter-in-law........... older brother’s | _ :
wife.......... . sister-in-law
DO) Weg Wis irs id patos nui od acne |rociuatd bktae SEDAN AE ESSA Y ounger brother’s
Re) eee . mae. ..........{brother-in-law?
(31) ningauga............... son-in-law.............0.. sister’s husband’
(32) hakkianga.............. parent-in-law.............|wife’s brother
(33) liguanga................ adopted relative

In this classification there are two important points that stand out clearly.
The first is that the Copper Eskimos are more concerned with the nature of the
relationship than with the sexes of the individuals themselves. Where we
make a distinction between nephew and niece they draw the dividing line be-
tween aman’s and a woman’s brother’s child, and a man’s and a woman’s sister’s
child (22, 24, 25; cf. 20-23). The second point is that in the case of siblings
there are six distinct terms which differentiate according to age and sex (10-15).
There are no separate terms for grandson or granddaughter, nor even a general
word for parent, though this is found in some other Eskimo dialects (e.g.
Barrow anak). Again there is no distinction of parallel and cross cousins; all
are included together in the general term nwatkattait. Whether first cousins
are allowed to marry or not is uncertain. The Rev. H. Girling thought that
they were; on the other hand I know of a case where a girl would sleep indiffer-
ently with her brother or with her cousin, the latter a young man of about 17
years, though there was no question of marriage between them. Rink says that
in Greenland the Eskimos disapproved of marriage between cousins.®

Adopted children are classed as real children; an adopted child, for ex-
ample, may not marry the real child. The same rule naturally applies to half-
brothers and half-sisters. The girl above mentioned eventually married her
step-cousin, so there is a limit to the restriction in this case. An interesting
point in regard to this marriage is that the step-cousin was also the adopted
son of the girl’s step-father.

Children, as they grow up and marry, form new and distinct families of
their own. I have already spoken of the Eskimo family with which I spent the
summer of 1915; the man Ikpakhuak, his wife Higilak, her daughter (by a form-
er husband) Kanneyuk, and Ikpakhuak’s adopted son Haugak (who was really
his nephew, being the son of a deceased brother). Higilak’s married son Av-
ranna and his wife Milukkattak accompanied us all through our wanderings.
Occasionally, for convenience, both families lived in a single snow-hut or tent,
but nearly always each had its own. Kanneyuk generally remained with her

1Cf{. Lacombe, Dictionnaire de la Langue des Cris, p. 671.

*Ainga is therefore the term for a ‘‘sibling-in-law’’ of the other sex, except in the case of the older
brother’s wife. It is difficult to understand the reason for this exception. There is no trace of the levirate;
indeed a man is apparently not allowed to marry his deceased brother’s wife.

Possibly the same word ningauga is used also for ‘‘wife’s brother” (male speaking), and so isa generic
term for a ‘‘man’s brother-in-law’’. See next note. :

4No other term was found for this relationship, though perhaps ningauga may be used instead. Hak-
kianga is certainly used for other ‘‘-in-law’’ relationships, e.g., in place of ukkwanga, and is probably the
general term for them all.

s’Meddelelser om Gregnland, Vol. XI, p. 23.

Social Organization 85

mother, but not infrequently she accompanied her brother and his wife on short
excursions that lasted only a few days. The implements and household uten-
sils of the two families, even their stores of fish and meat, were kept strictly
apart, just as if no bond of kinship had united them; each woman, for example,
had her own blubber pokes and her own racks of drying fish. In many little
ways, however, family ties assert themselves. Milukkattak might often be
seen dressing skins for Higilak, or helping her to pack before a migration; the
same was true of Arnauyuk, an orphan girl whom Ikpakhuak had adopted
shortly before her marriage. When either parent dies, the other finds a home
with one of the married children, or lives with each in turn, while the orphaned
child is always cared for by an elder brother or an uncle.

‘
Fic. 30. Two summer tents joined together

Each family then has normally its own hut or tent, although on rare occa-
sions, and under special circumstances, two families may share the same dwell-
ing; in the latter case each has its separate half of the hut, though no fixed
dividing line is set between them. Every inmate has certain definite duties
to perform, and a definite place on the sleeping platform. The woman sleeps
in the corner beside her lamp, and the little children lie between her and her
husband. Outside of him sleep the older children, then any guest whom they
may happen to entertain. One old man, however, would always change places
with his wife at night after they got into bed, so that she would not disturb him
when she rose in the morning to light the lamp and attend to her household
duties. His position in the corner, too, had another advantage—it was less
convenient for him than for his wife to turn out in the night when the dogs
created a disturbance.

The custom of interchanging wives for a longer or a shorter period leads to
a curious extension of the family!. The children of the two families are consider-
ed as brothers and sisters, katangotit, and marriage between them is forbidden.
Apparently this is not due to any uncertainty as to their real parentage (a cir-
cumstance that must sometimes occur nevertheless), for the exchange may have
been effected only once, and each family have two or three children. The head

1Cf. the discussion by Gilbertson in the Journal of Religious Psychology, Vol. VII.

36 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

of a visiting family will often connect himself in this way with the group that
he is visiting; he ceases to be a stranger, and therefore a potential enemy, in
his new community. A Kanghiryuak family, for example, arranged such an
exchange with a visiting Puivlik family in the summer of 1915. Often, how-
ever, the same bond is‘found uniting two families that live more or less perma-
nently in the same district. An exchange is then most likely to occur when they
come together again after being separated for a few months'. Thus the Noahog-
nik Eskimo Aksiatak who spent the summer of 1914 on the south side of Dolphin
and Union strait exchanged wives for a night with the Puivlik native Haviuyak
as soon as the two groups came together again in the fall. The exchange took
place in the most casual and informal manner, without the slightest attempt
at concealment. It was repeated a week later, although on the second occasion,
instead of the women temporarily changing huts, it was the men who moved
over. Similar instances occurred frequently later; in fact they were so usual
that they passed almost unnoticed in the communities.

Occasionally there is some definite advantage to be derived from an exchange
of wives. Thus a few weeks after the above-mentioned incident Haviuyak’s
wife accompanied Aksiatak to an Akulliakattak settlement on south-west
Victoria island, because she wanted to visit her sister there; Aksiatak’s own
wife, of course, remained behind to keep house for Haviuyak. In many cases,
however, lust seemed to be the only motive. The shaman Uloksak was one
of the most influential men among the western Copper Eskimos; moreover he
had three wives. In December, 1915, he sent two of them over to Avranna’s
hut one evening, and the latter had to send back his own wife Milukkattak in
exchange, although she was then with child. The same thing happened again
a month later. Milukkattak, in speaking about it afterwards, said that neither
she nor her kusband wanted to have any dealings with Uloksak and his family,
but they were afraid of the shaman and did not dare to refuse.

The inhabitants of a settlement are all, or nearly all, nwatkattazt, connected,
that is, either by blood or by marriage.2 Since no one person has any recognized
authority over the rest, it is this bond of relationship that keeps the people
united and maintains peace and harmony in the community. The vicissitudes
of life, too, in these regions tend to prevent any discord, for there are many
occasions, both in summer and in winter, when sickness or ill-luck in hunting
will make a family dependent for a time on its neighbours. The nuatkattait owe
special duties to one another. They must provide for each other in sickness,
take care of the aged and infirm, the widows and the orphans, and support each
other in the blood-feud’. This gives the community its solidarity. It has a
corporate unity, and is called by a tribal name, the suffix miut added to the name
of the region it inhabits, or to a prominent place in that region, such as a lake or
river. Thus the Puivlirmiut is the group or tribe that inhabits the country of
Puivlik, and the Kogluktomiut similarly the group that frequents the Kog-
luktok or Coppermine river.*

Strangers who come and attach themselves to the group try to connect
themselves by marriage, or by establishing definite ties with individual mem-
bers. Even temporary visitors do the same. When Kaksavik, the Pallik
Eskimo from Hudson Bay, paid a three day’s visit to the Dolphin and Union
strait Eskimos, their foremost man Ikpakhuak made him his ‘‘dancing-asso-
ciate”, numikattia. In this way a permanent-tie was established between the

1Dr. D. Neumann (The Eskimo, Nome, Alaska, March, 1919) says that in Alaska interchange of
wives and adoption of children were not unusual at all reunions. Mr. Stefansson makes the same obser-
vation concerning the Mackenzie river natives (Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. 1, p. 164).
2Another word that is sometimes heard, tawkattait, appears to be synonymous with nuatkattait.
3Aksiatak sprained his ankle in the early spring of 1915, and Tkpakhuak was ill for a week or more
during the following winter. In both cases the invalids and their families were supported by the rest
of the community.
' oe es of the tribe is designated by the addition of the suffix—tak, as Puivlir miutak, ‘‘a native
of Fuivlik’’.

Social Organization 87

two men, to last till one of them died or a violent quarrel caused their estrange-
ment. If at any time either should visit the other, he was sure of a dance of
welcome and hospitable entertainment. In the same way when the Puivlik
natives were welcoming the first Kanghiryuak family at Lake Tahiryuak Higilak
adopted the visiting woman as her dancing-associate and Ikpakhuak adopted
both the man and his wife. A few hours afterwards when the second family
appeared a young Kanghiryuak man selected Milukkattak for the same honour.
It is very common for a native to have two dancing-associates in a single com-
munity, one a man and the other a woman. Avranna, for example, found a
married couple who were friends of this kind amongst the Kilusiktomiut, when
we visited those natives in March, 1916. They gave a dance in his honour on
the evening of his arrival. The dance-house was very small, there was no
drum, and the whole settlement was on the verge of starvation, yet the welcome
they gave him was none the less cordial on that account. They even made a
special drum for him next day so that nothing might be lacking for his enter-
tainment. It is by these two methods, then, by wife-exchange and by associa-
tion in dancing, that the Copper Eskimo establishes friendships wherever he
goes and travels from group to group without danger.

Often within a community one man will show special courtesy to another
by sending him the hind flippers of every seal that he catches. This is a very
delicate mark of attention, for the flippers are the parts that are most esteem-
ed for food. The two men thus become upatitkattik, ‘‘flipper-associates,” a
relationship that is independent of kinship ties, and involves no other obligation
than the return of the compliment in the same manner. It is never done with
caribou, nor with anything but the common rough seal, since the bearded seal,
Erignathus barbatus, is the property of all the hunters who are able to gather
round the seal-hole when it is captured. Even with the rough seal a small
portion is always sent over to each household, unless the settlement is too large
for the meat to go all round.

Looser and more temporary ties are sometimes contracted. Two men
will arrange to spend a summer together in a certain district, and naturally,
during this period, a good deal of mutual assistance is required. A few rifles
have now been introduced, and the natives keenly appreciate their superiority
over bows and arrows. A man who possesses a rifle will sometimes associate
himself with one who has none. This enables the two men to take turns in
hunting, and while one with his bow and fishing gear wanders off after birds
and fish, the other will take the rifle and scour the country for curibou. Each
man, as far as possible, uses his own ammunition, but if one man’s supply becomes
exhausted he is free to use his companion’s. The owner of the rifle naturally
has more service from his weapon than his companion, who can make use of
it, as it were, only by default. Still, it constitutes a bond of union between them,
a not unimportant link in the welding together of the heterogeneous elements
of the community.

Division or Lagour.

The Copper Eskimos, like most hunting tribes, discriminate considerably
between the work of the men and the work of the women. As arule, the heavier
tasks devolve on the men. They do most of the hunting, build the snow huts,
and erect the heavy deerskin tents that are used in the spring and the fall.
Their spare time is employed in minor work subsidiary to this, for example in
making or mending their'tools and weapons. During migrations the man does
all the loading of the sled, his wife handing him the household goods through
the doorway or through a hole in the wall. She helps him, however, to lash
up the sled, while the children, if there are any, harness the dogs. On the trail
the woman pulls ahead of the dogs, but the man hauls just in front of the sled,

88 Canadian Arctic Expedition; 1913-18

where he can urge on the dogs from behind; the son has a place beside his father,
the daughter beside her mother. In the summer packing, the man generally
carries the tent, with his tools and weapons on top of it; the woman has her
own and her husband’s sleeping gear, the lamp, if one is carried, and the cooking
pot, while the children carry their own sleeping bags and their bows and play-
things.

All the cooking and sewing fall on the women. In summer this often
includes the gathering of fuel, though the children are usually sent out for this
purpose. A man rarely condescends to gather fuel, and then only when he is
alone with his family. Occasionally, in summer, he will cook a pot of meat
if his wife is engaged for the moment in some other occupation, such as dressing
skins, and he himself has nothing to do. The men often help their wives to
scrape the skins, especially in the fall, when the daylight is short and new clothes
are urgently needed for the approaching winter. Sometimes too they do a
little sewing on their own account. An old man named Tusayok made a pair
of water-boots for himself in the spring of 1915; the women were quite surprised
at the excellence of his sewing, and talked about it for a long time afterwards.

Vice versa, a few of the women take part in the hunting and sealing. The
eldest of Uloksak’s three wives, indeed, was quite a noted caribou hunter. The
same woman sometimes went sealing, as did also Milukkattak, Avranna’s wife.
The two of them went out together one day, leaving their husbands to mind
the huts, and they often taunted the men with this afterwards. During my
stay with Ikpakhuak the old man was teaching his little step-daughter to seal. She
was only twelve years old at the time, and when she did finally transfix a seal
in the winter of 1916 she had to call to one of the other hunters to help her drag
her victim on to the ice. It is only the younger women, however, who go out
hunting, though everyone, men, women and children, have to take part in the
organized caribou-drive. Everyone, too, has to fish with rod and line through
holes in the ice during the spring and fall. Even in their fishing, though, there
are certain distinctions. Everyone uses the rod and line, but only the men as
a rule employ spears. When the salmon are trapped in weirs during the late
spring the men race about in the water jabbing at them with their spears, while
the women catch them with their hands in the little stone caverns where they
take refuge and string them on long seal-skin lines.

Very few women, I believe, can manage a kayak. Higilak attempted
to paddle her husband’s kayak one day, but she was unable to turn it round
without capsizing it, and had great difficulty in making the land again. Few
women too can build a snow hut, though all of them can make a perpendicular
wall of snow five or six feet high. They know exactly how the hut should be
built, however, even though they are unable to do it themselves. I saw an old
woman directing a youth how to produce the spiral in the second tier of blocks,
though the same woman, when called upon to make a short extension to the
passage, was as awkward in fitting the blocks together as the merest novice.

PROPERTY.

Such a division of labour is naturally accompanied by a division of property.
Roughly speaking three kinds of property. may be distinguished, personal,
family, and communal. Personal property comprises everything that is employed
by the individual in his daily life. Most of these articles have been made
by their owner, or else acquired by barter. In the case of a man they include
his tools and his weapons, the tent and the sled, together with some or all of
the dogs that drag the sled. The wife’s property similarly comprises her house-
hold utensils and implements, the pot and the lamp with the boards and poles
that support them (but not the table, it would seem), her knives, her fire-making
apparatus, her sewing-kit, her fishing rod, and her walking stick. Some of

Social Organization 89

these things she has received from her kinsfolk before she was married, others
she has made herself or obtained by barter, while a few articles may have been
made for her by her husband. One or more of the dogs, too, may be her property.
Ikpakhuak had five dogs drawing his sled; three belonged to himself, one was
Higilak’s, while the fifth belonged to his step-daughter Kanneyuk. During the
summer of 1915 Higilak’s dog bore a litter of young ones. It was not possible
to preserve more than two of them, and of these one was given to Kanneyuk;
henceforward the girl had to take care of it, and carry it on the march until it
was able to walk. Later, when she married, the dog would go with her to her
new home. The same girl had a bow and quiver made for her by her step-
father, who also made a set for his adopted son Haugak. Other things are given
to children, and some they soon learn to make for themselves, such as marrow
spatule and needle-cases. Clothing is always the property of the wearer.
Articles picked up while travelling, like copper and pyrites, belong to the finder,
Ikpakhuak found a large plank which had drifted ashore in Penny bay, and used
it to make two fish-spears for himself. There was more wood than he needed
in the plank, however, so he gave the rest to his kinsfolk.

The amount of property that may be accumulated in these ways by a
single individual or family is considerable. It suffices for virtually all their
needs, minor articles that they cannot make for themselves being obtained by
barter with friends and relatives. How nearly self-sufficing an Eskimo can be
is shown by a popular remark that is often quoted :—

“The man needs nothing but the heavy skin of the bearded seal for
his boot-soles, and the skin of the young rough seal for socks.”

Formerly everything except the stores of food and blubber could be carried
on a single sled. The last few years, however, have seen a great increase in the
amount of property each family owns.

When the expedition finally left this region in 1916, Ikpakhuak had acquired
sO many possessions that he was forced to convey them in relays whenever
he travelled; and the same was true of other natives. Naturally they require
more dogs now to drag their sleds; the problem of feeding them has been ren-
dered a little easier by the introduction of firearms. When Mr. Stefansson
first visited these Eskimos very few men had more than two dogs apiece!;
now four and even five are not at all uncommon.

In cases of divorce the woman returns to her kinsfolk with all her property,
and the man, who has generally no pot or lamp of his own, finds shelter with
his people also. I do not know what becomes of the blubber pokes; probably,
if they are filled with blubber, they are kept by the man. It is not unusual for
friends ang relatives to borrow from each other; the wife, for example, may
often be seen wearing her husband’s coat. If a woman has only one small lamp
she will almost certainly borrow another from a neighbour to tide her over the
winter. No payment is asked in such cases, although usually some trifle is
given, or an extra portion of food sent over to the other hut. It is a curious
thing, noticed also among Eskimos elsewhere’, that if the borrower should lose
or damage the article he makes no compensation of any kind; he merely expresses
his regret at the loss and there the matter ends. Borrowed articles that have
become damaged are usually not even mended before being returned to their
owners. On the other hand, if an article, instead of being loaned, is offered as
a gift, the recipient feels bound to make a return present of equal value, unless
of course he declines to accept it altogether. At Lake Tahiryuak I shot three
caribou which we were unable to take awav with us, so, to prevent the carcasses
from being wasted, 1 gave them to the two families of Prince Albert sound
natives who were remaining there; each family visited me a few minutes later
with an equivalent present. Normally among themselves a thing would not

1Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, p. 238.
2Boas, Bulletin A.M.N.H., Vol. XV, pt. IT, p. 116.

90 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

be offered unless it was expressly asked for, and then the transaction would be-
come ordinary barter. In the summer of 1915 two families separated from our
party for about a month. I gave one of the women some matches, thinking they
would serve both families until we met again. The woman kept the matches
herself, and refused to give any to her companion. I questioned Higilak about
it, but she thought the woman had acted quite rightly: ‘‘She is an Eskimo”,
she said, ‘and we don’t give presents like you white men.”

Disputes are liable to arise in hunting about the ownership of game, since
two or three men may wound a caribou with their arrows. The hunter whe
inflicts the first wound is entitled to the booty, but, to prevent ill feeling, he
generally gives some of the choicer parts of the meat, a whole saddle if he is
generous, to his comrade. Avranna fired at a young caribou and grazed its leg.
The animal was practically unhurt, and would have escaped us altogether had
I not brought it down with a second shot. The deer nevertheless was Avranna’s.
If the caribou had made good its escape, though, and been brought down later,
he would have had no claim. Ikpakhuak came upon a caribou that had been
slightly wounded earlier in the day by another hunter. He shot it, and it was
recognized as his property, all that the other man could claim being the arrow
point that remained in the wound.

The family own all the food and skins that are acquired by any of its mem-
bers, with this restriction, that all or some of the food must be shared with the
neighbours. The amount that is kept by the family for itself depends on the
quantity of food in camp at the time. If ten seals, for example, are caught in
one day, and there are only six families in the camp, it is obviously unnecessary
to send more than a tiny portion of the meat to each household. On the other
hand, if only one seal is caught, the whole of the meat must be distributed,
otherwise some of the people would go hungry. I accompanied Ikpakhuak on
a sled trip to Penny bay in the spring of 1915, to bring back some caribou meat
and fat which he had cached there the previous summer. On the return journey
we stayed at a settlement of five Akulliakattak families. As soon as we arrived
Ikpakhuak selected a little meat and fat from our load for each of the houses,
enough for about one meal for one person in each house. That night we were
one family’s guests, and feasted on our deer-meat and on some seal-meat cooked
by our hostess. Small pieces of cooked seal-meat were sent over to us later
from each of the other houses.

In the winter, when each housewife cooks in her own hut, she can hide
away some of the choicer portions of the meat for her husband and herself to
eat after all the visitors have left; but in summer, when most of the cooking is
done out of doors, everyone gathers round the pot to eat and no concealment is
possible. Surplus food is the property of the family, and can be stored away for
a future occasion. In summer innumerable caches of deer-meat and fish are
strewn all over the country, each of which is the property of a single family.
It is a serious crime to rob one of these caches, except under pressure of star-
vation.

Within the family the food belongs equally to all the members. The woman
naturally takes charge of it,1 but the husband and children may help themselves
at any time. When a meal is in progress every stray visitor who looks in for a
moment must be offered something, even if it be only a tiny morsel of meat or
fat. The man may be exceedingly unwelcome, but his hostess would hardly dare
to neglect him for fear of public disapproval; but in such cases the visitor him-
self will usually decline the food. I tried to conform to their customs as far as
possible while I was living in their midst and when cooking rice, for example,

Uf a woman received some hardbread or similar food from us she invariably kept a portion for her
husband or child, though they might be miles away.

Social Organization : 91

would leave a little in the pot for such Eskimos as happened to be present.
Often their would be twenty natives and only one plateful of rice among them
all, but everyone, even the smallest child, had to receive a taste of it!.

Even children are regarded in some respects as the property of their parents.
It is the parents, for example, who decide whether a newly-born babe shall be
reared or not. If it is cast out alive another couple may recover it and rear it
as their own child without payment, the parents having lost all claim; but in
all ordinary cases of adoption the parents must be compensated before they

(Photo by G. H. Wilkins)
Fic. 31. Caches raised on stones to protect them from the foxes

will relinquish their rights. Ikpakhuak paid the father of Haugak (the mother
being dead) a knife and a wooden dish for the boy; thereafter the father ceased
to have any claim on him, and he became a member of Ikpakhuak’s family.
When a girl marries, the husband as a rule pays her parents nothing, because
the newly-wed couple generally remain in the same neighbourhood, and the
parents still have the benefit of the girl’s (and the husband’s) services whenever
they are needed; but if the husband intends to take his bride away to another
place he has to compensate her parents for their loss.

The land is the property of the community which uses it as a hunting and
fishing ground. Strangers have no rights there unless they are accepted as mem-
bers of the tribe for the time being, and conform to its customs in such matters
as the sharing of food. No Copper Eskimo family, of course, would dream of

1When living with Ikpakhuak and his family I would take what I wanted of the food, then hand
the pot to Higilak to serve her husband. She would set out his portion, and her own with it, then pass
round the remainder among the visitors. It was very amusing sometimes to watch her fill the spoon,
tell some full-grown man to open his mouth, then cram the spoon and its contents nearly down his throat,

92 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

holding itself aloof, because without the assistance and guidance of the local
natives it might starve to death through ignorance of the best fishing and
hunting grounds. Natives from the Coppermine river basin and even from
Bathurst inlet remained in Dolphin and Union strait throughout the spring of
1916 in order to be near the expedition; but they joined the local natives at
their fishing weirs as soon as the salmon began to migrate, and merged them-
selves for the time being into the foreign community. The expedition refrained
from using these weirs as long as the natives were there, but after they had left
we caught a number of salmon in them, and no objection was raised; nor did
the natives disapprove of our using nets in their rivers, or shooting the caribou,
but only because it was obviously to their advantage that the expedition should
remain in their country. Had food been scarce at the time they would have
expected us to share our food with them, or at least to refrain from diminishing
their own supplies by hunting and fishing in their territories.

Even the drum seems to be regarded as in some degree the property of the
whole community, though it may be made by the labour of a single individual.
There was the frame of a drum in the hut of Uloksak when I visited the Copper-
mine river Eskimos in February, 1915. The natives decided to hold a dance
in my honour, and for this purpose the drum was repaired. Uloksak supplied
the membrane of caribou skin, and four of the natives fastened it over the
frame. The drum was always kept in Uloksak’s house, and carried on his sled
during migrations; but it was at anyone’s disposal for a dance, and there would
have been much ill-feeling if Uloksak had refused to hand it over.

Certain intangible things may be classed as property; at least they can be
bought, sold and inherited. The control that a shaman exercises over the spirit-
ual world may be bought by an aspirant to the same profession.!. Thus Uloksak
paid a number of caribou to a shaman for teaching him how to obtain the com-
mand over certain spirits. A shaman too must be paid for his services in curing
disease or in driving away bad-luck. Aksiaktak’s son fell from the roof of the

-dance-house and broke his thigh, whereupon a local shaman offered to heal the
leg if Aksiatak would allow him to adopt the boy. The parents naturally did
not wish to lose their son, the support probably of their old age in years to come,
but they could not refuse for fear that he might remain a cripple for life. A
Mackenzie river youth whom I used for a time as interpreter gained the repu-
tation of being a shaman through a simple trick with a piece of string that ~he
learned from Mr. Chipman. One of the Copper Eskimos whose knee was troub-
ling him presented the youth with some seal meat and with a pair of mittens,
requesting that he exercise his magic power to heal his knee.

INHERITANCE

A portion of the property is always laid on the owner’s grave; the rest is
divided among his kinsfolk, the children receiving most or all of it. The distri-
bution is decided after a peaceful discussion, the elder children, as far as I am
aware, having no priority of claim. Implements and utensils of value that may
be left on the grave are often recovered in after years by one or other of the sur-
vivors, when time has effaced the memory of their misfortune. In the fall of
1915 Kanneyuk found a small lamp lying on the ground, evidently deposited on
a woman’s grave. No one knew for certain whose grave it was, though there
were several conjectures; but as we needed a lamp at the time, Higilak told
the girl to bring it in to camp.

‘Of more intangible things the inheritance of shamanistic power is the most
important. Higilak, for example, learned shamanism from her father, and
Ilatsiak, the greatest living exponent of the profession, was teaching his adopted
son. Yet it is not quite correct to say that the power can be handed down.

1Cf{. Stefansson, Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, p. 369.

Social Organization 93

All that the possessor can bequeath is a knowledge of the necessary procedure,
and what may be called his “‘ good-will in the business.”’ The actual acquisition
of the power depends on other factors which will be discussed in a later chapter.

CHIEFTAINSHIP

One of the most noticeable features in Eskimo society almost everywhere is
the absence of chiefs, and the Copper Eskimos are no exception. A man acquires
influence by his force of character, his energy and success in hunting, or his skill
in magic. As long as these last him age but increases his influence, but when
they fail his prestige and authority vanish. Although there were at least half
a dozen shamans in Dolphin and Union strait, and Ikpakhuak himself professed
no shamanistic powers, yet his personal dignity, his sagacity, and his prowess as
a hunter won him the most prominent place among the natives of this region.
He had no delegated powers, no established authority, but his counsels always
carried the greatest weight and his advice was constantly sought in all matters
of importance. On my first visit to the Puivlik settlement in 1914 I carried on
a little trading in the crowded dance-house, and one of the natives attempted
to rob me of a long machete. The rest looked on and watched the outcome.
Only Ikpakhuak had the courage to interfere; he seized the man’s wrist and
forced him to give up the knife. Even Ikpakhuak’s influence, however, could
not always prevent stealing, or secure the restoration of stolen property, even
among his own people. Two boxes of .30-30 cartridges which he had cached on
the coast in the summer of 1914 were stolen, and it must have been one of his
kinsmen who perpetrated the theft, since there were no other natives in the
vicinity at the time. His nephew was robbed of a knife in the following winter
and could obtain no redress. In the spring of 1916 a case of .30-30 ammuniticn
was stolen from the expedition’s cache at Bernard harbour; Ikpakhuak secured
about 15 boxes from one of the thieves, but the remainder we had to recover
ourselves by a display of force.

The shaman Uloksak, who was credited with wonderful powers of control
over the world of spirits, was probably not more than thirty years of age. He
was bolder and more unscrupulous than most of the Eskimos, and for a time had
considerable authority among the natives around the Coppermine river; but a
streak of cowa dice in his nature finally brought discredit on him and destroyed
much of his influence. Farther east, however, in Bathurst inlet, there was one
man, Jlatsiak, who might with justice have claimed the title of chief. His fame
as a shaman had spread far and wide, and he had no rival in that sphere. The
most extraordinary powers were ascribed to him—he could discover the past,
foretell the future, and, more than any other shaman, control the supply of game
and the elementary forces of nature. In all matters relating to everyday life
his integrity was beyond question; he had never been known to abuse his
influence, or divert it to his own selfish ends at the expense of his fellow-country-
men. In stature he was below the mean, and he was well advanced in -years—
his beard, in fact, was quite white—but he was still vigorous and full of energy,
and his movements quick and decided. His pleasant and open countenance
wore usually a somewhat grave expression, and his manner was calm and digni-
fied, but there was no trace of arrogance in his demeanour. Natives in his
presence would recount the most wonderful tales of his shamanistic feats, and
he would listen quietly, without either assenting or denying. His small black
eyes were shrewd and sparkling, indicating a personality far in advance of the
average Eskimo’s. The natives of Bathurst inlet seemed to obey him without
question. Frequently he led them on their migrations; he brought about forty
of them with him to visit our station, and without question they were the
most honest and the best behaved natives we ever. had dealings with. The Rev.
Mr. Girling informs me that Ilatsiak is now the very best friend that the

.

94 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

missionaries have in this region; all his influence is being exerted on their behalf.
He possesses intelligence enough, it seems, to understand the new conditions
created by the coming of the white men, and to try and adapt himself and his
people to the change. Even Ilatsiak, however, will probably lose his authority
when infirmity overtakes him, and when he is gone there will be no one to take
his place. The Eskimo is intolerant of anything like restraint. Every man in
his eyes has the same rights and the same privileges as every other man in the
community. One may be a better hunter, or a more skilful dancer, or have
greater control over the spiritual world, but this does not make him more than
one member of a group in which all are free and theoretically equal.

Law AND ORDER

In a society such as has just been outlined, without law-courts, judges or

chiefs, without laws even save the time-honoured customs handed down from
one generation to another, crime can be held in check only if the majority of the
people of their own accord unite in punishing the wrongdoer. Direct action of
this nature, however, can rarely be taken, because there is no common council
wherein the will of the people can find a voice, no spokesman to.give it public
expression, and no leader to translate it into action. The shamans, who might
be expected under certain circumstances to take the initiative, are rivals of one
another. Moreover they are frequently men and women of little credit or stand-
ing even among their own people; they themselves are the victims of injustice
quite as often as the rest. For minor offences, therefore, such as theft and
“abduction, there is no remedy unless the victim takes the matter into his own
hands and exacts compensation or vengeance. In the summer of 1914 Uloksak
saw something he coveted in the possession of another Coronation gulf Eskimo.
He tried to induce the man to sell it, and when the owner refused Uloksak hacked
him across the wrist and side with his knife. In February of the following year
the same man was sitting in Uloksak’s hut as though there had never been any
feud at all. He had not forgotten the incident though, for it was he who first
told us about it, apparently with the idea that he might prejudice Uloksak in
our eyes.

Feuds may be settled occasionally by single combat. I have no record among
the Copper Eskimos of the regular stand-up fight such as occurs among the
Netsilik Eskimos farther east.1. They know of the custom, however, for Ilatsiak
told me of a Netsilik Eskimo named Nuliagyuk who was injured for life in such
a combat. He had quarrelled with Kallahea, a native rather smaller than him-
self, and challenged him to single combat. Nuliagyuk struck the first blow
and knocked his adversary down; but the latter quickly rose and gave N uliagyuk
such a buffet on the temple that he destroyed the sight of one eye and broke
or dislocated his jaw-bone.

It is quite possible that similar combats happen occasionally among the
Copper Eskimos also, for two men in Dolphin and Union strait settled a dispute
by pelting each other with dog excreta. Asa rule, however, the quarrel is either
dropped or settled in a more deadly manner. A native who had a grudge against
Ikpakhuak threatened to enter his hut one day when he was sleeping and shoot
him, but as a hundred miles or more separated the two men, Ikpakhuak’s tran-
quility remained undisturbed. In the winter of 1914-15 a Kanghiryuak woman.
named Keyuk taunted another woman of the same tribe with childlessness,
and the latter stabbed her in the stomach with a knife and killed her. In the
following year a man of the same people was sitting in his hut sharpening a
knife that he had just made, when a neighbour entered and began to jeer at him,

Mr. G. H. Wilkins witnessed a fight with fisticuffs in Prince Albert sound, but the combatants were
merely youths.

Social Organization 95

saying that he did not know how to make a knife. The owner quietly continued
to sharpen his weapon until its edge was keen enough, then drove it into the
jester’s stomach with the remark, “Now see if I can’t make a knife.”

In neither of these cases, as far as my information goes, was the murderer
punished. There is always the danger though that one day a relative of the
deceased may avenge him by driving a knife into the murderer’s back. Usually
the danger is avoided by flight. A man named Ekkeahoak was stabbed near
Lambert island, about 1913, by a companion named Hitkok. The murderer
fled to the eastward, and in 1914 was living near Bathurst inlet. Ekkeahoak’s
daughter in speaking of the affair expressed no bitterness towards Hitkok, and
probably if he had returned to Dolphin and Union strait he would have been
left perfectly unmolested. Such at least was the opinion that other natives
expressed; the murder had taken place long ago, they said, and no one wanted
to remember it or to wreak vengeance on the murderer.

Sometimes, even when the evildoer escapes scot-free, his purpose is frus-
trated by the rest of the community. Tamauyuk, an east Coronation gulf
native, coveted Kingollik, the wife of a man named Ailanaluk, so one day when
Ailanaluk was spearing fish Tamauyuk went up behind him and stabbed him to
death with his knife. The murderer then took the woman from her tent and
forced her to become his wife, but the other natives interfered and took her
away from him.

About 1908, at Asiak, east of Kent peninsula, a woman named Mittik was
accused of causing a man’s death by sorcery. At once a quarrel arose, for this
was a straight charge of murder, and a man was stabbed with a knife. He ran
outside to get his rifle, but fell dead in the snow before he reached it. Another
man stabbed his murderer, then three men were shot, but none fatally. The
feud seems to have ended at this stage, no one being willing to carry it further.
An even more serious affray had occurred in the same region a few years earlier.
There had come to the settlement from Netsilik an elderly couple with three
sons, the eldest of whom brought his wife with him. An Asiak native wanted to
share the woman, but the young man objected to her having two husbands, and,
when he could not prevent it, stabbed his wife with a spear as she was stooping
down to enter her hut. The woman staggered outside and fell dead in the snow.
Her father then came up, and with the help of some of the other natives seized
the murderer and stabbed him to death. The second brother crept up behind
them and stabbed the father in the back, but the other natives pursued him and
stabbed him also. They now decided to put an end to the vendetta by destroy-
ing the whole family, so they killed the old father and wounded the third son
This boy, however, managed to escape, while the second son, who had been
stabbed with a knife, recovered through the care of his mother. Altogether
four people were killed and two wounded in this affair.

A somewhat similar incident occurred among the Ekaluktomiut. A man
named Savugaluk was stabbed in the dance-house one evening, but not killed
outright. For many years he remained an invalid, unable to hunt or to do any
work. Finally, as he was only a burden to the community, the Eskimos decided
to take his wife away from him and leave him to starve to death. Savugaluk then
stabbed his wife, so a man went into his hut and stabbed him. Thus both of
them perished.

Sometimes a native will resort to magic in order to wreak his revenge,
especially if he is afraid of adopting more open means. ‘Two children died
among the Kilusiktomiut, and a man named Kavyektok laid the guilt at the
door of a Kanghiryuak family that was living in the settlement at the'time.
Not long afterwards Kavyektok’s hands became partly paralyzed, and he was
unable to work. The natives immediately put it down to sorcery; it was the
Kanghiryuak family, they said, that had taken this vengeance on him because
he had accused them of murder.

96 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

It is clear, therefore, that the maintenance of order in a Copper Eskimo
community rests purely and simply on a basis of force. No man will commit a
crime, save in the heat of passion, unless he believes that he can make good his
escape until the affair blows over, or else that his kinsmen will support him
against any attempt at revenge. Detection is certain; there is so little privacy
in their lives that all the possessions and actions of a man are known to everyone
around. Until recently, when firearms and steel knives and other articles of
civilization were introduced, there was little inducement to steal, for practically
all their possessions could be made or acquired without much labour. Murder,
however, with its corollary, the blood-feud, has always been frequent, and
nothing but external influence can prevent it. The natives came into conflict
with civilized law for the first time in 1916, when a patrol of the Royal Northwest
Mounted Police arrested and deported the murderers of the two French mission-
aries.| They learned then that the murder of a white man would inevitably lead
to their paying the penalty at some time or another; but life will never be secured
or progress possible to these natives unless swift and exemplary punishment is
meted out for assassination within their own groups.

1 Report of the Royal Northwest Mounted Police, Ottawa, 1916.

Food 97.

CHAPTER VIII

FOOD:

Fishing and hunting are the Eskimo’s sole means of subsistence, and meat
and fish are his staple diet. Neither the mainland in Coronation gulf nor the
islands north of it furnish edible fruits or roots in any abundance. The only
vegetable foods obtainable around Dolphin and Union strait are the sorrel,
kongulik, (Oxyria digyna) and the watery alpine bearberry, kovlut (Arctostaphylos
alpina); and even these are so rare and scattered that the wandering native
rarely troubles to stoop down and pluck them. During,.the six months from
May to October that I wandered with the Eskimos over south-west Victoria
island, only once did I see a blade of sorrel eaten, and twice a few stray bear-
berries. The latter indeed often fail to reach maturity before they are over-
taken by winter and covered with the falling snow, while most of those
that do mature are eaten by the longspurs and the ptarmigan. Crowberries,
paunrat (Empetrum nigrum) are sometimes eaten by the natives, but not
cloudberries, akpit (Rubus chamaemorus), although they grow plentifully
around Great Bear lake and perhaps in other places as well. Mr. Stef-
ansson, in a letter commenting on this strange neglect of the cloudberries, says,
“My western natives attempted to teach the local people the use of these
berries. We found that some of the children picked it up rather readily, but
some mothers were displeased at the idea of the children trying them and few
of the women tasted them, though a good many of the men did.”

The roots of Polygonum species—the masu that the Alaskan and Mackenzie
river natives esteem so highly—are eaten only sparingly by the Copper Eskimos.
The same letter of Mr. Stefansson that was quoted above contains a valuable note
about this root. He states that it ‘is used to a slight extent for food in Bank’s
island by the Victoria island Eskimos when they are over there, and according
to them it is used more extensively in the center of Victoria island, where the
Prince Albert and Albert Edward Bay people used to meet. The first day we
were at Rae River we joined the natives in a meal of masu roots and were told
that they had been eating a good many for the preceding several days, for food
had been scarce. We continued to eat masu during the summer, but we
probably ate it oftener than would have been the case had I not had with me
Alaska Eskimos who, I believe, commonly suggested it.”

In seasons of scarcity, of course, the Copper Eskimos will resort to any
kind of food. Thus several Kanghiryuak natives are said to have died through
eating ‘tea’ (niokak) during a famine.? But the only vegetable food that enters
their regular diet is the semidigested reindéer moss taken directly from the
first stomach or rumen of the caribou. In summer when cutting up his deer
the hunter usually eats as much as he wants of this and throws the rest away.
Only occasionally is it taken to camp, where it is mixed with water till it has
the appearance of spinach set out to soak. It is then left to stand for a few
hours, and eaten cold. In the autumn, however, the stomach is allowed to
freeze intact with the herbs inside and kept for the early winter, when it is cut
into slices, distributed with the ordinary meat among the different families in

1Cf. for this chapter Stefansson, Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, p. 47 et seq.; and
Dr. R. M. Anderson in the Ottawa Naturalist, October, 1918, pp. 59-65.

1This ‘‘tea’’ was probably a toadstool, called ‘‘tea’’ from a remote resemblance to the ‘‘tabloid
tea’’ that was used by the expedition.

23335—7

98 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

the settlement and eaten frozen. Mr. Stefansson thought that the natives
never pour seal-oil on it because all their oil is cached on the coast in summer,
and they have no opportunity of eating the two together; but this is not quite
true, for the natives often take a small quantity of seal-oil inland with them
in the spring, and in any case more reindeer-moss is consumed in the early
winter, when the natives are living largely on seal-meat, than in summer.
The real reason why the two are not eaten together is because there is a taboo
against it.

The Copper Eskimos are predominantly eaters of fish and meat. Collinson,
who calls them a carnivorous race, says that for the most part they consume
their food raw.2 This is not quite correct. What Parry observes of the Eski-
mos of Igloolik is equally true of the Copper Eskimos, “‘they prefer to boil their
food when they can obtain fuel.’’? In winter, unless blubber for the lamps is
unusually scarce, the principal meal of the day is always boiled seal-meat, but
in summer the F'skimo often suffers from a scarcity of fuel and has to eat his food
raw and unfrozen or merely sun dried. Cooking under any circumstances is a slow
and tedious process; using a lamp and blubber, it takes about an hour to boil
the meat even after the snow has been melted. In summer, using dry willow
twigs for fuel, with the pot set on a small hearth of three stones (one on each
side on which it rests and a third at the back to keep in the heat), the operation
takes a little less time. But willow is not always procurable; for example the
Colville hills in many places contain neither willow nor its best substitute,
heather, and the same is true of many places on the mainland.

In many places on the coast driftwood would supply the natives with a fair
amount of fuel, if it were not deliberately avoided, as a rule, owing to the well-
known Eskimo taboo against mingling products of the sea with those of the
land. Driftwood comes from the sea, so caribou, and fish that are caught in
rivers and lakes, like trout and salmon, must not be cooked over a driftwood
fire. Seal-meat may, but seals supply their own fuei, while driftwood is scarce
and impracticable in a snow hut. The Eskimos frequently helped us to collect
spruce sticks from the beaches so that we could cook our own seal-meat in a
tent, on top of an iron stove. They sometimes objected to our cooking caribou-
meat when we were in their settlements on the ice, although we would point
out that the taboos that applied to them were not equally applicable to us.
Once too they protested against our using cottonwood for cooking seal-meat;
they said it would cause the weather to become very cold. They have no
scruples against cooking caribou-meat over a wood fire on land provided that
the wood has not been washed up by the sea. Generally they made shavings
of any wood they used, because the pot, having string handles, could not be
suspended over the fire, but had to be set on a stone hearth, which left only a
small space underneath for the fire. The taboo in regard to driftwood, however,
seems to be dying out. Dolphin and Union strait Eskimos would not cook
over a driftwood fire even the salmon that were caught migrating up the streams
to the lakes, though they had come directly from the sea only an hour or two
before; but their scruples broke down when some Tree river natives told them
that it was done at the east end of Coronation gulf.

In many places the only possible fuel during the summer is the okauyak
(Dryas integrifolia), and this is an abomination. Whenever it rains, or a dense
mist covers the land, as often happens in the late spring and summer, the plant
will not burn; while even if the weather is fine, but the wind a little boisterous,
it is dificult to maintain a fire in the small half-open tent the natives use. One
day when I lay ill in my tent on Victoria island, the Eskimos detailed the little

1Dr. Anderson says that when the stomach contains woody grass fibre instead of the succulent rein-
deer moss it is usually discarded by the western Eskimos; whether this is true of the Copper Eskimos
also is uncertain.

2Collinson, p. 285.

3Parry, Vol. III, p. 285. Cf. Murdoch, Am. Naturalist, Jan. 1887, p. 15.

Food 99
girl Kanneyuk to stay behind and cook a trout for me while the rest went
fishing. Kanneyuk lit a fire in the largest of our tents, but in the midst of her
cooking a sudden gale of wind snapped the tent-pole and the tent collapsed
on her head, upsetting the small pemmican can which served as a cooking pot.
She moved to another tent and lit another fire, but it was not until three hours
later that the cupful of water in which the fish was immersed approached the

boiling-point, so feeble was the flame from the okauyak fire; by that time too
the fish was so smoked that it was scarcely edible.

Fic. 32. Haugak bringing in Dryas integrifolia for fuel, Colville hills

It is no wonder therefore that the Eskimo frequently does not trouble to
cook at all. Dried meat or fish gives him a satisfactory breakfast, and if he is
fishing during the day he can always appease his hunger with the raw fish he
catches. If the fish is large he will content himself with the intestines, if small
he will probably devour it entire, sometimes not even excepting the bones.
In winter the wife occasionally boils some seal-meat while her husband lies in
bed, but frequently, more especially in the early half of the season when they
still have a stock of frozen fish or caribou-meat on hand, they make their
breakfast on that, after which both dress and the man goes off to his sealing
while the wife stays at home and sews.

Owing to their manner of life there are no set hours for meals. Breakfast
is eaten as soon as they wake, then usually nothing more till the day’s work is
over. In winter, when it is certain that the sealers will return as soon as it
grows dark, each wife has always a substantial meal ready for her husband, and
the smell of boiling seal-meat and steaming broth strike his nostrils as soon as

23335—74

100 , Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

he enters the hut. If the meat is not quite cooked he will often undress and eat
in bed. In spring and summer, when the weather is mild and the daylight long,
it is altogether uncertain when the husband will return. If the fishing is poor
he will probably turn up as the sun reaches the west; if good, not until it is well
in the north; while if he happens to be caribou hunting he may be absent twenty-
four hours or more. The wife then cooks whenever she feels inclined, eats her
meal alone, and puts some of the meat away for him so that he may eat the
moment he returns. Woe betide the wife who keeps him waiting after a day
spent in fishing or hunting! Even if the whole family has participated in the
same pursuit the wife should return early, if possible, so as to have everything
ready for the rest when they arrive in camp.

If the weather is inclement and the men unable to go out hunting they
frequently spend much of the day in bed. The wife then cooks when she wishes,
usually towards evening. A little food is often left on the table at night or beside
the door of the tent close to their heads, so that they can reach out and eat, if
they wake up, without stirring from their sleeping-bags.

The quantity of food consumed at one meal naturally varies according
to the amount of fat it contains. Men and dogs will half-starve on a diet of lean
caribou-meat, however plentiful, whereas half the quantity of blubbery seal-
meat will satisfy their desires and keep them well nourished. The appetite of
the average Eskimo is not abnormal; as Dr. Anderson has pointed out, it is no
greater than that of a white man living under the same conditions on the same
diet.

The fish and deer-meat dried in the summer, and the meat kept frozen
from the autumn, are generally all consumed by the beginning of the new year.
In these latitudes the sun disappears for the winter night about the beginning
of December, and few seals are caught before the middle of that month. On
December 6, 1914, ‘‘dinner” in an Eskimo’s hut consisted of four courses,
caribou-fat, frozen caribou-meat, a dried and very mouldy fish, and, last of all,
a portion of boiled caribou-leg. The Eskimos were camped on the coast at the
time, so the boiling of caribou-meat was not prohibited. They like to have a stock
of caribou back-fat to eat with the frozen meat and to nibble at whenever they feel
inclined. During the winter, however, seal-meat constitutes their principal,
and for several months their only food. Small pieces of skin and blubber are
frequently eaten both when cutting up the seal and later; especially is this the
case with the bearded seal. A strip of blubber is usually left on the table inside
the hut, and the visitor helps himself to a small cube of it about the size of a
sugar lump. The liver and kidneys are always eaten raw, generally unfrozen,
while the intestines of the bearded seal are considered a delicacy. So, too, are
the flippers, both of the bearded seal (Erignathus barbatus) and of the rough
seal (Phoca hispida). ‘The blood is poured into a sealskin bucket, and kept for
thickening the soup; generally it freezes into a solid lump.

To prepare a meal at this season the wife hangs the pot over the lamp,
scours it out with her fingers, and fills it with crystalline snow, anyu, which she
crushes with her ulo or more rarely with the horn snow-knife, haviuyak. The
meat is placed in the cold water and slowly brought to a boil, when the surface
is covered with a thick scum. It is then taken out, squeezed between the thumb
and fore-finger to drain off the water, and laid on the table to cool. Seal blood,
liquid or frozen, now takes its place in the pot; it too is allowed to simmer, then
the steaming broth is dished out in musk-ox ladles (or any convenient dish)
and handed round to everyone present.! A little raw blubber is nearly always
eaten with the seal-meat, but most of it is consumed in the lamp or fed to the
dogs. When migrating a little meat, either raw and frozen, or boiled on the
previous day, is placed in a convenient place on the sled for lunch. In good

.. 1For a fuller description of an Eskimo meal in winter, see Mr. Stefansson’s excellent accounts, My
Life with the Eskimo, p. 176 et seg., and Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, p. 243.

Food 101

seasons a considerable quantity of blubber is wasted until the warm days of
spring, when it is carefully stored away in large bags and cached on the mainland
or on an island near the shore for use in the following autumn.

_ Around Prince Albert sound and Minto inlet polar bears are almost as
important an item of diet in winter as seals. The liver is said to produce sickness
and is therefore never eaten. Aecording to McClintock, the same thing is said
in Greenland about the heart, but whether this is so among the Copper Eskimos
I do not know. Caribou are very numerous in the valley of the lower Copper-
mine river throughout the winter. In February, 1915, we saw at least two
hundred in a single day, just above Bloody fall. The Copper Eskimos, however,
never hunt them at that season, but spend all their days on the sea ice.
One man said that their bows would snap with the intense cold; but this can
hardly be true, for the Backs river natives, who remain inland all the winter, live
during that season on caribou and musk-oxen, which they must formerly have
secured with bows and arrows, though now many of the hunters possess rifles.
In reality the Copper Eskimo is afraid to leave the ice in winter, because it is
there alone that he can obtain an ample supply of fuel for his lamp. It is only
in the Coppermine region that caribou are numerous enough to furnish the back-
fat that might take the place of blubber, and back-fat in any case is a very poor
substitute. The Backs river natives use it, but their existence in winter is
characterized by the Copper Eskimos as cold and miserable in the extreme.
Wood is found in abundance all down the Coppermine to within twelve miles
of its mouth, but an open fire is impracticable in a snow hut, and unsatisfactory
in a tent; the northern Indians in their tipis scorch on one side of their bodies
while they freeze on the other.

In the early spring, when the caribou are moving across the straits north-
ward, the Eskimos are still living on the sea ice. Occasionally they attempt to
intercept the deer; but as a rule they have little success, because the level surface
of the ice gives no cover to a hunter who must approach within twenty yards of
his quarry before he can launch a shaft with any certainty of hitting his mark.
Rifles, however, are changing this, and the Eskimos are beginning to hunt the
deer on land and ice alike, both in the spring and fall. They welcome a change
of diet just as we do, and after a long regime of seal-meat they look forward to
caribou-meat and fish in the early spring just as much as they do to seal-meat
at the end of summer. Eagerly the natives watch for the first sign of the migrat-
ing caribou; they even go shoreward at times to intercept the herds. In March,
1916, a band of natives moved close in to the shore off Cape Lambert just at
the time when the caribou might be expected to cross the strait, and portions of
the first deer they killed were conveyed by sled to the main camp near the Liston
and Sutton islands. There the natives were expectantly awaiting its arrival.
As the sled approached the settlement the hunter ran from side to side two
or three times to announce his success, and immediately an excited crowd of
natives turned out of their huts to welcome him.

Whether fish or caribou predominate in their summer diet depends entirely
on the resources of the particular region in which they live.2 Thus in 1915, in
southwest Victoria island, sealing was definitely abandoned at the end of April.
In May, when the main body of the caribou was migrating north across Dolphin
and Union strait, the Eskimos ate more caribou-meat than fish, especially those
parts of the animal that are less suitable for drying, such as the head, the chine,
the shoulders and the thighs. In June caribou were less plentiful, so during
that and the following month the people lived mainly on fish, moving about

1McClintock, p. 100. ares ;

2The introduction of rifles has naturally increased the possibilities of hunting and made caribou cor-
respondingly more important. Fish-nets are slowing coming into vogue, but as long as the caribou remain
numerous the Eskimos will always spend more time in hunting than in fishing, because the caribou furnish
not only food, but skins for clothing and for tents, sinew for sewing and for small lashings, and bone and
horn that can be worked up into implements of various kinds.

102 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

from one group of lakes to another and incidentally hunting any caribou that
they might happen to encounter. By the end of July even the larger lakes
were becoming free of ice, and jigging with hook and line or spearing with the
long trident was no longer possible; besides it was necessary to obtain a supply
of short-haired summer skins for clothing. So the Eskimos began their summer
packing, scouring the land day after day, securing a caribou here one day, two
or three there the next, then no more perhaps for several days. When their
supplies ran low they would sometimes rock the stones on the edges of the lakes
and spear the small fish that darted out, eating them raw; or they would draw
on the little stock of dried meat or back-fat that they carried for just such an
emergency. In the latter half of September the caribou began to straggle
back to the coast, and wait for the sea to freeze over so that they could migrate
south again. Those Eskimos who had rifles remained near the coast to inter-
cept them, the others, after a few days, went inland again to the lakes to fish,
trusting to buy later, from their more fortunate countrymen, the autumn skins
that they required for clothing, paying for them with fish. The main body of
the caribou had passed by the middle of October, although for several weeks
after an occasional herd of stragglers still drifted by. Satisfied with the game
they had already killed, three families now decided to return to the hills and
obtain a few fish which they could keep frozen for consumption during the winter;
but a fourth family, indifferent to the attractions of fish, remained on the coast.
Throughout November all these natives were living on the stores that they had
laid by during the preceding months; indeed it was not until well on in December
that sufficient seals were caught to produce any noticeable change in their diet.

In the valley of the Coppermine river and behind Bathurst inlet caribou
are even more numerous than in Victoria island. In other districts, again, they
are comparatively scarce, and the Eskimos depend far more on fish. Thus very
few caribou remain in Noahognik, on the south side of Dolphin and Union
strait, during the summer months, after the spring migration is over. Natives
who were spearing salmon here in June, 1916, went down to the Rae river in
July for their hunting. For some distance east of the Coppermine river, too,
most of the caribou disappear in the height of summer; it is only in the migrating
seasons, in early spring and in autumn, that they are plentiful. Fish, on the other
hand, are very abundant, and in certain areas squirrels; the fur of the latter is
almost as valuable to the Eskimos as its meat.

In cutting up a caribou the Eskimo is careful to preserve every particle of
fat, even that around the intestines. In summer and autumn indeed, when the
intestines are coated with a thick lining of fat, they are eaten raw and intact, the
black pellets of excrement being usually, but not always, squeezed out between
thumb and finger. The liver also, like seal liver, is eaten raw, while the kidneys
are thrown away or fed to the dogs. The lungs are sometimes cooked and
eaten, but they are little esteemed; the heart, however, is carefully preserved,
to be split later into two halves, and either boiled at once or laid out on a stone
to dry. The wall of the stomach, when emptied of its vegetable contents, is
sometimes retained for dog-food, while the reticulum, which is shaped like a
pouch, is cut off, filled with blood, and closed with one of the bone pins that a
hunter always carries on his bow-case; the blood is used, like seal-blood, to
thicken the bouillon after the meat has been boiled. Unborn fawns are skinned,
and either dried, or cooked at once, generally for the children to eat; sometimes,
however, they are thrown directly to the dogs. As a rule the first parts of a
caribou that are cooked, besides the tongue and the heart, are the fore- and
hind-quarters, the bones of which contain the much prized marrow; the tongue,
according to Eskimo rules of cookery, should be boiled with the tip uppermost.

1Mr. Stefansson is mistaken, I think, when he says (Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XVI, pt. I,
p. 61) that the intestinal and kidney fat are usually boiled by the Copper Eskimos. To my knowledge
they were always eaten raw, though the back fat was often boiled. Alaskan and Mackenzie river Eskimos,
however, frequently boil the intestinal fat as well.

Food 103

After these parts come the ribs and the sternum, which are often coated with a
layer of fat; the ribs are sometimes cracked between the teeth in order to extract
the tiny quantity of marrow they contain. Last of all come the chine, the neck
and the head; the last is split into four pieces, first down and then across, before
being put into the pot, and the brains, as well as the marrow of the jaw-bones,
are carefully picked out and eaten.

The marrow of the caribou, especially that of the leg-bones, is a great
delicacy. The Copper Eskimo first scrapes all the meat and sinew from the bone
with his knife; in autumn this is allowed to freeze and is eaten, sinew and all,
in that condition; but in spring and summer the sinew is separated for making
seal and fish lines. When the bone is clean the native takes two stones, one of
which, the hammer stone, should have a rather sharp edge. With these he
cracks off the knuckle at one end, then with the sharp edge of his hammer splits
the bone down its shank, and picks out the marrow with a bone spatula, saudlun.
On rare occasions, to vary the monotony a little, the bone is roasted in the fire
before the end is cracked off, when the marrow will flow out like very soft butter.

Sometimes the Eskimos preserve all the bones that have contained marrow—
the vertebrae, ribs, leg and feet bones— pound them to fragments, and boil them
slowly over an open fire. The fat that separates out on the surface is skimmed
off with a ladle of musk-ox horn and poured into some’ convenient receptacle,
such as a bag or the pericardium of the caribou, where it solidifies to form a
pure white tallow. This is esteemed more highly perhaps than any other food
the natives possess. Mr. Stefansson says that the Baillie island natives never
boiled down the bones for their fat until the whaling ships came out and they
were taught by natives from farther west; among the Copper Eskimos, however,
it seems to have been done from time immemorial.

For drying meat the Copper Eskimo rests a pole or board on two pillars
made by piling flat stones on top of one another, or by setting up large slabs on
edge. The meat is cut into thin slices and laid across the pole. Often these
racks will not suffice to hold the quantity that accumulates in the camp, and the
meat lies littered about in every possible place, on sleds, on seal-skins, and even
on boulders on the ground. The dogs are always kept tied up at this season,
and nothing save the flies can molest the meat. Fish are treated in the same
manner. About a week of warm, bright sunshine is sufficient to dry either meat
or fish, but if the weather is unsettled and the sky overcast two or even three
weeks may be required. The Copper Eskimo never learned to smoke his fish,
as the Eskimos do farther west.

Lake trout and lake salmon are the principal fish that the natives secure.
Nearly all the lakes with which the country is dotted abound in both these
species, and they bite readily at a hook jigged through the ice at the end of a
line, either unbaited or with a strip from the fish’s own belly as a bait. Many
are speared with a long trident (nwyakpak), or a double gaff (kakivak), in the
large pools that form on the edges of the lakes while the main portions are still
covered with ice. Hundreds of salmon trout are caught in spring migrating
up the rivers to the lakes, while a few sculpins are speared through the ice in
the autumn at the mouths of certain creeks. Many tom-cod are caught with
long copper hooks through cracks in the sea ice during the spring and fall,
especially near Cape Krusenstern and around the islands in Bathurst inlet.
Long ago, a native told me, the little bullheads about an inch long that are so
common in the lakes and streams were quite an important item of food; now
the natives seldom trouble about them, In Noahognik, where caribou are
comparatively scarce but fish plentiful, the Eskimos resort to the lakes as soon
as sealing is abandoned, and jig for lake trout through holes in the ice; then
when the rivers and creeks break out in the late spring they go down to their
mouths or to their exits from the lakes and trap the migrating salmon in
stone weirs, both the large fish ascending to the lakes to spawn and the young

104 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

fry, two seasons old, that are making their way down to the sea. The migration
ends when summer begins, and the Eskimos then wander over the land in search
of caribou. Autumn finds them jigging again through the ice of the lakes.
Life varies somewhat with the different economic conditions; while one band
of Eskimos is hunting caribou or musk-oxen, another, fifty or a hundred niles
away, may be snaring squirrels, or gaffing salmon in the rivers, while still a
third is jigging for trout and salmon through the ice of the lakes. Thus at the
end of May, 1916, there was a settlement of natives on a small island off the
mouth of the Coppermine river, another at Cape Franklin on Victoria island,
and a third at Bernard harbour. In the first the natives were hunting caribou,
in the second they were both sealing and hunting caribou, in the third they
were hunting caribou and fishing inland in one of the lakes. The presence of
several traders and of a Hudson’s Bay Company’s post in the country since
1916, together with the introduction of rifles, has already caused a considerable
modification in the seasonal movements of the Copper Eskimos, with the excep-
tion of those round Prince Albert sound, and the natives east of Kent peninsula.

(Photo by J. J. O'Neill)
Fic. 33. Fish hung up to dry, Nulahugyuk creek, near Bernard harbour

The Copper Eskimos seldom take- the trouble to clean their fish before
boiling them. The intestines are drawn out and eaten raw, the remainder
divided into large cross-sections and inserted into the pot. Many of the fish
are very fat, and the top of the water becomes coated with oil, which the natives
remove with the bottom of their horn ladles, and lick up with great gusto. The
head, too, is rather a dainty, especially the eyes, because of the fat that surrounds
them. Nothing is ever wasted; the Eskimos even suck the roots of the fins
in order to extract the last remnants of meat and fat. In the harvest season
of late spring, when as many fish as possible are dried and stored away, the
heads are often the only parts that are cooked. Every bone in them is taken
apart and sucked separately. The natives give them special names from
fancied resemblances to natural objects; there is the ptarmigan, for example,
the hare and the raven, while the five teeth in the front of the upper jaw are
“polar bear’s claws.”

Fish that are intended for drying are slit from the anal fin to the anus,
then from the gills along each side of the spine; finally they are severed at the
root of the tail. This leaves the two sides hanging from the tail ready to be
laid across a pole to dry, while the head remains attached to the spine. The

Food 105

next step is to cut off the head for the daily meal, and to lay the spine out to
dry on a stone or a seal-skin, together with any roe the fish may contain. The
spines of small fish not particularly rich in oil may be thrown to the dogs with
other scraps. The dogs fare rather badly at this season—the late spring and
early summer—for they receive hardly anything but fish-bones and broth;
much depends, however, on the quantity of food in camp at the time.

The diet of the natives, then, is normally restricted to caribou, seal and
fish. These are supplemented in a few local areas by one or two other animals,
by polar bears in western Victoria island, squirrels in the valleys of the Rae
and Coppermine rivers, and musk-oxen in both north-west Victoria island
and in the country round Bathurst inlet. The skin of the musk-ox is prized
for bedding only, being too coarse and heavy for ordinary clothing when deer-
skin is available; but for this fact the animal would probably have long since
been exterminated in this region. Ducks are numerous in the spring and fall,
geese and loons are met with occasionally, while ptarmigan, though rare in
winter, may yet be found in most places at all seasons of the year. The
natives shoot a few from time to time, but the supply is too uncertain for them
to go out of their way to look for them. Sea-gulls and hawks are sometimes
eaten, though Europeans find them distasteful. The children often shoot
small birds, such as plovers and longspurs. Their skins serve for hand towels,
while their bodies, if the birds are of medium size, are cooked with other meat;
but small birds like longspurs and snow buntings are either eaten raw, head,
feet and all, or thrown away. Occasionally a rabbit, a wolverine, or a wolf is
shot, and hardly a summer passes that the Eskimos on the mainland do not
secure two or three brown bears. Now that traps are becoming numerous
more foxes are caught then before; the meat of a lean fox is very rank, but one
that is rich in fat is palatable enough. Generally speaking, however, it is in
oe of a luxury for an Eskimo to dine off anything but caribou, fish or
seal,

The Eskimos are as fond of the fat that is found in geese, loons and eider
ducks as they are of caribou fat. They pluck the feathers from the body of the
bird, but leave them on the wings and legs, The body is then skinned and the
meat cooked in the usual manner. Later the skin is boiled, and the layer of
fat that forms on the surface of the water is either drunk immediately or
skimmed off into another vessel, when it congeals like lard. The eggs of these
birds are sometimes boiled, but most of the Eskimos seem to find them distaste-
ful. Near Bernard harbour there was a rocky islet which the eider ducks
had made their nesting ground. Hundreds of eggs could be obtained there
each spring, but the local natives never troubled to collect them. I have seen
an Eskimo girl take an immature egg from the body of a freshly-killed ptarmigan
and eat it raw, but the same girl was horrified when a western native ate some
boiled duck’s eggs which turned out, when opened, to have immature chicks
inside them.

Cooking among these people is not an art that calls for much skill or
experience. An Eskimo woman has many to cook for as a rule, and during
their life on land the pot has usually to be refilled two or threé times in order
to provide a single meal. Hence the meat is cut into large portions and as
much as possible crammed into the pot at once. It matters little if half of it
projects out of the water, for as soon as the lower half is cooked each piece can
be turned end for end. Sometimes the meat is served up half raw, more smoked

1Collinson, p. 285, says that the yellow top-knot of the male king eider was a favourite tit-bit with
the Eskimos of Cambridge bay.

2Dr. Anderson (op. cit., p. 63) explains how the Eskimos procure the salt that is said to be so necessary
for the maintenance of health in men and animals. He points out that the melted snow used for drinking
water is frequently very saline, and that caribou meat, especially in the fall, contains a considerable amount
of salt,

106 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

than boiled, but the Eskimo finds it palatable in any condition. A hunting
party often dispenses with a pot altogether, and uses instead an improvised
oven of stones. Ikpakhuak thus provided us with a good meal one day when
he and I were hunting, and had shot a caribou about ten miles from camp.
He collected a few flat slabs of dolomite for his oven and some dry willow
twigs for fuel. Then he constructed a hearth in the shelter of a turfy bank
about two feet high. First he made the windbreak, three stone slabs on edge
along the top of the bank. Beneath these, at the foot of the bank, he set two
slabs on edge about two feet apart for the sides of the fireplace. A slab laid
flat on the ground between them made a good bottom for the fire, while another,
resting on the two side slabs, formed the top of the hearth, the whole structure
resembling very much a Dutch oven. He covered the top slab with a layer
of moss, poured water over it, then laid slices of meat and back-fat on the moss
and covered it all over with a large inverted grassy sod. A fire was soon made
by setting one of my matches to a little dry grass, holding it up in the wind
till it kindled to a blaze, then pushing it into the hearth and stoking willow
twigs on top of it. As soon as the meat was cooked on the under side he rolled
back the turf, poured a little more water on the meat, turned it over and replaced
the turf. In about twenty minutes the steaks were ready. They proved
delicious; the moss had given them a very slight flavour that was not at all
unpleasant. Ikpakhuak at the same time roasted part of the liver and two
of the leg bones in the fire itself, so that altogether we had an ample and varied
repast.

Cleanliness or daintiness is not a characteristic of the Eskimos. In the fall
of the year they casually cache their caribou without removing the stomach.
The semi-digested vegetable contents ferment and taint all the flesh, but the
Copper Eskimo relishes both the smell and the flavour, though his more sophisti-
cated brother in the west pronounces them disgusting. I have seen a man take
a bone from rotten caribou-meat cached more than a year before, crack it and
eat the marrow with evident relish, although it swarmed with maggots. As a
rule such meat is fed to the dogs, but not infrequently the natives cook it for
themselves, especially when fresh meat is not available. Dried fish that have
become covered with mould are considered hardly inferior to freshly-dried.
The grubs of the warble fly, which bore through the skins of the caribou in the
spring, are picked out and eaten, either raw or boiled. Small birds, like longspurs,
are skinned and swallowed whole without being cooked at all, and it was not
uncommon to see a woman transfer the entrails of a freshly killed ptarmigan to
her mouth. Caribou droppings are eaten occasionally in the hunting field,
but I never saw them collected, as Mr. Stefansson relates, probably because
a natives were seldom short of food during the summer that I lived amongst
them.

Their lack of cleanliness is shown also in their manner of eating. - Every
family has a stock of bird skins for use as towels and napkins. Theoretically
ptarmigan skins are preferred when eating deer-meat, and sea-gull.skins when
eating seal-meat, but in practice any skins at all are used; the only discrimination
the natives make is that the same skin should not be used for both kinds of meat,
not because there is any taboo against it, but because seal-meat is so much more
oily. The same napkin is used by everyone until it is worn out. Food that
falls to the ground is picked up and eaten. The dishes are never washed, and
are used for human beings and dogs alike. Instead of a dish-mop or cloth,
the woman uses her fingers to drain the pot or to scour out a bowl or ladle.
Much of their uncleanliness is undoubtedly due to the difficulty of obtaining
water during the greater part of the year, but it extends far beyond anything
that can be ascribed to this cause alone.

The only beverage of the natives, apart from water, is the broth in which
the meat or fish has been cooked, thickened when possible with blood. Parry

Food 107

was surprised at the quantity of water the Eskimos drank when they boarded
his ship. “It was often with difficulty that our coppers could answer this
additional demand. I am certain that Toolooak one day drank nearly a gallon
in less than two hours.”’ 1 Avranna drank one evening three cups of soup, two of
tea, and nine of ice-cold water, all within the space of three hours; the cup was
about the size of a large breakfast cup. The reason for this abnormal thirst
appears to be that meat, unlike rice and other vegetable foods, absorbs very
little water, so the liquid sustenance that the natives require they must take
into their systems as pure fluid. During the winter they obtain all their
water from snow, being ignorant apparently of the fact that ordinary sea ice
loses its salinity with age, .and that an old cake of the previous winter will yield
perfectly fresh water. They never use the sea ice themselves, and I never heard
them remark on our use of it at Bernard harbour (perhaps they thought it was
fresh-water ice), but the Rev. Mr. Girling tells me that they were astonished at
the missionaries obtaining all their drinking water from it, and refused to believe
at first that it would not taste saline. This ignorance is the more remarkable as
they are well aware of the fact that fresh water can be obtained from the spongy
ice found in old seal-holes during the spring. They came on such a seal-hole
in May, 1915, when they were migrating to the land. It was only about a foot
in diameter, and concealed beneath a layer of snow; beside it, but still under
the surface of the snow was the small cavity or chamber in which the young seal
had been nourished. Fragments of melting ice were floating on the surface of
the water; the natives merely let them drain for two or three seconds, after
which they tasted perfectly fresh.

In spring, when they are camped beside a lake, the Eskimos naturally fill
their water-buckets from one of the fishing-holes. The hunter resorts to various
devices. Often there are large boulders embedded in the ice on the margins of
ponds, protruding a little above the surface. The stone is warmed by the rays
of the sun and melts some of the ice around its edges, when the hunter has merely
to chip away a little of the surface ice in order to reach the water. If there is
too little for him to suck up with his lips he dips in a piece of snow, which will
absorb the water like a sponge. This absorptive power of snow is utilized by
the natives for removing fresh blood stains from skins and furs.

However much the Eskimo may look forward in summer and autumn to
the winter life on the ice, with its comfortable snow-huts where the lamps,
filled to the brim with seal-oil, reflect their light round the pure white walls,
while beneath and behind the table the floor is littered with meat and blubber
—winter, when the dance-house is crowded with friends and visitors who gather
each evening to spend the hours in singing and dancing and in the performance
of religious ceremonies—yet always at the back of their minds there is the
lurking dread of hunger and of cold in those dark sunless days, when the huts
perhaps are empty of food, the lamps extinguished for want of oil, and the
people, driven indoors by the howling blizzards, huddle together on their sleeping
platforms and face starvation and death. The winter of 1914-15 was a com-
paratively mild one; food was plentiful, and the settlements of the Eskimos
were filled with rejoicing. But the following winter was more severe. From
Christmas until the middle of March one blizzard succeeded another. Often
the Eskimos, unable to find the seal-holes on account of the snow that had drifted
over them, sat and shivered in their huts, with their lamps extinguished, or
burning so low that the heat they gave out hardly lessened the prevailing cold.
The stores of food they had collected in the summer and autumn were exhausted,
and the seals they caught from time to time were all too few to satisfy the needs
of so many hungry mouths, even though they ate the skins and blubber with
the meat. Many of them ate the sealskin boots that they were keeping for the
following spring, others the sealskin cases of their bows. Night after night

1Parry, Vol. II, p. 182, et seq.

108 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

their shamans would interrogate the spirits that they believed to control the
weather, and try to appease their anger and bring about a cessation of the
storms. Whenever they did abate in the slightest degree, and there was the
faintest prospect of securing seals, every man and youth would sally forth, and
search for hours in the bitter cold in the hope that he might at last find some-
thing to take home to his starving wife and children. There was not a man ina
Kilusiktok settlement that I visited at the end of February whose face was not
covered with great blotches where he had been severely frost-bitten. Even the
women braved the weather, and fished for tom-cod through the ice behind the
shelter of a few snow-blocks. Sometimes the natives would recall dreadful tales
of years gone by, how, not a generation before, the Kanghiryuarmiut had chopped
up the corpses of their dead and eaten the frozen flesh to save themselves from
starvation. Away in the east, too, the Netsilingmiut had cut off a man’s legs
while he was still alive and tried to appease their hunger with his flesh. No one,
so far as I know, actually starved to death in 1916, though the lives of two or
three old people were undoubtedly shortened through the privations they had to
endure. Fortunately, a change came over the weather about the middle of
March. Before the month was out the crisis was over; the huts of the Eskimos
were filled once more with meat and blubber, and the dance-house resounded
with song and laughter.:

A few remarks may be added about the way in which these natives produce
fire. The thong drill used by all other Eskimos is known to them, but they never
employ it except in an emergency, because of the labour involved and the diffi-
culty of obtaining suitable wood. They use in its stead two lumps of pyrites,
which they obtain from the Kugaluk river on south-west Victoria island, from a
creek a few miles east of the Coppermine river, and possibly from one or two
other sources as well. Parry’s description of the process will serve admirably;
he says: “ For the purpose of obtaining fire the Esquimaux use two lumps of
common iron pyrites, from which sparks are struck into a little leather case,
containing moss well dried and rubbed between the hands. If this tinder does
not readily catch, a small quantity of the white floss of the seed of the ground
willow is laid above the moss. As soon as a spark has caught, it is gently blown
till the fire has spread an inch around, when the pointed end of a piece of oiled
wick being applied, it soon bursts into a flame, the whole process having occupied
perhaps two or three minutes.’

The Copper Eskimos use the seeds of the Eriophorum or cotton-grass more
often than those of the ground willow for. both tinder and lampwicks. Large
quantities of these Eriophorum seeds are collected during the late summer and
fall and are stored in small bags of one kind or another, often made from a
loon’s foot, or a squirrel skin, or the lining round the heart of a caribou or
bear. The tedious process of stripping the stalks from the seeds is done by the
women in spare moments in their houses. For the lampwick the Eriophorum
seeds are dipped in the blubber, then drawn up on to the edge of the lamp and
pinched into a low ridge all along its rim. Such a wick requires renewing every
day, whereas a tinder bag will last for months. In winter, if the lamp expires
in one house, a fire-stick dipped in blubber is kindled at a neighbour’s lamp and
carried over in a bag or other convenient receptacle. Eriophorum seeds are

1Mr, Stefansson, I think, gives too gloomy a picture of their life when he says (op. cit., p. 131): “At Cape
Bexley and to the east there is apparently hardly a winter when the people do not have to subsist for
considerable periods on seal oilalone . . . saved the previous spring and cached during the summer.”
At that time he had never visited the country except in spring and summer. I have already explained
that this oil is stored away for their lamps in the fall, and generally lasts, with the food they collect in
the summer, until about Christmas. January and February are the critical months in stormy winters,
which occur, as far as my data allow me to judge, about once in every four years. Then they suffer from
privation and want, but real starvation on any considerable scale probably happens not more often than
once in every fifteen or twenty years.

*Parry, Vol. III, p. 284.

Food 109

sometimes used in this way, but more usually a torch of matted moss roots
dipped in blubber. During a migration, of course, every lamp is extinguished,
so the natives have to resort to pyrites on such occasions.

In spring and summer the natives carry a little dry grass to catch the glow
of their tinder instead of an oily stick. On old camp-sites fragments of charred
wood may always be found which will serve the same purpose. For this reason
the Eskimos are careful to cover the embers of their open fires with flat stones
which convert some of the unburnt wood to charcoal. In blowing a fire they
never purse the lips as we do, but curl the tongue along the lower palate so as
to make a concave channel, thus giving the breath its direction.!

1In my preliminary draft of the report I had proposed to follow up this chapter on food with another
on clothing. That idea has now been abandoned, for a detailed account of the styles and patterns of the
garments worn by the Copper Eskimos, their methods of sewing and of dressing skins,. will require a
special monograph, and a cursory sketch of the subject seemed unnecessary here. The Copper Eskimos
wear only fur clothing, most of their garments being made of cariboufur. The only changes caused
by the seasons are the substitution of seal-skin for caribou-skin in certain portions of the foot-gear, and
the wearing of water-boots and of older and lighter clothing during the summer months. There are
certain differences in the garments worn by the two sexes, but only of a minor character.

110 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

CHAPTER IX
WINTER LIFE

There is a transition period each year in the lives of the Eskimos when they
cease from their quest of food on land and yet are not prepared to begin the
winter’s sealing on the ice. Its length varies from about a fortnight to a month,
and corresponds roughly with our month of November. The sea ice is still
thin, and though it is possible to cross between Victoria island and the mainland,
it is unwise to camp on it in most places. This is not an idle period for the
Eskimos, however. During the dark days when the sun is absent no new
deerskins may be sewn, so the women are now fully occupied in making all
the clothes that will be required by their families during the next five or six
months. The men, in the meantime, bring in their caches of deermeat, and
dried or frozen fish, and the pokes of blubber that have been secreted in stone
cairns on the coast since spring. They repair too their sealing implements, or
make new ones, and scrape most of the skins that the women intend to use.
Leisure hours are occupied in trapping foxes, or fishing in adjoining lakes.

(Photo by J. J. O'Neill)
Fic. 34. Tree river Eskimos descending to the sea at the approach of winter

All through the summer the families that compose each separate group or
tribe have been scattered over various fishing and hunting grounds in the
interior; but now they assemble once again at some well-known meeting place
on or near the coast. The Akulliakattak natives gather at Lake Akulliakattak,
the Noahognirmiut at Chantry island or at the fishing creek four miles east of
Bernard harbour, the Coppermine river natives on an island off the mouth of
the nearer Kugaryuak river, the Pingangnaktomiut on Hepburn island, and the
Kilusiktomiut on one of the Barry islands in Bathurst inlet called Igloryuallik.
The Puivlik natives have several places where they may assemble in the autumn.
At the beginning of December, 1914, they had a large settlement a short distance
from the mouth of the Kimiryuak river. There they were joined by two
Noahognik families, who, through lack of food, had crossed the strait and foisted
themselves for the time being on their more prosperous neighbours. There
were then nine double houses in the settlement, but no dance-house, because the
season for visiting was still far off and the men were sufficiently occupied in
carrying out their various tasks. Accordingly, the dance they gave in honour

Winter Life Tos “ 111

of my arrival was held in the portico or domed interspace of one of the larger
double huts. The natives remained about a month at this settlement; by that
time their clothing was practically all finished, the ice in the strait was growing
more and more solid every day, and everything was ready for their winter sealing.
On December 11 about half the people moved down to a sandspit on the coast
some four miles away. The remainder, who still had a little more work to
finish, postponed moving till the following day, the women staying up most of
the night to complete their sewing. I accompanied the later party, with my host
and hostess, Haviuyak and Itokanna. We rose about 4 a.m. and breakfasted
immediately on frozen deermeat; for the Eskimos, having no watches, could
not tell in the foggy condition of the atmosphere how long it would be before
daylight. We waited idly an hour and a half, then Haviuyak iced the runners
of his sled and began to load up, removing the ice window out of his hut and
receiving the household goods from his wife through the opening. We started
at 9.45 a.m., Itokanna pulling in front of the dogs as usual, and Haviuyak
behind, while his father Haviron, who had been ailing for some time, was carried
on top of the sled. On reaching the new settlement Haviuyak immediately set
Ha ae a hut for himself and his family beside the huts that were already
erected.

‘This migration marked the real opening of the winter life, for they began
their sealing the very next day, although several more days elapsed before they
had any success. It was forbidden to cook caribou and fish again until the
spring, when the natives would return to the land, and the sewing of new deer-
skins was tabooed until the sun should reappear about the middle of January.
A week later the whole settlement moved to a new sealing ground about ten
miles south by east. Here too they remained a week only, then crossed to
Putulik, one of the Liston and Sutton islands, where they amalgamated with
the three Noahognik families that had crossed over from Chantry island.

In the autumn of 1915 the five Puivlik families with whom I spent the
spring and summer in south-west Victoria island assembled at Okauyarvik,
while others gathered near the Kimiryuak river; all of them crossed over to
Bernard harbour at the end of November, or early in December, before com-
mencing the winter sealing. Thither too flocked the Noahognik Eskimos, and
others who had spent the summer round the Rae river. Some came from farther
east, from the Copperminé and even from the Tree river. Such a commingling
of the tribes at this season was due, of course, to the presence of the expedition
and the facilities it offered for trade. Normally the different groups remain in
their various assembling-places until it is time to move out on the ice and
begin the sealing. They live during this transition period on the dried fish and
caribou meat they have stored away in the summer, and the frozen meat and
fish kept from the fall. Should the winter prove stormy they may have to fall
back on these again later on, so they wisely begin their sealing before all their
stores are exhausted.

Amundsen says of the Netsilik Eskimos that they “are not altogether
without forethought for the future. Their stock of meat and fish will last over
Christmas and a little way into the new year. According to their law, seal-
catching must not commence before the middle of January, and even then it is
carried on only on a small scale for some time, as the seals, which have very
sharp ears, can hear the hunter’s steps a long way off, while the layer of snow on
the ground is thin, and consequently they can keep out of his way. Therefore,
from the middle of January up to some time in February is their period of greatest
privation.’! The Copper Eskimos begin sealing early in December, as soon as
the sun has disappeared; they would begin earlier still but for the necessity
they are under of sewing new clothes, and the danger of living and hunting over

1Amundsen, Vol. II, p. 22 et seq.

112 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

thin ice which may be broken up at any time by a sudden storm. While the
ice is still forming, indeed, they sometimes shoot bearded seals (with rifles now
but formerly too with bows and arrows) as the animals bask on the surface of
the ice off the mouths of streams and rivers.1 For the Copper Eskimos too the
period of greatest privation is from the middle of January till about the middle
of March, because it is then that the coldest and stormiest weather usually
prevails and they have least success in their sealing.

One of the first actions of a community after it settles down in its winter
sealing ground is the construction of a dance-house. This is never a separate
structure standing by itself, but a large dome covering the fore part of a single
hut, or more usually the fore-courts or two or more huts. In this way it is kept
warm by the lamps that are always burning in the dwellings, and is more fitted
to fulfil its other function of a club-house.

On a normal mid-winter day the Eskimo hunter never stirs till about eight
o’clock. His wife rises a little earlier to kindle the lamp, which usually expires
during the night. Sometimes she lights it from her bed, but an energetic woman
will always rise early and occupy herself with some task or other. Occasion-
ally she boils a little seal-meat to warm up her husband before he goes sealing,
but often he is content with frozen fish or deer-meat, or cold boiled seal-meat
left over from the night before. The woman removes the snow-block from the
door, and goes outside to look at the weather, and, it may be, to bring in a fresh
supply of blubber for the lamp. Presently children appear, bringing food from
other houses, and are sent away with corresponding portions to distribute
among the neighbours. Any child, no matter whose it is, may be sent on such
errands; and if there are no children, or the wife wants to pay a visit herself,
she will take her own contributions of food. A man or two will now probably
enter the hut, and the husband, who has eaten his breakfast in bed, turns out

es

Fig. 35. Eskimo hunters starting out for the sealing-grounds, Dolphin and Union strait

and dresses. “Are they starting out for the sealing-ground yet?” he asks,
and if the answer is “Yes”, he hurries forth, harnesses his dogs, and takes his
sealing apparatus from the rampart that encompasses the house. With the
breaking light all the men set out in a body for the sealing-ground, which may
be from three to five miles away. As soon as they reach it they scatter
and the dogs sniff about and smell out the holes where the seals come up to the
surface of the water to breathe. The hunter watches them, searching about

1Farly in October, 1915, when we were camped not far from the mouth of the Okauyarvik creek,
Ikpakhuak shot one rough and three bearded seals on the surface of the ice. He had to stalk them on
his hands and knees, and in SO. doing froze both his wrists so that they were black for days afterwards;
but he merely laughed over his misfortune and considered it rather a joke. In the spring of the same
year an Eskimo hunter in Coronation gulf stalked a large bearded seal on the ice and launched an arrow
at it that missed by a hand’s breadth only.

Winter Life 113
himself at the same time and probing every suspicious mound. Suddenly a
dog begins to scratch in the snow. The hunter hastens to the spot and probes
about with his long horn “‘feeler’” until he finds the exact centre of the hole;
then he carefully stamps the snow round the probe and draws it out, leaving
only a deep hole about half an inch in diameter. Down this he pushes his
indicator, a fine stick of bone or horn about as thick, but as long ‘again,
as an ordinary steel knitting needle. At the lower end is a small thin bone’
disc, and at the top an eyelet to which the short string of sinew is fastened that
attaches it to another needle, shorter and discless. The indicator rests against
the snow at the side of the hole, which keeps it from falling, but the slightest
disturbance below will cause it to drop. The second needle is pegged into the
snow above so that the indicator can be recovered afterwards. The hunter
then places his deerskin or bearskin foot pad under his feet to keep them from
freezing and remains perfectly still, holding the shaft of the harpoon in his
right hand and the loop at the end of the line in his left. Every few minutes
he stoops to examine his indicator, then straightens up again and scans the
horizon around him. A slight quivering of the indicator gives him his cue.
He stands with uplifted harpoon on the lee side of the hole—for the seal has a
very quick scent—and when the indicator suddenly drops he strikes with all
his might. :

Sometimes a hunter will use another kind of indicator. Instead of the
long bone needle with a disc at the end he has a flattened piece of caribou leg-
sinew split nearly to the top. The two ends are then bent round till they lie
some two or three inches apart; and each is split again a little to make them
grip a wisp of down that is stretched between them, the down being taken
indifferently from a duck, a goose or a swan. The sinew is now laid vertically
in the hole without reaching to the water, and is held in place by a short needle
pushed into the snow above, as with the other form of indicator. The seal,
when it blows at the surface, causes the down to flutter up and down, and the
hunter strikes as nearly as possible down the centre.

Often the hunter fails to strike his quarry. Sometimes the harpoon just
grazes it, sometimes it penetrates but not sufficiently deep to hold the animal
fast. But if it does hold a struggle commences, a very grim struggle indeed
if the animal is one of the larger rough seals or a bearded seal. The usual method
of killing the animal, after it has been dragged to the surface, is by stabbing it
in the eye with the sharp handle of the scoop or ladle that is used for enlarging
the seal hole. Not everyone can hold on to a large bearded seal, and only a
very few can draw one up out of its hole. The hunter must call to his com-
panions for assistance. Many Eskimos have great scars on their hands that
testify to the enormous strain of holding a bearded seal on the end of the line,
and many a stirring tale is told of the adventures of different hunters. Some
have a tragic issue. Ilatsiak had seen a Netsilik Eskimo named Tutiktok
whose mitten had dropped off during the struggle, and the line, dragging
through his hand, had severed all his fingers. Another man, Ikpakhuak said,
harpooned a bearded seal one autumn on the edge of the ice in Simpson bay.
The animal immediately plunged into the water, and dragged the man in with
it. From time to time the people saw it rise to the surface, blowing hard, and
apparently still having the hunter in tow behind it.’

Most of the scars that cover the hunters’ hands, however, are gained in a
more inglorious manner. A rough seal is dragged home intact by one or more
of the dogs, after a small piece of the skin and blubber has been cut off and
thrown away as an offering to the other seals. A bearded seal, on the other
hand, is cut up beside its hole. A great shout goes up whenever a man spears
one of these animals, and all the hunters in the vicinity rush to his assistance.

1Cf. Stefansson, My Life with the Eskimo, p. 268.
23385—8

114 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

Everyone crowds round as the seal is drawn to the surface in order to obtain
a share of the meat. Heedless of the value of the skin, heedless even of each
other’s hands, they hack away, not infrequently cutting each other as each
man in his greed tries to hew off as large a portion as possible. The Rev. Mr.
Girling, writing in 1918, said: ‘‘ There have been a great number of cases of
maiming this winter arising from their ridiculous system of going temporarily
mad when they strike an ugyuk (bearded seal) and all stabbing their knives
in to get what they can grab; our surgical outfit has been kept busy.” Yet
they know that when they return home both the raw meat and a portion of
what is cooked must be distributed amongst the other families, so that all they
gain for their exertions is a strip of the skin. Even that is often eaten, so that
the only outcome of their folly is a number of severe wounds.!

If the day is far spent when he strikes his quarry the hunter usually returns
home without waiting for his companions; but if it be still early either he sends
his dogs to camp with the seal, (a toggle is passed through the nostril and
attached to the trace of the dog), or he drags it around with him until he finds
another seal-hole, when the same performance is gone through again. Generally
the whole party return together, and are met a little way out by the children,

Fic. 36. The return from the sealing-grounds, the dogs dragging home the seals

who fall on the seals and pretend to stab them to death, thereby bringing good
luck, as they think,:to the hunters. The dogs know their own huts, and each
drags its burden to the entrance of the passage, where the housewife is waiting
to receive it. The man puts away his sealing-gear, setting his harpoon upright
in the snow wall outside the hut, while his wife drags the seal indoors and lays
it on its back in the middle of the floor.2. Sometimes she skins it herself, some-
times a little girl is allowed to skin it, and thus be trained in one of her duties
in later life. First a little fresh water is poured into its mouth, for seals, these
Eskimos say, have an intense desire for water, and bad luck would attend the
hunter who did not administer to their wants. Sometimes small pieces of the
blubber are cut from the breast and handed round as tit-bits. The bulk of it,
however, is stripped off in long slices, and thrown across the board that supports
the table, or into the empty space at the back of the lamp. The skin is folded

iMr. Stefansson’s account (My Life with the Eskimo), p. 269, is not quite accurate, at least not for
the Dolphin and Union strait Eskimos.

2On Dec. 6, 1914, a Noahognik native speared a large rough seal, the first that was caught that winter”
His wife, who was standing at the entrance of her hut when he returned, merely remarked, kowanna nai-
semmun, ‘‘Hurrah for the seal’’, and went inside the house again. The dogs dragged it into the passage,
and she unhitched them and drew it inside the hut. Before skinning it she cut a few small pieces of skin
and blubber from its breast and gave each of us one as a tit-bit.

3 could find no definite belief concerning the rebirth of seals and their gratitude in the new life for the
water they received in the old, such as Mr. Stefansson attributes to the natives of Baillie island and Point
Atkinson (Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, p. 351). Nor do Copper Eskimos keep the bladder
or nose skins, like their neighbours. The catching of seals in nets was unknown to them, as indeed were
nets of any kind.

Winter Life 115

and laid against the wall, and the children are sent out to the various houses
with portions of the meat. The husband enters, removes his heavy sealing
coat, carefully beats the snow from it with the ‘duster’, and sits down beside
the table to help himself to the steaming food that his wife has just cooked in
anticipation of his return. Sometimes, though, if he is very tired, he will
undress first and slip into bed, then roll over on to his stomach and eat his
supper.

In mid-winter the women have usually very little to do while their husbands
are away sealing. It is forbidden to sew new garments during the days that
the sun is absent, but they may still patch old ones, and they can spend an
infinite amount of t'me in emptying out their bales of clothing and clearing
away the snow that is always drifting inside. Such labour, however, is rather
useless, for the next gale will bury them up again, and in midwinter there is no
danger of the snow melting and damaging the skins. The most fruitful task
is to go and gossip in the dance-house, or in the houses of neighbours, until
the growing gloom brings warning that it is time to trim the lamp and put the
pot on for the hunter’s evening meal. Woe betide the woman who is slack in
this respect; her husband will probably beat her, or stamp her in the snow,
and may even end by throwing her household goods after her and bidding her
begone forever from his house.

The children have even less to do. They run about outside, throwing each
other in the snow, or playing hide and seek, or building miniature snow walls
and snow houses. One of them, perhaps, will carve out a block in the shape
of a rabbit and the rest will decapitate it. Every now and then a child will run
inside to help itself to a little food from the table, then go off again to visit some
other house or to resume its play outdoors.

Neighbours drop in after the evening meal to discuss the hunting and all
the little events of the day. The hunter is lying in his sleeping-bag. They sit
down beside him and chat for an hour or so, then one by one retire, remarking
as they leave, ‘‘ I am going out.’’ By seven or eight o’clock the hut is empty,
and everyone is preparing for bed. The inmates have another little snack of
food, then undress and compose themselves in their sleeping bags, the wife first
trimming the lamp so that the flame burns brightly all along its rim, and closing
the door with a snow-block. The lamp grows dimmer and dimmer; often it
expires altogether before morning, unless some one wakes and trims it again,
or throws a little more blubber into the well. The dogs sleep quietly in the pass-
age. Sometimes one prowls about outside, and climbs on to the roof among
the bales of clothing. The crunching of its feet on the crystalline snow disturbs
the house-wife, who yells at the dog at the top of her voice, ‘ Won’t you lie
down? You dog, you’re a confounded nuisance.’ Her husband rolls over
mingling his voice with hers, and similar cries come faintly from a neighbouring

‘hut. The crunching ceases for a moment, then recommences, and the woman,

with a muttered ‘“‘ Confound it,” slips on her clothes, picks up the snow-duster,
removes the door and crawls out through the dark passage. Shrill yelps soon
proclaim that the dog has received a well-merited punishment, and everyone
heaves a sigh of contentment and settles down to sleep again. The wife comes
in, readjusts the door, dusts her clothes, and crawls into her sleeping-bag again.
Sometimes she brings with her an old headless harpoon, so that if the dog climbs
up on to the roof again she can stab it through the snow wall without rising
from her bed.

With the reappearance of the sun and the dawning of longer days the mono-
tony of this life undergoes a*change. Hitherto dances and shamanistic perform-
ances, with a little wrestling and gymnastics, have been their only diversions in
the evenings and on days when terrific blizzards make sealing impossible. Un-
doubtedly these afford much enjoyment, and relieve to some extent the tedium

23335—8}

116 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

of their sedentary existence; but still the nights are long and weary and half
their life is spent in bed. Longer days mean travel, migrations to new sealing
grounds and visits from friends in other communities. It is then, about
February or the early part of March, that the Akulliakattangmiut combine
with the Puivlirmiut and Noahognirmiut, and the Coppermine river natives
come north to the neighbourhood of Locker point, whence some continue
west and visit the Dolphin and Union strait Eskimos. Farther east the Pingang-’
naktok and Kilusiktok natives meet, and some of the Ekaluktomiut and Asiag-
miut often visit them. Dances are held almost nightly in honour of both
visitors and hosts, and a brisk barter is carried on. Both at this time and later
the groups rearrange themselves, some of the local group returning with the
visitors to their sealing-grounds, while some of the new-comers in turn stay
with the group they came to visit.

A migration of a whole community is a wonderful sight. In the autumn,
when the Eskimos are moving out to their sealing-grounds, they have to start
with their sleds before daylight in order to reach their destinations before dark.
Time is everything at that season of the year, and often half the journey is
made in twilight. In spring, on the other hand, there is no need for haste, for
the air is mild and pleasant, and the daylight as long as the darkness has been
in the winter. No definite hour is set for the migration, no definite day even,
for in a land where the only calendars are the seasons one day is no better than
the next. The natives are not accustomed therefore to plan all their movements
beforehand, and to carry them out with the exactitude of clockwork. Conversa-
tion usually simmers on the subject for several days before a migration takes
place, and nothing is decided; then one evening a man will suddenly announce
to his wife that he intends to move next day. The rumour quickly spreads
from house to house, and others announce their intention of accompanying him.
Next morning everyone is on the alert. Someone enters a hut and announces
that so-and-so is packing up. Everyone begins to do the same, and soon the
settlement is a hive of industry. Breakfast is finished quickly, or even forgotten
in the excitement. The man goes out, takes down his sled from its stand, and
trims the mud runners with his knife; his wife, in the meantime, crushes some snow
in the pot so that when he re-enters there will be water all ready to pour over
the mud. He carries it out, fills his mouth with it, streams it along the runners,
and before it freezes quickly rubs it over with a pad of polar bear skin so as to
leave a perfectly smooth coating of ice... Finally the sled is ready; he turns it
right side up, and lays on the bottom all the heavy bales that have been resting
on the house wall. Then he cuts a great hole in the side of the house, or takes
a the ice window behind the lamp, and calls to the inmates to pass out the
things.

_All this time the wife has been busily packing indoors. Odd garments,
sewing material, knives, and other miscellaneous articles are hastily stuffed into
bags. The pot is taken down and emptied, the lamp extinguished, and the
blubber packed into a skin bag.. Then while the children pass out the sleeping
skins through the opening in the wall the woman herself scours out the lamp
with her forefinger, carefully lashes it inside a sealskin, and thrusts it through
the doorway into the passage, since it is generally too heavy to lift up through
the opening in the wall. Its usual place on the sled is near the bottom, above
the willow bed-matting or on top of the bales of clothing; here too the ice
window generally finds a place. The drying-rack is taken out with all its contents,
and the table and its supports; the ends of the latter are often frozen into the
wall, and have to be chipped out with the ice-chisel. -

_ _ The husband carefully packs all these things on the sled, while his wife
indoors (or outdoors, if the weather is mild) changes her old grease-stained

'Polar bear skin is preferred to any other kind because water does not adhere to the fur.

Winter Life . 117

house-clothes for the clean, warm, ornamented clothing that is kept for travelling
and for ceremonial occasions such as dances. Both then lash everything tightly
on the sled while the children harness up the dogs. Yet even when the lashings
are all firmly secured the packing is not quite finished, for there is always a
multitude of shoes, socks, sticks, poles, harpoons, tins, pots, scraps of skin too
precious to throw away, and odds and ends of the most extraordinary kind which
must be fastened in some way or other to the top and sides of the sled, either
pushed under the lashings or tied on with threads of sinew. This after-packing,
in fact, often takes longer than the first.

sre eat Area that. hm Hf SBA saw ec Dn b=:

Fic. 37. A migration train near Cape Krusenstern

At last everything is finished, the yelping dogs are hitched to the sled, wife
and husband hitch their harness on also, and the family is ready to start. Other
sleds have already preceded them, and soon there is a long train extending over
a mile perhaps, each sled, as a rule, following exactly in the trail of the one in
front. Here a woman is pulling in front, with a daughter or niece at her side;
behind her are the dogs, which she urges on with cries of ha ha ha. Then comes
the husband, also in the yoke, steering the sled round hummocks, and heaving
it over those unavoidable ones on which the sled threatens to stick. All three,
husband, wife and daughter, carry walking-sticks to help them along. The
man has another use for his; when his cry of hok hok hok fails to spur on one of
the dogs, he seizes its trace, jerks it back till it comes within reach of his stick
and smites it a stinging blow. Usually though the mere striking of their traces
is sufficient to keep the dogs working. Suddenly the sled sticks. The man
stoops down, lifts all the traces with one hand to make the dogs start together
with a jerk, and heaves with all his might. If it still holds he knocks down the
snow from the front of the runner and heaves to one side to set the sled swinging
a little until finally it moves on again.

Behind this sled there is another with only one woman in front of the dogs
and the husband behind, while a little boy clings to the side of the sled. On the
next, father and son are pulling side by side, while the aged wife drags herself
along by holding on to the lashings. The fourth has a curious sail-like apparatus
on top. Only the man is pulling, his wife trudging along at the side of the sled;
the queer-looking “‘ sail ”’ on top is a deerskin wrapped round the baby to protect
it from the wind. So the whole train moves slowly along for two or three miles;
then the front sled stops, the dogs are unhitched, and one or two taken back to
help some kinsman far in the rear. One after another as they come up the
natives unhitch their dogs and sit or stand around to rest. A little frozen meat
is divided up for lunch, and the children run to and fro, playing hide and seek,
or raven, or some other game that serves to keep them warm. Several of the
men and women perhaps begin a skipping competition, using a dog-trace for a

118 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

rope, while the older people lean against the sleds and gossip. . Half an hour later
the journey is resumed, but by the time they have travelled eight or ten miles
everyone is tired out, and the leader begins to search out a suitable place for the
hew camp. He takes his snow-sounder, and prods about in the snow till he
finds a spot where it is firm and deep, then draws his sled up alongside it and
begins to build his hut (or, if the season is too advanced for a snow hut, he erects
his tent instead). His wife and child unharness the dogs and unlash the sled, then
help him in making their home. One by one the other families come up and do
likewise, so that two hours later a new settlement has arisen almost identical
with the one they have just abandoned.

Travelling of this kind is very hard work, especially for those who jown
only one or two dogs. The natives perspire freely from the labour of dragging
their sleds, then when they stop to rest their bodies cool down and tend to
freeze all the more quickly. Yet during a howling blizzard, when the ther-
mometer registered —30° F. and the wind was blowing 30 miles an hour, I have
seen a woman squat down in the lea of her sled, draw her baby out from under
her hood and leisurely proceed to change its little garment, holding the naked

Pe ee ee

Fre. 38. A rest during a migration, near Cape Krusenstern

infant in the meantime fully exposed to the weather. Such was the severity
of the cold that day that several adults had their wrists badly frozen. Then
again they often have trouble with the runners of their sleds if their course
takes them over the land. In February, 1915, I accompanied a band of Cop-
permine river Eskimos on a migration near Locker point. Among them was
the shaman Uloksak ; his two wives were hauling side by side, with six dogs
following them, while Uloksak himself was hauling behind. The sled was
piled to its utmost capacity with all the miscellaneous articles of an Eskimo
household, and the big drum, with its membrane removed, was hanging from a
pole at one side. ‘Trailing behind was a smaller sled that was also piled high
with bags. (Wealth is not always a blessing, even among the Eskimos;, it
doubles the labour on the trail.) We were crossing the neck of land behind
Cape Krusenstern, and stones along the portage scraped some of the ice from
the runners of his sled, causing it to drag so heavily that he was compelled to
stop and re-ice them. With a few shavings and some blubber he kindled a
small fire and melted some snow in the cooking pot; then he took a box from
his sled and propped up one runner. The younger wife filled her mouth with
the water and poured it over the bearskin mitten her husband was holding in

Winter Life 119

his hand, and while he rubbed it along the runner she filled her mouth again
for the next application. Fully half an hour passed before their sled was ready
to proceed again:!

As a rule Eskimos can travel but one or two days at a time, when they
must stop and hunt seals, which are too heavy for more than one or two to be
carried on the sled with the rest of the property. Nor do the natives travel
very far in one day unless their sleds are light, for not only must they drag them
themselves, but before it grows dark they must find a suitable camping-site
and begin the construction of their snow huts. On the other hand, they have
no cumbersome tent to carry, with its poles and ropes, at least not in winter.
When spring does finally come and a tent must be carried, the weather is mild
and the daylight long, so that there is no need for haste; at this period therefore
a native with a light sled will often travel as many as thirty miles in a day.
For convenience of transport the covering of the tent is usually rolled up in
two bundles, which are joined together again before the poles are set up.

Abandoned camps are often reoccupied a few weeks later, generally by the
same inhabitants returning from a visit to neighbouring tribes; a stranger,
though he occupies the same site, will usually build a new hut for himself.
Often, although the settlement is abandoned, there are clear signs that the
inhabitants intend to return before very long. The ice windows are left in
place, the door-ways are blocked with snow, and tent poles and other gear
still remain planted in the walls. Looking through the windows two or three
large bags may. be seen inside filled with meat and blubber. One native made
a cache of three sealskin bags, two containing blubber and one seal meat, in a
square hole in an ice keg near the hut he was abandoning. He covered the
bags with three sealskins, and closed the hole with blocks of ice. Three weeks
later he came back and recovered his property.

Spring with its mild, sunny weather brings longer and pleasanter hours for
hunting. Seals, though not more plentiful perhaps, are more easily discovered,
and the camp is filled with meat and blubber. To the women this season
means more work. The winter, provided food and fuel were not wanting,
was almost a holiday time, but now each family requires spring boots that will
not spoil in the melting snow. Some of the sealskins must be scraped and
dried, partly for footgear, partly to make up into bags for clothing, meat and
blubber. Such skins are scattered all about the camp, some pegged to snow
blocks, others to the walls of the houses, others again stretched over the sleds.
There is a general spring cleaning. The clothes that are ranged in bags on the
ramparts of the houses must all be unpacked, shaken out and aired in the sun.
A sharp eye is kept on the weather for the least sign of drift, and after every
gale or snowfall the bags are emptied again, the snow brushed out before it
melts, and the clothes carefully repacked. The tent now supplants the snow
hut, and in place of closing up chinks in the walls and scraping the window,
the wife now beats off the encrusting frost and snow. Surplus blubber is no
longer thrown away, but diligently packed in large sealskin pokes to be sorted
away for the autumn. At the same time many of their fine winter clothes
are packed away, since it will be impossible in summer to carry them wherever
they go. Migrations take place more frequently, and the men hunt nearer
home, staying away eight or nine hours a day instead of four or five as in winter.

Now that rifles are growing more common many of the Eskimos abandon
the ordinary method of sealing much earlier than in former years. Instead they
wander along the coast to intercept the caribou as they migrate north, or to
shoot the bearded seals that in certain well-known places, especially off the

1A quick way of re-icing the runners in the fall when travelling down a river bed is to dig a hole down
to the water with the ice-chisel (a matter of perhaps five minutes when the river is frozen to a depth of
only about two feet), pour some water over the surface of the ice, and run the sled through it before it
freezes. The usual method, however, produces a more even surface.

120 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

mouths of creeks and rivers, crawl out on top of the ice to bask in the sunshine.
Occasionally a native, having no rifle, will stalk the smaller rough seal
as it lies beside its hole, and when there are no more ice-cakes to cover his ap-
proach, he will dash forward and try to harpoon it before it dives. Long before
the snow has melted from the ice, however, (before the middle of May in an
ordinary season) the majority of the Eskimos have cached their blubber and
clothes on the shore, or on islands near the coast, and gone inland to fish and
hunt.

A chronological record of the movements of the Dolphin and Union strait
Eskimos in the winter and spring of 1915-16 will illustrate this account of their
winter life. From December, 1915, to February, 1916, they were all united
in one settlement of thirty-three snow huts, on the shore of Illuvillik, the most
westerly island of the Liston and Sutton group. Some time during the first
week of February they migrated in a body ten miles to the west and built new
snow-huts on the ice. They remained here almost a month, then moved four
or five miles south-southwest. Throughout March they were visited by large
numbers of Coronation gulf natives, some from the Coppermine river basin
and others from as far east as Bathurst inlet. On April 3, the settlement split
up. One band of sixteen families made new homes ten miles farther west,
four families migrated about the same distance north-northwest, and the remain-
der, save for two or three who left for Coronation gulf, moved eastward again
and camped on the ice between the two eastern islands of the Liston and Sutton
group, where they could seal in an area that had not been hunted over during
the winter. The eleven families of this last settlement now set up nine tents
to live in. The larger settlement to the west, on the other hand, consisted of
snow huts only, the weather not being as yet so warm as to make these dwellings
untenable. Their exact movements later I do not know, but by the end of
April the members of the larger settlement had all moved away, some to
Okauyarvik on the north side of Dolphin and Union strait, where they were
hunting caribou, the rest to the mouth of a creek twelve miles east of Bernard
harbour, where they were shooting bearded seals and trying to intercept the
caribou. The natives who had camped between the two islands were slowly
moving northeast at the same time towards the land, and by May had reached
the shore not far from Clouston bay. In June there were nine families at the
fishing creek four miles east of Bernard harbour, two at the other creek twelve
miles east, and six at a creek that flows into a bay just west of Cape Krusenstern.
The other natives who had wintered in Dolphin and Union strait were all lost
to view in: Victoria island, with the exception of those who had gone down into
Coronation gulf.

Summer Life 121

CHAPTER X
SUMMER LIFE

A great change comes over the Copper Eskimo world each year in the month
of May. The sun circles constantly round in the sky, never setting below the
horizon. During the warmer hours of noon the snow that covers both sea and
land begins to glisten and melt, then in the cooler hours of the night it freezes
again, offering a firm resistance to the traveller’s sled. Already in a few exposed
places the ground shows brown and bare, but the streams and lakes are still
ice-bound, and the valleys filled with soft, deep snow. The birds are returning.
Throughout the winter a few ravens haunt the Eskimo settlements, and here
and there is found a solitary snowy owl or one or two ptarmigan. But now the
snow-buntings appear, and ptarmigan that herald the caribou, soon to be followed
by ducks and geese and a multitude of other birds, both large and small. The
seals emerge from their holes and bask in the sunshine on the surface of the ice,
while from far to the southward come countless herds of caribou streaming north
to their summer pasture grounds.

The Eskimo, too, feels the quickening of nature and bestirs himself to new
activities. Tents and household goods are all overhauled, and new and lighter
clothes brought out to meet the warmer weather. His outer boots are now of
seal-skin, which will not spoil in the slushy snow; often, too, he wears a seal-
skin coat. The season for sealing is now rapidly drawing to a close, and certain
economic factors, varying from district to district, govern the movements of
the natives as soon as it is over. One group will hasten shorewards and vanish
immediately into the interior, while another will linger for several weeks along
the coast. But before each group finally takes its departure inland it is careful
to deposit on the coast all its surplus winter gear and clothing, as well as stores
of blubber that will provide fuel and light when the summer days are over
and winter grips the land once more.

The safest place for a cache is on an island close to shore, where foxes,
wolves and wolverines cannot reach it in summer across the water. Wolver-
ines, the most destructive of all the animals in the north, are fairly
numerous at the mouth of the Coppermine river; consequently the natives of
that region cache their goods on one of the Moore islands, and cross by sled to
the mainland before the ice breaks up, which usually takes place some time in
June. In the spring of 1914 some of the Noahognik Eskimos cached their
possessions on Chantry island; and in 1916 Ikpakhuak and others used the island
at the entrance of Bernard harbour for the same purpose. Ikpakhuak stored
his blubber there while the ice was still solid, but left his clothing till June,
when he ferried it across on his kayak. On the mainland the Eskimos choose
as far as possible places that are least accessible to animals; for instance,
in 1915, at Cape Wollaston, in Bathurst inlet, they left a cache on top of a huge
crag so steep and high that not even a wolverine could scale its sides. Crags
such as this, however, are rare, and most of the Eskimos’ caches are simply
built up with boulders, while articles of stone and wood, which cannot be
damaged by beasts of prey, are left exposed on the surface. Thus in 1914 we
found some caches of the Noahognik Eskimos at the fishing creek near Bernard
harbour. There were four boards resting on the ground, and, on top of them,
a soapstone lamp and a wooden bowl, the latter weighed down with stones to
keep it from being blown away. Near them were three stone cairns. One en-
closed a large poke full of blubber; in the second we could see only a few sticks.
The interior of the third was not visible at all, but inserted upright between the

122 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

stones were four sealing harpoons. A few yards away there were three coal-oil
cans and a couple of sticks lying together on the ground. The sleds and heavy
spring tents of these natives had been left at a lake a few miles inland.

Often the tribes partially break up as soon as their blubber caches are made,
though the full disbandment does not take place till early summer. Many
families even break off while the main body is still sealing on the ice, as there
are many different hunting and fishing grounds, and every man is free to choose
his own. In every region there are certain well-known highways that lead into
the interior, and the native naturally makes his caches at the entrance to the
one which leads to the particular district that he has chosen for his
summer home; then in the fall he returns by the same route. The spring cache-
sites therefore are often the same as the winter assembling-places. Thus the

(Photo. by R. M. Anderson.)
Fic. 39. A cache on top of a high rock at Point Wollaston

Akulliakattak natives cache their things at Lake Akulliakattak, and the Copper-
mine natives on one or other of the islands off the mouth of the Coppermine
river. But in some tribal areas there is more than one highway into the interior,
and so more than one potential cache-site. Different families will then make
their caches in different places, so the group splits up while the natives are still
_ living on the sea-ice. In the fall the families usually return first to their caches,
then, later, all unite in one common assembling-place.

In southwest Victoria island, for some reason or other, there is no great
run of salmon up the creeks and rivers during the early summer, and the best
fishing lakes are inland in the Colville hills. Consequently, the Puivlirmiut who
inhabit this region have no inducement to remain on the coast after the sealing
has ended. Already, while still on the ice, they have split up into smaller bands;

Summer Life 128

each of these now travels inland by sled, carrying the lamps and a little blubber
to furnish them with fuel until the snow has partly melted and they
can gather the wretched okauyak. By slow stages, with many stop-overs
at different places to fish, they finally reach some well-known lake, the centre
of a fruitful fishing region. There they remain until early July, when the ground
is growing bare of snow, and travelling by sled, or even with its substitute a
polar bear skin, is no longer practicable. There, then, they cache their sleds
and lamps, together with their heavy tents and all their surplus clothing. The
band splits up, the families radiate, one going north perhaps to a lake to fish,
two others east, two others again perhaps southwest. Thus they wander about
in July from one lake to another, sometimes uniting for a few days to enjoy
each other’s company, then scattering agan. Fishing is their main pursuit,
and as long as the lakes are covered with ice they continue to accumulate trout
and salmon, which they dry in the sun and store away in caches for consump-
tion during the fall and early winter. Caribou are plentiful in June, but in July,
when the migration has ended, the herds break up and the deer are few and
scattered. The Eskimos, as long as they had only bows and arrows, gave little
attention to hunting them at this period, for their flesh is lean with long travelling,
and their fur useless for clothing until they gain their summer coats, which is not
until early in August.

In other regions, where the salmon migrate in numbers, the natives usually
gather in July and spear them as they make their way up the streams. Sealing
ends, as a rule, towards the close of May, when cracks develop in the ice and the
seals no longer need to resort to the holes they have kept open all the winter.
From this date, then, until the appearance of the salmon the natives linger near
the creeks, and either fish for tom-cod through the sea-ice, or go inland a few
miles to fish in the lakes, although a few hunters, having rifles now, remain on
the shore and intercept the bands of caribou as they pass north. In July, as
soon as the salmon begin to run, the natives gather at their salmon weirs, which
are either at the mouths of the creeks or near their outlets from the lakes. Some-
times a whole tribe will reassemble at these fishing-weirs; more often the different
families spread out over different creeks so that each may secure a: greater
individual toll. The three creeks where the Noahognirmiut spear salmon have
been mentioned already. Farther east there are other well-known ‘‘salmon-
ponds”; the cascade about eighteen miles up the Rae river, below Bloody fall
on the Coppermine, at the rapids near the mouth of the Tree river, and, in
Victoria island, on the creek that flows into Cambridge bay.1 Hearne and
Franklin both came across natives below Bloody fall. The former remarks that
the salmon were ‘‘so numerous that when a light pole armed with a few spikes,
which was the instrument the old (Eskimo) woman used, was put under water
and hauled up with a jerk, it was scarcely possible to miss them. Some of my
Indians tried the method, for curiosity, with the old woman’s staff, and seldom
got less than two at a jerk, sometimes three or four.’”

By the end of July the salmon run is over, and the ice has melted from all
except the very largest lakes. The caribou in the meantime have grown fat
with peaceful grazing, and their skins are now in their prime. The Eskimos,
leaving safely stored away in stone caches whatever fish they have caught,
and packing their light tents and a few spare articles of clothing on their backs,
wander off to hunt. Wherever the country is barren and reindeer moss scarce,
the deer are scattered and far apart; then the Eskimos too must scatter out to
cover as wide an area as possible. On both sides of Dolphin and Union strait,
therefore, thé traveller will find scattered families roaming about from place to
place, here today and gone tomorrow in their restless search for game. Days

1See Collinson, p. 279; Rae, Journ. Royal Geogr. Soc., Vol. 22, 1852.
2Hearne, p. 183.

124 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

of feasting alternate with days of fasting according to their failure or success.
No fowl of the air, no creature of the land, no fish in the water is too great or
too small to attract their notice at this time. They knock down ptarmigan and
longspurs with stones or arrows, they shoot the ducks on their nests and carry
off the eggs, they spear or catch with nooses the squirrels that burrow in the
ground, and they spear or catch with their hands the tiny fish that hide under
the stones on the margins of the lakes. With their bows and arrows they
fearlessly attack brown bears and wolves, while polar bears they run down on
foot with the help of their dogs and stab them with improvised pikes. In
1915, fot example, an Eskimo named Komak spent the summer months in the
country between Dolphin and Union strait and the Rae river. Two other
families kept him company; sometimes the party separated out for a few days,
then joined together again. They caught a great quantity of fish, some with
spears, others by jagging with long rakes; in addition they killed a wolf and a
brown bear, several caribou, and a large number of squirrels. The squirrels
they caught with nooses, which were sometimes set to operate by themselves,
sometimes operated by hand; but many, too, were killed with improvised
spears, made by lashing points of caribou antler to walking-sticks.

Even in summer, however, the caribou wander in large herds occasionally
in some of the more fertile valleys and plains. The Eskimos congregate there
also, and organize hunting expeditions in concert. If the natives have kayaks
they drive the caribou into the lakes and spear them in the water (this is the
commonest method inland between Bathurst inlet and the Coppermine); but
if kayaks are lacking the deer are driven down a hastily improvised compound
towards the hunters, who are concealed in pits in the narrow pass at the end.
In such regions six or a dozen families may stay together all through the summer.
More often, however, the Eskimos break up into smaller parties and move along
a few miles apart, the approximate location of each party being known to all
the rest. Then they can all unite again whenever an exceptionally large herd
is encountered and concerted action promises greater booty.

Their hunting often takes them long distances. In recent years the presence
of white men has caused the natives of Coronation gulf to gravitate more and
more towards the north end of Great Bear lake. Even the Eskimos of Bathurst
Inlet make their way overland to this region, along a chain of lakes where caribou
and musk-oxen abound during the summer months. Rivers and large lakes
are crossed in kayaks, which serve the natives also for their hunting.| Caribou
have always been plentiful around Great Bear lake, but it is only within the last
few years that this region has become the common hunting ground for natives
from every part of Coronation gulf. Probably half a century ago the Pallirmiut
kept as a rule to the Rae river basin, and the Bathurst inlet natives to the country
north of Backs river and east of the Coppermine, while the natives of the Copper-
mine basin itself kept for the most part to the lower reaches of the river, and
only ascended as far as the Dismal lakes when they wanted to procure timber
for making their sleds and tables. Fear of the Indians kept them away, and
hence the early explorers, Franklin, Richardson, Dease, and Simpson, saw no
traces of them south of Bloody fall. Assoonas white men settled on Great Bear lake,
however, the natives flocked thither from all directions, not only in mid-summer
during the regular hunting period, when they packed their possessions on their
backs, but even in the spring, as soon as the sealing season ended, while they could
still travel inland by sled. The Eskimos who visited the Roman Catholic priests
at Lake Rouvier in 19138 had travelled by sled from the mouth of the Copper-
mine in the late spring, and they returned in the same way in the fall. In
June, 1916, again, a large party of natives from various tribes, anticipating

1See Stefansson, Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, p. 81.

Summer Life 125

a profitable trade with some white men at Great Bear lake, congregated at
the mouth of the Coppermine and travelled across by virtually the same route,
accompanying Mr. K. G. Chipman and a police patrol.

Hunting carries some of the Kilusiktok natives in summer as far south
as Backs river, even after they have spent the spring fishing for tom-cod round
the Barry islands. As a rule, however, those who intend to spend the summer
far inland leave the coast in spring and travel a large part of the journey by
sled, as the Puivlirmiut do farther west. Little is known of the more northern
natives. Apparently the salmon do not run in their country either, so there is
nothing to keep them on the coast after the sealing is over. Their fishing and
hunting grounds are some distance inland, hence they naturally make the
journey by sled; such at least was the case with the two Prince Albert sound
families that I met at Lake Tahiryuak in the summer of 1915. They had
just finished their sealing, cached their blubber on the coast and travelled
south by sled. The majority of their tribe, they told me, had gone northeast
in the same manner to another lake named Tahiryuak, some thirty miles,
perhaps, from the head of the sound. .

The first snow-fall in September and the gradual freezing over of the lakes
warns the wandering Eskimos that it is time to retrace their footsteps and
return towards their caches. There they recover their heavy tents and warm
clothing, and either fish again through the ice of the lakes or intercept the
caribou as they migrate south. In October the reappearance of ptarmigan
in numbers heralds the coming of the caribou, which gather along the south
shores of Victoria island until the ice in the straits is solid enough for them to
cross. Small parties of Eskimos often wait near the coast for them, laying in a
stock of willow twigs for fuel and building low sod walls round their summer
tents. Others go back to the lakes where they have cached their sleds in the
spring, hoping to encounter at least a few of the caribou in the hills. The
natives on the mainland also gather in bands on the coast and intercept the
deer as they come off the ice. Some families still live in their summer tents,
burning driftwood or willow for fuel; others collect their caches and re-erect
the same heavy tents that they had used in the spring, with the stone lamps
burning blubber inside. There is no unanimity in their actions. Almost
invariably, however, they all move into snow huts as soon as the snow is deep
and firm enough, for a snow hut at this season of the year is far more confortable
than a tent that is constantly covered with frost. Hunting and fishing absorb
all their energies until November, by which time the caribou migration is usually
over, and the Eskimos must redeem all their caches and prepare for the winter’s
sealing. Then the bands that are still inland come down to the coast and
join their tribesmen at the assembling-place.

Such, in brief outline, is the life of the Copper Eskimos on the land. As
no other traveller has accompanied them all through this period, and observed
the influence of the economic conditions on their social life, a brief diary
follows of the seven months, from April to November, 1915, when I lived with
some Puivlik natives on south-west Victoria island as a member of one of
the families. When I joined them, on April 13, they were living in spring
tents on the ice about fifteen miles northwest of the Liston and Sutton islands.
I found a home in the tent of Ikpakhuak and his family, which consisted of
his wife Higilak and two children, Kanneyuk and Haugak. Avranna, Higilak’s
son, and his wife Milukkattak, lived in the same tent for the next two days;
then, as it was rather crowded, they set up one for themselves.

April 14: Several of the natives went sealing.

April 15: Kanneyuk and her cousin Kesullik freighted some blubber and my
dog-pemmican towards the shore in preparation for a migration the fol-
lowing day. One native and his wife left the settlement to join the Eskimos
on the mainland. Most of the men went sealing.

Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

126

crall

Sill

(| uOysTT]
pesunye sur
PMY,

(104
at

ofp.

or nud ym:

bug Hi

1 nade

als

oSll

1915

> j

Map 1, Sketch map of south-western Victoria island showing wanderings of Puivlik Eskimos
from April to November

Summer Life 127

April 16: The whole settlement migrated about ten miles north by east, and
re-erected their spring tents, with the exception of Ikpakhuak, who intended
to send his shorewards the next day. He therefore built a circular wall of
snow-blocks instead, which he roofed over with two musk-ox skins and
one of my cloth tents.

April 1723: Ikpakhuak and I made a trip to Penny bay to bring back some

deer-meat and deer-fat which he had cached there the previous’ summer.

We carried no tent, for Ikpakhuak proposed to make a snow hut each

night for us to sleep in. Near Ingnerin we found the settlement that the

Akulliakattak natives had built the previous winter when first they crossed

over from Cape Bexley and began sealing. It was now deserted, save for

a single family who gave us a lunch of seal meat. Four days later, on

our return, we found five families there, all living in their old snow-huts

again for a few days before crossing over to Cape Bexley and the mainland.

April 23: Ikpakhuak and I reached our old settlement again. We had lived
for four days on rotten deer-meat and deer-fat, save for two meals of seal-
meat provided by the Akulliakattak natives. Ikpakhuak had found the
diet quite agreeable. Our camp was littered with clothes of all descriptions
that had been set out to dry in the sun; some were suspended on sticks,
others laid out on bags. Caribou were sighted for the first time crossing
the straits from the south.

April 24: Most of the men went sealing. Two families left us and camped
ten miles to the west. There was another camp about six miles south-east.

April 25: The blubber and pemmican that had been freighted forward on the
15th were brought in to camp. The Eskimos went sealing, and with them
Avranna’s wife Milukkattak. The clothes were set out again to dry.

April 26: Our blubber was freighted ahead again about six miles by some of
the natives, while the rest went sealing.

April 27: Stormy weather, so everyone remained in camp.

April 28: We migrated again {towards the land, travelling slowly, with many
halts, during which the snow had to be kicked up round the sled-runners
to prevent the iced surface of the mud from melting. About noon some of
the Eskimos made a little shelter of snow-blocks and melted some snow for
drinking water, using shavings for fuel.

April 29: All the men went sealing.

April 30: A strong east wind in the morning caused the snow to drift. The
wind died down before noon, and the women hurriedly unpacked their
bales of clothing and beat out the snow before it had time to melt. The
men went sealing.

May 1: All the men went sealing, save two, who were freighting blubber one
stage forward. Higilak held a shamanistic performance in the evening.

May 2: Two families left us and went towards Epiullik; two others joined us
from another camp and we all moved to a point on the ice about four miles
from Okauyarvik.

May 3: The other Eskimos went sealing, while Ikpakhuak, Avranna and
myself went over to Read island and shot some hares and ptarmigan. The
two families that left us yesterday joined us again in the evening.

May 4: Caribou hunting. Two herds were sighted crossing the ice, and several
of us went over to the mainland and intercepted them, securing three.
May 5-6: Stormy weather kept everyone in camp except Avranna, who went

caribou hunting.

May 7: Some of the natives went sealing, others caribou hunting. A caribou
fell through a crack in the ice and was speared by one of the sealers. This
was the last day that the natives went sealing until the fall. Our little
party, as now constituted, remained together more or less all through the

\

128 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

summer; we were the only inhabitants that year of all the country south

of the Colville hills and west of the Kimiryuak river. Altogether we

numbered 20 persons, divided into five families, as follows:—

1. Ikpakhuak, his wife Higilak, her daughter (by a former husband)
Kanneyuk, who was about 12 years old, and Ikpakhuak’s nephew
and adopted son Haugak, a boy of about 8 years of age. I was also
included as a member of this family.

Avranna, Higilak’s son, and his wife Milukkattak.

Tusayok, Higilak’s older brother, his wife Hakka, and their son Kesullik,
a youth of about 17 years of age.

Okalluk, his wife Kullak (an adopted daughter of Higilak), and their
son Ukpik, who was perhaps 8 years old.

5. Tutsik (Ikpakhuak’s nephew), his wife Mikinrok and her son (by a
former husband) Kimaktun, a boy of about 13 years of age.

6. Pissuak (a kinsman of Ikpakhuak, though the exact relationship I have
not recorded), his wife Itkellrok and their baby girl Hanna. With
this family lived a widower, Ivyarotailak, a brother, I think, of Itkellrok.

May 8: Avranna went hunting, while the other natives conveyed their blubber
pokes to Read island and cached them. Okalluk left for the Kimiryuak
river to bring back some deer-meat that had been deposited there the
previous autumn.

May 9: We migrated to Okauyarvik, where Ikpakhuak recovered his large
spring tent which he had sent ahead a fortnight before. Milukkattak
put on the coat and mitts of her husband Avranna, who was away hunting,
and built a circle of snow-blocks as a base for their tent; Ikpakhuak then
helped her to set it up. Higilak gave a shamanistic performance in the
evening, to enquire into the prospects of food during the coming summer.

May 10: Avranna went off alone to hunt, while Ikpakhuak and I climbed a
ridge to watch for caribou crossing the strait. Ikpakhuak made a low
semi-circular wall of snow on top, sufficient to shelter us from the breeze
without obstructiong the outlook; later in the day he emptied one of his
old caches. The other men filled in the time at various occupations round
the camp.

May 11: Ikpakhuak feathered some arrows for Haugak, then gathered together
such of his possessions as he intended to cache in this place. Avranna
began the day by filmg down some large primers to make them fit
Ikpakhuak’s .44 Winchester rifle that he had been using; later he joined
Tutsik and myself hunting. The women were busy drying clothes in the sun;
Milukkattak towards evening went off to visit two fox-traps that she had
set the day before. The children wandered away with their bows and
arrows to hunt for ptarmigan. They joined Tutsik and myself just after
we had secured a deer, and were sent home with the head and hind-quarters.

May 12: The Eskimos proposed to migrate inland the next day, so everyone
was busy packing up and laying aside whatever was to be left behind.
Each family had its own separate cache, though all the caches were situated
close together on the side of a low ridge. The goods were piled on the
ground in a heap and covered with skins, weighted down around the sides
with a few stones. Ikpakhuak cached his sled here, and piled his goods
above it, while my cases of pemmican were laid underneath; on top of the
pile he laid his kayak. Caribou were sighted in the evening, and some of

the oe went in pursuit of them, but returned a few hours later unsuc-
cessful.

May 13: We migrated north about 12 miles over an undulating plain inter-
spersed with small lagoons. Ikpakhuak carried his things on Avranna’s
sled, as he had left his own at Okauyarvik. No caribou were sighted
but some ptarmigan were seen; the Eskimos tried to shoot them with

pee eat

Summer Life 129

arrows, but missed. The sun was now so warm that skins had to be
hung over the sides of the sleds to keep the runners from melting. In the
evening the other Eskimos raised their tents on snow-blocks; but Ikpakhuak
found a place where the snow was very shallow, so he cleaned it away and
pitched his tent on bare ground. Milukkattak cooked some deer-meat
outdoors over a small wood fire, sheltered from the breeze by some snow-
blocks that Avranna set up for her.

May 14: Caribou were sighted early in the morning while we were loading
the sleds, and Ikpakhuak and I went in pursuit of them, leaving the others
to break camp and trek to Lake Ekallugak, in the Colville hills. We spent
the whole day in an unsuccessful hunt, then about 8:30 p.m. began to look
for the camp. About a mile from the lake we came upon three snow-blocks
arranged in line about twenty yards apart; our people had set them. up
to guide us to their new camp. They had already begun to fish through
the ice, and had caught enough trout for supper.

Fie. 40. Ikpakhuak jigging for fish in Lake Ekallugak, Colville hilis

May 15: The men divided into three parties and went hunting, Milukkattak
accompanying her husband Avranna. -Two caribou were shot. The
skins were carried back to camp, but the carcasses were left to be brought
in later on a sled. The women and children fished all day in the lake, and
caught about two dozen trout.

May 16: Most -of the men were away hunting, the others fished with the
women and children in two or three different lakes. Higilak and Kanneyuk
went out with a sled and brought in the two deer that were shot the day
before.

May 17: The children shot two ptarmigan with their bows and arrows; the
adults hunted and fished as usual.

May 18: We migrated north, about six miles as the crow flies, though, as we
had to wind in and out following the line of the lakes, we actually travelled
about ten. Many ptarmigan were seen on the way, and the Eskimos
frequently launched their arrows at them, but invariably missed. In many
places the snow was soft and deep, and one of the sleds capsized three times.

23335—9

130

Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

The Eskimos avoided the glare ice as much as possible, for their sleds would
slide in all directions on it, then stick on the merest patch of snow, from
which it was difficult to start them again as both the dogs and the Eskimos
would be standing on smooth ice. We stopped to camp beside a small lake.
The men, as soon as they had set up their tents, went fishing, leaving the
women to unload the sleds and prepare the evening meal.

May 19: Hunting and fishing occupied the natives all day. For the first time

this spring Higilak was able to cook a pot of deer-meat over an okauyak fire.
Hitherto the woman had used their stone lamps and blubber, as in winter;
but as their tables and lamp-supports had been left on the coast, they used
to set up their lamps on snow-blocks, and rest a stone on each corner to
support the cooking-pot. We had an exciting chase after a weasel, which
finally disappeared down a hole in some rocks. ;

May 20: Pissuak and his family, who had left us about a fortnight before,

rejoined us at this place. Pissuak owned a rifle, which he shared with
Ivyarotailak just as Ikpakhuak shared his with Avranna. Everyone went.
hunting and fishing as usual. Ikpakhuak left in the early morning,. and
did not return until long after midnight. The weather was now so warm
that the women did most of their work out of doors.

May 21: A repetition of the preceding day.

Fic. 41. The return from a caribou hunt, packing the game, Colville hills

May 22: The whole settlement moved to Lake Numikhoin, where Ikpakhuak

and others had met some Prince Albert sound families the previous summer.
The natives proposed to cache their sleds here, as they had done the year
before. Accordingly they dragged them up on to bare ground where the
mud runners, exposed to the sun, soon began to crack and break off. As
soon as the tents were erected Ikpakhuak and others went off to bring in
some caribou he had shot two days before. As the hills in many places
were bare of snow they took a polar bear skin instead of a sled; most of the
meat was wrapped inside the skin, which the dogs dragged home to camp,
while the Eskimos packed the remainder on their backs. No caribou were
sighted, but Ikpakhuak shot two ptarmigan.

Summer Life 131

May 23: Some of the men went hunting, others fished near the camp. The
women were busy all day cutting up caribou meat and setting it out to dry,
scraping skins, and feasting. Meat was lying all about the camp, on sleds,
stones, boards and sealskins; wherever meat was absent there were dogs
tied by their traces to large boulders. Just before our last migration
Milukkattak had made a tent from the skins of the caribou her husband
had killed; here at Lake Numikhoin Pissuak’s family shared it with them.
At this period it was usually midnight when we went to bed, and noon
before we rose. Higilak held a shamanistic performance on the evening
of this day to discover whether we would find any Prince Albert sound
natives if we went on to Lake Tahiryuak.

May 24: The whole party set out for Lake Tahiryuak, with the exception of
Tusayok, his wife and the little boy Haugak, who were left behind to look
after the drying meat. Besides my own sled, which was an ordinary
European sled shod with steel runners, there were two others, stripped of
their mud shoeing but protected by runners of whale’s bone. Okalluk’s
family carried all its possessions in a polar bear skin drawn by three dogs.
Several ptarmigan were shot during the day and one caribou. Our camp in
the evening was rather unusual. There was a lean-to under which four of
the natives were huddled in their sleeping bags, one ordinary summer tent of
deer skins, and my own light canvas tent in which Ikpakhuak and Higilak
slept also. Some of the natives had no shelter at all. We had left our lamps
and blubber at Lake Numikhoin, and there was no fuel of any kind in the
neighbourhood, so the Eskimos satisfied their hunger with raw meat.

May 25: We reached Lake Tahiryuak in the evening, after killing three caribou
and some ptarmigan on the road. Everyone began to fish as soon as camp
was made. About 1 a.m., before we had turned into our sleeping-bags,
Higilak held a séance to discover whether any of the Prince Albert sound
natives would visit us. As the weather was mild and our tents too small
to hold all the company she held her performance in the open air.

May 26—31: Everyone was engaged in hunting or in fishing. One or more of
the women each day went out to collect okauyak for fuel; it was rather
searce in this locality, or at least difficult to find under the snow that still
covered the ground in most places. We were given one meal of cooked
meat each day, and for the rest ate semi-dried meat and fish. Higilak
divined on the evening of the 28th to try and discover whether the Prince
Albert sound natives were coming or not.

June 1: About noon a Kanghiryuak (Prince Albert sound) family arrived
travelling by sled across the lake. It consisted of a man Kunana, his wife
Allikammik, their little baby, and a young man named Imerak. A dance
was held in their honour, but while it was still in progress a second sled
appeared, with three more Kanghiryuak natives, Nilgak, a cripple, his wife
Utuaiyok, and a boy of about 11 years named Akoaksiun. This second
family joined its tent to Kunana’s, making the open end of the latter’s
tent a common entrance for both. Higilak held a séance in the dance-
house, after which some of the natives amused themselves with drumming
and singing, while the others crawled into their sleeping-bags. Several
natives slept in the dance-house during the next few days, as the skins
which they had brought for shelters had been used to form its roof. Each
morning they rolled back their sleeping gear against the wall out of the
way of the dancers.

23335—93

132 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

June 2: A ceremonial dance was given in honour of Nilgak and his family. A
good deal of sporadic trading now took place between the Kanghiryuak
and the Puivlik natives. ; :

June 3: One or two natives went hunting. During the day the Kanghiryuak
families gave a return dance to express their appreciation of the welcome
that they had received. Some of the Eskimos retired to their tents about
midnight, and were visited by others who were anxious to learn the new
dance-songs they had just been hearing. Nilgak and his wife Utuaiyok
taught Ikpakhuak’s people a Kanghiryuak song,! and were taught a Puivlik
song in return.

Fic. 42. Dressing for a dance, Lake Tahiryuak, S.W. Victoria island -

June 4: Food being plentiful, the natives spent the day in camp, gossiping.
Most of them went into the dance-house in the afternoon and held an
informal dance.

June 5: A farewell dance was held in the morning, after which the Puivlik
natives loaded up their sleds and set out on the return journey to Lake
Numikhoin. Kanneyuk and another child were asleep when we left, and
did not overtake us till the evening. Ikpakhuak went off to fish as soon as
the tents were erected, though the other natives tried to dissuade him
saying that everyone was too tired. Higilak divined again in the evening,
the Eskimos being perturbed because one of my dogs had barked suddenly
panes any apparent reason; they feared that it foreboded some one’s
death.?

June 6: We continued our journey to Lake Numikhoin, stopping at Lake
Angmaloktok to fish. Avranna and Pissuak turned aside to hunt and
secured two caribou. We reached Lake Numikhoin late in the evening.

June 7—18: Up till now we had lived largely on caribou meat, but from this date
until the fall caribou were comparatively scarce. Only one more herd was
seen migrating north. Accordingly, during the next few weeks the Eskimos
gave most of their attention to fishing, making Lake Numikhoin their
centre. We would rise about noon, and after a light meal of semi-dried

1This song is included in a collection of phonographic records brought back by the expedition; it is
hoped to publish them in a later volume.

2Cf. Stefansson, Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, p. 343.

Summer Life 133

fish or meat gather up our fishing-gear and start out for some lake, seldom
returning before 9 p.m. If one lake yielded nothing we crossed the low
dividing ridge and fished in the next. The dogs were kept in camp, tied to
boulders, and fed on fish broth and on bones that had already been gnawed
clean by the natives. The children often spent whole nights in wandering
about, shooting at birds with their bows and arrows, and jigging for trout
and salmon in the lakes; they would return to camp in the morning and sleep
all through the day. Three or four caribou were shot, and a few birds,
and a sea-gull was caught in a fox-trap. The women used okauyak for
fuel whenever they cooked, as there was neither heather nor willow in the
neighbourhood. One day Higilak used her stone lamp, burning some of
the seal blubber she had brought inland with her. But in summer the lamp
seldom burns well owing to the draught inside the tent, for the front is
partly open and the roof half agape, while the sides are often full of rents.
Two shamanistic performances were given during this peridd. Everyone
was busy on the 18th packing up the things that lay scattered all round the
camp. Whatever was not absolutely essential during the next three or
four months, such as skins, sinew, spare clothing, and various tools and
implements, was cached on top of the sleds, while the dried meat and fish
were piled up in heaps and covered with boulders.

June 19: Packing everything we needed for the summer on our backs, and on

the backs of the dogs, we crossed Lake Angmaloktok, and camped beside

a small bay named Kauwaktok at the northwest extremity of the lake

where fish were said to be very plentiful. The distance was about five miles.

Okalluk’s pack, which was exceptionally heavy, must have weighed over

two hundred pounds. The Eskimos went fishing as soon as camp was made.

The songs that they had learned from the Kanghiryuak natives two or

* three weeks before were very popular about this time, and every night they
were sung in one tent or another.

June 20—26: Fishing was earried on as usual. Avranna went hunting one day,
using Ikpakhuak’s rifle. In his absence Ikpakhuak sighted a bull caribou
and wounded it with an arrow, but it escaped. A few loons and ducks and
ptarmigan were shot. The natives made lard from the fat of the eider ducks
we shot to carry along with them. By the 26th we were threatened with
a shortage of food, for our daily catch of fish was very small and the reserves
of dried fish and meat that we had brought with us were nearly exhausted.
Accordingly the party decided to spread out, and Tutsik and his family
moved on this day to a lake a few miles farther north.

June 27: Okalluk and his family moved off to the northeast, Tusayok and his
wife and son to the southeast, while the families of Ikpakhuak and Avranna,
with myself, went north by west. On the way we stopped at two lakes to
fish, then camped towards evening on the edge of a third lake. Our whole
catch for the day was only two small salmon trout and two lake trout.

June 28: We moved again about two miles north to a lake called Sagsagiak
laid down our packs, tied up the dogs, and began to fish. This day we had
more success. The women abandoned the fishing before the rest of us in
order to tidy up the camp.

June 29—July 2: The weather was very foggy during the greater part of this
period. Caribou were sighted on the 29th while we were fishing, so the
next day most of us went hunting. Ikpakhuak, Avranna, Milukkattak and
Kanneyuk went north, but a heavy fog settled down soon after they left
and they were unable to find their way back to camp for three days. During
this interval they fished in various lakes. with considerable success, and
shot two deer. At night, having neither tent nor sleeping skins, they
huddled together on the ground under the shelter of some bank. This
little adventure in no way dampened their spirits, however; they were as

‘134 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

cheerful as ever when they returned, though somewhat tired from lack of
sleep. Higilak was greatly perturbed by their absence. She knew they
would return as soon as the fog lifted, but she was afraid that her little
daughter Kanneyuk would be very cold and miserable; consequently, she
held a séance to try and dispel the fog.

July 3: Two causes brought about a further division in our little party. The
first was the probability of finding caribou farther east, the second the
apparent abundance of fish in a certain lake to the north. Accordingly
Ikpakhuak and his family went east, while Avranna and his wife, with
Kanneyuk, went north. Higilak and Haugak were left to transfer all our
things to Lake Kullalluk, some four miles away, while Ikpakhuak and I
went hunting. We secured two does and two fawns, an eider duck, a
ptarmigan and two lake trout before reaching camp again at one o’clock
in the morning. A light south breeze was blowing and the weather was
warm and clear, so Higilak left our tent behind at the old camp. During
the next three days therefore we slept in the open.

July 4: Ikpakhuak and I left about noon to hunt, while Higilak and Haugak
fished near camp. Early in the afternoon we met Tutsik. He and his family
had experienced very little success in their fishing, so we sent him, to our
camp to have a feast of deer-meat. He arranged to join us the following
day with his wife and son, as Higilak had caught a large number of fish
in the lake beside our camp. Our hunting was again successful; we secured
two fine bulls. The skins, heads, and legs, with one shoulder blade, we
carried back to camp, a distance of about six miles, leaving the remainder
for Higilak to bring in later.

July 5: Tutsik and his family joined us about midnight, and, according to
custom, produced a little food for us to eat as soon as they arrived, they
themselves eating later. The fishing this day was very successful, 38
trout and 2 salmon.

July 6: Higilak went to bring in the remainder of the caribou we shot on the
4th, but could not find it. In the meantime Ikpakhuak and I packed some
meat over to our last camp to deposit in a cache. There we found Avranna
and his family, who returned with us to our camp. We brought back our
tent with us, rather fortunately, for rain came on in the evening. Avranna
and Tutsik made rude shelters of caribou skins for themselves and their
families, using their walking-sticks and the handles of ice-chisels and fish-
spears for tent poles. During the day Tutsik caught a trout by jigging a
line through a crack in the ice and spearing it when it came to nibble at
the hook.

July 7—12: Higilak and Kanneyuk, with two dogs, found and brought in the
caribou we had shot on the 4th. Ikpakhuak, Avranna and Milukkattak
went hunting, carrying a cooking-pot but no tent. They were absent till
the 12th, and secured five deer, besides a considerable number of fish.
The rest of us fished near camp. On the 8th two loons settled in a lane of
water on a lake; Kanneyuk and Kimaktun raced up and down on the ice
along the water’s edge, frightening them under the water as soon as their
heads emerged so that they had no time to take breath and fly away. Tutsik
meantime was vainly shooting at them, and when his arrows were exhausted,
he bestrode a raft of floating ice, poled along with his fish-spear and re-
covered them one after another; finally we shot the birds with the .22
automatic rifle. On the 10th Tutsik and his family departed for their old
camp, where they had left their tent and some drying fish.

July 13: Avranna and his family gathered up their fish and meat at Sagsagiak
and moved to our old camp at Kauwaktok. Ikpakhuak at the same time
conveyed his things to Lake Nanitak, about three miles north of Kauwaktok,
where Higilak, Haugak and I joined him soon afterwards with the camping
equipment. Tutsik, we found, had moved here also.

Summer Life — 135

July 14: The day was spent in fishing. The children caught a longspur with
a noose of sinew. Mikinrok in the evening boiled some old deer-meat; it
was full of maggots, but the Eskimos ate it with great content.

July 15: We moved again to a bay at the north end of Lake Angmaloktok.

July 16—19: Mosquitoes bothered us a great deal; the Eskimos flapped them
from their faces with loon skins. We secured a fair number of fish at this
place. Early in the morning of the 18th Higilak went to examine a fox-trap
she had set for sea-gulls, and saw several fish swimming in a large pool
where a stream from the hillside entered one corner of the lake. She returned

Fic. 43. Avranna repairing his bow, Colville hills

and told Ikpakhuak and Tutsik, who seized their spears and waded in after
them, securing six. The following day, with Avranna, who had arrived
with his family in the meantime, they repeated the process in another lake
and speared 15. The water could not have been above 32° F., for all but
this corner of the lake was still ice-bound, yet they waded about in it for
fully half an hour, often immersed as high as their hips. It was impossible
not to admire their endurance, for their skins were blue with the cold.
During the last three or four weeks only the heads of the fish were ever
cooked (except for me), the bodies being dried and stored away for the
winter. Higilak divined on the 16th.

July 20: We moved to Kauwaktok again.

136 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

July 21—29: The Eskimos fished every day in Lake Angmaloktok, the only lake
in this neighbourhood that still remained completely ice-bound. Higilak
held another shamanistic performance on the 29th.

July 30: The camp was moved to Lake Numikhoin. As soon as we reached our
destination the children stripped and played about in the water all the
evening.

July 31: After caching a little more meat and fish, we moved south about
three miles. Then a caribou was sighted, and the caravan halted to allow
us to stalk it. As soon as it was killed Ikpakhuak climbed a ridge and
signalled our success by running to and fro.three or four times. There-
upon the women pitched the tents, while the children brought over our
pack-straps and we carried the carcass to camp.

August 1: We trekked south again. About five miles from the sea was a curious
outcrop of dolomite; it resembled in some respects the floor of an old
temple, for it was almost level and the stone was cracked into more or less
rectangular blocks. Formerly a kayak had been cached here on two
pillars made by piling some of the blocks on top of one another. The
kayak was gone, but the pillars still remained. A caribou was sighted,
so we pitched camp and tried to stalk it, but the animal winded us and
fled. Every one returned to camp except Ikpakhuak, who followed after
it and returned early the following morning with the news that he had
shot two caribou.

August 2: We moved west about four miles, then cafnped close to the caribou
that Ikpakhuak had shot. Some of the natives went hunting. Willow
and heather were plentiful in this coastal region south of the Colville hills,
giving us far better fuel than the okauyak that we had been using. The
weather was fine and warm, so Ikpakhuak, instead of setting up his tent,
slept out in the open with his wife. However, it rained in the night, and
he had to set up his tent after all.

August 3: The rain lasted all through the morning, so we spent an idle day in
camp. In the evening three of the Eskimos bathed in a creek; they could
“dog-paddle”’ for short distances, but had no idea of the art of swimming.

August 4: Several of us went down to Okauyarvik to cache some meat and
fish. Ikpakhuak and Avranna separated from us there, and went to
look for caribou and birds’ eggs. On our way back we raised two ptarmigan
with their fledgelings among some willows. The Eskimos caught the
young ones and made them cry in order to attract the parents and bring
them within easy range of their arrows; but they succeeded in shooting
only one of the birds. We made a slight deviation from our course in
order to visit a cache of caribou meat that Ikpakhuak had made the previous
summer. The meat proved to be full of maggots, but the dogs had a good
feast, and the Eskimos cracked the bones and ate the marrow.

August 5: We packed westward, following the coastline at a distance of about
four miles inland. Ikpakhuak and Avranna joined us again just before
we made camp.

August 6: We travelled west again and met Okalluk and Tusayok and their
families, whom we had not seen since out party broke up on June 27. They
joined us in our trek westward. About 5 p.m. two caribou were sighted,
so we laid down our packs and went in pursuit of them, leaving four women
to make camp. There were no ridges to conceal our approach, so the
natives held a council and planned a drive. Milukkattak and Kanneyuk
made their way round behind the deer while the men set up a row of stones
to fence the deer off on one side, capping the stones with black turf so that
they resembled the heads of hunters lying half concealed. On the other

Summer Life 137

side there was a cliff that formed a natural barrier. Between the stone
fence and the cliff the hunters concealed themselves at short intervals
from each other, Ikpakhuak with his rifle at one end of the line and myself
at the other, while the rest of the natives, armed with bows and arrows,
were spaced between us. When all was ready Milukkattak and Kanneyuk
howled like wolves behind the deer to set them in motion towards us, but
the animals broke back past them and fled in the wrong diréction.

August 7: The Eskimos had run out of food, so we broke camp breakfastless
and trekked west. Coming to a swift-running stream about three feet
deep, the natives removed their trousers and footgear, tucked up the long
tails of their coats and waded across. Some brant were sighted in a lake
and the natives shot six of them with their arrows. Part of the meat,
raw though it was, they ate immediately, having fasted since the day
before; the remainder was kept for the evening meal. After camp had
been made Higilak held a séance to find out why the caribou were so scarce.

August 8: After a breakfast of back-fat and a little raw brant we broke camp
and moved westward again about fifteen miles. As soon as the tents
were pitched the men went hunting in different directions, but without
success. Tutsik saw an old-squaw duck swimming in a pond with its
young, so he took off his trousers and waded about in the water, shooting
arrow after arrow till at last he transfixed it.. The young birds he scorned
to trouble about.

August 9: Avranna and his wife, who had moved along parallel to us the day
before two or three miles farther inland in order to scour the country more
thoroughly, brought some cooked deer-meat over to our camp about 9 a.m.
I had given him a -22 automatic rifle and he had shot a caribou with it.
All the men went hunting during the day and secured a large bull.

August 10: Pissuak and his family, who had separated from us in the middle
of June; joined us again this day, so our little party was once more united.
Pissuak and his people had been very successful in their hunting and fishing,
and had left two or three caches of food in the Colville hills and one on the
coast. The whole party moved west again after this union. The weather
was very sultry all day and our packs heavy, so when we reached a lagoon
of clear sparking water most of the natives stripped and bathed. This
was the only occasion during the whole summer on which the adults bathed,
though the children often played in the water.

August 11: We moved west again, Avranna and Okalluk keeping a mile or so
north of the main party. A caribou was sighted after a few miles, so
we made camp and most of the men went hunting. Three small deer
were killed. During the day Itkellrok, Pissuak’s wife, carried not only
her usual pack, but her little girl Hanna as well, sometimes astride her
bundle, sometimes across it. This must have brought the weight of her
load up to more than 100 pounds.

August 12: We broke camp and began to move west again, despite a westerly
gale. Crossing a broad sandy plain named Kiasiktorvik, we sighted a
herd of fifteen caribou grazing quietly on a grassy slope. A drive was
organized and eight of them shot, Avranna securing four, and Ikpakhuak
and myself each two. Pissuak fired several shots at the deer with his
rifle, but always missed. He was so disappointed that he would have gone
out hunting again immediately if his wife and the other natives had not
dissuaded him. Avranna and his wife, on the other hand, were greatly
elated, and maintained a constant chorus of congratulatory remarks with
each other in their tent.

August 13—14: We remained at this place (beside Lake Kiasiktorvik) for two
days, the meat we had accumulated being too heavy to carry along with
us. On the 13th the men went out hunting again, and Pissuak and Avranna

138 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

each secured a caribou. On the 14th everyone stayed in camp and feasted.
During the day the natives set up a clod of earth for a target and shot at
it with their arrows. The children played about, bathing in the lake and
shooting at imaginary deer from miniature pits.

August 15: We divided into two bands and moved westward again. Ikpak-
huak, Avranna, Tusayok and their families travelled along three or four
miles in from the shore, while the rest went farther inland. Our party
(Ikpakhuak’s), after securing three caribou, camped for the night beside
a lake called Tasieluk, about three miles long and a mile wide, situated
directly below Mount Arrowsmith, which the natives call Annorillit.

August 16: Instead of migrating this day the Eskimos went hunting, but they
obtained nothing except a brown crane.

August 17: We packed west to the Kugaluk river, securing one caribou after
the camp was pitched. While travelling the natives caught three small
fish from 4 inches to 6 inches long that had come up the river from the sea.
These they ate raw, though heather and willow were plentiful all around us.

August 18: We had now accumulated so much green meat that the Eskimos
determined to dry it, thereby both preserving it and making it lighter to
carry. Early in the morning therefore they strung it across some poles in the
sunlight, and left it in charge of Hakka, Tusayok’s wife. Her husband left
her his tent, taking for himself and his son only a few caribou skins. We
then packed northwest across the stream Attautsikkiak to a huge crag
named Kunuamnak on the forward slope of Mount Kingmiktorvik. A
yearling caribou was sighted about noon and shot by Avranna, who cached
the meat under some stones. Another caribou was shot near our evening
camp.

August 19: Three caribou were sighted from the camp in the morning and a
drive was organised, but only one of them was secured. Ikpakhuak then
went down to the shore to look for driftwood, and returned in the evening
with a large board studded with nails, and with several smaller pieces of
wood. The board had probably dropped overboard from a whaling ship
and drifted ashore at this place.

August 20: Snow fell in the night, but it changed to rain in the morning. The
Eskimos stayed in bed till it ceased, singing, playing, gossiping and sleeping.
Later in the day Ikpakhuak and Tusayok split up the plank to make fish-
spear handles.

August 21: A gale was blowing and snow falling at intervals during the morning.

- We broke camp nevertheless and trekked north, for our food supply was
running low again. About 1 p.m. we were stopped by a blinding snowstorm
and had to pitch camp and dine on raw meat and back-fat, as it was impossi-
ble to light a fire. Raw meat to the natives is about the equivalent of a
bread and butter diet to us, while caribou back-fat, raw or cooked, is a
luxury corresponding to jam.

August 22: We packed north about two miles, when we sighted caribou. A
drive was organised and three killed, one by Tusayok with an arrow; it
was the first caribou he had secured the whole summer. The sky cleared
during the day and the snow melted rapidly, but the wind was very keen.
Higilak, who had brought only one coat, improvised a second one out of
Kanneyuk’s sleeping bag; she ripped out the stitches in the morning before
we began packing and sewed the skin up again at night.

August 23: Wemoved a few miles north again, securing three caribou. Higilak
and Milukkattak were the only women in our party, and the latter spent
much of her time in hunting. Nearly all the cooking therefore fell on
Higilak, who found her work rather strenuous. The children, Kanneyuk
and Haugak, generally gathered the fuel for her, willow twigs or heather,
whichever was nearer to hand. Besides the cooking she had to mend the

Summer Life 139

footgear of the whole family, five persons including myself. This in itself
was no light task, since the seal-skin soles of our boots used to wear right
through after two day’s trekking over the stony ground. Milukkattak had
only Avranna’s boots and her own to mend, though later I induced her to
mend mine also, thereby relieving Higilak of a little work. The skins of
the deer we shot were scraped by both the men and the women, after which
they were laid out on the ground to dry.

August 24: We trekked north again, securing one caribou.

August 25: We trekked north for about three miles, and shot two polar bears,
a mother and her cub.

August 26: Our camp was moved about four miles north to the place where
the carcass of the mother bear was lying. Here we remained four days,
feasting on the bear until the greater part of it was consumed. The dogs
were so satiated with meat and fat they they could scarcely move. Mean-
while our caribou skins were drying, so that by the time we came to trek
again they had lost half their original weight. Caribou were sighted on
the 27th, and we secured four as the result of a drive. The skins, sinew,
back-fat and leg bones were taken back to camp, the remainder was cached
in stone cairns for the use of the Eskimos in the following summer. Tusayok
and Kesullik departed on the 29th to return to our old camp at Kugaluk,
where they had left Hakka with their tent.

August 30: We started back for the Kugaluk river, carrying with us a large
quantity of bear-fat to take the place of seal-blubber in our lamps when we
should reach Lake Numikhoin again. Our packs were very heavy, so we
camped early in the afternoon after travelling only about five miles. Avranna
had found a plank on the shore two days before while he was away hunting,
and had trimmed it a little to make a sled-runner. He and Ikpakhuak now
went down to the beach and brought it in to camp.

August 31—September 1: The natives decided that a new sled-runner was not
needed, so Ikpakhuak split the plank to make tent poles, using an antler
for a wedge and a large stone as a mallet. The chips came in useful for
fuel; since both willow and heather were scarce in our immediate vicinity.
The natives went hunting on the 31st, and killed two yearling caribou.
The rest of the time was spent in feasting. There was a lake near the camp
almost divided into two by a long sand-bar. Round its margin numbers of
young salmon trout, from an inch to an inch and a half long, were hiding
under the stones and boulders. Milukkattak and Kanneyuk idled away
several hours in catching them; all that they caught they devoured immedi-
ately.

September 2: We broke camp and travelled south about 14 miles to the Kuga-
luk river, where we rejoined Tusayok and his family. Kesullik had caught
a few lake trout in the river, and Hakka boiled them for our supper.

September 3—4: The women boiled down all the caribou back-fat that we had
accumulated, and ran the tallow into bags so that the dogs could carry
them on their backs. Rain fell each night and morning, but the sky cleared
before noon. Near our camp the river had cut through a bed of dolomite
running southeast by northwest at right angles to its course. The gorge
thus formed was about 300 yards long and from 50 to 100 yards wide, with
perpendicular cliffs about 40 feet high. The Eskimos jigged their lines
from a ledge half way down the face of the cliff, and caught about a score
of lake trout from the deep pool below. Just below the gorge, from the
bed of the river, they gathered several lumps of pyrites, which they kept
for striking fire.

September 5: Our plan now was to return to Okauyarvik and intercept the
caribou as they migrated south. We therefore trekked east on this day,

140 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

_and camped after about eight miles beside a lake on the north side of Mount
Arrowsmith. The Eskimos caught a few fish here by rocking the boulders
that lay one on top of another near the margin of the lake, and spearing
the fish as they darted out from under them. Kesullik used a small double
gaff for this purpose, but the rest of the natives merely lashed broad pieces
of antler to their walking-sticks. The fish varied in length from 3 inches to
1 foot.

September 6: We continued our journey southeast for about seven miles, and
camped beside a large lake named Pisiksitorvik, where many of the Hanerak
natives had fallen sick and died several years before. Our stock of food
was running low again, though we still had a good supply of lard. All the
men went hunting as soon as the tents were pitched, and shot three caribou
about three miles away. It was then almost dark, so the hunters left most
of the meat to be picked up next day, and carried only the skins and two
shoulders to camp.

September 7: We moved to where the caribou lay, and the women cut up the
carcasses. Some of the meat was cooked at once, the remainder was stored
away in bags for future consumption. The short summer season was now
at an end and all the smaller lakes were beginning to freeze over again.

September 8: While Higilak was cooking some deer-meat for our breakfast
several of the Eskimos went fishing; half their breakfast therefore was made.
up of raw fish. We packed southeast again, camping at dusk in the bed of
a dried-up stream where willows were plentiful.

September 9: We packed east again through a meadow Clothed with Eriophorum
seeds, which the women gathered for their lamps. No caribou were seen all
day, consequently the dogs had to go hungry. We ourselves had a little
dried meat and some lard for supper.

September 10: There was a heavy fall of snow in the night, and a blizzard raged
throughout the day. We had to move on nevertheless, for our supplies
were running low again. There was no hope of sighting any caribou
through the clouds of driving snow, and as the weather was cold and our
packs heavy we camped early, about 4 p.m.

September 11: We moved east to Tipfiktok, though the weather continued very
stormy. Two small caribou were shot during the day. All the smaller
lakes were frozen over by this time.

September 12: We packed east to Epiullik, where Pissuak’s people had cached
their goods in the spring. To reach it we had to cross a lake named Tunun-
geok, which was covered with glare ice about 3 inches thick. The Eskimos
laid down their packs and dragged them across the lake, placing their
walking-sticks underneath to act as sled-runners. Higilak proposed to
divine in the evening, to discover why caribou were so scarce, but for some
reason or other the performance did not take place.

September 13: Pissuak and the other natives who had left us on August 15
made their appearance today; they had travelled back to Lake Angmaloktok
to fish. Higilak’s divining performances, postponed from yesterday, took
place this evening.

September 14: The whole party had intended to remain at Epiullik to intercept
the returning caribou, but Ikpakhuak now changed his mind and deter-
mined to go to Okauyarvik instead. He and his family, therefore, myself
included, packed east again, and camped about three miles inland beside a
small lake from which we could obtain water.

September 15—October 13: We remained at Okauyarvik for nearly a month
caribou hunting. On the 15th Higilak went down to our caches on the
coast and brought back, among other things, a sealskin tent which could be
used as a kitchen. During the next few days she gathered a large quantity

Summer Life 141

of willow twigs for fuel, before the winter snow had completely buried them.
She gathered too some Eriophorum seeds for lamp-wicks, and tufty moss
roots, mannik, for torches. Her real lamp was at Lake Numikhoin, in the
Colville hills, but she improvised a lamp from a hollow stone about 4 inches
in diameter; at first she burnt bear-fat in it, but later, when Ikpakhuak
shot a bearded seal, she used the ordinary blubber. During the first days
of our stay Ikpakhuak made a semi-circular stone shelter on top of a ridge
near the camp which would command a wide view over the surrounding
country; every day one or other of us would spend several hours there
watching for caribou. He speared a few salmon, too, in one of the lakes.
They were bright red at this season, and mating; one could see them
chasing each other round boulders under the ice. On the ice off-shore he
shot four bearded seals. Idle hours in camp were spent in helping Higilak
to scrape the caribou skins. On the 21st Tutsik, Okalluk and Tusayok
with their families came over from Epiullik and camped beside us. They
left us again on October 3 to return to Lake Numikhoin, for there was very
little chance of their securing any caribou in our vicinity, seeing that they
had bows and arrows only, while both Ikpakhuak and myself were using
rifles. We gave them, however, some of the carcasses and skins for helping
to discover the deer and pack the meat. Ikpakhuak and Higilak secured a
few sculpins at the mouth of the Okauyarvik creek early in the month;
Higilak had no proper spear, but she lashed one of my forks to the end of
her walking-stick and stabbed the fish with that. The weather became
rapidly colder, so on October 5, she took down the cloth tent in which we
had been sleeping since the spring, and wrapped it round our sealskin
kitchen; outside of this again she laid several deerskins. The sealskin
tent lay in a hollow, banked round with a low wall of turf, so our new
dwelling, though small, was warm.and comfortable. Avranna and his wife
joined us on the 10th. By the 13th the caribou seemed to have all dis-
appeared, having migrated apparently to the south-east. All the deer we
had shot (about thirty-five) were cached under the stones wherever they
had fallen, for we intended to gather them up early in the winter, just before
the sealing season opened. The skins, the back-fat and the sinew we cached
on the shore, where Ikpakhuak now recovered his sled. Its wooden
runners were quite bare, for their mud shoeing had dropped off during the
summer, and the runners had never been shod with whale’s bone.

October 14: We set out for our old camp at Lake Numikhoin to gather up our
caches there and to fish again in the adjacent lakes. Everything was loaded
on Ikpakhuak’s sled. Numerous patches of bare stony ground made it
drag heavily; even on the snow it was hard to pull along, because it had no
mud shoeing. At dusk we found a deep snow drift, and Ikpakhuak was
able to make a circular wall of snow-blocks, which he roofed over with our
tent skins; Avranna did the same for his family.

October 15: We broke camp early in the morning and reached Lake Numikhoin
shortly before dark. Okalluk and the other natives had left the place a
few days before, so we utilized two of their deserted snow huts. Higilak
immediately recovered her stone lamp from one of the caches and warmed
up our dwelling.

October 16—18: Ikpakhuak and Avranna dismantled their caches and covered
the runners of their sleds with mud shoeing. We fished in various lakes at
odd times and caught a few trout.

October 19: The sleds were loaded up at daybreak and we travelled east by
south for about five miles to Lake Kigiaktallik, the source of the Okauyarvik
creek. Here we found the rest of our party, except Pissuak and his family,
who were still at Epiullik. The natives were living in snow huts on the
margin of the lake and steadily fishing each day through holes in the ice.

142 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

October 20—21: The women and children fished near camp, while the men col-
lected the dried fish and meat from their various caches and fished in lakes
more remote. By the 21st we were ready to start for the coast again.

October 22—29: We entered the Okauyarvik creek at the south-east corner
of Lake Kigiaktallik and followed it down to its mouth. Caribou were
sighted after a few miles, and we camped to enable Ikpakhuak and Avranna
to go in pursuit of them. The first night we slept in snow huts, the second
in tents with snow passages, as the snow was too shallow for proper houses.
We halted one day, the 24th, to fish ina lake. The other natives continued
the journey on the 25th, but Ikpakhuak and his family stayed behind to
enable him to go hunting. He shot a caribou, so his family stayed over
another day while he brought it in to camp. We overtook the other natives
at Okauyarvik falls, about four miles from the mouth of the creek, on the
28th, and reached the coast on the following day.

Fic. 44. An Eskimo autumn encampment at Lake Kigiaktallik, 8.W. Victoria island

October 30—November 8: This was the transitional period between the summer
and the winter life. Pissuak and his family joined us on the 6th, so that
our whole party was united again as in the spring. The women were busy
making our winter clothing; one or two of them had already begun the
task in the hills, but they had been too busy fishing and travelling to make
much progress. Higilak went out one morning with her husband’s ice-
chisel and chipped a rectangular block of fresh-water ice from a lake to
make a window for the hut and give her more light for sewing. One or
two more deer were shot while we were bringing in the carcasses of those we
had killed and cached a few weeks before, and the pokes of blubber that had
been left on Read island in the spring were collected again and brought in
to camp. Ikpakhuak replastered the runners of his sled, for the mud
shoeing he had put on at Lake Numikhoin had been badly chipped by
stones when we descended the Okauyarvik creek. He made too a new head
for his harpoon, and in odd moments scraped several skins for Higilak.
By November 7 the strait was frozen solid, so early the next morning he and
I started out with a light sled and crossed over to Bernard harbour. The
others followed us a week later, and remained beside our station till the
end of the month, when they crossed over to the Liston and Sutton islands
and commenced sealing.

Summer Life — 143

There is a theory, advanced by M. Mauss, that not only does the economic
life of the Eskimos undergo a complete transformation from summer to winter,
and from winter to summer, but that their social organization and religious
life also are so profoundly modified as to be radically different at the two seasons.
M. Mauss, for example, says, ‘“‘ La vie sociale des Eskimos se présente donc
& nous sous deux formes nettement opposables, et paralléles & leur double mor-
phologie. Sans doute, entre l’une et l’autre, il y a des transitions: ce n’est pas
toujours de fagon abrupte que le groupe rentre dans ses quartiers d’hiver, ou en
sort; de méme ce n’est pas toujours d’une seule et unique famille qu’est composé
le petit campement d’été. Mais il n’en reste pas moins d’une fagon générale
que les hommes ont deux maniéres de se grouper, et qu’& ces deux formes de
groupement, correspondent deux systémes juridiques, deux morales, deux sortes
d’économie domestique et de vie religieuse. A une communauté réelle d’idées
et d’intéréts dans l’agglomération dense de l’hiver, & une forte unité mentale
religieuse et morale, s’opposent un isolement, une poussiére sociale, une extréme
pauvreté morale et religieuse dans |’éparpillement de 1’été.’”!

Fic. 45. Digging for water through the ice of Okauyarvik creek, 8.W. Victoria island

Now as far as the Copper Eskimos are concerned the brief sketch that has
been given of their life during the two seasons suffices to disprove this theory.
Changes in their environment, it is true, produce marked changes in their econo-
mic life. At one season they are dispersed into small bands that seek their
sustenance on the land by hunting and fishing, at another they are assembled
into large communities on the sea-ice and live by sealing. But their social
organization and their religious life continue unchanged during both periods.
They have different dwellings at the two seasons, tents in summer and snow
huts in winter; but it is only because nature compels them to make the change;
for, whether on land or on the sea, they prefer to live in snow huts whenever
it is at all practicable. Given snow and ice and the possibility of procuring

1Z,’ Année Sociologique, 9me Année, 1904-1905, p. 124.

144 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

seals in mid-summer, many of the natives would live at that season exactly as
in winter; the skins they require for clothing they would obtain by trade with
their neighbours. Contrarily, if trapping for foxes ever becomes profitable,
and the natives are assured of fuel and food apart from seals, nothing in their
social organization or their religious beliefs will prevent them from abandoning
their winter life given over to sealing, exactly as their kinsmen have done in
northern Alaska. The introduction of rifles, and the stimulus it has given to
the hunting of caribou on land, has already shortened the period of sealing on
the sea-ice. In fact there is really no fundamental change in their lives at the
two seasons, but merely an external difference occasioned by, and directly
reflecting, the difference in their climatic and economic environment.

Hunting and Fishing 145

CHAPTER XI
HUNTING AND FISHING

On the land, as we have seen, the whole life of the Copper Eskimos is devoted
to hunting game animals, and fishing for lake trout and salmon in the lakes and
streams. Naturally the natives have adopted many curious devices in their
endless quest for food. Their principal hunting weapon, apart from the harpoon
used in sealing, is the bow. Back says that the inland natives make a most
effective use of the sling.) I never saw a regular sling amongst the Copper
‘Eskimos, though the children often use their tump-lines, kakautak, for throwing
stones at birds; they call a sling illuktak. Some of the natives have seen the
bolas among the inland people; they described it correctly enough, but could
not say how it was used. All their own hunting on land, whether for big game
or for small, is done with the bow. Collinson thought their marksmanship
was very good; he states that ‘on one occasion the natives were induced to
show their skill by shooting at the mast-head vane from before the windlass.
I did not see the practice, but was told it was extremely good, the vane being
hit three or four times, although it was unsteady.’ Parry found the natives

eae ee Ee a)

(Photo by R. M. Anderson)
Fic. 46. A Bathurst inlet native shooting with bow and arrow

of Wager inlet tolerable archers. “We tried their skill in archery by getting
them to shoot at a mark for a prize, though with bows in extremely bad order
on account of the frost, and their hands very cold. The mark was two of their
spears stuck upright in the snow, their breadth being three inches. At twenty
yards they struck this every time; at thirty, sent the arrows always within an
inch or two of it; and at forty or fifty yards, I should think would generally
hit a fawn if the animal stood still.”* Mr. Stefansson says that ‘tolerable
accuracy, such as is needed in shooting birds, is not secured beyond a range of
twenty five or thirty yards. Against caribou the effective range varies with

1Back, p. 381.
2Collinson, p. 275.
aParry, Vol. IV, p. II.

23335—10

146 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

different archers, generally between seventy-five and ninety yards, and is prob-
ably not over one hundred. At thirty or fifty yards members of our party have
repeatedly seen an arrow pass through the thorax or abdomen of an adult caribou
and fly several yards beyond.’ In another passage he says, ‘“IT'wo bows were
brought out at our request. The range seems to be about one hundred yards,
and at twenty-five yards they hit within a foot of the target bull’s eye about
four out of five times. Doubtless these two were the best bowmen. Evidently
the bow is a more satisfactory weapon for deer than I had supposed, yet it
surprised me that they should have given up the method of spearing, which
has everywhere, so far as I know, been the mainstay of deer-hunting.’”

My own observations led me to a less favourable conclusion. Ikpakhuak
was reputed to be one of the best bowmen in Dolphin and Union strait, and the
maximum distance he could send an arrow was about 125 yards. Even at a
fixed target his marksmanship was indifferent. During the summer of 1915
the natives set up a clod of earth about a foot square for a target. They went
back forty paces and tried their skill, but only about one shot in twenty hit
the mark. ‘The men seemed to be no more accurate than the children, though,
their bows being stronger, their arrows flew with more velocity. Two of the
women joined in the sport, using their husbands’ or their children’s bows; they
acquitted themselves hardly less creditably than the others. I frequently
watched the men shooting at ptarmigan and water-fowl, and without exception
their marksmanship was poor. It was no better even with larger game. They
could hardly fail to hit a caribou at fifteen or twenty yards when the animal
was stationary, but I have seen them miss a running deer at this range. They
themselves admit that the bow is of little use at distances greater than about
thirty yards. It is worth noticing that one of the best archers in the whole
country used a single-piece bow; probably it was more reliable than the usual
three-piece weapon.

What he lacks in weapons, however, the Eskimo makes up for in craft.
All the precautions and tricks of the European hunter are known to him. The
moment a deer is sighted he examines the country to discover the best means
of approaching unseen. He tests the direction of the wind by pulling a few
hairs from his mitten and letting them float in the air. Stealthily, with soft
footsteps if the snow is hard and crystalline, he approaches his quarry, and if
he cannot draw near enough under cover he patiently lies down and waits for
hours till the deer comes close of its own accord. When there is no cover at
all he imitates the deer itself, drawing his peaked hood up over his head and
stooping as he walks. In one hand he holds up his walking-stick, in the other
his bow, so that from a distance they resemble the horns of a caribou. Two
men will walk side by side in this fashion, when the deer is on a flank, or
one behind the other when the deer is straight ahead. Sometimes it takes no
notice, conceiving the hunter to be only another animal of its own kind; the man
then wanders to and fro as though grazing, but always drawing a little nearer,
until suddenly he drops on one knee and launches his shaft. More often the
deer grows curious and runs towards him, then stops, stares hard for a minute
and pretends to go on feeding. Let the man forget his part for an instant, or
make a single mistake, and the deer will dash away at full speed; but let him
pretend to graze also and keep his distance, and the deer will probably come
nearer still. It seldom comes close enough for the man himself to shoot, but
nearly always there is another hunter concealed close by for whom the first
acts only as a blind.

Indians often stalk as close as possible to their game, then race forward at full
speed, trusting to get near enough to fire a shot before the animal has recovered
from its amazement and turned to flee. The Copper Eskimos occasionally

1Stefansson, Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, p. 96.
7Thbid., p. 242.

Hunting and Fishing 147

adopt a similar method when the caribou are migrating across the ice in spring
and fall. They lie in wait with their sleds; the moment the deer appear the
dogs dash after them and sometimes carry the hunter close enough for him to
launch a shaft successfully. This method was seldom attempted as long as
they had only bows and arrows, but is naturally coming more into vogue now
that many of the natives are supplied with rifles. Asa rule, though, the Copper
Eskimos prefer to stalk their game, and will wait several hours if necessary
till the animals draw near of their own accord. The patience of the natives is
extraordinary. In May, 1915, Ikpakhuak would spend 12 or 14 hours at a
stretch watching from the top of a ridge for the caribou crossing the strait;
now and again he would snatch a little sleep with his head resting on a boulder,
then wake and resume his watch. In June of the same year Avranna, Miluk-
kattak and I went hunting, but had gone only about five miles when a heavy
snowstorm came on, with a cold driving north wind. It was useless to look
for caribou through the blinding clouds of snow, so we decided to wait where
we were until the atmosphere cleared again. Avranna and I sat with our backs

: (Photo by R. M. Anderson)
Fig. 47. An Umingmaktok Eskimo hunter at Cape Barrow

to the wind, and Milukkattak huddled in partial shelter between our feet.
Thus we sat for half an hour. I found it bitterly cold, but Avranna was quite
accustomed to it and merely dropped his head on his chest and fell fast asleep.

Many signals are used in hunting, as might be expected from such a people.
“Caribou or musk-oxen in sight” is indicated by alternately throwing up the
arms and stooping down. If the game is near the outstretched hand is lowered
towards the ground several times, palm downwards, as a sign to keep quiet.

23335—104

148 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

Our ‘‘tsh”’ is attaho or atta, the latter being used also towards dogs. If the other
hunter is some distance away the Eskimo sometimes croaks like a raven to
put him on his guard. For ‘come quickly” the hunter holds the forearm vertical
and moves it rapidly up and down as in our military signal ‘double march.”
Waving the coat over the head upward means ‘‘come”’, downward towards the
ground “go back.”’ The hunter announces his success by running from side to
side two or three times,: often following this up by waving his coat upward,
when the women or children go over with the sled or pack-straps and carry
home the meat. To answer a signal, showing that it has been observed, bow
two or three times towards the ground. The two animals that are considered
the most dangerous, polar and brown bears, have a special signal. The hunter
capers first on one foot, then on the other, waving his arms or his coat above
his head?

Signs or landmarks, nakkatain, are often erected to guide the hunter back
to camp, or to point out the spot where meat has been cached. Thus a hunter
who is unable to carry home all his spoils will erect two triangular or rectangular
snow-blocks about a hundred yards apart, on rising ground if possible, so that
the person sent out to bring in the meat will sight their broad surfaces from a
distance, and know the direction of the cache. In summer, when there is no
snow on the ground, large stones are used in exactly the same way; the Eskimos
often cap them with black turf to make them more conspicuous. Ikpakhuak
and I killed two caribou one day, and, not being able to carry all the meat back
to camp, we piled most of it in a heap on top of a ridge, and surrounded it with
five stones capped with sods, so that. Higilak might find it more easily the next
day. On another occasion we were returning to camp after a day spent in
hunting, and came upon three fresh snow-blocks in line with one another and
about twenty yards apart. They pointed directly toward the tents of the
Eskimos on the other side of the ridge, and had been set up expressly to guide
us thither, for the camp had been moved during our absence.

The same word nakkatain is used for the stones that a hunter often places
on the spot where he has killed his quarry. They are found most frequently
near pits, tallut, where the archers have lain concealed during organized deer
drives, and from which they have launched their shafts. On the site where a
caribou has fallen the victorious hunter places a small black stone on top of a
larger white one, or vice versa, the main object being to make it conspicuous.
The stones vary in size according to the size of the caribou killed, large ones for
a bull and small ones for a fawn. Sometimes one finds three or four such marks
near a single pit, and then the suspicion arises that some wandering hunter,
lighting on the pit, has left these supposititious records by way of a joke. Ikpak-
huak was doing this one day in the fall of 1915; he set up nakkatain beside
every pit that we came across in our hunting. Such records therefore are not
to be relied upon. Yet there is one point in connection with them that is worth
noticing; they rarely lie more than twenty paces from the pits, showing how
close the Eskimo needs to be before he can launch a shaft with any certainty of
success.

As long as-the natives used only bows and arrows comparatively few caribou
were shot by individuals hunting alone. The majority were obtained in
drives, when the animals were either herded through narrow gaps where the
archers lay concealed in shallow pits, or were driven into the lakes and speared
while swimming. Richardson saw this latter method carried out on the Rae
river. “The more active of the natives,” he says, ‘‘go at this season to the
meadows which we had crossed the previous day, and gradually drive the

1The same signal is used to announce the arrival of friendly strangers. Cf. Stefansson, My Life with

the Eskimo, p. 280.
*Boas, Bulletin A.M.N.H., Vol. XV, 1907, p. 266, gives an illustration of this signal from Hudson

bay, but calls it the musk-ox signal.

Hunting and Fishing 149

animals to the inlet, fanmine them in and compelling them, with the aid of
their dogs, to take to the water. As soon as this takes place, the rest of the
party, who are lying in wait in their kayaks, paddle towards the herd and spear
as many of them as they can.’ Lines of stones, with here and there a stick to
which a coat or a flat resonant board is attached, are run down each side of
the valley from the deer to the lake, where the hunters lie concealed in their
_kayaks.2- The women and children behind the deer howl like wolves hu-u-u-u
hu-u-u-u, and the startled deer move down between the lines until they reach
the water. There they stop irresolute, afraid to dash off to a flank on account
of the barricade of stones and streamers. The “wolves” draw nearer and
nearer until the frightened deer one after the other rush into the water and try
to swim across the lake. Then the kayakers dash out, each man armed with a
short knife lashed on the end of a pole. One after another the helpless caribou
are stabbed in the nape of the neck, nooses are thrown over their horns and
their carcasses dragged to the shore.

Scores of caribou are killed in this way every summer on the mainland
south of Coronation gulf. Farther east, round Bathurst inlet, the slaughter
is greater still. In November, 1917; a Royal North West Mounted Police
patrol visited the mouth of a small river that flows into Gordon bay, and found
deer carcasses strewn all along its banks under the snow. Evidently the natives
had speared them that summer and taken only the skins, leaving the meat to be
devoured by the wolves and ravens.

In Victoria island kayaks are rarely used. Instead, the natives make
shallow pits, tallut, across the neck of the barricades and shoot the deer as they.
are driven up. These drives call for a considerable amount of strategy and the
careful utilization of topographical features. The caribou may be grazing at
the end of a plain a quarter of a mile wide, bounded by-a low ridge on one side
and a lake on the other. Then the hunters will set up their turf-capped stones
at intervals of thirty or forty yards along the top of the ridge, and probably
swing the line round across the plain to within a hundred yards of the water’s
edge. Where the ground is low and stones would not show up with sufficient
clearness walking-sticks are driven into the soil, and coats, or laths of wood
shaped like a bull-roarer, only broader, are fastened to their ends. The flut-
tering of the coats in the wind deters the caribou from breaking through the'
line; in the case of the laths a child is stationed near by to hammer them with a
stick. ; :

Between the end of the barricade and the lake each hunter digs a shallow
pit, using for his adze a sharpened antler. He stabs this into the turf, pulls the:
clod up with his hands and lays it round the edge. In a few minutes he has
made a saucer-shaped depression faced with turf and stones or snow to make it
as inconspicuous as possible. Here he lies, face downwards, with his bow
and arrows by his side, waiting for the deer to be driven within range. The
women and children, in the meantime, have gone to windward, and the deer
either catch their scent and move off down the wind, or are set in motion by
wolf-howls. If the women are not in sight the caribou ‘usually reach the hunters
walking or slowly trotting, at intervals one behind the other, so that often the
first is shot before the rest are yet in sight. Sometimes, as they dash back after
the first animal is shot, an Eskimo will utter a sudden loud shout, when often
they will stop amazed for a moment and allow him to launch another shaft,

1Richardson, p. 188; cf. Dease and Simpson,.Journ. Ruyal Gane. Soc., Vol. 8, p. 218; Russell, p. 227:
Stefansson, ‘Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, p. 385, ete.

-2Douglas, p. 131, mentions barricades of trees thrown across a river near Great Bear lake, sonunatly.
for a deer-drive.

*Repcrt of the Bathurst Inlet Patrol, Ottawa, 1917, p. 40.

150 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

Generally, though, the hunter still tries to keep in concealment, and the caribou,
meeting the women as they run back, return again. I have seen them driven
backwards and forwards in this way three or four times before the remainder
of the herd broke through the lines past the archers and galloped away. Small
herds of four or five deer are occasionally exterminated, but usually some of them
escape, while not infrequently the deer break back past the women at the very

)

Fie. 48. A representation of a caribou drive, drawn by an Eskimo of Northern Alaska

beginning and never approach the hunters at all. Natives who have only
bows and arrows, however, much prefer this method to simple stalking, even
in the case of a single caribou, because they are much more certain of securing
a shot at close range.

Although the caribou is not as dangerous as the moose during the rutting
season, yet there have been cases in which a bull has turned and gored his hunter.
The fathers of two men, Kaiyaryuk and Karitak, whom I met in Dolphin and
Union strait, were living together one summer on Victoria island, their wives
being sisters. One day, while they were fishing in a lake, a large bull caribou
suddenly came into view. Kaiyaryuk’s father caught up his bow and concealed
himself, while his companion went round behind the animal and tried to drive
it towards him. The bull turned on him, however, and gored him several times
before his fellow-hunter had time to race up and despatch it with his arrows;
but the man was injured so severely that he died a few hours afterwards.

Similar drives are organized for musk-oxen, though I never witnessed one
myself. The natives say that these animals, unlike deer, will not flee at the
sight of a human being, and in consequence are often driven right up to the
camp before beimg despatched. The women utter a more prolonged wolf-howl
for musk-oxen than for deer, but I was never told the reason. The natives have
a story that an inland hunter named Kernet once ran down a musk-ox, sprang

‘ _ Hunting and Fishing 151

upon its back and ripped open its flank with his knife. These inland natives
between Bathurst inlet and Hudson bay dig pits, karigittak, for caribou in deep
mounds of snow, and plant knives with upturned points at the bottom, con-
cealing the hole with grass and snow. Sometimes they set up snow-blocks
beside the pits and urinate on them, so that the deer will be attracted by the
odour, break through the crust, and be impaled on the knives at the bottom.
A Puivlik Eskimo who made a similar pit near the mouth of the Coppermine
river in 1915 caught two wolves in it.

, — “ee “or

Fria. 49. A representation of a caribou drive, drawn by the Copper Eskimo Ikpakhuak

Deadfalls for foxes were common enough when we entered the country,
for during the three preceding years Captain Bernard had given a great impetus
to trapping by trading mainly for skins. I saw a very typical deadfall on Victoria
island. It was made of snow-blocks, and had a small rectangular doorway leading
into a square chamber with a snow-block roof. The roof was weighted with a stone
and supported underneath by a perpendicular stick, itself pivoted on another
stick that pointed inwards and was baited on its inner end, about an inch and a
half from the ground, with a piece of blubber. The fox had to enter the chamber
before it could seize the blubber; in so doing it displaced the upright stick and
brought the roof down on top of itself.

Wolves, rabbits, foxes and brown bears are shot from cover in the same way
as caribou. From the top of a low knoll one day Ikpakhuak saw a fox down in
the valley below him. He kept carefully under cover and made a squeaking
sound with his lips like the cry of a young bird. The fox ran straight up the side
of the knoll and came within twenty yards before it noticed the man and fled.
J have seen Ikpakhuak try to quiet startled rabbits in the same manner, by
emitting a smacking sound with his lips such as the rabbits themselves make.
Once, too, after shooting a doe, he tried to attract its tiny fawn by “chucking”’
after the manner of its mother.

The brown bear is far more dreaded than the white bear, apparently because
it is more ready to turn on the hunter when brought to bay. We saw one man
with his thumb torn off, another with his head badly scarred, and in each case
the injury had been inflicted by a wounded brown bear that had turned and
mauled the hunter before he could deliver the death stroke with his knife. A
Dolphin and Union strait Eskimo named Taligvak had a startling experience

152 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18 '

with a brown bear. He and the natives of his settlement saw two or three flashes
of lightning one day, and retired in alarm to their tents. Taligvak fell asleep, but
was suddenly awakened by the sound of fighting outside, and before he had
time to rise a brown bear ripped open the side of his tent and broke the poles.
Taligvak seized his knife and delivered a:blind thrust at the animal. He missed
it,’ but the bear, quite as startled as the man at the sudden collapse of the tent,
turned round and fled, tramping down in its terror the racks of meat that the
Eskimos had set out to dry.

Polar bears are run down on foot, usually with the help of dogs, and are then
speared with harpoons, or with knives lashed to the ends of long poles. We ran
down a mother and its cub close to Cape Baring in 1915, after a chase of about
five miles. The natives have many stories, of course, about their experiences
with these animals. One seized the leg of a woman as she was entering the
passage of her hut. She screamed, and a man rushed out and shot it with his
bow. Another bear trampled down a snow hut and carried off a woman who was
sleeping inside, although there was a man on each side of her. A polar bear
attacked a boy who had lingered behind his people during a migration. He
thrust his harpoon into its throat until it retired, when he fled and told his people;
several of the hunters then returned and. killed the bear. A rather humorous’
story is told of a native in south-west Victoria island, near Cape Hamilton,
who heard a noise outside his tent one night and, thinking his dogs were fighting,
seized his snow-duster and went out to punish them. In the darkness he faintly
discerned an animal in front of him, so he caught hold of it and began to thresh
it. To his horror it proved to be a polar bear, but with great presence of mind
he caught up his bow and shot it.

There is very little that calls for notice in the methods by which birds are
secured. A native who comes on a flock of ptarmigan will circle cautiously
round it until he can shoot at two or three birds in line, when there is naturally
far less chance of his missing. Some of the natives have even tried to line up
two caribou in this way, and the hunter who has succeeded in bringing them
both down with one shot will boast of it for months afterwards. In the early
days of spring loons and other water-fow] settle in small pools of open water
and dive down in pursuit of fish. The Eskimos wait until the bird dives, then
rush up and the moment it emerges shoot it with their arrows or stab it with
their fish-spears. Snares are employed for squirrels and for small birds like
sand-pipers, larks and snow-buntings, but never for ptarmigan or for caribou.
In the case of birds the noose is set over the nest and the end made fast to a
stick. Snares for squirrels, on the other hand, are usually operated .by hand.

FISHING.

Primitive as are the methods of fishing that the Copper Eskimos employ
they are nevertheless in most cases very effective. The fish-net, so universal
among the Eskimos of the Mackenzie river and o° northern Alaska, is here
unknown, or wes until the last few years. Often the Copper Eskimos practise
the most primitive of all methods, catching the fish with their hands as they
lurk beneath boulders on the edges of lakes or streams. It is but one stage in
advance of this when they rock the boulders with their feet, and stab with
improvised spears at the fish as they dart out from underneath. But their
commonest method of fishing is with hook and line through holes or cracks
in the ice with which the lakes are covered during the greater part of the year.

The hook, karyok, was originally made of copper, but iron, beaten into the
same shape, now frequently takes its place. Of whichever. metal it is made,
however, the hook is always barbless; even if given an ordinary European hook
the natives will immediately file away the barb. This may be due in part to
were conservatism, but mainiy to the fact that lake trout and lake salmon,

Hunting and Fishing 153

which are the principal fish the natives catch, seem rather to nibble round the
bait than actually to swallow it. At any: rate, on the two or three occasions
that I have set lines over-night most of the bait was nibbled away, but no fish
was caught on a hook. Trout and salmon must be jagged in the lip as they
come to nibble, and hauled up rapidly before they have time to escape. The
barb is thus a disadvantage, for often it merely tears the lip and lets the fish
drop off; moreover it is more difficult to disengage a barbed hook, especially in
cold weather.

Having no eye, the hook is riveted to an oval piece of bone or horn, tivyak
or karyoksak, which acts also asa sinker. The line, ukkwak, is attached through
a hole, or two holes, drilled at the upper end of this sinker. Most lines are made
of plaited sinew taken from the leg-bone of the caribou, but sometimes,
especially in Dolphin and Union strait, one comes upon a line made wholly or
partly of baleen; I was told that these baleen lines are used chiefly for tom-cod,
but did not discover the reason. The Eskimo’s fishing-rod, aulezzuk, is usually
a short piece of wood with a deep notch at one end, forming as it were two
thumbs, kuvlokuk; the other end is spliced to a curved horn handle which also
has a deep notch close to the end, the two notches being used to wind up the line.
The rods vary in length from eighteen inches to two feet or more. Often one
or two small bone pins, naigliglarvik, are inserted along the stick to enable the
line to be shortened a little while’fishing. For bait, mikkigak, the native generally
uses a strip of skin and flesh from the belly of the fish, though sometimes he
uses the oesophagus. Some fishermen take pains to conceal the hook, but
others are quite careless in that respect; it really appears to make very little
difference, as the fish will nibble in either case, and often indeed the natives
use no bait at all. The fisherman’s outfit further comprises a copper or iron
chisel, turk, mounted on a long stout wooden pole,! a small wooden scoop, tlaun,
with a bone ‘‘free-board’”’ to protect the edges,? a seal-skin water-bucket,
kattak, and a seal-skin bag or haversack to hold the fish, wngellak. In the later
days of spring, and also in the fall, the man usually carries also a trident,
nuyakpak, or a double-gaff, kakivak.

The lakes freeze in winter to a depth of from five to six feet. As many of
them are shallow and freeze right to the bottom, while others, though deep in
most places, have shallow bays, the fisherman needs some guide to show him
where to dig his holes. So wherever an Eskimo has found successful fishing he
sets up two stones about a dozen yards apart on a ridge overlooking the spot,
lining them up so that they point exactly to his fishing-ground. Every lake of
any considerable size has landmarks of this kind, which are given the same
name, nakkatain, as the stones set up by the hunter to mark the direction of a
cache. A native who is unfamiliar with the region always searches out these
fishing-guides, follows their direction out on the ice for a hundred yards or so
and digs his hole.

It takes a man nearly half an hour to make a hole of from 12” to 18”
diameter at the top and from 4” to 6” diameter at the bottom. The chips of
ice are baled out with the scoop, which, in the early days of spring, must be
lashed to a long pole in order to reach to the bottom of the hole; later in the
season the hole automatically fills with water from the melting surface of the
lake, or the fisherman can pour water into it, so that the fragments of ice will
float to the surface. The line is lowered until it touches the bottom of the lake,
then raised two or three inches and kept constantly jigging. If the lake is very
deep the line, unless it is exceptionally long, is lowered to its full extent, then,
the moment a bite is felt, it is given a jerk, and, if the hook catches, pulled up

1The natives prefer copper as arule, because in shallow lakes or streams the chisel often strikes a stone on

the bottom. An iron blade will chip and is difficult to sharpen again, whereas a blade of copper merely

burrs. For the same reason copper knives are still used occasionally for building snow huts on land.
2Sometimes the broad base of an antler is used in place of a scoop.

154 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

as quickly as possible so that the fish has no time to wriggle itself free. The
Eskimo uses the back of his hands, or the wrists, in pulling up the line, hand
over hand, instead of grasping it each time in the fingers; it is really a much
quicker method. If the line is very long, however, it may become tangled in
its own folds, or the fish may drop off before it reaches the surface; the native
therefore runs back with his rod from the hole, and gradually slows down to a
walk as the fish approaches the under-surface of the ice.

.

(Photo by G. H. Wilkins)
Fic. 50. Jigging for fish through an ice-crack in a lake near Bernard harbour

A hole is usually exhausted in about an hour, for the fish become cautious
and keep away from the hook. The fisherman has therefore to dig four or five
holes, as a rule, in the course of the day. A small lake yields almost nothing
on the second day. Lake trout must find plenty of food during the winter,
for many of them are very fat in the spring even before the ice round the edges
of the lakes has begun to melt. They seem to stay near the bottom at this
period. Lake salmon lie more dormant, and are smaller than those that have
access to the sea. We caught none at all in the Colville hills until water had
formed round the edges of the lakes. Both trout and salmon appear to love the
sunlit pools into which the streams from the hills pour their waters. In one
such pool a woman caught twenty-nine trout and two salmon in the space of
four hours, while three of us who had dug holes not a hundred yards away
could hardly raise a bite. The next day, however, only four fish were caught
in the same pool.

When a fish bites, but is not hooked, the native cries keuk keuk, ‘Come
again” or keuk allaralumik kannakoktumtk, “(Come again, another one; there
are plenty down there.”’ After the fish is drawn up, it is killed with a sharp
rap on the back of the head from the fishing-rod, and laid with its mouth towards
the Hole. The natives could give me no reason for this, but merely said that
“St had always been their custom” (pitkuherigaptigut uvagut) to point the fish
towards its hole; there seemed to be an idea, however, that other fish would

Hunting and Fishing 155

approach the hole to keep it company After one has been caught, the fisherman
will often say, as he lowers his line again, takt, taki, taki aiperlugo, ‘ Come, come,
come, give me another;”’ but expressions of this kind have no magical significance.
Sometimes an exceptionally large trout is caught on the hook, too big to be
drawn up through the hole. The fisherman then holds it firmly against the
under surface of the ice to keep it from dropping off, while a comrade runs up,
lowers his own line, and jigs his hook also into the fish. The two men then
steer it carefully through the narrow opening, or one holds the fish while the
other enlarges the hole with the chisel.

A crack in the ice materially lessens the labour of digging a hole. In the
later days of spring the surface of the lake becomes perforated with holes, and
an ice-chisel is no longer needed. As the cracks widen and pools of water form
round the edges the men make more and more use of their spears. They jig their
hooks a foot or two below the surface, and impale the fish on their tridents as they
approach the bait. I have already described in the previous chapter how they
wade about in the water at this season and spear the fish at the corners of the
lakes. In summer, when the lakes are free from ice, they sometimes employ
another curious method, should any fish be seen close in to shore. The Eskimo
will cast his line as far out as it will reach, and slowly draw it in again (ekkasaktok
is the name given to the process); sometimes, but not often, the fish will bite
as the line is being drawn in.

Now and again a simple form of gorge is employed in the lakes. One
woman slit a piece of bone about six inches long from the tibia of a caribou.
She whittled one end to a sharp point and drilled a hole in the other to attach
her line. This gorge she concealed inside the body of a small trout, and set it
over night in a lake. In the morning she drew in a fine trout weighing about
ten pounds—the lake trout -apparently devours the young of its own species.
Another woman removed the spine from a small salmon trout and inserted in
its place a number of short sharp-pointed bones. She then tied the fish together
again, fastened a line to its tail, and set it overnight through a hole in the ice of
a lake. I was away hunting the next day, and omitted to enquire whether
she caught anything or not.

Trolling proper can be done only from a kayak. The fisherman holds his
rod in his mouth with the line trailing behind him in the water. He paddles
round and round until a fish is hooked, then makes for the shore as fast as he can,
since he dare not draw in his line at once for fear his kayak will capsize. As
soon as the boat touches the beach he jumps out, hauls in the fish and knocks
it on the head with his fishing-rod. This method, as far as I know, is seldom
practised outside of the region around Bathurst inlet, where kayaks are much
in vogue for summer caribou hunting.

The salmon trout that come up from the sea.are sometimes speared in the
autumn as they pursue each other round the boulders on the margins of the
lakes. This is their mating season, and their colour changes to a bright red.
The natives are well aware of both these facts, and further that the salmon at
this time will never bite at the hook. The few that Ikpakhuak caught in the
fall of 1915 were all speared with the double gaff. Large numbers are speared
in the spring as they migrate up the streams and rivers. The use of a rake for
this purpose has already been described. The Eskimos construct stone dams,
isikat, across some shallow reach, either near the mouth of the creek or at its
exit from the lake.t Usually there are four dams at intervals of twenty-five
yards or so from each other. The lower three have narrow gaps through which
thelfish can pass, but the upper one is complete and blocks their passage alto-
gether. As soon as the shoal has all entered through the third dam the natives
rush in with their spears and slaughter them, throwing them out on to the
bank or stringing them on long seal-skin lines. Sometimes they take the pre-

1Cf. Boas, Bulletin, A.M.N.H., Vol. XV, p. 475.

156 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

caution to close the entrance to the first dam with a boulder, sometimes one
man merely stands guard over it and spears any fish that try to escape. In some
weirs small blind caverns of stone are made in the dam where the fish can hide,
when frightened by the splashing and shouting of the natives. There the women
catch them with their hands and string them on thongs of sealskin, using a rough
bone needle about four inches long to pierce their bodies. It is very seldom
indeed that a fish escapes when once it has entered a properly constructed weir.
So simple and efficient a method of fishing naturally means a very pleasant and
lazy existence for the natives as long as the migration lasts. They lie about in
their tents all day waiting for the fish to appear. From time to time some one
goes down to examine the weir, and gives a shout if any salmon have made
their appearance, when everyone rushes out, clothed or unclothed, grasps a
spear and races into the water.

At Nulahugyuk creek near Bernard harbour the natives had two series of
weirs, one for the larger salmon migrating upstream, and one for young fry,
two seasons old, migrating down to the sea. The latter are only about 8 inches
long and weigh perhaps a third of a pound, whereas the adult salmon averages.
two feet in length and eight pounds in weight. Sometimes, as in June, 1916, the
two are running at the same time; more often perhaps the young fish make their
appearance two or three weeks later. Mr. G. H. Wilkins, who took a number
of moving pictursé at this place in 1915, describes the scene as follows:—

“The men and sometimes the women would run into the water with their
spears and jab and poke at the fish as they swam around. Some of the women
would run to the walls of the weir and catch the fish as they stuck in between
the stones in their attempts to get away. By this method the fish would soon
get thinned out and there would be great competition for the remaining few.
Eight or ten people would sometimes be spearing for the same fish with the
result that some one or other’s toe would suffer. I never saw any argument as
the result of this, but the injured one would retire from the fray for a moment
or so and rub his toe. Soon the possibility of getting the fish would induce him
to try for it between the other people’s legs, with the frequent result that another
would be delayed for a minute or so to rub his toe or shin. All the knocks were
taken good-naturedly and they would discuss their injuries after the fray without
any sign of ill feeling. When a fish was caught.either by the men or women,
they would run it through with a bone needle threaded on a string with a cross
piece at the end, and drag the fish about with them in their endeavours to
secure another one. Sometimes when the pond was almost cleaned out they
would stop to kill the fish by knocking it on the head with a stone picked up

om the river bed before threading it on the line.

...‘* Their fishing was not restricted to the spearing of the big fish that
were making their way up the river to spawn, but they also caught hundreds of
the small fish as they came from the lake to the sea. Indeed it is surprising that
the supply of fish in the lake keeps up so well, for it would seem as if the weirs
that they build would entirely block the fish from getting up stream and the
small ones would entirely block the young ones from getting from the lake.
It is certain that few escape that once get into the trap, but I have noticed num-
bers of the small ones hesitating to go through the narrow entrance to the trap.
The Eskimos had noticed this, and before they went to clear the trap of the small
fry, several of them would go some distance up stream and splashing through
the water and waving their arms would ‘shoo’ the fish down stream. This
ruse was fairly successful, and at times the trap would be a seething mass of
young salmon trout about six inches long. The disposal of these would be
mostly left to the women and the children, although sometimes a man or two
would join in with the rest.

“Tf there were more of these fish than the fishermen could conveniently
eat as they caught them, they were strung on a line in a similar manner to the

Hunting and Fishing 157

larger fish, but as a rule the majority of these young fry were eaten alive, as
one might say. A man, woman or child as the case might be, would catch a fish
in the rocks, and would pop it into his mouth head first and chew up the head;
the body quickly followed, convulsively protesting with its tail until that dis-
appeared from sight and was crushed between the teeth. In most cases nothing
more was seen of the fish, but if there were a few people there, and the haul was
likely to be large, then some of the people would take the trouble to spit out
the skin or else bite the head of the fish and then strip the skin off by catching
hold of it with the teeth and sleeving the fish, eating the body afterwards and
throwing the skin away.”

Just as fish caught in the lakes must be laid with their heads towards the
hole, so salmon that are killed going up-stream must be placed facing the lakes,
and those going down-stream facing the sea. If they are split in two and hung
up to dry the dorsal fins must face the lakes, or the sea, as the case may be;
other salmon will then follow in their wake as though the previous shoals had
continued their journey unmolested. The same regulation applies to the fish-
spears; their points must face upstream or downstream according to the direction
in which the fish are running. Bows and arrows (and guns) must not be used
within a hundred yards or so of the stream lest the fish should be frightened
and cease to migrate; and when the salmon are running up-stream no iron
utensil or weapon must be dipped into the water lest the fish should object to
its taint.

Tom-cod are caught through the sea-ice in the same manner as lake fish
except that a much larger hook is used and lures of bone are employed instead
of regular bait. Sometimes, instead of a hook, the natives merely jig a bear’s
tooth with two or three smaller teeth or pieces of bone dangling around it. The
tom-cod are attracted by the white gleaming teeth and are speared with the
double gaff. The rod is usually a straight piece of wood notched at each end
so that it resembles a very long netting needle. Similar rods are sometimes
used in lake fishing, but there the preference is for a curved handle.

1Back (p. 381 et seg.) says that the Eskimos of Backs river caught white fish and small trout in an
eddy below a waterfall and kept them alive in specially constructed ponds. Probably they had weirs
like the Copper Eskimos into which the fish entered of their own accord and were then unable to escape

158 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

CHAPTER XII

MARRIAGE, CHILDBIRTH, NAMING AND TREATMENT OF
CHILDREN

In the eyes of the Copper Eskimos, celibacy in either sex is a contemptible
condition. A man is the natural complement of a woman, a woman of a
man; neither is complete without the other. There are no crafts or professions
among them, no food stores or clothing establishments where they can barter
for what they need. A woman is dependent on a man for shelter and ’for food,
and a man needs a woman to dress the meat and skins of the game he kills,
to cook his food and make his clothing. Every boy and every girl therefore
expects to marry at no very distant period in life. Owing to the preponderance
of males over females, and to occasional instances of polygamy, a man may
sometimes be unable to find a wife until he is well in his prime; but every native
marries sooner or later in life, unless he is a cripple and cannot support a wife
or is disqualified in some other way. In the settlement at Bernard harbour
in November, 1915, thirty-eight out of the forty-six men were married, two
of them to one woman; of the eight unmarried men four were widowers and
two mere boys hardly old enough to marry. Thirty-nine of the forty-two
women were married (one man had three wives), two of the others were widows
of forty-five years or more, and the third was a young girl who had just
been divorced and was about to marry again. A settlement at Tree river
about a month later consisted of eleven married couples and their children
and one unmarried young man.

There are no early contracts among the Copper Eskimos. A woman may
sometimes say that she will marry her daughter to a certain man, but a few
weeks later she may change her mind, or the girl herself when the time comes
may refuse to accept her mother’s choice and select her own husband. Boys
cannot marry until they are able to perform the duties that devolve on the
head of a household; that is to say until they can build a snow-hut without
assistance and possess the strength and skill that are requisite for hunting seals
and caribou; they seldom begin to look for wives therefore until they are at least
seventeen or eighteen years of age. Girls, on the other hand, have simpler
duties and often marry before they reach puberty, though they bear no children
until three or four years later.1 Higilak, for example, was a wife before she was
really of age, and Hakungak, the last of Uloksak’s three wives, could not have
been more than thirteen years old when she married her first husband Kikpak.
During the summer of 1915 Higilak would frequently urge Kanneyuk to marry
the following winter, though the child had not yet reached puberty.

No ceremony marks the attainment of puberty by either girls or boys.
The first significant event in a boy’s life is the killing of his first caribou or seal.
His mother usually makes a pair of trousers. for herself from the caribou skin;
in the case of the seal practically all the meat is cut up and distributed among the
other families in the settlement.? By either method the parents make public
pronouncement that their son has attained the first stage of manhood and has
become a productive member of the community. The second significant
event in his life, and the first in a girl’s, is marriage. Even marriage, however,
is marked by little or no ceremony. The contracting parties make their own
arrangements, though they are naturally influenced by their parents. If the

1D. B. MacMillan (Four Years in the White North, p. 274) says that in Smith sound girls usually marry
at the age of twelve, but are unable to bear children before they are eighteen.
Cf. Stefansson, Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.Ha, Vol. XIV, pt. 1, p. 340.

Marriage, Childbirth, etc. 159

bride is to be taken to another settlement the bridegroom makes a small pay-
ment to her parents; they then give a farewell feast in her honour, and she is
led away, weeping because she is leaving her familiar surroundings and going
out into a new and unknown world. No payment is made if the new couple intend
to remain in the same district; the bridegroom merely sets up his hut or tent
and the bride moves over to it without any ceremony, taking with her a lamp
and a few household things. A well-bred maiden should show some reluctance,
however willing at heart she may be, and often the bridegroom has to lead her
across with a show of force. In 1915 Mr. Wilkins, the photographer of -the
expedition, was travelling in Coronation gulf with an Alaskan Eskimo named
Natkusiak. Natkusiak wanted to take a wife back with him to Banks island,
and made overtures for a young girl named Tupik, offering her father and her
brother a rifle in payment for taking her away. They gave their sanction to
the match as soon as the brother had tested the rifle and found it satisfactory;
but at the last moment the father stipulated that Natkusiak should spend
the first year in Coronation gulf, on the ground that the girl was too young
to be taken so far away from home at once. Natkusiak, however, had to return
with Mr. Wilkins the same summer, so the negotiations came to nothing. Nat-
kusiak then made overtures to the relatives of a middle-aged widow named
Kaulluak, but no decision was reached. Mr. Wilkins was about to leave the
settlement when suddenly Kaulluak’s brother appeared and held a short con-
versation. with Natkusiak. A few minutes later the brother walked calmly
away with the rifle and a youth was sent to bring out the woman; she came,
and at the suggestion of some of the natives took her place in front of the sled
and began to run ahead of the dogs, accompanied for a short distance by several
of the young men. Mr. Wilkins gives an amusing picture of their farewell.
“They would frequently stop, and one or other of the youths would grasp
Kaulluak round the waist and press his nose against hers . . . Our dogs
were always on the heels of the people running ahead, and with the frequent
stops were getting tangled up, so I told Kaulluak to come and ride on the sled.
Here one of the youths sought to engage in a long nose push, but the load of
the two of them on the sled was too heavy, so I made them get off. He ran
beside for about a quarter of a mile, but soon got tired and dropped behind:
Several times during the day she pretended to run away, and Natkusiak had
to bring her back with his arm round her waist. They were not very serious
attempts, for once when Natkusiak was several miles ahead and she could
have escaped had she wished she followed steadily in his trail. She disappeared
in the morning, and Natkusiak had to search for an hour before he found her
on a small island near the camp. After one or two more pretences at escape
the claims of modesty were satisfied and she settled down quite cheerfully
as his wife.’? In the end, however, she did not go to Banks island, but left
Natkusiak and returned to her own people.

Real “marriage by capture’ is not infrequent, though only, I believe,
with women who are or have been already married.1 A man would hardly
dare to carry off a young girl against her own wishes and those of her parents.
On the other hand he might with impunity carry off a widow who was only
a burden to her kinsmen, and he might even deprive another man of his wife.
Uloksak, who had two wives already, took a fancy to Hakungak, Kikpak’s
young wife. Kikpak was only a youth with no one to back him up and Hakun-
gak was either not adverse to being transferred to so influential a man or afraid
to offer any opposition. At all events Uloksak made her his third wife, leaving
Kikpak with none. The change did not benefit the girl very much, for she
became the drudge in her new household and lost her good looks before the
year was out.

1The ‘scrimmage for wives with deer-antlers’’, which the Baillie island natives told Mr. Stefansson
was the custom among the Nagyuktogmiut (My Life with the Eskimo, p. 159), is half-legendary.

160 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

Ikpakhuak adopted an orphan girl named Arnauguk, or Kila. In the spring
of 1915 she married a young man Aiyalligak with whom she lived until the
winter. For some reason or other he divorced her, and she fell back on Ikpak-
huak’s hands again. Ikpakhuak married her three or four weeks later to the
young divorcée Kikpak. One evening, as she was returning from the dance-
house, a man who already had a wife of his own tried to drag her to his hut
and force her to spend the night with him. She struggled to release herself,
and, with the assistance of two other girls tumbled him into the snow and
escaped to her hut. Kikpak divorced her after they had been married only a
fortnight, and for many months she remained single again, though several
natives made overtures to her. Finally she married a western Eskimo from
the Mackenzie river delta. ‘

The old shaman Ilatsiak told me of a bigamist Anengnak who was living
with a band of other natives near Cape Krusenstern. He was tall and heavily
built, and his teeth, like those of old Eskimo women, were worn right down to
the gums. In the same settlement was another man named Norak who was
not nearly as big as Anengnak. Norak, being unable to obtain a wife else-
where, laid hands on Anengnak’s second wife one day and began to drag her away.
Anengnak caught hold of her on the other side, and a tug of war ensued, but
finally Norak, though the smaller of the two, succeeded in dragging her away
to his hut and made her his wife. The Rev. Mr. Girling tells me that in the
winter of 1917-18 an Eskimo in Coronation gulf tried to carry off another man’s
wife, and the woman was injured so severely that she died shortly afterwards.!

For the first year or two at least a marriage is considered a kind of trial
in which the young couple discover whether they can adapt themselves to each
other and live together harmoniously or not. The girl may leave her husband
at any time and return to her parents taking, with her all her possessions; but
in that case the bride-price, if any has been paid, must be restored to her former
husband. Natkusiak’s rifle, for example, was returned to him when Kaulluak
deserted him and went back to her own people. An interesting case was that
of a widow named Kullahuk who married a young man named Agluak, but
quarrelled with him the very next morning and was severely beaten and dragged
in the snow. Immediately she gathered up all her belongings, transferred them
to the house of another man named Utugaum and became his wife instead.

It often happens that a girl is divorced, or divorces herself, two or three
times within a year. On the other hand instances of genuine affection are not
at all uncommon, even before a child is born to cement the union. Avranna
and Milukkattak might often be seen stretched out on the bed-skins in their
hut pressing noses and caressing each other, wholly oblivious of the presence
of other natives around them. Milukkattak would go out hunting with him,
and sealing too at times, so that they might not be separated for a single hour.
In February, 1916, Avranna accompanied me on a visit to the Bathurst inlet
natives. Milukkattak wanted to go too, but as her time of delivery was near
it was thought advisable for her to remain behind. She entreated me to look
after her husband, not to allow any eastern woman to seduce his affections but
to bring him safely back again. We were absent only a few weeks, but Avranna
was worried about his wife all the time; he was certainly the happiest man in
all the country when he joined her again and saw a little baby face peering over
her shoulder.

I never knew of any instance where a couple separated after a child was
born to them. It does occur, though very rarely. One reason perhaps why it
seldom happens is that the wife can still claim to be supported by her husband.
Even in childless marriages, if the man divorces his wife and takes another, the

1Two women from Kittigaryuit, the big settlement in the Mackenzie river delta, told me that similar
contests were not infrequent among their people also in the days before the coming of the white men.
Cf. for parallels from other, mainly Greenland, Eskimos, the authorities cited by Gilbertson, Journal
of Religious Psychology, Vol. VII, p. 53 et seq. :

Marriage, Childbirth, etc. 161

first wife still has a claim upon him. Some years before we entered the country
Tkpakhuak divorced his wife Kitiksik and married the widow Higilak. He did
not see Kitiksik again for many years; in fact he might have forgotten her
existence altogether if Higilak had not reminded him occasionally by pouring
ridicule on her or inducing others to make jests at her expense. Kitiksik, how-
ever, had not forgotten, and when the rumour spread that Ikpakhuak was now
a wealthy man she made up her mind to share his prosperity, whether he wanted
her or not. Accordingly, in the early spring of 1916, she journeyed westward,
and at the beginning of April I found her living alone in a small hut that Ikpak-
huak had built for her adjoining his own and Higilak’s. Kitiksik was old and
ugly, as Higilak had said, and even more voluble than Higilak herself. It was
clear that Ikpakhuak and his people did not welcome her, but she had a claim
on him which he could not honourably overlook. She rarely entered his hut
unless there were other natives present with whom-she could converse, for
Higilak always affected to ignore her presence, while Ikpakhuak never addressed
her except when it was absolutely necessary, and then only in the briefest possible
manner. Yet whenever the camp was moved he always made a separate dwell-
ing for her, and was careful to see that she lacked none of the necessaries of life,
such as clothing and bed-skins and blubber for her lamp. Higilak too had to
send over some food for her each day. It could hardly be expected, however,
that Ikpakhuak should support her indefinitely, so towards the end of spring he
paid her relatives to take her east again. :

Very few men have more than one wife each. Polygamy increases their’
responsibilities and the labour required of them; moreover it subjects them to
a great deal of jealousy and ill-feeling, especially on the part of men who cannot
find wives for themselves. The Eskimo polygamist, therefore, must be a man
of great energy and skill in hunting, bold and unscrupulous, always ready to
assert himself and to uphold his position by an appeal to force. Such a man was
Uloksak. He had two wives when we first encountered him, but later he took
a third wife from Kikpak. Uloksak was more intelligent than the average
native; he was strong and capable and energetic, possessing all the prestige of
a skilful hunter increased by his repute as a shaman to whom was ascribed the
most extraordinary powers over the spirit world. There was a great deal of
bluff in his character, but the bluff was successful as long as he had only his own
people to deal with and did not come into opposition with any white men. His
first wife well supported the dignity of her husband’s position; she was a quiet
kind-hearted woman of much sense and judgment, an excellent housewife, and
a successful hunter of both seals and caribou. Uloksak much preferred her to
both his other wives, but she had one failing—hitherto she had borne him no
children. His second wife was reputed to be one of the best-looking girls in
the country, but there her good qualities ended; she was bad-tempered and idle
and merely a burden to her husband. He married her, he said, because she
was good-looking, and he needed some one to help in the summer’s packing and
in dressing the meat that he brought in to camp. Possibly he would have
divorced her again had she proved childless, but she bore him a son, and a son
is the delight of every Eskimo household. He kept both his wives, therefore,
the good one and the bad, and took a third, Hakungak, who became the drudge
of the family. It is not easy to say what the ultimate outcome will be, especially
if Hakungak bears him a child also. Sooner or later he is sure to lose one or
more of his wives. Some younger rival will forcibly take one from him, unless
Uloksak has already forestalled the event and unburdened his household of
‘some of its superfluous members. He was the only native we actually encounter-
ed who had more than one wife for any long period, though in several instances
a native took a second wife into his house for a few days and sent her away
again as soon as he grew tired of her.

23335—11

162 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

In one case a woman had two husbands for about a fortnight. Her first
husband was a quiet good-natured man with whom she had lived quite peace-
fully for many years. Moreover they had one child from their marriage, a boy
of about eight years. What induced them to admit a second man into the
privacy of their married life I do not know; it may be that the woman desired
a change, and induced her husband to gratify her whim for a period; or, more
likely, the husband was offered some valuable object as a bribe, and the wife was
forced to submit. The result, as might have been expected, was not a happy one.
The two men became jealous of one another and vented their spleen on the
woman. One day the second husband gave her a beating. This brought
matters to a head, and after a violent altercation he had to take his belongings
away and find refuge in another house. He married a young divorcée soon
afterwards and went away to another settlement. This was the only instance
of polyandry that ever came under our notice.

Marriage involves no subjection on the part of the woman. She has her
own sphere of activity, and within that she is as supreme as her husband is in
his. All important matters, such as the migrating to another settlement, are
discussed between them before any decision is taken. Both within and without
the house she behaves as the equal of the men. Her voice is heard in the dance-
house when any deliberations are in progress, even in the hunting field when
caribou are sighted and a drive is to be organized. Some of the women are
shamans, and so obtain a considerable influence in the communities to which
they belong. Yet they can never attain to a full equality, because from the
physical weakness inherent in their sex the heaviest tasks must be left for the
men to perform, and these tasks, the procuring of food and the construction
of a home, are precisely those that are the most vital to their existence. Never-
theless woman meets with far more consideration and respect among the Eskimos
than falls to their lot among most races. Quarrels between husband and wife
are not of course uncommon, but they are usually soon patched up and as
quickly forgotten. In the summer of 1915 Avranna and Milukkattak had a
quarrel. Milukkattak wept long and loudly, and refused to go fishing with the
rest of us. She fasted all day and would not listen to her husband when he
tried to make peace with her in the evening; but next morning they settled
their quarrel, and everything went smoothly again.

A more exciting quarrel arose one night in Ikpakhuak’s hut. Something
struck me on the head as I lay asleep and awakened me. In the middle of the
floor was Ikpakhuak, thrashing Higilak with the back of his tomahawk, while
she was stooping down and butting her husband in the stomach. Fearing that
the woman might be injured I sprang up to stop the fight, but Ikpakhuak threw
his tomahawk into a corner and scrambled back into bed again. He casta wink at
me before rolling over in his sleeping-bag, then pretended to be sound asleep.
His wife, after looking at him in silence for a few minutes, relieved her feelings
by expressing her plain, unvarnished opinion of his conduct, then slowly un-
dressed and crawled in beside him. Next morning they were both joking over
the quarrel. It,seems that one of the dogs had climbed up on the roof during
the night and awakened the old couple by scratching on the hard snow. Their
yells and curses having no effect Ikpakhuak had finally ordered Higilak to
get up and drive it down. It was a bitterly cold night, and Higilak’s vexation
at having to turn out of her snug sleeping-bag was doubled when she found
that the dog had ripped to pieces one of her finest garments. She came inside
and blamed Ikpakhuak, saying that he had built the wall too low and adding
a few more remarks of a very uncomplimentary nature. This enraged the old
man; he sprang out of bed to punish her, and their scuffle had awakened me.

These two had another quarrel in the spring of 1916. Higilak was an
inveterate chatterer, and her strident voice could be heard long before she was
near the door of our station at Bernard harbour. But one day she came in

Marriage, Childbirth, etc. 163

very quietly, closed the door behind her, and leaned her back against it without
saying a word. We were wondering at her unusual silence when suddenly we
noticed that one of her eyelids was badly swollen and surrounded with a large
black ring. J asked her who had caused her black eye, and she said ‘‘Ikpakhuak,
with his fist’’; but when I asked her why, all she would say was that he was
angry, and that she herself had done nothing to cause his anger. She was
afraid to go back to her tent, so I went over to see Ikpakhuak and hear his
version of the matter. The old man was whittling a stick in his tent, and
looked rather sullen when I entered, for he knew that Higilak had been over
to our house. We talked about the hunting for a while and the chances of more
caribou appearing, then, suddenly changing the subject, I asked him why he
had struck Higilak in the eye. “Oh, she talked too much,” he answered,
with a look that implied, ‘“You know what a chatterbox she is.” The affair
was over as far as he was concerned, and Higilak might safely return as soon
as.she wished. Half an hour later the two of them were laughing together in
their tent and Higilak was making fun of her attractive appearance.

Jealousy is probably the commonest source of trouble. Higilak was very
proud and jealous of her husband and would ridicule her possible rivals on
every conceivable occasion. Generally speaking, though, the women are well
treated by their husbands, and the longer a couple has been married the less
they tend to quarrel. It is the widows who have the hardest lot. Their kinsmen
are bound to support them and provide them with a home, but naturally a man
with a wife and children of his own to take care of has no desire to be burdened
with a widowed sister any longer than hecanhelp. Friction, too, may arise at
any time between sister and wife. Sometimes the widow becomes a public
harlot; she will offer herself, that is, to any man who wants her for a day or a
week, in the hope that some one will finally keep her permanently; should she
give birth to a child no one will ever reproach her. Young widows never have
any difficulty in finding new husbands, but the middle-aged often have to
wait a long time, if they re-marry at all. The people have a proverb about
them which runs: ‘She had no property. She was an old woman when she
finally remarried, an aged woman”’.

All travellers have remarked on the small number of children in the average
Eskimo family. Parry, for example, says that “the women do not appear in
general very prolific. Illumea had borne seven children, but no second instance
of an equal number in one family afterwards came to our knowledge; three or
four is about the usual number.’

M. Mauss even goes so far as to say that the maximum is four to five, and
thinks that there may have been an error of observation in the only case he
knew of where more were mentioned—a family of eight children reported by
Captain Comer from Hudson bay*. Holm, however, says that among the
Ammassalik Eskimos of East Greenland the average number of children that
each woman bears seemed to be about three or four, counting only those who
survived, while seven or eight children were by no means uncommon. My
own data tend to show that among the Copper Eskimos from four to five children
are born, on the average, to each woman, and three survive, while there are

1Parry, Vol. IV, p. 42. Cf. Hall, Arctic Researches, p. 101.
2L’Année Sociologique, 9iéme année, 1904-05, p. 61, note 2.

23335—11}

164 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

occasional instances of both lesser and greater fecundity. The following statis-
tics will illustrate this:

Women Age Tribe Children Children
(approx.) living dead

Apattok.............08. Coppermine R........... 4 i
Arnauyuk ff he 3 1
Ungahak Puivlik......... . 3 Safes
Manni Pingangnaktok... 1 3 (miscarried)
Hattorma re ss 5 og ee
Milukkattak Akulliakattak............ 1 4 (miscarried)
Kormiak PUIVli oes es awe. vas wees 3 1
OK ais, sce cinend aes audeinie as beens Kilusiktok............... 5 38
tea K see sec neers ae Akulliakattak............ 2 1 (possibly more)

I knew of two cases among the natives farther west where an unusually
large number of children were born to one family. One was at Kittigaryuit
in the delta of the Mackenzie river, where a woman bore five sons and five
daughters. Four of the sons were still living in 1915, one being my interpreter
Palaiyak; of the daughters three were dead. A North Alaskan woman, the
wife of a man named Teriglu, had two boys and three girls, and was pregnant
again in 1914. These were exceptional cases, however, for as far as I had
means of judging the average in these regions too seemed to be from four to
five.

Sexual intercourse takes place at all seasons. It seemed to me that more
children were born during the winter then at any other time. Of the births
between 1914 and 1916 in the vicinity of Bernard harbour two occurred in
December, one each in January, February, March and October, and one in
either May or June; it must be remembered, however, that the natives are more
scattered and less under observation during the summer months, so that complete
information of this nature is difficult to obtain. Kohoktak, a Tree river native,
and his wife, Mannigyorina, were employed by the expedition during the summer
of 1915. They built a hut beside our station in November, and in the following
month the woman gave birth to a child. Much anxiety was felt while she was
in labour, for she had already suffered three miscarriages!. Two married
women attended on her, but her delivery was long and painful. Her husband
was hurriedly sent out to invoke our assistance, but the child was delivered
almost as soon as he left the hut. About a quarter of an hour afterwards Manni-
gyorina was kneeling on the sleeping platform inside her hut (she was not
allowed to sit), and holding the unwashed baby underneath her coat against her
breast. The following morning Kohoktak presented a slab of sinew to Dr.
Anderson, in payment for his (supposed) services in driving away the malignant
spirits that had hindered his wife’s delivery. We visited his hut, and found
Mannigyorina attending to her lamp with the baby dressed in deerskin clothes
sleeping on the platform. Its little feet were curled up, so the mother pulled
them gently out to make them straight, then allowed her proud husband to
take his first-born into his arms.

There is no seclusion of women among the Copper Eskimos either before
or after child-birth. The mother is delivered in her own hut in the presence

1Dr. Daniel Neumann, the Health Officer of the Bureau of Education in North Alaska, expressed the
opinion that the frequency of miscarriages among Eskimo women is due to the intense cold.

2Mr. Stefansson noticed among the Akulliakattak natives that a young woman whose child died
soon after birth had a tiny tent to herself. (Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, p. 248). There
was no seclusion or isolation of the mother in any case that came under my notice. Possibly this woman’s
husband was absent from camp at the time, when she would naturally be living alone. Cp. Boas, Bulle-
tin A.M.N.H., Vol. XV, pt. I, p. 117.)

Marriage, Childbirth, etc. 165

of her husband and of one or two married women who act as mid-wives, some-
times too of a shaman whose aid is solicited to give her an easy delivery. The
mother does little or no work for a day or two, and the husband also remains
idle as a rule. I could discover no taboos in reference to food or clothing
beyond the necessity of obtaining another bed-skin for the babe to sleep on;
the usual custom, apparently, is to exchange a bed-skin with a neighbour. The
woman is confined to the house for one or more days according to her health.
If the parents decide to preserve the child a relative is called in to massage it
within a few hours of its birth. On the last day of the year 1915, about four
o’clock in the morning, Ikpakhuak and Higilak were roused by a woman who
came to announce that the old man’s niece Kaiyoranna, had just given birth
to a child. Both dressed immediately and went over to see it. Ikpakhuak
“worked” it, savaktok, pulling out its legs to make them grow big and strong,
exactly as Higilak and Avranna had ‘“‘worked’’ their pups the preceding summer.
They came back to their own hut about an hour later bringing Kaiyoranna’s
bed-skin, in exchange for which they sent over their own. The following day
Ikpakhuak refused to chop up a frozen deer carcass, on the ground that, as he
had ‘‘worked”’ the baby only the day before, some harm might come to it if he
used his tomahawk. Higilak many years before had ‘‘worked”’ her nephew Kesullik
in the same manner. Ever afterwards the child is considered as the foster-
child of all who assisted at its birth, whether they acted as mid-wives proper or
merely administered the ceremonial massage.

Parents frequently massage their own children while nursing them, as our
own parents do. They twist up their fingers and draw out their arms and
legs so that they will grow strong and beautiful, stroke their bodies, and pinch
their noses to make them straight. The ceremonial massage, however, is
always performed by some other person. It is never a very gentle process,
but far less severe than the ceremonial massage that young pups have to undergo.

Often the parents are unwilling to rear their children, for a baby involves
much hardship to the mother, especially in the summer when all the household
goods are packed on the back. The child is only an additional burden to the
mother up to the age when it can make a long day’s journey on its own feet;
she has to carry it on her back over and above her full share of the household
effects. Moreover, since the diet of the natives is confined to meat and fish,
she must suckle the infant up to three or four years, and sometimes even to five.
Nik, the wife of Aksiatak, was still occasionally suckling her son Nakitok,
though the boy was certainly five years old and she had a baby of two or three
months. It is little wonder therefore if the younger women in particular refuse
to rear some of their children. Sometimes another family will adopt the babe,
though more usually it is an older child that is adopted, since the new-born
infant requires its mother’s milk. Early in 1914 Higilak arranged to adopt
the little daughter of a man named Wikkiak, whose wife was then on the eve
of giving birth to another child; the parents received a pot and a knife as the

1[n the summer of 1915 one of Avranna’s dogs had a litter. One pup he kept for himself, another he
gave to Tutsik. Each man took his pup into a tent and massaged it. Avranna, placing his poor little
victim between his knees, pulled out its legs one after the other to make them grow big, and twisted
its tail so that the dog would always hold it curved over its back, which the Eskimos regard as a mark
of beauty and of health. Next he held the pup up to his face and expanded its nostrils by blowing into
‘them; it would thus become keen-scented and able to follow a trail and to discover the seal-holes under
the snow. In order that so important a quality should not be left to chance he expanded the nostrils
again with the eye of a needle. Then he stretched its body to make it grow big, and fastened round
it a miniature harness that had been made for the occasion by his wife. Holding the trace in his teeth
and the pup in his hands he pulled the line taut several times, thereby ensuring that the dog would be a
good worker when hitched to the sled. To make it strong for packing loads in summer he placed his
heavy tool-bag on its back and forced it to execute a kind of march. It should be swift in pursuit, so
he rubbed an arrow along its belly between its legs; and fierce in attack, so he bit its head and body
and feet till the poor animal writhed and howled with pain, and its mother outside nearly ripped the
tent to pieces in a frantic effort to rescue her offspring. Last of all it should be quick to pounce on seals,
so he knocked its mouth against a strip of blubbery sealskin. At each stage of the operation he murmured
into its ear, exhorting it to grow big and active, to pounce on seals, and to do and become everything that
befitted a perfect Eskimo dog.

166 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

price of the adoption. After the baby was born, however, they decided to.
keep all their children, and rather unscrupulously went back on the agreement
without restoring either of the articles, the pot or the knife.

Frequently the parents settle their problem by simply suffocating their
baby and throwing it away. Even a mother will do this, for apparently she
has no spontaneous affection for her offspring at the time that it is born. In
the autumn of 1915 a Pingangnaktok native travelled westward with his wife
and joined the Dolphin and Union strait natives at the Liston and Sutton islands.
There, on January 22, the woman gave birth to a girl. Neither of the parents
wanted to have any children at the time, for their companions were intending
to return to Tree river the following day. They were both young still, they
said, and in all probability would have at least one more child later, a boy per-
haps who could take care of them when they grew old. The woman therefore
suffocated her child and laid it out on the ground a few yards from the camp,
where it was soon covered by the drifting snow. Only a year or two previously
this couple had similarly exposed another little girl baby. There were three
other cases of infanticide that winter in the vicinity of our station, more than
the average number, probably, owing to the severity of the weather at this

(Photo by G. H. Wilkins)
Fic. 51. Kalyutaryun and her baby Okomik

time and the shortage of food. One woman exposed a child about three years
old; it was bewitched, she said, and only a burden to her. The child was prob-
ably defective, for, though it had grown in size, it had not developed properly
and could neither stand alone nor walk.

Where twins are born one at least must either be killed or given away,
for an Eskimo woman cannot possibly rear both children at the same time.
If one is a boy and the other a girl, it is invariably the girl that is made the
victim. Boys, in fact, are seldom exposed, for they will support their parents
when they grow up. The utmost callousness is displayed in the matter. “One
woman laughed over a baby girl she had killed two or three years before, and

Marriage, Childbirth, etc. 167

said that it had provided the foxes with a good meal. Very rarely some other
woman in the settlement takes pity on the helpless infant; thus, when a Dolphin
and Union strait woman named Keyuk exposed her baby without first suffocating
it, another woman rescued it and reared it as her own child. The mother seems
to forfeit all claim to it in such cases even when the child grows up. One
thing these natives have to their credit, however—they never resort to pre-
natal infanticide; I am not sure whether it is known even, although a native
who quarrelled with his wife when she was pregnant threw her down in the snow
and rolled his foot on her stomach.

Within two or three days of its birth a child that escapes exposure is given
a name, or rather two and sometimes even three names. These are often suggest-
ed by relatives, but the decision rests with the parents. Usually there is very
little choice, for it is customary to name the child after a near kinsman who
has recently died; nevertheless differences of opinion do occasionally arise
when two or three kinsmen have died within the space of a few years. All
the names of the kinsmen descend to the child, or to the young dog, for the
same rule applies to dogs also. Aksiatak called one of his dogs Itaiyuk after
his dead father; later, when his wife bore him a son, he named him Itaiyuk
also. Higilak, again, held a discussion with Ikpakhuak as to the name she
should give to one of their pups; finally she called it Nerialak after Ikpakhuak’s
elder brother who had died two or three years before. A few months later
her grandchild was burn and received the name Nerialak also.

Distinctions of sex never enter apparently into the question of names
The dead Nerialak above mentioned was a man, while the baby that was named
after him was a girl. Higilak’s daughter was named Kanneyuk, and there
was a man Kanneyuk in a neighbouring group. I do not know in this instance
whether they were both named after the same person, in which case their other
names would be the same also. Such a thing is not uncommon however; there
were two Puivlik children, for example, both boys, who were called Utuallu
Taipanna after a common kinsman.

The majority of the people seemed to have two names, though some had
only one and a few three; but the third was usually a nickname. Where a
native had two names one would often be used for a few months, then the other
would supersede it for a time without any apparent reason for the change.
Thus, when first we entered the country, Ikpakhuak’s wife was always known
as Taktu. In the summer of 1915 her second name Higilak gradually took
its place, and during our last year the name of Taktu was seldom heard.: It
was used sometimes nevertheless, so:that plainly there was no taboo concerning
the matter. A Noahognik boy had two names, Taptuna and MHahra, but
hardly anyone used the second name except his father.

A child often receives another name later on in life, a sobriquet from some
peculiarity in its appearance or an event in its career. Sometimes this nickname
entirely supersedes the proper names. Thus a Puivlik Eskimo who possessed
an unusually big nose was always known as Kingalokanna, “Big Nose”. Another
man who had both his feet amputated as a result of frost-bite was called Iti-
gaitok, ‘“‘Footless”’, and a Kanghiryuak native for a similar reason was called
Nilgak, “The Limper’’. Higilak’s elder brother received the name of Kaulak
when he was born, but one day when he was out hunting, he said, he heard some
wolves talking about him, calling him Tusayok “The Listener’, so he immediately
changed his name and was always called Tusayok afterwards. In recent years

1Mr. Stefansson was misled by this use of the second name without any explanation, and consequently
over-estimated the number of the Hannerak group. The Puivlik natives told him of the family Tak-
tukkut (i.e. Taktuk’s family), and of a man named Avranna (Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV,
pt. I, p. 250). Now Avranna was Taktuk’s son, and Taktuk, or Taktu, was Higilak, the woman who
had travelled to Tree river and composed a song in commemoration of the journey, zbid., p. 34).

168 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

one or two children have been named after notable visitors; thus, a Copper-
mine river girl was called Issumatak ‘‘The Thinker” or “The Leader’, which
was David Hanbury’s title. Hanbury’s companion Darrell was honoured in
a similar manner; and a Puivlik child was called Tannaumik after the Mackenzie
river youth who accompanied Mr. Stefansson on his first visit to the Copper
Eskimo country.

In introducing himself a man usually gives both or all his names, but if
he is asked his name he will often give only one. Sometimes he will make a joke
about it; Kingalokanna, for example, would usually point to his nose and laugh.!
Unlike the Mackenzie and Alaskan natives, these Eskimos have no hesitation
whatever in telling their own names; nor is there any taboo against mentioning
the names of the dead, though the speaker will usually remark that the person
. referred to is dead and seems to expect that the matter will be dropped as
having no further interest. Despite the inheritance of the names I could find
no trace of any belief in the reincarnation of the souls of dead ancestors or rela-
tives, a belief that is held by the Eskimos farther west.? Frequent enquiries
indeed have convinced me that the doctrine is unknown to the Copper Eskimos,
though now that the western natives are entering their country they will pro-
bably soon acquire it, their minds being very receptive of such ideas.

(Photo by R. M. Anderson)
Fig. 52. Eskimo mothers and their children on the trail

Not only are there no taboos on the names of the dead, but, under ordinary
circumstances, no taboos in respect to the killing or eating of any animal, bird
or fish whenever a person happens to have the same name. Thus Taktu,
“Kidney,” would eat the kidney of either the seal or the caribou, and Tutsik had
no scruples about eating the old-squaw duck, ahangik, though his own second
name was Ahangik.?

A parent seldom addresses his child by its proper name, but simply calls
it nutarara, “my child”, or more simply still nutarak “child”, which is the term
that other adults employ towards it. If the child be an adopted one, tiguara
“my adopted relative” is often used instead. Once the danger of exposure is

1Cf. Stefansson, Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, p. 247.
2Cf. Stefansson, Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, p. 357 et seg.; also Crantz, Vol. I, p. 201.
3Exceptions to this rule are given in the next chapter.

Marriage, Childbirth, etc. 169

over it receives all the care and attention that its parents can lavish on it. The
mother carries it everywhere on her back underneath her coat, and whenever
it cries she rocks it backwards and forwards, patting it on the back and singing
some popular song to lull it to sleep; if this fails to quiet it she walks with it
up and down along the floor in front of the sleeping platform. Often, if you
push back her hood, you may see the infant sleeping soundly on her back. Some-
times she lays it on the bed, covering its face with a skin in summer to keep off the
flies. Little charms are attached to its clothes; a bone from the fore-flipper
of a rough seal on its shoulder, or the penis bone of the seal on its wrist, will
make it a good sealer, while scraps of caribou skin on the other shoulder will make
it a good caribou hunter’. Aksiatak’s wife Nik wore a short flap of deerskin on
her own belt to make her baby a good hunter in after years. As the child grows
older, and can bear stronger food, the mother masticates small pieces of meat and
puts them into its mouth. The father too takes great pride in his offspring
and will often play with his baby inside his hut, nursing it in his arms or dandling
it on his knees; for an Eskimo seldom rests a child on one knee, as we do, but
lays it on his lap between his knees, with its feet pointing forward.

A casual -visitor might gather the impression that children are badly cared
for by their parents. Both boys and girls run about in the most wretched
clothing, full of gapes and rents, often cut down, indeed, from the worn-out
garments of their elders. Even their footgear is of the same description, and
often it is soaking wet. It must be remembered, however, that these are their
oldest clothes, and that there is always a good warm set of garments carefully
stored away for special occasions. Our children do not wear their Sunday
clothes at school, nor do the Eskimo children wear their cleanest and finest
garments when playing about in the greasy snow in and around their houses.
If a child’s feet become wet and cold it can always run inside the house and put
on other boots, leaving the old ones to dry on the rack above the lamp.

Eskimo children show little respect for their elders in the manner to which
we are accustomed. They address them as equals, and join in any conversation
that may be taking place, not hesitating to interrupt or even correct their
parents. Often they have nicknames for their elders which they will use to
their very faces; thus Kanneyuk would sometimes call her mother ‘‘the woman
with the wide mouth’’. Yet they do show a certain amount of deference, and
a child will generally do what it is told, however unwilling. If it disobeys, some
elder is sure to chide it and lecture it on the duty of children; the shame of
public disapproval is sufficient in most cases to produce submission. Boys are
more apt to be spoilt than girls, probably because they are more errant and come
less directly under their parents’ influence. Corporal punishment’ is never
resorted to, though a child may receive a thump with the fist or a blow from the
snow-duster in the passion of the moment, when it will often try to retaliate.
Thus Kanneyuk was vexed one day when Higilak told her to do something, and
sulked in a corner of the hut. Her cousin Kesullik jeered at her behind her
back, so she turned round and hit him in the eye. He began to cry, and Higilak
poked Kanneyuk two or three times with the snow-duster, causing her to cry
also. The quarrel was soon over, however; the same evening the two children
went off together to sleep in a little tent by themselves. Many similar incidents
might be recorded. Aksiatak’s boy Nakitok received a sharp:slap on the side
of the head one day because he knocked some things off the table; and a Copper-
mine river native named Huputaun knocked his little daughter violently against
the wall because she was quarrelling with her younger brother. It is only natural
that the children should often quarrel among themselves and knock each other
down, but no one takes any notice. Generally speaking, boys and girls grow

1This is, of course, sympathetic magic of the usual type. Similarly Higilak once wrapped the body
of a live bumble bee in a shred of cloth and tied it round a pup’s neck to make the animal fierce and bold
like the bee.

170 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

up like wild plants, without much care or attention from the time they can run
about till they approach puberty. A girl receives a little elementary education
in cooking and sewing and in dressing meat. She is encouraged to make dolls
and to mend her own clothing, her mother teaching her how to cut out the skins.
Both boys and girls learn to stalk game by accompanying their elders on hunting
excursions; their fathers make bows and arrows for them suited to their strength.
One of their favourite pastimes is to carry out, in miniature, some of the duties
they will have to perform when they grow up. Thus little girls often have tiny
lamps in the corners of their huts over which they will cook some meat to share
with their playmates. In summer they love to sleep out-of-doors together, or
to set up house in an empty tent. So the days pass happily enough until they
reach manhood and womanhood and take up the responsibilities of life in real
earnest.

The Rev. Mr. Girling tells me of a very touching custom that he witnessed
on two or three occasions. He was travelling along the coast with an Eskimo
from Bathurst inlet when the native met his aged mother, whom he had not seen
for many years. The old woman lifted up the front of her coat, exposing her
breast, and her son reverently stooped down and touched it with his lips. How-
ever rude and uncultured these Eskimos may be, the bond that binds the mother
to her child is an enduring one, lasting as long as life itself.

Sickness, Death and Burial 171

‘

CHAPTER XIII
SICKNESS, DEATH AND BURIAL

__ Melancholy thoughts of death seem to be always hovering in the penumbra
of the Eskimos’ minds. Especially is this true of the older people, for the
young, here as elsewhere, are little troubled by its imminence. During the
summer of 1915, when the natives were formulating their plans for the future,
even though it might be for but a month ahead, Ikpakhuak or Higilak would
often say “Granting that we are still alive,’ and add “Evil shades are constantly
assailing us.” Not infrequently, too, some such expression as ‘‘People are
continually dying here” would fall from their lips. Yet in their minds there
seemed to be no anxious dread of death weighing them down, no passionate
clinging to life, only a profound resignation and melancholy calmness in the
face of the inevitable issue. Generally they lowered the voice and assumed
a mournful tone when speaking of dead relatives or friends, though occasionally
one heard the remark, half jest, half earnest, that ‘The foxes have eaten so-
and-so,” or ‘So-and-so’s remains retained no semblance of a man.” They
seldom mentioned the dead by name, but seemed rather to try to forget them,
as though they would fain banish every unpleasant memory from their minds.

For the forerunners of death, accidents and sickness, the Eskimo knows
of only one cause, the malignant activities of evil spirits or of the shades of the
dead. Many of Higilak’s séances in Victoria island were held for the purpose
of propitiating or intimidating these shades and dispelling their influence. The
natives have no knowledge whatever of medicine, and very little of surgery.
A head-ache is sometimes cured by bleeding, broken limbs are set in splints
and frozen members are amputated. Aksiatak, for example, dislocated his
ankle while wrestling in the dance-house; he pulled it back into place, covered
it with a long deerskin sock and laid three splints around it, one on each side
and one at the back, keeping them firmly in place by means of a raw-hide lashing;
a second cord running from his hand to the sole of his foot enabled him to raise
his leg without bending it. A year later his son Nakitok fell from the roof and broke
his thigh; the Eskimos set his leg in splints also. Both accidents were ascribed
to the machinations of evil spirits and the shamans were asked to appease them.
A painful swelling on the arm of the old shaman Ilatsiak was cured by lancing.
For snow-blindness the natives use counter-irritants, flooding the eyes with
the smoke of burning heather or of the Dryas integrifolia, or tying a louse to a
thread and letting it scratch the sclerotis. Complaints that are considered
magical in their origin, however, find their surest remedies in counter-magic,
so a shaman is usually called in at once to diagnose the cause and prescribe a
cure. In most cases he discovers that some taboo has been broken, or that
the patient has committed some action which offended a certain dead person’s
shade. The latter was the interpretation given to the illness of the Noahognik
Eskimo Hitkok, who killed his dog in a fit of anger because it refused to follow
him to the sealing ground; in this case the resentful shade was the dead relative
after whom the dog was named.!

In most cases of sickness the diagnosis alone is considered sufficient to
arrest the evil, especially if it is reinforced by an abstinence from such articles
of food as the shaman may ordain. Even if it fails no discredit falls on the
shaman, for the forces of evil are many and great, and his powers after all are
limited.

1There was no conception of the dead man’s soul residing in the dog; Hitkok had merely shown dis-
respect to him by killing his namesake.

172 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

The soul is the mainspring of a man’s vital strength. A dead man, or
more accurately his shade, tarrak, may steal the soul of a living man, who will
then pine away and die. In the winter of 1915 a Puivlik Eskimo named Wikkiak
and the little boy Haugak were both ill at the same time. Wikkiak recovered
soon after I visited their settlement, whereupon a shaman announced that his
soul had been carried away by the shade of a dead man, but that my dog Jumbo
had brought it back. Higilak therefore tied a strip of white deerskin round
Jumbo’s neck, thinking that perhaps he might be grateful for its warmth and
bring back Haugak’s soul also. The boy recovered, but a few months later

Fia. 53. A Tree river Eskimo wearing a fillet of caribou-skin around his forehead to cure a
headache

Higilak fell ill herself, and Jumbo had to come to the rescue once again. In
the eyes of the Eskimos he was clearly not an ordinary dog, but possessed an
unusual amount of vital force. On this occasion, therefore, Higilak rubbed
his saliva over her forehead in order that some of this force might enter into
her and overcome her sickness. Jumbo’s reward was another neckband of
white deerskin.

Sometimes a friend will lend some of his vital force to drive away a disease.
For example, if a man has stomach trouble, a comrade will often spit on his
hand and rub the afflicted part, thereby instilling some of his own surplus
strength to aid in the patient’s recovery.1_ The calves of Avranna’s legs were
sore one day, and the natives asked me to rub them with my saliva. On another
occasion Avranna bound my belt around his head to cure a headache; my
vitality communicated itself to my belt, passed into his body and effected a
cure. A charm too will often keep off an ailment. The bill of the yellow-
billed loon (Gavia adamsi) will help to ward off snow blindness, so in spring
some of the natives wear them on their shoulders or carry them in their hands.
An old hunter, Aiyallik, who had his thumb torn off by a brown bear, used

1Cf. Rasmussen, p. 145; Egede, p. 198.

Sickness, Death and Burial 173

to wear it as a charm in a small skin bag suspended round his neck, but whether
it was intended to give him good luck in general, or to ward off some specific
danger or sickness, I did not discover.

_ __Not infrequently a malady is conceived of as something concrete implanted
in the body by an offended soul. The shaman then has to extract the object,
which he does by the aid of his familiar spirits. To prove his success he displays
to his audiences pieces of bone, or worms, or similar things that he has secreted
on his person beforehand. The laxatives that we occasionally administered
answered the same purpose. Both sickness and ill-luck can be embodied in
physical objects and carried away. Haviuyak had a boil on his arm which he
pricked with a needle as soon as it came to a head, squeezing the pus on to a
piece of caribou meat. He asked me to let him give it to Scotty, the biggest
dog in my team, who would carry the contagion away with him when I left.
One of his own dogs snatched at the meat, but he kicked it away and anxiously
watched till the whole morsel had disappeared down Scotty’s throat. To
propitiate the dog he tied a band of white deerskin round its neck. Some
days later he was asked how the boil was progressing, and answered, “It has
all disappeared, thanks to the dog.’”’ Another Eskimo, Kaiyoranna, made me
a present of two bone pins fastened to the outside of a small deerskin bag.
I wanted to look inside the bag, but he checked me and tried to draw my atten-
tion to the fine workmanship in the pins. Later, after I had left the camp,
I found only four old scraps of skin in the bag. I showed it to some of the
natives, and they explained that Kaiyoranna had fastened some one’s illness
or ill-luck in the bag, and added the pins as a bribe to induce me to take it away.

A woman must abstain from sewing, and usually from fishing and hunting,
whenever her husband or brother is ill. A shaman sometimes enjoins on her
certain food restrictions as well. Thus Higilak was forbidden to eat either the
liver or the kidney of a seal when her brother Tusayok was ill. In this par-
ticular instance the prohibition was suggested by her second name Taktu
(Kidney). Sometimes the malady itself suggests it, as when Ikpakhuak
was forbidden to eat the stomach of the caribou when he himself was suffering
from stomach trouble.

Tales of people dying and coming to life again are so common among these
Eskimos that one is almost tempted to believe that catalepsy may not be at
all infrequent. In the majority of cases, of course, the story has arisen from
the difficulty of distinguishing the unconsciousness of an invalid from death.
Milukkattak told me that her grandfather died on the trail one day. His
sons wrapped him in his sleeping bag, laid all his possessions on the ground
beside him, and went on and made camp. In the midst of their weeping the
old man suddenly appeared with his sleeping bag still wrapped round his
shoulders. He wandered around the camp for a few minutes noting the
arrangement of everything, then took his fishing rod and went off to fish in a
lake near by. Several times afterwards he died and came to life again, but at
last he died and never recovered.

There are numerous tales of this nature. A man named Okalluk died and
was laid out by his relatives in the usual manner, wrapped in a deerskin. Four
days afterwards he came to life again, cut the lashings of his deerskin wrappings
and followed the trail of his kinsmen, whom he found fishing in a lake.
They laid hands on him and conveyed him to one of their tents, where the
shamans held a séance and restored him to health again. Again in Bathurst
inlet a woman named Allanak died one winter and was laid out on the sleeping
platform of her hut, covered over with skins; she too came to life again
five days later and regained her usual strength. In the same region Inernek
or Ikpakusaluk, for the man had two names, fell ill, and was left in his house

1Cf. Stefansson, Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, p. 222.

174 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

supposedly dead. He recovered after seven days and became in consequence
a very famous shaman. There is also a story of a native named Iyillik who
announced that he would die and recover at the end of four days, but when
his people laid him out on top of a rock an animal with the body of a wolf and
the head of a polar bear came and devoured his corpse; so his prophecy came
to naught. Strangest of all is the tale of Akarak, a Kilusiktok Eskimo. A
spirit or the malignant shade of a dead man struck him on the nape of the neck
while he was hunting south of Bathurst inlet. He fell dead into a swamp and
his face was buried in the water. There at sunset his son found him; his face
was blue, his hands were frozen stiff and his body was cold and dead. The son
caught hold of his ring finger with one hand and extended the arm, then laid
his other hand on Akarak’s shoulder. Forthwith the latter’s soul returned to
his body and he was restored to life again. Then his son tied his quiver round
him and helped him to his feet. Stiff and sore he staggered home, leaning on
the younger man’s shoulder. As soon as they arrived in camp the shamans
invoked their magic powers and restored the hunter to health again. Akarak
had been a fairly powerful shaman before this adventure, the natives said, but:
afterwards his prestige was greatly augmented.

It so happened that I never witnessed the actual death and burial of a
Copper Eskimo. The natives of Bathurst inlet and farther east leave the corpse
inside the hut or tent and abandon the camp immediately. In 1913 two white
men, Radford and Street, were killed close to one of the small islands in Bathurst
inlet; thereafter the natives avoided this side of the island and camped instead
on the opposite side, fearing the white men’s shades that still lingered round their
death place.t In the Coppermine region and in Dolphin and Union strait the
Eskimos also leave the body inside the tent in summer and move on to another
camping ground. In winter, however, they lay the corpse out in the snow, and
build a wind-break of snow-blocks around it to protect it from, the weather.
Usually it is conveyed to the land a few days later and deposited on the beach
above highwater mark, though sometimes it is simply left neglected on the ice.
The relatives remain in their dwellings and mourn the day after the funeral, then
resume their ordinary occupations and try to forget their loss. Probably
certain taboos are observed, but my enquiries on the subject failed to yield any
information. :

Some or all of the dead man’s implements are broken and laid on the ground
beside him for his use in the future life. The man is dead, the natives say, and
wants to have his implements dead also. Should he die outside his tent the
survivors build a wind-break of stones and sods around his corpse to keep it
warm, like the wind-break of snow in winter. In the summer of 1915 we found
an old camp site in south-west Victoria island where a woman had died many
years before. The tent had disappeared through the ravages of time, but its
broken poles were still lying on the ground. Near them was the woman’s knife,
a hunter’s bone pin for fastening the reticulum of the caribou when filled with
blood, a needle case and the toggle of a woman’s belt. I would have taken two
of the tent sticks to use for fuel, but my companions protested that the dead
woman needed them to keep her warm.

In a few places stone cairns are found protecting the corpse from the ravages
of birds and animals. Captain Bernard unearthed human bones and a few
implements from some cairns on Bell island in south-west Victoria island, where
he noticed also the ruins of houses built of wood and sods. Mr. Stefansson
discovered other cairns at Cape Parry and in Langton bay.2 Dr. Anderson
tells me that he never saw or heard of them farther west than this, logs of drift-
wood taking their place; he considered Langton bay as their western limit.
The Copper Eskimos, as far as I could learn, never cover their dead, so these

1Report of the Bathurst Inlet Patrol, Ottawa, 1917.
2Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, p. 212, etc.

Sickness, Death and Burial 175

stone cairns are probably the relics of that earlier tribe that peopled the coast
from Baillie island to Dolphin and Union strait. The six ‘‘stone graves” that
Mr. Stefansson noticed between Clouston bay and the Colville hills were almost
certainly meat-caches, hundreds of which are scattered about the hills and
valleys of this region.! ,

The only recent burial we saw was that of one Puivlik Eskimo, Haviron,
who died in April 1915, after an illness that had lasted all the winter. His body
was conveyed to the mainland near Cape Lambert and deposited on the shore
just above high-water mark. Mr. Wilkins, the photographer of the expedition,
examined the body a month or so later and furnished me with the following
description. “Thé corpse was on a point about twenty-five yards from the

(Photo by G. H. Wilkins).

Fic. 54. The grave of Haviron

‘

water and: three or four feet above high-water mark. The coast hereabouts
was a mass of broken rocks and an occasional boulder. The corpse was placed
on the rocks, but no rocks had been placed on or around it. It was lying on its
left side with the head towards the east, the right arm doubled across the chest,
the left stretched along the body slightly to its front. It was dressed in a simple
suit of inner deerskin clothes, attigi (i.e., coat), pants, socks, and mittens, and
had on a pair of sealskin slippers. The right eye was open, the left closed, and
the mouth closed. The corpse was loosely tied in two deerskins, and its head
rested on a pair of folded outer pants. An outer attigi was noticed a few feet

1Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, p. 301.

176 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

away, presumably blown there by the wind. About twelve feet to the south
(inland) and parallel to the body had been placed the following articles:—

One fish-hook attached to a small stick, 6 inches long, by a short length

of braided sinew.

One brass séal-spear head.

One pair of scissors (made of bone, tin-lined).

One battered lard-pail.

One pair of outer boots.

One broken bow without string or sinew lashing.

Two arrows with bone heads, in good order.

One bone-handled iron-bladed knife (snow knife).

One worn-out whittling knife, with a bone handle and an iron blade.

The most interesting of the ancient graves was one discovered near Bernard
harbour by some western Eskimos who were serving the expedition. There
were no bones, but they brought me a fishing rod, a woman’s knife with an iron
blade, a drill with an iron point, a marrow-spatula, two horn points and pieces
of the shafts of a child’s arrows, and two skewers for pinning up the blood-bag.
The local Eskimos did not know whose grave it was; they thought a whole
family must have been laid there, for while the arrow-shafts suggested a boy,
the knife indicated a woman and the drilla man. Some of the natives protested
against our removing the objects, but suggested that if we really wanted them
we ought to leave their equivalent on the grave. Following their advice, there-
fore, we deposited a cartridge for the use of the man, some needles for the woman,
and a small trinket for the boy.

Often the relatives of a dead man will retain his more valuable property
and place only miniature copies on his grave. This is done more particularly
with the water-boots, but sometimes too with the bow and arrows. The dead
man is able to enlarge the miniatures if he wants them, so there is no necessity
to leave the genuine articles... Captain Bernard found a grave in Richardson
bay,on south-west Victoria island where miniature water-boots had been
substituted for the real ones. He described to us, too, a funeral in which the same
substitution had taken place. A native named Ekkeahoak was stabbed by
a companion near Lambert island in the spring of 1913. His kinsmen wrapped
the corpse in caribou skins and conveyed it by sled to the mainland, where they
deposited it on the ground with its back to the north and its head to the east.’
They laid his possessions in a row by his side, piece by piece, the various tools,
the bow and arrows, the sealing-harpoon broken into two pieces, and all his
spare clothing, each garment neatly folded in a separate bundle; in place of
the real water-boots, however, they left a miniature pair about an inch long.
As soon as the corpse was thus disposed of all the people returned to their seal-
ing-ground.’ ;

1The Rev. E. J. Peck says that in south Baffin island: ‘‘In the case of a woman’s death the articles
she had been accustomed to use, such as needles, circular knife, etc., were placed at her grave by female
relatives and friends, but in the case of a man’s death his hunting implements were placed by his male
relatives and friends by the side of his grave. These did not always consist, in either case, of the full
sized articles, but miniature things made to resemble the larger were often used instead.”

2Haviron’s head also pointed toward the east, but I do not know whether this is the universal practice.

8The following extract is taken from Dr. Anderson’s diary of his first expedition—the Stefansson-
Anderson Arctic Expedition—under date July 28, 1911:—

“On the western side of cliff (a little east of Point Williams, Victoria island) found part of old seal-
spear, bone head, copper-riveted, also shaft of human femur (ca. 15 years). On top of rock, Tanaumirk
found fragments of oblong stone pot and shaft of human ulna. I went up and found epiphysis of femur,
and two phalanges of toe. No sign of grave about. About 30 yards W. of cliff I found old iron knife,
long bone handle. About 100 yards inland Tanaumirk found remainder of stone pot, and about 100 yards
from this the runners of a sled—very old. Two or three hundred yards W. found old tent site (stones
in circle), a few broken arrows, sealing implements, etc. About 25 yards from house saw a little circle
of Stones on ground (about 2 feet across). In centre, half buried in moss and dirt, found quite a set of
miniature implements, child’s toys, bows, 3 copper-headed arrows (about 6-8 in. long), copper ice-pick,
drill, fire-stones, knife (tin riveted to bone handle), caribou hunting accessories, etc.—all diminutive,
much weathered.” ;

These miniature implements may have been a child’s toys, as Dr. Anderson thought at that time,
but I strongly suspect that they were placed on a grave instead of the real implements.

Sickness, Death and Burial 177
* Although there is a universal belief among these natives in an existence
after death, their conception of that existence is very vague and indefinite.
The names of the dead are not tabooed, though a certain natural reluctance is
felt in pronouncing them. The soul, nappan, apparently ceases to exist alto-
gether, but the shade, tarrak, is believed to linger for a time round the place
where the body was laid.1_ Thus the spot where Haviron was buried was always
spoken of afterwards as “Haviron’s place,”’ and the context often implied that
his shade still existed in that locality. Ikpakhuak’s eldest brother died in the
Colville hills in 1912, and his body was laid on a ridge-top. Three years later,
when passing near the place, Ikpakhuak began to mourn aloud, and all the natives
in our payty wept in sympathy. A few days later, at the end of a long day’s
fishing, he went to visit the grave, accompanied by Avranna and Milukkattak.
Higilak, in camp, wept all the time they were absent, and Milukkattak would
only speak of their visit afterwards in hushed tones. They seemed to think
that the shade of the dead man still hovered round his remains despite the
ravages the foxes had committed on them.

Direct questions as to the fate of the individual after death invariably
received the answer nauna “I don’t know’. Occasionally, when pressed more
closely, a native would say, ‘‘Perhaps he is still alive in some other place, we
have no knowledge.” One woman told me that the dead sometimes go to the
moon. Higilak once asked me whether I had ever seen her first husband Nerialak
among the western Eskimos; he had been dead for several years, she said, but
she had been told (by some shaman probably) that he was still living over in
the west. On another occasion she asked me whether I had heard that her father
was dwelling among the Kanghiryuarmiut. Many summers before he had
gone out hunting and had neither returned to camp nor left any traces to show
what had become of him. Finally a shaman discovered that the malignant
shades of some white men had carried him off to the country of the Kanghir-
yuarmiut. Nowhere, however, could I find any trace of the belief (existing
more or less vaguely at Barrow and elsewhere)? that the souls of the dead are
reincarnated in their descendants, or in the children of friends and relatives.

Known graves, even those of relatives, are usually avoided by Eskimos
travelling alone, even when death was due to natural causes. Very few natives
will voluntarily visit alone the place where a man was killed by violence; they
are afraid lest his shade that still hovers in the vicinity may wreak its vengeance
on his survivors. When the two Roman Catholic priests were killed near the
mouth of the Coppermine river in 1913 the murderers ate small pieces of their
livers, believing that this would prevent their shades from taking revenge.?
An Eskimo broke into two caches belonging to Uloksak and another man, and
stole a number of their skins; afterwards the thief hung himself, fearing the
owner’s revenge, and his corpse was laid out on the ground about a mile from
the settlement. The natives hoped that the animals would quickly devour it,
and. Uloksak set some fox-traps near by. Instead of two foxes, however, he
caught two wolves, but one of them gnawed off its foot and limped away.
Uloksak, following its track, could see it.running in the distance. Suddenly it
changed to a man and waved a hand to him, beckoning him to follow, then
instantly reverted to a wolf again. He chased it up a cliff and shot it, but the
moment the bullet struck its body the wolf gasped ‘“‘ah’’, and a voice from inside
the cliff cried, ‘“You too shall die and many of your people.” Uloksak cut off

1The word tarrak has at least three meanings: (1) a low ridge that offers cover to the hunter, and so
generally any low ridge; (2) the shadow of any object cast by the sun or the moon; (3) the ‘‘shade’’ of
a dead animal or human being.

2Stefansson, Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, p. 363 ct scg.; Crantz, Vol. I, p. 201.

The same belief existed in Greenland. See Rink, p. 45; Rasmusse>, Pe:ple cf the Polar North
p. 297, 300; Cf. also Nelson, p. 328.

23335—12

178 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

the wolf’s legs and crushed its head to make certain that it was dead, then
returned to camp, leaving the carcass on the ground. The first news that
greeted him was that his wife was dead, and subsequently many others of his
party died also.

The Copper Eskimo hardly knows the comforting doctrine that the souls
or shades of the dead hover round their living kinsfolk like guardian spirits and
protect them from every harm. The shade to them is a malignant being, at
least potentially, and its activities know no bounds of time and space. Some
remain harmless always, especially the shades of those who worked no evil in
their lives; others change to tornrait, and are identified more or less closely
with those malignant spirits that never had a normal human existence, though
they sometimes assume a human form. Unseen, save when of their own accord
they render themselves visible or are revealed to a shaman through his familiar
spirit, they haunt the hapless natives night and day, ever ready to seize a favour-
able opportunity to work them harm; the shade of a man who died in one
place may cause the death of another man a thousand miles away. In some
vague manner too these shades control the weather and the supply of game.
Often a shaman will discover and name the particular shade that is responsible
for a man’s sickness or ill-luck, or for the scarcity of caribou or seals; then it
will be petitioned or intimidated and made to cease its evil machinations. The
Eskimos try to preserve the good will of the shades in various ways. Whenever
a caribou is killed scraps of its liver and kidney (and sometimes of its other
intestinal organs as well) are thrown to them as an offering with the exclamation
tamaizza.1 So too when a seal is killed a small piece of blubber is left for the
shades on the ice.2 Dease and Simpson noticed that the Copper Eskimos
regularly offer an oblation at mealtimes. ‘(Mr. Dease) took them into his
tent and gave them food to eat. A small piece was first broken off, as a sacrifice
or oblation, and the remainder made the circuit of their faces before passing into
their mouths.’”? Before drinking, too, the native often tips his bowl and with
the prayer tamaizza pours out two or three drops for a libation. These offerings
are often omitted at mealtimes, but never in the hunting field when the game
is being cut up; and though sometimes the Eskimo may make them only half-
consciously, following a stereotyped custom, yet occasionally there does seem
to be some faint sense of gratitude to those unseen powers on whom he believes
himself dependent for his daily food.

1Cf. Crantz, Vol. I, p. 207.

?This was the usual interpretation of the custom. One native, however, said that it pleased the seals,
so that others would allow themselves to be caught. As the shades of the dead are supposed to be able
to control the supply of seals the two interpretations come to almost the same thing.

3Simpson, Discoveries, p. 349.

Religious Beliefs 179

CHAPTER XIV

RELIGIOUS BELIEFS

A flat unbroken expanse of land and sea—the earth— covered over during
the greater part of the year with snow and ice; of undefined limits, but stretch-
ing farther than any man knows; at each of its corners a pillar of wood holding
up another unbroken expanse, the sky!; above that, on its surface, another
land, abounding in caribou and other animals like our own earth; wandering
across this upper expanse semi-spiritual beings, the sun, the moon and the stars—
such is the conception that the Copper Eskimo possesses of our universe. The
sun and the moon are semi-human, or at least the abodes of semi-human beings,
the sun being a woman and the moon a man. The mountains of the moon are
the man’s dogs, according to one account; according to another, they are a
woman with her dogs behind her, for once she came down to the earth and the
shamans tied a rope round her and hoisted her up to the sky again. The-weather,
sila, spoken of as a man, but conceived apparently as some mighty power,
moves along the sky, and as he walks the sun goes down; hence the disappearance
of the sun each evening. In summer the sun draws near the earth and warms
it, but in winter it goes far away under the sea. On the 9th of January 1915,
the first day of its reappearance after the winter night, the natives heard its
hiss as it set again in the ocean. Its face is covered with black at eclipses,
siriapaluk, and then the Eskimos know that it is trying to kill people and the
shamans have to wipe away the black. The appearance of two mock suns,
(parhelia) is ominous to travellers and hunters, who will be cut off by sudden
death and never reach their homes again.?.

The stars were human beings or animals before they ascended into the
sky. The three bright stars of Orion’s belt were three sealers who never
returned to their camp, so the Eskimos call them tupigat ‘The sealers’’, or
tubaryutt ‘The early risers’’’. Long ago a polar bear was being hunted by a
man and his dogs. It fled into the sky, and its pursuers followed after it. We
can still see the bear, nannoryuk, in the sky, and behind it the hunter and his
dogs, always pursuing but never overtaking it‘. One native pointed to the
Pleiades and called them the bear, while Aldebaran and some stars near it were
the hunter and his dogs, agleoryuit “The pursuers”; but the more usual name
for the Pleiades is A gietat, the meaning of which I did not discover’. Two stars
in the Great Bear (8 and a faint star near it) are tuktwyuin, “The caribou”,
while Venus is the “Big Star,” uvloreahugyuk. Arcturus when high in the heavens
ushers in the sealing season, and hence has been given the name of sivulik ‘The
leader’. Other stars which I was unable to identify are agiatsiak (perhaps the
same as agietat), kuttoryuk and agyuk. Falling stars are the annak (feces) of
larger ones, but bright meteors are called fire, cgnik.6 The rainbow is atyakutak,
the same name that Mr. Stefansson found for it at Barrow, where the word
means ‘‘The prop that keeps the sun from falling.”

1Cf. Crantz, Vol. I, p. 131; Nelson, p. 498.

2At Barrow two mock suns, one on each side of the real sun, are said to be its walking sticks, aiyopiak.
The sun holds them out to steady itself when a gale is imminent. Cf. Peary, Northward over the Great
Ice, Vol. I, p. 243.
‘ 3In Greenland they are called siektut, ‘“‘The bewildered men.’’ (Crantz, Vol. I, p. 232, Egede, p. 209),
but the legend is the same.

4At Barrow the name is tubatsiat, which also means ‘‘The sealers.”’

5At Barrow they are called sakopsakkat ‘‘The ones that close their eyes.’’

6So too in the Mackenzie river delta (Stefansson, Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, pp 327,

341.)
23335—124

180 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

If the Copper Eskimos see a rainbow while they are out hunting they
throw a small piece of skin from the belly of a deer toward it, to win its favour
and give them good luck. They call the aurora ahanik, and believe it to be a
manifestation of the spirits that bring fine weather. Rain comes from snow
that goes up into the sky when the weather is warm, while lightning is due to
a being named Asiranna shooting his arrows. Not all of the natives, however,
agreed to this interpretation, for some called it fire, ignik, and thought that
it was caused by the sky, kilak, or by the shades of the dead. The winds,
annorait, issue from two holes in the sky. In stormy weather the shamans
sometimes tie them all together with a cord of fur taken from the throat of a
caribou and push them back into one of their holes. Then the Eskimos enjoy
fine weather until the malignant spirits of the dead, aggioktun tarrain inyuin,
desiring the destruction of people still living, untie them again and let them
loose. The old shaman Ilatsiak, however, confessed that he did not know
what became of the winds in calrn weather; nevertheless he knew certain things
that would cause them to blow hard, for example, ‘if the women sewed new
deerskin clothes during the dark days of winter, or if in spring and summer
the Eskimos lingered too long round the lakes and islands, or ate the lungs
of the cariboo.”’

Even the solid earth is full of mystery. Many a strange and only semi-
human race surrounds the Eskimos, and is known through the spirit-flights
of their, shamans or through ancient tales of adventurous wanderers of other
days. The Indians perhaps are human, but beyond them are white men,
kovlunat, a people whose customs and manners are altogether strange.’ After
we had been in their country for over a year Higilak announced ‘as a great
discovery one day that. the white men were no different from the Eskimos.
Then there are numerous dwarfs, inyuorligat, so short that their bows trail
behind them on the ground, yet so strong that many of them can carry the
largest caribou on their backs. Somewhere far away perhaps there are giants
still, for they existed in olden times in the Eskimo land itself. Then there are
tornrin, a race that once lived above the ground in the days when Eskimos
were few, though afterwards they were driven below by the shamans. The
tornrin used to hunt caribou but not seals, and one may still pick up an occa-
sional arrow point that they have dropped. It was they, too, who built the
stone huts like the one near Locker Point. Wesawa large rectangular “‘sleeping
place” behind Cape Lambert; it was made of slabs of dolomite set on edge,
and was about 8 feet long by 4 feet wide and from 12 inches to 18 inches high.
The Eskimos were quite convinced that it must have been a house of the tornrin.?
Then there is a tribe of Amazons; another people with four eyes in their heads;
a third with no eyes at all; and yet another whose mouths are in their chests.’
Away at the back of beyond, avalirmi, there is a country where seals grow
no longer than a foot, and the hunters put them in their footpads and sling
them on their backs. Many other strange and wondrous things the earth
contains, and no tale is too marvellous to win belief.

Birds and animals too have extraordinary faculties and powers. Some of
the shamans know their speech and can converse with them. Many animals
have changed to human beings before the very eyes of the hunters, and changed
as quickly back again. They can be offended by scornful words, and the hunter
who mocks the caribou, for example, or the seal, will suddenly find himself
stricken down by sickness or afflicted with constant illtluck. A Tree river
Eskimo who served the expedition for a time told us that his brother Annarvik

1The Siberian belief about the teeth in white women (Jochelson, Jesup N. Pacific Expedition, Vol.
VI, pt. I, p. 377) is current also among the Copper Eskimos.

2Cf. the discussion of the tornit by Thalbitzer, in Meddelelser om Grgnlavd, Vol. XXXIX, p. 687
et seq.

3Cf. Stefansson, Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, p. 302.

Religious Beliefs 181

went hunting one day with another Eskimo named Angivranna. They sighted
a brown bear on the opposite bank of a river and began to cross over towards
it, but they had hardly reached half way when the bear’s ears began to enlarge
and gradually cover its whole body. Annarvik turned and fled to shore; when
he looked round again a man had sprung out from beside the bear and entered
the water. It disappeared below the surface, and presently the terrified Angiv-
ranna disappeared also, pulled under by his adversary. No sooner had he sunk
than the brown bear vanished into the ground, but on the same spot appeared
the mysterious man. Annarvik fled to his camp and told his companions of
Angivranna’s fate. The brown bear had killed him, the natives said, because
he was too good a hunter.

Quite recently another hunter met with a similar fate, according to local
tradition. In the summer of 1914 a party of Eskimos was travelling about
in the country south of Bathurst inlet. One day they saw a wolf and one of
the men cried, ‘Shoot it.” His gun, however, failed to explode, and the wolf
seized him by the wrist and dragged him to the ground. ‘Another hunter shot
it with his bow, but as the arrow pierced its body the wolf cried “Oh” exactly
like a man. Time went on, and the hunter’s wrist slowly healed. One day he
shot a caribou, and went on farther to look for more game. That night he
failed to return to camp, nor was anything seen or heard of him for many months.
The shamans held a séance and discovered that the evil shades of the dead,
aggioktun, had murdered him. Finally, in the spring of 1915, his body was
found with a wolf lying dead beside it. The wolf had been wounded by his
bullet, but before it expired it had succeeded in killing the hunter; so the animals
had their revenge. ~ j

It behoves the Eskim.: therefore to be very careful in all his actions.
Not only must he propitiate the shades of the Eskimo dead, lest they should
become offended and strive to slay him and to convert him into a tornrak like
themselves; but he must never forget to propitiate also the animals he kills.
Every seal that.is dragged inside his hut must have a little water poured into
its mouth, or a little lamp oil instead, for seals are thirsty animals and have a
great craving for water (or blubber). Caribou would be given the same, the
natives say, only they have not the same strong desire. Geese and other water-
fowl, and ptarmigan, all have a longing for oil, so before an Eskimo skins or
plucks such a bird he rubs a little fat or blubber on the head, the wing-joints
and the feet; but birds of other species have no desire of this kind. Propitiation
must be offered to the shades of all fierce and dangerous animals, that is to say
of polar and brown bears and of wolves. We shot a polar bear and its cub
in the summer of 1915, and Ikpakhuak made a tiny bow and arrow to leave
beside the mother’s head; he called it a hunting weapon for the bear’s shade,
and said that a similar gift should be made to the shade of every bear or wolf
that is killed. No sewing was permitted on the following day. Moreover,
on the last day of the same year, Kesullik, who had been in our party when the
bears were killed, captured a seal which he handed over to Ikpakhuak; it was
the first seal that. had entered Ikpakhuak’s house since the slaying of the bears.
Now polar bears are like the Eskimos in this respect, that they, too, live largely
on seals. Accordingly, when Ikpakhuak had cut off the flippers of the seal
and laid them at the back of the hut, his wife stripped off a little of the skin
so that he could drive. his knife into the animal’s belly. This would please
the polar bear, he said, and give him success in his sealing; if he had not done
this they would have been angry with him and kept all the seals away. Accord-
ing to Milukkattak the usual custom is to lay a miniature bow and arrow beside
only the male bear or wolf; beside the female the hunter places a strip of sealskin
or deerskin which the shade of the animal can use as a needle-holder. They
are like human beings, Milukkattak went on to say, and have need of the same
things, the male of his hunting weapons, and the female of her needle-case.!

1Cf. Rasmussen, p. 111; Stefansson, My Life with the Eskimo, p. 57, and Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H.,
Vol. XIV, pt. I, p. 353; Boas, Bulletin A.M.N.H., Vol. XV, pt. I, p. 124.

182 Cunadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

Nature has ordained that certain animals shall live in the sea and others
on the land. The Eskimo therefore must follow the same distinction, and keep
the products of the two regions separate. He is a little vague as to who enforces
the taboo. Sometimes he says that the animals themselves would be offended
and avenge themselves on the trangressors, who would then die of starvation;
sometimes that the shades of the Eskimo dead would take offence, and wreak
their vengeance by sending terrible storms or a plague of sickness and death,
especially when the natives are living on the sea ice; at other times again it
is a deity who dwells at the bottom of the sea and controls the supply of seals,
or another living in the sky, or one of the many spirits that dwell in cliffs and
tide-cracks and similar places, in so far as they have any fixed abode. But
whatever the manner in which he thinks the taboo will be enforced,—and the
same Eskimo will believe in every one of them—there is no doubt whatever in
his mind that punishment will inevitably follow disobedience. Woe betide the
Eskimos if they fail .to observe the due restrictions; sooner or later misfortune
will overtake them in some form or another, and then the sin, however secret,
is sure to come to light. Even if the wrong-doer does not confess immediately,
as often happens, yet the shamans will soon discover his transgression when they
invoke their familiar spirits and enquire into the cause of their misfortunes.
Long ago certain people broke the taboo against cooking deer-meat on the ice,
and the ice cracked up and every one was drowned. Such a result may happen
again if the taboo be broken.

The caribou and the seal are the two most important factors in the economic
life of the natives. The one lives on land, the other in the sea, so the doctrine
that the products of the two regions should be kept separate ought to apply
more strictly to these two animals than to any others. As a matter of fact
even in their case it is only partially observed. Thus seal-meat, raw, frozen or
cooked, may be eaten at any time of the year, whether on the land or on the
sea ice. In summer, of course, when the Eskimos are usually wandering inland,
practically no seals at all are caught, but many are secured in the spring and
autumn while the natives are living on the sea-shore; most of the meat is consumed
at once on the coast, but a little is often taken inland. Caribou meat again
may be eatén, raw or frozen, at any season and in any place; but it must not be
cooked on the sea-ice. The natives may cook it on shore at any time, even on
the very edge of the ice; some of them did not hesitate to cook it at the Liston
and Sutton islands during the winter, though the shamans reproved them for
it and attributed a series of blizzards to their violation of the taboo. The prohi-
bition applies only to caribou killed in the previous summer and autumn, not to
those that are secured in the winter, or in the early spring when the animals
are migrating northward. It is hard to find any reason for this distinction.
If the caribou migrating north across the ice in the spring are to be regarded as
sea-animals for the time being, they should equally be so regarded in the autumn
when they are migrating south again; but the natives of west Coronation gulf
and of Dolphin and Union strait observe the taboo in the one instance, and not
in the other. Some of the people, however, were more scrupulous than others,
for I noticed one family that would not cook fresh deer-meat on the ice in spring,
though other families were doing it in the same camp. This particular family
did not condemn the others; on the contrary, it thought it was probably quite
legitimate to cook the meat, though it preferred to be on the safe side itself.
Some Bathurst inlet natives said that the only deer-meat they refrained from
cooking on the ice was meat that had been cached in stone cairns on the land;
if meat of this kind were cooked, the cold stones, for some not very evident
reason, would make the weather cold.

There is one taboo, however, that is universal in its application, and must
not be broken on any account. Products of the land and of the sea must never
be cooked in the same pot at the same time. Accordingly, when the natives are

Religious Beliefs . 183

living on the land and have stocks of both deer-meat and seal-meat, one is cooked
in the morning and the other at night. Nevertheless, both kinds of food may be
eaten at the same time; in fact the normal evening meal in the early part of
the winter consists of boiled seal-meat and frozen venison. Mr. Stefansson
states that “some families said that caribou and seal-meat should not be cooked
in the same pot unless the pot were suspended over the lamp by a fresh cord
when the caribou meat was to be cooked; but most people paid no attention
to even this prohibition.’”!

The polar bear is a sea animal, tarreomiutak, and must be treated like a
seal. I wanted to fry some caribou liver on the same fire on which Higilak was
boiling some bear-meat. She was not at all sure whether it was right to cook
the two at the same time, the bear being a denizen of the sea and the caribou of
the land. She asked her older brother Tusayok, but he did not know ‘either.
Finally I told her that as we had killed the bear on the land, it was plainly, in
summer at least, a land animal; further, that I was a white man, and in conse-
quence Eskimo taboos did not apply to me. The arguments seemed to satisfy
her, for she raised no further objection.

Similar taboos, based on the same general principles, apply to the cooking
of other animals and to fish. Thus tom-cod which are caught in the sea, may
be cooked, like seals, on either land or ice; but fresh-water fish, even salmon

Fie. 55. Pegging out caribou-skins to dry in the sun, Bernard harbour

migrating from the sea, must be cooked only on land. Some natives will not
use driftwood thrown up by the sea for cooking either caribou or fish, but others
pay no attention to this and use whatever fuel is most available. Mr. Stefansson
says that seal blood is used for splicing arrows?, but the natives told me that this
was strictly tabooed, and whenever I saw them making or mending arrows they
invariably used caribou blood, if they used blood at all. However, seal blood
might be employed by a hunter who intended to use his arrows for shooting
seals on theice. It is only the blood of the seal that is tabooed in this connection,
for the skin is always used for the back bracings of the bow.

Sewing as well as cooking is subject to the same general prohibitions. Thus
sealskin may not be sewn at the fishing creeks while the salmon are running.
I wanted a woman to sew up the ends of a sealskin dog-pack to make it water-
proof. She was uncertain whether it was right to do it while the salmon were
still migrating up the creek near which the natives were encamped, and on

1Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, p. 48; Cf. My Life with the Eskimo, p. 266.
2Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, p. 92.

184 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

asking an old man was emphatically told that it was prohibited. Even at our
station, four miles from the creek, she was afraid to sew some red sealskin bands
on a dancing-cap, though I tried to assure her that it was not forbidden so far
away. However, the natives have been compelled to modify this taboo in the
case of their foot-gear, which at this season of the year, the late spring, requires
mending every two or three days; they may sew sealskin patches therefore
on worn-out boot soles, but must not steep them in the stream. Whether it
is permissible to make new sealskin shoes on the land, the shoes that are worn
in winter over deerskin socks, I am not quite certain. At all events, a woman
refused to make me a pair one autumn when she was preparing my other winter
clothes, though she promised to make them after we migrated out on to the ice.

It is possible that the prohibition against the sewing of new deerskin
clothes on the ice during the dark days of winter also had some connection origin-
ally with this differentiation between products of the sea and of the land. At
the present time, however, the taboo is in force for very little more than a month,
since the natives are usually still sewing on the coast when the sun disappears,
and do not migrate out on to the ice until later. The sun is visible again in the
middle of January, after which time they may sew as many new clothes on the
ice as they wish. Old clothes may be patched at any season of the year. The
women would even make new clothes for us all through the dark days, provided
that they were allowed to sew them at our station on the land. This may
possibly be another instance, like the repairing of boots at the salmon creeks,
where necessity has forced the Eskimos to modify the full application of a taboo
that in its origin was much more general and far reaching.

Certain other taboos may be mentioned here, although they probably arose
from different causes. Stone lamps and pots must not be made during the
winter :! nor must cottonwood be burnt then, otherwise the weather will grow
very cold. There is an idea, I imagine, that dislodging stones of any kind is
liable to have this effect; it will be remembered that the Bathurst inlet natives
gave this as their reason for not cooking on the ice any deer-meat that had been
cached under stones. Cat’s cradles are tabooed at most seasons of the year; it
is only during the dark days when the sun cannot see them that the natives are
allowed to play the game, for the sun may come down and tickle them at any
other time, as tradition says it tickled a man long ago. The taboo is not very
rigidly observed, however. The natives taught me some figures in the summer,
although they took the precaution to close the door of the tent so that the sun
could not see them. Some natives believe in a special spirit of cat’s cradles
that punishes them if they violate the taboo.2. Mr. Stefansson says that it is
only during the dark days that the natives tell stories,’ but Ikpakhuak and
his people had no hesitation about narrating them in the summer. There is a
curious regulation about dances; they must never be held out of doors, lest the
songs of the natives should be wafted abroad and the singers die. Throwing
the scrapings from deerskins on to the floor of a snow hut is alleged to be
tabooed, though the natives frequently do it. Farther east the Netsilingmiut
are said to have a taboo against making new knives on the ice before the young
seals are born, but the Coronation gulf Eskimos have no scruples in this respect.
Avranna on one occasion refused to allow his dog to eat any part of the skin or
meat of a rabbit that he had shot, saying that it was ‘dry meat’ and the dog
yout fall ill and die. It may have been a taboo, or only a particular fancy of

is own.

1Cf. Boas, Bulletin, A.M.H.N., Vol. XV, p. 149.

2M ore details concerning the superstitions relating to cat’s cradles will be found in a volume of Eskimo
Cat’s Cradles to be published in one of the later reports of this series.

tAnthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, p. 244.

Religious Beliefs 185

The Eskimos must be just as careful in their conduct when the caribou are
migrating south in the fall as when the salmon are migrating up stream in the
spring. Higilak checked me from throwing a marrow bone to a dog one day,
saying that it was tabooed in the place where the deer had been killed. I saw
Ikpakhuak do the same thing a few days later, and when I told him of Higilak’s
objection he said that the bones he had given his dog were from caribou killed a
long way off (actually it was about five miles), and that only the bones of caribou
killed in the immediate vicinity were under the ban. In skinning such caribou
it is forbidden to cut off the ears at the roots, as is done at other seasons of the year;
the skin must be pulled off them. None of the contents of the stomach, again,
must be allowed to escape and taint the ground in the path the caribou are
taking, kalgint, otherwise the shades of the dead Eskimos, it was said, would be
offended and keep the deer away. For the same reason Higilak would not
make me a deerskin dog harness at this period, but waited until the migration
was over. Ikpakhuak had bad luck in hunting one day, and Higilak discovered ,
through her familiar spirit that she had been sewing too much deerskin clothing,
while Ikpakhuak had also been at fault by hammering too much on the stones
when loosening them for caches, neither of which things should be done to
excess on the path of the migration.!

Mr. Stefansson’s western Eskimos were responsible for the introduction of
a new custom in 1910. They told the Copper Eskimos that if they did not
cut off a fragment from every skin they sold to the white men to be taken out
of the country, the animals would follow the skins and leave the country also.
This applied particularly to the caribou; the natives said, which for this reason
had almost disappeared from Alaska and the Mackenzie river delta. Hence
some of the Copper Eskimos now cut a corner from each deerskin garment
and an ear from each skin that they sell to the white men, lest their country
too should be denuded of its game.

Mr. Stefansson says that in Coronation gulf every man, woman and child
is forbidden to eat the muskrat. In another place he says that “the Akullia-
kattangmiut and others kill a few muskrats, but they use neither the skins nor
meat, but only use the tails for charms.” The only place where muskrats are
found is in the vicinity of Great Bear lake, and even there it is probably only
within recent years that they have made their appearance; I very much doubt
therefore whether the Copper Eskimos have any real taboo in regard to them,

Mr. Stefansson’s discussion of aglirktok, again, the condition wherein an
individual labours under a taboo with regard to certain things, is much more
applicable to the Alaskan and Mackenzie river Eskimos than to those of Coro-
nation gulf. I hardly know what the word would imply to the Copper Eskimos,
for I never heard them use it. Its derivative, aglenaktok, however, is almost
daily in their mouths, and there can be no doubt as to its meaning. It is a
prohibition against doing something, for example against cooking salmon on
the sea ice. If they disobey, the supernatural powers which surround them—
the shades of the dead, inyuin tarratt, or the spirits, ‘ornrait—will surely be
wroth and punish them. How the prohibitions arose in the first case they do
not know, but they are binding nevertheless on every human being. Taboos
binding on particular individuals are common enough, but they are only tem-
porary restrictions due to special circumstances; a sick man, for example, will
be prohibited from eating certain foods. They are weaker taboos that issue as
a rule from the injunctions of some shaman, and last no longer than the patient’s
illness, and not always as long as that; sometimes, indeed, a native will disregard
them altogether. They really have more resemblance to the ‘‘taboos” of our
medical men when they forbid their patients certain foods. Thus the shamans

1J do not know whether any of these taboos are observed in the spring while the caribou are migrating
north. : :
2Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, pp. 244 and 59.

186 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

frequently forbid all sewing the day after they have held their séances, and tell
the people it is taboo, ag enangman, and that they will die if they disobey; but
if the particular shaman be a man of little repute the women will often disregard
his command and sew as usual. There seems to be a tendency, indeed, among
the Copper Eskimos to limit restrictions and taboos as far as possible; they
say themselves that they do many things now that were forbidden in former
days. Certainly they have no such intricate and far-reaching system of taboo
as Mr. Stefansson describes, however true his remarks may be of the natives
farther west.

The supernatural agencies with which the Copper Eskimo has to reckon
are not confined to the shades of men and animals, tarrait. Over and above
these are the tornrait, spirits that never had a normal life like human beings,
though they are semi-human in their form. They live in isolation, as a rule,
though divided into male and female. Whether they intermarry or not, and
have children, the native never thinks of enquiring, and opinions even differ as
to whether they can die. The shamans often assert that they cause them
bodily harm, and sometimes claim to have killed one, but certain spirits at least
the natives maintain it is impossible to kill. At times some little peculiarity
in their appearance distinguishes them from human beings, for example, extra-
ordinarily long hair; but they can change their forms and appear or disappear at
will. Some have definite homes in hillocks or in tide-cracks or in old stone
houses, but they are not altogether confined to these places; on the contrary,
they are as free as other spirits to roam wherever they will.

The natives say that the shades of the dead, inyuin tarrait, often become
spirits, tornrait, and in fact malignant shades that work the Eskimos harm are
often called by this name.!. The machinations of evil shades or spirits, aggiok-
tun, is the explanation of every untoward circumstance and of every inexplicable
phenomenon, whether it be sickness or stormy weather, an unaccountable sound
or the movement of the compass needle. Mannigyorina, for example, had
difficulty in her delivery, and the people said, ‘“The shades of the dead are angry.”
Kanneyuk again heard a strange noise one day when she was inside her hut,
and she rushed out crying, “Evil shades’; similarly, on another occasion,
Higilak, who heard a sound as of something scratching on a skin while she was
cooking outside her tent, whispered apprehensively, “Surely aggioktun.’’ The
men are as credulous as the women. Thus Avranna heard a whistle one day
when he was leaving our station’. He knew it could not have issued from either
of the two men who were there at the time, but thought there might be some one
in one of the tents. However, as no one had ever been seen living in the tents
he concluded with the other natives that it must have been a spirit haunting
the station. The Eskimos believed that there was a spirit, tornrak, in the
electric battery, and another in the phonograph. I induced a man to sing
into the phonograph one evening, then changed the needle and reproduced his
song. He was greatly alarmed, and asked whether some spirit were not boxed
up in the machine. We told him to look down the horn and see for himself.
Sure enough, he asserted he could see the spirit that had reproduced his song,
a diminutive being like a man, but only about an inch and a half high. When
a woman’s voice was reproduced the spirit he saw resembled a woman, and
when his little boy’s song was played over for him he saw the figure of a little
boy. Several other Eskimos could see the same spirits when they looked down
the horn, but, curiously enough, the man’s wife was the one sceptic in the party.

Spirits, tornrait, are liable to be encountered everywhere. They are especial-
ly dangerous in solitary places, and to natives wandering alone in the ‘dark.
A woman who had to take the usual portion of food one evening over to a house
some thirty yards away ran the whole distance for fear of spirits. Itis partly

1This belief exists also at Barrow, in North Alaska.
2Copper Eskimos never whistle, except to signal when hunting.

Religious Beliefs 187

for this reason that the natives prefer to go about in company. Higilak became
quite alarmed one day because I was absent from camp for about twelve hours,
hunting in the Colville hills; she was afraid lest a spirit that was known to live
in the vicinity had carried me off, just as one had carried off her father many
years before. The Eskimos declare that long ago the ice suddenly cracked off
Cockburn point and caused the drowning of a number of people who were
encamped there. Then a spirit, a tornrak named Kalyutaryun, appeared in
the crack—it was he who had caused the disaster. A man named Asiranna—
the being to whom the Eskimos now ascribe the lightning—attacked the spirit
with his harpoon, but Kalyutaryun disappeared beneath the ice again. In the
winter of 1915-16 the natives told my interpreter Patsy that there were spirits
in the rough ice near their settlement; Patsy said he would like to see atornrak,
and suggested that they should all go over and look for them, but the natives
were horrified at the mere thought of it. Not a month later one of them saw
a spirit issuing from a hole in the wall of an abandoned dance-house; he rushed
te ue rifle and fired a shot into the house, while the children fled in terror to
their huts.

I-was told that in Bathurst inlet the opening of the sealing season is marked
by a pitched battle between the shamans and the many little tornrait that live
on the ice. Thé shamans, it was said, hold a séance in the dance-house and
summon their familiars; then with their snow-dusters they pursue the spirits,
fighting them like dogs, so that often both the mouths of the men and the ends
of the snow-dusters are covered with blood. The spirits of course are always
defeated; but unless they were got rid of in this manner they would drive away
all the seals, and the Eskimos would starve during the winter.

From generation to generation, from inyuit sivulingni, ““Men of the first
times,’ as the natives say, various incantations, akeutit, have been handed down
to appease or drive away the malignant spirits. The incantation is usually
sung by all the people, with one of their shamans standing in the centre of the
ring; and as they sing their bodies sway from side to side, though their feet
remain stationary. At the conclusion of the refrain the shaman invokes his
familiars, and with their aid produces the desired result. Children are generally
excluded from these performances. Many of the incantations are very old
and have lost whatever meaning they had originally; but this does not lessen
their potency. I heard one sung during a snow-storm in the late summer of
1915. Tusayok and Kesullik had no tent, so they improvised a rude shelter
by stretching some skins between two crags; but since in spite of this they were
very cold and uncomfortable, Tusayok chanted an incantation and repeated it
over and over again for about an hour. There were only about half a dozen
words in it, and each taken by itself was intelligible enough, but no one had any
clear idea of what the whole song meant. Tusayok thought, however, that the
mere singing of this incantation, even though he was not himself a shaman,
might have the effect of driving away the evil shades or spirits who were causing
the storm and produce fine weather again. Literally translated the song ran:—

I come again, I, again.
I come again, I ,again. Do you not know?
I come again, I, again.

About an hour after this had happened Kesullik tied a cord round his face
so that it wrinkled up his nose and distorted his features, giving him a most
grotesque appearance. He then sallied forth with a knife in his hand and defied
the weather. Almost the same thing had occurred a month or two earlier when
Ikpakhuak and a hunting party were lost for three days.in a fog. Higilak
distorted her features with a cord and confronted the fog, brandishing a knife
in one hand and a set fox-trap in the other; ilanakhotin “You are angry’’, she

1A spirit is supposed to be speaking all through.

188 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

shouted, and Haugak and I —one on either side of her pretending to hold her
back—echoed her cry. We all had to laugh immoderately, to mock, it would
seem, the shades or spirits that were responsible for the fog. Finally, with the
ery mammienaksilekpakpok “Its a confounded nuisance”’, she flung her fox-trap
down on the ground, making it spring off and thereby intimidate the hostile
powers.

The greatest of all the spirits, tornrait, is Kannakapfaluk, who lives in a
snow hut just like the Eskimos, with a lamp and sleeping-platform and all the
usual household paraphernalia. But Kannakapfaluk’s hut is at the bottom
of the sea, and her dogs are two bears, one brown and one white. There is a
dwarf who lives with her, a man about three feet high whom the Eskimos
call Unga because of the cry he utters when the shamans drag him up to the
surface. If the Eskimo women sew too much on the ice, or break any of the
taboos in reference to either sewing or cooking, Unga gathers all the seals inside
the hut, and the Eskimos in consequence have no success in their sealing. The
shamans then hold a séance in the dance-house and lower a long rope through
the floor with a noose at one end of it. All the people gather round the rope
and sing this incantation, which is known from one end of the Copper Eskimo
country to the other :—

The woman down there she wants to go away.

Some of the young sea-gulls I can’t lay my hands on.

That man? he can’t right matters by himself.

That man he can’t mend matters by himself.

Over there where no people dwell I go myself and right matters.

He can’t right matters by himself.

Over there where no people dwell, thither I go and right matters
myself. 2

As soon as the song is ended the shamans are supposed to slip. a noose over
Kannakapfaluk’s wrists and haul her up until her head is just below the level of
the floor. They must not draw her any higher because she would be very angry
if the people in the dance-house saw her. The shamans talk to her, telling her
that the people are starving for want of seals and asking her to release them
again; Unga in the meantime remains below guarding the seals. Kannakapfaluk
is now lowered again, and at once orders Unga to release some of the seals.
Then the Eskimo hunters are successful again and the community prospers.

Another method is said to be adopted occasionally by the shamans. One
of them will dive down through the water and enter Kannakapfaluk’s hut. Unga,
the guardian of the seals, tries to escape, but the shaman tucks him under his
coat and carries him up to the dance-house, holding him carefully concealed
so that the people may not see him, though they hear his cries. Unga is then
told to let out the seals and sent back to report to Kannakapfaluk. ‘

Kannakapfaluk has other powers besides this one of hoarding the seals.
She can send bad weather in winter, and so keep the Eskimos indoors till they
starve; or she can break up the ice and drown them. Long ago she used to
put people inside the breast of her coat and crush them to death. There were
many taboos that the Eskimos of olden times had to observe, the natives say,
but the majority of them have now been quietly dropped. Occasionally, how-
ever, in stormy weather the shamans will revive one or two for a short period.
The two that should never be violated are the prohibitions against sewing new
deerskin clothing on the ice during the weeks when the sun never rises, and cook-
ing on the ice deer-meat that was obtained in the preceding summer and fall.

10ne native said that when Kannakapfaluk cannot shut up the seals she shuts up sea-gulls instead.
More probably ‘‘sea-gulls’’ in shamanistic utterances means ‘‘seals.’’

"That man’’ refers to the shaman in the dance-house, but whether another shaman is supposed to
be speaking or not is uncertain.

31 he chant is then repeated from the third line.

Religious Beliefs 189

These taboos are rarely, if ever, violated by the natives of Dolphin and Union
strait and of west Coronation gulf as long as they are actually living on the sea
ice, although they may sometimes disregard them when their huts are built
so near the shore that it is doubtful whether ice or gravel lies under the floor.

In Bathurst inlet the myth of Kannakapfaluk as told by the shaman Ilatsiak
is slightly different.:. There are two women living under the sea, one of whom,
Arnakapfaluk, is very big, while the other woman, who may be her daughter—
Tlatsiak had forgotten her name—is much smaller. Two men live with them,
Ikparyuak and Hitkoktak, and all the seals are gathered in their hut where
the smaller of the two women keeps guard over them. The women would like
to keep them away from the Eskimos altogether, and are therefore perpetually
quarrelling with the men, who are friendly towards the Eskimos and would let
them kill all the seals they need. Arnakapfaluk, whose hair streams above and
behind her ‘whenever a blizzard is raging, is especially wroth if the Eskimo
women sew too much during the time that the sun is absent. When seals are
scarce the shamans hold a séance in the dance-house, and after singing the incan-
tation given above they haul Arnakapfaluk up to the surface, when the small
woman down below immediately throws out some of the seals for the Eskimo
hunters to kill later.

It is worth noting that among these Bathurst inlet natives there is no
rigid prohibition against sewing new deerskin clothing during the dark days
of winter; the women are allowed to sew provided they keep within reasonable
limits. The reason given by the local natives was that the sea ice is much
more solid in their region than it is farther west, where strong currents open
up huge cracks even in mid-winter. It is possible that we have here an example
of a taboo, based on or upheld by fear, dropping out as soon as that fear is
removed.

Sila, the being who lives in the sky and makes the sun go down when he
walks along, also holds a high place in the Eskimo cosmology. Sila is often
hostile to human beings and carries one off; but sometimes he is graciousand will
cure a sick man by imparting to him some of his own vitality. More important,
because more dangerous, is Nigsillik, another spirit who lives in the sky; the
Eskimos are very much afraid of him, for he carries a great hook, nigsik, which
he stabs into his enemies. Like Kannakapfaluk, he too is wroth if the women
sew new deerskin clothes during the dark days, and will break up the ice and
drown the natives. On one occasion, they told nfe, he broke up the passage
leading to a dance-house. The inmates said, ‘There is someone outside;”’
but one of them was skeptical and said there was no one. Nigsillik immediately
entered the hut and drove his long hook under their armpits, killing them all.
Now and again the Eskimos hear him break up the passage of a hut; then they
frighten him away by driving a knife through the snow wall at the edge of
the window, or by pouring water through a hole in the wall or throwing it out
into the passage. They must keep perfectly silent, otherwise Nigsillik will
enter and kill them, as he did the people in the dance-house.

According to Ilatsiak there are two spirits living in the sky both of whom
are called Nigsillik; one of them carries a great club, the other an immense
antler. A shaman named Arluna, he said, was once holding a séance in a crowded
dance-house when these two spirits came down and began to batter on the wall;
but Arluna drove his knife through it and frightened them away before they
could reach the people within.

The Eskimos were terrified one night because my half-breed interpreter
Patsy scratched on the ice window of one of the huts. They earnestly entreated
him to stop, lest a spirit called Poalleritillik, “The one with the snow shovel,”

1Cf. Boas, Bulletin A.M.N.H., Vol. XV, p. 492. For other versions of the Sedna myth see Miss
Wardle in Am. Anthropologist, N.S., Vol. II, 1900, pp. 568-580. .

190 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

should come down from the sky and kill them all. Higilak then told us that
aman was once talking to her uncle in a hut, and declaring that no such spirit
as Poalleritillik existed, when suddenly they heard the scraping of his shovel
on the window as though he were trying to make his way into the hut. Higilak’s
uncle, however, was a shaman, and through the power of his magic he was
able to drive the spirit away.

Not many years ago what seems to have been an epidemic of some kind
carried off a great many Eskimos in and around Bathurst inlet. Ilatsiak
told me that close to the shore there was a large rock set up by men long ago
among a number of smaller ones. Round this rock he fastened a line, attaching
the other end to his belt. Then he spoke to the stone, saying that he did not
wish to die, and asking it to preserve his life. When the prayer was ended
he gathered six pairs of mittens—two for himself, two for his wife, and two
for his adopted son—and with these in his hands he approached the rock and
tied them round it as an offering. In consequence he and his family were
preserved when others perished. I omitted to ask him whether the rock was
the home of a tornrak, but almost certainly it was.

The religious doctrines of the Copper Eskimos, then, bring them little
or no comfort. Life would be hard enough if they had none but natural forces
to contend with, forces that they could see and estimate. But mysterious
and hostile powers, invisible and incalculable, and therefore potentially all
the more dangerous, hem them in, as they believe, on every side, so that they
never know from day to day whether a fatal sickness will not strike them down
or a sudden misfortune overwhelm them and their families—from no apparent
cause, it may be, and for no conceivable reason, save the ill-will of these unseen
foes. Young and old, the good and the bad, all alike are involved in the same
dangers, and all alike share the same fate. Death rolls back the gate, not of a
happy hunting ground, or of a heaven of peace and happiness where friends
and lovers may unite once more, but of some vague and gloomy realm where,
even if want and misery are not found (and of this they are not certain), joy
and gladness at least must surely be unknown. It is little wonder therefore
if the mind of the average Eskimo is deeply tinged with fatalism. Life would
be unbearable indeed with this religion did he not possess a superabundant
stock of natural gaiety and derive a joy from the mere fact of living itself. The
future holds out no golden promise, not even the hope of a life as cheerful as
the present one; so the native banishes as far as possible all thoughts of a distant
to-morrow, and drains the pleasures of each fleeting hour before they pass
away for ever.

Shamanism 191

CHAPTER XV

SHAMANISM

The mediators and intercessors between the living Eskimos and the super-
natural world of shades and spirits are the shamans, angatkut. Mr. Stefansson
has given an admirable account of their methods among the Mackenzie river
Eskimos, and much that he says of the natives there applies also to the Copper
Eskimos. But the ideas and practices of the eastern natives are much less
definite and precise, just as their religious beliefs are far more hazy and indeter-
minate. Accordingly, despite some necessary repetitions of Mr. Stefansson’s
remarks, it will be better to give a full description of shamanism as it is known
and practised in the regions around Coronation gulf.

A shaman’s powers are due to the control he presumably exercises over
certain spirits, which are either the spirits (the shades?) of certain animals or
the shades of the Eskimo dead. One or two shamans were reputed to.control
also certain white men, but whether it was their shades or their living powers
was never stated; in any case they were remote enough to count as dead. The
familiar spirit is called either tornrak or tupilek, usually the former; the word
keyugak, which is the usual term in the Mackenzie delta, seems to be unknown,
and even tupilek may be a borrowed word, although I hardly think so. A
shaman inspired or possessed by his familiar is said to onipkaktok (which farther
west means ‘‘to tell a story”) or tornraktok. The Copper Eskimo makes no
sharp and definite destinction between the shades of the dead, the spirits that
have never been men or animals, and the spirits that the shamans control;
there are separate names for both the first and last; but all alike may be, and
usually are, called tornrait.

Control over any familiar may be obtained by purchase, as I have men-
tioned elsewhere; Uloksak, for example, bought his power from a shaman
in Bathurst inlet. This statement, however, is only partly true, for all that
the owner can impart is his good-will, and a knowledge of how to approach
and summon the particular spirit that he has sold; the rest depends on the
spirit itself. The aspirant must go out to some lonely place and summon the
spirit, which may or may not appear. Sometimes, however, a spirit will come
to a man without being invoked, and tell him that henceforth it will accompany
him everywhere and place its powers at his disposal. Thus Uloksak, after his
purchase of certain spirits, used to go hunting all alone and summon them to
come to him. For a time none came, then one day when he was alone on an
island several appeared one after the other. They forbade him to eat any part
of the stomach of the caribou, but to eat plenty of its brains; if he obeyed them
in this respect they promised to attend him and bestow on him magical powers.
After giving him these injunctions they knocked him roughly about and changed
him into .a white man. In this condition he returned to camp, where other
shamans held a séance over him and restored him to his proper form. He
then became one of the most noted shamans in the country.

The case of the old man Ilatsiak was very similar. He was fishing for tom-
cod, all alone, when a spirit first appeared to him. It resembled a young man
in appearance, and was accompanied by other spirits, but these Ilatsiak could
not see. He was terrified when it approached him, and asked it whether he was
going to die, but the spirit answered that he would live for many winters and
reach old age before he died. It caught a tom-cod and made him eat it, and the

IMy Life with the Eskimo, Ch. XXVI; Anthrop. Fapars, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. 1, p. 126 et passim

192 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

eating of this fish gave him magical power. The spirit accompanied him back
to his camp, conversing with him, and giving him various injunctions; thus he
was forbidden to eat the intestines of any animal, only the meat and the fat.
The spirit disappeared as soon as they reached the camp.

Higilak gained her power in very much the same way. Her father had
been a shaman and had two familiar spirits. After his death these came to
her one day when she was all alone in the camp. In appearance they resembled
two men, and they told her that as they had attended her father in his life-time
so now they would attend on her. She too was forbidden to eat of certain foods,
in her case the stomach and the skin of the salmon, on pain of losing her magical
power. The spirits then disappeared, and when the other Eskimos returned
to camp Higilak was already holding her first séance.

As a rule the shaman’s spirits are nameless, though the two that came to
Higilak were called Kitafoa and Kingmitok. As their attachment to their
owners is voluntary, so they can desert them at will. If the shaman for example
should break the food prohibitions his familiars have enjoined on him they
will leave him immediately. Such a fate befel a man in Coronation gulf quite
recently, the natives said, when the people were feasting on the meat of a caribou
that some one had shot. Two shamans,.a man and a woman, began to hold a
séance, but in the midst of it they drank a little of the blood of the deer, although
this had been prohibited to them. The man’s familiar immediately left him,
and he lost all his shamanistic powers. The woman, whose name was Mittik,
walked away towards the sun up the side of a ridge. Suddenly she disappeared
into the ground, and a moment afterwards a dog sprang out from the same spot;
then the dog disappeared and the woman took its place again. This occurred
three or four times in the sight of all the people, then finally Mittik walked back
to the camp in her human form, but with her faculties impaired. Other shamans
laid hands on her, and with the aid of their familiars restored her to her senses.1

How and where the familiars live, and what becomes of them after the death
of their owners, the Eskimos never trouble to consider. They still continue to
exist, for Higilak could inherit her father’s familiars. Obviously it would
redound to the credit and influence of an Eskimo if he could say that he had
control over the same spirits as some famous shaman of earlier days, even though
he himself never acquired the same reputed skill and power. The shaman’s
power, in fact, depends rather on his own personality than on the familiars he
controls. A man of weak character who models his life on those around him
and is easily swayed by public opinion never attains to any great repute as a
shaman. On the other hand a shrewd, strong-minded man, capable and success-
ful in all the ordinary affairs of life, a leader of public opinion rather than its
servant, may easily attain to the greatest influence and be credited with the
most extraordinary shamanistic powers.

Shamans always, or almost always, have more than one familiar. Uloksak
claimed to have many, including a white man, a polar bear, a wolf and a dog.
I never heard of any bird familiars; they do exist perhaps, but not often, for
birds are unimportant in the economy of the Copper Eskimos and therefore
attract but little attention. One of Higilak’s familiars was the shade of a dead
relative, but she had besides this a polar bear and a wolf. Some shamans assign
different functions to different familiars, using one, for example, in cases of sick-
ness, and another for producing an abundance of seals. In this way one might
be ranked as more important than the rest: for instance the familiar that was
used for seals might be regarded as of more service than the one used to drive
outa disease. But this specialization of functions is neither necessary nor usual.
Every shaman probably has a preference for some particular familiar, and

Kaksavik, the Pallik (Hudson bay) shaman who visited our headquarters, was prohibited from
eating the liver, the lungs and the pancreas of the seal.

Shamanism 193

employs it more than the others he claims to control; for a certain amount of
acting is necessary in shamanistic performances, and naturally a man may find
one réle easier than another. According to the belief of the natives a shaman
will often change his form and take on that of the animal by which he is
possessed, or will assume at least some of its characteristics: This metamor-
phosis may even take place in the presence of spectators, though sometimes it
can occur only when the shaman is alone. Thus Ilatsiak said that when his
grandmother was a child there was a shaman named Makettak who could
change into a polar bear. He would bend down to the floor of the dance-house,
resting his hands on the ground. Slowly his hands would change into polar
bear’s feet, then his arms become legs, and finally his whole body and head
would assume the shape of the bear. In this state he would go out of the dance-
house and visit the neighbouring houses, saying to the children in each as he
entered, “Stand up against the wall beside the door and then I shall not eat
you.”

(Photo by R. M. Anderson.)

Fig. 56. Women wading ashore from ice in a fishing-lake just south of Bernard harbour,
July 3, 1915

The natives have numberless stories of such transformations and believe
implicitly in their truth. Higilak’s father could change into a polar bear, but
only when he was alone. Uloksak claimed the power of transforming himself
into a white or a brown bear, a wolf and a white man. Ilatsiak’s wife, who
was a shaman like her husband, put her fingers into her mouth on one occasion;
gradually her hands became the feet of a wolf, then her head and body
began to change and finally only her legs remained human. Even Higilak,
according to her daughter Kanneyuk, had the same power; Kanneyuk had
seen her change into a polar bear. I was present myself at one of her trans-
formations, and in view of the interesting questions it raises regarding the
psychology of these Eskimos, I shall describe the incident in detail.

1In 1916, when Ilatsiak visited our station, he chose me as his associate in magic, because, as he as-
serted, I could change into any form I wished.

23335—13

194 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

We were living at Lake Numikhoin, in the Colville hills, and had been
considering the advisability of travelling to Lake Tahiryuak to look for the
Prince Albert sound natives. Higilak accordingly gave a séance to discover
whether we could safely make the journey there and back by sled before the snow
melted. The séance was held about midnight (it was at the end of May, when
the sun never sets below the horizon), and all the Eskimos save the little children
gathered inside the tent. Higilak was sitting at the back, in a corner, and her
husband Ikpakhuak was slightly in front of her, while I was sitting in the corner
opposite Higilak. She began by delivering a long speech setting forward the whole
question at issue. Suddenly she uttered cries of pain and covered her face in
her hands. Dead silence followed for a few minutes, a silence that was only
broken by an occasional remark uttered in a low tone by some one in the audience.
Presently Higilak began to howl and growl like a wolf, then as suddenly ceased
and raised her head, when, behold, two canine teeth, evidently a wolf’s, were
protruding one from each corner of her mouth. She leaned over to Avranna
and pretended to gnaw his head, then began to utter broken remarks which
her audience caught up and discussed, though very little of them could be
interpreted. Every now and then she had to put her hand up to her mouth to keep
the teeth from falling out, and once she slyly pushed them right inside out of
sight, pushing them out again a few minutes later. After about a quarter of
an hour spent in this manner she suddenly broke out into cries of pain again
and concealed her face in her hands behind Ikpakhuak’s back. Then I saw her
carefully drop one hand towards her long boot, into which she apparently
slipped the teeth, for a moment later her face reappeared without them. This
was the critical moment, the moment when the wolf’s spirit inside her body
gave its answer to the question at issue. A few broken words issued from her,
uttered in a feeble falsetto voice that was almost inaudible. Her audience
was bending eagerly forward drinking in every syllable. In about two minutes
it was all over, and Higilak, after a few more cries of pain (the familiar was
leaving her) followed by two or three gasps, resumed her normal bearing. The
séance was now concluded, but some of the natives lingered for a few minutes
to discuss the oracle that had been delivered to them. Higilak herself professed
to be ignorant of it, for a shaman should not be conscious of utterances given
under the inspiration of a familiar; accordingly she had to question some of the
bystanders to find out what she had said. In speaking of this séance some time
afterwards the natives stated as an incontestable fact that Higilak had been
transformed into a wolf.

To a critical and unsympathetic outsider it may seem that a séance of
this type is simply a case of palpable fraud on the part of the shaman, and of
almost unbelievable stupidity and credulity on the part of the audience. A
little very amateurish ventriloquism, a feeble attempt at impersonation, and a
childish and grotesque blending of the human and the animal, all performed
in full daylight before an audience incapable of distinguishing between fact
and fancy, between things seen and things imagined, or at least so mentally
unbalanced that it reacted to the slightest suggestion and hypnotised itself
into believing the most impossible things—that perhaps is all there may seem
to be in Eskimo shamanism. But let us examine its functions a little more
closely and consider a number of other séances before we give our final judgment.

In the first place the Copper Eskimo shaman, whether man or woman,
has no distinctive mark or dress of any kind, not even during the séances.!
There is absolutely nothing in his appearance that would suggest to a stranger
the possession of special powers or functions. The shamans are not priests
in any ordinary sense of the word. They may be of either sex, are self-appointed
and act separately without forming a distinctive class or caste ; further, they

1They differ from Mackenzie river shamans in thi t. See Stef Anthrop. P: .M.
NL yo ey rom Macke is respec ee Stefansson, Anthrop. Papers, A

Shamanism 195

perform at any time and in any place according to their fancy. No sanctity
attaches to them, nor are they given special privileges. They resemble doctors
rather than priests, doctors who give their services free in any public cause,
but are paid for treating individuals. Thus the shaman receives no reward
when he placates the spirits that cause the blizzards, or induces Kannakapfaluk
to send the Eskimos plenty of seals; but if someone is ill and a shaman is called
in he must be paid for his services, whether they are successful or not. Like a
doctor, too, the shaman may abuse his powers and employ them against the
interests of the community. He then becomes a malefactor like any common
murderer, and is liable to the same fate.

Let us take concrete instances of each of these points. There were eight
shamans in Dolphin and Union strait during the winter of 1914. Three of these,
Kimaiyok, Higilak and Arnauyuk, were women, the remaining five, Anauyuk,
Agluak, Utugaum, Kuniluk and Kamingok, were men. Every one of them
gave séances at one time or another and so testified to their possession of
shamanistic powers; but for this nothing would have marked them off as different
from the other natives. Ikpakhuak and Aiyallik, who were perhaps the two
most influential men in the region, were neither of them shamans. In Coro-
nation gulf, on the other hand, the two most influential men, Uloksak and
Tlatsiak, were both shamans. Séances were held most frequently in winter
when the concentration of the families in a single camp gave more intensity
and fervor to social and religious life. The nights at this season are long and
tedious, and the people seek distraction in the dance-house, where singing,
dancing and drum-beating key them up to the proper pitch for religious or
magical rites. Their religion is not dropped, however, with the winter, and
séances may be given in the open air in broad daylight at any season of the
year, and in any place. When we first entered the country our Mackenzie
river native, Palaiyak, met the shaman Anauyuk hunting on the tundra. This
was the first warning that any of the Copper Eskimos had received of our
presence, so Anauyuk immediately went into a “trance,” invoking his familiar
spirit to find out whether Palaiyak and the white men with him were friendly
or not.:1. The same Anauyuk held a séance during a migration on December
19th, 1914, just at the commencement of the sealing season. It was concerned
both with the supply of seals during the coming winter, and with the presence
of white men in the country. Kimaiyok held another immediately afterwards,
to discover the reason for a certain man’s illness. Both of these séances took
place in the open beside the sleds, with the natives standing in a ring around
their shamans. Higilak held several séances in Victoria island during the
spring and summer, some inside the tent, and some outside. In July, 1916, a
native Tokalluak gave a performance beside the fishing creek near Cape Krusen-
stern. Clearly therefore the shaman is not bound by any restrictions as to
time and place.

It was stated that the shamans are public servants to some extent, com-
parable to our doctors. Whenever anything goes wrong—the weather is unusu-
ally stormy, or seals are scarce, or a number of people become ill—the shaman
are asked or themselves volunteer to discover the cause and remove the evil.
I have already mentioned how in Bathurst inlet at the beginning of the sealing
season they kill or drive away all the little spirits that live on the ice and would
prevent the Eskimos from catching seals. In March 1915 Uloksak, who had
just come from Coronation gulf, was asked by the Dolphin and Union strait
natives to kill or drive away a certain evil spirit that was threatening to destroy
them all; already, they said, one Puivlik and two Akulliakattak natives had
died, and they feared that others might follow them. Uloksak’s familiar, a

1Cf. Stefansson, Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XVI, pt. I, p. 252.
33335—134

196 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

dog, drove the hostile spirit into a dance-house where the séance was taking
place. One of the spectators—for it was visible to the people—said that it
had the form of a human being, but was only about two feet high and had
unusually long hair. Uloksak’s familiar, though invisible, could be heard
yelping inside the shaman’s body. A long contest took place between the
two spirits, but finally the dog drove the evil one outside the house and killed
it in the snow. Thus the community was rid of its pest.

It was Uloksak who told me of a case where a shaman abused his power
and brought disaster on his community. The story is fanciful, of course, but
not without its significance, since the natives believed implicitly in its truth.
A succession of blizzards one winter had prevented the Akulliakattak Eskimos
from sealing, and reduced them to the point of starvation. Finally one of
the natives died, and the shamans held a séance concerning the misfortunes
that had overtaken them. Now Uloksak’s father-in-law, who was one of the
principal shamans in the settlement, had a grudge against the other people
because they had killed one of his relatives, so with the aid of his familiars
he knocked down one of the two poles that were erected by men in the
earliest times to hold up the heavens. The sky fell, and many of the Eskimos
were killed. The man then left the settlement and went east to Bathurst
inlet. After he had departed the Akulliakattak shamans divined that the pole
had been knocked down by some shades of the dead, so with the help of their
familiars they erected it in place again.

In the examples just given the shamans’ services are employed for the benefit
or otherwise of the whole community; but they can be used to serve individuals
equally well. Thus when Ikpakhuak had a headache one evening, Higilak
divined over him. She borrowed my coat (atézgz), rolled it into a bundle, and
fastened her belt-cord around it. Then she summoned a shade into the bundle
and asked it various questions, judging of the answers by the weight of the coat,
“Yes” if it seemed heavy to lift and “No” if it seemed light. After a series of
questions and answers she discovered that a dead sister-in-law of Ikpakhuak
had bewitched him, so she appeased the wrath of the shade with soothing words
until it promised to cease its baneful influence. This ceremony took place in
Ikpakhuak’s tent where there was no one present save himself and his wife.
Lying in my sleeping-bag in a tent adjoining I could hear her questioning the
bundle, but no one else was aware that she even intended to hold a performance.
It is hard to believe that Ikpakhuak, who had lived with his wife for years,
could have been deliberately deceived by her unless she was deceived herself
at the same time.

The same magic powers that the shaman normally employs for the benefit
of his fellow-men can equally well be used against them. Two natives carried
off the wife of Anauyuk’s father and tried to ferry her across the Rae river
in their kayaks, which were lashed together to enable the woman to lie across
the bows; but by the power of his magic, Anauyuk’s father made the kayak
capsize and their occupants were drowned. Similarly Uloksak threatened to
use his magic power against me because we ejected him from our station one
day; he told his fellow natives that the next time I crossed over to their settle-
ment at the Liston and Sutton islands he would make me stumble and fall every
few yards. In the same way Anauyuk, who was refused admittance to our
house because he had robbed one of our caches along the coast, threatened to
deprive us of our strength and make us waste away and die. Two shamans
who were holding a seance together at the Liston and Sutton islands in December
1915, announced that they would cause some of our party to fall over a cliff
and perish, in revenge for some offence that we had given them. The women
were forbidden to sew on the following day lest they should all perish, and the
children were told not to play too long out of doors for fear that an evil spirit

Shamanism 197

might seize them. Of course, it is a dangerous thing for a shaman to let it be
known that he practises witchcraft against his fellow-men, for some one is
likely to end his career with a knife. It is often attempted, however, when the
passion for revenge is strong enough to overcome the dictates of prudence.

I was told that rude human figures are sometimes made from the bark of
the cotton-wood tree, ningok, and used in connection with magic; both the
bark itself and the figure that 1 is made from it are called kaisalluk. The shaman
holds the figure in his hand and calls his familiar into it, then asks it questions.
Sometimes, it is said, the fetish by its own might will clothe itself in clean white
deer-skin garments, much whiter than any the Eskimos themselves ever wear.
I believe that various ceremonies are carried out with it, for example, that it is
sometimes stabbed with a knife, but my enquiries brought me very little infor-
mation. Jam not certain, therefore, whether the fetish served the purposes of
legitimate magic or was used in connection with witchcraft.

‘(Photo by J.J. O'Neill.)
Fic. 57. An Eskimo in his kayak, Port Epworth

The most extraordinary feats and miracles are ascribed to shamans when
under the inspiration of their familiars. They swallow fire, fly through the air,
change into animals, sink into the ground or water, kill and restore to life again
and discover things that are hidden from ordinary sight. Once they were able
to visit the moon, but the modern shamans have lost that. power. On returning
from a trip to Coronation gulf in March, 1915, I was handed a little note written
by our Mackenzie river native Palaiyak ‘describing what the shamans in Dolphin
and Union strait had done in my absence. Translated it ran: “I shall relate
what I was told about the shamans. Well, a man cut off both his legs and his
arms. While he was holding this séance the children were forbidden to go outside;
if they went out they would die. Once he killed a strong man (who left the
dance-house during the séance). He exchanged his familiar spirit with Uloksak
(i.e., the two shamans sent their familiars into each other’s bodies). Uloksak
too forbade the children on pain of death to go outdoors while he was holding a
séance. Some of the people were stricken with sickness (one of the patients
was Uloksak’s own wife Kukkilukak) and the shamans extracted some bones
and worms from their bodies.”

1Cf. Nelson, p. 494.

198 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

In May, 1916, two of our western Eskimos, both Christianized, witnessed
a séance that was held by a woman at Tree river. Invoking her familiar, they
said, she began to converse with it; feeble sounds issued in reply from the
woman’s stomach in which the spirit was lodged. After a few minutes some
of the natives told our two Eskimos to look out over the land. There, protrud-
ing above the ground, they saw two heads, a man’s and a woman’s, which
appeared and disappeared several times, then finally disappeared altogether.
, Our Eskimos went over to examine the spot and found that the ground was all
overturned. They fully agreed with the Copper Eskimos that it was the shaman
who had caused the phenomenon.

Innumerable stories are current of the wonderful powers that the shamans
possess, and no native entertains the slightest doubt as to the literal truth of
every incident. I shall narrate a few of them as they were told to me by eye-
witnesses, since they throw considerable light on the mentality of the people.

Not many years ago, it was said, a certain shaman used often to fly through
the air. He would hang his bow on his left shoulder and fly off like a ptarmigan.
After a few yards he would settle and walk along the ground for a short distance,
then rise in the air again. The people had often witnessed this. Ilatsiak was
frequently credited with the same power, but he denied it himself, saying that
he was not a bird. It is curious that I never saw or heard among these Eskimos
of the so-called spirit flights, in which the shaman, after being lashed from
head to foot, sets free his soul and travels through the air, finally returning to
his body and releasing it from its bonds.

Tlatsiak was dangerously ill while he was yet a boy, and all the professional
attentions of the shamans failed to cure him. At last they told him to go outside
and die, but instead of dying he recovered. Clearly the spirits favoured him,
so he became a shaman, the most celebrated one in the country. While he was
still but a youth he summoned some white men, who made their appearance in
the dance-house before the astonished eyes of all the Eskimos. Maffa, a Tree
river native who served us for a year, told us how Ilatsiak once threw a line
out into the passage leading into the dance-house and roped in a number of
spirits, tornratt. Maffa peered down through the door and saw them all in
the passage. Ilatsiak spoke to them, but his language was strange, and all
that Maffa could understand was that he was telling them to protect the people
and to banish all sickness from their midst.

Tlatsiak’s powers were derided by his cousin, who was also a shaman, so
Tlatsiak clapped his hands and fire shot up from the floor. His cousin, nothing
daunted, went outside and disappeared down a squirrel hole, re-emerging again
from the ground a long way off. In the same way, the natives said, Ilatsiak
himself once sank down through the snow floor of the dance-house, growing
smaller and smaller till he vanished from sight altogether. A few minutes
later he came up through the floor of another hut right beside some men who
were sitting on the sleeping platform. Uloksak could remember when he was
a boy how white men had appeared in the dance-house at Ilatsiak’s command.
The people sent Uloksak outside, and when he went back again he was amazed
to see that Ilatsiak had cut off a leg and an arm and thrown them to the back
of the hut. He was sent out once more, and when he re-entered Ilatsiak was
whole again. Uloksak even claimed to have done the same thing himself at
one of his séances.

Ilatsiak was a prudent old man and never boasted of his miracles. He
asserted that he was totally unconscious of his actions when inspired, and only
learned of them afterwards from the spectators; hence he was not able himself
to guarantee the truth of everything that was said about him. We noticed
that he always listened with an air of detachment to the tales of all his miracles

1See Boas, Bulletin A.M.N.H., Vol. XV, p. 491; and Bur. of Ethnol, Vol. 6, p. 594.

Shamanism : 199
as though they concerned someone else. On one occasion, his kinsmen told
me, he and three other shamans gave a séance together. The four men held
their hands behind their backs and stretched out their necks, holding their
mouths wide open. Gradually their teeth changed to polar bears’ teeth, then
as gradually changed back again. On another occasion when two Netsilik
shamans were terrifying the people by driving their knives through their stomachs
so that the points protruded from their backs, Ilatsiak went into an empty hut
alongside, changed himself into a polar bear, and, going back into the dance-
house, so frightened the two Netsilik men that they fled from the settlement.
On still another occasion Ilatsiak had sunk down through the floor of his hut
into the sea below without making even a hole in the ice. Another Bathurst
inlet shaman had once remained five days and five nights under the water,
wetting only his ankles and a small spot on his back.

Uloksak, having lost his seal-spear one day in a seal-hole, went home and
summoned his familiars; the latter immediately made the spear come up through
the floor of his hut. A still more remarkable story is told of Ilatsiak’s younger
brother. His wife lost her knife in the fall of the year, and in the following
spring her husband resolved to find it. Going inside his hut he disappeared
into the ground, and while the people were searching all about for him a large
flat boulder suddenly came up through the floor, cracked in two, and ejected
the knife on one side, and the shaman on the other. The man was rather dazed
from his experience, but the shamans soon made him right again. Reminiscent
of a well-known conjuring trick was a feat of Ilatsiak’s, who drove a knife into
the back wall of his hut, then stood out in the middle of the floor, removed his
coat and picked up his knife from the ground at his feet. Another shaman took
it and threw it out into the passage, making it come in again through the window.
All these events took place in Bathurst inlet, where the shamans are reputed
to have much more skill than those farther west. It was in the same
region that some people threw their knives into the water through a hole in the
ice, and the shamans made them float on the surface. Then they threw in their
ice-chisels, and the shamans brought them to the top also... The Hudson bay
native Kaksavik was overheard telling Uloksak how he once laid some matches
on the ice and told them to fly to a settlement where the people were in need
of them. His familiars then carried them away, and the natives found them
near their huts.

Some natives were once mocking a Bathurst inlet shaman named Pannaktok,
saying that he had no real power. He took off one of his mittens and laid it on
the floor; presently it stood up on end and changed to a tiny man, who
turned around and gazed on all the audience. Pannaktok stooped down and
picked it up, and it changed to a mitten again. Then he laid both his mittens
on the palms of his hands and held them out toward the spectators. First they
changed to polar bear’s claws, then two tiny bears jumped down and began to
scratch on the floor; again they changed to mittens when he picked them up.

This same Pannaktok, according to native accounts, told a man to stand
upright against the wall of the dance-house, then drove his seal-spear right
through his chest and threw the weapon to the back of the hut. The natives
had to hold the man up to keep him from falling. The shaman then made the
spear return through his chest, leaving the man whole and unharmed. On the
last day of 1915 three shamans, Koeha, Agluak and Anauyuk, held a séance in
Dolphin and Union strait to dispel the baneful influence of some malicious
shades. Agluak breathed on his hand and struck three of the spectators on the
chests. They fell to the ground dead, but he took them by the hands and they
came to life again. I did not witness this performance myself, but heard about
it the following day.

1Cf, Stefansson, Anthrop. Papers, A.M.H.N., Vol. XIV, pt. I, p. 293, and My Life with the Eskimo,
p. 180. : :

200 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

Uloksak described a séance at Bathurst inlet in which he had taken part.
A woman, stripped to the waist, swallowed a snow knife till only the handle
projected from her mouth. Another shaman took hold of it and pulled it out
of her stomach. A third shaman, a native of Ekaluktok, then swallowed a
mitten and made it come out of Uloksak’s stomach, whereupon Uloksak him-
self swallowed it and made it come out of the stomach of a man named Manne-
ratsiak. Manneratsiak immediately went outside, and when he entered the
dance-house again all the upper half of his body had changed to a musk-ox while
the lower parts remained human. In this state he walked about the dance-
house for a little while, then went outside again ‘and returned in his proper form.
Meanwhile a woman named Allanak was looking after her hut some distance
from the scene of these marvels. The shamans threw a line out into the passage
of the dance-house, and began to haul it in again; the spectators then saw that
the end was fastened around Allanak’s neck. The woman herself knew nothing
about it until she was told some time afterwards.

Kuniluk, a Puivlik shaman, professed to have changed to a white man
on,one occasion. He was crossing Dolphin and Union strait, he said, on his way
to our station, when a fog came up and he lost his way. He summoned one of
his familiars, which changed him temporarily into a white man and enabled him
to find his way again without any difficulty.

Many a shaman lays claim to clairvoyance. In the spring of 1915 when
a number of Eskimos were encamped beside our station this same man Kuniluk
was accused by Uloksak of stealing two boxes of cartridges. After Kuniluk
had left the camp Uloksak entered the station and announced that he intended
to recover one of the boxes. He rolled up his sleeves like a conjuror, waved
his arms about in the air, rolled his eyes, and finally, diving down into a dark
corner of the room, brought forth a box. The trick was rather too transparent,
for plainly he had left the box there earlier in the day. Our cook immediately
accepted the challenge, and, knowing of another box that lay in a corner out of
sight, he went through a similar performance and ‘discovered’ it. Uloksak was
astounded, and could not make up his mind whether the cook’s ‘discovery’ was
a genuine one or simply a fraud like his own.

In December, 1915, a woman shaman prophesied that some people to the
eastward would fall over a cliff into a hole and perish. During the same per-
formance she announced that evil spirits were threatening the lives of certain
natives in the community. One of them was Avranna, so she forbade his wife
Milukkattak to sew on the following day. Milukkattak had promised to make
a sleeping bag for me, but in consequence of this prohibition she had to post-
pone it.

Many of the shamans’ ‘discoveries’ are made in dreams. Two fox-traps
were once stolen from my sled; Higilak told me a few days later that in her sleep
she had seen a hand and fore-arm stealthily abstracting them, but could not
identify the person. On another occasion I lost a tin full of matches, and a
shaman discovered in a dream that a certain woman had stolen them. Ilatsiak
asserted that his familiar often visited him in his sleep and revealed what was
about to happen. Whenever he dreamed of small knives he knew that some
children were sick. Sometimes the knives lay broken on the ground and he
would rivet them together; then the children would grow well again. One
morning he heard that a little boy, the son of a Mackenzie river woman in our
service, had taken suddenly ill; immediately he announced that during his
sleep he had repaired a knife that lay broken on the snow, so the boy would
recover. The very next morning he entered our house and reported that during
the night his spirit had told him that something had gone wrong on our schooner;
it was the thing, he said, that made the vessel move. We thought that he must
mean the propeller, for we had put a new one on during the winter and had to
keep the ice open around it. By a strange coincidence, however, we discovered

‘Shamanism 201

during the day—what Ilatsiak could hardly have been aware of—that a boom
we were using to roof our provision cache had snapped during the night owing
to the weight of the snow above it. Two days later Ilatsiak announced again
that in his dream he had seen a sled falling over a cliff, and expressed the hope
that none of our sleds would meet with such a mishap during the spring.

These stories of shamanistic séances and miracles are from hearsay only,
but Mr. Wilkins, our photographer, personally participated in a performance
at the fishing creek near Bernard harbour. His interpreter for the occasion
was the half-breed Patsy Klengenberg, and the account he gives is as follows:—

“On another occasion I visited a camp and there had been very few fish
caught for the last two or three days. They had all waited all that day and
there had not been a sign of any fish making a run. About nine o’clock at
night they thought they should hold a séance to try and induce a few to come
along, for although they had a quantity of dried fish they did not care to use
that up. A fellow called Igluhuk had arrived at the camp that evening and
he had the reputation of being a great shaman. We were all standing about
outside watching for signs of a run when one of the men asked me if I would
help in a séance to try to make the fish come up the creek. I agreed to do my
best, and they all crowded into the largest tent in the village. I was given a
seat next to the shaman which had been reserved for me, although I was almost
the last to come in, and there was not room for any others to sit down after
and some of them had to lean in and look through the door. At first it seemed
as if they had forgotten their object, for the conversation was general and was
mainly about the fishing at other seasons and on other days and at other creeks
that season. After about thirty minutes of this, the shaman seemed to be
doing most of the talking and gradually everyone else remained quiet.

“He seemed to be warming to his subject and would at intervals demand
corroboration from one or other of the audience. Presently he started off in a
kind of sing-song and the audience chatted to each other in whispers or nodded
to each other across the tent. At intervals the shaman would address somebody
in a language that they could not understand, and they would turn inquiringly
to someone else for an explanation, but none would be forthcoming; no one seemed
to know what it was that was asked. Then two or three would ask if it was
so-and-so that was meant, or suggest something else, but the shaman would
shake his head violently and repeat the question in the unknown jargon. After
several fruitless attempts to make himself understood, and when the brows
of the audience were wrinkled with thought, and most of them were bewildered
in their efforts to understand, the old man gave a shout and clapped his hands
to his forehead. Shutting his eyes, he started swaying backwards and forwards.
He kept up the monotonous sing-song of an un-understandable sound for about
an hour, while the other people talked intermittently about several things,
sometimes looking at the performer and shaking their heads and whispering
to each other. Presently the shaman gave a shout and uttered some intelligible
sounds and I was requested to hold on to his hand.

“An old woman sitting next but one to him searched around and found the
copper head of an ice spear, and while I held his hand on one side and the owner
of the tent held his shoulder on the other, she gave him a smart tap on the left
side of the head with a lump of copper. At this he released his hand from
his forehead and opened his eyes. Huge drops of perspiration stood out all
over his face and his eyes were wild and bloodshot. We released our hold and
he kept his backward and forward swaying motion but with renewed vigour.
He was now talking intelligible language, but so fast that most of the people
in the audience could not understand him and they would repeatedly shout
questions to him or ask him to repeat things. He took no notice of them and
soon began to point to one or the other of the audience and, fluttering his fingers

202 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

to indicate that the fish were swarming in the river, would prophesy that such
and such a person would catch a number of fish.

“He kept this up for about half an hour, pointing mostly to two or three
people who were, by the way, always successful in the contests when there
were any fish to be caught. The whole performance had now lasted about
three hours, and during that time no one had been keeping a look-out on the
creek for fish, except perhaps the children who had been playing about outside.
They paid an occasional visit to the door of the tent but did not stay long,
as they were evidently not interested in the old man’s performance. The
shaman’s movements began to become normal at last, and although he was still
frothing at the mouth, his questions and exclamations became less frequent
and finally subsided altogether. There was now a hurried whispered consultation
amongst the audience, and the old woman took a copper spear-head and gave
the old fellow a smart tap on the right side of the head, and he looked round
the audience in a dazed sort of way, as if he had just come out of a hypnotic
trance. One of the men near the door gave a shout and, jumping up, ran for
his spear and towards the creek, with the others following as fast as they could.
None of them were prepared for fishing in the ordinary way by having taken
off some of their clothes or put on long water-boots, and as they ran towards
the creek, some of them slipped off what clothes they could, while othersrushed
for the water in what they were dressed in. It was apparent at first sight
that there were a number of fish in the trap, and within a few minutes they
had caught sixty, a big haul in ordinary times, and now an extraordinary one
for it had seemed that the fish had stopped running the day before. Whether
the old man’s performance had anything to do with it or not the Eskimos fully
believed that it had; but I am rather inclined to think that the success was
due to the fact that while they were listening to the shaman they were not
outside making a noise and frightening the fish from coming into the trap,
and that during the three hours’ séance a number of stragglers had collected
in the trap.

“The Eskimos were overjoyed at the success. The ones that the shaman
had pointed out had surely caught the most fish, but then they always did
when there were any fish to be caught. The man who had caught the most,
and in whose house the séance had been held, after making a display of his
catch to the people, cut a section from between the ventral fins of the largest
fish and gave it to the shaman. He then cut a similar section from the next
biggest and gave it to me. As these sections were only about an inch long
and half an inch wide and as thick, and I noticed the shaman had swallowed
his, I did likewise, to the evident satisfaction of the people. The only explana-
tion of this that I could gather through the interpreter was that it was a present
for making the fish come into the trap.”

In regard to this séance the interpreter, Patsy—who, by the way, was
thoroughly sceptical of all Eskimo shamanism—told me that Igluhuk (or Iglisiak
as he should be called) had prophesied that a certain boy Hogaluk would capture
three fish, and that Patsy himself would get only two. In both cases his prophesy
proved true.

Shamanism 203

CHAPTER XVI
SHAMANISM (Continued)

Of the many séances that I witnessed myself among the Copper Eskimos
at one time and another, a few are worth describing because of the light they
shed on the psychology of the natives and on their religious beliefs. Among
the earliest was a performance by Kaminggok at the Liston and Sutton islands
in January, 1915. The people had been singing and dancing after their usual
custom in the dance-house when he entered the ring on his own initiative and
announced that he would hold a séance. He began in the orthodox manner
with an oration, then suddenly uttered cries of pain and covered his eyes with
his hand as though he were in the greatest agony. Soon he raised his head
again, looking round with wild staring eyes, trying to speak apparently but
unable to utter a sound. The audience questioned him, suggesting whatever
they thought he was trying to say, and he nodded eagerly to the native who
guessed correctly. In this way he told them that two men to the eastward had
just died, one of them having been killed by the spirit of Cat’s Cradles.1 Again
he uttered cries of pain and slapped his hand to his forehead, then began to speak
in a weak falsetto voice about two of the local Eskimos and their lack of success
in sealing. Something they had done with a hatchet, he said, had frightened
the seals away, but he (7.e., his familiar spirit) had removed the hatchet so they
would soon kill more seals again. A third time he cried out in pain, then said
in his natural voice, but in a low and rather husky tone, that he could see some
dogs stealing fish. A native suggested that it might be my dogs, but he said,
“No”. Several of us then left the dance-house to find out whether what he said
was true, and we discovered that the natives’ own dogs had stolen some fish
belonging to an Eskimo woman. How Kaminggok could have known about it
I have no idea, for no one else had heard any noise. His performance was
almost over by the time we returned. He closed his eyes suddenly and began
to stagger; his soul, nappan, was returning, my Mackenzie river native whisp-
ered to me, or perhaps it was his familiar leaving him. A by-stander laid his
hand on the back of the shaman’s neck, and another man laid his on the side of
it, while, at the request of a third native, I rapped him on the head with some
matches. The first rap had no effect, nor the second, so, by the natives’ advice,
I placed my hand on the side of his head. Immediately he opened his eyes
and gazed at me with an uncomprehending stare, then smiled, pulled himself
together, and began an ordinary conversation with some of his audience.
Throughout his performance there had been nothing so strange as to suggest
an abnormal state of mind; the whole affair had resembled rather the trick of
a fairly clever impostor. Palaiyak, however, my Christianized ' Mackenzie
river interpreter, thoroughly believed in his inspiration, asserting that several
familiars had successively entered his body and that he was really a great
shaman.

A few days later Kaminggok gave another performance in the dance-house.
I was projecting a journey to an Akulliakattak settlement on the morrow, with
Kaminggok and another native as my guides; the séance was held to discover
what fortune we would have. It resembled very closely his earlier performance:
first, the oration, then the cries of pain, a period of dumbness during which the
audience made guesses at what he was trying to say and he answered by nodding,

*

1The natives of North Alaska and of the Mackenzie delta believe that the opening stage in certain
cat’s cradle figures, or a development from it called ‘“I'wo Labrets,’”’ has the power of driving away this
spirit if performed more rapidly than the spirit itself can perform it, The man who had just died, it was
said, had been defeated by the spiritin the contest.

204 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

a moment’s gasping excited talk in a falsetto tone, more gasps, a glance at the
roof and a sharp cry of pain as his soul returned to his body (or his familiar left
him), and the performance was over. Anauyuk, who held a séance immediately
afterwards, was much more normal in his actions. He spoke in his natural
voice, though a little abruptly once or twice, and told the Eskimos that the
shade, tarrak,tof a dead man had stolen the soul, nappan, of Wikkiak, a native
who had been ailing for some days. Wikkiak would now recover, however, for
my dog Jumbo had brought his soul back again.

A young man named Agluak held a séance on December 20 of the same
year, to discover why seals were so scarce and to bring them back to the Eskimos’
hunting ground. After the usual dance he took his place in the centre of the ring
and delivered a short preliminary oration, in which he confessed that he was
not very expert in shamanistic matters. The audience encouraged him to
proceed nevertheless, so he began a second and more elaborate harangue, this
time about the absence of seals. Suddenly he stopped—he was invoking his
familiar spirit. His breathing became hard and loud, his eyes wild and staring,
and his features grim and distorted. Turning this way and that he gesticulated
with his hands, and nodded whenever one of his audience guessed the proper
interpretation. The women, we learned, had been making new deerskin
clothes, and boiling caribou meat, both of which were tabooed at this season.
A sudden inspiration struck him on seeing me standing outside the ring with
my pipe in my mouth, and he told us by gestures that the seals refused to rise

Fia. 58. A Tree river native harnessing his dog in preparation for the day’s sealing

to the surface because of the taint of my tobacco. For all these reasons the
Eskimos had experienced no success in their sealing. Once he pointed at me
and waved his arm to the west, but no one could understand what he meant.
A few minutes afterwards he made similar gestures in reference to Uloksak,
who simply shook his head and turned away with studied indifference, remark-
ing that he could not understand. Agluak then told us in pantomime how many
seals various people in the ring would capture. He would point to a man, go
through the motions of spearing a seal in its hole, then hold up one or more fingers
to indicate the number killed. He seemed to be rather sleepy, however, for

Shamanism 205

once or twice he passed his hand over his forehead as though to revive his
faculties.

Up to this stage he had maintained an absolute silence. Now broken words
began to drop from his lips, elucidated by gestures, but the words were hardly
more intelligible than the gesture language that had preceded them. Once he
ejaculated ‘What's this? Something being cooked, caribou meat.’’ We
gathered that the seals were sleeping and that he had to go and stir them up.
Further, that he should be given liberal portions of any seals that might be
caught, because of his services in bringing them back to the hunting grounds.
At last he said taima taima “Enough, enough,” passed his hand across his fore-
head and terminated his séance.

In the general conversation that ensued Agluak reaffirmed that if the
women would refrain from sewing the men would have good luck again in their
sealing. But his shamanistic powers were not regarded very seriously by most
of the natives. He had dropped his mittens during the séance, and was looking
around for them when it was over; some one at the back of the hut threw them
into his face, causing a general laugh. The women resented his prohibition
against sewing and for the most part disregarded it. At least one of them
too had no scruples about boiling more caribou meat the very next day (the
house was built on the shore of one of the islands, and had gravel, not ice, beneath
the snow floor, so that she could say they were camped on the land, not on the
sea ice). Uloksak seemed to treat the whole matter as a joke, but then he was
somewhat of a free-thinker, at least as regarded some of his fellow-shamans.
With reference to my smoking, I told the natives that just as the smoke floated
up into the air, so the seals would float up to the surface, and they quite agreed
with this interpretation.

Another shaman, Kuniluk, held a séance about half an hour after Agluak,
but I had left the dance-house. A month later he held another. The weather
had been very stormy all day, and the Eskimos, unable to go out sealing, had
spent most of their time in the dance-house. Kuniluk began in the usual manner
with an oration, followed by a sudden cry of pain. He clapped his hand to his
forehead and uttered a few more cries as his familiar, a dog, passed into his
body. Now he gazed wildly round the ring and began to jabber meaningless
syllables, accompanied by elaborate gestures of explanation. Once or twice
he was heard to say naukun naukun “Which way, which way’’, but no one
could understand what he meant. Occasionally he would direct his gibberish
to some definite individual, and the rest of the audience would tell that person
to assent. These proceedings lasted for about ten minutes, then suddenly
Kuniluk uttered some cries of pain, stooped down and howled like a dog, his
familiar. After a few howls he began to jabber again, still stooping. Thus he
continued for perhaps a quarter of an hour, then, with a few cries of pain, he
straightened up, and, speaking in his natural tongue, told the people that their
ill-luck in sealing was due to some of them having played cat’s cradles after
the return of the sun, while others had sewn deerskin fringes on their coats
during the dark days. He then uttered a few more cries of pain as his familiar
left him, and the séance terminated. It had lasted altogether about an hour,
and left the man quite exhausted. Uloksak, who stood near me in the audience,
murmured in my ear just before it commenced, ‘‘Kuniluk is no shaman”; and
when it was ended he wanted me to tell Kunilik to give a real séance, as though
all that we had just ‘witnessed were only the prelude.

After Kuniluk had brought his performance to a close a woman named
Arnauyuk entered the circle and proposed to give a séance. The people encour-
aged her to proceed, so she began her preliminary oration; but before she had
proceeded very far she broke down in self-conscious laughter and the audience
laughed with her. She pulled herself together and began again, and again she
broke down, so, after one more unsuccessful attempt, she retired to the ring.
Her familiar, the natives said, had refused to take possession of her.

206 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

The winter of 1915-16 was unusually stormy, and for days at a time the
Eskimos were confined to their houses and prevented from sealing. On February
3rd, a man named Utugaum held a séance with the object of petitioning Kanna-
kapfaluk to stop the blizzards and let the people go sealing again. He opened
with a long oration—about two ducks in some place or other, a giant fish in
Lake Akulliakattak, two men living near some islands, another man at Uming-
maktok (Kent peninsula) who had knocked down two poles, and about some

Fic. 59. Tokalluak, a Coppermine river shaman

one in the moon. He used vague and mysterious words, and his audience had
to puzzle out his meaning, partly from his words, and partly from the gestures
that accompanied them. In this case, as often, no one had any idea of what
he was talking about. His oration lasted fully twenty minutes, then he stooped
down and began to speak in a thin piping voice, quite unlike the strident tones
in which his oration had been delivered. He now said that he was no longer
aman, but an animal (my notes do not say what animal). He was searching for
Kannakapfaluk, he said, so that he might drag her up to the surface, but he
could not find her. Thus he stood for about two minutes, then straightened up,
pressed his hand to his forehead, heaved a few sighs and closed the performance.
There were a few interesting features in connection with it. At the commence-
ment all the little children were sent to the back of the dance-house. My inter-
preter Patsy was playing and laughing with them till the old shaman Anauyuk
turned around and scolded them, saying that they should on no account laugh
during a séance; however, they appeared to take very little notice of his warn-
ing. I moved to leave the dance-house as soon as the performance was over
and one of the natives stopped me, saying, “‘You mustn’t go out while the sha-

Shamanism 207

man is performing’; but when I pointed out that Utugaum had finished he
waived his objection. Uloksak had been telling the people earlier in the evening
about the two pillars that hold up the sky, and Utugaum probably had these
in his mind when he spoke of the two poles that a man had knocked down.
There is a special incantation that is generally sung before a shaman goes in
search of Kannakapfaluk, but for some reason or other it was omitted on this
occasion.

Tokalluak, a Coronation gulf native, held a séance at the fishing creek near
Cape Krusenstern in July, 1916, when a band of natives had gathered together
to spear the salmon. He invoked his familiar and uttered some brief remark,
then laughed and hid his face in his hands. His laugh, however, had caused
his familiar to leave him and he had to recall it. This happened repeatedly,
for he seemed to be unable to control his laughter whenever any of his audience
laughed. He spoke of a boy whose legs were too long (Patsy, my interpreter),
and of a man with long whiskers (myself) whom he called Patsy’s father, and
accused of frightening away the fish by dipping an iron cup into the creek.
(Unluckily for Tokalluak’s credit, the Eskimos had just caught a phenomenal
number of fish that day). Finally he tabooed all sewing on the following day
and terminated his séance.

Higilak held several séances during the spring and summer of 1915 in addi-
tion to the one that has been described already. The most interesting of them
all took place at the end of July at a time when I was seriously ill in the Eskimo
camp. I do not know what familiar possessed her, except that it was the shade
of some Eskimo long dead. She began in the usual manner with an oration.
There was a strained look in her eyes as she spoke, and a tension in her face, as
though she were concentrating herself for a great effort. Suddenly she emitted
several deep ventriloquistic cries, followed by shrill falsetto utterances from her
head. Then she began to gabble in high falsetto, first about the scarcity of fish,
for which some dead person was to blame, then about my sickness, for which
another dead person she named was responsible. Suddenly she cried aggioktok,
“A malignant shade is troubling me’’, and bowed her head, concealing her face
in her hands. Avranna asked ,‘“‘Who is it?” and in a faint voice she replied,
“Arnaktak” (Arnaktak was a relative of Ikpakhuak who had died in the pre-
vious winter). Ikpakhuak struck her on the head, and drove away the obstructing
shade. Almost immediately another obstructed her, and Avrannaasked of it again,
“Who are you?” The shade, instead of answering the question directly, merely
said, in faint accents issuing from Higilak’s lips, ““Here I am”, and added some
further remarks which I could not hear. Milukkattak now struck Higilak
on the head and drove it away. A third shade took possession of her and
Avranna held a long conversation with it. It finally promised to be good,
nagoyok, whereupon a sigh of relief went up from the audience, and Higilak,
after one or two gasps, came to her senses. A short discussion followed the
performance, after which everyone retired to béd.

“When Arnaktak, the native just mentioned, had died, I was a hundred
miles away in Coronation gulf. Nevertheless some of the Eskimos accused me
of murdering him, because, as they said, he had perpetrated some petty theft
onme. There was some disagreement, however, so Uloksak, the most famous
shaman among the western Copper Eskimos, was asked to find out what precisely
was the cause of his death. The séance took place in a dance-house beside our
station, and, having rather a personal interest in the matter, I went down to
see it. Our cook, Sullivan, was present also, though from first to last he had no
idea of what was happening. The people arranged themselves in a ring and
began to sing, rather to while away the time than from any other reason, for their
singing was very half-hearted and they did not trouble to bring out the drum.
Uloksak sat outside the circle on a sleeping platform, leaning against his second
wife and apparently quite unconcerned with what was taking place. Suddenly

208 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

his whole frame drooped heavily against her, and gasping cries broke from his
lips, while a quiver ran through his audience. He staggered into the centre of
the ring and motioned for me to stand beside him; of Sullivan, who was on
the other side of the dance-house, he took no notice. A torrent of wild gibberish
flowed from his lips for about five minutes. His father, who was standing
beside me, said that it was white man’s language, and asked me whether I did
not understand it. Uloksak heard the question and paused, looking at me with
an expression that I interpreted to mean, ‘Back me up in this matter’; I
therefore replied that it resembled the speech of white men, and nodded my head
in understanding whenever he seemed to address his gibberish expressly to me.
Almost immediately afterwards he dropped into his proper language, and
speaking a few words about the dead Arnaktak, said that another of his familiar
spirits, a dog, would take possession of him. Thereupon he crouched down like
a dog, pushed his head into another man’s stomach, and growled. In broken
and only half-audible tones he told them how Arnaktak had come to die; a white
man far away had killed him by sorcery, stealing his soul, while we, the white
men who were living amongst them, were friendly and meant them no harm.
Again he rose erect and with wild eyes poured forth a stream of gibberish—
the language of white men, comprehensible to myself alone. Naturally we soon
arrived at a mutual understanding; he would jabber at me for a minute, and I
would answer in the first words of French that came into my head, using French
so that Sullivan might not understand. After a time Uloksak turned to the
natives and dropped a word or two in Eskimo. They had to guess at his mean-
ing, and he nodded whenever they guessed correctly; his gestures indeed were
almost lucid enough to make words unnecessary. In this way he repeated that
Sullivan and myself and all the other members of our expedition were friendly
towards them and sought them no harm, and that Arnaktak’s death was due
to another man far away. Then once again he crouched down and gasped a
few times, while an Eskimo on one side and I on the other caught hold of him
and kept him from falling. His familiar, the dog, now left him, and a moment
afterwards he stood up and smiled.

The séance was over, but Uloksak was too shrewd a man to lose his opportunity.
His audience was in the proper mood to be deceived by any fraud, and here was
a rare opportunity of enhancing his prestige. He renewed his gibberish talk,
and I nodded comprehendingly, throwing in occasionally a word or two of
French, which he of course understood equally well; thus an animated conver-
sation was carried on between us for a time. He next began to dance after the
manner of the Bear lake Indians, and invited Sullivan to join him, which he did,
much to the enjoyment of the spectators. This Indian dancing bears a con-
siderable resemblance, if indeed it is not derived from, some Scotch dances, so
that Sullivan had no difficulty in keeping up his part. Uloksak then dragged
two women into their dance, one of them being his second wife. Whenever he
wanted Sullivan to do anything, he jabbered at me in his gibberish, but took
care to explain by his gestures so that I could understand and interpret. The
strain on both of us, however, was rather too heavy; moreover there was a danger
of the fraud being detected if we prolonged the performance too much. I
pleaded weariness therefore, and moved to leave the dance-house. Uloksak
immediately assented and preceded me outside, intending to speak to me; but
as two of the Eskimos followed us he had to make use of his gibberish again,
pointing first to our station, then to his house, as much as to say, “Go back
now, and let us meet later in my hut.” I replied in French, dropping the one
Eskimo word akago, “to-morrow”, and motioning towards his house. He at
once nodded and retired, while I went back to our station.

The outcome of this séance was eminently satisfactory to both of us.
Uloksak had vastly increased his prestige in the eyes of the natives by this proof
that he understood the language of the white men; while I was acquitted of

Shamanism 209

an unpleasant charge of murder, which might have endangered my work, if
not my life, among these Eskimos. The following day I presented Uloksak
with a cast-off Burberry snow-shirt, a very valuable garment in his eyes. The
account that Sullivan gave of the séance to the other members of the expedition
was rather amusing; the only words he had understood, of course, were the
directions I gave him during the dancing. He was greatly alarmed at one period,
he said, for he thought that Uloksak was urging the natives to kill us; then when
Uloksak talked gibberish and I answered in an equally unknown tongue he
thought that I had been hypnotized.

The greatest of all the shamans among the Copper Eskimos was Tlatsiak.
In March, 1916, he guided a large band of Bathurst inlet natives to our station
at Bernard harbour and camped beside us for about three weeks. Seeing us
record one or two songs on the phonograph he asked to be allowed to summon
his familiar spirit, Kingaudlik, and under its inspiration to speak into the
machine. He was rather short of stature, so we had to raise him on a box to
bring his face level with the horn; perched on this box he protruded his face into
the bell of the horn and nervously kicked his legs out behind him, one after the
other, in the manner of a person skipping over arope. The usual preliminaries
of a shamanistic performance were omitted; he merely paused a moment to
collect his wits (or to give his familiar time to enter him), then said what he had
to say and stood down. Some of the words are scarcely audible in the record
owing to hisjumping. As usual too, it is difficult to attach any meaning to them,
but the literal interpretation of this first oracle was,““Where? Give meliver, liver;
it is excellent. I hear speech’”—a remark that Ilatsiak’s adopted son under-
stood to mean that his father’s familiar Kingaudlik was asking for some liver.

This séance not being very satisfactory, Ilatsiak was requested to give
another similar to those he habitually gave in the dance-house. When every-
thing was ready he came forward and asked for a cup of water. He gazed into
it very intently for a few seconds, then said that something was wrong on our
schooner; some one on board was going to be drowned. He then drank the
water, solemnly shook hands with all the white men present, stepped up to the
phonograph and, at the word takki, ‘‘Begin’’, delivered the oracle that is trans-
lated below. Mingled with his words are the remarks of his Eskimo kinsmen,
especially of his wife, whose voice, though she sat quite six feet away from the
machine, can be heard quite distinctly on the record; for the natives regarded
the séance as a perfectly genuine one, and tried to interpret Ilatsiak’s utterances,
and enlarge on them, just as they would have done in the dance-house. TIlatsiak
gave a gasp at the conclusion and breathed very hard for a moment or two as
his familiar left him, after which he sat down and enquired of the natives what
he had said. Later in the day he invoked another of his familiars, Annakok,
and we recorded yet another oracle.

It was not considered advisable to allow Ilatsiak to hear his own records, but
after he had returned east two natives from the same region who had heard the
oracles delivered helped me to reduce them to writing and to translate them into
English. In many places the words were quite unintelligible even to them, for,
as they took pains to remark, it was not the shaman himself who was speaking
‘but the spirit that possessed him, and spirit utterances are not easily understood
by the laity. Neither séance was in any way fictitious, either to [latsiak him-
self or to his audience. Even the Eskimos who heard the records only discussed
them as real oracles, and had implicit faith in their verity.

The first oracle was as follows:—

. . Did you do it? Did you do it? It is terrifying. Himiamin,1
did you do it? The fish’s eyes, the fish, they say. Did you do it? The fish,
they say, ate the people. It is terrifying. The fish ate the people, it swallowed

1Himiamin was said to be the name of a woman shaman in Bathurst inlet.
23335—14

210 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

them, they say; people afar off, it destroyed them all, they say. People here,
the fish, the salmon, the thing that moves them, it is going to eat them, it is
dangerous. These people unhappily it ate, it ate; those unhappily it terrifies;
these people, dangerous, these, unhappily, the fish, these, it is going to eat them
down there. Ukumarauta’s shade, it seized him, him, out over the sea, Ukum-
arauta, the big island, intending to eat him, its shade, out over the sea, seized
him.”

Fic. 60. Digging fishing-holes through the ice, Lake Angmaloktok, Colville hills

(Here there are some indistinct words in the record, the comments of
Ilatsiak’s wife in the background. Ilatsiak continues:—)

“These people, these people, yes. How is it? These people, it seized
out over the sea.”

(Again there are constant interruptions by the audience, and Ilatsiak
continues :—) 5

“Yes, Ukumarauta, the people, it, the fish, it seized, seized, it, the fish.
The, dogs, the dogs, these, these people, these, these people, their kinsfolk,
those away over there, the Indians too, it kills with its heavy weight, it eats
them, destroying them without difficulty. Yes, it seized, it seized that one,
it seized, it seized, yes. But I speaking plainly I think I am.”

(At this point the voice of his wife is distinctly audible, saying, ‘Speak
plainly, speak out.’’)

“Yes, from the sea, the salt sea, it seized, hu, hu, yes, they are going to
eat, yes, next summer, they are going to eat, hu, hu, hu.”

Only the general drift of the meaning is distinguishable from these broke
utterances. With regard to the first part the natives explained that there
is a huge salmon, as large as an island, which swallowed two kayaks once with
their occupants, and almost devoured two others at the same time. This
was in a lake somewhere beyond Bathurst inlet where the Eskimos secure
caribou, not with bows and arrows, but with pit-falls. The salmon is frightened
and hides when the shamans hold a séance and talk about it.

/

Shamanism 211

The passage about Ukumarauta refers to a large stone of that name in a
country to which the daylight never reaches. The stone is sometimes called
the “Big Island,” sometimes “The Heavy One,” ukumaura. Occasionally a
shaman will summon it to come and have a feast; then it falls unseen from the
sky and kills many people with rocks, and other shamans (Higilak was instanced
as an example) have to drive it back again. A shaman too will sometimes
make it drop on an approaching kayaker and kill him, though it is sometimes
affirmed that the magic stone uses a small spear to kill its victims. The stone
can sing like a man, and the shamans have a special incantation or invocation,
akeun, for it, but my informants did not know the words. A Bathurst inlet
shaman, the Pannaktok who has been mentioned already, uses the stone for
one of his familiars. In the present oracle the stone proposed to “eat” the
expedition when it left Bernard harbour. The final portion of the record is a
protestation by the familiar that it is speaking only the truth.

The second oracle that Ilatsiak delivered was equally obscure. The first
part of it had reference to the thefts that some of the local natives had perpe-
trated on us during the period of Ilatsiak’s visit. Then he spoke of his joy
at my promise to pay him liberally for relating some of the old traditions of
his people. The last portion referred to a great fish that had swallowed a
ship, and would swallow our schooner also unless our magic was strong enough
to prevail against it. The oracle concluded, like the previous one, with an
asseveration by the familiar that it spoke nothing but the truth. Ilatsiak
was about to step down after this. performance when he suddenly recollected
(or so it seemed to us) that he had omitted the usual gasps aud grunts when
his familiar left him; accordingly he turned back to the phonograph and
finished in the orthodox manner.1

In all these séances, except those of Uloksak and Higilak, my own limited
knowledge of the language was supplemented by the services of an interpreter,
either the Mackenzie river native, Palaiyak, or the half-breed Patsy Klengen-
berg. In every case the familiar spirit was supposed to have entered the body
of the shaman and to have used the man as its medium. But there is an alto-
gether different type of séance, divination by lifting,? of which I have already
given one example. I saw only one shaman, Higilak, employ this method,
and never had an interpreter at any of her performances. My knowledge
of the ordinary conversational language was very: imperfect, and shamans in
their séances make use of old or semi-poetical expressions that greatly increase
the difficulty of understanding them; a seal, for example, may be referred to
as “the thing that has blubber.”’ For my interpretations in this class of séances
therefore I had to depend rather on my own observations at the time and the
subsequent explanations of the spectators or of Higilak herself. It is not at all
impossible that I may have missed the correct interpretation in some instances,
but by describing a number of these séances a fairly correct idea can perhaps
be gleaned of the religious notions that lie behind them. All except the last
one took place on Victoria island during the summer of 1915. :

On May 9, all the adults of our party gathered in Ikpakhuak’s tent a
little before midnight. Ikpakhuak himself was sitting at the back of the sleeping
platform, with Higilak in front, while I sat opposite her at the outer end of
the platform. Higilak rolled her coat into a bundle, made a running noose
of her belt, and slipped it around the head of the coat. The loose end of the
cord, with its toggle, she kept in her left hand, while the four fingers of her
right hand rested on the coat under the noose, and the thumb on top of it.
Her familiar spirit, in this case her atatsiak (mother’s father?), was summoned

1Cf. Boas, Bulletin A.M.N.H., Vol. XV., p. 156 ef seg.; Stefansson, “My Life with the Eskimo,” p.

291 et seg.
°Cf. Crantz, Vol. I, p. 210 et seq., 214; Boas, Bulletin A.M.N.H., Vol. XV, pp. 135, 512; Stefansson,

Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, p. 360 e¢ seq.
23385—144

212 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

into the bundle, and made its presence known by the increase in weight when
Higilak tried to lift it. Both WHigilak and the spectators then asked it
various questions, and the answer ‘‘Yes” or “‘No”’ resulted according as she
found it heavy or light; if the bundle was heavy the answer was “Yes,” if light,
“No.” Once Kesullik wanted to test it after Higilak had said that it was
heavy, but she would not let him. She yawned several times during the per-
formance, and once or twice the conversation drifted off on to other topics,
but no one seemed to be credulous of the answers that were given. As far as
I could gather their questions were all concerned with the prospects of securing
an abundance of fish and caribou during the next few months. A coat when
tied up and used for this ceremony is given the special name of kila.

On May 26th Higilak questioned the kila again, this time to discover
whether any Prince Albert sound natives would visit our camp at Lake Tahir-
yuak. The ceremony took place out of doors, because the-air was warm and
our little tent was too small to hold all the audience. The kila affirmed that
they would come to us, but I gathered that Higilak was not altogether satisfied
with the reply, for the next morning when no one was near she asked the same
question of me. T'wo days later she borrowed my two coats (the outer and inner
attig?), and divined again. I was told to say to the bundle that being a ‘‘white”’
man it was to be heavy for an affirmative answer and light for a negative. (This
was contrary to the usual regulations.) Higilak and the audience then asked
it one question after another, and at each one she tested its weight. I noticed
that whenever the kila was light she drew it straight up, but whenever it was
heavy she gave a slight twist to her hand so that the back of it was pressing
down on the bundle while the fingers and wrist were ostensibly trying to raise
it. I gathered that the spirit in the kila on this occasion was one of my
familiars, not one of Higilak’s.

The following evening, not seeing Ikpakhuak in the camp, I asked Kanne-
yuk whether he were fishing on the lake; at least that was the question I intended
to ask her, but through a slight grammatical error what I actually said was
“Has he caught a fish?” It so happened that about that time Ikpakhuak
did catch a large trout at a fishing-hole a few hundred yards away. Some of
the natives therefore thought that I must possess second-sight, and wanted to
know whether the Prince Albert sound natives were not already on their way to
visit us. Even Ikpakhuak, when he returned a little while afterwards, supported
their request that I should allow Higilak to tie a cord round my head or my foot
and divine, as with the kila, by lifting it and testing its weight; however, when
evening came, she used my coat instead. In the meantime Kesullik pretended
to hold a séance on his own account; he asked various questions of an old tobacco
can, rapping it with a stick for ‘‘yes’’ and not rapping it at all for ‘‘no’’.

Higilak held an interesting performance when we were returning from Lake
Tahiryuak to Lake Numikhoin. The immediate cause was a sudden, appar-
ently spontaneous, bark from one of my dogs. The Eskimos had been much
concerned about it, fearing that it foreboded someone’s death, and Milukkattak
had asked me whether the dog tornraktok, i. e., was acting as a medium for
its familiar spirit. (Even a dog, it seems, may have its familiars).1 Higilak
therefore borrowed my coat after I had turned into my sleeping-bag, and,
making a kila of it, began to ask it questions. First she demanded, “Is there
anyone in it?”’, and after a minute or two the kila became heavy—a spirit had
entered. Through a series of questions she elucidated the fact that one of us
was in danger of death, and after testing two or three names it was finally
fixed on Tusayok. Higilak now addressed herself to me and asked whether
Tusayok had been successful or not in his fishing, for he had remained behind
at Lake Numikhoin a fortnight before when the remainder of the party went
on to Lake Tahiryuak. I said ,“Probably not,” on the presumption that as

1Cf. Stefansson, Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, p. 342.

Shamanism 213

we had all been rather unsuccessful before we left Lake Numikhoin, so Tusayok
afterwards would probably have met with little better luck. This appeared
to be the answer she wanted. She then said that a man had entered the kila
and asked me whether I saw him, but I tried to avoid the question and asked
her instead if she had. She said “No, I was the only person who had’’, an
assertion she made on her own account, or possibly judging by some expression
on my face. Next she asked whether it was a white man, and I told her to
question it; the answer was “‘yes.’”’ One or two other questions were addressed
to it, then she turned to me again and asked whether the ‘man’ had not gone
out of the kila; when I said, ‘“There is no one in it’? she requested me to put
him back in again. I told her to continue her divining, and the kila immediately
became heavy again—‘the man’ had re-entered. She now wanted to know
whether it was a kinsman of mine, and I told her it was not. Again she ques-
tioned it about our fortunes, and the answer, as she finally announced it to us,
was, ‘‘He is going to be friendly towards the people.”’ After addressing a few
more remarks to the kila, the meaning of which I could not follow, she found
that it had become light again, indicating that the ‘man’ had left it. Accord-
ingly, after requesting my permission, she removed her belt from round it and
terminated the ceremony. The theory of the natives seemed to be that as it
was my dog that had barked—the dog of a white man—it must be a white
man’s shade that was trying to do them harm, and I should be able to help
them to deal with it; further, that the man, or rather the shade that was conceived
to enter the kila, if not a familiar spirit of mine, was yet to some extent at least
under my control. It was for this reason that Higilak had sought my cooper-
ation.

Avranna had a headache one day, and borrowed my belt to tie round his
head. It drove the pain, he told us later, from the front to the back of his head,
but did not dispel it altogether. Higilak then borrowed my coat to hold a
divining performance and discover the cause of her son’s malady. As usual
she slipped her belt round it and enquired who was inside the bundle making
it heavy. Through a number of questions she discovered that it was a kins-
man of mine. Then she enquired who it was that was threatened with sickness
and death, “Was it Avranna?” “No.” ‘“Tusayok?” “No.” “Ikpak-
huak?” “Yes.” “From whom? From a white man?” “No.” ‘“ From
someone near at hand?” “No.” ‘Someone afar off?” “Yes.” ‘ The
Prince Albert sound natives?” ‘“Yes.’”’ ‘How ? Through the stone pot she
had bought from them and was using for cooking fish ? ” “No.” “Was it through”
(this question I could not understand). ‘Yes’’, ‘Who was causing it ? Was it
Nilgak?” “No.” “Kunana?’” ‘Yes.” Here was our answer then; Kunana
tried to kill Ikpakhuak at Lake Tahiryuak by some kind of sorcery, but failed.
A general conversation among the audience followed this statement, during
which Higilak addressed a question now and then to the kila. The upshot was
that Avranna’s headache did not presage a fatal illness and he would soon be
well again.

When Higilak came to borrow my coat for this performance I suggested
that perhaps the kila might lie to her. She was not in the least offended or
disconcerted, but argued quite logically that it had proved true on other occas-
sions, for example when it predicted that we should meet with the natives from
‘Prince Albert sound. Ikpakhuak was fishing all the time she divined, but she
told him about it when he returned. During the performance itself an incident
occurred that is well worth remarking. Higilak had announced that the kila
was heavy, and she told Avranna, who was sitting beside her, to take hold of
the cord and test it himself. He caught hold of the cord, but told her to take
away her own hand, which she had kept on top of the bundle. I imagine that
she was not expecting this sudden request, but she kept her countenance very
well and removed her hand. Avranna then said, “ It’s light,” the very opposite

214 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

to what she had stated. “Take hold of it here,” she told him, fidgeting the
bundle about a little, possibly to place it in such a position among the bed-
skins that it would be less easy to lift. ‘‘ Now it’s heavy, isn’t it ?”’ she asked,
and he said “Yes, it is a little.’ ‘Take hold of it here lower down,” she
directed him again, ‘It’s heavy now, isn’t it?’ ‘Well, just a little,” he
replied. This appeared to satisfy her; she took the cord in her own hands
again and weighed it. ‘It is heavy”, she said, and went on with her question-
ing. No one seemed to think that there might be any fraud on Higilak’s part.
Avranna’s doubts related not to her good faith, but rather to her interpretation
of the weight of the kila, just as we might sometimes question the accuracy of
a doctor’s diagnosis.

I understood rather less of what was said at a divination that was held
just a week later. There was no definite reason for this performance as far
as I could learn. When I asked Higilak why she was holding it, she merely
said aggioktoraluk, ‘‘the shades of the dead constantly beset us.” My coat
was used again for the kila, and two shades appeared to enter it at once, for
Higilak said tamna aiparivaga ukumailivaktok “the one accompanying him is
making it heavy.’’ Mikinrok thumped the sides and head of the kila to
drive it out, but without effect. I was then asked to thump, and this time the
result was satisfactory. Higilak asked me who it was that had entered the
kila, and when I suggested at random that it might have been ‘Charlie’, the
natives immediately identified it with a white man of whom they had heard
(Captain Klengenberg?). Another shade entered the kila after ‘“‘Charlie’”’ had
gone; this time it was ‘Joseph.’ ‘Charlie’? had announced that Ikpakhuak
was threatened with evil, but when he had been driven out, and after him
“Joseph”, everything seemed to be propitious again. A fortnight later Higilak
again used my coat for divining, and this time the only spectators were the
little boy Haugak and myself. The other natives of our party had all gone out
hunting with Ikpakhuak, and a sudden fog that descended over the land had
prevented them from finding their way back. The fog was due, Higilak thought,
to certain shades of the dead which entered the kila one after another. Some
were the shades of white men, so I was asked to name them—‘“‘William, May”
etc.—and to tell them that we were good people without evil intentions. Others
were the shades of Eskimos, one being Nerialak, Higilak’s first. husband, and
another Arnaktak, a relative who had died the previous winter; these, her
fellow-countrymen, Higilak propitiated as I had mine. The majority of them
were readily appeased, for they left the kila immediately. Others refused to
go, and the kila remained very heavy, although by Higilak’s direction I thumped
on its sides and head; finally she had to slash the top of the coat with her knife
in order to eject them. When all the shades had thus been disposed of in one
way or the other the kila announced that the fog would lift on the morrow,
and that Ikpakhuak and his party would be able to find their way back to camp.

I was taken very ill shortly after this, and my condition remained serious
for several weeks. Ikpakhuak and Higilak became greatly alarmed, and the
latter held a “consultation” over me. She used my coat to divine with, though
she made a pillow for it out of her foot-gear. First she orated about the dis-
agreeableness of being ill, how it made everyone unhappy, with other remarks
in the same strain. Then, addressing the kila, she enquired whether my system
was out of order of its own accord, and the kila replied “No.” “Who caused it.
then? Was it a white man?’ “No.” ‘Some one from Great Bear lake?”
“No.” “A western Eskimo?” “Yes.” I was told to enquire his name, and
suggested Aiyakak. The kila answered “Yes.” ‘What are you doing here,”
said Higilak, “Jenness is not here, he’s a long way away. What do you want
here?” + and Ikpakhuak, at her signal, struck the kila with the edge of her

1A pparently a malignant shade may be fooled or deceived as well iti intimi
the human breath should drive it away I did not discover. See Ere p na oensneesieateds: Tey

Shamanism 215

knife. This disposed of one shade, but almost immediately the kila became
heavy again through the entrance of another, Alak, as I suggested. Ikpakhuak
tried to evict it in the same manner, but failed. Then a man suggested that
Higilak should breathe on the bundle, and this was successful. “It’sheavy again,”
she said a moment later. Ikpakhuak caught hold of the cord and said, “No, it’s
light.” “Heavy, surely,” she replied, not too well pleased, I fancied, at her
husband’s interference. ‘Go on,” said a woman spectator. Higilak did not
trouble to enquire the name of the shade this time, but merely said “Go away,”
and struck the kila with her knife and breathed on it. The bundle at once
became light; all the malignant shades had been disposed of, and nothing re-
mained presumably to prevent my recovery. A year later Higilak reminded me
of this performance, and claimed that she had been instrumental in curing me
of my illness.

Fic. 61. Ilatsiak, the most important shaman among the Copper Eskimos

Of the other divining performances that Higilak held at various times one
has a certain interest for our purpose. It took place in August, at a time when
no caribou had been sighted for several days and our food supplies were running
low. Besides myself and Higilak there was only Ikpakhuak in the tent, and he
was sound asleep. Higilak divined with my coats as usual, but when she found
that the shade of a dead kinsman of Ikpakhuak was recalcitrant and would not
leave the bundle she roused her husband from his sleep to propitiate it with
fair words and induce it to leave us.

The last instance of divination that I was to witness was tinged with pathos,
and would alone have dispelled any doubts I might still have possessed as to
Higilak’s good faith in these performances. .I was paying the old couple one
of my final Visits before we left their country. Late in the evening Higilak sent

216 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

the children away to another hut, and she asked me to let her divine by lifting
my head. I was lying in my sleeping bag, and Ikpakhuak, the only other person
in the hut, closed the door to keep out all visitors. Higilak slipped her belt
round my head, and told me to close my eyes. Then they both questioned me,
and Higilak lifted my head from time to time for the answers. The whole
ceremony lasted perhaps a quarter of an hour. I could understand very few of
their questions, partly because my knowledge of the language was imperfect,
partly also because, as in most shamanistic performances, they employed a
different vocabulary from that in every-day use. Immediately afterwards,
however, she told me the reason for the ceremony. The great shaman I[latsiak
had warned them that their son Avranna was threatened with grave danger,
and had advised them to obtain help from me. She entreated me, therefore,
and Ikpakhuak supported her request, that after I had left their country and was
no longer within reach of an ordinary message, I should send my familiars,
tornrait, to their aid whenever they or their kinsmen were in danger or distress.
Tusarialutilli, ‘“Hearken to our call,” they urged me again and again. I told
them that sometimes perhaps I should not be able to hear them, and with a
sigh Higilak responded, “‘Yes, sometimes one can do nothing.”

We have now laid the foundations on which we can build our theory of
Copper Eskimo shamanism. Let us consider first the séances, where some
familiar spirit is presumed to enter the body of the shaman and to take possession
of him, the shaman himself being only the medium. All the utterances are
those of the familiar, though they come, as the natives will say themselves, from
the lips of the shaman. First it is to be noticed that the man has little or no
opportunity for conjuring tricks, seeing that he performs in the open daylight
or under the bright light of the lamps in the dance-house; moreover, there are
natives all around him so close that they can put out their hands and touch him
at any moment. He has to depend therefore on creating the proper ‘‘atmos-
phere,” both in himself and in his audience. The important séances given by
shamans of credit like Uloksak and Ilatsiak always evoke in the spectators a
feeling of tense emotional excitement. Usually their minds are keyed up before-
hand to the proper pitch by singing and dancing, and especially by the booming
notes of the deep-toned drum. The shaman himself is in a condition of hysteria,
or of something that nearly resembles it, brought on at the commencement of
his séance by the straining of every muscle, the rolling of his eyes and the ejacu-
lation of cries and strangled gasping sounds. Long practice in self-hypnosis,
combined at times perhaps with organic weakness and an inclination towards
hallucinations—Ilatsiak had gone through a serious illness when a boy—help
to induce the condition more readily. So intense is the strain that the man
nearly faints with exhaustion at the close of the performance. The insertion of
the teeth of the animal familiar, or the wearing of garments made from its fur,
serve, like stage scenery, to increase the illusion. The shaman is not conscious
of acting a part; he becomes in his own mind the animal or the shade of the
dead man that is deemed to possess him. To his audience, too, this strange
figure, with its wild and frenzied appearance, its ventriloquistic cries and its
unearthly falsetto gabble, with only a broken word here and there of intelligible
speech, is no longer a human being, but the thing it personifies. Their minds
become receptive of the wildest imaginings, and they see the strangest and most
fantastic happenings. If the shaman ejaculates that he is no longer a man but
a bear, forthwith it is a bear that they behold, not a human being; if he says
that the dance-house is full of spirits they will see them in every corner. It is in
this way, apparently, that most of the tales arise of shamans cutting off their
limbs, or flying through the air, or changing to bears and wolves. There may be
conscious fraud in the early stages of a shaman’s career, in some cases perhaps
all through it. Uloksak’s séance when he acquitted me of the charge of murder
was almost certainly fraudulent from beginning to end; yet even he firmly

Shamanism 217

believed in the genuineness of the shamanistic powers of Ilatsiak and of Higilak.
Even if a shaman begins by consciously deceiving his audience, the constant
repetition of the action, combined with auto-suggestion and a belief that others
have done what he is pretending to do, must inevitably lead in most cases to his
deceiving himself. He will accept as true the wildest tales that are told about
him by his audiences, tales that are magnified as they pass from mouth to mouth.

We come now to the other class of shamanistic performance, divination
by lifting. In this the shaman’s familiar, instead of entering his body and
taking possession of him, is supposed to exert its power extraneously by forcing
the shade of some dead man or woman to enter the kila and manifest itself and
give answers by its weight... The kila may be either the head or the foot of a
patient, his clothes, or the clothes of the shaman himself. The frequency with
which Higilak employed the method on her own initiative and for her own satis-
faction, together with her indifference to the presence or absence of spectators,
all go to show that she herself firmly believed in its credibility and was totally
unconscious of any deception. She was quite certain that the kila became heavy
or light through the active co-operation of the shade, and imagined herself to
be more sensitive to its changes than other people. I do not mean that she
would have expressed herself in this abstract manner, but that quite plainly she
ascribed the uncertainty that others would often feel about the relative weight
of the bundle to their not being shamans like herself. It is practically certain
that she was deceiving herself unconsciously, and her audience was deceived
both with and by her through their assumption of “spiritual” causes. For even
a casual observer could hardly have failed to notice that her hand worked
differently for the answers “yes” and ‘‘no.” Apparently she first formulated
the answer in her own mind, and the thought unconsciously stimulated a kind
of reflex action in the muscles of her hand, so that the kzla really did seem heavy
when the answer was “yes,” and light when it was ‘‘no.”

In concluding this sketch of shamanism I may remark that nothing that I
actually saw with my own eyes appeared to suggest the operation of any spiritual
or mental forces with which we ourselves are not perfectly familiar. Hysteria,
self-hypnosis, and delusion caused by suggestion are well-known to every
psychologist and medical practitioner, and everything that I witnessed could be
explained on one or other of these grounds. The natives have many tales of
far more wonderful phenomena, phenomena which, if true, would be as mysteri-
ous and inexplicable as the much-discussed walking over red-hot stones that is
practised by a certain Fijian tribe. But of these marvels I myself saw nothing,
and until we have the evidence of some more critical eye-witness than the
Eskimo himself, it is safest perhaps to attribute them to the over-wrought
imaginations of a people whose knowledge of the workings of our universe is far
more limited even than our own; a people who have no conception of our
“naturallaws”, but in their place have substituted a theory of spiritua . causation
in which there is no boundary between the possible and the impossib e.

18ometimes the natives appeared to regard this shade as the offended power responsible for their
misfortunes, in which case they tried to intimidate it or to propitiate it with fair words; sometimes as
some other shade that was trying to obstruct their enquiries, or else was friendly towards them and
prepared to help them with its superior knowledge. In one instance it was not a shade at all, but the
familiar spirits that I was believed to control.
e

218 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

CHAPTER XVII
AMUSEMENTS!

It might have been expected that in a land where nature runs to extremes,
where at one season of the year every hour of the day is flooded with radiant
sunlight, at another only a brief interval of twilight breaks the constant gloom,
the natives would have evolved an unusually large number of games and
pastimes to relieve in the one case the monotony of the everlasting quest for
food outdoors, in the other the tedium of their half-sedentary existence within.
But in summer the strenuousness of their migratory life allows them little time
for any amenities that do not contribute directly to the general welfare; more-
over hunting and fishing amid new and ever-changing scenes gives them a
variety of experiences that renders more artificial distractions needless. Children,
of course, on whom the cares of life weigh little, will play at every season of the
year, running races, or rolling in the snow, or splashing in the water on the
margins of the lakes and rivers; but even they in summer are forced to seek
their pleasures in the constant round of duties rather than in any organized
games, partly through lack of playmates, and partly through the ceaseless
activity that characterizes Eskimo life at this season of the year. It is in winter
that the need for recreation arises. Some games are limited to this season,
being forbidden at all other times; cat’s cradles is one of them, and the hoop
and pole another. Other pastimes, such as wrestling, may be indulged in at
any season, but in actual fact they are seldom practised except in winter.

We may conveniently divide the pastimes of the Copper Eskimos into three
classes, children’s games, games that require special implements or toys, and
athletics. One of the commonest of the children’s games is “‘hide and seek.”
Half of the children form a ring, keeping their eyes fixed on the ground,
while the other half run away and hide. The seekers occasionally intone a
kind of chant e - e - e¢- e - e, before breaking off and beginning their search; more
usually they merely await the signal from those in hiding.2 The latter are
sought out one by one and captured, when they in their turn become the seekers.

Similar to our “tag” are the games of ‘‘wolf” and “raven”. One child is
made the hunter; the others run off, flapping their arms and croaking like ravens
or leaping and howling like wolves. Whoever is caught first then becomes the
hunter. Adults as well as children sometimes play this game, especially at
halts during a migration, when exercise is needed to keep up the circulation of
the blood.

In another game a number of children, all facing in the same direction, cling
together within a circle of rope. A child in front turns around and faces the
rest, and as they try to grab him he backs away against the rope. Thus the
whole party is dragged forward until finally one or more of the children trip
over and fall to the ground.

Little children have a guessing game that resembles “hidden ball.” The
seeker has to guess which of a number of players has hidden some object under
his coat. A modification of this game is often played by two children only.
Sitting opposite, one closes his eyes while the other takes a sliver of wood or
any convenient object and hides it, usually on the shoulder or at the side of his

1For comparisons with other Eskimo areas see the memoir by Stuart Culin, Bureau of American
Ethnology, Vol. 24. I have added one or two references to later works.

; °Cf. Meddelelser om Grgnland, Vol. XXX, p. 317. At Barrow, Alaska, the seekers have a proper
refrain.

Amusements 219

companion. The child then opens his eyes and glances round to see where it
lies. If he fails to find it immediately, his rival will point it out with a whoop
of delight, then close his eyes in his turn.

Often they have silence competitions. A child says ika, and everyone
keeps perfectly quiet. The first to break the silence is greeted with roars of
laughter and loses the game.1. Then there are competitions in drinking seal
broth, the last one to drain his. cup being ridiculed and called by the name of
some decrepit old person. ;

Fig. 62. Children playing “tag”, Dolphin and Union strait

!

The children naturally have many pastimes that imitate the actions of
their elders. Girls make dolls out of scraps of skin, and clothe them like real
men and women. Their mothers encourage them, for it is in this way that they
learn to sew and to cut out patterns. Both boys and girls play at building
snow houses. In summer, with only pebbles to work with, they simply lay out
the ground plans, but in winter they borrow their parents’ snow-knives and
make complete houses on a miniature scale. They trace too figures of men and
animals in the snow, and carve them out of single blocks; for example, two
small boys one day set up a snow-rabbit on top of a hill; one ran and stabbed it
through the heart with his knife, while the other completed its demolition by
slicing off its head. Sometimes they make toy sleds of ice, like the real ones
that are used by their parents in emergencies. One of their games in which the
adults sometimes join imitates the killing and cutting up of a bearded seal.
A child lies flat on the ground while the others gather around him and pull him
about as though they were hewing him to pieces. In Victoria island the children
spent an idle summer’s day partly in splashing about in a neighbouring lake,
partly in setting up rows of stones and turf, inyukhuwit, as for a caribou drive,
and digging shallow pits, tallut, from which they launched their shafts at imagin-

ary deer.

1At Barrow, Alaska, when a child says mak or tam all the rest must keep silence. The first to break
it loses the game; if a boy he will marry an old woman, if a girl an old man.

220 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

Of the games that require special toys or implements one of the commonest
is “hoop and pole,” played by the children in winter. The hoop, titkat or titkat-
tak, is made of willow and has a diameter usually of some fifteen inches, while
the ‘pole’ is merely a stick two or three feet long. Sometimes they bowl their
hoops at random along the ground and throw their sticks through them, some-
times they fling the hoops into the air and try to catch them on their sticks as
they fall. :

Fic. 63. Children making houses of pebbles, Colville hills

Two other toys, the bull-roarer, ¢milguptak, and the buzz, nilitak, are also
confined to children. The buzz I know from description only, for I never saw
one in their possession. Juggling was another game I never observed, though
it is popular among the Eskimos both east and west of them. Cat’s cradles, on
the other hand, is just as favourite a pastime here as it is elsewhere.? Both
children and adults play a game called fishing, ekaluktok. A number of small
bones from the flippers of a seal are placed in the toe of a shoe and a noose of
sinew set vertically in the heel. The opening is then closed with the left hand
and the bones are shaken down to the heel, when the noose is drawn tight and
taken “al An expert player will always snare one bone in the noose, and usually
several.

Cup and ball is another favourite pastime with natives of all ages. The
Copper Eskimos use, as a rule, only the bone from the upper arm of the bearded
seal. Holes are pierced in both ends of it and in the side of the larger end.
The peg is a short pointed stick of bone. The seal-bone is swung counter-clock-
wise one half revolution, and impaled on the peg in any hole, while the player
counts,.‘‘thumb, first finger, second finger, third finger, little finger,” first for the
right hand, then for the left. If successful in all ten the player swings the seal-
bone one full revolution and catches it on the second, when the game is finished.

1See Stefansson, Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, p. 391.
2A special monograph on Eskimo Cat’s Cradles is in course of preparation.

3Stefansson, Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, p. 125, has an illustration of a type that
I have never seen in Coronation gulf.

Amusements 221

A Bathurst inlet woman who had associated with some Hudson bay (Pallik)
natives said that they played the game in a slightly different manner. The
seal-bone was swung a half-circle while the player counted consecutively the
following rigmarole:

“T sleep, I wake, I rise, I light the lamp, I put on my coat, I put on my
boots, I put on my mitts, my knife I take, I open the door, I go outside, my
long knife I take, I look around, I look round again, I gaze, I spy (a caribou),
I go towards it, I reach it, I shoot, I shoot again, I shoot again.”

From the first ‘I shoot” the seal-bone is swung one complete circle and
caught during the second. At the last word ‘I shoot again,” when the caribou
is supposed to be killed, the player says ‘“‘ I am dead” and the game is finished.

If he misses at any stage he hands the toy to his rival, and whoever is ‘‘ dead”’
first wins the game.

Bathurst inlet natives who visited our station in the early spring of 1916
were responsible for the introduction of a new game, nugluak, into that region.
The natives had learned it from the Eskimos of Backs river, so that it has
evidently spread north from Hudson bay.! About a dozen men and women
were playing it in May beside our station. A short flat bone plate about two
inches long was made fast by cords of sinew to the ridge pole of the tent above
and to a large stone on the floor below, so that it was suspended taut some.
two feet above the ground. A small hole had been drilled in the middle of
the plate, and the natives, sitting all round in a ring, tried to push darts through
it, the darts being shafts of wood from two to four feet long pointed with horn.
They were all spearing at once, and their darts rattled together and pushed
each other away; the plate too quivered and shook, so that sometimes a minute
would elapse before one of them penetrated the hole. As one player grew
tired and withdrew another took his place. Half their days for nearly a week
were spent in this idle occupation. It was the only game, as far as I know, in
which the natives gambled. They would stake knives and cartridges and
powder and almost anything else they had, and the same knife would pass
through several hands in the course of a single day.

We come now to the more athletic games and pastimes, practiced on
stormy winter days in the dance-house, or, in some cases, during sled migrations.
Often a stick would be pushed into the side of a sled so that it projected hori-
zontally about threefeet above the ground, and one after another the men and
women would jump up and kick it with the toes of both feet simultaneously.
Novices often fall on their backs in this game, a castatrophe that invariably
provokes much laughter.

Skipping is a pastime enjoyed by both sexes, mainly of course by the
young, although I have seen adult men skipping during a migration when the
train had stopped to rest; in such cases it serves the double purpose of amusing
them and of keeping them warm. The Eskimos skip rather differently from
us. The rope, which is usually a dog-trace, is swung by two players under
the feet of the skipper, then back in the opposite direction. It is thus made
to circle backwards and forwards, now in one direction, now in the other, while
the skipper hops alternately on each foot. Occasionally he may try to circle
round, but usually the rope catches in his feet after the first or second turn.
The rope being of raw hide, and very hard, the natives often tie a strip of polar
bear skin round the middle to keep it from bruising the ankles.

Wrestling is practiced by the men only as a rule, though children often
push and shove each other about in an attempt to imitate their elders. The
game usually takes place in the dance-house, especially after a successful seal-
hunt, when the people are rejoicing over their good fortune, or in stormy weather,

1See quotation in Culin, p.472 et seq. Mr. Stefansson mentions a game with the samg name at Baillie
island (Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, p. 348.)

222 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

when the hunters are confined to their huts. Thus one stormy day in the winter
of 1915, after the natives had been dancing for some time in the dance-house,
Uloksak suggested a wrestling match. Some one called out ‘ Hold a séance’’,
and immediately everyone began to talk about the ill-luck they had been
experiencing owing to the constant storms. Uloksak, however, laid aside the
drum he had just been using, and began the tournament by throwing his arms
around one of the men and dragging him into the ring. Tripping with the feet
is not allowed in these contests; each man grasps his opponent around the neck
with one arm, and around the waist with the other, and tries by sheer strength
to throw him off his feet. A short man is therefore at a great disadvantage,
although he may be quite as strong and active as his opponent.

In the dance-house too the natives often practice some simple acrobatic
feats. A stout line of bearded seal-skin is passed through two holes in the roof
and clamped with two strong wooden poles.! Hanging by his hands the native
circles round till his toes are almost touching the rope; then he swings violently
back in a half-circle and comes to an upright position, his body balanced against
the rope with the weight resting on the hands. From this position he swings
round again in a half-circle, throws his legs violently out and swings back again.
The exercise is continued until the performer becomes tired or fails to maintain
his balance. Very few of the natives, however, could accomplish the feat at
all. The women never attempted it, though they sometimes joined in a simpler
exercise in which two small loops were made in the rope about a foot apart.
Hanging by these the performer circled round and placed a foot in each loop,
then released his hands, and hung at full length downwards with his head
almost touching the floor. From this position he had to draw himself up again,
grasp the loop with his hands, release his feet and drop to the floor.

Foot-ball, or hand-ball, for the ball is both kicked along the ground and
thrown from hand to hand, is played occasionally by the natives of Bathurst
inlet, who learned it, Tlatsiak said, from the Netsilik Eskimos. The ball,
ekitak, is made of hairless deer-skin like the membrane of the drum, but no
information was obtained on how the game itself is played.

Singing and dancing are the main distractions of the Eskimos. Short
stories are sometimes narrated, chiefly in the dance-houses during the winter,
but the Copper Eskimos have not the same passion for them as the natives
farther west. The only musical instrument they possess is the tambourine or
drum, kilaun. Children, and even adults at times, frequently produce a scale
of notes by flipping their finger-nails in succession against their upper incisors,
beginning with the little finger. There can of course be no fixed intervals in
their scale, but different notes are made by the different fingers, through
modifications probably of the cavity of the mouth, though the movement is
difficult to detect.

The drum is merely a circular wooden hoop with a membrane of deerskin
stretched over it. One that the Coppermine river natives were using in the
winter of 1914-15 was made of poplar obtained near Great Bear lake. The
flat lath had been curved round to a rough oval, and the overlapping ends
riveted with iron nails. The rim was 7 cm. wide and 2 cm. thick, and the two
inside diameters were 85.5 cm. and 77 cm. The handle was a short stout
piece of poplar 16 cm. long without any ornamentation; it was notched at one
end to fit the rim, to which it was lashed with strands of plaited sinew. The
membrane was simply a scraped caribou skin lashed around the rim with
cod-line. A new membrane was fitted on during my visit. Three men held
the skin taut over the frame while a fourth drew tight the lashings. The edge
of the membrane where it protruded below the lashing was wound round a
stick, and levered down so that the parchment was stretched still tighter. One

1Cf. Amundsen, Vol. II, pp. 17-18.

Amusements 223
or two small holes in the skin were left unpatched, as the drum when tested
proved to be sufficiently resonant. The Eskimos never tune their drums to
any particular note, but if they show sings of slackness and loss of resonance
they rub a little water over the surface. The drum-stick is an ordinary heavy
baton, perfectly plain; the one used by the Coppermine natives was 33 cm.
long. The Eskimos often cover it with seal-skin where it strikes the rim; for
the musician, who holds the drum above his head, strikes not the parchment,
bus the wooden rim on its under side, first on one side of the handle, then on the
other.

fee

(Photo by G. H. Wilkins.)
Fia. 64. Angivranna, a Coppermine river native, beating a drum

All the songs of these Eskimos, except incantations and a few children’s
rhymes, are dancing songs. They are divided into two classes: the aton and
the pisik. A pistk is sung when the dancer himself wields the drum, an aton
when the drum. is either dispensed with altogether or is beaten by some one
in the ring, the audience sustaining the song while the dancer executes a kind
of jig in the centre; the distinction, however, is not always preserved. Both
kinds of dancing, together with the ceremonial circling of ‘‘dancing-associates”
around each other, took place at Bernard harbour when the Eskimos of Bathurst
inlet met those of Dolphin and Union strait.

Many of their songs have what may be called standard tunes, to which the
native will often improvise words of his own instead of the regular words. Thus
the day after we reached their settlement the Coppermine river Eskimos had a
song about us, which was simply a new set of words adapted to an old tune.
Ikpakhuak was so amused over an adventure of mine with a wolf that before I

224 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

had finished my story he had improvised a song about it; wherever he was at a
loss for any word he simply filled up the gap with the meaningless syllables az

é yanga.

ns The most usual dance is the pisik, and the natives always commence with
this. The dancer, whether a man or a woman (for the Copper Eskimos make no
difference in this respect), begins with a few beats of the drum as though testing
it, then holds it up in both hands and waves it up and down, or else taps the
middle of the membrane lightly on the under side. Then he starts his song,
balancing himself alternately on either foot. The audience join in when they
recognize the words, and as soon as the song is going with a good swing the man
begins his dance proper, beating his drum, swaying his body and circling round
the ring to the accompaniment of the music. Often he lowers his drum towards
the end of the refrain, raps it in the middle a few times and starts the next verse
lest his audience may -have forgotten the sequence. The time of the music is
always very irregular. If the tune runs too high up the scale at any place the
men drop an octave for a few notes. The dancer will call on his audience to
sing louder if the chorus is not maintained with full vigour, and will himself
raise his voice to its highest pitch. Not infrequently though, if the song is a new
one, his audience: will tell him to change it and he has to begin over again. It
is very amusing sometimes to see the wife vigorously leading the singing when
her husband is dancing, so that he will be spurred on to put forth his best efforts.
A father will often do this for his favourite child, or he will shout words of en-
couragement and advice. Wild whoops of joy from the dancer always greet
support from the ring.!

The Eskimos wear their finest clothes in the dance-house, clothes with
coloured bands and tasselled fringes. They are often hung with trophies, such
as the teeth or claws of a polar bear, or the knuckle-bones of the seal.2 The
white skin of the weasel, worn either on a parti-coloured dancing cap surmounted
by a loon’s bill or on the back of the coat, is a particularly favourite ornament.
Relatives, especially wives, frequently borrow these ornaments when it comes
to their turn to dance. Ikpakhuak wore a beautifully striped cap at a dance
one evening; half an hour later his niece was wearing it; then soon afterwards
his nephew. Fashion ordains the wearing of gloves while dancing, and whenever
possible, even in the spring and summer, the feet should be shod with the winter
shoes of white seal-skin, especially the kind called twatuatsiak, which are crimped
all round the bottom and have a black triangular insertion over the toes. Hence
one occasionally sees a curious medley of costumes in the spring; some of the
natives will be wearing their finest winter clothes, while others who have cached
their property on the sea-shore are forced to appear in their oldest garments,
with their feet tucked into long water-boots.

When the Puivlik and Kanghiryuak natives met at Lake Tahiryuak in
the beginning of June, 1915, the occasion was celebrated by every variety of
dancing known to these Eskimos. A dance-house was erected in a deep snow-
drift at the foot of a bank. Only the walls were built of snow, the roof being
formed of deerskins and the cloth covering of my sled, as the heat of the sun at
this time of the year would have melted a dome of snow. On the first day only
one Kanghiryuak family had arrived, Kunana and his wife Allikammik, with their
little baby and a young man named Imerak. Ikpakhuak was the most influential
man in our party, so it was only natural that his wife Higilak should lead off in
the dancing. Despite her portly figure she danced very well, and gave a good
exhibition of the ordinary pistk in which she beat the drum herself. She called
out her visitor Allikammik to run around her, first in one direction, then in the

1A special memoir on Copper Eskimo music will be published later in this series, based on a large
collection of phonographic records now stored in the Victoria Memorial Museum of the Department of
Mines, at Ottawa.

2A Prince Albert sound native wore at a dance a complete set of polar bear’s claws suspended in pairs
around his coat like a belt.

Amusements 225

other, thus making her a “‘dancing-associate.” Allikammik then retired to the
ring again, and the two women ratified their friendship by shaking their noses
within an inch of each other.

During all this time the singing had continued uninterruptedly,: though
Higilak had lowered her drum and stopped beating. She now resumed her dance,
and as soon as it was ended handed the drum to Allikammik and executed an
impromptu jig on her own account, accompanied by wild whoops that testified
to her joy at the meeting. It was now Allikammik’s turn. She was very angular
in figure, and danced awkwardly, with many jerks and spasms. She laboured,
too, under the difficulty of dancing without a full chorus, for the song she started
was known only to her husband (and perhaps also to Imerak, but he did not
attempt to sing). Ikpakhuak and Higilak gallantly attempted to pick up the
tune out of courtesy, but all the rest stood around in silence. Allikammik
returned Higilak’s compliment by calling her out to run around her, as she had
done before. Afterwards some of the Puivlik natives privately ridiculed her
dancing, and made rather a laughing-stock of her, but this was partly due to
Higilak, who was somewhat jealous of the attentions that Allikammik paid to
Ikpakhuak.

Ikpakhuak then took the drum and entered the ring. He was a celebrated
dancer, and with lively but graceful movements sprang round and round the
ring, leaping on alternate feet, and whirling the great drum to and fro while
the low canvas roof puffed up and down with its wind. He struck the drum on
the far side of the handle, then, as he swung it back, brought it to a stop on the
stick with very little noise; other natives who were less expert made the return
swing resound almost as much as the full stroke itself. At the beginning of his
dance he called Allikammik out to run around him, then a little later both her
and her husband Kunana: the latter, according to custom, took the inside
course, the place of honour, allowing his wife to drop back into the ring while
he ran back in the opposite direction. He succeeded Ikpakhuak with the drum,
for it is the prerogative of two “dancing-associates’ to follow one another.
Nearly everyone in the company knew his song, so the chorus swelled with some
volume; but he was not nearly so skilful a dancer as Ikpakhuak, and moved
about very little. During his dance he called out Ikpakhuak and Higilak to run
around him, the latter, like Allikammik, running on the outside and leaving
her husband to return alone.

The ceremonial portion of the program was now ended, for the visitors had
received their formal welcome. It would have been very unnatural, however,
to stop a dance in which everyone was finding so much enjoyment, so Okalluk
took the drum and entered the ring. His voice was very hoarse and raucous,
and he moved about very little, but he compensated for this by flourishing the
drum with great vigour and banging it till we were all nearly deafened. Higilak
left the dance-house at this stage to attend to her cooking in the camp above.

Kesullik followed Okalluk, and, after him, Kanneyuk; the former was
called out by Avranna. He forgot the words of his song in the very middle
and broke down for a moment, but recovered again amid a good deal of laughter.
The drum, which had been made by Ikpakhuak, was obviously too big and
heavy for him, and he handled it rather awkwardly, keeping his feet widely
apart and jerking his body spasmodically. Kanneyuk, though a mere child,
was much more skilful, and even though she had to lower the drum from time to
time on account of its weight, her dancing never stopped for a moment and she
continued to beat it just the same.

Avranna took the drum when she had finished, but his dance had hardly
started when a sled was sighted and everyone rushed out to welcome the new-
comers. It was too late in the day to begin another formal dance, so this was
postponed until the morrow. Some of the Puivlik natives, however, went back

23335—15

226 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

to the dance-house and amused themselves drumming and singing. A few of
them slept there that night, as the skins of their tents had been used on its roof.
Kunana, before retiring to his tent, sewed two fur strings on the right shoulder
of Higilak’s coat in token of their new-formed friendship.

The following morning the natives donned their finest clothing in prepar-
ation for the dance in honour of the new-comers, Nilgak and his wife Utuaiyok.
Pissuak was an old friend of Nilgak, his dancing-associate in fact, so he naturally
opened the welcome. Puivlik and Kanghiryuak natives followed each other in
almost regular sequence; Pissuak (Puivlik), Utuaiyok (Kanghiryuak), Avranna
(P), Imerak (K), Milukkattak (P), Higilak (P), Kunana (K), Ikpakhuak -(P),
Allikammik (K), Avranna (P), Utuaiyok (K), Pissuak (P), Nilgak (K) and
Kullak (P).. When Pissuak danced he called out his friend’s wife, Utuaiyok, to
run around him, she called out both Pissuak and Avranna, then Avranna called
her out in return, Imerak summoned Milukkattak, and she reciprocated immedi-
ately afterwards, while Kunana called out, first Higilak, then Ikpakhuak, then
Higilak again, and Ikpakhuak had to respond by calling out Kunana’s wife
Allikammik, and afterwards Kunana himself. Avranna in his second dance

called out Utuaiyok, she called out both him and Pissuak, then Pissuak again
alone, Pissuak called out both her and her husband together, and then Nilgak
called out Pissuak.

Fic. 65. Copper Eskimos holding a dance in the dance-house, from a drawing by the
Mackenzie river Eskimo Palaiyak

All the dances on the preceding day had been of the pisik type, the dancer
that is, had also beaten the drum. But on this occasion several of the aton type
were given. Higilak began the change. On entering the ring she rapped the
drum a few times to get her song well started, then handed the instrument to
Allikammik and the stick to Kunana, and executed a wild kind of jig, waving
her arms in the air and swinging around on both feet, only roughly in time with
the music. Sometimes she would call on the spectators to sing louder, and swell
the chorus herself with her voice; at other times she would utter whoops and
shouts of joy, interspersed with remarks to the singers, remarks such as, “‘Aren’t
we glad the Kanghiryuarmiut have come.” Ikpakhuak, who danced in a
similar manner, executed all kinds of fancy evolutions, proving his complete
mastery of the art of dancing as far as the Eskimos practise it. He began with
a pisik, then handed the drum and stick to Allikammik, and gave one aton
without the drum, then a second with Avranna beating it for him. His second
aton therefore coincided exactly with the men’s dance among the Mackenzie

Amusements 227

river and northern Alaskan Eskimos. Pissuak and Allikammik both gave aton
dances, preceded by a pisik. . The latter was carrying her baby on her back when
she began, but finding it too heavy, she handed it over to her husband. The
Kanghiryuak natives gave a return dance on the following day, and others were

held as long as the two groups remained together; they were less formal than
those described, but otherwise differed in no essential respect.

1Cf. Stefansson, My Life with the Eskimo, p. 186.

23335—153

228 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

CHAPTER XVIII
PSYCHOLOGY AND MORALITY

There are two standpoints from which we may treat of the psychology of
any given people. In the first place we may select a dozen or twenty individuals,
regard them as typical of the whole group, and subject them to elaborate experi-
ments that will test their emotional susceptibilities and intellectual powers.
We should then try to differentiate between their inherent and their acquired
qualities, that is to say, between the qualities that are inherited from one gener-
ation to another and those that are superimposed on these either by deliberate
training or by the influence of the environment. Generalizing from the data
thus obtained, we may arrive at certain conclusions regarding the psychology
of the people as a whole and the characteristics that mark them off from other
peoples. But a study of this nature, so full of traps and pitfalls even to the
trained psychologist, is quite beyond the reach of an ordinary layman. More-
over, as far as the Copper Eskimos are concerned, no one has ever undertaken
the necessary experiments.

The second standpoint that we may take, if less scientific in the technical
sense of that term, is at least equally valuable. The method adopted is the
method of the legislator and the trader, the traveller and the missionary. Regard-
ing the people as a single group, studying their culture and watching their be-
haviour under the varying circumstances of life, we single out those traits which
seem to mark the majority of its individual members and make them character-
istic of the people as a whole, without troubling to enquire whether these traits
are innate or acquired, the outcome of hereditary factors or the result of education
and environment. An analysis of this kind, being more or less empirical, can
only be approximately accurate, and when applied to individual cases will be
found to fall very wide of the truth. Nevertheless it is largely on such an
analysis, conscious or unconscious, that foreigners must always base their
judgmentsand their relations, whether it be, for example, a legislature framing laws
for its alien subjects or a Hudson’s Bay Company factor trading with Indians or
Eskimos. Even though it lacks therefore the precision and exactitude of more
scientific enquiries, it has its practical value. It is the object of the present
chapter to supply such an analysis, and so to round off the conception I have
tried to convey of the life and culture of the Copper Eskimos.

Let us consider first how the limitations of their environment and their
ignorance of the great world outside of them react on the minds of these Eskimos.
Naturally, we find it reflected in the circumscribed range of their ideas, notice-
able more particularly in their topics of conversation. The men are thinking
and talking always of their hunting, their fishing, and their sealing. When the
hunter returns to camp, every little incident of the day, how he saw a caribou
from the top of a ridge, the character of the country, his careful stalking, how
he crawled on hands and knees, what the deer was doing, his shooting, the action
of the wounded animal, how he skinned it, the thickness of its back-fat and the
excellence of its fur, how he packed it home and the other tracks that he came
upon, all these are repeated over and over again, down to the minutest detail,
to everyone who enters the house. The other hunters describe their adventures,
and the women interrupt now and then with a question or an exclamation, or
retail the most recent item of gossip around the settlement. The same questions
are asked, the same requests made again and again, and so the conversation
continues. Even less than with us does it rise to the height of abstract reflection,
or to a contemplation of the nature and purpose of the things by which mankind

Psychology and Morality 229

is surrounded. The very religion of the Copper Eskimos, so far from stimulating
their intellectual growth, has helped to stunt it, although that religion was itself
their own creation, or at least so moulded by them as to fit in with every detail
of their daily life. For it has led them to ascribe every mysterious or simply
unusual phenomenon to a supernatural agency, an explanation that immediately
dampens every impulse to anything in the nature of a scientific enquiry. Incred-
ible and even contradictory assertions (or so they seem to us) are accepted
without question, for there is no boundary between the possible and the impossible
when spiritual forces are free to intervene at any moment. It is not strange
therefore that the Copper Eskimo should be a true Epicurean, holding that life
is a short and uncertain thing at the best, and that the wise man will grasp
at what pleasures he can in his course without stopping to ponder over those
things that do not directly affect his immediate welfare.

It is natural, too, that the natives should believe implicitly in clairvoyance
or second sight. More interesting is their peculiar belief in the projection of the
human will. I stayed one night with two families who were camped at the
mouth of a creek near Cape Lambert in order to spear the migrating salmon.
Hardly any salmon at that time had made their appearance, so just as I was
leaving, one of the natives asked me to “will” that the fish should enter the
creek. That very evening a large shoal of salmon did enter the weir and were
speared. The native came to thank me a few days later; he said, ‘“You bade the
fish come up, so they came, and we have killed large numbers of them.”” With
a similar idea an old man in Coronation gulf begged Dr. Anderson to cherish
good thoughts of him and his family so that they would come to no harm. On
another occasion, when the mosquitoes were plaguing us very badly, Kanneyuk
circled her finger round her eye and cried ‘‘Wind, wind.” She seemed to think
that if you told the weather to clear or a wind to spring up or anything at all
to happen your appeal would very probably take effect. To tease -her I sum-
moned the mosquitoes to come, and she earnestly protested against my action.
During a storm the natives often cry out, ‘Be fine, it is very unpleasant when
the weather is bad, be fine;” or again, ‘“‘We can’t seal when the weather is stormy,
be fine!”’ Several times I have heard Higilak appeal thus to the weather when
her husband was away hunting. It was not the spirit world that the relatives
had in mind when they made these appeals, for once when I added, ‘“‘Hearken
and obey,” they all burst out laughing; rather they seemed to hold that the very
expression of one’s thought, the mere utterance of a wish, in some dim and
obscure manner worked for its fulfilment.1

The intellectual inertia of the natives is apparent in their counting. A
woman wanted to tell me that I had six cartridges. She held up three fingers
and said “three,” pingahut, then again held them up and said “three.” I tried
to make her count consecutively. She began on her fingers ‘‘one, two,” then for
the third finger said ‘‘one” again and, on being corrected, “three.” For the
fourth finger she was quite at a loss, but another native volunteered ‘four.’
Beyond this neither of them had any numerals, though there are words for
both “five” and “six.” Very few of the natives, however, know the word for
six, and in ordinary conversation any number above three is “many.”

It is significant in this respect that not a single native was encountered who
had the slighest conception of a map, with the sole exception of Uloksak. Even
he had only a vague comprehension. He understood that certain lines repre-
sented the coast and others the rivers, and he seemed to be able to picture a
bay as a curve, but he totally failed to comprehend the purpose of a map, and
so could not reproduce on paper his own topographic knowledge. Yet the

1Cf. Stefansson, My Life with the Eskimo, p. 295.

2Cf. Stefansson, Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, p. 343.

3A native of Minto inlet, however, drew an accurate sketch of the west coast of Victoria island for
one of McClure’s people (Armstrong, p. 338 et seg.), and Dr. Anderson saw a Tree river Eskimo draw a toler
able outline of the coast near Bathurst inlet, so that there are evidently a few natives who have vague
notions of topography.

230 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

natives understood pictures without any difficulty, and could draw figures of
human beings, especially their clothing, with some approach to accuracy. There
drawings of animals, however, and even of the implements that they used every
day of their lives, were extremely poor. Probably the making and clothing of
dolls, and the cutting out of skins for their own clothes, when the whole pattern
is present to the mind beforehand, had accustomed them to think abstractly
of the shape and details of the human figure. On the other hand they seldom or
never make toys in the shape of animals as other Eskimos do, and so less often
conceive of the separate details of the animal body and combine them abstractly
into one proportionate whole.

Fie. 66. Okalluk and Tusayok, the former making a cooking-pot from a tin can, the
latter making arrow-heads from an antler .

Another sign of intellectual inertia is their inability to pursue a logical
train of thought. For example, a native will never tell a story straightforwardly
from beginning to end. He starts in the middle, returns on himself to explain
some allusion, and wanders backwards and forwards in this manner until he has
completed all he has to tell. He is easily diverted into another channel or
another subject. Direct questions, unless they are simple requests for an en-
largement on some remark he has just made, almost invariably confuse him,
and he becomes incoherent or silent. This explains to some extent the amazing
variations in the accounts that different natives give of the same event or story
where the words are not stereotyped into fixed formule.

It cannot be said, however, that the Copper Eskimos are altogether lacking
in mental alertness. Their daily conversation proves otherwise, their constant
use of irony, for example, an irony that consists in saying exactly the opposite of
what is meant. Thus when a native remarks to another aiyuwittutin, “You don’t
know how to do it,” he nearly always means ‘You are clever, aren’t you?”
and when Avranna had outstripped the rest of us in his pursuit of two polar bears
his wife proudly remarked, ‘“‘Avranna. is slow, isn’t he? A regular old woman.”
Mental alertness is shown again in the quickness with which they adapt them-
selves to the customs and ways of the white man. They are extremely clever,
too, in imitating the peculiarities and mannerisms of one another. My Puivlik
companions were always mimicking the peculiar voice inflection of the Prince

Psychology and Morality 231

Albert sound natives whom we had met. Nothing gives a native more pleasure,
for instance, than to single out a rival’s or an enemy’s peculiarities and to hold
them up to ridicule. Higilak was thus constantly ridiculing not only the Prince
Albert sound woman Allikammik, but also Ikpakhuak’s first wife, until the
latter foisted her company on Ikpakhuak again and her presence made her
rather too bitter a topic to joke about.

Like all other Eskimos these people display a considerable skill in the treat-
ment of skins, the whittling and carving of wood, and, since iron and brass were
introduced, the working of metal. Their talent for imitation has stood them in
good stead in these matters now that the whites have introduced new tools and
new materials. Iron is beaten into shape just as their copper was, but they are
learning also to temper it with fire. Many of them can take their rifles to pieces
and put them together again. Ikpakhuak had a bullet stuck in the barrel of
his -30-30 Winchester. He fixed it horizontally in the wall of his snow-hut, and
lashed a friend’s rifle to it, muzzle to muzzle. Then with the second rifle he
fired a blank cartridge into his own, with the natural result that he burst the
chamber. Nothing daunted, he tried to weld it together again by hammering
on the crack with a stone, and was much chagrined when he found that a method
he had employed so successfully with copper failed altogether with hard steel.
The women and girls quickly pick up the principle of the sewing machine; after
one or two lessons Kanneyuk could run up a snow-shirt or a pair of trousers in
about an hour without the slightest assistance. The natives had no idea of
twisting the strands of a rope together, or of splicing, up to the time we left
their country, but probably before ten years are over there will hardly be a
native who is not expert at both these accomplishments. Fox-trapping on an
extensive scale is another new departure in their lives, yet they have already
adopted all the tricks and devices known to the old trappers in the west.

All these changes indicate the possession of great imitative powers, but
little or no originality. The children seemed to be more keen intellectually
than their elders, a feature that is common, I fancy, to most, if not all races,
whether civilized or uncivilized. They would always grasp what I was trying
to say more quickly than the older people, and generally picked up our ways
more readily. It is interesting td notice that the inability of the whites to
understand their language was frequently ascribed to defective hearing, and the
remark or request would be repeated in a louder tone, the natives often forgetting
or failing to realize apparently that their language was not intelligible to for-
eigners. There were great individual differences in intelligence, however, just as
there were in manners. Some of the natives were very dull and stupid, and one
or two seemed almost half-witted. The majority seemed fairly intelligent in
all matters with which they were familiar, and soon adapted themselves to new
conditions that did not differ radically from the old. A very few displayed
marked intelligence and shrewdness. This was especially noticeable in the case.
ofthe two shamans, Ilatsiak and Uloksak, but whereas the former employed his
superior intelligence in promoting the welfare of his fellow tribesmen, Uloksak
used his for purely selfish ends; the one man therefore was honoured and esteemed
for his wisdom and public spirit, the other disliked and feared because of his
unscrupulousness and his cunning.

The Copper Eskimos are rather open in their natures as a people, but
certain individuals displayed considerable cunning. Uloksak was perhaps
the most conspicuous example, as the following episode will illustrate. There
was a simple-minded old man named Kingodlik who bought a rifle from us in
the winter of 1915-16. He kept it inside his hut against the snow wall at the back
of his sleeping platform, but at Uloksak’s suggestion removed it to the parapet
that ran round the outside of the house, where it lay wrapped in an old deerskin
coat securely lashed with a stout sealskin thong. One day it disappeared from
the parapet. Some one suggested that the dogs must have dragged it away,

232 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

and, after chewing up the line and the coat, left the rifle buried somewhere
beneath the snow; but no traces of torn skin were visible anywhere, nor were
there any tracks of the dogs’ feet on the parapet. There was every reason
therefore to suspect that some one had stolen it, and the evidence pointed to
Uloksak, for not only had he suggested that the rifle be kept outside the hut,
but he had been heard to remark several times that it was absurd for an old man
like Kingodlik to possess a rifle when he did not know how to use it. Moreover,
no one else in the settlement was likely to have the audacity to steal anything so
valuable as a rifle. The other natives, however, even if they knew, were afraid
to say anything, so Kingodlik appealed to me—he thought “my compass could
tell me where the rifle lay.” It so happened that just at this time Uloksak had
been engaged to tell me some folk-lore, on the agreement that if he proved
satisfactory I would give him a -30-30 Winchester rifle in exchange for his .44.
That evening, as we sat alone in my tent with only my interpreter Patsy present,
I said to him, ‘When everyone has gone to bed you take Kingodlik’s rifle and
put it on my sled.” Uloksak raised his eyebrows, assenting, then a moment
afterwards, recollecting himself, he said ‘Oh, but I don’t know where it is. |
Probably the dogs have dragged it away and it is buried somewhere under the
snow.” I insisted, however, that a great shaman like himself should be able to
find it, and said that until it was recovered I would neither trade with the natives
nor exchange his rifle. Nothing happened for two days. On the third morning
a crowd of Eskimos poured into my tent and woke me up—the rifle was found.
Uloksak, they said, had taken his own rifle that morning to shoot a raven that
had been hovering round the camp for several days (ravens are never molested
as a rule by these Eskimos): Two other natives followed him, and one of them
noticed something dark on the surface of the snow. Thinking it was merely a
piece of drift-wood he would have turned back, but Uloksak ran forward and
picked it up—it was the rifle. Of course the explanation was that the dogs had
dragged it there when they tore up the coat!

The Copper Eskimo, as a rule, displays very little independence in either
thought or action. He follows the multitude, agrees to whatever is said, and
reflects the emotions of those around him. Whenever we laughed the Eskimos
laughed, and when we smiled they smiled. If a man, overwhelmed by grief,
gave vent to his feelings and wept aloud, the natives around him nearly always
wept also. Any individualist like Uloksak, therefore, is fairly certain to become
a man of note and influence. The easy merging of one man’s will in another’s
makes for the ‘‘tolerance” of Eskimo society, wherein each person may do what
he wishes without any interference from the rest. It partly accounts, too, for the
ease with which these natives are dominated by Europeans, their pliant natures
yielding readily to the aggressiveness of the outsider. Generally speaking they
have little strength of character. Even Uloksak, bold as he was, became humble
and obsequious when he was confronted with a charge of stealing ammunition
and his rifle was held in bond until he should either clear himself or restore the
stolen articles. Nanneroak, a native of a rather similar type, carried off a case
of pemmican from our station. A sled party pursued him, recovered some of
the pemmican, and compelled him to pay two boxes of cartridges for the quantity
that he had consumed. The loss of the ammunition was a serious blow, but
neither Nanneroak nor his kinsmen had the courage to resist, though they out-
numbered the sled party four times over. All this would seem to point to an
undeveloped personality. Correspondingly, the gregarious instinct is very
strongly marked. It is displayed, for example, in the dances that are held all
through the winter, and in the use of the dance-house as a kind of club. It was
probably this instinct, rather than any consideration of increased comfort, that
led to the adoption of double and triple houses.

To the imperfect development of personality we may perhaps ascribe the
deficiency of the natives in a proper sense of responsibility. For instance, a

Psychology and Morality . 233

man will be running ahead of the sled, making the trail for the dogs to follow.
A seal-hole attracts his attention, his curiosity gets the better of him, and he
turns aside to examine it; or it may be that a deer-track crosses his trail, and he
will follow it for a hundred yards or so, even when there is absolutely no prospect
of securing the animal. The result is that the dogs become entangled in each
other’s traces and a fight ensues, in which one or more may be injured. Again
the inability of the natives to pursue a logical train of thought finds its counter-
part in the lack of consistency in their purposes. A native will decide to spend
the summer on Victoria island; but a day or two later he takes a sudden whim
and joins a party bound for the Coppermine river! Thus they change their
purposes from day to day, and, generally speaking, a plan deferred is a plan lost.

The conduct of even the older people is often marked by a naive childishness
and simplicity. Ikpakhuak, usually so dignified, would scuffle with Higilak and
playfully give her a slap, while Avranna and Milukkattak, sitting opposite,
would make faces.at one another or mock each other’s words, then embrace
with shouts of laughter. Their emotions as a rule lie very close to the surface;
they have little of the stoicism so characteristic of the American Indian. Weep-
ing fits are not uncommon; some one mentions a relative who has recently died
and begins to weep, whereupon the whole audience weeps in sympathy, not
excluding the men. Twice during migrations I saw Kesullik lean against his
sled and weep, for no apparent reason; the fit would pass over in a few minutes
and he would chatter again as usual. Some of the natives are more prone to
tears than others. Itokanna paid a visit to an elder sister in another settlement.
The sister buried her face in her hands and wept for joy, but Itokanna sat calmly
beside her without a trace of emotion on her face; she was more stolid, however,
than the average native. Uloksak induced one of our western Eskimos to clip
his hair. His second wife was very much opposed to the operation, and sat on
the floor till it ended with the tears streaming down her face. It required much
coaxing on the part of her husband to restore her good humour, and induce her
to seal a peace by pressing noses.

The majority of the natives are extremely curious, although a few of them
keep this feeling fairly under control. They like to pick up and examine every-
thing, to turn a thing over and see what is inside. This was often very annoy-
ing to us, although occasionally it led to rather amusing results: Nik, for
example, Aksiatak’s wife, tasted some cayenne pepper one day, and another native
who liked to help himself to our sugar took a mouthful of salt that was left out for
him. Some of the older men, however, were models of courtesy and good-breeding,
as far as these qualities were understood by the natives. They never imposed their
company on us, for example, whenever it was obvious that we wanted to remain
alone, and when they did visit us they bore themselves with dignity and respect.
In their own houses, too, they always received us as honoured guests, and did
their utmost to make us comfortable. The younger men, on the other hand,
partly through inexperience of life’s vicissitudes, partly through the contamin-
ation of foreign influence, were more forward and assuming. Just as among
Europeans, however, there were very many different types. Some were very
timid and alarmed by anything they could not understand, such as the phono-
graph or the magnetic needle, others were bold and inquisitive, or sly and
cunning, and a few, a very few, frank and straightforward. The majority were
cheerful and light-hearted, inclined to be talkative and, in some cases, even
garrulous. Their gay and care-free natures make suicide an extremely rare
occurrence; in fact I do not remember hearing of more than one case, and that
was due not to any morbid weariness of life, but to terror of the revenge that
might be exacted for a crime that the man had committed. Some of them are
very quick-tempered, and the majority of the murders that occur are committed

1Cf. Stefansson, My Life with the Eskimo, p. 270.

234 ' Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

in a momentary heat of passion provoked by some scornful or sarcastic remark.
If a native makes a serious mistake without being greatly to blame—for example,
if he unwittingly startles a herd of caribou—he will talk about it for days after-
wards in a tone of disappointment or regret. On the other hand if he is blamed
for some action—as when I scolded Avranna for using a tiny pair of scissors on
a heavy sealskin, with the inevitable result that the scissors broke immediately
—he is liable to become very sullen and brood over it for a long time. His anger
may pass off after a night’s sleep, but sometimes it leads to a violent outburst,
when the man will probably pack up his things and move off to another place.

mes

(Photo by J. J. O’Neill)
Fic. 67. An Eskimo woman and her dog, both carrying packs, Port Epworth

Children show the same individual variation. One will be bold and merry,
another bashful and shy, a third forward and presuming, and a fourth an abomin-
able meddler. Two or three children were what we should call ‘‘prudes,’’ while
one little girl, Tupik, whom I noted as particularly charming (she was about 8
years old in 1916), is declared by the missionaries to have no taint of original
weakness or sin, nor to know what wrong is. In many little ways they display
the same sensitiveness as European children. Thus Higilak’s daughter Kanneyuk
slipped on a stone one day and gashed her knee rather badly. Some one noticed
her crying and asked her what was the matter, but she angrily brushed the tears
from her eyes and moved away, ashamed that anyone should have seen her
weeping over a petty injury.

Nearly all the natives have a keen sense of humour. Aksiatak and Anauyak
were unable to find the entrance to our house when first it was built. They
peered through the window and saw Kaminggok inside, who told them to climb
on to the roof and come down the stove-pipe. A little while afterwards the same
native was grinning into a mirror and ejaculating, ‘‘Who is this? What is his
name? Isn’t he handsome?” and other remarks of a similar nature that kept
his companions in a perpetual state of laughter. A cold snap overtook us once
on Victoria island when some of our party had no proper shelters. Higilak,
sitting comfortably inside her tent, told me to call out, ‘(Good luck to you people
who have no tents.” An awkward dancer is sure to be the butt of the other natives,
for, like all Eskimos, these people are excellent mimics.!. Children especially

1Cf. Richardson, p. 211.

Psychology and Morality 235

are fond of mimicking their elders, even their own parents. Practical jokes,
while seldom indulged in, are usually taken with great good-humour. A native
who had been sampling some of our foods was given a little strong horse-radish.
The tears came into his eyes and he choked, but he swallowed it gamely never-
theless and grinned over it afterwards. On the other hand there is a good deal
of back-biting and scandal-mongering, especially among the women, who will
sit and talk scandal for hours. Mikinrok and Higilak were gossiping about
Kullak one day, and on the following day Higilak and Kullak were talking scan-
dal of Mikinrok. The men, who live a more active life out of doors, are naturally
less given to such practices.

To the Copper Eskimo goodness means social goodness, that and no more,

Whatever directly affects the welfare of the community as a whole is morally

‘good or bad, while whatever relates to the individual alone, or affects the com-

munity so remotely that its influence is barely perceptible to their short-sighted
view, is neither good nor bad. The foremost virtues therefore are peacefulness
and good-nature, courage and energy, patience and endurance, honesty, hos-
pitality, charity towards both the old and the young, loyal co-operation with
one’s kin and providence in all questions relating to the food-supply. Fair-
dealing (apart from the relations with one’s kin) and truthfulness have only a
secondary place, while sexual purity is hardly considered as coming within the
scope of morals at all.

Their peacefulness has been recorded by earlier observers. Thus Collinson
remarks, ‘‘They have left us with the impression that they are a kind-hearted
well-disposed people . . . . They at first with us carried their knives with the
blade up their sleeves and the haft in the hand, in readiness for immediate use;
but notwithstanding the dread of our firearms may have kept them quiet, I am
inclined to think they are an inoffensive race.’’! The lack of any organization for
war and their avoidance of the Indians (so much in contrast to the Mackenzie
river Eskimos) would alone suffice to prove their peacefulness. A people that
lives by the chase and glories in hand-to-hand combats with such adversaries as
the polar and the brown bear can hardly be lacking in physical courage. But
the Copper Eskimo is the reverse of foolhardy; courage with him is nearly
always subordinated to prudence. Except in his hunting, when the tradition of
a long line of ancestors makes boldness a merit, a native will never accept a
risk unless the odds are greatly in his favour. He will never fight an enemy on
equal terms, but will wait until he can overwhelm him with superior numbers
or strike him behind his back.

A hunting life under Arctic conditions necessarily calls for great energy,
patience and endurance. The Copper Eskimos think nothing of spending twenty-
four hours on a hunt, tramping continually over stony hills without a morsel of
food, and with only a few short halts to rest their limbs and look around them.
In spring I have seen them spend whole days fruitlessly digging one hole after
another through the thick ice of the lakes and jigging their lines without ever
getting a bite. In winter they sit for hours over their seal-holes even in howling
blizzards with the temperature 30° and more below zero Fahrenheit. The
patience instilled in them by hunting becomes engrained in their very natures
and permeates all their social life, so that tolerance and forbearance are two of
the most marked features in Eskimo society. Combined with the lack of a
proper sense of responsibility it leads only too often to a passive looking-on when
an active interference is more called for. Thus the natives will quietly stand by
and witness a robbery or a murder without ever raising a finger. It is no concern
of theirs, they will say, so why should they interfere?

Earlier visitors to the country have extolled also their honesty. Rae notices
that they had a great respect for caches of any kind. ‘On the 30th we reached

1Collinson, p. 286.

236 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

our cache of the 16th, and found it, as well as two others, perfectly safe, not-
withstanding that one, or perhaps all of them, had been seen by the Eisquimaux.’”!
Osborn remarked of the Minto inlet natives that ‘“They seemed very simple
and honest; and when presented with anything, they appeared incapable of
supposing that anyone would give them an article without expecting an equiv-
alent.” 2 Even as late as 1912 Douglas from the region of Great Bear lake
could say, “Everything was all right at the little shack; there were signs that
the Eskimos had made a large camp close to it since we had been there, but.
nothing had been disturbed. Even an axe, an article of inestimable value to
them, was just where it had been left.2 Mr. Stefansson never heard of any
thefts nor learned the native word for “‘stealing.”” 4 Thefts do sometimes occur
nevertheless. Milukkattak was careful to cache a fork that I had given her
when we went to look for the Prince Albert sound natives for fear that the latter
might steal it; and Higilak accused Mikinrok of stealing some of her sinew.
The absolute lack of privacy in their lives, however, makes concealment very
difficult, and partly for this reason, and partly because the average native is
naturally inclined to be honest and upright, theft is comparatively rare among
themselves. Their morality being based on purely social sanctions that hardly
operate outside the community, the same restraint is not always observed towards
strangers, as we found to our cost. Not only did they steal many articles from
our station, but they even robbed one of our caches along the coast, a far more
serious offense in the Arctic.

Much kindness and unselfishness is displayed within each little community.
During my sojourn on Victoria island I had to diet myself for a time on a little
dog-pemmican, in order to recruit my strength after a rather serious illness.
According to native etiquette I should have shared my pemmican with the
Eskimos of the party, who were indeed very partial to it; but almost invariably
they declined it even when they were themselves short of food. One evening
not only did they refuse any pemmican, but they even pressed some of their own
food on me, although they knew there was nothing left for the morning. I
needed it all, they said, and as for them, they could get along very well without
it. Under ordinary conditions the aged and infirm are never abandoned, as
Hanbury says. Haviron, who died in the spring of 1915, received a regular dole
of food from all his kinsmen throughout the winter, though he was confined to
his hut during the whole period and could do nothing to help himself. Whenever
the Eskimos migrated to another sealing-ground he was carried on one of the
sleds, usually, but not always, his son’s. In Victoria island we once left Tusayok’s
old wife all alone for several days with her tent and clothing and a stock of
drying meat, because she was unable to maintain the constant travelling. She
had an ample supply of food, and was perfectly happy and content, for she knew
that her husband and son would rejoin her as soon as they were able. In times
of extreme hardship, when the whole community is faced with starvation, I
have no doubt that the Copper Eskimos would abandon the old and infirm
without much hesitation, but it has apparently never been a regular custom
with them, as it was among other Eskimos.

Improvidence is a charge that has sometimes been levelled against the
Eskimos, but it is certainly not true of those who inhabit the regions around
Coronation gulf. With them it is the duty of every family to preserve carefully
for consumption in the early winter all extra supplies of food that are obtained
between the spring and the fall. The successful hunter who has the largest reserve
on hand in November and December meets with the highest esteem. During
my seven months with the Puivlik natives on Victoria island not a single article

Mourn. Royal Geogr. Scc., Vol. 22, 1852, p. 80.

2Osborn, p. 190.

’Douglas, p. 226.

4Stefansson, Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, p. 131 et seq.
‘Hanbury, p. 156.

Psychology and Morality 237

of food was wasted, or a single serviceable skin thrown away, except during a
few days at the end of August, when several deer carcasses were partially wasted.
Even of these we took the skins, the sinew, the fat and some of the meat; the
rest was left for the foxes and birds. The natives needed the skins for clothing,
but they had more meat on hand than they could use, and we could not remain on
the spot and consume it because the winter was drawing near. Our base was a
hundred miles away, too far for us to pack the meat, while the quantity we were
leaving behind was too small to be worth returning for at some later date. They
did cache some of the carcasses on the slender chance of other natives finding
them the following summer and using the putrid meat for dog-food. The
Copper Eskimos may be accused of short-sightedness in some cases, but hardly
of improvidence. Caribou are plentiful in their country at the present time,
and they know of no reason why they should not always continue so. Conse-
quently, especially in the region between Bathurst inlet and the Coppermine
river, they often killed large numbers of deer for the sake of their skins and left
the meat for the birds and animals; but wastefulness of this kind is common to
all peoples.

Truthfulness is a virtue that varies greatly everywhere with different
individuals. Among the Copper Eskimos there were a few natives whose word
could be relied upon absolutely on every occasion, others who generally told the
truth, but were apt to be influenced by circumstances, and some who would lie
deliberately for little or no reason. Ilatsiak, voicing a common opinion, said
that the thoughts go round and round in the heart, then the words come up
from the body and issue through the mouth. If a man speaks the truth their
course is straight,.but when he lies they twist and curve in their passage upwards
and issue from one corner of his mouth. It is no disgrace to be detected in a lie
for no harm is done to the community; ekkoivaktutin, “You're a liar,” is a common
everyday expression of which no one takes very much notice; the culprit usually
retorts in kind, or else merely laughs, considering it rather a joke that he should
be found out. Their sense of shame, in fact, is not very highly developed; the
majority of the natives merely look foolish, for instance, if caught in the act of
stealing, and repent their clumsiness, not their wrong-doing.

The Copper Eskimos have not escaped that weakness of every people, cultured
or uncultured, viz., a certain insularity and narrow-mindedness that exhibits
itself in the constant laudation of themselves and their own ways and the
depreciation of other communities. It is a kind of personal vanity enlarged to
embrace the group or tribe, and personal vanity is common even among Eskimos.
Uloksak sent us a special invitation to attend at the dance-house when he was
going to dance, and the women delighted to appear at our station dressed in all
the finery they could muster. There are fashions in clothing as imperative as
any fashions among us, and here as everywhere you cannot have fine birds
without fine feathers. A man (or woman) of fashion and influence should pos-
sess, besides two suits of everyday working clothes, one for summer and one for
winter, a thick set of heavy winter clothing for travelling and visiting, and a
lighter set of short-haired summer skins ornamented with coloured bands and
insertions, fringes and appendages of various kinds, to wear in the dance-house
on ceremonial occasions. On its social side the same vanity appears in the fre-
quency with which they extol their own virtues and decry those of their neigh-
bours. Dolphin and Union strait natives would often say to us, ‘‘We are good
people, we never steal. It is the Coppermine river people who steal.” Higilak
tried hard to persuade me that the Noahognik and Prince Albert sound natives
swarmed with vermin, but her people, the Puivlik Eskimos, were absolutely
free. Nevertheless the very simplicity and naiveté of their vanity rendered it
more amusing than obnoxious.

238 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

The social morality of the Copper Eskimos takes no account of personal
cleanliness. I have already mentioned their uncleanliness in the matter of food.
Normally the natives never wash, nor have they any equivalent for soap. In
the winter, indeed, they have no means of washing, for their blubber lamps melt
no more water than is required for drinking purposes. They sometimes rub oil
on their faces in spring, but rather for its soothing effect on their sunburnt skins
than for any other reason. The children enjoy bathing, however, during the
two short months that bathing is possible in this climate, and they seemed to
like washing with soap and water at our station. They clean the nits from each
other’s head and eat them, and swallow the mucus from the nose. Yet these
same people were horrified to see a white man swallow phlegm, and it must be
admitted that they are far less infested with vermin than the Indians or the
Eskimos of the Mackenzie river and of North Alaska. Moreover, however
they may treat their bodies, they are very careful to keep their clothing scrupu-
lously clean and free from all stains and grease spots, with the exception of
course of their ordinary working garments.

Fic. 68. The coming of the missionary. Rev. H. Girling among the Eskimos of Dolphin
and Union strait

Every tribe of Eskimos has been notorious for the levity of its sexual morality,
and the Copper Eskimos are no exception. The entire lack of privacy in their
lives leads to little children of seven and eight years of age knowing more of the
mysteries of sex than many an adult among Europeans. Bluntness and plain-
speaking in such matters might indicate a trait of manners rather than of morals,
were it not that some of the men and a few of the old women exceed the limits
of free speech and find a pleasure in bandying coarse and obscene remarks.
After the strenuous outdoor summer life the confinement of winter, with its
long hours of darkness and its excitation of the emotions through dances and
religious séances, creates an almost morbid sexual activity. The interchange of
wives, while it is not restricted to winter, is far commoner at that period. Avranna
and Uloksak pooled their wives one winter’s night—Avranna’s one wife and
Uloksak’s three. All four women, with the two men and a little baby, crowded

Psychology and Morality 239

naked into a single sleeping bag. Towards morning they separated, Avranna
with two of Uloksak’s wives removing to another sleeping bag, while Uloksak
remained with the other two women and the baby.

Whatever the causes may be sexual immorality is certainly very rife
amongst them, and as certainly disregarded as a matter of no importance.
Even the children are doubtfully pure. A married man deliberately mishandled
a little girl in the presence of other people, and his action met with no condem-
nation. The relatives would doubtless interfere if the children were subjected
to any annoyance, but as long as no trouble arises no one takes any notice. I
never knew of any girl being a mother before she married, for the simple reason
that girls always marry about puberty, and never remain single for any length
of time afterwards, at least not as long as they retain their youth. On the other
hand I never observed any instance of that hospitality so notorious among
other Eskimos, wherein a man lends his wife to his guest. It may occur never-
theless, and an honoured guest who made such a request would certainly be
gratified; but travelling natives are almost invariably accompanied by their own
wives, and cement their friendships, if they so wish, by the regular method of
exchanging wives rather than by borrowing. Of course, in the end, there is very
little difference as far as the results are concerned.

Another trait in the character of the Copper Eskimo is a rather thoughtless
cruelty. I can better explain my meaning perhaps by the apparently para-
doxical statement that while they have much sympathy they have very little
real pity. They grieve at the death or misfortune of their relatives, but they
calmly look on and allow a helpless babe to be murdered without the slightest
compunction. It could not be expected perhaps of a race of hunters that
they should feel any pity for their victims; hence we are not surprised that a
native should allow a wounded deer to lie in agony for hours when by a little
extra trouble he could put an immediate end to its misery. One of Higilak’s
dogs bore a litter of six pups, only two of which could we possibly carry along
with us. It gave Higilak great pleasure to crush the heads of the other four
with a stone; ‘“‘Will you never die?” she cried, as their little bodies lay quivering
on the ground. She called Kanneyuk and myself to watch the slaughter,
but to Kanneyuk’s credit be it said that she fled from the sight with tears in
her eyes.

Notwithstanding such cruelty towards blind and helpless pups, the dogs
that are reared by the natives are treated with great kindness in most cases.!
They have the status of ‘servant children, as it were, and are named, like real
children, after the dead relatives of their owners. I heard a man tell a woman
one day to tie up his “grandfather,” meaning a dog that had the same name
as his grandfather.2, Whenever her dog was nosing about the house Higilak
would ery in a high-pitched, ironically-seductive tone arnennoak, “girl,” and
the dog would slink out of doors again. A dog began to howl one night outside
our tent, and she cried tikitlutin tckitugalluak ““And yet you have reached the
end of your day’s journey.” Of the two pups that she kept in the summer
one was given to Kanneyuk, and both mother and daughter carried them in
the hoods of their coats, or in a bag on their backs, until the animals were strong
enough to walk. Ayallik’s old wife during one winter migration carried a
little pup snug and warm in her boot-leg. In winter dogs with pups are shel-
tered in the house at the back of the sleeping platform, or in a cosy nook especially
constructed for them in the wall; their bed is strewn with willow-twigs, over

IMr. Stefansson’s picture of their life (Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I, p. 241), isnever-
theless a little too rosy. Cf. Parry, Vol. IV, p. 28 et scq.

2Children are never called by the terms of relationship that would be applicable to the persons after
whom they are named. Avranna, for example, never called his child ‘‘father,’”’ though it was named
after his father. This is an important point of difference between the Copper and the western Eskimos,
reflecting the difference in their conceptions of the after-life.

240 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

which is usually laid a seal-skin. The other dogs sleep in the passage, and as
soon as their masters have dined they are called in one after another to drink
a ladle of broth or eat a little seal-meat and blubber; for the strips of lamp
blubber from which most of the oil has been consumed are always reserved
for the dogs, who receive in addition, during seasons of plenty, some of the
meat and the intestines, besides unlimited quantities of blubber still attached
to the skin. As each dog finishes its portion the woman drives it back into
the passage again with a raucous sound as though she were clearing her throat,
and the command is supplemented with a sharp blow from the snow duster
if it dares to delay a single moment. Some dogs are fonder than others of
prowling inside the house among the feet of the visitors, and their owners will
shout at them, ‘You dog, you are always inside, will you never go out?’ It
is not often that the Eskimos strike their dogs, apart from an occasional blow
to drive them out of the house; but whenever they do strike they strike hard.
Inveterate fighters and trouble-breeders naturally receive the most punishment,
and I have seen dogs almost mutilated with a stick. The more usual method,
however, of cooling the passions of a troublesome dog is to tie a string round
its neck and push one of its fore-feet through the loop so that the animal hobbles
along on three legs. In summer, when there is no danger of the limb becoming
frozen, a dog may be left in this condition for two or three days. Dogs always
fare worse in summer, for they are kept constantly tied up by their harnesses
(except when travelling) to prevent them from stealing the meat with which
the camp is littered; and they are muzzled as well when there are caribou in
the vicinity. Instead of the satisfying seal-meat and blubber they receive
only fish-bones, and fish- and caribou-broth, with the entrails and a little of
the lean meat of the caribou when food is plentiful. Then they have to work
harder at this season; instead of hauling a sled ten miles every fortnight or
three weeks they pack an equal distance nearly every day with loads of from
twenty to forty and even fifty pounds on their backs. The sleekest and best-
nourished dogs of winter become lean and scrawny, with their ribs almost
cutting through their skins. Yet their hardships must be attributed to the
conditions under which they live, not to the cruelty of their owners. The
Eskimo knows that his own comfort, if not his very existence, depends on his
dogs, and the better he uses them, the more faithful will be their service. In-
stances of cruelty do occasionally occur, but the majority of the natives are
kind and indulgent masters to their dogs, and reciprocate the affection that
their dogs obviously feel for them.

In concluding this sketch of the life of the Copper Eskimos a few remarks
are necessary about the influence of the handful of white men with whom they
came into contact prior to our expedition. The earliest explorers, such as
Collinson and Rae, lingered too short a time, and had too little intercourse with
them to produce any considerable effect upon their lives. A quantity of iron
was introduced into the country and a feeling of friendliness generated towards
the white man, but beyond this they had little real influence. Hardly more
was effected by Hanbury’s rapid journey along the coast in 1902, or by the
brief sojourns of Captains Klengenberg and Mogg in Victoria island between
1905 and 1907, or even by the visit of Mr. Stefansson in 1910 and of Mr. Stefans-
son and Dr. Anderson in 1911. The first important changes came in when
Messrs. Hornby and Melville established themselves on Great Bear lake in
1908 and Captain J. Bernard reached Coronation gulf with his schooner in
1910. Extensive trading was carried on with the natives, who then for the
first time came into possession of the high-powered rifles that bid fair to revol-
utionize their lives. Fox-trapping, too, became profitable now that they hada

1The Copper Eskimos in speaking to their dogs use either the 2nd person imperative or the 3rd. Thus
they may say either ‘‘kimmik takanna annili’’ Dog down there, let it go out,’ or simply ‘‘kimmik takanna
oa a Dog down there, go out.’’ Cf. Stefansson, Anthrop. Papers, A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, pt. I,
p. 267.

Psychology and Morality 241

market for their skins, and even those natives who never fell in with the white
men began to give some attention to it. The Eskimos were particularly struck
by the fact that many articles of inestimable value to themselves, such as tin
cans, scrap iron and steel needles, were very little prized by the white men, who
set more store on fox-skins and other objects of little use to the natives them-
selves and therefore of small value in their eyes. The white men again were
inferior in hunting, except for the advantage their rifles gave them, and less
hardy and enduring. They were ignorant, too, of the art of harpooning seals
and of building snow huts, so that they could not move from their houses in

Fic. 69. The influx from the west. Christian Jorgenson Klengenberg (a Dane), his wife (an
Eskimo woman from Wainwright inlet, N. Alaska), and their family, all of
whom migrated into Coronation gulf in 1916

winter without their tents. Further they often bought meat from the natives,
or employed them to hunt for them, and the women to sew their clothes. The
journey of the two French missionaries to the mouth of the Coppermine river
in 1913 must have opened the eyes of the Eskimos to the difficulties under
which the majority of white men labour when they try to cope with Arctic
conditions of life and travel. For many different reasons, therefore, the natives
conceived a certain amount of contempt for white men, a contempt that was
only qualified by a desire to gain some of their most valued possessions, their
knives and axes and particularly their rifles and their ammunition. The receipt
of indiscriminate presents, however small their value to the donors, undermined
the dignity and independence of the natives, especially those of the Coppermine
river basin who came more directly under this influence. They quickly dropped
the custom of offering an equivalent for everything they received, and learned
to beg and clamour for everything they saw without the slighest hesitation or
shame. There were still men of grave dignity and self-respect amongst them,
23335—16

242 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

especially at the east end of Coronation gulf, where the people had been ruther
more isolated. ‘There we found them more honest, more hospitable, and more
courteous than the inhabitants of the west end of the gulf and of Dolphin and
Union strait, where many of the younger men and women were shameless beggars
and meddling thieves, who would slyly turn out every bag on one’s sled and
examine or carry off its contents. For them the unprotected stranger was fair
booty, and only the fear of being cut off from all supplies of rifles and ammunition
and other articles on which they were learning to depend prevented them from
‘robbing us more extensively than they did. Even among themselves petty
stealing became more frequent, and detection more difficult. This degradation
in manners and morals was not of course universal. Some of the natives them-
selves deplored it, and used what little influence they had to check their neigh-
bours and bring about more honourable relations. Two or three of the worst
offenders against us received salutary punishments, and the arrest in 1916 of
the two murderers of the Roman Catholic missionaries acquainted the natives
for the first time with the agents of civilized law. In that year an Anglican
mission under the energetic and capable leadership of the Rev. H. Girling took
over our station at Bernard harbour, the Hudson’s Bay Company established a
trading post and several white trappers and traders planted themselves at
various points along the coast. In 1917 a second patrol of the Royal North
West Mounted Police visited Coronation gulf and a post of the Police was
later established at Tree river, and the solitary traveller may now wander with
impunity everywhere provided that he exercises a reasonable amount of tact
and prudence.

Rapid changes are taking place in the culture of the natives, and implements
of iron and steel, rifles, fish-nets, open boats, European textiles and sewing-
machines, European foods, cheap musical instruments and the development of
trapping at the expense of hunting and sealing will work a complete transforma-
tion within the space of a very few years. Already the new culture elements
and the new teachings that are filtering in from the west have profoundly modi-
fied their social and religious ideas, and before the present generation passes
away the primitiveness of the Copper Eskimo will have ceased to exist. How
many will remain by that time, and whether they will be able to take any part
in the development of this region depends largely on the manner in which we
fulfill our trust. For in throwing open their country to outside invasion we
have incurred a heavy responsibility towards the natives. We may increase
the security of life among them by checking infanticide and murder, we may
protect them from unscrupulous exploitation and from the ravages of intox-
icating liquors, but all this will. be of little avail unless we immediately take
measures to secure them against the introduction of our diseases. Smallpox
carried off 2,000 of the Greenland Eskimos in 1734 and 1735, and in the same
century it destroyed many of the Labrador natives as well. Thirty years ago
it was estimated that the Eskimo population of the Mackenzie river delta
numbered 2,000; by 1913 it was reduced to barely 500, the majority of the
natives having been swept away by measles. The epidemic of influenza in 1918
exacted a terrible toll among the Eskimos of northern Alaska, several settlements
being practically wiped out. ©The Copper Eskimos have no diseases of their
own, or at least none were known up to 1916; but white men and western
Eskimos are flocking into their country, and in a few more years perhaps they
too will fall victims to some of the scourges of our civilization. It may be
impossible to prevent this calamity entirely, but at least we could do something
to check it, by instituting a kind of quarantine such as the Danes have done for
Greenland. At the present time the only practicable route into the Copper
Eskimo country is by way of the Mackenzie river, and if no one were allowed
to go eastward without a certificate from a medical officer it might be possible
to save these natives from the worst of our diseases and a more or less speedy
extinction.

Appendix 243

APPENDIX.

As the MSS. of this report was going to press Dr. R. M. Anderson, the
leader of the southern party of the Canadian Arctic Expedition, received a letter
from the pioneer trader, Captain Jos. F. Bernard, who, as I have mentioned
in Chapter II, spent three years among the Copper Eskimos prior to the arrival
of our expedition. Captain Bernard returned to Coronation gulf in 1916,
passed one winter at the Kugaryuak river, 18 miles east of the Coppermine,
two at Taylor island, off the south-east corner of Victoria island, and his last
winter, 1919-20, at the Kugaryuak river again. His letter, which was written
from the Kugaryuak river in February, 1920, gives a résumé of his experiences
and observations during the preceding three and a half years, and contains,
among other information, some valuable notes on the inhabitants of Dease
strait and Queen Maud’s sea, the least known of all Eskimo tribes. Through
the kindness of Dr. Anderson I am able to publish these passages in their
entirety, making only those few changes, mainly corrections in the spelling,
necessitated by Captain Bernard’s imperfect command of English, his native
language being French. While in Ottawa during the winter of 1920-21, Captain
Bernard went over and explained the notes more fully. The Eskimo names
are given exactly as he wrote them, but are followed by my own interpretations
in square brackets.

tends of I wintered (1916-17) at Kagoryuk [Kugaryuak River], but
I found conditions much changed from 1911. In the migration of caribou
there were not half the number as in 1910-1911, and none stayed in the vicinity
during the winter as they did then. I also find a great change with the natives,
for the best in a few cases but for the worse in others. It is as is general at the
first step of civilization. ;

ae We left winter quarters on the 22nd of July. We could have
left it sooner but I don’t think we could then have gone far, for on the 23rd
there was a good deal of ice in the gulf yet. After stopping at the Coppermine
river and at Dead Man’s island' we got to Cape Krusenstern on the 25th, but
the strait was full of ice. It was impossible to get through, so we went into
the little harbour just east of the cape, after taking on board a man whom IJ had
left at the cape last fall to trade and trap. On the first of August, not finding
the ice conditions changed in the strait and apparently no ice to the eastward,
we decided to go east. We had clear sailing up to Lind island at the entrance
to Victoria strait; here we met considerable and very heavy ice. We sailed
into the bay inside of Taylor island on the 16th of August, 1917. The reason
for my going in here was to see if we might meet with those natives whom Mr.
Stefansson calls the Ecollouctoumeut [Ekaluktomiut] and supposed to be very.
numerous. As soon as we were in this bay the ice closed in on the entry and
never left or opened until the first of September, 1919. For two years it held us
prisoners in this deserted land, deserted indeed, for no native abides nearer than
Cambridge bay except for an accidental bear hunt in the latter part of March
some years; but they never stop long, as the game is scarce and they fear starv-
ation.

“The first year we were here it was an extremely cold winter and the summer
following much the same, few places on the land that the snow entirely dis-
appeared during the summer, and on the first of September from three to four
feet of ice still remained in the lakes and bay, so you may form an opinion on
the cold summer we had. We had a little game during the whole year, not

1Inyuernerit, in the Duke of York’s archipelago.
23335—164

244 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

plentiful, but we managed fairly well. But the second winter was a tough
one. Most all our provisions were gone and we had no fuel left, nor was there
any chance of getting any seal.

“Victoria strait was practically open until the middle of January, and
when it did close up the ice was so rough that it was practically impossible to
get across to the nearest natives, whom we supposed were on the ice of Simpson
strait. Our nearest neighbours to the west were the Kilelarmut, who were
at Cambridge bay until early fall, but moved to the western end of Dease strait
in December; so as it stood we could not get any help from the natives. —

“In December, I, with a young native whom I had engaged in the summer,,.
went over to the westward looking for game or the natives, cutting across the
land from a bay near Cape Adelaide, striking due west up to the southern arm
of Albert Edward bay, then across to the sea, and as we hadn’t seen anything
of game I desired to go to the natives. The weather was extremely cold and
stormy. After nine days we found the natives in Wellington bay. They were
very friendly. They had but little meat or fish and no oil. Most of the houses
were in darkness and they could not, it seems, get any seal, and they were
fearing starvation and were moving west to the natives of Bathurst inlet, so
we had to turn back without obtaining but little help, a little dried fish and a
few frozen fish. After nine days of the worst kind of weather and travelling
I have seen we got home, having left two dogs on the trail and the rest of them
so fagged out they couldn’t stand up. So we had to put through the winter
as best we could, using (naphtha) distillate mixed with moss and ashes for fuel in
February. We made three unsuccessful attempts to cross Victoria strait, finally in
April I succeeded in getting across and found the natives near the mouth of
Sherman inlet. They too had not fared too good during the dark days. Two
families were reported to have starved to death in Simpson strait.

“Tt seems as if the same conditions prevailed on the mainland side as around
Taylor island, Victoria land. The cause of it, as I believe, was that on the
8th of October a thaw (after a heavy snowfall) brought over the land a sheet
of ice two inches thick in places. It seemed to have driven the game inland.
Through the spring and summer all game was scarce.

“It was the first of September, 1919, before we could get out of this bay;
even then it was only after a hard bucking with ice, but once we got around
De Haven point we had open sea to the westward. Considering the season
too far advanced to make around Point Barrow [in Alaska] we decided to winter
in Coronation gulf. . . . We went into winter quarters Kogaryuk [Kugar-
yuak]. If I found conditions changed in 1916 there is also as much change
in 1919, that is in game. There were not fifty head of caribou landed within
a radius of twenty miles; and it seems, from what I can find out from the natives,
that they have been scarce all along the coast. . . .

“Although there are few islands marked on the chart in Queen Maud’s
sea I believe they are as numerous as they are in Coronation gulf. They are
of a much different formation, mostly all low and rocky and gravel bars formed
by ice pressure; some are of considerable size. Lying south of Lind island
there is practically a chain of them from the land seen by Rae to the mouth of
Sherman inlet. Amundsen when he sailed through there laid a couple of
them on his chart.

“Tnote quite a distinct difference comparing the people of Adelaide peninsula,
the King William land and the Great Fish river with those of Victoria island
and Coronation gulf, both in stature, life habits, and dialect. They average
heavier and taller. Their clothing too is much different from the gulf people.
The Natchelengmut [Netsilingmiut] or King William land people are by far
the most numerous of the three tribes. In winter time they are on the ice
in Simpson strait and to the east of King William land, and the most of them

Appendix 245

spend the summer on Boothia Felix peninsula. Some of them journey as far
south as Committee gulf (bay) where they barter with the Ivelinmiut [Aiviling-
miut]. The Eleneremeut are the smallest of these three tribes and are perhaps
the most local tribe of natives I have ever known. Adelaide peninsula in
summer and the portion of Queen Maud’s sea up to the Royal Geographical
Society’s islands and Lind island in winter, this is about the limit of their hunting
io although some individuals have been as far south as Committee gulf
ay).

“The third tribe, the Olcokishalugmiut [Ukkusiksaligmiut] are the people
who live at the mouth of Great Fish river whose other name is not Arkelanik
[Akilinnik or Thelon] but the Olcohisluk [Ukkusiksalik.}! The Arkelanik
[Akilinnik] seems to be a branch of the Great Fish river? leading to the eastward
or towards Chesterfield inlet, here where the Bathurst inlet and the Coronation
gulf people used to go and meet the Chesterfield people to barter—hence its
name. Those Olcohishicamiut [Ukkusiksaligmiut] are probably the most
miserable people in the winter time I have ever seen or heard of. They have
no seal or oil for their lamps nor fuel for fire. All of their grub is composed
mostly of fish in winter, caribou and ox [musk-ox] in summer. There seems to
be a close relation between the three tribes and they seldom come in contact
with western people, but very often with eastern people. It seems by all accounts
that they are on the decline, and to add to their misery syphilis is among them;
some cases are far advanced. The Victoria island people are all clean and healthy,
even more so than the gulf people.

“The Ecolotock [Ekaluktok] does not empty into Albert Edward bay
as stated by Mr. Stefansson, but empties into Wellington bay, Dease strait.
It is a river of considerable size apparently, from its mouth and from native
report. Its head rises near the headwaters of a river which flows into Prince
Albert sound and is the common highway for the natives of Prince Albert
sound to communicate with the Kilelarmut.

“There are two rivers in Albert Edward bay, neither one of much importance.
The Oherackquak [Oyaragyuak] (so named from the rocky country it flows
through). It runs in a westerly direction and leads near the Ekelolocktuock
{Ekaluktok]. The other river’s name is the Ekitegoggeyock [Ikittigagyuak]
flowing in a northerly direction in a chain of lakes of the same name (so named
from the large number of Sabine’s gulls that breed along their banks). Itisa
favourite hunting place for the Kililermiut, particularly in the fall, on account
of the large number of lake trout they get in those lakes. These fish are the
largest and best eating fish I have ever known in the Arctic. The boundary
of these lakes, which lies in about 70 [degrees] north, seems to be about the
farthest north those natives hunt on the eastern coast of Victoria island.

ARCH AZOLOGY.

“T want to tell you that we did quite a little work in archeology at Krusen-
stern. We located the site of three villages, apparently of different age. Two
of them were on the gravel bar immediately west of the cape, two or three
hundred yards from the beach. ‘The site of the third was on the highest part
of the divide where the trail crosses the neck of land inside of the cape. At
this latter one we did no excavation. Mr. A. H. Anderson, the man that I brought
with me, had stopped at Krusenstern to trap and trade, and did a considerable
amount of excavation on the site of the two lower villages, where he succeeded

18trictly speaking, Ukkusiksalik seems to be only the delta of the river, with the adjoining region,
the river itself being called Saningaiyok.

2The Akilinnik or Thelon is not a branch, however, of Backs or the Great Fish river, though the
sources of the two rivers are not far apart. .

246 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

in obtaining an extensive and interesting collection. The floors of these houses
were three to four feet below the level of the surroundings. Many men might
have tramped over them without suspecting it. In fact it was only after a
very careful examination of the surface that we were able to locate the site of
the house. I also located the site of two houses on Dead Man island [Inyuer-
nerit, Duke of York archipelago]. They were very old.

“T have also the knowledge of the site of the large village on the Mackenzie
river, Victoria island. Mr. Anderson in the summer of 1919 located two houses
on one of the Jameson islands. We also saw some excavation on three houses
done twenty or thirty miles east of Tree river close to Hepburn island.”’

It would seem from Captain Bernard’s account that there is only one tribe
of Eskimos inhabiting southeast Victoria island, a tribe that he calls Kililarmut,
or, in one instance, Kililermiut. This may possibly be a mis-rendering of the
word Kiglinirmiut, a term that is often applied to all the inhabitants of Victoria
island by the Bathurst inlet Eskimos, and by the Netsilingmiut and Ugyuling-
miut to natives coming from the direction of Coronation gulf. The Eskimos
whom Lieutenant Hansen met near Taylor island called themselves, as he
understood, Kilnermiun, which is another rendering of the same word.

On the other hand both Mr. Stefansson and myself heard of the Ekaluk-
tomiut, a tribe that seals in winter on the ice of Dease strait, and in summer
hunts inland on Victoria island and communicates with the Kanghiryuak
natives. from Prince Albert sound. Moreover, an Anglican missionary, the
Rev. E. Hester, visited a village of the Ekaluktomiut in Dease strait in the
winter of 1918. Now the Ekaluktok river flows, not into Albert Edward bay,
as Mr. Stefansson supposed, but into Wellington bay. There can be little
doubt therefore of there being two groups in Dease strait, though in winter
they sometimes, perhaps usually, fuse into one. The first group is the Ekaluk-
tomiut, who gather in spring and fall at the head of Wellington bay, and hunt
in summer around the head-waters of the Ekaluktok river, in which neighbour-
hood they meet the Eskimos who have come inland from Prince Albert sound.
The other group, the Kililarmiut (or Kiglinirmiut?), gathers in spring and fall
at Cambridge bay, where they were encountered both by Captain Bernard
and by his predecessor nearly seventy years before, Captain Collinson. The
hunting grounds of this second group lie between Cambridge bay and Albert
Edward bay (probably there is an easy sled route between the two places),
and extends no farther north than about 70° N. latitude. In winter the two
groups would unite in the vicinity of the Finlayson islands? or in Wellington bay,
and work westward in the direction of Coronation gulf to meet the Bathurst
inlet people. The united band would then be called indifferently either Eka-
luktomiut or Kililarmiut (Kiglinirmiut). Late in the winter a party sometimes
travels eastward towards Lind and Taylor islands to hunt the polar bears,
but as a rule this part of the coast is little frequented. Rae, it will be remembered,
found no indications of Eskimos having recently visited the several points he
touched at between Cambridge bay and Pelly point.?

The inhospitable character of the region of Queen Maud’s sea, and the
discovery that the Ekaluktok river flows, not into Albert Edward bay, but
into Wellington bay, throws a new light on Mr. Stefansson’s trade route from
Prince Albert sound to the Akilinnik river. We know that the Kanghiryuak
natives go inland from Prince Albert sound about the beginning of June, and
that the Ekaluktok natives must also be taking to the land at the same time.
The Kanghiryuak natives whom I met in 1915 said that the two groups meet
in the interior of the island near the head of a river, which must either be the
Kagloryuak or some similar river flowing into Prince Albert sound, or else the

1Schwatka, Science, Vol. IV, 1884, p. 543.
2Collinson, p. 284.
3Journ. Royal Geogr. Soc, Vol. 22, 1852, p. 89.

Appendix 247

Ekaluktok river flowing southeast. This meeting can hardly take place, there-
fore, before the middle of June. Now at this season, in a normal year, the
snow is fast leaving the ground, the rivers are breaking out, and the lakes are
becoming surrounded with a margin of water. Travelling by sled, especially
with an Eskimo sled shod with frozen mud, grows more and more difficult
every day. It is very improbable then that the Kanghiryuak natives travel
any farther by sled until the fall. Even if they did push down to the coast, as
Mr. Stefansson supposed!, and reach the mouth of the Ekaluktok river in
Wellington bay, they would find the natives either already inland, or else
caching their stocks of blubber on the shore before going into the interior of the
island to fish and hunt, not, under ordinary circumstances at least, preparing to
cross the strait to the mainland. We must assume therefore that the Kang-
hiryuarmiut cache their sleds in the interior (as the Puivlirmiut did in the
summer of 1915); spend the summer hunting and fishing in the neighbourhood,
recover their sleds in the fall, and, travelling down to Wellington bay, become
merged for the winter with the Ekaluktomiut on Dease strait. Theoretically,
of course, they might cross over to the mainland as soon as the sea was frozen
solidly over (in November), and either make their way west to Bathurst inlet,
or east to the Ellice river or to Ogden bay; then during the dark days of winter
they might push on south to the Akilinnik and return to the coast in the spring.
Such a course might appeal to the European explorer, equipped with a light
steel-shod sled and a high-powered hunting rifle, and anxious to make the
journey as quickly as possible. But to the Eskimo time is of no value; his
hunting weapon is the bow and arrow, and his cumbersome sled with its heavy
mud shoeing is little adapted to inland travel over the soft snow of early winter.
Moreover, owing to the scarcity of game and fuel along the Arctic coast at this
season of the year, after the caribou have migrated south (very few seals are
obtainable before the new year), the Copper Eskimo is compelled to lay in a
stock of provisions to last him over Christmas at least, while for fuel he utilizes
the blubber that he has cached on the coast the previous spring. Hence a long
journey at this season of the year, when the daylight does not last more than
five hours, with a sled loaded down with provisions and blubber, is not prac-
ticable. The Bathurst inlet natives who travel to the Akilinnik in the fall of
the year and return to the coast in the spring take their sleds and stocks of
blubber with them inland the previous spring, and have their journey half
completed before the summer overtakes them. It is not unlikely indeed that
they reach the Akilinnik, or one of its tributaries in the neighbourhood of
Aberdeen lake, before Christmas, perhaps even before the dark days set in,
when travelling, with its concomitant fishing and hunting, becomes more
difficult. '

We must suppose, therefore, that the migrating Kanghiryuarmiut remain
with the Ekaluktomiut during the early winter. They could lay in a store of
dried and frozen meat and fish during the summer.and fall, but for blubber
they would have to rely on the supplies that were cached by the Ekaluktomiut
during the spring. This factor alone would be sufficient to limit the number
of migrating natives to two or three families. Towards spring, when the Eka-
luktomiut visit their western neighbours, the usual reshuffling of groups would
occur, and some Kanghiryuak and Ekaluktok natives might join the Bathurst
inlet people and travel southward. Again they would cache their sleds inland
when the snow melted, and either pack across to the Akilinnik in the summer,
returning with the first snows, or else make the journey by sled in the early
winter and return the following spring. They could then rejoin the Ekaluk-
tomiut before the latter abandoned their sealing on the ice, travel with them
up the Ekaluktok river in the late spring, and join their countrymen from
Prince Albert sound in the interior of Victoria island about the middle or end
of June, exactly two years after they had left them.

1G.S.C., Museum Bulletin, No. 6, 1914, p. 6.

248 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

It will be noticed that I have stressed the route by way of Bathurst inlet.
The accounts of the Bathurst inlet natives themselves, and the information
obtained by Captain Bernard, indicate that the Eskimos of southeast Victoria
island maintain closer contact with their neighbours to the west than with any
of the tribes to the east of them. This is indeed what we should expect from
their geographical position, and from the greater resources and population of
the region west of Kent peninsula. Kent peninsula itself, as far as we know,
was uninhabited until the last year or two, the Asiagmiut who visited the Bathurst
inlet people travelling behind it' by way of Melville sound.

Captain Bernard does not mention the Asiagmiut in his letter, probably
because he never fell in with any members of the tribe, who seem to range between
Kent peninsula and Ogden bay. Whether they are to be included among the
Copper Eskimos, or considered as an intermediate link between them and the
eastern Eskimos, must remain for the present uncertain; the geographical
position of the tribe favours the latter course. Captain Bernard confirms
the reports of earlier explorers as to the location and range of the Netsilingmiut
and Ukkusiksaligmiut, but the third tribe of which he speaks, the Eleneremiut,
isnew tous. It seems to coincide with Schwatka’s Ugyulingmiut, who inhabited
Adelaide peninsula in the middle of last century, but were gradually merging
with the Netsilingmiut:! Probably the Eleneremiut are a surviving remnant
who clung to their old hunting-grounds around Sherman inlet, and Simpson
strait. With regard to the Ukkusiksaligmiut it is strange that they have
never learned the art of sealing from their neighbours. I imagine that instead
of seal oil they use caribou tallow in their lamps during the winter, like the natives
on the upper reaches of Backs river, the Saningaiyomiut, who are probably
only a branch of the Ukkusiksaligmiut with a little admixture from Hudson
bay tribes.

Captain Bernard has made some very important archeological discoveries
which enable us to extend the limit of wood and sod houses to the eastern end
of Coronation gulf. The number of ruins that he found would indicate a con-
siderable population, while their great antiquity is shown by the depth at which
the floors were submerged below the ground, even after discounting the thickness
of the sod roofs that doubtless caved in on top of them. These ruins must
certainly be older than some at least of those that dot the coast between Cape
Lyon and Cape Krusenstern, and while the latter may still indicate transitory
settlements by parties travelling along the coast, as I have suggested in Chapter
IV, the former undoubtedly mark the earlier, perhaps the earliest inhabitants
of the region of Coronation gulf, and predate, I suspect, the influx of the Copper
Eskimo tribes into this area. The evidence cannot be given here, but there are
certain facts that seem to indicate that the Copper Eskimos were an inland
people until a few centuries ago, and that their culture has changed considerably
since their immigration to their present home.

Note.—Captain Bernard reached Ottawa on December 22, 1920. He
stated that the Copper Eskimo country had undergone a profound change
during the last few years. Four Hudson’s Bay Company trading posts had been
established, one at Bernard harbour, one at the mouth of the Coppermine river,
a third at the mouth of Tree river and a fourth at Kent peninsula. The Eskimos
were leaving their winter sealing grounds about two months earlier than usual,
and devoting their attention to the trapping of foxes. In the winter of 1919
all the inhabitants of southeast Victoria island migrated to Kent peninsula,
where a large supply of blubber fuel had been accumulated by the trader in
order that the natives might be able to give all their time to trapping. Hardly
a bow remained in the country, nearly every man possessing a rifle. Caribou.

1Boas, Central Eskimo, p. 456 et seq.

Appendix 249

meat had therefore become the predominant article of food, and the destruction
of the caribou was proceeding so rapidly that within ten years, be believed,
hardly one would be left in the vicinity of Coronation gulf. The old copper
culture had given place to one of iron—even the copper ice-pick had disappeared
—and the old style of dress was being abandoned in favour of western models.
Infanticide had become exceedingly rare, partly through police and missionary
influence, partly, Captain Bernard thought, because the Eskimos were shamed
out of the practice by the Indians. He seemed to notice an increase, therefore,
in the number of little children. On the other hand tuberculosis had already
made its appearance among the Copper Eskimos. Clearly, for better or for
worse, the new era has dawned, and only the future can decide whether the
natives will survive or go under.

250 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

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Amundsen, R. The North West Passage. 2 vols., London, 1908. : . :
Anderson, Dr. R. M. Appendix, pp. 456-527, to Stefansson, V. My Life with the Eskimo,
New York, 1913. :
———Eskimo Food—How It Tastes to a White Man. Ottawa Naturalist, October, 1918,
pp. 59-65. es Bs
Recent Explorations on the Canadian Arctic Coast. The Geographical Review, New
York, Vol. IV, No. 4, October, 1917, pp. 241-266 (The Copper Eskimos, pp. 261-263).
Armstrong, Alexander. A Personal Narrative of the Discovery of the North-West Passage.
London, 1857. ? .
Back, Capt.G. Narrative of the Arctic Land Expedition to the Mouth of the Great Fish River,
London, 1836.
Boas, Dr. F. The Central Eskimo. Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, Washing-
ton, 1888.
The Eskitno of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay. Bulletin of the American Museum of
Natural History, vol. XV, 1907.
Collinson, Capt. R. Journal of H.M.S. Enterprise. London, 1889.
Crantz, D. A History of Greenland. 2 vols., London, 1767.
Culin, Stewart. Games of the North American Indians. Twenty-fourth Annual Report of the
Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, 1907. .
Dease and Simpson. Arctic Discovery on the North Shore of America. Journal of the Royal
Geographical Society, London, vol. 9, 1839. .
Progress of Arctic Discovery on the North Shore of America. Journal of the Royal
Geographical Society, London, vol. 10, 1840. ss
Douglas, G.M. Lands Forlorn. The Knickerbocker Press, New York and London, 1914.
Egede, Hans. A Description of Greenland, London, 1918.
Franklin, Sir John. Narrative of a Journey to the Shores of the Polar Sea. London, 1823.
Narrative of a Second Expedition to the Shores of the Polar Sea. London, 1828.
Gilberton, A. N. Some Ethical Phases of Eskimo Culture. Journal of Religious Psychology,
vol. VI, No. 4, October, 1918, and vol. VII, No. 1, January, 1914.
Hall, C. F. Arctic Researches and Life Among the Esquimaux. New York, 1865.
Hanbury, D. T. Sport and Travel in the Northland of Canada. London, 1904.
Hearne, Samuel. Journey from Hudson Bay to the Northern Ocean. Edited by J. B. Tyrrell,
Champlain Society, Toronto, 1911.
Jenness, D. The Copper Eskimo. The Geographical Review, New York, Vol. IV, 1917, pp.
81-91 j

The Eskimos of Northern Alaska: A Study in the Effect of Civilization. Jbzd., Vol. V,
1918, pp. 89-101.

The Cultural Transformation of the Copper Eskimo. Jbid., Vol. XI, 1921, pp. 541-550.

The ‘Blond’ Eskimos, American Anthropologist, Vol. 23, No. 3, July-September, 1921.

Kroeber, Dr. ne L. The Eskimos of Smith Sound. American Museum of Natural History, vol.
XII, 1899.

Leffingwell, E. de K. The Canning River Region, Northzrn Alaska, U.S. Geol. Survey,
Professional Paper 109. Washington, 1919.

MacMillan, D. B. Four years in the White North, New York and London, 1918.

Markham, C.R. Papers on the Greenland Eskimos. Arctic Papers for the Expedition of 1875.
London, 1875.

Mauss, M. Essai sur les variations saisonniéres des sociétés eskimos. Essai de morphologie
sociale. L’Année Sociologique, 9me année, 1904-1905.

McClintock, Capt. The Discovery of the Fate of Sir John Franklin. London, 1859.

Murdoch, John. The Point Barrow Eskimo. Ninth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology,

Washington, 1887-88.

On some Popular Errors in Regard to the Eskimos. American Naturalist, January, 1887.

Nelson, E. W. The Eskimo about Bering Strait. Eighteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of
American Ethnology, Pt. 1, Washington, 1896-1897.

Osborn, Sherard. The Discovery of the North-West Passage. London, 1857.

Parry, W. Three Voyages for the Discovery of a North-West Passage. 4 vols., London, 1835.

Peary, Robt. E. The Secrets of Polar Travel. The Century Co., New York, 1917.

Rae, Dr. John. Journey from Great Bear Lake to Wollaston Land, and Explorations Along the
oo and East Coast of Victoria Land. Journal of the Royal Geographical Society,
vol. 22, 1852.

Rasmussen, Knud. The People of the Polar North. Ed. by G. Herring. London, 1908.

Reports gt os ae Great Bear Lake Patrol, Royal North West Mounted Police, 1916.

ttawa, 1917.

Report of ea Inlet Patrol, Royal North West Mounted Police, ‘1917-1918. Ottawa,

1919.

Bibliography 251

Richardson, Sir J. Arctic Searching Expedition. 2 vols., London, 1851. ;

Rink, Dr. H. Tales and Traditions of the Eskimos. Ed. by Dr. R. Brown, Edinburgh and
London,1857.

Eskimo Tribes. Meddelelser om Gr¢nland, vol. XI, supplement, Copenhagen, 1891.

Russell, F. Explorations in the Far North. Univ. of Iowa, 1898.

Simpson, T. Narrative of the Discoveries on the North Coast of America. London, 1843.

Stefansson, V. My Life with thé Eskimo. New York. The Macmillan Company, 1913.

The Stefansson-Anderson Arctic Expedition. Anthropological Papers of the American
Museum of Natural History, vol. XIV., pt. 1, New York, 1914.

Prehistoric and Present Commerce Among the Arctic Coast Eskimos. Geological Survey
of Canada, Museum Bulletin, No. 6, Ottawa, 1914. 3

Thalbitzer, W. A Phonetical Study of the Eskimo Language. Meddelelser om Gr¢gnland, vol.

XXXI, Copenhagen, 1904.
———The Ammassalik Eskimo. Meddelelser om Grgnland, vol. XXXIX,Copenhagcn, 1914.

The Construction of a Snow Hut. 253

Puate IL

A. A hut built in the autumn while the snow was still shallow. The travellers have therefore unloaded
one of theirsleds and are using it to convey snow-blocks. The builder's head is just
visible inside the structure. Southwest Victoria Island, 1915

(Photo by J. J. O'Neill)
B. The man on the right has been cutting snow-blocks outside and passing them in to his companion.
The latter is closing the roof; his hand can be seen holding a snow-block in place.
On the left his wife is shovelling soft snow around the edge.
Bernard Harbour, 1915

A Winter Settlement in the Duke of York Archipelago 255

Puate III

A. Two snow huts, their entrances and windows facing south. Sticks and sealing harpoons are planted
in the walls, and the two sleds are raised on snow-blocks, partly to keep them from being
buried in a snow-storm and partly to protect their rawhide lashings
from the dogs

- B. A view of the whole settlement, showing the dance-house on the right. In the foreground are the
tracks of the sleds

Eskimos Cooking and Eating 257

PLATE IV

(Photo by G. H. Wilkins) B. Two Prince Albert sound natives, Kunana
A. An old woman drinking caribou broth from ‘and Nilgak, eating boiled caribou meat.
a ladle of musk-ox horn. Moore Islands, A Puivlik woman in the back-ground.
1915 : Lake Tahiryuak, Victoria Island,
5 June, 1915
vA be
fo

C. Outdoor cooking with Dryas integrifolia for fuel. The camp is littered with caribou meat
drying inthe sun. Bernard harbour, 1916

23335—17

Summer Travelling 259

A—A Tree River native adjusting his wife's pack. Tree River, 1915 (Pheto by J. J. O’ Neill)

B—Coppermine River Eskimos packing overland to Great Bear Lake, June, 1916 (Photo_by K. G. Chipman)

C—Sleeping under a wind-break, Colville Hills, S.W. Victoria Island, May, 1915

igen Landmarks . 261
Puate VI

(Photo by G. H. Wilkins)
A—An alignment of stones, inyukhuit, for a caribou drive. Cape Krusenstern, 1915.

(Photo by G. H. Wilkins)
B—A pit, ¢allu, wherea hunter has concealed himself from approaching caribou. Bernard Harbour, 1915.

C—Twostones, nakkatain, pointing to a good fishing site on a lake behind Cape Lambert. July 1915.

Spearing Salmon in a Weir at the Mouth of Nulahugyuk Creek, near 263
Bernard Harbour

Puats VIE

A—General view, showing the weir. The man at the mouth of the creek is keeping guard over the entrance
to prevent any fish from escaping

B—Tne men are plying their spears; the women, clustering around the small stone caverns in which the fish
try to hide, are catching them in their hands and stringing them onrawhide lines

C—Returning to camp with the salmon

Family Life 265

Puate VIII

(Photo by G. H. Wilkins)
A—A shy little Coronation gulf boy. Bernard Harbour, 1915.

B—On the left, Kaulluak, the widow who married the Alaskan Eskimo, Natkusiak; on the right, Tupik,
the maiden to whom he first paid his addresses. Although of marriageable age, Tupik still
wears the costume of a young girl. Moore Islands, 1915

: (Photo by J. R. Cox)
C—Uloksak and nis three‘wives. The one on the left is Hakungak, whom he took from her first husband,
Kikpak. Bernard Harbour, 1916.

Kanneyuk and Kila, two Dolphin and Union Strait Girls in Full Dress 267
Puate [X

(Photos by G. H. Wilkins, Bernard Harbour, 1916) ,
B—View from behind

INDEX

A

Address, manner of, to children, 168, 239; to dogs, 239, 240.

Adoption, 91, 165; status of adopted child, 84.

Aged, treatment of, 236.

Aivilingmiut, knowledge of, 49; trade with Netsilingmiut of, 245.

ean Ne laa route to, 48-49, 245, 247; visit of Akilinnik natives to Bernard har-

our, 48, 49.

Akulliakattak, location of, 15.

Akulliakattangmiut, 33; intercourse with other groups of, 24, 34, 36, 50, 116; sealing grounds
of, 36, 127; gathering-place of, 110, 122.

Aligattalingmiun, known to Copper Eskimos, 48.

Ammassalik Eskimos, size of family among, 163.

Amundsen, voyage of, 50; on Netsilik Eskimos, 111.

Anderson, Dr. R. M., journey of, 31; discoveries in Darnley bay of, 29; on Eskimos of Cape
Bexley, 33; on stone cairns, 29, 174; on reindeer moss, 98; on appetite of Eskimos, 100;
on salt in Eskimo diet, 105; extract from diary of, 176.

Anialik river, camp at, 38.

Animals, 15; beliefs concerning, 180-181; propitiation of dangerous, 181; distinction of land
and sea, 182-183; as familiars of shamans, 192. é

Appetite of Eskimos, 100.

Archaeology, 56-58, 245-246, 248.

Archery, 138, 145-146.

Arden, Mr. D’Arcy, at Great Bear Lake, 20, 31.

Armstrong point, expedition base at, 41.

Asiak, near Coppermine river , 21; Asiagmiut, 36.

Asiak, east of Kent peninsula, 23, 40; trade centre at, 49.

Pen, 40, 248; numbers of, 40; route to Akilinnik river of, 48; visits to Coronation gulf of,

B

Back, journey of, 29; on fish weirs, 157; on use of sling, 145.

Backs river, inhabitants of, 48, 49, 101; winter hunting of, 101; pastime introduced by, 221
affiliations of, 248; wanderings of Copper Eskimos to, 125.

Baillie island Eskimos, 103; belief of, 114.

Banks island, ruins on, 45-47; connection with mainland of, 45-47.

Barter, see Trade.

Barter island, ruins at, 7. :

Bathing, rareness of Eskimo, 137.

Bathurst inlet, tomcod fishing in, 22; murder of Radford and Street in, 31; Eskimos of, 39-40,
93; repopulation of, 39-40; intonation of voice in, 42; wanderings of natives of, 47; route
to 1 river from, 48, 247-248; route to Great Bear lake from, 124; difference of beliefs
in is ~

Bears, brown, 15, 105; experiences of Eskimos with, 151~152.

Bears, polar, 52-53; trade in skins of, 52; importance for food of, 101, 105; use of skins of, 130;
fuel from fat of, 139, 141; hunting of, 124, 139, 152; legend regarding, 179; propitiation of,
181; taboos concerning, 183.

Bearberry, as food, 97.

Beds, of skins, 61, 71.

Bell island, ruins on, 23, 57.

Bernard, Captain Jos. F., explorations of, 31; later explorations of, 243-245; discoveries on
Victoria island by, 23, 50-51, 57; discovery of graves by, 174-176; on stone huts, 58; archaeo-
logical work of, 245-246, 248.

Bernard harbour, base of expedition at, 7 et passim; excellence as wintering-place, 16; gathering
of Eskimos at, 8, 36, 37.

Beuchat, Henri, fate of, 7.

Beverages, 106-107.

Bibliography, 250.

Big Stick island, timber at, 20. :

Birds, kinds of, 15; unimportance to Eskimos of, 15, 105; use of skins of, 105; manner of cooking,
105; methods of catching, 124, 135, 152; return in spring of, 121; beliefs concerning, 180,
181; as familiars of shamans, 192.

Blood-feud, duty of kinsmen in, 86, 95.

Bloody fall, massacre at, 28; salmon-fishing at, 123.

Blubber, storing of, 101, 119, 121, 128; used as fuel, 48, 98, 247; asfood, 100; blubber-pounders, 29.

270 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

Boas, on Hudson bay Eskimos, 33; on Ukkusiksaligmiut, 39; on stone huts, 58.
Boats, skin, 46. See Kayaks.

Bolas, 145.

Borrowing, 89.

Bows, disappearance of, 248. See Archery.

Burial, method of, 174-176.

Cc

Caches, discoveries of Eskimo, 16, 17, 18, 29, 30, 82; Eskimo respect for, 30, 90; positions of,
vrs in south-west Victoria island, 128, 133, 175; recovery in autumn of, 110, 125,
141, 142. :

Cairns, of stone, 29, 174-175.

Cambridge bay, good fishing-site at, 30; gathering-place of Eskimos at, 246.

Camp-sites, old, prevalence of, 81-82; around Great Bear lake, 21; on Victoria island, 26, 174;
on Banks island, 45-46; along the coast west of Coronation gulf, 28.

Cannibalism, 42, 108.

Cape Bathurst, connection with Banks island of, 45-47.

Cape Bexley, camping-place of Eskimos at, 15, 33; not a trading rendezvous, 34.

Cape Hamilton, rendezvous at, 50. ’

a oo on Victoria island, wintering place: of Captain Klengenberg, 31; of Captain

ernard, 31. :

Cape Kellet, base of expedition at, 41, 45; ruined settlement ut, 46-47.

Cape Krusenstern, stone house near, 8; old village near, 245-246.

Cape Lyon, ruins at, 56.

Cape Wollaston, cache at, 121.

Caribou, abundance of, 15 et passim, diminution of, 244, 249; routes of migration of, 17; methods
of hunting, 47, 101, chap. x passim, chap. xi; methods of butchering, 102-103; drives for,
124, 136-137, 148-149; use of fat for fuel, 48, 101, 248; boiling down fat of, 139; value or
fat of, 102, 138; skins used as bedding, 61; moss in stomach of, 97; wanderings of Eskimos
in search of, 124-125; neglect in spring of, 123; taboos on meat of, 182; tents of caribou
skin, see Tents.

Cat’s cradles, 184, 218; spirit of, 203.

Celibacy, Eskimo attitude towards, 158.

Chantry island, ruins on, 56; gathering-place of Noahognirmiut at, 35, 110; caches on, 121.

Charms, to cure sickness, 172; for children, 169.

Chiefs, absence of, 93.

Childbirth, 164-165.

Children, treatment of, 165-169; status of, 91; status of adopted, 84, 91; number in family of,
163-164; increase in number of, 249; exposure of, 166-167; -naming of, 167,239; temperaments
of, 234; intelligence of, 231; pastimes of, 170, 218-220.

Chipman, Mr. K. G., description of Coppermine country by, 18-21; journey to Great Bear
lake of, 31, 125; meets Tree river Eskimos, 47.

Clairvoyance, belief in, 229; claimed by shamans, 200.

Cleanliness, lack of, 106, 238.

Climate, 13-14.

Clothing, 30, 109, 142, 175, 237; spring drying of, 119, 127; inside snow hut, 62; at dances, 224;
on migrations, 117; children’s, 169. ;

Cloudberry, neglect of, 97.

Coast, character of, 14.

Collinson, explorations of, 30; on natives of Cambridge bay, 40; meets Prince Albert sound
Eskimos, 30, 41; on Eskimo archery, 145; on peacefulness of Eskimos, 235.

Colville hills, 24-25; wanderings of Puivlirmiut in, 129-142.

Cooking, methods of, 98, 105-106; slowness of methods of, 98; as woman’s work, 88; taboos
in regard to, 98, 182-183. : .

Copper, Eskimo sources of, 19, 21, 41, 52; as trade commodity, 44; preferred to iron for ice-
chisel, 153; disappearance of implements of, 249; appropriateness to Eskimos around Corona-
tion gulf of title, 42.

Coppermine river, timber on, 14, 20; gathering of Eskimos at mouth of, 19; routes up, 19-21.

Coronation gulf, description of coasts of, 17-27; confusion of groups in, 32, 37; visits to Dolphin
and Union strait of natives of, 8, 36, et passim.

Cosmology, 179-180, 189, 196.

Cousins, marriage of, 84.

Cox, Mr. J. R., portage by, 15; description of country by, 17-18, 21-22.

Crime, punishment of, 94-96.

Crowberry, as food, 97.

D

Dance-house, construction of, 69, 71, 112, 131; location of, 77.

Dancing, 131-132, 222-227; taboo concerning, 184; dancing-associates, 86-87, 225.

Deadfalls, for foxes, 151.

Dease and Simpson, journeys of, 29; discovery of skeletons by, 39; on Eskimo oblations, 17%.

Index 271

Death, Abiconsnlonsnees regarded as, 178; belief in existence after, 177; caused by malignant
spirits, ,

Deerskins, see Caribou.

Diseases, 39, 42, 68; epidemics of, 37, 39; introduced by Europeans, 48, 245, 249. See Sickness.

Dismal lake, visits of Eskimos to, 19, 30.

Districts, Eskimo names for, 15-26; love of Eskimos for home, 32, 33.

Divination by lifting, 196, 211-217.

Divisions of country, see Districts.

Division of labour, 87-88.

Divorce, 160-161; disposal of property at, 89, 160.

Dogs, number of, 89; ownership of, 89; treatment of, 115, 117, 183, 239-240; food of, 105, 133,
240; names of, 167, 239; massage of, 165; death foreboded by barking of, 132, 212.

Dolphin and Union strait, base of expedition in, 31; visits of western Eskimos to, 44; connection
with Prince Albert sound of, 50-52; movements of natives of, 120; cooking taboo in, 98.

Douglas, G. M. and L. D., journey of, 31; on honesty of Eskimos, 236.

Dreams, significance of shamans’, 200.

Driftwood, scarcity of, 14, 56; absence in Netsilik of, 50; utilization of, 188, 139; taboo on use of, 98.

Drums, 222-223; ownership of, 92.

Drying-racks for clothing, 62.

Ducks, 105, 133.

Duke of York archipelago, settlement at, 32, 37, 65; old houses at, 246.

Dwarfs, legends concerning, 58, 180.

Dwellings, chaps. v, vi; lack of wood for, 56; of wood and sod, 23, 44, 50-51, 56, 245, 248; of
stone, 17, 57; of snow, see Snow-huts; of skin, see Tents; with frames of whale bones, 46;
early spring, 120. 7 .

Eclipses, belief concerning, 179.

Eggs, dislike of, 105. ‘

Ekaluktok, location of, 23; Ekaluktok river, 53, 245, 246.

Ekaluktomiut, location of, 40-41, 246; numbers of, 40; speech of, 42; intercourse with Kangh-
gon of, 53, 246-247; intercourse with other groups of, 116; journey to Akilinnik of.
48, 247.

Eleneremiut, location of, 245, 248.

Ellice river, route to Akilinnik along, 48, 247.

Environment, influence of, 143-144, 228-229.

Eriophorum seeds, used for lamp-wicks, 108; gathering of, 140, 141.

Eskimos, psychology and morality of Copper, chap. xviii; intellectual inertia of, 229; mechanical
skill of, 231; sense of humour of, 234; peacefulness of, 235; honesty of, 235-236; endurance of,
135, 235; patience of, 147, 235; fatalism of, 171, 190; uncleanliness of, 106, 238; sexual
morality of, 239-240; attitude towards white men of, 241-242; dislike of restraint of, 98-94;
economic independence of, 89; skill in stalking game of, 146; limits westward of, 29; contact.
with western Eskimos of, 28-29, 44-47, 50-51.

Explorations, chap. ii, 243-245.

Extinction of Haneragmiut, 34. ‘i

Family, structure of, 83-86; property owned by, 90-91; average size of, 163-164; sleeping place
of members of, 72—73, 85.

Famines, 41-42, 107-108, 244.

Fat, of birds, 105, 183; of bears, caribou, see Bears, Caribou.

Fetishes, 197.

Fire, methods of making, 108~109.

Fish, abundance of, 15 et passim; kinds of, 15, 103; importance for food supply of, 15, 98; spearing
of, 18, 103, 135, 140, 156-157, 201-202; method of drying, 103, 104-105; cooking of, 104-105;
taboos concerning, 183. :

Fishing, interchange of hunting and, 101; methods of, 103, 123, 152-157, e¢ passim; gear for,
103, 152-153; division of labour in, 88; taboos in regard to, 157, 183-184.

Fish-net, ignorance of, 101, 152; introduction of, 101, 242.

Flipper-associates, 87.

Fogs, in spring, 14, 133; method of dispelling, 187-188.

Food, chap. vili; vegetable foods, 97; principal articles of, 105; eating of uncooked, 98; of dogs,
see Dogs; ownership of, 90; gifts of, 55, 90, 112, 115; taboos on, 192; disbandment through
scarcity of, 133.

Foot-gear, 119, 121, 139, 184.

Foot-pads of sealers, 113.

Fort Providence, route to, 28. :

Foxes, abundance of, 15; trapping of, 58, 105, 128, 151, 240-241; deadfalls for, 151.

Franklin, Sir John, voyages of, 28.

Friendship, methods of establishing, 87. 3

Fuel, 79, 98-99, 101, 130, 133, 136, 247; scarcity of, 131; gathering of, 88, 131, 138, 141; taboos
on driftwood for, 98, 183. F

Furniture, 61-62, 115-116.

272 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

G

Gambling, 221.

Game animals, 15; disputes concerning ownership of, 90.

Games, chap. xvii; children’s, 115, 138, 218-220.

Gathering-places of Eskimo groups, 15, 16, 19, 25, 33, 35, 37-39, 110, 246.

Geology, general character of, 14, 17-18, 21, 22, 25, 26.

Giants, belief in, 180. aa, 6 :

Girling, Rev. H., 8, 9; on Dolphin and Union strait Eskimos, 36; on Kiglinirmiut, 39; on creation
of new Eskimo groups, 39; on Ekaluktomiut, 40; on Kanghiryuarmiut, 41; on Coppermine
river route, 19; on marriage of cousins, 84; on marriage by capture, 160; on respect for
mothers, 170; on hunter’s scars, 114; establishment of mission by, 242.

Graves, 175-176; stone cairns used as, 29, 50, 174; avoidance of, 174, 177.

Great Bear Lake, visits of Eskimos to, 19, 20, 47, 124. é

Groups, instability of, 32, 36; classification of, 33-42; creation of new, 39; homogeneity of, 42;
antes coUrEE of, 24, 25, chap. 1v; assembling of, 125; rearrangements of, 116; disbandment
of, 122.

Gulls, eating of, 105; trapping of, 133; towels from skins of, 105, 106.

Gymnastics, 222.

H

Hanbury, explorations of, 30-31; on Eskimo groups, 39; on the country of Asiak, 23, 40; on the
route to Akilinnik river, 48; on snow-huts in spring, 77.

Hanerak, 23, 34.

Haneragmiut, extinction of, 34, 140; intercourse with other groups of, 24, 36, 50.

Hansen, Lieutenant, encounter with Eskimos of, 40, 246.

Health of Eskimos, 42-43, 245, 249. ;

Hearne, Samuel, journey of, 28; on salmon fishing, 123.

Heather, for fuel, 14 et passim; for curing snow-blindness, 171.

Hepburn island as gathering-place of Pingangnaktomiut, 38, 39, 110; old houses near, 246.

Holm, on size of Eskimo family, 163.

Honesty of Copper Eskimos, 30, 235-236.

Hornby, J., at Great Bear lake, 31.

Houses, see Dwellings.

Hudson bay, journeys to Coronation gulf from, 30, 31; contact with Copper Eskimos of natives
of, 48, 49; peace sign in, 55; stone houses in, 58; snow houses in, 77.

Hudson Bay Company, establishment of posts of, 31, 242, 248.

Hunan chap. x1; part of sexes in, 88; weapons used in, 145; distances travelled while, 124;
taboos on, 185.

I

Ice, thickness in lakes of, 153; water from sea, 107; fishing through holes in, 153-154.

Igloryuallik as gathering-place of Eskimos, 39, 110.

Implements, for sealing, 113; for hunting, 145; for fishing, 153; broken on grave, 174, 176;
introduction of new, 242.

Incantations, 187; to weather, 187; to Kannakapfaluk, 188.

Independence of Eskimos economically, 89.

Indians, trade of Eskimos with, 19-20, 37, 47; conflicts of Eskimos and, 28, 47; hunting method
of, 146; dancing of, 208; Eskimos afraid of, 124.

Indicators for seals, 118.

Infanticide, 91; frequency of, 166; decrease of, 249,

Infirm, care of, 86, 95, 236.

Inhabitants, earlier, 56, 58, 248.

Inheritance, 92.

Inland Eskimos, see Backs river Eskimos.

Inman river, ruins near, 56.

Intercourse of Copper Eskimos, with western Eskimos, 28-29, 44-47; with inland Eskimos,
ae ; with eastern Eskimos, 49-50; with each other, 24-25, 32, 34, 36, 40, chap. iv, 116,

Intonation of voice, variation in, 42.

J

Jamieson islands, natives at, 8, 13, 38; old houses on, 246.
Johansen, Mr. F., description of country by, 26; meets Eskimos in Wilbank bay, 38.

Index 273
K

Kanghiryuarmiut, numbers of, 41; unimportance economically of, 52; interco.rse with other
Eskimos of, 34, 50-53, 246-247; meeting with Puivlirmiut of, 24, 51-52, 180, 182, 224-226;
routes of travel of, 48, 50-53, 246-247; cannibalism among, 108.

Kangianermiut, 36. ;

Kayaks, for hunting, 47, 124, 149; for fishing, 155; for crossing lakes and rivers, 47, 49; cached

_ ,on pillars, 136; women unable to use, 88. t

Kiglinik, location of, 39.

Kiglinirmiut, uncertainty concerning, 41, 246.

Kilusiktok, location of, 22, 39.

Kilusiktomiut, 28, 39; gathering-place .of, 39, 110; intercourse with Pingangnaktomiut and

_ other groups of, 116; hunting journeys of, 125; frost-bites among, 13, 108.

Kimiryuak, river 14; gathering-place of Eskimos at, 34, 35, 110.

Kinship, see Relationship.

Kivalirmiut, 40.

sass pili) Captain C., visit of, 31, 50, 249; trading post of, 47; meets Victoria island Eskimos,

Klengenberg, Patsy, interpreter, 8, 211; account of séance by, 202.
Knives, trade in, 44, 48, 52; custom of carrying, 55.

Kogluktomiut, 36.

Kugaluk river, pyrites in, 23, 139, 108; fishing in gorge of, 139.
Kugaryuak river, gathering-place of Coppermine river Eskimos near, 110.

L

Labour, division of, 53-54.

Lake Akulliakattak, as gathering-place, 33, 110, 122.

Lake Numikhoin, as rendezvous of Puivlirmiut and Kanghiryuarmiut, 130.

Lake Tahiryuak, rendezvous at, 24, 34, 51.

Lamps, manufacture of stone, 53-54, 184; trade in, 44, 53, 54; arrangement in snow hut of,
61-62; arrangement in spring tent of, 130; caching in summer of, 123; difficulty during
summer in using, 133; wicks for, 140; fuel for, 108; improvised, 141.

Land, ownership of, 91, 92.

Landmarks, 129, 148, 153.

Language, differences in, 42, 244; use in séances of special, 211.

Law, enforcement of, 94-96; establishment of civilized, 96, 242.

Leden, Mr. C., on Kiglinirmiut, 41.

Lightning, supposed cause of, 180.

Liston and Sutton islands, 26; winter settlements at, 8, 15, et passim; meeting-place of Noahog-
nirmiut and Puivlirmiut at, 35.

Locker point, settlements near, 38, 116.

Loons, method of catching, 134.

M

Mackenzie river, Victoria island, 27; old village at, 246.

Macmillan, D. M., on Eskimo marriage, 158.

Magic, 169, 171-173, 196-202; sympathetic, 165; in revenge, 95.

Mallorektomiut, known to Copper Eskimos, 50.

Marriage, chap. xii; by capture, 159-160; payment at, 91, 159.

Marrow, eating of caribou, 103.

Masu root, as food, 97.

Mauss, Ms description of snow huts by, 77; on seasonal changes of Eskimos, 143; on size of
family, 163.

McClintock, on Eskimo shelters, 59; on eating heart of polar bear, 101.

McClure, explorations of, 30, 41.

Meals, 99-101, 112, 115.

Meat, drying of, 103, 131; eating of raw, 98, 138; cooking of, 100, 105-106. See Food.

Melville, C. D., at Great Bear lake, 31.

Meteors, belief concerning, 179.

Migrations of Eskimos, seasonal, 37, 77, 111, 115, 120, chap. x, 246-248; description of winter,
116-118. See Intercourse.

Missionaries, establishment of Anglican, 8, 31, 242; murder of Roman Catholic, 31, 177; arrest
of murderers of Roman Catholic, 96, 242; visits of Eslimos to, 124; visit to mouth of Copper-
mine river of, 241; visit to Ekaluktomiut of, 246.

Mogg, Captain Wm., 31, 240.

Moon, conception of, 179.

Moore islands, caches on, 121.

Morality of Eskimos, 235-240.

23335—18

274 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18 *

Mortality, rate of, 42.

Mount Barrow, stone cairns around, 29.

Mourning for dead, 33, 174, 177.

Murder, cases of, 94-95; frequency of, 96; of missionaries, 31; of Radford and Street, 31; arrest
of murderers, 96, 242.

Musical instruments, 222.

Muskrats at Great Bear lake, 185.

Musk-oxen, 15, 22; value for food supply of, 48, 105; drives for, 150; use of skins of, 61, 81, 105;
trading in skins of, 48, 52, 53; use of horn of, 29, 52, 100.

Mythical beings, 50, 179-180, 186-190; dwarfs, 180; giants, 180; tornrin, 58, 180; Kannakapfaluk
188-189, 206-207; Sila, 189; Nigsillk, 189; Poalleritillik, 189-190.

N

Nagyuktok, uncertain location of, 36-37; woman at Cape Bathurst from, 45.
Nagyuktomiut, 36; encountered by Franklin, 28; importance in earlier times of, 28, 37; legend
“~ eoncerning, 37, 159.

Names, 167-168; of dogs, 167; 239; for divisions of country, 15-26; no taboo on names of dead,
168.

Nennitak, 39.

Nennitagmiut, 39.

Netsilingmiut, knowledge of, 40; location of, 244-245; intercourse of Copper Eskimos with,
49-50; difference in language of, 244; taboo observed by, 184; manner of greeting strangers
of, 50, 55; cannibalism among, 108; sealing among, 111; shamanism among, 199.

Neumann, Dr. D., on interchange of wives, 86.

Noahognik, location of, 16.

Noahognirmiut, numbers of, 34; encounter with, 55; gathering-places of, 34-35, 110; sealing-
grounds of, 35, 36.

O

Offerings at meals, 178.

Okauyak, used for fuel, 98-99, 130, 131.

Okauyarvik, harbour at, 25; as gathering-place of Puivlik Eskimos, 25, 35, 111.
Organization, social, chap. vii; seasonal changes in, 143.

P

Packing, in summer, 88, 133, 137.

Palaiyak, as interpreter, 7, 8, 211; encounter with shaman of, 195; opinion on a shamanistic
séance of, 203.

Pallik, location of, 18.

Pallirmiut, 36, 124.

Pallirmiut of Hudson bay, 49, 86.

Parry, on diseases of Eskimos, 43; on fire-making, 108; on Eskimo archery, 145; on thirst of
Eskimos, 107; on size of Eskimo family, 163.

Parry archipelago, stone houses in, 57, 58.

Passage of snow-hut, shape of, 64, 69, 70, 71; construction of, 61.

Peace signs, 55. ;

Peck, Rev. E. J., on graves, 176.

Phillips, Mr. W. G., discovery of ancient houses by, 56.

Physical appearance, no marked differences among Copper Eskimos in, 42; difference of eastern
Eskimos in, 244.

Pingangnaktok, location of, 21, 38.

Pingangnaktomiut, 38; gathering-place of, 110; intercourse with Kilusiktomiut of, 116.

Point Clifton, ruins near, 8.

Police, Royal Northwest Mounted, visit to Asiak of, 23; arrest of murderers by, 96, 242; discovery
of slaughtered caribou by, 149; visit to Coronation gulf of, 242; establishment of post of,
242; suppression of infanticide by, 249.

Polyandry, rareness of, 162.

Polygamy, 158; rareness of, 161.

Population, distribution of, chap. iii; dependance on food-supply of, 32; probable decrease in,
37, 41; origin of present Bathurst inlet, 39-40; total Copper Eskimo, 42.

Portages, overland, 15, 16, 21, 22, 25, 27.

cane aor of, 53-54, 184; trade in, 44, 52, 53, 54; suspension in snow-hut of, 62; in summer,

, 130.

Pottery, among western Eskimos, 44.

Prayer, 190.

Presents, Eskimo attitute towards, 30, 89-90; of food, 55, 90, 112, 115.

Probe, for sounding snow, 113, 118.

Index 275

Property, 88-92, 160; kinds of, 88-92; amount of, 89; inheritance of, 92; laid on grave, 174-176.

Psychology of Eskimos, chap. xviii. :

Ptarmigan, hunting of, 105, 129, 136; towels from skins of, 63, 105, 106.

Puivlik, location of, 24.

Puivlirmiut, first. encounter with, 55, 93; settlements of, 76; summer wanderings of, 101-102,
123, 125-142; gathering-places of, 34, 110; intercourse with Kanghiryuarmiut of, 24, 50-52,
181-182, 224-226; intercourse with other groups of, 116 ef passim. é

Punishment, for crime, 94-96; of children, 169.

Pyrites, sources of, 23, 108, 139; used in making fire, 108.

Q

Queen Maud’s sea, islands in, 244.

R

Radford, H. V., murder of, 31; avoidance of death-place of, 174.

Rae, explorations of, 29-30; on honesty of Eskimos, 30, 235-236.

Rae river, description of, 18; immigrations to, 44; Eskimos of, 29, 36.

Rainbow, belief concerning, 179, 180.

Reincarnation, no belief in, 168, 177.

Reindeer moss, as food, 97-98.

Relationship, terms of, 83-84; strength of ties of, 85, 86; special types of, 86-87.

Religion, chaps. xiv, xv, xvi; stunting of intellectual growth by, 224.

Remains, between Cape Parry and Coronation gulf, 28-29. See Ruins.

Richardson, explorations of, 28-29; discoveries of, 44; on Eskimo hunting, 148.

Rifles, effect of introduction of, 89, 96, 101, 104, 119, 144; eagerness of Eskimos to acquire, 241;
trading in, 48; superseding of bows by, 248.

Roscoe river, ruins near, 56.

Routes of trade, along coast to west, 44; via Banks island, 45-47; to Great Bear lake, 19-21,
47; to Akilinnik river, 48-49, 53, 246-247; along coast to east, 50; from Prince Albert sound,
50-53, 246-247.

Ruins, at Barter island, 7; on Banks island, 45-47; between Cape Lyon and Cape Krusenstern,
56, 245; in Coronation gulf, 246; on Victoria island, 50-51, 246. ;

S

Bal migration of, 15, 16 ef passim; spearing of, 123, 201-202; weirs for, 92, 103, 155-156

201-202. e

Schwatka, on contact with Coronation gulf, 41.

Sculpins, spearing of, 103, 141.

Seals, abundance of, 15 ef passim; varieties of, 17; shooting of bearded, 112, 119-120, 141;
propitiation of, 114, 178, 181; taboos regarding, 182-183; eating of meat of, 100 e¢ passim
eating of skin of, 100, 107; mythical, 180.

Sealing, with harpoon, 112-114; commencement of season for, 111; sealing-grounds, 17, 26;
part of sexes in, 88.

Séances, 188, 189, 191, 193-217, chap. x passim.

Seasons, 13-14.

Settlements, nature of winter, 76; relationship of inhabitants in, 86; ancient, 46, 56, 245, 248.

Sewing, as woman’s work, 88; in autumn, 142; taboos on, 110. 115, 183-184, 188-189, 196.

Sexes, proportion of, 42; division of labour between, 87-88, 158; differences in clothing of, 109.

Shades, 178, 186-187; conception of, 178; causing bad weather, 180, 214; causing illness, 171-172,
204, 218-215; vengeance of, 177, 185; propitiation of, 178, 181; controlled by shamans,
191, 207; fate after death of, 177; of animals, 181.

Shamans, 191-217; séances of, see Séances; acquisition of power by, 92. 191-192; status of, 93-94,
194-196; property rights of, 92; employed in sickness, 92, 171-173, 178, 213, 214-215;
taboos imposed by, 185; contest with spirits of, 187, 192-193; spirits controlled by, 191;
wind controlled by, 180; transformations of, 191, 193-194; miracles of, 197-202; oracles of,
209-211; genuineness of, 194, 196, 216-217.

Shelters, 58, 131, 184; for hunting, 27, 45, 128, 141. See Wind-breaks.

Sickness, treatment of , 171-173, 198.

Signals in hunting, 136, 147-148.

Simpson, 44. See Dease and Simpson.

Skins, drying of, 119, 139.

Sleds, travelling with, 116-119; loading of, 116-117; caching of, 123, 130; hunting on, 147; ice
on runners of, 52, 116, 118-119, 127, 129; whale bone runners of, 131; mud shoeing of, 116,
130, 141, 142; improvised, 130, 140. . :

Sleeping platform, construction of, 61; arrangement of family on, 72-73, 85.

Slings, 145.

Snares, for birds, 135, 152; for squirrels, 124, 152.

276 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

Snow-blindness, treatment of, 171. =

Snow-huts, construction of, 59-64; inside arrangement of, 61-63; shapes of, 65-77; stability of,
63-64; temperature inside, 63, 70, 77; comfort of, 63; roofing of skin in, 77, 127; prevention
of dripping in, 63; combinations of tents and, 78; abandoned, 119.

Soapstone, for pots and lamps, 39.

Songs, 223-224; transmission of, 132. *

Sorcery, see Magic.

Sorrel, 97.

Soul, illness caused by loss of, 172, 174, 204; fate after death of, 177. ;

Spirits, causing sickness, 68, 171-172, 178; causing lightning, 180; controlling weather, 108;
avenging violated taboos, 185; nature of, 186; controlling seals, 188-189; controlled by
shamans, 191-192, 197; flight of shamans’, 198; of cat’s cradles, 203; as familiars of dogs,
212.

Squirrels, 15, 105; value of fur of, 102; snares for, 124, 152.

Stars, concepticn of, 179. ; :

Stefansson, Mr. V., journeys of, 31; value of works of, 9; classification of groups by, 33-41;
estimate of population by, 42; on trade routes, 45, 53, 246-247; on earlier inhabitants, 44;
on manufacture of pots and lamps, 53; on manner of greeting strangers, 55; bringing together
of Indians and Eskimos by, 47; discovery of stone house by, 57; on double houses, 74; on
eating fat, 102, 103; on beliefs concerning seals, 114; on vegetable foods, 97; on archery,
145; on Eskimo hardships, 108; on seclusion at childbirth, 164; discovery of stone cairns
by, 174-175; on taboos, 183-185; on Eskimo religion, 191; on honesty of Eskimos, 236.

Stone, manufacture of lamps of, 53-54; trading in lamps of, 44, 50; houses of, 17, 57, 58; taboo
on dislodging, 184; offering to, 190; magical, 211. ' '

Strangers, methods of greeting, 49, 50, 51-52, 55; rights of, 91; dances in honour of, 30, 49, 86-87,
92, 131-132.

Street, T. G., murder of, 31.

Suicide, rarencss of, 233.

Sun, beliefs concerning, 179.

Surgery, knowledge of, 171.

Swimming, ignorance of, 136.

T

Tables, 61.

Taboos, on cooking, 98, 182-183; on sewing, 110, 115, 183-184, 188-189, 196; at childbirth,
165; on use of seal-oil, 98; on driftwood, 98; miscellaneous, 184-185; imposed by shamans,
173, 192, 205, 207; penalties for breaking, 171, 182, 185.

Tents, in spring, 76, 78; in summer, 59, 80-81; combinations of snow-huts and, 78; method of
erecting, 78-79; material of, 79; fuel used in, 79; types of spring, 78-81; method of packing,
119; of western Eskimos, 80.

Tent-rings, 26, 29, 45, 46, 57, 58, 81, 82.

Theft, 93, 177; punishment of, 94.

Tom-cod, 15, 17, 22; method of catching, 103, 157.

Topography of country, chap. i.

Tornrin, 58, 180.

Trade, chap. iv; with western Eskimos, 44; with Indians, 19, 47; with Hudson bay, 48 3 with
Netsilingmiut, 50; with white men at Great Bear lake, 19; within each group, 53; routes of,
see Routes.

Trapping, 58, 105, 128, 151, 240-241.

Travelling, by sled, 116-119. See Migrations.

Tree river, timber on, 14, 21; route between Coppermine and, 19, 21; settlements at, 38; manu-
facture of lamps and pots at, 53, 54; establishment of police post at, 242.

Trees, northern limits of, 14, 20.

Tribes, see Groups.

Trout, abundance of, 15 et passim; method of catching, 152, 155.

U

Ugyulingmiut, 41, 42, 248.

Ukkusiksaligmiut, location of, 39, 245; ignorance of sealing of, 245, 248; known to Copper
Eskimos, 50.

Umingmaktok, 23, 39.

Umingmaktomiut, 39.

Universe, conception of, 179-180.

Vv

Vegetation, character of, 14.

Victoria island, rivers of, 14; districts on, 23; visits of western Eskimos to, 50-51.
Villages, see Seitlements.

Villages, ancient, 46, 56, 245, 248.

Index 277

Walliak, location of, 18, 36.

Walliarmiut, 18, 36.

Water, methods of obtaining, 107.

Weapons, see Implements.

Weather, beliefs concerning, 179, 180; incantation for, 187.

Weirs, for trapping salmon, 92, 155-156, 201-202.

Whales, 46; use of bone of, 131.

Wheistones, 21.

White men, beliefs concerning, 50, 180; influence of, 240-242, 248-249; as familiars of shamans,
191; trade with, see Trade.

Widows, fate of, 163.

Wilkins, Mr. G. ee. discoveries-of, 45-47; on population of Prince Albert sound, 41; on spearing
of salmon, 156; on Eskimo marriage, 159; on a grave, 175-176; on shamanism, 201-202.

Will, belief in projection of, 229.

Willow, size of, 14, 21; for bedding, 61, 71; for fuel, 79 et passim; tinder from seeds of, 108.

Winds, prevailing, 13-14: beliefs concerning, 180.

Wind-breaks, 58-59, 79, 106, 128, 131; for sheltering corpse, 174.

Windows, of ice, 62-68, 116, 142; ignorance of gut, 63.

Wise point, trading-place at, 44, 51.

Witchcraft, 196-197. See Mag ic.

Wives, status of, 162; eid ee of, 74, 85-86, 238-239.

Wolverines, 15, 105; precautions against, 121.

Wolves, 15, 105; capture in pits of, 151; propitiation of, 181.

Woman, position of, 162; work of, "87-88: ownership of. property by, 88-89; as sign of peace, 55.

i aa of, 14; Eskimo j journeys for, 19, 48, 53; sources of, 20, 48, 56; trade in objects of,
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Fig. 7. Sketch map showing the distribution of the Copper Eskimos, Coronation Gulf region, Northwest Territories
Copper Eskimos, by D. Jenness, Vol. XII, Part A, 1922).

PART B: PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE
COPPER ESKIMOS

Vol. xii—50932

PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE COPPER ESKIMOS
By D. Jenness

Issued May 23, 1923

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PAGE

INTRODUCTION............ 0 ...... Dh ne. PES RRD Tynee Aer nena eet 5B
Section I—Frevtp Data—

Descriptions of individuals measured................. 0 ccc eee eee 7B

Tables of measurements... ..........4...00- cece ete aa aaa 35B
Section IJ—Discusston—

A. General description of the Copper Eskimos........ .......... 38B

B. Measurements........ .. 0 1. 1.2.2.0... Oe Bee 38a ge Seo. OB

CONCLUSION..... .. ..... IN Gas. ae abe Te Ge aoe Tce mummey cases 65B

50932—14

INTRODUCTION!

The Canadian Arctic Expedition, after leaving Esquimalt, British Colum-
bia, in June, 1913, sailed up the north-west coast of the American continent
into the Arctic Ocean. .A short call of about two hours was made at Point
Hope, in northern Alaska, and a number of Eskimos boarded our vessel, the
Karluk. Thirteen of these natives were hastily gathered into a little deck cabin
and measured for stature, head length and head breadth. The MS. containing
this information was sent ashore at Barrow a few days later to be mailed to
Ottawa, most fortunately, because the Karluk was caught in the ice soon after-
wards and subsequently crushed. My anthropometric instruments went down
with the vessel, and a year elapsed before a new set could be procured from
Ottawa by way of the Mackenzie river. We were then sailing towards Corona-
tion gulf, in which vicinity we spent the two years from 1914 to 1916. During
this period my work lay exclusively among the Copper Eskimos, and the only
physical measurements I was able to obtain from other groups were derived
from two Eskimos, both men, from the inland region west of Hudson bay, and
five Eskimos, four men and one woman, from the Mackenzie river region. This
paper then will deal mainly with the Copper Eskimos, but the information
obtained from other regions will be used for comparative purposes, together
with such data as can be found in the scattered literature concerning the
Eskimos.

The instruments used were the portable anthropometric set that is sold
by Messrs. P. Herman of Zurich. The anthropometer was the least satisfactory,
for, even with the aid of a plummet, it was difficult to maintain the rod abso-
lutely perpendicular while the measurements were being read; moreover there
was no level platform for the subject to stand on, and firm level floors are seldom
found in the north. Routine difficulties of this kind were increased in the case
of the Copper Eskimos owing to the climate of the region and the manner of
life of its inhabitants. Only during the winter months do they congregate
in large settlements; in summer they are scattered into small parties of two
or three families each, that wander day by day from one place to another. The
anthropometric work, therefore, had to be done indoors during the winter and
spring. The headquarters of our expedition at Bernard harbour consisted of
but one room 18’ by 15’ in which six men had to sleep and carry on their scientific
work. It will be readily understood that after the sleeping quarters, tables,
shelves and fire-place had been arranged and set in place, there was very little
room for the admission and examination of the Eskimos. Hence by far the
greater number of the measurements were taken in snow huts, generally in
the dance-houses of the settlements, since the ordinary dwelling was rarely
high enough to allow the anthropometer to be held perpendicular. The light
was always very indifferent, on certain days in fact quite insufficient for the
mere reading of the figures; moreover the temperature inside the snow hut was
either somewhere around freezing or considerably below it. In addition to
these physical disadvantages the dance-houses were generally filled with jostling
if good-humoured crowds of on-lookers who had no conception of the purpose
of the investigations but were always ready to tender advice and assistance,
and to provoke a little merriment by jesting remarks at the expense of the
investigator or his subjects. In spring the light was much better, and it was
found possible to examine more of the natives at headquarters; consequently,
while the actual measurements taken were the same as in the winter, fuller

1In the poe mey grouping of the various parts of the reports of the expedition, the present report
was assigned to Volume XIII, Part A. For greater convenience in binding and issuing, it has been found
advisable to publish it as Part B of Volume XII, of which the first part, The Life of the Copper Eskimos,
by the same author, was issued January 12, 1922.

6B Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

details could be given concerning the individual features. Every possible care
was taken to ensure accuracy, but the difficulties were so great that laboratory
standards of exactness should not be applied to the results. ;

Generally speaking I tried to follow the instructions contained in Notes and
Queries on Anthropology, 4th Ed., published by the Royal Anthropological
Institute of Great Britain and Ireland in 1912. The measurements taken were:—

1. Stature—The subject was made to stand erect, his eyes fixed on where
the horizon would be if visible, knees straight, heels together and toes pointing
outward. It was not possible to measure the natives bare-footed on account
of the snow floor, so a deduction of 7 mm. has been made in every case, an average
arrived at by actually measuring the thickness of a normal set of foot-gear.

2. Head Length.—The maximum distance from the glabella to the farthest
point behind in a straight-line. The glabella was seldom prominent, seeming
to depend a great deal on the shape of the forehead, for the bridge of the nose
was often greatly sunken and the glabella, instead of protruding, was almost
hollow, the forehead sloping down in an even curve to the bridge. In such cases
I assumed the glabella to be the point where the line of the eyebrows inter-
sected the median line down the nose.

3. Head Breadth—The maximum diameter transversely to the head above
the plane of the ear-holes, the points of the callipers being kept at the same
horizontal level. No deduction was made for the thickness of the hair, but the
callipers were inserted as far as possible through the hair directly against the skin.

4. Head Circumference.—The tape passed over the glabella, above the ears
and over the remotest point on the back of the head, no deduction being made
for the thickness of the hair.

5. Total Face Length—From the nasion to the lower edge of the chin in
the middle line, the subject holding the mouth closed in a natural manner. The
nasion was a point of some difficulty to determine. It is defined in Notes and
Queries as the ‘“‘most depressed point at the root of the nose.” This is usually
marked by a wrinkle, but in many cases there were two and even three wrinkles
between which it was extremely difficult to choose. In such cases I was guided
to some extent by the relative positions of the eyes, but undoubtedly another
observer might quite well have fixed upon some other point than that which was
actually adopted and the resultant figures would show some divergence in
consequence.

_ 6. Upper Face Length.—From the nasion, as defined above, to the alveolar
point.

7. Face Breadth—The greatest width obtained while moving the callipers
at right angles to the face along the zygomatic arches.

8. Nose Height.—From the nasion to the subnasal point.

9. Nose Breadth— The maximum distance between the alae, which were
only lightly touched by the callipers.

10. Nose Depth.—From the sub-nasal point to the highest point on the nose.
This was a very unsatisfactory measurement, as it was not easy to determine
the highest point; moreover it does not give the absolute degree of prominence
of the nose, as this depends also on the shape.

11. Jaw Breadth—Taken between the corner angles. The fleshiness of
the subject seemed to make a considerable difference in this measurement.

Except in the case of the Alaskan natives the ages that are given are approxi-
mate only.

In conclusion I should like to acknowledge the very great assistance I have
received in preparing this paper from Dr: F. Boas, of Columbia University, and
from Dr. E. A. Hooton, of Harvard University, both of whom furnished me
with many valuable suggestions and criticisms, although they are not responsi-
ble in any way either for the form in which the paper is presented or for any
statements that are made in it,

SECTION I
DESCRIPTIONS OF INDIVIDUALS MEASURED
COPPER ESKIMOS

Mates

A. Akuliakattak group, Dolphin and Union strait.

1.

Iatisie, 45 years (Plate II).

Hair: black, almost straight, cut close on crown, but falling to shoulders
on sides; eyebrows: black and medium thick; moustache and beard:
black, short and sparse.

Forehead: medium high and slightly receding.

Eyes: dark brown; traces of fold, slits medium wide, lids slightly concealed.

Nose: bridge low, leading straight to tip.

Lips: thick and everted, the lower more than the upper.

. KALLUPIK, 28 years.

Hair: black, straight, but curving slightly at the ends, cut close on crown,
falling to chest; eyebrows: black and medium thick; moustache: black
but slight; beard: faint traces only.

Forehead: rather low but straight.

Eyes: dark brown; a well-marked fold, slits rather narrow, lids almost con-
cealed.

Nose: bridge low, leading straight to tip; nostrils widely distended.

Lips: thick and everted, the lower more than the upper.

. NavLUALUK, 30 years.

Hair: black, slightly wavy at ends, cut close on crown, falling to shoulders
on sides; eyebrows: black and medium thick, almost meeting; mous-
tache: black but slight; beard: faint traces only.

Forehead: moderately high and straight.

Eyes: dark brown; a well-marked fold, slits rather narrow, lids almost
concealed.

Nose: bridge low, leading straight to tip.

Lips: medium thick and everted, the lower more than the upper.

Remarks: weight, January, 1915, 1634 lbs.

. ATORNAQ, 22 years.

Hair: black, slightly wavy, cut close on crown, reaching to shoulders on
sides; eyebrows: black and medium thick; moustache: traces only;
beard: none.

Forehead: straight; supra-orbital ridges and glabella not prominent.

Eyes: light brown; a slight fold, slits medium wide, lids not concealed.

Nose: bridge low and medium broad, leading straight to a slightly hooked
tip.

Lips: upper, medium thick and not everted; lower, thicker and everted.

Ears: no detached lobes.

8B

Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

5. ULogsag, 35 years.

Hair: black, straight, cut close on crown, falling to shoulders on sides;
eyebrows: black and medium thick; moustache and beard: black tinged
with brown, both sparse.

Forehead: high and almost straight; supra-orbital ridges and glabella not
prominent.

Eyes: light brown; traces only of fold, slits medium wide, lids not concealed.

Nose: bridge low, medium broad, leading straight to a rather snub tip.

Lips: upper, medium thick and not everted; lower, somewhat thicker and
everted.

Ears: lobes slightly detached.

Remarks: head high and narrow, sloping back to a peak, then cut away from
peak to inion; cheek bones not very prominent; weight, May, 1916, 1973
Ibs.

6. Kuuzaa, 45 years.

Hair: black, slightly wavy, cut close on crown, falling to shoulders on sides;
eyebrows: black and scanty; moustache and beard: black with a brownish
tinge; a few hairs on sides of face.

Forehead: medium high, slightly receding, sloping away at sides; supra-
orbital ridges and glabella fairly prominent.

Eyes: dark brown; no fold, slits medium wide, lids not concealed.

Nose: bridge high and medium broad, leading in a concave curve to a moder-
ately high tip.

Lips: upper, medium thick and not everted; lower, somewhat thicker and
everted.

Ears: no detached lobes.

Remarks: high, narrow, scaphoid head, sloping back to a peak; face oval,
with broad cheeks and jaw.

B. Noahogniq group, Dolphin and Union strait.

. KaMInGGoa, 35 years.

Hair: very dark brown, almost black, straight, but curving slightly at
ends, cut close on crown; eyebrows: black and scanty; moustache: brown;
beard: on chin alone, black, short and sparse. ,

Forehead: moderately high and somewhat receding.

Eyes: dark brown; slight fold, slits medium wide.

Inps: both rather thick and somewhat everted, the lower more than the

upper.

. AYALLIK, 55 years (Plate VID.

Hair: black, straight, cut close on crown; eyebrows: black but scanty;
beard: black and rather short.

Forehead: rather low and receding.

Eyes: dark brown; slight fold.

Inps: both rather thick and somewhat everted.

. AxsraTaqQ, 30 years; son of Female No. 10 (Plate IV).

Hair: black and slightly wavy, cut close on crown; eyebrows: black but
scanty; only slight traces of a moustache and no beard.

Forehead: medium high and slightly receding.

Eyes: dark brown; slight fold.

Nose: rather narrower than usual.

Lips: rather thick, the lower slightly everted.

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos B9

10. AnavuyuK, 50 years (Plate VII).

Hair: black, straight, cut close on crown; eyebrows: black but scanty; beard:
black, about 1’’ long, rather sparse. —

Forehead: medium high and receding.

Eyes: dark brown; slight fold.

Nose: very low bridge.

Lips: thick and everted.

Remarks: The flat face, low bridge to the nose, receding forehead, thick
everted lips and rather prominent glabella gave this man a low “Aus-
tralian’’ appearance.

11. Hrraoe, 40 years; brother of Female No. 10 (Plate VI).

Hair: black, slightly wavy, cut close on crown, but reaching to shoulders
on the sides; eyebrows: black but very scanty; moustache: black but
short; beard: very scanty.

Forehead: low and receding.

Eyes: dark brown.

Nose: rather low bridge, the nose itself being narrow.

Lips: not very thick and only slightly everted.

12. Tapruna, 45 years.

Hair: black (turning grey), somewhat wavy, cut close on crown but reaching
to shoulders on sides; eyebrows: brownish-black and medium thick,
moustache: brownish-black and medium thick; beard: very scanty, and
only on chin.

Forehead: medium high and straight, slightly bombé in middle, supra-
orbital ridges and glabella not prominent.

Eyes: light brown; no fold, slits medium wide, lids not concealed.

Nose: bridge medium high and narrow, leading to a narrow hooked tip.

Inps: medium thick but not everted.

Ears: lobes slightly detached.

Remarks: this man’s features seemed to resemble an Indian type.

13. Nogatuaa, 30 years.

Hatr: black, slightly wavy, cut to 14” on crown, reaching to chest on sides;
eyebrows: black and thick; moustache: black, medium long but sparse;
beard: black but very scanty.

Forehead: straight; supra-orbital ridges and glabella not prominent.

Eyes: light brown; slight fold, slits medium wide, lids half concealed.

Nose: bridge very low and narrow, leading straight to a broad, low tip.

Lips: both thick, the lower somewhat everted.

Ears: no detached lobes.

14. Kutrana, 45 years. ©

Hair: black, slightly wavy, cut close on crown, reaching to shoulders on sides;
eyebrows: black but scanty; moustache and beard: both black, but sparse.

Forehead: somewhat receding; supra-orbital ridges and glabella not prom-
inent.

Eyes: light brown; no fold, slits very narrow, lids half concealed.

Nose: bridge low and very narrow, leading with a small hump to’ tip.

Lips: upper, medium thick but not everted; lower, thicker and everted.

15. Qicrak, 40 years.

Hair: black and straight, cut close on crown, falling to shoulders on sides;
eyebrows: black but scanty; moustache: black and medium thick; beard:
black, medium thick; a few hairs on the cheeks.

Forehead: low and straight; supra-orbital ridges and glabella not prominent.

108 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

Eyes: light brown; slight fold, slits medium wide, lids half concealed.

Nose: bridge rather low, leading straight to a rather broad tip.

Lips: both medium thick, the lower slightly everted.

Ears: no detached lobes.

Remarks: face block-shaped; chin pointed and not receding; cheekbones
high but not prominent; temperature, February, 1916, 99° F.

16. AYALLIK, 50 years.

Hair: black, straight, cut close on crown, falling to shoulders on sides; eye-
brows: black but scanty; moustache and beard: both black but scanty.
Forehead: low and slighily receding; supra-orbital ridges and glabella not
prominent.

Eyes: light brown with milky blue rim around the iris; slight fold, slits
medium wide, lids almost concealed.

Nose: bridge low and narrow, leading in a concave curve to a rather narrow,
snub tip.

Lips: medium thick and not everted.

Ears: no detached lobes. ‘

Remarks: rather long face, broad and square, with high prominent cheek-
bones.

17. PanaxtTag, 40 years.

Hair: black, straight, cut close on crown, falling well below shoulders on
sides; eyebrows: black and medium thick; beard and moustache: both
black with a slight brownish tinge and both sparse.

Forehead: medium high and slightly receding, sloping away on sides; supra-
orbital ridges and glabella not prominent.

Eyes: dark brown suffused with a milky blue tinge; slight fold, narrow slits
and lids concealed.

Nose: bridge medium high, leading straight to a rather pointed tip.

Lips: medium thick and not everted; the mouth rather small.

Ears: no detached lobes.

Remarks: scaphoid head; cheekbones rather high and prominent.

C. Walliaq group, Coronation gulf.

18. AnERAQ, 50 years; father of Male No. 3”.

Hair: black, straight, cut close on crown, where there were signs of baldness,
reaching to chest on sides; eyebrows: black tinged with brown and medium
thick; beard and moustache: black tinged with brown, both sparse.

Forehead: slightly receding; supra-orbital ridges and glabella slightly prom-
inent.

Eyes: light brown; slight fold, slits medium wide, lids half concealed.

Nose: bridge low, very narrow, leading with a hump to a rather pointed,
slightly hooked tip.

Iips: somewhat thick, the lower being slightly everted.

Remarks: this man’s face seemed to resemble an Indian type.

19. Marra, 25 years; brother of Male No. 25 (Plate ITI).

Hair: black, straight, clipped all over to about 1”; eyebrows: black but
scanty; moustache and beard: traces only.

Forehead: rather low and slightly receding, the hair beginning well back on
the pe ; Supra-orbital ridges moderately prominent, glabella not prom-
inent.

Eyes: light brown; slight fold, slits rather narrow, lids concealed.

Nose: bridge very low, leading straight to tip.

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos Bll

Inps: upper, medium thick and not everted; lower, somewhat thicker and
slightly everted.

Remarks: cheekbones somewhat high and prominent; temperature, Novem-
ber, 1915, 98° F.

20. KANMUARYUK, 25. years.

Hair: black, straight, uncut, falling to chest; eyebrows: black but sparse;
moustache: traces only, apparently black; beard: none.

Forehead: low and straight, sloping away at sides; supra-orbital ridges and
glabella fairly prominent.

Eyes: light brown; slight fold, slits narrow, lids half concealed.

Nose: bridge low and narrow, leading straight to a broad tip.

Lips: medium thick, the lower slightly everted.

Ears: no detached lobes.

Remarks: round, flat face; cheekbones high and rather prominent.

21. Haveaa, 55 years.

Hair: black, straight, cut close on crown, falling to shoulders on sides; eye-
brows: black but sparse; moustache: brownish-black but sparse; beard:
black and sparse.

Forehead: medium high and slightly receding, sloping away on sides; supra-
orbital ridges and glabella fairly prominent.

Eyes: light brown with a milky-blue fringe around the iris; slight fold,
slits rather narrow, lids concealed.

Nose: bridge medium high and very narrow, leading straight to a rather
pointed tip.

Lips: medium thick and not everted. ,

Remarks: scaphoid head; face oval; cheekbones high and rather prominent.

22. Azzun, 32 years.

Hair: black with a brownish tinge at the ends, straight, uncut, reaching to
chest; eyebrows: very scanty, colour uncertain; moustache: faint traces
only; beard: none.

Forehead: low and straight; supra-orbital ridges and glabella not prominent.

Eyes: light brown; slight fold, slits medium wide, lids half concealed.

Nose: bridge medium high, but broad and flat, leading straight to a rather
pointed tip.

Lips: upper, medium thick and not everted; lower, somewhat thicker and
slightly everted.

Ears; lobes slightly detached.

Remarks: head flat, low and broad; face square; cheekbones high but not
very prominent.

23. Kalyuina, 25 years.

Hair: black with brownish tinge, straight, uncut, reaching to waist; eye-
brows: black and medium thick; moustache: traces only; beard: none.

Forehead: medium high, almost straight; supra-orbital ridges and zlabella
fairly prominent.

Eyes: light brown; slight fold, slits medium wide, lids half concealed.

Nose: bridge medium high and narrow, leading straight to low tip.

Lips: medium thick and not everted.

Ears: lobes slightly detached.

Remarks: long, oval face with regular features; cheekbones neither very
high nor prominent.

128 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

24. Atvra, 20 years.

Hair: black with faint brownish tinge, straight, uncut, falling to chest;
eyebrows: black and medium thick; moustache and beard: none. _
Forehead: rather low and straight, sloping away at sides; supra-orbital

ridges and glabella not prominent.
Eyes: light brown; medium fold, slits medium wide, lids half concealed.
Nose: bridge rather low and narrow, leading straight to tip.
Lips: rather thick, the lower slightly everted.
Ears: lobes moderately detached.
Remarks: face straight, with chin not receding; cheekbones high and prom-
inent; temperature, March, 1916, 97.2° F.

25. ANARvIK, 40 years; brother of Male No. 19.

Hair: black, straight, cut close on crown, falling to chest on sides; eyebrows:
black and medium thick; moustache: black with brownish tinge, 3’
long, sparse; beard: black, 3’’ long, also sparse; a few hairs on the
cheeks.

Forehead: medium high, slightly receding, sloping away on sides; supra-
orbital ridges and glabella not prominent.

Eyes: light brown, but with marked blue fringe on upper rim of iris; slight
fold, slits medium wide, lids not concealed.

Nose: bridge rather low and narrow, leading straight to tip.

Inps: rather thick and both slightly everted.

Ears: no detached lobes.

Remarks: face broad above, pointed below, with the chin slightly receding;
cheekbones high and prominent; temperature, March, 1916, 97-9° F.

D. Asiak group, Coronation gulf.

26. UTogEra, 40 years.

Hair: black, slightly wavy, cut close on crown, falling to chest on sides;
eyebrows: black and thick; moustache: black, fairly thick; beard:
black, about 1” long, rather sparse.

Forehead: medium high and slightly receding; supra-orbital ridges and
glabella not prominent. :

Eyes: greyish-brown; no fold, slits medium wide, lids half concealed.

Nose: bridge rather low and medium wide, leading straight to broad tip.

Inps: medium thick and both slightly everted.

27. QoxsukK, 40 years.

Hair: black, straight, cut to 14” on crown, falling to shoulders on sides;
eyebrows: black and thick; moustache: brownish-black, sparse;; beard:
brownish-black, 14” long, sparse. :

Forehead: straight; supra-orbital ridges and glabella not prominent.

Eyes: brown with a green tinge; slight fold, slits medium wide, lids nearly
concealed.

Nose: bridge low and narrow, leading straight to tip.

Inps: rather thick and slightly everted, the lower more than the upper.

Ears: lobes slightly detached.

Remarks: weight, March, 1915, 175 Ibs.

28. QoHoaTagQ, 25 years (Plate V).
Hair: black, straight, uncut, falling almost to waist; eyebrows: black and
medium thick; moustache: black, but small; beard: none.
Forehead: rather low and slightly receding, the hair beginning well back;
supra-orbital ridges slightly prominent, glabella not prominent.
Eyes: dark brown; slight fold, slits rather narrow, lids half concealed.

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos B13

Nose: bridge rather low, leading straight to a rather pointed tip.

Inps: rather thin and not everted; the lower a trifle thicker than the upper.

Ears: no detached lobes.

Remarks: face long; cheekbones high and prominent; chin rather pointed
and projecting slightly; temperature, November, 1915, 98-4° F.

29. KAULAHUK, 50 years.

Hair: black, slightly wavy, cut close on crown, falling below shoulders on
sides; eyebrows: black and medium thick; moustache and beard: black,
but turning grey; a few hairs on the cheeks.

Forehead: medium high and slightly receding, sloping away at sides;
supra-orbital ridges and glabella not prominent.

Eyes: light brown with a milky blue fringe around the iris; medium fold,
slits narrow and lids concealed.

Nose: bridge low and narrow, leading with a slight hump to a rather pointed
tip.

Lips: medium thick, the lower slightly everted.

Ears: lobes slightly detached.

Remarks: high, scaphoid head; face straight, the chin not receding; cheek-
bones rather high and prominent; temperature, March, 1916, 98-8° F.

30. Trasaq or ApaTToa, 55 years.

Hair: black, slightly wavy, cut close on crown, falling below shoulders on
sides; eyebrows: black and medium thick; moustache: brown turning
white; beard: black on chin, brown, turning white, on lower lip.

Forehead: medium high, almost straight; supra-orbital ridges and glabella
not prominent.

Eyes: very light brown, with a grey fringe around the iris; slight fold, slits
narrow, lids concealed.

Nose: bridge low and rather broad, leading straight to tip.

Lips: medium thick and not everted.

Ears: lobes slightly detached.

Remarks: face rather flat and square; chin straight; cheekbones high but
not promineat; weight, May, 1916, 189 lbs.

E. Pingangnaqtok group, Coronation gulf.

31. Kanuyavyaag, 25 years; son of Male No. 36, Female No. 18.

Hair: black, straight, uncut, falling just below shoulders on sides; eyebrows:
black and medium thick; moustache: traces only, colour uncertain;
beard: none.

Forehead: medium high and straight; supra-orbital ridges and glabella not
prominent.

Eyes: light brown; slight fold, slits medium wide, lids not concealed.

Nose: bridge low, leading in a concave curve, with a small hump, to a
rather narrow tip.

Lips: medium thick, the lower slightly everted.

Ears: lobes slightly detached.

Remarks: cheekbones high, but not very prominent; temperature, Novem-
ber, 1915, 98-8° F.

32. TAHLIQ, 22 years.

Hair: black, straight, uncut, falling to chest; eyebrows: black and medium
thick; moustache: traces only; beard: none.

Forehead: medium high and slightly receding; supra-orbital ridges and
glabella moderately prominent.

Eyes: light brown; slight fold, slits medium wide, lids almost concealed.

4B

Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

Nose: bridge rather low, leading in a concave curve, with a small hump, to
a medium broad tip.

Lips: rather thick, the lower slightly everted.

Ears: lobes slightly detached.

Remarks: cheekbones high, but not very prominent; temperature, Novem-
ber, 1915, 99° F.

33. Hrraa, 40 years.

Hair: black, straight, cut close on crown, falling to shoulders on sides; eye-
brows: black, medium thick; moustache: black tinged with brown;
beard: black and scraggy.

Forehead: low and almost straight; supra-orbital ridges moderately prom-
inent, glabella not prominent.

Eyes: dark brown; no fold, slits medium wide, lids not concealed.

Nose: bridge low, leading in a concave curve to a rather pointed tip.

Lips: medium thick and not everted.

Ears: no detached lobes.

Remarks: face round and flat; cheekbones high and prominent; tempera-
ture, February, 1916, 98-6° F. 2

34. Iroqana, 40 years.

Hair: black, straight, cut close on crown, falling to shoulders on sides; eye-
brows: black and sparse; moustache: black and sparse; beard: black,
2" long, but sparse; few hairs on cheeks.

Forehead: low and straight; supra-orbital ridges moderately prominent,
glabella not prominent.

Eyes: dark brown; very slight fold, slits medium wide, lids half concealed.

Nose: bridge low and narrow, leading with a small hump to a rather pointed
tip.

Lips: medium thick and not everted.

Remarks: face block-shaped, with pointed chin; cheekbones high and prom-
inent; head sloping back to a point with a hollow furrow down the back;
temperature, February, 1916, 98-4° F.

35. Iroa, 50 years.

Hair: black, slightly wavy, cut close on crown, falling nearly to shoulders
on sides; eyebrows: black and medium thick; moustache: black and
medium thick; beard: black, about 1’ long and medium thick.

Forehead: low and slightly receding; supra-orbital ridges and glabella
moderately prominent.

Eyes: light brown with a milky fringe around the iris; no fold, slits medium
wide, lids not concealed.

Nose: bridge low and broad, leading straight to a medium broad tip.

Inps: medium thick and oot-everted.

Remarks: head markedly scaphoid; face rather flat and wedge-shaped;
cheekbones high and prominent; temperature, February, 1916, 98-4° F.

36. AticiryuaAQ, 50 years; father of Male No. 31.

Hair: black, straight, cut close on crown, falling below shoulders on sides;
eyebrows: black with brownish tinge, and thick; moustache and beard:
both black with a brownish tinge and both sparse.

Forehead: medium high and straight; supra-orbital ridges and glabella not
prominent.

Eyes: light brown with a greyish-blue fringe around the iris; slight fold,
slits medium wide and lids almost concealed.

Nose: bridge low and narrow, leading with a pronounced hump to a medium
broad tip.

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos B15

Inps: medium thick and not everted.

Ears: no detached lobes.

Remarks: face long and wedge-shaped, with pointed chin; cheekbones high
but not prominent.

F. Kilusiktok group, Coronation éulf.

37. ULogsaa, 30 years; son of Male No. 18 (Plate I).

Hair: black, slightly wavy, cut close on crown, falling to chest on sides;
eyebrows: black and medium thick; moustache: black but small;, beard,
none.

Forehead: medium high and slightly receding; supra-orbital ridges and
glabella not prominent.

Eyes: light brown; slight fold, slits medium wide, lids concealed.

Nose: bridge rather low and narrow, leading straight to a high, rather
hooked tip.

Lips: upper, medium thick and not everted; lower, a little thicker and
everted.

Ears: no detached lobes.

Remarks: the features of this man showed resemblances to an Indian type.

38. NAHUGALUAQ, 25 years.

Hair: black, straight, uncut, falling to shoulders on sides; eyebrows: black,
rather scanty; moustache: black but small; beard: traces only.

Forehead: medium high and straight; supra-orbital ridges and glabella not
prominent.

Eyes: dark brown; very slight fold, slits medium wide, lids not concealed.

Nose: bridge low and narrow, leading straight to tip.

Inps: medium thick and not everted.

Ears: no detached lobes.

Remarks: cheekbones rather high and prominent.

39. Kauraa, 35 years.

Hair: black, straight, uncut, falling to shoulders on sides; eyebrows: black,
medium thick; moustache and beard: both black and thick.

Forehead: medium high and straight, sloping away at sides; supra-orbital
ridges and glabella not prominent.

Eyes: light brown; slight fold, slits medium wide, lids concealed.

Nose: bridge medium high and rather narrow, leading with a small hump to
tip; a big coarse nose.

Lips: medium thick and not everted; mouth very small.

Ears: lobes very slightly detached.

Remarks: scaphoid head; face flat and square; cheekbones high but not
prominent.

40. AYALLIK, 25 years.

Hair: black, straight, cut close on crown, falling below shoulders on sides;
eyebrows: black and sparse; moustache: traces only; beard: none.

Forehead: rather high and almost straight; supra-orbital ridges and glab-
ella moderately prominent.

Eyes: dark brown; well-marked fold, slits narrow, lids half concealed.

Nose: bridge medium high, leading with a slight hump to tip.

Lips: rather thick; the upper everted very slightly, the lower more.

Ears: lobes slightly detached.

Remarks: head high and ovoid in shape; cheekbones not prominent.

168

Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

41. ANAUTALIK, 30 years.

Hair: black with a faint brownish tinge, almost straight, uncut, falling to
shoulders; eyebrows: black and thick; moustache: very scanty, appar-
ently black; beard: none.

Forehead: medium high and almost straight; supra-orbital ridges and glab-
ella not prominent.

Eyes: light brown; slight fold, slits medium wide, lids almost concealed.

Nose: bridge medium high, leading with a hump to a broad tip.

Lips: medium thick, the lower slightly everted.

Ears: lobes moderately detached.

Remarks: face almost straight, with the chin slightly receding; cheekbone
rather high but not prominent; temperature, March, 1916, 97-1° F.

42. OqaLLuK, 40 years.

Hair: black, straight, cut close on crown, falling to shoulders on sides; eye-
brows: black and sparse; moustache and beard: both black and sparse.

Forehead: medium high and slightly receding; supra-orbital ridges and glab-
ella slightly prominent.

Eyes: dark brown with a blueish fringe around the iris; medium fold, slits
narrow, lids concealed.

Nose: bridge low and narrow, leading straight to medium wide tip.

Inps: HERE medium thick and not everted; lower, somewhat thicker and
everted.

Ears: lobes slightly detached.

Remarks: face straight, chin not receding; cheekbones high and prominent;
temperature, March, 1916, 97-4° F.

43. Inarstaq, 50 years (Fig. 61, The Life of the Copper Eskimos, p. 215).

Hair: black, turning grey, slightly wavy, uncut, falling to shoulders; eye-
brows: black and thick; moustache: black with brown tinge; beard:
white, but black at roots; a few hairs on cheeks.

Forehead: medium high and slightly receding; supra-orbital ridges moder-
ately prominent, glabella not prominent.

Eyes: greyish-brown with a light blue fringe around the iris; slight fold,
slits medium wide, lids not concealed.

Nose: bridge medium high and narrow, leading straight to a somewhat
pointed, slightly hooked tip.

Lips: medium thick and not everted.

Ears: \obes slightly detached.

Remarks: face straight, wedge-shaped, and not at all flat, with the chin
pointed; cheekbones high and very prominent owing to the face being
thin; two tattoo marks on bridge of nose.

44, Azzun, 30 years (Plate VID.

Hair: black with faint brown tinge at tips, straight, cut close on crown,
falling to chest on sides; eyebrows: black and medium thick; moustache:
black and rather sparse; beard: none.

Forehead: low and slightly receding, sloping away at sides; supra-orbital
ridges and glabella not prominent.

Eyes: dark brown; slight fold, slits medium wide and lids nearly concealed.

Nose: bridge low and narrow, leading with a hump to a pointed tip.

Lips: medium thick and not everted.

Ears: no detached lobes.

Remarks: scaphoid head; face oval and straight, with chin not receding.

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos B17

45. Oqormia, 35 years.

Hair: black, somewhat wavy, cut close on crown, falling. to shoulders on
sides; eyebrows: scanty, colour uncertain; moustache and beard: both
very scanty but apparently black.

Forehead: low and straight, sloping away at sides; supra-orbital ridges
moderately prominent, glabella not prominent.

Eyes: dark brown; very slight fold, slits medium wide, lids not concealed;
eyes sunk considerably in the head.

Nose: bridge low and very narrow, leading with a hump to a slightly hooked
tip.

Lips: medium thick and not everted.

Ears: lobes slightly detached.

Remarks: head scaphoid; face flat, with the chin pointed and slightly pro-
jecting; cheekbones high but not very prominent.

46. AMARERNIQ, 35 years.

Hair: black, straight, uncut, falling below shoulders on sides; eyebrows:
black and sparse; moustache: brownish-black and sparse; beard: brown-
ish-black and sparse.

Forehead: medium high and straight; supra-orbital ridges and glabella not
prominent.

Eyes: dark brown; slight fold, slits medium wide, lids concealed.

Nose: bridge moderately high and narrow, leading straight to a rather
pointed tip.

Lips: medium thick and not everted.

Remarks: face square and somewhat flat; cheekbones not very prominent.

47. ANGIvRANA, 35 years (Fig. 64, The Life of the Copper Eskimos, p. 223.)

Hair: black, straight, cut close on crown, falling to shoulders on sides; eye-
brows: black and medium thick; moustache: black with brownish tinge
and sparse; beard: black and sparse.

Forehead: medium high and almost straight, sloping away at sides; supra-
orbital ridges and glabella moderately prominent.

Eyes: light brown; slight fold, slits medium wide, lids half concealed.

Nose: bridge rather low and very narrow, leading straight to a medium
broad tip. :

Lips: upper, medium thick and not everted; lower, thicker and everted.

Ears: lobes very slightly detached.

Remarks: face long and narrow, oval in outline; cheekbones high but not
very prominent.

G. Asiak group, east of Kent peninsula.

48. Haveun, 30 years.

Hair: black, straight, cut close on crown, falling to chest on sides; eye-
brows: black and medium thick; moustache: black and sparse; beard:
traces only.

Forehead: rather low and almost straight, sloping away at sides; supra-
orbital ridges and glabella not prominent.

Eyes: dark brown; slight fold, slits medium wide, lids concealed.

Nose: bridge somewhat low, leading straight to a low tip.

Lips: medium thick and not everted.

Ears: no detached lobes.

Remarks: scaphoid head; cheekbones high and prominent; chin pointed.

50932—2

18B Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

49. KarraLuxkaq, 35 years.

Hair: black, straight, uncut, fallmg to chest; eyebrows: black and thick;
moustache: black and scanty; beard: traces only.

Forehead: low and slightly receding; supra-orbital ridges and glabella not
prominent.

Eyes: dark brown; slight fold, slits medium wide, lids nearly concealed.

Nose: bridge low and medium broad, leading straight to tip.

Inps: wpper, medium thick and not everted; lower, somewhat thicker and
everted.

Ears: lobes slightly detached.

Remarks: face round and broad; chin receding slightly; cheekbones high
and very prominent; temperature, March, 1916, 99-2° F.

50. Arrava@, 30 years; brother of Male No. 51 (Plate VI).

Hair: black, slightly wavy, clipped all over to about 5’’; eyebrows: black
and sparse; moustache: black and sparse; beard: traces only.

Forehead: medium high and almost straight; supra-orbital ridges and glab-
ella not prominent.

Eyes: light brown; slight fold, slits narrow, lids almost concealed.

Nose: bridge low and medium broad, leading straight to a rather pointed
tip.

Lips: medium thick and not everted.

Ears: no detached lobes.

Remarks: face straight, long and square; chin straight; cheekbones high
and fairly prominent; temperature, March, 1916, 99-4° F.

51. ANARVILLUK, 20 years; brother of Male No. 50 (Plate VI).

Hair: black, almost straight, uncut, falling to chest; eyebrows: black and
sparse; moustache: traces only; beard: none.

Forehead: medium high and straight, sloping away at sides; supra-orbital
ridges and glabella not prominent.

Eyes: dark brown; marked fold, slits narrow, lids almost concealed; the
slant of the eye was unusually noticeable.

Nose: bridge low and narrow, leading straight to a broad, rather flat tip.

Iips: medium thick and not everted. :

Ears: lobes slightly detached.

Remarks: face long, flat and wedge-shaped; chin pointed and not receding;
cheekbones high but not prominent.

H. Kanghiryuag group, Prince Albert sound.

52. Kunana, 40 years (Plate IV B, The Life of the Copper Eskimos, p. 257).

Hair: black, slightly wavy, cut close on crown, falling to shoulders on sides;
eyebrows: brownish-black and medium thick; moustache: brownish-black,
medium thick; beard: brownish-black and sparse.

Forehead: rather low and receding; supra-orbital ridges and glabella mod-
erately prominent. ;

Eyes: light brown, slight fold, slits rather narrow, lids half concealed.

Nose: bridge low, leading straight to tip.

Lips: medium thick, the lower slightly everted.

Ears: no detached lobes.

Remarks: cheekbones high and fairly prominent; head scaphoid.

¥_
53. Niueaa, 35 years (Plate IV"B, The Life of the Copper Eskimos, p. 257).
Hair: black, straight, cut close on crown, falling to shoulders on sides;
eyebrows: black with brownish tinge, medium thick; moustache:
brownish-black and scanty; beard: brownish-black, short and sparse.

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos B19

Forehead: rather low and slightly receding; supra-orbital ridges and glab-
ella not prominent.

Eyes: light greyish-brown; very slight fold, slits medium wide, lids not
concealed.

Nose: bridge low and narrow, leading straight to tip.

Lips: medium thick and not everted.

Ears: no detached lobes.

Remarks: cheekbones high and rather prominent.

54. Impraa, 20 years.

Hair: black, straight, cut close on crown, falling just below shoulders on
sides; eyebrows: black tinged with brown, moderately thick; moustache:
traces only; beard: none.

Forehead: medium high and atraighit: supra-orbital ridges moderately prom-
inent, glabella not prominent.

Eyes: dark brown; marked fold, slits medium wide, lids not concealed.

Nose: bridge low, leading in a concave curve to tip.

Lips: medium thick, the lower very slightly everted.

Ears: no detached lobes.

Remarks: cheekbones high and prominent.

I. Hanerak group, South-west Victoria island.

55. Tutsix, 30 years.

Hair: black, slightly wavy, cut close on crown, falling below shoulders on
sides; eyebrows: black, medium thick, almost meeting; moustache and
beard: both black but very scanty.

Forehead: medium high and straight, a trifle bombé; glabella not prominent.

Eyes: dark brown; well-marked fold, lids half concealed.

Nose: bridge extremely low, leading straight to a low tip.

Lips: medium thick, the upper slightly everted, the lower more so.

56. Kaustna, 40 years.

Hair: black, slightly wavy, cut close on crown, where there were signs of
baldness, falling to chest on sides; eyebrows: black and very scanty;
moustache: brown and sparse; beard: brown and sparse.

Forehead: medium high and straight, a trifle bombé; supra-orbital ridges
and glabella not prominent.

Eyes: dark brown; no fold, slits rather wide, lids half concealed.

Nose: bridge low, medium broad, leading straight to tip.

Lips: thick and everted, the lower more than the upper.

Ears: lobes slightly detached.

57. Kieruna, 40 years (Plate IV).

Hair: black, slightly wavy, cut close on crown, falling to shoulders on sides;
eyebrows: almost none; moustache: brownish-black and sparse; beard:
brownish-black, about 1’’ long but sparse.

Forehead: medium high and slightly receding; supra-orbital ridges and glab-
ella moderately prominent.

Eyes: dark brown suffused with a milky tinge; slight fold, slits medium
wide, lids not concealed.

Nose: bridge medium high and narrow, leading with a slight hump to tip.

Lips: medium thick, the lower slightly everted..

Ears: \obes slightly detached.

Remarks: slight suggestion of an Indian type.

50932—23

20B Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

J. Puivliq group, South-West Victoria island.

58. Kannyog or Maqgarvik, 25 years.

Hair: black, straight, cut close on crown, falling to shoulders on sides;
eyebrows: black but scanty; moustache: black and short; beard: very
scanty, colour uncertain.

Forehead: low and receding.

Eyes: dark brown; no fold.

Nose: bridge very low, leading straight to tip.

Lips: thick and everted, the lower more than the upper.

59. Kineavix, 55 years; father of Male No. 61, Females Nos. 34 and 37.

Hair: black, wavy, cut close on crown, falling to shoulders on sides; eye-
brows: almost none; moustache: black and short; beard, black and
scanty; few hairs on cheeks.

Forehead: low and receding.

Eyes: dark brown; slight fold.

Nose: bridge low and narrow; nose itself big and broad.

Iips: thick and everted, the lower more than the upper.

60. Uruatux or Taipana, 20 years; brother of Male No. 63.

Hair: black, straight, cut close on crown, falling to shoulders on sides;
eyebrows: black and scanty; moustache: traces only; beard: none.

Forehead: moderately high and slightly receding.

Eyes: dark brown; slight fold.

Nose: bridge low.

Iips: thick, the upper slightly everted, the lower considerably.

61. Haviag or Hururawun, 35 years; son of Male No. 59.

Hair: black, straight, but at ends slightly wavy, cut close on crown, falling
below shoulders on sides; eyebrows: black and scanty; moustache and
beard: black and short.

Forehead: low and receding.

Eyes: dark brown; marked fold, lids almost concealed.

Nose: bridge low.

Lips: thick, the lower slightly everted.

62. AYALIGaAQ, 22 years.

Hair: black, straight, but wavy at ends, cut close on crown, falling below
shoulders on sides; eyebrows: black and scanty; moustache and beard:
none.

Forehead: moderately high and slightly receding.

Eyes: dark brown; slight fold, lids partly concealed.

Nose: bridge low.

Lips: thick, the lower slightly everted.

63. Havruyag, 25 years; brother of Male No. 12.

Hair: black, straight, uncut, falling below shoulders; eyebrows: black and
moderately thick; moustache and beard: black but scanty.

Forehead: moderately high and straight.

Eyes: dark brown; marked fold, lids almost concealed.

Nose: low bridge.

Lips: moderately thick, the lower slightly everted.

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos B21

64. Katyorana, 45 years; father of Male No. 68, Female No. 43.

Hair: black, wavy, uncut, falling to shoulders; eyebrows: black and med-
ium thick; moustache and beard: black, short and scanty.

Forehead: moderately high and slightly receding.

Eyes: dark brown; marked fold, lids concealed.

Nose: bridge low.

Lips: thick, the lower greatly everted.

Remarks: head high and markedly scaphoid.

65. QincaLogana, 55 years; father of Female No. 41.

Hair: black, straight, but wavy at ends, cut close on crown, falling nearly
to shoulders on sides; eyebrows: black but very scanty; moustache and
beard: black and moderately thick.

Forehead: moderately high and straight.

Eyes: light brown; slight fold, slits narrow. Left eye blind.

Nose: bridge low, nose itself big and almost hooked.

Lips: moderately thick, the lower slightly everted.

66. Wixx1AQ, 30 years; son of Male No. 71.

Hair: black, scraight, cut close on crown, fallmg to shoulders on sides;
eyebrows: black and moderately thick; moustache: black and scanty;
beard: none.

Forehead: rather low and almost straight.

Eyes: browa; slight fold, lids almost concealed.

Nose: bridge low, but the nose itself big and broad.

Lips: upper, somewhat thick but not everted; lower, thicker and consider-
ably everted.

67. Iroqana or QUGLUALUK, 20 years.

Hair: black, slightly wavy, cut close on crown, but falling below shoulders
on sides; eyebrows: black and moderately thick; moustache: traces only;
beard: none.

Forehead: moderately high and straight, slightly bombé.

Eyes: dark brown; marked fold, slits narrow, lids concealed.

Nose: bridge low and rather broad.

Lips: upper, medium thick and not everted; lower, somewhat thicker and
slightly everted.

68. QAVYEKTOK, 24 years; son of Male No. 64, Female No. 31.

Hair: black, slightly wavy, cut clos2 on crown, falling below shoulders on
sides; eyebrows: black and moderately thick; moustache: traces only;
beard: none.

Forehead: moderately high and straight, slightly bombé.

Eyes: dark brown; marked fold, slits narrow, lids almost concealed.

Nose: bridge low.

Lips: thick; the upper slightly everted, the lower considerably.

69. Qrepax, 20 years; son of Female No. 33.

Hair: black, straight, cut close on crown, falling below shoulders on sides;
eyebrows: black and moderately thick; moustache: traces only; beard:
none.

Forehead: low and somewhat receding.

Eyes: dark brown; marked fold, slits narrow, lids concealed.

Nose: bridge low.

Lips: upper, medium thick and not everted; lower, somewhat thicker and
slightly everted.

228 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

70. AcLUAQ, 24 years.

Hair: black, slightly wavy, cut close on crown, falling to shoulders on sides;
eyebrows: black and rather scanty; moustache and beard: black, short
and sparse.

Forehead: moderately high and almost straight.

Eyes: dark brown; marked fold, slits rather narrow, lids almost concealed.

Nose: bridge low.

Lips: upper, medium thick and not everted; lower, thicker and everted.

71. Ievaq, 60 years; father of Male No. 66.

Hair: black, straight, cut close on crown, falling to chest on sides; eye-
brows: almost none; moustache and beard: black, but both very scanty.

Forehead: high and slightly receding.

Eyes: dark brown; slight fold, slits rather narrow, lids almost concealed.
Right eye blind.

Nose: bridge very low and broad.

Lips: a medium thick and slightly everted; lower, thicker and greatly
everted.

72. PANGNARYUAQ, 24 years.

Hair: black, straight, but slightly wavy at ends, cut close on crown, falling
to shoulders on sides; eyebrows: black and medium thick; moustache:
very slight, colour uncertain; beard: traces only.

Forehead: moderately high and straight, slightly bombé.

aye sore brown; well-marked fold, slits rather narrow, lids almost con-
cealed.

Nose: bridge low, leading with a slight hump to tip.

Lips: medium thick and slightly everted, the lower more than the upper.

73. Kitucoa, 30 years.

Hair: black, straight, cut close on crown, falling almost to shoulders on
sides; eyebrows: black and medium thick; moustache: black but very
small; beard: a tiny black goatee only.

Forehead: moderately high and straight, slightly bombé.

Eyes: dark-brown; well-marked fold, slits narrow, lids almost concealed.

Nose: bridge low, leading straight to an almost hooked tip.

Iips: medium thick, the lower slightly everted.

74. IxpaxHuag, 40 years (Frontispiece, The Life of the Copper Eskimos;)
brother of Male No. 16.

Hair: black, slightly wavy, cut close on crown, but falling below shoulders
on sides; eyebrows: black and thick; moustache and beard: black,
short and sparse.

Forehead: medium high and slightly receding.

Eyes: dark brown; slight fold, slits medium wide and lids not concealed.

Nose: bridge low, leading straight to tip.

Lips: medium thick and not everted.

Ears: no detached lobes.

Remarks: weight, May, 1916, 178 lbs.; temperature, November, 1915,
98° F.

75. Avrana, 30 years (Fig. 43, The Life of the Copper Eskimos, p. 135); son
of Female No. 1.

Hair: black, straight, cut short all over; eyebrows: black and medium
thick; moustache and beard: black, short and scanty.

Forehead: medium high and slightly receding; supra-orbital ridges and
glabella not prominent.

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos B23

Eyes: light brown; medium fold, slits medium wide, lids half concealed.
Nose: bridge low, leading straight to tip.
Lips: thick and everted, the lower more than the upper.

76. Togauivaa, 40 years (Plate V).

Hair: black, wavy, cut close on crown, falling to shoulders on sides; eye-
oe almost none; moustache and beard: very slight, apparently
ack.
Forehead: medium high and slightly receding, slightly bombé; supra-
orbital ridges heavy but not prominent, glabella not prominent.
Eyes: dark brown; slight fold, slits rather narrow, lids concealed.
Nose: bridge low and broad, leading straight to low broad tip; a ‘snub’
nose.
Inps: somewhat thick and everted, especially the lower.
Ears: no detached lobes.
Remarks: features very gross and heavy, face very short; weight, May,
1916, 180 lbs.

77. SINISIAQ, 35 years (Plate VII).

Hair: black, straight, cut close all over; eyebrows: black, the right medium
thick, the left sparse; moustache and beard: black with brown tinge
around the lips, both clipped with scissors; few hairs on cheeks.

Forehead: rather low and almost straight, sloping away at sides making the
front appear bombé; supra-orbital ridges and glabella not prominent.

Eyes: light brown; slight fold, slits medium wide, lids slightly concealed.

Nose: bridge rather low and narrow, leading straight to tip.

Lips: medium thick; the upper not everted, the lower slightly.

Ears: lobes slightly detached.

Remarks: face square and rather flat; chin slightly receding; cheekbones
high but not very prominent; weight, May, 1916, 167 lbs.

78. KarlyaRYukK, 40 years.

Hair: black, straight, cut close on crown, falling to shoulders on sides;
eyebrows: black and somewhat sparse; moustache: black; beard: black,
but with tinge of brown, slight.

Forehead: medium high and straight, the hair starting well back on brow;
supra-orbital ridges slightly prominent, glabella not prominent.

Eyes: dark brown; slight fold, slits rather narrow, lids concealed.

Nose: bridge rather low, leading straight to tip.

Lips: both rather thick and everted.

Ears: no detached lobes.

Remarks: cheekbones medium high and rather prominent; temperature,
November, 1915, 96-8° F.

K. Nagyuktok group, South Victoria island.

79. EqstuHina, 35 years.

Hair: black, somewhat wavy, 2” long on crown, falling to chest on sides;
eyebrows: black tinged with brown, medium thick, almost. meeting;
moustache and beard: brownish-black, about 1’ long, but sparse.

Forehead: medium high and slightly receding; supra-orbital ridges and
glabella moderately prominent.

Eyes: dark brown; marked fold, slits medium wide, lids concealed.

Nose: bridge very low and medium broad, leading straight to a rather
snub tip.

Lips: medium thick, the lower slightly everted.

Ears: lobes very slightly detached.

248

Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

80. Eqsrunina, 45 years.

Hair: black, slightly wavy, clipped all over; eyebrows: black and sparse;
moustache: black with brownish tinge and thick; beard: black, short
and thick; few hairs on cheeks.

Forehead: medium high and almost straight; supra-orbital ridges and glab-
ella moderately prominent.

Eyes: light brown; no fold, slits medium wide, lids not concealed.

Nose: bridge medium high and narrow, leading straight to tip.

Lips: upper, medium thick and not everted; lower, somewhat thicker and
everted.

Ears: lobes very slightly detached.

Remarks: head markedly scaphoid; face straight with pointed chin; cheek-
bones high and prominent.

81. Eqstunina, 50 years.

Hair: black, straight, cut close on crown, falling to shoulders on sides; eye-
brows: black with slight brown tinge, medium thick; moustache and
beard: black with brown tinge, both sparse.

Forehead: rather low and almost straight, sloping away at sides; supra-
orbital ridges and glabella not prominent.

Eyes: dark brown; slight fold, slits medium wide, lids not concealed.

Nose: bridge medium high and very narrow, leading straight to tip.

Lips: upper, medium thick and not everted; lower, somewhat thicker and
slightly everted.

Ears: no detached lobes.

Remarks: face rather wedge-shaped; cheekbones high and prominent.

L. Kigliniq group, South Victoria island.
82. QERNET, 25 years.

Hair: black, slightly wavy, uncut, falling to chest on sides; eyebrows: black
and medium thick; moustache and beard: traces only.

Forehead: medium high and slightly receding, sloping away at sides; supra-
orbital ridges and glabella not prominent.

Eyes: light brown; marked fold, slits medium wide, lids concealed.

Nose: bridge rather low, leading in a concave curve to tip.

Lips: medium thick and not everted.

Ears: lobes very slightly detached.

Remarks: face not markedly flat; cheekbones high but not very prominent;
temperature, March, 1916, 98-9° F.

COPPER ESKIMOS
FEMALES

A. Akuliakattak group, Dolphin and Union strait.
1. Tagrtu or Hrerag, 45 years (Frontispiece, The Life of the Copper Eskimos) ;

mother of Male No. 75.

Hair: black, slightly wavy, falling to chest; eyebrows: very scanty, colour
uncertain. ;

Forehead: rather low and slightly receding.

Eyes: dark brown; slight fold, slits narrow, lids concealed.

Nose: bridge low.

Ips: upper, medium thick and not everted; lower, somewhat thicker and
slightly everted.

ee temperature, November, 1915, 97-8° F.; weight, May, 1916, 183

8.

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos B25

2. ANGOPQANA, 18 years.

Hair: black, straight, very thick, falling to chest;, eyebrows: black and
rather scanty.

Forehead: moderately high and very bombé.

Eyes: dark brown; marked fold, slits rather narrow, lids concealed; eyes
appeared unusually sunken at outer extremities.

Nose: bridge low, leading straight to rather broad tip.

Lips: medium thick, the lower slightly everted.

3. ATUGYUK or TuPITTOQ, 40 years.

Hair: black, straight, falling below the shoulders; eyebrows, black and
medium thick.

Forehead: moderately high and almost straight; glabella rather prominent.

Eyes: dark brown; well-marked fold, lids half concealed.

Nose: bridge low, leading straight to medium broad tip.

Lips: medium thick and very slightly everted.

4. MILUKATTAK, 24 years.

Hair: black, straight, reaching to chest; eyebrows: black and rather sparse.

Forehead: medium high and almost straight; supra-orbital ridges and glab-
ella not prominent.

Eyes: dark brown; medium fold, slits rather narrow, lids almost concealed.

Nose: bridge very low, leading straight to a broad low tip.

Lips: medium thick and both slightly everted.

Ears: no detached lobes.

Remarks: cheekbones high but not very prominent; temperature, July,
1915, 97° F., November, 1915, 95-6° F.

5. QuNGITTOQ, 45 years.

Hair: black, straight, falling below shoulders; eyebrows: black and scanty.

Forehead: low and slightly receding; supra-orbital ridges and glabella
fairly prominent.

Eyes: dark brown; slight fold, slits medium wide, lids not concealed.

Nose: bridge low, leading with slight hump to a pointed tip.

Iips: upper, medium thick and not everted; lower, thicker and somewhat
everted.

Ears: no detached lobes.

Remarks: face rather flat; chin not receding; cheekbones high and prom-
inent; temperature, February, 1916, 98-4° F.

6. IeLoryuaq or ATIGIRYUAQ, 35 years.

Hair: black, straight, falling to chest; eyebrows: black and medium thick.

Forehead: medium high and straight, rather bombé; supra-orbital ridges
and glabella not prominent.

Eyes: light brown; slight fold, slits medium wide, lids slightly concealed.

Nose: bridge medium high, leading straight to tip.

Iips: upper, medium thick and not everted; lower, rather thicker and
slightly everted.

Ears: no detached lobes.

Remarks: face straight, with chin rather pointed; cheekbones high and
prominent.

B. Noahogniq group, Dolphin and Union strait.
7. KALYUTARYUN, 25 years (Plate X).
Hair: black, slightly wavy, falling a little below the shoulders; eyebrows:
black and’ scanty.
Forehead: medium high and straight.
Eyes: dark brown with a slight fold.
Lips: medium thick and very slightly everted.

268 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

8. Kaumaag, 45 years.

Hair: black, wavy, barely falling to shoulders; eyebrows: black and scanty.
Forehead: medium high and slightly receding.

Eyes: very dark brown.

Lips: medium thick and very slightly everted.

9. Nia, 25 years (Plate XI).
Hair: black, straight, falling well below shoulders; eyebrows: black and
scanty.

Forehead: rather low and slightly receding.
Eyes: dark brown.
Lips: somewhat thick and slightly everted.

10. Ieva@, 45 years; mother of Male No. 9, sister of Male No. 11 (Plate X).

Hair: black, wavy, falling a little below the shoulders; eyebrows: black
and very scanty.

Forehead: low and slightly receding.

Eyes: brown.

Lips: medium thick and not everted.

C. Walliaq group, Coronation gulf.

11. Kauuun, 28 years.

Hair: black, straight, falling to waist; eyebrows: black and medium thick.

Forehead: medium high and straight, bombé; supra-orbital ridges and glab-
ella not prominent.

Eyes: dark brown; marked fold, very narrow slits, lids concealed.

Nose: bridge low and medium broad, leading straight to tip.

Lips: rather thick and slightly everted.

Ears: no detached lobes.

12, AVALLUK, 65 years.

Hair: black, but for the most part turned grey, slightly wavy, falling just

px: below shoulders; eyebrows: black, turning grey, and very scanty.

Forehead: straight and slightly bombé; supra-orbital ridges moderately
prominent, glabella not prominent.

Eyes: dark brown; slight fold, slits narrow, lids half concealed.

Nose: bridge very low and narrow, leading straight to tip.

Lips: medium thick and not everted.

Ears: no detached lobes.

13. MANIGYORINA, 22 years (Plate XI).

Hair: black, straight, falling nearly to waist; eyebrows: black and scanty.

Forehead: medium high and straight; supra-orbital ridges and glabella not
prominent.

Eyes: dark brown; very slight fold, slits medium wide, lids half concealed.

Nose:. bridge rather low, leading in a concave curve to tip.

Lips: somewhat thick, and very slightly everted.

Ears: lobes slightly detached.

Remarks: chin not receding; cheekbones high but not prominent; temper-
ature, November, 1915, 98° F.

14. AMERERNIQ, 60 years.

Hair: black, straight, falling to shoulders; eyebrows: black and scanty.

Forehead: medium high and slightly receding; supra-orbital ridges and
glabella not prominent.

Eyes: dark brown; slight fold, slits medium wide, lids not concealed.

\

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos B27

Nose: bridge low and narrow, leading straight to a pointed tip.

Lips: medium thick, the lower slightly everted.

Ears: no detached lobes.

Remarks: face long and narrow; cheekbones high but not very prominent;
temperature, February, 1916, 97° F.

15. OgorvituK, 40 years.

Hair: black, straight, falling to chest; eyebrows: black and medium thick.

Forehead: medium high and almost straight; supra-orbital ridges and glab-
ella not prominent.

Eyes: dark brown; no fold, slits medium wide, lids not concealed.

Nose: bridge very low, leading straight to rather pointed tip.

Lips: medium thick and not everted.

Ears: no detached lobes.

Remarks: face rather flat and narrow; chin not receding; cheekbones high
and prominent; temperature, February, 1916, 97-8° F.

16. Mantyug, 45 years.

Hair: black, straight, falling to shoulders; eyebrows: black and palit

Forehead: medium high and straight, somewhat bombé; supra-orbital ridges
and glabella not prominent.

Eyes: light brown with greyish tinge; fold slight, slits rather narrow, lids
half concealed.

Nose: bridge rather low and medium broad, leading in concave curve to
a medium broad tip.

Lips: medium thick, the lower slightly everted.

Ears: lobes slightly detached.

Remarks: face straight, with chin not receding, broad and round; cheek-
bones pane high but masked by fleshiness; temperature, March, 1916,
97-8° F.

D. Asiak group, Coronation Gulf.

17. ArquuukK, 45 years.

Hair: black, straight, falling almost to waist; eyebrows: faint traces only.

Forehead: medium high and slightly receding, sloping away at sides; supra-
orbital ridges and glabella not prominent.

Eyes: light brown, slight fold, slits rather narrow, lids not concealed.

Nose: bridge low, flat, and medium broad, leading straight to tip.

Lips: upper, medium thick and not everted; lower, somewhat thicker and
slightly everted.

Ears: lobes slightly detached.

Remarks: face unusually long and narrow, rather flat; chin straight; cheek-
bones high and prominent; weight, May, 1916, 186 Ibs.

E. Pingangnaqtok group, Coronation gulf.

18. Harrorina, 45 years; mother of Male No. 31, Female No. 19.

Hair: black, straight, falling to below shoulders; eyebrows: black and
medium thick.

Forehead: medium high, and slightly receding: supra-orbital ridges slight,
glabella moderately prominent.

Eyes: dark brown; slight fold, slits medium wide, lids almost concealed.

Nose: bridge medium low, leading i in a concave curve to a medium broad tip.

Lips: medium thick, the lower slightly everted.

Ears: no detached lobes.

Remarks: face rather long and not very broad; cheekbones medium high
and prominent; temperature, February, 1916, 97-8° F.

288 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

19. EaqrrHoaaQ, 18 years; daughter of Female No. 18.

Hair: black, straight, falling to chest; eyebrows: black and scanty.

Forehead: medium high and almost straight; supra-orbital ridges and glab-
ella not prominent.

Eyes: dark brown; slight fold, slits rather narrow, lids almost concealed.

Nose: bridge low and broad, leading straight to a rather broad tip.

Lips: medium thick, the lower slightly everted.

Ears: no detached lobes.

Remarks: face round and not very flat; chin straight; cheekbones hardly
noticeable; temperature, February, 1916, 98° F.

20. Acaa, 45 years.

Hair: black, straight, falling almost to waist; eyebrows: black and scanty.

Forehead: low and straight; supra-orbital ridges and glabella not prominent.

he dark brown; faint traces of fold, slits medium wide, lids not con-
cealed.

Nose: bridge very low, leading straight to a rather pointed tip.

Lips: medium thick and not everted.

Ears: lobes slightly detached.

Remarks: face straight and a little flat, chin not receding; cheekbones rather
high and prominent; temperature, February, 1916, 97° F.

21. OgarTToa, 40 years.

Hair: black, straight, falling to chest; eyebrows: black and scanty.

Forehead: medium high and straight, sloping away on sides; supra-orbital
ridges and glabella not prominent.

Eyes: light brown; slight fold, slits medium wide, lids concealed.

Nose: bridge low, leading straight to a snub tip.

Lips: medium thick, the lower slightly everted.

Ears: lobes slightly detached.

Remarks: face straight and fairly broad; chin not receding; cheekbones
high and prominent; temperature, March, 1916, 98-3° F.

E. Kilusiktok group, Coronation gulf.

22. Hutorag or ARNAUN, 40 years.

Hair: black, straight, falling to waist; eyebrows: black and scanty.

Forehead: medium high and straight, rather bombé; supra-orbital ridges and
glabella not prominent.

Eyes: dark brown; slight fold, slits medium wide, lids not concealed.

Nose: very low bridge.

Inps: medium thick, the lower slightly everted.

Ears: no detached lobes.

Remarks: face round and flat; chin not receding; cheekbones high and
rather prominent; temperature, March, 1916, 99-4° F.

23. KuxituKaa, 25 years (Plate XI).

Hair: black, straight, falling nearly to waist; eyebrows: black and scanty.

Forehead: medium high, straight, slightly bombé; supra-orbital ridges and
glabella not prominent.

Eyes: light brown; marked fold, slits rather narrow, lids concealed.

Nose: bridge very low, leading straight to tip.

Lips: rather thick and slightly everted, the lower more than the upper.

24. Paciia, 30 years; daughter of Male No. 43, Female No.40 (Plate IX).

Hair: black, straight, falling to chest; eyebrows: black and rather scanty.
Forehead: medium high and straight, sloping away at sides 3 supra-orbital
ridges and glabella fairly prominent.

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos B29

Eyes: dark brown; slight fold, slits medium wide, lids half concealed; eyes
deeply sunken in head.

Nose: bridge moderately high, leading straight to pointed tip.

Lips: upper, medium thick and not everted; lower, thicker and everted.

Ears: lobes very slightly detached.

Remarks: face narrow, rather pointed below, with the chin slightly receding;
cheekbones high but not very prominent.

25. AQANA, 35 years.

Hair: olack, straight, falling to chest; eyebrows: black and very scanty.

Forehead: medium high and slightly receding, sloping away at sides; supra-
orbital ridges and glabella not prominent.

Eyes: dark brown; traces of fold, slits medium wide, lids slightly concealed.

Nose: bridge low, ‘flat and rather narrow, leading straight to pointed tip.

Lips: both rather thick and slightly everted, the lower a little more than
the upper.

Ears: lobes very slightly detached. '

Remarks: face rather flat and long, sloping from the broad zygomatic
arches to a rather pointed chin; chin straight but cut away below;
cheekbones high but not very prominent.

F. Kanghiryuaq group, Prince Albert sound, Victoria island.

26. UMALLUK, 45 years.

Hair: black, rather wavy, falling to shoulders; eyebrows: very scanty,
apparently brownish-black.

Forehead: medium high and slightly receding; supra-orbital ridges and
glabella not prominent.

Eyes: dark brown; slight fold, slits medium wide, lids concealed.

Nose: bridge rather low, leading in concave curve to tip.

Lips: medium thick and not everted.

Ears: lobes slightly detached.

27. Utuaryoag, 35 years.

Hair: black, straight, falling a little below shoulders; eyebrows: very scanty,
apparently brownish-black.

Forehead: medium high and slightly receding; supra-orbital ridges and
glabella not prominent.

Eyes: light brown; slight fold, slits rather narrow, lids half concealed.

Nose: bridge low and narrow, leading in a concave curve to tip.

Lips: medium thick and both slightly everted.

Ears: lobes very slightly detached.

Remarks: cheekbones high and rather prominent.

28. NaTexsina, 40 years.

Hair: black with brownish tinge, slightly wavy, falling a little below shoul-
ders; eyebrows: almost none.

Forehead: medium high and somewhat receding; supra-orbital ridges and
glabella not prominent.

Eyes: light brown; slight fold, slits rather narrow, lids not concealed.

Nose: bridge very low, leading i in concave curve to ‘tip.

Lips: rather thin and not everted.

Ears: lobes moderately detached.

Remarks: cheekbones high and very prominent.

308 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

G. Puivliq group, South-West Victoria island.

29. Pincoaina or APATTOQ, 30 years.
Hair: black, straight, falling to chest; eyebrows: very scanty, colour un-
certain.
Forehead: rather high and straight.
Eyes: brown; moderate fold, slits narrow, lids concealed.
Lips: upper, medium thick and not everted; lower, thicker and somewhat
everted.

30. Karyvorana or Pupix, 30 years (Plate IX).
Hair: black, straight, falling to chest; eyebrows: black and scanty.
Forehead: medium high and straight.

Eyes: dark brown; medium fold, slits narrow, lids concealed.

Nose: bridge rather low.

Inps: upper, medium thick and not everted; lower, thicker and slightly
everted.

31. Qrepax, 40 years; mother of Male No. 68, Female No. 43.
Hair: black, straight, falling to waist; eyebrows: black and scanty.
Forehead: medium high and straight.
Eyes: dark brown; medium fold, slits narrow, lids concealed.
Nose: bridge low and broad.
Lips: upper, medium thick and not everted; lower, somewhat thicker and
slightly everted.

32. Uneauaa, 30 years.
Hair: black, straight, falling almost to waist; eyebrows: black and scanty.
Forehead: moderately high and straight.
Eyes: dark brown; medium fold, slits narrow, lids nearly concealed.
Nose: bridge low.
Iips: upper, medium thick and not everted; lower, somewhat thicker and
slightly everted.

33. Kimatyoa, 45 years; mother of Male No. 69.

Hair: black, straight, falling to chest; eyebrows: very scanty, colour un-
certain.

Forehead: medium high and slightly receding; supra-orbital ridges and
glabella moderately prominent.

Eyes: dark brown; medium fold, slits narrow, lids concealed.

Nose: bridge low, leading straight to tip.

Lips: medium thick, the lower slightly everted.

Ears: no detached lobes.

34. KauLivag, 30 years; daughter of Male No. 59, sister of Female No. 37.

Hair: black, straight, falling to waist; eyebrows: very scanty, colour un-
certain.

Forehead: medium high and straight; supra-orbital ridges and glabella not
prominent.

Eyes: dark brown; medium fold, slits narrow, lids concealed.

Nose: bridge very low, leading straight to tip.

Lips: medium thick and not everted.

Ears: no detached lobes.

35. Iroqana, 26 years.
Hair: black, straight, falling to chest; eyebrows: black, medium thick and
widely separate.
Forehead: high and straight, somewhat bombé.

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos B31

Eyes: dark brown; medium fold, slits narrow, lids concealed.

Nose: bridge exceedingly low, leading straight to tip.

Lips: medium thick, the lower slightly everted.

Ears: lobes very slightly detached.

Remarks: face seemed exceptionally long and narrow, the cheekbones being
very little prominent.

36. KuxiE0q, 40 years.

Hair: black, straight, though curving round at ends, falling to chest; eye-
brows: black and scanty.

Forehead: medium high and slightly receding.

Eyes: dark brown; no fold, slits medium wide, lids not concealed.

Nose: bridge exceedingly low, leading straight to tip.

Lips: medium thick and not everted.

37. IT1GacyuANA, 25 years; daughter of Male No. 59, sister of Female No. 34.

Hair: black, straight, falling to chest; eyebrows: brownish-black and rather
scanty.

Forehead: rather high and straight; supra-orbital ridges and glabella not
prominent.

Eyes: light brown; marked fold, slits medium wide, lids almost concealed.

Nose: bridge very low and medium broad, leading straight to slightly snub
tip.

Lips: medium thick and not everted.

Ears: no detached lobes.

38. Hupo, 30 years.

Hair: black, slightly wavy, falling to waist; eyebrows: black and very
scanty.

Forehead: medium high and straight; supra-orbital ridges and glabella not
prominent.

Eyes: dark brown; slight fold, slits medium wide, lids slightly concealed.

Nose: bridge low and medium broad, leading straight to tip.

Lips: medium thick and not everted.

Ears: lobes moderately detached.

39. Pissuaq, 25 years.
Hair: black, straight, falling to chest; eyebrows: black tinged with brown.
Forehead: medium high and straight; supra-orbital ridges and glabella not

prominent.

Eyes: light brown; slight fold, slits medium wide, lids half concealed.
Nose: bridge very low, leading with slight hump to somewhat hooked tip.
Lips: medium thick and slightly everted, the lower more than the upper.
Ears: lobes very slightly detached.

H. Nagyuktok group, South Victoria island.

40. Eqaryux, 50 years; mother of Female No. 24.

Hair: black, straight, falling to chest; eyebrows: black and thick.

Forehead: medium high and slightly receding; supra-orbital ridges and
glabella not prominent.

Eyes: dark brown; medium fold, slits narrow, lids almost concealed.

Nose: bridge low, flat and broad, leading in concave curve to broad, flat tip.

Lips: upper, medium thick and not everted; lower, thicker and somewhat
everted.

Ears: lobes moderately detached.

Remarks: face rather thin; chin receding and cut away below; cheekbones
high and prominent.

328 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18
I. Kiglinig group, South Victoria island.

41. Uvitioa, 35 years; daughter of Male No. 65.

Hair: black, straight, falling to just below shoulders; eyebrows: right,
black and scanty, left, none.

Forehead: medium high and straight; supra-orbital ridges and glabella not
prominent.

Eyes: dusty brown with blue fringe around the iris; marked fold, slits medium
wide, lids concealed.

Nose: bridge extremely low, leading in a concave curve to tip.

Lips: medium thick and not everted.

Ears: lobes moderately detached.

Remarks: face straight, rather square and flat; chin not receding; tempera-
ture, March, 1916, 98-8° F.

J. Saningaiyoq group, Backs river.

42. Nia, 30 years.

Hair: black, straight, falling to shoulders; eyebrows, black and scanty.

Forehead: medium high and straight, sloping away at sides; supra-orbital
ridges and glabella not prominent.

Eyes: light brown; slight fold, slits medium wide, lids not concealed.

Nose: bridge rather low and narrow, leading straight to a medium broad tip.

Lips: medium thick and slightly everted.

Ears: no detached lobes.

Remarks: face straight, not very broad; chin slightly receding; cheekbones
high and prominent; temperature, March, 1916, 97-4° F.

The two women described next, Nos. 43 and 44, were doubtfully adult.
While their descriptions and measurements are included in this portion, they
are excluded from the tables of frequencies in Section 11.

43. Hagunacaa, 16 years. Puivlik group, daughter of Male No. 45 and
Female No. 40. She had been married about one year.

Hair: black, slightly wavy, falling to chest; eyebrows: black and very
scanty. :

Forehead: high and straight, rather bombé.

Eyes: dark brown; marked fold, lids concealed.

Nose: bridge low, leading straight to tip.

Inps: medium thick, the lower slightly everted.

44, Qormiaq, 15 years, Pingangnaqtok group.

Hair: black, straight, falling to chest; eyebrows: black and scanty.

Forehead: medium high and slightly receding; supra-orbital ridges moder-
ately prominent, glabella not prominent.

Eyes: dark brown; medium fold, slits medium wide, lids concealed.

Nose: bridge very low, leading straight to tip.

Ears: lobes very slightly detached.

Inps: medium thick and not everted.

Remarks: face straight and narrow; cheekbones hardly noticeable; temper-
ature, February, 1916, 98-4° F.

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos B33

HUDSON BAY ESKIMOS

1. ATQAQ, 22 years; from the Akiliniq or Thelon river.

Hair: black, straight, clipped all over to about 3”; eyebrows: black and
medium thick; moustache: traces only; beard: none.

Forehead: medium high and slightly receding, sloping away at sides; supra-
orbital ridges and glabella moderately prominent.

Eyes: dark brown; slight fold, slits medium wide, lids not concealed.

Nose: bridge rather low and narrow, leading in a concave curve to tip.

Lips: medium thick, the lower considerably everted.

Remarks: face fairly round; chin somewhat pointed; cheekbones high and
moderately prominent.

2: ee 40 years; from the district of Palliq, on the west coast of Hudson
ay.

Hair: black, straight, clipped all over to about 5”; eyebrows; black and
medium thick; moustache: brown and scanty; beard: very scanty,
colour uncertain. ;

Forehead: rather low and straight; supra-orbital ridges and glabella not
promirient.

Eyes: light brown; slight fold, slits medium wide, lids not concealed.

Nose: bridge medium high and very narrow, leading with hump to tip.

Lips: medium thick and not everted.

Ears: no detached lobes.

Remarks: face generally narrow and rather wedge-shaped; cheek-bones
high and somewhat prominent.

MACKENZIE RIVER ESKIMOS!

MaLes
1. Aqoraa, 380 years.
Hair: brownish-black, straight, cut close all over.
Eyes: dark brown.

2. SEPUTAITTOQ, 35 years.

Hair: black, straight, cut close all over.
Eyes: dark brown.

3. ATYAKA, 25 years.

Hair: black, straight, cut close all over.
Eyes: dark brown.

4. PaLatyaq, 21 years; brother of Female No. 1.

Hair: black, straight, cut close all over; eyebrows: black and medium
thick; moustache: none; beard: traces only.

Forehead: medium high and straight; supra-orbital ridges and glabella not
prominent.

Eyes: light brown; medium fold, slits medium wide and lids concealed.

Nose: bridge low, leading straight to tip.

Lips: medium thick, the lower slightly everted.

Ears: lobes very slightly detached.

Remarks: weight, January, 1915, 144 lbs.

FEMALE

1. Unauina, 28 years; sister of Male No. 4.
Hair: black, straight, falling to chest; eyebrows: black and scanty.

1All these Mackenzie river Eskimos were natives of Kitigaryuit village, in the delta of the river.

50932—3

34B

Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

Forehead: medium high and straight, rather bombé; supra-orbital ridges

and glabella not prominent.
Eyes: dark brown; medium fold, slits medium wide and lids half concealed.

Nose: bridge low and flat, leading straight to medium broad tip.
Lips: medium thick and not everted.

Ears: lobes slightly detached.
Remarks: face straight, oval in outline; cheekbones high and rather prom-

inent.
ALASKAN ESKIMOS
MALEs

ANGOTITSIAQ, 22 years. Born at Point Hope.

Hair: black, straight, cut close all over; eyebrows: black and rather scanty;
moustache and beard: none. ‘

Forehead: medium high and straight, slightly bombé; supra-orbital ridges
and glabella moderately prominent.

Eyes: brown; medium fold, slits medium wide and lids partly concealed.

Nose: bridge somewhat low, leading straight to tip.

Lips: medium thick, the lower slightly everted.

Ears: lobes very slightly detached.

Remarks: weight, January, 1914, 164 lbs.

. PayuraG, 29 years; father and mother from Point Hope.

Hair: black and straight; beard: none.

Forehead: medium high and slightly receding; supra-orbital ridges well
developed.

Eyes: very dark brown; slight fold.

Nose: bridge low.

Lips: medium thick and moderately everted.

Remarks: cheekbones high and prominent; chin slightly receding.

. AsETsaQ, 22 years; father and mother from Point Hope.

Hair: black and straight; beard: none.

Forehead: rather high and slightly receding; supra-orbital ridges well
developed.

Eyes: very dark brown; slight fold.

Lips: medium thick and moderately everted.

Remarks: cheekbones high and prominent; chin straight.

Dozarq: adult; father and mother from Point Hope.

. MrvvuKuvaq, adult; father and mother from the Noatak river, SE. of Point

Hope.
ATANGANA, adult; father from the Kivallinak river, SE. of Point Hope,
mother from Point Hope.

. YEPOQ, adult; father and mother from the Kivallinak river.
. Kunoag, adult; father and mother from the Noatak river.

UKPEKSON, adult; father and mother from the Kivallinak river.
Neaqvua, adult; father from Oturkaq, mother from Napaqtok.

. Aquag, 20 years; father from the Noatak river, mother from Kangeq.
. KepMEROK or QruruRAQ, adult; father and mother from Kigittaruk, Kot-

zebue sound.

. Nanmaq, adult; father from the Noatak river, mother from Kivallik, at the

head of Kotzebue sound.

. Urritirog, 15 years; father and mother from the Noatak river.!

1This man is omitted from the discussion in Section II owing to his youth.

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos

B35

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193 148 571 114 70 143 50 37 22 115 | 74-1 | 48-9 74.0
201 151 585 129 80 142 55 36 22 116 | 75-1 | 56-3 65-4
195 | 149 | 571 132 79 | 144 62 33 21 115 | 76-4 | 54-9 | 53-2
196 153 591 140 81 149 56 39 22 122 | 78-1 | 54-3 69-6
195 | 147 | 570; 128 78 | 143 60 37 | 20-5 | 118 | 75-4 | 54-5 | 61-7
194 151 577 124 73 143 55 37 21 103?| 77-8 | 51-0 67-3
197 | 153 | 588 | 187 75 | 145 52 35 25 | 114 | 77-7] 51-7 | 67-3
198 | 154] 583] 141 76 | 144 56 31 20 | 118 | 77-8 | 52-8 | 55-3
200 | 158 | 586] 132 76 | 156 54 33 24] 113 | 79-0 | 48-7.) 61-1
199 155 | 578 136 74 147 55 36 23 117 | 77-9 | 50-3 65-4
195 151 570 125 82 147 58 36 26 100 | 77-4 | 55-8 62-1
190 156 | 564 120 73 140 52 36 21 115 | 82-1 } 52-1 69-2
194 146 | 564 119 74 142 59 41 23 105 | 75-3 | 52-1 69-4
196 149 | 577 124 76 139 53 34 22 113 | 76-0 | 54-7 | 64-1
195 156 | 586 131 72 156 62 41 22 119 | 80-0 | 46-1 66-1
193 152 | 578 124 75 149 54 39 22 111 | 78-7 | 50-3 72-2
205 | 148 | 590] 131 82 | 145 61 41 27) 123 | 72:2 | 56-5 | 67-2
194 | 144] 568] 113 70 | 136 49 33 20 | 115 | 74-2 | 51-5 | 67-3
197 152 | 593 133 79 149 61 40 22 115 | 77-2 | 53-0 65-6
200 147 | 578 131 80 142 60 40 23 117 | 73-5 | 56-3 66-7
192 157 | 593 129 “ 151 57 35 20 111 | 81-8 | 50-9 61-4
200} 153 | 595 | 133 75 | 146 58 36 19 | 119 | 76-5 | 51-4} 62-1
199 151 600 128 to 145 55 | 38-5 | 21-5 114 | 75-9 | 50-4] 70-0
205 156 | 600 132 81 146 61 37 23 120 | 76-1 | 55-4 | 60-6
199 155 586 124 74 152 58 38 22 119 | 77-9 | 48-7] 65-5
198 144 | 580 126 75 147 59 38 21 115 | 77-8 | 51-0 | 64-4
207 152 615 132 72 148 59 34 | 22-5 121 | 73-4 | 48-6 | 57-6
190 155 | 575 125 73 152 60 43 24 123 | 81-6 | 48-0 | 71-7
198 151 585 131 68 149 52 41 | 21-5 121 | 76-3 | 45-6 | 78-8
194 146 | 581 126 80 141 60 | 34-5 24 112 | 75-2 | 56-7 | 57-5
194 153 582 126 73 140 54 37 21 122 | 78-9 | 52-1 68-5
198 158 | 580 123 70 154 53 36 20 123 | 79-8 | 45-4 67-9
189 148 | 565 121 76 144 59 34 | 21-5 107 | 78-3 | 52-8 | 57-6
204 154) 589 125 70 151 57 | 40-5 24 124 | 75-4 | 46-3 71-0
194 153 585 126 76 | 147 59 41 23 113 | 78-9 | 51-7 | 69-4
196 143 585 130 ae 151 59 80 23 110 | 73-0 | 51-0} 50-8
192 153 | £89 127 73 142 52 38 20 114 | 79-7 | 51-4 | 73-1
199 157 | 592 126 74) 150 59 | 37-5 21 111 | 78-9 | 49-3 63-6
205 157 | 602 128 79 145 58 | 37-5 23 117 | 76-6 | 54-4] 64-6
200 151 594 132 79 148 60 42 20 112 | 75-5 | 58-4 | 70-0
204 161 603 130 78 152 57 40 23 118 | 78-9 | 51-3 70-2
203 | 152 | 580} 130 80 | 147 61 38 22 | 113 | 74-9 | 54-41} 62-3
196 | 152) 583} 125 70 | 153 51 38 20 | 129 | 77-5 | 45-7 | 74-5
200 | 151 | 594} 123 73} 154 54 36 22 | 124] 75-5 | 47-4) 66-7
193 | 154 | 575 | 124 72; 140 55 39 | 21-5 | 120 | 79-8 | 51-4 | 70-9
196 | 150] 571 | 128 75 | 145 58 36 21 117 | 76-5 | 51-7 | 62-1
188 | 150 | 563 | 124 73 | 140 57 35 18 | 116 | 79-8 | 52-1 61-4
195 154 | 605 136 81 155 56 38 20 | 129 | 80-0 | 52-3 67-8
196 149 | 598 129 78 149 59 38 22 122 | 76-0 | 52-3 64-4
197 150 | 595 127 73 148 52 36 20 113 | 76-1 | 49-2 | 69-2
200 | 157 | 584} 126 75 | 150 57 41 23 | 124 | 78-5 | 50:0 | 71-9
188 | 149] 568 | 120 72 | 147 56 36 | 20-5 | 125 | 79-3 | 48-9 | 64-3
196 | 153 | 582] 118 73| 148 54 40 25 | 111 | 78-1 | 51-0] 74-1
191 149 | 569 | 109 64) 144 43 39 16] 112 | 78-0 | 44-4] 90-7
182 147 | 542 118 67 136 48 85 21 110 | 80-8 | 49-2 72-9
191 149 | 552) 124 74) 145 56 32 22 | 115 | 78:0} 51-0 | 57-1
183 | 151 | 550 |) 124 70 | 140 50 31 18 | 110 | 82:5 | 50-0} 62-0
194 | 153 | 566] 130 74) 144 56 39 23 | 112 | 78-9 | 51-4 | 69-6
183 | 147] 556] 122 72) 141 56 34 21 | 115 | 80-3 | 51-1 | 60-7
195 | 140) 579} 129 76 | 147 52 36 24] 124 | 71-8 | 51-7 | 69-2
194 | 153 |) 581 126 76 | 145 55 35 22 | 120 | 78-9 | 52-4] 63-6
190 | 149] 589] 123 76} 148 51 36 21 114 | 78-4 | 51-3 | 70-6
187 ' 146° 553 ' 126 75° 188 53 35 21° 107 ' 78-1' 54-3! 66-0

50932—33

36B Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18
COPPER ESKIMOS—Continued -
Mares—Continued
g S
513 | &
is GI 2 - “
=a le yl seek | gets « | 2 3

Number 3 ge) . . g 3 a 3 3 Es = § 8

of Subject a o A 8 3 3 3 3 B 3 3 fe Be

@/e ll oOlra);s | es iala lari egl|s |e |e

22) 2) Si) ete) ete se) eile laa ie

3 ® ® o Ss a 8 i} ts) 6 B S 3 S

5) oc) ea] eye} Ppl} ae} ap aly ay s ]o a
203 | 152 | 600] 136 79 | 154 64 40 24] 120] 74-9 | 51-3] 62-5
200 | 155] 580) 126 74) 146 53 40 26 | 126 | 77-5 | 50-7 | 75-5
193 | 156 | 572] 122 70} 139 52 33 18 | 109 | 80-8 | 0-4] 63-4
204] 149] 595) 139 78 | 129 57 40 24 | 107 | 73-0 | 60-5 | 70-2
193 | 146 | 562] 119 76} 131 54 33 19 110 | 75-6 | 58-0 | 61-1
186 | 148] 555 |) 129 75 | 139 55 30 20} 118 | 79-6 | 53-9 | 54-5
207 | 163) 608] 140 80] 155 55 39 26 | 125 | 78-7 | 51-6 | 70-9
188 | 157 | F68 | 131 77 | 145 59 37 | 20-5 111 | 83-5 | 53-1 €2-7
183 | 147] £61 121 71 140 E 37 17} 105 | 80-3 | 50-7] 71-1
200 | 158 | 593] 138 81 154 69 37 24) 116 | 79:0] 62-6 | £&3-6
200 | 152] 584] 133 76] 145 56 37 19 | 129 | 76-0 | 52-4] 66-1
191 152 | 564) 116 67 | 146 45 | 42-5 22 | 112 ) 79-6 | 45-9 | 94-4
203 | 156 | 50] 128 76 | 147 52 37 19 117 | 76-8 | 51-7 | 71-1
194 | 151 | 590] 117 7 146 52 37 20 | 119 | 77-8 | 48-6] 71-1
192 | 157) &85 | 124 73 145 55 39 22 119 | 81-8 | F0-3 | 70-9
202 | 154] 584] 118 70) 157 55 38 22 116 | 76:2 | 44-6] 69-1
192 | 155 | 572] 126 75 | 147 56 41 22} 119 | 80-7 | 51-0 | 73-2
195 | 153 | 585 | 124 71 139 FO 37 19 112 | 78-4 | 51-1 74-0

FEMALES

1624 , 190, 145; 585) 122 68) 144 51 34 20 | 117 | 76-3 | 47-2 | 66-7
1403 | 179] 145 | 558] 113 64} 135 45 36 18 | 112 | 81-0 | 47-4] 80-0
1538 | 194] 146] 570 | 125 82 | 138 54 34 22 | 102 | 75-2 | 59-4] 62-9
1526 | 185 | 138] 5651 118 71 134 50 | 31-5 17] 101 | 74-6 | 52-9] 63-0
1548 | 190} 145] 561 127 76} 140 56 33 | 20-5 99 | 76-3 | 54-3 | 58-9
1586 | 186 | 148 | 565 | 123 73 141 54 34 17 | 106 | 79-6 | 51-7 | 62-9
1597 | 187 | 143 | 555 | 126 67 | 133 52 31 18 | 110 | 76-4 | 50-4] 59-6
1536 | 202 | 150) 580] 130 75 | 140 56 36 ra 106 | 74-2 | 53-6 | 64-3
1605 | 189, 141 | 560} 119 67 | 135 45 33 18 | 114 | 74-6 | 49-6 | 73-3
1471 183 | 146 | 565 | 125 70 | 137 49 34 19 | 108 | 79-8 | 51-1 69-4
1640 | 203 | 145] 600] 127 76 | 139 54 35 21 115 | 71-4 | 54-7] 64-8
1540 | 197 | 146] 569] 121 72 | 139 54 33 21 114 | 74-1 | 51-8] 61-1
156 178 | 140 | 544] 106 67 | 133 £0 32 19 | 109 | 78-6 | 50-4 | 64-0
1559 | 183 | 144) 5&2) 125 72 | 135 55 | 34-5 21 112 | 78-7 | 53-3 | 62-7
1560) 190) 180) S78) 119 71 136 62 36 19 | 109 | 78-9 | 52-2] 69-2
1610 | 190] 140] 578 123 69 | 139 52 37 20] 115 | 73-7] 49-6] 71-1
1656 | 201 151 601 137 75 | 144 5 41 21 119 | 75-1 | 52-1 73-2
1612 | 197 | 147] 588] 127 73} 139 53 31 | 20-5 | 116 | 74-6 | 52-5 | 58-4
1578 | 190 | 148] 575 | 112 69 | 138 53 | 35-5 23 107 | 77-9 | 50-0 | 67-0
1514 | 183 | 148 | 560] 115 66 | 139 47 82 | 19-5 99 | 78-1 | 47-4] 68-1
1592 | 195-| 150] 587] 118 72] 139 F3 38 21 114 | 76-9 | 51-8 | 71-7
1555 | 181 145 | 567 | 123 72 | 139 55 34 21 114 | 80-1 | 51-8 | 61-8
1483} 191} 149] 577) 115 67 | 140 48 32 20 | 120 | 78-0 | 47-8 | 66-7
1565 } 193 | 148 | 579] 117 70 | 140 50 32 17 | 106 | 76-7 | 50-0] 64-0
1501 186 | 143 | 560) 126 68 | 135 51 38 17} 108 | 76-9 | £0-4 | 74-5
1618 | 193 | 150} 569 | 123 71 133 55 39 23 115 | 77-7 | §3-4 | 70-9
1511 185 | 144] 565) 119 69 | 135 &2 37 a1 112 | 77-8 | 51-1 71-1
1522} 197] 150] 578] 133 78 | 138 61 39 23 | 110 | 76-1 | 56-5 | 63-9
1601 | 196] 144) 570] 115 (2) 13% 47 32 20 | 110 | 73-4 | 52-5 | 68-1
1620 | 196] 147] 584] 126 72) 138 51 35 20 | 119 | 75-0 | 52-2 | 68-6
1604 | 192] 145 | 578] 123 73 140 51 34 20] 114] 75-5 | 52-1 66-7
1531 181 147 | 561 120 70) 132 52 31 20) 105 | 81-2] 53-0] 59-6
1521 190 | 149] 566] 119 67 | 142 55 34 20] 118 | 78-4 | 47-2] 61-8
1550 | 190] 148] 571] 119] 68 140] 47] 32] 17] 110] 77-9} 48-61 681
1660 } 192] 143} 570 {| 121 74) 135 54 a7 19 111 | 74:4 | 54-8 | 68-5
1524 | 187] 146] 568 | 122 74) 135 53 82 20) 102 | 78-1] 54-8 | 60-4
1569 | 190] 141| 568] 121} 71} 137] 50] 36] 19] 102) 74-21 51.8 | 79.0
1634} 188] 148} 565) 126 77 | 142 55 35 16] 117 | 78-7 | 54-2 | 63-6
1593 | 187] 147 | 572 | 125 80 | 141 56 30 17 | 101 | 78-6 | 56-7 | 53-6
1542 | 190] 145 | 564] 121 69 | 136 49 BA 20} 114 | 76-3 | 80-7] 73-4
1564 | 190 | 144] 573] 113 70 | 136 52 34 17 | 112 | 75-8 | 51-4] 65-4
1580 | 195 | 148} 575 | 127 75 141 58 35 23 | 112 | 75-9 | 53-2 | 60-3
1479 | 185 | 145 | 563 116 71 131 49 32 16 | 102 | 78-4 | 54-2] 65-3
1377 | 171 133 | 517 | 109 63 | 120 47 | 29-5 16 90 ' 77-8 ' 52-5 62-8

“Omitted from frequency tables in Section II on account of immaturity.

‘Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos B37
HUDSON BAY ESKIMOS
Mates
g 4
P|
2 | %:|
a | el = ta |e 4 §
Number ty | 3 5 A % 3 a | 3 a 3 3 AI 8
of Subject g 2 5 8 a g 2 8 a 3 es zg 3
2 4 sa) 6) ey a ele | ee fi, 2 |e |e
2 set 3 mo] 3° 8 © o o 2 cal cal 3 3
a |. 3 8 8 a | g 8 8 8 EB ge | 8 3
a) |e | Rl aelpla |] a4) 4)4) 8 | oo] ea] 4
Lilie’ ae guatsie-? 2 1605 | 187 | 144] 570) 121 72 | 140 50 36 22) 106 | 77-0 | 51-4 | 72-0
uhidseineh te 1593 | 189] 145 | 567 |) 127 79 | 145 58 37 22 | 108 | 76-7 | 54-4] 63-8
MACKENZIE RIVER ESKIMOS
MaALEs
8 4
a
; S| | §
Number 3 3 gE a 2 5 a x rl 3 3 Bi #
of Subject 8 q H 3 é 3 3B 2 oi 3 . z z
ela la} ol; me] )] ae) ala} alesis] ea] es
3 as ae a 3 fy a » ® ® Ae} 3s a 3
3 & § é | 8 a | 8 $ 3 8 E a | 8 a
a xq q q a PD | & a 4/24 ]8 10 & | A
| ree 1601 194 | 1471 561 127 73 | 145 50 36 | 20-5 115 | 75-7 | 50-3 | 72-0
1685 | 206 | 158 | 563] 131 77 | 147 55 33 22 | 114 | 76-7 | 52-4] 60-0
ater s Koad 1634) 189°) 144 Vacs elas s als gueeting nbae|¢ sole Noalves t]eatew qa lo seas THES Vow aces olin 09%
Cerri 1567 | 198) 150 | 563 | 118 70} 143 50 38 19 | 119 | 75-8 | 48-9 | 76-0
‘ FEMALE
| eee 1506 | 188} 143] 566] 125 74} 140 55 36 20 | 115 | 76-1 | 52-9 | 65-4
+
ALASKAN ESKIMOS
Mates
S A
5/3 | ®
Ga 4 3 3 al a g
Number ¢ 3 E = g ao a 3 sg 3 z g Ay
of Subject 5 2 & 3 3 g 2 é 2. Z on sel 3
om Geet Gobo eon bon ee 2 eo ee eal eo
ate leh el gi el ete) el ep ete yal eS
3 $ S 8 6 a, 3 5 6 6 E e 8 3
n q q q i P ica 4a a a s oO & vA
197 | 151 | 576 | 127 76 | 146 57 41 23 | 109 | 76-6 | 52-0] 71-9
196 | 147 |...... 124 72| 147 56 36 21 115 | 75-0 | 49-0 | 64-3
194 | 145 ]...... 124 76} 146 58 87 | 22-5 | 111 | 74-7 | 52-0 | 63-8
DUO! iW, LAG | vet svall edesacavesselitonsa aco | Se srenseh af aeeesGa | duprteall ane @ Bok lh oats GOB doce Leafinde tiee
993) T4651 is colles a evel ee cks [pe news rese«| aeeo eaprag oxelien cows EONS: lite mallee one
PQS. Il TAO | cz ccs ieica eave ¢ccawsenk | Huntin) oresae ech | Sears ared nile levee oraifuale euwatt OPAL Nie walls ia aves
188 1 FAT [iwsccalscre nacdss 3oes leapar ele es ¢ cl has 8 paley s eal ag tees 1822 | org sales tay
WSS |) TES A. sais Suds) eye we aie sergae sees! arate ees ait fuons we | Son Se aha] eb wpa oom asl MBAT: Vics Geaere abate
MGA |l° TEBE Wyte scsi sist saseseacel laces eo es | oc aune nicl orsazeeee-t [aased wh aval ve Sodoonia| nat austen W8°B | oaceealeee coe
186 |) TSE) cso callees ercdive weed |e daers allleveigg Abeta 2 otal aee'g me | 5 eeade Ld bias epee a hart
BST | UGA Jaws deslleccecsdawcans |adeaasneaes cfenen axdiad ena leo ames 298) [ss aiiales weave
192 WSF accsevcr seal epesa baeres| oe eec hate | caeadaps SM eigen Be | aesieed el] eae reser [ieee 4D | oiius ies lecessaes
187 | 159 | sce > eahase vae| se dlas |i vsaaa|lahen deca sallsine see [Ge reg 8550 [ese colina scar
S70 DAT bess avaleas cpeteoens eeeaedly saan aateal evees aus 4 BEE. | oxae valle seme

*Omitted from frequency tables in Section II on account of immaturity.

SECTION II
A. GENERAL DESCRIPTION

In the preceding section, when describing the individual Eskimos who were
made the subjects of measurement, I separated them according to the localities
or social groups to which they considered themselves attached. These groups
have been described in detail in Volume XII of this series, ‘‘The Life of the
Copper Eskimos,” Chapter III. As far as the physical characteristics of the
Copper Eskimos are concerned such a differentiation of the population into
local groups has absolutely no importance, for they are all closely connected by
ties of kinship and relationship; moreover the groups undergo a reshuffling
process every year, so that their composition continually changes and a man in the
course of his life-time may belong to as many as half-a-dozen different ones. This
is true not only of the basin of Coronation gulf proper, but of the slightly more
outlying areas like Prince Albert sound and Minto inlet; for the inhabitants
of these places also continually visit and intermarry with the Eskimos south
and east of them. It follows, therefore, that there can be no local variations
in physical typesthroughout this whole region, no features present, let us say,
in Prince Albert sound that are not equally present in Bathurst inlet; and this
is confirmed by the data given in the preceding section. If in spite of this I
there divided the natives according to their local groups, it was simply to em-
phasize the fact that every group is represented by at least one, and in most
cases by several individuals, and to facilitate the checking of the measurements,
if so desired, by other investigators. In the general discussion of the data which
is now to follow no attention will be paid to local groups, but the whole region
inhabited by the Copper Eskimos will be treated as a unit. This region lies
roughly between 67° and 72° north latitude and 102° and 120° west longitude,
having Coronation gulf as its geographical centre.

The inhabitants of this region, the Copper Eskimos, are of about the middle
stature, and sturdy and robust in build. The fur clothing in which they are
habitually enveloped gives them an exaggerated appearance of corpulence,
whereas in reality they incline towards slenderness, the body tapering a little
below the broad shoulders.1_ Many of the children, however, and a very few of
the adults, are distinctly pot-bellied, and no markedly thin person was seen by
the expedition, while, on the other hand, two women were found to measure
each as much as 14 inches around the forearm. The average weight seems to
be greater then that of Europeans; eleven men averaged 164 lbs. (deducting
8 Ibs. for the weight of the clothing) and five women 167 Ibs. All the natives
are extremely active and hardy, capable of enduring greater exertions and
privations than most white men. The gait of the men resembles that of an
athletic European, but the women walk with an awkward rolling motion, partly
due, perhaps, to the bulkiness of their clothing, but still more to the fact that
they are invariably bow-legged, their toes, instead of turning out, as the men’s
generally do, usually pointing straight ahead or even turning in.’

1This seems characteristic of all Eskimos; cf. for Greenland, Holm Meddelelser om Grd¢nland, Vol

Se ee p. 27, and for Point Barrow, Simpson, Arctic Papers for the Expedition of 1875, London, 1875,
"tT hese five women, however, were all rather big and stout, so that their average is almost certainl.

‘too high. Ray (International Polar Expedition to Point Barrow, Washington, 1885. p. 50) gives 15329 Ibs.

i we oe ue 51 aren 3 Eoin Ean Oo and 13534 lbs. as the average weight of 30 women, Boas

, American Museum of Natural History, Vol XV, pt. 1, p. 8) states that 9

epee fe ee lbs. and 12 women 138 Bs. i a ia

omen in the Mackenzie delta and along the coast as far as Barrow have the same peculi it;

ef. Murdoch, Ninth Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, 1892, p. 38, ANG

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos B39

The general appearance of these Eskimos varies a great deal according to
the season of the year. In summer, when they wear their oldest clothes and
wander day after day over dusty plains or muddy swamps, their faces become
encrusted with a constant layer of dirt. Washing is unknown, and while a
party occasionally bathes in a stream or lake on a very hot day, these occasions
are few and far between. The skin, too, becomes very much tanned at this
season, so that altogether the appearance of the natives is not prepossessing.
But in winter, when they wear new fur clothing, and contact with the snow re-
moves the dirt from their faces at the same time as the tan disappears, their
appearance is so changed that one could almost imagine them a different people.

SKIN

The colour of the skin, where it is untanned by exposure, is a trifle darker
than that of a North European. Mr. Wilkins, the photographer of the expedi-
tion, stated that in the neighbourhood of Minto inlet he saw a girl whose skin
was quite as white as that of any European he had ever seen; but this was
certainly exceptional. I frequently compared the colour of their upper arms
with my own, and invariably found that mine was a little lighter. In spring
and summer the Eskimos tan to a darker brown than we do, but in the long
hours of winter twilight and darkness the skin resumes its normal colour. No
sexual difference was noticed, although Holm states that Ammassalik women
are lighter than the men. A very few individuals are marked with freckles.

There seems to be quite a distinctive odour exuded from their skin different
from that of white people. An old woman once asked me whether I had noticed
an objectionable odour about them when I first arrived in their country. I
stated that all our party had noticed it, and she answered ‘‘That is not strange,
for we noticed the same thing about you.’’ Caribou-skin clothing has always
e very strong odour, but the personal odour of the Eskimos seemed quite distinct
rom that. ;

Hair

The hair of the head is generally abundant and remains black until very
late in life. One man still in his prime was almost bald, and his little son of
about 10 years was partly bald; but neither baldness nor grey hair are common,
In many cases the hair seems to begin farther back on the forehead than usual,
making the forehead appear higher than it really is. Holm states that the
Ammassalik Eskimos of East Greenland have glossy hair,! while Simpson says
that at Point Barrow in Alaska it is without gloss;? among the Copper Eskimos
it is glossy in some individuals and not in others. Its colour is almost invariably
a deep black, and it fluctuates in shape between what Martin calls ‘‘flachwellig”’
and “‘ weitwellig,” in this paper called simply “straight” and ‘wavy.’ Straight
hair predominates, but there is a slight sexual difference, wavy hair being more
common in men than in women; this may be due to the women wearing their
hair in braids, which would tend to make it straighter. The percentage of
variation in colour and form are shown in the following table, which is based on
the lists in Section I.

1Holm, The Angmagsalik Eskimo, Meddelelser om Grdnland, Copenhagen, 1914, Vol. XX XIX, p. 27.
2Simpson, The Western Eskimo, Arctic Papers for the Expedition of 1875, London, 1875, p. 238.

’Martin, R., Lehrbuch der Anthropologie, Jena, 1914, p. 188f. In a few cases the hair in the Copper
Eskimos is ‘‘schlict’”’ rather than ‘‘flachwellig,’’ but I have not distinguished between these two forms,

_ ‘Samples of hair from 5 Copper Eskimos, 3 men and 2 women, were mounted in transverse section on
microscopic slides through the kindness of Dr. F. Boas. From each sample at least 20 individual sections
were measured to give a true average. The measurements for the three men were: maximum diameters,
+108, -105 and -115 mm., minimum diameters, -066, -080 and -077 mm., indices, 61, 76 and 67. For the
two women they were: max. diam., -105 and -092 mm., min. diam., -070 and -071 mm., indices, 66 and 76.
The hair from East Greenland examined by Hansen (Medd. om Gr@n., Vol. XX XIX, p. 179) was much
coarser and more elliptical in outline. The difference may possibly be due to the fact that my own samples
were clipped from the ends.of the hair, whereas Hansen’s may have come from nearer the roots.

408 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

HAIR OF HEAD

Colour Form
Black with :
Black tinge of Brownish- | Straight! Wavy
Town at black
ends
p.c. p.c. p.c. p.c. p.c.
Mew, 22 (8268 oss gccus veey erwin es veers ous 92-5 2-5 5-0 66 34
Women, 42 eases. oociscciunessavavacneva Bie fawaraaxwanen 25 81 19

In men the hair seldom falls below the shoulders. It is worn in various ways,
sometimes clipped all over, sometimes not clipped at all, but allowed to hang
in a tangled mass. The majority wear a tonsure, the purpose being, according
to the natives themselves, to keep the head cool under the weight of the fur hood.”
Two men stated that they personally wore their hair untrimmed because they
possessed rifles and were therefore men of importance in their community—
that is to say, it was sheer swagger on their part; but I saw other natives who
were not so fortunate wearing their hair untrimmed, while contrarywise some who
possess rifles were close-shorn.

Women’s hair is generally longer than men’s, reaching well below the
shoulders, but seldom as far as the waist.? It is parted in the middle and as a
rule has two long plaits hanging down in front of each ear, tied at the ends with
threads of sinew. Often, as in Hudson bay, a band of fur is wound spirally
around each plait; but the Copper Eskimos never attach a bone handle to it,
nor do they labour to make the band exhibit the alternate strips of dark and
white that Parry speaks of,* but use merely a strip of plain white fur cut in a
erescent from the belly of a summer-coated caribou. As these plaits are apt
to dangle annoyingly in front of the eyes as the woman moves about they are
generally tucked in the breast of the coat. In the Mackenzie delta, where similar
braids were formerly worn, the women nearly always coiled a portion of the hair
into a knob on top of the head; but this is rarely done by the Copper Eskimos,
and then only by women carrying children on their backs so that the infants
may have something to hold on to. Most women possess combs, but only the
younger ones make much use of them, and even they often use their fingers.
In both men and women the hair swarms with nits; it is an office of friendship
to search a neighbour’s head, incidentally popping the trophies into the mouth.

Bushy eyebrows are very rare. Usually they are quite sparse, and in
consequence are apt to seem lighter in colour than the hair of the head,
although this is seldom the case; the eye-lashes are similarly short and scanty.
I have tabulated the variations in colour and quantity of the eyebrows on a
percentage basis, as was done with the hair of the head.

EYEBROWS
Colour Form
Black |Brownish- Abund- | Medium | Sparse | Almost
black ant none
p.c. p.c. case .c, Cc. .c, Cc.
Men, 76 cases................ 88 12 82 2 °i3 vt P33 : 7
Women, 36 cases............. 89 11 41 2 15 68 15

Mncluding hair that is wavy at the ends only.

*The Eskimos of the Mackenzie delta and of Point Barrow, wh 1 i i
ease a a qiterst cee for the custom. See Murdoch, op. an =“ 140. PE ny tele et ares
olm, op. cit., p. 27, states that at Ammassalik the hai i i
dno ssalik the hair of the women is very thick, and finer, but

‘Parry, W., Three Voyages for the Discovery of a North-West Passage, London, 1875, Vol. 3, p. 267.

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos B41

Neither the moustache nor the beard develops to any extent before middle
age; indeed the presence of a beard is considered a certain sign of old age, or
at least of advanced years. The moustache is hardly ‘ever thick, and the
beard invariably sparse and scraggy ; three inches is about its maximum length.
Mr. Stefansson’s statement that ‘‘here (in Victoria island) are men with abund-
ant three-inch-long beards’! applies, according to my observations, only to a
very few individuals found on the mainland as well as on Victoria island; and
certainly Back was guilty of considerable exaggeration when he said of
some Eskimos on the Great Fish river ‘‘they could hardly have nurtured a more
luxurious growth of beard, or cultivated more flowing mustachoes.”? The cheeks
are always perfectly glabrous in the younger men, but towards middle age they
become sprinkled with a few stray hairs. The beard is generally concentrated
on the chin, although sometimes there is a small goatee. Depilation is practised,
but not in any systematic fashion. The hair in this part of the face is usually
black like the hair of the head, but it often has a marked brownish tinge, notice-
able more particularly in the moustache and on the lower lip; even then the
hair on the chin is almost always black, so that the brownish tinge is probably
due in part to bleaching, the hot blood soup that is a favourite drink of the natives
being perhaps one of the agencies. It is worth noticing in this connection that
the hair of the head is almost invariably black, except sometimes at the extreme
tips, where bleaching is also liable to occur.

MOUSTACHE AND BEARD

Black Brownish- Brown
black’
p.c. p.c. p.c.
Meni, 64 casesicsecsticns edie pasion ele eases oom Santon ae Band a eee 62-5 36 1:5

FoREHEAD

The forehead is generally rather narrow but moderately high. It often
recedes a little, but not more than in Europeans. The women (and children) as
usual have somewhat straighter foreheads than the men. The lists of Section I
furnish the following table of percentages.

FOREHEAD
Height Slope
Low Medium | High None | Slight
p.c. p.c. p.c. cases p.c. p.c.
Men, 77 cases............... 34 62 4 82 52 48
Women, 41 cases............ 12 85 3 42 64 36
CHEEKS

The cheekbones are high and prominent, being especially noticeable when
the face is thin or elongated; but when the cheeks fill out in seasons of plenty
the bones are partly masked by masses of tissue.

1Stefansson, My Life with the Eskimo, p. 193.
2Back, Narrative of the Arctic Land Expedition to the Mouth of the Great Fish River, London, 1836,
p. 383.

3Under brownish-black are included all cases where the moustache is given as brow or brownish-
black, but the beard as black.

428 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

EYES

The eyes show a rather wide range of variation. In colour they are always
brown, the dark shade predominating in both sexes. I received an impression
that little children always had dark eyes but am unable to verify it, as detailed
observations were confined to adults. It is worth calling attention to, however,
since Parry received the same. impression at Iglulik in Hudson bay.

COLOUR OF EYES

— Dark Light Brown
Brown Brown undefined
p.c. p.c. p.c.
Mien 182 CA SOB ieee ycseine crnte area tee mectecaemesid seca fa tae cosa ben we maternal. 55 44 1
WOMEN; APCASOS 3 Sees aceiedns dacrareet ox adios xierrimietacncrnet gh reese tins an ataates 69 26 5

A secondary coloration of blue or grey, mainly around the fringe of the
iris but extending occasionally into the sclerotis, was noticed in 14 men and 2
women, all of whom, as the following table shows, were judged to be 35 years of
age and upwards.

—— -34 35-44 45-54 55-
years years years years
Men—

Casestexamlined scars anuiaome saan ese ier Otede ee Sraoae a 36 26 14 6
Cases with blue or grey fringe............0.0.0.. cee eeeeeee _— 7 5 2
omen—
(Gass EX AMIN EG jassesicurcus sung conus ncoonadaionasnain nite MAR ena maser 18 11 10 2
Cases with blue or grey fringe...........0.0.0 000.00 c ccc euee _— 1 1 _—

The predominant colour of the eye in these cases was always brown, in three
of them a dark brown, in the other thirteen a lighter shade. In no instance
was there the slightest resemblance to the blue eyes of Europeans. With regard
to the distribution of the phenomenon, of the 16 natives in whom it was noticed
1 belonged to Prince Albert sound on Victoria island, 1 to the Victoria island
side and 2 to the mainland side of Dolphin and Union strait, 1 to the Victoria
island side and 11 to the mainland side of Coronation gulf. It is found therefore
throughout the whole of the area inhabited by the Copper Eskimos. In an earlier
paper? I have pointed out that it occurs in Alaska also and is almost certainly

pathological in origin, being in all probability the result of repeated attacks of
snow-blindness.

The shape of the eye varies considerably. It often slants a little, though
seldom as much as in Mongols. The Mongolian fold is present in most cases
but not usually pronounced except in children. The slits are moderately
wide, and the eyelids partly concealed beneath the eyebrows.

Nevertheless one often sees straight eyes without any folding of the upper lid
over the lower or its concealment beneath the eyebrow. In fact, here as among
other Eskimos, every variety of shape may be found from full Mongolian to

full European. These features are brought out in the following tables of per-
centages.

Parry, op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 78.

_ ?American Anthropologist, Vol. 23, No. 3, July-September, 1921, p. 259 f. Dr. Boas informs me that
this greyish ring around the iris is common among whites also, increasing in width with age, and that
it is purely pathological.

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos B43

FOLD
= | Pronounced] Medium Slight None
Cc. p.c. p.c. p.c.
Meni, 81 Cases. <caies a saess jalan demaard dared onan we oadene ¥ 21 5 63 11
Women, 39 cases....... 0.0.0 cc ccc cece cence ee eeeenens 15 23 56 5
SLITS
SS Wide Medium Narrow
p.c. p.c. p.c.
Men, 69 cases au scacicveng alse aise sthtiais satldiueieladstanetig’s aaudaianaws oi 2 62 36
Womeny 37 Cases: iecsainaiaseeae Asrcan inn cane seanidinned maha orakee oy — 49 51
CONCEALMENT OF LIDS
aad Complete or Partial None
nearly complete
p.c. p.c. p.c.
Meri; 23 CASES. sec P nie 4 diaan Wedd EAE RRS OR Boh A RHONA OUEA a RES 49 a7 23
Womens, 88: Cassis sq vor dake g. donee oA RE ods Be Ee en GE Ee 50 26 24

No tests were made of the vision. In general it seemed good, though prob-
ably no better than that of white people living a similar life in the open air.
The natives are quick at detecting objects at a distance, such as caribou on a
hill-slope or a seal far out on the ice. From this one is very apt to imagine that
their sight must be remarkably keen, but the fact really is that from infancy
upward they are trained to scan the horizon for game and to detect every little
irregularity or unusual appearance. The men take care to wear snow-goggles
continually in the spring of the year, but some of the women never trouble
about them. One elderly woman who had rather keener vision than usual
et me that she never used snow-goggles and had never suffered from snow-

indness.

Noss

The bridge of the nose, besides being very depressed, is usually rather
narrow. For this reason many of the Eskimos found it difficult to adjust our
binoculars to their use, the space between their eyes being narrower than the
distance between the lenses. Section 1 yields the following table of percentages.

HEIGHT OF BRIDGE

— Low Medium High

p.c. p.c. p.c.

OT 3 Co ais edd Gna OME ONG A Ate e Kak tnd @ HOES eee a Hoes 82 17 1
Women; 87 (2806.5. scvavs vous v6 trys 4 toes owes 4d eR ah eee aw Bed ad eR a 95 S _

BREADTH OF BRIDGE

— Narrow Medium Wide

p.c. p.c. p.c.

Moen, 44 Cages isis2ciiiscne Gaudi ht dennis uedid ge binicaut akc S Wald bathe diate | 68 18 14
Women: 13:as@Saisec sce aces 2 hens MONS Poke eo sewa eemOR ewe waco ae 38-5 38-5 23

From the bridge the nose usually runs straight to the tip, but occasionally
the line forms a concave curve or a small hump mars its regularity. The tip
itself is usually moderately high and inclined to be rather broad. Both snub
and hooked noses are to be seen, though neither form is very common. The flat
appearance of the face so often mentioned by writers as characteristic of the

443 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

Eskimos is as much dependent on the shape and height of the nose as on the
prominence of the cheekbones. A broad, low nose makes the face seem flat;
conversely a nose that runs straight with aslight hump to a high, narrow tip
neutralizes the effect of the broad, high cheekbones and narrow forehead and
makes the face seem longer, even somewhat Indian in type. Collinson remarked
aquiline noses and a Jewish cast of countenance among the Eskimos of Walker
bay on Victoria island, but says that it was not apparent among the natives of
Cambridge bay in Dease strait;! yet the Cambridge bay natives travel freely
all over Coronation gulf, and it was among the gulf natives that I myself par-
ticularly remarked its presence. Aquiline noses, indeed, seem to occur in all
Eskimo tribes; Rasmussen noticed this feature at Cape York in northern Green-
land and Murdoch at Point Barrow in Alaska.?

Haemorrhage of the nose is very common, though the exact cause is uncertain.
It used to be ascribed to the unvaried diet of meat and fish, but the western
Eskimos of North Alaska and of the Mackenzie delta now live largely on imported
foods, flour, cereals, etc., and still suffer from haemorrhage in the same manner.’
The Copper Eskimos, like their kinsmen elsewhere, stop the flow by plugging
the nostrils with caribou-hair. I have seen them do this while travelling in
the depth of winter, and have been surprised that the nose never seemed to
freeze in consequence.

Lies

The lips are usually rather full. Eversion, not frequent in the upper lip,
is the rule in the lower, which is also somewhat thicker than the upper. The
protrusion of the lips frequently gives an unreal semblance of recession to the
chin, which is nearly always straight.

EVERSION OF LIPS

Upper Lower
None Slight None Slight or
considerable
p.c. p.c. p.c. p.c.
IM Gn (8 2:CABE Sisicrnnmccweeenatavet Ohad whee Rebahotdenanbdy 73 27 29 71
Women,42) Cass). ic tie neS ote Pockose eed Pets Dee Y 69 31 26 ° 74

THICKNESS OF LIPS

Upper Lower
Thin | Medium | Thick Thin Medium | Thick
p.c. p.c. p.c. p.c. Cc. c,
Men, 82 cases............... 1-5 68 30-5 1-5 - 48-5 £0
Women, 42 cases............ 2-0 86 12 2-0 64-5 33-5
TEETH

The teeth are usually regular and pearly white. The incisors of the old
women are often worn down almost to the gums, the result of constant chewing
on seal-skins and other hard objects. Toothache seems rare; the remedy is to
jerk out the tooth with a thread of sinew. Several’old men were found to have
lost teeth in this way, and one child was seen extracting a milk tooth.

1Collinson, Journal of the H.M.S. Enterprise, London, 1889, p. 285.

2Rasmussen, People of the Polar North, London, 1908, p. 38; Murdoch, op. cit., p. 37.

3Krogh, A. and M. (Meddelelser om Grd¢nland, Vol. 51, p. 15) state that in Greenland ‘‘periods with
abundant food are characterised by outbreaks of furunculosis, and it has been noticed further by medical
officers and by the natives themselves that in such periods many of them become extremely liable to
profuse and frequent bleedings from the nose.”

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos B45

GENERAL Factan APPEARANCE

The head appeared on the whole less scaphoid than I had expected. Its
auricular height could not be measured owing to the lack of proper callipers.
No doubt the true shape is often masked by the mass of hair, especially in the
women. Yet the keel-shape is not at all uncommon, and in a few instances
is remarkably pronounced. The face is usually flat and broad, but there is
great variation, as among all Eskimos. Three general types seem distinguish-
able, though they all gradate into one another. First there is the round or
slightly oval face with regular features, a rather fine nose, cheekbones not very
prominent and chin rounded or but slightly pointed. This type is illustrated
intplate XI. The second has a longer face and pointed chin, outstanding cheek-
bones, and a nose frequently aquiline. Sometimes the face is long and the chin
pointed, but the jowls are broad and the general shape of the face square or
rectangular; or the face may be wedge-shaped, broad above but tapering to a
pointed chin below.! Examples are shown in plates I and VI. The third type,
much rarer, is somewhat reminiscent of the negroid, for the face is very short, the
nose low and flat with rather wide nostrils, the lips thick and everted and the
brow rather beetling. The features most distinctive of Eskimos, however, are all
retained; the high head and prominent cheekbones, the colour and shape of the hair
and eyes determine the racial affinity at a glance. This third type is illustrated
in plate V. No. 55 in the tables of Section I offers another example.

This distinction into types, however, is largely subjective and will vary
with different observers. They are of little importance except to stress the fact
that in Coronation gulf, as elsewhere, the Eskimos do not present an absolutely
uniform appearance, even where there has been no known admixture with
outside peoples. A native of unusual appearance is very apt to attract notice
and give rise to a passing comment such as “‘he was much more like a gypsy than
an Eskimo,’” or ‘‘remind of stocky, sunburned, but naturally fair Scandi-
navians.’’? Of course racial intermixture is often readily discernible in the
features, and this external evidence can be of great value when supplemented
by other characters; but the features alone are rarely a safe guide, since we have
no means of estimating the extent to which they may vary in an unmixed stock.

HaNDs AND FERT

The hands and feet are small, so that a European can seldom wear mittens
and foot-gear that the Eskimos have made for themselves. Left-handed people
are occasionally seen; clothing made by them can always be recognized because
the stitches run from left to right instead of in the opposite direction. The
wrists of the women seem more supple than those of the men; they possess,
too, a greater delicacy and fineness of touch. Like many of our women, they
habitually hold the little finger somewhat aloof from the ring finger. The feet
are generally warm and moist. They seem often to be warped by the boots,
which have a tendency to cramp the toes, especially the spring and summer
water-boots. When the feet are cold the Eskimos kick them one against another,
standing alternately on each foot, or else they jump into the air and kick them
together.

FINGER-PRINTS

With the assistance of Corporal, now Inspector W. V. Bruce, of the Royal
North-West Mounted Police, a number of finger-prints were taken in order to
find out whether they displayed any definite peculiarities. These prints were

1Compare what Steensby says of the Smith Sound Eskimos. Meddelelserom Grd¢nland, Vol.
XXXIV, 1910, p. 384.

2Rasmussen, op. cit., p. 38.

3S$tefansson, op. cit., p. 193.

46B Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

submitted later to the expert examination of Inspector E. Foster, of the Depart-
ment of Justice, Ottawa, who reported on them as follows:—

“Tt has been established beyond peradventure by experimentation on the
part of those responsible for initiating finger-prints as a means of identification,
and by the practical application of the finger-print system throughout the civilized
world for many years, that the patterns or types into which prints may be divided
do not vary in the different classes of the human race, nor do they possess dis-
tinctive features peculiar to each. My examination of the enclosed prints
confirms this. There is not one individual digit in the whole twenty-four sets of
impressions which possesses a new or even rare pattern or type. Our bureau
collection contains many which are similar in general conformation and contour.

“ . . . . Men engaged in the work of finger-print identification, par-
ticularly those who, like myself, have charge of large bureau collections, have
observed patterns of the whorl type occur with greater frequency in races other
than the Caucasian. The prints of your Eskimos would seem to furnish addi-
tional evidence in this regard. There are the prints of 239 individual digits in
the collection divided by type as follows: 131 whorls, 99 loops, 9 arches. This,
you will note, gives the whorl type a substantial predominance.

“In our collection here where the prints are mostly those of Caucasians,
I would say, speaking approximately, that sixty per cent of them are of the loop
type, thirty per cent of the whorl type, and ten per cent of the arch type.”

B. MEASUREMENTS

The description of the Copper Eskimos given in the last few pages might
be applied in almost every detail to the Eskimos of other regions. Outwardly
the natives of Coronation gulf can be distinguished from those of Alaska or of
Hudson bay only by their style of clothing, by their manner of wearing the hair
and tattooing the face, and by other features of an equally secondary character.
Any physical peculiarities they may possess are relatively slight and can be
established only by detailed measurements compared with the measurements
of other Eskimo groups. In this way alone may we hope to discover whether
the natives of Coronation gulf are to be classed as pure-blood Eskimos, or whether
they show traces of foreign admixture.

The only foreign admixture that appears at all possible is with Indians.
It is true that Mr. Stefansson thought he could discern traces of European
blood among the Copper Eskimos, and suggested as its only conceivable source
the old Icelandic colonists in South Greenland.1 His theory was based on certain
supposed peculiarities in the length and colour of the hair, the colour of the eyes,

and the general outlines of the features; and it was supplemented by a com-

. . breadth of face :
parison of the proportion ~aathorheaa between the Copper and other Eskimos,

a comparison which favoured, he thought, the hypothesis of their part-European
descent. But the descriptions of the 126 natives from all parts of the Copper
Eskimo region given in Section I of this paper show clearly that the theory
has no foundation in actual fact. Not a single native there differs noticeably
from the rest in colour and length of hair, while the blue or grey tinge of the
eye, a peculiarity which is one of the cardinal points in Mr. Stefansson’s theory
and of which my tables give 16 instances, is not only pathological in origin, but
common among Eskimos elsewhere. As for the general outlines of the features,
I can merely remark that neither I myself nor any member of our party, during
the two years we spent in this region, saw a single Copper Eskimo whose appear-
ance suggested in the slightest degree the presence of European blood. The last

1Stefansson, My Life with the Eskimo, Chapter XII; The Friendly Arctic is —
former work these ‘‘blond’’ Eskimos are located on the north shore of Dolphin’ oad “aice Cae
the latter they are localized in Prince Albert sound. I myself saw only 9 natives from Prince ‘Albert
sound, 6 of whom were measured. The Rey. H. Girling, who visited them in the winter of 1917-18
informed me that he could see no difference whatever in physical type between the natives there and
their kinsman to the south and east, with whom, as before stated, they constantly intermarry.

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos B47

of Mr. Stefansson’s arguments, that derived from the proportion between the
face breadth and head breadth, is purely illusory, as I shall show later on in
this paper. Not one of the four features he cites, therefore, lends the slightest
support to his theory. Even on historical grounds it might reasonably be
rejected, for while there is abundant evidence for movements of Eskimos
from the west into Greenland, there is absolutely none for any movement from
Greenland westward, at least not until the close of the nineteenth century.
Any such migration as Mr. Stefansson postulates must have taken place after
the middle of the 15th century and before the close of the 16th, which marked
the opening of the great era of Arctic exploration; but a westward migration
during these years is hardly conceivable, since this was the very period when ‘the
Eskimo tribes were working their way eastward into Greenland and establishing
themselves along its coast-line.

The theory of any European admixture among the Copper Eskimos may
be rejected without further consideration. But the possibility of a slight infusion
of Indian blood cannot be dismissed so summarily. It is true that from at least
the middle of the 18th century until a very few years ago the two peoples stu-
diously avoided each other, and the rare encounters of which we have any
record were always hostile ones. Yet even during this period it is not impossible
that young Indian girls were taken captive on a few occasions and married
among the Eskimos. In the long centuries that preceded the historic period,
centuries when the homes of many of the Eskimo tribes were certainly not the
same as at present, it seems not unlikely that there were periods of peaceful
intercourse and perhaps intermarriage between the two peoples. There are
certain customs and beliefs common to them both that must surely have origin-
ated in a single source, and the very fact that Indians and Eskimos have blended
on the lower Yukon makes it all the more probable that they have mixed else-
where, though not to the same extent. We know that the Eskimos taken as a
whole are not a homogeneous unit, for there are considerable differences in
stature and in head and body proportions among the different tribes; but how
far these differences can be co-ordinated with differences among adjacent Indian
tribes we have yet to learn, since the northern Indians are even less known
than the Eskimos. In fact, so scanty are our data concerning the physical
characteristics of these Indians that in the ensuing discussion I shall lay very
little stress on their possible admixture with Eskimos, except in Alaska, but
try merely to throw some light on the variations among the Eskimos themselves
by relating the facts given in Section I of this monograph with what we already
know of other tribes; and since the osteology of the western Eskimos is to be
made the subject of a special report the present discussion will be confined
mainly to observations on the living.

’ The comparative material available for this purpose is rather limited. From
the west we have Boas’ figures for the statures and cephalic indices of the Eskimos
of Alaska as a whole, Ray’s measurements of the statures and weights of 51
men and 30 women of Point Barrow, and Stone’s head and trunk measure-
ments of 11 men and 5 women from the Noatak river region. The last traveller
has also measured 12 men and 6 women in the Mackenzie delta. Farther east,
from Hudson bay, we have Parry’s figures for the statures of 20 men and 20
women of Iglulik, various measurements from 35 men on Southampton island
recorded by Tocher, and the statures and weights of 9 Aivilik men and 12
Aivilik women given by Boas. Labrador is represented by the measurements
of 11 men and 10 women recorded by Duckworth and Pain and the statures
of 26 men and women given by Boas. In Greenland there are Steensby’s measure-
ments of 8 men and 10 women in Smith sound, while from south-west and east
Greenland we have the rather extensive information published by S¢ren Hansen.!

1Ray, op. cit.; Boas, Zeitschrift fir Ethnologie, Bd. 27, 1895, and Bulletins, American Museum of
Natural History, Vol. XIV, 1901, and Vol. XV, Pt. 1, 1901; Parry, op. cit.; Tocher, Man, 2, 1902;; Duck-
worth and Pain, Proceedings of the Cambridge Philosophical Society, Vol. X, 1900, and Journal of the
Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XXX, 1900; Steensby, Meddelelser om Grd¢nland, Vol. XXXIV,
1910; Sdren Hansen, Meddelelser om Grgnland, Vol. XX XIX, 1914.

483 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

Less than half of these observations were made on Eskimos who had been
immune from European influence. Hansen has already pointed out that this
influence is likely to have caused some modification in the physical type, especi-
ally in the stature. It will be advisable, therefore, to make some distinction
between the various groups, on the basis of our historical knowledge.

A. Eskimos virtually untouched by foreign influences, and presumably of
pure stock.
1. Ammassalik Eskimos, East Greenland.
2. Smith Sound Eskimos measured by Steensby.
3. Iglulik Eskimos measured by Parry.
4. Copper Eskimos.
5. Point Barrow Eskimos measured by Ray.

B. Eskimos modified by European influence.

1. Hudson bay Eskimos.
2. Labrador Eskimos.
3. Greenland Eskimos, except those of Ammassalik.

C. Eskimos probably modified by both Indian and European influences.
J. Noatak river Eskimos.
2. Point Hope Eskimos.
3. Mackenzie river Eskimos.!

Before taking the measurements one by one and examining the variations
of their means among the Eskimos of different regions it will be advisable to
examine the means themselves among the Copper Eskimos and see to what
extent they differ for different age-classes. It should be remembered that the
Copper Eskimos had no idea of their ages, so that the age-classes given below
are only approximately accurate; but no man there was judged to be under
20 years of age, and no woman under 18. The figures in brackets give the
number of individuals in each class.

AGE-CLASSES

— 25 26-30 31-35 36 Total

Head Length—

DOR a src onvane axe ciate ole tiealed eaweeee 194-5 (22) |} 194-7 (13) | 195-25 (12) | 197.4 (85) | 195-7 (82)
WTS odo e Lands sob bb ae kun are 186-2 (9) 192-7 (9) | 186-75 (4) | 191-25 (20) | 190-0 (42)

Head Breadth—

Ws sicnssisn dc aeleced, nessa omens acades aacee # 151-0 (22) | 150-1 (13) | 152-4 (12) | 152-7 (35) | 151-8 (82)
WGI So vee Soe rras hee terete le 143-5 (9) | 146-4 (9) | 144-75 (4) | 146-65 (20) | 145-8 (49)

Total Face Length—

CDs sane oeahaan a weg b epandaureeed 126-5 (22) | 125-6 (13) | 127-6 (12) | 127-6 (35) 126-9 (82°
WOIEDSscicusnicisimdos wucoud Bveinans 117-2 (9) | 122 (9) | 120-95 (4) | 123-9 (20) | 121-7 (49)

Upper Face Length—

Mem. ssetee ces aeteadvaad at 74:5 (2) 73-9 (3) 75-25 (12) 75-3 (35)| 74-9 (82)
OU E Theses assy aratateta video aeut oupeanedh + 59+ 2. 70- 72.25 :

Face Breadth— ; ; re ‘ om ski,

ae oid ch cha Ad ahem Baap Atateeate er i ay ee ue ie (12) | 147-7 (85) | 145-7 (82)
OMEN sg sco tuaunad ekenmathnw beara 5 E - : :

Pe coh eee (9) (4) | 138-6 (20) 137-8 (42)
Men SSasut en Sra Gun eect Desat ELE eueaoe 134-3 (22) | 116-9 (13) | 118-5 (12) | 115-5 (85) | 115-8 (82)
Women nga cease RAMEE EUS EERE EEE ES 108-4 (9) 111-6 (9) 109-5 (4) 110-85 (20) | 110-3 (42)

a a

Olle cava peng Josie Meee Bere Ee 1650 (22) 1637 (13) 1674 (12) 1648 (35) 1648 (82
Wor enicn tance oeicocea ean acts 1545 (9) 1598 (9) 1541 (4) 1562 (20)! 1564 eH

_ It is perhaps unsafe to comimit oneself to any conclusions when the number
of individuals in each class is so small, but two points seem worth noticing. First,
that in no age-class does the mean depart very widely from the total mean, so

1The old coastal inhabitants of northern Alaska and the Mackenzie delta largely di i
the last years of the 19th century through the ravages of European diseases. ice ie eee ee
by natives from inland, those dwelling on the Noatak and Colville rivers going to Point Hope, Barrow and
Point Barrow, while the more eastern inlanders drifted out to the Mackenzie delta. At the ‘present time
the old and the new coast populations are inseparably mixed, and I am inclined to believe that even Stone’s
data from the Mackenzie delta may reflect this immigrant inland element. :

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos B49

that the latter must be considered as tolerably accurate. The second point is
that in the case of the men the means for the first two age-classes, i.e. for men
up to 30 years of age, are with hardly an exception slightly below the total means.
The means in the first age-class are invariably below for both sexes with the single
exception of the men’s stature, which may simply be due to a few abnormally
tall individuals. This seems to indicate that women attain their full develop-
ment shortly before 25 years, and men shortly before 30, a conclusion that
Hansen also reached, though rather hesitatingly, from his examination of the
statures of the East Greenland Eskimos.! If this is the case one would naturally
uppose that more reliable means could be obtained by restricting observations to
individuals above those years; but this would hardly be true, since the Eskimo
population in any single area is so limited that the number of subjects available
would be greatly reduced and the possibility of error proportionately increased.

STATURE

The variations in stature among the Copper and Point Hope Eskimos,
calculated to the nearest 10 millimetres (-5 is counted as 1) may be represented
by the following table.?

Coronation Gulf Point Hope
Millimetres

Men Women Men

See

bom wb

es
coz)
a
=

RODEO DEWAR OR wb OT

82 42 13
EL N Secs nec oa ae Nese Se Bie BMRA OD Fahl Od aah See nil deaaap dena tenges Sy taabl Okt aie 1,648 mm.| 1,564-mm.} 1,665 mm.
+5

4
°
iow
r)
o
a
oO
oO
la}
La J
°
bel
°
g,
5
oO
s
8
HE

wrro
woe

1Meddelelser om Gr¢nland, Vol. XX XIX, p. 157._ That the development of the body, however much
retarded by climatic and food conditions, should not be complete at the age of 25 years is so remarkable
that it is very doubtful whether the table can be trusted on this point.

2The natives were not measured bare-footed owing to climatic conditions, but a deduction of 7 mm.
(obtained by actually measuring the thickness of an average set of foot-gear) was made.from the figures
registered by the instrument. In the data from other tribes I can find no mention of the foot-gear.

50932—4

508 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

if now we arrange in ascending order the mean statures from different
Eskimo groups we have this table:—

Men Women
Place Cases Stature Place Cases Stature

Smith Sound.................. 8 1574 | Smith Sound... ae 10 1454
SW. Greenlan: nee 21 1576 | Labrador...... a 10 1497
Labrador}. ..... i 1577 | Mackenzie delt. 6 1515
SE. Greenland. a8 92 1604 | SW. Greenland. 24 1518
Point Barrow.. 5 51 1615 | Hudson Bay... 12 1518
Wadsom Day.n<e sass 10 cacic ve 0s 44 1620 | Point Barrow.. 30 1521
Mackenzie delta (Jenness).... . 4 1622 | SE. Greenland. 23 1529
NE. Greenland 31 1647 | Iglulik......... 20 1537
Coronation Gulf 82 1648 | NE. Greenland 15 1551
Tolulikivvasveve ceecasas 20 1660 | Noatak river. . 5 1555
Point Hopeisisoccwsccronpwe sets 13 1665 | Coronation gulf.. 42 1564
Mackenzie delta (Stone)....... 12 1675

Noatak river................. 11 1682

Let us consider first the statures of the men. Except for Smith Sound,
the lowest are from SW. Greenland and Labrador, precisely the places which
have been longest in contact with European culture. There is a slight increase
in SE. Greenland and Hudson bay, where the contact has been more limited.
NE. Greenland (Ammassalik), Coronation gulf and Iglulik, all three places the
homes of presumably pure Eskimos, show a close correspondence; in all three
the mean statures are higher than among the part-Europeanized Eskimos, but
lower than in the three western places, Point Hope, Mackenzie delta and Noatak
river, where there are strong suspicions of Indian intermixture.?

Turning to the women, the gradation seems less marked, but still not
altogether absent. Thus the places where European influence have been most
in evidence, viz., Labrador, SW. Greenland and Hudson bay, all show distinctly
low means, while the Noatak river women are surpassed in stature only by
the women of Coronation gulf.

The table shows certain anomalies, on the other hand, that seem to militate
against the theory that contact with Europeans has resulted in a decrease
in stature, while admixture with the northern Indians has produced an increase.
The most serious is the lowness of the statures in Smith sound and at Point
Barrow. Both these places, as far as we know, were inhabited by unmixed
Eskimos at the time the measurements were taken, yet in both the statures
are not only lower than among other pure Eskimo tribes, but even lower than
among tribes that have long been in contact with European culture. The Point
Barrow figures strike one as very anomalous when compared with the statures
of their neighbours at Point Hope and on the Noatak river, and also with Boas’
averages, men 1658 mm., women 1551 mm., for Alaska as a whole.’ Beechey,
it may be remarked, estimated the average stature of Eskimo men in the
neighbourhood of Seward peninsula at 5’ 73’, ie., 1715 mm.,* and although
this estimate is almost certainly exaggerated, it at least indicates that the
natives in that region were not below the medium height. It should be remarked
that two of the Point Barrow women measured by Ray’s party were dwarfs,
having statures of only 4’ 03” and 4’ 13” respectively. If these two are elimin-
ated the mean stature for women would be 1536 mm., which would at once

1The figures for Labrador are from i i i i
pias) gives 1575 mm. for men and 1480 eed penis oa sialic aac aa Enea
p gate mee gem oF the anne Tndtianssis shown by Stone’s measurements, which give 1663 mm.
8 oO ucheux men, mm.
Bull, AM-NH, Vol LV est), m. for 17 Tahltan men, and 1603 mm. for 3 Tahltan women (Boas,
*Boas, Zeitschrift fir Ethnologie, 1895, p. 375. In the Annual Archaeological Report, Ontario, 1905,
p. 88, the same writer states that the average height of Eskimo men west of the Mackenzie is 1680 mm.
and of women 1580 mm. ,
‘Beechey, Voyage to the Pacific and Beering’s Strait, London, 1831, Vol. 2, p. 570.

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos B51

bring them on a level with the pure-blood Eskimos farther east. This will still
leave the stature of the men unaccountably low. A study of the graphs given
below throws a little more light on the problem. There it will be seen that the
polygons representing the statures at Point Barrow differ considerably from
those for Coronation gulf and East Greenland. The rise to the peak is slower
and less regular, and the interval between the sexes is less. In the case of the
Point Barrow men there is very little decline after the peak is reached, which
would indicate that the series of measurements from which the figure is con-
structed is inadequate. Altogether one is left with the impression that a more
complete series might have ironed out some of the peculiarities in these graphs
and brought the statures at Point Barrow into closer approximation with those
of the eastern natives.

The case of the Smith sound Eskimos is somewhat similar, for they too are
considerably shorter than their neighbours on either side. It might be con-
jectured in their case that the tallest and strongest Eskimos were farther north
with Peary at the time Steensby measured the group; but while this might
reasonably explain the low stature of the men, it could hardly account for the
equally anomalous stature of the women. However we can lay very little
stress on the means for this group, since they are derived from only 18 individuals,
8 men and 10 women. A larger series of measurements might raise the
means considerably.

The same uncertainty appears in the figures for the Mackenzie delta, since
they also are based on a very inadequate number of cases. One point that can
be noticed here is that whereas the difference between the statures of men and
women among Eskimos is normally around 100 mm., Stone’s averages of 12
Mackenzie delta men, 1,675 mm., and of 6 women, 1,515 mm., give a difference
of 160 mm. My own measurements of 4 men from the same region make the
average stature only 1,622 mm. It is clear that these means are far from satis-
factory. A much larger series of measurements is required, but unfortunately
these can no longer be obtained owing to the influx of new settlers into the
Mackenzie delta and the rapid decline of the old inhabitants.

The stature of the women in Coronation gulf seems unusually high, their
mean being 13 mm. above that of th NE. Greenland women, and 27 mm. above
that of the women of Iglulik. These means, however, give a less true idea of
the situation than graphical representations. The polygons below depict the
statures in East Greenland (NE. and SE. Greenland combined), Coronation
gulf and Point Barrow, the only places within the whole Eskimo area from which
we have the data necessary for their construction. A glance ghows that the
polygons for East Greenland and for Coronation gulf are remarkably alike. The
somewhat greater stature of the Coronation gulf women comes out very clearly,
but, what the means failed to show us, the men also incline to be taller than their
East Greenland kinsmen. Now the East Greenland natives are considered
by Hansen to be a pure and unmixed Eskimo tribe. Are we then to attribute
the slightly greater stature of the Coronation gulf natives to an infusion of
Indian blood, as in the case of Alaska? It would seem that the resemblance
between the stature polygons for Coronation gulf and East Greenland is so
close that their slight differences in position might reasonably be ascribed to
differences in the local conditions and modes of life, in which case, unless other
evidence is forthcoming, any theory of Indian admixture is unnecessary. The
increased height in Coronation gulf, however, need create no difficulty in our
theory as to the effects of European and Indian contact on Eskimo stature.

50932—44

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Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos

CEPHALIC MEASUREMENTS

Under this heading will be grouped the length and breadth of the head,
and the cephalic index. I shall give first the frequency tables for Coronation

gulf and Point Hope.
HEAD LENGTH

B53

Millimetres

Coronation Gulf

Point Hope

Men

Women

Men

ay

1
2
2
2
2
1
1
1
1

Num ber 6f cases. j.ciss dite csaea siande eno e bates soon teen anne 82 42 13

Meath awed asad cite meegnatena oe Aino Sead ead meebo 195-9 190-0 192-8

Standard deviation. ...........ccccceneeeteeeeerretenreeeeeeteeees + 5-9 + 5-8

Probable error of mean..... oa east ie aged bi sie seh ana a Rees + 0-44 + 0-60

Probable error of St. DOV... . cus a ose us dre ea beens etna eee anaes» +0-31 + 0-43

Coefficient of variation............. 0 cece cee eee eee e teen tenn enes 3-0 3-0

54B Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

HEAD BREADTH

Coronation Gulf Point Hope
Millimetres
Men Women Men
1
Lo dua insoness ae
2
savinnnnes =
4
7 2
4 1
4 2
6 1
2 1
5
1 2
aes Al
seas aonaavedt 1
eiancente 1
ieee eeu 1
42 13
Meant ice ccs earges tase aia eres Ke 151-8 145-8 150-6
Standard deviation +4-1 +3-0
Probable error of mean +0-30 +0-31
Probable error of St. Dev +0-21 +0-22
Coefficient of variation 2-7 2-0

CEPHALIC INDEX

Index

Coronation Gulf Point Hope

Men

Women Men

Se bee bob

Probably error of St. Dev...
Coefficient of variation

HEHE

Woonnhs

Wht kh Oo
we

HHH

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos

B55

Comparative data for the cephalic measurements are less ample than in

the case of the stature, but what there are may be tabulated thus:—

HEAD LENGTH

Men Women

Place Cases Length Place Cases Length
Noatak river................. 11 189-0 || Noatak river................ 5 181-0
Labrador....... 11 191-15) NE. Greenland......... - 187-0
NE. Greenland. ~ 192-0 || Smith sound................. 10 187-6
Hudson bay.... 35 192-4 || Mackenzie delta.............. 6 187-8
Point Hope... 13 192-8 || Coronation gulf... 42 190-0
Mackenzie delta (Stone) J2 195-2 | Labrador................0055 10 190-25
Coronation gulf......... 82 195-9
Smith sound.......... 8 196-25
Mackenzie delta (Jenness)..... 4 196-8

HEAD BREADTH
Men Women

Place Cases | Breadth Place Cases | Breadth
Mackenzie delta (Stone)...... 12 144-0 | NE. Greenland.............. - 141-0
NE Greenland,............... - 147-0 || Mackenzie delta............. 6 141-5
Labrador essa eesoes va x cade ede 11 147-65] Labrador..........5....e000e 10 141-8
Hudson Bay.................. 35 148-5 || Noatak river................ 5 142-6
Mackenzie delta (Jenness)..... 4 149-8 || Smith sound................ 10 144-9
Point Hope................5-5 13 150-6 || Coronation gulf.............. 42 145-8
Coronation gulf................ 82 151-8
Smith sound................. 8 152-75)
Noatak river..........-.....- 11 154-5

CEPHALIC INDEX
Men Women ,

Place Cases Index Place Cases Index
Mackenzie delta (Stone)....... 12 73-9 || Labrador..................55 10 74-5
SE. Greenland.......... eae 22 75-7 || SE. Greenland............... 23 75-0
Mackenzie delta (Jenness)..... 4 76-1 || Mackenzie delta............. 6 75-2
TAM PAG OF ssc cais screws xeaes ss 11 77-0 | NE. Greenland.............. 15 76-5
DUN SO0 Oat ois 6 unas whwatens 35 77-2 || Coronation gulf.............. 42 76-6
Coronation gulf............... 82 77-6 || SW. Greenland............... 24 76-8
NE. Greenland............... 31 77-8 || Smith sound................. 10 77-4
Smith sound.................. 8 78-0 || Noatak river................ 5 78-8
SW. Greenland................ 21 78-1
Point HOGG... .2< 6 nas oee00 eess 13 78-3
Noatak river................. 11 81-6

The correlation that seemed to exist between variation in stature and
European influence plainly does not hold for the cephalic measurements, a cir-
cumstance that Hansen has already remarked in the case of his Greenland data.
It is different where Indian influences have been at work. The Point Hope and
Noatak river natives differ from all other Eskimos and approach the neighbour-
ing Indians not only in stature, but also in head form, showing a marked tendency
The greater roundness of the head here seems to be

towards brachycephaly.!

due to an increase in its breadth rather than a decrease in its length.
nation gulf the head is slightly longer and broader than usual, although the

In Coro-

18tone gives the cephalic indices of 7 Loucheux men as 78-9, of 17 Tahltan men as 82-5, and of 3 Tahltan

women as 80-3. ‘

56B Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

proportion remains about the same as in NE. Greenland and Hudson Bay.
The great size of the head in Coronation gulf comes out in the figures for the
horizontal circumference, which average 581 mm. for men and 571 mm. for
women, as against 559-5 mm. for men in Labrador and 547-2 mm. for women.!

Hansen, unfortunately, has not separated his data from NE. and SE.
Greenland so that graphs can be constructed for each region, but from his table
of the range of indices in both places and for both sexes combined I have plotted
a graph to place alongside that given by the Copper Eskimo figures. The
two polygons are evidently very much alike, but the Coronation gulf group has
not the tendency towards dolichocephaly that is displayed by the East Green-
land group, a tendency that, to judge from the means quoted above, is more
marked in the SE. than in the NE. Greenlanders.

,

v
Y {
20% ran
1
7h
q ay
T
15% E Ny
. \
4 \
f. rs
y,
N
TA N
vf \
tf n T
{0% ea v
ts
iN
VA h
A
7 NTTIN
5% SN
ri X
~
Hf ae C
¥, N y ‘
tt aes SS
4 <E Q
)

70 71 #7 «6% TF 1) 6 6%6hUTTClUT}HMhUCUTG COBO 8B! 8 83 84 8&5
Grary II. Crpuatic Inpicus (males and females combined) in Coronation Gutr and in
East GREENLAND. The broken line represents East Greenland.

These graphs again raise the question as to whether there is not a slight
admixture of Indian blood among the Copper Eskimos, making the head more
pronouncedly mesaticephalic as well as increasing the stature. On the whole
I am inclined to favour this assumption, especially in view of the fact that a
few individuals (see Section I, Males 12, 18, 37 and 57) seemed to resemble
Indians in cast of feature. This admixture must have been very slight, however,
since it has failed to produce any wide departure from the pure Eskimo type
as found to the eastward; and altogether the evidence is so scanty that I hesitate
to lay any stress upon it.

1Duckworth and Pain, Proceedings of the Cambridge Philosophical Society, Vol. X, t. V, p. 290.
eee figures, of course, are approximate only, since they take no account of the varying thickness of the
air.
"Boas (Zeit. fir Ethnol., 1895, p. 376), after giving the cephalic index for Alaskan natives, men and
women combined, as 79-2, states that he is inclined to attribute their exceptional stature and high cephalic
indices as due to Indian intermixture.

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos B57

The statement of Hawkes! that the cephalic index among Eskimos increases
from east to west finds little support in the tables given above. The indices
in Greenland, Labrador, Hudson bay and Coronation gulf all closely approxi-
mate to one another. The data from the Mackenzie delta is conflicting, but
shows a tendency towards dolichocephaly rather than brachycephaly.2 The
only marked increase is on the Noatak river in Alaska, where admixture with
the adjacent Indians may perhaps be assigned as the cause. Hawkes’ theory
is not borne out either by the cranial indices from the different regions, some
of which are quoted below.

In regard to sexual differences the cephalic indices of the women seem to
be everywhere slightly lower than those of the men, the difference varying
from about 1 to 2-5. Such skull measurements as are available give a directly
opposite result. Thus:—

CRANIAL INDEX

Men Women
Place ~
Cases | Index Cases | Index
WE, Greenland. gs occa cwady caeds oueeesvad devas 8 70-7 7 73°7
Labrador‘........... og 19 71:5 11 73-1
Southampton island’. eae 9 74-2 5 74-9
Point Barrows vous 5c sey 5 oe0eag eau 6 hee ees oe Fei ae 14 72-65 5 76-06

Very little stress can be laid on the exact figures in most of these cases since
they are based on very limited series of measurements. In general it may be
stated that the difference between the sexes, whichever way it inclines, is
comparatively small and for all practical purposes negligible.

FACE MEASUREMENTS

The face measurements include the total length of the face from the nasion
to the chin, the length of the upper portion of the face from the nasion to the
alveolar point, the breath of the face across the zygomatic arches and the
breadth of the jaw. From these are compiled three indices, the facial index

breadth of jaw
breadth of face

{lente of upper face

breadth of face \ and the in-

\ the gonio-zygomatic index {

— : breadth of face
dex giving the proportion oath oF hea The measurements of the nose are

reserved for later consideration.

1American Anthropologist, N.S., 18, 1916, p. 221. The theory was first advanced by Topinard,
Anthropology, London, 1890, p. 473.

2The Herschel island crania measured by Russell give indices of 73-6 for the 2 male and 75-0 for the
7 female skulls (Russell, Explorations in the Far North, State University of Iowa, p. 200).

3Calculated from Hansen’s table, op. cit., p. 175.

4Duckworth and Pain, J. R. A. I., Vol. XXX, p. 136. Russell and Huxley, Proceedings of the Ameri-
can Association for the ‘Advancement of Science, 1899, p. 370, give 71-9 as the mean cranial index for Labra-
dor male skulls and 72-3 for female.

SHrdlicka, Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, Vol. V, pt. II, 1910, p. 184.
sHawkes, op. cit., p. 221.

58B Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

TOTAL FACE LENGTH—CORONATION GULF

Millimetres Men Women

a
ey
S

PER bbe abe wo Ne

ms

Probable ernir Of Wiest s ce ciaveswrd st uae 15 OR SEES URRY 5 OREO E IEE i +0-47
Aree oe tener ar ik OG ENG sx cca vice hi atin cere eet doous ore ene Rae Rested tei na ewe Ria ne lL So +0-
SEPT CISCO E RE VRTIRIION 0.0 nj dnrccuaecenersansgsesg aebkieusaanaweatadweniumnad 4

\
HHH SS
Oa
OPA Y

= 60

Turning to other regions we obtain this table:—

sf TOTAL FACE LENGTH

Men Women
Place

Cases Length Cases Length

8 125-9 10 118-3
82 126-9 42 121-7
11 127 10 116-5
Il 128-4 5 119-8
12 131-5 6 120-8

Considering the uncertainty in the position of the nasion, these figures
show a fair amount of uniformity. The differences seem nowhere large enough
for any significance to be attached to them.!

‘

The face lengths of Greenland Eskimos given by Hansen were calculated from the glabella, not the
nasion, and so cannot be used in this comparison.

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos B59

UPPER FACE LENGTH—CORONATION GULF

Millimetres Men Women

a & RPE NWWNWOERERPRWOR

Probable error of mean.
Probable error of standard de : +0-20
Coefficient of variation.............. a 5-0

He

i)

to

co
eH wy
COV
bo C9 Go or
Oe

o
i)

The three Mackenzie delta Eskimos whom I measured gave a mean of 73-3
and the three Point Hope men of 74:7. Duckworth and Pain give 73-15 as
the mean of 11 Labrador men and 69-35 as the mean of 10 women. There are
no figures available from other regions, but cranial measurements, which should
differ very little from measurements on the living, range in males from 72 in
Labrador to 77 at Southampton island, and in females from 68 at Point Barrow
to 74-4 at Herschel island.1 The variation within each group is considerable,
and none of these averages is based on a large number of cases, so that for the
present at least no weight can be attached to these differences. The Copper
Eskimos seem to lie midway between the two extremes.

FACE BREADTH—CORONATION GULF

Millimetres Men Women
1
1
cindy Baek Ses 1
se iside nda: ana 3
sll dca aeaiadd GARCURE 1
Aleriie eines ete 7
2 3
| aa G Sane e eee ais 3
1 i4
4 7
6 6
2 3
4 2
4
5 2
11
5
9
4
5
2
3

1Duckworth and Pain, J.R.A.I., Vol. XXX, 1900, p. 136; Hrdlicka, op. cit., p. 190; Hawkes, op. cit.,
p. 227; Russell, op. cit., p. 200.

60B Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

FACE BREADTH—CORONATION GULF—Concluted

Millimetres Men Women

Numiber:of cases ....cassaswiacesss cies cote coer ener eaeeeesag ee esac eyeerasine 82 42
Lesage atc laser in tera carat ICR mo] az] are

Standard PEG GA OB cn acwne wavinddeaecns undoes teRey CReee ere wie iit 45-4
Probable error GF Mits8cnscgcqsc ee cco rsinacasnecnmoannndsr meses ne +0-41
+0-2

3

Het He
Noon

Probable error of ee deviation me
Coefficient of variation. . apie | ae artnet ek weeny anh nig. ele sheae ee wma anak

mwwo
eo

The table suggests that the breadth of the face is more variable in men
than in women. This sexual difference is not noticeable in any of the other
measurements, nor would it naturally be expected in this one. It is worth re-
marking that the breadth of the face in both sexes is less variable than its length.
Thus for men the coefficient of variation in face breadth is 3-7, whereas the same
coefficient in the upper face length is 5-0. In women the difference is greater
still, 2-1 as opposed to 5-3. There must be some reason for the length of the
face being the more variable quantity, but I am unable to suggest one myself.

The Copper Eskimos have slightly broader faces than the Eskimos of
Labrador, but not so broad as the Smith sound, Mackenzie delta, or Noatak
river Eskimos. This is shown in the following table:—

Place Men Women
Dabradoricsascctannatisuam ores BS pctv ecm eatee ws th cent onc eeantaio ay gland ie caesea nig ented alacalenae 142-2 136-6
CORON IOI EU 250i sacs suey spay sseashsccahcatanscciauas Sit aveua deed antea obese sash apageaes Mideabdesseee Setuatstaue eomiandas 145-7 137-8
DMSChONge CUS eo cncuevecedoeservnred Geter Ue areeren CUMeN eps Mone uN Re ERD 147-8 139-7
ET AI a saa ee beh cseo snceopatic daizeichingh dane end ane och Sed wad eid ncaval manaNe Slee ediaegul avin aude 147-8 141-5
IGGtIR FIVEE coaram sey chen Cee eR EAA EES CERES FID bE HORE 155-7 144-6

Cranial measurements show that there is considerable variation among
Eskimos in the average breadth of the face. Taking males alone, we have for
NE. Greenland 141-14, for W. Greenland 135-15, for Labrador 1398, for South-
ampton island 1457 and for Point Barrow 141-2. The difference between skull
measurements and measurements of the living is not precisely known. Duck-
worth’s Labrador figures make it 3-2 for men and 7-6 for women, but the sexual
difference should be little or nothing. We cannot be far wrong in assuming
it to be around 4 mm., which would make the breadth of the face in NE. Green-
land and at Point Barrow approximately the same as in Coronation gulf. At all

events there is no indication that the Copper Eskimos have exceptionally narrow

faces, so that the somewhat low value of the Head breath ndex which we shall

find among them later must be ascribed solely to their broadness of head, a

feature that has been noticed already. On the other hand, the Noatak river

pie seem to have exceptionally broad faces, surpassing those of all other
skimos.

1Duckworth and Pain, J.R.A.I., Vol. XXX, p. 136.

2Boas, Bull., A.M.N.H., Vol. XIV, p. 57. The three Mackenzie delta men measured by myself gave
an average of 145 mm., and the three Point Hope men of 146-3 mm.

*Steensby, op. cit., p. 389.

4Computed from Hansen, op. cit.,

5Computed from Brierley, T.R.A. is Val XXXVI, 1906, p. 120.

®6Duckworth and Pain, op. cit., p. 136.

THrdlicka, op. cit., p. 190.

3Hawkes, op. cit., p. 226.

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos B61

FACIAL INDEX—CORONATION GULF

Index Men Women
1
2
5
1 4
1 1
9 1
7 7
18 4
15 9
6 7
5 3
4 3
3
3 2
1
seid Abate testes 1
1
82 42
51-4 51-9
+3-1 $Oe7
Probable error of mean................. +0-23 +0-28
Probable error of standard deviation.... Sins Hie an 40-16 +0-20
Coefiicientvolvariationacn, vaces dev. ies. ¢ Keser ks Ss Wa aa E MDE Gots Ep Pas od ee wR 6-0 5-2

The only available figures from other living Eskimos are from Labrador,
where Duckworth and Pain obtained 51-4 as the facial index for men and 50-7
for women. My three Mackenzie delta men gave 50-5, and the three Point
Hope men 51. Hansen’s figures from Greenland are not comparable, owing
to the different method used in computing the length of the face.

PROPORTION OF BREADTH OF HEAD AND BREADTH OF FACE

This proportion is of some interest because it has been used by Mr. Stef-
ansson to support his theory of European infusion among the Copper Eskimos.'
He relied upon Boas’ statement,’ that the fundamental feature of the Eskimo
skull consists in great breadth of face as compared to narrowness of skull, and
the head is everywhere narrower than the face except in Labrador and West
Greenland, where there is a strong infusion of white blood. The theory has
been criticized already by Hawkes, who points out that there appears to be a
slight sexual difference, the face in female skulls being, if anything, slightly
narrower than the head.? Information on the subject is scarce, as very few
anthropologists have made use of this index. Moreover, the question has been
greatly confused by comparing measurements taken on the living with skull
measurements, although the index given by the former seems to be several
points lower than the corresponding skull index. Thus, in Smith sound, a place
free from European admixture as far as adult Eskimos are concerned, Steensby’s
measurements of 18 natives give a combined index of 97 (8 men 96-7, 10 women
97-6) although 85 skulls from the same region measured by Bessels give an index
of 103.4. Eskimo skulls from other places closely ‘resemble those from Smith
sound, and as their indices never greatly exceed 100 we may be sure that the
indices of the living Eskimos fall normally below that figure, just as it does
in Smith sound. That is to say, broader heads than faces is the rule in living
Eskimos, and so cannot be interpreted as a sign of European admixture.

18tefansson, My Life with the Eskimo, p. 194 f.

2Boas, op. cit., p. 59 f.

3Hawkes, op. cit., p. 226. ; ;
4Steensby, Meddel. om Gr¢nland, Vol. XXXIV, p. 389; Bessel, Archiv ftir Anthropologie, Band 8,

1875, pp. 116 et seg.

628 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

head breadth

: : , i
tie index among the Copper Eskimos is shown i

The range of the
the following table:—

Index Men Women
1
1 1
2 1
2 1
4 2
6 5
9 9
11 11
7 5
17 5
7
5 2
3
3
2
1
1
82 42
96-0 94-6
+3-2 +2-0
40-23 +0-20
+0-16 +0-14
3-3 2-1

Mr. Stefansson, from observations on 104 Copper Eskimo men, obtained
a mean of 97, one point above my own.! The three Mackenzie delta men whom
I measured gave a mean of 96-7, but Stone’s measurements of 12 men from
the same region gave 102-7, while his 6 women gave 99-0. From the Noatak
river the same observer obtained indices of 100-8 for men and 101-6 for women,
although the three Point Hope men measured by myself gave only 97-1. In
Smith sound, as already stated, the indices are 96-7 for men and 97-6 for women.
From Labrador we have Boas’ figure of 95 as the mean index of 10 men,? and
Duckworth’s of 96-3 for 11 men and 96-3 for 10 women.? The indices of Stone,
if correct, are higher than any yet recorded.

JAW BREADTH—CORONATION GULF

Millimetres Men Women
2
2
3
1
3
3 1
it 2
1 2
4 4
5 1
6 5
7
4 6
8 3
4 1

1Stefansson, op. cit., p. 195.
2Boas, op. cit., pp. 59 and 60.
4Calculated from the separate measurements in Duckworth and Pain, op. cit., p. 136.

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos B63
JAW BREADTH—CORONATION GULF—Concluded

Millimetres Men Women

DUD sete ices gee tative es Sige Gains seraied alive 8 WA dress ea ONG s He ee dada Saha Sek 2
TLS bisjetsie sd enpeds arcenioraanhte oe SA oc aha eae cole Cnt RN A ARE Sie ae ate ind 3 1
DUD 5 cases Asa etc teescenh mad navi sie Bigs ag aha tears te Aion Lie Nea laters tenes 6 2
120 occas a abislas seeds aueties Seche aha «id dig aeatats atuasiore owen aeaciotos eid onid calms 4 1
EAU eee Fe Ne hii ele hits hem ache ie yada cd poten Se ete aha ee PLO ana eas 2
DD sete fe 2 enc te Src) stad utiyasts Seanad atenins Gods ee pea Schaeas ee SALA coats eo ADA aE i eh 3
M28 Sei tvs soashece:cdatehne deat sides WY (ese raa hs Jlts d aunlglcd Maik ne dowavites tra ts oahe teat ee 3
OA ie 6 rasictaSaceale oom ctaced att ebieat tc eed Ae ON ARAS Arad ciaieyediye te te eo serine, is Sedes pee nate 4
DZD esis wa grok x aha eX ea oh cxainis taj dubs aves blo iychabecccoseoieeeune woahcsainio dhnnrrs doe Magee aa 2
ZG ecasisyetsStenie s Mibtes aid alec tate Mehdi Bao Simcae Nee cnoirhac oecaeeons adn cass hee Ae hc 1
WL saree: Bid Os nc cea lahs Sst ante aed ean erage Payne pen ebdese d beam beddala widen ernie Ske pos. pei hea ait
DDG sensi al doteans secueas Gases tog pant cer on debe rp vanare Gein 2 saya lehtids misuiatie wall ax ame m eek
120 easiest asec erase ec anah uae fal On Pati a ee WS wena actaat adi? kyo 3
Nutaber of onsesis:: ssc apy a anile oi sida dacticsse heen retina seagate s cisaok vessarcsn ba 82 42

CRM eis Stele a eatin in us sung yas Vans werhla 2a 'Santaia 9 Waites @ Gielehs avROR are Lach 1 ade sas otek bee Gan seroraes 115-8 110-3
Standard deviation..........000000 0000 e cece cece ee ETEEEE SS +5-8 +5-6
Probable error of mean........0.... 0.0... csecee eee eeee reece +0-43 +0-58
Probable error of standard deviation......................00 0. ose, +0-30 +0-41
Coefficient of variation............0.0000 00 ccc c cece cence eee 5-0 5-0

The three Mackenzie delta men gave a mean of 116 mm., and the three
men from Point Hope 111-6.

GONIO-ZYGOMATIC INDEX—CORONATION GULF

Men Women
1
1
AMG Pasendlaccndate ae 2
2 1
7 2
2 2
3 3
6
10 1
6 3
6 5
11 2
11 6
5 10
3 2
4
2 3
1
1
82 42
79-4 80-1
+4-0 +3-9
+0-29 +0-40
+0-21 +0-28
5-0 4-8

For both sexes combined the mean index works out at 79-7, which is slightly
lower than the East Greenland index of 82-3 calculated by Hansen. Whether
this difference is due to the greater breadth of the jaw in East Greenland, or
the lesser breadth between the zygomatic arches, is uncertain, as the separate
figures for these two measurements are not given. Hansen states that the East
Greenland natives give a larger index than any other people yet examined.
The three Mackenzie delta men I measured had a mean gonio-zygomatic index
of 80, and the three Point Hope men of 78-5.

It would be interesting to note the variations of this index among other
Eskimo tribes, but unfortunately the data for this purpose are not available.

648 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18
NASAL MEASUREMENTS

The lack of exactness in nasal measurements of the living, and the wide
diversity in the shape and size of the nose among the Eskimos even of a single
area, destroy much of the value of any data that may be obtained on this sub-
ject. The least satisfactory measurement of all is the nasal depth, which is
consequently omitted altogether from this discussion. The tables of frequencies
for the nasal height and the nasal breadth, together with the nasal index, are

given below.
NASAL HEIGHT—CORONATION GULF

Millimetres Men Women
1
1 2
seep rcrtere ates 3
1 1
1 2
3 4
2 4
10 6
4 4
6 5
10 5
9 4
6
5 1
10
5
4 1
2
1
1
82 42
55-7 F2-2
44-1 43-3
+0-30 +0-34
+0-21 40-24
7:3 6-3
NASAL BREADTH—CORONATION GULF
Millimetres Men Women
2 1
2° 3
1 8
5 3
5 8
7 5
12 6
12 3
10 2
8 2
7
8 1
1
2
82 42
37-0 34-4
42-9 42-5
Probable error of standard deviation. a A a = : Fe
Coefficient of variation 7.8 “7.3

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos B65

NASAL INDEX

Index Men Women
1
2
4
6
7
4
6
3
4
4
1
Number of cases 82 42
WRB cc otek Es CamBa RE ES Sih SRILA ERE GY habe PeREEE ORR AA ES x 6 2 GS 66-8 66-1
Standard deviation 6 eeaureey Swann abe +6-5 +5-3
Probable error of mean se +0-48 +0-55
Probable error of standard deviation..... +0-84 +0-39
Coefficient of variation 9-7 8-0

As will be seen, the tables are too irregular, the ranges of deviation far too
great for any importance to be attached to the resulting mean indices. Hansen,
who places the index in 8.E. Greenland for both sexes combined at about 72,
remarks that there is a considerable difference between the sexes, the index
for women being lower than for men. In Coronation gulf there seems to be
hardly any difference, though both Duckworth’s figures from Labrador, 64-1
(men) and 62-4 (women), as well as Stone’s from the west, 67-7 (men) and 66
(women) in the Mackenzie delta, and 66-8 (men) and 63 (women) on the Noatak
river, seem to show it slightly.

CONCLUSION

From the foregoing pages we may reap the following conclusions :—

J. There is some slight support for Hansen’s view that European influence
has produced a decrease in the stature of certain Eskimo tribes, but that its
effect in other ways is indeterminate.

2. There is strong support for Boas’ view that Indian admixture in Alaska
has increased the stature and produced a marked tendency towards brachy-
cephaly.

3. The Copper Eskimos show more resemblance to the eastern Eskimos
than to the Alaskan.

4. The Copper Eskimos differ from most other Eskimos in that the head

is slightly longer and broader, although the cephalic index is virtually the same
as among the pure-blood tribes to the eastward.

5. There is no indication of European admixture among the Copper Es-
kimos, but a little evidence of slight Indian admixture.

50932—5

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos 678

Puate 1.

Prate T. ULOQSAQ, full face and profile (Male No. 37 in the tables of Section 1). This man illustrates the sceond or
Indian-like type of Eskimo mentioned on p. 845. Photos by G. H. Wilkins.

50932—6

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos

Puate II.

IGLISIQ, full face and profile (Male No. 1).

PLATE

Photos. by G. H. Wilkins.

Il.

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos 71B

Puate III.

Pate III. MAFFA, full face and profile (Male No. 19). The upper part of the face is square, the lower markedly wedge-
shaped. The hair had been clipped at the time the man was measured. Photos. by G. H. Wilkins.

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos 73B

Puate IV.

Puate IV. Upper, KIGIUNA, lull face and profile (Male No. 57). This man’s eyes were dark brown suffused with a
milky tinge, so that he represents one of the so-called light-eyed or blond Eskimos (see p. 46B).

Lower, AKSIATAQ, full face and profile (Male No. 9). Photos. by G. H. Wilkins.

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos 75B

Pirate V. Upper, TOQALI.UAQ, full face and profile (Male No. 76).
mentioned on p. 845. Photos. by D. Jenness.

Pate V.

This man reprezents the third or negroid type

Lower, QOHOQTAQ, full face and profile (Male No. 28). Photos. by G. H. Wilkins.

50932—7

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos 77B

Puate VI.

Prate VI. Upper, HITQOQ, full face and profile (Male No. 11). Photos. by G. H. Wilkins.

Lower, left, ANARVILLUK (Male No. 51), wearing snow-goggles; right, AITAUQ (Male No. 50), his brother;
both examples of the second type of Eskimo mentioned on p. 845. Photos. by Dr. R. M. Anderson.

50932—73

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos 79B

Prats VII. Upper, left, SINISIAQ (Male No. 77). Photo. by G. H. Wilkins.
Upper, right, AYALLIK (Male No. 8). Photo. by D. Jenness.
Lower, left, ANAUYUK< (Male No. 10). Photo. by F. Johansen.
Lower, right, AZZUN (Male No. 44). Photo. by D. Jenness.

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos 81B

Puate VIII.

Prare VIII. Upper, left, AMIGAILAQ; right, UTUGAUM; both Eskimo men of Dolphin and Union strait, not
measured. Photos. by G. H. Wilkins.

Lower, left, APATTOAQ, a Kilusiktok man, not measured. Photo. by Dr. R. M. Anderson.

Lower, right. NATIVES OF MINTO INLET, Victoria island. The girl was said to show ‘‘blond”’ characteristics
(see p. 468). Photo. by G. H. Wilkins.

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos 83B

Puate IX.

Pirate IX. Upper, KAIYORANA, full face and profile (female No. 39). Photos. by G. H. Wilkins.

Lower, PAGLIQ, full face and profile (Female No. 24). Photos, by Dr. R. M. Anderson.

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos 85B

Piatp X.

Frate X. Upper, IGUAQ, full face and profile (Female No. X).
Lower, KALYUTARYUN, full face and profile (Female No. 7). Photos. by G. H. Wilkins.

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos 87B

Puate XI

V iy

Puate XI. Upper, NIQ, full face and profile (Female No. 9).

Lower, left, MANIGYORINA (Female No. 13); right, KUKILUKAQ (Female No. 23). Photos. by G. H.
Wilkins.

Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos 89B

Patte XII.

Prate XII. Upper, MIMIRGLINGA, full face and profile, a Kilusiktok woman not measured. Photos. by Dr. R. M
Anderson.

Lower, QEYUQ, full face and profile,a Dolphin and Union strait woman rot measured. Thotos. by CG. H
Wilkins.

PART C: .OSTEOLOGY AND DENTITION OF THE
WESTERN AND CENTRAL ESKIMOS |

Vol. XII—50844

OSTEOLOGY OF THE WESTERN AND CENTRAL
ESKIMOS - - By John Cameron

DENTITION OF THE WESTERN AND CENTRAL
ESKIMOS - -_ By Stephen G. Ritchie

Issued June 23, 1923

INTRODUCTION

A considerable number of osteological remains, gathered at different times
and in various places, were brought back by the Southern Party of the Canadian
Arctic Expedition, and deposited in the Victoria Memorial Museum at Ottawa.
As the museum lacked a specialist in Physical Anthropology, Dr. John Cameron,
Professor of Anatomy in Dalhousie University, Halifax, Nova Scotia, kindly
offered his services for the examination of the specimens. His report treats them
in the order of the Museum Catalogues for Physical Anthropology (Archeological)
given below, where XIV indicates Eskimo area, A, B, C, etc., the geographical
subsections of that-area (in accordance with the Map of Canada, published by
the Department of the Interior, Ottawa, in 1910), while the numbers /, 2, 3, etc.,
mark the order of accession in the catalogue.

XIV H, FRANKLIN DISTRICT

Cat. No. Specimen Locality Collector Date

crude buat avroaaeces Cape Williams, G. H. Wilkins. .|May, 1916
Victoria island

“ CT cd
Nati oe ot Seopa . : a i
posers “ ‘ :
cca ae “ee
XIV D, MACKENZIE DISTRICT
XIV Dal icsascczsccds Cranium isis. esi scared a Baillie island....... F. Johansen..... July, 1916
XIV D-2 Dea Gein LA adevav bande vee sesaaseel tomatoe AO bg aeesd By ore i
XIV D-3 : Ee emiecpacdiis gamheteieecensen RB J Meetiareseta ef sheds is
XIV D4 wii BOON 5 asks ny ibcn cadens ie. w-ccniterd Young point......... D. Jenness......
XIV D-5 ...|Mandible.............-...5. Eel island........ Ee vehanget anise :
XIV D-6 see @ (PR CTIVUT Sutctalsr popes sizeda's aro ask chives dane oung point......... . Jenness...... i
XIV D-7... ..]129 bones of skeletons....... i eee sd haa ue
XIV D-8.........--.. Cranium savawineercda suse Mackenzie delta....|V. Stefansson...jOctober, 1906
XIV F, ALASKA
XIV F= Uvcnssaerees ats Cranium and various bones.|Port Clarence....... ag ee ane July, 1913
. Beuchat.
XIV F- 2 Cranium..........+.0020505% seaasaud S - C
XIV F- 3 Ln nhneiagieeee| ) . aeeeRbe o :
XIV F- 4 SO a dase lad iseas saiistgegreblaea ee - 7
XIV F-5 BO creamer vandbathamn ni datasnied eee : 2
XIV F- 6 er tee ere eee :
XIV F-7 fe peta letusstampare ieanvealanteys ee .
XIV F- 8 a COE NERS ry Rete Oana :
XIV F- 9 Pass... .2evenras neve eers ata . .
XIV F-10 Occipital bone..........-... nes ° .
XIV F-11 Lower jaw........000eeeeee ce 7 %
XIV F-12 Be ernihe sora Gieadavatsaalarontorets ree S
XIV F-13 Miscellaneous skeletal ree | “ — ..aee.
mains. | 7 ” ”
XIV F-14.............J@) Ethmoid.............-.. ree : ue
(b) Two vomers.........--. se - ie
XIV Blo vicicaae cvs Two bones not human.......) “ ......

50844—14

4c Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

XIV F. ALASKA

Cat. No. Specimen Locality Collector Date
XIV F-16.............]Cranium and 8 ribs.......... Barter island (ruin}/D. Jenness...... Summer, 1914
POY Pe cinaensa eens 18 fragments of cranium, 1 Barter island (ruin BE a unset a
mandible, 2 broken rib} 72 E.)
bones. ‘A
XIV F-18.............]Cranium and 24 bones....... Barler island (ruin ree: ‘
IV B-19).,. cesses 38 miscellaneous bones. ..... Barter island (ruin Be Gastiigte f
6 E. “
XIV F-20.............|Cranium, mandible, 112 mis-|Barter island (ruin BO, wutatttiae! ey
cellaneous bones. 2 We
SELV BaD citsicdnovovecne + ST ANIUIN 5,5 ssecsseoners sevens paeieie Barter island (on OE este :
surface of tundra).
REV P22 cciceeamee Se slit i Aten RRS SA dieiara Barter island (ruin oO gsuaaeat -
35 E.)
XIV B28) caseiecicewie ss BS sedan toned sep carer Barter island (ruin BER Lgeliets ee
68 E.)
OLY Bab eis sevnsicion Cranium (broken) and upper te BA aatechne &
and lower jaws.
XIV P25 csccce cosas | Cranium swwercaeynrcveesess Barter oe (ruin ie sree sf
68 E.
XIV F-26............. a (broken).......... es EE Sedans se
XIV F-27............ |Upper part of cranium...... ee i Seah ee
XLV: Ha 28 ia cisoessiea Saheane Lower jaw................5. eS eae 2 ce
RLV B20) os cain etinees 10 miscellaneous bones...... ee me ie
XIV F-30.............]Femur, tibia and fibula..... et island (ruin BS hats -
6 E.
BAY BBs tacrxovaxen Cranium, lower jaw and 13/Barter island (ruin Sg Kg
skeletal bones. 16 W.)
IV FS2 is cccesacas [ROWER OW. nancaccesacscinns Arey island, near oe . pate Hf
al island (ruin
XIV F-33... 4 erania (A, B,C; D)........ Collinson point...... F. Johansen..... July, 1914
XIV F-34 11 skeletal bones............ Bee auaYait = eugs ae

The first group of specimens, XIV H-4-9, from Victoria island, Franklin
district, were discovered on the surface of the ground. Together with numbers
XIV D-4, D-6 and D-7 from Young point, which were also found on the surface,
they undoubtedly represent the remains of some Copper Eskimos. In this
region no trouble was taken to protect the dead; the bodies were simply left on
the ground to the mercy of birds and animals. The specimens from Baillie
island, XIV D-1, D-2, D-3 and D-5, were also found on the surface of the
ground. Baillie island was visited by whaling ships from about 1890 onwards,
but as white men always bury their dead, these must have been the remains
of Eskimos. Nothing is known concerning the cranium XIV D-8, from the
Mackenzie district, except that it was collected by Mr. Stefansson at Shingle
point, a short distance east of the delta of the Mackenzie river.

Of the Alaskan specimens those from Port Clarence (XIV F-1-F-15) came
from a single graveyard close to the beach. Here the wooden scaffolds on which
the bodies once rested had rotted away, and everything lay in confusion on the
ground. Foxes and birds appeared to have committed some ravages. As many
of the bones lay an inch or more beneath the soil the burials can hardly have
taken place less than 100 years ago.

At Collinson point, on the north coast of Alaska, the expedition discovered
about a dozen ancient graves. Our naturalist, Mr. Frits Johansen, excavated
two, and from them obtained the two crania XIV F-33 a and 6, and the eleven
skeletal bones XIV F-34. The two crania XIV F-33 c and d lay on top of the
graves, but as the ground had quite plainly been disturbed, they probably belong
to the same period as the other remains.

Eskimo Osteology 5c

The specimens from Barter island, 50 miles east of Collinson point, belong
to at least two periods. In this place there were two old village sites, one at the
east end of the island and the other at the west; a third, partly excavated in
recent years by the Eskimos themselves, was situated on Arey island, three
miles to the westward. Most of the ruins were of considerable antiquity, pre-
dating any contact with Europeans; however, the dwelling marked Ruin No.
16, on the west side of the island, from which the specimens of XIV F-31 were
taken, was erected within the memory of Eskimos still living. The graves on
the east side of the island were also of recent origin, since they contained both
iron and European beads; in the excavation of the site they were marked as
Ruins Nos. 68, 72, 73 and 76 E., and furnished the specimens of XIV F-16,
F-17, F-18, F-19, F-23, F-25 and F-30. Cranium F-21 was found on the
surface of the tundra about a mile from these eastern ruins; probably it had
been dragged from a grave by some foxes.

D. JENNESS.

6c Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

Osteology of the Western and Central Eskimos

By Joun Cameron, M.D., D.Sc.
Dalhousie University, Halifax, N.S.
XIV H-4
The cranium of a young adult male. A very massive and perfect skull.

The sutures are all very distinct. Perfect dentition. (See Plates II, III, IV,
V and VI). :

Gubié Capacity weve da pasa aaow eta dua ye aad deacama mae sud ass 1,450-0 c.cm.
Maximum length............. sneha ere are ert deere Maia ets 196-0 mm.
Glabella-inion length............ 0. eee cece ee eee eee ence 192-0 “
Maximum: breadth. sscadiees os camens wes sw ah x abe beeen ears 143-0 “
Bregma-baslonwnsnd is ia nex vs han Sik ag tes REAR ENS Nee te SE 140-0 “
Nasion-baslony : 2s einsekdarek sag eee derans aces aeeeae sea ca ee 110-0 “
Basion-alveolar length............. 00.0. c cee ee eee eee ee eens 104-0 “
Nasal Heights cac-a-gesctsceaisins, wivm gundcoa deamradinaunreiaa Suons Susi beseeacotians _ 64:0 “
Napali Wad this. jteca.: es sien. sceitccy nus Sad cauesn oo bacua BAe averted g tends nin imadal beer 23-0 “
Orbital Weights; jcc\eis 0205 wig e-aselew da Weel ee dey Sacelele tie glenn oe {r 41 mm.

L. 41 mm
Orbital width: c..sincccaeeaes Se Gene eeedeed Oe Gade earn ae R. 46 mm

L. 46 mm
Minimum post-orbital width.............. 0.0.0 cece ee eee 104-0 “
Interzygomatic WIdth was:sds 5s cae nde een ed Rede es wee Eee B86 148-0 “
Interstephanic Width............. 0. ccc cece ee ene eet eee neees 86-0 “
Horizontal cranial circumference.................0.00 ee eens 551-0 “
Maxillo-facial height.ii3cs.0.002scasevs siweceeeeas sc aane cus 90-0 “
Palato-maxillary width........... 0.0... ccs ee cece ete e neces 67-0 “
Palato-maxillary length.......... 00... cece eee cece e eee eee 56-0 “
Length of foramen magnum ................. 00. c cece eee eee 41:0 “
Maximum depth of temporal fossa.................00 eee eee 29-0 “
Glabella-bregma chord.......... 2.0.00. cece cece ence ee eens 111-5 *
Glabella-lambda chord..........0... 0.0 c cece eee cece eee e eae 186-0 “
Bregma-lambda chord..........-... cece cece cee eee eeeee 113-0 “
Bregmainion: Chords.aicspksiccs Hes obvulee ee Aeeeyaca ee Hades 155-0 “
Lambdasinion' chord issccs exe sen wae os Ee eae Cee GEE RES OD OS 66-5 “
‘Bregmatic angle. cise va ves eck de eens Pokus neu ten bes we Kee 54-5°
Height of bregma above glabella-inion line................... 90-5 mm.
Index of height of bregma above the glabella-inion line—

90-5 X 100 =47-1
192

CRANIAL INDICES

Ctphalicindexis. 525 ee vis wesinaand Brame dente ke titi cane OM ed eh eras Gus 73-0
Index of eighty: occ se-s0% set 844 Gar aece soak sme daiye ds du hand weet d eualeease 71-4
Breadth-height index 97-9
NV COL AR UNGER asco entvs ieuers ossvassiey seale chee 6.d:4:fauin' 2 nhl Ra bedaltv ad eeeue a Babe MOOS 94-5
Opbital INGOK a. escedeesonstnst atscbulecstsod Miedo, 5b ian ctvar tease Mudwendcekshaied cuales Seana 89-5
Nasal index: osoiciavs.¢ etainladawavine anianequsnind ot Zeatlowaey awl aleinlcecehon mathe 35-9
Maxillotacial indexes. ¢..05 cavcciscgaiais cea dunes ate au decd buns pu hee ea Os 60-8
Stephano-zygomatic index......... 0.00. cece eee ee eee c eect eeeaee 58-1
Hronte=parietal Index..cw's o's sales x an ok Baw N ES eS < DE Fase Ge cle e basa hala 72-7
Palato-maxillary index’. s o.io5 064 ¢a256 G00 ow WOw EEE a cede pom eneeee 119-6
Gonio-zygomatic indeX........ 0... cece cece cece eect e ene eeneeens 83-4
Nasion-prosthion height index.............0 0c ccs cece cece ee eeneeaes 25-0

Eskimo Osteology

XIV H-5
The cranium of a young adult female.
Cubic Capacity: cci'n.:. cnet deta ciag de meetieearae ae eeeaneys 1,330-0 c.cm.
Maximum: lengthye.. css shige taal eased te bad Peas has ek eG 181-0 mm.
Glabella-inion length.......... 0... cece cece eee teen eens 176-5 “
Maximum breadth......... 0.0... ccc cece cece eee e eee e eee 130:0 “
Bregma-basion......: BSS aud tat gigs peeuatans ud atid ne ¥ UR we Neate eee 127-0 “
IBASIONSNASION 5 f:665 6. 5.¢ car, de woe gus Wine an bo we Ahan ned & Sitavene abt Gein deabietee 98:0
Basion-alveolar length......... 20... c cece eee e eee 98-0 “
Nasal height (approx.).............. aycts Scaeea G8 alas fatte sata RN cava 54-0 “
Nasal swidth.<. csc uals Guaar ese waseamm key MARTE SAS EH 22-0 “
Orbital helghtiicycster-us samen weer dw boras Seas ymca ee sR. 37-0 “
L. 37-5 “

Orbital. wadth\y s sca ay gases Nee cece vad Kadota duds meena ee IE. 42-0 “

\L. 41-5 “
Minimum post-orbital breadth................. 000 ccc eee 93-0 “
Interzygomatic breadth... 0.0.0... cece cece eee eens 129-0 “
Interstephanic breadth....................0005 eT 92-0 “
Maximum cranial circumference............. 0.00 c cece eee 501-0 “
Masillo‘facial heights. c..4caqe tks sau tne acm sag EE Sade eee “77-0
Palato-maxillary breadths.ce ss devakade ass oe be gereheaeess 66-0 “
Palato-maxillary length.......... 0... ccc cece cence eens 52-5 “
Length of foramen magnum............. sicepttsush se Neishae Gaa ene eet 37-0 “
Maximum depth of temporal fossa...............00 000 eee eee 23-0 “
Glabella-lambda chord............. 0.0. c cece cece eens 171-5 “
Glabella-bregma chord.................. 5 abiaten aitioce b ahaee nar 103-0 “
Bregma-lambda chord............... 00.02 cece cece ee eee 98:0 “
Bregma-inion chord.................2....0005 Ree ee ekeserec 145-0 “
Lambda-inion: chord sgoic ieee: o ouis se geiilns seeks ae eee ene 68% 75-0 “
Bregmatic- anglesonsocs enn y esug cenehare neo te beste seems ee 55°
Height of bregma above glabella-inion line..................- 84-5 mm,
Index of height of bregma above glabella-inion line— 84-5100 4

176-5

CRANIAL INDICES

Cephalioindexigass suyceng ss anaeine tg eee aaa emige data wales 71:8
Height dex: 520325 as se¢4e3se0ns sane veka SHeei Ke ta cee een pene ede 70-2
Breadth-height index... .:+: 05305900 Ge ee4 Bases MERGE cee ees OSE DEE 97-7
Alveolar dex: ede adiee ds esias te medacwss dew iedsrt meses esa PEs 100-0
Orbital index............... hcpes pied Seeaceingae er cbr Seton BS oT oe eee 88-1
INASAl IMCOX: »-ssaccae ach apelin asp) Gnsuel ace Ne eens pauten hieeandatdoaeuics wae eneeeed es 40-7
Maxillofacial indeXscco:04.coee yee Gis ge es Sea Pe ae heh icin eee ead 59-7
Stephano-zygomatic index.......... 0... cece eee cee tenet eens 71-3
Fronto-parietal Index sigic 3 sie seve ae owis cee am ewes es hae Rad eRe 71-5
Palato-maxillary index................... agri Bis eden genayedinennaese Sead nag 124-5
Gonio-2ygomatic dex; 54468 a0 5 ea beeen POW aee ad SHEE GoM EF 78-5
Nasion-prosthion height index...............506 060s 26:5

8c Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

XIV H-6
Cranium of an adolescent male between 17 and 24 years of age.

Cubic capacity........ 000. e cece ence teens 1,440-0 c.cm.
Maximum length............. 220 c cee eee eee renee eee enee 183-5 mm.
Glabella-inion length...........06 20266 e eee 173-0 “
Maximum breadth.............0 00 eee e eee eect eee teens 138-0 “
Bregma-basion..cc.s cue ees be ves s eee aes Ree ee ee Rep aCe’ 130-5 “
NAaSIO0-baSiOn:.. ccc... bs Soe dea hee ee PSE gous eae ae eee 102-5 “
Basion-alveolar length...............00 202 e eee ee eee 96-0 *
Nasal heighitccc2o.cncsewnewe eden shea een HONE ae NER Reet 52-0 “
Nasalewidthis..caxacaadr le Hedeau suplaum dye anieeOee ae Ee S ees 20-5 “
Orbital heightincdiccccns-ociae oc asomeea tiny stineas beage sees s R. 33:0 “

L, 33-0 *
Orbital width vse sc pone cerGewnsame sean dA emuearaane ens soaeuaee R. 40-0 “

L. 40-0 “
Minimum post-orbital width. ...........60 0.0.00 s ee eee eee eee 96-0 “
Interzygomatic width...............6005 0 cece eee eee eee
Interstephanic Width. ........... 00.0.6 e cece eee eee eee eee 106-0 “
Horizontal cranial circumference..............----++220520205 514-0 “
Maxillo-facial height............. 0.0.05 cece eee eee eee eee 68-0 “
Palato-maxillary width........... 0.050000 0 see eee eee ees 61-0 “
Palato-maxillary length.................. 00-0 e eee eee 48-0 “
Length of foramen magnum...................++-+eee5----- 38-0 “
Maximum depth of temporal fossa.............-----++-+00-- “
Glabella-bregma chord..............0 000 e cece eee eee 109-0 “
Glabella-lambda chord............200000¢ 00 e cece eee tees 178-0 “
Bregma-Lambda chord............. 20000000 e eee eee eee 104-0 “
Bregma-inion chord... .ccs0c cece s sas ea ee ace ee Mae ee bee ee 144-0 “
Lambda-inion chord 71-5 “
Breematic angles .acasveecads news gine a eaten a uien a cameny ne eee ae 56-5°
Height of bregma above glabella-inion line.................-- 90-0 mm.
Index of height of bregma above glabella-inion line— 90 x 100

: 173
CRANIAL INDICES

Cephalie index: jcc acecneraands cep thve uaiiin ak eileen ba aene ewes 75-0
Height: inGe@xt spaces occ aah garg mmeche Wend wma mOloud ad leuk aye: acest ota 71-2
Breadthsheight indexirncnacccceceg as ean gy snes oad Pee oA Ree wee 94-5
Alveolar Ind 6X6 c:s\and/as aces na sags Se wate Garena taaee Sok nae ted MARS Mes 94-1
Orbital Ande vive e ve vd pax ends ka gare RMS eae Hale. reais Gigrnemees adis 82-5
Nasal INGOK cutesy 2 ca wd Cae PR ada hoe ea SOR eames Uipsknd tae ened 8 40-4
Maxillo-facial index-:scese2<6 pre eos Saree wee Res BEE TE Se eels owas
Stephano-zygomatic index.............. oy ee wae Hews Malet ead bee aiglhes
Fronto=parietall ind 6x i.:2.ce.desce dations dg bo EHS S SERS PRESET SE GEN EE 69-5
Palato-maxillary index..............0. 00022 c eee eee ee eee eens
Nasion-prosthion height index.................2. 000 eee eee e ee eens 27-7

XIV H-7

The mandible belongs to Cranium XIV H-5, and is therefore that of a young
adult female. All the teeth had erupted but already exhibit moderate wear.
The angle is obtuse, 129°, and is everted. The grooves for the lingual nerves
upon the inner aspect immediately below the third molar teeth are well marked.
The genial tubercles and the other muscle markings are pronounced.

MEASUREMENTS

(1) Intergonial width—101-3 mm.

(2) Height from the ridge between the central incisor teeth to the lower lorder of the sym-
physis—37-0 mm.

(3) Height from the inner edge of the alveolus of the third molar tooth to the lower border
of the mandible—Right, 30 mm.; left, 30 mm.

Eskimo Osteology 9c

(4) Index of height of the molar region of the mandible at third molar—
30 X 100 ;
=8

37
‘ (5) Thickness of the mandible measured from the inner edge of the alveolus of the third
molar tooth to the point opposite to this externally where the anterior border of the
ramus joins the body—Right, 16 mm.; left, 16 mm.
(6) Height of each ramus, measured from the bottom of the sigmoid notch and parallel to
the borders of the ramus—Right, 50-5 mm.; left, 51 mm. ;
(7) Width of the rami, measured at right angles to the borders. The point on the anterior
border is centre of the slight concavity just below the coronoid process. Right,
36 mm.; left, 38 mm.
(8) Index of width of the rami:—
36 X 100
Right =71-2
5

38 X 100

Left =74-5

XIV H-8

This is one of the largest and heaviest human mandibles the writer has
ever examined—weighing 5 ounces. All the teeth are present and are excessively
worn. This mandible clearly belongs to cranium XIV H-4. The grooves for
the lingual nerves are very pronounced and are slightly overhung by small
tubercles. The mental foramen is much nearer the lower than the upper border
of the jaw. The angle is much everted and is very obtuse, registering 128°.
The eversion involves also the lower parts of the rami and the posterior portions
of the body of the mandible, which has accordingly a striking appearance of
breadth when viewed from below. The alveoli of the premolar and molar teeth
overhang the inner surface to an excessive degree and in fact create such marked
bulgings there that the distance between the inner surfaces is greatly reduced
(21-5 mm. opposite the Ist molar teeth). The left molars exhibit the greatest
degree of wear.

MEASUREMENTS

(1) Intergonial width—123-5 mm. ’
(2) cpio from ridge between central incisor teeth to lower border of the symphysis—

42-5 mm.
(3) Distance from inner edge of alveolus of third molar tooth to the lower border of the

mandible—Right, 36-5 mm.; left, 36 mm.
(4) Index of height of the molar region of the mandible—

36-5 X100
Right ————— =85-8
42-5

36 X 100

Left =84-7
42-5

(5) Thickness of mandible measured from inner edge of the third molar tooth to the point
opposite this where the anterior border of the ramus joins the body—Right, 20-5 mm.;
left, 21-5 mm. ;

(6) Height of each ramus measured from the bottom of the sigmoid notch and parallel to
the borders—Right, 51-5 mm.; left, 52 mm. : :

(7) Width of each ramus, just below the coronoid process measured at right angles to its
borders—Right and left, 40-5 mm.

(8) Index of width of each ramus—

40-5100
Right —————- =78-6
51-5

40-5100
Left —————=77:8
52

10c : Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18
XIV H-9

The rami of this mandible have been badly gnawed but it probably belongs
to cranium XIV H-6, as the teeth articulate. The third molars had not erupted
so that the individual was evidently between 17 and 24 years of age.

MEASUREMENTS

(1) Height from the ridge between the central incisor teeth to the lower border of the syra-
physis—33 mm.
(2) Hibight from the inner edge of the alveolus of the third molar tooth to the lower border
of the mandible—Right, 26-5 mm.; left, 27 mm.

(3) Index of height of the molar region of the mandible—
26-5100
Right ————— =80-3
33

27100

Left =81-8

3.
(4) Thickness of mandible measured opposite alveolus for second molar tooth—Right,
17-5 mm.; left, 18-5 mm.

XIV D-1

The cranium of a female well beyond middle life. All the sutures except
the’squamous are obliterated on the exterior of the skull.

Cubie capacity Of Sku is. ease. nee come pea eae ead ee aes 1,270-0 c.cm.
Maxinumdén sth ais: ocgccaucs. gcse seam amamy yp eaieeos Ge: 179-5 mm.
Inion glabellar lengthiciss, ccxeccsce dans civ isneisccs wide ng ak ok ba tg 176-0 “
Maxumum: breadth, - 5 sisavedie spoil pee cian fds geba’s Seesucs 129-0 “
Basion-bregmatic height. .ccuuis<casscs cavers ee ead oyeeeoes 134-0 “
Basion-nasion- length: .:.302 sca seeaG 4 nee He LPs dau degw reese ees 104-0 “
Basion-alveolar length..............0 00000 c scene eee eee ae 102-0 “
Nasal heightince..ccs02 sed Sines oe uo nwra oe Beso bas bavi dae 51-0 “
Nasal Width wire. cacec.ys Sages Gibasier Css, have taadiun Be dchol Bae adalnre wut Blan 23:0 “
Orbital height (right orbit)... 0.0.0... eee 36:0 “
Orbital height (left orbit)........ 0... eee 37-0 “
Orbital width (right and left)............0..0000..00000000.. 40:0 “
Minimum post orbital breadth.................000......0.. 95-0 “
Inter-stephanic breadth.............0.... 000 cece eee 99-0 “
Inter-zygomatic breadth (reconstructed)..................... 135-0 “
Horizontal cranial circumference................0.0000000005 500-0 “
Maxillo-facial height......... 00.0000 c cece eee 73-0 “
Palato-maxillary breadth..............0.0..0000000000..0000.. 60-0 “
Palato-maxillary length.,...........0. 000.0. c eee eee eee 51-0 “
Antero-posterior diameter of foramen mag................... 36-0 “
Glabella-bregma chord........... 000.0000 eee e eee cece eee 103-0 “
Glabella-lambda Chords: ccae ic gsas dagtis eau gyaeeee seeded 172-0 “
Bregma-lambda chord............ 0.0.0 00 cece cece eee eeeee 101-5 “
Brepmarinion: Chord) si: see 5 prs 4A Rd aw Ae Wid Goh eaed avn bana sn ; 142.0 “
Lambda-inton, chord siz s.¢5 esse been 8 ku Gas fain be ea an bo 69-5 “
Bregmaticwneles ¢ 2s cisoy wea cus pal ned saan Ac suwas yeah eaaewar es 54-5°
Maximum depth of temporal fossa..............000000 0000 ee 26-0 mm
Height of bregma above glabella-inion line................... 35
; 83-5100
Index of height of bregma...............2....0008 —————_ =47.-4

Eskimo Osteology

CRANIAL INDICES

Cephalic tidexso5.) igen vane ioe aac ine ee acer orwace ae
Height index......... 0... cece cece eee tees
Breadth-height index.............. 0.0.0 cece ee eee ees
Alveolar index... Jas. janseva'e gs 9h FaGwes 66 Re Tae eS

Stephano-zygomatic index................0 000 cece ee
Fronto-parietal index... 0.0.0.0... cece eee eee
Palato-maxillary index.................000-0000e Seas
Nasion prosthion height index...............0.0..0005

XIV D-2

The cranium of a female at or beyond middle life.

~
< oH
ARPAWOrOKoRA

llc

The coronal and sagittal
sutures are for the most part obliterated. Part of the facial skeleton is missing.

GUDIC CAPaelby ce iescas sid Rees era ge a A Ade an awhe mene wera Nee ;
Maximum length (glabella-inion)...............0.....00000. 186-0 mm
Maximum breadth........... 0.0.0 c cece cece eee eee eens 130-0 “
Basion-bregma height............ 0.000: c cece eee cece eee eee 131:0 “
Basion=nasion length i... <iie:c via.sye's eecacctes-« ve) 05 BG EM ED SLA 99-0 “
Basion-alveolar length..........0.. 000 elec eee ee eee Not possible
Nasal height yu55.cusaxae vs SiG. 04 Waldo dane weekr aes pads
Nasal widths. se.scsisvs adic sane ooh Arc Gaten ata taste degrees eG ee
Orbital Were bt aii 3. 2 ced 5.d.cdeinds 2d, peasis d scteoual nue MAUL a sp aL aah LIOR AAS 35-0 “
Orbital Width sess eaxa-s asi oe elele Gx dno be aeibaro Reales Rael ees 40-0 “
Minimum post-orbital breadth............... 000000 94-5 “
Interstephanic breadth............. 0.0 cece eee eee eee 101-0 “
Interzygomatic breadth............. Not possible
Horizontal cranial circumference 519-0 mm.
Maxillo-facial height......... 00... ccc cece cece cence ee eeaes Not possible
Palato-maxillary breadth..........0...00. 0.00 cece eee eens 61-0 mm.
Palato-maxillary length............ 20.0... c eee eee eens Not possible
Antero-posterior diameter of foramen magnum............... 40-0 mm.
Maximum depth of temporal fossa...........-.....000 eee ee 27-0
Glabella-bregma chord............ 0020. cc cece cette eens 109-5 “
Bregma-lambda chord.............. 0.00 c cece eee e eee ee eee 107-0 “
Lambdasinion. chord ::..3; gece mnie: one tees ana oh Feeds 59-0 “
Glabella-lambda chord..............2.000 0200s 178-0 “
Bregma-inion ‘chord «.3se0<% 33 4594540024 HE PUNE RO ESS ES EERE Se 147-5 “
Bregmiatic:an gles i336 ead onda hee SOREL ed EERE OHS RARE 53°
Height of bregma above glabella-inion line................... 87-0 mm
87 < 100
Index of height of bregma above glabella-inion line— aa =
1
- CRANIAL INDICES
Cephalic index........ By ae eee kane SG MS SESE R SE EES OREO RERE 69-9
Index: of héight)..¢ ovis decors s5 0 OLE 24 e Ba eee Mad eee s Hat eee EES 70-4
Breadth-height index............. 00. c cece cece teens 100-7
AIWGOlAT INDO 6 Fins 65 Rods one sage aie am duevla Rusalamne sue atieb bows Not possible
OPDIGA TOOK soos scan ecg Hash 4 A EAA EMER ELSON ARORA SOMA OR GED Ore 87-5
Nasalin dex icragis sacceanecd Sate thar neg eee be eae ease eee te Not possible
Maxillo-facial ind exe a seis ced ate egpnesee ce oss Seaetroe gis na kde wee ate aa es
Stephano-zygomatic index.......... 0... c cece eee eee eee ees es
Fronto-parietal index: <i sa40% cakes sence dn bee son e4e deh 4 DEE Sa Dew: 72-7
Palato-maxillary index.........0. 0. 0c cece cece eters Not possible

12c Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18
XIV D-3

The cranium of a male beyond middle life. The sutures except the squamous
are mostly obliterated. All the alveoli, except that for the left canine tooth, are
gone.

Cubic) Capacitycssc.vteyra dees ceeens nee tee Geswierseeee eee 1,290-0 c.cm.
Maximum length (glabella-inion).................002.0-0005 182-0 mm.
Maxinium bread th. .....< 5.0 siaass 4-aseceutd Woravaw doatduener didi bane wmgnce s 128-0 “
Basion-bregmatic height...........0.. 0000s eee eee cece 140-0 “
IBaSTOn MASI OMe 4.5.s.eoermence not aciakenah wean Glat sa eiiiaan HNN atithn See 105-0 “
Basion-alveolar length (approx.)............-0. 00. eee eee eee 98-0 “
Nasal height: (approxs) ii s.c mata. comand anmisaaien paiars Hen eee 57-0 “
Nasal wid thie cucrshs atc ciate aorgtane ate wiseaig’s Gaeta aetaiaesyordgens eae 26-0 “
Orbital height jucscce msec esas wcem Gene nag neces Par nee ee Gees 37-0 “
Orbital Wid thvcrne sexs v sean oer e See e OP ax Le Mae tonite 41:0 “
Maximum post-orbital breadth..................000.0022005 94:0 “
Interstephanic breadth............. 00.02. c cece eee eee 98-0 “
Interzygomatic breadth.............. 000.00 cece eee ene Not possible
Horizontal cranial circumference...................-000 ee eee 510-0 mm.
Maxillo-facial height........... 0.00000. c cece cece tee eee 68-0 “
Palato-maxillary breadth.............00..0 00 cc eee eens Not possible
Palatosmamllary Length js. siccs.gccdsece sania see gists a ciohagoaeanang ee arte ee
Antero-posterior diameter of foramen magnum............... 41-0 mm.
Maximum depth of temporal fossa.................-.-0005 26-0 “
Glabella-bregma chord............ 00 cece tenn eect en eaes 101-0 “
Bregma-lambda chord................-: ee ee ee te ee 105-0 “
Lambda-inion chord........... 0000000000 c cece eee 80-0 “
Glabella-lambda chord............0 00000 c cece cece eee eee 172-0 “
Bregma-inion chord............ 000000000 cece eee scene eeee 153-5 “
Bregmatie angle. -. sco ¢ 0s wun seein ngd ginnaba de mee nates eevee 58°
Height of bregma above glabella-inion line................... 85-3mm.
85-3100
Index of height of bregma above glabella-inion line— ————_ = 46-8
182
CRANIAL INDICES
Cephalic index................. Se ee eee 70:3
eID GINO. Sian aerate Actes mewnryins WKS BH sens nt Sh deirt Banennaeeadee 76-9
Bread th=height an dex ves cree we cms to4 4 hen 4 dsess vse) Gecnsdivde sep saeeh de ancrcvace .... 109-3
Alveolar INdOX wsin gas hes 5% a PE socesnee «douche ik asvace Buecpunce wba eae WP grins 93-3
Orbital nde Xvee seaue eae Goce 5 densi gin d-cleviue bgud blew DomsAldie Gunuavh ood nena wee 90-2
Nasal INGER piracy cite tose sass tqay a Faaisiiad eat dllelcicd woe, Geet exe mtapee bocriandoed acaba 45-6
Maxillofacial index..........0..0000 000000 ccc ccc c cece ee eeeee Not possible
Stephano-zygomatic index..............0.0.0000000 0000 cece ee eee a
Fronto-parietal index.........0000.00 00 ccc ccc cece ee eeeeaas 73-4
Palato-maxillary index............00 0.0000 cece cece cece eens Not possible
Nasion-prosthion height index............0.0000 000 ccc ccc ceeeeceeees 36-2
XIV D-4

The skull of an adult male below middle life. All the sutures are in evidence.
The facial portion of the skull is entirely gone.

Maximum length (glabella-inion).........0..0...0000 cece eee 191-0 mm
Maxam Dread th osccscese 4b dosioe + x erste stadia la gucante n a Genin caren 131-0 “
Minimum post orbital breadth.............0.00.0.......0.0-. 101-0 “
Interstephanic breadth........000000 000 cece cece ee 90-0 “
Horizontal cranial cireumference..............000.00 cece eee 530-0 “
Glabella-bregma chord........0.000.000 00000 cece cece ees :. 105-5 “
Bregma-lambda chord...........0000.00 ccc cece eee cc ceeee 114.5 “
Lambda-inion chord...........0000 0.0000 c cece cece e ee 65-5 “
Glabella-lambda chord.........0000.000 000000 e cece e eee 182-5 “
Bregma-imion Chord... 5.64 2cnaescnas ete s wecde ga eed Hades 153-5 “
Be BT ey BIG Cs sen ans curs ope alate Ma EA Mi a yste Aa weasels ay A ee, ace 55°
Height of bregma above glabella-inion line................... 5mm.

: 85-5 x 100 é
Index of height of bregma above glabella-inion line— —H-=44-7

191

Fronto-parietal index... 2.0.0.0... 0000000 ccc eee eee eee eee ee 77-1

Cephali grinders «cui sagsiin txissincn Ha access mvawesl a Aaesamarotnsiir's eave s wun e 68-6

Eskimo Osteology 13c
XIV D-5

The mandible, probably, of an adult male. The condyles had been gnawed
away by animals. The right inferior dental foramen is double, the lower of the
two openings being in the normal position. This is the first time the writer has
met with this condition, which must be excessively rare. The genial tubercles
are very pronounced. The faint groove for the lingual nerve, so rarely men-
tioned in books, which is produced on the inner aspect of the bone immediately
below the alveolus of the third molar tooth, is present on both sides. The angle
of the mandible is obtuse—123°.

__ The three left molars, the first premolar, and first and second molars are
still present and are much worn. The remaining teeth had all been in existence
as their alveoli are all present and in perfect condition.

MEASUREMENTS

(1) Intergonial width—115-5 mm.
(2) Vertical distance from the ridge between the alveoli of the central incisor teeth to the
lower border of the symphysis—42 mm.
(3) Vertical distance from the inner edge of the alveolus of the third molar tooth to the
lower border of the jaw on each side—32 mm.
(4) Index of height of the molar region of the mandible—
32100 5
=76-1

42

(5) Thickness of mandible measured from the inner border of the alveolus of the third
molar tooth to the point where the anterior border of the ramus joins the body—
Left side, 17-5 mm.; right side, 15 mm. ;

(6) Height of each ramus measured from the bottom of the sigmoid notch—51-5 mm.

(7) ees of the rami measured at right angles to their borders—Right, 39 mm.; left,

mm.
(8) Index of width of each ramus— *

39 x 100
Right =75-7

42x 100
Left =81-5
51-5

XIV D-6

The shaft of a right femur much bleached and weathered owing to pro-
longed exposure on the surface of the ground. The two ends have evidently
been gnawed away by wild animals. From its slimness and the faintness of its
muscular marking it had evidently been that of a female or a young subject.
Index of platymeria—81-2.

XIV D-7

This group of benes represents the remains of one adult male skeleton.

All the cervical vertebrae are present, except the first.

There are eleven dorsal and three lumbar vertebrae.

The sacrum is present and like all the remaining bones is in excellent con-
dition. From its narrowness and its index, the skeleton was enabled to be
diagnosed as that of a male.

The manubrium and the gladiolus of the sternum are separate from one
another so that the individual was probably under middle life.

There are twenty-one ribs.

Both clavicles and all the bones of both upper arms and forearms are present
and suggest an individual who must have displayed a robust degree of muscular

development.

14c Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

The right os magnum and third and fifth metacarpals are present.

Three bones of the left carpus and all five left metacarpals are in evidence.
There are twenty-one phalanges of the fingers.

The right innominate bone, both femurs, the left patella, both tibize and
both fibule are present. There is a slight trace of the squatting facet on the
necks of both femurs. The upper ends of both tibie are markedly retroverted,
due probably to habitual adoption of the squatting posture. The condition of
the tibiee thus confirms the existence of the squatting facets on the necks of the
femurs. Both fibule exhibit pronounced bony exostoses corresponding to the
origins of the soleus muscles, and suggest very vigorous development of these.

Both heel bones, the astragalus on both sides, both naviculars, both internal
cuneiforms and both external cuneiforms are present, as also the right middle
cuneiform and the right cuboid.

Five left and four right metatarsals are present, as also the proximal phal-
anges of both great toes.

This sacrum possesses an unusual shape, owing to the junction between the
first and second sacral segments projecting almost as far forward as the promon-
tory. As a result the lumbar curve merges into the sacral-in a somewhat char-
acteristic manner. The forward concavity of this sacrum is deepest opposite
the junction of the fourth and fifth segments instead of the third which is the
usual condition. The maximum length is 116-5 mm., and the maximum briudth
122 mm. The sacral index is thus 104-7 and belongs to the sub-platyhieric
class. The sacral index of the Eskimo is as a rule over 106 (platyhieric) and is
much below the Anglo-Saxon average.

XIV D-8

The skull of an adult female beyond middle life. All the sutures, except the
squamous, are very indistinct. There is an area of superficial necrosis involving
chiefly the outer table (52 x 75 mm.) over the right parietal bone, in the centre
of which is an elongated perforation (syphilitic?).

Cubicsea pacity. sosncitenens cata ae ems tea ie ee he re 1,340-0 c.c.m.
Maximum llenptheinit axe dy eeee eres Coe Rea OEE? DRE we ORS 182-0 mm
Glabella-inion length........... 0.0.0... c cece ee 177-5 “
Maximum breadth............. 000 eect eens 137-0 “
Basion-bregma height............0.0..0. 0.0 cece cece eee eee 128-0 “
BaASIONDASION.:6. oie sss haat Wana dine A aaa eee MSS 98-0 “
Basion-alveolar length. ............... 0002 eee ae 98-0 “
Nasal heights .ic0 ou hacen eaiis ss paws Wes oo Fuk Bonde OE ES 55-0 “
Nasal widths «i ce.02acoaaeds ieee pac ye ae dee chara cemne gs 21-0 “
Orbital height. is acess cussiete ee sew dca sug ige meee ek ey 37-5“
Orbital width 0 ohc.enlnaio'ecns Hey cuenta eed oma vias bas ae 41-0 “
Minimum post-orbital breadth......... 0.00.00... cece eee “97-0 “
Interstephanic breadth................00000 0000 c cee cece 106-0 “
Interzygomatic breadth..............0. 000.0000 cece ee 132-5 “
Horizontal cranial circumference.......................2.... 517-0 “
Maxillo-facial height................ Ans Daddaene Gee Dawes Ae 78:0 “
Palato-maxillary breadth................................¥@ 61-0 “
Palato-maxillary length.......... 0000000000000 ccc cece eee 51-0 “
Length of foramen magnum..............0.... 0.00000. e eee 37-0 “
Depth of temporal fossa...........000.000.00000000000000000. 25:0 “
Glabella-lambda chord... ......0.00.000 00000000 173-0 “
Glabella-bregma chord............5..00000 00000 c cece eee eee 108-0 “
Bregma-lambda chord.............0..00.000 2000 cece ee eeuee 99-5 “
Bregma-inion chord.............. 0.000 cece eee e cece ee eeeee 141-0 “
Lambda-inion: Chord)... ios wacace t44 sues ease ied aus cee ewlnvea vars 66-0 “
Bregmatic angle: 1.02 hy niek aes gan ea Su ccawiengaeleeww arden wy 51-5°
Height of bregma above glabella-inion line................... 84-0 mm.
84100

Index of height of bregma above glabella-inion line—

Eskimo Osteology 15c

CRANIAL INDICES

Cephalic: index 233 das. ones takin oe HA Ba en os ee AN QHLASSEE 75-3
Index ofthelght,.c.ose sew giao ae sor ek wes ee pee oe as ee en eee ke ws 70-3
Breadth and height index..........0.0.0... 0.0 0c ccc eee eee eee es 93-4
Alveolar Index . 5 és je doeg dle cae aun bau euen pedis wench ben maven de ced 100-0
Orbital index............ Aime tans tise ka labs tae aaet hs Saeed Aegiatuk 91-4
Nasal index. cicic.citan donne wane acnee eed PRG SeAeEY Sane 38-2
Manxillo-facial index.........0.0 0.00000 o ccc eee teen t eee 58-6
Stephano-zygomatic index..................000000- he shades eaeasttelaatel 79-7
Fronto-parietal indexts ais 04g60t4g0eey se eisg ee yee meies Seveds gad on 70-8
Palato-maxillary index... 0.0.0... cece eee ete 119-6
Nasion-prosthion height index........ 0... ccc eee eect eee eee 28-8

Pathological report by Professor A. G. Nicholls on the syphilitic lesion of
this cranium:

The area of necrosis is roughly oval in shape, with an irregular prolongation
extending for 21 mm. forwards from the anterior border. The centre of the per-
foration lies 32 mm. to the right of the sagittal suture. Ten mm. to the left of
the anterior projection above noted is a smaller eroded surface disconnected
with the main one, rhomboidal in shape, measuring 14 x 12 mm.

These erosions give the outer table of the skull a moth-eaten appearance,
the grooving deepening towards the centre of the larger area, until over a space
18 x 15 mm. in extent, the outer table has completely disappeared. At this
point is a perforation roughly of a comma shape, 12-5 mm. long and 3 mm.
wide. There has clearly been in this case a necrotizing inflammation beginning
on the outer surface of the skull and extending inwards. This latter fact speaks
strongly for the process being a syphilitic rather than a tuberculous one. Viewed
from the inside the skull shows no evidence of involvement of the inner table
except for the perforation above noted. There are no other indications of
syphilis about the skull.

XIV F-1

This collection represents the remains of one skeleton, though one twelfth
dorsal and five lumbar vertebrez have been introduced from some external source.

The skull is that of a male well beyond middle life, though the squamous
sutures are still very distinct. The glenoid fosse had become obliterated by
osteo-arthritic changes, and a new pair of articular areas with very rough irregular
surfaces had been formed on the articular eminences. Indeed, the whole skeleton
showed the most extreme effects of osteo-arthritis.

The second, fourth, fifth and seventh cervical vertebre are present, as also
all the dorsal and lumbar vertebre. Those of the lower dorsal and the lumbar
regions exhibit prominent ragged projections along the margins of the bodies.
There is also pronounced bevelling of the bodies of the vertebre so that the
individual must have been very bent and decrepit. For example, the anterior
vertical height of the body of the eleventh dorsal vertebre is reduced to 10-5
mm.
There are twenty-one ribs. The manubrium and the gladiolus of the
sternum are present and are, strangely enough, still separate.

The right clavicle is present. Both scapule are present. The glenoid
fosse exhibit marked erosion and prominent lipping.

The heads of both the right and the left humerus are much worn, and the
necks are markedly overhung by masses of osseous material.

The right radius and ulna are present.

All the right carpal bones are present, except the os magnum and the pisi-
form. The five right metacarpals are present, and exhibit marked osteo-
arthritic hypertrophy at their head ends. There are nine phalanges.

The two innominate bones exhibit osteo-arthritic changes along their crests.

16c Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

The right femur, right patella, right fibula and left tibia are present, and
exhibit practically no osteo-arthritic changes, so that they look as if they had
belonged to another individual. The neck of the femur exhibits a slight squatting
facet, while the upper end of the tibia is slightly retroverted due to the persistent
adoption of this posture.

The calcaneus, the internal cuneiform, the first and second metatarsals of
the right side, the left astragalus and the proximal phalanx of the right great

toe are present.

Cubi¢ capacity ccs. cea naa s is gas denmee eae ea ee Hed og tee ee ged 1,410-0 c.cm.
Maximum length (inion-glabella)..................002000005 189-0 mm.
Maximum breadth..............0.0000000 0000s Shed ud eeaotas 139-0 “
Basion-bregmatic height...................0000 2c eee eee 141-0 “
Basion-nasion length......... 00... 00. e cece eee cece eee 109-0: “
Basion-alveolar length............ 00.00 c sees cece eee eee 107-0 “
Nasalihergh tg cia cit tiara a We sede eases ayus nara Sane Sos wiediel wane Alia 59-0 “
Nasal Widthtsei.3 ogtsai ncn Aegean aura epean nae Moe aiieee 25-0 “
Orbitalheiehts caseincs v.y Geb eursen cit say ioe Re SSS one 38-0 “
Orbital widths .2s.08 spas ecens Wer eee ek Eee Ge yey ese eeseY 44-0 “
Minimum post-orbital breadth................000000 cee eae 100-0 “
Interstephanic breadth............-.-02.00.00ee « Gidivk Sobviauace B08 96-0 “
Interzygomatic breadth...........00.0 0.0. 145-0 “
Horizontal cranial cireumference..............0...0.02 eee ee 532-0 “
Maxillo-facial height..........0 00. c cece cece eee eee eee 76-0 “
Palato-maxillary breadth.............. 00.00: e cece eee eee 70-0 “
Palato-maxillary length............0. 0... e cece 53:0 “
Length of foramen magnum...............0.-5...00000 ee eee 35-0 “
Maximum depth of temporal fossa.............-.....0000005 26-0 “
Glabella-bregma chord...........0. 0.000 c cece eee eee eens 110-5 “
Glabella-lambda chord.............0 000 c cece cece eee eee ee 183-0 “
Bregma-lambda chord...............00 0000 c cece eee eee 113-5 “
Bregma-inion chord.............. 0.20 cee een 153-5 “
Lambda-inion chord......... 00... cece eect eee 69-5 “
Bresmatic: angle won «ceed ascieeo cules Pe otelnn Wales GaGa wees 54°
Height of bregma above glabella-inion line................... 89-5 mm
89-5100
Index of height of bregma above glabella-inion line— =47-3
¢ 189
CRANIAL INDICES
Cephalic index s sciicegec see Sawai bo tied dine ac dlelaed walls wea aha 73-5
Index of; Wel ght so. 4 s.5.5 Gis, aie teres aud od ues Mae dt bikcncnie ok 6 Belek Gomer ee Boo 74-6
Breadth-height index........... 0.000. c cece cece teen ec ceeennvecrans 101-4
Alveolar mdex’ 2:4 avec a wie edn nnare hg inane aradarhiow ute Slowiandai gc Bide wpa tees 98-2
Orbital WNdekss is aciets geese eee bakaviontak a gdmieaee Latea yee ee 3 86-4
Nasal MOK ssc cissar seh arabetionssneck agar eret ates pass ghettos went nig WAS ae cs 42-4
Masallo-facial indexicscj ice sing ¢ Mischa wis ou eddy 8g HOR FRA Saheb e wa ncas 52-4
Stephano-zygomatic index..........0..0...00 000 e eee eee eee 66-2
Fronto-parietal index... 0.2.0.6: cc beset bec cece vee nec ee neuen vas 76:9
Palato-maxillary index......... 2.000.000 cc cece cece eee eee eens 132-1
Gonio-zygomatic index.............0 006. c cece eee ees 88-2
Nasion-prosthion height index.............000.000 ccc cece eeeeeeee 82-3

THE MANDIBLE OF XIV F-1

The mandible is very massively developed, and exhibits pronounced muscle
markings. The articular surfaces of the condyle are excessively worn away by
osteo-arthritis. The grooves for the lingual nerves are the best marked the writer
has ever seen. The teeth are remarkably worn, rather more on the right side.
The angle is strikingly everted, and is very obtuse, measuring 122°. .

Eskimo Osteology cl7

MEASUREMENTS

(1) Intergonial width—128 mm.
(2) Distance from the ridge between the central incisor teeth to the lower border of the
symphysis—42 mm.
(3) Distance from inner edge of alveolus of the third molar tooth to the lower border of the
mandible—Right, 32-5 mm.; left, 33-5 mm.
(4) Index of height of molar region of the mandible—
32-5100

Right ————— =77-3
42
33°5X100
Left -—————=79-7
42

(5) Thickness of mandible measured from the inner edge of the alveolus of the third molar
tooth to the point opposite this where the anterior border of the ramus joins the body—
Right, 18-5 mm.; left, 21-5 mm.

(6) Height of each ramus measured from the bottom of the sigmoid notch, parallel to the
borders—Right, 52-5 mm.; left, 51 mm. ;

(7) Wide of each ramus measured at right angles to the borders—Right, 37 mm.; left,

-5 mm.
(8) Index of width of each ramus—

37 X100
Right =70-4

39-5 X 100
Left —————-=77-4
51

XIV F-2

The cranium in an adult male well beyond middle life, though the squamous
sutures are still in evidence. The muscle markings are very prominent.

Cu biGXCa PAC bY a. b.c keen 8 6 aukuiansh proettnuecgomedavns Saran? om Gee tecae ais 1,400-0 c.cm.
Masini JOD Gt sis ei coos cctiti ole ancora e enaserdeh ae uartuana ad deve ase antes 187-0 mm.
Inion-glabella length...... 0... 187-0 “
Maximum bread th siscscsscccenssnais x oecacrat aha at aetgian aati 6 at ors 143-0 “
Basion-bregmatic height 137-0 “
Basion-nasion length...........0.. 0000 e eee eee eee 109-0 “
Basion-alveolar length.............. i gyolslemnteuin: edhiass ame aes 109-0 “ _
Nasal heights. sce soconxeganteeaw seins rosemeneeg deanery ass 53-0 “
Nasal width... cnc. sive perme’ PERE PONE BO Ee NOSE EME) BawoS 25-0 “
Orbital Neh. 2.0 ccc carne teers ros eset eee hes asia 36:0 “
Orbital: WAC cs scie scsaiaue. 6 astug sndetca Sneip aunts eMart asa uanae eBoy 42-0 “
Minimum post-orbital breadth.............00000 cee eee 95-0 “
Interzygomatic breadth........0... 00 cece eee eee eee 141:0 “
Interstephanic breadth.........00.0 00006 cece cece 101-0 “
Horizontal cranial circumference.................02 00 eevee 529-0 “
Maxillo-facial height... 2220+ e008 weed ea as tee ae ee es 73-0 “
Palato-maxillary breadth. i. cc. ce ew sce waa ese ewe Rae 66-5 “
Palato-maxillary length... . 2.545.200. cene epee eee wes neers 56:0 “
Antero-posterior diameter of foramen magnum............... 37:0 “
Maximum depth of temporal fossa...................5000005 26-0 “
Glabella-bregma chord.......... 06600 e eee eee cee ees 107-0 “
Glabella-lambda chord.......... 0.000000 c eee 179-0 “
Bregma-lambda chord............60 0.0 c eee erent eee ees 107-5 “
Bregma-inion chord ..,:.casiiex eects sep ainn Ravesia ex miner ya maine nee 150-0 “
Lambda-inion chord,.¢ 000 rarcnsranes weiamiea man enaea anes 71:5 “
Bregmatic angle................ Re ee ee 54°
Height of bregma above glabella-inion line................... 86-0 mm.
86 x 100 ;
Index of height of bregma above glabella-inion line— ae =45-9

50844—2

18¢ Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18
CRANIAL INDICES

Cephalic index........ 606... cece eee eee ene nett neers 76-5
Height index......... 00:0. cece cence teen ee renee eee eee 73-3
Breadth-height index.........0 0666. c eee eee eens 95-8
AlVeGOlar INDEX... cov «cow sae nace ocd SHORTT HE EARS SEC Helge yaaa aes 100-0
Orbital MEX eosccciscves chewed ed Goede eae ek age awa sig’ Sead 85-7
Nasal Ind@xXisue cases sc anndin8 a asnsegnad aa bo Caw eG S + aR ERR alae Oe a eS 47-2
Maxillo-facial index...........0 06. ccc eee eters 51-7
Stephano-zygomatic index.......... 00.0. c cece eee eee 71-6
Fronto-parietal index...... 0... eect ete 66-4
Palato-maxillary index......... 00000 c cece eee ee 117-9
Nasion-prosthion height index............ 0.6.6 c cece cee rete eee 34-4

XIV F-3

The cranium of an adult male about middle life. The squamous sutures
are still very distinct. Muscle markings pronounced.

Cubic Capacity iecds cig nes cabelas mane wed De Rwlad atin be wwe 1,320-0 ¢.cm.
Maximum length (glabella-inion)....................00 eee 188-0 mm.
Maximum. breadth... cg355 ne nina ca Gineat sian oan aed ana we eaads 132-5 “
Basion-bregma height............-.- 000s essere eee Geiss cele es 142-0 “
Basion=nasion:sas4 nk: cae owk ie vesohhls gee Nee OR ed eee Ran 105-5 “
Basion-alveolar length............ 0.0.0.0 cece e eee eee eee 101-5 “
Nasal heighti::<..92.5¢ sacenaseadeeeyad vacua Bueeengcie- wane oe Ye 60:0 “
Nasal WAGtR 4.6 22 ius aw aon? Lhasa ead Wing ben Ga dad tere oe ea 22-0 “
Orbital Welghtacousuass2y west son eS AWE ewes aeaben gn meelases 88-5 “
Orbital width. <.< asics) aesae § eae ho selene Cam ance pene noe 44-0 “
Minimum post-orbital breadth..................00..00 200005 95-0
Interstephanic breadth............... 0.0.0 cee ee eee 98-0 “
Horizontal cranial circumference...................02 2-000 525-0 “
Maxillo-facial height............. 0.0 cece cece ete eee 75-0 “
Palato-maxillary breadth..............0 00.0 cece eee eee 65-0 “
Palato-maxillary (approximate) length...................... 56-0 “
Antero-posterior diameter of foramen magnum............... 38-0 “
Maximum depth of temporal fossa..................- 0000055 28-5 “
Glabella-bregma chord............0..00 0000 c eect eee eee 108-5 “
Bregma-lambda chord................ 000 cece cence eens 105-0 “
Lambda-inion chord... 06466 ce cae naan eae eee esonee 77-0 “
Glabella-lambda chord........... 0.0.0.0. cece eee eee 175-5 “
Bregma-inion chordscisac43 ea ees tebe AVA weet HE bes Oe 158-5 “
Brepmatic-anglesc senses yes bene seeks ya hose eh Yao we bae we aes 58-5°
Height of bregma above glabella-inion line................... 92-0 mm.

92100
Index of height of bregma above glabella-inion line— =48-9

188

CRANIAL INDICES

Cephalicdind ex... cic eset a un se aed ae eed we oad alee ee eee es 70-2
Index:of heights <siecc cas t04 wae se als bc ES Gog PM ane oa aus oan eee 75-5
Breadth-height index......... 0... c cece cece cette ee eee eens 107-6
Alveolar index....... i Sscta atc Dic ee Pee yea uhm ayneardem ube he RON wheel c 97-1
Opbrtal AN dex sss isso. 8 6.8 cess ateaah ardubedubleve sti & LES frcentre a mmader aioe etal 86-4
IN ASTER jsccuss ayssal perat eek win euisn a4 ale aed Gen uot acantevarg aves cidie eRe ace Silas 36-7
Fronto-parietal index... 1... 0... ccc eee cece eee ceeeeeaee 72-0
Palato-maxillary index.......... 0.00.0 cc ccc cece cece eee eeeneeeees 116-1
Nasion-prosthion height index............. 0.0.0 cece cece uence ee eeee 28-3

XIV F-4

Female cranium, below middle life. So distorted by damage that it js
useless for measurement purposes.

Eskimo Osteology cl19

XIV F-5
Female (?) beyond middle life. Facial portion of skull is completely gone.
Cuble Capacity -icnor any adieni aaa es hase couisecieenes 1,120-0 c.cem,
Maximum length (glabella-inion)..............0. 00.00 e eee 178-5 mm.
Maximum breadth.......... 00.000 2c cece cece eect eee 131-0 “
Basion-bregma...... 0.0... cece eee eee teen eee enanas 128-0 “
Baslon-NaSlONn, 66 o... ees eiwiek ve Hass whine ns een oe gaaled peat 40 99:0 “
Minimum post-orbital breadth.............. 0c cece eee eee 94:0 “
Interstephanic breadth........... 0... cece eee ee eee ates eceaaahe 103-0 “

‘ Horizontal cranial circumference.............0000 0000 cee eee 500-0 “
Length of foramen magnum............. 6.0.0. c cece eens 35-0 “
Glabella-bregma chord............. 0.0 ccc ccc cece cena 99-0 “
Glabella-lambda chord............... 0000s 168-0 “
Bregma-lambda chord............0.0.0.000 000 c cece eee e eens 106-0 “
Bregma-inion chord............ 00000: cece cece cece eeeees 141-0 “
Lambda-inion chord...........60 000 cece cece ence eee eee 60-0 “
Bregmati¢ angles cc's. dics yw sed sane teigisaaa ae heeded a orste 53°
Height of bregma above glabella-inion line................... 79-0mm.

79 X100
Index of height of bregma above glabella-inion line— ra =
8-5
Cephalic index. ..... sis eseeiis ce taee soe ect eee cons ek bees age eee bata nam eee eae 73-1
Mndex GF ete 6. s6.55. 5 odecc teva cease ayes acne foe's agesa Gudea in aunbls hidden ate a ane Run aes 71-5
Breadth-height index............. 00. cece eect eee eee 97-0
JFronto-parietal index. .... 0... 0... cece eens 71-8

XIV F-6

Male cranium below middle life. Sutures still distinct. Right half facial
portion of skull is gone.

Cublé Capacity sc2.4 scceeaeaee cawnwbeds ate od aaa eages 1,300 c.cm.
Maximum length (glabella-inion).............. 0. eee eee eee 178-0 mm.
Maximum breadth............ 0 0c ccc cece eee tence enero eenee 130-0 “
Basion-bregma height.......... I eattGh rai Sea Se ae ve occas gh 133-0 ¢
Basion-nasion....... de Geil auenrs, acaeahapatayeseisas exeus Gal gages tie eas % 106:0 “
Basion-alveolar length..........-..- 0. eee e eee cette 103-0 “
Orbital heights, ..2023 ys resaue eeu Mev iws baal oes we CONS GEL ous 40-0 “
Orbital width... 205 2055050529 22es Sod va dea der tuna ter eee ges 45-0 “
Minimum post-orbital breadth................ 0000s eee eeee 95-0 “
Interstephanic breadth............. 0... c cece eee een ees 91:0 “
Horizontal cranial circumference.................6... eee 505-0 “
Maxillo-facial height........... 0... cece eee e eee enna 69:0 “
Length of foramen magnum.............:e ee ee neces nes 37:0 “
Glabella-bregma chord........... eee eee eect eee eee eeenes 97-0 “
Glabella-lambda chord....... 0... cece cece cece eee e eens 170-5 “
Bregma-lambda chord........0 6. e eee cece teen tween eens 110-0 “
Bregma-inion chord..........6. ce ec ce eee eee eee e teen e ees 147-0 “
Lambda-inion chord... i206. vseess cece esererenneersneaeeas 63:0 “
Bregmatic angle...............+ pou Ree ERAGE Rhee eS grae a 3d 56°
Height of bregma above glabella-inion line................... 80-3 mm.
pete ieee 80-3100
Index of height of bregma above glabella-inion line— Ta =45-1

CRANIAL INDICES

Cephalic index.........-.0e cece cece ene nee 73-4

Index of height)... .vscs 0s see .04 Sheed eee re Oe ea eR eag pede 74-8

Breadth-height index......... 0.0.0 cece eee ete nent ene es 102-3

Alveolar MdeX vic. caches wi seoe@ na eae te a eT eee Weta yee tsa e aes 97-2

Orbital index.........- 0.0 eee eee eee eee tee eee eee nee 88-9

Fronto-parietal index....... 6... s cee cece eects 73°8
50844—24

20c Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18
XIV F-7

The calvaria of a male well beyond middle life. The coronal and sagittal
sutures are practically obliterated on the exterior of the skull. The interior
shows a profuse growth of moss

Maximum dength): <.0ei aipecased Wee ewogag tad eeaea eae ae 192-0 mm.
Glabella-inion length......... 0.0... cece eee ete eee 185-0 “
Maximum breadth: : ++ :45 ¢:5 ose capes bea Oey $44 beets eR EGET S 137-0 “
Minimum post-orbital width................0 00.0000 20 0000 103-5 “
Interstephanic width...............0...020205- Reed EN 106-0 “
Maximum cranial circumference (approx.)..................- 520-0 “
Glabella-bregma chord................-..005- 110-0 “
Glabella-lambda chord..................... er 181-5 “
Bregma-lambda chord..................-.-- 112-0 “
Bregma-inion chord.................0...405 156-0 “
Lambda-inion chord....................... ee 67-0 “
Bregmatic angle............00.0. 0000.0 eee 58°
Cephalic index... a2 .¢ 46a d $4 § pals a4 arcs aaah oye SAAR SE ale 71-4
Fronto-parietal index... 2.0.00... c cece ec cc eens 75-0
Height of bregma above glabella-inion line................... 92-3 mm.

92-3100
Index of height of bregma above glabella-inion line— —————— =49-8

185

XIV F-8

The skull of a child, badly damaged. An attempt has been made to recon-
struct the skull, but the relative positions of the cranial bones are unsatisfactory.
No measurements have therefore been attempted.

The temporary molar teeth are all present but the others have been lost,
though their alveoli are intact. The permanent molars had been still under-
neath the gums, thus placing the age of the skull at about 5 years.

XIV F-9

The hard palate of an aged individual, much weathered and bleached, with
patches of moss growth here and there. The dental alveoli of the left side, from
the lateral incisor to the first molar inclusive, had become completely absorbed,
as also that for the first premolar of the right side. The palato-maxillary index
could not be estimated.

XIV F-10

Fragment of the occipital bone surrounding the foramen magnum. The
basi-occipital and the jugular processes had been connected to the neighbouring
bones by an intervening layer of cartillage, so that the individual must have
been under twenty-five years of age.

XIV F-11

The mandible of an adult slightly weathered and decayed. The three left
molars are the only teeth left in the jaw, and are much worn but healthy. The
other alveoli had been occupied, as their walls are of normal depth. The right
central and the left lateral incisors had never erupted, and the alveolar border
of the jaw is heaped up over the sites of their sockets. The angle of the mandible
is very obtuse—measuring 128°. The grooves for the lingual nerves are well
pronounced.

Eskimo Osteology c21

MEASUREMENTS

(1) Intergonial width—117 mm.

(2) Vertical distance from the ridge between the alveoli of the central incisor teeth to the
lower border of the symphysis—34-5 mm.

(3) Vertical distance from the innder edge of the alveolus of the third molar tooth to the
lower border of the mandible—Right, 26 mm.; left, 30 mm.

(4) Index of height of the mandible—

26 X 100
Right =75°3

30100 _
=86°8
34-5

(5) Thickness of mandible, measured from the inner border of the alveolus of the third
molar tooth to the point where the anterior border of the ramus joins the body—
Right side, 15-5 mm.; left side, 19 mm.

(6) Height of each ramus, measured from the bottom of the sigmoid notch—Right, 43 mm.;
left, 46 mm.

(7) Width of the rami—Right, 40 mm.; left, 42 mm.

(8) Index of width of each ramus—

Left

XIV F-12

The mandible of an adolescent between seventeen and twenty-four years
of age. The third molar of the left side had just been in the act of erupting.
The first and second right molars and the first and second left molars are the
only other teeth remaining, and already exhibit a marked degree of wear of the
labial cusps. The alveolus for the third right molar is very deep and is very
slightly divided into two, so that this tooth was evidently in the same stage of
eruption as the left. The other teeth had all been in existence and their alveoli
are remarkably deep. The angle is very obtuse and measures 131°.

MEASUREMENTS

(1) Intergonial width—110 mm.

(2) Vertical distance from the ridge between the central incisor teeth to the lower border of
the symphysis—32-5 mm.

(3) Vertical distance from the inner border of the alveolus of the third molar tooth to the
lower border of the mandible—Right, 28 mm.; left, 29 mm.

(4) Index of height of the molar region of the mandible—

28 X 100
Right =86-1

29 X 100

Left =89-2
(5) Thickness of mandible, measured from the inner border of the alveolus of the third molar
tooth to the point where the anterior border of the ramus joins the body—Right
side, 17-5 mm.; left side, 17-75 mm.
(6) Height of each ramus, measured from the bottom of the sigmoid notch—Right, 42-5
mm.; left, 46-5 mm.
(7) a ‘of the rami, measured at right angles to their borders—Right, 35-5 mm.; left,
6-5 mm.
(8) Index of width of each ramus—
35-5100
Right —————— =83-5
42-5

36-5 X100
Left —————=78-4
46-5

22c Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18
XIV F-13

This collection represents the remains of the skeletons of four individuals;
an adult male, an adult female, a child under the age of puberty, and a young
person under the age of twenty. The atlas, axis and one typical cervical vertebra
of an adult.

There are twenty-four dorsal vertebrae of two very distinctive sizes.

Eight lumbar vertebre are present, but very much damaged.

There are the remains of three sacra; one slightly damaged at its lower end
that is probably male, with a sacral index of approximately 105-9, and one,
greatly damaged, that is much smaller but with its ossification complete and
therefore possibly belonging to an adult female. In addition there are the first,
second and third sacral vertebrae of an adolescent below the age of twenty.

The gladiolus and part of the manubrium of a very small adult sternum
(female?).

Twenty-eight ribs, belonging to at least two distinct individuals are present.

There are right and left clavicles from one individual. In addition there is
a very small and slender adult clavicle of the right side.

There are three scapule (two right and one left), each representing a dis-
tinct individual. A large scapula with pronounced muscular markings; a much
smaller scapula, evidently belonging to the female skeleton. ;

Fragment of the shaft of an adult humerus of the left side; a small adult
humerus, and two humeri with the ossification of the lower ends complete, and
the upper epiphyses still separated, thus probably between 17 and 20. Also
the diaphysis of a right humerus, probably belonging to a child below the age of
puberty, and a still smaller scapula with the epiphyses for the acromion, the
vertebral border and the inferior angle missing. The latter specimen, no doubt,
represents part of the skeleton of the young child.

The shaft of an adult right ulna.

The much decayed diaphysis of a right ulna, being part of the child’s
skeleton. .

A much damaged right innominate bone, probably belonging to the skeleton
of the adult male.

Right and left adult innominate bones also considerably damaged and much
smaller than the preceding. They belong to one skeleton (probably that of the
female).

The left patella.

Two large adult femurs (right and left), one smaller adult femur, one femur
with the lower epiphysis missing (therefore under 20 years of age).

Two adult tibie (right and left) which articulate with the two femurs and
the two fibule. Their upper ends show no retroversion. Two smaller tibiz
(right and left) belonging to one skeleton, and exhibiting slight retroversion.

The heads and the greater portions of the shafts of right and left fibule,
evidently belonging to one adult skeleton. A left astragalus and a left scaphoid.

XIV F-14a

The ethmoid of a young individual in a remarkably good state of preserva-
tion. It may have belonged to the juvenile bones in group XIV F-13.

XIV F-14b

The greater part of a vomer with fragments of the sphenoid and vertical
plate of the ethmoid adherent to it. It evidently belonged to an adult, judging
from the degree of synostosis.

Eskimo Osteology
XIV F-15

c23

Lower part of the femur and upper part of the tibia of a mammal the size
of a large dog or wolf. Also the humerus of a small bird.

XIV F-16

The skull of a young adult female in excellent condition. The permanent
molars had all erupted, though the third had not as yet reached the level of the

others.

Age about 25 years.

Cube: capacity cicwessvsd sane eens woes sa eked sew cee 1,180-0 c.cm.
Maximum: length:.23.s000c0mereevrisaderss shrew eanreees 174-0 mm.
Glabella-inion length.......... 2... eee ene eens 171-0 “
Maximum breadth......... 0... tent ceee ees 126-0 “
Basion-bregma height.......... 00.0: c ccc eect ee eeeee 118-5 “
Basion-nasion length.............0 00sec ete e ee eee nee 94-0 “
Basion-alveolar length............0 0c cece eee e eee ee enee 96-0 “
IN asa heleh ts, dts v-mye Ais cakes gaudicen’s dung aw bcusihess Gina santa 49-0 “
Nasal wid this. scat seis cuaeus nantes expat eave ur rek eer we 20-0 “
Orbital height: +<.sscenae 4 canes vx nares eae es eaae SeaRIRS Pee R. 35:5 “

L. 34-0. “
Orbital widthi...n.o.02 nagestesaed eauieesaioN Eee Jonas eee R. 39:0 “

L. 38-0 “
Minimum post-orbital breadth................: cece eee eens 94-5 “
Interzygomatic breadth............. 00. cece cece eee eee 126-0 “
Interstephanic breadth..........0.00. ccc cece cece eee eaes 93-0 “
Horizontal cranial circumference............. 0... e eee eee ee 489-0 “
Moazxillo-facial heights ic.cjjace vscee dic tie ge deste oda eaya sewn s eae 69:0 “
Palato-maxillary breadth........... 0.00 cece ee cece ee ee eens 61-0 “
Palato-mazxillary length»... 6052 000 wes ¢cuuia seeees oho oe ees 49-0 “
Antero-posterior diameter foramen magnum................. 34-0 “
Maximum depth of temporal fossa.........0..00 cece eee eeeee 24-0 “
Glabella-bregma chord.............:0ce eee e eee tee e ee enee 99-0
Bregma-lambda chord............0 0s cece eect eee eee eens 106-5
Lambda-inion chord.............0e sees eee renee e cena 55-5
Glabella-lambda chord........... 00 sce eee eect eee eee ences 167-5
BIO ZMAAMION: COV bss. seeicisitis wearers He aibeararens eRe ara sue seen svi 136-5
Bregmatie: angle sic. .s icc ngntgnace gina walans tious mend Ma ueeie a Gui 53-5°
Height of bregma above glabella-inion line................... 79-5 mm.

79-5 X100
Index of height of bregma above glabella-inion line— —————=46-4
. 171

CRANIAL INDICES

Cephalic index. acon ccie es awas yaaa ddd aeeucneme anon cammenaunin 72-4
leigh tein dex osctiacsya cias's aayhunis a grin iysg's oral raceraagravdante sonatas seas ge ngutng iteresedad /elesaats 68-4
Breadth-height: index sas 2:s0ssisiere's ve ses Gre el waa als 4 wage delie Bes 94-4
Alveolar iInGeXicacdsauwadens evaw su soles crete eavead te ksas ee ka wagome 102-1
Orbital indeéxc2:¢2rcc.neseecese x Sea ee vee Ye eee teSe See SES fe 91-0

L. 89-4
NGS SIO 65 ieee ei ciety exh aa A as en sian asso te wes iosuesrancat e Guadeadle uate aan 40-8
Maxillo-facial index....... 0... cece ee eee teen eens 54-8
Stephano-zygomatic index............0.0 000s 73-8
Fronto-parietal index............. 00.0.0 cee eee eee : .. 75-0
Palato-maxillary index. 0.2.00. anueaoriog vied cies vache wena yg aS eigatala 124-5
Nasion-prosthion height index........... 0.00 c cece cece eee eee 33-0

The eight ribs grouped with this cranium are very slender and would
probably belong to a young slenderly-built adult female.

24c Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18
XIV F-17

The bones of this cranium are so comminuted that it is impossible to carry
out a reconstruction. The facial portion, however, is sufficiently preserved to
make one decide that it had belonged to a young adult female. The sutures are
still very distinct, but the teeth exhibit a considerable degree of wear, though
there is no caries.

The mandible had belonged to this skull, as the two dental arches articulate
perfectly. It is small and slimly built. The left condyle had been gnawed away.
The left angle is slightly damaged. All the molar teeth, the second right pre-
molar and the right canine are present. The other teeth had been in existence
at death as their alveoli are normal. The angle of the jaw is strongly everted,
and measures 126°.

MEASUREMENTS

(1) Intergonial width (approximate)—102-5 mm. *
(2) Distance from the ridge between the central incisor teeth ta the lower border of the

symphysis—37 -5 mm. -
(3) Distance from the innder border of the alveolus of the last molar tooth to the lower

border of the mandible—Right side, 28 mm.; left side, 27-5 mm.
(4) Index of height of the molar region of the mandible—

28 X 100
Right: ——-_—-=74..6
37-5

27-5 X100
Left ——_——=73:-3
5 37-5

(5) Thickness of mandible, measured from the inner border of the alveolus of the third molar
tooth to the point where the anterior border of the ramus joins the body—Right side,
16-5 mm.; left side, 16 mm.

(6) Height of each ramus, measured from the bottom of the sigmoid notch—Right, 51 mm.;

left, 50.5 mm.
(7) bie of the rami measured at right angles to their borders—Right, 37-5 mm.; left,
-5 mm.
(8) Index of width of each ramus—
37-5100
Right —————=73:-5
51

36-5100
Left ——— =72-2
50-5
The two broken limb bones are the shafts of the right and left humeri
belonging to one adult skeleton. The articular ends had been gnawed by wild
animals. The muscular attachments are well marked.

XIV F-18

The slightly weathered skull of a young adult female. The teeth had all
erupted but the alveoli for the third molars are still very small. All the sutures
are very distinct.

CUBIC CAPACITY, oi. iik eaitin an hulk ha caret erm aa agsend bow dub eakarecl git 1,270-0 c.cm.
Maximiunt len gthicicacinccic dance asa arenes iene wen woe Yea 172-5 mm.
Glabella-inion length.......... 000000. c cee eee 170-0 “
Maximum: breadth sstrccnsciesan :cw rage Yair ne comattl mee kenies inate dk'e 129-5 “
Bregma-basion height...............0.0.. 000000 c ec ce eee e aes 131-5 “
Basion-nasion length......... 0.0... e eee 98-5 “
Basion-alveolar length...........0.0... 00000000 cece eee 87-5 “
Nasal heightisacnn as48.J65 208 @7-caudd amas bi puder od mda denees 55-0 “

Waal WIG Gh), 35 acateco ssscuasin’s wbx) otieed aaualele bat ccelddguadanlel Barra stant 20-5

Eskimo Osteology 025

Orbital height; vgs. cisag cannes eh euaqars 2 yan oGlapares weet JR. 40-0 mm.

\L. 41-0 “
Orbital wadthi.s asa usu neudeocnate easveenedenws same serees JR. 41-0 “

\L. 41-5 “
Minimum post-orbital width. .......0.0..0..00 0.0020 c ccc eee 95-0 “
Interzygomatic width.........0.........0.0.00.0004 pind esto 135-5 “
Interstephanic Width..........00. 000. cc cece nee eee nas 104-0 “
Horizontal cranial circumference...............0. 0.0 eee eee 493-0 “
Maxillo-facial height......... 00... cece eee cece eee eee ene 67-0 “
Palato-maxillary width.......... 00.0 ccc eee eee eee eee 59-0 “
Palato-maxillary length.......... 0... ec cece eee 45-5 “
Antero-posterior diameter of foramen magnum............... 37-0 “
Maximum depth of temporal fossa.................000 0000 27-0 “
Glabella-lambda chord...... 0.00... c cee nee 166-0 “
Bregma-inion chord.......... 60.2... cece teens 137-0 “
Bregmatic-angle: ...cvcasnreage teamed ener eee A ewine See ESS 54°
Glabella-bregma chord.......... 2... cee 101-5 mm.
Bregma-lambda chord.............. 00 e eee eee eee 99-5 “
Lambda-inion chord........ 0... eee 58-0 “
Height of bregma above glabella-inion line................... 81-6 “

81-6 X100
Index of height of bregma above glabella-inion line— ——————=48
170
CRANIAL INDICES

Cephalicndexi yc ce swiss win y geraa heme AER aE eee PAS SEMEN SE ORE
Index’ of heighteesscesesvioesayare ae rete as Meg OSL See eee Lae OSS
Breadth-height; index oo.o6.9: 0006 6.6 jae du aoe eek ane Swen ce daad wees e

Alveolar index...........0...00 00000005
Orbital index.........
Nasal nd ER 6 coregceg a2 ails bcc alaban sete
Mazxillo-facial index. . see anetneasee esau
Stephano-zygomatic index.............
Fronto-parietal index...................
Palato-maxillary index. ssc esis: owed d ad audes pee a ewan vain Gdyewew
Nasion-prosthion height index
Grouped with this skull are two adult ribs (the eleventh, another fragment
of an adult rib); the proximal phalanx of the finger of an adult; seventeen
infantile ribs; an infantile ulna (right) and infantile radius (right and left).
There is thus a suggestion that this was the burial of a mother and her infant

child.

WHOSOohRAOAWHE

XIV F-19

In this collection of bones the skeletal remains of at least four individuals
can be detected.

There is the mandible of a child about five years of age in a good condition
of preservation. The first permanent molar is still well inside its alveolus.

The atlas, axis, one typical cervical and two typical dorsal vertebree—all
adult.

Seven typical ribs of an adult. Right and left clavicles, right and left
scapule, right humerus, left radius and left ulna—all slenderly constructed
and evidently belonging to one adult skeleton, probably that of a female.

A right fragmentary adult innominate bone, a left adult astragalus and a
left adult fifth metatarsal, all small in size, probably belonging to the same
skeleton as the above.
~The left scapula, diaphyses of the left humerus and left ulna, and fragment
of the left ilium, all belonging to a young child.

Fragment of a parietal bone belonging to a young individual.

Two pairs of diaphyses of right and left femora 167 and 177 mm. long,
representing two children under the age of puberty.

The right and left tibial diaphyses belonging to one pair of the femora,
one tibial diaphysis (left) of a slightly older child. Still another right tibial
diaphysis, much larger than the others—but all representing ages at or below

puberty.

26c Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18
XIV F-20

The skeletal material of this collection represents the remains of at least
three individuals. There is the cranium of an adult female under the age of
forty; the mandible of a male of middle life; and the right pubis, the fused left
pubis and ischium, the lower epiphysis of the right femur, two fragments of the
right radius, and a fragment of the left temporal bone, all belonging to a young
individual below the age of puberty.

Seven dorsal and two lumbar vertebre probably belonging to the same
individual (an adult). Fragment of the axis.

Thirty-one fragmentary ribs of two very distinct sizes, belonging to two
individuals.

Right and left fragmentary scapule evidently belonging to the same
individual (female).

Most of the ends of the limb bones had been gnawed by wild animals.

Humerus.—Fragments of two shafts, both of the left side.

Radius.—Fragments of right and left radius, clearly belonging to the same
individual. A complete right radius much larger in size, and therefore in all
probability belonging to the same skeleton as the mandible.

Ulna.—Fragments of right and left ulne, small in size, and probably
associated with the female cranium. A complete left ulna, much larger in size,
with pronounced muscle markings and probably associated with the male
mandible. Fragments of the shafts of two other ulne.

The right os magnum; five right and five left metacarpal bones belonging
to two individuals (adult); three phalanges.

Femur.—Fragments of the upper ends of two femurs, evidently of the same
individual. The neck of the left femur exhibits a slight suggestion of the squat-
ting facet. Fragment of the smooth shaft of a femur, probable female.

Two patelle of the left side, one much smaller than the other (possibly male
and female).

Tibia.—Fragment of the head of a right tibia. Fragment of the shaft of a
right tibia.

Fibula.—Fragmentary right and left fibule of the same individual. Frag-
ment of a smaller fibula.

Calcaneus.—Fragments of four, two large and two small.

Astragalus —Two (right and left) of the same size, and probably belonging
to one skeleton. A much larger astragalus of the right side.

Right and left cuboid of a different size. Left navicular. Left internal
cuneiform.

Fragments of two right and three left metatarsal bones. Fragmentary
proximal phalanx of great toe.

Fragment of the left temporal bone of an adult. Fragment of the left
occipital condyle.

Fragmentary dorsal vertebra, rib, and five fragmentary limb bones of a
sie mammal, the size of a dog. Limb bone (femur?) of a much smaller mam-
mal.

THE CRANIUM OF XIV F-20
The skull of a young adult female. All the sutures are very distinct, but the

sagittal is showing synostosis with the concomitant early manifestations of
scapho-cephaly.

Cubic ‘capacity serene yas pach) ade wenme ood nnndieeee cae 1,290-0 c.cm
Maximum length (glabella-inion).....................-..0.. "172-0 mm,
Maximum breadth............0.0.000 0000 cece ee eee. 126-5 “
Bregma-basion height.................0.0..0.00.00. 000-0. 135-0 “
Basion-nasion length............0.0.0.00. 00.0000 cece eee. 95-5 “

Basion alveolar lengthiecccc cc i0ca cs eed eek; ved cenesusnan 91-0

Eskimo Osteology c27

Nasal height. cigc.auscinas caren Mawaaam area waa eends 51-0 mm.
Nasal width.............. ee re See eer L oe 21:0 “
Orbital heights .c cos eawans ehaeces ie SOSR ERR aoe doer hedw » 37-0 “
Orbital widthivc.e sacidie ada oe Bast jete dm arcen + ates tacriace 4 poke waa ud 41-0 “
Minimum post-orbital width................000 00000 e eee 90-5 “
Interzygomatic width (approximate)....................005. 124-5 “
Interstephanic Width.......... 0. ccc cee e ees 92-5 “
Horizontal cranial circumference............................ 489-0 “
Maxillo-facial height........0...... 0.00 ccc eee cece ees 69-0 “
Palato-maxillary width...........0.00.0.0 0000 c cece eee 62-5 “
Palato-maxillary length......... 0.0.0. c cece eee eens 48-0 “
Antero-posterior diameter of foramen magnum....... 39:0 *
Maximum depth of temporal fossa................0 00 cee eee 24-0 “
Glabella-bregma chord............. 00 cc cece veeeveeeeeeeeee 104-0 “
Bregma-lambda chord............0.0ccceeeueeeceuvesneeees 105-5 “
Lambda-inion chord...........0. 0000000 c cece ee eee eee eens 55-0 “
Glabella-lambda chord............00 000 c eee e nee eeee 167-0 “
Bregma-inion chord............ 00.00 cece cece cece renee eens 137-5 “
Brepmatio angles occ vison cangnmen sides wae eo aeoniarnacn back 53-5°
Height of bregma above glabella-inion TG o oges gains smaernene 83-5 mm.
83-5100
Index of height of bregma above glabella-inion line— —————— =48-5
172
CRANIAL INDICES

. Gephah csin dex 2543 s sicsnan dneuyed. aiteued ¢ sha 8 asoianecowh eke doen aR 73°38
Index of heights accicsuse yeycce § ie snes eo poses als moun eceveieioin: oonsavbidis wereldied 78:5
Breadth-height index.......... 00... ccc cece cece eee cece eens ee naes 106-3
Alveolar index iiss ccncrtiss wecsacce a auecntaety aed suseine ea gana anoua-aeaaven de coos tutsiove 94-8
OPA GLI ONE is cand sing cs Suaton vt wy base cava vassnlGria’s use conace Sete tUA fend IGE 90-2
IN SSE ard itched Ayala gass vau teancag mere cadets deat iamabiTeotse oie sep deNs 41-2
Maxillo-factal index. 2 ics was nace aswisig aaeoiete oo pian 446 nimi o-waligarea eho 55-2
Stephano-zygomatic index.............. 0 cc cee cece cece eee eee eee 74-4
Hronto-parietall IN dex. case shes se wuavnrn as woaises ecateented eink where 70-9
Palato-maxillary! MdeXé 6003 i aa o2 exe 2 eGR ered OPA Wee EERIE BREE 129-2
Nasion-prosthion height index.............. ccc cece ee eeeceeeeeeees 32-3

The adult male mandible exhibits marked wearing of the few teeth that
remain. The third left molar had never developed. The second right premolar
had been lost during life as its alveolus is obliterated. All the other teeth had
been present at death, as their alveoli are deep and healthy. The jaw is massive,
and the muscular markings are pronounced.

The angle is obtuse, measuring 129°. The groove for the lingual nerve is
strongly marked on both sides.

MEASUREMENTS

(1) Intergonial width—117 mm.
(2) The distance from the ridge between the central incisor teeth to the lower border of the
symphysis is remarkable—47 mm.
-(3) Distance from the inner border of the alveolus of the third molar tooth to the lower
border of the mandible (right side only)—32-5 mm.
(4) Index of height of the molar region of the mandible (right side only)—
32-5100
a GO Si

(5) Thickness of mandible, measured from the inner border of the alveolus of the third
molar tooth to the point where the anterior border of the ramus joins the body (right
side only)—18-25 mm.

(6) Height of each ramus, measured from the bottom of the sigmoid notch, and parallel to
the anterior and posterior borders—53-5 mm. ’

(7) Width of each ramus, measured at right angles to the anterior and posterior borders—
Right, 45 mm.; left, 47-5 mm.

(8) Index of width of each ramus—

45 X100
Right =84-1

47-5X100

Left =88-7

28c Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18
XIV F-21

The much bleached and weathered skull of an adult female about middle
life. The coronal and sagittal sutures are considerably obliterated, but the
lambdoid and squamous are still very distinct. There is some moss growth in
the orbital and nasal apertures.

Cubic capacity............... De ee a ee tee ae eee 1,170-0 c.cm.
Maximum: lengths. ccna sneantnanuigins semis aranine male does He 178-5 mm.
Glabella-inion length............ 000000 c cece eee eee eee eens 175-0 “
Maximum: breadth wscc.csrcas sana co avas te eeyeeesa Lees ee re 132-0 “
Bregma-basion height..............0000 cc eect eee e eens 123-0 “
Basion-nasion length........... 0.0.0 e cence eee e eens 96-5 “
Basion-alveolar length (approx.).............0.000e eee eeees 96-0 “
Nasal height (approx.).......-.... 00 e cece eee eee eee 54:5 “
Nasal WIG thir itis dtodd bucaslauers an antunilhe ANAM AR seNels eee 21-5 “
Orbital heighticscsccacawae sales sesadqeaeins pear eniedean arenes R. 37-5 “

L. 36:0 “
Orbital Width... sities Ge dares henccacs Ge Oe HOR Se Sh Ach ANAS JR. °41-0 “

\L. 40-0 “
Minimum-post orbital breadth................. 000000000 eee 95-0 “
Interzygomatic breadth...........0.000 0000 c cece eee ee
Interstephanic breadth...........00.0.0 00000 c ccc eee 99-0 “
Horizontal cranial circumference....................0.20.-0 500-0 “
Maxillo-facial height (approx.)............. 0000 e cece eee 66-0 “
Palato-maxillary breadth (approx.)................00000.005 54:5
Palato-maxillary length (approx.) www ee eee 41-5 “
Antero-posterior diameter of foramen magnum............... 34:0 “
Maximum depth of temporal fossa...............200.0000005
Glabella-brégma chord... ..acsnics od peace indo lan nay geodgeinee gy 103-0 “
Bregma-lambda chord........... 00.00.00 0 cece eee ee 108-0 “
Lambda-inion chord): «233220484 ose anee4 deieeedeberandeies 66:0 “
Glabellaslambd aieicc- x vices cen s ea.3 ee tee G Be eg des aH awe bedded 172-0 “
Bregma-inion chord......... BREE ius eoNtrs wag taal adiGecsaset Bak tokiyd, wetyhesns 141-0 “
Bregman te: an ele 2.x. os8ieayadene ht wispoenage antnaiin Hap bien 9m eta advan 54°
Height of bregma above glabella-inion line................... 0mm.

83 X 100
Index of height of bregma above glabella-inion line— =47-4
175
CRANIAL INDICES

Ce ple GAM OK en aac species Raden a ara BAcee Soaks = guilaleate lovers mane xe wave 73:7
index: Of heig hits ¢5.icaoc sg iecdia deer pguntachy i owistes vanes auedhes manent y causes 68-7
Breadthsheight index. scien Uae ake pce. uae wena a eee e ca tind Sarees 93-2
Alveolar exe. vsinn'n + aires een uy pee S ae. 2 A ca Sess a deed Uh ede Riese 99-0
Orbital index i:ceua2 xe veces eae ae 8 e Gasen each candles wachumedmaudnls aieaeere 90-2
DN Sel 10 Ce tsa satin be at 2 Gacvietp lo asap aeibata eat cs anil ce deatlee tas seach 39-6
Fronto-parietal index... 0.0.0... cece cece eee cee cece eter een eee 72:0
Palato-maxillary index (approx.)..........0.0.00 00000 cece eee 130-9
Nasion-prosthion height index............00.00.0 00000 e cece cece eeeee 31-6

XIV F-22

The cranium of a young adult female, below the age of 24. The third molar
teeth had probably not yet erupted. The occipito-sphenoidal synchondrosis
had still been in existence. The skull is slightly asymmetrical and is remark-
ably small.

CODIG CAPAClty cals ssi aondvan demic} 2 eae gabon d dineoeineae ees 1,020-0 c.cm.
Maximum length... 0. ccc cence ceenn be cevdewsaneeneens 166-5 mm.
Glabella-inion length.........0.0.0.00 00000 c cc cece cece ene eee 160-0 “
Maximum breadth............0. 0.000 c cece eee eee eee eees 120-5 “
Bregma-basion height............0. 000000 sce e eee cree eee 119-5 “
Basion-nasion length..............0..00 0000 e cece eee eee 97-5 “
Basion-alveolar length............0000. 000 cece cece eee eeee 98-5 “
Nasal -helghtycusog «es maha Ge $00 S45 oi acd. lu mdwncamenenpavnmas« 51:0 “
Nasal ‘widths searvaaa.ai 2 5 acca) ek 48 6d asso Doce p wae eaten as 20-5 “
Orbital her gh: 6.2 3 scsccsnigeas Ta Yedug 8 ohana sites dase on wast seecnne esbystla es gamut R. 38:0 “

: { 37-0“
Orbital WAU jhe. ccdcdsoer- bbe Gubaidacd a aanale tree aw ordvdetcn. asin seiaeacoaenets 36-5 “«

Eskimo Osteology c29

Minimum post-orbital width....... 0.0... cee eee 84-0 mm.
Interzygomatic width............0.....0 0.00000. 122-0 “
Interstephanic Width......... 0.0... eee eee 82-5 “
Horizontal cranial cireumference...................0 000-200 461-0 “
Mazxillo-facial height:. ..2:.4es ¢¢sessee0.40¥ex ses eeexs aeees 63-5 “
Palato-maxillary Width......... 0.0... eee eee eee 64:0 “
Palato-maxillary length....... 0.0.00... cece eee eee eee ee 48:0 “
Antero-posterior diameter of foramen magnum............... 36-5 “
Maximum depth of temporal fossa.............00 0. cee eeeeee 25-0 “
Glabella-bregma chord..... 2.0.0... .0. cece cent e ee eeees 88-0 “
Bregma-lambda chord...............0:: cee cece eee eee enee 94:0 “
Lambda-inion chord............. 00... cece ec eeee 58:0 “
Glabella-lambda chord................. egusiiia ele tarea Sepa chat Aarons 156-0 “
Bregma-inion chord.......... 0.00: e cece eect eee eens 127-0 “
BrepmatiG:angle:.;.. 0020 sa0t se wars padine yah ranins ehew eee ae 52-5°
Height of bregma above glabella-inion line................... 70:0 mm.
70 X 100
Index of height of bregma above glabella-inion line— - =43-7
16
CRANIAL INDICES
Cephalic Index iio aeisddio tctasaces eibascbuarh alayGny amammny awinusia we cavanaare Wiss 72-9
Mndex:of Herp OG: gag coos suvhae ienat betaquceual ad cntaasy ealée gate nptands dosuesverinusr obi auaes 72-3
Bréadth-height: index .....scccscccie ds senses ean Deke hel be mara dane 99-2
Alveolar index’ & nine Scawsickdn Sener et acenan crac aunties hooey eae 102-1
Orbital andex vcs ce soncds, ce teag teens dente beam e deavne nek oan 102-7
Wasabi dex ga cecisis acest a sesansson cient tlie toraon in innceanen wade g weeeshas Sa Guia Aig eles 41-2
Masillo-facial indext...ccoonengciesaran gee Serge ss apts eel eee gits 52-1
Stephano-zygomatic index............ 0... 67:8
Fronto=parietall index::<% 3% ceca none 4 peeegy he Se era ee Pe EPS ESLER 69-4
Palato-maxillary INdeX 4.0.06 404 e4adG Buy Sw Doe METRES ESTER GRO Se 133-3
Nasion-prosthion height index.......... 0.0.0... 00 cece eee eee teens 32-9
XIV F-23

The cranium of an adult male about middle life. The molar series had been
shed during life as their alveoli are absorbed. A small fragment of dental root
still left.

Gubiccapacityis so) occu i santsine eaguaracts ap eatunakyeutlaca vars 1,340-0 c.cm.
Maximum lengths «3 +000+ 75204 suet ets nnos seem ees Ha see 187-0 mm.
Glabella-inion length...........0...0... 00 cece teens 183-0 “
Maximum breadth... 00.0455 400008 Soe WL Be eee ER HES 127-0 “
Basion-bregmatic height..............5 0.0000 e eee eee ee 129-0 “
Basion-nasion length...........00.02. 00 0c eee eee eee 103-0 “
Basion-alveolar length................ 000 eee ee eens 103-:0 “
Nasal Reale itiscesivecanar @ aan acaaniumals aie mae celacexial nen 55-0 “
Nasalé Width eas-nn-miaamtin or aeuns ames HER eee Reem E ME 20-0 “
Orbital Widths) «joes cscrauis-anmare. rea ena etek bacinmue yae cue sR. 41-0 “
‘ \L. 42:0 “
Orbital heights .s22cssesacaee yee peewee ae ee oR ee R. 39:0 “
L. 39:0 “
Minimum post-orbital width..........0. 0.00. e eee ees 91-0 “
Interzyzomatie Width. ...62:%ecesccg senzaaerewnne teases eee 141-0 “
Interstephanie Width..........0..5.0.080 02% «ep peeaee enw ads ver 94-0 “
Horizontal cranial circumference...........-. 0.00. e eee eens 518-0 “
Maxillo-facial height............ 0.0000 c ccc e eee 76-0 “
Palato-maxillary width............... 00 cee cece eee eens 55-0 “
Palato-maxillary length.............0 0000s eee 52-0 “
Antero-posterior diameter of foramen magnum............... 38-0 “
Maximum depth of temporal fossa............ 00000 c cece eee 26:0 “
Glabella-bregma chord...........0 00000 c beeen rene 103-0 “
Bregma-lambda chord............ 000 cece cece eee eee e nes 109-0 “
Lambda-inion-chord.....0¢.0%. e065 eseeae ee bee sees ee ee eo Eee 65-5 “
Glabella-lambda chord.............. 000: eect eee eee 178-5 “
Bregma-inion chord......... 0.660 c eects 147-0 “
Bregmatic angle................ gl gioe taco raya eno sa 53-5°
Height of bregma above glabella-inion line................... 82-5 mm.
82-5100
Index of height of bregma above glabella-inion line— —=45-0

183

30c Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18
CRANIAL INDICES

Cephalic indexs.42.0encnss4 cae derea kn bee saeU aap eoR Lee waeen 67-9
Index of height,...ccss:dvaus¢ehager gears renews sy ewan eae wed aes tas 69-0
Breadth-height index... mses. 05 .csvesuek da eee taw sei aereesau eed ees 101-6
Alveolar INd@R i... sca ccicjedcere candace sb ake RE wee Bae Bete eee 100-0
OPDItaL INGE 5.0 «-dccsoued.dohes aos Gard baocwmasacndanpine basignad 8S ROAR ORSO OES 92-9
NGS Al INCOR cia cattle i Ra Wes hea endear 4edishee Guapdudinbad El onde ann eras HEDIS 36-4
Maxillo-facial index........0.0000 000 cece tenets 53-9
Stephano-zygomatic index........... 0.0. c eee ene 66-7
Bronto-parietal: Indexes ciicnsers arnscinwsn s arare aueceeie wie dae & aneanedinae miteRe 71-7
Palato-maxillary Index, os.¢ cp 005 sweets oo tases ae nae oe Lede wR oe

Nasion-prosthion height index.............. 006.00

XIV F-24

The greater part of the calvaria is present except the left half of the frontal
and the anterior part of the left parietal. There are huge right and left Wormian
bones, almost symmetrical in shape and arrangement, situated in the lambdoidal
suture. They are triangular in outline with the apex towards the asterion, and
in dimensions almost exactly correspond (61 x 58 x 36-5 mm.). They are com-
pletely separated from one another by a tongue-shaped process. (See Plate VIII).

The superior maxille and a mandible evidently of one adult individual—
probably female.

All the incisors, the canines, the right premolars and the first molars are
present in the superior maxillz, and exhibit excessive wear. The alveoli for the
other teeth are present.

ss teeth had fallen out of the mandible, but all had been in existence at
death.

The mandible is slenderly built, and is unfortunately damaged at both
angles. The latter are very obtuse, the right measuring 130° approximately.

MEASUREMENTS

(1) Intergonial width—not possible.

(2) Vertical height from the ridge between the two incisor teeth to the lower border of the
symphysis—33 mm.

(3) Distance from the inner edge of the alveolus of the third molar tooth to the lower border
of the mandible—Right, 20-5 mm.; left, 21 mm. :

(4) Index of the mandible—
20-5100
Right ————— =62-1
33

21100

Left =63-6

(5) Thickness of the mandible measured from the inner border of the alveolus of the third
molar tooth to the point where the anterior border of the ramus joins the body of the
mandible—Right, 15-5 mm.; left, 16-5 mm.

(6) Height of right ramus, measured from the bottom of the sigmoid notch—45 mm.

(7) Width of the right ramus measured at right angles to its borders—38 mm.

(8) Index of width of the right ramus—

38 X 100
=84-4

45

Eskimo Osteéology c3l
XIV F-25

The skull of an adult female approaching middle life. The sutures, except
the coronal, are still fairly distinct.

Cubic capacity’ sss cccnsaine oan ie ee gdniala weuerne en aoe a qane 1,280-0 c.cm.
Maximum length.........0..... 0. ccc cutee cena e ee eceee 176-5 mm.
Glabella-inion length........... 00... cece cece eee eens 174-0 “
Maximum Width. ....... 0... 129-5 “
Bregma-basion.. ooo: centered se See e wads asadeerenes rams 126-0 “
BaSlON=NASION siscisieciend corny Sewinal ey ee Kee Le ERE SA 99:0 “
Basion-alveolar length.......... 0... ccc cece eee eee eens 94-5 “
Nasal heights svccu4.6y saeuwPua sige biedadamaar ainda samvasana’ 50-5 “
Nasal wt tha cid access ahsdiin se psin ben ra.actonun etd lotemsal asta sncuals Guswaunteon Bobue 21-5 “
Orbital Wetghti 4. sii0de soscuse cananber acm alal ace ansa g a Haldia aceommnblats hate 35:5
Orbortiall Wa tle oa ein Bayete ep ween artccumvaran casstana ieee acaba Dice enete 38:5 *
Minimum post-orbital breadth......... 0... cece cece eee 93-5 “
Interzygomatic breadth....... 0... eee eee 129-5 “
Interstephanic breadth............0 00000... c cece ee eens 84-0 “
Horizontal cranial circumference...............0..0 00.00 c eee 499-0 “
Maxillo-facial height............0..0. 000 cece cece eee eee 68:5 “
Palato-maxillary length...........0.000 000 c cect cece eee 47-0 “
Palato-maxillary width............0.00 0.0 ccc cece eee 62:0 *
Antero-posterior diameter foramen magnum................. 37-5
Maximum depth of temporal fossa............ sins 25:0 “
Glabella-bregma chord......... HAS 101-0 “
Bregma-lambda chord... 97-0 “
Lambda-inion: chord sass .2 cist opcities er shee eRe Se a Reka EEO 64-5 “
Glabella-lambda chord.............000 000 ec cect e neces 164-5 “
Bregme-inion chord... <301 s¢csecqaee see deies eee en yas ee aae 141:0 “
Bregmatic:angle.):c.scrnevacmas waite tnd sate gdung ne Byer the ore 54°
Height of bregma above glabella-inion line................... 81-5 mm.
; 81-5100
Index of height of bregma above glabella-inion line— —_
1
CRANIAL INDICES
CO) 0) oe Veta bs (2b. cape anne et rs sir ea eT oe er 73-4
Index: of height 22'1-.42-4ie's esses leceahd k's <eude ve eahm oan annals cee eauaskins 71-2
Bread th=height:1ndext sccsasacais ncaa aiuble eater oar heane eae eae sal 96-9
Alveolar index: osca.9 csiig sauenay Meee Rte Bak Dee SEH EERE PRE Ee AEE TS 96-0
Orbital nGexXsssascneres s xaine eewwes scar ag REE eet omae LESe Tes 92-2
Nasal index: is.oc04 sewed easter sched 85 bie Mee Oee ee aoa wee aes 43-1
Marxillo-facial index:... ccccaccnccata cea nnee ea tes taedeoncaemenns Seve 53-5
Stephano-zygomatic index............ cee ee eee eee 65-1
Fronto-parietal index......... 6... cece cece eee 71-9
Palato-Maxillary INGER woos oa wea ioe anus vara tens awe) Camu a Gwe S Lad 131-9 -
Nasion-prosthion height index............. 0. eee eee cece eens 30-7

XIV F-26

These five cranial fragments consist of the greater part of the vault, the
occipital, frontal and right temporal bones and the two superior maxille with a
portion of the sphenoid and the vomer.

All the teeth had erupted except the third molars which are still well hidden
within their alveoli. This individual must therefore have been between 12 and
18 years of age.

XIV F-27

The greater part of a cranial vault. The coronal, sagittal and lambdoidal
sutures are still very distinct upon the exterior of the calvaria, but are very
feebly shown on the interior. This individual must have been approaching
middle age.

32c Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18
XIV F-28

A very small mandible. All the teeth had erupted except the third molars
which can just be seen within their bony crypts. The individual was thus
between seventeen and twenty-four years of age, and was possibly of the female
sex. This mandible probably belongs to the cranial remains numbered XIV
F-26. The muscle markings are very faint.

The angle is slightly everted and is obtuse, measuring 121°

(1) Intergonial width—90 mm. ;
(2) Height from the ridge between the two incisor teeth to the lower border of the symphysis

—29 mm.
(3) Height from the inner edge of the alveolus of the second molar tooth to the lower border

of the mandible—Right, 20-5 mm.; left, 21-5 mm.
(4) Index of height of molar region of the mandible—
20-5100
Right —————=70-6
29

21-5X100
Left —————-=74-1
29

(5) Thickness of the mandible measured from the inner edge of the alveolus of the second
molar tooth to the point where the anterior border of the ramus joins the body of the
mandible—Right, 14-5 mm.; left, 14-5 mm.

(6) Height of each ramus measured from the bottom of the sigmoid notch, and parallel to
the two borders—Right, 41.5 mm.; left, 43 mm.

(7) Width of each ramus measured at right angles to the anterior and posterior borders—
Right, 28-5 mm.; left, 29-5 mm.

(8) Index of width of each ramus—

28-5100
Right —————-=68-6
41-5

29-5100
Left —————=68 -6
43

XIV F-29

This collection represents the skeletal remains of four individuals, two
adult males, an adult female and an adolescent.

A left adult scapula.

The shafts of two adult humeri both of the left side, exhibiting pronounced
muscle markings. ;

A slenderly modelled let radius.

The shaft of a right adult femur with very prominent muscle markings

A left femur much more delicately modelled with faintly marked muscle
attachments. The head exhibits osteo-arthritic mischief. ’

The diaphysis of a right femur of an individual below the age of twenty.

The shafts of right and left adult tibia belonging evidently to one skeleton.

The diaphysis of the left tibia of an adolescent below the age of twenty.

XIV F-30

Femur, tibia and fibula of the right side. The bones are in a good state of
preservation, with the exception of the lower end of the femur. They are all
very short and slender and exhibit faint muscle attachments. They may
possibly belong to the female skeleton represented in the collections F-18 and
I-19. The upper end of the tibia exhibits well-marked retroversion.

Eskimo Osteology c33
XIV F-31

This group represents the skeletal remains of one individual.

The skull is that of a young adult female. There is still a large area of
scalp bearing long black hair adherent to the occipital region. The sutures are
very distend. There is osseous union between the basi-occipital and the sphen-
oid, thus placing the age over 25. All the teeth of the upper jaw had erupted.

The mandible is small. All the teeth had erupted except the third left
molar; the first left molar had apparently never developed at all and the second
is in consequence strongly tilted forwards. The angle is strongly everted and
registers 125°.

MEASUREMENTS

(1) Intergonial width—114-5 mm. .

(2) anaes from the ridge between the central incisors to the lower border of the symphysis
—32 mm.

(3) Distance from the inner edge of the alveolar border of the mandible opposite the site
of the third molar teeth to the lower border of the mandible—Right, 28-5 mm.; left,
29-25 mm.

(4) Index of height of molar region of jaw—

28-5X100
Right —————- =89-06
32

29-25 X100
Left -——————-= 91-4
32

(5) Thickness of mandible, measured from inner border of the alveolus of the third molar
tooth to the point opposite this externally, where the anterior border of the ramus
joins the body—Right, 18-25 mm.; left, 17-5 mm.

(6) Height of each ramus, measured from the bottom of the sigmoid notch and parallel to
the borders—Right, 52 mm.; left, 53 mm. ‘

(7) Width of each ramus, measured at right angles to its borders—Right, 37-5 mm.; left,

36-5 mm.
(8) Index of width of each ramus—
37-5100
Right ————— =72-1
52

36-5100
Left ————=68-8
53

The other bones are:—

’ The atlas and a typical cervical vertebra. One typical rib, scapula, humerus
second and third metacapals, astragalus, second and fifth metatarsals, all of the
right side. One typical rib, internal cuneiform and the proximal phalanges of
the great toe, all of the right side.

The cranium is that of a young adult female with black hair still adherent
over the occiput. The skull is badly holed.

Cubicieapactt yin wes was ocunsad Semen eepddiosiek neon ees ed onan

Maximum: length ss: 29s)<weese vane panne eras teewae reins ¢ 182-0 mm.
Glabella-inion length............ 000.00 e ee cee teens 176-5 “
Maximum breadth............. 0... s cee eee eee 138-0 “
BPO R INA DASION § siia:20: 3 fayeoce! a Fuscdias usrssnes a eranbleye)Guduoapiy myd mubheumr sonata 137-5 “
Nasion=DaSl0iiens ocien outas danas $a suit ne acca ne era eaE eee 106-0 “
Basion-alveolar length...............00020eeeeees pepeeunis begeeaass 95-0 “
Nasal height (approx.)............... sights oer Ne ae ahderakeaune 51:0 “
Nasal width (@pprox,) «sesaccnvss sa see sendy eeu ee seabed eaa we 27-0 “

50844—3

34c

Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

Orbital heightivcinc. ccna sy rae ewes seas ve ta Ae ease JR. 37-0 mm.
iL, 40-5 *
Orbital widthisteus iimenca geese euangeeneVen aes emram nee ads JR. 44:0 “
\L. 44:0 “
Minimum post-orbital width............. 0.00.00 cece eee eee 98-5 “
Interzygomatic Width..............0 0000 eee 141-0 “
Interstephanic width.........0.00.0 00.00 cece ee ee 91-0 “
Maximum cranial circumference.....................00 00005 51-9 “
Maxillo-facial height.......... 00.00... cece eee eee eee 65-5 “
Palato-maxillary width............ 00.0... cece cee eee eee 59-5“
Palato-maxillary length............... 00. eee ee cee eee es 47-5 “
Length of foramen magnum.............6... 0 cece eee eee 37-0 “
Maximum depth of temporal fossa..................00--.005 26-0 “
Glabella-bregma chord.........0. 00000 c eee e eee eee 102-0 “
Glabella-lambda chord............0 0.0000 eee eee e eee ee 177-5 “
Bregma-lambda chord........... 0.0.00: c cece eee eee eee 118-0 “
Bregma-inion chord..........06) 625 See cea seen wengignnes nouns 148-0 “
Lambda-inion chord........ 0.0.00. 603 Bebe as deh ea eee cee aens 58:0 “
Bregmatic angle..................45. claws GIs) tat wate Coe 57-5°
Height of bregma above glabella-inion line................--. 85:5 mm.
; 85-5100 ,
Index of height of bregma above the glabella-inion line ek P =48-1

CRANIAL INDICES

Gephialie index's:s.aviuieage suisse ey ae he nelly Perk nde eR eae 75:8
Height indeXs.0. 0s e00 chee 4 3) oe BEE ees vee eR Ree ola auth ee ak ore 75-3
Breadth-height: mdex..u...5..00¢. 48 ¢.e8e seca eet eaadueesweveggaraas 99-3
Alveolar index wisi cscs cde nd ddd ne deed hee Seeet GuLee wa es sees S 89-6
Orbital Wid exe Giaijaeuad ausdecd ba died’ s eid Sade PANE GSE Bae SY IES 87-0
Nasal index (Approx. oc. ccc cc me oe gute be ks ee eae Soe ann ede en ee 52-9
Maxillo-facial ind@& ois coc cas oa ane ca eee eee dR oe noen eee we 46-8
Stephano-zygomatic index........... 0.600000 2 cece cee eee 64-5
Fronto-parietal index. ..........000. 6.00 c eee es 3 ween. #00
Palato-maxillary: INdEXnies oascon peo aay dis weaned samique Gores 125-0
Gonio-zyzomatic dex: ¢62c5 ave qe nn ees inet chenn ane cad mec aimee 81-2
Nasion-prosthion height index............... 0.0000. e cece eee eee 38-7

XIV F-32

The massively modelled mandible, of an adult male most probably. The

various muscle markings are very pronounced. The angles and the lower halves
of the rami are strongly everted, giving the mandible a remarkable appearance.
The grooves for the lingual nerves are well exhibited. The molars and the
second left premolar are still present, but all the remaining teeth had been in
existence at death. The teeth show very little wear while the cusps of the third
molars are practically intact. The jaw therefore belonged to a young adult.
The angle is obtuse, measuring 126°.

MEASUREMENTS

(1) Intergonial width—125 mm.
(2) Distance from the ridge between the central incisor teeth to the lower border of the
symphysis—35-5 mm.
(3) Distance from the inner border of the alveolus of the third molar tooth to the lower
border of the mandible—32 mm.
(4) Index pecan te of the molar region of the mandible—
x1

=90-1

35-3

(5) Thickness of the mandible measured from the inner border of the alveolus of the third
molar tooth to the point where the anterior border of the ramus joins the body—
Right side, 17 mm.; left side, 16-5 mm.

Eskimo Osteology 035

(6) Height of the rami measured from the bottom of the sigmoid notch and parallel to the
borders—Right, 50-5 mm.; left, 51-5 mm.
(7) berries of Sic ramus, measured at right angles to the borders—Right, 43 mm.; left,

2°5 m
(8) Index of width of each ramus—

XIV F-33A

Adult male cranium about middle life, exhibiting slight scaphocephaly.
All the sutures except squamous are indistinct.

CurbleGapaert ys cs scusaiacs an esua dvds veiecliaeieh musintlare-s auddioaten Aum ase 1,450-0 c.cm.
Masxamium length oo3.csc kuin ale aed ae aatx ean domaine 186-0 mm.
Glabella-inion length..........00 00... ccc eee 185-5 “
Maximum breadth.........0.0..0200 50000 136-0 “
BPCRMIA-DASLOM ss ie. ch ceaeacelien a seveerk hewelgioug welled oa cahaRe ace a uaeeals 143-5 “
INaSION=baslonajsijisvicli Suwa Me ems Soe eee ee H TARAS HEN SY 111-0 “
Basion-alveolar length...............0. 0.0.0: e cece eee 108-5 “
Nasal heights: .02csaueqeguvetona stead rancho de oavsyn dips 59-0 “
Nasal wid this 2.2 seg ew acses s stareshnow veoh act added d dUameuecd dtnousne a 24:0 “
Orbital Tren a thse. ods eee Sos cece Sstsd sv sh Boesdal enabler Ow nthe ad " 36-5“
L. 36:0 “

Orbital Widthniuc iawaaed wane awed badwas tae aoamaada acme fR. 42-0 “

\L. 42:0 “
Minimum post-orbital width.............00.0..000 022000005 97-0 “
Intérzy somatic Width... cece iw causeway pew ek eee wane ems etaen 144-0 “
Interstephanic Width........... 000.0 c cece cece tte eens 95-0 “
Maximum cranial circumference..................0 00000000 52-7 “
Maximum facial height............000 00.2. 78:0 “
Palato-maxillary widths ssos00 vcese5 x44 Kade ae SESE dew ent 65-0 “
Palato-maxillary length...........0.00 0. 57-0 “
Length of foramen magnum................. 0. cee eee eee 40-0 “
Maximum depth of temporal fossa............ 00.0 cece eee ees 27-5
Glabella-bregma chord...........0. 0 cee e cece eee eee eeee 111-5 “
Bregma-lambda chord............: 00sec cece cee e eee e tee eeee 108-0 “
Dam d a-iti On: CH OT sce, scceseesaacsb arian snc tsrase sepetareacaroinguaie gree 66:5 “
Glabella-lambda chord...............-0 0c eee eee eee 179-0 “
Brepmarinion) Chord aawie c's singe seuss’ geaka taeda vawae le quel 152-0 “
Brepm atic. an gle ve cicd cite wre wae weuial, Bediag hoeeunes Mer ae BoE 55°
Height of bregma above glabella-inion line. . er errr 91-0 mm.

91X100
Index of height of bregma above glabella-inion line— 7 =49-0
5.

CRANIAL INDICES

CephalicAnd ex preneicwaiake pty Soba an Ree aecuds aoa tps seme 73-1
Indexof hetghtece:ceanetewaws oe2 2S eel vase aT aeRes tek eS SORES 76-9
Breadth-height:index: sss20 wages earans Soe eed E EER RA RTE NEY SER Ae 105-1
IAIWOOlaT INGER. sina ce acces Boe RG URS ADE b Seiden Sadie ece aka ea cae 97-3
Orbital Wdex (AVETAGE) .. ccc ccciern vie sce cedures ae eine eeu Hoaue Go yd @ esate 86-2
INGAUSALT iTh ERE sss saevsspnfisn nse dase thsov 8 deteesdes 8 patsssh cing O a sisaheocnt ch demphaghp abemescnil esd weston 40-7
Maxillo-facial index.........0.0 0.000 54-2
Stephano-azygomatic index......... 66.6.6 cece cence eee 65-9
Fron to=parietal nd ex cise sagen ye eoew Gee aod oad meme gn Re EPO 71:3
Palato-maxillary Index p.0\ciéweesis cor sdong ese cesmee Y CARS aeh aes Cee 114-0
Nasion-prosthion height index...........0 00.0. c eect eee 29-1
50844—34

36c Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18
XIV F-33B

The cranium of a young adult female. All the sutures are distinct. The
third molars are erupted, but show practically no wear.

Cubie capacity veeves eeera ame ss Boe <k RESTA Gao see owe 1,310 c.cm.
Maximum length wv. ss3c0804 koa Giaeied dwacd aw tues Hee god Sens 179-0 mm.
Glabella-inion length.............. 0.000 c cece eect eee 176-0 “
Maximum breadth............... 0. sce e cece eect e eens 128-0 “
Bregm ee 132-0 “
Basion-nasion 94-0 “
Basion-alveolar length. nice ees 101-0 “
Nasal ‘height, scien) aa vue sige tae cre ky oe REG oe we alee a oan 46-5 “
Nasal widths 226 assis accu, apdtscis aerate cies ie $k eke ene bs ASD 22-0 “
Orbital height ccs. veuegeinsuciin sve Woes aN ta kas so eee R. 31:5 “

L. 32-0 “
Orbital widths ¢s osen ca xe. een ree mee ee eee Re che wens Oe R. 36-5 “

L. 36-5
Minimum post-orbital width............ 0.020000 ce cece eeeee 87-0 “
Interzygomatic Width........ 2. e cece cee cece cee eee eens 130-0 “
Interstephanic Width........ 0... cece cece cece tee e eens 92-0 “
Maximum horizontal cranial circumference.................. 501-0 “
Maximum facial height............ 0.00.0. e cece eee eeeee 67-5 “
Palato-maxillary Width......... 0... cc ccc ccc eee neces 59-5 “
Palato-maxillary length............. 00. c cece eee e cence eee 52-5
Length of foramen magnum...............00ec cece cece ene 38-0 “
Maximum depth of temporal fossa..............0000ecseeeee 24-0 “
Glabella-bregma chord.......... 00... cece cece cece eee eees 101-5 “
Bregma-lambda chord........... 2... 0cceescce es eeeeseeeeee 113-5 “
Lambda-inion chord......... 20... c cece cece eee c eset eeees 67-0 “
Glabella-lambda chord..............c0cceeece ec eeeeeeenees 173-5 “
Bregma-inion chord.............. 00: cece cece ee eee ee eeaeee 152-0 “
BIeSMatiG BN Gl ycc- aceetiect sais Gun sag b eolecwuag ake Reese 60°
Height of bregma above glabella-inion line................... ef

87-5X100
Index of height of bregma above glabella-inion line— —————-=49-6
176
CRANIAL INDICES

Cephalic in dexiis. sae sed na4idie lh wince a cuualue Wald) da ened SER eS 71-5
Index‘of sheigh 22 ceisces a2 caieg o suun Komal na Ate CEOS saa aw eee 73-7
Breadth-height index.............00000 0.000 c ccc eee etece ce eeees 103-1
AVC Ol ar GOK ir. Fetes syed seavaties Sos abe eo sashes rel aA cel Avion adh nee Rerum de 107-4
Orbital Gex ss osicins csaceisn 8 aavgaled anaes aon wie aicisheds EX agavaes is eae awed 88-9
Nasal index. sci cuos4 5 ising db sad 8s Sue! AS ogi pee we bes RAS Cae tec 47-8
Manxillo-facial index............0.0 0000 ccc cece cence eevee cess 52-3
Stephano-zygomatic index.......... BoM Soe hae eine hud wa uae wane! net 70-8
Fronto-parietal index............. 000.0000 c cece cece een eneeees 67-9
Palato-maxillary index...........0.00 000. e cece ees e cee v cece eee. 113-5
Nasion-prosthion height index.........0.0.00.0000 ccc cece ccc ceee een. 34:5

Eskimo Osteology 037
XIV F-33C

Cranium of an adult female approaching middle life. There is an accessory
condyle on the anterior edge of the foramen magnum. The coronal suture is
becoming faint on the exterior of the skull. The other cranial sutures are still
in evidence.

Cubidneapeity es coc2 cele ways sie ad aaa maceea naan kate 1,250-0 c.cm.
Maximum lengths iecce-scocieisa aes oie iqurene s dngelng pales newer 179-0 mm.
Glabella-inion length...........00. 0... c cece cence eae 176-5 “
Maximum breadth... .000005 i000 seseud ous eee eae dae Oa Te 129-5 “
Bregma-basion’s si. ac5 ance y eee eebawa Pe GSE dae oeswandia weuaied 128-0 “
PBASION=NOSION jess asecgens 04s Ss ehieirgedrasestaueid autiere S inddaudsdeeodouade askcbdens 100-0 “
Basion-alveolar length............ 000... e cece eee eee ee eens 103-5 “
Nasal Hell dsccuaaxcananudamins adehats caraaatins Gunde oawranee antes 49-0 “
Nasal iwadthisic+ <cciacia prvi anennw aga anne pemanyh guises stasiies

Minimum post-orbital width...... 0... c cece cece ence e eee
Interzygomatic width............. 0. cece cece eee eee
Interstephanic width............ 2.0... cece eee cece ee eens
Horizontal cranial circumference............. 0.0. cee eee eee
Maxillo-facial height............... 0c cece ee eee eee eee eeee
Palato-maxillary Width.......... 0. cee eee cece e ener eens
Palato-maxillary length............. 02. e cece ence eee eeee
Length of foramen magnum............... 0c eee eee eee
Maximum depth of temporal fossa........... 0.0.0 cece eee eee
Glabella-bregma chord.................0.005. PSeSas Aaa
Bregma-lambda chord................560- SRE avatiech wnargeand
Lambda-inion chord............. 00sec eee cece eee eee ialua
Glabella-lambda chord

Bregma-inion chord.....

Bregmatic angle........ ce neat
Height of bregma above glabella-inion line

Index of height of bregma above glabella-inion line— —————-=47-3

176-5
CRANIAL INDICES
Gephialic anderson cca tcele sa claus aed oneuiee s aitiea oasis Autiaes wae had 72-6
Index: of Height s..::2.2 cis suai ciinintos.sicaone saranda ital do4 Gennes metre hg 71-5.
Breadth-height index..............22-.-000- yi Mises ore tyne sean 98-5
Wiveolar Ind xe s-eieisiy scot ire iis sac daaea: s-socnshiies detonate seleedlehanid,gracabalege a aetna Sere 104-0
Orbital index (average)....... 000s cece cece cece tte e een n ee enees 89-0:
Nasal index srassacins :eciniels oohegdineaned es rehaoee ern hamhie uunahree valerie vwearn 43-8
Maxillo-facial index..........-..-+-++0+5+ ee er er rer 55-3
Stephano-zygomatic index............ 0... cece eee e cece eee eee 73-2
Fronto-parietal index, s1:.65 sens. ee y0% Reged sto ese tose Sao eee 70-0
Palato-maxillary index........... 6.0. e cece eee eee ee eee e eee eee 118-4
Nasion-prosthion height index............ 6.0.60. ccc cece eee eee eens 31-0

38c

Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18
XIV F-33D

Much bleached and weather-worn cranium of an adult female about middle
life. The coronal and sagittal sutures are faint.

Cubic capacity...

1,250-0 c.cm.

Maxmumiléngthc.cs26 sence aes ee ogee ee Gath os manlee ME 181-0 mm.
Glabella-inion length......... 00.0... cece nese cece eee 177-0 “
Maximum, breadth; ..0avesee cevanayeee da saan onl eases 132-0 “
Bregims-baslonsensiusvacakscee aga pageaeee ys ies obese gunsie gees 127-0 “
Baslon-DaSlOlinaaodin eect Sees hesw hss Swede pme wer ean y Re eee ys 103-0 “
Basion-alveolar length: .scccssgeeesy ee cea dea esameesace sears 97-0 “
Nasal height (approx,)...0s2..sacssaueeeieeeestaeresaasege 51-0 “
Nasal Width gs coi 2 emvied ont aa a eae tae ea awa o tee 20:0 “
Orbital Neigh thcsccsccscsusrcinsnin oa nacau seas Gena cmiyanda nuk heindausiese sR. 35-0 “

\L. 35:0 “
Orbitalswidthis.23 Sevhea ak ce cacao ese ean eel ode bad JR. 40-5 “

\L. 40-0 “
Minimum post-orbital width.............0.0.0...0. 0.0000 98-5 “
Interzygomatic Width................ 00 0c ee eee eee eee 128-0 “
Interstephanic width.............0.. 0.0000 c eee cee 89-0 “
Maximum cranial circumference....................-...00.. 510-0 “
Maxillo-facial height... .3.0622:4 05 esos eeeeeeQneRateeene'es 68-0 “
Length of foramen magnum.................-.......0 002-0. 36-0 “
Maximum depth of temporal fossa...............-.......00. 25:0 “
Glabella-bregma chord................0 00 terres 99-5 “
Bregma-lambda chord..............0. 000.00 c cece eee eee 107:0 “
Lambda-inion chord.......... 00.00.00. cece eee eee eee eee 56-0 “
Glabella-lambda chord............. 0.02.00. c eee eee 171-0 “
Bréepma-nion ‘Chord iv.ccae cece eres phe haee as eet eek awe Ga 144-0 “
Bregmistie angles sac cc aend caved ieee derek ee goes ie oe 54-5°
Height of bregma above glabella-inion line................... 81-0 mm.

81100
Index of height of bregma above glabella-inion line— =
177
CRANIAL INDICES

Cephialio index jicae si cnadaeatdass Sh Reaisers ais dal Suny Soe Mada eet aes Spe 72-9
Wnidex Of eRe thas ccecis sede ovat seve navies a Bded sass dar tcbaud aa aus: wales aun pabareIne s-bav ear 70-2
Bresdth-height: WWdex\ sco cany ance Coulee BGS Rea nee aa Heb ad oa aN 96-2
Alveolar Idexy.166.02 need yaad Gen Die ROE ig eal Rs ae ans 94-2
Or bitalindeXiovesda.ciesces x paces ase macs ence ee aac BLE ORE HE Mem ek Aes 87-5
Nasal in dext acersrccat sania iscaron cate cn teney Mee Bae Radome Pee ee 39-2
‘Masallo-facial Indexes seca nce os dae dlneedey Meg coherent 53-1
Stephano-zygomatic index.......... 00.02 c ccc eeee eee 69-5
Fronto-parietal index'.4 3 ajo <25 3 asses wwe ek Ow EEE SS Ce ewe Eee doen we 74-2
Nasion-prosthion height index............000 000 cece cee eee 28-3

XIV F-34

These eleven bones represent the remains of two adults and one adolescent.

Four adult ribs.

The shafts of two adult humeri of the right side with strongly marked

muscle attachments.
under the age of 17.

The diaphysis of the left humerus of a young adolescent

A right adult ulna with strong muscle markings.

The upper two-thirds of a left adult femur with third trochanter.
A right adult fibula.

Diaphysis of the left fibula of a young adolescent.

Eskimo Osteology c39

GENERAL DESCRIPTION OF THE CRANIA

Eleven male and fifteen female crania were available for study, the others
being so fragmentary that it was impossible to make any measurements on them.
It was decided to compare the present series with the Eskimo crania in the Royal
College of Surgeons Museum, London, and this proved a most profitable venture.
At the same time the crania have been contrasted with those of various other
races, very distant and divergent in type. In this way many facts of striking
significance have been elicited. It was decided to discuss the results for the
male and female crania separately as sex exerted strong influence upon the

indices, particularly the orbital.

Some of the skulls had been bleached to an almost dazzling white colour
from prolonged exposure to alternating periods of rain and sunshine during the
summer months. The outer table of bone showed in many cases various degrees
of erosion from the persistent effects of the above agencies. The characteristic
keel-shape of the cranial vault in the line of the sagittal suture, which is a frequent
feature of the Eskimo skull, was visible only in eight of the male crania. None
of the female skulls exhibited it.

The mastoid processes and other points of muscle attachment, such as the
occipital curved lines, crest and protuberance, were strongly developed in the
male crania, showing that the individuals had led very active lives. The great
feature of the Eskimo skull, however, is the extent of the areas of attachment of
the masticatory group of muscles. Thus the temporal lines were well marked
and situated high up on the sides of the cranium, in this way reducing the
stephano-zygomatic index very markedly in some of the crania. For example
the latter index fell to 58-1 in one male skull and to 64-5 in one female cranium’
These represent the lowest ebb for this index, so far as the writer can ascertain’

The zygomatic arches of the Eskimo skull form obtrusive bars of bone for
the attachment of their powerful masseteric muscles. The lateral projection
of these arches constitute a striking feature of the skull when it is examined
from below. The result is that the spaces that are left for the passage down-
wards of the temporal muscles are amazingly large (see Fig. 4), thus indicating
that these muscles must attain to a very robust degree of development. The
writer conceived the idea of taking measurements of the lower end of the temporal
fossa, that is to say from the inner surface of the zygoma to the infra-temporal
crest on the great wing of the sphenoid. This gap proved to be as much as
29mm. in one male skull and 27 mm. in one female skull, these distances being
far greater than in the average type of European cranium, and likewise greater
than in two low grade Melanesian skulls recorded by the writer,(*) where the cor-
responding dimensions proved to be 25-5 mm. It was therefore evident that the
temporal muscles must have been massively developed in order to fill up these
unusually wide spaces. Again, the external pterygoid plates were exceptionally
wide—as much as 20 mm. in one female skull (XIV F-16), while the tuberosity
of the palate bone exhibited a greater degree of prominence than usual, both
facts indicating of course that the external and internal pterygoid muscles were
strongly developed and vigorous in their actions. .In many cases the posterior
border of the external pterygoid plate was pulled backwards into slender pro-
longations, produced obviously by the persistent traction of the external ptery-
goid muscle. The abnormal size of the external pterygoid plates of the Eskimo
skull, together with their significance has been already pointed out by Brierley

and Parsons.(’).

40c Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

The zygomatic arches displayed some points of interest. Their architecture
was more massive when compared with the average European male or female
type. They were, moreover, more markedly curved outwards. The writer was,
however, much impressed by the relatively feeble degree of development of the
tubercle at the root of the zygoma for the attachment of the external lateral
ligament of the lower jaw. ‘This tubercle was go poorly developed in all thirty
skulls that were available for its study, that the writer was inclined to believe
it to constitute a definite racial character, which would certainly indicate a
comparatively feeble degree of development of the external lateral ligament of
the lower jaw. The latter band is a strongly pronounced structure in the Anglo-
Saxon race, where it is associated with a correspondingly prominent tubercle.
The zygomatic arch, owing to its marked projection, presented an unusually
extensive lower border and inner surface for the origin of the powerful masseter
muscle. The buttress of bone projecting from the superior maxilla for the support
of the anterior end of the zygoma was very prominently displayed, no doubt to
resist the strong downward pull of the masseter muscle upon the zygomatic
arch during mastication (see Plate 2). :

The glenoid fosse were remarkably shallow, and were thus in marked con-
trast to the depth found in the average type of Anglo-Saxon skull. This condition
has been already emphasized by Knowles.(4) This observer rightly pointed out
that this shallowness was due to the free lateral movements of the molar groups
of teeth in masticating tough uncooked food. Indeed, it is probable that the
shallowness of the glenoid fosse and the almost total abolition of the tubercle at
the root of the zygoma, recorded in the preceding paragraph, may be concomi-
tant phenomena, for it is evident that the capsule of the temporo-mandibular
joint of the Eskimo skull would have to be very lax to admit of his vigorous
trituration movements. In the Anglo-Saxon race, on the other hand, we meet
with a totally different type of mastication (associated with well-cooked food
and social convention) which has resulted in a certain degree of limitation in
the movements of the mandibular condyles, due to strongly developed external.
lateral ligaments and a deep glenoid fossa.

The lambdoidal and the posterior halves of the sagittal sutures exhibited’
as a rule a considerable degree of complexity and tortuosity. Wormian bones of
an irregular type were frequent along the line of the lambdoidal suture, including
two large triangular ones, symmetrical in shape and arrangement, in the case
of cranium XIV F-24. These evidently represented portions of the inter-parietal
bone (see Plate 8).

‘The crania exhibited no grooves for the supra-orbital vessels and nerves,
which according to the researches of Dixon,(*) are rather rare in the Eskimo.
skull. Strangely enough, an Eskimo cranium in the possession of the writer,
that came from Southampton island, Hudson bay, exhibits these grooves in
the most marked degree. There were no metopic sutures and no fronto-squamous:
articulations.

The upper portions of the occipital bones exhibited a pronounced backward
bulging so that the most posterior points of the crania were about midway
between the lambda and the inion. There was nothing special to record regard-
ing the thickness of the cranial wall.

The frontal, ethmoidal and sphenoidal sinuses were well developed, while
the capacity of the maxillary antrum was certainly greater than in the European
type of skull.

The foramina for emissary veins exhibited the usual vagaries of position
and occurrence, as in the European skull.

The facial portions of the crania exhibited the broad flattened appearance
so characteristic of the Eskimo, with prominently developed malar bones.
It is of interest to compare the latter with those of the European type of skull,
in which they are directed for the most part outwards. In these Eskimo crania,

Eskimo Osteology c41

on the other hand, they looked much more in a forward direction, and thus
assisted in imparting the broadened appearance to: the face. The flattened
norma frontalis was, however, due in great measure also to the shallow character
of the canine fassee of the superior maxille, the result, of which was to cause the
infraorbital foramina to look as much forwards as downwards (see Plate 2).

The malar bones appeared to be relatively larger than in the Anglo-Saxon
type of skull. The tubercles on their posterior borders for the attachment of
the temporal fascize were much exaggerated, and presented the appearance of
having been deliberately pulled backwards into salient projections by the
traction of the above fasciz (see Plate 3).

The superior maxille were also relatively larger than in the Anglo-Saxon
type of skull and their facial surfaces were both broader and flatter. The
buttress of bone that extends downwards externally towards the first molar
tooth was most pronounced, and imparted to the face an appearance of breadth
and massiveness. Another striking effect was produced by the ridges due to
the sockets for the canine teeth, for these in the majority of cases were continuous
with the outer margins of the nasal aperture (see Plate 2.)

In the Anglo-Saxon type of skull they are directed upwards and outwards
external to this as a rule. The infraorbital suture connecting the floor of the
orbit with the infraorbital canal was frequently present. This appears to be
a feature of the Eskimo cranium.

The striking feature of the facial portion of the Eskimo cranium is the
extreme reduction in the width of the nasal aperture. The latter exhibited a
mimimum of 20 mm. in both the male and female crania. As a result, the
nasal bones were also remarkably. narrow, and indeed possessed only about
half the width of those of the European type of skull. For example the distance
between the outer borders of the nasal bones at their junctions with the frontal
measured across the curve, was as short as 4 mm. in an adult male skull, whereas
in the Anglo-Saxon type of skull the distance was found as a rule to be more than
twice this amount. The extreme narrowness of the nasal bones was certainly
a very pronounced feature of the crania (see Plate 2).

Subnasal prognathism was manifested by nine of the female crania, and
accounted entirely for the high alveolar index of cranium XIV F-33B. This
condition was exhibited only in two of the male crania, and that in a minor
degree.

One remarkable feature shown by the crania was, that the nasal septum
was situated in the mesial plane, and displayed no deflection whatever except
in one skull. This is surely an indication of the correct use that the Eskimos
make of their nasal fosse, as the proper channels for normal respiration.

A peculiar notching of the posterior edge of the foramen magnum is des-
cribed as a frequent feature of the Eskimo skull. It was noted that ten of the
crania displayed this condition.

Tue CRANIAL CAPACITY

This was measured in the usual way by means of small lead shot. The
writer was greatly surprised at the results, which were in every instance well
below the Eskimo average of 1546 c.cm. For example, the maximum capacity
amongst the male crania was only 1450 c.cm. while the minimum reached the
low level of 1290 c.cm. The female series was correspondingly bad—the highest
capacity being 1340 c.cm., and the lowest 1020 c.cm.—an excessively low ebb. On
comparing these results with the capacities of the Eskimo crania in the Royal
College of Surgeons Museum (“) it was ascertained that the maximum and mini-
mum capacities of the male skulls in that collection were respectively 1730 and
1230 c.cm., and the maximum and minimum for the female crania 1510 and 1230

42c Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

c.cm.—a truly astounding comparison. One suggested explanation is that the
crania of the latter collection were all from the Greenland area, and it may be
that this Eskimo community possess a greater cranial capacity than that of
the Central and Western Eskimos. To make matters worse, only four of the
male crania went above 1400 c.cm., while only three of the female crania
exceeded the 1300 level. The average for the whole collection compared un-
favourably with the capacities of two low grade Melanesian skulls recorded
by the writer (*) (1868 and 1395 c.cm.) and was certainly much below the capacity
of a North American Indian skull (1495 c.cm.) recently reported by the writer.(*)

Tue CRANIAL LENGTH

In the whole series the most posterior point of the skull was about midway
between the lambda and the inion. The maximum and minimum lengths
for the male crania were 196 and 178 mm., while the corresponding figures for
the male Eskimo skulls of the R.C.S. Museum (1!) were 208 and 175 mm. The
maximum and minimum lengths for the female crania were 186 and 166-5
mm. as compared with 190 and 169 mm. for the female Eskimo skulls of the
R.C.S. Museum. The average for the male crania practically accorded with
the average for 117 male Scottish skulls found by Turner (27) to be 186-6 mm.
The Eskimo tends to be long-headed and it is therefore of interest to compare
the above cranial lengths with these of two very dolichocephalic Melanesian
skulls (190 and 199 mm.) (4).

THE Maximum CRANIAL BREADTH

This was measured over the parietal bones. It is essential to mention this
fact, as a greater breadth was generally obtained over the temporals. The
maximum and minimum for the male crania were 143 and 127 mm. which prac-
tically coincided with the figures for the male Eskimo skulls of the R.C.S.
Museum (143 and 125 mm.)(") The corresponding results for the female
crania were 138 and 120-5, mm.

The maximum breadth of the male crania was much below the average
for 114 male Scottish skulls, (7) but on the other hand was much greater than
that of the two dolichocephalic Melanesian skulls referred to above (122 and
128 mm.)(*)

THE CEPHALIC INDEX

This index varied from a maximum of 76-5 to a minimum of 67-9 in the
case of the male crania and from 75-8 to 69-9 in the female. Thus practically
all the skulls of both sexes belonged to the dolichocephalic class. The range of
variation of this index was not so pronounced as in the Eskimo collection of
the R.C.S. Museum () where it was found to fluctuate between 78-7 and 66-1
—truly an extensive range. This all goes to exemplify the wide racial range
of variation that characterises this index. Still, the general fact remains that
the Eskimo skull is as a rule dolichocephalic, which is in marked contrast to the
condition that prevails in the average Mongolian type of skull, since the latter
tends to be located in the brachycepahlic or broadheaded class. Therefore
it is evident if the Eskimos do possess a Mongolian ancestry, then this must
have been in byegone ages, in order to permit a lengthy period of segregation
from his kinsmen, sufficient for ensuring the evolution of his own specialized
form of skull. It is of interest therefore to compare his cephalic index with
that of a Mongoloid type like the North American Indian, in whom, amongst
the more westerly located tribes at any rate, according to Hrdlicka’s map, (?°)

Eskimo Osteology c43

the broad headed type used to be fairly prominent. The North American
Indians of Canada and Newfoundland would of course be the Eskimos’ nearest
neighbours, but unfortunately an insufficient number of these crania has been
examined to inform us definitely what the cephalic index of the aborigines of
Canada actually was. However, it may be noted that the cephalic index
of a Micmac Indian skull recently recorded by the writer (*°) was 80-8, while
Prest (*) many years ago reported the indices of two aboriginal Beothuck skulls
from Newfoundland as 78-4 and 80-2. It is clear that these isolated examples,
at any rate, demonstrate a wide gulf between the North American Indian and
the average Eskimo type of cephalic index.

It is interesting to compare the cephalic index of these Eskimo crania with
that of the two Melanesian skulls already referred to. (4) In these it had sunk
to the low figure of 64. This leads one to mention that in the negro races,
including those with the most primitive cerebal organizations, dolichocephaly
is certainly the predominant type. Moreover, it is the condition found in some
of the extinct races of mankind such as Neanderthal man (cephalic index 73 -9)(44)
and Cromagnon man (cephalic index 73-3)() In spite of these observations
it is essential to mention that the cephalic index taken by itself is no standard
of intellectual omniscience. Thus the average cephalic index for the Anglo-
Saxon race is 76-1, which is therefore just above the dolichocephalic class.

Tue INDEX oF CRANIAL HEIGHT

The maximum and minimum for this index were found to be 76-9 and 69
in the case of the male crania and 78-5 and 68-4 in the female crania. The
average was about the same as that for the Eskimo collection in the R. C. §.
Museum(#) which was estimated by Flower to be 73-7. Therefore, it is evident
that this index closely follows the cephalic index, the obvious inference being
that races which are long-headed are also low-headed. As an extreme illustration
of this fact the writer would again like to cite the two extremely dolichocephalic
Melanesian skulls,(*) where the corresponding indices of cranial height reached
the consistently low levels of 68 and 65.

THE BrEADTH-HEIGHT INDEX

It is surprising to note how little this cranial index has been exploited by
anthropologists. In the male crania this index was found to fluctuate between
109-3 and 94-5, and in the female crania from 103-8 to 93-4, with an average of
well over 100, particularly in the male series. This meant of course that the
height was a little greater than the maximum breadth. Turner(!’) pointed out
some years ago that in a dolichocephalic skull the height was usually a little
greater than the maximum breadth. That fact was certainly exemplified in this
series of crania. It may be added that the converse usually holds true for
brachycephalic skulls, and was well exemplified in a Micmac North American
Indian skull recently described by the writer,(*) where the height was found to be
decidedly less than the breadth (with an index of 90-5).

Tur ALVEOLAR OR GNATHIC INDEX

This important index was found to vary from 93-3 to 100 in the male
crania and from 88-9 to 107-4 in the female series, the latter fluctuations being
most unusual. It may be again noted, however, that prognathism did not exist
at all in the male crania, and, moreover, was entirely of the subnasal variety in
the female crania that exhibited it (nine in number). It may be observed that
some of the crania were remarkably orthognathous. It is evident, however,

44c Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

that the alveolar index varies greatly in the Eskimo race, for Flower(") records
a male skull with an index as high as 107, and another as low as 94. This observer
gave the Eskimo average (for 24 unsexed skulls) as 100-6, thus placing the race
in the mesognathous group. It may prove of interest to note further that
Flower(") found the average Mongolian index (for 17 Chinese skulls) to be 99,
which approximated closely to the Eskimo average. For purposes of comparison
it is worthy of mention that the Anglo-Saxon average index as given by Flower,
is 95-6.(4)

Tue Nasau INDEX

The narrowness of the anterior nasal aperture of the Eskimo skull is one of
its most salient features, the width in the present series varying from 20 to 27
mm. in the female crania and from 20 to 26 mm. in the male crania. As a result
the nasal index is usually low, the maximum and minimum being 52-9 and 36-4
for the female skulls, and 47-2 and 35-9 in the male series. The female cranium
that recorded the index of 52-9 must be regarded as most exceptional, as no other
skull exhibited an index higher than 47. Even then, the average for the whole
series was practically the same as that given by Flower for the Eskimo collection
in the R. C. 8. Museum, viz., 43-7. The crania were thus leptorrhine, and made
a striking comparison with a Melanesian skull, where this index was found by
the writer(*) to be 54-9, indicating, of course, that the nasal aperture of the skull
was comparatively wide in the negro races. It is also interesting to compare the
nasal index of the present specimens with that of the Mongolian (Chinese) type
of skull, the average index for which was given by Flower(!!) as 49-8. It is,
therefore, evident that if the Eskimo did possess a Mongolian ancestry, then he
has developed during the ages a very specialized form of nasal aperture. This
is probably a provision of nature for a special type of respiration, associated with
the inhalation of air reduced to a very low temperature. The converse certainly
seems to be true, for the natural habitat of the negro, with his much widened
cranial nasal aperture, is in a warm climate. It would thus prove an interesting
investigation to ascertain whether his migration to more temperate zones is
appreciably affecting his nasal width. Perhaps it is worthy of mention that
the average nasal index for the Anglo-Saxon race is 46, which is comparatively
low, the suggestive comment in this case being, that the race has become habitu-
ated to a climate which is bleak and cold at certain seasons of the year, not only
in the British Isles, but also in our Canadian latitudes.

THE Nasion-ProstHion HricutT INDEX

This is a new index which has suggested itself to the writer. He can cer-
tainly find no reference to its previous use by anthropologists. The idea involved
in its application is to compare the nasal width with the nasion-prosthion height.
Of course, it could not possibly displace the very trustworthy nasal index, but
it might be utilized as a supplement to the latter, which it follows more or less
consistently. Thus the minimum and maximum for the male skulls were 22-4
and 36-2, with an average of 29-4, and for the female skulls 26-5 and 38-7, with
an average of 31-2.

THE ORBITAL INDEX

This has been found to be a rather variable and uncertain index throughout.
modern Hominid, but it may be noted that the unsatisfactory results yielded
by it are due, in some measure at least, to the circumstances that the important
factors of age and sex were not excluded in the investigations. There can be no
doubt that the orbital contour is different in early life from what it is in the

\

Eskimo Osteology c45

adult, and it also exhibits a difference in male and female crania of the same
race, the index being somewhat higher in the latter sex. If these two factors be
rigorously excluded then the index will be found to display a few consistent
features. For instance, it is persistently high in all the Mongoloid races, and is
lowest in the negro, with the European races occupying an intermediate position.
It was, therefore, not surprising’ to find that the orbital index in these crania
was high, recording an average of 92 in the female and 88 in the male series,
thus betraying a Mongoloid affinity. As a comparison with this it was noted
that the average for 24 unsexed Eskimo skulls in the R. C. S. Museum(4) was
89, thus placing the race definitely in the megaseme category. In contrast with
this, the average for 208 European crania, as given in the catalogue of the
R.C.5. Museum("') was 87, which located them in the mesoseme group. Compare
these again with the index in a Micmac North American Indian skull, recently
recorded by the author as 88,(5) with the Mongolian (Chinese) average of 89,(1")
and with the Polynesian average of 91.(°). It is, therefore, evident that the
height of the orbital aperture is consistently greater in the Mongoloid races than
in the European.

The writer has recently shown(*) that “the generalized form of orbital
aperture in the adult male skull of modern races is represented by a quadrangular
contour, individual variations of outline depending upon the degree of ‘rounding
off’ of the four angles.”

THe Maxinuo-Faciau INDEX

Long-headed races are also long-faced as arule. That is to say, the maxillo-
facial height is more than half the interzygomatic breadth. This series of crania
closely adhered to the above rule. For example this index was over 50 in all the
male crania, with a maximum of 60-8. In the female crania only two indices
sank below 50, and the maximum was 59-7. This conclusion is of interest when
compared with the Mongolian type of skull which is usually both brachycephalic
and brachyfacial. Again, the brachycephalic skull of a North American Indian
(Micmac tribe)(*) was also found to be brachyfacial, so that it consistently
followed the Mongoloid type. The striking fact about this index in the Eskimo
therefore is, that though he gives one the impression of being broad-faced in the
living condition, his skull is really dolicho-facial.

THE STEPHANO-ZycGomatTic INDEX

This index provided a great surprise in these crania. For example, Duck-
worth(*) states that the Eskimo skull is cryptozygous. Of the present collection
all were phenozygous, some being excessively so—one male cranium registering
an index as low as 58-1. The maximum for this index was 71-6 in the male
series and 79-7 in the female group. These results provided a most striking
comparison with the European type of cranium which usually registers an index
in the vicinity of 90. During a recent study of two low grade Melanesian skulls
from the New Hebrides, the writer considered that he had reached the lowest
ebb for this index(*) with the figures 71 and 73. It was, therefore, all the more
surprising to find that half the skulls of this Eskimo series were under these low
levels. Yet, after all, one need not be unduly amazed at these results, for it has
been already pointed out how highly placed on the sides of these skulls the tem-
poral lines were found to be. In a race like the Eskimos, accustomed as they
are to a most vigorous, indeed, almost violent type of mastication, one certainly
meets with conditions calculated to reduce the.stephano-zygomatic index to’
the most marked degree. As a result it will evidently be necessary to recon-
sider our present views regarding this cranial index in the Eskimo race.

46 Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

In passing, it is interesting to watch the reduction of this index to zero
in the anthropoid apes. In the gorilla for example, it is non-existent owing to
the fusion of the temporal lines in the mesial plane of the cranial vault to form
the prominent crest along the line of the sagittal suture that is so pronounced
in this animal.

Tue Gonto-Zycomatic INDEX

This is an index that has been very little exploited by anthropoligists, and
therefore the data regarding it are rather scanty. The idea involved in its
application is to compare the width between the angles of the mandible with
the inter-zygomatic breadth. It may be noted that the Eskimo skull furnishes
the highest known average for this index amongst modern Hominide, and
Duckworth() gives the average for the race as 82-5. The average for these
crania was 82-8 which practically accorded with the above result. It is worthy
of mention that in only one skull did the index fall below 80, while the maximum
was represented by 88-2. :

THE FRONTO-PARIETAL INDEX

This cranial index has been applied chiefly to the calvaria of fossil man,
and has not been elaborated much in reference to the crania of modern Hom-
inide. Indeed, the writer appears to be the only observer who has utilized
it to any large extent (4° &°), though it is possible he may stand correction on
that point. The index varied from 77-1 to 66-4 in the male crania, and from
75 to 67-9 in the female. Thus in one male skull the minimum post-orbital
diameter was only 66-4 p.c. of the maximum parietal breadth. One will appre-
ciate how low an ebb this is, upon recollecting that the corresponding index
for such a lowly evolved type as the Java calvaria (Pithecanthropus erectus)
is 65-4.0) This remarkable post-orbital constriction is quite a feature of the
Java calvaria, as well as of the crania of the anthropoid apes, when examined
from above. Again, it was noted that ten of the female crania and six of the
male crania possessed fronto-parietal indices of a lower grade than that of the
primitive type of skull represented by Neanderthal man. To carry the compari-
son further it was ascertained that many of these Eskimo skulls compared
unfavourably with the Melanesian type in regard to their fronto-parietal indices,
thus bringing them down to the level of one of the lowest types of living mankind.

_ , On studying the crania of the higher types of modern Hominid from above,
it is found that there is a progressive attempt to fill out the general contour and
more particularly to obliterate the post-orbital constriction as much as possible.
The result is a gradual improvement in the fronto-parietal index which in the
European type of skull approximates to 90.

There must be some subtle cause for the creation of this low fronto-parietal
index, which places the Eskimo skull, in other respects a well-developed one, in
a comparatively lowly position amongst modern Hominide. The suggestion
the writer would like to offer is that the Eskimo, owing to his characteristic
dietary, has to commence his strenous masticatory habits at an early stage in
life. The result is, that his skull becomes compressed laterally by his powerfully
developed temporal muscles, while still in the pliable condition of childhood.
‘The effect of this would be to create a marked post-orbital constriction and
would provide the essential element for the reduction of his fronto-parietal
ynaex.

Eskimo Osteology. c47
Tue Inpex or HrigutT oF THE BREGMA ABOVE THE GLABELLA-INION LINE

Owing to the fact that the crania could not be sectioned in the mesial plane,
the three basal angles and the calvarial height index could not be calculated.
As a substitute for the latter the writer devised the index which forms the
subject of this paragraph. In estimating it, the perpendicular height of the
bregma above the glabella-inion line was compared with the length of the
latter. The glabella-inion length for each skull was first of all measured off
on paper. The glabella-bregma and inion-bregma chords were then measured
off with drawing compasses and of course the point of meeting of these chords
gave the position of the bregma. A perpendicular line dropped from the latter
on to the glabella-inion line then gave the bregmatic height drawn to scale.
Its length was estimated, multipied by a hundred, and divided by the glabella-
inion length. The bregmatic height would of course be a little less than the
calvarial height, and therefore it was not surprising to find that in this index
the results, with one exception, were all under 50. The index of calvarial height,
on the other hand, is always well over 50 in the higher races of modern mankind,
In these Eskimo crania the bregmatic height index varied from 52-2 to 44-7
in the males and from 48-5 to 43-7 in the females. It will thus be observed
that this index displays a very moderate degree of racial variation, when com-
pared with the vagaries of some of the cranial indices.

It may be noted here that the height of the bregma above the glabella-
inion line ranged from 92-3 mm. to 80-3 mm. in the male crania and from
87-5 mm. to 70 mm. in the female.

Tue BrecMatic ANGLE

This angular cranial measurement has only come into its own within recent
years as a factor of prime importance and significance in craniology. It is
utilised to demonstrate the degree of expansion of the frontal cranial arc. One
usually finds the briefest descriptions in textbooks regarding its exact method
of application, and indeed, it appears to have been mainly used in the study
of the calvaria of fossil man. Schwalbe(?*) was one of the pioneers in its utiliza-
tion and took full advantage of its value in his classic duty of the Neanderthal
calvaria. For the present research his plan of procedure was adopted, this
being the angle included between the glabella-bergma and the glabella-inion
lines.

In these Eskimo crania the bregmatic angle varied from 58-5° to 53-5°
in the males and from 60° to 51-5° in the females. The male crania were thus
within the range of variation for modern Hominide, which is given by Duck-
worth (!°) as from 66° to 53°, while the female series sank slightly below this.
It would thus be interesting to note the effect of sex upon this angle. The
average of the bregmatic angle was 55-5° for the male crania and 54-2° for the
female crania. The writer was surprised to find that the general average of
these was practically the same as that found by Berry and Robertson(’) ina series
of one hundred aboriginal Australian skulls, namely 54-7°, and slightly lower
than the average obtained by the same observers in forty-five aboriginal Tas-
manian skulls (namely 56°). Moreover, the average for these Eskimo skulls
compared unfavourably with the results obtained by the writer(*) in two low
type Melanesian skulls (55° and 59°), and also with that of a Micmac North
American Indian skull (60°) recently recorded by the writer.(*) Indeed the
Eskimo average was comparable to that of a fossil type like the Cré-magnon(!’)
cranium (with a bregmatic angle of 54°).

48c Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18
Tue Patato-Maxintuary INDEX

This index displayed a vast range of variation in these crania—from 132-1
to 105-8 in the male, and from 133-3 to 113-5 in the female. It is therefore
clear that, if one adopts Turner’s('8) classification, it will be noted that the male
crania exhibited all the phases from an extreme brachyuranic to an extreme
dolichouranic condition, while the female skulls ranged from an extreme brachy-
uranic to a mesuranic condition. This index certainly requires a little further
exploiting in'all races of mankind before its significance can be fully appreciated.
However, all that can be stated with certainty at present is, that it appears to
possess an amazing range of variation even in the higher races, for Turner(”)
found the extreme limits of its fluctuations in his extensive series of Scottish
crania.

THE CRANIAL CHORDS

The writer, with the literature at his disposal, can find no record of the
cranial chords having been previously measured in the Eskimo skull, so that it
will be of interest to study these in this race and compare them with the cor-
responding measurements for other races.

As the crania could not be sectioned mesially, it was impossible to calculate
the important cranial curvatures.

THE GLABELLA-BREGMA CHORD

This cranial chord varied from 111-5 mm. to a minimum of 97 mm. in the
male crania and from 109-5 mm. to 88mm. in the female series. The male and
female averages proved to be 106-7 and 101-5 mm. These are well below the
average of 112-5 mm. for the European type of skull, as given by Berry and
Robertson,(!) and are almost comparable to the average (105-2 mm.) for the
aboriginal Tasmanian unsexed skull as given by Biichner,(*) and certainly below
the average of 108 mm. for the aboriginal Australian skull (unsexed), furnished
by the same observer. These results may be further compared with 108 mm. in
the Neanderthal type of skull,(!*) 93 mm. in Pithecanthropus,(%) and 87 mm. in
the Anthropoid ape. The writer was much struck by the length of the glabella-
bregma chords in two low grade Melanesian skulls recently described by him
(111-5 and 113-5 mm.)4

THE GLABELLA-LAMBDA CHORD

The writer can find few recorded measurements of this chord which may,
however, prove to become a factor of some significance in craniometry. He
therefore decided to publish the results of his calculations, in the hope that they
may be of service as a means of comparison with other racial types. This cranial
chord varied from 186 to 170-5 mm. in the male skulls, with an average of 178-6
mm., and in the female series from 178 to 156 mm., with an average of 169-8
mm. It is, therefore, evident that it displayed the racial range of variation
which is characteristic of all cranial indices and measurements. These Eskimo
averages could be compared with that (178-6 mm.) for one hundred aboriginal
Australian crania (unsexed) and with that (173-2 mm.) for forty-eight aboriginal
Tasmanian skulls (unsexed).(°) A further comparison might be made with the
Neanderthal type of skull (185-3 mm.)(*) and with Pithecanthropus (171 mm.)(}),

Eskimo Osteology c49
THE BreGMa-LAMBDA CHORD

_ ,This cranial chord fluctuated between a maximum of 114-5 mm. and a
minimum of 104 mm. in the male skulls, with an average of 108-7 mm. In the
vee via the range of variation was from 118 mm. to 94 mm. with an average
0 -4 mm.

This chord thus consistently followed the glabella-bregma chord, in being
well below the European average of 112 mm. (as given by Biichner)(%) and also
lower than the averages for aboriginal Australian and Tasmanian crania (114-7
and 113 mm.) as calculated by the same observer. These Eskimo crania may
likewise be compared with the average for the Neanderthal type of skull (112
mm.)(%) and with Pithecanthropus (93 mm.)().

Tur Brecma-Intion Cuorp mo

So far as the writer can ascertain, no previous measurements of this chord,
appear to have been made. He has, however, recorded his results as a basis for
comparison with other racial types in the future. It was found to vary from
158-5 mm. to 144 mm. in the male crania, with an average of 151-8 mm. and’
from 152 mm. to 127 mm. in the female skulls with an average of 141-7 mm. It
was therefore evident that the usual racial range of variation manifested itself
in regard to the measurements of this chord.

Tue Lamspa-INION CHorD

This chord varied between 80 mm. and 63 mm. in the male crania with an
average of 69-4; and from 75 mm. to 55 mm. in the female series, with an average
of 62. The results for the males were well above the European average of 63
mm., as given by Biichner,(*) and markedly above the averages for aboriginal
Australian and Tasmanian crania as given by the same observer (55-2 and 55-5
mm.). The average for the Neanderthal type of skull is 54 mm.("*) This chord
in Pithecanthropus measured 42 mm.("*)

Tuer HorizontaL CRANIAL CIRCUMFERENCE

This was measured over the glabella and the occipital point, as recommended
by Turner.(8) It fluctuated between 551 and 505 mm. in the male crania, with
an average of 524 mm.; and from 519 to 461 mm. in the female series, with an
average of 492 mm.

The average for the male skulls practically accorded with that (525 mm.)
for the average European type of skull, also with the measurements for the male
and female Eskimo crania 528 and 500 mm. in the R.C.8. Museum,(“) and even
with the corresponding dimensions of two low grade Melanesian skulls (520 mm.
and 534 mm.),(*) As previously stated by the writer,(®) there is a very slight
inter-racial range of variation in this cranial measurement, even between the
highest and lowest types of modern man, and on that account it would appear
to lack significance. On the other hand, however, it emphasises the necessity for
an expansion of the cranial roof in the higher races of mankind, in order to pro-
vide more accommodation for its cerebral contents that would prove commen-
surate with the more elaborate degree of evolution of the brain in these racial

groups.
50844—4

50c Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18
THE Naso-OrBiITO-ALVEOLAR INDEX

The writer applied his recently devised naso-orbito-alveolar craniometric
method(’) to these skulls, and at the same time compared the results with those
found in three other types of crania, as exhibited in Plate 1, where it may be noted
that in the European, Eskimo and North American Indian types the height of
each of the uppermost rectangles is greater than that of the two lower ones, which
are approximately equal in height. These three crania thus conform to the
writer’s Eurasiatic type. In the Melanesian skull, on the other hand, the upper
two rectangles are nearly equal in height, and are, moreover, approximately
squares, while the lowest rectangle is excessively reduced in height owing to the
extreme degree of prognathism of this cranium, which thus conformed to the
writer’s Negro type of naso-orbito-alveolar index. Moreover, the height of the
upper horizontal dotted areas of the European, Eskimo and North American
Indian crania is greater than those of the lower two, which are approximately
equal in height. In the Negro type of skull, on the other hand, the two upper
horizontal areas of the facial skeleton are seen to be approximately equal in
height, while the vertical dimension of the lowest area is extremely reduced. The
results of the measurements of the various rectangles concerned in this index are
given in the subjoined table.

In the following table there are four columns. The one to the left shows the
relation of the width to the height of the whole rectangle (see Plates 6 and 7,
Cat. No.’s XIV, H 4 and XIV, H 5). The other three columns give the corres-
ponding results for the upper, middle and lower rectangles.

Whole Upper Middle Lower
Male crania rectangle rectangle | rectangle | rectangle
25-0 62-7 81-8 81-8
27-7 67-5 83-3 108-6
36-2 86-0 100-0 160-8
32-3 77-2 103-0 121-4
34-4 75-6 129-1 124-0
EEE aia esas heasdaich TSitos toot x Gitano. evry Tenants ase las 28-3 68-1 96-9 107-1
PB ven ieee nVEn iene teeny REM ER Sova Ee Uee Temes 22-4 60-4 92-8 100-0
ESBS IAN cinton ts sive ln ass. teens neha lanes ER SOME Mmioenacb tea 29-1 71-4 93-7 103-4
JAN CRAG OB i ccleienerse ntuaves BO act acam neue MS er 29-4 71-1 97-5 118-1
Whole Upper Middle Lower
Female crania rectangle | rectangle | rectangle | rectangle
26-5 66-6 78-7 92-8
29-5 76-3 87-8 116-0
28-8 70-0 96-5 100-0
33-0 71-4 107-1 100-0
28-3 62-5 90-9 115-3
32-3 71-3 106-4 132-0
31-6 72-0 106-8 114-8
32-9 75-6 103-3 134-7
30-7 80-0 84-8 107-4
38-7 79-5 134-7 182-3
34-5 85-2 120-8 96-6
31-0 84-3 96-4 103-8
28-3 68-1 88-2 111-1
2
31-2 _ 74-0 100-0 115-8

It will be observed that the results are slightly different in the two sexes, the
average indices for all four columns being consistently higher in the female. It
will be interesting to find if these results are upheld in a larger series of crania.

Eskimo Osteology c51

There was a marked reduction in the height of the lowermost rectangle in crania
D-3 and F-31, and these vitiated the results to a considerable degree in the male
and female series respectively. Otherwise the average for this rectangle would
have been nearer 100. In a previous paper the author has pointed out that the
middle and lowermost rectangles are approximately squares in the Eurasiatic
type of cranium; that is to say, their indices are in the vicinity of 100. I¢ will
be noted from the table that the averages for these two rectangles in the present
series of Eskimo skulls support this assertion.

THE EVOLUTION OF THE ESKIMO TYPE OF SKULL

It is evident from the foregoing description that if the Eskimo is really
Mongoloid in origin, which would bring him into relation with the Mongols of
Asia, the Polynesians of the Pacific Ocean and the aboriginal Indians of the
Western Hemisphere, then his skull exhibits at the present day some profound
alterations from the generalised Mongolian type. Take first of all his contracted
nasal aperture, which is perhaps his most important cranial specialisation, since it
places the Eskimo skull in a category by itself. It will probably be granted by most
observers that this modification can be explained by his climatic environ-
ment. The inhaling for prolonged periods of cold air, frequently registering
many degrees below zero, would most assuredly compel nature to design and
provide as narrow an aperture as possible, so as to reduce the chilling effect of
this intensely low temperature to a minimum.

Now, in reference to the dolichocephalic Eskimo skull, I do not personally
consider that this has much significance when contrasted with the brachycephaly
of the Mongol, for it is a well recognized fact that the cephalic index has quite
an extensive range of variation, even in members of the same race. For example
the average type of Scottish skull approximates to the dolichocephalic type,
and yet Sir Wm. Turner found that 35 out of a series of 174 skulls collected
from various parts of Scotland exhibited well-marked brachycephaly (").

The post-orbital constriction in these Eskimo skulls is so marked that it
deserves some comment. It has been already remarked that the tempora
muscles must have been powerfully developed, judging from the extreme!
depth of the lower parts of the temporal fosse of these skulls. It seems to the
writer that these strongly acting muscles might possibly have had a constricting
effect upon this portion of the cranium, and thus diminished its post-orbital
diameter. This conclusion is strengthened by a comparative study of the crania
of some lower mammalia. In the gorilla, for example, the temporal muscles
are huge, and meet in a sagittal crest on the cranial vertex. Their constricting
effect is shown by the marked reduction of the post-orbital diameter, and of
course by a pronounced lowering of the fronto-parietal index. This post-orbital
constriction is, moreover, a striking feature of the crania of carnivora, the
fronto-parietal index for the lion skull in the Nova Scotia Provincial Museum
being found by the writer to be as low as 53, which meant that the post-orbital
constriction was reduced to nearly one half of the maximum parietal breadth.
On studying the conditions in modern Hominide the author finds that the
fronto-parietal index is usually above 80 in the Anglo-Saxon type of cranium,
due of course to the fact that the skull has been compelled to adapt itself to the
lateral expansion of the frontal lobes of the brain in these higher races. On the
other hand he found this index as low as 72-6 in a Melanesian skull(‘); while
Duckworth(”) gives the average index for the aboriginal Australian cranium
as 77. There can be no doubt that these lowly evolved types of modern man
indulge in a very vigorous and unconventional type of mastication; thus en-
couraging their powerful temporal muscles to exert this constricting effect upon
their skulls, and therefore lower their fronto-parietal indices. Note further, that

50844—43

52c Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

the staple dietary of the Eskimo consists of raw or only imperfectly cooked food,
so that their type of mastication must likewise be not only excessively vigorous,
but also excessively unconventional. From the foregoing remarks it. has become
increasingly evident that the traction of the muscles of mastication on the.
lateral aspects of the cranium must exert a far-reaching influence upon its
modelling and configuration—an effect which is probably not yet fully appreci-
ated. The author would therefore like to put forward the theory that the type
of mastication adopted by the Eskimo in negotiating his tough food has con-
tributed, in no small measure, its effect in producing his characteristic type of
cranium. This decision will however have to be confirmed by the examination
of a much more extensive series of Eskimo crania, and this will require to be
undertaken in the future, when the necessary facilities are obtainable. For
this purpose the author would indeed be most grateful for the loan or presenta-
tion of crania belonging to this most interesting race.

Eskimo Osteology

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54c Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18
MANDIBLES

One of the first features that impressed the writer was the general massive-
ness of these Eskimo mandibles.

All the muscle markings were most pronounced, thus providing a suggestive
reminder of the masticatory vigour of these individuals. Only in a few instances
had the teeth been missing at death, for the alveoli as a rule were deep and their
walls healthy. The angles were markedly everted. Indeed this eversion had
in many cases involved also the lower halves of the rami, thus imparting a very
broadened appearance to the jowls (Fig. 2). The writer was much surprised
at the obtuseness of the angles, considering that none of the individuals repre-
sented ages much above middle life. For example the sizes varied from 128° to
122° in the adult males and from 130° to 121° in the adult females. Thus none
of them approximated to 90°. The intergonial width was remarkably high,
ranging from 128 mm. to 115-5 mm. in the adult males and from 114-5 mm. to
101-3 mm. in the adult females. These high figures were of course a natural
result of the eversion of the angles. The highest intergonial measurement the
writer could make in a collection of male European mandibles proved to be
111-3 mm. and this was well below the minimum for the male Eskimo series,
as noted above.

One of the striking features of these Eskimo mandibles was the marked
lowering of the posterior ends of the alveolar borders. This was most pronounced
when viewed from the side (Fig. 3). For example, in one adult male mandible
the height at the symphysis was 47 mm. and this rapidly diminished in a posterior
direction, until opposite the third molar tooth it was only 32-5 mm., represent-
ing a reduction of 31 per cent. This remarkable condition suggested to the
author a new index for the mandible to which he has applied the term ‘‘the index
of height of the mandible in the molar region.’ The height in front is measured
from the ridge between the alveoli of the central incisor teeth to the lower
border of the symphysis. The height posteriorly is taken from the inner edge
of the alveolus of the third molar tooth to the lower border of the mandible.
This measurement was always made on both right and left sides in these Eskimo
mandibles, for it was ascertained that in only three cases did these heights
agree on both sides. In the others there was always a slight difference, and in
these, interestingly enough, the lowering was on the right side, except in two
cases where it was on the left. This suggested of course that these Eskimos
were accustomed to masticate more on the right side than on the left.

This new index was obtained by multiplying the height at the third molar
tooth by one hundred and dividing by the height at the symphysis. The result
of course represented the percentage height of the molar region. This proved
a profitable investigation, for it produced not only interesting but also consistent
results. For example it was found that the index progressively diminished with
age. This fact furnished an interesting side light on the masticatory habits
of the Eskimo, for it demonstrated that the terrific pressure to which the teeth
were subjected forced the lower molar series more and more downwards during
the period between adolesence and middle life.

On making a close analysis of this new index it was noted that the highest
figure, namely 91-4, was recorded in the mandible of a young adolescent female.
The minimum (62-1) was found in the mandible of an adult female.
The writer compared these results with the corresponding indices for ten Euro-
pean mandibles, where the maximum was 94-1 and the minimum 76-1, showing
of course that the masticatory activity, and therefore the downward pressure
upon the lower molar series, were not nearly so evident in these types of mankind.

_ This forcing downwards of the molar sockets produced an excessive broad-
ening of the posterior portions of these Eskimo mandibles. Thus the distance
between the inner border of the alveolus of the third molar tooth to the point

Eskimo Osteology c55

on the external surface where the anterior border of the ramus joins the body
was as much as 21-5 mm. in one adult male mandible, while the minimum
(14-5 mm.) was found in an adolescent female. The corresponding maximum
in a series of European mandibles was 18 mm. The general effect produced was
to cause the sockets of the molar series to overhang the inner aspects of the
mandibles to a pronounced degree. This feature of the Eskimo mandible has
been already emphasized by Hrdlicka.(?} Indeed in some instances the bony
thickening was excessive. For example, in mandible XIV H-8 the inward bulg-
ing of the bone was so marked that the transverse distance between the inner
surfaces of the body opposite the first molars was reduced to 21-5 mm. This
jaw had therefore an extraordinary appearance when viewed from below (see
Fig. 5). The writer would regard these bulgings as bone buttresses built up by
nature to resist the excessive strain thrown upon the alveoli of the molar teeth.
He exhibited the mandibles to Prof. H. E. Friesell, Dean of the Dental Faculty,
ee of Pittsburg, and this authority concurred in the opinion expressed
above.

The writer has made a routine practice in his anatomy course of referring
to a faint groove for the lingual nerve on the inner aspect of the mandible
immediately below the last molar tooth, and has always expressed surprise that
this is not described in standard textbooks of anatomy. These Eskimo mandi-
bles all exhibited this important groove, which, indeed, was present in some
cases to a pronounced degree. He would, therefore, put forward a plea for a
fuller recognition of the clinical importance of this groove, seeing that there
exists by no means a remote possibility of the lingual nerve being lacerated in a
clumsy extraction of the third molar tooth.

The rami, in conformity with the bodies of the mandibles, were very massive-
ly developed and exhibited strong muscle markings. The author decided to
experiment with a new index for the ramus to be termed “‘the index of width of
the ramus.” To obtain this the width was multiplied by 100 and divided by the
height. The length was measured from the bottom of the sigmoid notch to the
lower border of the ramus in a direction parallel to the anterior and posterior
borders. The width was measured from the centre of the slight concavity in
the anterior border below the coronoid process and at right angles to the borders.
The lines representing the length and width of each ramus thus intersected at
right angles. It was found that the measurements varied for the right and left
rami of each mandible except in one case. Thus in half the cases the right
ramus was the wider, while in the others the left exhibited the greater relative
width, suggesting varying masticatory habits of these individuals. The index of
course indicated the proportion which the width of the ramus bore to its length.
It was found to vary from 93-02 to 68-6, and, moreover, exhibited one consistent
feature, namely—it increased with age in both sexes, up to middle life at any
rate. There were no aged mandibles to illustrate the condition of the index in
late life. The interpretation of these results obviously was, that the width of
the Eskimo ramus increased with age in both sexes up to middle life. On study-
ing this index in ten adult Anglo-Saxon mandibles, the maximum and minimum
figures were 67-8 and 52-3, which were much below the Eskimo averages, thus
demonstrating that the Eskimo ramus was relatively much wider than the
Anglo-Saxon. On studying this matter further in European types of mandible,
it was ascertained that the index of width of the ramus increased with age so
long as the teeth remained intact, and then diminished again if the individual
became edentulous. Altogether this comparative study of these Eskimo mandi-
bles provided some gratifying and suggestive results.

The mandibular condyles were so placed that their long axes converged
upon the centre of the anterior edge of the foramen magnum as in the European
type. Their articular surfaces were, however, slightly flatter in conformation
with the more shallow character of the Eskimo glenoid fosse.

56c Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18
THE ScaruLa

There was only one scapula in a sufficient state of repair for the estimation
of its index. This proved to be 72-4. Duckworth(*) gives an average scapular
index of 61 for the Eskimo, so that it is evident there is a wide range of racial
variation. The same observer gives 65-3 as the average European scapular
index. The writer(!®) found indices of 69-1 and 71-2 in the scapule of two
ancient Egyptian princes of the XIIth Dynasty. It may be noted that the
higher the index, the more simian is the scapula.

THE HUMERUS

The writer found perforation of the olecranon fossa in one out of ten adult
humeri. These exhibited no trace of a supracondyloid process.

TuE INNOMINATE BONE

There were only two innominate bones (XIV D-7 and XIV F-1) sufficiently
intact to permit of the estimation of their indices. These were 76-2 and 74,
with an average of 75-1. Duckworth() gives indices of 87 and 89 for two
Eskimo skeletons, so that we recognize once more an extensive range of racial
variation for this index. In white races it was found to vary from 74-5 to 79-1.
The lower the index, the more simian is the type of innominate bone.

THE FEMUR

All the femora, without exception, exhibited the forwardly directed con-
vexity of their shafts associated with the characteristic pilastered condition of
the linea aspera, which is so prevalent in races that habitually squat. The neck
of the femur was relatively short in comparison with the Anglo-Saxon type, but
joined the shaft at about the same angle. In four out of six cases the squatting,
facet was present on the anterior aspect of the femoral neck.

The stature was estimated from the lengths of the femora, using the propor-
tion -275 as given by Thane,(‘) and was found to vary from 161-2 cm. in a male
to 140-3 cm. ina female. The average stature for the Eskimo male is given as
162-1 cm. by Deniker.()

The index of platymeria was taken on the bone at the level where the
buttress descending from the small trochanter fades away on the posterior
aspect of the shaft. The index varied from 101-6 to 80-9, so that practically no
tendency to flattening of the shaft of the femur existed in these skeletons.

Tue TIBIA

The upper ends exhibited varying degrees of retroversion, as found in races
that habitually squat; but this was not nearly so pronounced as in two skeletons
from Ancient Egypt described by the writer.(%) Moreover, there were no squat-
ting facets on the lower ends of the tibie, nor on the necks of the astragali. This
provides us with a hint as to the exact squatting posture adopted by the indi-
vidual, for it is evident that the Eskimos squatted with their buttocks still resting
on the ground, while in the East we find the more extreme degree where the
buttocks rest upon the heels. The latter is therefore associated with the most
extreme condition of flexion of the hip, knee and ankle joints, thus producing
facets on the neck of the femur, the lower end of the tibia and the neck of the
astragalus, together with marked retroversion of the upper end of the tibia, a
pilastered femur and platycnemia of the tibial shaft. ‘

1 Quain’s Anatomy, 10th Ed., Vol. II, Pt. I.
2 Quoted by Duckworth(?%),

Eskimo Osteology c57

The index of platycnemia of these Eskimo tibiae varied from 76-4 to 65:6
These were well below the European average of 88-2,2°) but did not represent
the extreme degree of platycnemia displayed by the two ancient Egyptian
skeletons referred to above, where the indices were as low as 57-5 and 56:2.

THE INTERMEMBRAL INDEX

Owing to the wholesale destruction of the limb bones by wild animals, this
index could be estimated in only two (male) skeletons. For these the figures
were 70-6 and 70-2, which were in the vicinity of the Eskimo average of 73-4
given by Duckworth() (for two skeletons). It may be observed that this index
is always over 100 in the anthropoid apes, owing to the greater length of the
upper limb in these animal types. In man, however, owing to the preponder-
ating length of the lower limbs, the index falls considerably below 100, and it is
interesting to note that in modern Hominide (with the exception of the Bam-
bute pygmies) the index shows a very slight inter-racial variation, being closely
in the vicinity of 70.

Tuer Rapi0o-HuMERAL INDEX

This index was 68-03 and 74-02 in the two Eskimo skeletons. The race is
usually in the brachy-kerkic group of Turner(#8) with an index under 75, so that
the two above examples conform to this grouping, which also includes the
European type. The index, of course, demonstrated that the radius is relatively
short in the Eskimo, and this places him in the group furthest away from the
simian type. The writer(!*) found radio-humeral indices of 78-6 and 81-3 in two
ancient Egyptian male skeletons.

Tue Trsio-FemMoraL InpDEx

This was 80-7 and 81-8 in these two skeletons. The indices were thus
below 83, and placed them in the brachycnemic category, in which Eskimos
are usually grouped with Europeans and most of the yellow races. Tibio-
femoral indices of 83-4 and 82-7 were recorded by the writer(%) in two ancient
Egyptian skeletons, which therefore closely approximated to the above figures.

THE HumMeEro-FemorsL INDEX

This was 75-9 and 73-4 in the two cases. These are decidedly below the
Eskimo average of 77-7 given by Turner.(#8) Duckworth) challenges Turner’s
assertion that the Eskimos are amongst the most simian of modern races so
far as this index is concerned and these two results, scanty as they are, give
support to this challenge. Humero-femoral indices of 68-8 and 71-2 were found
by the writer(!*) in two ancient Egyptian skeletons, which thus approximated
to the Anglo-Saxon average of 71.

In concluding, the author desires to place on record his appreciation of
the assistance of his Demonstrator, Dr. Gerald Grant, and of his senior students
Clarence G. Campbell, B.A., and Howard A. Creighton, B.A., in the calculation of
the various cranial measurements and indices. We worked in couples and then
checked our individual results so as to make the records as accurate as possible.
Our task was no light one, as thousands of calculations and measurements had
to be made. However, we trust that by these means the possibility of error has
been reduced to a minimum.

It gave me much gratification to be able to secure the services of Dr. 8. G.
Ritchie and Dr. J. Stanley Bagnall, Dalhousie University Dental School, for the
report upon the dentition. They had a free hand in the matter, and have
assumed full responsibility for that section of the publication.

58c

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Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

REFERENCES TO LITERATURE

. Berry, J. A., and Ropertson, A.W. D. The Place in Nature of the Tasmanian Aboriginal.

Proceedings of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, Vols. 31 and 34, 1910 and.1913.

. Brierey, J., and Parsons, F. G. Notes on a Collection of Ancient Eskimo Skulls. Journal

of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XXXVI, London, 1906.

. Bocuner, L. W. G. A Study of the Aboriginal Tasmanian Cranium. Proceedings of the

Royal Society of Edinburgh, Vol. 34, 1913-1914.

Cameron, J. Two Remarkable Skulls from the New Hebrides. Transactions of the Nova
Scotia Institute of Science, Vol. 14, Part 4, Halifax, 1918.

Cameron, J. A Craniometric Study of the Micmac Skull in the Provincial Museum of Nova
ee Transactions of the Nova Scotia Institute of Science, Vol. 15, Part 1, Halifax,

19.

Cameron, J. A Contribution to the Evolution and Morphology of the Human Skull. Trans-

actions of the Royal Society of Canada, Series 3, Vol. 12, Ottawa, 1918.

. Cameron, J. A New Craniometric Method. American Journal of Physical Anthropology,

Vol. 3, No. 1, Menasha, Wisconsin, 1920.

. Cameron, J. Contour of the Orbital Aperture in Modern and Fossil Man. American

Journal of Physical Anthropology, Vol. 3, No. 4, Menasha, Wisconsin, 1921.

. Drxon, A. F. Journal of Anatomy and Physiology, Vol. XX XVIII, London.
. Duckworts, L. W. H. Morphology and Anthropology. Cambridge, 1904.
. FLower, Sir Witu1am. Catalogue of the Royal College of Surgeon’s Museum, 2nd Edition.

London, 1907.

. Hrpuicka, A. Contribution to the Anthropology of the Central and Smith Sound Eskimos.

Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. V, Part II.
New York, 1910.

. Kuaatscn, H. Die Fortschritte der Lehre von den fossilen Knochenresten des Menschen in

den Jahren 1900-1903. Ergebnisse der Anatomie und Entwickelungsgeschichte, Vol.
12, 1903.

. Know es, Sir Francis H. 8. The Glenoid Fossa in the Skull of the Eskimo. Geological

Survey of Canada, Museum Bulletin No. 9, Anthropological Series No. 4. Ottawa,
1915.

. Prest, W. H. Measurements of Two Beothuck Skulls in the Museum, St. Johns, New-

foundland. Proceedings of the Nova Scotia Institute of Science, Vol. 9, Part 3. Halifax,
1897. :

. ScuwaLBe, G. Der Neanderthalschadel. Bonner Jahrbiicher, Heft 106, 1901.
. Turner, Sir Wittiam. A Contribution to the Craniology of th

e People of Scotland. Trans-
actions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, Vol. 41, Part 3, 1903.

. TURNER, Sir Witt1am. Report on the Bones of the Human Skeleton. Challenger Reports,

Vol. 16, Part 47. London, 1886. ’

Cameron, J. Tomb of Two Brothers, Report on the Anatomy of the Mummies. Manchester
University Museum Handbook No. 68, 1910.

Hrpuicxa, A. Physical Anthropology of the Lenapes or Delawares and of the Eastern
Indians in General. Bulletin 62, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, 1915.

Eskimo Dentition c59

The Dentition of the Western and Central Eskimos

By Stepuen G. Rircuin, B.A., D.M.D., L.D.S.

Dathouste University

In the collection of skulls and mandibles under examination all the dentures
were complete or nearly complete at death. Owing to the primitive methods
of burial, with a few notable exceptions, the specimens are now partially or wholly
edentulous.

All the teeth present, regardless of condition, have been where possible,
carefully measured in millimetres after the method advocated and used by the
late Dr. G. V. Black of Chicago, and the measurements checked and tabulated
in tables J and II. Average and greatest measurements will be found side by
side for comparative purposes with similar measurements made and compiled
by Dr. Black from a very large number of miscellaneous teeth collected by him.

A critical study of the teeth and jaws of the Eskimo is instructive and
interesting. The dental arches are large and beautifully formed, approaching
closely to the normal ideal Caucasian type as presented by Selenka and Rése.(?)
The curve of the arch is in all cases semi-elliptical and numerous measurements
and calculations made indicate that it is almost mathematically accurate. In
measuring the maxille, a point that has hitherto, as far as I am aware, escaped
notice was observed, namely—that the anterior palatine foramen is located
exactly at the focus of the ellipse. The arches are broad and short, the greatest
breadth or minor axis of the ellipse being in the neighbourhood of the first and
second molars, the third molars and tuberosities of the jaws lying on the inward
falling, backward curve with a proportional decrease in breadth in this region.
To one accustomed to the malocclusions of the civilized races the symmetry of
the dental arcade in these Eskimo jaws is striking. Only the slightest trace of
irregularity is in evidence in two cases—in one the canines, in the other a pre-
molar being slightly out of alignment.

The occlusion in this race seems to be universally prosharmotic, i.e., the
teeth meet edge to edge. When this condition maintains, the cusps of the
premolar and molar teeth are usually short and the occlusal plane is flat or
faintly curved in the antero-posterior direction. Such an arrangement permits
of greatly extended forward and lateral excursions of the lower jaw as contrasted
with the restricted movements of Caucasian dentitions where a more or less
pronounced overbite of the upper teeth with a markedly curved occlusal plane,
and length of tooth cusp developed accordingly, is the rule with few exceptions.
But an edge to edge bite has far-reaching consequences; no matter in what
race it is found the wear of the teeth is pronounced. In the Eskimo it reaches
the extreme. Here, at middle age, the crowns of the incisors in many cases are
completely worn away; the cusps of the second and third molars have disappeared ;
and, in the first molar and premolar region in the maxilla the entire lingual and
occlusal portions of the teeth from the buccal marginal ridge to the cervical border
of the lingual surface have been ground away, leaving oblique planes which meet
and occlude with their counterparts in the mandible where the buccal aspect of
the teeth has been removed almost to the same extent, leaving the sharp occlusal
margins of the lingual enamel plates intact and highly polished flat surfaces
bevelled almost to the buccal gum margin. (See Plates II, III, IV and VI,
Cat. No. XIV, F. 4.

60c

TABLE I.—MEASUREMENTS OF THE TEETH—MAXILLA.

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S ex F
1&2 ) eS , 2 raeaaeed ie Se ie ioe
oO Can "é~ ms 0ON Oo BON
bal = _ 5 | bea
2, a00 2 ,ane ,2,aano
1h San oOo ° S904 "oO "Dom
oo
iat ie td
he ia fut PEPER
= Lom |
12,292 (Oo mean 2,004
Oo SON "~ COMO “29 " coM oO
_ Ee |
oe ; eer "ines oon 7 po
“1 Gon Be AON wD OO
09 © 09 O10 MAR OSO iiviret
DWONNON AOSnoaon M
= =e -_ ca]
s —) ~~
eee stat cP ev ict cree at Br
Om 400 4 jaa)
(eyes Ce eee pigen m
oS Sam “Re HON P
= Ey
ieee Coe er a Ta are |
boa ore 7,
aie ~~
(bie eran a ea =
tH So on
Se =
rer lagna BON tee ra a ee <a
oe} mn ioe) Con J
pl peer poy aes peu Reo bd
Toon hn oan nm AO fA
Sl ooo it, SONA OO CU OES
‘a! Saa “1a "on hears

Ist Motar—

2np Motar—

3RD Motar—

pecimen.

mn
w
a
~~
i!
3
my d nm
o a
2 BMS
EI 23a
= 528
= et gy ot
o oo hse!
ao Wet
o 3s.
2 oo ae
_ ws
O° ¥ gSqgas
a ¢ Sate
Saeed ok
eSsOoOOK ee
THe ORS SS
Soon Aes
See Bae
opie qia ces
TESeee og
60 60 BR a
Mega eo diag
~9 008 gia v
ggagges
7 ee eg
*SSSSCSTS
Manonnnes

Dashes show that the teeth were absent or that the measurement could not

imen,

the spec

injuring

The degree of wear is shown by the length of crown remaining.

be taken without

62c

TABLE II.-MEASUREMENTS OF THE TEETH—MANDIBLE

Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1918-18

enooon eccoonon wOCOSCO eoooeo conone
. Reeowe rNr~OWnN~ NADOMOS SG > 00 00 18 0 oormoon
o Lal Anxnr NX Ee!
ene)
Nn
#
Fo
2 rcp co Ha G} HOM DOW OeDeI AH COORD 60 Gd Ht m4. 00D
Ols SammmMS OCD ODO Bosoor aR HOG andr dt
< nN -
:
& Soreaweas Ott HHS 22 0 0 00 SH momen Qo Doa
> 1B 09 C4 <H 6D eto state Beemer harecoen 00 2 C1) © 1 CO
<
PAID OIg
a 1 rieias st
$3 Pak afore k Phe We ia fe (ae Fl | 4 Sooke
&
=
= i i tivnaa (ae ae Sa | (Tie a ee bes a Lie ban
&
x TT es tae El ee a i ea a bite ha
D
&
a> ont COMMmMAHON
So 1 ces 1 1 iD I Cie ae ae rae
8 ae eae en | 3 eae Lal aed a a ee hee
rm me
&
a op aaa Vd ba Tae We Ue rena Prtrod
&
COMmMrFnoe NX aA oO
b (ah ele Fi ae oe an a > brows ae
ai ! ' Oominwowoo ! ! bau ' a0
nN al
&
s iota a a Phan ia ane i ker [fae ee ea
m
7 ie ee Te a i ae Pparad rar arr Praag
ky
si od catone SHAHGS gaoown Doo apo 00 4 64 <1 0
i ed i =
0 29200
” TV ee eb Aa ea oars iat #493 en rer
a ag olin
e Praaad (ie ee (ee a i oe ee brain Prend
Pye Pia (eee esl ee i eae.
x lor} = an como and oor st co uD
os NOOANS AMMADS Aes NOAnSCS BRMOStOS
7 1 0d mr HD 1D Sw H OS A& 00 19 00 Sewowon SHO

CENTRAL
Inctsorn—

LATERAL
IncisoR—

1st PREMOLAR-

2np PREMOLAR-

Eskimo

Sooojn 1.
SOWrARS
N =e =

Dentition

OF Dad ICON Por~noe moh OHO
Awona4 MWAH OG DOweMoG
= A onl fe i oe Roel = Sea
pepe ;w oor (oo ato
o non Oo NS “O° NAH
Pe sa are
—™ 0S
how Pb ae akan Se aes ee eae a ab
mn COS :
wet rt
moO ONAN
ae je ee! ie ca Fo | bP? baw
~ = _
OOO OD CON HY ce ey OD 00 00 CO 4
DOMOON WII ANH
a Met = aso
monwnon
Bi fy 2 f Lot Rik
a | tiie Sau
=
*
17 een Nn heed ;2, TRS
o mon mW moo om Mon
a sao 7
Nea arena COMM OOON CoOonnre
Se eo ie et ~o

Id & He AsAOON yy ore
PrHNDOS HL SeOO In ODO
= soe =
, oe WHOnNS 00 Bs 6 OD 1 OD
wo HON Oiommor aottoo-n
ae i =

LD HHAACOM SN 00 0010 cS oat

enn no7 Sonne + AGH

= Se oe N ee om Se ane |

IDO ANOn ecocoorea Re renee
mOMNOT mane
so XA sess

©o Non pa, Tee pee

Vo a) + oCco “ap met

4 mas

o otc (oe oon ,O es

VS scares a —— oC OAc
= = = =

ist Motrar—

2np MoLtaR—

38RD MoraRr—

*This tooth just erupting.

c63

64c Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

Coincident with this extreme wear of the teeth the dental pulps have taken
on their original function with conspicuous success. Sufficient new dentine
of fine quality has been formed to obliterate the pulp chambers and in some
cases even the root canals of the teeth. This new growth of tissue is found in
every case where access to the pulp chambers has been threatened. There has
therefore been no destruction of the pulps through infection and consequently
alveolar abscesses are apparently unknown. Perhaps this is just as good a
place as any to mention the fact that in all the teeth examined there is not
the slightest trace of caries. Salivary calculus too, even in the oldest skulls,
with one exception which will be referred to later, is entirely absent, as is also
any trace of pyorrhoea, or resorption of the alveolar margins. These latter,
however are thicker than those of civilized races and the blood supply is abundant.

An edge to edge occlusion has a further result which is conspicuous in a very
large percentage of the skulls examined. This is the shallow broad glenoid
fossa and the flattened eminentia articulatis which are typical of the Eskimo
race. A reference to the plate will show how pronounced these characteristics
are. It has been shown by eminent dental authorities(*) that the movements
of the mandible during mastication are governed by the guiding action of the
canine teeth and the inclined planes on the cusps of the premolars and molars.
The varied actions of the condyles are the result of these movements and not
their cause. As a corollary to this it may be said that the depth, form and
extent of the glenoid fossa will vary according to the antero-posterior curvature
of the occlusal plane and the extent of overbite exhibited by the anterior teeth
with consequent restriction or non-restriction of movement as the case may
be. In connection with this important point it might be well to point out that
the anatomy text-books are undoubtedly wrong when they state that the
mandible is a lever of the third class.(?).

By reference to tables I and II, it will be seen that the average measure-
ments of the Eskimo teeth tend to be greater than those of the more civilized
races. This is particularly true in the molar series which, unlike the civilized
dentition, tends to revert to the generalized mammalian type where the molars
increase in size in the antero-posterior direction. The teeth as a whole are more
symmetrical and stick closer to the ideal typal forms than do those of the white
races. There is in these jaws no sign of extremes in root development; nor, with
the exception of the third molar, where variation is world wide, is there any
indication of the fusion of molar roots spoken of by Wingate Todd(4) as common
in the Eskimo. Prominence of the lingual molar roots, spoken of by Knowles(°)
is nowhere greater than might be expected. In my opinion in individual Eskimo
teeth there is far less variation from the mean than in any of the civilized races,
and in this race we have the finest typal forms of teeth and the best dentitions
in the world. Owing to their food habits (7) I am_ strongly inclined to
think that during the lapse of time not only the jaws but the teeth have been
growing progressively larger.

One or two other facts are worthy of notice. An examination of the max-
illary sinuses shows that in no case is there a projection of the roots of the molars
or premolars into them. It was further noted that these sinuses are extremely
large, with walls so thin as to be translucent. Apart from their function as
resonating chambers, with the ample blood supply and fatty tissue of the cheeks
covering them, it occurred to me that they might act as reservoirs for warm
air which would aid materially the mucous membranes of the nose in the process
of respiration when temperatures are low.

In the mandibles of adult individuals a pronounced reinforcement of the
alveolar process on the lingual sides of the. premolar teeth which gradually
vanishes as the molar series is reached is to be noted. This extraordinary growth
of bone tissue (in specimen F. 31 it attains a thickness of 11 mm. below the 2nd
premolar), is peculiar tothe Eskimo. Hrdlicka states that—“it is undoubtedly

Eskimo Dentition 65c

of functional origin the result of extraordinary pressure along the line of teeth
most concerned in chewing.’(8) This growth may be clearly seen in Plates IV
and V. Hrdlicka advances no facts in support of his statement and consequently
one may consider it as merely a plausible guess. While it may seem like temerity
to take issue with so great an authority, nevertheless for several reasons, chiefly
dynamical, I believe he is wrong. In the first place pressure on the teeth is
met and counteracted, not by the sockets of the teeth, but by the resiliency of
the tangential and other fibres of the peridental membrane.(!) Only indirectly
are the alveoli concerned. In the second place the pressure is greatest at and
near its point of application, viz., on the molar series, and it is here that the
reinforcement is either slight or wanting. In this region, too, in the maxilla,
the roots of the teeth are in close relation to the floor of the antrum and there
is no trace of thickening of that structure to withstand the pressure.

Lastly, in the premolar region where the bone development is greatest, if
it be argued that the growth is due to inward lateral pressure on the teeth, then
since, the pressure ‘is equal and outward on the corresponding teeth of the
maxilla, one would naturally expect a corresponding reinforcement on the
buccal surface of the alveolus above these teeth; but such is not the case.

A critical study of the mandibles—all of adult age—where the alveolar
reinforcement occurs, shows that not only the angles but the horizontal rami
are strongly everted, the lower margin of each jaw forming a very symmetrical
parabolic curve. The alveolar ridge of the horizontal rami consequently lies
markedly to the lingual of the lower margins so that the teeth are suspended
by means of the alveolar process within the jaw, whereas ordinarily they would
be placed directly upon it. In other words, owing to the strained form of the
mandible, from necessity the alveolar process has altered its position. It is no
longer possible to arrange it and the teeth over the jaw proper without increasing
the size of the arch to such an extent as to throw it out of proportion with the
rest of the face (Plate IV, Cat. No. XIV, H 4). :

With the beginning of eversion as a result of enormous development in the
muscles of mastication concerned, the dynamics of the mandible have changed
from normal. After studying the forces involved and their mode of action I
have come to the conclusion that when the jaws are forcibly closed the horizontal
rami are under a tortional stress which tends to evert the lower and invert the
upper margin of the bone. This effect is greatest in the premolar region and
since the alveolar ridge is weakened by the sockets of the teeth a compensatory
growth of bone is provided on the lingual alveolar wall in an effort to counteract
the action of the powerful muscles involved. Plate IV shows very beautifully
the changed relations from the ordinary that exist between the molar teeth,
the enronoid process and the angle of the jaw. The thickness of the bone
in the bicuspid region should be noted—on the right side it is 18-3 mm. while
the lingual space between the rami at the same point is only 18-5 mm.

There are other points of interest in the Eskimo dentition. The lower second
molar frequently carries five cusps and the third molar is occasionally so in-
verted that the upper half of the buccal surface occludes with the upper teeth.
Variation, too, is not entirely absent in the Eskimo. Frequently the third
molars vary appreciably in size on the two sides of the mouth, and in one case
(F-1) the upper lateral incisors are congenitally absent. In this skull, too, the
teeth are plentifully coated with tartar, probably due to disuse owing to an
osteitis of the temporo-mandibular joints (see drawing of the glenoid fosse).

F-19 is the mandible of a child, probably between five and six years of age.
A close examination seems to indicate that the permanent teeth erupt rather

earlier than is the case in the civilized races, where more extended observations
have been possible.

50844—5

66c Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

According to Professor Todd(*) in the maxilla, ‘‘the distance between the
outer borders of the second molar teeth in the English race averages 58 mm.;
‘the length measured from a point between the upper central incisors to midway
between the posterior borders of the third molars is 54 mm.; the area of the hard
palate is about 2,600 sq. mm. The lower dental arcade has a length of 53 mm.,
a breadth between the outer borders of the third molars of 68 mm., and an area of
2,700 sq. mm.’’ In the Eskimo the average breadth across the molars in twenty-
two maxille measured, was 62-8 mm., the greatest measurement being 68-8
mm. The length of palate to the borders of the third molars, in nine specimens,
averaged 44-3 mm.; the greatest being 53 mm., and the least 32 mm. In nine
mandibles measured, the breadth at the third molars averaged 65 mm. and the
length 51 mm. The areas mentioned by Todd may easily be calculated from
the figures given and the area formula of the ellipse.

My thanks are due to Dr. J. Stanley Bagnallfor his assistance in making
measurements and compiling tables I and II, and in the taking of casts of the
glenoid fosse.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

. Brack, G. V. Dental Anatomy. S.S. White Co., Philadelphia, 1902.
. OsBorneE, H. F. Evolution of Mammalian Molar Teeth. Macmillan Co., New York, 1907.

. Witson, G. H. The Anatomy and Physics of the Temporo-Mandibular Joint. Journal of
the National Dental Association, Huntington, Indiana, Vol. VII, No. 5, May, 1920;
Vol. VIII, No. 3, March, 1921.

4. Topp, T. Wincate. The Teeth of Primitive Man. Cleveland Medical Journal, Vol. XIV,
April, 1915.

. Know ues, F. H. S. The Glenoid Fossa in the Skull of the Eskimo. Geological Survey of
Canada, Museum Bulletin No. 9, Anthropological Series No. 4, Ottawa, 1915.

5
6. Nansen, F. Eskimo Life. London, 1893.
7.
8

wd

. Watney, H. Hunting with the Eskimo. New York, 1910.

. Hrpuicxa, A. Contribution to the Anthropology of the Central and Smith Sound Eskimo.
Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. V, Part II.
Washington, 1910. (Quoted by Knowles, vide supra, p. 10

67c

‘PLATE I

Eskimo Osteology

COTS.
O18 BIUBIO 94} }VY} OJON Sad} UBIpUT UeoLIaUT
9804} JO OUO OF POYZOUL SIIJOUMOTUBIO IBOdATe-OFT

uvISOURTAW

0G Sosed ‘4x07 oy} 908 uorjdiqosap [Inj @ 10,7)
V YON pue uvisouvyayy

(oe Ree

x
Mls)

‘aTBOS OUUBS 9} 0} UMBIP you
‘uvodoiny YIM poreduroo st orm ‘s][nys ou4rysiy
QiO-OSBU pastasp ATJUa0eI S.10Y}NE ay} Jo uoryeordde 94} SMOYS J 93RTg

uRIpUy
UBOLIO UL q}.10 N

L

a UW

ia
é

50844—54

PLATE II. Exhibits the massive degree of develop-
ment of the facial portion of the Male
Eskimo Skull. The angles of the mandible
are markedly everted. Note the perfect
dentition and the excessive wear of the
lower incisor teeth.

‘SaLIOS IB[OUL
JOMOT 24} JO SpIeMUMOP BUIOIOJ a4} 9}0N “1994
lay JO WOIsnj00 jo oueyd ay} moys 0} MoatA aplg “TIT ALVId

‘AYPIOMIjOU 91e SaTOsNUL
ye1oduray oy} jo asessed ayy 103 sdevs adie] oy} pur

soyore o1euloshz Juautuoid ayy, ‘sepeore [ejuep Ja
-MOT puv Jaddn oy} Jo auryyno prlojoqeied ayy smoyg ‘AI ALWId

PLATE V. View of Eskimo Skull and Mandible from
below to show the marked thickening on
the inner aspect of the latter along the

molar series. Note the large

external
pterygoid plates.

PLATE VI. A Male Eskimo Skull to show the applica-
tion of Cameron’s naso-orbito-alveolar
craniometric method.

PLATE VII. A Female Eskimo Skull to show the ap-
plication of Cameron’s naso-orbito-alveo-
lar craniometric method.

PLATE VIII. Posterior view of Cranium XIV. F. 24,
showing two large Wormian bones possib.
ly representing portions of the interpar-.
jetal bone.

WIN II2222) 12222

Eskimo Osteology
PLATE IX

European .

Melanesian.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE Ix

Outlines of sagittal sections of casts
[ i of the glenoid fosse in twenty-two
Eskimo crania.
y) The series is arranged in order with
" European and Melanesian outlines added
for comparison.
3 In all cases the left fossa was chosen
and the outlines begin at the Glasserian
5 fissure which is indicated by the vertical
" line through the series.
The curious formation seen in F, is
6 ” due to disease.
8

PL

—n

«2o @

69c

GENERAL INDEX TO VOLUME XII—THE COPPER ESKIMOS

Tue Lire or THE Copper Eskimos, pages 1 to 278.
Tue PuysicaAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE WESTERN AND Coprrr Eskimos, pages 1B to 90s.
THE OsTEOLOGY OF THE WESTERN AND CENTRAL Esxrmos, 1c to 68¢.

A

Address, manner of, to children, 168, 239; to dogs, 239, 240.

Admixture, effect of Indian, 50B, 558, 658; possibility among Copper Eskimos of foreign, 46fs.
Adoption, 91, 165; status of adopted child, 84.

Age-classes, 463.

Aged, treatment of, 236.

Aivilingmiut, knowledge of, 49; trade with Netsilingmiut of, 245.

Akilinnik river, overland route to 48-49, 245, 247; visit of Akilinnik natives to Bernard harbour,

48, 49.

Akulliakattak, location of, 15.

Akulliakattangmiut, 33; intercourse with other groups of, 24, 34, 36, 50, 116; sealing grounds
of, 36, 127; gathering-place of, 110, 122.

Aligattalingmiun, known to Copper Eskimos, 48.

Alveolar Index 43c.

Alveolar process, no resorption, 64c, thickness of, 64c, reinforcement of, and discussion of cause,

64c.

Ammassalik Eskimos, size of family among, 163.

Amundsen, voyage of, 50; on Netsilik Eskimos, 111. '

Anderson, Dr. R. M., journey of, 31; discoveries in Darnley bay of, 29; on Eskimos of Cape
Bexley, 33; on stone cairns, 29, 174; on reindeer moss, 98; on appetite of Eskimos, 100;
on salt in Eskimo diet, 105; extract from diary of, 176.

Anialik river, camp at, 38.

Animals, 15; beliefs concerning, 180-181; propitiation of dangerous, 181; distinction of land
and sea, 182-183; as familiars of shamans, 192.

Anterior palatine foramen, position of, 59c.

Appetite of Eskimos, 100.

Archaeology, 56-58, 245-246, 248; 4c, 5c.

Archery, 138, 145-146.

Arden, Mr. D’Arcy, at Great Bear Lake, 20, 31.

Armstrong point, expedition base at, 41.

Asiak, near Coppermine river, 21; Asiagmiut, 36.

Asiak, east of Kent peninsula, 23, 40; trade centre at, 49. |

Asiagmiut, 40, 248; numbers of, 40; route to Akilinnik river of, 48; visit to Coronation Gulf
of, 116.

B

Back, journey of, 29; on fish weirs, 157; on use of sling, 145; on Eskimo beards, 41s.

Backs river, inhabitants of, 48, 49, 101; winter hunting of, 101; pastime introducd by, 221;
affiliations of, 248; wanderings of Copper Eskimos to, 125.

Bagnall, Dr. J. Stanley, report on dentition, 57c, 59c.

Baillie island Eskimos, 103; belief of, 114. | ;

Banks island, ruins on, 45-47; connection with mainland of, 45-47.

Barter, see Trade.

Barter island, ruins at, 7; 5c.

Bathing, rareness of Eskimo, 137. : ;

Bathurst inlet, tomcod fishing in, 22; murder of Radford and Street in, 31; Eskimos of, 39-40,
93; repopulation of, 39-40; intonation of voice in, 42; wanderings of natives of, 47; route
to Akilinnik river from, 48, 247-248; route to Great Bear lake from, 124; difference of beliefs
in, 189.

Beards of Eskimos, 418. ; : ;

Bears, brown, 15, 105; experiences of Eskimos with, 151-152. :

Bears, polar, 52-53; trade in skins of, 52; importance for food of, 101, 105; use of skins of 130;
fuel from fat of, 139, 141; hunting of, 124, 139, 152; legend regarding, 179; propitation of,
181; taboos concerning, 183.

Bearberry, as food, 97.

Beds, of skins, 61, 71.

Beechey, on Eskimo stature, 50s.

Bell island, ruins on, 23, 57. : ; ;

Bernard, Captain Jos. F., explorations of, 31; later explorations of, 243-245; discoveries on
Victoria island by, 23, 50-51, 57; discovery of graves by, 174-176; on stone huts, 58; archaeo-
logical work of, 245-246; 248.

70¢ Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18
B

Bernard harbour, base of expedition at, 7 et passim; excellence as wintering-place, 16; gathering
of Eskimos at, 8, 36, 37.

Beuchat, Henri, fate of, 7.

Beverages, 106-107.

Bibliography, 250; osteology, 58c; dentition, 66c.

Big Stick island, timber at, 20. :

Birds, kinds of, 15; unimportance to Eskimos of, 15, 105; use of skins of, 105; manner of cooking,
105; methods of catching, 124, 135, 152; return in spring of, 121; beliefs concerning, 180,
181; as familiars of shamans, 192.

Black, Dr. G. V., method of teeth measurements, 59c.

Blood-feud, duty of kinsmen in, 86, 95.

Bloody fall, massacre at, 28; salmon-fishing at, 123. ;

Blubber, storing of, 101, 119, 121, 128; used as fuel, 48, 98, 247; as food, 100; blubber-
pounders, 29.

Boas, on Hudson bay Eskimos, 33; on Ukkusiksaligmiut, 39; on stone huts, 58; measurements
of 47B, et passim; on efféct of European admixture, 61B; on effect of Indian admixture, 65B.

Boats, skin, 46. See Kayaks.

Bolas, 145.

Bones from Franklin District, pp. 6c to 10c.

Bones from Mackenzie District, pp. 10c to 15c.

Bones from Alaska District, pp. 15c to 38c.

Borrowing, 89.

Bows, disappearance of, 248. See Archery.

Breaucu-height index 43c.

Bregma height index, 47c.

8regma-inion chord, 49c.

Bregma-lambda chord, 49c.

Bregmatic Angle, 47c.

Brierley and Parsons, on abnormal size of pterygoid plates, 39c.

Bruce, Inspector W. V., assistance of, 46B.

Burial, method of,.174-176.

Cc

Caches, discoveries of Eskimo, 16, 17, 18, 29, 80, 82; Eskimo respect for, 30, 90; positions of,
121-122; in south-west Victoria island, 128, 133, 175; recovery in autumn of, 110, 125,
141, 142.

Cairns, of stone, 29, 174-175.

Cambridge bay, good fishing-site at, 30; gathering-place of Eskimos at, 246.

Cameron, Dr. John, report on Eskimo osteology, 3c et seq.; new craniometric method, 50c

Campbell, Clarence G., assistance in calculations, 57c.

Camp-sites, old, prevalence of, 81-82; around Great Bear lake, 21; on Victoria island, 26, 174;
on Banks island, 45-46; along the coast west of Coronation gulf, 28.

Cannibalism, 42, 108. j

Cape Bathurst, connection with Banks island of, 45-47.

Cape Bexley, camping-place of Eskimos at, 15, 83; not a trading rendezvous, 34.

Cape Hamilton, rendezvous at, 50.

Cope. Kendell, on Victoria island, wintering place: of Captain Klengenberg, 31; of Captain

ernard, 31.

Cape Kellet, base of expedition at, 41, 45; ruined settlement at, 46-47

Cape Krusenstern, stone house near, 8; old village near, 245-246.

Cape Lyon, ruins at, 56.

Cape Wollaston, cache at, 121.

Caribou, abundance of, 15 et passim; diminution of, 244, 249; routes of migration of, 17; methods
of hunting, 47, 101, chap. x passim, chap. xi; methods of butchering, 102-103; drives for,
124, 136-137, 148-149; use of fat for fuel, 48, 101, 248; boiling down fat of, 139; value of
fat of, 102, 138; skins used as bedding, 61; moss in stomach of, 97; wanderings of Eskimos
in search of, 124-125; neglect in spring of, 123; taboos on meat of, 182; tents of caribou
skin, see Tents.

Caries, absence of among Eskimos, 64c.

Cat’s cradles, 184, 218; spirit of, 203.

Celibacy, Eskimo attitude towards, 158.

Cephalic index, 548 et seq.; 42c, 48c.

Cephalic measurements, 538 et seq.; effect of Indian admixture on, 55s, 65z.

Chantry island, ruins on, 56; gathering-place of Noahognirmiut at, 35, 110; caches on, 121.

Charms, to cure sickness, 172; for children, 169.

Cheeks, prominence of,41B.

Chiefs, absence of, 93.

Childbirth, 164-165.

Index 71c

Cc

Children, treatment of, 165-169; status of, 91; status of adopted, 84,91; number in family of,

163-164; increase in number of, 249; exposure of, 166-167; naming of, 167, 239; temper-
_ aments of, 234; intelligence of, 231; pastimes of, 170, 218-220.
Chipman, Mr. K.G., description of Coppermine country by, 18-21; journey to Great Bear
_lake of, 31, 125; meets Tree river Eskimos, 47.

Clairvoyance, belief in, 229; claimed by shamans, 200.

Cleanliness, lack of, 106, 2388.

Climate, 13-14.

Clothing, 30, 109, 142, 175, 237; spring drying of, 119, 127; inside snow hut, 62; at dances,
224; on migrations, 117; children’s, 169. ,

Cloudberry, neglect of, 97.

Coast, character of, 14.

Collinson, explorations of, 30; on natives of Cambridge bay, 40; meets Prince Albert sound
Eskimos, 30, 41; on Eskimo archery, 145; on peacefulness of Eskimos, 235,

Collinson, on Eskimo features, 448.

Colville hills, 24-25; wanderings of Puivlirmiut in, 129-142.

Condition of the dentitions, 59c

Cooking, methods of, 98, 105-106; slowness of methods of, 98; as woman’s work, 88; taboos
in regard to, 98, 182-183. i

Copper, Eskimo sources of, 19, 21, 41, 52; as trade commodity, 44; preferred to iron for ice-
chisel, 153; disappearance of implements of, 249; appropriateness to Eskimos around
Coronation gulf of title, 42. :

Coppermine river, timber on, 14, 20; gathering of Eskimos at mouth of, 19; routes up, 19-21.

Coronation gulf, description of coasts of, 17-27; confusion of groups in, 32, 37; visits to Dolphin
and Union strait of natives of, 8, 36, et passim.

Cosmology, 179-180, 189, 196.

Cousins, marriage of, 84.

Cox, Mr. J. R., portage by, 15; description of country by, 17-18, 21-22.

Crania, comparison of Eskimo with other races, 39c to 51c.

Crania, general description of the, 39c.

Cranial breadth, the maximum, 42c.

Cranial capacity, 42c.

Cranial chords, 48c.

Cranial height index, 43c.

Cranial length, 42c.

Creighton, Howard A., assistance in calculations, 57c.

Crime, punishment of, 94-96.

Crowberry, as food, 97.

D

Dance-house, construction of, 69, 71, 112, 131; location of, 77.

Dancing, 131-132, 222-227; taboo concerning, 184; dancing-associates, 86-87, 225,

Deadfalls, for foxes, 151. : ;

Dease and Simpson, journeys of, 29; discovery of skeletons by, 39; on Eskimo oblations, 178.

Death, unconsciousness regarded as, 173; belief in existence after, 177; caused by malignant
spirits, 178. 3 ;

Deerskins, see Caribou.

Deniker, on Eskimo stature, 56c.

Dental arches, form of, 59c, measurements of, 66c, symmetry of, 59c.

Dentition of the Western and Central Eskimos, 59c.

Depilation, 413.

Development, period of full, 49s. :

Diseases, 39, 42, 68, 15c; epidemics of, 37, 39; introduced by Europeans, 43, 245, 249. See
Sickness. a‘

Dismal] lake, visits of Eskimos to, 19, 30. ;

Districts, Eskimo names for, 15-26; love of Eskimos for home, 32, 33.

Divination by lifting, 196, 211-217.

Divisions of country, see Districts.

Division of labour, 87-88.

Divorce, 160-161; disposal of property at, 89, 160.

Dixon, A. F., on cranial grooves, 40c.

Dogs, number of, 89; ownership of, 89; treatment of, 115, 117, 133, 239-240; food of, 105, 133,
240; names of, 167, 239; massage of, 165; death foreboded by barking of, 132,212.

Dolphin and Union strait, base of expedition in, 31; visits of western Eskimos to, 44; connection
with Prince Albert sound of, 50-52; movements of natives of, 120; cooking taboo in, 98

Dreams, significance of shamans’, 200. _ - » och kh ;

Driftwood, scarcity of, 14, 56; absence in Netsilik of, 50; utilization of, 138, 189; taboo on use
of, 98.

Drums, 222-223; ownership of, 92.

72¢ Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

D

Drying-racks for clothing, 62.

Ducks, 105, 133.

Duckworth and Pain, measurements of, 478, et passim.

Duckworth, L. W. H., on Eskimo skulls, 51c; scapula, 56c; intermembral index, humero-femoral
index, 57c.

Duke of York archipelago, settlement at, 32, 37, 65; old houses at 246.

Dwarfs, legends concerning, 58, 180.

Dwellings, chaps. v. vi; lack of wood for, 56; of wood and sod, 23, 44, 50-51, 56, 245, 248; of
stone, 17, 57; of snow, see Snow-huts; of skin, see Tents; with frames of whale bones, 46;

early spring, 120.
E

Eclipses, belief concerning, 179.

Eggs, dislike of, 105.

Ekaluktok, location of, 23; Ekaluktok river, 53, 245, 246.

Ekaluktomiut, location of, 40-41, 246; numbers of, 40; speech of, 42; intercourse with Kangh-
rere of, 53, 246-247; mmtercourse with other groups of, 116; journey to Akilinnik of,
48, 247.

Eleneremiut, location cf, 245, 248.

Ellice river, route to Akilinnik along, 48, 247.

Environment, influence of, 143-144, 228-229.

Eriophorum seeds, used for lamp-wicks, 108; gathering of, 140, 141.

Eskimos, psychology and morality of Copper, chap. xviii; intellectual inertia of, 229; mechanical
skill of, 231; sense of humour of, 234; peacefulness of, 235; honesty of, 235-236; endurance
of, 135, 235; patience, of 147, 235; fatalism of, 171, 190; uncleanliness of, 106, 238; sexual
morality of, 239-240; attitude towards white men of, 241-242; dislike of restraint of, 93-94;
economic independence of, 89; skill in stalking game of, 146; limits westward of, 29; contact
with western Eskimos of, 28-29, 44-47, 50-51; general description of Copper, 388, et seg.;
measurements of, 5pf, 35Bf, 46B, et seg.; period of development of Copper, 498; physical
characteristics of Copper, Part B; possible admixture of Copper, 46nf, 568, 65B; resemblance
of Copper to eastern, 658; types of Copper, 45n.

European influence, effect of, on cephalic index, 558; on facial measurements, 468, 61Bf; on
stature, 508, 65n.

Evolution of the Eskimo type of skull, 51c.

Explorations, chap. li, 243-245. ©

Extinction of Haneragmiut, 34.

Eyebrows, colour of, 40s.

Eyes, colour and shape of, 42nf., 46B.

F

Face, measurements of, 46B, 578, et seq.

Facial appearance of Copper Eskimos, 45n, 468.

Family, structure of, 83-86; property owned by, 90-91; average size of, 163-164; sleeping places
of members of, 72-73, 85.

Famines, 41-42, 107-108, 244.

Fat, of birds, 105, 183; of bears, caribou, see Bears, Caribou.

Feet, warping of, 45s. ‘

Femur, 56c.

Fetishes, 197.

Finger-prints of Eskimos, 46n.

Fire, methods of making, 108-109.

Fish, abundance of, 15 et passim; kinds of, 15, 103; importance for food supply of, 15, 98;
spearing of, 18, 103, 135, 140, 156-157, 201-202; method of drying, 103, 104-105; cooking

_. of, 104-105; taboos concerning, 183.
Fishing, interchange of hunting and, 101; methods of, 103, 123, 152-157, et passim; gear for,
__ 108, 152-153; division of labour in, 88; taboos in regard to, 157, 183-184.

Fish-net, ignorance of, 101, 152; introduction of, 101, 242.

Flipper-associates, 87.

Flower, Sir Wm., on skulls, 43c.

Fogs, in spring, 14, 133; method of dispelling, 187-188.

Food, chap. viii; vegetable foods, 97; principal articles of, 105; eating of uncooked, 98; of dogs,
see Dogs; ownership of, 90; gifts of, 55, 90, 112, 115; taboos on, 192; disbandment through
scarcity of, 133.

Food, as cause of haemorrhage of the nose, 448.

Foot-gear, 119, 121, 139, 184.

Foot-pads, of sealers, 113.

Forehead, shape of, 418.

Port Providence, route to, 28.

Foster, Inspector E; on Eskimo finger-prints, 46B.

Index 73¢

F

Foxes, abundance of, 15; trapping of, 58, 105, 128, 151, 240-241; deadfalls for, 151.

Franklin, Sir John, voyages of, 28.

Friendship, methods of establishing, 87.

Friesell, Prof. H. E., on Eskimo mandible, 55c.

Fronto-parietal index, 46c.

Fuel, 79, 98-99, 101, 130, 133, 186, 247; scarcity of, 181; gathering of, 88, 131, 188, 141; taboos
on driftwood for, 98, 183.

Furniture, 61-62, 115-116. :

G

Gait of Eskimos, 38n.

Gambling, 221.

Game animals, 15; disputes concerning ownership of, 90.

Games, chap. xvii; children’s, 115, 138, 218-220.

Gathering-places of Eskimo groups, 15, 16, 19, 25, 38, 35, 37-39, 110, 246.

Geology, general character of, 14, 17-18, 21, 22, 25, 26.

Giants, belief in, 180.

Girling, Rev. H., 8,9; on Dolphin and Union strait Eskimos, 36; on Kiglinirmiut, 39; on creation
of new Eskimo groups, 39; on Ekaluktomiut, 40; on Kanghiryuarmiut, 41; on Copper-
mine river route, 19; on marriage of cousins, 84; on marriage by capture, 160; on respect,
for mothers, 170; on hunter’s scars, 114; establishment of mission by, 242.

Glabella-bregma, chord, 48c.

Glabella-lambda chord, 48c.

Glenoid fossa, form of, 64c, reason for the form of, 64c; outlines, Plate ix.

Gonio-zygomatic index, 46c.

Grant, Dr. Gerald, assistance in calculations, 57c. ;

Graves, 175-176; stone cairns used as, 29, 50, 174; avoidance of, 174, 177.

Great Bear Lake, visits of Eskimos to, 19, 20, 47, 124.

Greenland, migration of Eskimos to and from, 47B.

Groups, homogeneity of Copper Eskimo, 383.

Groups, instability of, 32, 36; classification of, 33-42; creation of new, 39; homogeneity of, 42;
inferogurse of, 24, 25, chap. iv; assembling of, 125; rearrangements of, 116; disbandment
of, 122.

Gulls, eating of, 105; trapping of, 183; towels from skins of, 105, 106.

Gymnastics, 222.

a

Hair, character of Eskimo, 398, et seg.; method of wearing, 40s.

Hands of Eskimos, 45B.

Hanbury, explorations of, 30-31; on Eskimo groups, 39; on the country of Asiak, 23, 40; on
the route to Akilinnik river, 48; on snow-huts in spring, 77.

Hanerak, 23, 34.

Haneragmiut, extinction of, 34, 140; intercourse with other groups of, 24, 36, 50.

Hansen, Lieutenant, encounter with Eskimos of, 40, 246.

Hansen, Séren, measurements of, 473, et passim; on period of development of Eskimos, 493;
on Eskimo statute, 55B, 65B; on gonio-zygomatic index of Eskimos, 638.

Hawkes, on Eskimo cephalic indices, 57B; on breadth of face, 61.

Health of Eskimos, 42-43, 245, 249. .

Hearne, Samuel, journey of, 28; on salmon fishing, 123.

Heather, for fuel, 14 et passim; for curing snow-blindness, 171.

Hepburn island as gathering-place of Pingangnaktomiut, 38, 39, 110; old houses near, 246.

Holm, on Eskimo hair, 398; on skin colour, 39s

Holm, on size of Eskimo family, 163.

Honesty of Copper Eskimos, 30, 235-236.

Horizontal cranial circumference, 49c.

Hornby, J., at Great Bear lake, 31.

Houses, see Dwellings. : ' '

Hudson bay, journeys to Coronation gulf from,30, 31; contact with Copper Eskimos of natives
of, 48, 49; peace sign in, 55; stone houses in, 58; snow houses in, 77.

Hudson Bay Company, establishment of posts of, 31, 242, 248.

Humero-femoral index, 57c.

Humerus, 56c. : : . .

Hunting, chap. xi; part of sexes in, 88; weapons used in, 145; distances travelled while, 124;
taboos on, 185. : ;

Hrdlicka, A., on cephalic index, 42c; on Eskimo mandibles, 55c, 64c, 65c.

74c Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

I

Ice, thickness in lakes of, 153; water from sea, 107; fishing through holes in, 153-154.

Igloryuallik as gathering-place of Eskimos, 39, 110.

Implements, for sealing, 113; for hunting, 145; for fishing, 153; broken on grave, 174, 176;
introduction of new, 242.

Incantations, 187; to weather, 187; to Kannakapfaluk, 188.

Independence of Eskimos economically, 89.

Indians, effect of admixture with, 50B, 55n, 658, ; possible admixture with Copper Eskimos of
47p, 51n, 56B.

Indians, skulls compared with Eskimo, 41c, 42c, 43c, 45c, 47c,.

Indians, trade of Eskimos with, 19-20, 37, 47; conflicts of Eskimos and, 28, 47; hunting method
of, 146; dancing of, 208; Eskimos afraid of, 124.

Indicators for seals, 113.

Infanticide, 91; frequency of, 166; decrease of, 249.

Infirm, care of, 86, 95, 236.

Inhabitants, earlier, 56, 58, 248.

Inheritance, 92.

Inland Eskimos, see Backs river Eskimos.

Inman river, ruins near, 56.

Innominate bone, 56c.

Intercourse of Copper Eskimos, with western Eskimos, 28-29, 44-47; with inland Eskimos,
48-49; with eastern Eskimos, 49-50; with each other, 24-25, 32, 34, 36, 40, chap. iv, 116,
120.

Intermembral index, 57c.

Intonation of voice, variation in, 42.

J

Jameson islands, natives at, 8, 13, 38; old houses on, 246.
cia ee Mr. F., description of country by, 26; meets Eskimos in Wilbank bay, 38; excavations
y, 4c.

K

Kanghiryuarmiut, numbers of, 41; unimportance economically of, 52; intercourse with other
Eskimos of, 34, 50-53, 246-247; meeting with Puivlirmiut of, 24, 51-52, 130, 132, 224-226;
routes of travel of, 48, 50-53, 246-247; cannibalism among, 108.

Kangianermiut, 36.

Kayaks, for hunting, 47, 124, 149; for fishing, 155; for crossing lakes and rivers, 47,49; cached
on pillars, 186; women unable to use, 88.

Kiglinik, location of, 39.

Kiglinirmiut, uncertainty concerning, 41, 246.

Kilusiktok, location of, 22, 39.

Kilusiktomiut, 28, 39; gathering-place of, 39, 110; intercourse with Pingangnaktomiut and
other groups of, 116; hunting journeys of, 125; frost-bites among, 13, 108.

Kimiryuak, river 14; gathering-place of Eskimos at, 34, 35, 110.

Kinship, see Relationship.

Kivalirmiut, 40.

aes ani Captain C., visit of, 31, 50, 249; trading post of, 47; meets Victoria island Eskimos,

Klengenberg, Patsy, interpreter, 8, 211; account of séance by, 202.
Knives, trade in, 44, 48, 52; custom of carrying, 55.

Knowles, Sir F. H.8., on glenoid fossa of Eskimo, 40c.

Kogluktomiut, 36.

Kugaluk river, pyrites in, 23, 139, 108; fishing in gorge of, 139.
Kugaryuak river, gathering-place of Coppermine river Eskimos near, 110.

L

Labour, division of, 53-54.

Lake Akulliakattak, as gathering-place, 33, 110, 122.

Lake Numikhoin, as rendezvous of Puivlirmiut and Kanghiryuarmiut, 130.

Lake Tahiryuak, rendezvous at, 24, 34, 51.

Lambda-inion chord, 49c.

Lamps, manufacture of stone, 53-54, 184; trade in, 44, 53, 54; arrangement in snow hut of,
61-62; arrangement in spring tent of, 130; catching in summer of, 123; difficulty during
summer in using, 133; wicks for, 140; fuel for, 108; improvised, 141.

Land, ownership of, 91, 92.

Landmarks, 129, 148, 153.

Languages, difference in, 42, 244; use in séances of specia ],211.

Index 75¢

L

Law, enforcement of, 94-96; establishment of civilized, 96, 242.

Leden, Mr. C., on Kiglinirmiut, 41.

Lightning, supposed cause of, 180.

Lips, shape of, 448.

Liston and Sutton islands, 26; winter settlements at, 8, 15, ef passim; meeting-place of Noahog-
nirmiut and Puivlirmiut at, 35.

Literature on dentition, 66c.

Literature on Osteology, 58c.

Locker point, settlements near, 38, 116.

Loons, method of catching, 134.

M

Mackenzie river, Victoria island, 27; old village at, 246.

Macmillan, D. M., on Eskimo marriage, 158.

Magic, 169, 171-173, 196-202; sympathetic, 165; in revenge, 95.

Mallorektomiut, known to Copper Eskimos, 50.

Mandible measurement table, 53c.

Mandibles, 54c.

Marriage, chap. xii; by capture, 159-160; payment at, 91, 159.

Marrow, eating of caribou, 103.

Masu root, as food, 97.

Mauss, M., description of snow huts by, 77; on seasonal changes of Eskimos, 143; on size of
family, 163.

Maxillary sinus, relations of teeth to, 64c.

Maxillo-facial index, 45c.

McClintock, on Eskimo shelters, 59; on eating heart of polar bear, 101.

McClure, explorations of, 30, 41.

Meals, 99-101, 112, 115.

Measurements, methods of, 59c. tables of, 60c. 61c, 62c, 63c.

Measurements of Eskimos, 68, 35s, et seq., 46B, et seq.

Meat, drying of, 103, 131; eating of raw, 98, 138; cooking of, 100, 105-106. See Food.

Melville, C. D., at Great Bear lake, 31.

Meteors, belief concerning, 179.

Migrations of Eskimos, seasonal, 37, 77, 111, 115, 120, chap. x, 246-248; description of winter,
116-118. See Intercourse.

Missionaries, establishment of Anglican, 8, 31, 242; murder of Roman Catholic, 31, 177; arrest
of murderers of Roman Catholic, 96, 242; visit of Eskimos to, 124; visit to mouth of Copper-
mine river of, 241; visit to Ekaluktomiut of, 246.

Mogg, Captain Wm., 31, 240.

Moon, conception of, 179.

Moore islands, caches on, 121.

Morality of Eskimos, 235-240.

Mortality, rate of, 42.

Mount Barrow, stone cairns around, 29.

Mourning for dead, 33, 174, 177.

Moustache, colour of, 41z.

Murder, cases of, 94-95; frequency of, 96; of missionaries, 31; of Radford and Street, 31; arrest
of murderers, 96, 242. :

Murdoch, on Eskimo noses, 448.

Musical instruments, 222.

Muskrats at Great Bear lake, 185.

Musk-oxen, 15, 22; value for food supply of, 48, 105; drives for, 150; use of skins of, 61, 81,
105; trading in skins of, 48, 52, 53; use of horn of, 29, 52, 100.

Mythical beings, 50, 179-180, 186-190; dwarfs, 180; giants, 180; tornrin, 58, 180; Kannakap-
faluk 188-189, 206-207; Sila, 189; Nigsillik, 189; Poalleritillik, 189-190.

N

Nagyuktok, uncertain location of, 36-37; woman at Cape Bathurst from, 45.

Nagyuktomiut, 36; encountered by Franklin, 28; importance in earlier times of, 28, 37; legend:
concerning, 37, 159.

Names, 167-168; dogs, 167, 239; for divisions of country, 15-26; no taboo on names of dead,
168.

Nasal index, 44c.

Nasion-prosthion height index, 44c.

Naso-orbito-alveolar index, 50c.

Nennitak, 39.

Nennitagmiut, 39.

76c Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18

N

Netsilingmiut, knowledge of, 40; location of, 244-245; intercourse of Copper Eskimos with,
49-50; difference in language of, 244; taboo observed by, 184; manner of greeting strangers
of, 50, 55; cannibalism among, 108; sealing among, 111; shamanism among, 199.

Neumann, Dr. D., on interchange of wives, 86.

Nicholls, Prof. A. G., on syphiletic lesion, 15c.

Noahognik, location of, 16. ;

Noahognirmiut, numbers of, 34; encounter with, 55; gathering-places of, 34-35, 110; sealing-
grounds of, 35, 36. .

Nose, haemorrhage of, 448; measurements of, 648 et seg.; shape of, 43.

Occlusion, type of, 59c.

Odour of Eskimos, 393.

Offerings at meals, 178.

Okauyak, used for fuel, 98-99, 130, 131.

Okauvarvik, harbour at, 25; as gathering-place of Puivlik Eskimos, 25, 35, 111.

Orbital index, 44c.

Organization, social, chap. vii; seasonal changes in, 143.

P

Packing, in summer, 88, 133, 137.

Palaiyak, as interpreter, 7, 8, 211; encounter with shaman of, 195; opinion on a shamanistic
séance of, 203.

Palato-maxillary index, 48c.

Pallik, location of, 18.

Pallirmiut, 36, 124.

Pallirmiut of Hudson bay,:49, 86.

Parry, on diseases of Eskimos, 43; on fire-making, 108; on Eskimo archery, 145; on thirst of
Eskimos, 107; on size of Eskimo family, 163.

Parry archipelago, stone houses in, 57, 58.

Parry, measurements of, 478; on Eskimo method of wearing hair, 408; on eyes of Eskimos, 428.

Passage of snow-hut, shape of, 64, 69, 70, 71; construction of, 61.

Peace signs, 55.

Peck, Rev. E. J., on graves, 176.

Phillips, Mr. W. G., discovery of ancient houses by, 56.

Physical appearance, no marked differences among Copper Eskimos in, 42; difference of eastern
Eskimos in, 244. :

Pingangnaktok, location of, 21, 38.

Pingangnaktomiut, 38; gathering-place of, 110; intercourse with Kilusiktomiut of, 116.

Point Clifton, ruins near, 8.

Police, Royal Northwest Mounted, visit to Asiak of, 23; arrest of murderers by, 96, 242; dis-
covery of slaughtered caribou by, 149; visit to Coronation gulf of, 242; establishment
of post of, 242; suppression of infanticide by, 249.

Polyandry, rareness of, 162.

Polygamy, 158; rareness of, 161.

Population, distribution of, chap. iii; dependance on food-supply of, 32; probable decreaze in,
37, 41; origin of present Bathurst inlet, 39-40; total Copper Eskimo, 42.

Portages, overland, 15, 16, 21, 22, 25, 27.

Pots, manufacture of, 53-54, 184; trade in, 44, 52, 53, 54; suspension in snow-hut of, 62; in
summer, 98, 130.

Pottery, among western Eskimos, 44.

Prayer, 190.

Presents, Eskimo attitude towards, 30, 89-90; food, 55, 90, 112, 115.

Probe, for sounding snow, 113, 118.

Property, 88-92, 160; kinds of, 88-92; amount of, 89; inheritance of, 92; laid on grave, 174-176,

Psychology of Eskimos, chap. xviii.

Ptarmigan, hunting of, 105, 129, 186; towels from skins of, 63, 105, 106.

Puivlik, location of, 24.

Puivlirmiut, first encounter with, 55, 93; settlements of, 76; summer wanderings of, 101-102,
123, 125-142; gathering-places of, 34, 110; intercourse with Kanghiryuarmiut of, 24, 50-52,
131-132, 224-226; intercourse with other groups of, 116 et passim.

Punishment for crime, 94-96; of children, 169.

Pyorrhoea, absence of, among Eskimos, 64c.

Pyrites, sources of, 23, 108, 139; used in making fire, 108.

Q

Queen Maud’s sea, islands in, 244.

‘Index 77¢

R

Radford, H. V., murder of, 31; avoidance of death-place of, 174.

Radio-humeral index, 57c. :

Rae, explorations of, 29-30; on honesty of Eskimos, 30, 235-236.

Rae river, description of, 18; immigrations to, 44; Eskimos of, 29, 36.

Rainbow, belief concerning, 179, 180.

Rasmussen, on Eskimo noses, 443.

Ray, measurements of, 478, 50s.

Reincarnation, no belief in, 168, 177.

Reindeer moss, as food, 97-98.

Relationship, terms of, 83-84; strength of ties of, 85, 86; special types of, 86-87.

Religion, chaps, xiv, xv, xvi; stunting of intellectual growth by, 224.

Remains, between Cape Parry and Coronation gulf, 28-29. See Ruins.

Richardson, explorations of, 28-29; discoveries of, 44; on Eskimo hunting, 148.

Ritchie, Dr. Stephen G., report on dentition, 57c, 59c, et seq.

Rifles, effect of introduction of, 89, 96, 101, 104, 119, 144; eagerness of Eskimos to acquire, 241;
trading in, 48; superseding of bows by, 248.

Roscoe river, ruins near, 56.

Routes of trade, along coast to west, 44; via Banks island, 45-47; to Great Bear lake, 19-21,
Fie a river, 48-49, 53, 246-247; along coast to east, 50; from Prince Albert sound,

Ruins, at Barter island, 7; on Banks island, 45-47; between Cape Lyon and Cape Krusenstern,
56, 245; in Coronation gulf, 246; on Victoria island, 50-51, 246.

s

Salivary calculus, rarity, 64c.

celiet ilgrstion of, 15, 16 e¢ passim; spearing of, 123, 201-202; weirs for, 92, 103, 155-156

Scapula, 56c.

Schwatka, on contact with Coronation gulf, 41.

Sculpins, spearing of, 103, 141.

Seals, abundance of, 15 et passim; varieties of, 17; shooting of bearded, 112, 119-120, 141;
propitiation of, 114, 178, 181; taboos regarding, 182-183; eating of meat of, 100 et passim
eating of skin of, 100, 107; mythical, 180. ;

Sealing, with harpoon, 112-114; commencement of season for, 111; sealing-grounds, 17, 26;
part of sexes in, 88.

Séances, 188, 189, 191, 193-217, chap. x passim.

Seasons, 13-14.

Secondary dentine, formation of, 64c.

Settlements, nature of winter, 76; relationship of inhabitants in, 86; ancient, 46, 56, 245, 248.

Sewing, as woman’s work, 88; in autumn, 142; taboos on, 110, 115, 183-184, 188-189, 196.

Sexes, proportion of, 42; division of labour between, 87-88, 158; differences in clothing of, 109.

Shades, 178, 186-187; conception of, 178; causing bad weather, 180, 214; causing illness, 171-
172, 204, 213-215; vengeance of, 177, 185; propitiation of, 178, 181; controlled by shamans,
191, 207; fate after death of, 177; animals, 181.

Shamans, 191-217; séances of, see Séances; acquisition of power by, 92, 191-192; status of,
93-94, 194-196; property rights of, 92; employed in sickness, 92, 171-173, 178, 213, 214-215;
taboos feoponed , 185; contest with spirits of, 187, 192-193; spirits controlled by, 191;
wind controlled by, 180; transformations of, 191, 1938-194; miracles of, 197-202; oracles of,
209-211; genuineness of, 194, 196, 216-217.

Shelters, 58, 131, 134; for hunting, 27, 45, 128, 141. See Wind-breaks.

Sickness, treatment of, 171-173, 198.

Signals in hunting, 136, 147-148. :

Simpson, 44. See Dease and Simpson.

Simpson, on Eskimo hair, 398.

Skin, colour of, 39s.

Skins, drying of, 119, 139.

Skulls, Eskimo, in Royal College of Surgeons Museum, 39c, 42c, 48c, 49c.

Sleds, travelling with, 116-119; loading of, 116-117; caching of, 123, 130; hunting on, 147;
ice on runners of, 52, 116, 118-119, 127, 129; whale bone runners of, 131; mud shoeing of,
116, 130, 141, 142; improvised, 130, 140.

Sleeping platform, construction of, 61; arrangement of family on, 72-73, 85.

Slings, 145.

Snares, for birds, 135, 152; for squirrels, 124, 152.

Snow-blindness, treatment of, 171. '

Snow-goggles, 443.

Snow-huts, construction of, 59-64; inside arrangement of, 61-63; shapes of, 65-77; stability of,
63-64; temperature inside, 63, 70, 77; comfort of, 63; roofing of skin in, 77, 127; prevention
of dripping in, 63; combinations of tents and, 78; abandoned, 119.

78c Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-18
5

Soapstone, for pots and lamps, 39.

Songs, 223-224; transmission of, 132.

Sorcery, see Magic. 3

Sorrel, 97.

Soul, illness caused by loss of, 172, 174, 204; fate after death of, 177. "

Spirits, causing sickness, 68, 171-172, 178; causing lightning, 180; controlling weather, 108;
avenging violated taboos, 185; nature of, 186; controlling seals, 188-189; controlled by
shamans, 191-192, 197; flight of shamans’, 198; of cat’s cradles, 203; as familiars of dogs,
212,

Squirrels, 15, 105; value of fur of, 102; snares for, 124, 152.

Stars, conception of, 179.

Stature of Eskimos, 498 ef seg., 653.

Steensby, measurements of, 47B et passim.

Stefansson, Mr. V., journeys of, 31; value of works of, 9; classification of groups by, 33-41;
estimate of population by, 42; on trade routes, 45, 53, 246-247; on earlier inhabitants, 44;
on manufacture of pots and lamps, 58; on manner of greeting strangers, 55; bringing together
of Indians and Eskimos by, 47; discovery of stone house by, 57; on double houses, 74;
on eating fat, 102, 103; on beliefs concerning seals, 114; on vegetable foods, 97; on archery,
145; on Eskimo hardships, 108; on seclusion at childbirth, 164; discovery of stone cairns
by, 174-175; on taboos, 183-185; on Eskimo religion, 191; on honesty of Eskimos, 236;
on Eskimo hair, 418; on European admixture among Copper Eskimos, 46Bf; on facial
measurements of Copper Eskimos, 468, 61nf; skull collected by, 4c.

Stephano-zygomatic index, 45c.

Stone, manufacture of lamps of, 53-54; trading in lamps of, 44, 50; houses of, 17, 57, 58; taboo
on dislodging, 184; offering to, 190; magical, 211.

Stone, measurements of, 478, et passim.

Strangers, methods of greeting, 49, 50, 51-52, 55; rights of, 91; dances in honour of, 30, 49,
86-87, 92, 131-132.

Street, T. G., murder of, 31.

Suicide, rareness of, 233.

Sun, beliefs concerning, 179.

Surgery, knowledge of, 171.

Swimming, ignorance of, 136.

T

Tables, 61.

Taboos, on cooking, 98, 182-183; on sewing, 110, 115, 183-184, 188-189, 196; at childbirth,
165; on use of seal-oil, 98; on driftwood, 98; miscellaneous, 184-185; imposed by shamans,
173, 192, 205, 207; penalties for breaking, 171, 182, 185.

Teeth, 45z.

Teeth, degree of wear, 59c, size of, 64c, reversion, 64c, roots, 64c, variation, 64c and 65c,
inversion of molars, 65c, eruption of, 65c, tartar on, 63c.

Teeth measurement tables, 60c to 63c.

Tents, in spring, 76, 78; in summer, 59, 80-81; combinations of snow-huts and, 78; method of
erecting, 78-79; material of, 79; fuel used in, 79; types of spring, 78-81; method of packing,
119; of western Eskimos, 80.

Tent-rings, 26, 29, 45, 46, 57, 58, 81, 82.

Theft, 93, 177; punishment of, 94.

Tibia, 56c.

Tibio-femoral index, 57c.

Tocher, measurements of, 47.

Todd, T. W., on fusion of molar roots, 64c; dental measurements, 66c.

Tom-cod, 15, 17, 22; method of catching, 103, 157.

Topography of country, chap. 1.

Tornrin, 58, 180.

Trade, chap. iv; with western Eskimos, 44; with Indians, 19, 47; with Hudson bay, 48; with
Netsilingmiut, 50; with white men at Great Bear lake, 19; within each group, 53; routes
of, see Routes.

Trapping, 58, 105, 128, 151, 240-241.

Travelling, by sled, 116-119. See Migrations.

Tree river. timber on, 14, 21; route between Coppermine and, 19, 21; settlements at, 38; manu-
facture of lamps and pots at, 53, 54; establishment of police post at, 242.

Trees, northern limits of, 14, 20.

Tribes, see Groups.

Trout, abundance of, 15 et passim; method of catching, 152, 155.

Turner, on cephalic indices, 51c.

Types of Copper Eskimos, 45x.

Index 79c

U

Ugyulingmiut, 41, 42, 248.

Ukkusiksaligmiut, location of, 39, 245; ignorance of sealing of, 245, 248; known to, Copper
Eskimos, 50.

Umingmaktok, 23, 39.

Umingmaktomiut, 39.

Universe, conception of, 179-180.

Vv

Vegetation, character of, 14.

Victoria island, rivers of, 14; districts on, 23; visits of western Eskimos to, 50-51.

Villages, see Settlements.

Villages, ancient, 46, 56, 245, 248.

Vision of Eskimos, 438.

Walliak, location of, 18, 36.

Walliarmiut, 15, 36.

Water, methods of obtaining, 107.

Weapons, see Implements.

Weather, beliefs concerning, 179, 180; incantation for, 187.

Weights of Copper Eskimos, 38.

Weirs, for trapping salmon, 92, 155-156, 201-202.

Whales, 46; use of bone of, 131.

Whetstones, 21.

White men, beliefs concerning, 50, 180; influence of, 240-242, 248-249; as familiars of shamans,
191; trade with, sce Trade. :

Widows, fate of, 163.

Wilkins, Mr. G. H., discoveries of, 45-47; on population of Prince Albert sound, 41; on spearing
of salmon, 156; on Eskimo marriage, 159; on a grave, 175-176; on shamanism, 201-202;
on Eskimo skin colour, 398.

Will, belief in projection of, 229.

Willow, size of, 14, 21; for bedding, 61, 71; for fuel, 79 et passim; tinder from seeds of, 108.

Winds, prevailing, 13-14; beliefs concerning, 180.

Wind-breaks, 58-59, 79, 106, 128, 131; for sheltering corpse, 174.

Windows, of ice, 62-63, 116, 142; ignorance of gut, 63.

Wise point, trading-place at, 44, 51.

Witchcraft, 196-197. See Magic.

Wives, status of, 162; imterchange of, 74, 85-86, 238-239.

Wolverines, 15, 105; precautions against, 121.

Wolves, 15, 105; capture in pits of, 151; propitiation of, 181.

Woman, position of, 162; work of, 87-88; ownership of property by, 88-89; as sign of peace, 55.

Bae scarcity of, 14; Eskimo journeys for, 19, 48, 53; sources of, 20, 48, 56; trade in objects
of, 50.

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Department of Mines

HON. CHARLES STEWART, MINISTER, CHARLES CamSELL, DEPUTY MINISTER.

GEOLOGICAL SURVEY
W.H.COLLINS, DIRECTOR.

Issued 1923

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| Scale, 1.013.760 or 1 Inch tol6 Miles |
Miles
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To accompany Reports by J.J.O’ Neill and K.G.Chipman.
Volume XI,Canadian Arctic Expedition ,1913-1918.

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The Copperrrine River series between Bloody
Fall and Musk Ox Rapid is subdivided on
Sandbergs Geological map of Lower Coppermine
River’ to show two bands of gray slate (Aand B)
and two of red. shale (C and D), which are not

given distinguishing colours on this map.

7

HWS

4

CANADIAN ARCTIC EXPEDITION, 1913 - 1918
(Southern Party )

RCTIC COAST oF CANADA

between

DARNIEY BAY AND BATHURST INLET

DISTRICT OF MACKENZIE
NORTHWEST TERRITORIES

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Scale, 633,600 or 1 Inch to 10 Miles
Miles z
10 o 10 20 30 40
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Kilometres
10 oO 10 20 30 40 50 60 70
SSS = SSS ———— ————

» River series between Bloody
¢ Ox Rapid is subdivided on
gical map of Lower Coppermine
0 bands of gray slate (Aand B)
shale (Cand D), which are not
ishing colours on this map.

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SOURCES OF INFORMATION

Geology by J.J.O’ Neill of the Geological Division,
Geological Survey, Canada,1914-1916.

Geography by K.G. Chipman and J.R.Cox of the Topograph:
Division, Geological Survey, Canada,1914-1916.

Route from Great Bear Lake to mouth of Coppermine Rive
by G.M. Douglas, 1911, 1912.

Publication N° 1963

» graphical