University of California Berkeley

MR. A D A M S' s
DEFENCE

OF THE

CONSTITUTIONS OF GOVERNMENT

OF THE

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,

VOL. II.

DEFENCE

OF THE

CONSTITUTIONS OF GOVERNMENT

OF THE

UNITED STATES

O F

AMERICA,

AGAINST THE ATTACK OF M. TURGOT

/ r ~~

IN HIS fj/

LETTER TO DR. PRICE,

DATED THE TWENTY-SECOND DAY OF MARCH, 1778

BY JOHN ADAMS, LL. D.

PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

As for us Englifhmen, thank heaven, we have a better fenfe of government,
delivered to us from our anceftors. We have the notion of a public, and
a conftitution ; how a legiflative and how an executive is moulded. We
underftand weight and meafure in this kind, and can reafon juftly on the
balance of power and property. The maxims we draw from hence are as
evident asthofe of mathematics. Our increafmg knowledge fhews us eve-
ry day more and more what common fenfe is in politics.

Sbaftcjburfs CkaraB. vol. i. p. Io8.

'Tisfcarce a.quarter of an agefince fuch a happy balance of power was fettled
between our prince and people, as has firmly fecured our hitherto precarious
liberties, and removed from us the fear of civil commotions, wars, and vi-
olence, either on account of the property of the fubjed, or the contending
titles of the crown.

IN THKE-i VOLUMES.

V O L. II.
THE THIRD EDITION.

PHILADELPHIA:

Printed by H. Sweitzer,

7 O R WILLIAM COBBETT, OPPOSIT
CHRIST CHURCH.

1797-

N N

CONTENTS.

VOL. IL

LETTER I.

ITALIAN REPUBLICS OF THE MIDDLE AGE.

PAGE

Florence*-* Danina "- -^ i

Nardi * ^

Machiavet <- n

Guicchiardin *-* 135

Guicchiardin and Nerli 159

Guicchiardin^ Nerli and Varchi 225

Danina 239

LETTER II.

Plan of a per feel Commonwealth 41

LETTER III.

alavoH, &c. a 251

LETTER IV.

Bologna, -Bombaci 388

Ghirardacci 391

LETTER V.

Neuchafet ^ ^- ' 446

A
DEFENCE

OF THE

Conftitution of Government of the UNITED STATES of
AMERICA

Italian Republics of the Middle Age'.

Grofvenor-fquare, April 19, 1787.
My dear Sir,

THERE is no example of a government
fimply democratical ; yet there are many of
for.ms nearly or remotely refembling what are un-
derflood by All Authority in one Centre. There
once exifted a clufler of governments, now gene-
rally known by the name of the Italian Repub-
lics of the Middle Age, which deferve the attention
of Americans, and will further illuftrate and confirm
the principles we have endeavoured to maintain.
If it appears, from the hirlory of all the ancient
republics of Greece, Italy, Afia Minor, as well
as from thofe that ftill remain in Switzerland,
Italy, and elfewhere, that caprice, inftability, tur-
bulence, revolutions, and the alternate prevalence
of thofe two plagues and fcourges of mankind,
tyranny and anarchy , were the effedls of govern-
ments without three orders and a balance, the
fame important truth will appear, in a ftill clearer
light, in the republics of Italy. The fketches to
be given of thefe cannot be introduced with more
VOL. II. B propriety,

2 Florence.

propriety, than by the fentiments of a late writer*,
becaufe they coincide with every thing that has
been before obfervecL Limited monarchies were
the ancient governments : the jealoufie* and errors
of the nobles, or the opprefiions they fuffered,
flimulated them to render monarchy unpopular,
and erecl ariftocracies. Ancient nations were, in
one point, very generally defective in their con-
ftitutions, and that was the incertitude of the
fovereignty, and, by confequence, the infiability
of government, which, was, in all the republics of
Italy, a perpetual occafion of infinite confufions.
In no part of Italy, however united together, was
found eiiablifhed an abfolute hereditary monarch.
By many examples, it is manifeft, that kings ei-
ther were created by the favour of the multitude,
or fought at leaft their confent, and confulted
the people in affairs of mod importance and
greateft danger. The government of the grandees,
which fucceeded, was rather a fraudulent or vio-
lent ufurpation, than a true and proper ariflocracy
eftablimed by law, or confirmed by long and un-
contefted porTeflion ; and a popular government
was never fo free or fo durable, as when it was
mixed with the authority of one fupreme head, or
of a fenate ; fo that mixed governments were al-
mofb always preferred. , One of the three kinds
of governments neverthelefs fell, when another
arofe ; and all the Italian republics, nearly at one
time, by the fame gradations, paiTed from one form
of adminiftration to another. In this particular
agree all the memorials of ancient Italy. They
were, from the beginning, governed by kings :
the Tufcans had kings ; the Sabines had kings ;
and fo had the people of Latium ; and as every
city formed an independent government, thefe

Danina, Rivoluzioni d'l'.aua, v. i. p. 41.

kings

Danina. 3

kings could not have much magnificence. Many
{lates often obeyed the fame king ; for he who had
the lordfhip of one city, procured himfelf to be
elected the head of another. Porfenna, v/hom
Dionyfius calls king of Tufcany, becaufe he was
followed by many Tufcan nations, was from the
beginning only king of Chiufi. The kings of
Rome , by various means, gained the command of
the Latin cities, which neverthelefs, two centuries
afterwards, reputed themfelves ftill independent of
the ftate of Rome. The king of the Veintes,
had the lordmip of Fidena, a free city, and inde-
pendent of the Vientes, in the fame manner as
the Viconti lords of Pvlilan, Cauruccio lord of
Lucca, and the Scala lords of Verona, and fo
many other princes and tyrants of the later ages,
before the exaltation of Charles the Fifth, made
fuch progrefs in obtaining the fovereignty of many
cities. Thefe kingdoms were either limply elec-
tive, or at lead required the exprefs confent of the
people, how often foever one relation fucceeded
to another. Royal governments neverthelefs were
generally difpleafmg to the people ; and the gran-
dees and nobles, who were the moll expofed to
the caprice of the prince, both in their perfons
and property, fludied to generate in the minds of
the common people an hatred to the name of king,
and to excite the defire of liberty. They flattered
themfelves, that if the principality, which often
fell into the hands of new men and adventurers,
fuch as Tarquin in Rome, and Ariflodemus in
Cuma, were abolilhed, they fliould be able to live,
not only with more fecurity and greater licence,
but with more authority, command, and power.
In what nation, and in which city the revolution
firft began, is not eafy to determine ; but in the
courfe of the third century of the Roman sera,
one people following the example of another, this

by

4 Florence.

by means of one opportunity, and that by another,
either expelled by violence their preient kings, or
defifled from electing new ones ; and all Italy, hoifl-
ing as it were a common fignal, changed at once
its whole form of government. The odium of the
royal name, and an enthufiafm for liberty, feized
fo univerfally, and with fuch energy, the whole
Italian nation, that if any city wifhed either to
continue or recover the ufe of kings, this inclina-
tion was fcarcely manifefted before they were
pointed out and reviled by the other cities, and
upon all great occafions abandoned. The Veien-
tes*, either from a difguft at the cabals and am-
bition which arofe from the annual creation of
new magiflrates, or the better to provide for war,
created afrefh a king ; by which refolution they
incurred to fuch a degree the hatred and contempt
of the other people of Tufcany, that, contrary to
every rule of policy, duty, and cuftom, they were
left alone to fuflain that obftinate war with the
Romans, which ended in their ruin. In the be-
ginning of the fourth century of the Roman flory,
there is feldom or never any mention made of
kings in any of the flates of Italy. The whole
authority and adminiflration of public affairs palled
into the hands of the nobility, fenate, or that body
which conflituted at firfl the middle order be-
tween the king and the people, which became the
fupreme head of the government ; and although
the greater magiflracies were elecled by the voices
or fuffrages of the people, neverthelefs all the ho-
nours and all the power of the government were
collected in the grandees, who eafily commanded
the votes of the electors, and who alone were the
elecled ; for none of the plebeians dared to pre-
tend to offices, civil or military : and it is too

* Liv. lib. v. c. I.

evident,

Danina. 5

evident, that in every kind of community, the
rich and the noble endeavour, as it were, by their
very nature, to exclude the common people and the
plebeians. Moil of the public affairs relative to
peace or war were treated in a fenate compofed
effentially of patricians and nobles, who, in every
thing that regarded the conftitution, inclined more
to ariflocracy than to popular government. No
city was fo mean or fo ill ordered, as not to have
a public council, or a fenate. Livy fpeaks of the
fenate, not only of Naples, Capua, and Cuma,
but of Nola, Pipernum, Tufculum, Tivoli, the
Veintes, and of others, fo frequently, that it is
clear, that in all the republics there was an order
diftincl from the plebeians, who retained in their
hands the eifence of the government. But the
plebeians, once become obflinate, at the felicitation
of the nobility, in a hatred of tyranny, had not
far to go before they opened their eyes upon their
own condition, and learned that they had done
nothing more than exchange one mailer for many -,
and began to make every exertion to obtain, in
part, the poffeiTion of that liberty, of which they had
obtained a tafle in words from the order of patri-
cians and the fenate : and as the multitude began to
make trial of their flrength, the fovereign authority
was ceded to them by little and little, and the
nobility, in their turn, were tormented and tyran
nifed by the plebeians. Livy obferves, that about
the time of the Carthaginian war, by a kind
of epidemical malady fpread through the Italian
republics, the plebeians applied themfelves to per-
fecute the nobility. Neverthelefs, the order of
the grandees always preferred a great part of the
power ; for the nature of popular government
being variable, inconftant, and incapable of con-
dueling itfelf, the fenate and the nobility, who
aft with more maturity of deliberation, and with

interefls

6 Florence.

interefts more united, can generally counterpoife
the party of the plebeians, and from time to time
overcome it. From whence it happened, that all
the cities were expofed to continual revolutions of
government, and very rarely enjoyed that perfect
equality, which is the end of a free date ; but
either the favour of the people, or the neceiTity of
the fenate, devolved the principal authority on
fome individual, who, with or without the title
of fupreme magiftrate, was always regarded as the
head of the government. Thus we find a Manili-
us, head of the Latins-; an Accius Tullius, prin-
cipal of the Volfci ; an Herennius, of the Sam-
nites ; a Calavius, of the Campanians ; a Valeri-
us, a Camillus, and a Fabius, chief of the Ro-
mans : and, to fpeak the truth, there was no^l
any great and important fuccefs in any free flate,
neither at home nor abroad, except in thofe times,
v/hen fome one citizen held the wills of the pub-
lic in his own pow r er. But waving the reft of
thefe general obfervations for the prefent, let us
defcend to particulars ; and quitting the ancient
republics of Italy, defcend to thofe of the middle
age, among which Florence is the mod illuflri-
ous. As the hiftory of that noble city and mag-
nanimous people has been written by two au-
thors, among a multitude of others, who may
be compared to any of the hiftorians of Greece
or Rome, we have here an example more fully
delineated; an experiment more perfectly made and
more accurately defcribed than any we have exa-
mined before. You will not, therefore, find it te-
dious to confider minutely the affairs of a brave
and enlightened people, to whom the world is in-
debted for a Machiavel, a Guichiardin, and an
Americus Vefpucius ; in a great degree for the re-
furre&ion of letters, and a fecond civilization of
mankind. Next to Athens and Rome, there has

not

Nardi. 7

not exifted a more interefting city. Their hiftory
is full of leffons of wifdom, extremely to our pur-
pofe. We have all along contended, that the pre-
dominant paflion of all men in power, whether
kings, nobles, or plebeians, is the fame ; that ty-
ranny will be the effect, whoever are the governors,
whether the one, the few, or the many, if uncon-
trouled by equal laws made by common confent,
and fupported, protected, and enforced by three
different orders of men in equilibrio. In Florence,
where the adminiftration was by turns in the nobles,
the grandees, the commons, the plebeians, the
mob, the ruling paffion of each was the fame ; and
the government of each immediately degenerated
into a tyranny fo infupportable, as to produce a
frefh revolution. We have all along contended, that
a fimple government, in a fingle affembly, whe-
ther ariftocratical or democratical, muil of necef-
fity divide into two parties, each of which will
be headed by fome one illuftrious family ; and
will proceed from debate and controverfy to fedi-
tion and war. In Florence, the firft diffenfion was
among the nobility ; the fecond between the no-
bles and commons ; and the third between the
commons and plebeians : in each of which con-
tefts, as foon as one party got uppermoit, it fplit
into two ; and executions, confiscations, banifh-
ments, affaifinations, and difperfions of families,
were the fruit of every divifion, even with more
attrocious aggravations than in thofe of Greece.
Having no third order to appeal to for decifion, no
contefi could be decided but by the fword. It
will enable us the better to underftand Machiavel,
whofe hiftory will be abridged and commented
on, if we premile from* Nardi, that the city of

* Le Storie dell A Cittu de Firenze p. I.

Florence

8 Florence.

Florence, had, like all other cities, its people con-
fiding of three generations of inhabitants, that is
to fay, the nobility, the people of property*, and
the common people. Although fome too dili-
gently divided the nobility into three forts, cal-
ling the firft nobles, the fecond grandees, and the
third families, meaning to fignify, that fome of
the inhabitants had come into the city and become
citizens, having been deprived of their own proper
country by conquer!, while they were attempting
to enlarge and extend .their territories; others
originally of this country, had become abundant
in riches and powerful in dependents, either by
their own induftry or the favour of fortune ; and
others, having been foreigners, had come in like
manner to inhabit the city : but from their pri-
mitive condition, they ftill retained the diftinc-
tions of lord and vaftal, by habit and by fraud,
both in the city and the country. And all this
mixture were indifferently called nobles, grandees,
and families ; and they were equally hated con-
tradicted, and oppofed, in the government of the
republic, and in all their other actions, by that
party which was called the fubftantial people, il
popolo graffo. The lower clafs of people, the
plebeians, il popolo minuto, never intervened in
government at all, excepting on one fmgle occa-
fion, when, with violence, they ufurped it, as
in its proper place will be related. Some peiibns
made another divifion ftill of the plebeians, and
not without reafon ; for thofe who porTefTed real
eftate in the city or country, and were recorded
in the public books of taxes and tributes of the
city, and were called the t Enregiilered, efleemed
themfelves, and were confidered by their fellow-

* II popolo grafTo, e il popolo minuto.
j- Defer itti.

citizens,

Nardt. 9

citizens, as holding a middle Ration. The re-
mainder of the lower clafs, who poffefled no
kind of property, were held of no account. Ne-
verthelefs, ail this undiflinguiihed aggregate were
called the people of Florence, and the expref-
fion is full in ufe, as the people of Athens, or
the people of Rome, anciently comprehended
the whole body of the inhabitants of thofe cities :
to which confufed, and in its nature pernicious
aggregate, as that of the head and tail always is,
the body of middling citizens will always remain
extremely ufeful, and proportioned to the conili-
tution of a perfect republic.-^ As. Machiavel is the
moil favourable to a popular government, and is
even fufpecled of fometimes difotrifirig the truth to

i O O

conceal or mollify its defects, the fub fiance of this
{ketch will be taken from him, referring at the fame
time to other authors ; fo that thofe young Ame-
ricans, who wifli to be mailers of the fubject, may
be at no lofs in information. The moil ufeful
erudition for republicans is that * which expofes
the caufes of difcords ; by which they may learn
wifdom and unanimity from the examples of
others, The factions in Florence are the moil re-
markable of any. Moil other commonwealths
have been divided into two : that city was dif-
tracted into many. In Rome, the cfmteil be-
tween patricians and plebeians, which arofe after
the expulfion of kings, continued to the diflblu-
tion of the republic ; the fame happened at
Athens, and ail the other commonwealths of
Greece, Italy, and Afia Minor. Such was the
patriotifiii or good fortune of Florence, that fhc
r-ems to have gathered frefli vigour, and rifen
ilronger for her factions* Some, who efcaped iu

VOL. II. C the

l o Florence.

the flruggles, contributed more by their courage
and comtancy to the exaltation of themfelves and
their country, than the malignity of faction had
done to diftrefs them : and if fuch orders and
balances had been eflablifhed in their form of go-
vernment as mould have kept the citizens united
after they had fhaken off the yoke of the empire,
it might have equalled any republic, ancient or
modern, in military power and the arts of peace.

The city of Florence was begun by the in-
habitants of Fiefole, who, fituated on the top
of a hill, marked out a plot of ground upon
the plain between the hill and the river Arno,
for the conveniency of merchants, who firfl built
flores there for their goods. When the Romans
had fecured Italy, by the dePcru&ion of Car-
thage, this place multiplied exceedingly, and be-
came a city, by the name of Villa Arnina. Sylla
was the firfl:, and, after him, the three Roman
citizens who revenged the death of Cssfar and
divided the empire, who fent colonies to - Fiefole,
who fettled in the plain not far from the town
already begun : and the place became fo full of
buildings and inhabitants, and fuch provifions
were made for a civil government, that it might
well be reckoned among the cities of Italy,
Whence it took the name of Florence is not fo
well known. Tacitus calls the town Florentia,
and the people Florentines. It was founded under
the Roman empire ; but when that was over-run
by barbarians, Totilla, king of the Oflrogoths,
took and demolifhed it. Two hundred years after-
wards it was rebuilt by Charlemain, from whofe
time, till 1215, it followed the fortune of thofe
who fucceffively ruled in Italy ; for, during that
period, it was governed firfl by the poflerity of
Charlemain, then by the Berengarii, and lafl of

all

MachiavcL 1 1

all by the German emperors. In 1010, the Flo-

rentines took and destroyed Fiefole. When the

popes aiTumed greater authority in Italy, and the

power of the German emperors was upon the

wane, all the towns of that province began to

govern themfelves. In 1080 Italy was divided

between Henry the Third and the church. The

Florentines always fubmitted to the conqueror,

until 1215. The longer it was before Florence

was feized by the paroxyfms of factions, the more

fatal they proved. The caufe of its firfl divifion

is well known. The moil powerful families in

Florence, in 1215, were the Boundelmonti and

the Uberti ; and next to them the Amadei and

Donati : a quarrel happened about a lady, and

Mefler Boundelmonti was killed. This murder

divided the whole city, one part of it Tiding with

the Boundelmonti, and the other with the Uberti ;

and as both of the families were powerful in alli-

ances, caflles, and adherents, the quarrel con-

tinued many years, till the reign of the emperor

Frederick the Second, who being iikewife king of

Naples, and defirous to flrengthen himfelf againfl

the church, and eftablifh his intereft more fecurely

in Tufcany, joined the Uberti, who by his aflift-

ance drove the Boundelmonti out of Florence,

and thus that city became divided, as all the reft

of Italy was before, into the two factions of

Guelphs and Ghibellines ; the former of which

denominated the adherents of the pope*, and the

latter

* Danina, Rivoluzioni d'ltalia. There flotirifhed in Ger-
many two principal families, the one called the Henries of
G-hibilltHga, and the other the Guelphs of Altdorp, which by
the marriage of Azzo d'Efte with Cunegund, daughter of
Guelph the Third, ingrafted itfelf into the houfe of Efte,
called afterwards for that reafon Guelfa Eftenfe, from which
are defcended the dukes of Modena, and thole of Bmnf\vick
and Hanover. From the 'tin! of which families, viz. the

Ghibellines

1 2 Florence.

latter thofe of the emperor : Guelph being the
name of the general of the firlt army for the
church in this controverfy, and Ghibelline that
of the place of the birth of the general who
commanded for the emperor, about 1139. The
Guelphs, thus driven out of the city, retired into
the valley, which lieu higher up the Arno, where
their ftrong places and dependencies lay, and de-
fended themfelves as well as they could : but
when Frederick died, the neutral people in the
city endeavoured to re-unite it, and prevailed
upon the Guelphs to forget the clifgrace they had
fuffered, and return ; and the Ghibellines to dif-
mifs their animofities and receive them. After they
were re-united, they divided the city into fix parts,
and chofe twelve citizens, two to govern each ward,
with the title of anziani, but to be changed every
year. To prevent any feuds or difcontents that
might arife from the determination of Judiciary
matters, they conflituted two judges that were not
Florentines, one of whom was ftyled the captain

Ghibellines, have arifen many kings and emperors, as the
third, fourth, and fifth Henry. Of the other, viz. the
Guelphs, there had been for many years famous dukee, who
contending for power and for credit with the emperors, had
very often diilurbed the tranquillity of the {late. Under the
reign of Henry the Fifth thefe two families happily united in
all ance, becaufe Fideric duke of Stiavia, marrned Judith,
daughter of Henry duke of Bavaria, and filter of Guelph
the Sixth, who was at that time the head of the houfe of
Altdorp.

Commentari de fatto civili occorfi dentro Firenze. Scritto
tlal Senatore Filippo de Nerli, p. 2.

Hiiloria Fiorentina di M. Piero Buoninfegni, Gentilhuomo
Florentine, p. 35.

Anaali d'ltaha, da Muratori, torn. vii. p. 150, 151. anno
1215.

Iftoria civile del Pvegno di Napoli di Pietro Giannone, torn.
in. p. 83.

JV';:vatori, DifTertations, torn. hi. p. 130.

Muratori, Ar.tichita citfnfi, parte pvima, c. xxxi. p. 305.

of

MachiaveL 1 3

of the people, and the other the podefta, to admi-
nifter juftice to the people, in all caufes civil
and criminal : and fince laws are but of little autho-
rity and ihort duration, where there is not fufficient
power to fupport and enforce them, they raifed
twenty bands or companies in the city, and feventy-
fix more in the reft of their territories, in which all
the youth were inlirled, and obliged to be ready
armed under their refpeclive colours, whenever
they were required fo to be by the captain of the
anziani. Their flandard-bearers were changed
every year with great formality.

This is the very fhort defcription of their con-
ftitution. The twelve anziani appear to have had
the legiflative and executive authority, and to
have been annully eligible a form of government
as near that of Mr. Turgot, and Marchamont
Nedham, as any to be found; yet the judicial
power is here feparated, and the people could
fo little trull themfelves or the anziani with this
power that it was given to foreigners. By fuch
difcipline in their civil and military affairs, fays
Machiavel, the Florentines laid the foundation of
their liberty; and it is hardly to be conceived,
how much ilrength and authority they acquired
in a very fhort time; for their city not only be-
came the capital of Tufcany, but was reckoned
among the principal in Italy; and indeed there is 1 no .
degree of grandeur to which it might not have at-
tained if it bad not been obftrufted by frequent and
almoft continual dif cords and divi/ions. After this
pompous preamble, one can fcarce read without
fmiling the words that follow, " For the fpace
" of ten years they lived under this form of gc-
" vernment;" efpecially when it appears, that
during all thefe ten years, they were conftantly
employed in \v:irs ubrcad, as appears by the fol-
lowing

14 Florence.

lowing words: " During which time they forced
the ftates of Piftoia, Arezzo, and Siena, to enter
into a confederacy with them ; and in their return
with their army from the laft city, they took
Volterra, demolifhed feveral cailles, and brought
the inhabitants to Florence." The United States
of America calculated their governments for a
duration of more than ten years. There is little
doubt to be ina'de, that they might have exifted
under the government of fbate congreffes for ten
years, while they were conflantly at war, and all
the active and idle were in council or in arms :
but we have feen, that a flate which could be
governed by a provincial congrefs, and indeed
that could carry on a war without any govern-
ment at all, while danger preffed, has lately, in
time of profound peace, and under a good go-
vernment, broke out in feditions. This demo-
cratical government in Florence could lad no
longer, for in all thefe expeditions, fays Machia-
vel, the Guelphs had the chief direction and com-
mand, as they were much more popular and
powerful than the Ghibellines, who had behaved
thcmfelves fo imperioufly in the reign of Frede-
rick, whenthay had the upper hand, that they
were bcome very odious to the people; and
becaufe the party of the church was generally
thought to favour their attempts to preferve their
liberty, whilil that of the emperor endeavoured
to deprive them of it. . The Ghibellines, in the
mean time, finding their authority fo dwindled,
were not a little diicontented, and only waited for
a. proper opportunity to feize upon the govern-
ment again. They entered into correfpondence
with Manfred, the fon of Frederic king of Na-
ples, in hopes of his afliflance; but for want of
due fecrecy in thefe practices, they were difcovered

by

Macfclavel. 1 5

by the anziani, who thereupon fummoned the
family of the Uberti to appear before them: but
inftead of obeying, they took up arms, and fortified
thenifelves in their houfes ; at which the people were
fo incenfed, that they likewife ran to arms, and, by
the help of the Guelphs, obliged the whole party of
the Ghibellines to quit Florence, and tranfport
thenifelves to Siena. There they fued to Manfred
for aid, who granted it, and the Guelphs were
defeated upon the banks of the river Arbia, with
fuch flaughter, by the king's forces under the con-
duct of Farinata degli Uberti, that thofe who
efcaped from it, giving up their city for loft, fled
directly to Lucca, and left Florence to provide for
itfelf* Manfred had given the command of the
auxiliaries, which he Tent to the Ghibellines, to
count Giordino, a foldier of no fmall reputation
in thofe times. This Giordino, after his victory,
immediately advanced with the Ghibellines to
Florence, and not only forced the city to acknov/-
ledge Manfred for its fovereign, but depofed the
rnagiltrates, and either entirely abrogated or al-
tered ail laws and cuiloms that might look like
remains of their former liberty ; which being exe-
cuted with great rigour and infolence, inflamed
the people to fuch a degree, that if they did not
love the Ghibellines before, they nov/ became
their inveterate and implacable enemies; which
averfion continually increaiing, at laft proved their
utter ceflr notion. There is an admirable example
cf patriotifin at this period of the Florentine hif-
tory, in Farinata Uberti, who fuccefsfully and de-
cidedly oppcfed a plan of his own party of Ghibel-
lines, and their allies, for the demolition cf the
city. He preferved it however only for his ene-
mies the Guelphs, who, driven out of Lucci, went
to Parma, and joined their friends the Guelphs in,

that

1 6 Florence.

that city, drove out the Ghibellines, and had their
confifcated eftates for their reward : they then
joined the pope againft Manfred, who was defeated
and flam. In confequence of this victory, the
Guelphs of Florence grew daily bolder and more
vigorous, and the party of the Ghibellines weaker
and weaker; upon which count Guido Novello,
and thofe that were left in ccmmiiTion with him
to govern Florence, refolved to try, by lenity and
gentler treatment, to recover the afFeclions of the
people, whom they found they had exafperated to
the lail degree by their oppreffive and violent
manner of proceeding. . To cajole and ingratiate
themfelves with the people, they chofe fix and
thirty citizens out of the people of Florence, and
two gentleman of higher rank from among their
friends at Bologna, to whom they gave a comrnif-
fion to reform the flate as they pleafed. Thefe
delegates devided the city into cnflincl: arts or
trades, over which they conftituted a magiilrate,
who was to adminifter juflice to all who were in
his department ; and to every art a feparate banner
was affigned, under which they might aflemble in
arms, whenever the fafety of the public required
it. But count Guido mull have a tax to maintain
his foldiers: the citizens would not pay it. He
attempted to take back the new privilege of ma-
girlraies to each trade: the people rofe in arms,
chofe Giovanni Soldanieri for their leader, fought
the count and his Ghibellines, and drove them out
of the city. The people, having thus got the
upper hand, refolved to unite the city if pomble,
and r-ecal all fuch citizens as had been forced to
leave their homes, whether Guelphs or Ghibel-
lines. The Guelphs returned, after fix years ba-
nimment ; the late attempt of the Ghibellines was
pardoned, and they were fuffered to come back

again;

MachiavsL tj

again; but they (till continued very odious both
to the Guelphs and the people, the former not
being able to forgive the difgrace and hardfhips of
their long exile, nor the latter to forget their in-
folence and tyranny when they had the govern-
ment in their hands: fo that their ancient ani-
mofities were not yet entirely extinguifhed, either
on one fide or the other. The wrangle foon came
to a crifis, and the Ghibellines fled out of the
city, upon the interpofition of a foreign force from
Charles king of Naples, in favour of the Guelphs.
After the departure of the Ghibellines, the Floren-
tines new-modelled their government, and chofe
twelve principal magiftrates, who were to continue
in authority no longer than two months, under
the title of buonhomini. Next in power under
them they appointed a council of eighty citizens,
which they called the credenza. After this, an
hundred and eighty more were elected out of the
people, thirty to ferve every two months ; who,
together with the credenza and the twelve buon-
homini, were called the general council. Be-
fides which, they inilituted another council, con-
fiiling of an hundred and twenty members, equally
chofen out of the nobility, citizens, and com-
monalty, which was to confirm whatfoever had been-
refolved upon by the others, and to act jointly
with them in difpofmg of the public honours and
offices of the commonwealth. The firrl govern-
ment of the anziani was as near a fimple demo-
cracy as there is any example of : we found it
accordingly, ineffectual. The next, of buonho-
mini, was no better; and that could not fupport
itfelf. Now we come to a new plan, which dif-
covers, in the authors of it, a fenfe of the imper-
fection of the former two, and an attempt to ob-
viate its inconveniences and dangers: but inftead
YI,L. II. D of

1 8 Florence.

of a judicious plan, founded in the natural divi.-
ons of the people, it is a jumble which common
fenfe would fee, at this day, muft fail to pieces.
The bucnhomini, the credenza, and the thirty
of the hundred and eighty, wore an appearance
of three orders ; but inftead of being kept fepa-
rate, they are all huddled together in the general
council. Another council dill, of an hundred and
twenty, equally chofen out of the nobility, citi-
zens, ^and commonalty, was to confirm whatever
was refoived on by the others. Here are two
branches, with each a negative. But the miflake
was, that the ariflocratical and democratical parts
of the community were mixed in each of them ;
which mows, at firft blufh, that there never could
be harmony in either, both being naturally
and neceffarily fplit into two factions. But a
greater defect, if poilible, than even this, was giv-
ing the executive power, the power of difpofmg
public honours and offices, to a joint afiemblage of
buonhomini, credenza, and the two other affem-
blies, all in one; the confequence muft be, that
although every one of thefe four orders muft be
divided at once into factions for the loaves and
fifhes, yet the nobility, by their fuperior influence
in elections, would have the whole power. Un-
happy Florence! thou art deftined from this mo-
ment to never ending factions, feditions, and civil
wars! Accordingly, we read in the next page,
what any one might have forefeen from this fketch
of their conftitution, " that the government of
" Florence was fallen into great diforder and mif-
" rule; for the Guelph nobility being the majo-
" rity, were grown io infolent, and flood in fo
" little awe of the niagiftracy" (and how could
they ftand in awe of magiftrates whom they had
created, and who were even at their devotion?) "that

" though

Michiavd. 19

** though many murders, and other violences, were
"daily committed, yet the criminals generally
" efcaped with impunity, through favour of one
" or other of the nobles." To reflrain thefe
enormities, inflead of twelve governors, they re-
folved to have fourteen, feven of each party, who
fhould be nominated by the pcpe, and remain in
office one year. Under this form of government,
in which they had been obliged in reality to fub-
mit to a foreign mailer, they continued for two
years, when the rage of faction again blazed out.
They rofe in arms, and put the city under a nev/
regulation. In 1282 the companies of arts and
trades ordained that inftead of fourteen citizens,
three only mould govern, and that for two months,
who were to be chofen Indifferently out of the no-
bility or commons, provided they were merchants,
or profeffed any art or occupation ; and thefe were
called priori. Afterwards, the chief magiftracy
wns veiled in fix perfons, one for each ward, under
which regulation the city continued till the year
1342 ; but the courie of events for thefe fixty
years fhould be carefully traced, in order to fee
the operation of fuch a form of government, even
in a fingle city. This infdtution, as might be
expecled, occanoned the ruin of the nobility, who,
upon divers provocations, were excluded, and en-
tirely lupprefTed by the people. The nobility,
indeed, were divided among themfelves ; and by
endeavouring to fupplant each other, and afpiring
to the fole government of the commonwealth,
they quite loft all mare in it. The priori were
afterwards diftinguifhed by the name of figniori.
There remained fome fparks of animofity betwixt
the nobility and commonalty, which are incident
to all republics ; for one fide being naturally jea-
lous of any encroachment upon their liberty and

legal

so Florence.

legal rights, and the other ambitious to rule and
controul the laws, it is not poffible they fhould
ever long agree together. This humour, how-
ever, did not mew itfelf in the nobility while they
were overawed by the Ghibellines ; but when the
latter were deprefled, it began to appear, and the
people were daily injured and abufed in fuch a
manner, that neither the laws nor the magiftracy
had authority enough to relieve them ; as every
nobleman fupported himfelf in his infolence by the
numbe-r of his friends and relations, both againfl
the power of the fignori and the captain of the
people. The heads of the arts, to remedy fo great
an evil, provided, that every fignori mould ap-
point a (landard-bearer of Juflice, out of the peo-
ple, with a thoufand men, divided iuto twenty
companies, under him, who mould be always
ready with their ftandard and arms whenever or-
dered by the magiftracy. This eftablifhment met
little oppofition, on account of the jealoufy and
emulation that reigned among the nobility, who
were not in the leall aware that it was levelled at
them, till they felt the fmart of it. Then, in-
deed, they were not a little awed by it for fome
time : but in a while they returned to the com-
miiTion of their former outrages ; for as fome of
them always found means to inimuate themfelves
into the fignori, they had it in their power to
prevent the {landard-bearer from executing his
office. Befides, as witnefles were always required
upon any accufation, the plaintiff could hardly
ever find any one that durfl give evidence againft
the nobility : fo that in a fhort time Florence was
ivolved in its former diftraclions, and the people
expofed to violence and oppreflion ; as juflice was
grown dilatory, and fentence, though paiTed, feldom
or never executed. The people not knowing what

courfe

MacblaveL 2 1

courfe to take, Giano della Bella, a ftrenuous
patriot, though of a very noble family, encou-
raged the heads of the arts once more to reform
the city. It was enacted, that the gonfalonier
mould always reiide with the fignori, and have
four thoufand armed men under his command.
They alfo entirely excluded the nobility out of
that council, of the fignori, and made a law that
all acceiTaries or abettors mould be liable to the
fame punimment with thofe that were principals
in any crime, and that common fame mould be
fufficient evidence to convict them. By tnefe
laws, which were called Li Ordinamenti della Gi-
uilizia (but which were in reality as tyrannical as
the edicts of any defpot could be) the people
gained great weight and authority; but Giano
being looked upon by the nobility as the author
of thofe laws to bridle their power, became very
odious, not only to them, but to the richeft of
the commonalty: as well he might, for laws more
oppreffive and deilructive of liberty could not
have been made. Tyrannical as they were, how-
ever, they were not enough fo for the people ; for
upon the trial of Corfo Donati, a nobleman, for a
murder, although he was acquitted even under
thefe new laws, the people were enraged and ran
to arms, and demolifhed the magiftrate's houfe,
inflead of applying to the fignori. The whole
city exceedingly refented this outrage upon all law
and government : the blame of it was laid upon
Giano, and he was accufed before the magiftrate
as an encourager of infurrection. While his caufe
was depending, the people took arms to defend
him againfl the fignori. Giano went voluntarily
into banifhment, to appeafe this tumult. The
nobility then petitioned the fignori, that the fe-
verity of the laws againfl them might be miti-
gated-

22 Florence.

gated. As foon as this petition was publicly
known, the commons, apprehending the fignori
would comply with it, immediately rofe in a tu-
multuous manner: fo that ambition on one fide,
and jealoufy on the other, at lafl occafioned an
open rupture between them, and both fides were
prepared for battle; but by the interpofition and
mediation of fome prudent men, whole arguments
with both parties are very judicious, the people at
laft confented that no accufation mould be ad-
mitted againft a nobleman, without fufficient evi-
dence to fupport it. Both parties laid down their
arms, but retained their jealoufies, and began foon
to raife forces, and fortify themfelves as fail as
they could. The people thought fit to new model
the government, and reduce the number of the
fignori, as they fufpected fome of that body to be
too favourably inclined to the nobility. A mo-
mentary tranquility fucceeded; but the fparks of
jealoufy and envy dill remained betwixt the nobi-
lity and people; which foon broke out, on occafion
of a quarrel between two families, the Cherchi and
Donati, both considerable for their riches, nobi-
lity, and dependents. The fignori were under no
finall apprehenfions that the whole city would be-
come engaged in the difpute, and hourly expected
the two parties would openly attack each other,
as it foon afterwards happened, and a fkirmifh en-
fued, in which many were wounded on both fides.
The whole city, commons as well as nobility, di-
vided upon it; nor did the contagion confine it-
felf to the city alone, but infected all the country.
So ineffectual was this contemptible government of
the fignori to the fuppreflion of this animofity, that
the pope was applied to : he fent his nuncio to no
purpofe, and then put the city under an interdict ;
but this anfwered no end but to increafe the confu-

fion,

MachiaveL 2 i

y

lion, and frequent battles took place, till the whole
city took arms, neither the power of the magiftracy,
nor the authority of the laws, being able to re-
ftrain the fury of the multitude. The wifeft and
beft of the citizens were in great terror; and the
Donati, being the weaker party, not a little
doubtful of their fafety. S-uch is the effect of a
government of all authority in one centre. Here
all was concentrated in the fignori, chofen by the
people frequently enough; yet although the no-
bility were arbitrarily excluded from that council,
thofe who were chofen were indebted for their
elections probably to thofe very nobles, and chiefly
to the Donati and Cherchi. The Donati here
were the minority, upon the whole, and therefore
had great reafon to be doubtful of their fafety.
It was agreed, at a meeting betwixt Corfo Donati,
the heads of the Neri family, and the captains of
the arts, to folicit the pope to fend feme perfon
of royal extraction to reform the city. Here na-
ture breaks out, in fpite of all attempts to fliflle
it. A royal dignity is the moil obvious thought,
to extinguim animofities between nobles and com-
mons. In this cafe the captains of the arts, that
is, the people, perceived it, as well as Corfo and
the Neri, the contending nobles. This meeting,
and the refult of it, was notified to the fignori
by the other party, who reprefented it as a con-
fpiracy againft their liberty. Both fides, how-
ever, were in arms again, and Dante, who was one
of the fignori, had the courage to advife that fo-
vereign aflembly to draw out their companies, and
being joined by great numbers out of the country,
they found themfelves able to force the chiefs of
each party to lay down their arms. The affumed
an appearance of dignity, banimed Corfo and the
Neri, and, to (hew their impartiality, feveral of the
Bianchi. But this government had no parmanent

ilrength:

24 Florence.

flrength: the Bianchi, upon plaufible pretences,
were foon permitted to return. Corfo, and his'
aflbciates, obtained the fame indulgence; but, in-
ftead of being quiet, they went at Rome, to per-
fuade the pope to appoint a perfon of royal ex-
traclion, as they had before petiitoned his holinefs
in their letters. Charles of Valois, brother of the
king of France, was fent accordingly by the pope.
Though the Bianchi family, who then had the
upper hand in Florence, looked upon him with an
evil eye, yet as he was patron of the Guelphs, and
fent by the pope, they durfl not oppofe his com-
ing: on the contrary, to make him their friend,
they gave him full power to regulate the city as
he thought bed. He caufed his friends to arm
themfelves : this made the people fo jealous that
he intended to deprive them of what they called
their liberties, that they took arms. The Cherchi,
and the heads of the Bianchi, having had the chief
government of the city fome time in their hands,
and behaved with great arrogance, were become
generally odious; which encouraged Corfo, and
others of the Neri who had fled, to return, upon
an afTurance that Charles and the captains of the
art were their friends, and would fupport them.
Accordingly, whilfl the city was thus alarmed with
the apprehenfions of Charles's defigns, Corfo, with
all his aflbciates, and many other of their followers,
made their entry into it, without refiftance ; and
though Veri de Cherchi was called upon to oppofe
them, he declined it, and faid, " The people
" might chaftifc them themfelves, if the pleafed,
" as they were likely to be the greateft fufferers
" by them." But that infmuation had no effect;
ibr inftead of chaftifing them, they received them
with open arms, whilft Veri was forced to fly for
his fafety. Corfo having forced his entrance at

the

Machiavd. 25

the Porto Pinte, drew up and made a (land near
his own houfe; and being joined by great num-
ber of his friends and others, aflembled in hopes
of a change of government, he releafed all pri-
foners, civil and criminal; divefled the fignori of
their authority; chofe new magiflrates, all of the
party of the Neri, out of the people, to fupply
their places; and plundered the houfes of the
Bianchi. The Cherchi, and the heads of their
faclion, feeing the people for the moft part their
enemies, and Charles not their friend, fled out of
the city, and in their turn implored the interpo-
fition of the pope, though they would not liflen
to his exhortations before. Such is the feries of al-
ternate tragedy, comedy, and farce, which was
called the liberty of Florence, during this collec-
tion of all authority into one centre, the fignori;
in which no man of any party could be one mo-
ment fecure of his life, property, or liberty, amidfl
continual exaltations and depreffions of parties,
in favour of different noble families, although
thofe nobles were all excluded from the govern-
ment. The exclufion was but a form: nearly all
the power was in their hands, and the fignqri in
office were only alternate tools of one noble fa-
mily or another. And thus it mufl ever be: ex-
clude the ariftocratical part of the community by
laws as tyrannical as you will, they will Hill go-
vern the (late underhand; the perfons elecled
into office will be their tools, and, in conflant
fear of them, behave like mere puppets, danced
upon their wires. But our humorous entertain-
ment is not yet ended. The pope now, at the
mterceffion of the Cherchi, fent a legate Acqua
Sparta, to Florence, who made an accomodaticn
betwixt the Cherchi and Donati, and fortified it
VOL. II E by

16 Flo

rv^..,

by ieveral intermarriages between them. But this
ipiritual poltey : though deep and found, did not
aniwer his end, for when he infilled that the
Bianchi fhould fliare in the chief offices of the
commonwealth, that was refufed by the Neri,
who were in full poffeffion of them. Upon this
the legate left the city as dirTatisfied as ever, and
excommunicated it a fecond time for its con-
tumacy. The Neri, however, feeing their old
enemies in their bofom again, were net a little
afraid they would ufe all means to ruin them,
in order to recover their former authority; and
both parties were ilill difcontented, and frcili
cccafions of difcord foon occurred. Niccolo de
Cherchi, and Simone, a fon of Corfo Donati,
met and fought. The battle was fo fharp and
bloody, that Niccolo was killed upon the fpot, and
Sinione fo defperately wounded that he died the
fame night. This accident, as it is called, though
an event {pranging neceffarily from the form of
government and (late of parties, threw the whole
city into an uproar again; and although it was
altogether owing to the Neri, as Simone affaulted
Niccolo, yet they were fcreened by the magif-
tracy, and, before judgment could be obtained,
a confpiracy was faid to be difcovered betwixt the
Bianchi and Pietro Ferrante, a nobleman who
attended Charles of Valois, with whom they had
been tampering, to purfuade his mailer to reinftate
them in the government. The plot was detected
by fome letters from the Cherchi to Pietro;
though it was the common opinion they were
forged by the Donati, to wipe off the odium
they had incurred by the murder of Niccolo
de Cherchi. All the family of the Cherchi, with
many of their followers of the Bianchi party,

and

Machiavel. 27

and among the reft Dante the poet*,, were im-
mediately lent into bam'lhnient; their cflates con-
fifcated, and their houfes demoliihed, by the
ftrength of thcfe forged letters. After which their
party, \vith many of the Ghibcllincs who had
joined them, were difperfed in different places.
The quiet that enfued was very ihort, for Corfo
Donati was diflatisfied that lie did not enjoy fuch
n degree of authority in Florence as he thought
<!ue to his merit, as the government was in the
hands of the people, and conducted by thofe who
were much inferior to him in all refpecls. To
varnifh over his defigns and revenge with a fair
pretext, he accufed feveral citizens, who had been
entruiled with public money, with embezzling it,
and many were ignorant and credulous enough to
believe that Corfo did this out of pure concern
and affection for his country. The pcrfons thus
calumniated were in favour with the people, and
ftood upon their j unification, and, after many
law-fuits and long litigations, thefe difputes grew
to fuch a height, that it becain-. .;tely necef-

iary to take up arms. On one fide were Corfo,
and Lottieri, bifnop of Florence, with many of
the nobility, and fonie of the commons ; on the
other were the fignori, and the greater part of
the people : nothing was to be fcen but affrays
and ikirmifhes, in every part of the city. In
fuch a " right conftitution" as this, fuch a govern-
ment of " the people's fuccellive ibvereign afleni-
blies" as the fignori were, the body of the nation
never can be unanimous: all the moft wealthy,
bed born, beft educated, and ableil men, will una-
nimouily defpife and deteft the government; ex-
cept a few artful hypocrites among them, who

will

28 Florence.

will belye their judgments and feelings, for the
fake of a prefent popularity for fome private ends.
Thofe who thus hate the form of government,
will have numerous connexions, relations, and
dependents among the people, who will follow
them; fo that there never can be more than a
fmall mojority of the people on the fide of govern-
ment. Hence its conftant weaknefs ; hence it is
a mere foot-ball, continually kicked from one
fide to another by three or four principal families,
thus it appeared in this cafe : the fignori, feeling
their weaknefs, and perceiving themfelves in great
danger, utterly unable to punifh crimes, fupport
their friends, or curb their enemies, were obliged
to fend to Lucca, a foreign ftate, for aid, and
were fortunate enough to find all the people of
that city willing to come to their affiftance. The
tumults were compofed for a time, but the fignori
and people were too feeble to punifh the author
of the difturbance. This interval of tranquility
was no more durable than former ones. The
pope fent his legate, Niccolo da Prato*, again,
who ingratiated himfelf with the people, fo that
they gave him a corrimiilion to new model the
city. In order to obtain the recal of the Ghi-
belline faction from banimment, he flattered the
people, by reftoring their ancient companies,
which added much to their flrength, and dimi-
nifhed that of the nobility. But the project of
reftoring the exiles was obnoxious to the fignori,
who forced the legate out of the city, which he
put under an interdict at his departure, and left
in the utmoft confufion. Two factions not being
fufficient, the city was now divided and fub-
divided into feveral; as thofe of the people and

nobility

Micbumh

29

nobility, the Guelphs and Ghibellines, the Bianchi
and the Neri ; and fome who wifhed for the return
of the exiles, being difappointed in their hopes,
now the legate was gone, grew clamorous and
outrageous : fo that- the whole city was in an up-
roar, and many ikirmifhes enfued. Thofe that
were moil aclive in railing this clamour, were the
Medici and Giugni, who had openly cided with
the legate in favour of the exiles. This is the
firfl mention made of that family of Medici,
who ated fo diftinguifhed a part afterwards,
finally fubverted the commonwealth, and changed
it into an abfolute fovereignty, under the title of
a grand dukedom, a form it Hill wears. A great
fire broke out at this time, in 1304, and was af-
cribed, as ufual in fuch times, by fome to acci-
dent, and by fome to party defign. Let us look
back to 1282, when this goyerniRent of priori or
fignori, chofen every two months by the people,
was eftablimed : from thence to 1304 is only
twenty-two years, in which we fee a conflant
quarrel between the nobility and people, and be-
tween one party of nobles and another, and the
neighbouring dates of Naples, Rome, and Lucca,
in turn, called in to aid the different factions ;
alternate murders, banifhments, confifcations, and
civil wars, as one party and the other prevailed;
and, inilead of a government, and a fyftem of
juftice and liberty, conftant anarchy, and the per-
petual roiling of a mob. In this year, 1304,
Florence was vifited, in this lamentable manner,
with fire and fword. Corfo Donati was the only
perlbn of any diftinclion who did not take up
arms : he thought, that when all parties grew
tired of fighting, he was the more likely to be
called in, arbitrator to decide their differences.
Thev foon after laid down their arms, more out

of

30 Florence.

of wearinefs of their miferies, and that they might
have time to take breath, than from any real de-
fire of being re-united, and living in peace. It
was only flipulated, that the exiles mould not
be fuffered to return ; which was agreed to by thofe
that favoured them, merely becaufe they proved
to be the weaker fide.

New difturbances arifmg, the pope was advifed
by his legate to fummon to Rome twelve of the
principal malecontents of Florence, among whom
was Corfo Donati. They readily obeyed the
fummons. As foon as they were fet out upon
their journey, the legate acquainted the exiles, that
now was their time to return to Florence, as the
city was then clear of the only men that had au-
thority enough to oppofe their entrance. Draw-
ing together what forces they could, they imme-
diately marched, and entered the city : but thofe
very citizens, who, but a little before, had exerted
themfelves in the mod ftrenuous manner for their
return, when they petitioned in the moil humble
arid fubmiilive manner to be admitted, were the
firfl that took up arms againfl them, now they
faw them approach in a hoilile manner, and joined
with the people to drive them back. One is,
however, aflonimed at the reflection of Machia-
vel, " Such was the fpirit of patriotifm amongfi:
" them in thofe days, that they chearfully gave
" up their private interefts for the public good,"
when every page of his hiflory mews, that the
public good was facrificed every day, by all parties,
to their private interefts, friendfhips, and enmi-
ties. After the exiles were repulfed, the citizens
relapfed into their former diflraftions ; and, after
much violence, the govessors of the common-
wealths re-eftab limed the companies of the peo-
ple, and reftorecl the colours under which the r.rts

had

Machiavel. * 1

vV

had formerly been ufed to affemble. The cap-
tains, ftandard-bearers of the companies, and the
officers of juflice, were called together, and ordered
not only to affift the fignori in times of peace
with their counfel, but to fupport and defend
them, by dint of arms, in all exigencies and
commotions. To ailiil the two judges, who had
been conftituted in the beginning of their flate,
they appointed an officer, called il efzecutore, or
iherifF, who was to act in conjunction with the
ftandard-bearers, and fee their orders carried into
execution, whenever the nobility mould be guilty
of any enormity or acl of oppreffion. The pope
died, and Corfo and the other eleven citizens re-
turned, whofe reftlefs ambition occaiioned fuch
troubles. Corfo, in order to make himfelf po-
pular, conllantly oppofed the nobility in all their
fchemes, r.nd, which way foever he obferved the
people to incline, he turned all his authority
to fupport them in it, and gain their affeclion :
fo that in all coritefl and divinons, or when
they had any extraordinary point to carry, they
always reforted to him, and put themfelves under
his directions. Machiavel indeed obferves, " that
" all might now have lived in peace, if the reftlefs
" ambition of Corfo had not occafioned frefli
" troubles." But in this Machiavel is miflaken :
if Corfo had not exiited, the people would have
found fome other leader and confident. When
the people feel that the government is unable or
unwilling to protect them againfl the oppreffions
of the nobles, they always feek out a Caffius,
Maelius, Manlius, or Corfo, to affift the govern-
ment to protect them, or to erect a new govern-
ment that will be able and willing. It is the de-
feel in the government, and the wants of the
people, that excite and infpirit the ambition of

private

32 Florence.

private men. To be fare, the man of any diflinc-
tion, who liflens to the complaints of the people in
fuch cafes, whether from ambition or humanity,
always creates himfelf much hatred and envy
among the mod confiderable citizens. In this
cafe thefe paffions increafed to fuch a degree, that
the faction of the Neri divided and quarrelled
among themfelves. To alienate the affections
of the people from him, they gave out, as the
ariftocracy always does in fuch cafes, that he fe-
cretly defigned to feize upon the government, and
make himfelf king ; and his magnificent manner
of living, and marriage into the family of Fay-
giuola, head of the Bianchi and Ghibellines, made
it eafily believed. His enemies took up arms
againft him and the greater part of the people,
inflead of appearing in his defence, forfook him,
and joined his adverfaries. He was impeached,
refufed to obey the fummons, was declared a con-
tumacious rebel. A civil war enfued ; many were
killed on both fides. After a furious defence, Corfo
threw himfelf from his horfe, and was killed.
Such was the unfortunate end * of Corfo Donati,
to whom his country and the Neri owed much,
both of their good and bad fortune ; one of the
moil eminent men that Florence ever produced.
But Machiavel mould have laid the blame upon
the conftitution, not upon the reftlefs difpofition
or turbulent fpirit of Corfo ; becaufe it is impof-
iible for a man of Corfo's genius, valour and ac-
tivity, in fuch a government, not to be reillefs and
turbulent ; he is never fafe himfelf, and large bo-
dies of people are continually flattering and foli-
citing him, while others are threatening and per-
fecuting him. No nation has a right to blame

* Nevli, p. 9.

fuch

Machia-vel 33-

fuch a citizen, until they have eftablifiied a form
eminent that is capable of protecting him on
one fide, and the people againft him on the other.
TJiis fiimfy fovereignty of the fignori was inade-
quate to either purpofe.

After the death of Corfo, in 1308, the exiles
from Florence excited Henry*, the emperor, to a
war againfl that city, for their reftoration : the
magiitrates applied to Robert, king of Naples,
and gave him the government of the city for five
years, to defend it, and protecl them. This ftorm,
ofter raging fome time, blew over, by the death
of the emperor f. The Ghibellines then, under
the command of Faggiuola, renewed the war, by
making themfelves mailers of Pifa, and commit-
ting depredations on the Florentine territories.
The Florentines fought him, and were totally
defeated. They then applied to king Robert \
for another general ; he fent them the count di
Andria, whole bad conducl, " added," fays Ma-
chiavel, " to the impatient temper of the Flo-
" rentines, which is ibon tired with any form of
" government, and ready to fall into factions
" upon every accident," occafioned the city to
divide again. Machiavel's feverity ought how-
ever, to have been applied to the form of govern-
ment, not to the temper of the people, the latter
being but the natural and neceifary effedt of the
former. In fuch a government the people have
no protection or fecurity; they are continually
oppreffed, vexed, and irritated, by one fadtion
or another, one ally or enemy or another, one
afpiring citizen or family or another, againfl whofe
ufurpations, as the conftitution affords no re-
drefs, they are obliged to recur to arms and a

* Ncrli, p. 10. | Ibid.

t Mcrli, p. 10. Muratjri, Annal. torn, viii . p. 40.

VOL. II. F change

34 Florence.

change of government. The Florentines, in this
cafe, fought afliftance from France and Germany,
but could obtain none : they were determined,
however, to carry their point, took arms, drove
the count out of the city, and fent for one Lando,
of Agobbio, and made him their eflecutore, or
rather dictator or executioner*, with full power
over all the citizens. Lando, being naturally ra-
pacious and cruel, went about the city with a
gang of armed men at his heels, hanging up one
man and then another, as thofe who had fent for
him gave him directions ; and at laft grew fo in-
fblent, that he coined bad money with the Flo-
rentine ftamp, which nobody had courage enough
to oppofe, to fuch a height of power had he ar-
rived by the diflenfions of the citizens ! Miferable
indeed was the condition of the city at that time,
which neither the bitter remembrance of the evils
produced by their former diflenfions, nor the dread
of a foreign enemy at their gates, nor the authority
of a king, was fuiFicient to keep united ; though
their pofleflions were daily ravaged and plundered
abroad by Faggiuola, and at home by Lando.
The nobility, moft of the confiderable commons,
and all the Guelphs, took the king's fide, and hated
Lando and thofe who fupported him; and, to
free themfelves from fo ignominious a yoke, they
wrote to king Robert privately, and intreated
him to appoint count Guido his lieutenant at Flo-
rence, which he readily complied with ; and the
other party, though they had the fignori on their
fide, durft not venture to oppofe a man of fo efla-
blifhed a reputation. But the count foon found he
had very little authority in the city, as the ma-
giftracy, and the ftandard-bearers of the feveral

* Nerli, p. 10.

x companies,

Machiavet. 35

companies, openly favoured Lando and his friends.
Soon afterwards the citizens were reconciled and
united under the long, by the friendly couniel
of his daughter-in-law, and Lando, deprived of
his authority, was fent back to Agobbio fatiated
with blood and rapine*, The government of
the king of Naples was continued three years
longer ; and as the feven who were then in the
iignori were all of Lando's party, fix others were
added to them of the king's, and they continued
thirteen for fome time, but were afterwards re-
duced to feven again.

About this time Caflruccio Caflracanit drove
cut Faggiuola, and fucceeded him in the govern-
ment of Lucca and Pifa. The Florentines had
enough to do to obftrucl the growth of the power
of this fpirited and fortunate youth at the head of
the Ghibelline inter eft, and to defend themfelves
againft him. That the fignori in this war might
proceed with maturer deliberation, and execute
with greater authority, they chofe twelve citizens,
whom they called buonhomini, without whofe
advice and confent the fignori were not to pafs
any act of importance. But this effort of nature
to form a balance to this fimple government was
of fliort duration : the dominion of king Robert
expired, and the government once more reverted
to the citizens, who fet up the fame form of ma-
giflracy that had been formerly inftituted. The
whole city was foon obliged to march againft
Caflruccio, to the relief of Prato, and a procla-
mation was ifTued by the fignori, that every exile
of the Guelph party, who came in to the relief of
Prato, fnould afterwards have liberty to return
home. This policy added four thoufand men to

* Ncrli, p. 11. | IbLl.

their

36 Florence.

their army, which before confided of twenty thou-
fand foot and fifteen hundred horfe. Cafirucclo,
afraid of fo formidable a force, retreated to Lucca.
Upon this retreat, great difputes arofe in the Flo-
rentine camp, between the nobility and people,
about purfuing Caftruccio": thefe debates were re-
ferred to the fignori, which confifting at this
time of commoners as well as of nobility, was as
much divided in opinion. Upon this the people
rofe in a tumult, and forced the fignori to give way
to them ; but it was now too late to follow Caf-
truccio, and the people were fo exafperated, that
they would not fufFer the public faith to be kept
with the exiles. The nobility had fome regard to
their honour, though the people had not, and
took the part of the exiles, which produced an-
other civil war. As it generally happens in all
commonwealths, that after any revolution or re-
markable crifis fonie or other of the old laws are
abrogated, and new ones made in their room,, fo
though the fignori at firft was changed every two
months, yet the magiftrates who were now in of-
fice, having great power, took upon themfelves
to conftitute a fignori out of all the moft confi-
derable citizens, to continue forty months, whofe
names were to be put into a bag or purfe, which
was called imborfation, and a certain number of
them drawn out by lot at the end of every fecond
month ; whereas before, when the old magiftrates
went out of office, new ones were always chofen by
the council. As the council confided only of the
moft confiderable citizens, the government was
before but a fclf-created, or at lead felf-continued
ariftocracy : now it was equally fo, with this dif-
ference only, that lot was fubfdtuted in the room of
choice. As the lot was not to be now renewed till
after a term of above three years, it was thought

they

Machiavcl. 37

they had extinguiih'ed the caufes of all fuch dif-
gniis arid tumults as ufed to happen from the fre-
quent return of elections, and the number of com-
petitors for the magiftracy ; not being aware how
little advantage and how many mifchiefs were
likely to flow from it.

In 1 325, in a war with Caftruccio, the Floren-
tines were betrayed by their general Raymondo.
This man faw that the Florentines had been fo
liberal in difpofmg of themfelves, that they had
fometimes conferred their government upon kings,
fometimes upon legates, and fometimes upon per-
fons of much inferior quality ; he thought, if he
could reduce them to any extremity, they perhaps
would make him their prince : he was very im-
portunate with them to give him the fame com-
mand in the city that he had over their army, as
he pretended he could not otherwife either require
or expect that necefTary obedience which was due
to a general. Not being gratified, he trifled and
delayed, till he was attacked and defeated, with
great daughter, and the lofs of his own life ; receiv-
ing that punifhrnent from the hands of fortune, that
his ambition and perfidy had merited from the Flo-
rentine*. The havoc, the depredations, imprifon-
ments, burnings, and every other kind of devafta-
tion made by Caftruccio upon the Florentines
after this victory, forced them to offer their go-
vernment to Charles duke of Calabria*, fon of
king Robert, upon condition that he would defend
them ; for as that family had been ufed to rule
over them, they chofe rather to fhelter themfelves
under him as their prince, than to truft him as an
But Charles, being engaged in the wars of

:y, fent Gualtier, a Frenchman, and duke of

* Nerli, p. 12.

Athens,

3 8 Florence.

Athens, as his lieutenant, who new-modelled
the magiflracy as he thought fit. His beha-
viour was, in appearance, at firft fo modefl and
temperate, that he gained the affections of every
one.

In 1326 Charles came in perfon with a thou-
fand horfe, and his prefence gave fome check to
Caftruccio, and prevented him from roving and
plundering the country as he dad done: but if
the citizens faved any thing abroad, it was loft
again at home; and when their enemies were
curbed, they became a prey to the infolence and
oppreflion of their friends.' As the fignori were
entirely under the influence of the duke of Athens,
he exacted four hundred thoufand florins from the
city, in one year, though it was exprefsly ftipu-
lated in the agreement made with him, that he
mould not raife above two hundred thoufand in
the whole ; befides which, either Charles or his
father were continually laying fome heavy tax
or other upon the citizens. Thefe miferies were
flill increafed by new jealoufies, freih enemies, and
more extenfive wars, in which all the neighbour-
ing powers were involved, till fuddenly Caftruc-
cio, and Charles, duke of Calabria and lord of
Florence, both died. The Florentines, unex-
pectedly delivered from the oppreffion of one,
and dread of the other, and having once more
recovered their liberty, began to reform the com-
monwealth. They abrogated the ordinances of
all former councils, and created two new ones,
one of which confifted of three hundred of the
commons, and the other of two hundred and fifty
of both commoners and nobility : the former was
called the council of the people, and the latter the
common council.

After the death of Caftruccio, in 1328, till the

year

Macbiavel. 39

year 1340, the Florentines continued wholly in-
tent upon their affairs and wars abroad. In 1340
new difturbances arofe at home. The governors
of the city had two ways of maintaining and in-
creafing their authority: one was, by managing
the imborfations in fuch a manner as always to
fecure the fignori either to themfelves, or their
creatures; the other, by getting judges chofen
who they knew would be favourable to them in
their fentences. And how is it poflible, in any
fimple government, to prevent fuch management,
to draw all the legiflative, executive, and judicial
power into one centre, and that centre a junto of
ariftocratics ? But in this cafe, not content with
two judges, the governors fometimes confli-
tuted a third, whom they called captain of the
guards ; with which office they now vefled Jacomo
d'Agobbio, and gave him an abfolute power over
the citizens. This Jacomo, under the direction
of the governors, behaved with the mod fhame-
lefs infolence and partiality, daily injuring or af-
fronting fomebody or other. Some who were no-
bly born, and men of high fpirit, were provoked
to fuch a degree, that a ftranger mould be intro-
duced into the city by a few of their fellow-citi-
zens who had the power in their hands, on pur-
pofe to infult and abufe all the reft, that they en-
tered into a confpiracy, with many other noble
families, and fome of the commoners, that were
difgufled at fo tyrannical a government, to revenge
themfelves; hence a confpiracy, that again in-
volved the city in blood, in 1340. By artifice
and force together, the fignori prevailed, and fup-
preffed the confpiracy, beheading fome, and pro-
claiming feveral other families rebels*. How-

* Ncrll, p. 14.

eyer,

40 Florence.

ever, it did not fatiate the revenue of thole in ad-
miniftratio'n, to have conquered and fupprefied
thofe families: but, like almoft all other men,
whofe infolence commonly increafes with their
power, they grew more imperious and arbitrary as
they grew flronger ; for though they had only one
captain of the guards to tyrannife over the city
before, they now appointed another to refide in
the country, and veiled him with very great au-
thority; fo that any one who was in the lead ob-
noxious to government could not live quietly,
either within the city or without it. The nobi-
lity, in particular, were daily abufed and infulted
by them in fuch a manner, that they only waited
for an opportunity to * revenge themfeives at any
rate ; and as one foon happened, they did not
fail to take advantage of it. The Florentines had
purchafed Lucca, and carried on a war to recover
it ; but, after a long druggie, were driven out
of it, with much dishonour, and the lois of all
their purchafe-money. This difafler, as it ufually
happens in like cafes, threw the people of Flo-
rence into fuch a rage againil their governors, that
they publicly infulted and upbraided them with
their ill conduct and adminiftration, in all places,
and upon every opportunity.

In the beginning of the war, the management
of it had been committed to twenty citizens, who
appointed Malatefta de Rimini commander in
chief of their forces in that expedition: but as he
executed that charge with little courage, and lefs
difcretion, they folicited .Robert, king of Naples,
for fupplies ; which he accordingly fent them, un-
der the command of Gualtier, duke of Athens,
who, as the evil deftiny of the city would have it,
arri ved there juft at the time when the enterprife
againft Lucca had mifcarried.

The

Machiavel. /,. i

The duke of Athens, arrived at this time*, and
the governors being in great fear of the multi-
tude, made him conferva tor of the peace and
commander in chief, that he might have both au-
thority and power enough to defend them. The
nobility now refolvecl to take their revenge, even
though it mould occafion the dedru&ion of the
city ; imagining there was no other way left to get
the better of the people, who had fo long domi-
neered over them, but to reduce them into fub-
jeclion to a prince, who, being well acquainted
with the worth and generofity of the nobility, and
the infolence of the commons, might treat both par-
ties according to their deferts. They had many pri-
vate meetings to purfuade the duke to take the*go-
vernment wholly into his hands, and promifed to
fupport him with all their intered and power. Se-
veral of the mod confiderable commoners joined
them, particularly the families of the Peruzzi,
Acciaivoli, Antellefi, and Buonaccorfi. Such en-
couragement, and fo fair an opportunity, inflamed
the duke, who was naturally ambitious, with a
dill greater third of power ; and to ingratiate him-
felf with the lower fort of the people, by acting
like a jud and upright magidrate, he ordered a
procefs to be commenced againd thofe that had
been entruded with the management of the late
war againd the Lucchefe : in confequence of which
Giovanni de Medici and two others were put to
death, feveral others banimed, and many obliged
to pay large fums of money for their pardon.
This ievere manner of proceeding alarmed the
middle fort of citizens, though it was very grate-
ful to the nobility and common people, as the
latter generally take pleafure in executions, and

* Nerli, p. 15.

the
VOL. IL G

42 Eloren* /.

the former were not a little rejoiced at the fall of
thofe by whom they had been fo grievoufly op-
prefled : fo that, v/henever the duke paffed through
the ilreets, they refounded with acclamations and
praifes of his juftice and refolution, while every
one exhorted him to perievere in his endeavours
to detect the guilty, and bring them _to condign
punifliment. Notwithstanding all the expoftula-
tions of the fignori, in 1342, in an aflembly of all
the people., the government was given to the duke
for life, and he was carried about in a chair,
amidfl the acclamations of the multitude ; the
ftandard of the city was torn to pieces, and the
duke's planted in his (lead, at which all the good
citizens were infinitely grieved and mortified,
whilft thofe who, either out of malice or ftupidity,
had confented to this election, did not a little re-
joice.

MachiavePs next talk is to give us a detail of
the duke's tyrannical behaviour, which was as wild,
cruel, and mad, as all other tyrannies have been
which were created on the ruins of a republic.
The duke perceived the general odium he had in-
curred ; but affected to think himfelf extremely
beloved. He was informed of a plot againft him,
in which the family of the Medici, and others, were
concerned ; but he ordered the informer to be put
to death. He cut out the tongue of Bettoni for
complaining of heavy taxes, &c. His outrages
were fufficient to roufe the Florentines, who neither
knew how to value their liberty, nor endure fla-
very, fays Machiavel. But the truth is, they had
no liberty to value, and nothing but ilavery to
endure : their conititution was no protection of
right ; their laws never governed. They were
Haves to every freak and pailioii, every party and
faction, every afpiring or difappcinted noble :.

fometimes-

Machiavel. 43

fonietimes to the pope, fometimes to the king
of Naples, fometimes to Lando ; fometimes to
one nobleman, fometimes to another ; fometimes
to their own fignori, and fometimes to their cap-
tains of arts. If the word republic mull be ufed
to fignify every government in which more than
one man has a mare, this mufi: be called by that
name it is true ; but a republic and a free govern- .
merit may be different things.

There were now three confpiracies on foot
againfi the duke at once ; but each confpiracy was
a new fyfteni of tyranny, and aimed only at in-
troducing one fyftem inftead of another, inftead
of any concert, or reafonable combination, to take
dov/n a bad government and fet up a good o^e.
The three natural divifions of fociety forme/i three
different plots to fet up a new tyrazviy, each in
its own way: the nobility bd one plot, the
commons another, and the artificers a third.
What ideas of the rights of mankind muft thefe
people have entertained ! The commons had been
deprived of the government, and they had no
idea that the nobility or artifans had any rights ;
the nobility were not reftored to the government,
which was all they wanted ; and the 'artifans had
loft their bufmefs ; but none of thefe orders could
communicate with the others. Affaffi nations of
the duke feems to have been all the object in
view, as if that would remedy all the evils : the
plots, however, were too freely communicated,
and at laft were told to the duke.

In 1343 the city was all in a tumult, and
" Liberty, liberty !" was the cry. A war was
carried on in the city, and each party changed
fides feveral times ; but, after long diftraclions,
and much bloodfhed and devaluation, the <Juke

. blocked up in the .-palace, and the citizens

aflembled

44 Florence.

afiembled to reform the government. Four-
teen perfons, one half of them of the nobility,
and the other commoners, with the archbiihop,
had full power given them to new-model .the
flate. The judicial department was committed
to fix magiftrates, who were to adminifter juflice
till the arrival of the perfon who fliould be
chofen to fill that office. " Greater, certainly,"
fays Machiavel, " and more cruel, is the refentment
of the people when they have recovered their
liberty, than when they are acting in defence
of it ; and an inflance of brutal ferocity hap-
pened here that is a difgrace to human nature.
The people infilled upon fome perfons being de-
livered up to them, and among them a father and
fon ; when thefe were brought out and delivered
up to thoufands of their enemies : and though the
fon was not eighteen, yet neither his youth nor
innocence, nor the gracefulnefs of his perfon, were
fufficient to protect him from the rage of the
multitude. Many who could not get near enough
to reach them whilft they were alive, thruft their
fwords into them after they were dead ; and not
content with this, they tore their carcafles to pieces
with their nails and teeth, that fo all their fenfes
might be glutted with revenge ; and after they
had feafted their ears with their groans, their
eyes with their wounds, and their touch with
tearing the flefh off their bones, as if all this
was not enough, the tafte likewife muft have its
ihare and be gratified. This is MachiavePs de-
fcription of this favage barbarity ; and his words
are here preferved, that it may be feen and con-
fidered, that human nature is the fame in a mob
as upon a throne, and that unbridled paffions are
at leaft as brutal and diabolical, and unlimited
power as tyrannical, in a mob as in a monarch or

fenate ;

MachiaveL 45

fenate : they are worfe ; for there is always a
number among them who are under lefs reflraints
of fhame and decency. After the people were
thus fatiated with blood, the duke and his friends
were fufFered to withdraw with their effects un-
molefled out of Florence. After fome difputes
between the nobility and people, it was agreed
that one third of the fignori, and one half of the
other magiftratea and other officers of ftate, mould
confifl of the nobility. The city was divided into
fix parts, each of which chofe one of the fignori;
and though it fometimes happened that their num-
ber was increafed to twelve or thirteen, yet they
were afterwards again reduced to fix. But as thefe
fix parts were not duly proportioned, and they
defigned to give more power and authority to the
nobility, it was neceiTary to make a new regula-
tion in this point, and to increafe the number of
fignori. They divided the city therefore into
quarters, and chofe three of the fignori out of
each. The ftandard-bearer of jurlice, and thofe
of the feveral companies, were laid afide; and in-
ilead of the twelve buonhomini, they created
eight counfellors, four of each quality.

" The commonwealth," fays Machiavel, " being
" fettled upon this bottom, might have continued
" quiet and happy, if the nobility could have
" been content to confine themfelves within the
" bounds of that moderation which is requifite
" in all republican governments." It is impof-
fible to read thefe grave reflections of Machia-
vel and Nedham, fo often repeated, with pati-
ence. It would bs as wife to fay, that the na-
tion might be quiet and happy under a defpot
or monarch, if the defpot or monarch, and his
miniftefs and minions, could be content and
moderate ; or that the commonwealth might be
happy under an 'oligarchy cr fimple ariflocracy, if

all

46 Florence.

all concerned in government could be content and
moderate. When we know human nature to be
utterly incapable of this content, why mould we
fuppoie it ? Human nature is querulous and dif-
contented wherever it appears, and almoft all the
happinefs it is capable of arifes from this 'difcon-
tented humour. It is action, not reft, that con-
ilitutes our pleafure. All we have to do is to
guard and provide againft this quality ; we can-
not eradicate it. " But the behaviour of the no-
" bility was quite the contrary, 5 * fays Machiavel ;
" for as they always difdained the thoughts of
" equality, even when they lived a private life, fo
" now they were in the magiftracy they thought to
" domineer over the whole city, and every day
" produced frefh inftances of their pride and arro-
" gance ; which exceedingly galled the people,
" when they faw they had depofed one tyrant,
" only to make room for a thoufand." All this
one may fafely believe to be exactly true ; but what
then ? Why, they ought to have feparated the
nobles from the commons, and made each inde-
pendent on the other. Mixed together, in equal
halves, the nobles will for ever tyrannife. The
infolence of one fide, and the indignation and
impatience of the other, at laft increafed to fuch
a height, that both fides flew to arras, and the peo-
ple, being mofl numerous, carried their point, and
deprived the nobles in the fignori of their autho-
rity : the four counfeilors of their order were alfo
turned out of their offices, and the remaining
number increafed to twelve, which confided of
commoners only. Befides which, the eight which
remained in the fignori not only made a new
ilandard-bearer of juflice, and fixteen other ftand-
ard-bearers over the companies of the people, but
modelled all the councils in fuch a manner, that

the

Michiavel. 47

the government was now entirely in the hands of
the people; and we fhall foon fee how well it
operated. There happened a great dearth in Flo-
rence, fo that there were grievous difcontents both
among the nobility and common people ; the
former repining at the lofs of their authority, and
the latter murmuring for want of bread. Andrea
Strozzi fold corn a,s cheap as Maelius did in
Rome. This drew fuch numbers to his houfe,
that he boldly mounted his horfe one morning,
and putting himfelf at the head of them, called
upon all the reft of the people to take up arms :
by which means he got together above four thou-
fand men in lefs than an hour, and conducting them
to the palace of the fignori, demanded the doors
of it to be thrown open to him. This attempt
was too bold and rafh to fucceed ; yet it gave the
nobility frefn hopes of recovering their power,
now they faw the inferior fort of people fo incenfed
agamjl the commons. They refolved to take arms,
and make ufe of all -manner of allies to regain
that by force which they conceived had been
taken from them with fo much injustice ; and
to infure fuccefs, they provided themfelves with
arms, fortified their houfes, and fent to their friends
in Lombardy for fupplies. The commons and the
fignori, on the other hand, were no lefs bufy in
arming themfelves, and fent to the Sienefe and
Perugians to defire their afliftance ; fo that when
the auxiliaries on each fide arrived the wholv city
was foon in arms. We ought to paufe here, and
remark a combination of parties that is perfectly
natural, though it has feldom occurred in the
hiilory of any nation fo diftinctly as to be def-
canted on by hiftorians or politicians. Here is as
diftind: a divifion between the commons and the
lower clafs, as there ever was between nobles and

comjnons.

48 Florence.

commons. By. the commons in this place are
meant, thofe citizens who in every nation of the
world are commonly denominated the middling
people, who, it mult be confefled, have been, in all
ages and countries, the mod induftrious and frugal,
and every way the moft virtuous part of the com-
munity. In all countries they have, fome influence
in many they have had fome fhare in the govern-
ment : but no inflance but this is at prefent recol-
lecled where they have ever had a foverignty in
their hands, exclufive both of the higheft and
lowed claffes of citizens. As if it had been the
intention of Providence to exhibit to mankind a
demonstration, that power has the fame effects
upon all minds, we find in this inflance the
Florentine commons clifcovering the fame difpo-
fition to tyrannife over all above and all below them,
as clearly as ever kings, nobles, or mobs, difcover-
ed it when they had the power. The nobility drew
up in three divifions. The commons, affembled
under the ftandard of juflice, and the colours of
their refpeftive companies, and under the com-
mand of the Medici, immediately attacked one
of the divifions of the nobility. At this time
the Medici were only commoners : we {hall here-
after fee that they became nobles and fovereigns,
and have placed fons and daughters on fome of
the thrones of Europe. The action was hot and
bloody for three hours, during which they had
great flones tumbled down upon their heads from
the tops of the houfes, and were terribly galled with
crofs-bows below. All parties behaved with an
obflinate bravery, that would have done honour to
any good caufe ; but it is unnecefiary to relate all
the attacks and defences, and all the viciffitudes
of fortune, in the courfe of the civil war : the num-
bers of the commoners finally prevailed, " upon

which,"

M.achia'vcL 49

" which," fays Machiavel, " the people, efpe-
" cially the inferior fort of them, naturally rapa-
" cious and greedy of fpoil, began to plunder
" the houfes of the nobility, which they after-
cc wards burnt down to the ground ; and cornmited
" fuch other outrages, as the bittereft enemy to
" the city of Florence would have been afhamed
" of." The nobility being in this manner entirely
fubdued, the people took upon them to reform
the (late ; and as there were three degrees of them,
it was ordained, that the higheft rank fhould have
the nomination of two of the fignori, the middle
fort of three, and the lowed of three more, and
that the ftandard-bearer of judice mould be chofen
by turns out of all three. The old laws were re-
vived and put in execution againd the nobility ;
and, to reduce them dill more effectually, many
of them were incorporated with the other daffes *.
By thefe means they were brought fo low, that
they became abject and pufilanimous, and never
duril rife any more againd the people : fo that
being deprived of their arms and honours, their
fpirit and generofity likewife feemed to be extin-
guifhed. After this depreflion of the nobles, the
plague, of which above ninety-fix thoufand peo-
ple died in Florence, and a war with the Vicenti,
kept the city in tranquility till 1353. The war
being ended, new factions fprung up in the city :
for though the nobility were ruined, fortune found
other means to raife frefh troubles and diflen-
fions.

The bitter animofities which generally happen
between the people and the nobility, from an ambi-
tion in the one to command, and a reluctance in
the other to obey, are the natural fources of thofe

* Ncrli, p. 18. Mi/lti avveliti fi faniio popolanl.

VOL. II. Ji calamities

50 Florence.

calamities that are incident to commonwealths ;
for all other evils that uiually diflurb their peace
are both occafioned and fomented by this contra-
riety of difpofitions. It was this that kept Rome
fo long divided. This alib gave birth to the fac-
tions tliat fprung up in Florence ; though indeed
it produced very different effects at lad in the
two cities : for the difputes that firft arofe be-
tween the nobility and the people of Rome were
determined by reaibn and expostulation ; but thofe
at Florence by the fword. In Rome, that was
affected by the laws, which in Florence could
hardly be done by the banimment and death of
numbers of their citizens. The quarrels of the
Romans flill added to their fpirit and military vir-
tue ; while thole of the Florentines utterly extin-
guifhed them. The former deftroyed that equality
which was at firft erlablifhed, and introduced a
prodigious defparity among the citizens : the latter,
on the contrary, abolifhcd all fuperiority or dif-
ference of rank, and put every man upon the
fame level. This diverfity of effects muft cer-
tainly have proceeded from a difference of views.
The people of Rome defired no more than to
mare with the nobility in the administration of
the commonwealth ; but the people of Florence
were not defirous to have the government
of the ftate to themfelves, but uied violent mea-
fures, and took up arms to exclude their nobles
from any part in it : and as the terms of the
Rome people were more moderate, their de-
mands feemed not unreafonable to the nobility,
who therefore complied with them ; ib that, after
fome little bickerings, and without coming to an
open rupture, a law was made, by which the peo-
ple were fatisfied, at leaft for a time, and the
nobles continued in their honours and offices. On

the.

MacJjiavel. 5 1

the other hand, the demands of the Florentine
people were fo extravagant and injurious, that the
nobility took up arms to fuppcrt their privileges,
and their quarrels grew to fuch a height^ that
numbers were either banifhed or flain before they
could be ended ; and the laws afterwards made,
were calculated rather for the private advantage
of the viclors, than for the good of the public. The
fuccefs of the people of Rome made that (late
more powerful ; for as they were equally admitted
to govern the commonwealth, and to command
their armies and provinces, with the nobility, they
became infpired with the fame virtue and magna-
nimity ; and as they grew more public fpirited,
their power alfo increafed. But in Florence,, when
the people had fubdued the nobility, they divefted
them of all manner of authority, and left them
no poflibiiity of recovering any part of it, except
they would entirely conform to their cuficrns and
manner of living, and not only fubmit to appear, but
to be commoners like themfelves. And this was
the reafon that induced them to change their arms
and vary their titles, and the names of their fami-
lies, which was fo frequent in thofe times among
the nobility, in order to infmuate themfelves into
the affections of the people : fo that the military
fpirit, and greatnefs of foul, for which the nobility
had been held in fuch veneration, was utterly ex-
tinguifhed, and not by any means to be raifed in
the people, where there were no feeds of it ; by
which means Florence became every day more
abjecl and pufillanirrious. And -whereas Rome at
lall became fo powerful and wanton by the effect
of its virtue, that it could not be governed other-
wife than by one prince ; Florence was reduced
fo low, that a wife legifiator might eafily have
modelled it, and given it what form he plcafed.

The

5 2 Florence.

The factions between the nobility and the - com-
mons, which ended in the utter ruin of the for-
mer, have been already related ; but peace was
not obtained. All authority was in one centre,
the commons ; and there were other orders of ci-
tizens, \vho were not fatisfied ; the fame coriteft
therefore continued, under a new form and new
names. They now happened between the com-
mons and plebeians, which were only new names,
in reality, for a new nobility and commons : the
commons now took the place of the nobility, and
the plebeians that of the commons. Machiavel
is as clear and full for a mixed government as any
writer : but the noble invention of the negative
of an executive, upon a legifiature in two branches,
which is the only remedy in contefts between no-
bles and commons, feems never to have entered
his thoughts ; and nothing is more entertaining
than that mill which is perpetually before eyes fo
piercing, fo capable of looking fo far through the
hearts and deeds of men as his, for want of that
thought. " There feemed to be no feeds of fu-
" ture dirTenfions left in Florence." No feeds !
Not one feed had been eradicated : all the feeds
that ever exifled remained in full vigour. The
feeds were in the human heart ; and were as ready
to moot in the commons and plebeians, as they had
been in the nobles. " But the civil deftiny of our
" city, and want of good conduct, occasioned a
" new emulation between the families of the Al-
" bizi and the Ricci*, which produced as fatal

" divifions

* Erano in que* tempi cofi fatti gli Albizi, e' Ricci due
famiglie popolane intra Paltre di gran reputazione, e di molto
feguito, per effer di parentado grandiffimo, ed erano inciaf-
cheduna di efie, uomini grandi, e reputati, c che afpiravano
molto alii primi gradi del governo, c alia grandezzadello

ftato

Machi&veL 53

" divifions as thofe between the Buondelmonti and
" Uberti, and the other between the Cherchi and
" Donati, had done before." It was no evil-def-
tiny peculiar to Florence : it is common to every
city, nation, village, -and club. The evil defliny
is in human nature. And if they plebeians had
prevailed over the common, as thefe had done
over the nobility, fome two plebeian families
would have appeared upon the ftage, with all the
emulation of the Albiza and Ricci, to occafion
diviiions and difTenfions, feditions and rebellions,
confifcations and baniihments, afTailinations, con-
flagrations, and maffacres, and all other fuch good-
things as appear for ever to recommend a fimple
government in every form. When it is found in
experience, and appears probable in theory, that
fo fimple an invention as a feparate executive, with
power to defend itfelf, as a full remedy againft the
fatal effects of diffenfions between nobles and com-
mons, why fhould we flill finally hope that fimple
governments, or mixtures of two ingredients only,
will produce eftecls which they never did, and we
know never can ? Why fhould the people be (till
deceived with infmuationss that thofe evils arofe
from the deftiny of a particular city, when we
know that deiliny is common to all mankind ?
" Betwixt the two families of Albiza and Ricci
" there was a mortal hatred, each confpiring the
" deftru&ion of the other, in order to engrofs the
" fole management of the commonwealth with
<c lefs difficulty *. However, they had not as yet

" taken

ftato loro, e pero traendo ad un medefimo fegno, era tra loro
1'odio, e Pemulazione, ma non gia erano venuti A maiufefta
divifione, ne all' armi, per iuiino all' anno 1353. Nerli,
p. 21.

* E pero LJgwccione de Ricci reflringendofi, com capo di

quella

54 Florence.

cc taken up arms, or proceeded to open violence
" on either fide, but only thwarted each other in.
" council, and the execution of their offices." A
private quarrel happened in the market, and a ru-
mour was inflantly fpread, nobody knew by whom,
that the Ricci were going to attack the Albizi ;
and by others it was faid, that the Albizi were
preparing to fall upon the Ricci. Thefe flories
were carried to both parties, and occafioned fuch
an uproar throughout the whole city, that the ma-
giftrates found it very difficult to keep the two
families, and their friends, from coming to a battle
in earned ; though neither fide had intended any
fuch thing, as was malicioufly reported. This dii-
turbance, though accidental, inflamed their former
animofities, and determined both fides to flrengthen
their parties, and be upon their guard : and fince
the citizens were reduced to fuch a degree of
equality by the fuppreffion of the nobility, that
the magiftrates were held in greater reverence than
ever they had been before, each family refolved to
avail thernfelves rather of public and ordinary
means, than of private violence.

The in rigues of thefe two families to fupplant
each other are very curious ; but as the detail of
them is long, we ihall leave the Reader to amufe
himfelf with them at his leifure, and come to a
fpeech made to the fignori, by an eminent citizen,
when affairs were become fo critical and danger-
ous as to alarm all impartial men. " The com-

quella famiglia, con gli fuoi confortf, e con I primi capl clella
loro fetts, penfarono di poter privar del governo gli Albiza,
corr.e difcHi anticamente d'Arezzo, e pero tegaetiti del Ghi-
bellino <'gni volta, che fi ritrovafTe una legge, per la quale
era prohibro a ^jusflurkjuc defcefo di Ghibdlino di poter
efereitare officio, o magiftrato alcuno, la quel legcre era difu-
fata, ne piu s'adoperava, ne fi mettava in atto o s'oflervava
in modo alcuno. Nerli, p. 21.

"mon-

55

" mon clifeafe," fays he, " magnificent figniors,
" of the other cities in Italy has invaded ours,
" and is continually eating deeper and deeper into
" its vitals. All our towns, for want of due re-
cc ftraint, have ran into extremes, and from liberty
" denegenerated into downright licentioufnefs, mak-
" ing fuch laws and inllituting fuch governments,
" as were rather calculated to foment and fupport
c factions, than maintain freedom. From this
" fource are derived all the defects and diforders
" we labour under : no friendfhip or union is to
ci> be found among the citizens, except betwixt
" fuch as are accomplices in fome wicked defign,
" either againft their neighbours or their country ;
" all religion and fear of God are utterly ex-
" tinguifhed ; promifes and oaths are no further
" binding than they ferve to promote fome pri-
" vate advantage, and taken, not with any defign
" to obferve them, but as necefiary means to fa-
" cilitate the perpetration of villanies, which are
" even honoured and applauded as good conduct,
" if they meet \vith iuccefs. From hence it
" comes to pafs, that the mod wicked and aban-
" doned wretches are admired as able, enterpriiing
" men ; while the innocent and confcientious
" are laughed at, and depifed as fools. The
" young men are indolent and effeminate ; the
" old, Iafciviou3 and contemptible : without re-
" gard to age or fex, every place is full of the
mod licentious brutality, for which the laws
themfelves, though good and wholefome, are
yet fo partially executed, that they do not afford
any remedy. This is the real caufe of that
felfifli fpirit which now fo generally prevails,
and of that ambition, not for true glory, but
for places which difhonour the pofleflbrs ;
hence proceed thofe fatal animofities, thofe feeds

" ot

"

56 Florence.

" of envy, revenge, and fa&ion, with their ufual
" attendants, executions, banifhments, deprefTion
* c of good men, and exaltation of the wicked.
" The ringleaders of parties vanifh over their
" pernicious defigns with fome facred title : for
" being, in reality, enemies to all liberty, they
" more effectually deftroy it, by pretending to
" defend the rights fometimes of the nobility,
" fometimes of the commons ; fmce the fruit
" which they expecl from a victory is not the
c< glory of having delivered their country, but the
" iatisfaclion of having conquered the oppofite
" party, and fecured the government of the flatc
" to themfelves ;, and when once they have ob-
" tained that, there is no fort of cruelty, injuflice,
u or rapine, that they are not guilty of. From
" thenceforward laws are enacled, not for the corn-
u mon good, but for private ends ; war and peace
" are made, and alliances concluded, not for the
" honour of the public, but to gratify the hu-
" mours of particular men : our laws, our flatutes,
" and civil ordinances, are made to indulge the
" caprice, or ferve the ambition of the conqueror,
" not to promote the true intereft of a free peo-
" pie ; fo that one faction is no fooner extin-
" guifhed, but another is lighted up. A city that
" endeavours to fupport itfelf by parties inftead
46 of laws, can never be at peace ; for when one
" prevails, and is left without oppofition, it necef-
" farily divides again. When the Ghibcllines were
** depreffed, every one thought the Guelphs would
" then have lived in peace and fecurity ; and yet
cc it was not long before they divided into the fac-
cc tions of the Neri and Bianchi. When the Bianchi
" were reduced, new commotions arofe, fometimes
<c in favour of the exiles, fometimes betwixt the
" nobility and people : and to give that away to

tv others,

Machiavel. 57

u others, which we could not or would not poflefs

" quietly ourfelves, we firfl committed our liber-

" ties into the hands of king Robert, then of his

" brother, next of his fon, and lafl of all to the

" mercy of the duke of Athens, never fettling or

' repofing under any government ; as people that

* c could neither be iatisfied with being free, nor

^ fubmit to live in flavery, Nay, fo much was

" our ftate inclined to divifion, that rather than

'" acquiefce under the government of a king, it

" meanly proltituted itfelf to the tyranny of a

" vile and pitiful Agobbian. The duke of Athens

" was no fooner expelled, but we took up arms

" again, and fought againft each other with more

" rancour and inveteracy than ever, till the an-

" cient nobility were entirely iubdued, and lay at

" the mercy of the people. It was then the general

<c opinion there would be no more factions or

" troubles in Florence, fmce thofe were humbled

" whofe infupportable pride and ambition had

" been the chief occafion of them ; but we now

" fee that pride and ambition, which was thought

" to be utterly extinguifhed by the fall of the no-

c bility, now fprings up again among the people ?

" who begin to be equally impatient for autho-

" rity, and afpire with the fame vehemence to the

cc -firil offices in the commonwealth. It feems the

" will of Heaven that certain families mould

" fpring up in all comwonwealths to be the pell

" and ruin of them : our city owes its miferies

" and diftraclions not merely to one or two, but

" to feveral of thofe families ; firft to the Boun-

cc delmonti and Uberti, next to the Donati and

" Cherchi, and now to our fhame be it fpoken,

cc to the Ricci and Albizi. Why may not this

" commonwealth, in fpite of former examples to

" the contrary, not only be united, but reformed

" and
VOL. II. I

5 8 Florence.

" and improved by new laws and conilitutions ?

" 'I ou r>ii[jc not impute the factions of our ancc/lors

" to the nature cf the men^ but to the iniquity of the
" times 9 which being now altered, afford this city

" fair hopes of better fortune ; and our diforders
" may be corrected by the inftitution of \vhole-
" feme laws, by a prudent reftraint of ambition,

6 and by prohibiting fuch cufloms as tend to
" nourifh and propagate faction, and by fubfli-
" tuting others that may conduce to maintain li-
c; berty and good civil government."

This fpeeh, although upon the whole it is ex-
cellent, has feveral effential miflakes. That cer-
tain families will fpring up in every fimple go-
vernment, and in every injudicious mixture of
ariflocracy and democracy, to be the pefl and ruin
of them, is moil certain. It is the will of Heaven
that the happinefs of nations mould depend upon the
ufe of their reafon, as well as that of individuals ;
they mufl therefore provide for themfelves con-
flitutions, which will reflrain the ambition of fa-
milies : without the reftraint, the ambition cannot
be prevented ; nature has planted it in every hu-
man heart. The factions of their anceflors ought
not to have been imputed to the iniquity of the
times ; for all times and places are fo iniquitous.
Thofe factions grew out of the nature of men un-
der fuch forms of government ; and the new form
ought to have been fo contrived, as to produce a
remedy for the evil. This might have been done ;
for there is a way of making the laws more pow-
erful than any particular perfons or families. As
this advice was conformable to the fentinients of
the fignori, they appointed fifty-fix citizens* to
provide for the fafety of the commonwealth : but

* Nerli, p. 2z FL-CC creare una balia de 56 ciita.lini.

as

Michia-vel. 59

as moll people are fitter to preferve good order,
than to reitore it when loft, thefe citizens took
more pains to extinguish the prefent factions, than
to provide againfl new ones, which was the reafon
that they fucceeded in neither ; for they not only
did not take away the occafion of frefh ones but
made one of thofe that were then fublifling fo
much more powerful than the other, that the
commonwealth was in great danger. They de-
prived three of the family of Albizi, and as many
of the Ricci, of all mare in the magistracy for
three years, except in fuch branches of it as were
particularly appropriated to the Guelph party ; of
which number Pietro degli Albizi and Uguccione
de Ricci were two. Thefe provifions bore much
harder upon the Ricci than the Albizi ;- for though
they were equally ftigmatized, yet the Ricci were
the greater fufferers. Pietro, indeed, was excluded
from the palace of the fignori, but he had free
admittance into that of the Guelphs, where his
authority was very great ; and though he and his
affociates were forward enough in their admoni-
tions before, they became much forwarder after
this mark of difgrace, and new accidents oc-
curred, which (till more inflamed their refentment.
Gregory the Eleventh was pope at that time, and
refiding at Avignon, as his late predecefibrs had
done, he governed Italy by legates, who being
haughty and rapacious, had grievoufly opprefled
feveral of the cities. One of thefe legates being,
then at Bologna, took advantage of a fcarcity,
and refolved to make himfelf mailer cf Tufcany.
This occafioned the war with the pope*. The
Florentines entered into a confederacy with Ga-
leazzo, and all the other ftates that were at va-

* Nerli, p. z$. -

riance

60 Florence.

riance with the church; after which they appointed
eight citizens for the management of it, whom
they invcfled with an abfolute power of proceed-
ing, and d'fburfmg money without controul or
account. This war gave frefh courage to the
Ricci, who, in oppofition to the Albizi, had upon
all occafions favoured Galeazzo, and appeared
againft the church ; and efpecially becaufe all the
eight were enemies to the Guelphs ; but though
they made a vigorous war againft the pope, they
could not defend themielves againft the captains
and their adherents. The envy and indignation
with which the Guelphs looked upon the eight,
made them grow fo bold and infolent, that they
often affronted and abufed them, as well as the
reft of the principal citizens. The captains were
no lefs arrogant ; they were even more dreaded
than the fignori, and men went with greater awe
and reverence to their houfes than to the palace ;
fo that all the ambaiTadors who came to Florence
were inftrucled to addrefs themfelves to the cap-
tains.

After the death of the pope, the city had no war
abroad, but was in great confufion at home; for,
on one hand, the Guelphs were become fo auda-
cious, that they were no longer fupportable ; and
on the other, there was no vifible way to fupprefs
them ; it was necefiary, therefore, to take up arms,
and leave the event to fortune. On the fide of
the Guelphs were all the ancient nobility, and the
greater part of the more powerful citizens : on
the other were all the inferior fort of people,
headed by the eight, and joined by George Scali,
Strozzi, the Ricci, the Alberti, and the Medici.
The reft of the multitude, as it almoft always
happened, joined with the difcontented party.
The power of their adverfaries feemed to be very

great

Machiavel. 61

great to the heads of the Guelphs, and their dan-
ger great, if at any time a fignori that was not on
their fide fhould attempt to deprefs them. They
found the number of perfons who had been ad-
monifhed was fo great, that they had difobliged
moft of the citizens, and made them fcheir ene-
mies. They thought there was no other remedy,
now they had deprived them of their honours, but
to banifh them out of the city, leize upon the pa-
lace of the fignori, and put the government of the
Rate wholly into the hands of their own crea-
tures, according to the example of the Guelphs,
their predeceffors, whofe quiet and fecurity was
entirely owing to the total expulfion of their ene-
rgies : but as they differed in opinion about the
time of putting their project in execution, the
eight, aware of the trick intended, deferred the
imborfation, and fylveftro, the fon of Almanno
de Medici, was appointed gonfalonier *. As he
was born of one of the moil cbnfiderable families
of the commoners, he could not bear to fee the
people opprefTed by a few grandees. With Al-
berti, Strozzi, and Scali, he fecretly appeared a
decree, by which the laws againil the nobility
were to be revived, the authority of the captains
retrenched, and thofe who had been admonifhed
admitted into the magiftracy. Sylveilro being
preiident, and confequently prince of the city for
a time, caufedboth a college and council to be
called the fame morning ; but his decree was
thrown out as an innovation. He went away to
the council, and pretended to refign his. office and
leave the people to choofe another perfon, who
might either have more virtue or better fortune
than himfelf: upon this, fuch of the council as
were in the fecret, and others who wifhed for a

* Nerli, p. 13.

change,

62 Florence.

change, raifed a tumult in 2378 *, to which the
fignori and the colleges immediately repaired ; and
feeing their gonfalonier retiring, they obliged him,
partly by their authority, and partly by their en-
treaties, to return to the council, which was in
great confcifion. Many of the principal citizens
were threatened, and treated with the utmoft info-
lence : among the reft Carlo Strozzi was collared
by an artificer, and would have been knocked on the
head, if fome of the by-flanders had not refcued
him. But the perfon who made the greateft dif-
turbance was Benedetto degii Alberti, who got
into one of the windows of the palace, and called
out to the people to arm ; upon which the piazza
was inftantly full of armed men, and the colleges
were obliged to do that by fear, which they would
not come into when they were petitioned. But
whoever intends to make any alteration in a com-
monwealth, and to effect it by raifmg the multi-
tude, will find himfelf deceived, if he thinks he
can flop where he will, and conduct it as he
pleafes. The defign of Sylveftro was to quiet and
lecure the city, but the thing took a very different
turn ; for the people were in fuch a ferment, that
the fhops were fhut up, the houfes barricadoed,
and many removed their goods for fecurity into
churches and convents. All the companies of the
arts affembled, and each of them appointed a
fyndic. The fignori called the colleges together,
and were a whole day in confultation with the
fyndics, how to compofe the diforders to the fatif-
faftion of all parties : but they could not agree.
The council, then, to hold out fome hopes offa-
tisfa&ion to the arts and the reft of the people,
gave zf till power, which the Florentines call a ba-
lia, to the fignori, the colleges, the eight, the

* Muratovi, Annal. torn. viii. p. 375. G'rno Camponi del tumulto de'
Ciompi, torn, xviii. Rer. Italic.

captains

MachiaveL 63

captains of the parties, and the fyndics of the arts,
to reform the date. But while they were employed
in this, fome of the inferior companies of the arts,
at the mitigation of certain perfons, who wanted
to revenge the late injuries they had received
from the Guelphs, detached themfelves from the
reft, and went to plundering and burning houfes :
they broke open the jails, fet the prifoners at li-
berty, and plundered the monafteries and convents.
The next morning the balia proceeded to re-qua-
lify the ammoniti, the admonijhed, though with an
injunction not to exercife any function in the ma-
giftracy for three years : they repealed fuch laws
as had been made by the Guelphs to the prejudice
of the other citizens, and proclaimed rebels many
who had incurred the hatred of the public : after
which the names of the new fignori were publifhed,
and Louigi Guicciardini declared their gonfalo-
nier*. If thofe who were admonifhed, the am-
moniti, could have been content, the city was in a
fair way of being quieted ; but they thought it
hard to wait three years longer, before they could
enjoy any mare in the magiftracy. The arts af-
fembled again to obtain fatisfaftion for them, and
demanded of the fignori, that for the good and
quiet of the city it mould be decreed, that no
citizen for the future mould be admonimed as a
Ghibelline, who had ever been one of the fignori
or the college, or the captains of the companies,
or the confuls or fyndics of any of the arts ; and
further, that a new imborfation mould be made of
the Guelph party, and the old one burnt. It fel-
dom happens that men who covet the property of
others, and long for revenge, are fatisfted with a
bare reftitution of their own. Accordingly fome,

* Neili, p. 24.

who

64 Florence.

who expected to advance their fortunes by exciting
commotions *, endeavoured to perfuade the arti-
ficers, that they could never be fafe, except many
of their enemies were either banifhed or cut off.

The city continued in the utmoft confufion be-
tween the two new parties of commons and ple-
beians. But waving a particular detail, the effence
of feveral years miferies may be collected from
two fpeeches. One is of Louigi Guicciardini, a
ftandard-bearer to the plebeians : " The more we
" grant," fays he, " the more fhamelefs and arrogant
" are your demands, Others may flatter you, but
" we mall always think it our duty to tell you
** plainly, and without difguife, what we think is for
<c your good. What is there, in the name of God,
" that you can reafonably aik more of us ? You
" defired to have the captains of the parties de-
" prived of their authority ; they have been de-
" prived. You infifled that the old imborfation
" fliould be burnt, and a new one made ; we con-
** fented. You wanted to have thofe reinftated
" in the magiftracy, that had been admonilheJ ;
" it has been granted. At your mterceffion we
" pardoned fuch as had been guilty of burning
" houfes, and robbing churches, and banifhed
40 many of our principal citizens at your inftiga-
" tion. To gratify you, the grandees are bridled
" with new laws, and every thing done that might
" give you content : where then can we expect
" your demands will flop ; or how long will you

* Fu facile a Salveftro de Medici, e a gli altri, levato cbc fu tvirruko,
vincer la legge j ma non fu gia loro cofi facile, ne po' erano a pofta loro fer-
mare il tvimulto moflb nel popolo, e nel'la plebe, she s'era anco Sollevata in
modo, che da quefto rumorene fegui Tarfione, e il facco de molte cafi. At-
tef e la tfrenata moltitudine due, otre giornia a faccheggiare, e, arderc quel-
lo potette. Nerli, p. 24.

" thus

Machia-vel. 65

* c thus abufe your liberty ? Why will ye fuffer
" your own difcords to bring the city into fla-
' very ? What elfe can you expecl from your
" divifions ? what, from the goods ye have already
ci taken or may hereafter take from your fellow-
" citizens, but fervitude and poverty ? The per-
" fons you plunder are thofe whofe fortunes and
" abilities are the defence of the ftate, and if they
" fail how mud it be fuported ? Whatever is
" got that way can not laft long ; and then ye
" have nothing to look for but remedilefs famine
" and diftrefs." Thefe expostulations made fome
impreffion, and they promifed to be good citizens
and obedient ; but a frefii tumult foon arofe, more
dangerous than the former. The greater part of
the late robberies, and other mifchiefs, had been
committed by the rabble and dregs of the people ;
and thofe of them who had been the moil auda-
cious, apprehended, that when the moil material
differences were compofed they mould be called
to an account for their crimes, and deferted as it
always happens, by thofe very perfons at whofe in-
ftigation they had committed them. Befides which,
the inferior fort of people had conceived an hatred
againft the richer citizens and principals of the
arts, upon a pretence that they had not been,
rewarded for their part fervices in proportion to
what they deferved.

To fhow how divifions grow, wherever human
nature is without a check, it is worth while to be
particular here. When the city was firft divided
into arts, in the time of Charles the Firft, there
was a proper head or governor appointed over
each of them, to whofe jurifdiction, in civil cafes,
every perfon in the feveral arts was to be fubje&.
Thefe arts or companies, as we have faid, were at
firft but twelve, but afterwards they were increafed

VOL. II. K to

66 Florence.

to twenty-one, and arrived at fuch power and au *
thority that in a few years they wholly engrofled
the government of the city : and becaufe fome
were more and others lei's honourable among
them, they came by degrees to be diftinguiihed,
and feven of them were called the greater arts, and
fourteen the lefs. From this divifion proceeded
the arrogance of the captains of the parties ; for
the citizens who had formerly been Guelphs, to
which party thofe offices were always appropri-
ated, had made it a conflant rule to favour the
greater arts, and to difcountenance the lefs, and
all thofe who fided with them ; which chiefly
gave occafion to all the tumults we have hitherto
ni . le mention of : and, as in the divifion of the
people into arts and corporations there were many
t rad ;s in which the meaner fort are ufually occu-
pied that were not incorporated into any diftincl: or
particular company of their own, but admitted
into any of the others, according as the nature of
their craft made them fit, it happened that when
they were not duly fatisfied for their labour, or a-
ny otherwife oppreffed by their mailers, they had
no other head to apply to for redrefs but the ma-
giflrate of that company, to which the perfon be-
longed that employed them, who, they commonly
thought, did not do them juftice. Now, of all
the companies in the city, that of the clothiers
had the moft of this fort of people depending
upon it ; and being more opulent and powerful
than any of the reft, it maintained by far the
greater part of the multitude. The meaner fort
of the people, therefore, both of this company and
the others, were highly enraged at fuch treatment ;
and being alfo terrified at the apprehenfion of be-
ing punifhed for their late outrages, they had
frequent meetings in the night ; where, confider-

ing

Machiavel 67

ing what had happened, they reprefented to each
other the danger they were in ; and to animate
and unite them all, one of the boldefl and molt
experienced of them harangued his companions
in this manner. " If it was now to be debated,
" whether we mould take arms, to plunder and
" burn the houfes of our fellow citizens, and rob
" the churches, I mould be one of thofe who
" would think it worthy of great confideration, and
" perhaps be induced to prefer fecure poverty to
" hazardous gain. But fmce arms have been al-
" ready taken up, and much mifchief done, the
" firft points to be confidered are, in what manner
" we mull fecure ourfelves, and ward off the pe-
" nalties we have incurred. The whole city is
" full of rage and complaints againft us, the
" citizens are daily in council, and the magiftrates
" frequently affembled. Afmre yourfelves, they
" are either preparing chains for us, or contriving
" how to raife forces to deilroy us. It behoves
" us, therefore, to have two objects chiefly in
* view at thefe confultations : firft, how to avoid
" the punifhment due to our late mifdeeds ; and,
" in the next place, what means are to be uled
" that we may enjoy a greater degree of liberty
" and fatisfaclion for the future than we have
" done hitherto. To come off with impunity for
" our pad offences, it is necelfary to add ilill more
" to them, to redouble our outrages, to rifle and
" burn a great number of houfes, and arfully
" depend upon our numbers for protection ; for
" where many are guilty none are chaftifed. Small
66 crimes are punifhed, and great ones ufually
" rewarded ; and where many fuffer, few feek
" revenge ; a general calamity being always borne
" with more patience than a particular one. To
" redouble our crimes, is the furefl way to procure

" a pardon

68 Florence.

" a pardon for what has been already done, and
" to obtain the liberty we defire ; nor is there any
" difficulty to difcourage us. The enterprife is
" eafy, and the fuccefs not to be doubted of. Our
" enemies are opulent indeed, but divided ; their
cc diiunion will give us the victory, and their
" riches, when we have got them, will maintain
" it. Let not the antiquity of their blood, nor
" the meanefs of our own, with which they fo
" infolently upbraid us, either'dazzle or overawe
"you. All families having the fame original,
" are of equal antiquity ; nor has Nature fhewn
" any partiality in the formation of mankind.
" Let both fides be dripped naked, and both will
" be found alike. Cloath yourfelves in their robes,
" and them in your rags, and then you will appear
" the nobles, and they the plebeians ; for it is po-
" verty alone that makes the real difference betwixt
" us. It fills me with jufl concern, indeed, to
" hear that fome of you repent, forfooth, of what
" you have done, md, out of a qualm of confci-
" ence, refolve to proceed no farther. Neither
" confcience nor the fear of infamy ought to ter-
" rify you, for thole who fucceed in their attempts
" let them have ufed what means foever, are never
" upbraided with them, or called by ignominious
" names ; and as for confcience, you have no rea-
" fon to give yourfelves any trouble about it.
" When famine, and racks, and dungeons, are
" fure to be our portion, what greater terrors can
" there be in hell ?" The fpeech is long, and all
in the fame drain. It fo inflamed his audience,
that they determined to rife, and took an oath to
ftand by each other. The fignori had fecret in-
formation of the plot, but although they took the
bed meafures in their power, the government had
not fufficient energy to prevent or fupprefs the

tumult :

Machiavel. 69

tumult : they burnt many houfes, and committed
ail forts of outrages. If any one of the plebeians*
had been injured or affronted by a particular citi-
zen, he led the mob directly to his enemy's houfe ;
nay, it was fufficient barely to mention the perfon's
name, or to call out " tofuch a man's houfe" or " to
"fzich a man's ft) of." They glutted themfelves
with mifchief, and then, to crown all, they knighted
fixty-four citizens, among whom was their favou-
rite Sylveftro de Medici. Their levity was very
curious, for they conferred the honour of knight-
hood upon fome of thofe very perfons whofe
houfes they had burnt down but. a few hours be-
fore. Such is the caprice of the multitude, and
fo foon are their difgufts changed into favour and
affection! The behaviour of the fignori and the
council of the people, was fuch as might be ex-
pected from men confcious of having neither dig-
nity nor authority derived from the laws. Before
a law could be parTed, it was neceffary it mould
have the affent of the common-council, as well as
of the fignori. It was contrary to eflablimed cuf-
tom for two councils to be held on the fame day ;
fo that when the fignori had agreed, it was necef-
fary to wait till next day for the common-council
to deliberate upon the demands of the mob. Thefe
demands were extremely grievous and dimonour-
able to the government : one of them in parti-
cular, that no perfon that was incorporated into
the arts fhould be compelled to pay any debt,
under the fum of fifty ducats, in two years, at
which time the principal only mould be paid to
the creditor, and the interefl into the bank. Yet
the fignori had agreed to them, and the common-
council were the next morning deliberating : the
multitude, naturally voluble and impatient, got to-
gether again under the palace. The law palled :

but

76 Florence.

but the definition of the city was not the lefs
expe&ed. The fignori and courriellors left the
palace one by one, and the people entered it.
Hasc natura multitudinis eft ; aut fervit humiliter,
aut fuperbe dominatur. When the people en-
tered the palace, Michael di Lando, a wool-
comber, a bare-footed ragged fellow, carried the
ftandard of juftice before them. " You fee, my
" friends," faid Michael, " the palace and city
cc are in your hands : how would you have them
" difpofed of?" They unanimoufly cried out
that he fhould be their chief magiftrate, and govern
the city as he pleafed. Michael, a fhrewd fel-
low, more obliged to nature than fortune, ac-
cepted the government, with a defign however to
compofe the city. To amufe the people, he fent
them to fearch for Ser Nuto, the hangman, and
immediately ifiued a proclamation, that nobody
fhould dare to burn or plunder any man's houfe for
the future ; and, to enforce the obfervance of it,
he ordered a gibbet to be erected in the great pi-
azza. The mob foon brought Ser Nuto into the
piazza, and hung him up by one leg upon the
gibbet ; and, as every one tore away a joint, or
a piece of his flem, in two or three minutes there
was nothing left of him but one of his feet.

Michael gallantly new-modelled the Hate, ap-
pointed a new fignori, and gave the rents of all
the fhops upon the Old Bridge .to Sylveftro de Me-
dici ; took a good fhare to himfelf, and was very
liberal to many other citizens, who had befriended
the plebeians, not only out of gratitude