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Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2013

http://archive.org/details/descriptionnaturOOdeny

THE PUBLICATIONS OF Suk CHAMPLAIN SOCIETY

DENYS.

DESCRIPTION & NATURAL HISTORY

OF THE COASTS OF NORTH AMERICA (ACADIA)

TORONTO THE CHAMPLAIN SOCIETY

Five Hundred and Twenty Copies of this Volume have been printed. Twenty are reserved for Editorial purposes. The remaining Five Hundred are supplied only to Members of the Society and to Subscribing Libraries.

This copy is No. Z % Z

THE DESCRIPTION AND NWATURAL HISTORY mr THE COASTS OF

NORTH AMERICA (ACADIA)

BY

NYS NICOLAS WE

TRANSLATED AND EDITED, WITH A MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR, COLLATERAL DOCUMENTS, AND A REPRINT OF THE ORIGINAL, BY

WILLIAM F. GANONG, Pu.D.

PROFESSOR IN SMITH COLLEGE

TORONTO

THE CHAMPLAIN SOCIETY 1908

PREFACE

T will be agreed by all, I believe, that Denys’ Description and Natural History of the Coasts of North America is the most important early French work on Canada

which has not until now been either translated or reprinted. The reasons for this tardy recognition of a worthy work are, however, manifest. They arise in part from its restricted geographical interest, for, despite its wide-ranging title, it is really confined to Acadia only. They result in larger part from its unattractive style and composition, for it abounds in every possible literary fault. But chiefly are they due to the confusion in the presentation of much of its most valuable material, a confusion which is intensified by divers sorts of errors to such a degree that some scholars have dismissed its statements as unintelligible. The task presented to a trans- lator, accordingly, has been not simply to render a book of bad French into one of good English, but also to discover, and to show by proper annotation, the author’s real meaning when he is obscure, and the actual truth when he is in error. In other words, the book demanded not only a translator, but also a commentator who had local knowledge of the places, the objects, and the contemporary records bearing on the events which Denys describes. It is some knowledge of these matters, gained through a good many years of loving study, which has been my chief qualification for undertaking this work, rather than my knowledge of old French, which is but mediocre and has had to be supplemented by much help from others. And I cannot forbear to add this further personal

Vil

Vill PREFACE

remark, that I consider it one of the greatest pieces of good fortune of my life that this work had not earlier been done, and that there has fallen to me the highly congenial task of trans- lating and editing this important book, devoted to a country and to subjects which interest me so much.

In making the translation my first intention was to keep as closely to the original as was consistent with making its meaning clear, but later I realised that it was best to try to render into plain English the exact meaning of the author as I understand it, making adherence to the form but secondary. It is probable that the translation suffers somewhat from relics of the earlier in the later plan. In order to make the mean- ing clear I have had often to depart rather widely from the literal diction, and especially from the arrangement of phrases and sentences, of the original. In places it has been necessary to add explanatory or equivalent words, but these I have always enclosed within square brackets; and in the same way I have added the pages of the original at the proper places, so that the reader may very readily turn from translation to original and vice versa. In every case I have retained Denys’ own spelling of Acadian proper names, though I have capitalised them. But I have translated the geographical terms Cap, Baye, Isle, &c., except when these form an integral or inseparable part of the name; then they are left untranslated. In the interests of brevity I have omitted from the notes any discus- sion of the many philological or grammatical problems, no matter how curious or difficult, raised by the book, so long as the meaning is certain, though I have briefly discussed them in those few cases in which even the aid of competent scholars has failed to make the meaning perfectly plain. In addition to reprinting Denys’ own illustrations, ] have added various maps which I have myself drawn expressly to supple- ment the notes and text; and I have added also some photo- graphs of the places most closely associated with the life of Denys in Acadia, in order to give the reader a somewhat

PREFACE ix

more vivid conception of the surroundings in which our author’s life was passed, and of their present appearance.

As to the reprint of the original, I need only say that the aim has been to reproduce it in every particular, letter for letter, misprints, errors and all, as nearly as modern type can be made to do it. Every possible care has been taken to ensure an exact reproduction, and while one can hardly hope for perfection in such a matter, I feel confident that very few errors have managed to insinuate themselves into this part of the work. Since the various copies of Denys’ book differ from one another in some details of the text, as will be found explained in the Bibliography later in this volume, it has been necessary to follow some one copy, which, of course, should be one of the later and more correct. Accordingly I have followed exactly, both in translation and reprint, the Harvard College Library copy, which therefore is the type copy, so to speak, of the present work. The pagination of the original has been inserted, enclosed within square brackets, at the proper places in the text. Since, however, certain pages, including all those preceding Chapter I. in Volume I., and the few after 486 at the end of Volume II., lack pagination in the original, and since numbers are necessary for reference to these pages, I have added these in Roman numerals, all of which are to be understood as not in the original.

In the preparation of this work I have had to ask aid from a great many persons, practically all of whom have responded with that ready and kindly courtesy which is dis- tinctive of the brotherhood of scholars. They are far too many to mention here, but I have tried to make suitable acknowledgment in the proper places in the notes. But there are certain ones whose aid has been so constant and so important that I wish to make express and grateful mention of it in this place. First among these is M. Phileas Gagnon, keeper of the Judicial Archives of Quebec and foremost among Canadian bibliographers, who has not only brought to

Xx PREFACE

my attention and aided me in translating several very im- portant legal documents bearing upon Denys’ life and work, but has also read my translation of the work throughout, and, by his pertinent criticisms and suggestions, has improved my wording at many places and saved me from errors which would have been mortifying. Again, in the many places where the French of Denys is especially obscure, I have had the ready assistance of my colleague, Mademoiselle Vincens, Professor of French in Smith College. Further, I have had, throughout the work, the sympathetic aid of my friend Mr. Victor H. Paltsits, formerly Assistant Librarian of the Lenox Library, and now State Historian of New York, whose biblio- graphical and other assistance is represented only in small measure by the Bibliography which bears his name. To Mr. H. P. Biggar, a well-known authority upon the early French period of Canadian history, I am indebted for some important documents and references bearing upon Denys’ life; and I have had aid, which is not especially mentioned in the work, from Dr. N. E. Dionne, Librarian of the Legislature of Quebec, and from Professor J. M. Clarke of the State Museum at Albany, New York. I wish especially to state my obligation to the authorities of the Harvard College Library, and to Mr. Thomas J. Kiernan, the Superintendent of Circulation, in particular, for the loan, repeatedly and many months together, of the copy of Denys’ book from which this work has been translated and reprinted. Likewise I am indebted to the authorities of the Lenox Library, New York, for permission to make the photographs of their original Denys’ map, plates, and title-pages. I feel also a great obligation to the Champlain Society for the publication of the work in its present beautiful form, and to its officers for their personal sympathy and assistance—to the President, Dr. B. E. Walker, for many suggestions made during his reading of the proofs, to the Treasurer, Dr. James Bain, for having had made the copy for the reprint, and especially to

PREFACE XI

the Secretary, Professor Wrong, who has read all my proofs, much to their profit, and whose editorial patience must at times have been sorely taxed in other ways. To all I have here named, and to those others mentioned in the following pages, for their contribution of so much that is best in the book, I bespeak the thanks of the reader as well as express my own. W. F. GANONG.

February 10, 1908.

Uy Ry LB tear OT Le Ae aR

CONTENTS

PREFACE . INTRODUCTION

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DESCRIPTION OF DENYS’ BOOK

(By Vicror H. Pa.rsirs.) COLLATERAL DOCUMENTS TRANSLATION OF VOLUME Bin TRANSLATION OF VOLUME II. TEXT OF VOLUME I. .

TEXT OF VOLUME II..

INDEX

xiii

241

453

515

O11

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

A SPECIMEN PAGE OF DENYS’ BOOK AUTOGRAPH OF NICOLAS DENYS

TITLE-PAGE OF DENYS’ BOOK .

TITLE-PAGE OF VOLUME II. OF DENYS’ BOOK

TITLE-PAGE OF THE DUTCH TRANSLATION OF DENYS’ BOOK

THE INTERPOLATED COPPERPLATE PICTURES OF THE DUTCH TRANSLATION OF DENYS’ BOOK

THE PROBABLE SITE OF DENYS’ ESTABLISH- MENT AT PORT ROSSIGNOL

THE SITES OF RAZILLY’S AND DENYS’ ESTAB- LISHMENTS AT LA HAVE

PART OF A MS. MAP OF DATE BETWEEN 1654 AND 1658

fie Site OF DENYS’ ESTABLISHMENT AT CHEDABUCTO

THE SITE OF DENYS’ FORT AT SAINT PETERS

nee sorth OF DENYS ESTABLISHMENT AT MISCOU

tee ott h OL DENYS’ ESTABLISHMENT. AT WEPISIGUIT .

XV

To face p. On page

To face p.

25

50

So

80

143

148

160

169

177

203

XVI LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

CONSTRUCTION OF THE STAGING USED IN THE COD-FISHERY . : ; : : : . Lo face pg. 264

ARTICLES USED IN THE COD-FISHERY : : 289

ILLUSTRATION OF METHODS USED IN THE COD-FISHERY

” 311 MAPS

MAP OF — THE COUNTRY ‘DESCRIBED (Ea NICOLAS DENYS “<0 .°) .)..° “\ \. 7SiSSee SAINT JOHN HARBOUR...) . 9) pee PORT ROYAL ; ; : i , ‘ ; ; ‘ és 122 CAPE SABLE AND PORT LA TOUR . 59 192 PORT ROSSIGNOL . : . ’ : ‘ : + 142 LA HAVE i 148 CHEDABUCTO 93 168 SAINT) PETERE: RiWosh ello Lona ee fs 177 SAINT ANNES . : : ; : ‘ F : : - 183 MISCOU . e 201 NEPISIGUIT . he 213 PERCE AND MAL BAY ..\) 2 @ ite (4p 222

DENYS’ MAP OF L7AMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONALE (7o face p. 240 LATITUDES OF ACADIA AND FRANCE . : . On page 249

OUTLINE MAP OF FRANCE.

INTRODUCTION

NICOLAS DENYS

THE TIMES, THE MAN, AND THE BOOK

extension towards Europe, lies the country known

of old as Acadia, or to our author as l’Amerique Septentrionale. It covered most of that huge peninsula which is nearly encircled by the great River Saint Lawrence, the Gulf, and the Atlantic Ocean, with a western limit at the River Penobscot. To-day it is parted into five political divisions: the Provinces of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island and a portion of Quebec, together with a part of the State of Maine. It is a fair land, charming in summer though stern in winter, moderate in resources, varied in aspect, modest in relief, deeply dissected by the sea. Once it bore an unbroken mantle of forest, the shelter of a wandering Indian race and nurse of a great fur-trade, while its ample waters have ever yielded a rich return from the fisheries. Such was the scene of our author’s life-work, and of such was the theme of his book.

The discovery of Acadia followed close upon that of America, for John Cabot saw its shores in 1497, or at least in 1498. ‘The records are most obscure, but upon them rests England’s nominal right to the country. Of the other ex- plorers who came later Giovanni da Verrazano in 1524 and Jacques Cartier in 1534 were the chief, for their voyages gave

: A

g the eastern part of Northern America, near its farthest

2 INTRODUCTION

France her title to this land. Yet these legal rights, based upon discovery, are of more academic interest than practical importance, since they had little weight with the final arbiters of the ownership of Acadia, which were might of arms and colonising genius. Then followed a long interval marked only by the summer visits of traders and fishermen; and the first period of Acadian history, the period of exploration, drew to a close with the end of the sixteenth century.

The period of settlement began in 1604. In that year the Sieur de Monts, obtaining from the King of France viceregal powers of government and a monopoly of trade in all Acadia, came to the country with a strong expedition. He aided his historian and geographer, Champlain, to map its Atlantic coast, established a settlement at Saint Croix Island and later another at Port Royal, was worsted by his foes at court, and had to abandon the country in 1607 just as the English were establishing themselves in Virginia. But the fruits of his labour were not wholly lost, for a companion of his voyage, the Sieur de Poutrincourt, re-established the settle- ment of Port Royal in 1610 and placed it in charge of his son Biencourt. It was only three years later when, sharing the fate of a new French settlement forming at Mount Desert, Port Royal was destroyed by the Virginia English under Argal; and Biencourt with his few French companions, the two La Tours and some others, was forced to a wandering life with the Indians. Then for well-nigh twenty years the French Government, expending upon Quebec such colonising strength as it could afford, ignored Acadia well-nigh utterly, and left it without defence or a capital. Yet Frenchmen did not abandon it. Missionaries came to convert the Indians, especially on the Saint John and at Nepisiguit; trading companies were formed to exploit the trade and fisheries, the most important being that of Miscou, founded in 1619; fishing vessels continued to resort every summer to all the harbours of the coast to catch and dry the cod. Gradually, too, the

INTRODUCTION 3

wandering companions of Biencourt settled down. ‘The elder La Tour established himself for trade at the mouth of the Penobscot until driven thence by the English in 1628; and his son, after the death of Biencourt in 1623, built up a strong post near Cape Sable. In 1626-27, men wintered for the first time at the trading-post of Miscou; and here and there, at Port Lomeron near Cape Sable, at Yarmouth near Cape Fourchu, and perhaps elsewhere at the places of greatest resort of the fishing ships, adventurous individuals established the beginnings of settlements which, intended to be per- manent, were mostly destroyed by New Englanders, who had come to establish themselves at Plymouth in 1620. Thus it came about that, in the year 1627, there was only a single French post of any strength in all Acadia, Charles de la Tour’s Fort Saint Louis near Cape Sable; and La Tour was in fact, iinet in) name, the French ruler of the country. Then in that year war broke out between England and France. The English attempted in 1628 to relieve the Huguenots besieged in La Rochelle by the armies of the Catholic King of France, but failed. In America they were more successful, for, under Thomas Kirk, they seized Port Royal, nominal capital of Acadia (leaving La Tour’s fort, no doubt, because it was strong and they were hurried), and captured some French ships, on one of which was the elder La Tour. The next year they took Quebec, and for the first time England possessed both Canada ana Acadia. Then followed some events of no great concern to history, but of some importance to our present subject. The Scot, Sir William Alexander, had received from the King of England in 1621 a grant of Acadia, under the name of Nova Scotia, despite the fact that it was nominally French; but he had made little attempt to settle it. In 1629, however, he sent a colony to Port Royal. In the same year, Sir James Stuart, to whom Alexander had granted a Barony, attempted a settlement at Baleine Cove in Cape Breton, whence he was promptly ousted by the French Captain Daniel, who

A INTRODUCTION

built himself a fort at Saint Annes, the first in that important place. The next year, 1630, Alexander sent a second colony to Port Royal, and on one of his ships was the elder La Tour, who, during his two years of residence in England, had re- nounced his French allegiance, married an Englishwoman of quality, and accepted a Baronetcy of Nova Scotia from Sir William Alexander. But he did more than this, for he accepted a similar Baronetcy on behalf of his son, together with a great grant of the coast to them conjointly; and he promised to bring over his son to British allegiance. But when the ships carrying La Tour and the Scots colony of 1630 stopped at Cape Sable, Charles de la Tour refused utterly to make good his father’s promises, and resisted first his entreaties, then his threats, and finally an attempt at force. The father was obliged to go on in disgrace to Port Royal, whence he later returned by his son’s invitation to Fort Saint Louis and his French allegiance. Meantime it had become known that Canada and Acadia were to be returned to France, for reasons which were personal with the two Kings and concerned not the good of their empires. This restitution was finally effected by the Treaty of Saint Germain early in 1632, and with it ended the period of tentative settlement in Acadia.

The new period which now opened is of especial im- portance to us because our author, Denys, early became a part of its history. It began in 1632 with Acadia restored to France but still well-nigh a wilderness. Through all its great extent there were only some four small settlements: the post near Cape Sable commanded by Charles de la Tour, who in 1631 had been created Lieutenant-General for the King, a weak fort at Saint Annes in Cape Breton, a trading-post at Miscou, and a small Scots colony at Port Royal. The time was ripe for a change, and immediately the great Company of New France, a powerful organisation formed in 1627 to manage the affairs of France in America, prepared to exploit

INTRODUCTION 5

Acadia. They chose as leader of the enterprise one of the most capable of their members, the chivalrous Commandeur Isaac de Razilly, who, in the same year, 1632, came to the country with full authority and ample means for its govern- ment and settlement. He received the surrender of the Scots at Port Royal, but fixed his own capital at La Have, a great centre for the fishery, where he established himself strongly. Here, later, he settled a number of French families, and thus made the first planting of the Acadian race in America. With him were two men, who later became leaders in the land. One was his cousin, Charles de Menou, Sieur d’Aulnay Charnisay, and the other was Nicolas Denys. D’Aulnay was given charge of the Penobscot, from which he drove the English, and where he built, or rebuilt, a fort and trading- post, which he held successfully for several years; Denys at first remained near Razilly, and founded fishing and lumbering establishments at Rossignol (Liverpool) and La Have. Mean- time Charles de la Tour remained at Fort Saint Louis until 1635, when he removed toa new and strong fort at the mouth of the River Saint John and engaged in the Indian trade. Then, just as these various settlements began to gather head- way, in 1635, Razilly died, and a time of confusion and civil strife began.

The successor of Razilly as commander, and probably by his choice, was D’Aulnay, who later also purchased Razilly’s property-rights from the latter’s brother. He assumed full authority and removed the settlers of La Have to Port Royal, which he made his capital. Meanwhile Charles de la Tour, whose commission as Lieutenant-General for the King had never been revoked, continued to control the rich trade of the Saint John. Naturally it was not long before he and D’Aulnay, both masterful and ambitious men with indefinite spheres of command, came into conflict; and the history of Acadia for the next ten years is little more than a record of the strife, partly of diplomacy and partly of arms, between

6 INTRODUCTION

these two men. In 1638 the King of France intervened, and divided between them all that part of Acadia lying west of Canso, the eastern part being omitted, presumably, because then considered to belong rather to Canada than to Acadia, though possibly because of some existent understanding with Denys, who early began to trade and fish in that region. But with two such men as D’Aulnay and La Tour no divi- sion of authority was possible, and the struggle for mastery continued, until finally D’Aulnay, already victor at court, triumphed also in the field. In 1645 he captured La Tour’s fort at Saint John, despite its heroic defence by La Tour’s wife, and drove his rival into exile from Acadia. Two years later, in 1647, he was made Governor of the entire country from New England to the Saint Lawrence, expelled Denys from a post founded at Miscou two years before, and for some years ruled as absolute master in Acadia. He devoted himself to the extension of trade, but did little to promote the prosperity of the country in other respects. Then suddenly, in 1650, in the very height of his career, he died, and discord once more prevailed in the land.

The death of D’Aulnay was a signal which brought back to the country the two men, La Tour and Denys, whom he had dispossessed, and which called thither a third, Le Borgne, to whom he was heavily in debt. In 1651 La Tour, bear- ing a new commission from the King of France as Governor and Lieutenant-General of Acadia, returned to his fort on the Saint John. ‘The next year he married the widow of his rival, D’Aulnay, and with her, so far as history reveals, he lived happily ever after. Meanwhile Denys, after sundry earlier attempts, established himself at Saint Peters in Cape Breton, an admirable station for the Indian trade and the fishery. Then Le Borgne, as claimant of the entire estate of D’Aulnay, attempted to evict both La Tour and Denys. La Tour he found too strong, but Denys he captured by stratagem, though he later allowed him to return to France. There, in the

INTRODUCTION 7

winter of 1653-54 Denys bought from the Company of New France all the great territory comprising the coasts and islands of the Gulf of Saint Lawrence from Canso to Gaspé, and was made Governor and Lieutenant-General thereof by the King. Then he returned immediately to Saint Peters. No doubt he and his friend La Tour would soon have worsted Le Borgne, and thenceforth would have divided the govern- ment of Acadia peaceably between them, but suddenly again, as so often in Acadian history, there fell the usual mis- fortune. In that very year, without any warning, an English force, instigated by New England, seized the principal French posts, and another period of Acadian history came to an end. But while the English seized Penobscot with La Tour’s fort at Saint John and Le Borgne’s possessions at Port Royal, they left Governor Denys quite undisturbed at Saint Peters, nor did they, during the fifteen years they held Acadia, ever attempt to molest him. This was at first, no doubt, because his estab- lishments seemed too weak and too remote to be worth the effort of suppression, combined with which was the feeling, it is likely, that this distant region belonged rather to Canada than to the Acadia with which New Englanders had especial concern. Perhaps his immunity later was due to the friend- ship of La Tour, who had great influence with the English. However this may be, we have in the fact itself a manifestation of that difference in history and development which has distin- guished the Saint Lawrence from the Atlantic slope of Acadia down even to our own day. Then during the fifteen years of the English possession there was no progress, for the French could not, and the English did not, materially improve the country. La Tour became a friend of the English, and lived in quiet at Saint John until his death in 1666. Denys, though undisturbed politically, could make no headway, partly be- cause of the uncertain status of the country, and partly because of a series of personal reverses which finally drove him, in

1669, from Saint Peters to Nepisiguit. But in 1667, by the

8 INTRODUCTION

Treaty of Breda, Acadia, which had been seized unjustly, was restored to France, and a new period of French rule began.

The actual restoration of the posts of Acadia did not occur until 1670, but thereafter for twenty years, under a succession of French Governors, the southern parts of the country, from Canso to Penobscot, made a slow advance marked by the expansion of the Acadian people. But all of the eastern part, from Canso to Gaspé, under the government of Denys, re- mained as backward as ever; for Denys, despite all efforts, was unable to settle it even to the small extent required by the conditions of his grant. As a result, his rights gradually lapsed, and were finally revoked a year before his death in 1688. Nor did those to whom portions of his lands were re-granted succeed much better, and the permanent settlement of all the Gulf coast had to wait half a century longer.

The later history of Acadia hardly concerns our present subject, but we may add this much. Port Royal was seized again by the English in 1690 and restored to France in 1697. The English took it again in 1710; but this time they did not cede it back, and have held it ever since. From 1713 to 1763, however, all that part now included in New Brunswick was claimed by both France and England, and this kept it a waste and contributed greatly to the causes which produced the unhappy expulsion of the Acadians in 1755. Finally, in 1763, all Canada and the remainder of Acadia passed to England, and then began the steady development which con- tinues to our own day. The Atlantic coast of old Acadia gradually received a population from the New England States and the other English colonies to the southward; while the Saint Lawrence slope, the old government of Nicolas Denys, has been peopled in part by the expansion of the Acadian French and in part by later immigrants from Great Britain and Ireland. But the French are increasing much faster than the English, and time may yet work a strange revenge by restoring to the French race through this peaceful conquest

INTRODUCTION 9

the land which the English possess not by right but by might.

Such in brief were the surroundings in which our author passed most of his life. Weseek now a closer acquaintance with the man himself.

Nicolas Denys was born at Tours in 1598, according to the Biographie Universelle ; the date is confirmed by his son’s memorial of 1689 and the place by St. Ovide’s declaration of 1713. These documents, by the way, like all others men- tioned in brief in the present memoir, may be traced through the bibliography which follows. The recently published Memorial of the Family of Forsyth de Fronsac claims that he was a descendant of Jehan Denys of Honfleur, the navigator who is supposed to have made a map of a part of Canada in 1506. Jehan’s son was Pierre Denys, Intendant of Finance for Tours, whose son was Mathurin Denys, Sieur de la Thibaudiere, Captain of the Royal Guard of King Henry IIL, in whose service he fell. Mathurin married Mlle. Aubert, and their son was Jacques Denys, Sieur de la Thibaudiere, who succeeded his father as Captain of the Royal Guard, and married Marie Cosnier. ‘Their sons were Nicolas, our author, his younger brother Simon, one who was Sieur de Vitre, and two others, Jacques and Henri, both killed in battle in the King’s service. Additional facts about these ancestors of Nicolas are given in the Memorial; and toa considerable extent they are confirmed by an independent document of 1680 by the Inten- dant Du Chesneau. Our author’s family was therefore one of some distinction, and it is possible that he was connected with his eminent patron, Isaac de Razilly, who was also from Touraine.

Of the youth of Denys we know nothing. His de- fective education, very manifest in his book, in the face of his somewhat superior parentage, would suggest that he took early to the sea; and it is possible that he made voyages to Acadia as one of those fishing apprentices whose duties and

10 INTRODUCTION

lot he describes for us so fully. However that may be, it is as expert master of the fishery that he first appears in history. It was in 1633, as his son’s memorial and his own book (II. 356) imply, that in partnership with Razilly and a merchant of Brittany and with the help of his brother De Vitre he established his first sedentary fishery at Port Rossignol, probably at the present Brooklyn, near Liverpool, Nova Scotia. The site of this, and as well of all other localities associated with Denys, will be found discussed in the notes under the appropriate pages in the translation of his book which follows. This first venture was a failure, for reasons which were no fault of his, and which he relates very fully in his book (I. 86— 94). A little later he established himself at La Have, at the present Riverport, opposite the fort of his friend and patron Razilly, and here he prepared various forms of timber, which he exported to France in Razilly’s ships. But the death of Razilly, which, according to Moreau, occurred in November 1635, brought this occupation to a close; for D’Aulnay, Razilly’s successor, refused to allow the timber to be exported in his ships. Denys tells fully of this matter in his book Cie fren):

It was not long after Razilly’s death, apparently, that Denys left La Have, and for the next ten years his life is almost an entire blank to us, Yet, as he implies in the Dedi- cation of his book, he continued to frequent or reside in the country, and it is altogether likely that during this time he was making annual voyages for the cod fishery and the Indian trade to that coast of the Gulf of Saint Lawrence where he later was in command. He certainly had some legal rights there, for he tells us in his book (I. 192) that in establishing his post at Miscou, which was in 1645, he had a concession from the Company; and again (1. 4) when he established himself at Saint Peters in 1653, he did so under a commission from the Company. No concession or commission to him of such early date is known. ‘The most probable explanation seems to be

INTRODUCTION 11

that he had some understanding with Razilly in the name of the Company of New France. Indeed, the trend of events seems to imply that Razilly before his death subdivided Acadia into three Lieutenancies, one west of the Saint Croix assigned to D’Aulnay, one from Saint Croix to Canso (or to Cape Sable) assigned to La Tour, and one from Canso to Gaspé intended for Denys. Denys’ post at Miscou, on a site well known on the southern shore of the harbour, was a place of some conse- quence, where he had gardens; and it was probably his first real home in Acadia. But in 1647, as shown by a valuable Decree of the Privy Council of 1655, his establishment there was seized by D’Aulnay, who in that year had been made Lieu- tenant-General of all Acadia. D’Aulnay promised to pay him for his goods, but never did so; and thus a third time did our author suffer a great reverse through no fault of his own. For the next two years we know nothing positively as to Denys’ movements. It is possible, however, that during this time he established a temporary trading-post on the Mira- michi, for the map of about 1658, given later in this work, shows an establishment of his seemingly at that place. Then iene yorand 1651, as the Decree of 1655 informs us, he had forts at Saint Peters and Saint Annes in Cape Breton, which were seized in that year by a force apparently sent by the widow of D’Aulnay. ‘The reasonable interpretation of these facts, with others later given, would be that immediately after the death of his enemy D’Aulnay in May 1650, Denys, with his brother Simon, attempted to establish himself in Cape Breton, Simon at Saint Annes and Nicolas at Saint Peters; but they and their establishments were taken by Madame d’Aulnay’s forces. This is amply confirmed by an entry in the Journal of the Jesuits for October 1651, which reads: ‘‘ Messieurs Denys, who had been taken prisoners by Madame Daunay, were sent back to Quebec ina frigate.” Simon Denys seems then to have settled down in Quebec, where he became the head of a large and influential family, which included many members of pro-

12 INTRODUCTION

minence in the history of Canada and Acadia, Whe emt spring, as the same Journal tells us, Monsieur Denys—of course our author Nicolas—‘‘ goes to find Monsieur la Tour to establish himself again towards Miscou.”’ The place to- wards Miscou where he established himself at this time was no doubt Nepisiguit, for, two years later, as the Decree of 1655 implies, Nepisiguit was restored to him after its capture, pre- sumably by Le Borgne in 1653. It must have been either in the same year or the next that he established himself again at Saint Peters; for it was in 1653 (not 1654 as his book records) that he was captured there by Le Borgne, who apparently found him just beginning his new establishment, and who later appears to have seized his post at Nepisiguit. His capture by Le Borgne and his ignominious imprisonment at Port Royal are described in a heat of indignation in his book (I. 4—7), where he tells also of his heavy losses for which he could never recover any compensation. Thence he went to France, and, on December 3, 1653, bought from the Company of New France, ‘‘ assembled with that of Miscou,” a grant of the coasts and islands in the Gulf of Saint Lawrence from Cape Canso to Cape Rosiers in Gaspé, a region including all of the Saint Lawrence slope of the present Nova Scotia with Cape Breton, of New Brunswick with Prince Edward Island and the Magdalens, and a part of Gaspé. The grant carried a monopoly of the fur trade with other important privileges. A little later, January 31, 1654, he received from the King Letters Patent as Governor and Lieutenant-General over the same great territory with Newfoundland, and to this was added a monopoly of the establishment of the sedentary or fixed fishery anywhere upon the coast of Acadia “as far as Virginia.” His Grant and Commission will both be found printed later in this volume. Thus armed he returned in 1654 to Acadia, received the surrender of his forts at Saint Peters and Nepisi- guit from Le Borgne’s commanders, and for the first time ruled secure in his own principality.

INTRODUCTION 13

Our author was now at the culmination of his career. He was fifty-six years of age, was undisputed proprietor and governor of a princely domain, was a friend of the powerful La Tour, who was Governor of all the remainder of Acadia, and was well established at Saint Peters and Nepisiguit, two admirable centres for the Indian trade and the fishery. Then for some years he seems to have lived with his wife and his two children in peace at Saint Peters. He was undisturbed by the capture of the country by the English, who left him alone, though he gave shelter to the children of his old enemy D’Aulnay when they had to leave the captured Port Royal in 1654. His business was fishing, trading with the Indians, farm- ing a little, building small vessels, and making some timber. We hear of him in command at Cape Breton in 1659, and he was at Saint Peters also in 1663 or 1664 when the Sieur Doublet, to whom the Company had granted a part of his territory (the Magdalens and the Island of Saint John), came to visit him (his book, II. 239). This grant he resented as an infringe- ment upon his own rights, but the Company no doubt con- sidered that it was justified by Denys’ failure to settle his lands as required by his grants. It marked the beginning of the breaking up of his vast property. He was also living in Acadia in the year of the great earthquake (his book, II. 348), which we know was in 1663. Some years earlier than this, apparently, he established his fishing station at Chedabucto (now Guysborough), where in 1667 he had the encounter with La Giraudiere, which he relates at length in his book (J. 12-18). This caused him losses from which he never recovered, despite his eventual triumph in principle. The same year he obtained a confirmation of his rights, in a grant of November 9, 1667, reproduced later in this book. This document renews all his privileges, so that under it he was given a new opportunity to settle and hold his original lands. Then he returned to Saint Peters, no doubt in the summer of 1668, and soon after, in the winter of 1668-69,

14 INTRODUCTION

he met with the greatest reverse of his career. His establish- ment at Saint Peters with all its contents was totally destroyed by fire, and this loss must have nearly or quite ruined him financially. He retired at once to his post at Nepisiguit (his pook, I. 210), but seems to have spent the next winter, 1669-70, in France (his book, I. 123), and the following year at Nepisiguit (his son’s memorial of 1689). In 1671, as his son’s memorial tells us, he went to France-on business, — business of importance to our present subject, for it was no doubt connected with the publication of his book.

Denys’ book, the subject of the present work, bears the date 1672, but the Extract from the King’s License at the end of the first volume shows that it had been composed before September 1671. As the composition of so large a book by so unskilled a writer could not have been accom- plished in the few months between his coming to France and September 1671, it seems reasonably certain that he brought the manuscript, in large part at least, from Nepisiguit. It is true that in places, especially in the second volume, the lan- guage implies that he was writing in France; but that form of diction was natural in any case where he was telling his fellow-countrymen of a land strange to them. It is probable therefore that the book was largely written at Nepisiguit in the time our author spent there after the burning of Saint Peters. Perhaps Denys wrote it in the hope that the returns from its sale might help to recoup his heavy losses, though, as will presently appear, this was by no means the first stimulus to its production.

After the publication of his book Denys continued to reside in France for many years, leaving his son Richard to command as lieutenant in his stead. He was now seventy- four years old, and surely had earned his rest. But his days were troubled by the gradual breaking up of his estate. His original grant of 1653 had carried conditions as to settlement which he had never been able to meet, not, we may believe,

INTRODUCTION 15

through lack of effort on his part, but through difficulty of inducing Frenchmen to settle in that country. Accordingly his rights early became legally forfeit, as the French Govern- ment plainly understood ; but until near the end of his life, as various documents testify, Denys continued to assume that they remained in full force and effect. It is difficult to trace a clear sequence through the series of grants, edicts, decrees, re-grants, and renewals which mark the decline of Denys’ great privileges, for some of the documents are not yet acces- sible, and some are absolutely inconsistent with one another. In any case, the subject concerns rather our author’s son than himself, and I have traced it in general in my recently pub- lished biography of Richard Denys, where the authority for all of my statements on the subject may be found. Denys’ original grant was in 1653; andas early as 1663 the Company of New France re-granted the Magdalen Islands and Isle Saint John, both within Denys’ grant, to the Sieur Doublet. But in 1667 the Company of the West Indies, successor of the Company of New France, renewed all the rights carried by his concession of 1653 and with similar conditions as to settlement. Again the conditions were not fulfilled, and in 1671 the Intendant Talon granted from Denys’ lands at Perce a tract of two leagues square for the establishment of a sedentary fishery, and this was confirmed as a seigniory in 1676. The grantees were Pierre Denys, Sieur de la Ronde, son of Simon and nephew of Nicolas, with Sieur Bazire. Against this grant Denys appears to have protested, for a despatch of Colbert of 1676 refers to differences between the uncle and the nephew, and approves the side of the nephew. In 1676 a great seigniory from Denys’ lands, including all the Isthmus of Chignecto, was granted by the Intendant at Quebec to the Sieur de Ja Valliere, who had married a daughter of our author. But the next year Denys obtained from the Intendant at Quebec an Ordinance afirming his right to collect a royalty on all coal and plaster mined in Cape Breton and

16 INTRODUCTION

vicinity, and reaffirming his monopoly of the fur trade through- out the extent of his grant of 1653. In 1680 Denys was negotiating with Sieur Bergier for the formation by the latter of a sedentary fishery in Acadia, and gave him a letter of commendation to his son Richard. But Bergier’s grant, two years later, for the establishment of a sedentary fishery in Acadia was from the King and not from Denys, who seems to have been ignored in the affair. In this same year Denys had a business settlement with his son Richard for the latter’s eleven years of service as his lieutenant, and gave him a re- newal of his commission. In 1684 additional tracts of Denys’ lands were granted to others, one to Sieur Bergier’s company at Canso, and a large seigniory at Richibucto to Sieur de Chauf- fours. ‘The next year, 1685, Richard Denys, acting for his father and assuming the integrity of all his territorial rights, granted to the Recollets for Missions three leagues square of lands at Restigouche, Miramichi, and Cape Breton; and the same year Richard made grants of lands to actual settlers at Percé, where the seigniory appears to have been abandoned by Denys de la Ronde. But these are the last traces I have found of the exercise of their old territorial rights by either Nicolas or Richard Denys. ‘The next year, 1686, Cape Breton and the Magdalens were granted to a company; and finally, on April 17, 1687, a decree was issued which appears to have formally revoked all the old grants to Denys, giving him in lieu thereof a large seignory later tobe chosen. This seigniory was not selected until after his death; but in 1690 it was granted his son Richard at Miramichi, as I have traced fully in the biography of Richard Denys above-mentioned. Denys’ rights as Governor, though in a shadowy and somewhat nominal form, appear to have outlasted his estate, for Richard continued to serve as his lieutenant until the father’s death in 1688. The next year, 1689, Richard was appointed to substantially the same command in his own name, and held it until his death two years later.

INTRODUCTION 17

But in the meantime Denys had returned to Nepisiguit. A letter written early in 1685 by the Intendant de Meulles states that he was then living in beggary at Paris; but either in that very year, on June 20, or else in 1687, he addressed to the King of France from Nepisiguit the interesting letter which is printed later in this book. From these facts it seems plain that he had actually been reduced to great poverty, and that in the spring of 1685, though perhaps not until 1687, he came out to Nepisiguit, where his son Richard still maintained his establishment. These last years of the twilight of his life, for he was now nearing ninety years of age, must have been saddened by disappointment and grief over the miscarriage of all his great plans, and the apparent failure of all his life-work. In 1688, as his son’s memorial informs us, at the age of nearly ninety, he died, and although there is no mention of the place of his death, there can hardly be any doubt that it was at Nepisiguit. Local tradition asserts that near the great willow tree now standing close to the site of his old establishment, there are buried some priests ‘and a French admiral.”” ‘This admiral, I believe, is Nicolas Denys. It is a satisfaction to think that here, beside this pleasant basin where the least troubled of his days in Acadia were spent, in the last embrace of the land he loved so well, rests the mortal part of the first proprietor and governor of all the Gulf coast of Acadia, the first great citizen of that noble domain, a goodly man who fought the good fight and kept the faith, Nicolas Denys.

These are the facts we have about the life of the man, but they tell us little of his personality, of which we fain would know much. His physical appearance is known to us in but a single feature, though that, happily, is pleasing. A letter of 1710 informs us that he was surnamed “greatbeard” (/a grande barbe). No portrait of him is known to exist, though a theory might be advanced that the figure of the navigator engraved on the frontispiece of the volume containing the

B

18 INTRODUCTION

Dutch translation of his book may be intended to represent him, though the scantily bearded face can hardly be that of our “‘greatbeard.”” Of his disposition we know just so much as his own book reveals. It shows that he was, above all, a lover of the quiet pursuit of business. Everything in his book confirms the correctness of his own statement (I. 12), that he took no part in the wars of his time, but ‘had no other aim than to devote myself in my district to my establishment and my business without mixing in the affairs of others.” That man was above all a merchant who could write as he does (II. 246) that ‘‘ profit is the first motive of all con- ditions of men.”’ And in business his greatest interest was the fishery ; for the portion of his book treating thereof is by far the best written of the entire work, and proves by many a turn and phrase that the subject was one familiar and dear to the writer’s heart. But business requires peace, and he was out of place in the Acadia of the seventeenth century, where men went ever armed to the teeth, found joy in stirring feats of arms, and considered it a proper occupation for a gentleman to rob his peaceful neighbours. His sincere and patriotic affection for his adopted country shows through all his writings, and he had a perfect conception of the only possible basis for prosperity in a country,—its settlement by a contented population enjoying full security of property. His defective literary powers, of which he was fully conscious and for which he apologises more than once, tend to give a too unfavourable impression of his mental ability. Though he lacked the power of the scholar, Denys had, without doubt, those qualities,— physical hardihood, personal bravery, power of command, ability to drudge, and business skill,—essential to a mastery of his principal business. He could do things well even though he could not tell of them well. His book also shows that he was a very matter-of-fact person, defective in imagination, with little perception of the beautiful, and with no sense of humour. His indignant, almost bitter condemnation of loud

INTRODUCTION 19

talkers and promoters (II. 241), implies that he himself had small skill in those directions. He had none of the qualities of the courtier, which was a large reason, no doubt, for his failures at a time when power at Court was more essential than native worth. But all evidence we possess combines to show that he was an honest man, a little too prejudiced, it may be, against those who had caused him loss, a little too prone, perhaps, to magnify the virtues of his friends, but ever steadfast, upright, and sincere.

In estimating the value of his life-work, it is plain that so far as visible evidence goes, it is almost as if he had never been. His great estate passed wholly from his family; his settlements had all to be re-established later by others; and his honours as Governor have been so far forgotten that he is not even mentioned in the official lists of the French governors of Canada and Acadia published by the present Canadian Government. His book: a small place in the history of Acadia: a large place in the memory of Acadians: some ancient ruins and traditions which attract only the antiquarian : a few place-names, of which Cocagne is the chief,—these are all the memorials of Denys that remain. Of these, the greatest by far is his book. Yet we must not underrate the value of the labours of the pioneer who, even through his very failures, opens up the way for others to succeed; and of such real, even though invisible, service Denys rendered much to his adopted country.

It will be fitting to add here a few facts which, while more curious than important, have an interest in this attempt to present completely all that concerns our author. One of the most beautiful and moving of the bird-songs heard throughout the country which Denys governed, is that of the Veery, or Wilson’s Thrush. The Maliseet Indians of the Saint John River, as Mr. Tappan Adney has recently told us, say this bird is calling Ta-né-4-ain’, Ni-kd-la Deén'-i-Dén'-i ?, that is, ‘‘ Where are you going, Nicolas Denys?” and Mr,

20 INTRODUCTION

Adney thinks this an actual echo from the days of our author. A memorial of another kind was proposed a few years ago by the present writer, when he named a prominent mountain on Denys’ own river, the Nepisiguit, Mount Denys, in his honour. It is very probable that the River Denys in Cape Breton derives its name from him, but this is unproven. The thought that Denys should be honoured by a worthy statue, erected in some part of his government, has no doubt occurred to many students of Acadian history, but it has been given definite expression by Mr. R. R. MacLeod in his Markland, or Nova Scotia (Halifax, 1903, page 187). Mr. MacLeod suggests that the statue should be placed at Chedabucto (Guysborough) ; but it would surely be better that it stand at a place more closely associated with Denys, either at Saint Peters, where he lived so long, or at Nepisiguit (Bathurst), where he wrote his book and lies buried. The erection of such a statue, which of course must be an idealised one, would form a worthy method of commemorating, in 1954, the three hundredth anniversary of Denys’ appointment as Governor of the North Shore. In this connection, too, we may note another personal matter,—the spelling of our author’s name. Many documents spell it Denis, but in some of these, including several of the more important, and in every case where Denys or his son sign their names, it is written, Denys, which ought therefore to be considered the correct form. As to its pronunciation, although in some parts of France the s would be sounded, this, I am told upon good authority, would be unlikely in Touraine, his native province, so that we may best leave the s silent.

Another incidental matter of some interest concerns the extension inland of Denys’ grant and government. His grant gave him the mainland and islands from Cape Canso to Cape Rosiers in Gaspé, without mention of depth into the country. This omission was never of the slightest practical consequence, but it would rapidly have become so had the

a EE a rea a a en ——— ay

INTRODUCTION 21

country been settled as Denys wished. The most natural supposition would be that his rights extended to the heads of all the rivers of the Gulf slope, but this would have carried his boundary inland far beyond limits then contemplated. It is altogether probable that both the Company of New France and Denys himself had in mind a band of moderate depth along the coasts. ‘This is the view which has been taken in the construction of the only two maps on which an attempt has been made to lay down his boundaries, the map prepared by the French Boundary Commissioners in 1755, and Genest’s historical map of 1875.

The wife of Nicolas Denys, according to Tanguay’s great Dictionnaire Généalogigue, was Marguerite de la Faye. She accompanied her husband to Acadia, as Denys’ book implies (I. xii. 104, and 118), and in one place states (I. 123). She is probably the Madam Denis mentioned by Le Clercq (99) as in charge of Richard Denys’ fort at Miramichi in 1680; and in a document of 1688 (given in my biography of Richard Denys), it is stated that she was then deceased. The only child of Nicolas and Marguerite Denys mentioned by Tanguay is Richard, but the Memorial of Forsyth de Fronsac states, without mention of authority, that they had also a daughter Marguerite, who married her cousin (several times removed) David Forsyth. From them the author of the Memorial claims to be descended. But Nicolas Denys, as a document of 1736 attests, had also a daughter Marie, who married Michel le Neuf, Sieur de le Valliere. Richard Denys must have been born about 1655, probably at Saint Peters, for his own memorial states that he was very young when appointed his father’s lieutenant in 1671. Since I have recently pub- lished a biography of Richard Denys, I need here only indicate such facts about him as have connection with our present subject. When Denys went to France in 1671, he made Richard his lieutenant to command in his absence; and this office the son filled for twenty years thereafter to his father’s

22 INTRODUCTION

entire satisfaction, as ample documents attest. He aided in capturing English poachers upon his father’s coal lands at Cape Breton in 1676. He strove to promote settlement, and with such success that in 1689 he had built up, against great obstacles, a strong establishment at Miramichi, with branches at Restigouche and elsewhere, while the lands of northern _ New Brunswick and Gaspé, then under his rule, had a popu- lation of one hundred and three French residents. He assumed the title of Sieur de Fronsac (or Frongac) prior to 1677. After his father’s death in 1688, he was made commander over the region which he had governed in his father’s name. In 1690 he was granted, as heir of his father, the extensive seigniory of Miramichi, and soon after bought the seigniories of Nepisi- guit and Restigouche. Thus he became owner on a new basis of much of northern New Brunswick. But in 1691, at the early age of about thirty-six, he perished by shipwreck. His death was a loss to his native land, for without his guiding hand his settlements languished and were abandoned, and all the results of his labours were lost. His first wife was an Indian woman, by whom he left descendants in Quebec. His second wife married again, and her descendants by her second husband inherited Richard’s seigniories. All rights to French seigniories in New Brunswick were, however, extinguished by a law of the province of Nova Scotia in 1759, with which vanished the last traces of the Denys’ estates in America.

It remains now to add some further information about our author from another point of view. The profuse and hasty writing of this age is prolific in errors which spread widely ; and it becomes as much the duty of the historian to expose these as to promulgate new truth. Several errors about Denys have attained so wide a circulation in recent books as to demand a formal denial. The principal are these :—

Error 1. That Nicolas Denys was Sieur de Fronsac. This is a result of confusing him with his son Richard, who was Sieur de Fronsac. Denys himself never used the title in his

INTRODUCTION 23

book, nor in any of the documents in which his name appears, nor was it applied to him by his contemporaries. Saint Valier, for example, speaks of ‘““M. de Fronsac, son of M. Denis.” ‘Tanguay also makes the distinction perfectly plain. Furthermore, the very fact that Richard Denys used the title during his father’s lifetime, as several documents show that he did, is conclusive evidence that his father never bore it. The source of the error, however, is fairly plain. The original grant of the seigniory of Miramichi, of 1690, speaks of Nicolas Denys and his son Richard Denys de Fronsac, while the abbreviated confirmation of the grant of the next year, by some clerk’s mistake, runs them together as Nicolas Denys de Fronsac. This confirmation was printed in connection with seigniorial documents, and it was this no doubt which led Bourinot into the error which he seems to have been the first to publish. As Tanguay shows, the title passed from Richard to his half-Indian son Nicolas, on whose death it must have reverted to the family of his sister Anne, among whose descendants it should now belong. The statement made by the author of the Memorial of the Family of Forsyth de Fronsac, that Nicolas Denys assumed the title of Viscount de Fronsac, is, so far as I can discover, absolutely without any foundation whatever.

Error 2. That Nicolas Denys was Governor of the Gulf Coast as early as 1636. ‘This originated with Charlevoix, who has been followed by many others. Charlevoix inferred it no doubt from the fact that the King’s letter of 1638, which divided the government of Acadia between D’Aulnay gitwieaes our, excluded the part east of Canso. There is evidence, as I have shown a few pages earlier (page 10), that Denys had rights in that region before 1654, but none at all that he had any appointment as Governor or Licutenant- General.

Error 3. That Denys had become blind in 1679. This arises from a letter of 1679, from Frontenac to the King

24 INTRODUCTION

(published in Collection de Manuscrits, Quebec, 1883, I. 373), but the further mention of his many children shows that it could not have been Nicolas, but must have been one of that family in Quebec. An unpublished document in the Clairambault Collection in the Bibliotheque Nationale shows that it was Pierre Denys, Sieur de la Ronde, who had lost his sight.

Error 4. ‘That Denys lived at Passamaquoddy after his book was published, and left descendants there. The argu- ment, advanced at length in 1893 in a journal cited in the bibliography, was based in part on the occurrence of the name Denys among the Passamaquoddy Indians, and in part upon a confusion of Denys with Donee, who was D’ Aulnay (Charnisay). I exposed this fallacy a little later in the same journal. That the occurrence of the name Denys among the Indians of Acadia need have no connection with the presence of our author is shown by the fact that in his book (I. 176), he mentions an Indian chief at Richibucto named Denis, who was a contemporary of his own.

Minor errors also exist. ‘Thus Tanguay’s usually reliable Dictionnaire Généalogique by mentioning with Sieur de la Valliere only his second wife Francoise Denys, daughter of Simon, and omitting his first wife, who was mother of his children, Marie, daughter of Nicolas, makes Simon instead of Nicolas an ancestor of La Valliere’s descendants. Again, and very curiously, one Denys de la Ronde, in a letter of 1714, printed in part later in this book, seems to claim our author as his grandfather, whereas it is perfectly plain, as Tanguay will show, that Nicolas Denys was his granduncle. Unless De la Ronde was misinformed, or was wilfully mistaken for personal or diplomatic reasons, it must be that his grandfather, Simon Denys, had the establishment of which he speaks at Saint Annes (while Nicolas held that at Saint Peters), and that the brothers shared the rights under which they first established themselves in Cape Breton. Such an explanation is perfectly

~,

3]

A SPECIMEN PAGE OF DENYS’ BOOK

(Original size)

INTRODUCTION 25

consistent with the other facts we possess. Again, Father Joseph Denys was not a grandson of Nicolas, as has been stated, but a grandnephew. Again, the Rey-Gaillards of Quebec, who inherited Richard Denys’ estates, were not descendants of his, but of his second wife by her second husband, as Tanguay amply shows. Again, it was not Nicolas Denys who was a member of the Council at Quebec in 1665, but either Simon or one of his sons, for Nicolas was then living in Cape Breton. And yet other minor errors are current, though it is needless to follow them farther in this place.

We come now to consider our author’s book, and its place in the literature of Acadia. Mechanically it consists of two staid little volumes of nearly eight hundred taste- fully printed pages, all the bibliographical details of which are presented later in a separate section. (AAs to literary merit, the book has none; nor has it, properly speaking, any style. It is thus in great contrast to those other classics of Acadian history: Lescarbot with his smooth flow, Champlain with his rugged action, and Le Clercq with his scholarly polish. Our author was well aware of this defect, and apologises while he explains it. Thus in his introduction (ix), he speaks of the little attention he had given all his life “to the symmetry of words or to their arrangement,” and of his style ‘‘ which these fifty years past I have practised, without my maritime occu- pations and my association of nearly forty years with the Indians ever allowing me the leisure to change it.””. And again (II. 231) after his very full description of the fishery for cod, he adds, ‘‘it is the clearest that I have been able to make it. You will excuse a fisherman. If I had given as much time to study as I have to instructing myself, and to inves- tigating means, for following the cod... .I1 would have given you more satisfaction in all this account than I have done.’ Our author’s diction is monotonous and inelastic, unrelieved by imagination, and almost unenlivened by humour.

26 INTRODUCTION

H{[e uses many technical, local, and unusual phrases, far from the learned forms of the time. Moreover, he is often un- grammatical, sometimes ambiguous, and occasionally unin- telligible, while here and there his memory lapses to the use of a wrong word. And to make matters worse, the printer has added many misprints, some of which are apparently due to illegible manuscript. But if Denys had not goodness of style, he had that which is far better, something of value to say. It were better could he have had both; but if one or the other must be wanting it is best as it is.

The book is the work of one who knew no joy in com- position, but who laboured to put down facts which he wished to make known and have preserved. Its motive is plain enough,—not, it is true, in its formal title, but between the lines of its text. Its first great object was to explain and justify the failure of its author’s life-work as due principally to the machinations of his enemies. They had ruined him, and the only resource left him was to show up their characters to the world in a book which would have a form and interest to make it read. He cannot advance three pages on his description of the geography of Acadia before his indignation hurries him into a disclosure of the injustice done him by Le Borgne, D’Aulnay, and La Giraudiere, and he returns again and again to these themes in his later pages. Its second great object was to attract notice, population, capital, and government-protection to a country in which he had abound- ing faith. To this end he magnifies every advantage and minimises every drawback the country possesses. The book is thus very like those immigration handbooks which all the Canadian provinces are issuing to this day. Denys’ book 1s in fact the first Acadian, and Canadian, immigration tract. Naturally he expected himself to have the oversight of new business attracted to the country. Again and again he alludes to the value of such long experience as his own, and several times he hints, especially under the seal-fishery, the timber

INTRODUCTION 27

trade, and the sedentary fishery for cod, at methods he had discovered or developed which would, in modern phrase, re- volmtionise those industries (II. 245, 25'7,°313).' Whether in addition our author felt the desire to preserve some part of his life from oblivion; whether he thought by the sale of a book to recoup some part of his shattered fortunes ; whether he felt some stirring of the scholar’s instinct to express and preserve his knowledge, I do not know. Men’s motives are mixed, and all things are possible. But this much seems to me certain, that the book sprang not primarily from a desire to set forth the geography, the history, and the natural history of Acadia, but from other motives which adopted this appro- priate and fortunate form for their setting.

There is one important fact, shown by internal evidence, about the book which is of the utmost consequence, not only to an understanding of some of its peculiarities, but also to its practical use as an authority. It is this. The book was not prepared from materials collected by the author from time to time during his long life, but was written as an after- thought almost wholly from memory when its author was past seventy years of age. In some cases he is describing events which had occurred, or places he had seen, well-nigh forty years before. Denys sought always to tell only the truth, but the failings and freaks of memory, the gradual unconscious dis- tortion of distant facts by the sympathies, the tendency to show always the best side of his own and his friends’ affairs, the desire to make as interesting a narrative as possible, all invest his solid nucleus of fact with a penumbra of error against which the student must be upon his guard. His book is like a photograph a little out of focus, or one in which the camera was moved; in its main features, and as viewed comprehensively, it is accurate and sufficiently correct, but in details it is dim and untrustworthy. Yet the picture is sharper in some parts than in others. In those matters which he knew intimately by long association, such as the cod fishery

28 INTRODUCTION

or the customs of the Indians, and for those events which had happened, or those places he had seen, recently, the work is to be trusted even in detail. But for events of long ago, the facts he had from hearsay, the matters in which friends or enemies were intimately concerned, the scenes and localities associated with his earlier life, the geography or animals of the interior which he had seen but little,—his accounts of these must be taken with a liberal allowance for possible error.

The substance of the book is for the most part well, though in one particular badly, described by its title. It is a geographical and historical description (the historical parts being interpolated into the accounts of the places where the events occurred), and it is a natural history, of the coasts of a certain country; but that country is not l’Amérique sep- tentrionale, or North America, but only a small part of it. Yet if we view the matter in the light of its own times it will appear that the title had some excuse. At that period the country our author describes, though a natural geo- graphical division, had no recognised name; it was still only a part of New France, and had not yet appropriated from the peninsula the name Acadia by which it was later known. It could only be designated, therefore, by some descriptive phrase, and our author first applied to it, as shown by the King’s License on page 267 verso of Volume I. of his book, the appropriate and correct appellation ‘‘ Coasts of North America from New England to the River Saint Lawrence.” But, in the interest of brevity no doubt, and at the very last moment as it would seem, he dropped the qualifying words without making any compensating change in the remainder of the title, which was thus left, to our ears at least, glaringly inaccurate. Yet it is probable that the title did not mislead our author’s audience, for this work, written by a Frenchman for his own countrymen, was no doubt by them assumed to apply not to the English but to the French possessions in North America, the coasts of which it does in fact actually describe.

INTRODUCTION 29

The first volume opens with a Dedication to the King. This is one of the best written parts of the book, almost the only one with a distinct literary savour, and in its composition our author may have had the aid of a more skilful pen. Then the reader is told of the plan and outline of the book in a pleasantly worded introduction. There follows the systematic description of the coasts, beginning at the Pen- obscot, with comments upon the navigation, animals, and plants of each place, and a narrative of the events known to the author to have occurred there, especially those in which he had himself taken some part. These historical narra- tives are very largely not elsewhere recorded, and constitute one of the three most valuable features of the book. In his description of the country from Penobscot to La Have, parts of which he had not seen since early in life and parts not at all, the book is less satisfactory than later. Internal evidence shows that here he used Champlain’s narratives, the edition of 1632, as an aid to his memory. But from La Have onward, and especially from Canso to Gaspé, his de- scription is entirely original, and for most of that extent is the very first ever given to the world. Dealing as it does also with the region under the author’s own government, and with the places which he had intimately known in later life, this part of the book is in every respect more satisfactory and locally valuable than the earlier portions. The effects of writing from memory show in a good many minor errors of topography, but especially in his erroneous distances, which are almost invariably magnified for short spaces and mini- mised for long ones. And it is an interesting illustration of the dangers of navigation in uncharted waters that he con- stantly exaggerates the shoalness and dangers of coasts and harbours. But the errors of the book are of small account in comparison with the truth it holds. Let us not commit the unpardonable historical blunder of judging it in the light of our own times. It was well calculated to give the reader

30 INTRODUCTION

in France a correct general idea of the geography, the natural productions, the resources, the misgovernment of Acadia, and in its field it was without a rival. The first volume closes with a reprint of a treaty of 1632, which has slight connection with the book and might better have been omitted.

The second volume opens with a comparison of the climates of France and Acadia, laboriously, ingeniously, but vainly elaborated to prove them practically identical. Then nearly half the volume is given to a description of the cod- fishery. A first sight of the length and presumable lack of interest of these two hundred and fifty pages is very likely to repel the reader, whereas in fact they are replete with interest from start to finish. Furthermore they constitute by far the most complete and authoritative exposition we possess of that summer fishery for cod which played so large a part in the early relations between Europe and North-eastern America. It is, moreover, the best and clearest part of our author’s book, the only part, apparently, which he really en- joyed writing. His description, for example, of so special a subject as the construction of the fishing-boats is so clear as to make the subject plain even to one without knowledge of such matters. It is the one part of his book also in which he is roused to express admiration ; for in describing the fisher- men at work, he says (II. 147): ‘“‘It is a pleasure to see them work their arms and bodies as they turn from one side to the other.” And he even rises to suggestions of humour as when he tells (II. 143) how the boatswains, in preparing their drink for the fishermen, ‘‘ from one barrel of wine make four or sometimes five without other miracle than some water.” With excellent arrangement and all completeness, and withal by aid of many a vivid phrase, happy turn, and illustrative incident, he brings before us with the greatest clearness every detail of that business of which he was a thorough master, and a master in love with his work. It is only under pressure of limited space that I resist the temp-

INTRODUCTION 31

tation to dwell further upon his picture of the life of the summer fisherman, but I commend these chapters to the reader in the confidence that they will make him say with me,—would that I too might have been a fisherman! The narrative gives us an understanding of that fascination in the fisherman’s life which led into it so many strong men regard- less of its dangers and its labour. It gratified many of their most primitive instincts. There was adventure a-plenty, the joy of rugged health, the lure of the unknown just beyond, the charm of outdoor life beside a fair harbour during the beautiful Acadian summer, the gratification of taking wild things at will without any to hinder, the gaming it was to find perhaps no fish at all, but perhaps the greatest of loads, the triumph of overcoming physical difficulties, the satis- faction of seeing the fruits of hard labour growing daily in visible piles before the eyes, the delight of embarking much goodly spoils to return full sail to far away homes and families. Our author then adds his ideas upon the sedentary or fixed fishery which up to that time had been a failure. But here he is less satisfactory, for although he saw clearly that this was the only form of fishery which could add to the permanent welfare of the country, it is evident that he had not himself a definite notion of how it could be made profit- able; and hence he veils his ideas in some obscurity, with allusions to methods which he does not explain. It is of interest to note that in Acadia to-day the fishery is conducted entirely upon the principles he advocated, and to the great prosperity of that land. ‘Then follow his chapters upon the animals and plants of the country. Here accurate observation and the idle tales of the time are hopelessly intermingled, and one has trouble to know what to believe. His folk-fiction reaches its climax in the description of the works of the beaver, which is indeed a chapter of wonders. Denys had in mind, without doubt, his sensation-loving audience in France, and, like divers of the animal romancers of our own day, served

32 INTRODUCTION

up to his readers not what he knew to be the truth but what he knew they would like to hear. His natural history is of considerable value as such, but it is more valuable as a reflec- tion of the beliefs and statements current about animals at that time. Then follows his account of the customs of the Indians, which forms the third valuable feature of his book, the account of the fishery being the second. His knowledge of his Indian friends was minute and accurate, and I have no question that this part of his book is fully trustworthy, even though tinged with somewhat marked optimism as to their primitive morals and virtues. His defective literary instinct, and his lack of organised material show here, as elsewhere, in badness of proportioning and in omissions of important matters which naturally should be told. He does not, for example, tell us the name of the tribe he is describing. He closes with an important chapter on the changes wrought in the customs of the Indians by contact with the French. Here he draws an appalling picture, no worse, however, than that of Le Clercq and the Jesuit missionaries, of the havoc wrought to their lives and morals by the drink supplied through the fishermen. It may be that Denys as an authorised trader puts the case a little too strongly against the illicit trading of the fishermen, but we can make large allowance for this and have still a harrowing picture. And thus comes to an end a book which has a value of content rarely to be found in so bad a setting.

A feature of the book to which I am unable to do justice is its interesting philological problems. Aside from its grammatical blemishes, it contains many odd forms, phrases, and words whose meaning is usually rendered plain by the context, but whose precise affinities form attractive material for philological study. There is, I believe, much in the language of the book showing affinities with present Acadian French. This I know to be true in the names used for some animals, as will be noted in the translation, and I think it is

INTRODUCTION 33

true of many other words and phrases. L’ Abbe Casgrain, in his Pélerinage au Pays d’ Evangéline, chapter nineteen, points out the fact that Denys, throughout his book, uses the form molue instead of morue for cod, precisely as the Acadians do to this day. Another interesting philological feature of the book is the use of several words from the Micmac Indian language: moyaque, pounamon, mignognon, cacaoily, cacamo, peschipoty, chica- mins, some of which still survive in the Acadian tongue.

The book contains three plates of illustrations, all repro- duced herewith. Two of them deal with matters concerning the fishery, and to them I have added the remarkable picture from Moll’s map, which illustrates Denys’ descriptions so well that it seems almost made for that purpose. The other plate is the map of Acadia. Of it our author says, in his Introduc- tion (xi), ‘‘I have made a Map to serve as a guide to the position of each place conformably to the altitudes which I have determined there.” He used of course all the data he possessed as a navigator, perhaps consulted other maps to aid in the general outline (though it shows the influence of no others that I can discover), and then obviously sketched in the details to fit the narrative in his book. As was usual in such cases he greatly magnifies the size of the harbours and rivers he mentions. But, curiously enough, his errors are less upon the southern coasts than upon the northern, which he knew better. His representation of the Bay of Restigouche in particular is so poor as to approach the grotesque. This fact makes it seem likely that he was aided by some other map for the southern coast, but sketched the northern wholly out of his own memory. The original copperplate was very crudely engraved, and contains many imperfections, which are explained in the Bibliography following. The map produced no appreciable effect upon contemporary cartography, and was apparently almost ignored.

Aside from his book I have found but one other writing

by Denys, and that known to us only in English translation. C

34 INTRODUCTION

It is the letter of 1685 (or 1687), printed among the col- lateral documents later in this volume. The various docu- ments signed by him are obviously legal instruments drawn by lawyers. Moreau, in his Fiistorre del Acadie Frangoise, page 122, speaks of two letters of his which have escaped destruc- tion, but they are quite unknown to me.

We consider finally the influence the book has had upon later works, and its use by historians. Its very first use appears to have been by the Sieur Dassié, Prétre, whose Description Generale des Costes de ? Amerique, published at Rouen in 1677, takes the entire description of the Gulf Coast from its pages; and I have no doubt that it was used extensively by various geographical works from that time onward. Its statements were cited, with quotation of considerable portions, by the heirs of La Tour in support of certain claims, as shown by their Memoir published in the Quebec Collection de Manu- scrits, II. 353. It played a part of some prominence in the French-English boundary disputes of 1751 to 1754, where it was cited by the French, as shown in their elaborate Mémoires des Commissaires du Roy, in support of their claim that Acadia was limited to the southern part of Nova Scotia, as our author applies it. But the first historian to make use of the work was Charlevoix in his Histoire de la Nouvelle France (1744). Of Denys, he says: “‘ The author of this book was a man of merit, who would have founded a good colony in New France had he not been traversed in his projects. He tells nothing but what he saw himself”? (Shea’s Translation, 1902, II. 81). And he gives with perfect correctness the historical status of the work when he says: ‘‘ He adds some historical sketches of the settlements of those who shared with him the ownership and government of Acadia and its neighbourhood.”” And Charlevoix cites Denys very frequently in the course of his work. The early and favourable prominence thus given our author’s book supplied the cue to most later writers, who accepted Charlevoix’s estimate.

INTRODUCTION 35

In more recent times, however, there has been dissent from this view, which finds its extreme expression 1n Moreau’s Histoire de ? Acadie Frangoise of 1873. Moreau attacks Denys at all possible points, makes the worst of the illiteracies, inconsistencies, omissions, and other faults of the book, and even impugns the author’s veracity. But the motive for it all is plain, and indeed frankly acknowledged. Moreau wrote his book confessedly to vindicate the memory of D’Aulnay Charnisay, and therefore it was necessary for him to discredit to the utmost the testimony of D’Aulnay’s severest and most damnatory critic, Denys. There is much that is just in his opinion of our author’s book, but as a whole his attack is ineffective, and leaves Denys’ testimony substantially unshaken. More recently Winsor, in his Nar- rative and Critical History (1V. 151, 1884), points out that its historical part is confused and perplexing ; this it is with- out thorough study, though I think the present volume will show that these difficulties have now been removed. Bourinot, in his Cape Breton, 1901, has given a somewhat similar esti- mate, which undoubtedly he would later have modified had he been able to carry out his published intention of translating and annotating the work. Its comparative inaccessibility, combined with the apparent confusion in the historical part, has kept Canadian writers from utilising its full value. Another use, though apparently a limited one, is by some lexico- graphers. Thus Fleming and Tibbins’ Dictionary defines godé (as I read in Baxter’s Cartier, page 78), as ‘‘oiseau de mer blanc et noir qui vole trés vite,” which is almost precisely the characteri- Sation given by our author (II. 306); and Richelet’s Diction- naire’ or 1728 (1. li.) cites Denys by name. The earliest translation of the book, including its greater part, was, curi- ously enough, into Dutch in 1688, and full details of this interesting edition are given in the bibliography below. In- terpolated into the text of the Dutch edition are two long passages which are given in English translation among the

36 INTRODUCTION

collateral documents following. These were without doubt inserted by the editor to explain the two copperplate pictures, which in turn were placed in the book to add to its attractive- ness, and thereby increase its sale. Limited portions of Denys’ book have been translated into English in the various publi- cations noted in the bibliography, but no complete English translation, and likewise no reprint of the original, has here-

tofore been published.

The only known autograph of Nicolas Denys

From the Bergier Pass of 1680

BIBLIOGRAPHY

DESIGNED TO INCLUDE THE TITLE OF EVERY KNOWN PUBLICATION AND MANUSCRIPT CONTAINING ORIGINAL INFORMATION ABOUT DENYS, OR DISTINCTIVE MATTER BEAR-

ING UPON HIS LIFE AND BOOK

1651, Octobre 12. [Journal of the Jesuits, with a reference to Denys.] Thwaites Jesuit Relations, xxxvi. 143. This passage, containing the earliest known documentary mention of

Denys, relates to his capture by Madame d’Aulnay (Charnisay) and his arrival at Quebec.

1652, Mai 4. [Journal of the Jesuits, with a reference to Denys.] Thwaites Jesuit Relations, xxxvii. 98.

This passage relates the departure of Denys from Quebec in order to find M. de la Tour and to reéstablish himself towards Miscou.

1652. [Letters Patent from the King confirming a treaty between the Duc de Vendéme and the widow of D’Aulnay Charnisay.] MS. in Paris ; abstract in Report on Canadian Archives for 1883, 124.

Contains a mention of protecting Madame d’Aulnay Charnisay against La Tour and Denis.

1653, Aott 6. Ignace, Father. [A letter on the death of D’Aulnay.] In Collection de Manuscrits relatif a la Nouvelle France, i. 136-139. Quebec, 1883.

Contains a reference to business disputes between D’Aulnay and M. Deruys (misprint for Denys).

1653, Decembre 3. Concession de la Compagnie de la Nouvelle France en faveur du Sieur Nicolas Denys, ZS. in the Archives du Ministére de la Marine, Paris, Amérique du Nord, Acadie, i., Correspondance générale, 1603-1685, f. 933 there is a copy in

37

38 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Canadian Archives, Series F, vol. cxii. p. 208; Report on do., 1887, p. ccxl.

This important document, the foundation of all Denys’ property rights to the mainland and islands of the Gulf of Saint Lawrence from Canso to

Gaspé, is printed in full with translation as No. I. of the Collateral Documents on page 57 of this volume.

1654, Janvier 30. [Provisions pour le sieur Nicolas Denys, de Gouver- neur & Lieutenant général en Canada, renfermant & désignant les bornes & étendiie de son gouvernement.| Contemporary printed copy in folto, in Archives du Ministéere des Colontes, Paris, Collection Moreau de Saint-Meéry, Canada, i. 1556-1669, p. 250; also printed again May 24, 1746 (a copy in possession of MZ. Denys de Bonaventure of Aytré, France); in Memorials of the Enghsh and French Com- missaries (London, 1755), p- 7193 and in the equivalent French Memoires (Paris, 1755), ii. 5033 in the Edits et Ordonnances (Quebec, 1856), iii. 17 5 im the Collection de Manuscrits . . . relatif a la Nouvelle France (Quebec, 1883), i. 141 5 and in large part in Sulte’s Histotre des Canadiens Frangais (Montreal, 1882), iv. 144 ; MS. copies exist in the Archives du Dépot de la Marine in Paris, in the Judicial Archives of Quebec (accompanying documents of 1685), among the:Parkman papers in the Library of the Massachusetts Historical Society (Abenaquis, 1. 157), and in the Canadian Archives (Report for 1889, Supplement, 52) 3 there is a translation into English in Brown's History of Cape Breton (London, 1869), 92.

This very important document, confirming all the rights granted Denys by the preceding, and in addition giving him a monopoly of the sedentary fishery throughout all Acadia, and making him governor and lieutenant-general over all his grant in the Gulf of Saint Lawrence

together with Newfoundland, is printed in full with translation as Docu- ment No. II. of the Collateral Documents on page 61 of this volume.

1655, Octobre 15. Arrest du Conseil privé rendu en faveur de Nicolas Denys Ecuyer contre Emanuel Le Borgne Marchand, &c. Con- temporary printed copy in Archives du Muinistére des Colonies, Paris, Collection Moreau de Saint-Meéry, Canada, i. 1556-16609, p. 253; there is a MS. copy in Canadian Archives, Series F, vol, clxxvii. p. 2293; Report on do., 1899, Supplement, 52.

This very valuable document, giving important new facts about Denys’ establishments in Acadia, is printed with translation, for those parts

concerning our present subject, as No. III. of the Collateral Documents at page 67 of this volume.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 39

1658 (?) [1654-1658]. Anon. [Map of Canada showing three estab- lishments of Denys.] ZS. in the Kohl Collection of Maps (No. 172) in the Library of Congress ; sketched in outline in Winsor’s Narrative and Critical History of America, IV. 202.

This map, of interest to us because it is the only known contemporary map which marks any of the establishments of Denys, is reproduced, in

its important part, in this work opposite page 160, on which page are further remarks upon it.

1659. [Relations of the Jesuits, with a reference to Denys.| Thwaites’ Jesuit Relations, xlv. 59.

Contains a mention of Monsieur Denis as commander of Cape Breton.

1667, Novembre 9. [Renewal by the Company of the West Indies of the Concession by the Company of New France, December 3, 1653.] ZS. in the Archives du Ministére de la Marine, Paris, Amérique du Nord, Acadie, Correspondance générale, 1603-1685, fi 1223 there is a copy in the Canadian Archives, Series F, vol. cxii. p- 2753 Report on de. 1887, p. ccxl.; printed, with some verbal differences, in the Baxter MS. in Collections of the Maine Historical Society, second series, iv. 438.

This document, valuable for the completion of the series of grants

to Denys, is published with translation as No. IV. of the Collateral Docu- ments on page 71 of this volume.

1672. Denys, Monsieur. Description geographique et historique des costes de l’Amerique septentrionale. Avec l’Histoire naturelle du Eas, Paris, 2 vols.

Denys’ own book, reprinted and translated in this volume. For a biblio- graphical treatment of it consult Mr. Paltsits’ description on page 49.

1676, Avril 15. [Colbert to Du Chesneau, instructions concerning grants of land.] In Clément’s Lettres, Instructions et Mémoires de

Colbert, Paris, 1865, III. ii. 607.

Mentions a dispute between Sieur Denis, uncle, and Sieur Denis de la Ronde, nephew, concerning lands [at Percé], in which the nephew is in the right.

1677, Aoust 21. Ordonnances de M. du Chesneau, Intendant en Canada au profit du Sr. Denis. ZS. in Archives du Ministére de la Marine, Paris, Amérique du Nord, Acadie, i., Correspondance

40 BIBLIOGRAPHY

générale, 1603-1685 ; there is a copy in Canadian Archives ; Report, 1887, p. ccxl. This document, which has an important bearing upon the status of

Denys’ rights at this date, is printed with translation as No. V. of the Collateral Documents at page 73 of this volume.

1677. Dassié, Le Sieur, Prétre. Description Generale des Costes de ’Amerique. Rouen, 421 pp.

Closely follows Denys’ work in the description of most of Acadia.

1680. Mars 1. Chesneau, Jacques du. Certificat touchant la noblesse de la Famille Denis. ZS. among the papers of Henri Hiché in the Judicial Archives of Quebec ; printed in translation in the Collections of the New Brunswick Historical Society, iii. 1907, p. 13.

This interesting document confirms some of the statements of the Forsyth de Fronsac Memorial as to the ancestry of Denys.

1680, Novembre 5. [Pass granted by Denys to Sieur Bergier to visit Acadia.] MS. in the Bibhothéque nationale, Paris, Collection Clairambault, 1016, f. 3063 printed in translation in the Collections of the New Brunswick Historical Society, ii. 1907, p. 15.

This document shows that Denys still assumed the validity of all his former rights and privileges ; and it throws light upon his attempts at settlement. But it is also of special interest in that it is signed by

Denys himself, and supplies his only known autograph, which is repro- duced earlier in this volume (page 36).

1682, Fevrier 21. Arrété de comptes et engagement de Richard Denys a Nicolas son pere. AS. in the Judicial Archives of Quebec, Genaple papers ; printed in translation in the Collections of the New Brunswick Historical Society, iii. 1907, p. 16.

This document shows that Denys was then living in Paris without

intention of returning to Acadia; and it gives much information upon his business relations with his son and lieutenant Richard.

1682, Fevrier 25. Commission de Nicolas Denys a Richard, son fils. MS. in the Judicial Archives of Quebec, Genaple papers ; printed in translation in the Collections of the New Brunswick Historical Society, ili, LQO7, fi Ld;

This document shows how completely Denys had relinquished all his command to his son.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 41

1685. [Letter from the Intendant de Meulles to the Minister, with a reference to Denys.] ZS. known to me only from the reference in Sulte’s Histoire des Canadiens Francais, v. 106,

In this letter, according to Sulte, is the statement that Denys was then living at Paris in poverty. (“M. Nicolas Denys, ajoute-t-il, qui a été gouverneur de ’Acadie . . . vit A Paris dans la mendicité ”).

1685, June 20. [Letter from Nicolas Denys to the King of France, written from Pisquit (Nepisiguit), translated into English] ZS. in the Public Record Office, London, America, and West Indies, vol. lviii. p. 58; there zs a copy in Canadian Archives (Report for 1883, 38) ; there is another copy of this letter, with a few verbal changes, dated May 10, 1687, in the Public Record Office, Board of Trade, Nova Scotia, vol. xxxii. p. 169, and the same vol., 1, 4, 54 (Report on Canadian Archives, 1894, p. 9) 3 the original French is not known.

This very interesting letter is the only known writing of Denys apart from his book. It is printed in full as No. IX. of the Collateral Documents at page 79 of this volume. There is a curious problem about its date, for I am assured by the copyist in the Public Record Office that two copies exist there differing only in a few verbal details, but dated June 20, 1685, and May Io, 1687, respectively. It is wholly unlikely that two such similar letters could have been sent and translated two years apart, and it seems probable that the date on one is an error. The history of the letter is given, I believe, in a despatch of the Earl of Bellamont to the Lords of Trade, dated Boston, June 22, 1700, which reads, “I also send the copy of Monsr. Denys’s letter to the French King. . . . Capt. Southack, Commander of this Province galley, commanded a private ship of war during the last war, and took Monsieur Denys prisoner, and with him seized this letter” (Documentary History of New York, ww. 677). I take it the Monsieur Denys who was taken prisoner was Richard, on his way to France, since it is wholly unlikely that Nicolas would be carrying his own letter. Unfortunately the expression “ during the last

_war” is too indefinite to fix the date. In any case the letter shows that Denys returned in his old age to Acadia.

1687, Avril 17. [Arrest du Conseil du Roy, granting to Nicolas Denys a large Seigniory later to be chosen.] Original not known but mentioned in the document of 1690, April 18, following.

The mention of this Arrest in the document of 1690 implies that it carried a revocation of Denys’ earlier grants and privileges for non- fulfilment of conditions, in compensation for which he was granted a seigniory of the largest size, later to be chosen. It was placed and bounded at Miramichi by the document of April 18, 1690.

42 BIBLIOGRAPHY 1687, May 1o. Letter from Denys to the King of France.

Compare under 1685, June 20.

1688. Saint Valier. Estat présent de l’église et de la Colonie Francaise en la Nouvelle France. Paris, Reprinted in Quebec, 1856.

This very valuable book contains several references to matters con- nected with Denys’ territory. I have used the Quebec edition of 1856.

1688. Denys, Heer. Geographische en Historische Beschrijving der Kusten van Noord-America, Met de Natuurlijke Historie des Landts. Amsterdam: by Jan ten Hoorn. vi.+200 pp.

The Dutch translation of the greater part of Denys’ book. The bibliographical details are given in Mr. Paltsits’ description on page 53. The matter interpolated to explain two inserted pictures will be found translated, accompanied by the pictures themselves, as Document X. on page 80 of this volume.

1688. [Memoir of claims of the heirs of La Tour, citing Denys’ work. ] Contemporary printed folio; also Collection de Manuscrits, Quebec, i.

1883, 439.

An interesting use of Denys’ narrative of the affairs of 1630 at Cape Sable in illustration of La Tour’s loyalty, &c.

1689, Fevrier (?). [Memorial of Richard Denys to Monseigneur Le Marquis de Seignelay.] AZS. in the Archives du Ministére de la Marine, Paris, Amérique du Nord, Acadie, Correspondance générale, 1686-1695, p. 108; also in Bibliotheque nationale, Collection Clairambault, f. 6243; there is a copy in Canadian Archives, Series FY, vol. cxiv., p. 223; Report on do., 1887, p. ccxlii.; printed in translation in Saint John Sun, Jan. 16, 1883, and in Collections of the New Brunswick Historical Society, iil. 1907, p. 37.

This document is of the greatest interest as showing the results of the energetic and skilled efforts of Richard Denys to settle some part of his father’s lands. Incidentally it contains some items important to our present subject (among others the date of the death of Denys), and these are printed as No. VI. of the Collateral Documents at page 76 of this volume.

1690, Avril 18. [Decree of the Intendant Champigny, placing and bounding the Seigniory, granted April 17, 1687, to Nicolas Denys, at Muramichi.] ZS. in Registre des Insinuations au Conseil Souverain at Quebec, 1679-1705, B, No. 2, f. 103; printed

BIBLIOGRAPHY 43

in translation in Collections of the New Brunswick Historical Society, lil, 1907, p. 43. Denys having died between the date of the original grant and this

time, the seigniory, though granted in his name, passed to his son Richard as his heir. Compare the document under date 1687, Avril 17.

1691, Mars 16. [Ratification by the King of the grant of April 18, 1690, of the Seigniory of Miramichi.] ZS. with that of the grant just mentioned, printed in translation with it, and also in a Return to an Address of the Legislative Assembly for copies of certain seigniorial documents, Quebec, 1853, 49.

In this document, by some clerical error, the names of Nicolas Denys and of his son Denys de Fronsac are run together as Nicolas Denys de

Fronsac, thus originating the error, apparently, that Nicolas Denys was Sieur de Fronsac.

1691. Le Clercq, Chrestien. Nouvelle Relation de la Gaspesie, &c. Paris, xxvi.+572 pp. Shows the influence of Denys’ book in the treatment of many subjects,

and has valuable matter upon Richard Denys’ settlements, and upon those of Gaspé.

1706. Anon. Memoir on the French Dominions in Canada, 1504- 1706. In Documentary History of the State of New York, ix. 683. New York, 1855.

Contains a reference to Denys’ grant and fishing ihe and to his expelling the English of Boston therefrom.

1710, Octobre 11. [Letter of M. Raudot to the Minister.] ZS, in

Archives du Ministére de la Marine, Paris, Canada, C. II., vol. v.

p. 863; there is a copy in the Canadian Archives, Series F, vol. clxxxiv. p. 68 ; Report on do., 1899, Supplement, 225.

This letter contains the only known reference to Denys’ personal

appearance ; the part relating thereto is printed as No. VII. of the Col- lateral Documents at page 78 of this volume.

1713, Septembre g. Declaration of MM. de St. Ovide and others. MS. in Paris, copy in Canadian Archives ; Report on do., 1905, i. 482.

Contains a statement that Cape Breton was granted about eighty years before to the MM. Denys of Tours, who had built forts at Saint Annes and Saint Peters, remains of which had been found.

4A, BIBLIOGRAPHY

1713, Octobre 9. Letter of Denys de la Ronde to the Minister. MS. in Archives du Ministére de la Marine, Paris, Isle Royale, Correspondance générale, 1712-1716, vol. 1. p. 223; there is a copy in Canadian Archives, Series F, vol. cxiii. p. 32; Report on do., 1887, p. cclxxxii.

This document contains some statements concerning Denys likely to mislead the student; they are discussed earlier at page 24 of this volume, and the important parts are printed as No. VIII. of the Collateral Documents at page 78 of this volume.

1728. Richelet, Pierre. Dictionnaire de la langue frangaise, ancienne et moderne. Lyon, 3 vols.

Contains a biographical note on Denys and on other authors of the same name, refers to others who have mentioned him, and cites his book as “curieux et utile” (vol. i. page lii.).

1736. Denys de la Ronde et Denys de St. Simon. Une partie en abrégé de la lignée descendante de Nicolas Denys, frére du dit Simon Denys. ZS. genealogy in possession of the descendants of Pierre Denys de la Ronde in New Orleans, U.S.A.

This valuable, almost contemporary, document, for a copy of which I am indebted to M. Philéas Gagnon, of Quebec, and to Mr. J. W. Cruzat, of New Orleans, shows that Nicolas Denys had a daughter Marie, wife of the Sieur de la Valliére and mother of his children, through whom Nicolas Denys thus has descendants. The correctness of this information is con- firmed by contemporary documents of 1676 (Collection de Manuscrits, Quebec, 1. 1883, 237) and 1685 (Murdoch, ova Scoéza, i. 168). The same document describes the arms of the Denys family as “ Une grappe de raisin d’argent en champ de gueule le casque enfacé, deux cerfs pour support.” (A bunch of grapes in silver on a red field, the helmet out- facing, two stags as supporters.) They are pictured, slightly differently, in Forsyth de Fronsac’s Memorial of 1903, page 42.

1744. Charlevoix, P. F. X. de. Histoire et Description Générale de la Nouvelle France. Paris, 1744. English Translation, by J. G. Shea, 6 vols., 1866-1872 ; reprinted in 1902; maps and illus.

Introduces Denys as an historical authority, makes use of his book,

praises his honesty, and gives some slight errors about him; in all of which he has been followed by most later writers.

1755. Carte d’une Partie de l’Amérique Septentrionale pour servir a ’Intelligence du Mémoire sur les prétentions des Anglois au sujet des Limites a regler avec La France dans cette partie du Monde.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 45

In the Mémoires des Commissaires du Roi, Paris, 1755, Vol. I. Reprinted in Winsor’s Narrative and Critical History of America, v. 478.

Shows the supposed limits of Denys’ government, the first known map to do so. The limits are followed by Genest of 1873. On these compare earlier, page 20 of this volume.

1816. Anon. [Review of Denys’ book.] In North American Review, i, p. 9: A brief descriptive review, not appreciative of its merits, but interesting as being (probably) the earliest American mention of the work.

1865. Murdoch, Beamish. A History of Nova Scotia or Acadie. Halifax, N.S., vol. i

Contains much accurate information about Denys, from which later - writers have largely drawn, with translations of a few important portions of his book.

1869. Brown, Richard. A History of the Island of Cape Breton, London. Contains a full and appreciative account of Denys at Cape Breton,

translates the Letters Patent of 1654, and gives a copy of Denys’ map of Cape Breton, though with many changes.

1871. ‘Tanguay, L’Abbé Cyprien. Dictionnaire Généalogique des Familles Canadiennes. Montreal, vol. i.

Contains at page 180 the families of Nicolas and Simon Denys. There is also some matter in vol. iil. p. 342.

1873. Moreau, M. Histoire de ’Acadie Frangoise (Amérique Sep- tentrionale) de 1598 A 1755. Paris, xi. +359 pp. 8vo. It appeared first serially in Le Cabinet Historique, and is the OM of the many Acadian references in that periodical.

A work confessedly written to re-habilitate the memory of Sieur

d’Aulnay Charnisay, and in consequence very antagonistic to Denys, who is D’Aulnay’s most condemnatory witness.

1875. Genest, P. M. A. Carte de la Nouvelle France pour servir a Yétude de l’Histoire du Canada depuis sa Découverte jusqu’en 1760.

Marks the limits of Denys’ government, as noted earlier, on page 21.

46 BIBLIOGRAPHY

1877. Patterson, George. History of the County of Pictou. Montreal.

Translates Denys’ narrative relating to Pictou, with comments.

1882-1884. Sulte, Benjamin. Histoire des Canadiens Frangais, 1608— 1880. Montreal, 8 vols.

Contains many items concerning Denys, though with some errors of detail.

1884. Winsor, Justin. [Discussion of Denys’ work.] In his Nar- rative and Critical History of America, iv. 151. Contains an independent opinion, cited on page 35 of this volume, of Denys and his work. 1886. Jack, Edward. Denys’ Opinion of Saint John River. Sainz John Daily Sun, July or August.

A translation of the larger part of Denys’ description of the River Saint John.

1888. Dufossé, E. (publisher). [Facsimile of the map and two plates belonging to Denys’ book.]

Published to replace the originals missing from most copies. They are very well done, in close imitation of the original, though omitting some of the accidental imperfections in the latter (compare page 51 of this work). It is from this that Bourinot took his reduced reproduction in his Cage Breton, 1891.

1889. Dionne, N. E. Miscou: Hommes de Mer et Hommes de Dieu. In Le Canada-Frangais, ii. 432-447 and 514-531. Gives a somewhat full treatment of the early history of Miscou and

Nepisiguit, and of Denys’ connection therewith. Has some errors of location.

1891. Hamilton, P. S. Biography of Nicolas Denys. Jn the Toronto Week, Dec. 18.

Known to me only from the reference in Bourinot’s Cafe Lreton, 1901, 309. Apparently of slight value.

1891. Bourinot, J. G. Cape Breton and its Memorials of the French Régime. In Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, IX. ii. 173-343. Maps and illustrations.

Contains a somewhat full treatment of Denys’ connection with Cape Breton, and a translation of his chapter on the island, but with a consider- able number of minor errors ; reproduces, reduced, the facsimile of Denys’ map of 1888.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 47

1892. Anon. Nicholas Denys, Governor of Acadia, 1632-1662. Jn Maine Historical Magazine, vii. 150-153. Claims that Denys settled at Passamaquoddy after 1672 and left

descendants there. The complete fallacy of the data is shown in the next following.

1893. Ganong, W. F. Nicholas Denys, Governor of Acadia, 1632— 1662. In Maine Historical Magazine, vill. 48, 49.

An answer to the errors of the article in the same magazine in 1892.

1896-1901. Thwaites, R. G. (editor). The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents. Cleveland, Burrows Brothers Co., 73 vols. Contains several references in notes (which may be traced through

the index) to Denys, though with some slight errors of detail, and many references to matters connected with his times.

1899. Ganong, W. F. [Proposal for naming mountains on the Nepisiguit River in honour of Denys, and of his son De Fronsac.] In Bulletin of the Natural History Society of New Brunswick, iv. 255.

It is yet too early to tell whether the names will come into general use, but it is to be hoped that they will.

1899. Ganong, W. F. [Discussion of the exact site of Denys’ estab- lishments at Miscou and at Nepisiguit.] In Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, V. ii. 298, 300.

Some error in the account of the Miscou site is corrected in the much better discussion in the same journal for 1906, as noted below.

1900. Hannay, James. Nicholas Denys. In Hays Canadian History Readings, St. John, 175-178.

A brief and appreciative biography, though with no new matter.

1900. Ganong, W. F. A Description of the River St. John before

1672, by Nicolas Denys. Jn Hay’s Canadian History Readings, St. John, 74-78.

An annotated translation of Denys’ description of the Saint John River.

1902. Ignotus. Nicolas Denys. In Bulletin des Recherches Historiques, Levis (Quebec), viii. 219-223.

A description of Denys’ book, with biographical and critical notes of

some value; points out the error of calling him “the first historian of

North America.” The same publication contains references to Denys, V. 192 ; Vi. 94-95.

48 BIBLIOGRAPHY

1903. Forsyth de Fronsac, F. G. Memorial of the Family of Forsyth de Fronsac. Boston, 5. J. Parkhill & Co. vi.+95 pp., illustrated. Contains much about Denys, his ancestry and relationships. Authori- ties are not cited, and the parts coming within my own knowledge contain so many errors of detail that I consider its statements must be received with much caution. It translates most of the Dedication

to the King.

1906. Ganong, W. F. [Discussion, with map, ot the exact site of Denys’ establishment at Miscou.] In Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, XII. ii. 133.

1907. Ganong, W. F. (editor). Richard Denys, Sieur de Fronsac, and his attempts to settle northern New Brunswick. In Collections

of the New Brunswick Historical Society, ii.. 1907, 7-54. Contains translations in full of several documents mentioned in the

preceding titles, together with others which illustrate the life and work of the son of Nicolas Denys.

iW)

DESCRIPTION GEOGRAPHIQUE

Biel ORTOUR DESSCOSTES

DE LAMERIQVE SEPTENTRIONALE.

Avec l’Hiftoire naturelle du Pais.

Par Monficur DENYS, Gouverneur Lieutenant

_ General pour le Roy, @ proprietaire de tcntcs ls Terres t Ifles qui font depuis le Cap de Campleaux, jiufques au Cap des Roziers.

LOALE SL,

Ae PARES : Chez Lotits Birtaine, au fecond pillier de la grand’ Salle du Palais, - ala Palme & au grand Cefar.

oe ee

—_ —— + aw ee,

M. DC. LXXII. eZvec Privilege dw Rov.

TITLE-PAGE OF DENYS’ BOOK

(Original size)

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DESCRIPTION OF DENYS’ BOOK

By VICTOR HUGO PALTSITS

State Historian of New York, formerly Assistant Librarian of the Lenox Library

Tue book appears with the imprint of two different pub- lishers, viz. Claude Barbin and Louis Billaine, to whom Denys ceded his rights. The volumes printed for both are identical, and from the same type, differing only in the publisher’s imprint on the title-pages. The title-page of Volume I. covers both volumes, but Volume II. has never- theless a separate title-page of its own.

Description | Geographique | et Historique | des Costes | de Ameriqve | Septentrionale. | Avec lHif- toire naturelle du Pais. | Par Monfieur Denys, Gouv- erneur Lieutenant | General pour le Roy, & pro- Pitctaire Ge toutes | les Terres & Ifles qui font depuis le Cap de | Campfeaux, jufques au Cap des Roziers. | Tome I. | [Combination of four similar type- ornaments. | |

A Paris, | Chez Claude Barbin, au Palais, | fur le Pemomede ta iainte Chapelle. | mM. pc. rxxu. | Avec Privilege du Roy. |

Collation: ‘Title, verso blank; “Epitre” to the King, pp. (7); “ Avertissement av Lectevr,” pp. (15); ‘“‘ Table des Chapitres contenus eayce, premicr Lome,” pp. (8); text, nine chapters, pp. [1]|—-237 ; “‘ Articles arrestez,” pp. 238-253; ‘“Enfuit la teneur du Pouvoir

dudit fieur Ifaac Wake,” pp. 254-261 ; “ Enfuit la teneur du Pouvoir 49 D

50 BIBLIOGRAPHY

defdits fieurs de Bullion & Bouthillier,” pp. 262-267. “Extrait du Privilege du Roy,” of September 29, 1671, giving a statement of the cession of rights by Denys to the Booksellers, and of the registration of the book in March 1672, on verso of page 267. Signatures: a in eight, € and i in fours, A-Y alternately eights and fours, and Z in two. Some commonplace ornamental tailpieces are scattered through the work.

The title-page for the Billaine issue is set up line for line and ornament like the Barbin issue (except that in all copies the e of /es in line 10 has pulled out), but with the following publisher’s imprint. :

A Paris, | Chez Loiiis Billaine, au fecond | pillier de la erand’ Salle du Palais, | 4 la Palme & au grand Cefar. lim pe. Lax. | Avec Privilege du Roy. |

VOLUME II

Histoire | Naturelle | Des Peuples, des Animaux, des | Arbres & Plantes de l’Amerique | Septentrionale, & de fes | divers Climats, | Avec une Defcription exacte de la | Pefche des Molués, tant fur le | Grand- Banc qu’ a la Cofte; & de | tout ce qui s’y pratique de plus | particulier, &c. | Par Monfieur Denys, Gou- verneur | Lieutenant General pour le Roy, & | Pro- prietaire de toutes les Terres & | Ifles qui font depuis le Cap de Camp-— | feaux, jufques au Cap des Roziers.

| Tome Second. | [Combination of two type-ornaments.| |

A Paris, | Chez Claude Barbin, au Palais, | fur le Perron’ de’ la ‘fainte Chapelle: mpc. txxte ies Privilege du Roy. |

Collation: ‘Title, verso blank; text, twenty-seven chapters, pp. 3-480; “Table des Chapitres contenus au fecond Tome,” pp. (6).

mISTOIDRE

Mma to R EL LE

Des Peuples, des Animaux, des Arbres & Plantes del’ Amerique - Septentrionale , & de {es divers Climats.

‘Avec une Defcription exathe de la Pefche des Molués , tant fur le Grand. Bane qua la Coffe; ec de

tout ce qui Sy pratique de plus particulier , pc.

Par Monfieurr DEN YS, Gouverneur Lieutenant General pour le Roy, & Proprictaire de toutes les Terres & Ifles qui font depuis le Cap de Camp. feaux, jufques au Cap des Roziers,

Tome Second. CES) ene)

A PARIS,

Chez Lotits Brrrarne, au fecond pillicr de la grand’Salle du Palais, dla Palme & au grand Cefar.

Mi D Gy Ex S Ti edvec Privilege dw Koy. |

TITLE-PAGE OF VOLUME II. OF DENYS’ BOOK

(Original size)

BIBLIOGRAPHY 51

The pagination of p. 88 is 90; 89 is 91; 386 is 328; 408 is 480; 477 is 4713; 475 to 480 are duplicated, the second series standing really for [481 to 486]; chapter xxiv is mis-numbered xxvi; signa- tures: A-Rr alternately in eights and fours, and Ss in six.

This title-page for the Billaine issue is set up line for line and ornament like the Barbin issue, but with the following publisher’s imprint.

A Paris, | Chez Loiiis Billaine, au fecond | pillier de la grand’ Salle du Palais, | a la Palme & au grand Cefar. | m. pc. txxu. | Avec Privilege du Roy. |

Map and Plates.—The illustrations, mentioned by the author in his Notice to the Reader (p. xi.), consist of a map of the country at the end of Volume I., and two plates illustrative of the fishery at pages 90 and 102 of Volume II.—all copperplates. ‘The plate of the map, reproduced in facsimile (reduced) in the present work, measures 20 X 15% inches, is poorly engraved, apparently by a ’prentice hand, and has many erasures and other defects. “[hese are due chiefly to attempts to correct the plate, not only in topography, but by the erasure of numerous names, some of the earliest engraved of which have been only imperfectly obliterated. In many cases these are still faintly legible, and show that the changes were made because of erroneous locations or spellings, which do not always agree with the text of the book. Further, the original plate held a great number of figures, also imperfectly erased, which were evidently intended as keys to marginal notes, and there are other imperfections due seemingly to flaws in the wax coating of the plate. “The Lenox Library copy, repro- duced in the accompanying photograph, shows also faint shadows due to the placing of damp sheets of the maps upon one another. Most of these minor imperfections, including all of the imperfectly obliterated names and figures, have been omitted from the Dufossé reproduction of the map. The original paper has as watermarks a bunch of thirty- six grapes and a small oblong about twelve inches apart. The larger plate of figures, that giving the éschaffaut or staging, reproduced (reduced) in this work, measures 5 x 10} inches or a little less, while the smaller, reproduced full size in the present work, measures 42 X 352; inches.

These illustrations are missing in whole or in part from most

52 BIBLIOGRAPHY

known copies. Harrisse, in preparing his Notes sur la Nouvelle France, was unable to find them in eight copies examined. Yet several copies do possess them, and they are reproduced in this work from the very perfect copy in the Lenox Branch of the New York Public Library. It was in order to supply their frequent absence that E. Dufossé, of Paris, issued in 1888 a few copies in excellent engraved facsimile upon old paper, and it is from this source that most copies having facsimile map and plates have been supplied.

Textual and Typographical Variations—A comparison of copies has shown that while but a single edition of the book was issued, a number of minor corrections, in part of typography and in part of statement, were made in the pages during the printing of the book. ‘These were not all made at one time, and there is no regularity in their appearance, yet in a general way some copies are later and better corrected than others. “Thus the copy in the Toronto Public Library represents one of the earlier issues, while the Harvard copy, which has been followed exactly throughout the present work, appears to include practically all of the corrections. “The chief differences observed are the following, the incorrect reading being given first and the cor- rected second. Volume I., Avertissement, page xxii. line 6: estre de mon versus estre plus de mon; page 169, line 12: plusieurs Isles en prairies & nombre dances des deux costez, ou il se trouve encore abondance de gibier : allant trois leues plus avant, ou rencontre une autre ance bien plus grande, garnie versus plusteurs Isles & nombre dances des deux costez ou il se trouve force prairies &F du gibier en abondance: allant trois lheués plus avant on rencontre une autre ance bien plus grande aussi, garnie ; page 180, line 13: dans les rivieres versus dans des étans ; page 239, line 1: VYvak versus Wak; page 254, line 2: Wak versus Wake. In Volume II. page 157, line 2: genouil versus genoux ; page 171, the signature F 77 versus P 7 ; page 268, line 22: prené versus prend; page 375, line 15: alant versus a//ant. ‘The erratic pagination in Volume II. is the same in all copies.

Despite the various corrections, however, the book still contains many typographical errors, misprints, and other faults.

Copies and Prices.—In all some twenty-three copies of this work are known to us, although there must be many more, especially in Europe. They are owned by: The British Museum (3 copies); Bibliotheque Nationale; M. Denys de Bonaventure of Aytré, France; Library of Parliament at Ottawa; Legislative Library of Quebec; Laval University Library (2 copies); Toronto Public Library ; Nova Scotia

fa —

TITLE-PAGE OF THE DUTCH TRANSLATION OF DENYS’ BOOK (Original size)

BIBLIOGRAPHY 53

Historical Society; Philéas Gagnon, Quebec; New York Public Library (2 copies) ; Harvard College Library (1 copy and also Vol. I.) ; John Carter Brown Library; Edward E. Ayer, Chicago; New York State Library (Albany N.Y.); Library of Congress (2 copies) ; E. Dwight Church, Brooklyn, N.Y.; Dodd, Mead & Co., New York.

These copies are most diverse in their make-up, some having both volumes of the Barbin imprint, some having both Billaine, while others are part one and part the other. A few, six in all (viz., a British Museum, both Laval, Lenox, Toronto Public Library, and Ayer copies), are reported to have the original map and plates, but others have them in part original, in part facsimile, wholly in facsimile, or wanting. ‘The prices for which the book has sold in recent years are most diverse. Defective copies have sold at from $10.50 up to $62.00. Perfect copies have been sold by dealers at much higher prices, up to 800 francs. A defective copy is now offered by a New York firm at $175.00. ‘The set of facsimile map and plates was sold by Dufossé at 25 francs, later reduced to 10 francs.

The only reprint or translation of Denys’ work which has appeared heretofore is the Dutch translation of 1688.

Geographifche en Hiftorifche, | Befchrijving der Kuften | van | Noord-America, | Met de Natuurlijke Historie des Landts: | Door den Heer Denys, | Gouv- erneur Lieutenant Generaal voor den Koning van | Vrankrijk, en Eigenaar van alle de Landen en Ejilan— | den welke gelegen zijn van Cap de Campfeaux af | tot aan Cap des Roziers. | [Ornament, a bouquet of triangular form.| |

t’ Amsterdam, | By Jan ten Hoorn, Boekverkooper overt Oude | Heeren Logement, in de Hiftori-

Schryver. A. 1688. |

Collation: Title, verso blank; “Aan den Leezer,” pp. (2); text of Part I. (nine chapters), pp. 1-84; half-title to Part II. (Natuurlijke Historie), with verso blank, pp. [85-86]; text of Part II. (sixteen chapters), pp. 87-200; ‘“Blad-Wyzer | Op de Befchrijving der

54 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Kuften en Natuurlijke Historie | van | Noord-America,” pp. (4). Two copperplates, one opposite p. 44, showing the lassoing of a merman, the other opposite p. 68, exhibiting Indians riotously and murderously intoxicated. No mispaging. Signatures: * in two; A-—Bb in fours; Cc in two.

The Denys forms the larger half of a composite volume, of which the remainder is the Dutch translation of Father Louis Hennepin’s Louisiana. ‘The Hennepin section has not a particular title-page, but the following general title-page serves for it as well as for the whole volume :—

Beschrijving | van | Louisana, | Nieuwelijks ontdekt ten Zuid- Weften | van | Nieuw-Vrankryk, | Door order van den ae | . | Door Den | Vader Lodewyk Hennepin, | . a, Mitseadets de | Geographifche en Hiftorifche Befchrij vial fi iiuttien | van | Noord-America, | Met de Natuurlijke Hiftorie des Landts. | Door den Heer Denys, |...]...]|.... | Verciert imetsieogeee Figuren. | [Cut of Dutch Coat-of-Arms] | PAmstereiny | By Jan ten Hoorn, Boekverkooper over’t Oude | Heeren Logement, in de Hiftori- Schryver. A. 1688. | There is also an engraved general title-page, showing a navigator with map, compass, and astrolabe, as follows: Ontdekking van | Louisania | Door den Vader L. Hennepin. | Benevens de Befchrijving van | Noord-America | door den Heer Denys. | t Amfterdam by Jan ten Hoorn over het Oude Heere Logement 1688. |

The Dutch translation shows numerous aberrations from the French original. It adds words in the text, explanatory of the French, some- times with, sometimes without brackets; runs paragraphs of the original together and separates paragraphs of the original into two or three parts. In the translation the “ Blad-Wyzer ” is an addition ; the ‘‘Epitre”’ of the original is omitted, and so are, in Vol. I., paragraphs 3, 4, 8, 9, and last of the “ Avertissement,” all of the “Table des Chapitres,” all of the “Articles arrestez” (pp. 238-267) and the “ Privilege” on verso of p. 267; the Dutch interpolates in this volume in “ Hoofdstuk V.” from ’£ Moet on p. 44 to aanknoopen on p. 46; and in “Hoofdstuk VII.” from Terwi/ on p. 67 to berooven on p. 68. These passages are given in translation, together with the

BIBLIOGRAPHY 565

two copperplates they explain, at page 80 in the present work. In Vol. II. the Dutch translation omits portions of chap. iii., all of Giaps. vv. to xv., and the *Table des Chapitres.” These are the main variations.

Copies and Prices.—This Dutch edition is not especially rare or valued. It brings prices of from five to fifteen dollars.

Rey DO FN

q ita ae at ?

COLLATERAL DOCUMENTS

THE following documents include some which are fundamental to an understanding of the life and work of Nicolas Denys, some which give entirely new information about him, and some which are of particular interest in other ways. ‘Their source is fully explained in every case in the accompanying Bibliography. Almost without ex- ceptions, and those clearly noted, they are now for the first time published. ‘To ensure all possible accuracy, I have had those from the Paris archives collated by an expert, the late M. Victor Tantet, expressly for their present appearance, while equal care has been taken in the case of the others. “They are all printed exactly as written, errors of all kinds included. Needless, perhaps, to say the involved diction of the legal papers belongs to them, and is not the fault of the translator.

I 1653, DECEMBER 3

Concession by the Company of New France in favour of the Szeur Nicolas Denys

The Company of New France, assembled with that of Miscou and with its consent, has made the agreements and contracts below declared with the Sieur Nicolas Denys, Esquire: that is to say, that the said Company of Miscou having agreed, in return for all com- pensation claimed by it from him, to the sum of fifteen thousand

Concession de la Compagnie de la Nouvelle France en faveur du Szeur Nicolas Denys

La Compagnie de la nouvelle france assemblée avec celle de Miscou et de son consentement ont fait les acords et conventions cy apres déclarez avec le sieur Nicolas Denys Escuyer, c’est asscavoir que la ditte Compagnie de Miscou

ayant convenu pour tout le de dommagement par elle pretendu envers luy a la 57

58 COLLATERAL DOCUMENTS

livres, the said Sieur Denys is bound, and binds himself by these presents to pay the said sum into the hands of the one who will be named by it, in three consecutive years in equal portions. ‘The first payment shall become due and shall be made on the day and feast of Christmas that will be reckoned one thousand six hundred and fifty- eight, and this to be continued from year to year until the completion of the payment of the said sum of fifteen thousand livres. In con- sideration of which payment thus made, the said Company of New France, with the consent of that of Miscou, has granted and grants and has conceded by these presents to the said Sieur Denys in per- petuity in full property and seigniory, to him and to his heirs and assigns, the countries, lands, woods, coasts, ports, and islands situated in the Great Bay of Saint Laurent, to commence from the Cap de Canceaux as far as Cap des Rozieres, together with the right and privilege of bartering for peltries with the Indians, to enjoy it as aforesaid, and according as and just as the said Company of Miscou has enjoyed it, with a reservation of the mines and deposits of tin which will be found and discovered within ten leagues from the said Cap des Rozieres extending towards Miscou, which the said Company retains in order to work them, with timber sufficiently close to them to make them of use, on the charge and condition that the said Sieur Denys and his successors shall be considered to hold from the said Company of New France, on account of the said countries and lands

somme de quinze mille livres le dit sieur Denys s’est obligé et s’oblige par ces presentes de payer la ditte somme entre les mains de celuy qui sera par Elle proposé en trois années consecutives par egalles portions le premier payement eschera et se fera au jour et feste de Noel que l’on comptera mil six cents cinquante huit et sera continué d’année en année jusques au parfait payement de la ditte somme de quinze mil Livres moyennant lequel payement ainsy fait la ditte Compagnie de la nouvelle france du Consentement de celle de Miscou a donné et donne et concédé, par ces presentes audit Sieur Denys a perpetuité en proprieté et Seigneurie a luy et aux siens et ayant cause les pais terres, bois, Costes ports et Isles scituez En la Grande Baye de St. Laurent a commancer Depuis le Cap de Canceaux jusques au Cap des Rozieres ensemble le droit et faculté de la traitte des pelleteries avec les Sauvages pour en jouir comme dit est, suivant et ainsy qu’en jouissoit la ditte Compagnie de Miscou a la reserve des Mines et Minieres d’Estain qui se trouveront et seront découverts a dix lieux depuis ledit Cap des Rozieres tirant sur Miscou que la ditte Compagnie retient pour les faire travailler et des bois suffisamment proche dicelle pour les faire valoir a la charge et condition que le dit Sieur Denys Et ses succes- seurs seront tenus relever de la ditte Compagnie de la Nouvelle france acause

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contained in the present concession, by one single liege homage which shall be rendered to the said Company in this City of Paris on each change of Seignior with a maz/le d’Or of the weight of two ounces, and further on condition of making within the extent of the said countries, lands, coasts, or islands conceded to him, within the time and space of six years, at least two settlements, each of forty families of Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman French, or a single one of eighty families, of maintaining a sufficient number of good and virtuous ecclesiastics for holding divine service, aiding the said families, and labouring for the conversion of the Indians. And inasmuch as the said Company has respect for the person and for the merit of the said Sieur Denys, because of the experience that he has acquired in the frequent sea-faring voyages that he has made in the said countries, and because of the service he is able to render to the King and to the said Company, it has promised him and does promise to nominate and present him to his Majesty to be under his good pleasure entrusted with the government of the said country, lands, and islands thus conceded to him, during the period of nine years, after the expiration of which the said Sieur Denys shall be bound to ask and obtain from the said Company a new nomination. And in case of the decease of the said Sieur Denys, one of his successors, if he be of sufficient age, will have the right to accept the said nomination, in default of which and awaiting it there shall be nominated by the said company one of

des dits pays et terres contenues en la presente Concession par un seul hommage Lige qui sera rendu a la ditte Compagnie En cette ville de Paris a chaque Mutation de Seigneur d’une maille d’or du poids de deux onces, Et outre a la charge de faire dans l’/Estendue des dits pays, terres, Costes ou Isle a luy concedez dans le temps et espace de six années au moins de deux habitations de quarantes familles chacune francois Catholique Apostoliques et Romaines ou une seule de quatre vingt familles d’entretenir nombre suffisant de bons et vertueux Ecclesiastiques pour faire le service divin assister les dittes familles et vaquer a la conversion des Sauvages Et d’autant que la ditte Compagnie fait consideration de la personne et du Merite du dit Sieur Denys par experiance qu’ils s’est acquis dans les frequantes navigations qu'il a faittes es dits pais et du service qu’il peut rendre au Roy et a la ditte Compagnie elle luy a promis et promet Le nommer et presenter a Sa Majesté pour estre sous son bon plaisir pourveu du Gouvernement du dit pays Terres et Isles a luy ainsy concedez pendant lespace de neuf années apres lesquelles expirées le dit Sieur Denys sera tenu demander et prendre de la ditte Compagnie nouvelle Nomination. Et en cas du decés du dit Sieur Denys un de ses successeurs s’il est en aage capable aura droit de prendre la ditte Nomination sinon a faute de ce et en attendant sera nommé par la ditte Compagnie un de ses amis pour

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his friends, who is to be entrusted with the said government during the minority of his heir, and who is to restore this government to the latter on attaining his majority. And in default of satisfaction by the said Sieur Denys in the matter of the payment of the said fifteen thousand livres promised by him in the cession stated above [or] of making go and live in the extent of the said concessions the number of families to which he is bound during the said six years, the present concession and the Letters Patent which will be granted him for the government of the said country upon the nomination and presentation by the said Company, shall become void, and the said Company shall have power to dispose of the said concession and to make the presenta- tion and nomination for the said government in favour of any one whom they may see fit, without that through reason thereof either he or his heirs will be able to claim any compensation and share. Made and passed at the office of the said Company the third day of December one thousand six hundred and fifty-three. And below is written : Extract from the Proceedings of the Company of New France, by me signed, Cheffault, Secretary, with paraph.

Collated with the original on paper by the undersigned notaries gardes-notes of his Majesty at the Chastelet of Paris. This being done [the original] was returned the sixteenth of February one thousand six hundred and eighty-two.

Decours. DELaBassE.

estre pourveu du dit Gouvernement pandant la bas aage de son Successeur et pour luy remettre le dit Gouvernement estant devenu Majeur, Et a faute de satisfaire par le dit Sieur Denys au payement des dits quinze mil Livres par luy promis dans les delais portez cy devant, de faire passer et habiter dans lestendue des dittes Concessions le nombre de familles aquoy il s’est obligé pendant les dittes six années la presante concession et les provisions qui luy auront eté expediées pour le Gouvernement du dit pais sur la nomination Et presenta’tion de la ditte Compagnie deviendra nulle & Pourra laditte Com- pagnie disposer de la ditte concession et faire la présentation et nomination pour le dit Gouvernement en faveur de qui bon luy semblera sans que pour raison d’icelles luy ni ses successeurs puissent pretendre aucun dedommage- ment Et Interests fait et passé au Bureau de La ditte Compagnie le jour Troisiesme decembre mil six cens cinquante trois et plus bas est escript Extrait des deliberations de la Compagnie de la Nouvelle france par moy. Signe Cheffault, secretaire avec Paraphe.

Collationné a l’original en Papier par les notaires garde-notes de sa Majisti au Chastelet de Paris soubz signez Ce faict rendu le seize fevrier mil six cent quatre vingt deux. DECOURS. DELABASSE.

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II 1654, JANUARY 30

LETTERS PATENT for the Sieur Nicolas Denys, as Governor and Lieutenant General in Canada, limiting and describing the bounds and extent of his government.

LOUIS, by the grace of God, King of France and of Navarre ; To all present and to come. Being well informed and assured of the laudable and praiseworthy affection, care, and industry of the Sieur Nicolas Denys, Esquire, who was formerly appointed and con- stituted by the Company of New France Governor in all the extent of the Great Bay of Saint-Laurens and islands adjacent, beginning with the Cap de Canceaux as far as Cap de Rosiers in New France; and who during nine or ten years past has devoted and usefully employed all his efforts there, as well in the conversion of the Indians of that country to the Christian faith and religion, as also in the establishment of our authority through all the extent of the said country, where he has built two forts and contributed his utmost to the support of sundry religious ecclesiastics to instruct the children of the said Indians, and has worked at clearing the lands where he has had several habitations built, and would have continued this work had he not been prevented by Charles de Menou, Sieur

[PROVISIONS pour le steur Nicolas Denys, de Gouverneur & Lieutenant général en Canada, renfermant & désignant les bornes & étendiie de son gouvernement. |

LOUIS, par la grace de Dieu, Roy de France & de Navarre; A tous présens & 4 venir. Estans bien informéz & assuréz de la loiiable & recom- mandable affection, peine & diligence que le St Nicolas Denys Escuyer, qui estoit cy-devant institué et étably par la Compagnie de la Nouvelle France, Gouverneur en toute l’étendtie de la grande Baye Saint-Laurens & Isles adjacentes, 4 commencer depuis le cap de Canceaux jusques au cap de Rosiers, en la Nouvelle France; .& lequel depuis neuf ou dix ans en ca, a apporté & utilement employé tous ses soins, tant a la conversion des Sauvages dudit Pays, a la foy & religion chrestienne, qu’a l’establissement de nostre Autorité, en toute létendiie dudit Pays, ayant construit deux forts, & contribué de son possible 4 lentretien de plusieurs Ecclésiastiques religieux, pour instruction des enfans desdits Sauvages, & travaillé au défrichement des terres, ou il auroit fait bastir plusieurs habitations. Ce qu il auroit continué de faire, sil n’en efit été empesché par Charles de Menou sieur

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Daulnay Charnisé, who, by force of arms and without any right, had driven him therefrom, depriving him on his own private authority of the said forts, provisions, and merchandise without making any return therefor, and had even destroyed the said habitations: Such is the result that in order to restore the said country, and to re-establish it in its original condition so that it may be capable of receiving the colonies which had begun to be established through means of the said habitations which had been there made and established, together with the forts which the said Charnisé has seized upon, it is necessary to send there a man of ability, versed in the knowledge of those parts and faithful to our service, in order to take back the said forts or to construct others, and to replace the said country under our dominion and the said company in its rights granted it by the edict of its establishment : and for the defence of the said country to fortify and guard the said forts and those which will be built, with a sufficient number of soldiers and other things necessary, where it is expedient to make large disbursements: ‘To render us a service of this importance, being assured of the zeal, devotion, industry, courage, valour, good and wise conduct of the said Sieur Denys, who has been nominated and presented to us by the said Company, we have, of our certain knowledge, full power and royal authority confirmed, and do confirm anew, this Sieur Denys in so far as is or may be necessary, and have ordered and established, and do order and establish by these presents, signed by our

Daulnay charnisé lequel, a main armée & sans aucun droit l’en auroit chassé, pris de son autorité privée lesdits Forts, Victuailles & Marchandises, sans en faire aucune satisfaction: & mesme ruiné lesdites habitations. De sorte que pour remettre ledit Pays, le restablir en son premier estat, pour estre capable d’y recevoir les colomnies qui y avoient commencé leur establissement, par le moyen desdites habitations qui y estoient faites & construites & des Forts dont ledit Charnisé s’est emparé: I] est nécessaire d’y envoyer homme capable & instruit en la connoissance des lieux, fidél a notre Service, pour reprendre lesdits Forts, ou en construire d’autres, & remettre le dit Pays sous notre domination, & la dite Compagnie dans ses droits, portéz par Edit de son establissement ; & pour la défense du dit Pays munir & garder les dits Forts, & ceux qui seront faits de nombre suffisant de gens de guerre, & autres choses nécessaires, oui il convient faire de grandes dépenses : Et pour nous rendre un service de cette importance, estant assuré du zéle, soin, industrie, courage, valeur, bonne & sage conduite du dit Sieur Denys, lequel nous auroit esté nommé & présenté par la dite Compagnie : Avons, de nostre certaine Science, pleine puissance & Autorité Royale, iceluy Sieur Denys, confirmé & confirmons de nouveau, en tant que besoin est ou seroit, ordonné & estably, ordonnons &

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own hand, [as] Governor and our Lieutenant-General, representing our person, in all the country, territory, coasts, and confines of the Great Bay of Saint Laurens, to commence with the Cap de Canceaux as far as the Cap des Rosiers, Isles de Terre-neufve, Isles du Cap- Breton, de Saint-Jean, and other Islands adjacent, in order to re-establish our rule there and the said Company of New France in its rights; to make known there our name, power, and authority, to subjugate, subdue, and bring into obedience the peoples who live there, and to have them instructed in the knowledge of the true God and in the light of the Christian faith and religion; and to command there both by sea and by land, to decree and to have done everything that he may believe ought and could be done to support and keep the said places under our authority and sway, with power to appoint, establish, and institute all officers, as well of war as of justice, both for the first time and thereafter in future, to nominate and present them to us for their appointments, and to give them our Letters necessary thereto; and in accordance with the trend of events, with the advice and counsel of the most prudent and capable persons, to establish laws, statutes, and ordinances conformable (so far as he may be able) to our own; to make treaties and to contract for peace alliance and confederation with the said peoples or others having power and command over them; to make open war upon them for establishing and maintaining our authority,

establissons par ces présentes signées de nostre main, Gouverneur & nostre Lieutenant Général, représentant nostre Personne, en tout le Pays, Territoire, Costes & Confins de la grande Baye de saint Laurens, 4 commencer du Cap de Canceaux, jusques au Cap des Rosiers, Isles de Terre-neufve, Isles du Cap-Breton, de Saint-Jean, & autres Isles adjacentes, pour y restablir notre domination, & ladite Compagnie de la nouvelle France, dans ses droits; y faire reconnoistre nostre Nom, Puissance & Autorité, assujettir, soimettre & faire obéir les Peuples qui y habitent, & les faire instruire en la connoissance du vray Dieu & en la lumiére de la Foy & Religion Chréstienne : & y commander tant par mer que par terre ; ordonner & faire exécuter tout ce qu'il connoistra se devoir & pouvoir faire pour maintenir & conserver lesdits lieux sous nostre Autorité & Puissance, avec pouvoir de commettre, establir & instituer tous officiers, tant de Guerre que de Justice, pour la premiére fois; & de-la en avant, Nous les nommer & présenter pour les pourvoir, & leur donner nos Lettres a ce nécessaires, & selon les occurrences des affaires avec l’avis & conseil des plus prudens & capables: Establir Loix, Statuts & Ordonnances, (le plus qu'il se pourra) conformes aux nostres: Traiter & contracter paix, alliance & confédération avec lesdits peuples, ou autres, ayant pouvoir & commandement sur eux; leur faire Guerre ouverte, pour establir & conserver

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and freedom of trade and business between our subjects and them, and in other matters that he may consider appropriate: To enjoy and grant to our subjects who will live there, or will trade in the said country or with the natives thereof, favours, privileges and honours according to the qualities and merits of the persons under our good pleasure. IT IS OUR WILL and intention that the said Sieur Denys shall reserve to himself, appropriate, and enjoy fully and peacefully all the lands previously conceded to him by the said Company of New France, to him and his heirs, and to grant and alienate such part of these as he may think best, as well to our said subjects who shall inhabit them, as to the said natives so far as he shall judge it to be well, according to the qualities, merits, and services of the respective persons ; [that he shall] have careful search made for mines of Gold, Silver, Copper, and other metals and minerals, and have them brought and converted to use, as is prescribed by our ordinances, reserving for us, from the profit which shall arise from those of Gold and Silver only, ten per cent., and we leave and assign to him that which would appertain to us from any of the other metals and minerals, in order to help him to meet the other expenses which his said charge will bring him. IT IS OUR WILL that the said Sieur Denys, exclusively and over all others, shall enjoy the privilege, power, and right to traffic and make the fur trade with the said Indians throughout all the extent of the said country of mainland and coast of the Great Bay of Saint-

notre Autorité, & la liberté du trafic & négoce, entre nos Sujets & eux, & autres cas qu'il jugera 4 propos: Jouir & octroyér a nos Sujets qui habiteront ou négocieront audit Pays & aux originaires d’iceluy, graces, priviléges & honneurs, selon les qualitiéz & mérites des personnes sous nostre bon Plaisir ; VOULONS & entendons que ledit Sieur Denys se réserve, approprie & joiiisse pleinement & paisiblement de toutes les terres a luy cy-davant concédées par ladite Compagnie de la Nouvelle France, luy & les siens, & d’icelles en donner & départir telle part qu’il avisera, tant a nosdits Sujets qui s’y habiteront, qu ’auxdits originaires, ainsi qu’il jugera bon estre, selon les qualités, mérites & services des personnes : faire soigneusement chercher les mines d’or, d'argent, cuivre & autres métaux & minéraux & de les faire mettre & convertir en usage, comme il est prescrit par nos Ordonnances, Nous réservant du profit qui en viendra de celles d’or & d’argent seulement, le dixiesme denier, & lui délaissons & affectons ce qui nous en pourroit appartenir aux autres métaux & minéraux, pour luy aider 4 supporter les autres depences que sadite charge lui apporte. VOULONS que ledit sieur Denys, privativement a toute autre, joiiisse du privilege, pouvoir & faculté de trafiquer & faire la traicte de Pelleteries avec lesdits Sauvages, dans toute l’Etendiie dudit Pays de Terre-ferme & Coste de

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Laurens, Terre-neufve, Cap-Breton, and other islands adjacent, to enjoy all the privileges above declared, [himself] and those whom he will appoint, and to whom he will wish to give the charge; and that right should be done him by the widow of the said Daulnay Charnisé and her heirs for all the losses and damages that he has suffered because of the said Daulnay Charnisé. Furthermore, we have given and do give, granted and do grant, to the said Sieur Denys the right, power, and authority to form a sedentary Company for the fishery of Cod, Salmon, Mackerel, Herring, Sardines, Sea-cows, Seals, and other fishes which are found throughout the extent of the said country, the coast of Acadia as far as the Virginias, and the adjacent islands. Into which company will be received all the inhabitants of the said country, for such part as they may wish to enter upon, and to participate in the profits in accordance with what each one shall have put into it. And it is forbidden to all persons, of whatsoever quality and condition they may be, to undertake over his said company to make the said sedentary fishery through all the extent of this said country, but with exception, however, for our subjects, to whom it is our will and intention to pro- vide that throughout the said country of New France, with ships and in such harbours and ports as may seem to them good, they may make the fishery of green and dry fish, quite in the usual way, without any possibility of being in any way disturbed by the said company. We make very express prohibition and refusal to all merchants, masters,

la grande Baye Saint-Laurens, Terre-neufve, Cap-Breton, & autres Isles adjacentes, pour en jouir de toutes les choses cy-dessus déclarées, & par ceux qu'il commettra, & 4 qui il en voudra donner la charge: & qu'il lui soit fait raison par la vefve dudit Daulnay-Charnisé & ses héritiers, de toutes les pertes & dommages qu'il a souffert de la part dudit Daulnay-Charnisé. De plus nous avons donné & donnons, attribué & attribuons audit sieur Denys, le droit, faculté, & pouvoir de faire une Compagnie sédentaire de la pesche des Molues, Saumons, Macquereaux, Harans, Sardines, Vaches marines, Loups marins, & autres Poissons qui se trouveront en toute l’Etendiie dudit Pays, Coste de la Cadie jusques aux Virginies & Isles adjacentes. A laquelle Compagnie seront receus tous les habitans dudit pays, pour telle part quwils y voudront entrer, pour des profits y participer, de ce que chacun y aura mis. Et deffenses a toutes personnes de quelque qualité & condition qu’ils soient, d’entreprendre sur ladite Compagnie pour faire ladite Pesche sedentaire en toute l’éstendiie dudit Pays, 4 la réserve toutefois de nos Sujets, que nous voulons & entendons pourvoir par tout ledit Pays de la Nouvelle France, avec Navires & en tels Ports & Havres que bon leur semblera, pour y faire pesche verte & seiche, tout ainsi qu’a lordinaire, sans y pouvoir estre troubléz en aucune facgon par ladite Compagnie: Faisant trés-expresses inhibitions & déffenses a tous E

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and captains of vessels, and others of our native subjects of the said country, of whatsoever state or condition they may be, to carry on the fur trade with the Indians of the said country, as well as the said sedentary fishery, without his express leave and permission, on penalty in case of disobedience of entire confiscation of their vessels, arms, munitions, and merchandise to the profit of the said Sieur Denys, and of ten thousand livres fine. Authority is given the said Sieur Denys to stop them by all means, and to arrest those contravening our said prohibitions, their ships, arms, and provisions, to bring them into the hands of justice for proceedings to be taken against the persons and goods of those disobeying, as will be deemed fitting. And in order that this intention and will may be well known, and that no one may pretend that he was ignorant of it, We decree and order all of our officers and justices to whom it appertains, that at the request of the said Sieur Denys they are obliged to have these presents read, published, and registered, and to have the contents of them kept and observed punctually, being bound to post and publish in the ports and harbours and other places in our Kingdom, in countries and lands under our authority, as need may arise, a summary extract of their contents. It is our will that to copies which shall be duly collated by any of our well-beloved and trusty Counsellors, Secretaries, or Royal Notary, by this requirement, credit shall be given [as] to the present original. For such is our pleasure. In witness whereof we have had

Marchands, Maistres & Capitaines de Navires, & autres nos Sujets originaires dudit Pays, de quelque estat & condition qu’ils soient, de faire la traicte des Pelleteries avec les Sauvages dudit Pays, ny ladite Pesche sédentaire, sans son exprés congé & permission, 4 peine de desobéissance & confiscation entiére de eurs Vaisseaux, armes, munitions & marchandises au profit dudit Sieur Denys, & de dix mil livres d’amande. Permettons au dit Sieur Denys de les em- pescher par toutes voyes, & d’arrester les contrevenans 4 nosdites déffenses, leurs Navires, armes, & victuailles, pour les remettre és mains de la Justice, & estre procédé contre la personne & biens des désobéissans, ainsi qu’il appar- tiendra : Et a ce que cette intention & volonté soit notoire, & qu’aucun n’en prétende cause dignorance: Mandons & ordonnons a tous nos Officiers, Justiciers qu’il appartiendra, qu’a la Requeste dudit sieur Denys, ils ayent a faire lire, publier & registrer ces présentes ; & le contenu en icelles faire garder & observer ponctuellement ; faisant mettre & afficher és Ports, Havres & autres lieux de nostre Royaume, Pays & Terres de notre Obéissance que besoin sera, un Extraict sommaire du contenu en icelles. Voulant qu’aux Copies qui en seront deuément collationnées par de nos améz & féaux Conseiller, Secrétaire ou Notaire Royal sur ce requis, foy soit ajotitée au présent Original : Car tel est notre Plaisir. En témoin de quoy Nous avons fait mettre notre

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our seal affixed to these presents. GIVEN at Paris, the thirtieth of January, one thousand six hundred and fifty-four, and of our reign the eleventh. Sealed with the great seal of green wax, in strings of red and green silk. Signed, LOUIS. And upon the fold, By the King, DE LOMENIE. And upon the margin, Visa. And under, collated with the original by me, Counsellor and Secretary of the King, King’s Household and Crown of France, and of his finances, signed

LA BORIE, with paraph.

III 1655, OcTroBER I5

Decree of the Privy Council rendered in favour of Nicolas Denys, Esqutre, against Emanuel Le Borgne, Merchant, iving at La Rochelle, which accords replevin to the said Denys of the Peltry goods, Beaver and Moose skins seized at the request of the said Le Borgne from the Sieur de la Milleray, to whom the said Denys had delivered them, and discharged the securities. And in conformity to the Letters Patent of Fis Majesty of the 30th January 1654: It is forbidden to the said Le Borgne and to all others pretending right to the succession of the Szeur D’Aulnay Charnisay to undertake any enterprize in the places

Scel & cesdites présente. DONNE A Paris, le trentiéme janvier mil six cens cinquante-quatre, & de nostre Régne le unziéme: Scellé du grand Sceau de cire verte en lacs de soye rouge & verte. Signé LOUIS. £¢ sur le reply. Par le Roy, DE LOMENIE. £¢ @ costé, Visa. Et Plus bas, Collationné a POriginal par moy Conseiller Secrétaire du Roy, Maison, Couronne du France, & de ses Finances, Signé LA BORIE, avec paraphe.

Arrest du Conseil privé rendu en faveur de Nicolas Denys Ecuyer contre Emanuel Le Borgne Marchand, demeurant a la Rochelle, gui accorde matnlevée au dit Denys des Marchindises de Pelleteries,Castors et orignaux satsis ala Reqguéte du dit Le Borgne sur le Sieur de la Milleraye a qui le ait Denys les auroit livré, et déchargé les cautions. et gue conformement aux Lettres patentes de Sa Majesté du 30 Janvier 1654. Il est deffendu au ait Le Lorgne et a tous autres préitendans droit & la successton du Sieur LD Aulnay Charnisay, de rien entreprendre sur les lieux delaisses au adit

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left to the said Denys by the Directors and Associates of the Company of Canada and others, etc. (Extracts.)

Extracts from the Registers of the Privy Council of the King.

Between Nicolas Denys, Esquire, plaintiff by Petition according to the Decree of the Council of the 12th of February 1655, on the one part, and Emanuel Le Borgne, Merchant, living at La Rochelle, creditor of the late Charles de Menou, Chevalier and Seignior Daulnay and Subdelegate to the Sieur de la Fosse, Councillor of State, de- fendant, on the other part. . . . After which is the notification, the said letters of Provision accorded by the said Company of New France, the 15th January 1654, to the said Denys, of the extent of lands, coasts, ports, and harbours therein mentioned, upon the conditions therein recited. Printed copies of other Letters Patent of His Majesty of the 30th January 1654 bearing confirmation of the preceding, with establishment of the said Denys as Governor and Lieutenant-general of his said Majesty in the said countries on conditions therein men- tioned. Inventory made the 9th September 1647, of the arms, muni- tions of war, merchandize of provision and traffic, and other materials found in the habitation of Miscou, and its environs, belonging to the said Denys, and by him abandoned to the said Sieur Daulnay, estimated at eight thousand three hundred and forty-two livres, which sum the

Denys par les Directeurs et associés de la Compagnie de Canada et autres, etc.

Extraict des Registres du Conseil Privé du Roy.

Entre Nicolas Denys Escuyer, demandeur en Requeste suivant l’arrest du Conseil du 12 Fevrier 1655 d’une part; Et Emanuel Le Borgne, Marchand demeurant 4 la Rochelle, créancier de Charles de Menou, vivant Chevalier Seigneur Daulnay et Subdélégué du Sieur de la Fosse Conseiller d’Estat, deffendeur d’autre part. . . . En Suite est la signification, les dites Lettres de provision accordées par la dite Compagnie de la Nouvelle France, le 15 Janvier 1654, au dit Denys, de lestendue des terres, costes, ports et havres y men- tionnez, aux conditions y contenues. Copies imprimées d’autres Lettres Patentes de sa Majesté du 30 Janvier 1654. portant confirmation des précé- dentes, avec establissement du dit Denys pour Gouverneur et Lieutenant général de sa dite Majesté es dits pays, aux conditions y mentionées. Inven- taire fait le 9 Septembre 1647. des armes munitions de guerre, marchandises de bouche et de traicte, et autres choses trouvees en habitation de Miscou, et es environs, appartenantes au dit Denys, et par luy délaissez au dit Sieur Daulnay estimées a huit mil trois cens quarante deux livres, laquelle somme le

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said Sieur Daulnay had promised to pay to the said Denys at the end of July 1648. Process served the 10th June 1654, at the request of the plaintiff to the Sieur Papon, Commandant at the fort of Saint Pierre, for the widow of the said late Sieur Daulnay, to restore the said forts conformably to the said Letters Patent ; that which the said Papon had done on the conditions therein contained. Articles of the capitulation of the said fort on the 11th of the said month of June. Proceedings of the 15th July 1654, containing that which took place at the retaking of Nepeziguit. Writ of the 20th of the said month of July, which contains the signification made to the Lady, widow of the said late Sieur Daulnay, of the said Letters Patent of the month of January, with inventory of the furniture, tools, merchandize and munitions of war and of provisions taken from the said petitioner in the said forts of Saint Pierre and Sainte Anne in the Island of Cape Breton, in the years 1650 and 1651. ‘Two other inventories made by the petitioner in the month of June 1654 of the furniture and mer- chandize which have been found at the time of the reduction of the said forts, of which the said Denys has taken on account of that which is due him by the estate of the said late Sieur Daulnay. Another writ of assignation given to the said Sieur Papon found at La Rochelle the toth September 1654, to identify and certify the said inventories. Sentence of the Admiralty of La Rochelle of the 7th December 1654 made upon the subject of the said identification . . . and in conse-

dit Sieur Daulnay auroit promis payer au dit Denys a la fin de Juillet 1648. Sommation faite le 10 Juin 1654, a la requeste du demandeur au Sieur Papon, Commandant au Fort de St. Pierre pour la vefve du dit feu Sieur Daulnay, de remettre les dits Forts conformement aux dittes Lettres Patentes ; ce que le dit Papon auroit fait aux conditions y contenues. Articles de la Capitulation du dit Fort du 11 du dit mois de Juin. Procez verbal du 15 Juillet 1654, con- tenant ce qui s’est passé en la reprise de Nepeziguit. Exploict du 20 du dit mois de Juillet, qui contient la signification faite 4 la Dame vefve du dit feu Sieur Daulnay des dittes Lettres Patentes du mois de Janvier, avec inventaire des meubles, ustanciles, marchandises et munitions deguerre et de vivres, prises sur le dit demandeur, dans le dits Forts St. Pierre et Sainte Anne en PIsle du Cap Breton, és annees 1650 et 1651. Deux autres Inventaires faits par le demandeur au mois de Juin 1654, des meubles et marchandises qui ont esté trouvées lors de la réduction des dits Forts, desquels le dit Denys s’est chargé sur et tant moins de ce qui luy est detib par la succession du dit deffunct Sieur Daulnay. Autre exploict d’assignation donné au dit Sieur Papon trouvé a La Rochelle le 10 Septembre 1654 pour recognoistre et certifer les dits Inventaires, Sentence de |’Admiraute de la Rochelle du 7 Decembre 1654 faite sur le sujet de la ditte recognoissance . . . et en consequence, Sa Majesté,

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quence, His Majesty, conformably to his said Letters Patent of the 30th January 1654, makes very explicit prohibition to the said Le Borgne, and to all other creditors, heirs, and pretenders to right in the estate of the late Sieur Daulnay Charnisay, not to undertake anything in the places which have been abandoned to the said Denys by the said Directors and associates designated in the said letters, and to all masters of Ships, Captains, Sailors, and others, from troubling him in his use of the said establishments, on penalty of corporal punishment, likewise from carrying any provisions, arms, and munitions of war, to the places and forts of the said establishments without the express consent of the said Denys, or those who will have charge for him, on penalty of confiscation of ships, arms, and munitions, ten thousand livres fine, costs, damages, and interest ; it is enjoined on the Captains, Sailors, and Soldiers and other persons who will be found in the said places and forts to hand them over to the said Denys or those who will have power for him. . . . Done at the Council of the King, held at Paris, the fifteenth day of October, one thousand six hundred and fifty-five. (Signed) ForcoAaL.

conformement & ses dites Lettres Patentes du 30 Janvier 1654 fait trés-espresses deffenses au dit Le Borgne, et a tous autres créanciers, héritiers et prétendans droict en la succession du dit Sieur Daulnay Charnisay, de rien entreprendre sur les lieux qui ont esté délaissés au dit Denys par les dits Directeurs et associez designez és dites Lettres et 4 tous Maitres de Navires, Capitaines, Matelots et autres, de le troubler dans usage des dites habitations, a peine de punition corporelle, mesme de porter aucuns vivres, armes et Munitions de guerre, és Places et Forts des dites habitations sans l’exprés consentement du dit Denys, ou ceux qui auront charge de luy, 4 peine -de confiscation des vaisseaux, armes et munitions; dix mils livres d’amande, despens, dommages et interest; enjoint aux Capitaines, Matelots, et Soldats et autres personnes qui se trouveront dans les dittes Places et Forts de les remettre au dit Denys, ou ceux qui auront .. . Fait au Conseil du Roy, tenu a Paris le quinzesme jour

d’Octobre mil six cens cinquante cinq. (Signé) FORCOAL.

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IV 1667, NOVEMBER 9

Renewal by the Company of the West Indies of the Concession by the Company of New France, December 3, 1653.

The Company of the West Indies, upon that which has been represented to us by the Sieur Nicolas Denis, Esquire, at present in this city of Paris, that in the year one thousand six hundred and fifty- three the oid Company of New France had granted and conceded to him all the Lands and Islands situated from the Cap de Canceaux to Cap des Rosieres in the said country of New France, which concession had been confirmed by Letters Patent of His Majesty of the thirtieth of January one thousand six hundred and fifty-four, with power to the said Sieur Denis to grant and allot such part of the said Lands as he thought best, as well to the subjects of His Majesty who might dwell there, as to the natives of the said country: but inasmuch as the said Lands are comprised within the extent of territory granted to the Company by the Edict of its Establishment in the month of May one thousand six hundred and sixty-four, which revokes all the concessions which had been made previously, the said Sieur Denis had requested us to be willing to confirm him, or so far as there is, or will be, need to grant and concede anew the said Lands and Islands, with all the privileges, rights, advantages, stipulations or conditions carried by the

9g NVobre. 1667.

La Compagnie des Indes Occidentalles sur ce qui nous a representé par le sieur Nicolas Denis Ecuyer de present en cette ville de Paris, que des ’année mil six cens cinquante trois ’ancienne Compagnie de la Nouvelle France Luy auroit donné et concedé toutes les terres et Isles scituées depuis Le Cap de Canceaux jusques au Cap des Rosieres au dit pays de la Nouvelle france, Laquelle concession auroit esté Confirmée par lettres patentes de sa Majesté du trente janvier mil six cens cinquante quatre avec pouvoir aud’. Sieur denis de donner et departir telle part des d® terres qu’il aviseroit tant aux sujets de sa Majesté qui s’y habitueroient qu’aux Originaires du d’ pays; mais d autant que les d* Terres sont comprises dans l’estendiie des pais concedés a la Compagnie par |’Edit de son Etablissement du mois de may mil six cens soixante quatre, lequel revoque toutes les concessions qui auroient esté accordées auparavant, Le d* sieur denis nous auroit requis de luy vouloir confirmer ou autand que besoin est ou seroit donner et conceder de Nouveau les d* Terres & Isles avec tous les privileges, droits, avantages, clauses ou conditions porteés dans la dite

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said first Concession and Letters of Confirmation thereof, in order to give him means of continuing to maintain the establishments which he has formed and sustained in the said country with much care and expense : For THESE Reasons, WE, THE Directors GENERAL of the said Company, recognising how important it is for the good of religion and increase of the Colonies of New France that this region should be immediately peopled by subjects who can work at the clearing and cultivation of the lands, Have in the name of the said Company confirmed, and do confirm, and so far as is or may be necessary, have conceded and do concede anew to the said Sieur Denis the said Lands and Islands in full propriety and Seigniory on the conditions carried by the said Concession of the old Company of New France, situated as above from the Cap de Canceaux to the Cap de Rosieres, with all the privileges, rights, advantages, stipulations, and conditions carried in the said Concession and Letters Patent of confirmation of the same, and on the express condition that the said Sieur Denis shall cause to go to the said country during ten years, in each one of them, fifty persons of both sexes to people and cultivate it: And in case that in certain years he is unable to make that number go, he will replace it the following year up to the complete number, it being equally understood that in case the Sieur Denis shall send in a single year a number exceeding fifty persons, that which is found above that number will be con- sidered as a substitute for the sending which he will be obliged to

premiere Concession et Lettres de Confirmation d icelle afin de luy donner moyen de Continiier a entretenir les Etablissemens qu’il a formés et maintenir dans les d§ pays avec beaucoup de soin et de depenses, A CES CAUSES, Nous DIRECTEURS GENERAUX de lad® Compagnie reconnoissant combien il est Important pour le bien de la Religion et augmentation des Colonyes de la Nouvelle france que cette partie soit incessament peuplée de sujets qui puissent travailler au defrichement et culture des terres, Avons au nom de la d*. Com- pagnie Confirmé et confirmons, Et autant que besoin est ou seroit concedé et Concedons de Nouveau au dit Sieur denis Les d® terres et Isles en toute proprieté et Seigneurie aux charges portées par la d* Concession de L’ancienne Compagnie de la Nouvelle france scituées comme dessus depuis le Cap de Canceaux jusques au Cap de Rosieres avec tous les privileges, droits, avantages, clauses et conditions portées dans la d® Concession et Lettres patentes de Confirmation d’icelle, Et a condition expresse que le d*. sieur Denis fera passer au dit pays pendant dix années a chacunne d’icelles cinquante personnes de l'un et autre sexe pour le peupler et cultiver, Et en cas qu’ en quelques années, il n’en puisse faire passer le dt. nombre il le remplacera l’annee suivant jusques a nombre parfait, bien entendu aussy que ou le d* sieur denis envoyeroit en une année un nombre excedant Cinquante personnes ce qui se trouvera au dessus

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make the succeeding years: In default of this the lands which shall not then be occupied will be reunited to the domain of the said Company, which will have power to dispose of them according as may seem best to it, without the said Sieur Denis being able to pretend to any claim of seigniory or proprietorship, which conditions have been accepted by the said Sieur Denis: In faith whereof we have signed these presents, and have had them countersigned by the secre- tary general of the said Company and sealed with its Arms, at Paris the Ninth day of November one thousand six hundred and sixty-seven. Signed Bechamiel, Berthelot, Dalibert, Thomas, Landais, and under- neath by the said Sieurs the Directors General, Daulier and sealed with red wax.

V

1677, AUGUST 21

Ordinance of M. du Chesneau, Intendant in Canada in the interest of the Sieur Denis,

Jacques pu CHENEAU, Chevalier, Seigneur de la Doussiniere et Dembrault, Councillor of the King in his state and privy Councils, Intendant of Justice, police, and finances in Canada, in Accadie, Illes de Terres neuves, and other countries of France Septentrionalle.

tiendra lieu pour l’envoy qu’il seroit obligé de faire les années suivantes, A faute de quoy Les Terres qui ne seront lors occupées seront reunies au domaine de lad*. Compagnie qui en poura disposer ainsy que l’on lui semblera, sans que le d*. sieur Denis y puisse pretendre aucunne Seigneurie ny propriété, Les- quelles conditions ont esté acceptées par le d*. Sieur Denis, En foy de quoy Nous avons signe ce presentes, Icelles fait contresigner par le secretaire general de lad Compagnie et sceller des Armes d’ycelle, a Paris le Neufviesme Jour de Novembre mil six cent soixante sept Signe Bechamiel, Berthelot, Dalibert, Thomas, Landais, et Plus bas par Mesdits Sieurs Les Directeurs Gnaux, Daulier et scelle de Sire Rouge.

Ordonnances de M. du Chesneau Intendent en Canada au profit du Sr. Denis au 21° Jour a’ Aoust 1677.

JACQUES DU CHENEAU, chevalier Seigneur de la doussiniere et dembrault, conseiller du Roy en ses Conseils d’estat et privé, Intandant de la Justice, polices et finances en Canada en Accadie Illes de Terres neuves at autres pays de la France Septentrionalle.

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Considering the request presented to us by Charles Hagnuet, Esquire, Sieur de Nargonne, in the name and as attorney to Nicolas Denis, also esquire, REPRESENTING that the said Sieur Denis had ob- tained Letters Patent from His Majesty confirming him anew in his office as Governor and Lieutenant-General in all the country, territory, coasts, and limits of the Grande Baye Saint Laurent, to commence at the Cap des Canceaux as far as Cap des Roziers, Isles de terres neuves, Cap Brethon, de Saint Jean, and other islands, in which Cap Brethon there is found coal and in the passage of the said Canceaux plaster, which he has always permitted the residents of this country to go and take for their needs on payment to him of a moderate royalty, in order to contribute in every way that he could to their advantage: nevertheless abusing his good nature, they do not alone content themselves with removing constantly plaster and coal from his lands without paying him anything, but they make use of the privilege he has given them to ruin him, and to make under this pretext trade in furs with the Indians who are in those lands, to the prejudice of the intentions of the King, whose paternal vigilance extends over everything which has the honour and advantage to be under his authority through whatever extent it may be, and who wishes that every one shall in future apply himself more assiduously than ever to the cultivation of the land and may enjoy for this purpose the little profits which are met with in that which belongs to him: in order to facilitate the execution and in

Veu la req'®. a nous presentée par Charles Hagnuet, escy*. Sieur de Nargonne au nom et comme ayant charge de J/Vicolas Denis aussy escYer CONTENANT que led. Sieur denis auroit obtenu par lettres pattentes de Sa Majesté confirméon de nouveau de la charge de Gouverneur et lieutenant gial dans tous les pays, territoire costes et confins de la grande baye Saint Laurent a commancer du Cap des Canceaux jusques au Cap des ‘ozzers Isles de zerres neuves Cap Brethon de Saint Jean et autres Isles dans lequel Cap Brethon il se trouve du Charbon de Terre et dans le passage dud. Canceaux du plastre qu'il a tousiours souffert aux habitans de ce pays de venir prendre pour leur besoins en luy payant un droict modique afin de contribuer en tout ce qui luy a esté possible a leur advantage cepand'*. abusant de sa facilité Ils ne se contentent pas non seulement d’enlever tous les jours le Alastre et charbon de dessus ses terres sans luy payer aucunne chose, mais se servent de la grace gwil leur accorde pour le ruiner et faire soubs ce pretexte la traitte des pelletries avec les Sauvages qui sont dans les Terres au prejud®. des Intentions du Roy dont la vigilance paternelle s’estend sur tout ce qui a Phonneur et lavantage de luy estre soubmis de quelque estendue qu’il soit qui veut que chin s’applique doresnavant plus fortement que jamais a la culture de la Terre et jouisse pour cet effet des petits profits qu’il se rencontrent en ce qui luy appartient pour en

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conformity with his ordinance of the 15th of April of last year, 1676, imposing very specific prohibition and refusal to all persons of what- soever quality and condition they may be from going to trade for furs in the settlements of the Indians and depths of the woods, on penalty against any individuals, for the first time that they go on the said trading, of confiscation of the merchandise with which they shall be found provided, as well in going as returning from their voyage, and also 2000 livres fine, and for the second such offence any such severe penalty as will be by us adjudged: And, in conclusion, asking orders to prevent the said residents and other individuals from trading in the said places, because if this were allowed it would be impossible to promote the settlement of the country granted to him and the cultiva- tion of it, which he has not yet found it possible to do up to the present to the extent that he would have desired, having been prevented from it by the troubles brought on him as well by the English as by the French, and we order that they shall not take coal and plaster from the said lands without his permission and unless they pay him four livres per ton for plaster and three livres per ton for coal. ‘The Letters Patent of His Majesty forwarded to the said Sieur Denis, given at Paris the 30th of January 1654, signed by Collation the

And the ordinance of the King of the said day, the 15th of April of the said year, 1676, and everything considered.

faciliter le moyen et au mespris de son ordonnance du quinzieme Avril de Yannée defe 1676 portant tres expresse inhibitions et deffences a touttes personnes de quelque qualité et condition qu’elles soyent d’aller a la traicte des pelletries dans les habitaéns des Sauvages et profondeur des bois, a peine contre les particuliers pour la p* fois quwils yront a lad. traicte de confiscaon des marchandises dont ils seront trouvez saysies, tant en allant que revenant de leurs voyage et de deux mil livres d’amandes et pour la seconde de telle autre peine afflictive qu'il seroit par nous juge concluant a ce qu'il nous pleust empescher lesd. habitans et autres particulliers de traicter sur lesd. lieux, parce que si cela estoit tolleré il seroit hors d’estat de faire habiter les pays qui luy sont conceddez et cultiver la terre ce qu’il n’a pitt faire jusques a pit Dans toutte lestendue qu’il auroit desiré en ayant esté empesché par les troubles que luy ont fait tant les Anglois que les Francois et ordonnent qu’ils ne pourront prendre du charbon et plastre sur lesd. Terres sans sa permission et quils luy payeront par tonneau de plastre quatre livres et par tonneau de charbon trois livres Les lettres pattentes de Sa Majesté expediées aud. Sieur Denis donne a Paris le trantiesme Jan® 1654 signées par collaon la et Pordonnance du Roy dud. jour quinziesme Avril de lad. annee 1676 et tout considere.

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WE orRDER that the said ordinance shall be executed according to its form and tenor, and this done we have made very specific pro- hibitions and refusals to all residents and others against making any traffic in the places belonging to the said Sieur Denis and forming part of the concessions made to him, under the penalties carried thereby, and that no person shall take coal and plaster that may be found on those said lands without the permission of the said Sieur Denis and paying him therefor, that is to say, for each ton of plaster making four barrels thirty sols, and twenty sols per ton of coal upon the penalties which will appertain thereto. Wr COMMAND the first officer or royal sergeant by this requirement to take in virtue of our present ordinance all necessary steps. Done at Quebec the twenty-first day of August one thousand six hundred and seventy-seven. Signed Du Chesneau, by Monseigneur Chevalier with paraph.

VI 1689, FEBRUARY (2) Memorial of Richard Denys to Monseigneur Le Marquts de Seignelay. (Extracts.)

Richard Denys represents very humbly to Your Highness, that the late Nicolas Denys, his father, having the intention of establishing

NOUS ORDONNONS que lad. ordon® sera executtée selon sa forme et teneur et ce faisant avons fait tres expresses inhibitions et deffenses a tous habitans et autres de faire aucun traicte dans les lieux appartenants aud. S™ Denis et faisant partie des concessions données a luy sur les peinnes portées par icelle et que personne ne pourra prendre du charbon et plastre qui se trouvera sur cesd. terres sans la permission dud. Sieur Denis et en luy payant scavoir par chiin tonneau de plastre faisant quatre barriques trente sols et vingt sols par tonneau de charbon sur les peinnes qui y appartiendront. MANDONS au premier huissier ou sergent Royal sur ce requis faire en vertu de nostre pite ordonnance tous actes necessaires Faict a Quebec le Vingt unieme jour d’aoust mil six cens soix** et dix sept signe du Chesneau par Monseigneur Chevalier avec paraphe.

A Monsetgneur Le Marquis de Seignelay.

Richard Denys, remontre trés humblement a Votre Grandeur, que feu Nicolas Denys, son pere, alant dessein d’établir quelque colonie dans Amérique

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some colony in Amerique Septentrionale, removed to Acadie in 1633 with the Commandeur de Razilly. He devoted himself for some time to the cultivation of the land and to developing a trade with France in timber and fish; but his plans were shattered by the death of his commander and by various embarrassing accidents caused by sundry individuals, both French and English, who pillaged his establish- ments, and made him suffer very considerable losses. Finally he bought, in 1653, from the old Company of New France, a part of the mainland and of the islands of the Gulf of Saint Laurent. This acquisition was confirmed by Letters Patent of the year 1654, and by a decree of Council of the following year, 1655, of which a copy is annexed. Moreover his Majesty, by his Letters Patent, accorded to the said late Sieur Denys the commission of Governor of the said lands of which he was proprietor. He established himself at Nepigiguit in the Baye des Chaleurs, where he had a fort built. But his affairs having obliged him to return to France, he left in his place and as his lieutenant Richard Denys, his son and his heir to all his rights, although he was still very young. The said Richard Denys has acquitted himself in that employment during eighteen years to the satisfaction of everybody. . . . The death of his father, deceased last year at the age of ninety years, has obliged him to come to France. .....

septentrionale, se transporta 4 Acadie en 1633, avec M™ le Commandeur de Razilly. Il s’apliqua quelque temps 4 la culture de la terre, et a faire commerce en France de bois, de poisson; Mais ses projets furent interrompus par la mort de se commandeur et par divers accidens entravés par divers part's francois et Anglois qui pillérent ses habita’ons et luy firent soufrir des pertes trés considérables. Enfin il acheta en 1653 de lancienne compagnie de la Nouvelle France, une partie de la terre ferme et des isles du golfe St. Laurent. Cette acquisition fut confirmée par des lettres patentes de année 1654 et par une arrét du Con! de l’année suivante 1655 dont copie est cy jointe. Méme sa Majesté par ses lettres patentes accorda au dit feu Sieur Denys, la commission de gouverneur des dits pais dont il etoit proprietaire. I] s’etablit 4 Nepigiguit dans la Baye des chaleurs ou il fit construire un fort ; mais ses affaires laiant obligé de passer en France, il laissa en sa place et pour son lieutenant Richard Denys son fils et son héritier en tous ses droits, quoy qu’il fut encore fort jeune. Le dit Richard Denys s’est acquité de cet employ durant dix huit ans 4 la satisfaction de tout le monde. . . . La mort de son pére décédé l'année derniere agé de 90 ans I’a obligé de venir en France......

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Vil 1710, OCTOBER II Letter of M. Raudot to the Minister. (Extract.)

. . . We believe that the right of the King for that island [Cape Breton] is well established, because, aside from the fact that it is an island adjacent to Acadie, it was granted by the King fifty-six years ago to the Sieur Denis, surnamed Greatbeard, and this concession was only a renewal of another which had been given him by the Company Of ENAECOUNETY. (3. /.

VII 1713, OCTOBER 9 Letter of Denys de la Ronde to the Minister, (Extracts.)

... It is not fifty years since my late grandfather Denys had there [at Saint Annes] a fort of which one can still see the remains ; and the Indians have told us that he raised there the finest wheat in the world ; we have even seen the fields which he farmed, and one sees there very fine apple trees, from which we have eaten fruit very good for the season . . . in consideration of the expense that my late grandfather Denys expended upon the island of Cape Breton when his Majesty granted it tohim......

. nous croyons que la possession du Roy pour cette isle est bien etablie puis qu’outre que cest une isle adjacente a L’accadie, elle a esté concedée par le Roy il y a 56 ans au Sieur Denis surnommé La grande Barbe, et cette con- cession n’a esté qu’un renouvellement d’une autre qui luy avoit este donnée par La Compagnie de ce pays......

. 11 nia pas cinquante ans que defeun mon grand pére Denys y avoit un fort don lon nan vois ancore les vestige et les sauvage nous on dit qu'il y fesois le plus baux bleid du monde et nous avons encore veu les champs ou il labourois, et lon ni voit de trés baux pomié don nous an avons mangé de trés bon fruit pour la saison . . . an consideration des depense que défeun mon grand pere Denys a fait dans l’isle du Cap Breton lorsque sa Majeste luy avoit consedé....

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IX 1685, JUNE 20 Letter from Nicolas Denys to the King of France."

PISQUIT, ST. LAURANCE, June 20, 1685.

Sr..—The Lustre of your Majesty, when I came before you to Present your Majesty with a Fox, (a Creature not so Considerable for its Fineness as Rarety tho coming from a Country under your Majesties own Dominion) made me forgett what I had purposed to lay before your Majestye concerning the Expences you have been at for Quebeck And also of what your Majesty might doe (tho much less) for New France, that is for that part of your Dominion from the Mouth of the great River St. Laurance to the English Possessions I have not Skill enough, by writing Sufficiently to explaine myself; on this head, so as to give your Majesty full Knowledge of the Advantages that, hereby would accrue However this I may assure your Majesty, that by Bestewing on this Country, only one Quarter of the Expence you have bestowed on Quebeck it would produce you more in one year, than Quebeck can do in fourty it being a Country that would produce Wine Salt and Corn in plenty it is full of wood fit for Plank and Shipping there is also Tarr and other things fit for the Sea in a very great plenty with very good trade of Cod fish herring Mackerell and Salmon of which hetherto we have been beholden to England and Holland for a Supply; which trade being well estableshed ; would bring in a Revenue of near two Millions a year to your Majesty and besides would be Nursery of Able Seamen to Serve in your Majestyes Fletts and unto all this I might add a great many other things of very great Advantage and Importance butt this is too large a Subject for my dull pen. must therefore bee reserved till your Majesty will please to favor me with an Oppurtunity to do it by word of Mouth; which makes me beseech your Majesty to grant me an Audience that So I might fully enforme you what the Experience of My Age has gotten me having lived there fourty years.

Yor. Most humble Obedient & Faithfull Subject

DENYES. endorsed : To y¢ French King.

' The reason why this letter is in English is explained in the Bibliography, page 41.

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xX 1688

Translation into English of the two passages interpolated into the Dutch Translation of Denys’ Book.*

[Page 44 of the Dutch ; inserted at page 128 of Vol. I. of the French,

after the words se prenant a la ligne.]

I must here make a little digression in order to relate a matter which deserves special notice and of which there have been eye- witnesses enough so as not to bring the truth of the same into doubt. While in the year 1656 three ships were lying on this coast for the sake of catching cod, the men of Captain Pzerre Rouleau, lying farthest away from the shore, noticed some distance away in the sea a peculiar commotion that was not caused by anything which had the form of any known fish. ‘They stared at it for some time without knowing what to make of it. Since the opinions about it were very much divided, as it usually is among men who have little knowledge, they rowed in the boats to the ship to get a telescope. Then they saw clearly that this fish, or to say better, this monster, which still retained the same appearance, seemed to take pleasure in the beams of the sun (for it was about 2 P.M. and very clear and fine weather); it seemed to play in the gently undulating water, and looked somewhat like a human being. ‘This caused general astonishment and likewise great curiosity to see this strange creature near by, and, if possible, to catch it. Upon the order of the Captain they therefore kept very quiet, in order not to drive it away by any noise, and descended quickly into the boats with ropes and other things, by means of which they thought they could most easily get the monster alive into their

! For this translation I am indebted to the kind aid of my colleague, Professor Ernst Mensel of Smith College. The two pictures which the passages explain, and which were no doubt introduced for purely business reasons (compare earlier, page 36 of this work), are reproduced herewith.

It is probable both passages are based upon some earlier obscure records, and very likely the pictures also have appeared before, though I have not been able to trace them. There is a somewhat detailed account of a merman in Captain Whitbourne’s Discourse and Discovery of Nevu-Found-Land (London, 1622), though there is little resemblance between his and the one described below. .

(A218 7DULS2L0 Sp12YyJ-O027 JN0GD 07 paInpay)

MOOd .SANHC HO NOILWISNVUL HOLNG AHL AO SHANLOId ALVIdedddOO GALVIOdYALNI AHL

enema na See erate

a a ee seca

nas t} = | t = io 2; , ¢ ay vii d Gre } ‘ * in i :. a 5 >

*

COLLATERAL DOCUMENTS 81

hands, But while the men of the Captain named were thus engaged, those also of the other two ships, although they had lain farther away, had caught sight of the same object, and being extremely curious to get a nearer acquaintance, had betaken themselves to their boats and had taken the oars in hand. Captain Rouleau, who was himself in one of his boats, rightly understanding that in this way they would by no means attain their end, but, on the contrary, would by untimely noise drive away the monster, beckoned all these vessels together and gave command to row out a long way on both sides, in order thus unforeseen to fall upon it from behind. ‘This was done in all quietness, but it came to pass that one of the sailors, or the fishermen, throwing out overboard away from the boat, cast a rope over the head of the Merman (for it was in fact a Merman), but since he did not quickly enough draw it shut, he shot down through the loop and away under water, presenting in his lowest part, which because of the quick movement could not well be made out, the appearance of a great beast. At once all the boats gathered round in order to catch him in case he should come up once more, each one holding himself ready for that purpose with ropes and cords, But instead of showing himself there again above water, he came to view farther out to sea, and with his hands, whereof the fingers (if indeed the things were fingers that stood in the place of fingers) were firmly bound to each other with membranes just as those of swans’ feet or geese feet, he brushed out of his eyes his mossy hair, with which he also seemed to be covered over the whole body as far as it was seen above water, in some places more, in others less. The fishermen distributed themselves again, and went a long way around, in order to make another attempt ; but the Merman, apparently noticing that they had designs on him, shot under water, and after that did not show himself again, to the great dejection of the fisher- men, who many a time went there to be on the lookout, and inces- santly racked their brains to invent stratagems to catch him.

I am sure this digression has not been unpleasant to the reader, yet one might have wished that the trouble of the fishers had had better success, and that they might have gotten that monster of a Merman into their power. Now let us take up again the broken thread of our story.

82 COLLATERAL DOCUMENTS

[Page 67 of the Dutch ; inserted at page 191 of Vol. I. of the French,

after the words le reste de la mer.]

While in the year 1657 some fishermen were lying here, a sad thing occurred, of which I must here give an account. The Indians are in the habit of betaking themselves to the vicinity of places whither they know the fishermen will come to stand with their ships. As soon as they catch sight of these, they make a great smoke in order to inform their people that they are there. The ship thereupon approaches the land, and the Indians take a few skins and sit down in their canoes in order to row nearer. ‘They are well received, and are given to eat and drink as much as they wish, to help things going 5 and then it is found out whether they have any skins and whether there are more Indians thereabouts, as here now in the description of their customs is to be spoken of more fully. "These skins are bartered for brandy, for which they, ever since they have begun to trade with fishermen, are very greedy; and they herewith fill themselves up to such an extent that they frequently fall over backwards, for they do not call it drinking unless they overload themselves with this strong drink in beastly fashion. Now, there had been on these ships some [ndians who had sold a number of skins to the fishermen, for which they had received a great quantity of brandy. In the evening, when they had come to land, they all together began to drink, next to brag and bluster, and finally to fight, inasmuch as their quarrels mostly spring from their condition, the ones desiring to be more than the others bragging of their bravery. One of the two that first had got to quarrelling took up a bottle by the neck and hit his opponent with such force on the head that he fell to the earth stunned, where- upon, with the knife that he had hanging down from his neck, he stuck four deep wounds into his body, so that the blood rushed out in a stream. A brother of this wounded Indian at once flew up, and finding a gun, he meant to shoot the other one through. This one knocked the muzzle aside, so that the ball went obliquely through the neck of some one else who was entirely without blame in the matter.

Thereupon the quarrel became general, and all that they could lay their hands on served as weapons. To be brief, they found next day five dead on the field of battle, and of the nine persons which there

COLLATERAL DOCUMENTS 83

had been all told, those left over were altogether more or less wounded. Such deadly consequences does brandy sometimes work among these folk, and it would have been much better if the fishermen had never done any trading with them than that they should send them the means to deprive each other of life.

M My

Setar een —>~

nog espe ea

Sind

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Map of the Country described by Nicolas Denys

Ly Pres hippegan Guily

an’ wel oink yy ah fa ere yh, * eee 7 a

eo Ge FN agi: ONL . fe Pur FF 1) rien puree te vin atria dbeaied

pao Cee iY

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fae tli

meoeUCRIPTION

fe OGRAPHICAL

AND HISTORICAL OF THE COASTS

OF NORTH AMERICA With the Natural History of the Country

By Monsieur DENYS, Governor [and | Lieutenant-General for the King, and Proprietor of all the Lands and Islands which occur from the Cap de Campseaux, as far as the Cao des Roziers

VOLUME I

PAR TD

At CrLaupe Barsin’s, at the Court-house on the Steps of the Holy Chapel

MDCLXXIi With the King’s License

Ri be Yt)

fii Ga a

i

ae att

[i] To the KING

SIRE,

HE effects of your Royal protection are so markedly felt in every part where Commerce [11] and Navigation can extend that even if my duty

and my inclination had not led me to dedicate this work to you, reason alone would oblige me to do it. Canada is com- mencing to live only since the care that Your MAJESTY 1s taking to give a new aspect to that unstable colony. Acadia would be still unjustly in the hands of our neighbours were it not for that same care which watches incessantly over every- thing which can enrich your subjects through commerce on the sea. But, SIRE, since the country of which [111] I take the liberty of presenting to you the Description forms the principal part of New France, the most useful and the easiest to people, I dare to hope that Your MAJESTY will be pleased to give it some part of that comprehensive attention through which we see daily changing to abundance all that formerly appeared so unproductive. ‘Thirty-five or forty years of resort or of residence in that part of America, in which I have had the honour to command for Your MAJESTY [iv] during fifteen years past, have given me ample knowledge of its fertility. I have had, moreover, the leisure to study it, and to become convinced as to the advantages which can be derived from it for naval architecture, and also as to the means for establishing there a sedentary Fishery. The profits [would be] almost unbelievable for one who understood the management of it, and could do with a dozen men that which it has not been possible up to the present to accomplish with fifty. But, SIRE, 87

88 DEDICATION

this land, such as and even better than I represent it, in order to become useful to our own has need of those very fortunate influences with which [v] it has pleased Your MAJESTY to look upon its neighbours. So much of the treasure with which Spain is enriched might perhaps still be in America, but for the protection which Christopher Columbus received from Ferdinand and Isabella. Although there were only quasi- conjectures of the country of which he proposed the dis- covery, and although the riches which have actually come from it existed as yet only in the imagination, his constancy at length triumphed over the refusals by which every other except himself would have been disheartened, and a favourable audience procured for the King of Spain that which one of the Predeces- [vi] sors of Your MAJESTY had considered a chimera. I do not come, SIRE, to propose the discovery of a land of which I have no knowledge, nor to promise Mines of gold, though such there may be in New France; I only come to offer the experience ] have gained there and in the Marine during so many years. I hope that these will have power to procure me an audience, which will give me the opportunity to explain in person to Your MAJESTY sundry matters which I believe I ought not to lay before the Public. A- [vii] waiting this favour, may it please you, SIRE, that along with my Work I consecrate anew all that remains to me of life to the service of Your MAJESTY, and that I take advantage of this occasion to testify with how much of respect, of zeal, and of submission, I am, SIRE, Your MAJEST 75" Very humble, very obedient, and very faithful subject and servant, DENYS.

1 The King to whom this dedication is addressed was Louis XIV. The mention of Acadia, “unjustly in the hands of our neighbours,” refers to its unjustifiable seizure by the British in 1654, and its restoration in 1670 under the Treaty of Breda of 1667.

[viii] Notice to thee READER

finally: acceded to the request of some of my friends,

and have gratified their curiosity with the Description which I am giving you of the most beautiful part of New France. My hesitancy in the matter did not arise from a scarcity of things I had to say, [ix] but in fact from the little attention I have given all my life to the symmetry of words or to their arrangement. Indeed it were to have been wished, for the satisfaction of the Reader, that this Work had been written in a style different from that which, these fifty years past, I have practised without my maritime occupations and my association of nearly forty years with the Indians ever allowing me the leisure to change it. But if there is not found all the grace and regularity which ought to be in [x] the discourse, at least I can give the assurance that sincerity will make up for it in all the matters enact treat here.

The divers voyages I have made in all the maritime parts of New France, and the length of time that I have had the honour to command there for the King, as well in the Islands of the Great Bay of Saint Laurens, as on the Mainland, and that I have lived there with my family, has allowed me leisure to make, as I felt inclined, observations upon everything in that country which has seemed to me use- [xi] ful or unusual.

I have made a Map to serve as a guide to the position of each place, conformably to the altitudes which I have

determined there, and to which I refer the Reader for the 89

3 has not been without much hesitation that I have

90 NOTICE

latitudes of the places I describe. I have had inserted also certain figures of objects connected with the fishery, and which the description alone would not have rendered sufh- ciently intelligible.

I have explained so far as I was able, in the body of the narrative, the terms used in navigation, in naval archi- tecture, [xii] and in fishing, for the accommodation of those who have but little or no knowledge of them.

It is through my personal experience that I am disabused of the opinion which has long been held, that the excessive cold renders this great country uninhabitable, and I have observed that it does not last longer there than in France. And as to the places which have been cleared, the land there is nearly everywhere fitted to produce all the kinds of fruits, of grains, and of vegetables which we have in our Provinces. And this [xi] cannot be called into question, seeing that the climate is like our own, and under the same latitude. It is easier to people than any of the lands of America where we have colonies, because the voyage to it is short and is made almost entirely upon the same parallel as that from which one is accustomed to set out to go there.

All of the woods which are cut down in clearing the land are fitted either for the construction of houses, or for the building and masting of vessels, or for ashes,* and for all the [xiv] other uses in which wood can be employed. Aside from this the great quantity of safe harbours which are along the whole coast will facilitate greatly the commerce which can be made there.

There are mines of coal within the limits of my con- cession and upon the border of the sea;* this is found to be as good as that of Scotland, according to the tests I have had made of it, sundry times, upon the spot and as well

1 Hardwood ashes, from which potash for soap-making was formerly obtained.

2 At the present Sydney in Cape Breton ; compare his book, I. 154.

TO THE READER 91

in France, where I have had samples taken. In fine, every- thing there unites to assure success to the purpose which the [xv] King has of making prosperous the colonies which he sends into foreign lands.

And since no one as yet has bethought himself to de- scribe the fishing for Cod, as well upon the Grand Banc as upon the coast of New France and adjacent islands; and since with the exception of the captains and sailors who are employed at that work, hardly any one is informed of the way in which it is done, and of that which happens there, I give a particular account of it, in which I have done my best not to omit anything which can serve to make it readily [xvi] understood. I have described the most minutely that I could the police system which is observed between the captains, their management, their discipline, the instru- ments and the utensils of which they make use in the fishery, the hardships they are exposed to, the risks that they run, and plenty of other curious particulars, which will perhaps be excused for their novelty though they would otherwise not be generally appreciated in this Work.

One can speak to advantage of this inexhaustible manna, [xvii] since as yet few people are informed as to the details of this fishery, either as to the seasons and the places which are fitting for it, or of many other circumstances which concern it. It is nevertheless certain that there is no merchandise better known or better saleable in Europe, not to mention that which is transported continually into other parts of the world by voyages of long duration. If one considers that it is not thirty-five years since more than five hundred French vessels were annually [xviii] occupied with this fishery, and that not three hundred are employed there at present, more diligence will perhaps be used in maintaining ourselves in the possession of all those places, where we have been from time immemorial, in which this fish is found in the greatest abundance.

92 NOTICE TO THE READER

Since the fishery for Cod has attracted our ships to those coasts, the intercourse has produced the same effect [as usual] upon the Indians, who are so changed in customs through the frequentation [there] of the French, that [xix] I have thought it appropriate to make comment upon the difference which there is in their present conduct and manner of life, as compared with that which they practised before debauchery with brandy and wine had corrupted their original desires.

With regard to the animals which are met there, perhaps nothing so remarkable has been seen as that which I tell of the instinct of the Beaver, of their industry, of their discipline, of their subordination, of their obedience in labour, of the greatness of their works, [xx] and of the solidity in the construction of their public edifices which the care for their preservation makes them build.

It will also be agreed that the ability of the Foxes in catching the Wild Geese surpasses in that country all that is said of their cleverness in this; and the adaptability of the dogs in imitating them seems not less surprising. The care which the Owls take in preserving animals alive to serve them as food during the winter, would pass for a fable, were it not for the thousands of men [xxi] witnessing to its truth.

I had hoped to give at the end of this treatise, in favour of those who are fond of navigation, an attempt at tables to serve for finding, for all the hours of the day when the sun is visible, the latitude of each place by a single operation and with the ordinary instruments which the pilots have been accustomed to use. But as the calculation could not be accomplished without much more time than I contemplated, I have preferred to {gratify my friends who [xxii] urged me to give them this Work rather than to make them wait for another which they did not ask of me, and which is perhaps more to my own inclination than to their taste.

[xxiii] TABLE OF THE CHAPTERS

CONTAINED IN THIS FIRST VOLUME

CHAPTER I

Which treats of all the coasts, islands and rivers; of the goodness of the land, of the quality of the woods, of the birds, fishes, animals, and other objects con- [xxiv ] tained in all the extent of the coasts from the River of Pantagouet as far as that ot Saint Jean, with the sur- render that the English have made of it, and that which has befallen the Author there. : a pagel Koz

CHAPTER II

Which treats of the River Saint Jean, of Mines, of Port Royal, of all the Baye Francoise, of the land, of the woods, of the hunting, and of all that has occurred there. : Wasi) x13

CHAPTER) Tl

Description of the coast from Isle Longue as far as La Haive, of the rivers, of the islands, of the hunting, of the [xxv] fishery, of the land, and of divers kinds of woods; the establishment of a sedentary fishery, how it has been ruined, and other particulars. [58] 126

CEOLAPTER Vv

Continuation of the coast of Acadie from La Haive as far as Campseaux, where it ends; in which are described all the rivers, the islands, the woods, the goodness of the land, the divers kinds of hunting and of fishing, and the incidents and adventures which have befallen the

Author . é . 4 : f : ; A ErOsiia mings

1 Of the present translation. 93

94 TABLE

CELAPTER’ V,

Description of Campseaux, of the Bay and [xxvi] Little Passage of Campseaux, as far as the Cape of Saint Louis; of the rivers, of the islands, of the harbours, of the woods, of the hunting, of the fishing, and of that which is of greatest interest there [126]

CHAPTER? V1

Which describes the Island of Cap Breton, its ports, harbours, its rivers and the islands which are dependencies of it; the nature of the land ; of the kinds of ici of the nee of she sia: and of all that it contains ; , [145 ]

CHAPTER: VII

Containing the description of the Great Bay of Saint Laurent, from the Cape Saint Louis as [xxvii] far as the entrance to the Baye des Chaleurs, with all the rivers and islands which are along the coast of the Mainland and of Isle Saint Jean; the quality of the lands, the kinds of woods; of the fishing, of the hunting, and something of the behaviour and of the customs of the Indians . :; [164 ]

CHAPTER VIII

Description of Isle Saint Jean and of the other islands which are in the Great Bay of Saint Laurent as far as its entrance, including Isle de Sable; and of all which concerns them, whether in regard to the land, [xxvii] to the woods, and to the fishing, hunting, rivers, and other particulars ; : : E [195 ]

CHAP PER ix

Description of the Baye des Chaleurs, and of all the remainder of the coast of the great Bay as far as the entrance of the great River of Saint Laurent, comprising therein all the rivers, ports, and harbours; the qualities of the lands, of the woods, of the kinds of hunting [204 ]

PAGE

164

175

188

205

z10

TABLE 95

PAGE Articles concluded between the Sieur Wake, Knight and Ambassador of the King of Great Britain, deputized by the said Lord King, and the [xxix ] Sieurs de Buillion, Councillors of his Most Christian Majesty in his State and Privy Councils, and Bouthillier, Councillor of his Majesty in his said Councils, and Secretary of his Orders, Commis- sioners deputized by His Majesty for the restitution of those things which have been taken since the treaty made between the two Crowns, the twenty-fourth of April, one thousand six hundred and twenty-nine. : : E233 226

Following is the text of the Power of the said Sieur Isaac Wake, Knight, Ambassador of the King of Great Brit- [xxx] ain. E54) 235

Following is the text of the Power of the said Sieurs de Buillion and Bouthillier, Commissaries deputized ey His Most Christian Majesty . ; P ; , : ‘ ; (262i) 4237

The Author begs the Reader to make allowance for the faults which can be found in the present edition.

re i Ae ( ‘a Wi 7 if ‘ ih 1} ‘ ay itt i Cia ey j ty f iy ") NRO it Ui i ; " i ina eae) no) \ = , ; Te Sie oe PY | eee NN Oe vit fh Abe i

iy Cre ¥ tak

ea) yi i | pu 1 ee f Pes) od the AO | : be ie ‘ f } f { j i i ; \ UA sa i ? Th i! j Teal RG i ; , i } ¥ f i ‘ é

GEOGRAPHICAL DESCRIPTION OF THE COASTS OF NORTH AMERICA

CharT ik’ i

Which treats of all the coasts, islands and rivers ; of the goodness of the land, of the quality of the woods, of the birds, fishes, animals and other objects contained in all the extent of the coasts from the River of Pentagoiiet as far as that of Saint Jean, with the surrender that the English have made of it, and that which has befallen the Author there.

HE River of Pentagotiet* [Penobscot], thus named by the In- [2] dians is the one which adjoins la Nouvelle Angleterre [New England], which I Maye mot Seen, nor the coast as far as the River Saint Jean. This is why I shall tell only that which I have learned through information given me by those who lived there during the time that the late Monsieur le Commandeur de Razilly went to live in that country after the siege of La Rochelle? The fort of Pentagotiet had been built by the

* The French form of the name of this river was first used by Champlain as Pemetegott and Pecmtegoviet, while the English form appears first in the Popham Narrative of 1607 as Penobscot. Students differ as to whether the English and French forms of the name are variations of the same Indian word, or are two independent Indian names applied originally to different localities. Compare the discussions in Laverdiére’s and the Otis-Slafter Champlacn, in Shea’s Charlevoix, and in Wheeler’s works mentioned in a note on the following page. Critical study is likely to show that the two forms are really from one origin.

* This siege was in 1628, and Razilly lived in Acadia from 1632 to 1635,

during a part at least of which years D’Aulnay Charnisay was in command at 97

98 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

late Monsieur de la Tour, and having been taken from the French by the English during the wars, was, by an arrange- ment made with France,’ on the petition of the Gentle- men of the Company of Canada, restored into the hands of the Sieur de Razilly, on conditions enacted by the Treaty inserted hereafter at the [3] end of this book. From that time on he always maintained a garrison there until his death, after which Monsieur d’Aunay Charnize succeeded him through an arrangement which he made with the brother of the Sieur de Razilly. Later the Sieur le Borgne, from La Rochelle, took possession of it by Decree of the Parlia- ment of Paris, and as a creditor of the said Sieur d’Aunay, as well Penobscot and Port Royal as La Hive, the first establishment of the said Sieur de Razilly, on which he had made great expenditures, both for his buildings and fortifica- tions and for providing people to inhabit it.2 He had there already a fine clearing, which he would have greatly increased, and he would have brought the country into a state different

Penobscot (Murdoch, ova Scotia, 1. 86). It must have been some of his garrison, if not Charnisay himself, who gave our author his information. On the Commandeur de Razilly, consult the note later under page 96 of Volume I. of our author’s book.

1 The history and site of the old French fort at Penobscot are very fully discussed by G. A. Wheeler in his Astory of Castine Penobscot and Brooksville (Bangor, 1875) and in his “Fort Pentagoet” in Collections of the Maine Historical Society, second series, IV., 1893, 113, 123. The fort stood on a site still locally known, and marked by some remains, in the southern part of the village of Castine. It is altogether probable that the first French fort or post was established here by Claude de la Tour soon after 1613 (Hannay, Azszory of Acadia, 114; Wheeler, “Fort Pentagoet”), and the other evidence to this effect receives the strongest confirmation from the statement of Denys above. It was taken by Kirk in 1628 (Aefort on Canadian Archives, 1894, page ix.) and was occupied by the New Englanders in 1629 (Wheeler), who were dis- possessed by the French under the Treaty of Saint Germain in 1632. The French held it until 1654, when it was seized by the English, who restored it in 1670; the French garrisoned it until its seizure by the Dutch in 1674, after which it was abandoned and went to ruin.

2 The facts here related with some slight ambiguity have been stated earlier in this work (pages 6, 12), while a full account of La Haive (now La Have) is given later under page 96 of Volume I. of our author’s book.

AMERICA. CHAP. I 99

[4] from that produced by those who succeeded him. These latter in place of making any expansion there, have on the contrary destroyed La Haive, removed the inhabitants to Port Royal, and made war on all their neighbours. In the year 16547* Le Borgne, who pretended to be Seignior of all that country as creditor of the Sieur d’Aunay, having learned that I had come to the Island of Cap Breton with a commission ? from the Gentlemen of the Company to make a settlement there, took advantage of a time to dispossess me when, having set all my men ashore to work at making clearings, I had [myself] gone to Sainte Anne to look at that harbour. He sent sixty men to Cap Breton, who surprised my people and took possession of them, as well as of the [5] vessel which I had left there, and everything on board of her. They sent next twenty-five men into ambush upon the road which they knew that I must take.*. They captured me, as I had with me only three men, and those without arms, and took me prisoner to Port Royal with all my company. The equipment which they had plundered, and my ship and merchandise, meant a loss to me of fifty-three thousand livres,* which the cargo had cost me, of which I have never been able to recover anything. Le Borgne, the year following, placed a commander® in the fort which I had built at Cap Breton, in the place called Saint Pierre [Saint Peters]. [6] Carrying me as prisoner to Port Royal, we went to La Haive. Those who conducted me had

1 This date should read 1653, since the later-obtained new commission, confirmed by Letters Patent from the King, mentioned by Denys on page 6 of his book, bears date December 3, 1653.

2 This commission, doubtless the same as the concession under which he established his post at Miscou, as related on page 192 of Volume I. of his book, is unknown.

3 Evidently the road across the narrow isthmus between Saint Peters and the Bras d’Or ; compare page 148 of this volume of our author’s book.

4 Somewhat less than the same number of francs, or about $10,000, the purchasing power of which was about three times its present amount.

® Sieur Papon, as the Decree of 1655, printed at page 67 in this work,

indicates. Saint Peters is fully described under page 148 of Volume I. of our author’s book.

100 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

orders to set fire to everything without sparing even the chapel. It was consumed in three or four hours with the fortress and other buildings, on which the loss amounted to more than a hundred thousand livres. I was no sooner at Port Royal than I was placed in a dungeon, with irons on my feet. Being released from these sometime after, I returned to France to make my protests. Having later obtained there another commission from the Gentlemen of the Company, which was confirmed to me by Letters Patent from the King? for my reinstatement, I returned in 1654 to the establishment [7] of Saint Pierre at Cap Breton, which was given up to me, by virtue of my Letters Patent and my Commission, by the one who commanded there for Le Borgne. The latter was away at that time at the River Saint Jean, to attempt to surprise the Sieur de la Tour, to whom it belonged, under pretext of obliging him with some provisions. This | have since learned through a man whom I had sent on purpose to show him my Letters Patent, which the man did by virtue of the authority he had. ‘This compelled Le Borgne to post- pone the execution of the design which he had against the Sieur de la Tour until another time, in order that, with the aid of his company, whom he had reembark in two boats [8] and return to Port Royal, he might attempt to surprise on his return the man who had notified him of my commission and to seize the originals, so that next he might come and surprise me and dispossess me as he had done before. But it turned out quite differently for him, for the very next day after their departure the English arrived * at the River of Saint Jean, attacked the Sieur de la Tour, and summoned him to sur-

1 It is not clear why Le Borgne ordered this burning of La Have. It was apparently property which he himself possessed as the creditor of Charnisay. The loss would be about 100,000 francs or 520,000.

2 Both the Commission (of December 3, 1653) and the Letters Patent (of January 30, 1654) are printed earlier (pages 57, 61) in the present work.

3 This, of course, is the English seizure of Acadia by orders of Cromwell in 1654.

AMERICA. CHAP. I 101

render. To this he was obliged to agree, as he was without provisions, not having received any from the Sieur le Borgne as he expected, which made it impossible for him to hold out. The English went from there to Port Royal where Le Borgne commanded, and summoned him likewise to surrender. As he was unwilling to [9] do this, the English landed three hundred men. To oppose them the said Le Borgne sent his sergeant with a part of his company. There was a combat between the two parties, in which the said sergeant was killed and the others put to flight. Le Borgne found himself truly in straits, for among his hundred and twenty men, together with the inhabitants who made fully a hundred and fifty, he was not able to find a single one capable of commanding. It was this which obliged them to surrender upon terms,—rather lack of courage than of all kinds of munitions of war and provisions, of which he had ample to hold out well rather than to capitulate. The English, being masters of the fort, did not wish [10] to keep to any of the articles which had been agreed upon, the cowardice of the vanquished serving as a pretext for the victors. Since that time the English have constantly remained in possession of the forts of Pentagotet, of the River Saint Jean, of Port Royal and of La Haive, up to the present, when the King has withdrawn them."

Some time afterwards the son of the Sieur le Borgne came back to establish himself at La Haive, where he built a fort of pickets. He had with him a person named Guilbault,? a merchant of La Rochelle, who furnished him with all pro- visions and merchandize of which he had need, and for which he was to obtain his reimbursement in the trade to be done there. But the English knowing [11] that Le Borgne was at La Haive, went there to take him. Seeing them coming

1 This withdrawal was actually effected in 1670, in accord with the Treaty of Breda of three years before.

2 There was a Pierre Guillebaut, possibly a relative of this merchant, living at Port Royal in 1671, as shown by the census of that year (Report on

Canadian Archives, 1905, 11. Appendix A, 4). H

102 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

Le Borgne retired into the woods with some of his men, of whom much the greater part remained with Guilbault in the fort with the intention of defending it. In fact they resisted an attack by the English of whom several were killed on the spot, among others their commander. This compelled them to retire for some time. But Guilbault, who had no other interest in this affair than to save his goods, agreed then with the English to deliver the fort into their hands on condition that everything which belonged to him, or to those who were with him, should be restored to them, and this was carried out. [12] But the English having entered the fort, and not having found Le Borgne there, were not willing that he should be included in the capitulation. This compelled him, having gone into the woods without provisions, to come in a little later and give himself up as a prisoner. They carried him off to Baston [Boston], where, having kept him under guard for a long time, they finally set him at liberty under an under- standing which has not since been kept.t It was this which produced later several wars between them, which in fact caused me heavy losses, although I took no part in them and had no other aim than to devote myself in my district to my establish- ment and my business without mixing in the affairs of others. But I was destined for other [13] misfortunes, no matter what trouble I took to develop my concession in the most peaceful manner I could. ‘The Sieur de la Giraudiere, who had come and established himself sometime before at the River of Sainte Marie,? obtained by stealth a second con- cession from the Gentlemen of the Company, giving them to

1 These events occurred in 1658 according to Hannay (/zstory of Acadia, 202), who gives some additional details. I do not understand what wars resulted therefrom, nor how our author suffered loss in consequence.

2 Some further account of La Giraudiere, and of his establishment at Saint Marys River, may be found later in this volume of our authors book at page 116, with yet other matter in Volume II., page 237. The date and text of both of La Giraudiere’s concessions, the first of which of course covered his settlement at Saint Marys River, are unknown. Both, however, as a reference on page

AMERICA. CHAP. I 108

understand that Cape of Campseaux [Canso] was at Cape Saint Lois,’ when it is [in reality] distant from it over twenty-five leagues. He brought out a hundred men to the country, who arrived at Campseaux, where they knew that my ship must arrive, as it did soon after. This he detained, and forbade the captain to give up anything, in virtue of his new concession, of which he sent to notify me and to [14] com- mand me to give up to him my establishment * with all that I claimed as far as Cape Saint Loiiis, which had been said to be this Cape of Campseaux. Having been in truth a little sur- prised, I made answer that some one had reported falsely to the Gentlemen of the Company, who could not give away that which they had already sold to me. But he having said to me that if I would not give it up amicably they would make me give it up by force, over a hundred and twenty men whom I had with me, knowing that my ship was stopped and that I had not sufficient provisions to maintain them, demanded their discharge, which I gave them. ‘This was, however, after em- ploying them to enclose and to fortify all my [15] dwellings with two little bastions, which, furnished with eight pieces of cannon and some swivel-guns, with an enclosure of barrels filled with earth, put me in a state of defence. After this, having kept from all my company only a dozen men, I sent the remainder to the Island of Cap Breton with letters to the captains of the fishermen, [asking them] to receive them, to give them passage, and to send me some provisions if they had any. And this they did the best that they could. Some time afterwards La Giraudiere and his brother with all their men, knowing of the departure of mine, and not expecting to

117 shows, must have been obtained from the Company of New France prior to 1663, though the incidents here related apparently did not happen until 1667 (compare note under page 18 following).

1 The present Cape Saint George.

* This establishment, as the context shows, was at Chedabucto, now Guysborough. Its site is discussed later under page 133 of this volume of our author’s book.

104 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

meet any resistance, came with the intention of forcing me to give up to him that which I had refused them. But [16] they were much astonished to see me in condition to resist their undertaking. They gave me a second command to surrender the place to them, as otherwise they would take it by force, and [saying] I ought not to expose my life in this fashion. But I made response that they should have more care for their own, and that having a dozen men with me as resolved to defend my property as they were for taking it unjustly, we would not spare them. They contented them- selves with remaining three days in sight of the fort without doing anything more than to move about from place to place, after which they went back. Some time afterwards the Sieur le Bay, brother of La Giraudiere came to see me again, and asked to speak with me. [17] He told me that he had taken my establishment at Saint Pierre, where there were only five men whom I kept at that place solely for trading. Having proposed to me that we make an arrangement together, after several discussions that we had at this conference we reached an agreement that he should deliver Saint Pierre to me, and that I should give up Chedaboutou [Chedabucto] to them, at which place I was at that time, that they should take me back to France in their ship, there being no other upon the coast, that we should place our claims in the hands of the Gentlemen of the Company to settle, and that we should hold ourselves bound by what they decided. ‘This was signed by both parties.

They took me then to [18] France according to our agreement, and after having explained our differences to the Gentlemen of the Company, the latter declared they had been deceived, and gave a decision by which they cancelled all that Monsieur de la Giraudiere had obtained from them, and re- established me in my rights.’ This affair nevertheless caused

1 Since the document (printed earlier in the present work, page 71) which re-established our author in his rights is dated November 9, 1667, it seems plain that this encounter with La Giraudiere occurred in the summer of 1667.

AMERICA. CHAP. I 105

me more than fifteen thousand ecus of loss,’ as well for the advances I had made for the maintenance and management of a hundred and twenty men, as for my clearings, buildings and cattle, which were totally lost and ruined. This disarranged all my affairs to such a degree that I have never been able to reéstablish them, in consequence of which I was obliged to retire to Saint Pierre at Cap Bre- [19] ton. Here I would without doubt have recouped my losses, through the meeting with some Indians, who were unknown [to me] before, and who came to find me, and brought me two boats full of peltry outside of my regular trade, a matter which might well have reached a value of twenty-five thousand livres,” had it not been for a misfortune of which it has never been possible to learn the cause. A fire having caught by night in a granary, where it was never the custom to take one, consumed all my buildings, all my merchandise, furniture, ammunition, pro- visions, flour, wine, arms; in brief, everything I had in the place was consumed, without the possibility of saving a thing.’ All my people were [20] obliged like myself to flee its violence entirely naked in shirt only. Nothing was saved except half a cask of brandy, and as much of wine, with about five hundred sheaves of wheat, which we had much trouble in rescuing from a barn where the fire had not yet caught. Without this we should all have been obliged to go and seek a living in the woods with the Indians, while awaiting the following spring. This is why up to the present I have not been able to accomplish anything in that country, as much because of the wars which have been stirred up against me by envy, as through the misfortune of the fire, of which I have

1 That is somewhat over $15,000 in money of that time.

2 About $5000 in our money—a striking illustration of the great profits which could be derived from the fur-trade.

3 As our author was in France in November 1667, he returned no doubt to Saint Peters in the summer of 1668, and the fire probably occurred in the winter of 1668-69. He did not rebuild here, but retired to his establishment at Nepisiguit, as he tells us on page 210 of this volume of his book.

106 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

never been able, as I have said above, to discover the cause. This [failure] ought not to be imputed either to negligence of mine, or to any defect in the [21] land, nor yet to any lack of knowledge of the country, of which I knew well the advantages. It is this [knowledge] which makes me affirm with confidence that except for my misfortunes I should have made in a short time a considerable establishment as a result of my care and labour, and should have derived from that country all the advantages it offered me.

It is indeed quite certain that one can live there with as much satisfaction as in France itself, provided that the envy of the French, one against another, does not ruin the best- intentioned plans, and that whatever part of the country shall have been once given to a private individual to improve shall remain to him without his being disturbed, or being dispossessed of his concession. Otherwise no- [22] body will ever work with zeal to make this land habitable, and it will continue always exposed to the encroachments of the strongest, or of those who will have the greatest influence. This will ruin all good undertakings, such as those who have knowledge of them could make there, with much glory for his Majesty and a great advantage for France herself.

But here let us leave my misfortunes and continue my de- scription. The River of Pentagotet is rather large at its mouth, and extends ten or twelve leagues’ into the country. Vessels of two or three hundred tons are able to ascend as far as the Fort of the French, which is on the right in entering. The

1 The league in Denys’ day had more than one value. As compared with English miles, the common league of France was 2.76 miles, the legal league 2.42 miles, and the marine league 3.45 miles. There is nothing to show which of these our author had in mind, though presumably they were marine leagues. Practically, however, it does not matter greatly, since upon any basis his dis- tances, being merely estimations from memory, are extremely erroneous. As the following pages will show, he very commonly overestimates the shorter distances and underestimates the longer.

AMERICA. CHAP. I 107

English are established on the left,’ [23] where they have a large population with a great extent of cleared land. ‘The country there is very pleasing, and the land good. Along both shores of the river the trees are beautiful, and in great abundance, such as Oaks, Birches, Beeches, Ashes, Maples,” and all other kinds that we have in France. ‘There is also a great number of native Pines * which have not the grain of the wood very coarse, but they are of forty to sixty feet in height without branches, [and] very suitable for making planks for building both for sea and land use. There are also many Firs [sapins|, of three species, of which some have the leaf flat, of the length and breadth of a little needle, pointedly ar- [24] ranged along the branch, and this is the kind with the coarsest grain. [he second species has really the leaves the same, but they come out all round the branches and they prick. The third has also the leaves all around, but thinner and separated and they do not prick; this is called Prusse [spruce] and has a grain much more compact than the others, and is much better fitted for making masts and is the best [of them all].*

1 This refers, in all probability, as I am informed by the Rev. Dr. Burrage, to the English settlements at Thomaston and vicinity, established under the Mescognus grant in 1630, and continued until broken up by King Philip’s war, which ended in 1678.

* The identity of all these trees is discussed under their descriptions in chapter xx. of Volume II. of our author’s book.

Throughout this work I shall give, with very rare exceptions, only the common English names of animals and plants, largely for the reason that the quarrels among themselves of the zoologists and botanists of this country over nomenclature have rendered the common names more stable and distinctive than the scientific names.

* This pine is, of course, the invaluable white pine for which the Penobscot has ever been famous.

4 The French used the word sapin, literally ‘‘ fir,” in much the same com- prehensive way that the English commonly use the word spruce, that is, to include our three species of spruce, our one fir, and sometimes also the hem- lock. But our author’s description does not fit accurately any three trees of this region. The third is plainly (from the context) the red spruce, the most valuable timber tree of them all, but it is really somewhat “prickly”; the second may be either the white or the black spruce, perhaps both collectively ; while the first is probably the balsam fir, though it may be the hemlock.

108 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

The Oaks of this locality are also better than in all other parts of New France,’ and the farther north one goes the less excellent are all kinds of woods.

There is also a great abundance of masting in New England, which at present furnishes all England with it; this is [25] found to be much better than that which comes from Norway. The explanation that I can give of the fact is that the more this Fir has the grain compact, the better is its value. That of Norway is of this character, which happens in my opinion through this, that those trees grow upon moun- tains where they are dry at the root, and the great cold pre- vailing in those parts shrinks up the wood, so that the sap cannot supply enough nourishment to make the grain increase, but only the height, and it increases in girth only in propor- tion as it grows [tall].

In New England the heat produces the same effect, for the Firs occur there also in places dry and elevated. But the sun by its strength, drying out [26] the superfluous moisture from these trees, prevents the grain from thickening, keeping it more compact. This gives it much greater cohesion, which makes it of a better quality than that which is imparted to those of the north by the cold.”

The proof of my reasoning is this, that all the masting which occurs in New France from La Haive all the way to the mouth of the great River of Saint Laurent, where the country has a temperate clime, is not good, because it has a much coarser grain than that which occurs at Port Royal, on the River Saint Jean, or on that of Pentagotet, which is the best of all.

As to that of Kébec, it ought also to be of the good kind

1 A correct statement explained by the fact that the white oak, the most valuable of the oaks, occurs in some abundance in this region, but becomes scarce and finally wanting farther north, where it is replaced by the inferior red oak.

2 Our author’s reasoning is by no means in accord with modern knowledge of this subject, but it shows some ingenuity nevertheless,

AMERICA. CHAP. I 109

[27] for this reason, that there is cold on the lower part of the river and heat on the upper. This is what I venture to say without having seen it.’

But to return to the River of Pentagotiet. Quantities of Bears occur, which subsist upon the acorns that are found there; their flesh is very delicate and white as that of veal. There are also a great many Moose or Elks, a few Beaver and Otter, but abundance of Hares, Partridges, Pigeons, and all kinds of land birds in the spring.” In the winter there are still more of those of river and sea which occur there in very great quantity, such as Wild Geese, Ducks, Teal, Eiders,’ Cormorants, and several other species which in summer go towards [28] the north, and return here in winter when the rivers freeze up, something which happens very rarely on the southern coast.

In front of the entrance of the river there are many islands a little way off, around which the English take a great number of Mackerel as well as at the mouth of the river, where lies the Isle des Monts Deserts. Going towards Baston there is still 2 number of islands where the English carry on in the spring their fishery for Mackerel, of which

1 He means, apparently, that he has not seen the trees along the Saint Lawrence. On page 237 of Volume I. of his book he tells us he had seen the coast on the lower part of the Saint Lawrence only from a distance as he passed on his way to Quebec.

2 The identity of all these mammals and birds is discussed under the chapters devoted to their natural history in the second volume of our author’s book, and the reader may readily trace any individual kind through the index at the end of this work.

8 Moyagues. This bird is not mentioned by our author in his natural history of the birds in his second volume, though he refers to it elsewhere in this volume. The name is, without doubt, Micmac Indian. It is given by Rand in his Micmac Reader (Halifax, N.S., 1875, 48) as Mooe-ak, meaning “the sea-duck.” The sea-duck, Zar excellence, is the American eider, and I am told by Professor C. E. Dionne of Quebec that this bird is called Moyaque in Quebec to this day, as it appears to be also by the Acadians, according to information given me by Dr. A. C. Smith of Tracadie, N.B. Our author’s account of its habitat at page 143 of this volume fully confirms this identification.

110 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

they make a great trade throughout their Islands of Barbadoes or Antilles, something which has greatly enriched them. As for Herring they have not much of that, but plenty of Gaspereau, which is one kind thereof, but is not so good by a great [29] deal. During the winter only they fish round these islands for Cod, which they dry by freezing. Our French go there to buy |[them| in the spring, and give the English salt, wine, brandy, and other goods in exchange. In the upper part of this river, there is a great deal of Salmon, Trout, and many other sea-fish; but as for those of the fresh water, I have never heard tell that they have been fished for.*

From the River of Pentagowet as far as that of Saint Jean there may be forty to forty-five leagues.” The first river met with along the coast is that of Etechemins,® which bears the [30] name of the country between Baston and Port Royal, whilst the Indians which inhabit all this extent bear also the same name.” There are in this river a great number of islands, some of two leagues in circumference, others more or less; they are all in a cove of great circuit where it is possible to take vessels of a hundred and fifty tons with entire safety.” At the head of this cove discharge little streams in which are found Salmon, Trout, Bass, Gaspereau, and along the coast are caught Cod and other fish of all kinds.

* Down to this point our author’s description appears to be independent of that of any other writer ; and it is no doubt, as he says, based upon statements of those who had been there. But for all the coast from Penobscot to the Saint John he depends largely upon Champlain, using, as a careful comparison has shown, Champlain’s edition of 1632.

2 It is about one hundred and fifty miles.

% One of the names applied by Champlain to the Saint Croix, suggested by that of the Indian tribe of the region.

4 Etechemins or Coste des Etechemins is frequently applied to the country between Penobscot and Saint John in documents and maps of the seventeenth century, especially its earlier half.

5 Passamaquoddy Bay, as comparison with Champlain will show. Our author’s account, however, differs in some details from Champlain’s, whether from intention or from carelessness I cannot say.

AMERICA. CHAP. I 111

Going towards the River Saint Jean, one meets with islands and great coves which [31] are similarly filled. At four or five leagues from the [River of the] Etechemins there is another river which is of about half a league in breadth, in which, ascending two or three leagues, one comes upon little islands covered with Firs, Birches, some Oaks, and other woods.’ Farther up this river is a fall which hinders vessels from going farther, [though] canoes can travel there. I have not been able to learn its extent. Some mountains appear there in the upper part, and a number of meadows bordering the place; of these some are rather large, as it is said. All the woods there seem to be fine; there is a great deal of Oak, and of other kinds of trees of which I have already [32] spoken. It is claimed that this place was formerly called Sainte Croix, and that it is where the Sieurs de Mont and de Champlain wished to construct a settlement, to such a degree had they found the locality good and pleasing beyond all others they had seen.?

Opposite the last cove, some distance out to sea, occur some islands, the largest of which is called the Island of Menane ;° it can be seen from afar, as one comes from the sea, and gives cognizance of the River Saint Jean, although it is distant some six to seven leagues from its entrance.

On all these islands which are in the sea, two or three leagues from the mainland, there is a great number of all sorts of [33] birds which go there in spring to produce

1 The River Saint Croix with the two Dochet Islands. By a certain loose- ness in Champlain’s use of the names Azver Sainte Croix and River des Eteche- mins, our author has been misled into thinking them two distinct and well- separated rivers, an error reflected in his map, whereas they are one and the same. His account differs in some details from Champlain.

2 Our author is correct. A monographic treatment of this settlement, by the editor of this work, is in the Zransactions of the Royal Society of Canada, VIII., 1902, 11. 127-231.

3 First so called by Champlain; it is simply the Passamaquoddy Indian word munaan, meaning an island. It is now called Grand Manan.

112 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH AMERICA

their young." Among others is a great plenty of Gannets, which are birds as large as hens; they have very large wings and their young are fine to eat. These birds catch Mackerel, Herring and Gaspereau wherever they find them. There are also Wild Geese,? Ducks, Eiders, Herring Gulls, Mackerel Gulls, Puffins, Black Guillemots, and all other kinds of birds in great number.

From the last cove, going towards the River Saint Jean, there are only rocks six or seven leagues continuously; the coast where they are is very dangerous. About three-fourths of a league further out to sea than the Island of Menane, there [34] is a rock which is only uncovered every six or seven years, and it is, according to report of the Indians, of lapis Lazuli. I have seen a fragment of it which they presented to the late Commandeur de Razilly, who sent it to France to be examined. It was reported to him that it was genuinely lapis Lazuli, of which azure could be made, having a value of ten écus an ounce. All that was possible was afterwards done to learn from the Indians the place where the rock was, but this they would never point out no matter what they were promised.’ They would only say that it was near Menane, as I have stated.

1 These islands, as comparison with Champlain will show, are those now called the Wolves. Champlain speaks of the gannets (Margots), but does not mention the other birds, which our author may have added from other informa- tion, or perhaps simply from a belief that they must be there.

2 All the birds mentioned on this page except three are described by our author in chapter xix. of the second volume of his book, to which the reader may turn for details as to their identity. The exceptions are :—

Margots or gannets. Their identity is rendered certain both by the descrip- tions, and also by the fact that the Acadian hunters (fide Dr. A. C. Smith) and the people of Quebec (jide Professor C. E. Dionne) call them thus to this day.

Perroguets de mer, literally sea-parrots, a familiar and very descriptive name for the common puffin, abundant in this region.

Pigeons de mer, literally sea-pigeons. There is every probability that this was our sea-pigeon, which is the black guillemot.

’ Nothing further is known of this rock, nor is lapis-lazuli known to occur in this part of the world.

[35] CHAPTER II

Which treats of the River Saint Fean, of Mines, of Port Royal, of all the Baye Frangoise, of the land, of the woods, of the hunting, and of all that has occurred there.

HE entrance of the River Saint Jean* is dangerous of approach [to one] coasting the land along either shore. The best entrance is on the starboard or

right hand side without approaching too near the shore. This entrance is narrow because of a little island which is to larboard, or on the left side, [36] which being passed, the river is markedly larger. On the same side as the island there are large marshes or meadows which are covered at high tide. The shore is of muddy sand and forms a point. This being passed, there is a cove which makes into the said marshes, and has a narrow entrance.” Here the late Monsieur de la Tour had a weir built in which were caught a great number of those Gaspereaux which were salted down for winter. Sometimes there was caught so great a quantity that he was obliged to break the weir and throw them into the sea, as Otherwise they would have befouled the weir which would thus have been ruined. Sometimes there were also found

' Named, as is well known, by Champlain in 1604 in honour of the saint on whose day it was discovered, and still so called in its English form Saint John.

2 Our author's description may readily be followed by aid of the map two pages later. Its topography is taken from the Bruce map of 1761, showing Saint John Harbour prior to modern changes, but the nomenclature of places is that now in use. The island is, of course, Partridge Island, the point is Sand Point, the cove is the present Mill-pond. La Tour’s weir must have stood near

the present outlet of the Mill-pond. 113

114 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH Salmon, [37] Shad and Bass, which [latter] is the maigre! of

La Rochelle, and serves every Spring as a grand manna for the people of that country.

A little farther on, beyond the said weir, there is a little knoll,* on which D’Aunay had his fort built, which I have not found well placed according to my idea, because it is commanded by an island which is very near and more elevated ; and behind it all vessels are able to lie under shelter from the Fort, in which the only water is from pits, and not very good, no better than that outside the fort. It would have been, according to my idea, better placed behind the island where vessels anchor, and where it would have been more elevated, and hence [38] not commanded by other neighbouring places, and would have had good water, as in the one which the late Sieur de la Tour had built,? [and] which was destroyed by D’Aunay after he had quite wrongfully made himself master of it, as he had no right to do. This he would have had great trouble in accomplishing had he not been informed of the absence of the said Sieur de la Tour who had taken with him a part of his garrison, and had left only his wife and the remainder of his people as a guard to the fort. She, after

1 This valued but now rare European food fish, Sctaena aguz/a (figured in Wood's /llustrated Natural History, 11. 265) is a distant relative of our bass, which it superficially resembles.

2 The location of this knoll, at the place now called ‘Old Fort” on the west side of the harbour of Saint John, is made certain by the description and map. It was originally separated trom the mainland by a marsh above which it rose but little. It was occupied by a succession of French and English forts, which are traced in the 7vazsactions of the Royal Society of Canada, V. 1899, If 270:

The mention of the badness of the water at this site, and its command by the island (Navy Island), is confirmed by an independent statement of De Brouillon in 1701 (Collection de Manuscrits relatif a La Nouvelle France, II. 390). The “other neighbouring place” which commanded it was the elevated ground beside the river to the westward of the fort.

8 Our author, unfortunately, does not make plain the exact site of La Tour's fort, the scene of the most dramatic event in the history of New Brunswick. He does show that it was not at Old Fort, and he implies that it stood on high ground “behind the island where vessels anchor.” The latter locality is

AMERICA. CHAP. II 115

having sustained for three days and three nights all the attacks of D’Aunay, and after having compelled him to withdraw beyond range of her cannon, was in the end obliged to [39] surrender on the fourth day, which was Easter Day, having been betrayed by a Swiss who was then on guard, whilst she was making her men rest, hoping for some respite. The

very happily identified for us by testimony in a lawsuit in 1792 (Vew Brunswick Magazine, 1. 137) in which a pilot who had known the harbour many years testified “that in early times the places of anchorage in the harbour were at the flats on the west side between Fort Frederick and Sand Point, and at Portland Point.” The first of these two

places has no relation to any

island, but at Portland Point there

is known, and is still visible, an-

other ancient French fort site,

the only one known upon the east

side of the harbour. All the pro-

babilities, therefore, would seem

to indicate this as the site of La

Tour’s fort. Before this evidence - was known, however, local students,

quite naturally, had fixed upon Old

Fort as its probable site, a conclu-

sion to which we now know that

not only Denys’ narrative, but also

substantially all early cartographi-

cal evidence, which places it on the

east side of the harbour, is opposed.

I have set forth the evidence for

the Portland Point site at length

in the 7ransactions of the Royal

Society of Canada, 1X. 1891, ii. 61,

and V. 1899, 276, and in the Vew

Brunswick Magazine, 1. 20, 165.

The only accessible recent brief for the Old Fort site is by Dr. James Hannay in the Vew Brunswick Magazine, 1. 89. The strongest argument known to me for the Old Fort site is a mention in a document in Moreau’s Histoire de ?Acadie Francoise that D’Aulnay, after taking La Tour’s fort, repaired it for his own use ; for it is unlikely that he both repaired the old fort and built a new one. But against this is the positive testimony of our author, who had visited Saint John Harbour at least once (pages 43, 57 of Volume I. of his book) and had employed some of La Tour’s men (zézd. 43). The collective evidence seems to me to make it extremely probable, even though it does not prove, that Fort La Tour stood at Portland Point.

Scale J mile folinch

116 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

Swiss yielded to bribery by the men of D’Aunay, and allowed them to mount to the assault, which was again resisted for some time by the Lady Commandant at the head of her men. She only yielded at the last extremity, and under the condition that the said D’Aunay should give quarter to all. This he did not do, for, having become master of the place, he threw them all into prison, including the Lady Commandant, and later, by advice of his council, hung them with the exception of a single one who [40] had his life spared on condition that he would perform the execution; and the Lady Commandant accompanied them at the gallows, with a cord around her neck as though she had been the greatest villain." Such is the title which Le Borgne has made use of to claim, as a creditor of the said Sieur d’Aunay, the proprietorship of the River Saint Jean. |

The island of which I have spoken being passed, below which vessels anchor in order to be better sheltered, it is only a good cannon shot to the falls, where there is no pass- ing except by boats and small craft, and that at high tide

1 This is by far the most detailed account of the capture of Fort La Tour which has come down to us, and it is the basis of nearly all that has been written upon this striking incident by local historians. The only other con- temporary references to the event, which occurred in 1645, are the following. Winthrop (/7/zstory of New England, II. 238) writes: “We understood for certain afterwards that Monsieur La Tour’s fort was taken by assault and scalado, that Monsieur d’Aunay lost in the attempt twelve men and had many wounded, and that he had put to death all the men (both French and English) and had taken the lady, who died within three weeks after.” Again, Sir Thomas Temple’s letters of 1661 and 1668 in the Public Record Office (Sainsbury, Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, Vol. VI. Relating to America, 39,596) give a brief but substantially similar account of this event, adding that Madame de la Tour was believed in Acadia to have been poisoned by D’Aulnay. The only other account is that contained in the Procés Verbal of André Certain (printed by Parkman in the Appendix to his Old Régime in Canada, recently translated by Gilbert Bent in Acadiensis, V. 39). This latter document is frankly favourable to D’Aulnay, and gives a much less harsh account of his treatment of the prisoners. Its value, however, must be weighed in conjunction with the testimony of the three independent witnesses above cited.

AMERICA. CHAP. II 117

only.' But before entering farther into the river, there is one thing surprising enough. In the pitch of the fall [41] is a great hollow, of about three or four hundred feet around ; this is made by the rush of the water as it passes between two rocks which form a narrow place in the river, an arrange- ment rendering it more swift at this spot.” In this hollow is a great upright tree which floats, but no matter how the water runs it never gets out; it only makes its appearance from time to time, and sometimes is not seen for eight, ten or fifteen days. ‘The end which appears above the water is a little larger around than a hogshead, and when it appears it is sometimes on one side and sometimes on the other. All of the Indians who passed by there in former times, and they are in great number in these parts, rendered it [42] homage, but they give it little at present, having been undeceived. They called this tree the Manitou, that is to say the Devil. The homage which they formerly rendered it consisted of one or two beaver skins, or other peltry, which they attached to the top of the tree with an arrow head made of a moose bone sharpened with stones. When they passed this spot and their Manitou did not appear, they took it for a bad omen, saying that he was angry with them. Since the French have come to these parts, and they have been given arrowheads of iron, they no longer use any others, and the poor Manitou has his head so covered with them that [43] scarcely could one stick a pin therein. I have seen it, and some of the men of

1 An inaccurate statement, which our author apparently took from Cham- plain. In fact at high tide there is a fall inward nearly as dangerous as that outward at low tide. The water is level, and vessels can pass for a few minutes, somewhat above half-tide.

2 This is the locally well-known whirlpool called “The Pot.” It is on the west side just above Union Point, and is formed only on the flood tide. Float- ing objects are often caught there and drift round and round for hours, and residents go out in boats to gather anything of value that may thus collect. This is called “skimming the pot”; and it has found a place in literature, for it is described in the first chapter of Mrs. E. D. Cheney’s novel, Zhe Child of the Tide (Boston, 1874).

I

118 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

Monsieur de la Tour, who lived formerly with him and after- wards with me, have assured me that he once had ropes attached to the head of this tree, and that boats with ten oarsmen, rowing with all their strength and aided by the current, were never able to pull it out of the hollow.’

The falls being passed, the river enlarges, much more in one place than another because of certain islands. There are three of these which are large, and in which there are very fine meadows, as there are also along both shores of the river.” ‘These are inundated every year by the melting of the snows, which occurs [44] as arule in spring. It extends very far inland, to such a degree that the Indians by means of this river, and crossing some land, pass into other rivers, of which some empty into that of Saint Laurent, others fall into the Bay of Saint Laurent and at Nepiziguit in the Baye des Chaleurs.* There are along each route two or three canoe-

* Hannay, in his Azstory of Acadia, 54, insinuates that La Tour anchored this tree there in order that he might collect the tribute of beaver for himself. Needless to say such a theory has no better status than a pleasantry.

The description of the respect paid by the Abenakis to a certain tree, related in Lafitau’s Meurs des Sauvages Amériguains, 1. 149, probably is based upon this passage in our author’s work. Champlain tells of an analogous cere- mony of the Indians at Chaudiére Falls on the Ottawa (chapter v. of his voyage of 1613). For an instance in our own days, see Campbell Hardy’s Forest Life in Acadie, page 94.

2 No islands above the falls fit this description, but the cause of our author’s error is easy to find. Evidently he had not himself been above the falls, and for that part had to depend upon others. As to the islands and meadows he plainly follows Champlain, edition of 1632, who makes an almost identical remark. But tracing the matter back to Champlain’s fuller edition of 1613, we find that the statements about the three islands and about the meadows, &c., are quite distinct and separated by some words omitted from the condensed edition of 1632. The earlier edition makes it clear that the three islands are those on the east side just above the falls (locally called Blind, Goat, and Flat Islands), while the meadows are much farther up the river. The statement as to the yearly inundation is correct.

* These ancient routes of Indian travel are fully discussed in the 7vamsac- tions of the Royal Society of Canada, V., 1899, ii. 233, and XII., 1906, i1. 84, while those mentioned by our author are shown upon the large map given earlier in this volume.

AMERICA. CHAP. II 119

portages through the woods, where are found the paths which run from one river to the other, and these they call Louni- guins.. The other portages are at places along the rivers where the navigation is impeded by waterfalls or rapids caused by the [45] rocks which hold the [waters] back and narrow their passage. This renders the current so swift, and makes the water fall from such a height, that it is necessary to carry the canoes upon the shoulders or upon the head as far as the place where the course of the river is smooth. Most frequently these portages are of five to six leagues, sometimes as much as ten, which, however, is rare.” It is these which the Indians call Louniguins, and of which they willingly undertake the traverse on account of the ease with which they carry their canoes ;* these are very light, as will be easily understood from the description which I shall give of them in the proper place. Boats cannot go up this [46] river higher than eighteen to twenty leagues* because of falls and of rocks which are scattered there, thus compelling a resort to canoes.

Besides all the woods I have already named to you, there are also here a great number of very beautiful Oaks, which would be fine for building ships, and which ought to be better than those of the northern coast of which the wood is too soft. There are also Beeches in plenty, very tall and with branches

* This is the Maliseet Indian word for “ portage,” now pronounced by them 00-ne-gunce. It is interesting to note that the great map of Franquelin and De Meulles, of 1686 (Zvansactions of the Royal Society of Canada, I11., 1897, li. 364), marks Onigwen between the heads of the Tobique and the Nepisiguit. Our author’s L is simply the French article.

* They are in fact, so far as the St. John is concerned, mostly very much shorter.

* Over a hundred years later another writer said this of the Indians at the portages: “As to the canoes, the men make it a play to convey them across” (John Allan, 1777, in Kidder’s Military Operations in Eastern Maine and Nova Scotia, Albany, 1867, 117.) Our author’s description of the canoes is in his second volume, p. 405.

* The head of boat-navigation is at Springhill, ninety miles from the sea.

120 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

high up. Abundance of wild Walnuts* also occur, of which the nuts are triangular and hard to open; though when placed by the fire they open easily, and that which is inside has the taste of walnuts. ‘There is found here also a great quantity [47] of Wild Grapes, on wild vines which bear grapes, the fruit of which is large and of very good taste; but its skin is thick and hard. It comes to maturity, and if it were culti- vated and transplanted I do not doubt that it would produce very good wine.” This is a sign that the cold there is not so severe, nor the snows so abundant as everyone says. I believe that there are actually districts in France which are not worth so much as this place, so far as climate is concerned, and where many people live in less comfort than they would have in these parts, distant though they are.

From the entrance of the River Saint Jean to that of Port Royal there are a dozen leagues to cross,* over that which [48] we call the Baye Frangoise [Bay of Fundy],* and which extends ten or a dozen leagues farther into the land. In leaving the River Saint Jean there is, upon the left hand, a point which advances into the sea,’ and this being rounded, one enters a large bay which extends about a league into the

1 This must be the butternut (the only “ walnut” of this region), though its nut is not triangular. It was formerly very abundant in this valley. I do not know whether the statement about the fire is correct.

2 The early English settlers on the Saint John are known to have made wine from the wild grapes, which are somewhat abundant along this river.

3 It is about forty miles.

4 La Baye Francotse was thus named by De Monts in 1604 in honour of his nationality. With the passing of the French régime the name became gradually replaced by the older /wzdy, of Spanish origin. The bay extends much farther into the land than our author states.

In this description of the Bay of Fundy there is a decided suggestion of the narratives of Champlain, but with much additional information which Denys no doubt obtained from ‘those who go there to trade.” He speaks of these traders on the next page.

5 This may be Cape Spencer, with the cove east of it which contains some rocks called ‘‘ The Sisters” ; but I am inclined to think that these places, like the two little bays with the iron mines which follow, do not represent so much actual localities as a distorted excerpt from Champlain.

AMERICA. CHAP. II 121

land. At its bottom there are two islands. Continuing along the coast, about three or four leagues, one finds two little bays distant a league from one another, where there are said to be mines of iron. Continuing this route one sees a great point ex- tending into the sea, behind which isa little river.* Going still farther, one sees a cape [49] which is named the Cap des Deux Bayes.” Their entrances are narrow and they advance fifteen or sixteen leagues into the land. ‘There are plenty of rocks in these bays and they are dangerous, because the tide rises eight or ten fathoms and covers them.? This I have heard said by those who go there in longboats to trade, as also that they are obliged to cast anchor in fifteen to sixteen fathoms in order to be safe. There are several rivers falling into these bays, by means of which the Indians pass into that of Saint Jean; by others they proceed into lakes which empty towards Campseaux and Cape Saint Lots, which is in the Great Bay of Saint Laurens.* There are some [| 50] lands to traverse in going from one place to the other. The Indians of those parts carry their peltry to the English at the River Saint Jean. The Sieur d’Aunay traded there in his time even to the extent of three thousand Moose [skins| a year, not counting Beaver and Otter, and this was the reason why he dispossessed the Sieur de la Tour of it. These bays are called des Mines,® because here occur some of those flint stones * such as were used formerly in wheel-arque-

1 No doubt Quaco Head and River, mentioned also by Champlain.

* Literally Cape of the Two Bays ; sonamed by Champlain in description of its position. It is now called Cape Chignecto.

* This height ascribed to the great tides of the two Bas is accurate.

* He refers to the Petitcodiac, which had important portages into the Ken- nebecasis and Washademoac branches of the Saint John; to the Shubenacadie with a portage to the head of Saint Marys River emptying near Canso ; and to Salmon River with a portage into the Pictou, leading to near Cape Saint Louis, now Cape Saint George. These portages are marked upon old maps.

® This name, which persists as (/zzas for one of the bays, originated with Champlain in the form mzzes, descriptive of the mines he sought there.

° Pierres de mines in the original. Our author is mistaken, as the preceding

note will show, in his explanation of the name. Champlain mentions white limestone there (Laverdiére’s Champlain, 272).

122 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

busses ; and all who have been there say there are also mines of copper in several places.

In these bays are plenty of mountains back in the country, some of them really high. There are also flat lands, and a great number of Pines, Firs, and Spruces, [51] mixed with other good woods. But there is little of them on the margin of the sea all round the two bays for about a league or a league andahalf. Farther inland there are beautiful woods, which are much more open. From the report of all the Indians there should be found an abundance of mast materials and plank- ings, as well of Oak as of other kinds.

Leaving these Bayes des Mines, and continuing the way towards Port Royal there occurs an island of great height, and of one and a quarter leagues of circumference or there- abouts.” It is flat on top, and despite its height a spring of water occurs there, [and] it is said, also a mine of copper. Thence coasting along the land six to seven leagues, through which extent [52] are only rocks, one comes to the entrance of Port Royal. This is rather narrow, which causes a great tidal current, and if one wishes to take a vessel in or out with the tide, it is necessary that this shall be done stern first, and even so it is needful to take great care for oneself.

Port Royal? is a very beautiful place [including] a very

* Isle Holt of our maps, the Isle Haut of Champlain. Our author’s descrip- tion is closely like, but not identical with, that of Champlain.

* Thus named, descriptively, by De Monts and Champlain in 1604. The description of the place, while suggestive of Champlain in places, is largely independent of his narra- tives, as we might expect from the fact that our author had been there at least once, in 1653, as he tells us on page 5 of Volume I. of his book. The history of this interest- ing and important locality is traced fully in Calnek’s and Savary’s A7zs- tory of the County of Annapolis (Toronto, 1897).

8 miles fo Linch

AMERICA. CHAP. II 123

fine basin with more than a league of breadth and about two of length. At the entrance there are eighteen to twenty fathoms of water; there are not less than four to six fathoms between the land and the island, called Isle aux Chevres,' which lies about in the middle of the basin. There it is possible to anchor large vessels, and in as great security as ina box. The bottom is everywhere good. In the extremity of the ba- [53] sin there is a kind of point of land where Monsieur d’Aunay had a fine and good fort built. This point is between two rivers, one on the right and the other on the left, which do not extend far inland. One is broad at its mouth; the other is not so broad but much deeper, amaythe tide runs up eight to ten leagues.*. There are numbers of meadows on both shores, and two islands which possess meadows, [and] which are three or four leagues from the fort in ascending. ‘There is a great extent of meadows which the sea used to cover, and which the Sieur d’Aunay had drained. It bears now fine and good wheat, and since the English have been masters of the country, the residents [54] who were lodged near the fort have for the most part abandoned their houses and have gone to settle on the upper part of the river. They have made their clearings below and above this great meadow, which belongs at present to Madame de la Tour. There they have again drained other lands which bear wheat in much greater abundance than those which they cultivated round the fort, good though those were.* All the inhabitants there are the ones whom

1 Meaning Goat Island, by which name it is now known. This is its first known use.

2 At Annapolis where the remains of the old fort, not D’Aulnay’s alone but including a succession of later ones on the same site, are now carefully preserved.

° The first is now called Allans River and the second Annapolis River; the description is accurate.

* The reclaimed marshes along the Annapolis River are all very clearly shown on a map of 1733, published in Acadzensts, III. 294.

124 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

Monsieur le Commandeur de Razilly had brought from France to La Haive;* since that time they have multiplied much at Port Royal, where they have a great number of cattle and swine. Aside from the two [55] rivers of which I have just been speaking, another? discharges into the basin, and it is very full of fish, as are the two others. Here is caught a great quantity of fish, such as Gaspereau, Salmon, Trout, Fsguilles [sand-eels],? and other kinds.

On the upper parts of these ‘three Tivers;eiMene mies quantity of Oaks, and upon the banks are Pines, Firs of three sorts, Birches, Black Birches, Beeches, Aspens, Maples, Ashes and Oaks. This country is not very mountainous. The Grape-vine and the Butternut are also present. There is very little snow in this country, and very little winter. The hunting is good throughout the year for Hares, for Partridges, for Pigeons, and other [56] game of the woods. As to water game, there is a great abundance of it. Summer and winter the country is very pleasing.

Leaving Port Royal and going towards Isle Longue, after two or three leagues one finds a big cove where vessels can anchor.* It has a good bottom, but the shelter there is not from all sides, and it is properly only a roadstead. Con- tinuing along the coast six or seven leagues, one finds coves

1 As our author also relates at page 95 of Volume I. of his book. These inhabitants, of course, were Acadians, ancestors of the present Acadian people.

* Bear River, no doubt.

3 In mentioning this fish at this place, and nowhere else in his book, our author is following Champlain, who noted its presence at Port Royal and named our present Annapolis River, A. de 2Eguzlle. It is the sand-eel or lant, a very close relative of the fish called equille or lanson in France ; it is not used for human food, but is a valued bait for cod.

4 Now called Gullivers Hole; mentioned also by Champlain. Although our author calls it a cove, the map shows but a slight inbending of the coast. Again and again in the following pages Denys speaks of places as coves or bays which the charts show to be merely slight inbendings of the coast line. Yet in fact, as I know from experience, many places shown, and correctly, by the maps, as but slight inlets of the coast have actually on the ground the appearance of coves of considerable penetration into the land.

AMERICA. CHAP. II 125

and rocks covered with trees as far as Isle Longue,’ which is about six or seven leagues in length. It forms a passage for leaving the Baye Francoise and for going to reach the land of Acadie.” There are between Isle Longue and the mainland of Port Royal, rocks which [57] make the Grand and the Petit Passage.” The currents there are very rough, among other places at the Petit Passage which is only for longboats. I once wished to pass through there, but the wind not being favourable for stemming the tide, or to carry us to the Grand Passage, 1 wished to have the anchor cast, even though there were only two and a half fathoms of water in the en- trance. The current was so strong that the anchor could not take hold, and we lost it along with our cable which ran out to the end. We had to bear away for the River Saint Jean, where I was given an anchor and another cable. From there I returned and went through the Grand Passage of Isle Longue.

1 Thus named by Champlain, descriptively, in 1604, and still so called. Our author, following Champlain, greatly exaggerates its length.

2 On the use of this important name compare the note on the next page.

* Named by Champlain and still so called; but our author’s location of them is not exact, as the map will show. Petit Passage is safe for large vessels and steamers.

[58] CHAPTER III

Description of the coast from Isle Longue as far as La Haive, of the rivers, of the islands, of the hunting, of the fishing, of the land, and of divers kinds of woods ; the establishment of a sedentary fishery, how it has been ruined, and other particulars.

EAVING the Baye Francoise to enter upon the coast of Acadie,* one takes a course towards Cape Fourchu which is [59] distant from Isle Longue some twelve

or fifteen leagues. All this coast is safe and without rocks. Six leagues from Isle Longue there is a river into

1 Our author restricts the name Acadie to the country between Long Island and Canso, in this following various early documents and maps. His book was therefore cited by the French Commissioners when, in 175I- 1755, they were trying to prove that the Acadia or Nova Scotia ceded to England by the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713 included only the southern part of the peninsula of Nova Scotia. The English Commissioners were able, however, to cite examples of much wider use of the name, which as a matter of fact was applied very differently by different writers. The history of the entire controversy over the subject is given in a “ Monograph on the Evolution of the Boundaries of the Province of New Brunswick” in the 7vransactions of the Royal Soctety of Canada, VII., 1901, i. 196-212.

It is commonly but wrongly supposed that this word Acadie is of Micmac Indian origin, derived from the termination acadie of many of their names for places. This theory rests solely upon the coincidence of form of the two words, and absolutely ignores the history of the name. In fact, however, Acadie or Acadia can be traced back through an unbroken series of documents, books, and maps to a very different origin. Champlain in his earlier works always has Arcadia or Arcadie, as has Thevet in 1570; and this is obviously the same word as the Larcadia upon a large series of maps of the sixteenth century, where the name appears among words wholly European in origin with no trace of an Indian nomenclature. I have traced the matter in detail in the New Brunswick Magazine, III. 1899, 153; and in the Zransactions of the Royal Society of Canada, 11., 1896, mare : and VII., 1901, 1. 16%¢

I2

DESCRIPTION OF NORTH AMERICA 127

which small vessels can enter. It is called Riviere aux Ours; ' it takes its name from the great number of Bears which are found there. Few Pines and Firs occur, but quantities of Oaks intermixed with other fine trees, like those J have already mentioned. The country is fine and seems rather flat. There are many meadows all along it and the land ought to be very good, in so far as I have been able to judge. There is fishing for Cod on the coast, and for Salmon, Trout, and Smelt on the upper part of the river.

[60] Continuing on to Cape Fourchu, the coast seems very fine. Few Firs occur, but many other species of trees, and extensive meadows. There is fine hunting all along this coast for all kinds of game. Keeping on the same route one comes, five leagues from Riviere aux Ours, to an inlet between two rocks admitting a boat.” I was once there, and saw a number of ponds of salt water which were full of Ducks, Wild Geese, Geese,’ Brant, Teal, and all other game, of which we killed more than five hundred specimens of all kinds. Miereare quantities of very fine trees like those I have already named. The country is flat‘ and the soil cannot but [61] be very good. ‘The locality there is very pleasing. Thence to Cape Fourchu may be six or seven leagues.

Cape Fourchu is so named because it is formed like a [ee vessels can there be placed under shelter. The fishery for Cod is abundant, and not far off shore; and it comes earlier there than in any other place in Acadia. The

1 That is, Bear River. This is apparently the river emptying into the cove, still called Bear Cove, just south of Cape Saint Mary.

2 Apparently the present Allans Lake of the charts, with the ponds near by.

8 Oyes in the original, most likely the snow geese, which elsewhere (page 85) he calls white and grey geese, oves blanches & grises. The other birds here mentioned are all identified under chapter xix. of the second volume of our author’s book.

* Champlain gives a somewhat similar mention of this coast; and both authors, as I know in part from my own observation, are accurate.

° It was thus named in 1604 by Champlain for the reason our author gives.

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country is very fine and good. As for the woods, they are like the others, but there are Oaks, Maples, and Aspens in much greater number. A certain De Lomeron formerly had an establishment there, and it has been called Port Lomeron from the time of the Sieur de la Tour. Soon after the begin- ning thus made in those parts, this establish- [62] ment was ruined by the English at the time of the war of La Rochelle.’

From Cape Fourchu going towards Cap de Sable, one finds a great bay in which there are many islands called the Isles of Tousquet.” They are all covered with fine and good

1 In thus locating Port Lomeron near Cape Fourchu, apparently at or near the present Yarmouth, our author makes some error. For it is certain that Port Lomeron was identical with Port La Tour east of Cape Sable. This is rendered probable by the fact that La Tour, who is known to have lived at Port La Tour, addressed a letter from Port Lomeron in 1627 (Murdoch, ova Scotia, I. 67); but it is made certain by a grant of 1630 from Sir William Alexander to the La Tours, a document undoubtedly drawn with the aid of the elder La Tour who knew these localities perfectly (Slafter’s Szr Wzlizam Alexander, 75), which reads, “Port de la Tour formerly named L’Omeroy.” This statement is repeated with only a slight change of spelling in another grant of 1656 (Memorials of the English and French Commissaries, 727). The Port La Tour establishment was not ruined by the English during the war of La Rochelle (viz. in 1628), for La Tour resided there during that time, as our author himself tells us a little later (page 68 of this volume of his book), and which other evidence confirms. On the other hand, there does appear to have been some kind of early French establishment at Yarmouth, for Champlain clearly places there a flag, indicative of settlement, on his map of 1632. I am inclined to believe the truth is this, that Denys, writing from memory long after the events, has confused the names of places, but otherwise is correct, and is describing an actual former minor French settlement at Yarmouth which was destroyed in 1628 by New Englanders, who came in that year to Acadia on a marauding expedition (Murdoch, ova Scoéza, 1. 73, 74), but who found La Tour’s establishment too strong to be taken. Nothing further is known of Lomeron, but Rameau (Colonie Féodale, 1. 69) supposes him to have been a companion of Poutrincourt in 1610, while Moreau (L’Acadie Francoise, 98) conjectures that he was a member of the Chinon (Touraine) family of that name. Further notes on Port La Tour will be found under page 68 of this volume of our author’s book.

2 This name, now Tusket, appears first, apparently applied to the river, as Touguechet on Sanson’s map of 1656. The word is said, in Brown’s Aizstory of Yarmouth, N.S., page 96, to be Micmac, from 7ukseit or Niketaouksit, meaning a “great forked tidal river.” Rand, the Micmac scholar, does not

AMERICA. CHAP. III 129

woods of the same kinds as the others of which I have already spoken. Many meadows occur on the islands, where abound all kinds of birds which here also make their nests. There are Geese,’ Cranes, Wild Geese, Ducks, Teal, Herons, Snipe large and small, Crows, Turnstones, Sandpipers, and so many of other kinds of birds that it is astonishing. The country is of the most pleasing and the best that I have yet seen. It is [63] flat and the land there is very good. ‘The fishery abounds in Trout, and Salmon; and the Smelt are present there in spring in great quantity, in the streams where they come to deposit their eggs. It is as large, generally, as a miectum sized herring. The Sieur la Tour had there an establishment for trade in peltry, or traffic with the Indians, who came hither from several localities. It is not distant more than two or three leagues from the mainland.”

One goes thence to Cap de Sable, which has flats and rocks in front; nevertheless the port is good, and the cod fishery there is abundant. Between Cape Fourchu and Cap de Sable, three or four leagues out [64] to sea, there are several Islands, some of a league, others of two, three and up to four in circumference, which are named the Isles aux Loups Marins°

give it as Indian in his works. Denys seems to apply the same name also, on page 205 of this volume of his book, to Pokesuedie and Caraquet Islands near Miscou, but apparently only by a misprint for Caraquet.

* These birds are identified under chapter xix. of the second volume of our author’s book, with the exception of two, which are :—

Gries, literally cranes. No true crane occurs in this region, and this was no doubt the common blue heron, generally called “crane” in this vicinity.

Tournevires, or tourne-pierres in modern French, unmistakably the well- known and common turnstone of this region.

* Nothing further about this establishment of La Tour’s appears to have been recorded in history, nor is anything known of it locally so far as I can find by inquiry. I can only surmise that it was on the larger of the Tusket Islands, perhaps at or near the Frenchmans Point of the charts. It may be that it is wrongly placed by our author, and was really at or near Pubnico, where there was a very early French settlement and where descendants of La Tour still live.

* Our author here uses expressions almost identical with those employed by

130 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

[Seal Islands]. They are rather difficult to approach because of the rocks which surround them. They are covered with Firs, Birches, and other woods which are not very large. They are called Seal Islands because those [animals] go there to bring forth their young, which are large and strong. ‘There are several species of them, of which | shall make a paragraph separately... They come for lying-in about the month of February; they climb out upon the rocks, and take position around the islands where they give birth to their young. These are at birth stouter than the largest pig that one ever sees, and [65] longer. They remain on land only a brief time, after which their father and mother drive them into the sea; they return sometimes to land, or to the rocks, where the mother suckles them. Monsieur d’Aunay sent men from Port Royal with longboats to make a fishery of them in the season, which is in the month of February while the young are there. The men go all round the islands with strong clubs; the fathers and mothers flee into the sea, and the young which are trying to follow them are stopped, being given a blow of the club upon the nose of which they die. One moves as quickly as possible, for the fathers and mothers, being in the sea, make a great disturbance thus giving the alarm for [66] all, which makes them all flee. But few young ones save themselves, for there is not time allowed them. There are days on which there have been killed as many as six, seven and eight hundred. It is the young which are fattest, for the father and mother are thin in winter. Fully three or four young ones are needed to make one barrel of oil, which is good to eat when fresh, and as good for

Champlain ; but he applies to the Seal Islands a description which Champlain evidently means for the Tusket Islands. Yet Denys, here as elsewhere, in using Champlain, is by no means a plagiarist, for he gives us a good deal of additional and independent information.

1 In Volume II. of his book, page 253, where it is shown that the species described in the present chapter is the gray seal.

AMERICA. CHAP. III 131

burning as olive oil. It has not the odour in burning of other fish oils, which are always full of thick dregs or of settlings at the bottom of the barrels; but this is always clear. Upon these Seal Islands 1s so great a number of all kinds of birds that [67] it is past belief, and especially during the spring when they build their nests. If one goes there he makes them rise in such vast numbers that they form a cloud in the air which the sun cannot pierce; and to kill them it is not necessary to use guns, but simply clubs, for they are sluggish in rising from their nests. As to the young ones, they can be taken as many as wished even to loading the boats, and the same with eggs.

From this place, crossing the Bay of Tousquet, one comes upon the Cap de Sable* which is an island making a point projecting into the sea. Between the mainland and the island there is a passage for boats, but outside of the island towards the sea, there are rocks [68] and flats which advance a good league into the sea. Having passed beyond them two leagues, one enters the Baye de Sable, which is very large, and in which ships can anchor in perfect safety. In passing there in 1651 I met Monsieur Gabaret * Captain for the King in the Marine, who was anchored there after returning from a cruise to the Gulf of Mexico. And inthis same place Monsieur de la Tour had an establishment, where he resided during the siege of La Rochelle. He had there a good fort * which stood him

+ The word sad/e is no doubt a corruption of sad/on, meaning “sand.” The name appears first, so far as I can find, upon the Diego Homem map of 1558 as Lat Sablon.

2 This was no doubt Jean de Gabaret, a distinguished naval officer. He was born about 1620, promoted to the grade of captain “‘about 1653,” made governor of Martinique in 1693, and died in 1697 (Larousse, Dzctionnatre Universelle).

$ Our author has been very plainly describing Sable Bay, now called Bar- rington Bay ; and if there were any doubt upon this point it is settled by his further account of the place on page 81 of this volume of his book, which fits well this locality but no other in the vicinity. It is therefore surprising that Denys proceeds to say La Tour’s establishment and fort, which he had himself

132 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

in good stead, and in this respect. His father was at one time in England where he married a maid of honour of the Queen, of high rank; and on account of this marriage, the King of

visited, were at this place, whereas the combined testimony of historical re- cords, of tradition, and of persistent place-names locates it at Port La Tour, the next harbour to the eastward. Champlain’s map of 1632 attempts to mark the site of the settlement by a flag, as does our authors own map, though in both cases this is inconclusive. But in the explanation of his map Champlain says: “Port of Cape Negro. In this place there is an establishment of Frenchmen, in the Bay of the said Cape, where the Sieur de la Tour commands, which they have named Port La Tour, and where the Recollet fathers are living in the year 1630.” As to local tradition, Mr. Arnold Doane, of Barrington, who has made a long study of the history of that region, assures me that local tradition universally places Fort La Tour (or Saint Louis) at Port La Tour, at the site shown upon the accompany- ing map, and that no site of a fort is known round Barrington Bay. The explanation of the seeming error of our author is, however, fairly plain. A comparison of his book with the 1632 edition of Champlain shows that he closely follows that author in many places in this region, using the work, as I have no doubt, to refresh his memory for places he had not seen for many years. Now Champlain’s work, under date 1631, contains this passage: “the Fort and establishment of Saint Louis situated at Cape Sable, coast of Acadie, on the entrance to a good harbour” (“le Fort & habitation sainct Louys, scitué au Cap de Sable coste d’Acadie, sur ’entrée d’vn bon haure”). Evidently Champlain has in mind the same place which he described on his map as being in Port La Tour, his expression “at Cape Sable” being a natural one in speaking of the locality from a distance. Now I take it that our author in using Champlain followed this expression, either forgetting the exact location of the fort at the moment or thinking it of no consequence. To this day some of our writers, who know perfectly the exact locations, speak of Fort Saint Louis as at Cape Sable.

For local information about the fort-site I have had to depend upon others ; for this and Percé are the only parts of Acadia prominently mentioned by our author which I have not myself been able to visit and study. Mr. G. Stanley Bruce, principal of the Academy at Shelburne, has been so kind as to obtain for me the following information from a person who knows the locality well. The site of the fort is well known locally; it was on Fort Point adjoining

AMERICA. CHAP. III 188 England [69] made him Knight of the Garter,! in order to

oblige him to go find his son, and induce him to transfer the fort to the allegiance of His Britannic Majesty. To this end two ships of war were armed, in one of which La Tour and his wife embarked. ‘They were no sooner arrived within sight of the fort, than La Tour, father, landed, and did his utmost to induce his son to transfer the fort to the allegiance of the King of England, [saying] that he should continue to command there as absolutely as he had up to this time, and that he [the father] and his wife would reside there for his security. To bring this into effect Commissions had

Port La Tour village, in the position shown by the accompanying map; the only visible remains of it consist of an embankment overlooking the harbour on the east; there are no buildings on the site, which slopes northerly to a marshy beach, westerly across a hayfield to the pretty Fort Creek, and southerly to Fort Point ; various relics, such as cannon balls, pipes, pieces of pottery, &c., are often dug up in the neighbouring fields.

Port La Tour was at first called Port Lomeron, as mentioned in an earlier note (under page 62 of this volume of our author’s work). It was occupied by Charles de la Tour at least as early as 1627, and there he was living, as our author states, during the war of La Rochelle in 1628. It was of course located primarily as a centre for trade with the Indians of both the east and west coasts. It was, no doubt, placed here instead of on Barrington Bay, because the harbour was very much better. At the same time it was easily accessible, without an outside passage, by short portages from Barrington Bay and Cape Negro Harbour. La Tour left the place in 1635 and went to occupy his new and more famous fort at the mouth of the River Saint John. He probably left Fort Saint Louis in charge of his father, who no doubt ended his days there, for he does not again appear in Acadian history.. The place is mentioned in an old document of 1653 as Vieux Logis (“old residence” ) and its Indian name is given as Pipegueniche (Rameau, Colonie Féodale, II. 412), or Pepignéset (Collection de Manuscrits : Quebec, 1884, II. 439). Haliburton (ova Scotia, 1829, II. 191) mentions the remains of the fort, but I have found no further references to it. Another early resident of this vicinity was one Rivedou, of whom our author tells us something of interest on page 235 of Volume II. of his book.

1 Chevalier de la Jarretiere in the original. As Murdoch (/Vova Scoiza, I.75) points out, this is a mistake of our author, caused of course by confusion with the very different Order of the Knights Baronets of Nova Scotia, of which La Tour and his)son were actually made members, as recorded in works upon the Baronetage.

K

134 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

been brought made out in [70] his name, with the Order of the Garter in their honour, and other advantages were promised by those in command of the vessels. All this occurred without their entering into the fort. The young La Tour answered them, that he was under great obligation to the King of England for so much good-will towards him, but that he had a master able to appreciate the loyalty which he owed to him, and that he could not deliver the place into their hands, nor accept any commission other than that which he held’; that he thanked the King of England for the honour which was done him, but that he could not accept any rewards except from the King his [71] master. This [answer] obliged his father and all the commanders of the vessels to use the very finest language on earth to persuade him. But it was in vain, for he remained firm in his resolu- tion, and boldly told his father that neither he nor his wife should ever enter his fort. Hence his father had to retire with the others and return on board the ships. Thence the next day they sent a man on shore with a letter from the father, in which he wrote him [the son] everything which could serve to lead him to surrender in good friendship, [and saying] that otherwise it was determined to make him yield by force, that they had enough men for this, that he should take care not to [72] bring upon himself the enmity of the King of Eng- land, for this was a true method of ruining himself, and that he was not in condition to resist their forces. All this had no more effect than what had gone before, and for his whole reply, [given] verbally to him who had brought the letter, he said that the commanders and his father could act as they thought best, and that he and his garrison were entirely ready to receive them. The messenger returned to convey this

1 La Tour did not yet hold a commission, which was first granted him in 1631. But he had applied for one in 1627, with reason to think it would be granted, and hence he held himself morally commissioned no doubt. But the point is not important, for the phrase is of course Denys’ own.

AMERICA. CHAP. III 135

communication, upon which they immediately determined to attack the fort. The next day they landed their forces in their big boats, and attacked the fort. The battle lasted all the day and night. They [73] tried to approach in order to cut the stakes, or to set them on fire; but those inside were so well upon their guard that the others were unable to come near. Many of the English were killed or wounded in this attack, a matter which proved to them only too well the resolution of the young La Tour. The next day they disembarked all the sailors and soldiers in order to intimidate him by the great number they could exhibit. They disposed them behind earth entrenchments which they had made during the night at the four corners of the fort, whence they directed a heavy fire; those inside did the same, and they did not shoot amiss, but killed some more of them and wounded others. This made the English [74] give up the taking of the fort, the sailors not being willing to do more, and the soldiers being in no great number, only so many having been brought as were necessary to form a garrison, for they were fully assured by the account of the senior La Tour that they would not meet with any resistance, after he should have told his son of the honours and privileges with which his Majesty had honoured him.

De la Tour, perceiving that the captains of the ships were determined to abandon the enterprise and depart, was thunderstruck, since he did not dare return to England for fear lest he should be made to suffer. His wife was also a great embarrassment to him; to her he did not dare confess, though in the end he was [75] obliged to do so, telling her that he could find nothing better, nor any other course to take, than to remain with his son, for there was no more safety for him in France than in England after the attempt he had hazarded. [He said] that she could go there if it seemed best to her, and that for his part he should beg his son to permit him to live with him. His wife assured

136 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

him that she would not abandon him if his son would permit them to remain with him. Having taken this resolve they communicated it to the captain who approved of it. La Tour wrote to his son, and begged him to permit his wife and himself to remain in the country, since after what had passed, he did not dare return to England [76] because he would there lose his head. His son answered him that he did not wish to be the cause of his death, but that he could only grant the request on condition that neither he nor his wife should enter the fort, that he would have a little dwelling built for them outside, and that this was all he could do. The father accepted the condition which his son imposed. The captain sent all their baggage ashore, and La Tour senior landed with his wife, two men as servants, and two maids for his wife. The young La Tour had a dwelling built for them a short distance from his fort, where they settled themselves the best they could. They had brought some [77 | provisions, which were no sooner consumed than La Tour the son replaced

them, supporting his father and all his family." About the

' This striking episode in Acadian history is in part confirmed by Champ- lain, but in details rests chiefly upon the narrative of our author. Champlain, under date of 1630 (Laverdiére’s Champlain, 1298), says the younger La Tour at Cape Sable had not allowed himself to be influenced by the persuasions of his father, who was with the English, preferring death to such iniquity as treason to his King, and that this made the English unfriendly to the senior La Tour, who had assured them that his son would enter their service. Champlain adds that the father was later with the English at Port Royal, that he was invited by his son to return to the French, and that, seeing he could have no future with the English, he accepted and returned to Cape Sable (Port La Tour) ; but Champlain says nothing of the attack on his son’s fort. Denys’ account has been accepted, either as he gives it or with a modification necessitated by Champlain’s statements, by most historians. Moreau, however (in his Z’Acadie Frrancotse), whose frankly expressed intention to exalt the memory of D’Aulnay makes it needful for him to discredit Denys, D’Aulnay’s severest critic, challenges the truth of Denys’ narrative of the attack on the fort, claiming that this was an invention of the younger La Tour, who told it to Denys for his own glorifica- tion ; and Moreau makes the most of the inconsistencies in the narratives and the lack of confirmation in records of the time. But Moreau’s case is ex parte and strained, and we possess more knowledge than he admits. Gathering all

AMERICA. CHAP. III 137

year sixteen hundred and thirty-five, I passed by there. I went to see the young La Tour, who received me very well, and permitted me to see his father in the dwelling of which I have spoken, and this I did. He received me well, and insisted that I should dine with him and his wife. They were very amply provided. During the time I was there, a Recollet father* arrived, to whom the wife confided the pleasure that she had in seeing me. Then I discoursed with the Recollet who gave me an account of his garden; he invited me to go

the evidence together, and remembering that Denys wrote from memory thirty- Six years after the event was narrated to him by La Tour in 1635, it is possible to state the facts with much probability. They are correctly given, I believe, in Hannay’s Azstory of Acadia (117-122), and, in brief, are as follows. In 1628 the senior La Tour was captured by Kirk in the Gulf of St. Lawrence and taken to England. He was a Protestant, in sympathy with his Huguenot brethren, on whose behalf the English were then fighting France, and he cast in his lot with the English. He married an Englishwoman of standing, and became acquainted with Sir William Alexander, who was then endeavouring to colonise Acadia, which had been granted to him under the name of Nova Scotia. Thinking he could induce his son, then at Port La Tour, also to join the English, he accepted from Alexander for himself and his son baronetcies of Nova Scotia and a joint grant, dated April 1630, of Acadia from Cape Fourchu to Mirlegash (Lunenburg). An agreement, dated October 6, 1629, between Alexander and Claude and Charles de la Tour exists (Report on Canadian Archives, 1883, 121). A little later, in 1630, with two ships carrying Scottish colonists to Port Royal, he appeared before Port La Tour, and then occurred the various incidents, including the attack on the fort, narrated by Denys. It is altogether likely, however, that our author, writing so long after, and in- fluenced by his friendship with the younger La Tour, does exaggerate somewhat the details. Also Denys is probably at fault in saying the father landed at once to reside with his son, for Champlain shows that he went on with the ships to Port Royal. Soon after this a French expedition under Captain Marot arrived to aid the younger La Tour, and a little later, all in 1630, the invitation was sent by the son and accepted by the father, as Champlain relates. On his arrival at Cape Sable the father no doubt was received and settled outside the fort, as Denys tells. It must be remembered that Denys was there only five years after these events, and visited both the younger La Tour in his fort and the father in his separate residence. It is possible that Denys’ visit was in 1634, Since it was in 1635 the younger La Tour removed to the Saint John River.

* The presence of Recollets at this settlement is confirmed by Champlain (Laverdiére’s Champlain, 1299, and the explanation of figure 41 on the map of 1632).

138 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

see it, and I accepted. JI was curious to [78] see everything and to observe also anything which turned up worthy of note. He had me embark with him in his canoe without making any comment upon the danger to which I exposed myself, having never as yet tried this kind of navigation. The father adjusted his sail, and spread it to the wind, [and] we crossed the bay which was a league and a half broad. In approaching the land my conductor wished to lower his sail, for fear of grounding too roughly and breaking his canoe. From the front where he had placed me, I took a notion to look behind, and although J did little more than turn the head, never- theless by this slight movement the canoe was thrown out of the balance in which it [79] was, and it overturned in an instant. Happily we were close to the shore. This kind of navigation is unnatural, difficult and dangerous, especially when one makes his first attempts at it. We arrived at the garden,’ [and] he told me that he had cleared it all alone. He might have had about a half arpent of ground, and he had there a quantity of very fine well-headed cabbages, and of all other sorts of pot herbs and vegetables. He had also some apple and pear trees, which were well started and very fine, but not

1 While our author does not locate the priest’s garden for us, we can yet place it with some probability. That it was on Port La Tour, and not at some of the known French sites round Sable (Barrington) Bay, is proven by Champlain’s statement, cited under page 68 of this volume of our author’s book, that the Recollet fathers were living in Port La Tour in 1630. Our author’s own account shows that it was across the harbour or “bay” (as Champlain also called it). Iam told by Mr. Doane that while most of the east coast of the harbour is rocky and unsuited for good gardens, the narrow neck connecting Cape Negro peninsula with the mainland is of excellent fertile land, and, further, that at this place there is a flat, formerly a marsh or meadow, still called “French Meadows.” That the distance from the fort is not so great as Denys states is of no consequence, since nearly all of his distances are exaggerated. There is now a boat canal cut across the neck, where no doubt the Indians had once a short portage into Cape Negro Harbour. Here on the good land of this neck, I believe, the priest had his garden and lived, selecting this situation, presumably, because central for labour among the Indians who resorted to these harbours.

AMERICA. CHAP. III 139

yet in condition to bear, since they were brought small from France, and had been planted only in the preceding year. I was much pleased to see all this, but much more when he showed me [80] his peas and his wheat which he had sowed. It charmed me to see the height of the peas; they were staked, but so covered with pods that it could only be believed by seeing it, and the wheat was the same. There was not a grain of the wheat which had not [produced] seven to eight stems at least, and others twelve and thirteen. The smallest ear was half a foot in length, [and] well filled with grain. But among others he showed me a seed of wheat which had come up by itself; it had a hundred and fifty stems all bearing ear, which I counted. He had a large circle or hoop of a hogshead surrounding them, to maintain and support them for fear of their being thrown down by the wind. The [81] young La Tour had also a garden near his fort, with wheat and with peas which were not so carefully cared for as were those of the Recollet. The land is flat in the bottom of this bay; and the trees there are very fine, of the kinds I have already named, [but] without so great an abundance of Firs. ‘There are several streams which fall into the said bay, in which fish are caught,—small Cod, Mackerel, Flounders and other kinds, and, at the mouths of the streams, a great quantity of Smelts in the spring. There is also here a river in which are caught Salmon and Trout, and towards Cap de Sable, there are found plenty of shell-fishes, as Clams,’ Whelks,” [82] Mussels,* Razor-clams,* and other

1 Cocgues ; this name is applied to this day by the Acadians to the common clam. All these molluscs are fully described, and discussed as to their range in Acadia, in a work, ““The Economic Mollusca of Acadia,” in the Bulletin of the Natural Flistory Society of New Brunswick, No. VUII., 1889, 1-116.

2 Bourgos; this is no doubt the same word as the Bregaux of Champlain,

and durvgau in modern French. It was probably not applied to any particular species, but was used as a generic name for the several species of large whelks and spindle-shells of this region.

* Moulles in the original ; mussels are very abundant on all this coast.

* Coutellieres in the original ; they occur upon sandy coasts.

140 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

molluscs, and Lobsters,’ which are Sea-crayfishes. There are some of which the shell of the front claw holds a pint or more. Plenty of fine meadows are found in ascending this river, and along the streams which empty into it.’

Leaving the Baye de Sable, and continuing the route, one sees a little cape or point, and some islands which are along the coast,® covered with trees and Firs. ‘There is abundance of birds everywhere which come here to build their nests in spring, [and] the coast is also likewise provided with them. The country does not seem mountainous. This coast is full of rocks which push out into the sea, a fact which [83] makes it very dangerous to approach. ‘Three or four leagues away* is found a port where there is a little river which runs somewhat far into the country. The port is good, and vessels of reasonable size can anchor there in complete safety. It is called the Port of Cap Naigre. All the woods are like the others which I have enumerated, and the land there is also good, as far as I have been able to judge. The cod fishery is very excellent, though in fact I have never seen a ship there. Passing farther along one

1 Our author’s apt comparison of the lobster (Zozar) with the crayfish was no doubt introduced because the little fresh-water crayfish was much better known to his readers in France than the larger salt-water lobster.

2 The description of the bay on this and the preceding page is simply the continuation of that on page 68 preceding, and it applies, I think, without doubt, to Sable or Barrington Bay. I am assured by Mr. Thomas W. Watson and by Mr. Arnold Doane, of Barrington, that the description fits Barrington Bay and Harbour, taken collectively, very well, but does not fit Port La Tour or any other in the vicinity. And this is fully confirmed by the context. The river mentioned would be Barrington River, which has meadows as here described, so Mr. Watson tells me.

3 Evidently the present Baccaro Point and the islands of Cape Negro Harbour.

4 Viz., from the place last described, which was Sable (Barrington) Bay. The river is the Clyde, and the port (/e ort du cap Naigre in the original) is the present Negro Harbour. The cape was named Cape Negro in 1604 by Champlain after a rock, four leagues away, which resembled a negro from a distance. This rock may have been Blue Gull Island at the mouth of Jordan River.

AMERICA. CHAP. III 141

meets a large island which forms a good port between itself and the mainland ; it is called the Port aux Moutons.’ Vessels can enter and leave it from both [84] sides. I have seen ships there making the cod fishery; they go about two or two and a half leagues to find the Cod, which they dry upon flakes; these are a kind of hurdles, on which one is obliged to dry the fish when there occur at the place of the fishery only sand and grass. ‘The latter are not fitted for the purpose as I shall explain in the proper place. The island is covered with woods, with an abundance of Firs. Behind this island towards the main land, is a large bay,” which has fully three good leagues of breadth and as much of depth. At the bottom there are two little rivers which cannot be entered by boats very far because of the big [85] rocks which occur there in very great number. The land is almost all covered with rocks. There are no mountains to be seen on the upper parts of the rivers and the trees look fine and large.

Proceeding along the coast to reach the other side of the bay, One meets a great extent of marshes, through about two leagues of length and one of breadth, which the sea covers, forming a great number of little ponds.* These are all full of game, Wild Geese, Brant, Ducks, Teal, white and gray

1 So named in 1604 by De Monts and Champlain from a trivial incident re- lated by Lescarbot, the falling overboard of a sheep, and still called Port Mouton. In skipping, as he does, all the extent of coast from Cape Negro Harbour to Port Mouton, our author follows Champlain, while there are other expressions which show that he used Champlain’s narrative of 1632, to which, however, he adds a great deal of new information. There can be no doubt, I believe, that Denys, writing so many years after he had last seen this coast, which was probably never very familiar to him, and not wishing to trust his memory alone, used Champ- lain’s description as a foundation for his own, adding thereto all matter that he could from his own recollection.

* Port Mouton, reputed one of the finest harbours on the coast. The rivers are Broad River and Jones Creek. Champlain gives a map of this harbour in his Voyages.

* Champlain also speaks of the ponds andthe game. The marshes are well shown on the modern charts.

142 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

Geese,’ large and small Snipe, Plover, Curlews,’ and many other kinds of good game, and all these marshes are covered with very good meadow grass.

[86] Continuing the route along the coast, one meets a little harbour which is at the other extremity of the bay, distant two leagues from Isle aux Moutons, and which is called Port Rossignol.* It is very well situated for the cod fishery which there abounds.

This place is the first locality in which I wished to estab- lish the sedentary fishery, and for this purpose I had entered into partnership with the late Monsieur de Razilly and a merchant of Auray in Brittany. The Commandeur de Razilly lived at that time in La Haive, and he was my patron. My fishery was successful enough for this voyage. I sent back

1 Oyes blanches et grises in the original. These are without doubt the greater snow geese, of which the young are gray and the adults white. This seems well confirmed by Lescarbot (A/zstozre de la Nouvelle France, 1612, 815), who speaks of the gray geese in the meadows in spring and the white geese in fall. All the birds in the list except this and the following are identified in chapter xix. of the second volume of our author’s work.

* Corbegeos in the original. It is coréigeau in modern French, and Dr. Smith tells me the Acadian hunters to this day call the big curlew “ corbigo.”

3 Now called Liverpool Bay, though the name Rossignol persists in the lake at the head of the river. It was named by De Monts and Champlain in 1604 from a captain found trading there, and Champlain gives a map of it.

As to the site of our author’s fishing establishment, we have no knowledge beyond that which he gives in this brief statement. More in his Hzstory of Queen's County, V.S. (6, 58, 69), says of it: “The fishery was in all probability estab- lished at Herring Cove, for some years ago, in preparing to build a public wharf, timber fastened with copper was found imbedded in the beach.” I have myself visited Liverpool Bay, and examined its shores from Western Head around to Coffins Island Harbour to find whether physical features or tradition might throw any light upon the subject. Only a single ancient site or work seems to be known around the harbour, that mentioned by

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AMERICA. CHAP. III 143

the ship loaded to Brittany, where the fish was sold to tolerably good advantage. This [87] obliged us to obtain a larger ship. One named the Catherine, of 200 tons, which we bought from the King, we had equipped for the fishery, and one of my brothers, named de Vitray,t who has since been Captain of a King’s ship, was put in charge as commander. He brought her to me in New France, where we used her for the fishery, which succeeded again very well. When she was loaded with Cod, we gave orders to my brother to proceed to Porte [Oporto] in Portugal to sell it, which he did to advantage. As soon as he had arrived there he received about the value of a third of his cargo in reals, which he had taken to La Rochelle. But whilst he was accomplishing the discharging and weighing of [88] the remainder, war was

More; but an old resident, who witnessed the finding of the copper-fastened timbers in the beach, informed me they were found off the little point just to the north of the wharf in Herring Cove (Brooklyn). Around the Bay are three or four inferior, and three excellent fishing stands, the latter being (a) Liverpool town, (4) Brooklyn, and (c) Coffins Island Harbour. Since our author’s establishment was a sedentary one, occupied all the year round, Coffins Island Harbour, which is very imperfectly sheltered, would seem excluded. Thus the sailing directions for this coast read: “ Liverpool Bay ... is dangerous, especially during the fall of the year and winter months, for all vessels excepting those of a sufficiently small draught to anchor in Herring Cove.” As to Liverpool and Brooklyn, the latter to-day is much the better station and somewhat nearer the cod fishery, which indeed extends clear up the harbour to this point, while Herring Cove offers a very superior shelter for fishing boats and small schooners. These facts taken in conjunction with the presence of the ancient work, presumably the remains of a fishing stage such as our author later describes and figures, make the probabilities very strong that Denys’ station was at Brooklyn, at the point north of the present wharf, which place is shown by the accompanying photograph.

1 The identity of the Sieur de Vitré is not certain, but it is possible that he was Simon Denys, in which case the latter was associated with his brother Nicolas in this fishery, as he surely was in the foundation of his first settlements in Cape Breton. Simon Denys settled at Quebec in 1651, and became a prominent resident, and the head of a numerous and influential family. The Sieurs Denys de la Ronde and de Bonaventure, both prominent in Acadian affairs, were his grandsons. He did not, as I understand it, have the title of Sieur de Vitré at the time to which our author is referring, but having obtained it with letters of nobility in 1668, he was so called at the time Denys wrote his book.

144 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

declared between the two crowns,’ and three months were granted the French in which to remove from the possessions of the King of Spain, of which Portugal at that time formed a part. In order not to be surprised before the expiration of the three months, my brother pressed his payment. Never- theless there arrived an order from the King of Spain to stop all vessels with the exception of ours, which was permitted to retire. But our fish merchants did not hurry themselves to pay, making always delays, and a month before the three months had expired, they proposed to my brother to buy the vessel for their voyage to the Indies. The bargain for her was made and closed on condition [89] that they should pay him cash, and that my brother should be permitted to embark his money and his crew in another French vessel which was there, and was expected to sail within seven or eight days. A large part of the money had been paid him, and he had taken it on board the vessel which was already in the roadstead, when there came a second order from the King to stop all. Upon receipt of this order, the Governor stopped my brother’s vessel, saying that she belonged to Spanish merchants, and that she was adapted for war purposes. My brother com- plained to the Governor, and asked either the rest of his payment or his ship. The Governor promised to have him paid, and for this purpose sent a man with him [90] bearing a command to the merchants to complete the pay- ment. ‘They promised it and did nothing. On the contrary they resorted to so much trickery that [nothing had been done when| the three months expired. The day before the term ended, they seized the ship on which was the money, which they took possession of, and maintained before the Court that they were not obliged to pay it because the King had put himself into possession of it before it came into their hands. [And they said] my brother must have his recourse against

1 This was in the winter of 1634-35.

AMERICA. CHAP. III 145

the King, who had taken possession of the ship before the three months had expired.

The Governor gave him letters to that effect, with which he went to Madrid, where he urged his business, and made his just right so clearly known, that they were obliged, in order to avoid rendering him [91] justice, to involve him in a groundless quarrel, in virtue of which he was thrown into prison, and this was his only payment.

The French ambassador, who was at that time at Madrid, went to see him in the prison where he was. My brother discussed the affair with him, but could not obtain therefrom either consolation or hope, the Ambassador having assured him that he could not expect anything, as he had to deal with scoundrels who had no other intention than to make him lose his ship and merchandise. Nevertheless [he said] he would speak of it, and in two or three days would send him some answer, which he did. But it was as fruitless as on the first occasion, and he assured him that he had only been made prisoner [92] in order to keep him from demanding his due, and that he could go free provided that he would demand nothing. This he did on the bail of a cobbler for one écu. Being at liberty he went from time to time to see the Am- bassador, who had taken a liking to him, and thought him a proper person to make known to Cardinal Richelieu things which were occurring in Spain against France; and as he was not able to write to the latter for fear of the letters being intercepted, he had my brother learn by heart all which he had to communicate, and sent him into France with a credential letter to Cardinal Richelieu. After having pre- sented his letter to this first Minister, and having told him that he had [93] to converse with him privately upon matters of importance with which the Ambassador had entrusted him, he acquitted himself in such fashion that the Cardinal testified his satisfaction with him, and promised him his protection in an effort to have him obtain payment for his vessel. But

146 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

these good words were all the recompense that we have yet achieved, so far as concerns the Commandeur de Razilly, the Merchant of Brittany, and myself; for with respect to my brother, the Cardinal gave him the command of a King’s ship." Such, approximately, was the fate of the project I had under- taken with the aim of establishing in course of time a sedentary fishery. Although it has been believed that my principal object in all my enterprises in these [94] parts has always been the trading in furs with the Indians, I have never considered that as anything other than an accessory which could serve in some measure to make capital for that which might be done in the country, which is the settlement fishery and the cultiva- tion of the land, presuming the establishment of one or several colonies in all those places of the coast where one or the other can be advantageously carried on.

Continuing the route one meets a coast all along which there are islands from place to place.” There is a passage for small longboats and boats between the mainland and the islands, which are covered with Firs and Birches. Having made six to seven leagues [95] along this coast, there is found a little river,® of which the entrance is good for longboats. It does not come from very far inland, but it is a very beautiful and very excellent region. This is the place where the Commandeur de Razilly had caused a part of his clearing to be made. There were there about forty residents, who had already harvested a quantity of wheat when he died. He

1 Yet it 1s possible that his brother was later associated with our author in his settlements at Cape Breton. Compare pages I1, 143, earlier in this work. No other reference to the incident related in the preceding pages is known to me.

2 Coffins Island, and those off Port Medway.

3 Named Petite Riviére by Champlain, who mapped it, together with the neighbouring bay now called Green Bay. The name persists, and is pro- nounced in English fashion by the English-speaking residents, who have a small village there. The settlers whom Razilly placed here were the ancestors of the Acadian people, to whom this place should be endeared as the cradle of their race in America.

AMERICA. CHAP. III 147

had no other desire than to people this land, and every year he had brought here as many people as he possibly could for this purpose.’ One went from this place to La Haive by land ;* and it was about a halfa league of distance, but by sea a league. There was only a point to round in order to enter [96] the harbour of La Haive.’? At the entrance, on the left, there is an island which is called Isle aux Framboises * [Raspberry Island], its top being nothing but raspberry bushes. In the spring it is all covered with Pigeons which go there to eat the berries. At the right in entering there is a great rocky cape which is called Cap Dore, because when the sun strikes it on top, it seems all gilded.’ The entrance is between the island and the cape; it isnot very wide. Being inside one finds a beautiful basin which could contain even a thousand vessels. The dwelling of Monsieur de Razilly was a league from the entrance upon a little point® which has on one side the

1 All historical testimony seems to agree as to the noble character and marked ability of Razilly. Compare Moreau, /Yistotre de? Acadie Francotse, 112; Thwaites’ Jesuzt Relations, VIII. 287, 1X. 135; Biggar, Karly Trading Companies of New France,135. Presumably Razilly died at La Have, and was buried in or near the chapel, the site of which is locally known, as ex- plained in the note on the next page.

* That is, to Razilly’s dwelling and fort, described on the next page.

* This name was undoubtedly given in 1604 by De Monts and Champlain to the cape at the west entrance to the harbour, the first they had reached in Acadia, in recollection of the cape of the same name in France, which they had passed as they set out upon their voyage.

4 The context shows plainly enough that this was the island now called Moshers Island.

6 This cape, as I am informed by Mr. J. F. Risser, of Riverport, is not that on West Ironbound Island as might be supposed, but is on the mainland, in the position shown by the map. It is locally called Shou Bay Hill, is about one hundred feet high, and is composed of yellow clay, which gives it a gilded appearance when the sun strikes it. Mr. H. M. Wolfe, lightkeeper on West Ironbound Island, tells me that Cape La Have presents a similar appearance.

* Our author’s description, happily, makes the site of Razilly’s residence perfectly plain, and his testimony is sustained by local tradition and still- existent remains. It stood upon the elevated point, almost a peninsula, now called Fort Point and occupied by a lighthouse, at the western entrance to La Have River. The site, an extremely charming and commanding one, is still

148 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

river, while on the other there are a pond and marshes which advance into the [97] land about five hundred paces; and at the end there is not much land to cut through in order to enclose by water three or four arpents of land, where the fort was built. The river runs five or six leagues into the country, as far as one is able to go with boats; this being

unoccupied except by the buildings of the lighthouse. It shows many traces of ancient occupation, the most important of which are rapidly disappearing before the encroachment of the sea. These remains, however, do not all represent relics of Razilly’s establishment, for many later forts and trading posts occu- pied the same site. The locality, the remains, and the local tradi- tions concerning them were very fully described by Des Brisay in his Hzstory of Lunenburg County (second edition): Toronto, 1895. I have myself, in August 1906, visited, studied, and photographed the place with results presented herewith. Of the fort nothing now remains except a portion of one landward wall standing near the edge of a bank of clay and gravel, which slopes down abruptly twenty feet to a rocky beach and is ob- viously rapidly washing away. I should judge from the slopes of the ground that the fort stood on higher land than any now remaining. Near by a well, some stone heaps, and some other work, possibly a corner bastion, can be seen. Farther north are the rock foundations locally attributed to the chapel, in part covered with a small Roman Catholic burial-ground, and contiguous to three or four other small burial-grounds. So far as I could learn by inquiry or determine by observation these are all the traces of former works which now remain, and to what extent they appertain to Razilly’s original settlement, I cannot, nor do I think others can, say with certainty. It was probably on this site the younger Le Borgne and the merchant Guilbault had their establish- ment, of which our author speaks earlier, on page 10 of this volume of his book, and here also the chapel was burnt by Le Borgne’s orders in 1653, as our author relates on page 6 of this volume. The later establishments there may be traced through the pages of Murdoch and Des Brisay. Charlevoix gave a good plan of the harbour in his History of 1744, and there is matter of interest in Thwaites’ /esuzt Relations, 1. 315. My photograph, taken from the hill to the westward, looks over the point and the “ pond and marshes which advance into the land about five hundred paces” of which our author speaks. .

Scale _& miles fo Linch |

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AAVH VI LV SLNAWHSITAVLISA SANACGC GNV SATUZVA AO SALIS AHL

AMERICA. CHAP. ITI 149

passed, it is necessary to make use of canoes.’ All along this river are fine and good lands, with abundance of good woods of the kinds which I have already named. But the Oaks and the Elms there are most abundant on both banks of the river, in which there is an infinity of Scallops, [conniffle]” which are huge shells like those which the pilgrims bring from Saint Michel and Saint Jacques. It is good toeat. [98] The Eel there is excellent, as are Shad, Salmon, Cod and other kinds of good fishes. The hunting throughout the year is no less abund- ant for all kinds of birds which I have already named. This was the place which the Commandeur de Razilly had chosen for his retreat. As for me I had selected another place on the other bank of the river, where the land was very good. It was upon the shore of another little river which fell into the larger, and here I had a dwelling built.’ I had a dozen men

1 The tide runs to Bridgewater, ten miles from the mouth of the river, which is a very attractive, safe, well-settled stream, whose goodly woods and comfortable farms form a great contrast to the rocky and more sterile country prevailing farther west.

* The scallop, Pecten tenutcostatus, is very abundant on the Atlantic coast of Nova Scotia (Willis and others, cited in Audletin of the Natural History Society of New Brunswick, No. VII1., 1889, 66). Local inquiry has failed to show that it is now considered especially abundant in this river.

$ Our author gives us scant information for the location of his own establish- ment, but I believe it can be placed very nearly. He tells us it was on a little river emptying into the La Have on the side opposite to that of Razilly’s fort. Hence it was on the east side, and must have been on either Parks Cove, or Ritceys Cove, as no other localities meet the requirements. He adds further (on the next page) that there were ponds on the upper part of his river where he went for game. The maps do not alone solve the problem, but on visiting the places in person I found that while there are no ponds draining into Parks Cove, there is one pond on the stream emptying into Ritceys Cove ; and moreover it is about the right distance into the woods and is of the shallow, marshy, and boggy type preferred by waterfowl. Though there is but a single pond here it is only a short distance through to the marshes and creeks of Mirligaiche or Lunenburg Harbour. I have no doubt, therefore, especially in the absence of any com- peting site, that Ritceys Cove was Denys’ “little river,” and his establishment was on it. But where was it exactly? The present bridge crosses at the boundary between waters deep enough for large boats, or even small vessels, and the very shallow waters above, so that it is altogether likely it stood at

one end or the other of the bridge. But the south side, that occupied by the L

150 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

with me, some labourers, others makers of planks or staves for barrels, [others] carpenters, and others for hunting. I was provided with all kinds of [99] provisions, [and] we made good cheer, for the game never failed us. On the upper part of my little river, passing four or five hundred paces into the woods, I went to large ponds’ full of game, where I did my hunting, leaving the main river to the Commander. Jn these places all the woods were nothing but Oaks, and this was what I sought. There I set my makers of planks and carpenters at work, and in two years ] had a lot of planking and of beams for building all squared, as well as rafters. Monsieur de Razilly who wished only to make known the goodness of the country in order to attract people there, was charmed that I [100] could load all the timber upon the vessels which brought him his provisions, as Otherwise they would have been obliged to return empty to France.

This was for me an accommodation which cost him nothing, [but it] all gave him a great satisfaction, and would have yielded a good profit to me and to the company of the sedentary fishery, which I wished to establish as I have related. But this failed, not only on account of the loss of our ship, but later through the death of Monsieur de Razilly, whom the Sieur d’Aunay succeeded through an arrangement made with the brother of the Commander. This brought about

modern village of Riverport, is much the pleasanter, more elevated and best placed for shipping, and moreover is close beside a hill said locally to have abounded formerly in oak timber. Here, therefore, somewhere on or near the knoll where stands the present post-office, the probabilities all indicate that Denys’ establishment was. There is no local tradition of it, nor of any French site on that side of the river ; but this is not surprising in view of the fact that it was simply a timber-working establishment, and hence, unlike a fort, would leave no traces to fix tradition. The place can be seen in the distance in the photograph showing the site of Razilly’s fort. The very fact that this place is in view from Razilly’s site is some confirmation of its correctness.

1 So large a description of a single small pond shows the magnifying power of imagination when it dwells upon happy events long past.

AMERICA. CHAP. III 151

indeed a change in the country. The first desired nothing except to make known its good- [101] ness and to people it, while the other, on the contrary, feared that it would become inhabited, and not only brought no one there, but he took away all the residents of La Haive to Port Royal, holding them there as serfs, without allowing them to make any gain. His disposition and that of his council was to reign, some- thing which they would not have been able to do if the goodness of the country had become known, and it had been peopled." They made me well aware of this, for after the death of Monsieur de Razilly, I was never able to obtain liberty to bring over my timber, nor did he ever allow his ships to bring me any, but they returned empty, although I had been willing to give him half the proceeds of the sale of the timber. My master [102] workman of planking went to see him at Port Royal. I had given him the half of that which I could claim, which had been a quarter for him and a quarter for me. Seeing that this man was urgent to have liberty to remove his timber, he [D’Aunay], gave him permission in case he could find a vessel therefor. At that time a little longboat from Baston [Boston] was there, which had brought them some provisions. He spoke of the matter to her commander, who told him that she could be bought in Baston. He asked permission to go there and it was granted. D’Aunay on his return accused him of treason under pre- text of coming to seek his timber, [saying] that it was to

1 This unfavourable estimate of D’Aulnay’s character (compare also the page following), has been accepted by most of our local historians, including Haliburton, Murdoch, Hannay, and others. But in recent years there has been a reaction in his favour. Not counting Moreau, whose Histoire de 1 Acadie Francoise was frankly written to vindicate the reputation of D’Aulnay, Park- man has leaned rather strongly to his favour in his discussion of the relations of D’Aulnay and La Tour in the later edition of his Old Régime in Canada; and Mr. Gilbert Bent in Acadiensis (V. 37) adopts this view. The whole subject of the relations and the characters of these two men needs re-investigation, for which there is still unused material in the Paris Archives.

152 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH AMERICA

surprise them. He had him [103] thrown into a deep dungeon, in which he could see no light, with irons of fifty pounds weight on his feet, and he was made to die of misery.” So long as D’Aunay lived, his custom was always to maltreat those whom he believed capable of bringing about the peopling of the country through their example. Thus I was forced to abandon the country and more than twenty thousand livres worth of timber all manufactured. This makes it very plain that howsoever good a land may be, there is no man who can derive any benefit from it if he is persecuted in his undertakings; and what is the use of having talents, experience and tact, if one’s hands are tied, and if one is [104] prevented from making use of them, as is amply proven in my case? And after all the disorders which D’Aunay caused in the land, his children were very fortunate in finding an asylum with me, after having been dispossessed by the English.” My establishment has served not only for the subsistence of my own family, but also for his during more than a year of their need, and [also] to all those who have persecuted me.

1 | have not found in our historical literature any other references to this matter.

2 He refers here, without doubt, to the events of 1654 when the English took Port Royal, where D’Aulnay’s children were then living. Our author seems to state that he gave shelter to them at his establishment at Saint Peters. Another to whom he returned good for evil was La Giraudiere, some of whose men were given a refuge all one winter at Denys’ establishment at Nepisiguit, as he relates on page 123 of this volume of his book.

[105 | CHAPTER IV

Continuation of the coast of Acadie from La Haive to Camp- seaux, where 1t ends; in which are described all the rivers, the 1slands, the woods, the goodness of the land, the divers kinds of hunting and of fishing, and the incidents and adven- tures which have befallen the Author.

ETTING out from La Haive, and having rounded Cape Doré about a league, one enters the Bay of Mirligaiche* which is about three leagues in depth,

and [106] filled by numerous islands. Amongst others there is one” of a quarter of a league in circuit; it is only a rock covered with little trees like heathers. I was [once] in this bay with Monsieur de Razilly and some Indians who were guiding us; an interpreter told us, as we were passing near this island, that the Indians never landed upon it. When we asked of him the reason, he made answer that when a man set foot upon this island instantly a fire would seize upon his privy parts, and they would burn up, so the Indians said. This afforded us matter for laughter, and especially when the Commandeur de Razilly told a Capuchin priest aged sixty years and more to go there [107] in order to disabuse these people of their errors, and he refused and was

1 The Micmac Indian name of Lunenburg Bay, still known to the older people. It first appears in a grant of 1630 (page 137 of this work).

2 The island which best fits this description is Duck Island, one mile off the eastern point of Lunenburg Harbour, as I am told by Mr. J. F. Risser of River- port, who adds that it is difficult to land upon, covered with scrubby trees and shrubs to the water’s edge, and of very uninviting aspect. Mr. Risser has never

heard of the Indian tradition here mentioned. 153

154 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

not willing to do anything of the kind, no matter what Monsieur de Razilly could say to him. Then continuing on, we went clear to the head of this bay, where we found some other fine islands filled in part with big Oaks.

Continuing our route we coasted along to the place’ where my men worked timber for carpentry and planking, with which Monsieur de Razilly was charmed, seeing so great a quantity of timber, and in such fine condition. He said a thousand good things about the excellence of the land, [and] about the great numbers of people who suffer in France but could live in comfort in this country. He said much more about it [108] when I had him enter a hall which I had built, covered with branches, where he found a table very well furnished, with pigeon soup, with Wild Geese and Brant ; with these all his retinue enjoyed themselves as well as he, for they all had good appetites. To this course there fol- lowed another, of Brant and of Teal, and to that a third of large and small Snipe, and Plover in pyramids. It was a delight to all the men to see so much game at once, but all of it did not cost more than two days’ work of my hunters. Raspberries and Strawberries in abundance served for dessert, these having been brought for me by the children of the Indians whom I had employed in order [109] not to divert my men from their work. White wine and claret were not wanting at this little feast, so that Monsieur de Razilly and all his retinue were very well pleased, as indeed were my own men, who hoped that Monsieur de Razilly would come often to see them. ‘To this I would not have found myself in agreement, not because of the expense of

1 It is wholly likely that this place, where our author had his second timber- working station, and where, as he tells on the next page, he entertained Razilly so acceptably, was in the very pleasant cove at the western end of Mirligaiche Bay. This place is but a few hundred yards from his establishment on Ritceys Cove, described a few pages earlier (98), and it is not probable that his second station was at any great distance from the first. In this case they coasted back to this place from the head of the bay.

AMERICA. CHAP. IV 155

the game which never failed me—they had it every day— but because of the hindrance to my work.

Leaving the bay and going along the coast, at three or four leagues distance there is found a river having two entrances formed by an island which is between them. On the shore of the first entrance there are very fine [110] and good lands covered with big and beautiful trees. At the other entrance on the right one does not find good woods until one ascends into the river. ‘There is nothing here but bald rocks, rather high. Among these rocks there is a little harbour where vessels anchor, and where men are often found making their fishery and drying their fish upon the rocks which are isolated. The boats which go out to the fishing enter and leave on both sides. A little outside these islands the fishery is very good, and abounds in Cod. Mackerel and Herring are very abundant on the coast. This place is called Passepec.t Along the sea-coast there is nothing but rocks, which are all bald for the space of four to five leagues. Along [111] this coast occur only Firs intermixed with certain other trees. Continuing for a distance of five or six leagues along the coast,” one meets with a bay of about a league of breadth, where there are several islands. There the trees and the land begin to be agreeable, and opposite, three or four leagues out to sea, occurs a rocky island which is large [and| with low trees upon it. It is rather difficult to land

1 Evidently a Micmac Indian word, meaning unknown, which has become corrupted into its present English name of Prospect. The charts show the two entrances separated by the island. It was early a place of some importance and its name occurs in the Jesuit Relations (Thwaites, /esuzt Relations, II. 263, which is in error in identifying it on page 310 with Perpisawick, east of Halifax).

2 Although our. author’s distances are all erroneous, the identity of his places is plain. The bay, a league broad with islands, is, of course, Halifax Harbour (Chebucto Bay of early records), while the island is Sambro Island, as is shown by Denys’ map which marks it /sle de Saint Cembro. Champlain says the name was given by people from Saint Malo; hence it is no doubt named after the island called Cézembre off Saint Malo in France.

156 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

upon. I was once there with a boat, at the time when the birds make their nests. We found so great an abund- ance of all the kinds I have named that all my crew and myself, having cut clubs for ourselves, killed so great a number, as well of young as of their fathers [112] and mothers, which were very sluggish in rising from their nests, that we were unable to carry them all away. And aside from these the number of those which were spared and which rose into the air, made a cloud so thick that the rays of the sun could scarcely penetrate through it. We embarked again with our quarry, and returned to the mainland to make good cheer. Continuing our route about five leagues, there is met a river called the River of Theodore,’ which has a good entrance for ships. Boats can ascend it five to six leagues; the rest needs canoes. The land there is very pleasing. The soil is good, though there are some rocks [113] scattered here and there, which are not very large, and not very firm in the ground. As to the woods, these are of all kinds, and they are stout and of good height. The Firs are not so common as the wild Pines.

At five leagues from this river, continuing along the coast, is found the Baye de Toutes Isles,” which is a good eighteen leagues in breadth. Before entering it one finds rocks along the coast, and all the islands which are in this bay are rocks. Some contain of course a greater circumference than others.

1 This name has become corrupted, through a series of stages which can be followed on the old maps, to the present /eddore. This is the earliest use of the word I can find, and I have no idea as to its origin.

2 This name was used by Champlain. Here and there in the description of the coast between La Have and Canso our author uses expressions sugges- tive of Champlain’s work, but he deviates so much therefrom, and gives so

much additional information, as to make the two narratives almost wholly independent.

This “ Bay of All Islands” is properly not a bay at all, at least nothing more than a slight inbending of the coast, copiously studded with islands ; and it bears little resemblance to our author’s conventional representation upon his map. He applies the name apparently to the coast from about Ship Harbour to about Liscomb Harbour.

AMERICA. CHAP. IV 157

There is a considerable part of them which have upon them only moss; others have heathers or low shrubs; others have little Firs, very [114] low and much branched. Entering into the bay, there are larger islands where the Firs are more attractive, and throughout all this extent of eighteen leagues there are only islands, of which I have never been able to learn the number, nor that of the game which abounds there in all parts. There is a passage from one of the points of this bay to the other, among the islands, for a boat and for a longboat, but it is necessary to be well acquainted with the route in order to pass there. This bay has nearly four leagues of depth, and there are several rivers which discharge into it. These are small and are only, as it were, large brooks, [though] by them the Indians go and come. The Indians are there in great number because of the hunting, which is good in [115] the interior of the country, where are mountains all abounding in Moose. There are not wanting fine woods and good land, and spots beautiful and pleasing. Leaving this bay, one finds, three or four leagues from there, a river which little ships can enter.’ But there is a kind of island which pushes out shoals of sand, on which the sea breaks strongly. It is neces- sary to pass the shoals, and then to return along the land; there is a little canal, through which one can enter. Being inside one finds plenty of water, and the river seems very fine, [with] an excellent flat country. The trees there are beauti- ful, and always of the same kinds as those of which I have formerly spoken. The hunting is very good, and game is abundant.

[116] Continuing the route, and having made five leagues, One meets another river, with a little round island at the entrance covered with grass. It is called Isle Verte,* and the river has been named Sainte Marie * by La Giraudiere who has

* Apparently Liscomb Harbour, though this is not certain.

2 Thus called by Champlain ; now known as Wedge Island. 3 Still so called, in the English form Saint Marys.

158 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

come there to live." He had built a house at three leagues above its entrance, it being unnavigable higher for boats.” The country there is flat from the entrance of the river, and up to half a league above the dwelling, but higher up there are only rocks. ‘The river issues from a large lake which is two leagues or thereabouts above the rocks.* All the buildings of La Giraudiere were enclosed by a fort of four little bastions, the whole made of [117] great pickets or stakes. There were two pieces of brass cannon and some swivel-guns, the whole in a good state of defence.

La Giraudiere had caused some clearing to be made, but the soil there was not of the best, for it was sandy. He did not fail nevertheless to report good wheat, but that has not continued. As for the rest, the hunting and the fishing were abundant, but not being content therewith, it did not satisfy him. This made him take pains to find a way to

1 The date of La Giraudiere’s coming to Saint Marys River is not stated, but it must have been prior to 1658, as shown by the map of that year later given (page 160 of the present work), and also by the La Montagne incident described and discussed four pages later (120). Further, our author states, at page 237 of his second volume, that La Giraudiere had settled at this place, and made a failure of the fishery at Canso, prior to the arrival of Sieur Doublet, which is known to have been in 1664.

2 Our author’s description would locate La Giraudiere’s fort near the present village of Sherbrooke, where, in fact, its site is locally well known. I have not myself been able to visit this place, but the postmistress of Sherbrooke, Mrs. A. D. MacDonald, has been so kind as to send me a copy of an old plan, with information in substance as follows : The fort site is well known, a few hundred yards below the village, close beside the steamboat wharf ; it is clear of buildings, and crossed by a public road; a few years ago foundation-stones could be seen ; the first settlers, between 1790 and 1800, found the old gate of this fort still standing. Inside of it an old cannon made of iron bars hooped together with iron, and other relics, were obtained. It is also said there was a stockade at Elys Cove, some four miles down the river. This is of interest, for the reason that on Du Val’s map of 1677 and some others, two forts are marked on this river, a Fort Sainte Marie (that above described) on the upper part of the river, and Fort Saint Charles below it.

3 This lake, with a portage thence to the Stewiacke, is shown upon a map of Acadia of 1744 in Charlevoix’s Azstory of New France. The lake is very much higher up the river than our author states.

AMERICA. CHAP. IV 159

quarrel with me, which he accomplished. He went to France, circumvented the proprietors of the old Company* and made them give him my establishment and twenty-five leagues of land granted to me (of which I shall speak when I [118] shall have arrived there). The said La Giraudiere who had come to France with me on that business, finding himself denied of his pretensions by the Company, has not returned there; and De Bay, his brother, who commanded in the country in his stead, has also returned to France. He left in his place a person named Huret,’ who has remained there ever since down to the year sixteen hundred and sixty-nine.

A person named La Montagne who had been with me, and whom I had married to one of the servants of my wife, worked upon his own account at Saint Pierre on the Island of Cap Breton. He had there some six arpents of good land cleared and without stumps, where he harvested good wheat, peas and [119] beans, and this by means of the advances I had made him. La Giraudiere had enticed him away from me at the time when he came to see me in the guise of friendship. He induced him and his wife to ask their leave of me to return to France. They importuned me so strongly that I was constrained to grant it to them. They went to Camp- seaux to obtain passage, and there remained through the time of the fishery. The ships being ready to depart, La Giraudiere said to the captains that they should refuse them their

1 As narrated fully by our author at pages 13-18 of this volume of his book. The old company is obviously the Company of New France which was dis- solved in 1663 and replaced by the Company of the West Indies in 1664. La Giraudiere must therefore have obtained his second grant, covering Denys’ territory, in 1662 or 1663. Yet it seems perfectly plain that his attempt to take Denys’ establishment at Chedabucto was in the summer of 1667, for it was in the autumn of the latter year that Denys obtained the renewal of his rights, which immediately followed La Giraudiere’s attempt (note under p. 18 of this volume of our author’s book). The interval, from 1663 to 1667, was perhaps used by La Giraudiere in his attempts to get together the capital and his force of one hundred men to attack Denys.

2 Some further account of Huret is given a few pages later, 121-123.

160 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

passage in order to give me reason to believe that if he received them into his establishment it was through charity, they not knowing where to go through lack of a passage [to France]. He was not satisfied with having [120] enticed these away from me, [but] he drew away others also. La Montagne lived there about two years, but perceiving that he would not make anything and that the promises made him would not be kept, he wished much to return to take up his clearing, but I would no longer put any trust in him. Le Borgne* took him, his wife and his children; there he lived indeed with much labour and no gain. He did not know what trade to follow in France where he had not the means of living. Nevertheless Le Borgne thought he was giving him enough when he fed them all; but finally La Mon- tagne left Le Borgne as he had La Giraudiere.

Not knowing where to lay his head, [121] he resolved to go to Port Royal with all his family.” He made himself of use to the English, and obtained from them powder and lead. After this he retired to the coast, where he built a little cabin in the Indian fashion. He prepared some skins, for which he obtained powder, lead, brandy, and other goods from the captains of the fishing vessels. He was living in this fashion when he fell in with an English longboat which was coming from Sainte Marie [where it had been] to surprise Huret, com- mander in the establishment of the Sieur de Cange.* The

1 This was, of course, the younger Le Borgne, who lived for a time at La Have, as shown by our author earlier in his book (page Io). Since Le Borgne was driven from La Have in 1658, and since La Montagne had previously lived two years with La Giraudiere, the latter must have been established at Saint Marys at least as early as 1655 or 1656.

? In 1748 there was a Margaret la Montagne, presumably a descendant, at Port Royal (Murdoch, Wova Scotia, II. 118).

* Since a few pages earlier (118) Huret is said to have commanded for La Giraudiere, Sieur de Cangé and La Giraudiere must have been one and the same person. Curiously enough a map exists, and is repro- duced herewith, which marks the “abitation de Cangers,” evidently our Sieur de Cangé. The same interesting map marks also the establishment of

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English told him the secret of their enterprise, and how they had missed Huret; but La Montagne promised [122] to make them succeed in their scheme if they would return there, [saying] that he would accompany them willingly to avenge the wrong which he had received from the French, and that he would serve them as guide, knowing all the routes and the manner of life [of the garrison]. He led them through the woods close to the fort, exactly at the dinner hour. He went on a scouting tour, and found that the French were at dinner with the gate open. He informed the English who made a run to enter the fort. As they were rushing forward, a man came out by chance, and having perceived them, he closed the gates, and called ‘‘’T’o arms.” But the English gained the embrasures, through which they passed their guns; they took aim at the first who came out from the | 123] building, and then at another, and held them thus besieged. They worked to force an entrance, and threatened to kill all who would not give themselves up, which indeed they did. The English, being masters [of the place], bound the French, whom some guarded while the remainder plun- dered and loaded everything on their vessel.* Having set fire

Le Borgne at La Have; hence it must belong before 1658, in which year Le Borgne was driven thence by the English. It marks also three establish- ments of Denys, that at Saint Peters, that at Nepisiguit, and a third, of which there is no other record known to me, apparently at Miramichi. Our author's son Richard had an establishment near Beaubears Island at Miramichi before 1685 (Zransactions of the Royal Society of Canada, X11., 1906, 1. 125), and this map would suggest that our author had some kind of temporary post there much earlier, perhaps between 1647 and 1650, as indicated at page II ef the present work. But it is curious that he does not mention it in his book.

* This attack by the English took place apparently in the summer of 1660. This is implied by our author’s statement a few pages earlier (118) that Huret had remained there (viz., at La Giraudiere’s establishment) until 1669 ; and it must certainly have been after the burning of Saint Peters in the winter of 1668-1669, or Huret and his men would have gone there instead of to the very distant Nepisiguit. As to the English force which made the attack, it may have been some piratical excursion from New England, but it was in all probability a

162 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

to the fort, the English took them on board, and gave them a boat to go where they could. Not knowing where to lay his head, Huret and his crew went to my establishment of Nipigiguit, at the head of the Baye des Chaleurs, where my wife in my absence supported them a whole winter.’ I have his note, for which I have not yet been paid. [124] Thus have my industry and my labour given me opportunity to aid in their misfortunes those who thought they could never have enough land for their desire, and who only sought to oppose and to destroy me, in the [very] time when Providence was making me work for their support and to give them bread in their misery.” And this is said without reproach.

From the River Sainte Marie to Cape of Campseaux there is a good ten leagues. Having made four to five leagues along the coast, one comes to a bay where there are rocks. There is no refuge here save for boats. About three leagues out are islands* where one or two vessels [125] can anchor, but

part of the force which Temple had sent in the late autumn of 1668 to expel Le Borgne de Belleisle from Port Royal, where he had just been instailed as governor in accordance with the Treaty of Breda of 1667 (Murdoch, ova Scotta, 1. 142-144). Temple did this as Governor of Nova Scotia, on the ground that Port Royal was not within the limits of the Acadia which had been restored to France by the Treaty of Breda. Since La Giraudiere’s establishment at Sainte Marie was likewise outside the limits of that Acadia, his expulsion also would have been natural.

1 The winter spent by Huret at Nepisiguit would, then, have been that of 1669-1670. The absence of Denys would most naturally be explained by the supposition that he was in France trying to arrange his affairs for a new start after his ruin by the burning of Saint Peters. Heno doubt returned in the spring of 1670 to Nepisiguit, for we know from his son’s memorial of 1689 that he left there for France the next year, 1671.

* The other case of succour to his enemies is mentioned on page 104 of this volume of his book ; apparently he kept the children of his enemy D’Aulnay all one winter, 1654-55, after they had been expelled from Port Royal by the English.

® Apparently the islands can only be Green, Goose, and Harbour Islands, though their distance off shore is much exaggerated by our author. In this case the bay with rocks must be Coddle Harbour (for Tor Bay is too distant), though it is curious he does not mention the fine Country Harbour just to the westward.

AMERICA. CHAP. IV 163

with little safety. Here they make their fishery, and dry the fish upon the islands where there is not much woods. From this bay, continuing the route along the coast, there are only high lands and rocks without refuges.’

1 This account is not accurate, for good harbours occur in this interval.

[126] CHAPTER V

Description of Campseaux, of the Bay and Little Passage of Campseaux as far as the Cape of Saint Louis; of the rivers, of the islands, of the harbours, of the woods, of the hunting, of the fishing, and of that which has happened there of greatest interest.

AMPSEAUX’? is a harbour which has at least three leagues of depth, and from the cape |[Campseaux]| commences the entrance of the Great Bay of

Saint Laurent. The harbour [127] is composed only of a number of islands. There is a large one of about four leagues in circumference where there are streams and springs. It is covered with rather fine trees, but the greater part of them are only Firs, which is a convenience to the fishermen for making their stages, of which I shall speak in the proper place. This island is in the midst of the others, and forms two harbours; one for the Admiral, or the first ship to arrive, and this is the nearest to the entrance from the side towards the sea. The anchorage for the ship is be- tween two islands, where it lies in safety. The other harbour is for the Vice-admiral, and is on the other side of the island, where the ships are not under such good shelter. These two places have gravel beaches, but they have not enough

1 Now written Canso; it was used first by Champlain. It is no doubt of Micmac Indian origin, and Rand, our best authority, derives it from Camsof, meaning ‘‘opposite a high bluff” (A/zcmac Reader, Halifax, 1875, 85). The origin from a sailor named Canse, introduced by Bressani, has been shown

by Laverdiére (Champlain, 278) to be due to a mistaken reading of Thevet. 164

DESCRIPTION OF NORTH AMERICA 165

[128] to dispense with flakes; I shall explain these two terms when I come to speak of the cod-fishery.! The third place is at the little entrance from the side of the Bay of Campseaux. That has no beach, and there flakes are used, All the entrances from both sides are dangerous, [and] it is necessary that ships pass between rocks,” The coast there abounds greatly in fish, above all in Cod,* Mackerel, and Herring, with which [latter] the fishermen make their bait [doze] for catching Cod, which is very fond of it. The fishermen call boite* that which we name bait [appas]; it

1 He explains them very fully in chapter vi. of the second volume of his book.

2 Although our author was no doubt well acquainted with this important locality, his description does not suffice to identify with certainty the places he mentions, even though aided by the best charts and the extensive local knowledge of a resident. The latter is Mr. C. H. Whitman, of Canso, to whom I am indebted for much information about that place. It seems certain that the large island mentioned is the present George Island, including Piscatiqui, which is practically a part of it. The harbour for the admiral, which had good gravel beaches and was nearest the entrance from the sea, must have been one enabling that ship to use the fine series of beaches, the finest in the region, extending from Petit Pas Island along George to Grassy Island ; hence the ship may have been moored in the deep and fairly sheltered harbour between Oliver and Petit Pas Islands, or possibly between Petit Pas and Grassy Islands, where the chart shows a deep though rather exposed basin, or (and most probably) in Squid Cove, between Grassy, Piscatiqui, and George Islands, where the good beach on the western end of Grassy Island could have been used. The second harbour, without such good shelter but with gravel beach, could only have been the present Canso Harbour, for it has the only other important beach in the vicinity (Lanigans Beach). The third, without beach, in the little entrance from the Bay of Camp- seaux, would be somewhere north of Piscatiqui Island, very likely in Georges Harbour between Piscatiqui and Hog Island.

° Canso has been from the very earliest times a cod-fishing centre of the greatest importance, by far the most important in Nova Scotia.

‘ This word dozfe appears to be peculiar to the Acadian and Canadian fishermen and not known in France. It is still in use. Bishop Plessis, in his journal of 1811 (published in Le Foyer Canadien, 1865, 132), says of the Canadian fishermen, that they call douefte that with which the cod is baited ; “on appelle douette le poisson (hareng ou maquereau) avec lequel on appate la morue.” No doubt it is simply the English word “bait,” early adopted by French from English fishermen.

M

166 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

is that which is attached to the hook, the Cod being taken on a line.’

Entering towards the head of the Bay of Campseaux,” which is eight [129] leagues in depth, and setting out from Campseaux and going along the coast, one finds three leagues of continuous rocks. After this appears a great cove with an island in its midst,’ behind which boats can be placed in shelter. The farther one goes into this bay, the finer is the country found to be. Three leagues from the cove, is found a little river which I have named Riviere au Saumon.* Having gone there once to fish, ] made a cast of the seine at its entrance, where it took so great a quantity of Salmon that ten men could not haul it to land, and although it was new, had it not broken the Salmon would have carried it off. We had still [130] a boat full of them. The Salmon there are large; the smallest are three feet long. On another occasion I went to fish four leagues up the river, as high as boats could go. There are two pools into which I had the seine cast; in one I took enough Salmon Trout to fill a barrel, and in the other a hundred and twenty Salmon. The river runs much farther inland, but only canoes can go there. On the left bank of this river there are high lands covered with beautiful trees, and along this bank near the water there are many Pines. On the bank at the right the land becomes lower, and is covered with the same kinds of trees which I have already described. In ascending [131] the river one finds meadows as high up as boats can go, [and] the river makes an island which is likewise meadows. ‘The grass

1 It is at this point in our author’s book that the Dutch edition of 1688 interpolates the description and picture of the merman and the attempts to capture him. This is printed earlier, with the illustration, at page 80 in this work.

2 Now called Chedabucto Bay.

2 A good description of Queensport, with Rook Island. The account of the coast and of the country is accurate, as I know from observation.

4 Salmon River, by which name it is now known.

AMERICA. CHAP. V 167

there is fine, and grows as high asa man.’ It was the fodder for our cows when we were at Chedabouctou, which is two leagues farther into the head of the bay.

Chedabouctou* is the Indian name which this river bears. A fine harbour is formed there by means of a dike of gravel of six hundred feet in length. This bars the mouth of this river, with the exception of the entrance which is a pistol shot wide, and makes inside a sort of basin. This dike still stands out five or six feet at high Meese that the [132] entrance thereto is very easy.” A ship of a hundred tons can enter there easily and remain always afloat. The land is very good, although the two banks of the river are bordered with rocks. Higher up there are very fine trees, of the kinds which I have already named.

This was the place which I had chosen for constructing my storehouses in order to establish a sedentary fishery. I had a hundred and twenty men at work there, as well at building as at farming. I had about thirty arpents of land cleared, of which a part was in crops. All these lands are returned to their primitive state and the buildings are ruined. I had already two of them constructed, of sixty feet in length, with one [133] other of equal size, of which the frame was ready to be raised, when La Giraudiere came to

1 This account of Salmon River, as I am informed by Dr. A. C. Jost, of Guysborough, is in the main accurate, but the distance to the head of tide is only about two miles. The two banks of the river are as Denys describes, the south side being still in forest and the north under cultivation, while the meadow island exists near the head of tide. Salmon and trout abound there, though the salmon have not now a reputation for exceptional size.

2A Micmac Indian name from Sedabooktook, meaning “running far back,” according to Rand (Micmac Reader, 85) ; it is descriptive, I presume, of the great length of Guysborough Harbour. Its earliest use known to me is in the Jesuit Relation of 1661 (Thwaites’ Jesuzt Relations, VIII. 292, XXIV. 310).

® This account of the harbour is strictly accurate, as I can say from my own knowledge, and as shown in part by the accompanying map.

168 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

attack me.* It was this which compelled me to leave everything and retire to the fort of Saint Pierre in the Island of Cap Breton; and it ruined me in all my business to such an extent that it has hardly ever been within my power to put my affairs again upon the basis where they were formerly.

Leaving Chedabouctou and going to the entrance of the Little Passage of Campseaux, one passes four leagues of high lands and of rocks, which continue to grow lower as far

1 The full account of this affair with La Giraudiere is given by our author earlier in his book, at pages 13 and 117, where it is shown that it occurred in 1667. No facts exist, so far as I can find, to prove in what year the establish- ment at Chedabucto was founded. Since Denys had buildings erected and considerable land in crops, it must have been founded a year or two before 1667, though the language implies that it was not long before. Further, he was living at Saint Peters in 1664 when Sieur Doublet came to see him, as he tells in his book (Volume II. page 239), and hence apparently had not made his principal residence at Chedabucto. On the other hand, the Relation of 1661 (Thwaites’ Jesuzt Relations, XX1V. 310), shows there was a mission at Chedabucto in 1661 ; it is not made plain whether it was for the Indians alone or for a French settlement, though the use of the word “habitation” in the Relation implies the latter. It would seem most likely, therefore, that Denys established his fishing- station at Chedabucto as early as 1660, though he kept Saint Peters as a trading post and his principal residence.

Except for the flag shown upon his map, our author gives us no hint as to the exact site of his establishment at Chedabucto. But I believe there can be no doubt it was at Fort Point at the western entrance to the harbour, where later stood Bergiers Fort, of which the remains can still be seen. This is the local tradition, and there is no competing site about the harbour ; it is in agreement with the position of the flag on our author’s map, and all physiographical and other evidence from probability favours it. I have myself been able to study the place. The fort site is the best centre for the cod- fishery in the vicinity, being within the shelter of the harbour, though close to the fishing grounds outside, has an admirable landing beach just above the point, is very near the great bar which must have been very well adapted to the drying of fish, and in the immediate vicinity has ample fertile upland for cultivation, of which Denys speaks. The fort site itself is on an elevated clay-and-gravel point, now an open hayfield, commanding a remarkable view

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AMERICA. CHAP. V 169

as a little island.’ And there the lands are low, marshy, and full of little salt-water ponds, in which there is found a great abundance of game. A league farther on, one [134] finds another bay into which there runs a great tidal current. The entrance is narrow; there is a bar of sand, and boats can only enter at high tide. Inside it becomes dry at low tide, and into it there run two little streams. This place is named the Riviere du Mouton.” The hunting is excellent on the land, which is very good; the country is pleasing. The woods there are very fine; there are few Firs. All the coast is the same as far as the Little Passage of Campseaux,’ which is between the mainland and the Island of Cap Breton, on which appears a great cape of red soil.* Continuing eight or nine leagues, one finds a great cape, very high; and all this coast is high, with rocks [135] covered with large Firs.

not only along both coasts, but over the beautiful basin forming Guysborough Harbour.

The earth ramparts, stone heaps, hollows, and well, which are still visible, are without doubt remains of Bergier’s Fort Saint Louis, of 1685, which is de- scribed by Murdoch (ova Scotia, 1.164). Some idea of the situation is given by the accompanying photograph, for which I am indebted to Dr. Jost. The site is wonderfully adapted for the defence of the harbour, but this probably had no influence in fixing Denys’ establishment there, since, as he tells us, it was not fortified except hastily and temporarily to resist La Giraudiere’s attack. Charlevoix gives a good plan of Chedabucto in his History of 1744, and there is very interesting matter about it by De Meulles in 1686, in Memorials of the English and French Commissaries, 1755, 768.

1 Ragged Island: the charts show the several ponds.

2 Now called the Goose Pond. The charts show its agreement with our author’s description, and the best maps show the two streams, which are of some size.

’ The Strait (or Gut) of Canso. It was called Little Passage to distinguish it from the Grand Passage between Cape Breton and Newfoundland, which is now called Cabot Strait. Champlain used Passage de Canceau. After 1672 it became known for a time as Passage or Detroit de Fronsac, for a reason given on the next page of our author’s book.

It is surprising that Denys dismisses with such brevity this noble water- way, so charming in its bold scenery and so important in the geography of this region.

4 Undoubtedly the conspicuous red Flat Head, just east of, and perhaps including, Bear Head, at the southern entrance to the strait.

170 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

At the foot of this great cape, which is steep clear to its base, there is a cove; those vessels which are going into the Great Bay of Saint Laurens to make) theipanemeny, and which arrive on the coast at a very early time and are not able to enter into the Great Bay of Saint Taurens by the Grand Passage because of the ice-fields, come to seek this Little Passage, and place themselves at anchor in this cove to let the ice pass by. This place is called Fronsac.* I have seen there as many as eight or ten vessels, and although the current was extremely strong in this Little Passage, the ice did not inconvenience the vessels at this place, because of a great point which advances and [136] turns aside the tide which would carry the ice from the Great Bay, and throws it off on the side of the Island of Cap Breton. That which would come from the other direction is also thrown by the great cape against the side of this island.’

1 The identity of these localities is unmistakable. The “great cape” is Cape Porcupine, a massive abrupt head, over 600 feet high ; while the cove called Fronsac, the Havre de /ronsac of our author's map, is the cove just to the southward, formerly called McNairs Cove, now Port Mulgrave.

It was, of course, from this Harbour of Fronsac that the Strait of Canso took its temporary name of Passage de Fronsac (compare note 3 on the preced- ing page). We have no knowledge as to why, when, or by whom Fronsac was first used, but presumably it was given by French fishermen, perhaps by Denys himself, to honour Cardinal Richelieu, who, according to Forsyth de Fronsac’s Memorial (59), became Duc de Fronsac in 1634. It is very likely that it was from this place our author’s son Richard assumed his title of Sieur de Fronsac. As earlier shown (page 22 of this book), the current statement that Nicolas Denys was Sieur de Fronsac is an error.

* This “great point,” as shown by the context, can only be that forming the western side of the northern entrance to the strait. It would naturally be supposed that Cape Jack was the point, but that is excluded by our author's later description. That this point thus tends to throw the drift ice of the gulf across the head of the strait seems to some extent confirmed by the set of the tidal currents shown by the charts, while the fact that Cape Porcupine throws the ice over against Cape Breton, leaving Port Mulgrave in safety, is a well-known fact of local importance. Mr. David Murray, of Mulgrave, writes me : “Theice runs from Porcupine to the Cape Breton side, thence south to Eddy Point, now called Sand Point. McNairs Cove (Mulgrave) was and is the only harbour in the spring of the year for shelter for vessels from the drift ice.”

AMERICA. CHAP. V 171

This place is the narrowest in the Little Passage, and it can only be a cannon shot from the mainland to the island.

Setting out from this cove, and before passing by the point, there are ponds’ of salt water in which are found quantities of good Oysters which are very large, and of Mussels in yet greater abundance. Having passed the point one finds a little river into which boats can enter. Inside is found an island which separates a large [137] bay into two, into which fall two streams. Here is found also an abundance of Oysters and Mussels. The country is pleasing and beautiful; the trees are like the others, but with more Cedars and Poplars. The land there is flat. The bay has some two leagues of circuit, and is shallow in some places. It is dry at low water. Muddy sands are formed where are found quantities of shell-fish of all kinds good to eat. This forms the chief subsistence of the Indians during the spring. From there, after having gone some two leagues farther along the coast,” one finds another bay named Articoug- nesche.” Along this coast everywhere are sands, which at low tide become dry [138] as much as three leagues towards the sea. And along the border of the land there are many ponds of salt water, and fine meadows in which is found a

1 These ponds must be Aulds Cove (Mill Cove) and Archie Pond (Irwins Pond); the point must be that at North Canso; the little river, with the bay and the two islands can only be the present Harbour Bouché. But I am informed by Mr. David Murray, of Mulgrave, that no oysters now occur in any of these places, nor have old residents heard of their former occurrence there. Yet it is quite probable they did occur there in Denys’ time, since they still exist at the Oyster Pond, Goose Pond, and Carney Shoal, between the Gut of Canso and Guysborough, according to Mr. Murray.

* These two leagues would bring one past Cape Jack, where begins that great bight, including all the southern part of Saint Georges Bay, which our author calls the Bay of Antigonish.

3 This is the earliest known use of this name, which persists as Antigonish. It is of Micmac Indian origin, according to Rand (Micmac Reader, 82), from “ Nalegttkooneéch, meaning ‘where branches are torn off, viz. by the bears gathering beechnuts.”

172 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

great quantity of game.’ Beyond the meadows the lands are good, and with very fine trees. Then having advanced about six leagues, continuing the route along the coast, there occurs a river” by which the Indians come in canoes in the spring to bring their furs secretly to the fishermen, to whom this is not permitted, but who nevertheless give them tobacco and brandy in exchange.

Continuing the tour of the bay, the land there is diver- sified with ponds and meadows, with the exception of certain places covered [139] with Firs and Cedars. In the extremity of this bay, there is found a little entrance between two points leading into a great cove, all flat, in which there is a channel admitting boats. At a good cannon shot from this entrance is found the river of Mirliguesche* which gives its name to this bay. It is deep and extends far into the country. During the spring and the autumn, this cove is quite covered with Wild Geese, Ducks, Teal and all other kinds of game. Their number is so great that it cannot be imagined. They remain there until after All Saints. In this same place there are excellent Oysters, and at the [140] entrance of the river on the left, there are still more of them. They are [piled] like rocks one over the other.* In ascending this river there are

1 This coast is not known to me personally, but the best charts show that in general our author’s description is correct, though the distance the dry sands extend out to sea is exaggerated.

2 This river I take to be the Pomquet. The illicit trading of the fishermen with the Indians is very fully described by our author in Volume II. of his book, page 471 e¢ seg.

3 Our author is obviously here describing the Antigonish River, and I can only interpret A/zrliguesche as a bad misprint for Avticougnesche. This is con- firmed both by his map and by his earlier remark (on page 137) that the name of the bay was Articougnesche. His description of the river perfectly fixes its identity ; the continuous rocks of plaster (intermixed, in fact, with limestones) are described by Dawson in his Acadian Geology (4th ed., 347). The two rivers are, of course, the South and West Rivers.

4 Our authors very frequent mention of the oyster along this coast, con- tinuing all the way to Bay Chaleur, and his lack of any mention of them on the Atlantic coast or in the Bay of Fundy, corresponds precisely with their actual

AMERICA. CHAP. V 173

on the left bank two leagues of continuous rocks of plaster, which are rather high. This being passed the lands are good for three leagues along both banks, and covered with fine trees, large and very high, intermixed with Oaks and with some Pines. At the end of these three leagues one meets with two other rivers forming a fork, which empty into the former. These come from far inland and by them the Indians, who live there in great numbers, come in the spring to trade their furs. The hunting there is rather good. The country is flat with a great extent [141] of meadows upon both banks. These two rivers come from lakes which are at their heads, and in which the Indians kill a quantity of Beavers.’

Three leagues from this river, continuing the route along the coast, there is found a little cove where the sea enters; its bottom is nothing but mud, through the middle of which flows a stream.” During the spring and autumn there are caught there a great quantity of Bass, which is a very good fish of two or three feet in length. The Indians take them with a lance fastened to a shaft of about seven feet in length, which they thrust at the fish when they perceive it; and in an [142] hour they load a canoe with them, which means about two hundred of these fish. Thence the coast runs to Cape Saint Louis,’ always ascending, for a distance of four leagues.

geographical distribution in this region. The distribution of the oyster in Acadia is described, with a mention of the testimony of Denys on the subject, in the Bulletin of the Natural History Society of New Brunswick, No. V111., 1889, 46 ; while the geological causes of its remarkably anomalous distribution are fully dis- cussed in the Zvamsactions of the Royal Society of Canada, V1I1., 1890, iv. 167.

1 The statement is correct as to the lakes; the South River in particular not only has lakes of its own, but these lie in close proximity to a considerable group on the heads of the Saint Marys, Country Harbour, and Salmon Rivers.

* This must be the present Morriston Pond.

> Appears first, in Latin, on the Creuxius map of 1660; it persisted upon French charts until 1744 or later, when it became replaced by Cape Saint George, which appears to have been given by Des Barres in making his charts for his great work, 7e Atlantic Neptune. The cape is very high, as our author states, being fully 600 feet. The little basin at the foot of the cape is shown by the chart on its northern side.

174 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH AMERICA

That cape 1s also extremely high, and it is visible for twenty leagues. I have ascended to its top, where there are fine trees, very high and stout, although from below they seem only like bushes. Descending in the direction of the Great Bay of Saint Laurens the land is covered with the same woods. At the foot of this cape there are rocks which form a little basin ; here it is possible to find shelter for a boat in bad weather in case of need; it has entrances from both sides. There are found quantities of Lobsters among all [143] those rocks. If one is imprisoned here by bad weather, he can always find something for subsistence. There occur also some Ducks and Eiders along the coast; these place themselves under shelter behind certain rocks to avoid the billows of the sea, which rage furiously when the winds blow against the coast. If one is passing by this cape, it is necessary to take great care against carrying full sail, and the wisest persons take them down entirely to render it a homage. I am referring to boats, for vessels pass at a distance and do not approach so close as do boats even if there is only wind enough just to fill the sail. The height of this cape makes a squall so bad [144] no matter how little wind there may be, that if it were to strike the full sail it would turn the boat keel up, many having thus turned over there. It is necessary to pass this place with the oar for the greatest surety, and it is no sooner passed than one finds the wind entirely calm.

[145] CHAPTER VI

Which describes the Island of Cap Breton, its ports, harbours, iis rivers and the islands which are dependencies of it; the nature of the land; of the kinds of woods, of the jishing, of the hunting, and all that it contains.

RETURN to the Island of Cap Breton before passing

farther along.’ It is distant some ten leagues from the

Cape of Campseaux. It is eighty leagues in circuit, comprising the Island of Sainte Marie* which is adjacent to it, and situated in such manner that it forms [146] two passages. One is between it and the mainland called the entrance of the Little Passage of Campseaux, of which I have already spoken earlier, while the other entrance is a stretch of six leagues between it and the Island of Cap Breton,’ by means of which one goes from the Little Passage

? Our author’s description of Cape Breton, inadequate though it is to the interest and importance of the place, is yet an immense advance over that of its only predecessor—the brief account by Champlain. As elsewhere, Denys’ description is accurate in general, though often erroneous in detail, especially as to distances.

The most recent and authoritative source of information upon Cape Breton is Bourinot’s Monograph in the Zyransactions of the Royal Society of Canada, 1X., 1891, 11. 173-342, though unfortunately this work contains a number of minor errors relative to our author. Through Bourinot’s work all others of earlier date, including Brown’s admirable history of the island, may be traced. An important early map of the island is that in Charlevoix’s History of 1744. On the origin of the name Cape Breton, consult note under page 153 of this volume of our author’s book.

2 Later called Isle Madame, now Madam Island. It is called Sainte Marie (in Latin) on the Creuxius map of 1660, and Bellin’s map of 1744 of Cape Breton names Arichat Harbour Port Se. Marie.

’ The account is somewhat confused. The first passage is evidently that 175

176 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

of Campseaux to the Fort of Saint Pierre." The passage can only be made by longboats, and even with them it is necessary to be on the lookout for the channel or canal from the entrance of the Little Passage. Proceeding along the Island of Sainte Marie, on its outer side, one comes to a little island, quite round, [and] three leagues distant, called Isle Verte. To go there it is necessary to hold out to sea. This coast 1s strewn with rocks which advance a good league into the sea for three leagues [147] continuously, where formerly vessels were lost. This being passed and coming to Isle Verte,” it is needful to leave it on the right in order to enter into the Bay of Saint Pierre. There one anchors in front of a point of sand a little out from the land.’ Vessels cannot approach nearer to Saint Pierre than a distance of three leagues; longboats are able to come up to it. But it is necessary to be well acquainted with the channel, which winds about; and besides there is a quantity of rocks which are not visible. The fort is built at the foot of a mountain which is almost quite vertical. It is difficult to ascend to its top from that side. There is a pond on its top which gives rise to a number of springs at the foot of the mountain, which runs in falling on one side towards La- [148] brador eight or nine hundred paces of length. On the other side, that of the entrance, it falls about five hundred paces to a

through Chedabucto Bay to the Strait of Canso, while the second is that from the strait to Saint Peters, now called Lennox Passage, and correctly described by our author.

1 This name appears first on Sanson’s map of 1656. Probably it was given by our author when he established his post here in 1650.

2 Some difficulty in the identification of this island is introduced by a reference later, on page 152; but I think without doubt it is the little island still called Green Island on our charts. The course for one going around Isle Madame to Saint Peters would be between it and Petitdegrat Island, that is, leaving it on the right.

8 Apparently off Double Head of the modern charts. There is a safe channel for large vessels right up to Saint Peters, though it is somewhat tor- tuous ; it is used constantly by vessels passing through Saint Peters Canal.

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AMERICA. CHAP. VI 177

cove, into which a little river empties. In this are taken in winter plenty of ponnamon’; this is a little fish almost like a gudgeon, which is excellent. All the top of this mountain is of good land; the trees are fine, and it is there, on its top, I had my clearing made. I have here a good eighty arpents of cultivated land, which I had sown every year

before my fire.”

1 The Micmac Indian name for the tomcod, a common fish of this region. Rand’s Micmac Dictionary, 266, gives it as foonamoo. Lescarbot uses the form dounamou, and Le Clercq (160) has fomamon. The name is in common use among the Acadians to this day as ‘ate atleade as I am informed by Dr. A. C. Smith.

2 Our author’s account of Saint Peters, as I know from personal study of the place, is accurate, and recognisable in every feature, despite some changes in the immediate vicinity of the fort-site, caused by the building of the Saint Peters Canal. The moun- tain, Mount Granville, rises steeply from near the fort, as Denys states. At its foot, near the canal, are three or four springs, and, if one follows up the hollow, or swale, above them, he will come to the little pond supposed by our author to feed them ; it is now a marsh, some 35 to 40 yards long and 15 to 20 wide, filled with flags and rushes, but no doubt was a genuine pond “5 i two hundred and fifty years ago. <sme iis The mountain does fall in one a Gene 4, of a mile to 1 inch direction to the Bras d’Or, and in the other to a cove into which flows the little river, Kavanagh Creek. On top the mountain is not now cultivated, but mostly covered with dense, second- growth spruce, from one of the openings in which, commanding a fine view to the west, the accompanying photograph of Saint Peters was taken.

The site of Denys’ fort is perfectly well known locally and marked with ample remains. Even without these the detail of our author’s description would enable us to locate it. Yet there is much error about it current in our principal books. In an article in the Popular Science Monthly for May 1885, R. G. Hali- burton cites Indian tradition to the effect that these remains antedated the arrival of the French, and, on the basis of a curious cannon found here, he suggests that they may be Portuguese. This was adopted as probable by Patterson in his work on the Portuguese in North America in 7vansactions of the Royal Society of Canada, V\I11., 1890, ii. 168. Both writers were entirely ignorant of

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178 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

The land which is at the foot of the other side of the mountain from the fort extends more than ten leagues with nothing but Firs upon it, and with land of no value as far as [149] a little river where good land is found, and in which Salmon are caught. There are also meadows there.

The way is rather good, for approaching Labrador.* That

Denys’ establishment here, and their theory is wholly groundless. Again, Bourinot, apparently following Brown’s usually accurate book, gives in his work on Cape Breton a very unfortunate, if not erroneous, location to the site of Denys’ fort, which he seems to have confused with the ruins of Fort Toulouse, erected much later just east of Jerome Point ; and he has been followed by MacLeod in his Markland, 494, who has attributed to Denys’ fort the extant plans of Fort Toulouse mentioned below.

Denys’ fort stood on an elevated glacial bank about two hundred and fifty feet west of the present entrance to the canal. It commands a charming and characteristic coast view. The site slopes gently towards the sea, and is surrounded on three sides by a low embankment, from one or two up to three feet in height, which formed, no doubt, the foundation for the stout wall of pickets which enclosed the fort. Within the enclosure stands the lockmaster’s house, the dwelling in the foreground of the accompanying photograph, just beyond the long building. The enclosure is forty paces across and thirty-four deep, and no doubt was originally square, but the front embankment is now missing. The residents agree that it was carried away by the sea, which formerly washed against a steep bank, the edge of which was in the position of the dotted line on the accompanying map. All of the present point outside this line is artificial, and was built up to dispose of material dug from the canal. The appearance of the place prior to the building of the canal is well shown in the map given by Haliburton (Vova Scotia, II. 239), where it is designated as “Old Redoubt.” The other “Old Redoubt” on the mountain, the remains of which are still visible, is a much later work, locally said to have been erected by Hon. Geo. Moore, by order of the British Government, but never used. The fort is shown, marked “ Redoute ruinée,” on a plan of Port Toulouse, of 1734, mentioned in the Report on Canadian Archives, 1905, 1. Zaventory, 20.

The residents say that few relics have been found on thesite. The principal one was a cannon made of iron bars hooped together, which was dug up in the north-east corner of the embankment ; it is a relic of some interest, since it was largely upon this that Haliburton and Patterson built their Portuguese theory.

The site of the fort is now owned by the Dominion Government, and this fact encourages the hope that its remains may be preserved indefinitely without further change. Surely the interest of this historic place, and the memory of that great Acadian, Denys, are entitled to this consideration.

1 Tt seems quite certain that this “little river of the salmon” is identical with the detzt R. du Somon of Denys’ map, which is plainly the present Grand River. The Grand in this word, by the way, does not refer to size, but, as in

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AMERICA. CHAP. VI 179

which is called Labrador’ is a stretch of sea, cutting in half the Island of Cap Breton, with the exception of eight hundred paces or thereabouts of land which remain between the Fort of Saint Pierre and the extremity of this sea of Labrador. It forms a kind of gulf with an entrance on the eastward of the Island of Cap Breton, while it ends on the west on the side of the Fort of Saint Pierre. I have had a road made through this distance * in order to transport boats, by dragging, from one water to the other, and to avoid the circuit which [150] it would be necessary to make by way of the sea. The tide rises even to the extremity of the gulf, and it is reckoned twenty leagues from its entrance up to within eight hundred paces from the Fort where it ends. When it is high tide in Labrador, it is low tide on the other shore opposite the Fort.? The opening of this little sea of Labrador

the case of other Grand Rivers in these provinces, has reference to its use as a route of travel (like a grand chemin, a “highway”). The best maps show that it heads close over to the Bras d’Or, to which no doubt there was an Indian portage. These facts lead me to believe that our author’s sentence, “la traite y est assez bonne en tirant vers Labrador,” has the significance I give it in the translation above, rather than its more literal rendering, “the trading there is rather good in approaching Labrador.”

1 Our author gives the earliest known use of this remarkable name, whose origin, despite much learned discussion, is still unknown. On the various theories, compare Bourinot, of. czt., 261. It is important to note that the original form, used both in text and on map by Denys, is Labrador. The present form, 4vas @’Or, apparently originated with Des Barres, and represents one of those modern attempts to give a French form to a supposedly French name, of which there are several other examples in Acadia. It seems not to be a corruption of the Micmac Indian name, which is Petoobok or Biteauboc. There is no connection of any kind, so far as known, between this name Labrador and that of the great peninsula north of the Gulf of Saint Lawrence.

2 An interesting later reference to this road occurs, under date 1716, in instructions for Sr. ’ Hermite, who is to survey Cape Breton Island. He is to “examine whether the road made by Sr. Denys, formerly Governor of the island, extending from the Gulf called Labrador, to Port Toulouse [later name for Saint Peters Bay] still exists, and can be used” (Report on Canadian Archives, 1899, Supplement, 509).

’ This statement about the tides is misleading, if not inaccurate, according to information sent me by Dr. Bissett of Saint Peters. The level of the Bras d’Or does not vary with the tide, but fluctuates a few inches under the influence

180 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

is at the east, exactly opposite to the other end. The cause of this difference of tide is that the Bay of Saint Pierre has its opening directly towards the west, in addition to which it is never high tide in a harbour except the moon is directly opposite the entrance of the harbour, whether it be above or below the horizon. In Labrador, there is a great basin or pond of eight leagues in length and five in [151] breadth, with coves on each side which enter a good way into the lands. All around Labrador is bordered with mountains, a part of which are of plaster. The lands are not very good, although the hills are covered with trees, of which the greater part are Pines and Firs mingled with Birches and Beeches.’ The fishery there is not of much worth. There are found only oysters, which are not good when they are first taken because they are far too fresh.* But they have a peculiarity which is that one can keep them eight or ten days without their losing their water, after which they are salted, and lose the insipidity which is produced in them by the fresh water of the rivers at [152] the mouths of which they are found.

Setting out from the port of Saint Pierre, in the direction of —

Campseaux, to make the circuit of the island, and turning towards its eastern part, one meets with the Isle Verte.*

of strong winds. Its level is about that of high tide. Hence, when the tide is —

high at Saint Peters, it and the waters of La Bras d’Or are at about the same level, but when low at Saint Peters it is from four to seven feet below the level of the Bras d’Or. It is possible it is the latter statement only which our author meant to make.

1 This, of course, is the Bras d’Or Lake.

2 Our author knew the Bras d’Or personally, as his book more than once implies (compare pages 4, 5 of Volume I.); and his account, judging from

charts and modern descriptions, is in general accurate. The mountains of ©

plaster occur there with frequency. One of the many arms he mentions

receives the River Denys, which presumably, but by no means assuredly (for —

there were Indian chiefs of this name), was named after our author.

3 These oysters still have this reputation, though not to the extreme of our

author’s statement. 4 This presumably is the same Green Island mentioned earlier, on page 146,

AMERICA. CHAP. VI 18]

Thence one goes to the Michaur’ Islands which are three leagues from it; these are rocks which are thus named. The fishery for Cod there is good. Thence to Havre L’Anglois? is reckoned ten leagues. All the coast is nothing but rocks, and at the entrance of this harbour is found an island which must be kept on the left. Ships being once inside are in safety. The anchorage there is good. All the lands around it are nothing but banks of rather high rocks. At their feet is a little pond where are caught [153] great numbers of mes Phe fishery for Cod is very good there. The men of Olonne* came here in old times to winter in order to be first upon the Grand Banc for the fishery of green Cod, and to be the first back to France, because the fish 1s sold much better when first brought in. Three leagues therefrom is found the Port de la Baleine,* which is another good harbour but dificult of entrance because of the quantity of rocks which are met with there. Thence one goes to the Fourillon? which

yet one hardly meets (¢vouve) it in going on the route our author is taking. This difficulty has led Bourinot to identify it, but wrongly asI think, with Saint Peters Island of the chart.

1 This name, which on our author’s map occurs as ichou, and on modern charts Michaux, appears to be the same as the /. Michaelis of Creuxius’ map of 1660. The origin is not obvious.

2 This name, apparently due to the early resort there of English fishing vessels, occurs first in an English narrative of 1597 as English port (Hakluyt, reprinted by Bourinot, o/. czz., 306). It later became famous as the Harbour of Louisbourg. The island is Goat, or Green, Island, and the pond is that at the western angle of the harbour.

’ That is, from Les Sables d’Olonne, not far from La Rochelle. Our author speaks again of these men in his second volume, page 32, when treating of the fishery.

4 Used by Champlain, and still persists as Baleine Cove. It means, of course, ‘‘ Whale Harbour.” It was here that Sir James Stuart established him- self in 1629, but was expelled by Captain Daniel, who built a new fort at Saint Annes. Port Baleine is but a small place despite its brave appearance on our author’s map.

® Of this name I find but one other record—in an undated, anonymous map which I possess belonging not long after Denys wrote. It occurs also at Gaspé, where it is still in use, as noted later under page 234 of this volume of our author’s work.

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182 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

is behind Cap Breton. Cap Breton* is only an island, and the part of the island which bears this name, and which looks to the south-east is all rocks; among these, nevertheless, ships are placed [154] under shelter for the fishery, which is very good there. All the lands of this country are worth very little, although there are fine woods on the tops of the hills, such as Birches, Beeches, and for the greater part Firs and some Pines. Passing farther along one comes to the Riviere des Espagnols,? at whose entrance ships can anchor in safety. There 1s a hill of very good coal four leagues farther within the river. The land there is rather good. On the other side it is covered with Birches, Beeches, Maples, Ashes, and some few Oaks. Pines and Firs are also found there. From the head of the river one crosses to Labrador; it is necessary to pass two [155] or three leagues of forest for this purpose. Leaving the Riviere des Espagnols to go to the entrance of Labrador, one travels three leagues where are nothing but rocks, and at their end is the entrance of Petit Chibou,® or of Labrador. In this inlet there is also coal. Here begins

1 The small island on which is the original Cape Breton is shown by the charts. The name is very old, perhaps the oldest European name on the con- tinent of North America. It goes back certainly to the Maggiolo map of 1527, and perhaps to 1504, and is probably descriptive of the resort there of Breton fishermen. Originally applied to the cape only, it had been extended to the entire large island at least as early as 1597, and perhaps 1594, as shown by English narratives of those dates (Hakluyt, reprinted by Bourinot, 305).

* The earliest known use of this name (presumably so called from the early resort there of Spanish fishing vessels) which persists as Spanish Bay, though the “river” 1s called now Sydney Harbour. The “hill of coal” now forms the source of the prosperity of the mining town of Sydney. On our authors map the harbour is called La Rk. Denys, no doubt after himself; it was there the coal was mined by the settlers and others who paid him a royalty (compare earlier under page 74 of this work). The short portage to an arm of Bras d’Or is shown by the charts.

3 This name is undoubtedly Micmac Indian, meaning “river.” It first appears in an English narrative of 1597 as Czbo (Hakluyt, reprinted by Bourinot, op. cit., 306), and it is used, and the place described, in the /Jesuzt Relation of 1634. It still survives in the Ciboux Rocks and Islands off Cape Dauphin. Presumably our author applies the “ Little” and “Great” correctly.

AMERICA. CHAP. VI 183

a great bay which extends near to Niganiche; it is eight or ten leagues in breadth. Within this bay are quantities of rocks where the Cormorants make their nests. Into the land of all these rocks, at the right, enters the Grand Chibou, which is the entrance of the Harbour of Sainte Anne.* This is good and very spacious. Its entrance is between two points, and is not a hundred feet in breadth. Vessels of three or four hundred tons can [156] enter there at all tides. The anchorage is good, and if the cables were to fail one would run aground only upon mud flats. The harbour can hold a thousand vessels. The basin is surrounded with hills, and with very high rocks. Ships can bring the bowsprit to the land on the right in entering, that is to say, can bring themselves so close to the land without danger that the spar of the bowsprit, which is in front of the ship, can touchthere. The rock there is cliff-like. There are some little rivers and streams which fall into it and which come from all these mountains. At the end or ex- tremity of the harbour there is a mountain of rock, white as milk, which is also as hard as marble.” In another place there

1 This name appears first in Champlain, and persists to this day.

2 Our author’s account of Saint Annes, which he knew well, is accurate, as the charts and descriptions testify. I have not myself seen it, but I have received ample information from one who knows it intimately, Hon. William Ross, of Se Halifax. The harbour is considered one of |: the finest in Nova Scotia, and for this reason came near being chosen as the site of Louis- bourg. The white mountain is no doubt the cliff of gypsum between the North and South Gut, while the land of coloured pebbles must be the “gypsiferous conglomerate” marked by the map of the Geological Survey on the north side of Mill Creek.

The statement occurs in many books that Nicolas Denys had an establishment or fort at Saint Annes, but, as shown earlier in this work (page 24), this is not strictly correct. This indeed we might infer from the fact that, while he describes in detail every establishment he is known to have had in Acadia

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184 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

is a |157]| deposit of fine gravel all mixed in several colours. Fragments of it of considerable size have fallen out on the coast, against which the sea beats without their being shattered to pieces. But on the contrary they harden so much in the air and water that tools cannot force out the least little piece, a fact which makes me believe that they would not be less beautiful to polish than marble, as would be also the white rock of which I have just been speaking, if one would be willing to make trial of them. There is fishing for Salmon in the harbour, but the Mackerel there is [especially] abundant. Some are caught there of monstrous bigness and length; they are taken with the line at the entrance to the harbour. This is a point of sand [158] where is found an abundance of shellfish. There are also ponds at the foot of the hills where there is very good hunting for Wild Geese, Ducks and all

other kinds of game. Leaving there and going to Niganiche* one passes eight

nowhere in his book does he mention one at Saint Annes. Yet it is likely his brother Simon Denys did have there the post described by his grand- son, Denys de la Ronde, in 1713 (see Document, page 78)—a fort with cultivated fields and an orchard. We have no direct evidence as to the site of this establishment, yet the probabilities point definitely to one posi- tion. On the commanding high land on the south side of the entrance to the harbour is an old fort-site, the only one known about the harbour. It was here, as the /Jesuzt Relations for 1634 (Thwaites’ ed., VIII. 157), clearly show, that Captain Daniel built his fort in 1629, as related by Champlain ; and here after 1713 was built the Fort Dauphin, contemporary of Louisbourg, shown on Charlevoix’s detailed plan, and of which traces still remain. Con- sidering the commanding position of this site, its convenience for the fishery (including, perhaps, a fine great drying beach opposite), the lack of any other known early French site about the harbour, the presence of earlier clearings and defences, and the occurrence of cultivable land close by, it seems altogether likely that Simon Denys’ establishment, which was founded about 1650, stood here. But there is no evidence that it was ever re-established after its seizure by Madame d’Aulnay in 1650 or 1651, and this is confirmed by its absence from the map of 1658. Of course all traces of it were obliterated by the building of Fort Dauphin later on the same site. The statement that D’Aulnay had an establishment there (Murdoch, Nova Scofza, 1. 181), is simply a reference to the seizure of Simon Denys’ post (page 11) earlier.

1 Now Ingonish; it appears first in Champlain as Niganis. Our author

AMERICA. CHAP. VI 185

leagues of coast having shores of rocks extremely high and steep asa wall. If a ship were to be lost, there would be no rescue for anyone, while Niganiche, which is two leagues from the point, is not a bit better. This is properly nothing but a roadstead, between islands which make a little out to sea opposite 2 cove of sand. Ships anchor there between the islands and the main land. Sometimes as many as three ships are there, but they are not in [159] safety. It is nevertheless the place first occupied on all the coast, because the fishing there is good and early [prime]. ‘This word prime is the same as to say that the fish abounds there and 1s caught early. From Fourillon or Cap Breton, it may be eighteen to twenty leagues to Niganiche, and thence to Cap de Nort? is five to six leagues, the entire coast being of rocks. At Cap de Nort is a place for a vessel, which is able to make its fishery there. From Cap de Nort to Le Chadye”* there are about fifteen to sixteen leagues. All this coast is nothing but rocks covered with Firs, inter- mingled with some little Birches. There are found some sandy coves into which hardly even a boat can enter. This coast is [160] dangerous. Le Chadye is a great cove which has about two leagues of depth. In its extremity is a beach of sand intermingled with gravel which the sea has made, behind which is a pond of salt water. This cove is bor- dered with rocks on both shores. ‘The Cod is very abundant

plainly applies the name to Ingonish Island, which is very high andsteep. Not only is it thus on his map, but his statement on this page, that it was two leagues from the point, which can only be the point to the southward at the end of the eight leagues of cliffs, seems to settle this. Andon a preceding page, 155, he speaks of the bay west of the entrance of Labrador as extending near to Niganiche. The word is no doubt of Micmac Indian origin.

* The earliest known use of this descriptive name, which still persists as Cape North.

* This place seems to be the same as our modern Cheticamp (or Chetican). It appears upon an undated anonymous MS. map I possess as Le Grand Chaay, suggesting the possibility that Cheticamp is a corruption of Chady grand, the Chady being Micmac Indian. It occurs on the Cononelli map of 1689 as Ochatis, evidently taken from the Creuxius map of 1660.

186 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

in this bay, and this attracts vessels there, although they are often lost because of the little shelter it affords.

Continuing the route along the coast, which ts only hills of rocks, as far as four leagues from there, one meets with a little island * opposite a sandy cove suitable for placing boats under shelter. Within this cove there is a hill of black rock _which the Carpenters [161] use to mark their materials. It is not of the best, being a little hard. After having made eight leagues more along the coast, one finds the lands low and flat and covered with woods of all sorts, such as Ashes, Birches, Beeches, Maples, Pines, and Firs, but all these woods are not of the finest. From there one enters into a little river for boats, where great numbers of Salmon are caught.” There is also a mine of coal. JI have been told that there is also plaster there, but I have not seen it. ‘The woods are rather good in this river, and the country is not hilly. From the mouth of this little river, to the entrance of the Little Passage of [162] Campseaux at its northern end, there are only three leagues. And from there to the other entrance at the south end [it is] about ten leagues. There I commenced to make the tour, and there is finished the circuit of this Island of Cap Breton. To it there is commonly ascribed eighty leagues of circumference, of which the margin and the interior contain almost nothing but mountains of rocks. But that which makes it valued are the ports and roadsteads which the ships use to make their fishery. Mackerel and Herring are very abundant around the island, and the fishermen make their boitte or bait of them for catching the Cod, which is very fond of them, preferring them above everything else. This [163]

1 Doubtless Sea-Wolf (Margaree) Island, while the cove, the Zzce [Anse] 2 la pierre Noire of our author’s map, is probably that south of Marsh Point, where the geological map marks “ Black Shale.”

2 Evidently the Mabou River, which has the coal mine and plaster, and as well is a good salmon stream. The island near it, called /sle du Cafot on our author’s map, must be either Henry or Smith Island, probably the former.

AMERICA. CHAP. VI 187

island has also been esteemed for the hunting of Moose. They were found formerly in great numbers, but at present there are no more. The Indians have destroyed everything,’ and have abandoned the island, finding there no longer the wherewithal for living. It is not that the chase of small game is not good and abundant there, but this does not suffice for their support, besides which it costs them too much in powder and ball. For with one shot of a gun, with which they kill a Moose, they will kill only one Wild Goose or two, sometimes three, and this does not suffice to support them and their families as a big animal does.

1 The moose is now abundant on the island, and probably never was really exterminated.

[164] CHAPTER VII

Containing the description of the Great Bay of S. Laurent, from the Cape of §. Loiiis as far as the entrance to the Baye des Chaleurs, with all the rivers and islands which are along the coast of the Mainland, and of Isle 8. ean; the quality of the lands, the kinds of woods ; of the fishing, of the hunting, and some matters concerning the behaviour and customs of the Indians.

T is necessary to return to Cape Saint Loiis to follow

the rest of the coast as far as the entrance of the

[165] Baye des Chaleurs. Leaving this cape, [and]

ten leagues therefrom, one meets a little river, of which the entrance has a bar. It is closed up at times when the weather is bad, and when the sea shifts the sands at its entrance." But when the river becomes swollen it passes over it and makes an opening. Only boats can enter. It does not extend far into the country, which is rather good and covered with trees of all the kinds which I have already named. Continuing the route for about a dozen leagues the coast is nothing but rocks, with the exception of some coves” of divers sizes. ‘The lands are low in those places; they seem good and covered with fine trees, amongst which there are

1 This little river must be, I think, that at Malignant Bay. Our author's dis- tances make it somewhat less than half-way from Cape Saint Louis to Pictou River, and this is the only place in that vicinity it can possibly be. This identification is sustained by our author’s map, which places a small river in that position. Patterson, in his Azstory of Pictou (25), considers this little river of Denys to be the former eastern entrance, now closed, to Merigomish Harbour, but the facts above given seem to me quite opposed to this.

2 These coves were doubtless Merigomish and Little Harbours. 188

DESCRIPTION OF NORTH AMERICA 189

[166] quantities of Oaks. Then one arrives at a large river," of which the entrance is very shallow for about a league and a half towards the sea; it has a good three leagues of breadth at its mouth. This becomes dry almost throughout at low tide, to such an extent that one easily sees that the bottom is of sand. No sea-going vessels can enter it except small ones, such as longboats of a dozen to fifteen tons, and even they must await the high tide. One finds just at the entrance some reefs of rocks.” At the left of this mouth is a little river which is only separated from the large one by a point of sand’; it enters well into the land and is very narrow at the entrance. ‘This* being passed, one finds [167] 2 great opening’ where many coves are formed by means of the points of low lands, or meadows; in these are many ponds, where there is so great an abundance of game of all the kinds that it is astonishing. And if the hunting there is abundant, the land is no less good. There are some little hillocks which are not unpleasing. All the trees are

1 Pictou River, as our author states two pages later. But the difficulty of access is exaggerated, as is the case with most rivers he describes.

In the case of the Pictou River and surroundings, as in so many other instances, our author is obviously describing from memory places which he had not seen for many years, and in consequence his account is generalised and somewhat vague, and the distances are inaccurate. Nevertheless I believe all the localities can be identified with reasonable certainty. I do not myself know this region, but I have had the valuable aid of an observant resident, Mr. C. L. Moore, of the Pictou Academy, who has given me an identification of the respective places which agrees almost at every point with that which 1 had worked out from the charts, and these identifications are embodied in the following notes. It will be observed that they differ in some respects from those of Patterson in his Astory of Pictou, but the treatment of Denys in that work is neither appreciative nor critical.

2 These reefs are those at Cole Point and at Mackenzie Head and thence westward.

® Obviously the present Boat Harbour, whose location is exactly described.

* He seems here to refer to the previously mentioned point of sand.

° The great opening beyond the sand point, with its low lands and marshes, can only be the present Moodie Cove, making in to Rustico Beach, and including also the cove on the north behind Londin Beach. Hillocks occur here and there, and oak still grows on the shore north of Londin Beach.

190 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

very fine and large. "There are Oaks, Beeches, Maples, Black Birches, Cedars, Pines, Firs and every other kind of woods. The large river’ is straight in the entrance ; boats go seven or eight leagues up it, after which there is met a little island covered with the same woods, and with [168] grape vines, and above which one cannot go higher towards its source except with canoes. The land on both sides of the river towards its source is covered with large and small Pines for the space of a league. On both sides, in ascending, the trees are all fine, just as above. ‘he hillocks there are a little higher than those of the little river, but the land is not less good. There are also along its borders coves and cu/ de sacs with meadows, where the hunting is good. It is called the River of Pictou.’

At a league and a half within the river, upon the left, there is a large cove,’ in which is found a quantity of excellent Oysters. Some in one place are almost [169] wholly round, and, farther into the cove, they are immense. ‘Some are found there larger than a shoe and almost of the same shape. They are all very plump and of good taste. And at the entrance of this river, upon the right, at a half league from its mouth, there is another large bay * which extends nearly three leagues

1 Obviously he regards the large or main river of Pictou as extending from Moodie Cove up through the harbour and thence up the East River. The island is well-known, and still locally called “‘ The Island” two miles or more above New Glasgow, where the river forks. This marks the limit of boat navi- gation, which our author, as usual, makes extend much too high.

2 This is the first known use of this name Pictou, which is of Micmac Indian origin. Rand (Micmac Reader, 97) derives it from Piktook, meaning “an explosion,” which, in another work, he explains as referring to bubbles of gas which rise in the water there from the coal veins. Other meanings are discussed by Patterson in his A7zstory of Pictou, 21.

3 This cove is without doubt that just below and north of the Big Gut or Narrows. Mr. Moore tells me it still yields oysters of good size and quality, and that they are said locally to have been once very large there.

4 This large bay, no doubt, is the West River. It has but three or four actual islands, but possesses some headlands which might be taken for islands from a distance.

AMERICA. CHAP. VII 191

into the land, and which contains several islands and a number of coves on both banks; in these are found plenty of meadows and game in abundance. Going three leagues farther, one meets with another cove,’ very much larger indeed, furnished with a number of islands of unequal sizes; some are covered with trees, the others with meadows and an infinity of birds of all kinds. [170] All the lands are beautiful and good. They are not too hilly, but covered with fine trees, among which are quantities of Pines and of Oaks.

Passing eight or nine leagues farther along, the coast is high, with rocks. It is not very safe, [and] it is necessary to keep a little off shore. One finds here nevertheless an occasional cove, where the land is low; but there is not much shelter for boats, and the sea breaks strongly. Then another river is met with,” which has abundance of rocks at its entrance; and a little off shore towards the sea is another little island covered with woods, which is called Isle l’Ormet.* Before entering into this river one finds [171] a large bay of two good leagues of depth and one of breadth.* In several places the low land is all covered with beautiful trees. In the extremity of this bay one sees two points of land which approach one another, and form a strait, and this is the entrance of the river. It comes from three or four leagues inland. It is flat at its entrance, [and] boats cannot go far into it. The land there is rather fine. Some hills appear inland, but of moderate height. An abundance of Oysters and Shellfish is also taken here. Setting out from there, and

* This cove can only be Caribou Harbour, which the description fits fairly well.

* Tatamagouche River and Harbour; the description is accurate.

* The earliest known use of this name, which persists to this day corrupted to Amet,on earlier maps Armeft. Its origin is not known, though possibly it may have suggested some resemblance to Armed, “a helmet.” The little island is rapidly being washed away by the sea, and thence is now very much smaller than when our author saw it.

4 Of course, Tatamagouche Bay.

192 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

following the coast two leagues or thereabouts, one finds still another river,’ which runs somewhat far inland. [172] Both banks are hilly.

Continuing farther, [and] following the coast about twelve leagues,” one comes upon Cape Tourmentin.’ It is a great point which advances into the sea, and is only two leagues and a half from Isle Saint Jean.* This is the narrowest place in all this strait. The coast is only hills and very dangerous rocks, which are far out from shore. In front of it some are visible, while others are uncovered only at low water. ‘This point 1s between two large bays bordered with hills and rocks. All over the top is hardly anything but Pines and Firs, and some few other trees. Having doubled this point and made about ten leagues along this coast, one comes to [173] another river into which longboats enter. It is necessary to keep close in the channel, and having passed a little island, one is well under shelter, and finds water enough. The anchorage is in front of a large meadow which makes a cove of reasonable extent where one is placed in shelter. I have named this river the River of Cocagne,’® because I found there so much with

1 This is, of course, Wallace River, which he names on his map &. de Mainchi. This word is, no doubt, a corruption of the Indian name of Wallace River, which Rand (Wzcmac Reader, 102) gives as Emsik or Pémstk, but which I have found on various early maps as Memchic, Emchic, Remsheg, &c.

2 On his map our author marks one other unnamed river in this interval, probably meant for the Pugwash.

® The earliest known use of this name, which still persists. Zourvmentin means in French either “a kind of petrel,” (little petrel or storm-finch), or “a fore stay-sail,” and perhaps some peculiarity of the place in one or the other connection suggested the name. Without the termination zz it might mean, like Cape Tourmente on the Saint Lawrence, ‘“ Cape of Storms,” and indeed — it is so translated on some early English maps (Jefferys, 1755 ez a/.)

4 Now Prince Edward Island ; compare later under page 195.

° Thus in the original, though differently spelled on our authors map. The name has persisted tothis day. It means, as Denys implies, a land of the greatest abundance, and has something of the significance of the English Utopia.

Denys here, as in other cases, makes no distinction between the harbour and the river, but treats them as one. The little island he mentions is, of course, Cocagne Island, while I think there is no doubt the large meadow

AMERICA. CHAP. VII 193

which to make good cheer during the eight days which bad weather obliged me to remain there. All my people were so surfeited with game and fish that they wished no more, whether Wild Geese, Ducks, Teal, Plover,’ Snipe large and small, Pigeons, Hares, Partridges, young Partridges, Salmon, Trout, Mackerel, Smelt, Oysters, [174] and other kinds of good fish. All that I can tell you of it is this, that our dogs lay beside the meat and the fish, so much were they satiated with it. The country there is as pleasing as the good cheer. The land is flat and covered with trees which are very fine, as well in their stoutness as in their height, of all the kinds which I must have already named. There are also great meadows along the river, which runs about five to six leagues inland. The remainder is only navigable by canoe, and many more Pines than other trees are found there.’

forming a cove is that within the northern side of the entrance to the river itself, the anchorage being in the deep water about where the bridge crosses. He is speaking of longboats and not of vessels, which would anchor farther out, just inside the entrance to the harbour.

This description of Cocagne is so general that it might seem applicable to Shediac as well as to Cocagne, suggesting that possibly Denys’ Cocagne really was the present Shediac. To settle this point I have made a comparative study of both harbours and rivers, travelling by canoe with Denys’ narrative in hand. This has made it plain that the description really does apply to our Cocagne. While some features might apply equally well to either place, the mention of the meadows (or marshes) is conclusive, for these are an abundant and characteristic feature along the Cocagne River, but are almost wanting along the Shediac above its mouth.

While at Cocagne in August 1906, I was shown by a merchant of that place a fine old clay portrait pipe, which had recently been brought up from the bottom of the harbour by the rake of a quahog-digger. On it was moulded the word Chafleau, the name apparently of the one whose handsome features the portrait represents, and also Camdzer, Paris, and the date 1622. Being in good condition, though used, it must have been lost not many years after its date, and it is at least a pleasing speculation that it is a relic of this visit of our author’s so long ago.

* Pluviers in the original. Whether this is simply another name (as I think likely) for the allouettes he mentions elsewhere, or a distinct kind, I do not think it is possible to say.

* This description of Cocagne (except for his great exaggeration of the distance to the head of boat navigation) is accurate and appreciative.

194 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

Continuing our route we went into the river of Rechi- bouctou,” which is about ten leagues from the latter of which I [175] have just finished speaking. This river has great sand flats at its entrance, which extend almost a league. In the midst of them is a channel for the passage of vessels of two hun- dred tons. After one is inside there is found a basin of great extent, but shoal in some places. Vessels cannot go very far into this river, but longboats navigate there for nearly three leagues. Two other rivers fall into this basin, of which one is little and the other rather large.* By the latter the Indians go to the River Saint Jean, twice portaging their canoes in crossing from one river to the other.’ From the head of the latter they proceed into a large lake, and then reach [176] another river which falls into that of Saint Jean. They employ two days in making this passage when they do not want to tarry ; this latter hardly ever happens, for they are never much in a hurry. It is by this means that the Indians of the River of Saint Jean and those of this place often visit one another. With regard to the little river * which is on the right in entering, it

1 Still called Richibucto. It appeared first in one of the Jesuzt Relations ot 1646 in the form Regibouctou. It is of Micmac Indian origin, but uncertain meaning.

2 Like most of our author’s topographical descriptions, this account is true in general but incorrect in particular. Vessels can go much higher than he implies, and boats much higher than he states.

8 This is a somewhat confused account of the well-known old portage route which ran from the head of the Richibucto by a three-mile portage to Salmon ) River, and down the latter to Grand Lake, whence a short-cut route to the upper part of the river might involve another portage from the Portobello to the Saint John. This, and the other ancient Indian portages of New Brunswick, are fully described in the Zvansactions of the Royal Society of Canada, V., 1899, ii. 248, and XII., 1906, ii. 91.

4 This little river was, of course, the Aldouane, but all my efforts have so far failed to disclose any other record of such a portage as our author mentions, or any tradition of it among the present Indians. One might suppose that our author refers here simply to the shore route through the lagoons and through Portage River to Bay du Vin (of. czt., 253), but this seems excluded by his re- ference to the other end thereof a little later, on page 183. It is, however, possible there was such a route as Denys implies, in which case it may have run vzé@

a

AMERICA. CHAP. VII 195

serves, with the aid of another portage, for communication with Miramichi, which is the establishment that J] have in the Baye des Chaleurs." The Chief at Rechibouctou, named Denis, is a conceited and vicious Indian. All the others of the Great Bay fear him. He has upon the border of the basin of this river a rather large fort of stakes, |[177]| with two kinds of bastions”; inside is his wigwam, and the other Indians are encamped around him. MHe has had a great piece of wood placed upright to the top of a tree, with large pegs which pass through it in the manner of an estrapade’® and serve as steps for ascending to the top. There from time to time he sends an Indian to see if he can perceive anything along the coasts. From this place one can see far out to sea. If any vessels or canoes are seen, he has his entire force brought under arms with their bows and arrows and their muskets, places a sentinel on the approach to ask what persons they are, and then according to his whim he makes them wait, or [178] has them come immediately. Before entering it is required that they make a discharge of their guns, as a salute, and sometimes two. Then the leader enters, and his suite after him. He never goes out from his wigwam to receive those who come

Kouchibouguacsis and Sabbies Branch of Cains River, or to Kouchibouguac (by a route, of which I have recently found traces, from the branch just above Saint Louis village through to Clarks Creek on Kouchibouguac) and thence to Barnaby River.

1 A curious lapse of mind or pen. His establishment in Bay Chaleur was Nepisiguit, though the portage ran to Miramichi.

* The existence of an Indian fort at Richibucto is confirmed by St. Valier in 1688 (32). It is not certain where it stood, but the strongest probability favours Indian Island, where the present Indians say their most important village was in early times. This island, now abandoned and grown up with scrubby woods, is rather more elevated than any other land in the vicinity of the basin, and moreover is the only one of the known Indian village sites of Richibucto (discussed in Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, X11., 1906, 11. 80), which commands the views mentioned by our author along the coast.

® The estrapade was a framework used for a cruel punishment of sailors. No description of it that I have found explains the present allusion, but pre- sumably some part of it had pegs driven through to project upon both sides.

196 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

to visit him. He is always there planted upon his haunches like an ape, his pipe in his mouth if he has any tobacco. He never speaks first. He expects that he shall be paid a com- pliment; and sometime later he replies with the gravity of a magistrate. If he goes to the wigwam of some Indian, on arriving he has a musket discharged to inform the other Indians, who come out from their wigwams, and go to meet him with their muskets. Then he lands from his [179] boat and sets foot upon shore, and all the Indians who are there dis- charge their muskets. ‘Then they accompany him to the wig- wams, [and] when he goes inside they again fire each one a shot from his musket. Such is the manner in which he makes them receive him, more through fear than through friendship. They all wish for his death; he is not liked by a single one. If they are delinquent in their duty, he beats them, but not when they are together, for in this case he could not do it with impunity. But when he catches them alone he makes them remember their duty. If the Indians make a debauch, he is never of their number, [but] he hides himself; for in drunkenness they are as great chiefs as he,’ and if he were to say to them something which made them angry, they [180] would murder him. At such times he is wise, and never speaks of his greatness. It is well to observe that the Indians of the coast use canoes only for the rivers, and all have boats for the sea. These they sometimes buy from the Captains who are about to leave after having completed their fishery ; but the greater part they take from the places in which the Captains have had them hidden on the coast or in the ponds,’ in order to make use of them on another voyage. But when the proprietors, or others having a right to them, recognise them, they make no more ceremony of taking them back than

1 A matter which our author treats more fully in the second volume of his book, page 465.

2 Our author speaks more fully of this matter in the second volume of his book, page 230.

AMERICA. CHAP. VII 197

the Indians do in making use of them. To return to Chief Denis, his country of Rechibouctou is beautiful; the lands are good, and [181] not too low nor too high. The hunting there is plentiful, and also the fishing for Mackerel, which are very large. As for the woods, they are like those of other places, intermixed with Firs and Pines.

Setting out from Rechibouctou to go to Miramichi, on the left one finds great flats of sand* which advance far out into the sea; and the same [is true] of all this coast, which it is necessary not to approach too near for a space of eight to ten leagues. After this one comes to a great bay which enters more than two leagues into the land, and which has fully as much of breadth.? All this bay has also flats, of which the greater part are uncovered at low tide. The sea there is very dangerous in bad weather, because [182] it breaks everywhere. There is nevertheless a little channel which leads into the tiver, but it is very crooked; and it is needful to know it well in order to enter.* Even then it is only passable for long- boats of a dozen to fifteen tons, at high tide. The entire extent of these flats includes even to the mouth of the river of Miramichy,* of which the entrance is very narrow because of a little island which is on the right in entering [and] which closes the opening.” This being passed, one reaches a fine

1 These flats of sand ( platins de sable), of which our author speaks, are the great sand bars or “beaches,” which extend in a line, enclosing lagoons and cut by occasional gulleys, nearly all the way from Richibucto to Miramichi.

* There is evidently some slip here. Our author is describing Kouchi- bouguac Bay, which has about the depth given but a far greater breadth. Very likely his “‘as much” refers to the “eight to ten leagues” a little earlier. Otherwise the account is accurate.

° Evidently the Kouchibouguac River and lagoon.

4 This name is very old, probably extending back to the voyage of Cartier of 1534, though its original form and its origin, whether Indian or European, is unknown. The current explanation that it is Micmac Indian, meaning ‘“‘ Happy Retreat,” is absolutely erroneous, It is discussed fully in the 7vamnsactions of the Royal Society of Canada, V11., 1889, ii. 54; and II., 1896, ii. 252.

* This must refer to Sheldrake Island, though the narrowness is ex- aggerated.

O

198 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

river, a cannon shot broad, which is rather deep. The two sides are of rocks somewhat elevated, upon which there are fine woods. One finds, nevertheless, some little low coves where it is possible to approach and land with boats [183] or canoes. This river has five to six leagues of length through which vessels can ascend, and there one finds two other rather large rivers, which empty into it, and both come together in a point which forms a fork. But it is possible to ascend them only in canoes because of the rocks which are scattered here and there.’ That which is on the left in ascending goes towards the Rechibouctou river.” The other which is on the right leads in the direction of the Baye des Chaleurs. From the head of this river, one goes, by means of a canoe portage, into the river of Nepigiguit which is in the extremity of the Baye des Chaleurs. The Indians have told me that on the upper parts of these rivers the lands are fine and flat, that the trees are [184] fine, large, and in open formation, and that there are no little trees which hinder them in the hunting of the Moose.* They are of the same species of woods that I have previously named. In the valleys where the waters make a swamp, there are a great many Firs, but small and very dense. As for the lower part of the rivers, where they make

their fork, on the left there are rocks, and on the right is a

flat country where there is a great meadow, of more than two — leagues in length and a half league of breadth in one place, |

1 In a general way our author’s account of the Miramichi River is correct. But he is wrong in saying that only canoes can go above the fork (viz., that of

the Main Southwest and the Northwest branches at Beaubears Island), for even small vessels can go to the head of tide above Indiantown, sixteen miles up the former, and to near the head of tide at Redbank, twelve miles up the latter.

2 This portage is the same as that discussed earlier, page 176. The route ©

of the next-mentioned portage, from the Northwest Miramichi vzé@ Portage »

River to the Nepisiguit, is well-known, and described in the Zvazsactions of the Royal Society of Canada, X11., 1906, il. 99.

3 The Indians evidently referred to the extensive forests of white pine which formerly clothed the banks of these rivers in their middle courses. Their sources are all in an extremely rough country.

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AMERICA. CHAP. VII 199

and of three-fourths of a league in another. There are some little trees on it, much removed from one another.! On it are found also a great quantity of Strawberries and Raspberries, and here collects so great a number of [185] Pigeons” that it is incredible. I once remained there eight days towards the feast of Saint Jean, during which every morning and evening we saw flocks of them passing, and of these the smallest were of five to six hundred. Some alighted on the meadows, and others opposite upon a point of sand on the other side of the river. They did not remain on the ground more than a quarter of an hour at most, when there came other flocks of them to rest in the same place; the first ones then arose and passed along. I leave you to imagine whether they were not killed in quantities, and eaten in all fashions. If the Pigeons plagued us by their abundance, the Salmon gave us even more trouble. [186] So large a quantity of them enters into this river that at night one is unable to sleep, so great 1s the noise they make in falling upon the water after having thrown or darted themselves into the air. This comes about because of the trouble they have had in passing over the flats, on account of the paucity of water thereon; afterwards they enjoy them- selves at their ease when they meet with places of greater depth. Then they ascend into the rivers, which extend far inland; these descend from some lakes which empty one into another. On all these lakes is found abundance of Beaver, but little Moose. As for the hunting of small game, it is also very good and very abundant. Shellfish are not wanting there ; the flats are always full of them. The [187] Indians live on those rivers in much greater numbers than on any others.®

1 This reference is plainly to the Canadian Marsh on the south bank of the } fiver, opposite the low rocky cliffs between Newcastle and Douglastown. | Denys is evidently now taking the reader down the river, thus bringing the _ marsh on the right.

) * The wild pigeon, excessively abundant in this region to within the memory , of men still living, but now nearly extinct.

3 For which reason, no doubt, our author’s son, Richard, later established

} ; }

200 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

To leave this place, it is necessary to pass all these flats, then to follow the coast as far as the Isle of Miscou,’ which is distant therefrom some ten to twelve leagues. The coast is well-nigh entirely of sand. There occur many coves, great and small, in which are meadows, and ponds of salt water formed by the sea in rising. There are also found some large streams”; and in all these places the hunting for birds of all kinds never fails. The coast is all filled with woods like the others, with the exception that the Cedars are more common there. ‘Two leagues before coming to the Isles of Miscou, one finds [188] a large cove, which is the passage of Caraquet,® ending at the Baye des Chaleurs, where there are islands of which I shall speak in the proper place.

After having made two leagues along the coast, one finds another little entrance for longboats, which is between the two Isles of Miscou.* The entrance is dangerous in bad weather, because of a bar of sand which breaks furiously. From the two sides of the islands there are points of sand which make the entrance narrow, but immediately one has passed inside, then it enlarges. On the right in entering is the small Isle of Miscou, which has four or five leagues of circuit. Having passed the point, there appears a part of it

a fort and trading post here. It was at the fork of the river on the northern bank just opposite the western end of Beaubears Island. The subject is fully discussed in the Collections of the New Brunswick Historical Soctety, III., 1907, 29-32. The map of 1658 reproduced earlier, opposite page 160 of this work, implies that Denys himself had an establishment here before that date, perhaps between 1647 and 1650 (compare page 11 of the present work).

1 This name occurs first in Champlain’s works, and is doubtless a Micmac Indian name, meaning, probably, “ boggy land.”

2 This account of the coast, as I know from observation, is accurate. The streams, emptying into irregular shallow lagoons inside great sand bars, are the Tabusintac, Tracadie, and Pokemouche.

3 The passage is now called Shippegan Gully. He does speak of the islands later, under page 205.

4 Miscou Gully, correctly described. The two islands of Miscou are now called, respectively, Miscou and Shippegan.

AMERICA. CHAP. VII 201

which is like a great extent of land without trees. This is [189] only morasses all filled with heaths. When one walks upon them, they are made to tremble for more than fifty paces around him. There the Wild Geese come to produce their young, and to moult during the spring. Those which moult do not lay eggs that year, and the others which do not moult lay eggs. I shall tell you the details about it when | come to speak of the peculiarities of the birds of this country.’

In continuing the route, after having passed the morasses, one comes to land all covered with Firs intermingled with some little Birches.” After this a long sand point is met, which makes a cove of considerable size. It is there that [190] the vessels anchor, which go to make their fisheries under shelter of the two islands.* One can say that he has there his ship in safety. I have seen as many as five or six ships here making their fishery. ‘They make flakes upon this point of

1 As would be expected from the fact that our author had his residence for two years at Miscou, as he tells us a little later (at page 192), his account of the locality is very accurate. This I can affirm from my own knowledge. The morasses filled with heaths are the great open moss bogs which form a large part of the surface of Miscou, as shown by the detailed physiographic

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map of the island published, with an ef arp ; account of the physical geography Toes. me an nS toon of Miscou, in Bulletin of the Natural & wi a 4 4) History Society of New Brunswick, V., Bi ov : PRE AY 1906, 450. They are conspicuous from “pt

the harbour, as here described, and in places tremble, as Denys mentions. Also I learn from Dr. J. Orne Green, who has known the game birds of the island for some thirty years back, that the wild geese formerly bred there in large numbers, though now they do not. It is in Volume II., chapter xix., of his work that Denys writes further of their breeding habits.

2 In Volume II., page 350, of his book, our author gives an account of the burning of the woods on Miscou.

’ This long sand point is Harpers Point ; behind it to this day the fishing vessels find an ample and secure harbour, and whole fleets of them resort there to ride out storms.

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202 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

sand, for there is no gravel on it, a matter which I shall explain more at length when I come to speak of the fishery. Fresh water is far removed from this place, but, as a recom- pense therefor, some two hundred paces from the coast, opposite or about the middle of those woods of which I have just spoken, there issues from the bottom of the sea a spring of fresh water as large as the two fists, which preserves its freshness for a circuit of twenty feet without mixing in any manner whatsoever, either [191] by the flowing or the ebbing of the tide. ‘Thus the spring of fresh water rises and falls with the tide. The fishermen, to obtain their water, go there with their boats full of barrels, which they fill with buckets as if they were drawing from the basin of a fountain. At the place where this extraordinary spring occurs, there is a fathom of water at the lowest : HSB and the water is salt all round like the rest of the sea.”

The large Isle of Miscou ” ee seven to eight leagues of circuit; it has several large coves, near which are some meadows and ponds into which the tide rises, and where is found a plenty of hunting of all kinds of birds. There occur here also many [192] Partridges and Hares. There are four streams which empty into the sea, of which two can carry canoes, the others not.* The woods are as in other places, but

1 A spring such as our author describes does not now occur in this harbour, so far as known to the best informed residents. But on West’s original map of the island, of 1820, close to the shore just west of Landrys River, is marked “A good spring at low water”; while a short distance up Landrys River, in a marsh on its western side, is a very powerful spring of the best water, to which boats from the fishing vessels now sometimes resort for their supply. It is quite likely that local topographical changes have extinguished the spring our author describes and made it break out anew in one or the other of the above-described places.

At this point the Dutch edition of our author’s book interpolates a narrative of a fatal quarrel between drunken Indians. It is printed in translation, with the picture it accompanies, on page 82 of the present work.

2 Now Shippegan Island.

5 The identity of these streams is not evident, though it is possible the two that are navigable are Big and Little Lamec, while the others are Grand Ruisseau and Island River.

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AMERICA. CHAP. VII 203

there are, however, more Firs. The land is sandy, but is ”

nevertheless good. All kinds of herbs thrive very well, and when I had an establishment? there, I planted many nuts of Peaches, Nectarines, and Clingstones, and of all kinds of nut fruits, which came on marvellously. I also had the Vine planted there, which succeeded admirably. But two years later D’Aunay dispossessed me of it by virtue of a Decree of the Council, although I had a concession from the Company, in consideration of which he made an arrangement | 193] with the one who commanded there for me. Inventory was made of all the merchandise and provisions which I had there, for the value of which he gave his promissory note payable the following year, with the risks of the bottomry.? But of this I have never been able to recover anything. Thus, just so long as there is no order there, and one is not assured of

1 The site of our author’s establishment, which he places plainly on Shippegan Island, is, I believe, known to a certainty. It stood on a very pleasing, low, upland point, the only advantageous site for a long distance east or west, with an admirable tract behind for his gardens, on Shippegan, south of Harpers Point. It is also beside the best landing in the vicinity, as shown by the fact that the Miscou ferry now lands there. It is located on the preceding map, and I have given a much more detailed map of the immediate surroundings, with evidence for its identity as well as for that of the other ancient sites around the harbour, in the 7ransactions of the Royal Society of Canada, XII1., 1906, 11. 133. Some traces, locally ascribed to a “French Fort,” still remain, consisting of a large hollow or cellar surrounded by peculiar low embankments, which show in the accompanying photograph ; but they are rapidly disappearing before the encroaching sea, and will soon have vanished utterly.

_ A very full account, with, however, some errors in detail of the early French occupation of Miscou is given by Dionne in Le Canada-Francais, I1., 1899, 432-477 and 514-531, and I have given a synopsis of its later history in Acadiensis, V1., 1906, 79-94.

2 As a document cited earlier in this work will show (page 68), it was in 1647 that D’Aulnay seized this establishment (giving an inventory as our author Says) ; and hence it was in 1645 it was founded. The concession from the Company is unknown ; it was most probably from Razilly, in the name of the Company of New France, or it may have been from the Company of Miscou (page 10 of this work). Nor is the Decree of Council to D’Aulnay known ; I suspect this was simply his commission as Governor of Acadia, which he obtained from the King of France in that year.

Ws

204 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH AMERICA

the enjoyment of his concessions, the country will never be populated, and will always be the prey of the enemies of France.

The exit and entrance for ships is between the large island and this long sand point of the small island. It is necessary to coast along the large island to take the good channel, which has everywhere a fathom and a half and two fathoms of water. [194] Setting out from this place, it is necessary to enter into the Baye des Chaleurs and to make the circuit of it, in going to Isle Percée.

[195] CHAPTER VIII

Description of Isle S. ‘ean and of the other Islands which are in the Great Bay of Saint Laurent as far as its entrance, including Isle de Sable; and of all which concerns them, whether in regard to the land, to the woods, to the fishing, hunting, rivers, and other particulars.

EFORE entering into the Baye des Chaleurs, I will here give you the description of the Isle of Saint Jean,’ and of all the other islands which are in the Great

Bay of Saint Laurent.

I take up again my itinerary [196] at the great entrance which is between Cap de Rest [Cape Ray] in the Isle de Terre neufve | Newfoundland] and Cap de Nort [Cape North] in the Island of Cap Breton. In this space one meets with the Island of Saint Paul,’ which is distant about five leagues from Cap de Nort, and eighteen from Cap de Rest. Thence entering twenty leagues into the Great Bay of S. Laurent, one comes to the Isles aux Oiseaux [Bird Islands].* They bear this name because of the great number [of birds] which are found there. And if the fishing vessels which enter this bay have good weather in passing, they send ashore their boats and load them with eggs and with birds. Then passing

along the Isles Ramées,* which are seven in number spread

| The old name for Prince Edward Island, of uncertain origin but ancient ; discussed in 7ransactions of the Royal Society of Canada, V11., 1889, ii. 45, 53; and by S. E. Dawson, in the same, XII. 1894, ii. 51. * Used apparently by Cartier in 1536, by Champlain in 1603, and still in use. ’ Thus named, descriptively, by Cartier in 1534, and still called Bird Rocks. 4 The early name for the main group now called the Magdalen Islands ;

its first known appearance is in accounts of voyages to them between 1590 205

206 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

along the Island of Cap Breton at seven or eight leagues out to sea, [197] there is passage between the two for large vessels.’ I have passed through there in a vessel of five hundred tons which I was taking to Miscou to make the fishery and to carry provisions to my establishment. At the end of the Isles Ramees is the Isle de la Magdeleine,? which is much larger than all the others. There is a little harbour for vessels of eighty or a hundred tons. The fishery for Cod is abundant, [and] Seals are also found there. The English have tried to settle there already a number of times, but I have chased them thence.’ The French have been in possession of those places from time immemorial, and it is not just for them |the English] to come to trouble us in our very ancient concessions when we leave them [198] to enjoy in peace so many new colonies which they have established in our vicinity.* Besides

and 1597, given by Hakluyt; also used by Champlain as /s/es ramées-brion. The name is now applied to a small group on the south shore of Newfound- land. The origin of the name is unknown, but it may represent a corruption of some word applied to them by Cartier on his first voyage. On his map, and also later in his book (page 199), Denys applies to them the name Brion.

1 This phrase, “between the two,” means, I believe, between the Bird Islands and the Ramées or Magdalen group, though it reads as if it meant between the Magdalens and Cape Breton.

2 The name appears first on Champlain’s map of 1632, applied, as our author uses it, to the largest island, the present Amherst Island, whence it has gradually extended to include the entire group.

3 The only confirmation of this statement I have been able to find is in a Memoir on the French Dominions in America: Canada, 1504-1706, which is translated in the Documentary History of New York, 1X. 783, and reads: **Sieur Denis was appointed governor of Accadia extending from Cape de Rosiers to Cape de Canseaux. ... The English of Boston having come to establish themselves in his government and built a fort there, he expelled them from it.” It is rather remarkable that no other mention of such an event occurs in any of our historical records, at least so far as I can find. No doubt these English were small parties of adventurers in pursuit of the valuable walrus which formerly abounded there. The best descriptive account of these islands is given by S. G. W. Benjamin, in the Century Magazine for April 1884, while an excellent scientific account by G. Patterson is in the 7vamsactions of the Nova Scotzan Institute of Natural Science, New Ser., I., 1891, 31-57.

* Denys refers to those, of course, at the Penobscot and thence west to the Kennebec, which the French considered their boundary.

AMERICA. CHAP. VIII 207

they do not permit any Frenchman to make a fishery any- where whatsoever on their coast. By the same right they ought not to make it on ours. They have nevertheless come to make it on Isle de Sable‘ [Sable Island], which is fifteen leagues from Cap Breton in the Bay of Campseaux. This island was filled with cattle | vaches|, but when they came there to live they destroyed all these during the sojourn that they have made there.” They designed also to make a fishery for Walrus, but they were not able to accomplish it, and were constrained to abandon it. ‘There is in its middle a pond of fresh water, and some little grass, which pushes [199] up through the sand. It has all of twenty or twenty-five leagues of length, and a cannon-shot of breadth. It is dangerous because of the flats which it has on the margin of the sea, and these extend three or four leagues out and are all shallow. ‘They are dry at low water for more than a league. ‘There is no longer anything upon it except the pond and some grass, there being no cattle left. These have been killed solely to obtain their skins.

Returning to our Islands of Brion* and Magdeleine, these are only rocks, and upon them are Firs intermingled with little Birches. At eight or ten leagues therefrom one meets with Isle Saint Jean, upon the route to Isle Percée. One passes in view of it [or not] according to the direction [200]

* The name first appears as J. de Sablon, that is, “Isle of Sand,’ upon Freire’s map of 1546, and persists, corrupted by the English to Sable Island. A full description of this interesting place, of which our author’s account is in general accurate, is contained in G. Patterson’s excellent paper in the Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, X11., 1894, il. 3-49. This paper contains references to all earlier literature. Compare also Slafter’s note in Otis’s translation of Champlain, II. 9.

* This incident is well known, as described by Hannay (Atstory of Acadia, 136) and Patterson (of. cz¢., 10), but it appears that the cattle were killed rather by French than by English.

° The island still bearing this name (sometimes corrupted to Bryon and Byron) was so named by Cartier in 1534 in honour of a prominent admiral. Our author, however, both in this passage and on his map, extends the name to almost the entire group. Compare the note under his name Ramées two pages earlier.

208 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

of the winds. It is necessary not to approach near to it, for all the coast on this side of the Bay is nothing but sand, which forms flats for more than a league out to sea. This island has all of twenty-five or thirty leagues of length, and one league of breadth in the middle. It is almost the shape of a crescent, and pointed at the two ends. The side which is opposite the mainland is bordered with rocks. There are two coves, through which two rivers pass to discharge into the sea.. Longboats are able to enter, for within are a kind of small harbours. On this side the woods are very fine. Such land as it has seems rather good. This island is covered with almost nothing but Firs mingled with some Beeches and Birches. On the side [201] which faces the Great Bay there are also two harbours,” from which issue two little streams, but the entrances are very shallow, [though] there is water enough within. I once entered that which is nearest to the point of Miscou. I have seen there three large Basque vessels, but, in order to enter, it was necessary to discharge them of everything in the roadstead, to carry everything on shore, and to leave only the ballast to sustain the vessel. Then it was necessary to lay her upon her side as though she was careened, then to tow her inside with the boats. They came out in the same manner, after which all the fish were taken to the roadstead for loading. One can no more go there at present, its entrances being closed up, and the [202] risk too great. [hat which induced them to go there was the abund- ance of fish which exists on this coast. Besides they were near the Banc aux Orphelins* [Orphan Bank] on which the

1 Doubtless the present Hillsborough Bay and Bedeque Bay.

2 Judging from our author’s map alone these would be the present Rich- mond Bay, together with another much farther east, either Tracadie Harbour or Saint Peters Bay. But it seems more probable he had in mind the two larger harbours, Richmond Bay and Cascumpeque Bay; of these the latter would be the one nearest Miscou of which he speaks below.

8 The name appears in Champlain, and is doubtless much older, and it persists in both the English and French forms. This bank is still a great fishing place.

AMERICA. CHAP. VIII 209

fish are as large as those of the Grand Banc. The sea enters very far into parts of this island, and thus produces great meadows, and many ponds.’ In all these places waterfowl are abundant, and there occurs plenty of feeding-ground. They make their nests, and moult, there. One finds here Cranes, [and] Geese white and gray as in France. As for Moose, there are none of them. There are Caribou, which are another species of Moose. They have not such strong antlers: the hair is denser and longer, and nearly all white. They are [203] excellent to eat. Their flesh is whiter than that of Moose. Few of them are found there; the Indians find them too good to let them increase. This beast has the brain divided into two by a membrane which makes it like two brains.”

1 In a general way our author’s account of Prince Edward Island is accu- rate, though he greatly underestimates its size ; but his brevity and failure to do justice to its resources and attractions show that he was personally little acquainted with it. Further it is to be remembered that in 1663 and 1664, as shown in the second volume, page 238, of his book, this island, though within his own grant, was regranted to Sieur Doublet and others. Hence our author had, perhaps, a personal reason for not waxing enthusiastic over its advantages.

2 Our author does not again mention the caribou even in his natural history in the second volume. His account is correct in general, except as to the peculi- arity about the brain, which is simply a bit of folk-fiction.

[204 | CHAPTER IX

Description of the Baye des Chaleurs, and of all the remainder of the coast of the Great Bay as far as the entrance of the great River of Saint Laurent, comprising therein all the rivers, ports, and harbours ; the qualities of the lands, of the woods, of the kinds of fishing, of hunting, €Sc.

RETURN to enter into the Baye des Chaleurs." Having set out from the harbour of Miscou, [and] leaving the large Isle [de Miscou] on the left, one coasts about three leagues along it, after which is found the [205] little passage ® which comes from the Bay of Miramichy, of which I have already indicated the entrance to you earlier. This passage is suitable for longboats which one would wish to take through it into the Baye des Chaleurs, and to coast along the Isles of Tousquet,’ which are properly speaking only

1 Thus named by Cartier in 1534 for the heat he experienced there in July of that year, and so called down to this day.

2 The little passage through Shippegan Gully mentioned earlier, on page 188 of our author’s book. It was originally navigable only for boats, but is now improved by dredging.

3 The “Isles de Tousquet” introduce us to another curious feature of our author’s book ; for not only do no islands of such name exist in this region, but on his map he calls them the Isles of Caraquet. Further, on page 188, in speaking of this same passage which runs past these islands, he calls it the “ Passage of Caraquet.” Hence I infer that the word Tousquet is either a slip of the author’s mind in this place (there are Tousquet Islands near Cape Sable described by him earlier, on page 62 of this volume of his book) or else, as is far more likely, is a bad misprint of the compositor. One might suppose that Caraquet and not Tousquet is the misprint, but two considerations negative this :—first, Caraquet is used in the text on page 188, and, second, the fine map of the Gulf made in 1685 by Emanuel Jumeau, and which shows no influence whatever of Denys, has Caraquet with no trace of Tousquet. The origin of the

name Caraquet is unknown, though it is presumably Micmac Indian. 210

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DESCRIPTION OF NORTH AMERICA 211

flats or banks of sand of which a part are dry at low tide. But at the large island there are two places in which the fishing vessels can anchor. It is necessary to enter by the Baye des Chaleurs to reach them. ‘Two canals or channels are found, of which one goes to one end of the island and one to the other end, where the vessels anchor between four radiating cables. The large island of Tousquet has four to five leagues of circuit; it [206] has two large coves in which vessels anchor. These are near their stagings. They have gravel beaches and flakes in order to dry their fish. The fishery is very good in those parts. ‘The Herring is there in abundance as well as the Mackerel. A great quantity 1s taken at the stagings, although the greater part of the coast is only sand and fine gravel which the sea rolls on the shore. It makes that which is called gravel [grave], suitable for drying fish. In some places are only rocks. As for the woods, the greater part are Firs. In the interior of the island there are found some fine trees. The other island’ is not so large; as for the land and the woods they are much the same thing. [207] The hunting is good in all these

islands, which are surrounded by coves and meadows, where

the game finds plenty of feeding ground. The shores are lined with Rose-bushes, Peas and wild Raspberries. This Bay of Tousquet has about three to four leagues of extent.

Setting out from there, and entering the Baye des Chaleurs, One coasts ten leagues along cliffs at the foot of which beats the sea. It is such that if a ship should be lost there, no one could be saved. The top is covered with poor little Firs. This being passed, one finds a little river,” of which the entrance is fit for nothing but boats, and at high tide only.

1 The identity of these islands seems plain in general ; they can be only Pokesuedie (with the two coves near Point Marcelle), Little Pokesuedie (locally L’llette) and Caraquet Island. But on our author’s map they are unrecog- nisable. The Bay of Tousquet would be Caraquet Bay.

* This account of the coast is accurate, and the distance is about correct. The little river is apparently Teagues Brook.

212 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

Three leagues farther along there is a big cove [208] from which a point advancing into the sea makes one side of the entrance of the basin of Nepegiguit.". The whole extent of this large cove is a league of length. It has behind it large and fine meadows, which extend a good half league beyond the entrance of the basin. This has more than a league and a half of length, and nearly one of breadth. At three leagues outside, and opposite its entrance in the sea, there are flats, of which the half are dry at low water.” There remains a little canal by which boats can enter about a musket shot into the basin, and all the rest of the basin is dry at low tide. So great a quantity of Wild Geese, Ducks, and Brant is seen there that it [209] is not believable, and they all make so great a noise at night that one has trouble to sleep. When the tide rises they retire to the coast, where one can kill them in plenty from the shelter of the woods. Four rivers empty into this basin, of which three come from the hills which are visible at their heads; and the other which is larger, falls into this basin on the left side in entering.’ It is that by which one goes and comes from Miramichy, but ' it is only for canoes. An abundance of Salmon ascend the three others, and there has never [elsewhere] been seen such an abundance of all kinds of shellfish, of Flounders, and of / Lobsters as are found on these flats. There is hardly any-- thing but meadows [210] on both sides of this basin, beyond —

1 Of Micmac Indian origin: Winpekijawik, meaning “ rough water,” which — is descriptive. It appears first in a Jesuzt Relation of 1643. It is now commonly ~ spelled Nepisiguit.

2 There is some mistake here, as no such flats exist, though sandy shallows © do extend for some distance out on each side of the entrance to the basin.

3 As Nepisiguit was our author’s residence while his book was being © written, or at all events just before it was written, his description of the place — ought to be, and in fact is, accurate. The larger river on the left is the Nepisiguit, or Big River, which has a portage to Miramichi, as Denys mentions ~ earlier, on page 183 of this volume of his book. The falls and rapids begin ~ three miles from its mouth. The other rivers are the Little, Middle, and Tetagouche.

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AMERICA. CHAP. IX 213

which the land is crowded with fine trees of all the kinds which I have mentioned earlier. There is also on the right in entering a large point of sand, which corresponds and is about opposite to the other, and these render the entrance to the basin narrow. When the sea rises and enters there, one catches at this entrance a great number of Mackerel. There also enter there Sturgeons which are more than six feet in length, and which go out again with the tide, as do an abundance of Salmon which ascend the rivers. My establish- ment of Nepigiguit is on the border of this basin, at a league on the right from its entrance.t_ At low water a canoe could scarcely approach it. It is there that I have been [211]

obliged to retire after the burning of my Fort of Saint Pierre

in the Island of Cap Breton.” My house there is flanked by

1 Our author’s description, confirmed by local tradition, seems to leave no doubt as to the location of his establishment. It stood on low upland on Fergusons Point (the Pointe au Pére of old maps), where various remains,— cannon balls, gun locks, and even quarried stone, are said to have been found. The place is now washed by the highest tides, and all traces of his buildings have consequently vanished. But farther inland on the upland stands an old willow, clearly shown in the accompanying photo- graph, and this tree is said to mark an ancient burial-place where, tradition asserts, lie buried some priests and “‘a French admiral.” This admiral I take to be our author, Nicolas Denys, who seems to have died at Bathurst (compare page 17 of this work). It is pleasing to think that Denys, La Tour, D’Aulnay, and Razilly all sleep in their beloved Acadia.

A further account of this site, and of the other early establishments around this n DS basin, is in Transactions of the Royal (AY 7 L Scale Lmiles bLinch Society of Canada, V., 1899, ii. 300, and XII., 1906, ii. 139. Dionne’s paper on “Miscou” and Thwaites’ /esuz¢ Relations (XX1V. 310), also have matter on this subject. Father Le Clercq was there in 1677, and gives some interesting facts thereon in his ouvelle Relation of 1691 (203 et seg.)

* The burning of his fort at Saint Peters occurred in the winter of 1668-69,

P

214. DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

four little bastions with a palisade, of which the stakes are eighteen feet in height, with six pieces of cannon in batteries. The lands are not of the best: there are rocks in some places. I have there a large garden in which the land is good for vege- tables, which come on in a marvellous way. I have also sown the seeds of Pears and Apples, which have come up and are well established, although this is the coldest place that I have, and the one where there is most snow. The Peas and the Wheat come on passably well; the Raspberries and the Strawberries are abundant everywhere.

[212] Leaving Nepegiguit to finish my route towards Isle Percee, after having made two leagues there is found a little river, into which a boat can enter about half a league, while canoes can ascend it much higher.* There enter it Salmon of an extraordinary length; some have been taken of six feet in length. Extremely good hunting also is found there. The land is good. The trees are fine of all) the species [earlier] mentioned.

About three leagues farther along there is found a great bay which has four leagues across its entrance, and eighteen to twenty leagues of depth. The lands are high and nearly all hills of rocks. ‘There are several little streams and [213] rivers which fall into this bay. There are some by which the Indians are able to ascend so far into the country that by means of some canoe portages they enter into lakes which discharge into the great river of Saint Laurens, whence they go to Kebec. Such is the arrangement that from Nepegiguit

as shown earlier, under page 19 of this volume of our author’s book. Hence, no doubt, he came here to live in the summer of 1669, and it was probably at this very place that these pages of his book were written. His establishment here was very much older, however, and was no doubt founded in 1652, as shown earlier, at page 12 of the present work.

1 The distance would imply that this river, which on our authors map is called R. du Saumon (or, misprinted, Sazzfoz) is the Nigadoo; but the possibility of boats ascending it for half a league would seem better to fit Saint Peters River. I have found no other mention of the big salmon.

AMERICA. CHAP. IX 215

to the great river they take only three days ordinarily to cover this route.' There are also low lands found in this bay, and great coves where the sea enters, which produces meadows and ponds, and here is found a great abundance of all kinds of game. The land there is good in some spots; the woods are fine, such as Ashes, Birches, Black Birches, Maples, Cedars and [214] all other kinds of trees. Upon the slopes of the hills are found the same trees, but with many Firs and Pines. Setting out from this large bay, which is called the Bay of Ristigouche, and continuing the route, one finds still about five or six leagues of high lands and rocks. These being passed the land becomes lower, and a great cove is met with in which the sea forms meadows and ponds; this is a country for hunting.” And on the land which is at the back of these meadows, there are very fine trees. [hen one coasts two good leagues of land which projects towards the sea, and which thus forms a cape, called Petit Paspec-biac.° Here is a river in which boats are placed [215] for shelter,

1 Our author treats the western part of Bay Chaleur, west of a line from Belledune Point to Bonaventure Point, as a separate bay, the Bay of Resti- gouche. But he makes its entrance far too narrow (it is really fully eighteen miles), especially upon his map, which grotesquely distorts the topography of this bay. Otherwise his account is fairly good, though it fails to do justice to that fine country, which, I suspect, Denys had never, or at least but rarely, visited. There are several portage routes from the Restigouche to the Saint Lawrence (as described in Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, V., 1899, ii. 257), but our author refers, no doubt, to that vzé the Metapedia and Matane, the same of which Champlain early made mention. I cannot believe, however, that the Indians traversed this long and difficult route so quickly. The low lands and ponds refer to the little lagoons at the mouths of some of the rivers along the New Brunswick coast, and to Tracadigash Point on the north side.

* This can only be the Bonaventure River.

* The point must be Bonaventure Point, which on the fine Franquelin and de Meulles’ map of 1686 is named Pefchediachiche, that is, “ Little Pepchediach” (chiche meaning “little” in Micmac Indian), which latter name is applied to our Paspebiac. Its meaning is not plain; it is discussed in Rouillard’s Moms Géographiques ... empruntés aux langues sauvages (Quebec, 1906), and Roy’s Noms Géographigues de la Province de Quebec (Quebec, 1906). I think it possible the real Little Paspebiac was at New Carlisle, where there is a small lagoon.

216 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

when they come to make their degrat from Grand Paspecbiac,’ which is four leagues from there. I will explain what the degrat is when I come to treat of the fishery.” The Cod is present at one place when it is absent at the other, but all the fishing vessels anchor at the Grand. The four leagues of coast are high and rocky, and at their foot the sea beats at high tide. This being passed one finds a great point of gravel, mingled with sand, which the sea’ has collected; it is this which is called grave, and upon which the fishermen dry their fish. At the point of this beach there is an entrance for boats into which the tide rises and makes great meadows and [216] ponds. Behind this river® are found plenty of Mussels, Flounders, Lobsters, and abundance of game. At the time for Pigeons there come an infinity of them, and of Geese white and gray. But they only tarry to feed, and then they pass on. A part go into the basin of Nepegiguit, and as soon as some arise others settle in their place. This beach forms a great cove in which fishing vessels anchor with four cables, for it is properly nothing but a roadstead, though it is not bad. The holding-ground is good near the land; two vessels can hold there at their ease in the middle of the cove.*

In order to leave this place, it is necessary to double a great point of sand, after which one finds [217] another cove having about a league of depth. Then one coasts along a™league of steep rocks, at the end of which occurs yet another cove; this penetrates a good quarter of a league inland,*and in its extremity isa little river which can only be

1 On the origin of this name, consult the note on preceding page. It appears first on the Sanson map of 1656 as Crotfapfequiac. Judging from the charts, sailing directions, and from the very full and appreciative description by S. G. W. Benjamin in the Cextury Magazine for March 1884, our author's description is accurate. To this day Paspebiac is the most important fishing centre in Bay Chaleur.

2 He explains it fully in Volume II. page 1091.

3 Apparently hejmeans inside the entrance.

4 This account is in agreement with that given in the modern sailing directions.

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AMERICA. CHAP. IX 217

entered by boats.’ The land inside is good, and the woods very fine. From this river to Port Daniel? there are three to four leagues which are still coasts with only cliff-like rocks, at the foot of which beats the sea; so that all the way from Paspecbiac to Port Daniel no one could save himself from a shipwreck which might happen there, excepting in the little river or at Port Daniel. Its entrance has a good [218] half league of opening ; the two sides are nothing but rather high rocks. Its left in entering has rocks which advance towards the water in such manner that it is necessary to range the shore on the right in order to enter there. A ship cannot enter farther than a good quarter of a league. There it is possible to anchor. Opposite the anchorage is a great sandy cove on the right, where longboats go to anchor. En- tering farther along the same side, there is a great hill of rock which is of limestone. On the other side are flats which become dry at low water. There is a sandy point opposite the rock which makes a little strait where longboats can pass, and then one enters into a great basin which has [219] a full league of depth and little less of breadth. There fall into it two large streams and other small ones. This makes a channel which is only for canoes; all the rest is dry at low water. It is the very place that game requires, of which accordingly there is a great abundance of all kinds, Shellfish are never wanting on the flats, nor are Lobsters. There are also meadows all along this basin. The lands there are fine and low, all covered with very beautiful trees, and of all the kinds which I can have mentioned. This place is very pleasing.®

Setting out from Port Daniel one coasts along two leagues

1 Evidently Nouvelle River.

* This name first occurs (in Latin) on the Creuxius map of 1660. Possibly

it was named for the Captain Daniel who built the fort at Saint Annes, Cape Breton ; but of this there is no evidence.

* According to the charts, maps, and sailing directions, this account of Port Daniel is accurate; our author must have known it well.

218 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

more of rocks, after which occurs [220] a cape of rock, very high; this is called Pointe au Maquereau,' and opposite thereto great quantities of them are caught. There is also good fishing for Cod. This cape is twelve leagues from Cap d’Espoir, and between the two is a great cove which is all of fifteen leagues around. There are three rivers falling into it.” ‘The Cod is very abundant in all this bay, but there is no place to keep a ship, unless between two islands? which are a good league from Pointe au Maquereau ; yet this could only be a vessel of sixty or eighty tons. Three leagues farther along, continuing to follow the coast from this great cove, is found a little river of which the entrance [221]| is narrow. The sea there runs with a great current. Longboats can enter very easily provided one knows its entrance, for it is not straight. Being inside there is a large basin of two leagues of circuit, of which a part becomes dry.* The Mussels, the shellfish, and the Oysters® are there in abundance, and a great quantity of game. This place is beautiful and pleasing ; the land is good and flat; the trees are fine, mostly Cedars, Pines, Firs, around the margins, and farther inland, Maples, Ashes, Birches, Black Birches, Oaks, and other kinds of woods. Five leagues farther along one comes to another river called the Little River.6 There also nothing can enter but longboats. The entrance [222] is easier, since there is but

1 The earliest use of the name known to me. It still persists..

2 The Pabos, Little Pabos, and Grand Rivers.

3 The two little Mahy Islands of the charts.

* Pabos River, made unmistakable by its characteristic basin; it is named on our authors map R. au mouclo, of which I do not know the meaning.

5 This is without doubt an error of our author’s. The oyster does not now occur farther north than Caraquet, and physiographic reasons would make it un- likely that it has existed on the north side of the bay within recent times if ever. Moreover, I am informed by Rev. Father Bossé, of Pabos, that no oysters now occur, or are known to the oldest residents to have ever occurred, at this place or elsewhere on the north side of Bay Chaleur.

§ Plainly Little Pabos River, though it is only two leagues beyond the preceding.

AMERICA. CHAP. IX 219

one strait to which the land leads. Inside it is not so large as the other. There is also more water, and it can be entered farther. The land is very nearly the same, both as to the soil and also as to the trees. The fishery for shellfish and the hunting is abundant, and besides the Mackerel is caught there. Four leagues farther along is found another river, called Grande Riviere,* because it is deeper; but the entrance to it is more difficult in that there is a bar. Here is found a dike of gravel and sand, which the sea brings up. The entrance is sometimes on one side and sometimes on the other, because it is in the extremity of the bay, and when the wind comes [223] from the sea in a storm, it drives right into the entrance and fills it with gravel, until the accumulation of the water which has been confined for some time exerts enough power to repulse this obstacle, and to make a free opening in the place where the tempest had accumulated the least gravel. It is in these two rivers that it has been customary for the batteaus of the Normans? from the Banc aux Orphelins to seek safety when they are too hard pressed by a storm whilst their ships are at Isle Percée. The [latter place] is eighteen or twenty leagues from Banc aux Orphelins, [and] they are not able to reach it unless the wind serves them to seek safety towards their vessels; otherwise they have no [224] other retreat than in these two rivers. A number of these boats were formerly lost there, [but] at present there no longer come so many Normans. The trade in furs is not so good

1 The first use of the name, by which it is still called. It is very likely that here, as in some other cases, the adjective grande refers not to its size but to its Indian use as a “grand chemin,” or highway, to other streams. In this case the route of travel was, perhaps, vzé Portage Brook to Mal Bay. Compare the note under page 149 of this volume of our author’s book.

2 This reference to the Normans is of interest, because this coast was first settled by Norman fishermen, some of whom married Indian women. Docu- ments of 1760 in the Canadian Archives (Report for 1887, CCXXIII.), give seventeen families of Normandes and Métisses as living at Gaspé, Pabos, &c. Some of their descendants settled at Caraquet, New Brunswick, and their history is traced in Acadiensis for April 1907.

220 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

there as formerly. They sought that much more than the Cod.

The inner part of the Grande Riviere is not large, although there is some meadow. ‘The hunting is no longer so good as in other places. The lands are higher, so there are more Firs than in other places. Continuing the same route about six leagues the coast is of high lands and of rocks, at the foot of which the sea beats. The top is crowded with Firs, with some other trees intermingled. This coast is dangerous. [225] A Basque vessel was lost here six or seven years ago. The end of this coast is Cap d’Espoir,’ distant four leagues from Isle Percée, and one league from Cap Enrage.” In this place there are found very often two contrary winds; a vessel, for example, will come from Miscou or Baye des Chaleurs, bringing a fine breeze of wind behind her; another vessel will come from Bay des Molués or Isle Percée, also with a wind behind, which is the opposite to that of the other. When they approach these capes they both find the wind altogether calm; or else it must happen that one of the two winds outweighs the other and repulses it, which occurs often in this place.® Thence to Isle Percee [226] all the coast is very high, of flat- topped rocks; the sea beats against their feet, and when a shipwreck happens there, it is hopeless. . But in the middle of it there is found a little cove in which a boat can be placed under cover.*

1 First appears on Champlain’s map of 1632. It is corrupted to Cape Despair on most maps. It has been claimed that Cartier’s Cap ad’ Espérance (on some early maps appearing as Cap a@’Espoir), applied in 1534 to Cape Miscou, has been transferred to this place by some cartographical error. But the evidence therefor is not clear.

* Cap Enragé I find upon a single MS. map, that of Sieur Hermitte of 1727, applied apparently to the present White Head near Percé, and it is here, apparently, our author puts it on his own map. It is, of course, descriptive.

3 A confirmation of this statement about the winds, though for a little farther west, is given in S. G. W. Benjamin’s account of this region in the Century Magazine for March, 1884, 723.

* Evidently Ance 4 Beaufils.

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AMERICA. CHAP. IX 221

Isle Percée1 is a great rock, which must be fifty to sixty fathoms in height, [and is] steep clear to the bottom on both sides. It must be three or four fathoms in breadth. At low tide one can go on firm ground, dry-shod, all around it. It must be three hundred and fifty or four hundred feet long. It has been much longer, extending formerly as far as Isle de Bonne-avanture, but the sea has eaten it out at the foot which has made it fall. I have seen [227] it when it had only one opening, in the form of an arcade, through which a boat passed under sail. It is this which has given it the name of Isle Percée. ‘There have since been formed two others, which are not so large; but these at present are growing every day. There is an appearance as if these openings weakened its foundation and they will finally cause its fall, after which vessels will no longer be able to remain there. All those which come here to make their fishery anchor under shelter of this island. At one or two cables’ lengths from it there are three or four fathoms of water, | but] moving away from it, one finds always a greater depth. Ships are all anchored by four cables, and place floats or pieces of wood [228] of cedar on

their cables to support these, for fear of the rocks which

are on the bottom. When bad weather comes from the sea, it throws against the island a swell which beats against it ; this makes a surf which returns against the ships, and prevents

1 Isle Percée or Percé Rock, so called in description of its great arched opening which is large enough to allow a boat under sail to pass. The name first occurs in Champlain in 1603. It is 288 feet high, about a third of a mile long, very narrow, and separated from the mainland by a bar dry at low water. It is a striking feature of a remarkably striking and beautiful region, and has often been described and figured. Full accounts of it and the neighbouring coasts are given by Pye, in his Canadian Scenery, District of Gaspé (Mon- treal, 1866) ; by Faucher de Saint Maurice, in his Promenades dans le Golfe Saint-Laurent (Quebec, 1881) ; by S.G. W. Benjamin, in the Century Magazine for March 1884 ; by J.G. H. Creighton, in Pzcturesgue Canada; in Sweetser’s Maritime Provinces (1894); in Bacon’s Saint Lawrence River (New York, 1906), and in some other books. An especially illustrative series of photo- graphs of the Rock is in Clarke’s sketch of the geology of Percé in the Refort of the New York State Paleontologist for 1903.

222 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

the cables from working. At a distance of four or five cables from the island, there are three rocks which are covered at high tide, and the farthest out is two or three cable lengths from the shore. These rocks also break the force of the sea, which brings it about that it is not so rough.*

I have seen there as many as eleven fishing vessels which have all loaded with Cod. The fishery is very abundant.

1 They are shown as reefs upon the accompanying map.

2 Percé is still the centre of a fishery of the first importance, and the village is one of the largest in the Gaspé Peninsula.

This place is of especial interest to our present subject from the fact that other members of the Denys family early settled here and established a sedentary fishery. This interesting phase of the history of Percé has not yet been given in print, but ample materials upon it exist in the manuscripts of the Clairambault Collection in the Bibliothéque Nationale in Paris. These papers I hope to publish in full in a work I have long had in contemplation as a com- panion to the present work, a translation of Father Le Clercq’s Nouvelle Rela- tion de la Gaspeste. There is also much in Le Tac’s Histoire Chronologigue de la Nouvelle France (1689; Paris, 1888). For a knowledge of the localities at Gaspé, which I do not yet know myself, I have had to depend upon others, and I have had much information from Pro- fessor J. M. Clarke, of Albany, who has written on the geology of the region, and especially from the Rev. Father Lavoie, of Percé, the Rev. Father Bossé, of Sainte Adelaide de Pabos, and the Rev. Father Sirois, of Barachois, all of whom have responded with the greatest courtesy and liberality to all my inquiries. They have sent

ey oe ea me far more information than I eae : SON st give in this work, but of which I sty | hope to make good use later.

In brief, the facts are these. In 1672 July 20, the Intendant Talon granted to Pierre Denys, Sieur de la Ronde, a nephew of Nicolas Denys, and to Charles Bazire, one league of coast beginning at Isle Percée and extending towards Canso, with as much in depth, together with the lands thence around to Ance 4 Gaspé. This grant was confirmed as the Seigniory of Isle Percée by the Intendant du Chesneau, November 2, 1676. These lands were within the grant to Nicolas Denys, who

: WAG aS Table a Rolant © “ges! how Mt Ste Anng yw C

AMERICA. CHAP. IX 223

A great number of Mackerel are taken [229] and Herring for bait, and Smelt. The Caplin’ [/anson] occur also on the coast where they run ashore; they are also very good for bait. The Cod follow them, which renders the fishery good, and the land is not less so. Along the coast which is flat, the fisher- men have brought little pebbles to make a beach, in order to dry the Cod. Beyond this beach, there are meadows, where

appears to have protested, but quite in vain (Letter of 1676 mentioned in the Bibliography on page 39 of this work). Meantime Pierre Denys went there to settle in 1672, was joined by his family in 1673, and established a Recollet Mission in 1675, in which year he received Le Clercq. The Clairambault documents show that Denys and Bazire built at the present Percé Village several buildings for the fishery (which probably stood at North Beach where tradition places them) with a chapel (which probably stood on the traditional site at Mount Joly), and a house for the priests; while Le Clercq shows that later a branch of the establishment, together with a chapel, was built on Bonaventure Island, probably in the position of the present settlement. In addition, Denys de la Ronde formed a considerable settlement, consisting of several buildings with cleared land, &c., intended for a winter residence, at Petite Riviére, which is described as two leagues from Isle Percée in the bottom of the Baye des Molués, now Mal Bay. The facts sent me by the Rev. Fathers Lavoie and Sirois make it seem probable almost to certainty that this establishment was on the site of the present village of Barachois, which is beside the boat harbour just inside the Gully or Tickle. As to the exact place called Petite Riviére, this seems settled by Le Clercq, who spent here the winter of 1675-76, and who tells us that the basin, now called Barachois, was then called Petite Riviére. Le Clercq speaks of the beautiful tongue of land separating the basin from the sea; this tongue is now an open beach, but is known to have been formerly densely wooded. The Clairambault documents give a full description of the buildings and outfit at this settlement. In 1676 Pierre Denys, whose sight was failing, and whose business had not been successful, retired from the establishment in favour of one of his brothers. But the establishment seems to have languished, for in 1685 several residents of Percé and Petite Riviere, who had been in the employ of Pierre Denys, petitioned Richard Denys de Fronsac, apparently on the assumption that the Pierre Denys’ grant had become void and reverted to Nicolas Denys, for grants of the lands on which they lived ; and these grants were made by him. But in 1687, apparently, Denys de Bonaventure, son of Pierre, received from the Intendant Duchesneau a new grant at Percé. All these settlements were brought to an end and completely destroyed by the English in 1690, as fully described in the pages of Le Clercq.

1 The identity of this fish is made certain by the fact that the Acadians thus use the name to this day, as Dr. A. C. Smith informs me.

224 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

they build the flakes. These meadows were made by the great quantity of Firs which the fishermen have cut down there to make their stages, and which they continue to cut down every day. All this coast held nothing formerly but Firs; at present there are none except the little ones which are spring- ing up again. They must [230] at the present time go for them to the mountain, which is two musket shots from the coast, and bring them upon their shoulders, which is very fatiguing. Otherwise they have to go for them in boats to the extremity of Baye des Molués. They are necessary for making their stages, without which they could not dress the Cod. The mountain is very high, and is called the Table a Rolant.* It can be seen from the sea for eighteen to twenty leagues. It is flat and of square form, which fact has originated its name. There are other adjoining mountains, also high. These mountains all extend, but become lower, as far as the bottom of Baye des Molués, which is three good leagues from Isle Percée. [231] There the hunting is good in the season for Pigeons; and there the fishermen make great slaughter of them, and good cheer. They have gardens, where they grow Cabbages, Peas, Beans, and Salad-plants. They send men also to hunt in the Baye des Molueés in order to live well. But before entering into it let me speak of Isle de Bonne-avanture,” which is a league and a half from

1 Now commonly called Mount Sainte Anne, though the older name, some- times printed Zable Roulante, is apparently known locally. This mention of the name by our author is its first known use; the “table” is descriptive of its remarkable square shape, but the origin of Rolante (or Roland) is wholly unknown. Its prominence is as great as our authorstates. A good description of it is given by S. G. W. Benjamin, and a photograph is given by Professor _ Clarke, in the paper earlier cited (note on page 221). It shows the matter-of-fact character of our author that he is not moved to admiration in describing the superb natural features of this lofty and rugged but beautiful country.

2 This name appears first in Champlain, 1603, and persists to this day. Its origin is not known, though it is possible it is derived from a vessel of that name, as suggested by Roy in his Noms Géographiqgues. The Clairambault documents show that the Denys family had here a post or fishing station, doubtless as a branch of that at Percé ; hence it seems altogether likely that

AMERICA. CHAP. IX 225

Isle Percée and opposite it. It is as high as Isle Percée, and of oval form. It has two leagues of circuit, and is all covered with Firs, amongst which are found also other trees. The hunting for Hares there is good. From thirty snares set in the evening, one obtains at least twenty Hares the next morning. The Pigeons abound there because of the [232] quantity of Strawberries and Raspberries of which they are fond. As for the fishery it is as good as at Isle Percee, but the convenience is not equal to the latter. There is only gravel beach for one ship. I have seen three ships at anchor there in front of a little cove by which one lands upon this island. All the other vessels in this place can have only flakes; but it is necessary for a road to be made with Firs, rising steadily, with the stages, from the edge of the water as high as twelve or fifteen fathoms in height, through which it is necessary for them to carry their fish in order to dry it upon their flakes.

Leaving Bonne-aventure and Isle Percée, one enters into [233] the Baye des Molués,’ which has four leagues of opening, and three of depth. On the side which joins Isle Percée are those mountains which run descending as far as its extremity. From this bay, in which is the mouth of a little river with a bar,” the boats enter [the river] only in fine weather. The sea goes dry rather far from its entrance. There is not much water inside at low tide, except in a little channel for canoes. It has a great extent of flats and meadows, which make the

this island suggested the title Sieur de Bonaventure which was adopted by one of the Denys’ family, and which is used by his descendants to this day. The account of the island seems correct, and some families live at the landing place of which our author speaks.

1 The name, meaning Bay of Cod, appears first in Alphonse in 1542 (Baxters Memoir of Jacques Cartier: New York, 1906, 251), was used by Champlain, and was early corrupted, presumably by English fishermen, to Mal Bay, in which form (Malbaye) it appears in a MS. by L’Hermitte of 1727, and persists to this day.

* Our author, like Le Clercq, calls the Barachois, or more properly its outlet, a little river.

226 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

hunting abundant, and a fishery for all kinds of shellfish. Salmon ascend there in quantity. This place is rather pleasing; the land there is good, and all kinds of trees are very large. Fine Firs are found there. If the fishermen [234] have need of masting, they go after it to this place. Thence following the coast to go to the other end of the bay, it is necessary to pass four to five leagues of coast, which con- tinues always ascending, but not so high as on the other side. It is of rocks covered with Firs, and some other little trees of Birches and Ashes. Few large ones are found there. This point is named the Forillon.’ There is a little island in front of it, where the fishermen from Gaspé come to make their degrat for taking the cod. From this island in to the River of Gaspé,” where the fishing vessels anchor, is considered four good leagues ; that is to say, two leagues to the entrance of the river, and two to the place where the vessels lie. The fishermen have there a [235] fine gravel beach, ample for two big vessels. The land in the vicinity of this beach is very high, and upon it is a great stretch all covered with grass, and beyond this are woods of all sorts, which are not very large, with quantities of Firs. A league farther into the river is a cove, where one can land.*? On the high land is the place where it

1 Our author is in error in applying Forillon where he does at Point Saint Peter ; it belongs really at the extremity of Cape Gaspé, though the island he mentions is, of course, our present Flat Island. The name is first used by Champlain, in the form Farillon, of unknown origin, and he applies it to a separated island or rock, the Indian name for which is supposed by some writers to have originated the name Gaspé. Tradition affirms that this rock was formerly a tall column, known in later times as La Vieille, or “the old woman ;” but it has now fallen, and there is left only the rock called Flower- Pot Rock, or Ship Head, on the charts (compare the sailing directions). But the name Forillon was early extended to the lofty narrow peninsula terminating in Cape Gaspé.

2 This name appears first in Alphonse in 1542 (Baxters Memoir of Jacques Cartier, 251), and was used by Champlain. It is no doubt of Micmac Indian origin, though its meaning is uncertain, as shown by the discussion in Rouillard’s Moms Géographiques.

3 This account of Gaspé is somewhat confused and the distances are

AMERICA. CHAP. IX 227

has been desired to find a mine of lead.1 Messieurs of the Company have been at much expense there, for the reason that some persons had brought them some fragments, which in fact were good. But it was only from some little veins which ran over the rock, and which the strength of the sun had purified. For all this mine is [236] nothing other than antimony, and that is not abundant. I was acquainted with it over twenty years ago. If it had been good I would not have left it unused. I have found persons enough who wished to undertake it upon the strength of the samples which I had shown, but I was never willing, knowing well that I should have deceived them. This is something which I am not capable of doing, at least not unless I were myself deceived without knowing it. Only high mountains appear at the head of this river. They are separated from one another, [and] all covered with woods. There is fishing for Herring at the entrance to this river, and quantities of Mackerel all around the anchorage for the vessels. ‘The fishery for the Cod there is [237] abundant, as is also the hunting for Pigeons. Setting out from this river, one passes a great cape,” and three or four leagues from that appears Cap des Roziers,’ which is

erroneous. But I think our author’s “entrance to the river” is at Sandy Beach, and the place for the vessels is at Gaspé Basin, while the “ fine gravel beach ” is at Grand Grevé, five miles from Cape Gaspé. This is confirmed by the reference to the mines of lead in his next sentence.

1 The only lead mines at Gaspé known to the Geological Survey are at Little Gaspé and Indian Cove, near Grand Grevé; and no doubt these, especially the latter, are the ones mentioned by our author, who is mistaken in calling it antimony. The Gentlemen of the Company thought it was tin, and considered it important enough to be withheld from our author’s concession in 1653 (compare earlier, page 58 of this work). It was no doubt this mine which Father Bailloquet visited with miners in 1665, and did not find good (Thwaites’ Jesutt Relations, XLIX. 171).

* The lofty Cape Gaspé, now sometimes called Le Forillon, projecting as a narrow ridge three miles into the sea.

° This cape was, no doubt, chosen as the boundary of our author’s con- cession, because it marks with fair definition the transition on this coast between the River and the Gulf of Saint Lawrence. The name appears first

228 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH AMERICA

the limit of my concession. I have never been on that coast ; I have only seen it from a distance in passing on the way to Kebec. It makes the entrance of the great River of Saint Laurent on its southern coast, and limits my concession on the northern coast. Such is the extent of the coasts from New England, as far as the great River of Saint Laurent, and the islands, at least the principal ones.

on Champlain’s map of 1632. Its origin is not known, but presumably it is simply the descriptive word voszers (“rosebushes”). It is an odd coincidence that our author’s description of Acadia should both begin (very nearly) and end with a cape named Rosier, for a cape just south of the old French fort at Castine is so called. In this case, also, as I am informed by the Rev. Dr. Burrage, the origin is not known.

[238] <dricles* concluded between the Sieur Vuak, Knight, and Ambassador of the King of Great Britain, deputized by the said Lord King, and the Sieurs de Buillon, Councillor of Fits Most Christian Majesty in his State and Privy Councils, and Bouthiller, Councillor of his Majesty in his said Councils, and Secretary of his orders, Commissioners deputized by his said Majesty, for the restitution of those things which have been taken since the Treaty between the two Crowns, the 24th of April, 1629.”

N behalf of his said Majesty of Great Britain, [239]

Sieur Isaac Vvak, Knight,® and his Ambassador to

the Most Christian King, by virtue of the power

which he has, and which will be inserted at the end

1 This document, extending from page 238 to page 267, is the Treaty of Saint Germain-en-Laye of 1632. It is difficult to understand why our author should have inserted it, since its connection with his subject is of the slightest —no greater than he indicates upon page 2 of this volume of his book. I can only surmise that he happened to possess a copy, thought it a rare document, and inserted it with the thought of giving somewhat greater value to his book. It is, moreover, badly printed—it has alterations, insertions, omissions, and misprints; it ignores the numbers and separation of the articles; and it has a part of its matter transposed,—the first and second articles, which ought to come first, being interpolated on pages 247-250.

The treaty has been several times printed: in a contemporary pamphlet of eleven pages in 4to; in Le Mercure Francois, XVIII., 1633, 40-47; in Leonard’s Recueil des Traitez de Paix, Paris, 1693, Vol. V., and the same, Amsterdam et La Haye, 1700, V. 328-329; in Du Mont’s Corps Universel: Amsterdam et La Haye, 1728, VI. i. 31-32; in Mémoires des Commissaires du Roi: Paris, 1756, 12mo, III. 7-14, and 4to, II. 5; in Collection de Manuscrits: Quebec, 1883, I. 86. It has been printed at least once in English—in A General Collection of Treatys ... 2nd ed., London, 1732, II. 305-309. On several related documents, see Aefort on Canadian Archives, 1883, 120.

* The Convention of Susa, which should have ended the war, but did not.

® Sir Isaac Wake, diplomatist, born 1580, well educated, made ambassador to France, 1631 ; died at Paris, 1632.

229 Q

230 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

of these Presents, has promised and does promise, for and in the name of his said Majesty, to give up and restore to his said Most Christian Majesty all the places occupied in New France, Accadie, and Canadas, by the subjects of his said Majesty of Great Britain, and to have them removed from the said places. And to this end the said Lord Ambassador will deliver, at the time of the passing and signature of these presents, to the Commissioners of the Most Christian King, in good form, the Power which he has from his said Majesty of Great Britain for the restitution of the said places, together with the orders of [240] his said Majesty to all those who command in Port Royal, the Fort of Kebec and Cap Breton, that the said places and forts be given up and returned into the hands of whomsoever it may please his Most Christian Majesty to designate, eight days after the said orders shall have been notified to those who command or will command the said places, the said time of eight days being given them for taking outside the said places and forts, their arms, baggage, merchandise, gold, silver, utensils, and generally everything which belongs to them; to whom and to all others in the said places is granted the interval of three weeks after the said eight days have expired, in order during these weeks, or [241] sooner if it can be done, to embark upon their ships with their arms, munitions, baggage, gold, silver, utensils, merchandise, peltries, and in general every- thing which belongs to them, to remove thence into England without remaining any longer in the said parts. And since it 1s necessary that the English send into the said places to retake their people and remove them into England, it 1s agreed that General de Caen shall pay the expenses needful for the equipment of a ship of two hundred or two hundred and fifty tons burden which the English will send into the said places, that is to say the hire of the ship to go and return, © provisions for the men as well sailors for the management of the ship as [242] those who are on land and are to be

AMERICA 231

brought off, the pay of these, and in general everything which is needful for the equipment of a ship of the said tonnage for such a voyage, according to the usage and customs of England. And further, as for the genuine and marketable merchandise which may remain in the hands of the English still unbartered, he will make settlement with them in the said places in accordance with its original cost in England, with thirty per cent. profit, in consideration of the risks of the sea and carriage of the same paid by them.

Proceeding to the restitution of the said places, by the subjects of his said Majesty of Great Britain they will be restored in the same state in which they were at the time of their capture. [243] The arms and munitions contained in the deposition of the Sieur de Champlain, together with the merchandise and utensils which were found at Kebec at the time of its capture, will be restored in kind or in value, according as it is stated in the deposition of the said Sieur de Champlain, and will, the contents thereof, together with all that is proven by the said deposition to have been found in the said place at the time of the capture, be returned and

left at the said fort into the hands of the French. And it

anything is wanting from the number of each kind, it will be compensated and paid for by the Sieur Philippes Burlamachy, to whomsoever shall be designated by his Most Christian Majesty, excepting the knives, beaver-skins and proceeds of the debts [244] carried off by the English, concerning which it has been agreed hereunder, and satisfaction has been given to the said General de Caen for and in the name of all those who could have any interest therein.

Further, the Sieur Burlamachy on behalf of his Majesty of Great Britain for and in the name of his said Majesty, at the request and command of the said Lord Ambassador in accord with the order the latter has from the King, and also in his proper and private name, has promised and does promise to pay to the said General de Caen in two months,

232 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

from the day and date of the signature of these Presents, for all and each of the said peltries, knives, debts due by the Indians to the said General de Caen, and other mer- chandise to him [245] belonging found in the said Forts of Kebec in the year 1629 the sum of 820,700! livres Tours currency, and further to have restored and given up to him in England the barque named the Helene [with] rigging, cannon, munitions and appurtenances according to the memoir which has been proved before the Lord of the Council of England.

There shall further be restored to the said General de Caen in the establishment of Quebec all the casks of biscuits, barrels of peas, prunes, raisins, flour, and other merchandise and provisions for bartering which were in the said barque when she was taken in the year 1629, together with the merchandise belonging to him, which have been unloaded and left [246] last year at Kebec in the River S. Laurent, country of New France.

And besides the said Sieur Burlamachy promises, in the same name as above, to pay or have paid in Paris to him whom his Most Christian Majesty shall designate, the sum of sixty thousand six hundred and two livres Tours currency within the said time, for the ships the Gabriel of Saint Gilles, Sainte Anne of Havre de Grace, the Trinité of the Sables d’Olone, the Saint Laurent of Saint Malo, and the Cap du Ciel of Calais, their cannon, munitions, rigging, cordages, provisions, merchandise, and in general everything comprised in the inventories and estimates of the said ships made by the Judges of the Admiralty in England. Likewise [shall be paid] for the barque [247] @’avis sent by the associates of Captain Bontemps, with her cannon, munitions, rigging, furniture, merchandise and provisions, the sum which it will be found that the said barque and merchandise, rigging, cannon and

1 In another copy of the Treaty this reads 82,700, which is without doubt correct.

|

AMERICA 233

munitions will be found worth when sold or valued by the order of the Judges of Admiralty of England, and the same for the vessel given by the said Bontemps to the English returning to England, according to the valuation which will have been made of her as above. } As also on behalf of his Most Christian Majesty, according to the Power which he has given to the Sieurs de Bullion, Councillor of the King in his State and Privy Councils, and Bouthillier, also Councillor of the King [248 | in the said Councils, and Secretary of his Commands, of which a copy will be inserted at the end of these presents, it is promised and agreed that the Sieurs Lumague or Vanelly shall give caution and security in the name of his said Majesty, and in their own personal and private name, this day date of these Presents, to pay within the space of two months, counting from the day of the said date, to the said Ambassador, or to him whom he shall indicate in the city of Paris, the sum of sixty-four thousand two hundred and forty- six livres, four sols, three deniers Tours currency, for the merchandise of the ship the Jacques, and the sum of sixty-nine thousand eight hundred and ninety-six livres, nine sols, two deniers Tours currency, for the merchandise [249] of the ship the Benediction, the whole at the legal rate of the King ; and that in fifteen days the said two vessels, the Jacques and the Benediction, which are now at the port of the harbour of Dieppe, with their cordages, cannon, munitions, rigging, furniture and provisions, which were found on their arrival

| at the said Dieppe, will be restored to the said Lord Ambassa- _ dor of England, or to him whom he may designate, and if

_ anything thereof shall be found to be wanting, it will be paid

_ for in specie.

| And as regards the ship the Bride ou Réponse,’ the , sums to which will amount what was sold at Calais, as well _ the provisions and other merchandises as the body of the

| : |

1 In other copies of the Treaty this word reads Espouse.

234. DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

ship, the cannon, munitions, [250] rigging, furniture and provisions, shall be paid, as also the sums to which will be found to amount the remainder of the cargo of the ship found in her when she was taken, which will be paid on the basis of the last sale made at the said) Calais) Hor the payment of this the said Sieurs Lumague & Vanelly will give their pledge to pay at Paris to the said Ambas- sador or to him whom he may designate, and within the said interval.

It has been agreed that from the sums which are to be restored for both English and French, shall be deducted the entry duties, as also that which will have been paid for the protection of the merchandise and repairs of the [251] said ships, and in particular twelve hundred livres for that which concerns the entry duties on the merchandise of the said General de Caen, and twelve hundred livres that he has to pay for the provisions furnished the French on their return to England and to France in 1629.

Further it has been agreed upon both sides that if at the time of the taking of the said vessels the Jacques, the Bene- diction, the Gabriel of Saint Gilles, Sainte Anne of Havre de Grace, the Trinité of the Sables d’Olonne, the Saint Laurent of Saint Malo, the Cap du Ciel of Calais, there has been taken anything contained in the inventories, and which never- theless will not have been comprised in the official report of the sales and estimations, as also [252] if at the time of the taking of the said vessels, there has been subtracted or re- moved anything not comprised in the inventories, made both in England and in France by the Officers of the Admiralty, it will be permissible to those concerned in the said ships to proceed by the ordinary ways of Justice against those whom they will be able to prove culpable of this dereliction, in order to compel these bodily to restore that which will be proven to have been taken by them; and that they will be compelled to do this jointly, the solvent for the insolvent,

]

AMERICA 235

but without in any case those interested being able on this account to claim any reparation for their grievances through reprisals or [253] letters of marque, whether it be by sea or land.

For the execution of that which is above, all Letters and Decrees required will be expedited on both sides, and supplied within fifteen days.

[254| Following is the text of the Power of the said Sieur Isaac Wake, Knight, Ambassador of the King of Great Britain.’

HIARLES, by the grace of God, of Great Britain,

France and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith,

&c. To all who shall see these letters, Greeting.

Since certain difficulties and differences of opinion have hitherto made it impossible for the terms and articles of agreement lately entered into between ourselves and our very dear Brother, his most Serene and Potent [255] Majesty the most Christian King of the French, to be renewed and restored and also to be duly observed and fulfilled in accordance with the regular and formal manner of reconciliation and with that requisite and due form of pro- cedure which the very close bond of relationship, alliance and good-will that exists between us twain, and the mutual inter- course, neighbourhood and advantage on both sides prompt and require: and since moreover nothing is more pleasing to ourselves than that we on our part should by word and promise satisfy our royal brothers, and that we should expect nothing else on the part of the aforesaid most Christian King [256] than the same affectionate disposition towards us in The original of this document is not in French, but in Latin, and for the

present translation I am indebted to Professor W. Tyng Raymond of the University of New Brunswick.

236 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

return: We on our part understanding that nothing further is lacking for the accomplishment of so great an end except that commissioners and representatives of both powers, fur- nished with sufficient authority, should meet together, ought not and do not wish any longer to postpone making the effort to forward to the earnestly desired end and issue that holy and inevitable and also much-needed work of bringing about a reconciliation which has been so happily begun, and to establish mutual liberty in renewing and carrying on trade and in like measure the certainty of sincerely cultivating friendship and relations of intimacy ; [257] Know therefore that we have made, appointed and accredited a man of rank, our trusty and well-beloved Sir Isaac Wake, who is our Envoy and Ambassador at the court of the said our very dear Brother and most Christian King, in whose great ex- perience in affairs and in whose prudence, worth and honour we have the greatest confidence, and do by these presents make, appoint and accredit him as our true and sure ac- credited commissioner and representative, giving and entrust- ing to the aforesaid [258] [Sir Isaac Wake] full authority of every kind, and power in like degree, and a general and special commission to communicate, treat, hold interviews and conclude terms in our name with the aforesaid most Christian King, our very dear Brother, and with his accredited commis- sioners and representatives who possess sufficient power for this purpose, with regard to the said task of putting an end to differences of opinion and of establishing the aforesaid reconciliation and trade relations, and to do other things all and singular which are conducive to the said bringing about of mutual reconciliation and restoration of trade relations, [259] and also to the establishment of a more secure peace and friendship between us our crowns and subjects, and to draw up the necessary letters and instruments relating to these articles of agreement, and on the other hand to ask for them and to receive them, and finally to further everything

| | | | | |

AMERICA 237

that shall be necessary and favourable to these presents or in connection with the same: promising in good faith and upon our royal word that we will regard as valid, acceptable and binding the [terms] all and singular that shall in these pre- sents or in any one of these presents be made, compacted and concluded between the said our very dear Brother and most Christian King and his representatives, accredited agents and commissioners and the aforesaid Sir Isaac Wake our [260] repre- sentative and ambassador, and that we will give a more special commission, if that shall be necessary, and will make good all defects, if any shall be found in these letters, and will never contravene any one or more of the actual terms, but on the contrary will inviolably observe and cause to be observed whatever shall have been promised in our name.

In witness whereof we have caused these letters to be made patent and after being duly signed by our hand to be con- firmed by the seal of our kingdom of England; Given | 261] in our palace at Greenwich on the 29th day of June in the year of Christ 1631 and the seventh of our reign.

Thus signed CHARLES King. And sealed upon a double ribbon with yellow wax.

[262] Following is the text of the Power of the said Sieurs de Bullion and Bouthillier Commissaries deputized by his Most Christian Majesty.

OUIS, by the grace of God, King of France and of Navarre; To all those to whom these present Letters may come; greeting. Some difficulties having arisen

which have prevented up to the present the completion and full execution of the last Articles arranged between us, and the

very great, very powerful and very excellent Prince, our very dear and much loved Brother-in-law, Cousin and ancient ally, the

238 DESCRIPTION OF NORTH

King of [263] Great Britain: and since the Subjects of the two Crowns have not derived the benefits which we had anticipated therefrom for their common good : as we have never had any thing more at heart than to have seen truly kept and executed the things which have been promised by us, and to establish and to cement between us and the said King, our very dear Brother, the good and sincere friendship and understanding which ought to exist between us for the common good of our Crowns and the Public: likewise do we not desire anything more than to bring to an end and terminate as soon as possible the difficulties liable to prevent such a good work: and since we are assured that the said King of Great [264] Britain has on his side the same intention, and has even given power by his Letters Patent, of the 29th June last, to the Sieur Isaac Wake his Ambassador in ordinary residing near us to treat of his affairs: desiring to do the same upon our part, we have made choice for this negotiation of our beloved and faithful Councillors, in our Council of State, the Sieurs de Buillion and Bouthillier, Secretary of our Commands, as persons in whose devotion, fidelity and experience we have especial confidence. FoR THESE REASONS and other good considera- tions, moving us to this, we have commissioned and de- putized the said Sieurs de Buillion and Bouthillier, [265] [and] we do commission and deputize them by these Presents signed by our hand, with full Power and special command, in our name, to confer, negotiate and treat with the said Sieur Wake Ambassador, for an arrangement of the said difficulties concerning restitutions to be made of the things taken by both sides, for the establishment of a good, free, and safe com- merce and trade between the subjects of the two Crowns, and in general for everything which will prove to be necessary and convenient for a perfect reconciliation between us and our subjects, and for the consolidation of a good and durable peace between us and our Crowns, and for this to draw, give and receive all Articles [266] Agreements and Treaties of

AMERICA 239

which there shall be need. We promise by faith, and the word of a King to sanction, [and] to hold firmly and solidly to everything which shall be by our said Deputies done, managed and negotiated, concluded and agreed concerning this subject with the said Sieur Ambassador, without contravening it or suffering that it be contravened on our part in any manner whatsoever. For such is our pleasure. In witness whereof we have had our seal affixed to these Presents. Given at Mets the twenty-fifth day of January, in the year of Grace 1632, and of our reign the twenty-second. Signed, LOUIS. And upon the fold By the King, Dz Lomenig. And sealed upon a double ribbon with the great Seal of yellow wax.

[267] In faith whereof We Ambassadors and Commis- sioners undermentioned, in virtue of our Powers, have signed the Present Articles at Saint Germain, the twenty-ninth day of March 1632.

Signed, Isaacus Wakws, BULLION, BouTHILLeER.

[267 verso] Extract from the King’s License.

B favour and License of the King, granted at Saint Germain en Laye, the 29th of September, 1671, signed DaLence’, the Sieur Denys is permitted to have printed, by such printer as he may care to choose, during five years, a Book of his own composition entitled, Geographical Description of the Coasts of North America, from New England to the River Saint Lawrence, with the Natural History of the peoples and animals of the country, and prohibition is made to all persons, of whatsoever grade they may be, against printing it without the express consent of the said Sieur Denis or of those authorized by him, under penalties imposed by the said Wetters:

And the said Sieur Denis has transferred his right of License to Louis Billaine and Claude Barbin, Merchant Booksellers at Paris, for them to enjoy according to the arrangement made between them.

Entered in the register of the Guild of the Master-Printers

and Merchant Booksellers, the March, 1672. Signed ‘THIERRY, Assignee.

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DENYS’ MAP OF L’AMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONALE : Copperplate from Denys’ book ., (Reduced to about three-fourths the original size)

NATURAL mao l ORY

Of the People, of the Animals, of the Trees and Plants of North America, and of its diverse Climates

With an exact Description of the Fishery for Cod, as well upon the Grand Bank as upon the Coast; and of all that ts there the practice

in the most detail, 8c.

By Monsieur DENYS, Governor [and] Lieutenant-General for the King, and Proprietor of all the Lands and Islands which occur from the Cap de Campseaux, as far as the Cap des Roziers

VOLUME SECOND

PARIS

At CrLaupe Barsin’s, at the Court-house on the Steps of the Holy Chapel

MDCLX XII With the King’s License

[i] TABLE OF THE CHAPTERS

CONTAINED IN THE SECOND VOLUME

CHAPTER I

Which treats of the difference and the resemblance which there is between the climates of New France and of Old, with the reasons why that country can produce everything that grows in France . page [3] 2471

PAGE

CHAPTER II

An account of the profits which are derived and which can be derived from the country through the fishery for Cod, green or white, as they are eaten at Paris; the method of fishing, dressing, and salting them : ; : : ! : : sea 257

CHAPTER III

The method of fishing the Cod called Merluche, of dressing it, of salting it, and of ae it, and of all the tools necessary therefor . : : : : Cr ligsiues 551) 269

CHAP rERY 1V

Containing that which is customary when the ships are approaching the place where the fishery is to be made: the manner of obtaining a position, that which is done at the landing, [ii] and how the

company is set at work ; ; ‘ ; g ! em 278 CHAPTER: V On the method of making the staging for the iene of the Cod, and of the work which it is to construct it . a) Slot ore. (80 | 283

' Of the present translation. In the original this Table of Chapters is

printed at the end of Volume II. ; for convenience of reference it is transposed to this place.

243

| | | | |

}

244: TABLE

Ci APT ER Vi

Containing the method of obtaining the oil from the livers of Cod, with a description of the instruments and tools which are used in dressing, salting, and washing the fish; what flakes and beach are, their con- struction and their use : ‘ ; : ; : [102]

CHAPTER VII

Containing the manner in which are built the boats which ought to be loaded in sections for transport to the fishing stations a ane

CHAPTER) Vill

Of the distribution which is made of the boats among the master fisher- men, and of the means which they use to keep them in safety during the night . : : : : ‘ ; [135]

CHAPTER Tx

The preparations of the boats for going to the fishing; that which is practised when they are upon the fishing grounds; that which is done on shore; on the [ii] return of the fishermen, and of their method of unloading their boats and of placing them in safety [142]

CHAPTER) X

On the method of dressing and salting the Cod, of making the oil which is obtained therefrom; how one prepares the roe, and what this is and its utilisation : ; : : : : [155]

CHAPTER XI

The administration of the provisions; how they are used during the fishing ; how the boite or bait is caught, and of the characteristics of the Cod and the Mackerel . t ‘ ; [172]

CHAPTER XII

The departure of the masters of boats to go upon the grounds, and that which is practised there; the explanation of the marigot; what the dégrat is, how it is made, and the reason for it, and other ideas on

the same subject z 5 : p ¢ : : [185]

PAGE

289

295

302

395

310

317

322

TABLE

CHAPTER XIII

The preparation of the fish at the degrat; and that which is done with it; the method of washing the Cod, and of placing it on the galaire; the great labour at the staging when the Cod is abundant, and the lights which are used yj. : : : : [197]

CHAPTER XIV

Of the work on land which is [iv] done in washing the Cod, carrying it to the galaire, to the flakes, to the beach, in turning it and placing

it in piles . : , F ‘ ; } : ‘ [207]

CHAPTER XV

The method of making the piles of Cod; all that which is practised at the embarkation, as well of the Cod as provisions and other tings =. ; : ‘ K ‘ : : : [222]

CrIArPTER Xvi

General account of the sedentary fishery for Cod; the profits which have been derived from it by those who have undertaken it; the advan- tage that it can be made; its establishment, Treane that the land is peopled by sending colonies there. : Nu esau

CHAPTER XVII

Of the other sea fishes ; of those which approach the land ; their combats ; the method of taking them and their characteristics [255 viz. 253]

CHAPTER XVIII

Description of the fish of fresh water having four feet, their forms and peculiarities, their works and manner of acting and working [278]

CHAPTER XIX

Of the sea birds and their characteristics : : [295 viz. 299|

CHAPTER XX

The description of all [v] the kinds of woods which are inland; their characteristics, and the advantages which can be derived from

them ‘ , t i , y : ; : [309] R

2 A 5

377

se

337

341

349

361

37°

377

246 TABLE

CHAPTER XXI

Which treats of the animals, birds, and reptiles; of their characteristics, and of the manner of capturing them. ‘ ‘ : [319]

CHAPTER “XxX

Which treats of the diversity of the seasons of the year, and of the different kinds of fruits 4 : : : ‘ : [345]

CHAPTER XXIII

Concerning the ways of the Indians, their polity and customs, their mode of life, their disposition, and that of their children; of their marriages; their method of building, of Te of feo -making, with other particulars. : : [355]

CHAPTER XXIV

Of their head-dress, of their ornaments, of their finery; of the regimen which they observe during their illnesses; of their amusements and conversations; of the work of the men and of the women, and of

their more usual occupations : : : ‘ [389]

CHAPTER XXV

The hunting of Moose, of Bears, of Beavers, of Lynxes, and of other animals, according to their seasons : : : ‘ [419]

[vi] CHAPTER XXVI

The hunting of birds, and of fishes, as well by day as by night; and the ceremony of their burials; that which is customary when they are committed to the earth . : < : : A [442]

CHAPTER XXVii

The difference that there is between the ancient customs of the Indians, and those of the present. : ; : . [454 viz. 460]

382

394

399

414

426

435

442

. | i

| i

| }

| | | |

[3] NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH AMERICA

CHAPTER |

Which treats of the difference and of the resemblance which there ts between the climates of New France and of Old, with the reasons why that country can produce everything which grows in France. |

FTER having exhibited the extent of the coast of New A France, from [4] New England as far as the en- trance of the great River of Saint Laurent, and having indicated everything from port to port, from harbour to harbour, and from river to river,—that which is contained in each place, the kinds of trees, their heights and girths, the quality and goodness of the land,—it is now appropriate to show that it is capable of bearing everything which France 1s able to produce, since it is situated under the same climate. The River of Pantagotiet [Penobscot] is situated under the latitude of forty-three and a half degrees; the other extremity adjoins the great River of Saint Laurent, under the forty-ninth degree, also of latitude. All this [5] extent of New France con- tains therefore only five degrees [of latitude] throughout its entire length of coast, which is about two hundred and fifty

_ leagues. Bayonne which is the extremity of the coasts of France

on the southern side [Costé du Midy] is in latitude forty-three

degrees forty-five minutes. Calais, which is on the north side 247

248 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

[Costé du Nord] is in fifty-one degrees." Consequently the coasts of France ought to be much colder than those of New France, since the latter are two degrees and a quarter farther south [and opposite] our southern coast. Cap Breton is in lati- tude forty-five and two-thirds degrees, and this marks the main entrance of the Great Bay of Saint Laurent, which is

between it and Cap de Rayes [Cape Ray]. From the said Cap

1 Our author's argument about the comparative latitudes of Old and New France (meaning thereby his L’Amerique Septentrionale, or Acadia), is involved and not quite correct in its details. Nevertheless, as the accompanying dia- grammatic map will show, his meaning in the main is plain and correct in fact. He means that, taken as a whole, the latitudes including Acadia lie over two

é Bayonne as

cale 200 miles to Linch 43°

Diagrammatic map to illustrate Denys’ argument about the corresponding latitudes of New France (L’Amerique Septentrionale, or Acadia) and France.

degrees farther south than those including France ; thus they fall opposite the southern coast of France (Costé du Midy) ; while the northern coast of Acadia, from Cape Breton to the River Saint Lawrence, lies more southerly than the corresponding north shore of France, between Nantes and Calais. But while this is in general correct, his deductions therefrom are incorrect, as will later appear.

AMERICA. CHAP. I 249

Breton to the [6] entrance of the great River [Saint Lawrence], there occur only two degrees fifty minutes of difference, and those more southerly than [the corresponding part of ] France. For the river of Nantes is in latitude forty-seven degrees twenty-four minutes, and Calais, which is at the other extremity of the northern side, is in fifty-one degrees, which makes the difference three degrees thirty-six minutes. Thus all the extent of lands between Nantes and Calais ought then to be as cold as, and even colder than, those which are between Cap Breton and the great River Saint Laurent, and so with all the rest of the country. For the Sun which is the master of all the Stars, and on which they all depend, ought to pro- duce the same [7] effect in one place as it does in the other so far as heat is concerned. But there are fortuitous circum- stances which mitigate the effects of its power, just as it is evident that under the same climate there are found lands of which some are much better than others. One place will have nothing but rocks, another will produce only heaths ; in another place there will be only mountains, with nothing but marshes and meadows in the valleys. Amongst all these are found good lands proper for wheat, fruits, and all other good plants. It is not then the fault of the Sun if all the lands which fall under the same degree of heat are not affected alike. New France [8] is an example of this. There are found there mountains, rocks, marshes, meadows, heaths, and good lands which can produce everything as well as can those of France. Another accidental circumstance is found there in the cold, which is said to be greater than in France and with more snow. This is true, provided that such is possible without a difference in climate. For if I were to change from one climate to another, all my reasoning would be worthless. I remain therefore within the same limits that I have fixed upon above."

1 Our author’s reasoning about the climates of Acadia and France (viz., that aside from adventitious and alterable causes they are the same under the same

250 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

First Iam going to give my reason for the cold and the snows Of New France. I maintain that the quantity of snow which is found there results from the fact that all the country is covered with [9] woods. ‘The snow which falls in those parts, commencing as in France sometimes at the end of Sep- tember or at mid-October according as the years behave, all these snows, [I say], do not at first remain on the ground, because that still has heat which melts them. At other times there occur rainy years, resulting from the temperature of the air which usually is the same there as in France. This I have many times remarked from the reports of those coming from France, of whom I asked the state of the winter, as well at its beginning, its middle part and its end; and from them | found almost an exact agreement. All the [10] snow which falls there about All Saints no longer melts, because of the woods which preserve it, whilst the earth has lost its heat and the Sun no longer has force enough to melt it through the [screen of the] woods. Thus all that falls thenceforth col- lects, one lot upon another, which brings it to pass that it is said there are six monthsof snow. ‘This duration of the snow comes also from this, that in spring the force of the Sun has not heat enough to melt it in the woods, which have reassumed their verdure before it becomes strong; this prevents the Sun from melting the snow straightway. I have observed that the snow in the woods never melts through force of the Sun, but by heat of the earth, which warms up [11] as soon as the spring arrives, and this makes the snows melt faster underneath than on top. This is not at all a bad indication of the excel-

latitudes), while ingenious, and natural for the state of knowledge of the time, is fallacious. In fact Acadia, although averaging more southerly in latitude than France, has a much colder climate, not for the alterable causes our author mentions, but for a reason of which Denys could have no conception—namely, the circulation of air and water currents in the northern hemisphere is such that warm air and water from the south bathe western Europe, while cold air and water from the north bathe north-eastern America. A much juster estimate of the Acadian climate is given by Father Biard (Thwaites, /esuz¢t Relations, 111. 49).

AMERICA. CHAP. I 251

lence of the soil. Further, I affirm that in cleared places the snow melts five to six weeks sooner than in the woods, despite the fact that the neighbouring woods still communicate to them much of their frost. This is seen commonly enough in France, where all the lands which are near the woods are much more subject to frosts than those which are distant therefrom. And it can be proved yet better by the case of Kebec, which has two months of winter less than it had before the lands there were cleared, as I [12] have been assured by several of the old resi- dents of Kebec. If once the woods are farther removed from their lands they will have no more winter than in Paris. Conse- quently there is no longer any reason to decry this country for its great cold and deep snows; for the reasons which I give are plain enough to show that New France can produce every- thing as well as can Old. Buta population is necessary to work at the clearing. There are many people in France who can scarcely find the means of subsistence ; and were it not for the providence of God in giving to France so great an abundance of grain, of wine, of fruits and of vegetables, they would die of hunger [13] in great numbers, as has been seen in the year 1661 in the largest part of the provinces of France. And if there should happen again a similar misfortune, even he who has the wherewithal to subsist will then find himself happy indeed to be in New France, where with a little labour one cannot die of hunger. Would it not be much better that many poor people should go into those parts to work and clear the lands, and thus make themselves happy? It only re- quires two years of work to secure grain, Peas, Beans, and all Kinds of vegetables with which to live there rather than to languish here. For aside from the fact that these suffer themselves, they make others suffer. They never pay any tax to the [14] King, and hinder those who have some little pro- perty from settling at their ease, when they could then pay their taxes more readily.

Those who like much better to drink than to eat will tell

252 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

me that no wine is produced there, and that one does not take les pigeons a la rape ;* and they do not consider that it is in the places where the wine does not grow that one drinks the best. Another who likes fruits will say to me that there are none of them. ‘Thus each one will ask of me things according to his own inclinations. To this I answer them that everything which one can gather in France occurs in these parts. At the same time some one asks me, why then have you none of them? And as J have none of them [15] at the moment they promptly condemn the country. There are those from whom these questions do not surprise me, but also I meet some who pretend to be intelligent and who think they know every- thing. But they have little judgment, since they would that everything there should be as now in France, without con- sidering that it 1s a new land which is not yet inhabited, and that it is the necessities towards which it is needful to work, such as grain, which one cannot do without, and vegetables, which are the staff of life; and having these one can then have beer. And all these can be had in two years or three at the most; the rest can be had with time, just as occurred in France in the beginning [16] when it was first inhabited. There was then nothing but woods here, as now in those parts. Our ancestors did not begin with the vine, with fruits, and with all other things which tickle the taste ; all that came little by little. And if, whilst one is working there, he has not everything which he could wish, he is forever seeking that » which is pleasing in foreign parts. In order to possess them one brings the plant of the vine from all the places where it produces good wine, and for fruits and vegetables the same. ‘. Thirty to forty years ago at Paris gardens were hardly made

1 The significance of this phrase in this place is not apparent to me, nor to any of the several students of old French whom I have consulted. Rage signifies a bunch of grapes without seeds, and birds are taken 4 /a rafe, that is, by aid of a glued bunch of grapes or substitute, but these meanings seem not | applicable. The phrase is no doubt a localism.

AMERICA. CHAP. I 253

for anything but Cabbages, Leeks, and some other vegetables ; but at present very fine fruits are found in them. [17] Yet the greater part only come through industry and by force of money. And even with all that they have only the show; the taste is not as in those which grow in the country whence they are taken. Why? It is because one changes their @imate, and they have not the force of the Sun as in their native land. Have we not raised in France the Sugar Cane at Hieres,’ and also the Oranges of Portugal, which originally came from China, and also the flowers of Cassia and Tuberose which have been brought there from Spain and other still warmer climates, and also the Jasmine and Tulip? Are these not so well naturalised either because of their taste or their odour, that plants which were formerly so rare, [18] especially in Paris, have become very common there? Do not then any more condemn New France of ingratitude, but begin to be reasonable ; for it can be made a goodly land, and one as fertile as France in all things.

Even though I have said that the good wine is drunk in the places where it does not grow, do not from that draw a conclusion depriving this land of the power to produce this sweet liquor, and of as pleasing a quality as that which is drunk in France. If vines have not yet been planted there, it is because the necessary plants have always first place, and these do not require so much time to obtain as wine, for which six or seven years are requisite [19] before a vine can come into bear- ing, that which it bears before that time being of small worth. For one, two, three, or four hogsheads* which one can obtain from the arpent are not of great account. This makes it very plain that it is much more needful to sow grain than to plant the vine. And besides wine is not so inconvenient to trans-

1 All of the localities in France mentioned by our author may be found marked on the outline map of France, given a little later in this work (p. 259).

* Muids, holding, of wine, 288 quarts, French measure.

254 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

port as grain, and one can much more easily do without wine than without bread.

Let us see now whether the vine can come there to full maturity. In the first place, it is certain that the country pro- duces the vine naturally, that it bears a grape which matures to perfection, the grain being as large, perhaps, as the Musca- dine. As to its juice, that is not so [20] pleasing, since it is wild, and its skin is a little harder. But if it were transplanted and cultivated as is done in France, I do not doubt that its wine would be as good. But let us leave that and see if the plant from France carried thence will bear as good wine as it pro- duces here. It is not necessary to speak of the growth [cred] of Nantes, nor of the cider’ [cidre] of Normandy; one will readily believe that this can grow there. But let us speak of the growth of the surroundings of Paris, Bourgogne, and Champagne. If one is once convinced that this is possible, one will have no more trouble in believing all the rest.

I have already given you an account of the climates of all these parts, of the cause of the cold, and [21] of the duration of the snow. It is not necessary to repeat them in order to convince you that, the country once cleared, all these incidents of cold and of snow will be no more. This it is (as I have mentioned above) which will prevent the possibility of the vine thriving there as well as it does here. One finds there the same earth, mountains exposed to the south and under shelter from bad winds, and slopes adapted for the planting of the vine. As for the methods of treating it, those can be followed which are used in these parts of France, and where the practice is different from that in warm places. This [treatment] 1s one of the principal reasons why better wines come from cold

1 The significance of this somewhat obscure passage seems to be that our author, before discussing the possibility of growing in Acadia the vine produc- ing the wine of the more favourable parts of France, wishes to dispose of the equivalent drink of Brittany and Normandy, which is cider, for the cre# of Nantes is also cider.

AMERICA. CHAP. I 255

lands than from [22] warm; at least they are more delicate and more pleasing to drink. Such are the wines of Champagne, much more delicate than those of Provence, although they grow in a much colder climate. As to the culture, one uncovers the roots in warm countries, to prepare them for winter, and in cold ones covers them. That is to say, the shoots of the vine are buried to protect them from the cold ; for being buried and covered from the cold, these shoots of the vine do not freeze. And at the commencement of spring it is uncovered and has still sufficient time to inure itself to the cold. After that it is pruned, and is placed on props Or On supports to come to bearing. Such is the method used in Champagne. [23] As to Bourgogne, I do not know if the same method is practised as in Champagne. Perhaps they have not so much snow and more rain. If this is the case it is necessary that they use another method of arranging their vines, something it will be easy to learn in order to do the same. At Paris the matter is arranged as in the remainder of France, with the exception of the pruning, which is slightly

different. In conclusion, that which makes good wine is good climate, the Sun, the soil, and the good management, the practice

of which it is necessary to know according to the places where it is planted. But the soil, with the Sun, is the chief thing, for one sees places where the wine is indeed better than in [24] some other, although the distance from one place to the

other is not considerable.

As for the products of the other lands which are between Cap Breton, which is in latitude forty-five and two-thirds degrees, and the River Pantagoiiet, which is forty-three degrees and a half, a distance of about a hundred and fifty leagues of coasts, the climates are much warmer than those of which I have just been speaking, and are almost like those

from Nantes to Bayonne. Nantes is in latitude forty-seven degrees twenty-four minutes, and Bayonne is forty-three

| | | |

degrees forty-five minutes. There is thus little difference.

256 NATURAL HISTORY

I conclude then that everything which can grow in France in this extent of [25] land can grow in [the corresponding extent] of New France, for the reasons I have alleged above, the impediments being removed in the way I have said. As to the matter of salt, it can be made as fine and as good as in Brouage. I know that by experience; the test of it has been made. I have seen salt which has been made in marshes expressly prepared, which were broken soon afterwards. It was enough to know that it could be made there. I know a little about good salt, and the quality which it ought to have in order to be good. This is yet another proof of what I say, that anything which can be produced in one country can be produced in the other, both being under the same climate, whatsoever may be the distance from one to the other. It seems to me that everything [26] I have been saying is more than enough to disabuse those who have conceived so bad an opinion of New France. This is not to oblige any person of those who are in a good country to leave it, if he have there enough for his subsistence. But would not many poor un- fortunates, who have the health and could do good work, be more happy in that country than in begging their bread in this ?

[27] CHAPTER II

An account of the profits which are derived and which can be derived from the country through the fishery for Cod, green or white, as they are eaten at Parts; the method of fishing, dressing and salting them.

FTER having demonstrated that that country can be A inhabited and [can] produce like this [everything | for its own subsistence, it is necessary to inform you of that which it has more than France, the profits that can be derived therefrom, and that one does derive from each thing one after another. Let us begin with the [28] Cod, so well known in France, the sale of which is carried on throughout Europe, but chiefly in Paris. You will then learn that the Cod, green or white, and the dry Cod or Stock-fish, [merluche| are nothing but the same fish, the name of which is different only because of the diverse methods in which it is prepared, the different places where the fishery is made in those parts, and their different sizes. The largest is found, as a rule, upon the Grand Bank, and is not suitable for drying, as is the small kind, which is caught on the coast and is salted and dried on land, as I shall explain below.

All this fishery is made upon the coasts of New France; all of the fishery elsewhere [29] is inconsiderable. Although this fish constitutes a kind of inexhaustible manna, I cannot refrain from astonishment at the fact that it sells for so little, having regard to the trouble that it gives and the risks that

are run both going and returning, which are so great that it is

| : | | |

_ well-nigh impossible to believe them. I will endeavour to

inform you here as exactly as I can of all that is practised in 257

258 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

the fishery of the Cod of both sorts. Those who know already about it may laugh at it, but those who are not informed will perhaps be glad to learn about it, and the number of them is assuredly much greater than of the others.

I will commence with the green Cod, which is that [30] eaten at Paris, and which is caught upon the Grand Bank of Newfoundland. The Bank which is thus called is a great elevation, lying in the sea but under water, distant twenty- five leagues or thereabouts from the Island of Newfoundland ; from it the green Cod takes its name. This bank is about a hundred and fifty leagues from one extremity to the other, and some fifty leagues in its greatest breadth. This elevation in the sea has on its top at its highest part twenty-five fathoms of water, and in other places thirty, thirty-five, forty, fifty, and sixty fathoms of water. All around it is cut almost vertically, and around its circumference one cannot find bottom with twelve to fifteen hundred fathoms of rope. From [31] that you can judge of the height of the elevation, which is of rock. All its top is flat, although it slopes off to greater depths.

This is where the Cod is caught, and it finds there plenty of shellfish of several sorts, and other fish for its sustenance. This fish is a great glutton, and its gourmandising embraces everything, even to those of its own species; and often one catches those which, despite the fact that they are caught on the hook, during the time they are being drawn up half swallow one of their own kind if it is met with on the way.’ They find nothing too hard; sometimes the fishermen let their knives fall, or their mittens, or other things; if a Cod comes across them it [32] swallows them. Very often they catch the very Cod which has swallowed something which has fallen overboard, and they find it in its stomach, which the sailors call gau. ‘This fish has also a peculiarity which is this,

1 A matter of which our author speaks again later at page 180 of his book.

AMERICA. CHAP. II 259

that if it swallows anything which it cannot digest, it ejects it from its stomach, which it everts out of its mouth, and thus gets rid of everything which injures it, after which it draws in again, and reswallows, its stomach. ‘Those who go, as a rule, to make this fishery are the Normans from the harbour of

\glanne . Lde Reg sfunis iM L.@Oléron % } oe & are Ps

Provinces.

ccoYzeres Is,

Scale l50 miles lo linch

Outline Map of France to show the localities mentioned by Denys.

| Honfleur, from Dieppe, and from other little harbours of Normandy, likewise from Boulogne and from Calais, from Brittany, from Olonne, and from all the country of Aulnis. All those make up the number of two hundred [33] to two hundred and fifty fishing vessels every year. All their fishery is almost solely for Paris, at least three quarters. There are

|

260 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

ships which bring as much as thirty, forty, and fifty thousands of Cod. One ship of a hundred tons, for example, will have, counting even the captain, only fifteen or eighteen men at the most in her crew, and she will bring back twenty and even twenty-five thousands of fish.

It 1s necessary that a captain who sets out from France for this fishery should make preparation in provisions for six months at least for all his crew, which is of more or fewer men according to the size of his vessel. After that they go to take on their [34] salt at Brouage, Oleron, Ré, or Brittany; this is worth ten, eleven, and twelve livres per hogshead, which is of twenty-eight heaping minots* of salt, [which makes up] almost all the rest of that which the ship can carry. This fishery consumes much salt. There is need, further, of lines as large as quills, of eighty fathoms in length; eight to ten are needed for each man, and sometimes as many as twelve. A much larger number of hooks is required, for they are lost by the Cod carrying them off. There is also needed for each

man twelve to fifteen leads, of six pounds weight each, which '

are attached at the end of the line to carry it to the bottom; [also] knives for opening the Cod, [35] and others for dressing -

it, that is, splitting it down to the tail, as it is seen in Paris.

After she is equipped in this fashion, she sets sail and goes

by the grace of God to find the Grand Bank. Having | arrived there, all the sails are furled, and the ship is pre--

pared for this fishery. The tiller of the rudder is attached |

on one side, so that the vessel remains almost as if she were at

anchor, though she drifts, nevertheless, when there is a wind.? After that some throw overboard the lines into the sea to find ]

1 Minot was a measure containing a tenth more than our bushel. The livre, it will be remembered, was about equal to the franc.

2 At the present time the vessels engaged in the Grand Bank fishery anchor ~ there. Compare a popular account of this fishery by P. T. M‘Grath in Review ~

of Reviews, May 1906, and the very detailed description in The Fisheries and Fishery Industries of the United States, Washington, D.C., 1887, Section Vv. Vol. I.

AMERICA. CHAP. II 261

whether the fish are biting, while others work at building a staging along one side of the vessel [and] outside, that is to say, unless good weather had allowed the crew to build it [36] during the voyage or in approaching the Bank. Upon this staging are placed the barrels; these are half hogsheads, which reach to the height of the waist. Each fisherman places him- self inside his own. They have also a large leather apron which extends from the neck to the knees. ‘The lower end of the apron is placed over the barrel outside, in order to ensure that the water, which the line brings with it in drawing up the Cod from the bottom of the sea, shall not run into the barrel.’ The fisherman having sounded the depth, attaches his line to the barrel in which he stands, in such a manner as is necessary to ensure that the lead may not touch the bottom by about two fathoms. And it is also necessary to allow a fathom that the end of the line where the hook is, which is attached near [37] the lead, also may not touch. He catches only a single Cod at a time, and in order to know the number that he takes, each fisherman has a little pointed iron near him, and at the time when he removes the hook from the Cod, he cuts the tongue from it and strings it upon this iron. Each fisherman has two lines, and whilst he is drawing up one he throws over the other, which descends to the bottom; [this he does] when there is abundance of fish in the place where the ship is.

A good fisherman is able to take as many as three hundred

and fifty to four hundred [per day], but that greatly tires the

arms. Ihe Cod is heavy, besides which it resists, and then thirty, forty, and, according to the depth, up to sixty fathoms [38] of lines are not so quickly drawn up. If they did this every day they would not be able to stand it. There are,

1 The arrangement of the staging and barrels outside the ship is very clearly shown in the picture, taken from Moll’s map, given later in this work at page 311. At the present day this arrangement is abandoned, among English fishermen at least. Indeed, the line-fishing upon the Grand Bank is not now made from the vessel itself, but from small dories in the vicinity.

S

262 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

indeed, days when they take nothing; at other times they only catch twenty-five, thirty, forty, a hundred, or two hundred each per day—it is all a matter of chance. As to the Joite* for the Cod, it is the bait which one places on the hook, on the point of which is stuck a piece of Herring; of this the skin has a certain lustre which glistens in the sea, When the Cod perceives this it rushes to it. Besides this they cover the hook entirely with the entrails of the Cod, in a mass as large as the two fists. But when they find in the gay or stomach of the Cod, shellfish or other [39] fish which are not digested, they use them in place of Herring.’

There are ships which will be fortunate enough to com- plete their fishery in a month or six weeks, whilst others will be three, four, and five months in achieving this. That depends upon good luck. None of the fishing vessels ever anchor upon the Grand Bank. By day they have a little square sail upon the sterns of their ships, which they call ring-tail [Zapecu/], in order to keep them up to ‘the wind and to prevent the drift; that is, that the ship may not move to one side. If they were to move thus, the lines would trail out too far from the ship, and would not be able to reach the bottom, where the Cod is.

For the night they set their [40] mainsail, and all those [vessels] which are upon the Bank set them always upon the same side in order that the vessels may make their drift all alike, and by this means avoid collisions with one another. Otherwise they would run a risk of being lost, since the vessels might come together with a crash.

Further, it is necessary to know that the Grand Bank is rarely without a mist or fog, which is sometimes so thick that

1 As noted earlier, under page 128 of Vol. I. of our author’s book, this is a technical word of the fishery, probably a form of the English word bait.

2 In our author’s time cod were taken only by the hand line, but at the present day they are taken also on trawls and by nets, as fully described in the Fisheries and Fishery Industries earlier cited.

AMERICA. CHAP. II 263

one cannot see from one end of the ship to the other. It is this which obliges them to take this precaution to avoid shipwreck.

When the fishermen who are upon this Grand Bank see that Lent is approaching, those who [41] have the half or two- thirds of their fish set out to endeavour to be the first to arrive for the sale, which is better than at any other time.

In spring they set out also with less cargo, for those who arrive first find still the best sale, the trade therein being well assured in Paris. It is this which is called the New Cod.’

This diligence brings them yet another advantage, which is that of undertaking a second voyage in the same year as soon as they are unloaded. And if they make a good hit of fish upon the bank, they are able still to arrive in time for the Lenten sale. But all these advantages are accidental. [42] Happy is he who meets with them. Yet there is much trouble and ill to be endured, for this reason, that upon the Grand Bank it is colder in the month of June than it is in France in September.

This is all the time they can have there, since the three

months of summer are nearly always filled with a thick and

rather cold fog. ‘This great cold in the spring proceeds from the ice which comes from the northern coast towards Sweden

and Denmark, where the sea freezes very thick.?, The storms

_ break it into fragments which the tide carries out to sea; then

| } | | | } | | | |

the north wind, which is common at those times, brings it upon the Grand Bank. [43] During its voyaging, the [water of

the sea], which beats against and mounts upon it, freezes,

1 Our author does not make it perfectly plain at what time the fishermen leave France for the Grand Bank. But this gap is supplied by Lescarbot (Histotre de la Nouvelle France, ed. 1612, 823), who says that the earliest left in February. The New England fishermen on the Grand Bank do not leave before March, and rarely so early as that. Lescarbot’s account of the Grand Bank fishery, here cited, is excellent, though brief.

2 Our author is not at all correct as to the place of origin of this ice. It comes really from Greenland and vicinity.

264 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

and this makes it grow ever thicker; and when the top is more heavily loaded than the bottom, it turns upside down." Thus it travels, always gaining. Sometimes they are seen higher than the towers of Notre Dame at Paris. When the sun strikes their tops they are visible eighteen to twenty leagues. If a ship meets with them, and is to leeward, it becomes aware of them from a long distance off by means of the cold which they yield and the wind which it 1s carrying.

When one goes upon the Grand Bank or into New France in the month of May, June or July, it is necessary to keep good watch every night. If a ship were to [44] run against an iceberg she would break to pieces as if she had struck against a rock, and there is no salvation in such accidents. At fifty to sixty leagues out to sea on this side of the Bank, sometimes nearer the Bank, sometimes upon it, sometimes on the other side of it, they [the icebergs] go according to the winds which prevail. Sometimes there occurs so great a

number, following one after the other, being all controlled by —

the same wind, that it is found by ships making for land after dry fish who have met with them |that they extend] a hundred and fifty leagues in length or even more. They have coasted along them for a day or two, with the night, in good weather,

carrying all sail without finding the end of them. They go |

thus all along [45] to find some opening through which to pass

their ships. If they meet with any they pass through as by a strait; otherwise it is necessary to go as far as their end in

order to pass them, for the icebergs block the way.’ Those icebergs do not melt until they meet the warm

1 Our author's account of the icebergs is in this particular also not correct. © They do not increase, as he says, but are greatest when they first break away

from their Greenland glaciers.

2 Champlain on his voyage to Canada in 1611 had an experience with ice- _ bergs, of which he gives an elaborate account, strongly corroborative of our

author’s statement, and Lescarbot (/7stotve de la Nouvelle France, 1612, 448) also refers to them. Ina general way our author’s account of the icebergs is

correct.

elt

AMERICA. CHAP. II 265

waters towards the south, or until they are driven by the wind upon the land. They are aground even in twenty-five and thirty fathoms of water. Judge then of their height apart from that which is above water. Some fishermen have assured me that they have seen one aground on the Grand Bank in forty-five fathoms of water, which had ten leagues of circuit. It must have been of a great height. The [46] ships do not approach these icebergs for fear they will turn from one side over upon the other. In proportion as they grow lighter on the side where they are warmest, the heaviest comes to overbalance it. These icebergs are the cause in part why Canada is believed to be so cold.

The fishermen on the Bank have nearly six months when the ice freezes upon their lines whilst they draw them up. This causes them much suffering and a great fatigue. I do not know how men are found for this fishery in which they obtain so little profit. When a fisherman makes on his voyage thirty to thirty-five or forty écus,* that is not bad. And these voyages [47] are of five, six, and seven months, including the time of the loading and unloading of the vessel, during which they make nothing.

Let us return to the method of salting the Cod. Having cut out the tongue they throw the Cod upon the deck of the ship, where the boys give it to those who dress it. This being done, it is given to the salter, who arranges it in the bottom of the hold, head by tail. He makes a layer of them of the length of a fathom or two, according to the abundance of fish he foresees, such that the whole may be contained in one pile. The first layer being made it is covered entirely

with salt, so much as it can take up, or, as the expression is, its entire fill, Then another layer is made above it, which

1 That is, the écu being about six francs, thirty-six to forty-eight dollars of our money.

266 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

day upon that of another. Having remained thus three or four days, so long that the water may be drained off and they may take the salt, they are taken up and all the surplus salt is removed ; then another layer is made in another part of the bottom of the vessel, and it is covered again with new salt, layer upon layer. After this they are not touched any more, and the same process is constantly repeated until the vessel has her load. If they were moved yet another time it would be necessary to supply new salt.

It is also worth while to know that upon the Bank, which is twenty- [49] five leagues from the nearest land, there are to be seen so great a quantity of birds as to be almost unbe- lievable, such as Fulmars [Happefoye|, Petrels [Crozseurs], Guillemots [Poules de mer|, Great Auks [Pennegoins], and many other sorts.

I shall speak only of these particular ones. The Fulmars [Happefoye*] are very gluttonous birds. They are thus called because they live on the liver of the Cod. If they see a ship engaged in fishing they assemble in very great numbers around her to seize the livers which fall into the sea. As soon as one of these is thrown in, more than fifty of these birds pounce upon it, and fight among themselves to secure it. They come close up to the vessel, and sometimes one is able to kill them [50] with a pole. Their gluttony makes them easily taken by means of hooks which are attached at the end of a little line, with which the fishermen are furnished

1 That is, translated, “liver-snatchers.” Our author’s description of its appearance and habits places its identity beyond doubt ; it is the fulmar or noddy. Dieréville (Relation du Voyage du Port Royal, 1710, 44) also de- scribes it fully, and says the Normans call it fawguets, under which name Champlain gives some account of it in his Voyage of 1618 (Laverdiére’s edition, 600). Lescarbot also mentions it (Azstoire de la Nouvelle France, 1612, 533). This is not to be confounded with the related hagdon, or greater — shearwater, which is also very abundant on the Grand Bank, and is very com- monly caught, and highly esteemed as food, by the fishermen of the present day, as related in the /7zsheries and Fishery Industries of the United States, Section V. Vol. I. 127, 132.

AMERICA. CHAP. II 267

on purpose. This line is supported upon the water by a piece of cork, and a fragment of liver is placed upon the hook. This is thrown as far off as possible. Immediately these birds fight as to which one will capture it. After a smart struggle, finally one seizes it, and is caught by the beak, [and] is drawn on board. It is necessary to take great care that it does not seize the hand. Its upper beak 1s hooked, and passes much over the under. If it bites it pierces the finger or the hand. When it has been taken from the hook, and allowed to go [51] upon the quarter-deck, it does not fly away. It does not know how to rise, at least when it is not on the water. This fishery provides a great amusement.

The Petrels | Crotseurs*] are birds which also come to eat the livers, but they do not approach so near. ‘They are called Croiseurs because they are ever crossing on the sea from one side to the other. Their flight is different from that of other birds in this, that they fly, so to speak, crosswise, having one wing up towards the sky and the other towards the sea, so that, in order to turn, they bring the upper wing under- most. It is found always from the time one is at sea a hundred leagues from land as far as New France. [52] A day never passes that one does not see them go crossing from one side to the other. ‘This is in order to find some little fish to eat, of those which exist between wind and water, such as the Flying fish, the Herring, the Sardine, and others on which it lives.

The Guillemot [Pou/e de mer?] is thus called for its re- semblance to this land animal. It lives also on little fish and livers. It is not gluttonous, but tamer than the others, It is

! * Literally “crossers.” Our authors description makes it plain that this is the Wilson’s (also called stormy) petrel, or Mother Carey’s chicken.

* Poule de mer (literally “‘sea-hen”) is given by Littré as the European jname for the guillemot, and I have no doubt our author applied the name to Bi common guillemot, whose habits are in full accord with this identi- ; ication.

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268 NATURAL HISTORY

always flying around the ship, and if it perceives any entrails, it throws itself upon them.

The Great Auk [Pennegoin’] is another bird, variegated in white and black. It does not fly. It has only two stumps of wings, with which [§3] it beats upon the water to aid in fleeing or diving. It is claimed that it dives even to the bottom to seek its prey upon the Bank. It is found more than a hundred leagues from land, where, nevertheless, it comes to lay its eggs, like the others. When they have had their young, they plunge into the water; and their young place themselves upon their backs, and are carried like this as far as the Bank. ‘There one sees some no larger than chickens, although they grow as large as geese. All those birds are [considered] good to eat by the fishermen. As for myself I do not find them agree- able. They taste of oil because of the quantity of fish and of livers they eat; and they serve to make fish oil. [54] The fishermen collect them for this purpose. There are vessels which have made as much as ten to twelve puncheons of it. This is nearly everything which is practised in the fishery for green Cod upon the Grand Bank.

1 Pennegoin, called by the English penguin, is well known to be the name applied by early voyagers to the great auk, now extinct. Compare the very full account of its names, with other facts as to its history, &c., by Lucas in Proceedings of the U.S. National Museum (Washington, D.C.) for 1888. Our author’s account is accurate. It seems to have been overlooked by all writers upon this bird.

2 This statement is amply confirmed by other evidence : compare the paper of Lucas earlier cited.

Aan | CHAPTER III

The method of fishing the Cod called Merluche |Stockfsh or dry Cod], of dressing it, of salting it, and of drying it, and of all

the tools necessary therefor.

ET us speak now of the fishery for the dry fish, which

is only, as I have said in the preceding chapter, fae same Cod, under the name of ,Merluche. It is smaller than the green Cod, which makes it easier to preserve, the salt penetrating it sooner than it does the green, which [56] is much larger and in consequence thicker, and which would be eaten by maggots before it was dry, because of its thickness. This does not happen to the smaller one, which keeps, and serves for provision for the longest voyages and in the warmest climates. It is not that they do not catch large ones near the land, and even larger than on the Bank, but they are not dried; they are put down green, that is to say, are salted, as is done upon the Bank. Among all those who are accustomed to make this kind of fishery, the Basques are the most skilled. Those of La Rochelle have the first rank after them, and the Islanders! who are in the vicinity, then the Bourdelois [men of Bordeaux] -and then [57] the Bretons. From all those places there may go a hundred, a hundred and twenty, and a hundred and fifty vessels every year, if there is no hindrance through a need for sailors who are retained for the vessels of the King. __ There is demanded in this fishery much more expense \than in that of the Grand Bank, for which there are only

f

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1 That is of the Isle de Ré and Isle d’Oléron. | 2

69 |

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270 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

necessary the leads, lines, knives, salt and other tools of which I have spoken. A ship of two hundred tons for the Bank will have only twenty-five men, but for the dry-fishery [secherie] there are needed fifty at least, with provisions for eight to nine months. So far as concerns salt there is needed less than half as much, besides which if a [58] ship for the Bank carries forty-five to fifty thousands of fish, the other will carry two hundred thousands of them dry. With regard to the fishing crew and their sustenance, it is all different. Their chief provision is four quintals, or four hundred weight, of biscuit for the men, including boys, and a pipe, or two barrels, of wine, besides pork, Peas, Beans, Cod, Herring, butter, oil, vinegar, and other little conveniences to each ship in proportion to the number of the fishermen.’

As for the business arrangements, they are diverse. The Basques make their agreements on the basis of the cargo of the ship. It is estimated that the ship can carry so many quintals of [59] fish; the owners make an agreement with the crew, and make two or three hundred shares according to the number. They give to the captain a certain number of shares according to the reputation that he has in this business, to the beach-master so many, to the pilot so many, to the dressers so many, to the masters of boats so many, to each of the stowers’ and boatswains so many, and to each of the boys so many parts. On the return of the ship, if they do not bring the number of quintals on which the agreement is based, there is deducted from each one, for that which is wanting, a pro raia amount from that which he ought to have; but if she brings

1 An interesting and somewhat more detailed account of the outfit necessary for the shore fishery for cod, is contained in a MS. of 1676 by Jean de Berraute of Biarritz, in the Bibliothéque Nationale, Collection Clairambault, 1016, fol. 295.

2 Arimiers,a word meaning in translation “stowers” (or stevedores) but | having no exact equivalent among English fishermen so far as I can find. Our author nowhere explains the duties of the avzmier aside from his mention, on page 65, that he was one of the three men (evidently the least important of the | three) in each fishing-boat.

AMERICA. CHAP. III 271

back more, they are increased in exactly the same pro- portion.

The majority of the men of Bordeaux work for a third of the cargo; that is [60] to say, if the ship brings back eighteen thousands of fish, there are six thousand for the crew, who agree among themselves as to their shares. But it is the captain who arranges the crew, and promises to his pilot and beach-master, who often is only one person who performs two duties, so many parts, and to each one accord- ing to his duty. The captain settles his own share also. But all the boys belong to him, and to them he gives only three, four, five, and six écus for all their voyage, and takes their shares. There are sometimes four, five, six, or ten boys according to the size of the vessel, so that there is always a boy to a boat.

Those of La Rochelle, and of the [61] Islands do dif- ferently. They have only a quarter of the fish,—of twenty thousand pounds, five thousand. Here also it is the captain who arranges his crew, and all are to share equally, the captain and the boys like the others, with a boy for each boat. The owners of the ship, who are also the proprietors, supply the provisions as I have said before, and give to the captain a hundred écus for [each of the] boats, to each of which there are always five men including the boys. To all of those men ‘it is necessary to give a premium, to each according to his duty. It is for this the hundred écus are used,—to com- pensate the difference there is between [those having] the ‘quarter as compared with those who have the third. From ‘these the pilot will have, [62] for example, a hundred and fifty or two hundred livres, the beach-master about the same. If a single one fills both offices he will have three hundred livres. The masters of boats will have a hundred and twenty or a hundred and thirty livres according to what they are worth. ‘Those officers must know how to dress the fish. ‘The stowers have twenty-five to thirty écus, the boatswains

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272 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

twenty-five, thirty, and forty livres, all according to their capacity." The captain sometimes gains from this hundred écus, and sometimes he loses, for the reason that the captains pride themselves upon having good men whom they all know; and this does not come to pass except by virtue of a premium, and treating them to drink, and also drinking pretty often with them, to [63] endeavour to secure them and to give them the earnest-penny. After that they are assured. Some- times the boatswains recompense them; this may be a good strong boy who wishes to learn the trade of sailor, for this is their apprenticeship. T’o him the captain gives only the value of his premium for his voyage, and keeps back his share. The canonier may be also a boatman; in this case his pre- mium is augmented. As for the carpenters, they have also a premium of thirty and forty écus, [and] the steward the same. It is the latter who has charge of the provisions. As for the doctor, he has his chest for premium, for which he is given two or three hundred livres; from [64] this he has to furnish medicines, instruments, and everything needful to take care of and to supply medicine for all the crew, and on his return the chest belongs to him. He has also twenty sols for each man for barbering them, and his share of the fish like the others. But he has also to serve on land; it is he who 1s one of the throaters, and carries the barrow like the least of the sailors, a matter which I shall explain in its proper place. The captain having all his crew, sets to work to get his salt embarked, his wine, and everything which is necessary for the fishery. Then, the wind being fair, he sets sail. Having made about a hundred or a hundred and fifty leagues, and when he is away from land, [65] he is careful to have prepared a good part of that which is necessary for the fishery. He

1 As the one hundred écus would contain about five hundred livres (francs), it seems plain that the captain is given one hundred écus for each boat. The écus said to be paid to the stowers in the above list must, of course, be an error for livres.

AMERICA. CHAP. III 273

gives to each master of boats canvas for making the sail, and as much thread as is needed. ‘Then he assigns to each one his stower and boatswain, for although all were assured in leaving France of the employment they would have in these parts, nevertheless they hardly know certainly with whom they are to serve until the time when the captain informs them, and sometimes he makes them draw lots. Their boats are fitted like those of La Rochelle. They have only one mast. The halliard does not divide the spar equally. It 1s attached at a third its length, and has only one brace which is a rope attached at the [66] longest end of the spar. And on the other side the end of the spar is once larger than on the side of the brace, in order to make a counterweight. The brace serves for hauling the sail when the wind comes from behind, _ and the sheet which is attached to the corner of the sail on the other and lower side serves to haul the sail when the wind comes from in front, in order that the sail may receive more wind. For the latter purpose [also] a pole is used, with which _the bolt rope is pushed more in front, whereby the wind better fills the sail. This pole is called a Valleston. And then if

there is a wind, the boat is so thrown upon its side that the

————————— SOC

water enters in over the gunwale. It is on such [67] occa- _ sions that the master of the boat has need of all his readiness to steer her well; and it is necessary he should have the sheet in his hand, to relax or tighten it, in order to make the boat right herself when she lies over too much, or when there come | squalls. If there is a good steersman there is norisk. There is more when the wind comes directly behind. One expects boat [safety] from the latter than from the former, since the | boat is always upright. Nevertheless more have perished \ |

-/with the wind astern than with the wind in front, and for

the reason that the boat is harder to steer and more subject to i ° /Swaying.

reading, Sgualls are sudden renewals of the wind.

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| 1 Here our author gives a marginal note (the only one in his entire book),

274 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

Let us continue to tell that which is necessary for the pre- paration of the fishing boats. The [68] captain gives, further, to each master of a boat, a mooring-rope, which is of cordage a little larger than the large canes which are carried in the hand. It is sixty to eighty fathoms long. It is necessary to protect an end of twelve to fifteen fathoms of length. This protection is made from the threads of an old cable and is called rope-yarn [ ji/s de carret|. With this the mooring-rope is enwrapped as tightly as possible for the length I have men- tioned. It is tarred in proportion as it is put on. They are given also an iron grapnel, which is the boat’s anchor. It is made like a hook for weighing meat, with the exception that it is larger, and that the shaft on which is the ring has a good ~ half fathom of length and [69] has points at the end. A piece of iron, flat and as large as the hand and which comes to ~ a point, is welded to the end of the grapnel, which weighs | fifty to sixty pounds. The mooring-rope is not attached to © the ring, as is done in the case of anchors, but to the flukes, — being held to the ring only by a thread of rope-yarn; this 1s | in order that if the grapnel should become caught in any " rocks, the rope-yarn would become broken by the effort to | raise it, and the grapnel could more easily disengage itself, the — strain being felt only upon the flukes where the rope is | attached. 4

The captain, during the voyage, gives also six lines to © each boat, that is to say, two to each man, together with a [70] dozen hooks or hamecons, and two bars of lead, which © makes for each one three sinkers of three to four pounds — apiece. This being done, each one sets to work to prepare ; his equipment, in order to be ready to make use of it when it | is time to go to the fishery. This is as soon as they are ' arrived at the land, where they will not have the leisure [to prepare the equipment] on account of their stagings and — buildings.

} 1 In order to prepare their lines, which are given them ina —

AMERICA. CHAP. ITI 275

bundle, it is necessary to untwist and stretch them. To accomplish this they attach at one end of the line a piece of wood which is thrown into the sea. In proportion as the ship travels, this end remains behind, until it is all straightened out. The end being reached, they attach there another piece of wood, which [71] is also thrown into the sea on the other side of the ship, and they draw in the first end to untwist that, whilst the last end falls also behind the ship in proportion as they draw in the first. They draw it thus from one side to the other seven, eight, and ten times, so that it may be entirely smoothed out. Then they wind it upon a reel. This is made of four pieces of wood, of which the two longest, of the length of about a foot, are flat at the ends and pierced ; : in the holes is placed a rod, round at each end, the whole making a square a little longer than wide. Upon this the lines are wound in order that they may dry more easily than when in a wad, and that they may not become entangled. _ Then they cap the [72] barbs or hooks, that is to say, they place about a foot of line in double upon the end of the hook at its upper end, which is a little flattened, and tie it there in such manner that it cannot become undone. For it is on the ‘point of the hook there is placed the doite or bait, that is to 4 a fragment of Herring or of entrails of Cod as large as the fist; this the Cod seizes, and in drawing the latter up it would ‘carry off the hook if this were not well tied. From this hook \to the lead which is placed on the line there is an interval of a z0od fathom of line. As for those leads, the bar is cut into three or four pieces _ecording to its size; each piece makes one lead. Some make them round, [73] others make them square, and they are -jnuch larger at one end than at the other. The slender ends \re flattened a little at the tip. They are pierced, and in these _toles one places the line, also doubled to the same length as on he hook. They are tied with sail thread so that they cannot ‘et off. Some give them more ornamentation than others, in

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276 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

order to show their skill. This is called rigging the lead |

[garnir le plomb}.

When they are working it seems as if more than fifty

farriers were pounding upon their anvils, from the noise that they make; some are pounding upon anchors, others on the cannon. ‘This goes on for three or four days.

[74] Let us speak now of the outfit of the fishermen which serves for the fishery. As for that of the masters of boats, and all their men, they each have a pair of boots, strong

and big, of such a kind that one is unbooted by kicking the |

legs. ‘They have only the legs without knee-pieces. It 1s necessary that they do not leak. They have also a large apron

of sheepskin dressed with the wool; the leather side is well- oiled, so that the water cannot pass through it. This apron

goes lower than the boot. They have also a body-jacket of

the same stuff and waterproof, which comes below the waist. and covers the apron. And this [75] body-jacket has a hood which is put on the head. Besides that there is a large apron of the same stuff which extends from the neck to the’ mid-leg. Such is the outfit of each of the three men_in the boat when they go out to sea after the Cod, at least of those

who wish to protect themselves from the rain and the water in hauling their lines.*

There are found few Basques who have not this entire

outfit, and many of them have it in duplicate [for use] in case

they become wet. They take a dry set the next day in re-

turning to the fishing, whilst the other is drying. When they get out of those clothes they are no more wet than [76] if they had not stirred from a room, however hard it may have rained.

1 This dress of the fishermen is in part well shown by the figure, designed to illustrate this very subject, in the picture from the Moll map, given later in

this work at page 311. Although the dress of the present-day fisherman is

different in some details, it still retains the most essential features of our author's day, especially as to the huge boots and the great leather apron, or darvel.

¢

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% |

r | i )

AMERICA. CHAP. II] 7H i

The men of La Rochelle, of Bordeaux, and of the

Islands, or the sailors of the Isles Dieu, of Olleron, and others

ime 208 SO well equipped. There are found some who have them, but rarely with a change. Ordinarily the greater part are content with their little cloth cloaks, with the hood, which come a little below their waists,

like the others, and with sleeves of leather or of tarred linen.

with the apron of sheepskin

As for the boots, the fishermen all have them asarule. Such

is their outfit for fishing. They acquire it all at their own

expense,

[77] CHAPTER IV

Concerning that which 1s customary when the ships are approaching — the place where the fishery is to be made: the manner of obtaining a position, that which is done at the landing, and

how the company is set at work.

' , y Hilst all these preparations for the fishery are | being made on the vessel, she does not fail to. advance upon her way. When nearing the land

and the position where they expect to go to make their fishery,

they sometimes meet two or three vessels together which have. the intention of going all to the same [78] harbour, and each captain designs to be Admiral there. In order to obtain this)

Admiralty, when they are eight, ten, or twelve leagues from land,

they lower at night a boat with their best oarsmen, furnished

with good oars. If they have a good wind which carries them. faster than the oars, they make use of the sail. If during the: day they perceive that the others are doing the same, they have no fear of capsizing, but vie with one another in carrying sail, in order to gain the lead. Sometimes the water passes over the gunwale of the boat. Nobody stirs for fear of losing the wind, excepting only the one who bails out the water. There are few persons who would wish to be in their company. If there is no [79] wind it is necessary to TOW. It is then indeed that they stretch their arms. There are no galley-slaves who pull so hard at the oars as they. No one speaks of eating or drinking for fear of causing delay. There is always some one who arrives some little time ahead of the others. The first who leaps on shore acquires the right of Admiral for his : 27

NATURAL HISTORY 279

captain. It is for him to take the place he prefers, both for building his staging and for locating his vessel. If he finds on the shore wood from stagings which have been broken down during the winter, and which the sea has cast up there, he takes it, and anything else he finds there, as it suits him and by [right of] preference [over all others ].’

The ship having arrived there, they all change their occupation except the [80] captain, and each one takes up that duty to which he has been assigned according to his engagement made before his departure. Thus it results that one who was only a sailor during the voyage becomes a boat-master when he has arrived at the place of the fishery. At the same time the captain sends all the carpenters ashore to prepare quickly his boats, if he has any of them on land. But they rarely go to a place where they have not some, or else they carry some with them. If they are lacking one, and

find any on the coast, they take it, as having first right, pro- vided always that the boats have no owner, and that there is no fisherman who claims them, either as proprietor or through [81] proxy from the owners, [and not if] the marks of the \boats are plain. This right of Admiralty does not hold for the ‘boats of another, but only for those which are found as waifs, ! of which he has the first right to make use. After he has a sufficiency of these things, the ships which have arrived in the same harbour have after him the same right in succession, according to the order of their arrival. An exception is Plaisance,” which is a harbour in the Island of Newfoundland,

| * The right of Admiral was even more valued than our author implies.

“Among the English fishermen of Newfoundland this right became so highly

‘leveloped that the fishing admirals not only ruled over the other fishermen in

q she same harbour, but even over the residents ashore. The subject is well

liscussed by Prowse in his Hzstory of Newfoundland.

_. # The French took possession of Plaisance in Newfoundland in 1662 and eld it until 1713, when they gave it up to England by the Treaty of Utrecht. I the same treaty the French were given the right to dry fish on the west

_ dast of Newfoundland, a privilege which has led to much trouble in our own

mes. This right they relinquished in 1904.

2830 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

where a number of ships go to make their fishery ; there, when the Admiral has provided himself sufficiently with boats, he gives the balance to whomsoever he thinks best among those who have need of them, excepting always those of proprietors or the bearers of proxies.

[82] The carpenters being on shore, the captain busies him- — self in placing his ship the best that he can, and to get her well moored. Then he leaves the mate with seven or eight men — to strip her, in just the same way as if she were in harbour in _ France to pass the winter. There is no cordage left except — the shrouds which serve to hold the masts upright. These : orders being given all the crew goes on shore. |

Arrived on shore, some of them set to work at the lodging , for the fishermen, which is like a hall covered with a ship’s | sail. The sides at the bottom all around are lined with | branches of Fir, interlaced into pickets or stakes of four to five feet in height driven into the ground ; and the sail com-_ pletes [83] the two sides. With respect to the two ends, | which are, as it were, the two gables of this edifice, Fir poles. are placed distant a foot from one another; these are also interlaced with branches of Fir, which are compacted together as closely as possible, so that the wind can hardly pass through » them. In the middle of the interior are placed large poles | from end to end, distant the length of a man from one another, and these support the ridge. Other poles are placed from one’ to the other and are nailed at each interval, the whole so arranged ' that it does not shake. They make of them two stories, one above the other, where they put up their beds and sleep two © by two. The bottoms of their beds are [84] of ropes, which they interweave like a racket, but with openings much larger. | At each breadth of bed is placed a pole which keeps the two — men apart, and prevents them from annoying one another at ~ night by their weight, which otherwise would make them fall _ one on another if the cords which compose the bottom a not stretched tight by this pole in the middle. Their bed is a

AMERICA. CHAP. IV 281

mattress of dry grass; their covering is that which it may please them to bring with them; whence many have for this purpose nothing but their cloaks. As for their chests, they place them along the walls and their beds. Such is the lodging of the fishermen. With respect to the size of this lodging, it depends [85] as a rule upon that of the mainsail of the ship which covers it.

Whilst some are working upon this lodging, others are constructing that of the captain, which is built in the same fashion. But there is in the middle a partition of poles set One against the other; in this is made a door, which is locked. One side is used for storing the provisions, and the other contains his table and his bed, [the latter] on one side or above, made of rope like the others. Sometimes it is bottomed with boards. He has a mattress and quilt.

In another place the steward with some of the boys at work to build the kitchen, which is covered with large turfs arranged like tiles one upon another, [86] so that the rain cannot enter it. And from the roof downwards, there are Fir branches all around, interlaced like the others. These the boys bring from the woods, as well for this as for all the rest of the lodgings. It is usually the doctor whose duty it 1s to make them go to the woods. All this is being done at once, and is finished in two or three days, even though it is necessary to go and get all the branches and poles in the woods, to carry them back, and to smooth them, for fear they might pierce and injure the sails. : Whilst all this is under way, the beach-master and the pilot, who have ten or twelve men with them, are in the woods to cut down Firs as large as the thigh, of twelve, fifteen, [87] / sixteen to twenty feet in length, to make their stagings and the lodgings. Everybody is at work. It is necessary to carry them all the way to the shore of the sea, some seven to eight hundred | Paces, and sometimes a thousand or twelve hundred. For every ‘year they are being cut away, and the nearest are always the /first taken. There are places where so many have been cut away

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282 NATURAL HISTORY

that no more are left, [and] it is necessary to go after them three, four, five, and six leagues away, and sometimes farther. There are scarcely any places left where it is not necessary to go fetch them from a distance. They go there with boats of three men each, who go and come day and night, but are unable to carry more than fifty to sixty each. When once [g0, z.e. 88] the work has been commenced, it is almost useless to speak of sleeping, eating, or drinking unless by stealth, except for the supper. Whilst some are transporting all the logs, others are at work preparing the stagings.

[g1, 2.e. 89] CHAPTER V

On the method of constructing the staging for the dressing of the Cod, and of the work which it ts to build it.

HE staging [ échaffaur] being so indispensable as it is

in this fishery, it will not be inappropriate if I

describe it here, in order to make its use better ‘understood.’ It is necessary to know at the outset that all the wood of which it is made up is obtained in the same country where it is built. It may be forty, fifty, or sixty paces long, according to the size of the vessels, to which we assume

1 The description of the shore fishery for cod in the following pages is, I believe, by far the most detailed that has come down to us, and is in fact well- nigh monographic. No doubt other French writers have given some account of _ the subject, though the only early writer on Acadia who describes it appears to _ be Lescarbot (Histoire de la Nouvelle France, ed. 1612, 824), who has a very brief but excellent comment upon it. There is a brief but good account of the | Newfoundland and Acadian fisheries in the Gentleman's Magazine for 1755 (Vol. XXV. 217), and abstracts of other early accounts are contained in Prowse’s History of Newfoundland. Of later works the best I have found is in } M‘Gregors British America (London, 1832), Vol. I. 227. There is matter of interest also in M. H. Perley’s Refort on the Fisheries of New Brunswick (Fredericton, N.B., 1852), 7, and appendix; in T. F. Knight’s Shore and Deep Sea Fisheries of Nova Scotia (Halifax, N.S., 1867),24; and in Pierre Fortin’s Reports of Fisheries in the Gulf of Saint Lawrence, a work I know only from the | citations in Knight’s pamphlet. A brief description of the fishery as practised by the Acadian fishermen of Bay Chaleur is given by Bishop Plessis in his | journal of his voyage of 1811-1812 (in Le Foyer Canadien, 1865, 99, 123, 135). A little pamphlet, Zzventory of Articles in the French Fishing Stations on the Coasts of Newfoundland, 1905, gives the modern French names of many articles used in the fishery. For most of the information about the terminology of the ‘Newfoundland and Nova Scotian fisheries of the present day I am indebted to )the very kind aid of Archbishop Howley of St. Johns, Newfoundland, and to

Mr. C. H. Whitman of Canso, N.S., both of whom have answered very fully my _ |Many inquiries. i

|

283

284 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

[90] always that the number of men is in proportion. Its breadth is nearly a third of its length, and its end which is not covered is also about a quarter of its length; it ends sometimes in a point and sometimes square, and extends into the sea, so that the boats can always come alongside.*

To begin the construction of the staging, there is placed at fifteen, twenty, or twenty-five feet out in the water a huge stake of eighteen to twenty feet in height. For this purpose, three or four men place themselves in the water when the tide is low, as far out as they can. ‘The stake being set upright, there are put in place three or four buttresses, the ends of — which are at the bottom of the sea, while the [91] other ends are against the stake as high as a man can reach to nail them, [which he does] with a nail as large as the finger. This stake being well fastened upright, another of the same kind is — planted on the land, and exactly opposite that [is placed] a | second, so that these two last determine the breadth of the 7 staging. ‘This forms a triangle when the end of the staging, — or its stage-head, ends in a point.

Between these two last-mentioned stakes and that which is | in the sea, there are also planted other stakes a fathom apalll along the two sides, so that the whole forms a triangle of — which the point is in the sea. All of those stakes being set upright, with the buttresses well nailed on, there are nailed | to each one of them three and four of those large [92] poles: from the bottom to the top, equally spaced, in such manner that they serve as a ladder for mounting upon the staging.”

1 The staging is still an essential feature of the cod fishery, where extensively prosecuted, and it is still called chaugaud by the French and Acadian fisher- men. Our author’s very detailed description of its construction can be followed more readily by aid of his illustration, reproduced herewith. It happens, how- ever, that another illustration, given a few pages later (page 311), taken from — Moll’s map, agrees in some respects better with our author’s description than does his own illustration, while it supplies much additional detail.

2 The present-day stagings made by the fishermen of Newfoundland, the English at least, are built with square ends (called stage-heads), while the

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AMERICA. CHAP. V 285

To strengthen this point, there are placed also under all the extent of this triangle a number of upright stakes well shored up. After this a quantity of large poles is placed crossing from one to the other, with others which run from top to bottom diagonally. ‘Thus this point is so well provided with beams, and is so solid and well nailed, that it is able to resist the roughest waves, as well as the impact of the boats which land there continually when they come from the fishing. The pile-work of this point being thus set up, there are placed across it large pieces [93] of wood at the height of eighteen to twenty feet from the bottom, beginning with this first stake which forms the point. These cross-pieces are properly the beams which support the flooring ; this, at high water, is elevated five feet or thereabouts above the surface of the water at the point of the staging. This being done, the staging is continued of the breadth of those two stakes which are on the land and which also determine the breadth of this point; and this breadth is continued thirty-five or forty paces always upon the same level. Thus the stakes which are planted upright to sustain the flooring

of the staging become progressively less in length, because the

shore runs ascending towards the land like a comedy theatre. All [94] these stakes are also well propped and strengthened with cross-pieces, as in the prow of the staging. Cross beams are continuously placed on top, a fathom apart, to finish the flooring of the staging. In the middle of these cross beams, large poles, of twenty-five or thirty feet [in length], are placed upright to support the ridge of the edifice; the larger ends of these rest upon the ground and are nailed to each alternate one of the cross beams, beginning with the base of the triangle and extending towards the land. All this having been finished, little poles, the longest that can be found, are obtained and laid lengthwise upon the cross beams, where they are arranged as closely as possible one against another, from [95] the point

horizontal poles (called longers) which serve as ladders are placed upon pieces (called strouters) inclined against the end of the staging.

286 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

clear to the end towards the land. This makes an efficient flooring for the staging.

From these two stakes of the point, which determine the breadth of the staging, and extending on both sides towards the land, there are placed little poles which run from the ground straight up to pass above the flooring about four feet ; they are distant about two feet from one another. At the upper ends of these little poles, which make the two sides of the staging, another large pole is nailed to their tops, and thes holds them crosswise from one end to the other.

Upon those large poles which are nailed to the middle ofl

the cross beams, are placed other poles which are nailed upon ~ their [96] top ends from one extremity to the other, and these — poles form the ridge. Then other poles are arranged which —

extend to rest or fall upon those other poles which are elevated four feet on the sides of the staging; and these

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serve as rafters. [his being done, a mainsail of the vessel is -

placed on top, with the seams running like the rafters in order © that the water may run off more easily. To effect this, the © sail is stretched as much as possible by means of cords which

are fastened to the poles on which rest the rafters. If the

:

sail is not large enough to cover the whole staging, the end |

towards the land is left uncovered, for the chief place is the’ opposite end, where the hardest of the work is done. [97] To.

close the two gables and the two sides of four feet in height, ”

one begins with the gable towards the point, which is at those’ two large stakes which determine the breadth of the staging. | For this a large pole is nailed from one stake to the other, | with the exception of the breadth of a door which is left on

one side to lead out upon the point. This pole, which is nailed

underneath, is raised some two feet! above the floor, while

1 This space of two feet, as our author tells later at page 159, and as is” shown both in his own figure and in the Moll engraving at page 311, is left open for the admission of the fresh fish. At the back gable, however, this space

is not needed and is filled with poles and branches.

AMERICA. CHAP. V 287

thence upward as far as the ridge other poles are placed at a foot from one another, nailed above and below, which shorten with the pitch of the sail. The same is done with the opposite gable, where, however, the poles run from the bottom to the top. After this [98] the ends and the sides are lined with branches interwoven as compactly as possible between these poles.

Whilst all this work is under way, the captain does not fail to send the boats to the fishing just as soon as the car- penters have put them into condition so they can go. The fish which they bring back every evening are dressed upon boards which are placed upon barrels. These form a sort of temporary tables which they use until the staging and its appurtenances shall be completed. This fish 1s salted and put into a pile exactly as if everything were in condition to receive it, as I shall tell you in the part to follow.

The staging is no sooner [99] finished than they set to work to fill it up inside. There a table is made, of four feet wide and about three feet high, removed three feet from the partition of which I have just been speaking. This table is called the splitting-table [észd/y]. In the space between this splitting-table and the partition are placed the throaters [picqueurs| and the headers [deco/eurs], and on the other side are the splitters [Zabi/eurs]. These splitters are five, six, or Seven, according to the size of the vessel. Each splitter has a throater and a header. The splitters have on their tight side a kind of trough or box of wood, about a foot and a half wide and a little longer; its bottom is tipped up about

1 I have given here the modern English equivalents, used by all the Eng- lish fishermen, for these three important terms, though they are not exactly translations of the French words. A Jicgueur, literally translated, would be a slitter, decoleur would be a beheader, while adil/eur would be a dresser. The ficgueur is called a cut-throat in Newfoundland, but a throater in Nova Scotia and New England. The French of Newfoundland do not now use the term habzlleur, but ¢rancheur or splitter. The éady, or splitting-table, is called by the French fishermen ¢a/, as our author also calls it on page 155.

288 NATURAL HISTORY

half a foot towards the floor, facing [100] inward,’ and the side towards which the bottom inclines is closed by a slide, and this is raised and lowered between two guide pieces. This is in order that the fish may fall of itself and all at once into the barrows, as I shall explain more at length when I speak of the dressing of the fish. At five or six feet farther on towards the land, in the middle of the building, there is made a kind of enclosure for containing the salt which is used to salt the fish. ‘This enclosure is called the salt-bin [saline], and is situated exactly under the ridge. Thus the stakes which support the ridge pass through the salt-bin, which may be twenty to twenty-five feet in length and more, according to the size of the vessel to which [101] it is proportioned, and it is about four feet wide. This bin is made of long stakes laid one upon another up to the height of a foot and a half or thereabouts. On the two sides of this building there are two doors, which are used in discharging the staging of fish when it is necessary to carry them to the water to wash them. | And that is about everything which can be said as to the staging, in order to give an understanding of it.

1 This trough is well shown in the Moll engraving at page 311 of this work, where it is made plain that it was raised considerably from the floor. It faces

inward relative to the staging, not to the table. The mode of emptying it is | explained by our author at page 163 of his book. .

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[102 | CHAPTER VI

Containing the method of obtaining the oil from the livers of Cod, with a description of the instruments and tools which are used in dressing, salting, and washing the fish; what flakes and beach are, their construction and their use.

HILST this work is being done, others are en- gaged on the preparations necessary for making oil, which is accomplished in three ways. ‘The

first is a kind of bin like that of a wine-press [103] in which the vintage is pressed, but in which the sides are very much higher all around. There are three planks, and four if they are narrow, one above another, well joined, well caulked, and well pitched, both on the bottom and on the sides, so that the oil cannot run out. This may be six to seven feet square. At one of the sides there is placed a wicker or basket-work, with mats of straw, of the height and breadth of the bin, inside along one side of the press. Between this wicker and mat and the side of the press, there is a little empty space. This is made to prevent all the cod livers, which are thrown every day into that large space which remains shut off from the empty space, from passing through, and [104] that there may remain a space for the oil in proportion as it is made.’ This happens only through power of the sun, which makes the livers melt. For the bin, or kind of press, is placed outside the staging in the

* As our author’s drawing further shows, the wicker acted as a strainer to : | Beep the livers thrown into the larger space from entering the smaller, which | therefore contained only oil readily drawn off as described and as shown by | the engraving. 289

} } | | 1

290 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

most convenient place possible. The oil always rises to the top of the blood which the livers yield, whilst the water which falls when it rains settles below the oil; the latter is in

the middle between the water and the livers which are thrown — in there every day and float upon the oil. When it is desired _ to draw it, a hole is made in the side of the press at about — a foot from the bottom on the side of the wicker, whilst — another hole is made lower to empty the water and blood. — In these holes is placed a good plug or a faucet, and the — oil is drawn off in [105] proportion as it is formed; and then — it is placed in barrels. All of the livers do not melt entirely, - and there form over the oil many vile matters which it is ©

necessary to empty and throw away from time to time; other-

wise this would form a crust by virtue of its drying up, and this _

would keep the sun from melting the livers which are thrown

in every day. ‘There is hardly anybody except the Basques —

who make this kind of presses, and they are only necessary, —

moreover, for large vessels. Others make use of a well-caulked |

boat, which has one end placed some little higher than the ©

other; at the lower end is placed a wicker with mats, as in —

the bin or press, to prevent the livers from passing. At | this end are made two holes, [106] one to empty the water, and the other to draw off the oil, which are emptied from » time to time [respectively] above and below, as in the bin — or press. In default of boats or press, use is made of good | barrels, knocked in at one end, and placed upright upon — stocks, somewhat raised. A wicker is placed therein, from — top to bottom, with mats, which make an empty space of | about a half foot in breadth from the top to the bottom ~ of the barrel. Two holes are also made in the lower part

to empty the water and the oil, and one empties also from

time to time all the filth or the residuum, which is formed

on top. A. barrel of this oil 1s worth as much as twenty to

twenty-five écus. All these three sorts of vessels which are —

used [107] for making oil are called a Charnier by all the

: }

] }

| | | | |

AMERICA. CHAP. VI 291

fishermen, with the exception of the Bretons, who call it a Treiiil.*

Just as the entire crew does not work all at once upon a single duty, so each one has his special work. Let us look at those who are employed with the appliances which are used for preparing the Cod, such as the ga/aire ;* this is a kind of little staging which is made on land at the edge of the beach. For this there is made a foundation of stakes planted upright like those underneath the staging; they are increasingly tall towards the sea, in order that the flooring may be level. It is made in the same way as the staging, both as to the founda- tion and also as to the flooring of little poles, with the [108] exception that it is only twelve or fifteen feet both in length and breadth. The latter is a double one; the single ones have the same length along the beach, and half the breadth towards thesea. Some are made like this, but only three or four feet across, according to the size of the vessel, and always more rather than less through fear that bad weather may prevent the fish being spread out to dry. This galaire is covered above with poles in the form of an arbour, upon which are placed plenty of branches to prevent the sun, when striking upon the fish, from overheating them, something which would spoil them.

There are also needed some barrows [Joyars], which we call handbarrows [siviéres d bras]in France.? Everybody[109] knows

1 By the English fishermen it is called a “’ver-dutt, and is commonly made from a hogshead, at least on the fishing vessels. It is illustrated, along with some other articles used in the fishery, on the plate in our author's book re- produced herewith. By the French fishermen of Newfoundland it is called a fotesstere.

* This galaire, which serves, as our author tells us on page 202 of his book,

_ for a support to the pile of fish while draining after being washed clear of salt,

finds its equivalent in Newfoundland in a small platform placed near the flakes, but I have not been able to find its name. The piles of draining fish are said to be 77” water-horse, an expression used also in Nova Scotia, and by the Acadian fishermen are said to be ex fumier.

* Called civiadieres by the French fishermen of Newfoundland.

2922 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

what they are.’ There are also wickerworks which are flat, made from long rods an inch thick, interlaced like a wicker- work for cleaning clothes, but they are much larger and stronger. They are used to throw the Cod upon when it is washed, in order that it may not take up sand. Another is also made of about a fathom and a half square. It is formed like a cage, except that it is not closed on top; the sticks in it are as large as the thumb, and it is bottomed with boards. This is placed in the water, the fish are thrown inside it for washing, and it is called a Timbre.”

The wheelbarrows [4rodéettes] are nothing other [110] than two pieces of squared wood, as large as the arm or there- abouts, of four to five feet in length, [and having] the form of a crook at one end. On these are nailed staves of a foot and a half in length, the ends of which are nailed to the round part of these bars to form a bottom. In order that it may form a hollow, staves are also placed on the two sides, of which one end of the stave is nailed against the end of the

crook, and the other end of the stave in the middle of the |

bar where it commences to lose its curvature. Hence the cur- —

vature of these bars, when thus prepared, makes a large hollow

like a wheelbarrow.’ In place of a wheel there is added a .

large roller of wood [111] pointed at both ends, which are

passed into two iron eyes attached underneath this wheel-

=

barrow. Thus when it is dragged this roller serves as a wheel, © which makes it more easy to move. Its use is to carry the |

fish from those troughs, which I have described as used by the splitters. This barrow is placed under the troughs, and

1 If he does not, he will find one illustrated in the Moll picture (on the ©

beach) later at page 311 of this work.

2 Shown by our author’s figure. This washing-box, the use of which is —

explained by our author at page 1o1 of his book, is still in use and called, in

Newfoundland, a vam’s horn. It is not placed on the beach, as our author —

describes, but is lowered from the staging by a proper tackle.

3 Its construction is made plain by our author’s plate. Such rolling hand- barrows are still in use, and in Newfoundland are called dyudge-barrows. The |

French fishermen call it by the same name as our author.

AMERICA. CHAP. VI 293

no sooner is the slide raised than the fish fall therein with- out being touched. ‘This is done to save time and expedite labour.

Whilst all these works are being constructed, the doctor, with some of the boys, is working to build the flakes [vignaux]. For this they have a quantity of little poles which are cut into pieces [112] of about five to six feet in length and pointed at one end; these are driven into the ground, so that there remain about three and a half or four feet above the ground. These pickets are distant one from another about a fathom; they are all arranged in a single line, and are all of the same height. They continue about twenty-five, thirty, or forty paces in length according to the extent of the place, which requires them sometimes to be longer and some- times shorter. ‘This first line of pickets being completed, another is made of the same sort, with a distance between the two lines of about five feet, a little more or less. Then long poles are placed in position and tied to the top ends of these pickets, [113] from one end to the other of the two sides. The strings which are used are threads of rope-yarn. All these poles being in position, others are placed across them, the ends of which rest upon those poles of the two sides; they are tied at each end to those poles at distances of about one foot from one another. This being done one covers all this length and breadth with branches, from which all the foliage is removed in order that the air may circulate as well from below as from above, whilst the Cod are upon the flakes to dry." There are needed for one ship about thirty, forty, or fifty of these flakes, according to the bigness of the vessel, and also according to the extent of the place, which is sometimes of [114] thirty, fifty, and even of a hundred paces in length.

: " These flakes are made in substantially the same way at the present day. | They are always a conspicuous feature of any fishing village or station. They | are figured, though not well, in the Moll picture at page 31: of this work. They are still called vignots, or vigneaux, by the French and Acadian fishermen.

| U

| } |

294 NATURAL HISTORY

In another place the steward has some of the boys, whom he makes work on the gravel beach [grave']if there is no other business more pressing. But let us look at the work on the

beach, and then I will tell that which is done in having this — beach prepared. That which is called beach is the little :

pebbles which the sea throws upon the coast. This is flattened ©

as evenly as possible, and if there is too much in one place it is removed to fill up the hollows in other spots; or else the boys go to fetch it from the shore in hampers | mannes| (which | is a kind of basket, round, and without handle),’ and carry it —

where it is needed. If the beach is old, and has not been} torn up [115] during the winter by the sea, grass is found |

coming up amongst the gravel, and it is necessary for the boys |

to tear it all out shoot by shoot, so that none at all is left. The duty of the steward, aside from the work on the

beach, is to take charge of everything connected with the

cooking every day for the whole crew, and to go occasionally

( }

with his boys, in a boat which he has, from land to the vessel to |

fetch wine, biscuit, pork, butter, oil, and all other provisions. He goes to the spring with his barrels to fetch water to make! his drinks, and for the kettle. He goes also to the ship with

\s

his boat to fetch salt, and has it carried ashore and placed in ~

[116] a little pile by the boys, until the time when the “tuoi

‘ ‘

i

may be finished and the salt-bin ready to receive it. This”

salt, which is thus brought, is for salting the Cod which are) caught while this work is going on. This is done by the boats which go to the fishery, as I have said, in proportion as the carpenters get them ready; and it is these fish which I

have described earlier as dressed upon those boards which are” laid upon the barrels.

1 There is no exact English equivalent for this word grave, which our author applies to those accumulations of pebbles without sand which are formed only upon shores exposed to a strong surf. Its exact use in the drying of fish is’ described later under page 212 of our author’s book. Being thus economically important it has passed into a place-name (as Grevé) in Gaspé and elsewhere. ©

2 These brackets are our author's.

[117] CHAPTER VII

_ Containing the manner in which are built the boats which have to | be loaded in sections Sor transport to the Jishing stations

| pO EVE it will not be out of place to describe also the work of the carpenters, who, although the first to be }

landed to commence their work, are nevertheless the last _tofinish. To make the boats ready to go to the fishery, they _ begin with the Gee. rork which has/to be done on the

| new boats brought from France. These are placed in [ 118]

, sections on the ship. Some have t

;

he keel entire; others have ; Store them. This keel [guile] is the bottom piece of the | boat, and the foundation of all the construction. Upon this keel are placed the floor-timbers [varangues], which are of squared wood about three inches thick ; they are three and a half feet or thereabouts in length, and are turned up a little at ‘the ends. In going from the middle of the boat towards the ‘two ends, they continuously grow less in size, because the boat is not so large at the two ends as in the middle. This 1S especially true on the bottom, because of the model [ fagons] it has in order that the bow May more easily cut the water when the boat is running under sail or [rowed] by the [119] car. The stern has not so high a model as the bow. That Which is called model is this, that the planking or boarding Which makes the enclosure of the boat is joined at the bow almost entirely together, from the keel to the top of the boat, n order that she may cut the water. At the stern it has this inch-form only in the lower part, in order that the water 295

| | | |

296 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

when the boat is under sail, or is being rowed, may strike the rudder, and in pushing against it may make her turn to one side or the other, or to go straight according as one wills. Below these floor-timbers are nailed two boards or planks from one end of the keel to the other on each side. ‘That is the first section. ‘To these floor-timbers are nailed [120] ribs [membres] with brads. ‘These ribs are of square wood of the thickness of the floor-timbers. They are bem below, and rise straight up to the height which it is wished to give the boat. Each floor-timber has its rib at each end, and these become steadily closer towards the two ends, in order to make the model mentioned above All these ribs being placed on the two sides, from one end of the keel to the other, there is nailed to this keel < stem-piece [estrave] at the bow; this is a piece of wood o about six inches square, which makes a curve in ascending fron the end of the keel upward to the height of the boat. At thi other end of the keel, at the stern, there is placed anothe piece of squared wood of the [121] same thickness as th stem; it is straight, but it inclines a little outwards, and als extends as high as the boat is to be. This piece is called stern-piece [e/ambot]. To this are fastened strips, of an inc of depth, on both sides inside, for nailing on the boardin when that is added to close in the outline of the boat. Tk stem has a strip also of the same kind for nailing on the enc of the boards. The stem and the stern, and all the ribs bein placed according to the model, or the shape which the boat mu’ have, it is necessary to board it in. To board in is to add th boards all around, and this is called boarding [ dordage]. | In placing the boarding from the keel at the bottom ar ascending upward, [122] care is taken that the ends do not jo. in the middle opposite one another. It is necessary that thc pass a foot and a half or two feet one beyond another in ord* to make the connection stronger; [and this is so] as well 1 regard to the boards which run from the front backwards, §

AMERICA. CHAP. VII > 297

in regard to those which run from the stern forwards; it is as with the stones which are made to overlap one another in the construction of a house, a feature which the masons call “biting” [mordans|. ‘This is done from the bottom clear to the top on both sides of the boat, as the boards are placed continuously one above another. This is ordinarily done only for those boats which it is necessary so carry in sections through [123] inability to carry them entire on the ship. Having been thus assembled in France, they are taken apart to store them in sections. All the boards which I have mentioned as passing over one another in the middle, are nailed in that place only by brads. All the rest is nailed permanently, with the excep- tion of one side, belonging to the stem-piece, and the other side belonging to the stern-piece. Thus the stem and the stern are each held only on one side to one of the sections. Mo make these sections, the keel is cut in half, but if the vessel can carry it entire, the ribs are detached from the floor- timbers, where I have told you they were nailed with brads. Also all those ends of boards are detached [124] in the middle Where they run one over the other. Thus the boat remains divided into four’ sections when it is cut apart, and in five when the keel remains entire.

After having spoken of the construction of the boats, and of the manner of reducing them to sections, it remains now to speak of how they are remounted or reassembled in that country. The whole is placed on land, the sections of the same boats by themselves; for each boat has its parts marked ‘with one mark, and for the side where they ought to be, in order that the ends of the boards which ought to fit in the middle may be found exact. All the sorting of the boats being finished, the keel of one is placed [125] upon blocks, which are a kind of stocks or large pieces of wood for raising at from the ground. Then the part containing the stern-piece |

* Apparently this should read six.

| | | |

298 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

is placed at one end, followed by the stem-piece, which is nailed to the other end of the keel. Then the ribs are nailed to the floor-timbers, and then the two other sections are placed in position, the one on one side forwards, and the other on the other side sternwards. Thus the ends of the boards come together in the middle precisely as they should do. Being thus placed in position, the ribs are nailed permanently to the floor-timbers, and the ends of the boards are nailed upon the ribs, also permanently, as well as to the stem- and stern-pieces. And there is the boat remounted! There is lacking a strip, which is made from a [126] board sawn length- wise into pieces of about four or five inches wide. One is placed all around the boat, nailed inside at half a foot or thereabouts from the edge. This serves to strengthen the | boat, to hold the ribs in place, and to support the beams - [daux] or thwarts [¢outes], which are half a foot broad and | an inch thick. ‘The beams or thwarts are, in fact, the benches . on which the rowers are seated. There are six of this kind © from one end of the boat to the other. These thwarts have — each its place, that is to say three in front and three behind at — about two feet from one another, while between two is left 4a | space of five feet or thereabouts which is in the middle [of ‘ the boat.] [127] All of these are placed upon this strip, crossing the boat from one side to the other. On each of the - ends of a thwart is placed a short stick which is a piece of © wood made into a square knee, all of one piece, of which one ~ end is nailed upon the thwart and the other part upon the © edge of the boat. It is those thwarts which hold the boat in shape, and prevent it from spreading. Now it is necessary to add a gunwale [carreau] all around the boat. This gunwale is — a piece of wood of two good inches, or of two and a half, © square, which is placed all around the boat above the topmost - board, and which is nailed to the ends of the ribs which pass a little above the boarding. After this [128] the ribs are cut down to the level of the gunwale.

AMERICA. CHAP. VII 299

It is necessary next to caulk this boat. Caulking is placing oakum in the joints, which are the openings existing between two boards. This oakum is made of old cables which are cut into pieces. Next the strands are untwisted and boiled in water. hen they are beaten with a mallet or other tool to render them supple, and to separate better the hemp into strands, a process called separating [décharpir], or making it into tow. Being separated it is rolled as large as the thumb, and made into distaffs as thick as the arm, and of half the length of the arm. Such is the oakum which is used in caulking ships [129] and boats. In order to force this oakum into the joints of the boarding there is needed an iron which is made like a chisel, of two fingers’ width and a good half-foot in length; one end is flat, and the other is all round and flat on the top, which is struck with a mallet in order to drive in the oakum by force. ‘Thus it becomes as hard as the wood. ‘The iron is called a caulking-iron [ga/fet | and the operation caulk- ing | galferter|, and that work makes it tight. The boat

being well caulked upon one side, it is turned upon the other,

and the sameis done there. The caulking being completed one

side is well heated with brush or branches of Fir; for this little fagots are made which are attached to the end of a stick, in order that they may be lighted [130] and applied all flaming to the boat, to heat the planking well. When one fagot is burned out, another is lighted, and so on until it is well heated. Then one has some pitch in a large iron pot which has been well heated. It is this pitch which the players of the violin call colophony and use to rub their bows. This

_ being good and hot, there is placed with it some fish oil _ to make it softer, and to prevent it from scaling off when

ee

a

dry. The planking being well warmed, one takes a wad of wool, fastened at the end of a stick, which is called a mop [guipon|. It is plunged into this kettle containing the pitch, which is used as hot as possible. [131] This mop is passed over the joints and the planking itself in order that the whole

300 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

may be well pitched. The one side having been done, the boat is turned over in order that the same may be done with the other. When it is well pitched the inside work of the boat is added. The spaces between the thwarts are separated one from the other by boards or barrel staves, which are nailed at one end to the thwarts, whilst the other is nailed at the bottom of the boat to a bar of wood which crosses the bottom ; these compartments are called rooms [vums].* Each fisherman has two of them, of which one serves to hold the fish as they are caught, and the other serves as a place for the fisherman himself. When his room is full, it is [132] emptied into the large space which is in the middle of the boat, and which is called the big room [grand rums|. The other fishermen also empty their rooms into this large one. When it is full and also the small ones, it is then the boat is

said to be loaded, and it has five to six hundred Cod. There ©

are necessary also sideboards | fargues] for the boat in order that

it may be all ready to go to the fishery. These sideboards

are a band of canvas very heavily tarred, of about a foot in breadth; it is nailed upon the gunwale, which, as I have said, was placed upon the top of the boarding. This sideboard is

nailed by one margin all around the boat; and along the | other margin of the sideboard there are eyelets, by means of — which [133] there is attached by rope-yarn a pole on each side, running from one end to the other of the boat. If one pole —

is not enough, two or three are added. There are also needed round or square sticks of a half fathom in length, which are thrust between the side of the boat and that strip on which rest the thwarts. These sticks extend above the edge of the boat to the breadth of the sideboard, and are a half fathom distant one from another. They are pierced at the upper end for the passage of a string which is attached to that little pole of the sideboard that is raised, and which is used only when the

1 The French word rus is said by the lexicons to have been adopted from the English “room.”

AMERICA. CHAP. VII 301

fishermen meet bad weather at sea, or when the boat is too heavily loaded. Then these [134] sticks are set, and the side- boards are raised by means of those little cords, which are then bound and tightened on the ends of those sticks, which are called espontilles. By this means the sideboard serves for a planking which prevents the water from entering into the boat. After the fishery is finished the sideboards are removed from the boats, which are left in the country. Those who make use of them the following year are obliged to add these sideboards to render them fit for the fishery, aside from the other repairs which it is necessary to make to them according to the state in which they are found.

[135] CHAPTER VIII

Of the distribution which is made of the boats among the master Jishermen, and of the means which are used to keep them in safety during the night.

as they become ready therefor, all the masters of boats

draw lots, on which is written first, second, third, and so for the rest. He to whom falls the first takes the first boat — completed by the carpenters, and thus with the others each in — his turn. It is the [136] masters and their crews who make , the rooms, the sideboards, the mast, and the boom for the | sail, the hooks, the leads, the lines, and all that 1s prepared during the voyage as I have described. This choice by lot is made to avoid dispute and quarrel among them, and that they — may not be able to complain if one has a better boat than ~ another ; for as a rule the carpenters fit up all the best boats, first, they being less work to complete, and in order that they — may be able to go constantly to the fishery whilst the others are being prepared. In proportion as there is one of chem finished, he to whom she belongs places on board all his. fishing outfit and all his fishermen, and then [137] goes to the fishery. Their fish is dressed as I have mentioned above. I shall give a description of it very fully when all the boats are ready, and all the | preparatory] work is finished.

Now it is necessary to make arrangements to put all the boats in safety when they return at evening from the fishery, for fear that bad weather may overtake them at night, which might cause their loss. For this they have a cable as large as — the arm or larger, according to the bigness of the ship. For

302

|: order to know who will man the boats in proportion

NATURAL HISTORY 303

it must be much stronger for one having many boats than for one which has fewer. An end of this cable is carried out to sea as far as possible, and that is its whole length. It is then affixed or attached to [138] a good and strong anchor which is thrown to the bottom of the sea. Then the end on land is taken and hauled or drawn by the strength of the men. If there are several ships in one harbour they help one another. This cable being well stretched, it is turned around a very thick stake, which is sunken deeply into the earth. ‘That end being well secured, another stake is placed above this one, five or six fathoms away, which is also well sunken in the ground. ‘To this latter stake there is fastened another rope, which is attached to the head of the first stake to hold it firmly, and to prevent the boats which are fastened on the cable from loosening it in any tempest which is likely to arise. [139| To attach the boats to this cable there are good ropes’ ends which are attached from place to place by one end, while at the other is fastened a little piece of wood which always holds the end

_ above the water. This [arrangement] is called a Boyon.* As

many of them of this kind are added as there are boats; and they are spaced from one to the other, so that the tempest, when it occurs, does not bring them into collision, which would smash them. It is necessary that this cable shall stand all the strain of the boats and of the bad weather.

To this same cable there is attached, eight or ten fathoms from the staging, a pulley through which is passed a rope. One end of it is fixed and fastened to the head of that great stake which makes the point of [140] the staging. The other end, which is of fifty to sixty fathoms, according to the bigness of the ship, remains upon the staging in order that

* It is practically equivalent to the collar of the Newfoundland fishermen ; boats so moored are said to be “on the collar.” The word is no doubt con- nected with the English dvoy,and is perhaps a corruption of douée-orin (or a hybrid duoy-orin) meaning buoy-rope. The cable is not now used by the fishermen, who moor their boats separately.

304 NATURAL HISTORY

there may be attached to it the boats destined only for the land service, and not for the fishery. When they have been attached to this rope, the end which is fixed is pulled, and by this means the boat is caused to go a certain distance from the staging, the whole being so managed, however, that one can also add another in the same manner by drawing more on the end of the cord which is fixed and attached to the stake at the point of the staging. When there is need of these boats, or of a single one of them, it is only necessary to pull on the opposite end of this same [141] cord in order to make them come to the staging. This cord is called a voyal [ Tournevire|; others call it a go-come [Vas-iu, Viens-iu].’ Its

use is to keep always afloat the two service-boats, the largest —

of which is called charroy,” and to have them easily at hand

when they are needed. Otherwise it would be necessary to | have boats to go fetch them, for they serve to go fetch those '

which are attached to the boyon and destined for the fishery.

1 | have not been able to find technical English equivalents for these terms. |

2 Presumably this is the same word as chaland, applied by the French fishermen of Newfoundland to a barge [boat].

[142] CHAPTER IX

The preparations of the boats for going to the fishing. That which is practised when they are upon the fishing grounds. That which is done on land. On the return of the fishermen, and their method of unloading their boats, and of placing them in

safety.

OW that all of our works are finished and all of our N boats are ready to go to the fishery, it is necessary to send them away for that. [143] The day before

they are to start to sea for fishing, the boatswain has the duty of filling his basket [cordz/lon|] with biscuit, which 1s not withheld from the men, but which they take at will. This corbillon is a large box like that in which are sent

the prunes of Tours, but almost as large again. Then he

goes to fill his barrel with drink, which does not intoxicate them; for from one barrel of wine there are made four and sometimes five without any other miracle than some water. It is free to all, and each one takes as much as he wants. The steward has charge of this economical magnification. The boys go in a boat to fetch the water in barrels, sometimes far off, [144] sometimes near, according to where the spring is situated. That is all the provision that any of the fisher- men have when they go upon the grounds [sur /e fonds], which is the term used by them to designate going to the fishery.

The next day just at dawn they are made to arise. They go and take the boats on the voyal, in order to go out to their own which are moored upon those boyons. Being on

board they set the sail, if there is wind, for they go where the 395

306 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

wind carries them. Or if they design to go to a particular place, they row to windward. At other times, when there is no wind, they go wholly by the oar [@ /a rame]. They do not make use of this word, but they say they go by the stroke [4 /a nage]; they say it is only galley slaves who pull on the oars. ‘There is hardly any harbour [145] in which there is not more than one ship, and every morning one sees thirty, forty, and fifty boats under sail, or being rowed, some of which go in one direction and some in another. Each master of a boat is free to go where he sees fit, and where he believes he can find most Cod. When they are a league or a league and a-half away, they lower their sail, or cease rowing if they are going under oars. They throw their lines overboard all baited, that is to say with Cod [entrails] or bait, which 1s similar to that of the Grand Bank with the exception that the line, the hook, and the bait are here not so large.

The line being thrown over, if they find Cod biting at the hamegon, which is the hook and the [146] bait collectively,” then all those in the boat throw over their lines; and the boatswain, who is the one at the bow, throws the grapnel into the sea as is his duty. After that they set to work to draw up the Cod as fast as they can. They have each two lines, one on one side of the boat and one on the other. As soon as the Cod is hauled up, the hook is removed, and it is | thrown into the room, as I have mentioned earlier. If the bait was removed, he immediately puts on another, which he takes from the stomach of the Cod. If he finds there any- thing which is not digested, he puts it on the point of his | hook, then throws his line again into the sea. Whilst it 1s sinking to the bottom, he turns to the other side, [147] and | hauls up the other line if he feels a Cod is taken, which rarely — fails. So long as they find fish they do not stir from there. | All the others do the same. When the fish give out, they _

1 But amecon is used for the hook alone by the French fishermen of — Newfoundland.

AMERICA. CHAP. IX. 307

raise the grapnel and go to another place. But when the fish abound, it is a pleasure to see them working arms and body as they turn from one side to the other. They do nothing but draw up the line and at the same time throw it over again, for it is soon unhooked. It is well to know that the lines are attached upon the edge of the boat, and so do not reach quite to the bottom. It 1s always necessary that the hook shall be a good fathom from the ground, and the lead two fathoms. [148] They work in competition, that is as to who shall haul up the most. They do not return until the evening.

Awaiting their return, let us see what those on land are doing. The captain goes to visit the flakes, sees whether they are well made, whether they have enough branches upon them, and whether he will have enough to stretch out all his fish (that is to say, to spread it upon). If he thinks there is not enough, and if there is still space remaining, he gives orders for more of them to be made. He visits the beach, and sees if it is well prepared. The beach-master is with him, if he is not that himself, for often the one is also the other. They visit the barrows, the wicker-works, and everything which I have designated as for the land service. [149] If they find there is not enough of everything, he gives orders for more of it to be made. For some of them may break, and when the rush of the fishing is on, there is no time to waste on that sort of thing. In the beginning of the fishing, when there is not yet any number of fish caught, they have more time to work at those little matters. During this visit, the steward, some sailors, and the boys go to the ship with the land boats to bring provisions needed by the crew, and to see that nothing is in disorder on board. During this time, the sailors and boys carry salt to fill the salt-bin, and so soon as one boat is [150] loaded, it is taken ashore whilst they are loading another. There are five or six boat voyages

1 The brackets are our author’s.

308 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

needed to fill the salt-bin. When the bottom or anchorage permits the ship to be brought near the staging, no person remains on board, either by night or by day; no one goes to her unless he has business there. But when she is anchored at a distance from the staging, two, three, or four sailors are sent there to sleep in order to guard her.

Whilst the captain and the beach-master are making their visits, and are giving their orders for that which remains to be done, and whilst the salt-bin is being filled with salt, the fisher- men who have been doing their work upon the fishing grounds appear under sail. It is about four o’clock in the afternoon when they begin [151] to raise the grapnel, and to set sail. They need at least an hour and a half, and two hours, and sometimes three, to go from the grounds to the staging, according to how distant they are. It is always near six o'clock before the first boat arrives at the staging. The others follow and arrive after a half hour, three quarters, or an hour, and sometimes later. They follow one another in — this manner in order to give time for unloading one after the - other. Nevertheless sometimes two or three of them arrive at once. ‘The first arrival fastens his boat to that point of the — staging which is advanced into the sea, and the other boats [are fastened] all around that point, upon which [152] the fisher- men throw their fish in proportion as they arrive to unload | their boats. To throw the fish up, they have a pew [sé ou daguet,' | which 1s an iron point half a foot long or thereabouts, which curves a little towards its point. It is fastened to the end of a stick of four to five feet long. They thrust this iron into the head of the Cod and throw it up. If the Cod is too large for one man to be able to lift it upon the staging, [he is aided by] a boy who is above with a gaff [gaffe]. Thats also an iron which is hooked; it is thick as a finger and pointed at one end, while at the other, which is somewhat

1 Called Azguods by the French of Newfoundland, and a few by the English fishermen.

AMERICA. CHAP. IX 309

long, it is attached to the thick end of a large pole. This the boy, who is on the point of [153] the staging, extends to the boat, keeping hold always of the little end. Those on the boat pass the head of this large Cod over the hook of this gaff, and he who is above draws it up to him. There are sometimes Cod so large that two boys can hardly draw them up. When the masters of boats act as splitters, they do not waste time in unloading; they quickly abandon their fishing outfit, with the exception of their boots, whilst the stowers and boatswains unload their boats. As soon as one is un- loaded the stower ascends upon the staging to go to his work. Then the boatswain removes the boat thence, to make room for another which does the same, [154] and he goes at once to moor it to the boyon. There he washes and cleans his boat as well as he can, especially the thwarts which the Cod has made greasy, and which become so slippery that one would fall in walking upon them if they were not freed of the grease by dint of washing and cleaning them. This being done they rest, waiting until some one shall come to fetch them all at once with the service boats, or else until, their work being done, some one of those returning from the fishery may pick them up in passing.

Pag) CHAPTER X

On the method of dressing and salting the Cod, and of making the oil which is obtained therefrom; how one prepares the roe, what the latter is, and what it is used for.

there are fish upon this point or stage-head, and the

boat-masters and the stowers are upon the staging, then each according to his duty begins to prepare himself to go to the fish-table [a//er a /ézal], that is, to take his place around the table. For this purpose the splitters commence with their _ [156] knives, which are furnished them by the captain. They: sharpen them, and their sharpener is a piece of flat wood, four inches wide, three thick, and as long as the arm, upon which they place the sediment of a grindstone. This sedi- ment is made by the action of the carpenters in sharpening, their iron tools upon a large millstone, which is used up by dint of use; that which is consumed falls into the trough in which is the water. They take care to collect this, and some of them even carry it from France; with it they sharpen their knives which cut like razors. ‘They each have two of them. As soon as these are sharpened they put on a large leather apron, which takes them [157] under the chin, and extends to the knees. They have also sleeves of leather or of tarred linen. In this garb they take their places in barrels which come up to the mid-thigh. These barrels are between those little boxes which are attached to the table, and of which I have earlier spoken. They place their aprons outside or above the barrel to prevent the water, the blood, and other filth from

310

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NATURAL HISTORY 311

entering it. Such are the splitters, arranged ready for work.* But they each need a throater and a header. These have also a big apron and sleeves like the others, but they have no barrels. In addition, those who work on the water have their boots, which they never leave except to sleep. Those who stay on land and take part [158] in this work, do not have them. The header has no knife, but the throater has one, different from that of the splitter. That of the splitter is square at the end, and very thick on the back in order to give it weight that it may have more power to cut the spine of the Cod. That of the throater is longer and pointed, the point rounding down on the side towards the edge. The throaters and headers are on the other side of the table near the partition, which is on the side towards the sea, adjoining that point on which the Cod are unloaded. Being thus all placed, the boys and others are also upon the point of the Staging with their pews, with which they pierce the Cod in [159] the head, and thrust it near the table under that | ‘Partition or gable which I have earlier described, and in which is left an opening of about two feet in height. Having thrust it there, other men who are between the throaters and the headers take the Cod and place it upon the table near the

! The various operations of the fishery are shown, with pre-Raphaelite "detail and clearness, upon the accompanying picture, reproduced from Moll’s “map of North Biserica of 1713 (or thereabouts). Its agreement with the |descriptions of our author is so close as to suggest some connection between ais work and the picture, or else a remarkable uniformity in the methods of the ishery as practised by the French in Acadia and the English in Newfoundland. | tis to be noted, however, that while the picture is very like our author’s descrip- ion, it differs in some details, such as in showing several salt-bins instead of ine, the table set at right angles to the end partition instead of parallel, he door to the stage-head in the middle instead of one side. It is possible ;he picture is much older than Moll’s map, but if so I do not know its origin. r is reproduced, reduced, in Prowse’s fiistory of Newfoundland (page 22), while be Same picture, crudely re-drawn and in greater part reversed, is given in Vinsor’s arrative and Critical History of America, \V. 2, where it is said to

s taken from a map of America of 1738 in Keith’s Héstory of the British lantations in America, Part I. 1738.

} | | }

312 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

throater, who at the same time catches it and cuts the throat _ and then opens the belly clear to the anus, which is exactly that part by which it voids. Then he passes his knife very | near the gills to separate a bone which is between the ears and the head, and all at one operation thrusts the Cod to his neighbour, the header. The latter tears out the entrails from — the belly, and at the same moment he throws into two baskets _ [160] which he has in front of him, into one the livers and

into the other the roe [rabdes], which is the eggs of the Cod. ; Then, all in a moment, he inverts the Cod belly down upon the table, takes the head in his two hands, reverts it upon the! back of the Cod and breaks its neck. He takes the head in one hand, throws it into a hole which is at his feet, through — which it falls into the sea, and with the other hand ee the Cod to the splitter. TIM latter seizes it by the ear [fin], with’

a mitten which he has on his left hand,’ without which he would not be able to hold it firmly, and places its back against a wooden strip. This is as long as the Cod, and two inches thick ; and it is nailed opposite him upon the table, its

use being to hold the fish firmly and prevent it from slipping during the operation, [161] [which it would do] because of its fat. Then with his knife he strips the flesh from the greater part of the backbone on the side of the ear which he holds it his hand, beginning with the ear and running clear to the tail and at the same time he gives a blow of his knife upon the

backbone, and cuts it in the position of the anus. Then hr ~

passes his knife underneath the backbone going towards thi ears, cuts all those little bones which serve as ribs for the fish — throws the backbone behind him, and with his knife throw — the Cod into the little box or trough which is at his right — They do this with such dexterity and quickness, as well th — throaters and headers as the splitters, that those who hav ~ nothing else to do but to collect the Cod and place then —

1 The splitters among the English fishermen of Newfoundland still use th mitten, called a splitting cuff, on the left hand.

AMERICA. CHAP. X 313

upon the [162] table have trouble to furnish enough. With this backbone which they throw behind them is taken that which is called in France Cod tripe [¢rippe de molué|, but which the fishermen call zo#es; it is nothing other than the skin or membrane which encloses the intestines. All the fish have it alike, some larger, others smaller according to the size of the fish. I will tell below how these xoiies are pre- pared and used.’

The Cod being dressed as I have just been telling, it is [next] salted. This is done upon the same staging, covered with the sail, along those palisades of branches which are on the two sides of the staging, the salt-bin being in the middle in order that [163] salt can be taken more easily from either side. For this latter purpose there are men who have each one of those wheelbarrows which I have described, and they place them under those little boxes. Then they raise the slide and all the Cod fall inside [the wheelbarrows], because the box is inclined. Then they replace the slide in position, and drag the barrow to the place where the Cod is salted. They empty them there and return for others. Two or three men take those Cod by the ears, arrange them head by tail, and make of them a bed of a length which they judge about right to contain all the fish of this day’s catch. For to render the salting uniform, they never place [164] upon one another fish salted on mipeuent days. It is a maxim without exception that all the fish caught on one day has its separate mode of treatment thenceforth. The length of two Cod placed end to end determines always the breadth of the pile, and the = depends like the length upon the quantity of fish

which will have been taken during the day. Always the skin side of the Cod is placed underneath. ‘This first layer being thus made of the length which he considers suitable, the salter has a large perfectly flat shovel, with which he takes salt from the salt-bin, which is behind him, and with it salts the Cod.

1 But he does not do so, obviously through oversight.

ee —<—$_—

314 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

The salter is so skilled that as soon as his shovel is loaded with salt, he throws it upon this [165] Cod from the edge of

his shovel at more than a long fathom distance, without —

placing appreciably more in one place than another. If there

is any place in which he has not enough, he adds some there: —

and it falls off his shovel only as he wishes to place it. This Cod is salted very little; when it is given too much salt it burns, and is not so fine as others. This is why it is neces- sary the salter should be skilled in throwing his salt. When

this first layer is finished, another is made above it in the same ~ fashion, and then it is salted like the other. This is repeated —

until all of the fish are dressed.

As for those huge Cod, which, as I have said, need a man and sometimes two [166] in order to lift them up with a gaff, it is called Gaff Cod, and is dressed and salted like those of the

—— —_ =. =o

Prey

Grand Bank. This is why it is never intermixed with the others. A pile is made of them separately, at the end of the ©

salt-bin or on one side. For salting it is covered with salt, |

—

and especially at the upper part of the tail where the large © bone has been cut, for that is the place where it spoils most — quickly when it has not enough salt, as well as all along the ~ tail. If the latter were split like the body it would not need —

so much salt.

Let us see now what is done with those baskets in which \ the header places the livers and the roe, which is, as I have already said, the eggs of the Cod. A boy or a man empties ©

them [167] in proportion as they fill up; that is to say, the’

roe is placed at the end of the salt-bin, in which is made a

little empty space into which they are thrown, and there they - are salted in proportion as they are arranged one above the |

other. They do not need much salt. The livers are carried

to the liver-butt which is outside the staging, and they are.

placed therein daily in proportion as the fishery supplies them. -

I have already described this liver-butt, though it is well to remark here that everything which is used for obtaining the

AMERICA. CHAP. X 315

oil from the livers is called liver-butt [charnier], whether it be press, trough, boat, or barrels.

I return to our boatswains whom I have left going to moor their boats to their boyons which are attached to the large cable. After [168] having cleaned and washed them well, they furl their sail, placing it along one side of the boat where they arrange also all of their oars. Then they take down their masts, with the rigging wrapped all around them ; then they pass the large end, which is the lower, above the first or rear thwart of the large room, and make it pass through a hole made in the front partition or wall of the large room. And in order that the little end of the mast which rests upon the stern of the boat may not hinder the rowing when there is no wind, nor, likewise, manning the

lines during the fishing, they have a large fork of which the lower end, three feet or thereabouts long, is flattened [169] that it may be inserted between the strip and the edge of the _boat,—the same place in which are set those pontilles or sticks which hold the sideboards. Being set there at the position of the little room which adjoins the great room behind, the mast 1s placed upon this fork, which raises the end upwards so that ‘it cannot be in the way. This fork is removed and replaced whenever desired. They remain there in their boats until such time as some one comes for them, which is when the end of the work has been reached on the staging. Then one of |the boys, in one of the land-boats, goes to fetch them one after another. They come with their barrels and baskets

y

hong they proceed to fill as soon as they have stepped on land, in order to be all ready the next day at dawn [170] to en upon the fishing grounds. When the work at the staging is finished, each one abandons } his Stage- dressing- and fishing-outfit, with the exception of the dressing knives, which they never let out of their possession ‘or fear that some one may spoil their edge by cutting some- ‘hing other than fish. It is the duty of the boys to wash the

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316 NATURAL HISTORY

aprons and the sleeves, and to have them dry in preparation for use on the evening of the next day, in default of which they are sure of being well beaten. For when a boy fails in

anything which he ought to do, he is whipped, and all the © others for company. ‘This is why they warn one another to | do that which is given into their charge. Everything being © cleaned and [171] washed they go to supper. They are

arranged seven by seven in a mess. If there is a man or two ©

over, there are made two messes of eight, and each places him- — self where he can. ‘This is excepting the captain, who eats in | his lodging, and with him the beach-master, the pilot, and the — doctor, who is the one who has charge of the cooking. He ~ has also a boy to serve him, and one at each mess; the boys ©

eat only the remains, and they have plenty with that.

rye | CHAPTER XI

The administration of the provisions ; how they are used during the fishing. How the boitte or bait is caught, and about the. characteristics of the Cod and of the Mackerel.

which have been placed on the ship belong as much to all

the crew as to the captain, and that he cannot dispose of

them in favour of any one whatsoever except by consent of all the crew, although he has[173]the right to drink the wine pure * at his table during the voyage and during the stay. The crew . drink it pure at sea three times a week, and the other days have a drink which is half water. Whilst on shore during the fishery the drink is much more dilute; from a barrel of wine, there are made three or four. The reason is that during the

_ time of the fishery the labour is extremely rough. They sleep little, and they are all day long in the sun, both on land and at the fishery ; and during that time they are always thirsty. It is better from all points of view that they abstain from pure | wine. ‘They content themselves with drinking it on Sundays at dinner and supper, because upon that day they do not go to | the fishing grounds. This is the day [174] they take to wash _ their linen, to put in order their clothes, and even their boats, if there is anything to be done to them. This frugality in wine which is practised is for their good health, and to let them drink it quite pure on their return voyage [to France], if ‘there is enough of it, otherwise they make some little drink of half-wine. There are some crews which are not willing to \practise this economy during their work, and who prefer to

‘drink water on their return. ‘This is their own affair; they | 317

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318 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

are masters of their own provisions. The boys there have as much as their companions.

As for the eating, those who go upon the grounds have as a rule only their barrel of drink and their basket of bread for three [175] men from the morning to supper-time in the evening. ‘There is an occasional one who takes a piece of Cod, of Mackerel, or of Herring roasted from the remains of his supper. ‘Those who remain ashore dine at nine o’clock upon boiled and roasted Cod or Mackerel, or Herring when that is caught. At two o'clock they have a lunch of bread with drink. Those who wish to eat anything else prepare it themselves. The captain has some cheese, but this provision is made at his own expense. He has a garden made on land which provides him with Salads, Peas, [and] Beans. Besides there is the game which he can take, along with the doctor, when they have leisure therefor—such as Pigeons, Ducks, Wild Geese, [176] Teal, Hares, and other game found along the margin of the sea or in the ponds. The captain also brings poultry from France, of which he has the eggs and chickens. There are economical ones who have nothing of all that, but who live like the crew. For supper they have a great kettle of boiled Cod, and little Cod which are fat; these are broken into fragments and roasted on a spit. And the same is done

with Mackerel, which is cut also into slices. In addition ol © and vinegar are distributed to each mess, and besides they ~

have a plate of peas or boiled beans, with oil or butter placed

in the kettle. But nobody takes supper until all the work at |

the [177] staging is finished, not even the captain. On Sun-

days everybody dines, lunches, and takes supper early. On that j

day they have some pork, which is boiled with the peas or beans. If they have the one at dinner, they have the other at supper, besides great plates of fish boiled and roasted. As for brandy

those who wish to drink it resort to their own boxes.

The captain has the duty of sending every evening a boat — with men taking a net; this is anchored in the sea by a grapnel |

AMERICA. CHAP. XI 319

holding it below, and above there is a piece of wood to hold this net extended vertically. At the other end of the net, at the upper angle, is placed [178] another piece of wood, and this latter goes and comes as the tide takes it. To prevent the boats from passing over this net, there is upon one of these pieces of wood a Fir branch as a signal, to make it visible from afar, and thus a collision with it isavoided. The next morning he sends a boat about nine o’clock to raise the net. After all the Cod are washed, they go to fetch this net, which is brought on shore with the fish it has taken, that is to say, Mackerel and Herring. In the early part of the season they catch few, and those which are taken the captain divides in the evening among the fishing boats. After having left the fish-table, that is to say, when all the Cod is dressed and salted, the livers and the roes [179] are stowed away, and all the work of the day is done, then each boat is given at a time fifteen, twenty, thirty, and sometimes more or less of these fish according to how abundant they are. This is to make bait for their hooks, which are loaded with entrails of Cod to a size larger than the fist. Upon the point of the hook is placed a piece of Mackerel or Herring, which throws a certain lustre into the water, towards which the Cod rushes as soon as it sees it, for it 1s fond of it. By this means the fishermen make better fishing. Besides, the ‘Cod is a great glutton, and they eat one another, and are never satisfied. But this lustre leads it to rush there rather than to attack other fish which it meets with [180]. If by chance a little Cod rushes to the hook and takes it, and then a | large Cod sees it, the larger swallows the smaller, hook and all, something which often occurs. And it even happens that a large Cod, like the Gaff-Cod, although it may be caught with ‘a hook in its upper jaw, when the fisherman does not haul it up promptly enough, if it still happens to meet with a little Cod, it swallows it while on the way. There are often found Cod from the mouths of which, on being hauled up, still pro- ject the tails of Cod which they have hardly succeeded in

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320 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

swallowing. As the Cod isa glutton, it has also the peculiarity of everting its stomach, which the fishermen call [181] gau. When it has something inside which incommodes it, it makes this return to its mouth, as one would turn out his pocket and then replace it. By this means it ejects everything it cannot digest, or which incommodes it. As a proof of this is the fact that there are Cod which swallow the hook and bait so greedily that the hook enters into their stomach. The fisher- men call that being engotté,? and of those which are engotté there are found some which have the stomach in the mouth, all inside out or reversed, when they are up. It is as if they wished to vomit the hook which incommoded them, but it does not let go like anything else they have swallowed.

Let us return to our Mackerel. [182] When they come to the coast, they are quite blind. They have a web upon

their eyes which does not fall until towards the end of |

June. Then they see and are taken on the lime” Aig

that time everybody eats them. But although they see, © they are nevertheless taken at night in the nets, but then no ~ more are given to the fishermen. They take as many as they — wish of them, in going mornings to the fishing grounds and in ~

returning evenings, using little lines which are carried expressly

for that purpose. The captain gives one, with little hooks, to © each fisherman. For bait they use a little piece of Cod-skin, © of a small finger’s length and breadth, or a little piece of red —

stuff. All this [183] is when Mackerel is wanting ; [when they have it] a bait of the same length and breadth is cut from

1 Our author has already spoken of this matter at page 31 of this volume of —

his book.

2 Presumably this word is related to, if not a misprint for, engoudé, meaning gobbled up.

3 It is a fact that the mackerel has a web over its eyes at this season, and many fishermen to this day believe this makes them blind so that they cannot see a bait and must be taken by a net. It is considered by ichthyologists, however, that while the web weakens the sight it does not blind the fish. Compare account of the mackerel in Fisheries and Fishing Industries of the United States, Sect. I.

SS we

AMERICA. CHAP. XI 321

the belly, and that is the best. To fish Mackerel well it is needful that the boat be under way, with sail or oars. In the latter case they fasten the line upon the gunwale of the boat, for they cannot hold it in the hand as when they are under sail. When the Mackerel bites at the hook, they give a jerk to the line. There are some sailors who place there a little bell or sounder to warn them, but others are content with the jerk which the Mackerel gives. Sosoon as they perceive this, they place the end of their oar under one of their knees, haul in the line, unhook the Mackerel [184] and throw the line again into the sea. And it is not long before it has taken another. hey continue to take Mackerel until they are upon the grounds, and then they do not lack for bait, nor making a good fishery for the Cod.

[185] CHAPTER XII

The departure of the masters of boats to go upon the grounds, and that which is practised there. The explanation of the marigot, and its advantage to the fishermen. What the

dégrat is; how it is made, the reason for it, and other ideas —

on the same subject.

HE next day, immediately on the first sign of dawn, —

the captain and the beach-master call all the party.

Each one goes to his work. But as to those who ©

[186] remain on land, I wait to speak of them until after I |

shall have told all that which the fishermen do at sea.

Hardly have they set out, going towards the fishing-grounds, - whether under oar or under sail, than they are fishing Mackerel — with the line. Being somewhat far from land, they stop and ~ throw the line to find whether there are any Cod there. If —

they find any, they throw out the grapnel; but if not they go to another place, exactly as I have already related. But just

as they never lack Mackerel, so they never lack Cod; and the ° most of the time they return to the staging loaded two-thirds — full, or at least with a half load. This gives no little joy to © the captain, who flatters them, and makes them drink a little | dram of brandy [187] incidentally—that is to say, only those — who load their boats. In this the old masters of boats havea —

marked advantage, because they know nearly all the good places for fishing, and the best grounds. Having made this

fishery in all the harbours of the coast, they are also much — more sought after by the captains when these make up their —

a — “a = a

_—

-_ —_-

crews, and have more premiums than the others. Being © known by all the captains, it is a question who will have them ~ 322

NATURAL HISTORY 323

-—something which is settled only by dint of money. But all the masters of boats nevertheless become weary with the fatigue of so long a fishery; the slothful ones sleep and make no great fishery, bringing back at evening only a hundred and fifty or two hundred [188] Cod. This is something detested by the captains, who grumble and revile them, calling them coureurs de marigots. Courir le marigot’ is when the fishermen go and hide in some little cove of the shore, or under the lee of rocks, instead of going upon the fishing grounds; some- thing which happens only too often. There they make a fire for roasting Mackerel, and make good cheer. Then they sleep until one or two hours after noon, when they awake and go upon the grounds. There they take what they can, a hundred or a hundred and fifty Cod, and return to the staging like the others, fearful of being scolded. hey are the first to grumble, alleging their bad luck, and [saying] that they [189] have travelled about all day from one place to another, that they have cast the grapnel more than twenty times without finding any Cod, that they are more wearied than if they had caught five hundred, that they have been unfortunate since the morning, that they have caught only ten to a dozen Mackerel, that the next day they will go to another place, when they will be more fortunate. And in fact the next day they do bring Cod, for to go to the marigot twice running would be too much, although there are some lazy ones who do it. And for all this they never expose one another. ‘There are no masters who do not do it sometimes —some, however, more than others. In time of rain they are especially prone to it, not having clothes to change. [190] It is in this respect the Basques have an advantage. Possessing good garments of skins, they go rarely to the marigot and are little slothful. At evening they come to the stagings and have their boats loaded, while the other fishermen have not

324 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

half as much. Also the latter call the former all sorcerers, and say that they play the cap [joier la Barrette]; the latter is a cap which they wear upon the head, and which they turn repeatedly when they are angry. All these reproaches are founded only upon the hate which all the fishermen bear

towards them, because they are more skilled at the fishery —

than all the other nations.!

There are scarcely any harbours where there are not

several vessels. At the Isle Percee I have seen as many as — [191] eleven, since this is the best place for the fishery. This —

number of vessels which are found in one place nevertheless

obtain fish. There are places where there are taken every day

fifteen, twenty, and thirty thousands of fish, not counting that

which is being done in all the other places, and a fishery of this extent lasts six weeks or two months. ‘This thins out the

Cod immensely, and makes it depart, and the quantity of the —

Cod [taken] makes also the Mackerel leave, and the Herring

which the Cod chases. This brings it about that the fishermen _

no longer find the fishing upon the usual grounds. This — obliges the captains to make dégrats to follow the fish. For

this purpose the captain sends [192] boats to the fishery at one place and another, at five, six, and seven leagues from the

staging, to ascertain where perchance the fish have gone, ©

as

They do not return until the evening of the next day, and |

each one makes report of that which he has found. Upon © this the captain makes a selection, after having conferred with —

‘his beach-master and his pilot. The selection of the place

———s

being determined, orders are given to all the boats to go on ©

the morning of the next day and make their fishery at that ~

1 The testimony as to the superiority of the Basques in the cod fishery |

appears to be unanimous. There is an excellent synopsis of the subject, with

citations from contemporary documents, in Prowse’s Hzstory of Newfoundland, —

p. 47. There is a history of the Basque fisheries by Duro, mentioned by Winsor (Narrative and Critical History of America, iv. 86). The Basques, it is

doubtless needless to remind the reader, were not Frenchmen, but a distinct — race occupying three of the northern provinces of Spain nearly contiguous to —

France.

AMERICA. CHAP. XII 325

spot, and to carry their fish to the place of the degrat. In order to prepare that which is needful he also starts off the two land boats, one of which is a barge [charroy], a double boat in which the middle room is as large again [193] as the others, and bottomed with boards for carrying the salt from the ship to the staging. It is loaded with salt and with boards for making a table on barrels, which are also carried. The boat carries drink, bread, and everything which is neces- sary for the dressing of the fish. A part of the shore crew goes there also for that purpose, with the pilot. Having arrived at the dégrat, everything is unloaded on shore. Asa sleeping place for the men, a little camp is hastily made which is covered bya sail brought on purpose. Then the boards are arranged, with which is built a table on which the Cod are dressed as on the staging. It is salted in the same way. Each one sets to work after the fishermen have come, and [194] a boy prepares the supper whilst the fish are being dressed. {faving finished this they go to supper, and then to sleep. The boatswains go also to fill their barrels and baskets in order to set out the next day in the morning, to return to the sea as usual.

The degrat will last sometimes eight, ten, or fifteen days

before the fish move to another place.’ All the fishermen are f

} 1 |

1 Our author’s description of the d@grat makes the use of the term perfectly clear. I find a substantially equivalent description of it in a MS. Report of 1727 by Sieur ? Hermitte, describing the coast from Gaspé to Miramichi (copy, from the Paris Archives, in the Canadian Archives). Littré’s Dictionary defines the word practically as our author uses it. The dégrat, while an im- ‘portant feature of the summer or transitory fishery, has of course no place in Ie sedentary fishery which prevails now exclusively in Acadia and Newfound- land ; but, as commonly in such cases, the word persists with a changed mean- ‘ng. Thus Archbishop Howley informs me the word is still used by the French of Saint Pierre for the fishery they make along the coast from a schooner. The vessel either drifts or is anchored and sends out her dories until a load is »btained, and this is taken back to Saint Pierre to be dried on shore. When n 1904 the French gave up their rights to dry fish on the west coast of New- oundland, they retained the right to fish thus ez dégra¢. Professor J. M. Clarke, tho knows Gaspé well, tells me the word is there used in a different sense,

Y

i

—

=

326 NATURAL HISTORY |

liable to this dégrat. If there are several vessels in one harbour _ they do not always go to make their dégrat at the same place; that depends upon the fancy of the captain, if he has experi- — ence, or according as the older masters of boats may counsel him. These relate the good fortune which has befallen them : at this same [195] juncture, when they were obliged to make © degrat. There is much chance in this, unless one has a great experience in the fishery and has long frequented the coast and | all the harbours in which [vessels] are placed for making the | fishery. For the Cod does not go every year to the same_ place. he fishery which will be one year upon one bank will be exterminated by the great number who go there | together. ‘Thus the year following the fishery is obliged to} seek another bank, where the Cod will not have occurred the preceding year. ‘here are also the Mackerel and the. Herring, which will take another route than that of the pre-, ceding year. This comes sometimes from the winds which. have prevailed during the winter, or from the young Herring, | the Smelt, the Caplin, and [196] other little fish which come in spring to lay their eggs upon the coast, and which come earlier or later according to the [nature of the] winter. These are the sustenance of the Mackerel and the Herring, and, the Mackerel and the Herring are the sustenance of the Cod. I have often noticed that wheresoever these little fish occur in’ the spring, there the fishery is always better than elsewhere. I have also made many other observations upon this fishery, but these I shall here pass by in silence, as being suited only to the fishermen, in whose favour I have not undertaken to describe all these matters, since they are or ought to be amply informed upon them.

namely, for the pause or rest the fishermen take between the early summer ec iT the fall fishing. (a7

The dégrat has given origin to at least one place-name in Acadia, viz., Petit- degrat Island, between Canso and Cape Breton.

[197] CHAPTER XIII

The preparaiion of the fish at the dégrat, and that which is done with tt. The method of washing the Cod and of placing it on the galatre ; the great labour at the staging when the Cod is abundant, and the lights which are used.

ITH regard to the work on land, it is well to know that the number of men 1s always pro- portional to those who are occupied with the

fishing, and this is regulated by the number of boats which ‘each ship has. For example a ship has eight, nine, to ten boats which go [198] to the fishing, and each of these will have ko men, and for each boat two men on land, who include the captain, beach-master, pilot, doctor, and the carpenters, the remainder being sailors and boys. | I have already described earlier the work that was done in the dressing of the fish in the first journey of the boats, and 10w on their return the preparation and salting is accom- olished. But it is necessary to tell what becomes of all the “ish which is caught and carried to this dégrat, where, as I have said, it is dressed and salted just like that on the staging. But there it is necessary after it is salted to cover the pile with een branches to keep the sun from heating it, which would poil it. [199] For it has no shelter like that on the staging, hich has the sail, even if one sometimes does not add foliage suring the great heat. The first day the fish which are rought to the degrat remain in the salt, [that 1s to say] the ight in which it is salted at evening, all of the next day, and the allowing night. That which is salted at the staging remains

) long in the salt only in case bad weather does not allow it 327

328 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

to be removed. As for the dégrat, good weather or not, it is removed when the time is passed which it ought to remain in the salt. ‘This 1s done every morning; for as it is salted every day, so it is also removed every morning. As soon as the fishermen have gone out upon the grounds [200] it is loaded into the barge, and if that cannot carry it all, some: is placed also in the other boat. They have four men in the large and three in the small boat. If there is any wind which can be of aid to them they set the sail, and if not they. must pull at the oars, six, seven, and eight leagues sometimes. | As soon as they have arrived it is necessary to unload them whether it be day or night. The boats are brought close to: land and fastened to keep them in position. There is then’ placed very close to them in the water, between the boat and! the land, the large timbre which I have described as being’ made like a cage boarded below, and of which the top is not covered. From the barge and the boat the fish are thrown into it, and they cannot fall out, [201] all the sides being raised. Inside the timbre there are two or three boys all naked but for their shirts, who wash the Cod. ‘To wash them! they seize a Cod in each hand by the ears, beating the water with them and shaking them in the water, making them slide! from one side to the other without leaving the hand. Being’ thus well washed, to such a degree that there cannot remain any more salt, they throw them upon those wicker-works' which I have described as like those on which clothes are cleaned. These are near the timbre, but on the land, elevated upon pieces of wood, in order that the cod may not take up. sand. Thence it is loaded upon those barrows which I have told about, and it is carried to those galaires of which I have spoken, which are little stagings [202] on which they are placed in a pile, not so long as is made in salting them, but much higher. They are left there to drain for as long a ca as for the salting. That which is salted upon the staging is’ also carried upon the barrows every morning to be washed.

AMERICA. CHAP. XIII 329

It is thrown into this timbre, where the boys wash it as 1n the other case, and it is carried in the same way upon the galaire. The barge and the boat being unloaded, they are taken back to the dégrat, whether day or night. They have no rest. But before going, it is necessary that they proceed to load salt from the ship, and provisions, and everything which is needed by them, and they take back pure wine. They make their drink at the dégrat as [203] they please, even if it makes them drink water on the return voyage [to France]. The captain gives himself no concern about that, provided he loads his vessel with Cod. Every day the same things are done at the degrat, so long as it lasts. When the Cod no longer abounds at the degrat, it is needful to make another, and to follow where it goes, and there just the same thing is done. At the end of the fishery the Cod return upon the first grounds near the staging, where the load is completed. All this labour involves great fatigue, especially when the Cod comes in abundance; for they are at the table sometimes up to an hour or two after midnight before all the fish are dressed and salted, and everything [204] is finished. At such ‘imes the boatswains have not the leisure to wash their boats aor to put them in order. The captain makes them come to yhe fish-table to work at night, and they must have light. Df this light there are two kinds. Some have lamps, with our large wicks, in number sufficient to light all over the ‘taging. But at the table they have large brands of very dry vood; at the lower end of the brand are made three holes at yoints of a triangle, in which are placed three pegs forming a

‘= to hold it upright. The upper end is lighted, and away

bove it is placed a wooden shoe full of oil. There is a little sole underneath through which the oil [205] falls drop by rop upon the flame of the brand, which keeps always burning. “his gives more light than a torch. There are two or three | this kind upon the table. As the work is of long duration, \'€ captain has pure wine brought, but he has them drink

|

330 NATURAL HISTORY

[only] one or two drams of it at most; otherwise it would spoil _ them. When they leave there to go to supper they are so tired that they fall asleep while eating, although they have a — good appetite. I believe that none will doubt that, they being of an age to eat well. And even after all that, no | sooner are they in bed than they are made to rise to go to the

grounds. Those who work on land also rise [206] in the | morning [at the same time], but through the day they can | snatch an occasional hour for rest. |

[207] CHAPTER XIV

Of the work on land which is done in washing the Cod, carrying it to the galaire, to the flakes, to the beach, in turning and returning it, and placing it in piles.

Having arisen, the first thing that they do every day

: is to go to the staging to get the pile of Cod which is to be washed, carry it to the water, [place it] in that timbre, : wash it and carry it thence to the galaire. There is also on the galaire every day some [208] which must be carried to the flakes. That is loaded upon the barrows, and is taken to the flakes. “Those who take it arrange it upon the flakes tail against head, the skin upwards. When one flake is all covered, they commence to place it upon another. When | there is a question of carrying the barrow there is nobody (exempt, not even the captain, except he be some aged captain who has [long] had command and who has seen the world.’ During this time those who have brandy drink a little dram | of it by stealth without leaving their place at the work. [The fish] having remained thus up to nine o’clock, when the skin is had time to dry, they go and overturn it flesh upward, and there [209] it remains until about four o’clock, when ba go and overturn it, skin up, thus to pass the night. The flesh is never left up during the night, because of the dampness. ‘That is repeated every morning—the washing,

the carrying to the galaire, and from the galaire to the flakes.

All the Cod that is upon the flakes, as well those of that day

| is necessary now to follow the work of those on land.

1 Such seems to be the meaning of the expression, obviously local, guz a 3 veu le loup.

|

|

832 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

as of the preceding, is turned flesh up every morning about nine o'clock or thereabouts, when the sun has acquired the force to dry up the dew and the dampness of the night. Thus they are left until about four o’clock in the afternoon, if there does not appear any rain or appearance of rain. For once the Cod has been placed to dry, it must no more [210] be wet. And even if the rain continues it is always left with the skin up, and that which is upon the galaire remains there also, and that which is in salt remains unwashed. There occur sometimes six, seven, and eight days without the possibility of placing them upon the flakes, washing or over- turning them. When that happens, which is rarely, the Cod runs great risk of heating; and if that happens, they are obliged to throw it away. Even when this happens for two or three days [only], the Cod is never so good, and it is nearly always waste at the sale, when it is then necessary to give two quintals or two hundred pounds of it for one.

When that which was first placed upon the flakes com- mences to be a little dry, and [211] when the beach-master judges that it may be in condition to be placed en mouton, instead of overturning it at evening in the usual manner, skin up, he has them placed, up to eight, ten, and twelve, tails against heads, one above another, the foundation of this little pile being only two Cod, which are called mouton. They are placed thus in order that they may preserve their heat, which they cannot do when overturned singly, for the reason that the night is always cool, and this moistens them too much in the open air and in the moist wind which strikes them from underneath upon the flakes. They enlarge these moutons every evening up to fifteen, twenty, and twenty-five Cod. When these have been [212] placed in this fashion in large moutons,’ at evening instead of being replaced upon the flakes, they are carried to the beach to unload the flakes and

1 These piles are called by the English fishermen of Newfoundland and Nova Scotia faggo/s, but the Acadian fishermen still call them »zousons.

AMERICA. CHAP. XIV 333

make room for others. Of two moutons they make only one upon the beach. Then every evening there are removed from the flakes only those which are placed upon the beach. Every day some are placed on the flakes, and some are removed from and some are placed upon the beach, and so on to the end of the fishery.

Having thus all the flakes and the beach covered with Cod, every morning after having washed and carried that on the galaire to the flakes, and having overturned all of that other flesh up, they overturn likewise that which is on the beach; and that which is there [213] in moutons they spread out one by one, skin upwards. Then they go to overturn that which they had brought from the galaire in the morning, flesh up, like the others. After this they return to do the

same thing which they had just been doing [viz., turning the Cod flesh up] to that on the beach, which was in large moutons that had been selected and placed skin up. Presently all the Cod of the flakes and of the beach has all the flesh upwards. Such is the work that is done every day in the morning before ‘dinner. I do not doubt that they have a good appetite for ‘having done their duty well. But if, during the time of the ‘dinner, there appears any sign of clouds, or if there is any appearance of rain, it is necessary for them to leave everything and to run [214] swiftly to the Cod to turn it skin up, for fear lest the flesh become wet. This being done, they go to finish their dinner. And if that cloud does not bring rain, or only a little, and the sun comes out again finely, it is necessary to leave their dinner yet again and go back to place the Cod as ‘lit was before, where it remains until four o’clock in the 2vening or thereabouts,

| From the time of the dinner until the time when it is “jecessary to overturn the Cod, the captain visits everywhere, _eeks whether there is anything to be done, goes to have the \zaff Cod changed to another place, has that resalted which has een longest salted, has it placed in some spot on the staging

: | |

334 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

where it is not in the way, and there has a pile made of it. There it remains [215] until the time when it is necessary to load it. At another time he will fix up his rabbes or Cod eggs, which are salted daily at one of the ends of the salt-bin, as I have related. He has them taken up and carried thence to a corner of the staging, at the end on the land side; there he has them resalted and arranges them in a pile one above another. When the pile is large he has them placed in barrels, in which they are resalted once more, but lightly, since they are saturated. They are packed in, and remain

there until the time when everything is loaded. At another | time he will visit his liver-butts, where oil is made. If they | are full, he has it drawn off and placed in barrels, which also _ remain there until the embarkment. At another time he will - have [216] his charniers emptied to get rid of the water and | blood, and to remove all the filth which forms on top of the | livers which are not melted. He always finds something to keep him busy, and.to keep the others at work, for fear lest | the blues [Zavives] may get possession of them." The steward — goes on board ship to have provisions brought ashore in pro- —

portion as they are needed, or he goes to obtain water for his drink. He makes sure that the boys do that which is their

duty, which is to obey everybody in everything, and to take |

care that the aprons of the dressers, and their sleeves, are well

washed and dried, that the knives of the throaters are clean and sharp, that the staging is washed and cleared of all those — bones of [217] Cod which the dressers throw behind them and ~ of the entrails which fall here and there, and that the aprons ee that is neglected, all the boys get the whip; they are not allowed to lay the blame one upon another. Other sailors,

are clean and well washed. For the least thing of all these

——

-—~«

1 This word Zaviéves does not occur in French lexicons. As Professor Cohn, of Columbia University, has suggested to me, it is probably simplya misprint for Zazvdes, of which our modern form is emwuz. Our author's use of

it, of course, involves a pleasantry.

AMERICA. CHAP. XIV 335

with the pilot, have the duty to go on board to fetch salt for filling up the salt-bin. The doctor works at his garden, or goes hunting for the table of the captain. The beach-master walks around his flakes and beach, visits his Cod at one place and another, notes that which it is necessary to place in moutons, large and small, both on the flakes and the beach, and visits also those in the little piles to see if it is time to make them [218] larger. He visits also the big piles, to see if there are any which need to be placed the next day in the sun. Nobody lacks occupation. At two hours after midday they have an hour for luncheon, to smoke, or to sleep. As four o'clock approaches, the beach-master, the captain, and the pilot keep looking from time to time to see if the fishing _ boats are not returning. As soon as they are seen, the beach- _ master begins to call the crew. When he calls they have to | leave every kind of work and go to him. Then he sends - some to turn the flakes, and tells them, ‘‘ You are to place | that in little moutons, that in large ; that [219] you will carry _ upon the beach,” and he sends others to the beach to do the _ same thing. The Cod which ought to be placed in a pile the beach- ' master and the pilot have brought by armfuls, and make it into _ piles, some large and others small, according as they think best. _ Whilst that is being done, the fishermen arrive at the staging _and discharge their Cod. Then every one goes to prepare for | dressing it after the usual routine. | When the Cod has been placed several times in large | moutons, it is placed in little piles, and at another time from _ these little piles a much larger one is made. Thus they go on | every day making these piles larger, until the time when the | Cod is [220] entirely dry. Of these a huge pile is made, _which is not touched for more than twelve or fifteen days. Then it is rebuilt again in a pile [and remains] for a month without being touched.

It is every day the same business of dressing and salting ;

| | | | | |

336 NATURAL HISTORY

every morning washing and building piles on the galaires ; carrying from the galaires to the flakes, from the flakes to the beach; on the beach building little piles at evening ; from the little piles making large ones. As to the latter, there are every morning piles to be placed upon the beach until the time when the Cod is well dried, when a pile is made which remains a month or five weeks without being touched. At the end of this time they are once more given the sun. Then they are replaced [221] ina pile for as longa time. This is done for fear lest the pile may take up some moisture, and to

keep the fish always dry.

[222] CHAPTER XV

The method of making the piles of Cod; all that which is practised at the embarkation, as well of the Cod, as of provisions and other things.

iy piles of fish are all made of a rounded form. It is the beach-master and the pilot, as a rule, who make them. For this purpose, there 1s made a foundation of rocks, which are arranged one against the other all in a circle of six, eight, ten, and twelve feet in diameter, according to the number of the fish it is desired to put on it. They are made on the most elevated [223] - parts of the beach, and these rocks are only to raise it in _ order that the pile may not become wet from beneath. Then they bring the Cod in their arms to him who makes the pile. He covers all these rocks with Cod, in a complete circle, the | skin down. Then he places all the armfuls of Cod one against another, the Cod upon the circumference with tails towards the centre and the heads outside, so arranged that one head does not extend beyond another. He fills the middle with Cod in proportion as the circumference heaps up. It is made | like the tower of a windmill, though less elevated, and differs only in this, that Cod are placed inside the pile. | The large Cod are chosen to make the cover, and this covering [224] runs up to a point, like that of a windmill, in which Cod serves as tile or as shingle, arranged in the same way one upon another so that the interior of the | pile cannot be wet. There are piles so large that a ladder

is necessary for covering them. In addition to this covering 337

RO —e

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3388 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

sails also are placed upon it to prevent any moisture from entering.”

When all the fishing is finished, and the fishermen have left their lines, there is still some time needed for drying the last fish. During this time they go to the woods to fetch branches which they carry to the ship to place upon the ballast. The latter is rocks or pebbles placed on the bottom of the [225] ship to hold her in trim, and to keep the wind from having power to throw her down on one side or the other, which makes the ship carry her sails better. The branches which are placed upon it are to smooth the bottom and to raise it, so that the water may not touch the Cod. They line all the sides of the vessel also with the same branches as [are on] the bottom, in order that the Cod may not feel the humidity of the sides. All that having been prepared they load the vessel. For this they take those large piles of Cod first dry, which it is necessary to expose to the sun two or three hours upon the beach. To transport them they are placed by lots of thirty-three Cods, which make [226] a hundred and thirty-two Cods to the hundred. This is the fishermen’s way of counting, because at the sale some are found spoiled and broken; of these two hundred are given for one, on account of its being refuse and unsaleable fish. If it is by weight two quintals are given for one. It is for this reason the fishermen make their hundred of a hundred and thirty-two, in order to make good at the sale, when there comes the loss which is almost inevitable.”

To embark it, each takes his quarter which he carries into the barge. In lack of a barge, a boat is used. In proportion as they pass, the captain or the beach-master is there, and he places a little stone in his hat to record [227] the number of

1 These piles are still made by the fishermen of Newfoundland, but they are roofed by a tarpaulin, or by “ rinds” of spruce bark.

2 The quintal, theoretically of 100 pounds, is still given an excess, though

only to 112 pounds, in Nova Scotia and Newfoundland. Dry cod are never exported now in bulk in a ship’s hold, but in drums or casks of different sizes.

# ‘

a a re

AMERICA. CHAP. XV 339

Cod which are embarked daily. This is provided the weather is good and dry, for the Cod would spoil if it were wet, and even if it were damp.

Having been carried on board the vessel, they are placed

between the two decks to be passed to those below, who arrange them upon the branches head against tail. They com- mence to load them either at the bow or the stern, according to the conveniency of the ship, one upon another, so many that they extend to touch the deck. And in proportion as they settle, the void is always filled up, so that the ship is full from bow to stern with the exception of the middle in front of the mainmast; this is to hold that [228] large Gaff Cod which has been salted green.

The finest and largest of the dry fish are separated out

every time the piles are spread in the sun; and they are placed in the store-room. ‘That is where the bread or biscuit is kept as being the dryest place. That which is left of the biscuit for the return voyage is placed between decks, as is also all the rest of the drink, provisions, and the baggage of the sailors. _ Whilst all that is being done, the mate [contre maistre] is on board with four or five men who are working to replace the ship in trim [ex funzns|, which means to replace all the Tigging and ropes in their places. Rigging [maneuvres] is all the ropes collectively. After that he bends his sails [229] and yardsthem. Yarding |exverguer] is to attach the sails to the yards.

The steward works with the boys to make the drink for the return, and [to provide] water for the kettle. The carpenters are on board to supply aétances or estais ; these are upright stakes, which extend from the top of the first deck to that above, all along the ship on both sides. These are to prevent the barrels of wine, drink, and water, which are placed there, ‘from running from one side to the other in case of meeting Pe weather. The place for the cannon is left free that they | |

340 NATURAL HISTORY

may be used in case of need. Everything is [230] carried on — board in proportion as it is ready, and it is arranged at the same time. It is only the Cod which needs good weather — for its embarking, and as soon as it is embarked everything | else is very soon ready. ‘There is then only the wind which — can keep them from setting out, in case that is contrary. |

They take away ordinarily only one boat. They hide the — others in the woods, three or four leagues or farther, whereso- | ever they think that persons go the least. If there isa pond — somewhere they place them in that; they fill them with © water and with some rocks which they place therein, and sink — them so that they do not show. They hide them the best that — they can in order that they may not be taken [231] the following year by other fishermen, who carry them off from | one place and another where they may have need of them. © The latter, likewise, when their fishing is finished, leave — them hidden there. If two or three years later they return, ; they recover them; otherwise they sell them to some one else i who is going to make his fishery in that place. |

Such is the manner and practice of the fishery for dry Cod, © the clearest that I have been able to make it. You will excuse | a fisherman. If I had given as much time to study as I~ have to instructing myself, and to investigating means, for following the Cod, to know the places where it abounds, | as well in spring as in autumn, and where is the place for , obtaining a load [232] more quickly than in other places, 1 should have given you more satisfaction in all this account — than I have done. :

n23 3 | CHAPTER XVI

General account of the sedentary fishery for Cod; the profits which have been derived from it by those who have undertaken it; the advantage that it can be made ; its establishment, supposing that the country is peopled by sending colonies there.

FTER having explained in detail that which is practised in the fishery for dry fish, or Merluche, by the fishermen who go every year from the coasts of

‘France for that purpose, I have thought it would not be out of place [234] to inform you about the sedentary fishery ° for the same fish. I have thus named that fishery which can be made by the inhabitants or colonists who will be established there. J have commenced to practise it from the time when I undertook to live in New France with the Commandeur de Razilly, of which I have spoken at the beginning of my book,” ‘where I made known the reasons which prevented me from establishing it there. But as I have always thought it would be advantageous for those who will be residents in the country, this has given me occasion to speak of it in the conversations ‘Thave had upon this subject with several persons, who have ‘talked with others about it. This has instilled a desire in \several [235] to undertake it, besides which they have seen

1 We have no recognised English equivalent for this phrase esche sedentaire, though I have found “fixed fishery” and “family fishery” used in English works. Nor have I been able to devise a satisfactory translation. Accordingly | have rendered it simply as sedentary fishery, which is rather a sound-imitation han a sense-imitation of the French. It means of course a fishery carried on _)y residents of the country, in contradistinction to that conducted by fishermen vho come out in the summer for the purpose and return home in winter. Our author appears to claim to have invented the word. The earliest use le it I have found is in the Letters Patent granted him by the King in 1654. | * In Vol. I. of his book, page 86.

| | | |

341 Fis

342 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

me persist, despite all my losses, in establishing myself in the country and in making dwellings there. But I have never made known how it is necessary to take up such an establishment, nor where it should be commenced. I have only demonstrated the profits founded upon the ordinary fishery, | which are | large enough to give a desire to undertake this sedentary fishery. The first to commence it was a man named Rivedou, at Cap de Sable; he went to establish himself there with his wife, under a commission of the Governor of New England. He made his embarkation at La Rochelle. He took with

him a number of fishermen, both for Cod and [236] Seals, of |

which a fishery is made at the Isles of Tousquet, and at Cap de Sable where he had his dwelling. He set his men to fishing, but it did not turn out well for him, the more so as he had arrived somewhat late. He sent back his ship to France

to carry such fish as he had, and it was to return the following - year when he hoped to recoup himself. During the winter he sent to the Seal fishery a part of the men who remained | with him, but from this he derived little profit, the English having ruined the Isles of Tousquet where the fishery is made. ;

The next year his ship came back early, with good provisions

and a reinforcement of men. He set them at the fishing, and did so well that he [237] loaded his ship, and sent her back | to France. The fish having been sold, he found that he had | no profit; on the contrary he had not enough to reimburse - the half of his expenses. For this reason he did not return © from France the following season. Besides his establishment — took fire, by which he lost the little he had remaining. He —

abandoned everything without desire or wish to return there.’

Then the Sieur de la Giraudiere wished to undertake © it. He made his embarkation at Nantes. He went to

1 Yet he did later return, or else his son settled there, for the census of 2

1671 gives Sieur de Rivedou with his family living at Cape Negro, which is — near Cape Sable (Report on Canadian Archives, 1905, Vol. I1., Appendix A, — page 6). Nothing is known as to his commission from the Governor of New

England.

AMERICA. CHAP. XVI 343

establish himself at Sainte Marie, and had his fishery made in Canso Harbour, which did not succeed any better than that of Rivedou. For he lost everything he had put into it.’ After that there came a man named [238] Doublet from Normandy, who thought himself more clever than all the others. It is true, judging from what he says himself, he is capable of many things. He had heard tell of the fishery from the fishermen of the country, how the work is done, and that which is practised there. Here was a man wise by hearsay. He imagined himself capable of undertaking this sedentary fishery. He went to Rouen, spoke of it to sundry persons, and accomplished so much by his arguments that he formed a company and went to establish himself at the Isles de la Mag- delaine. Through aid of his associates he obtained from the old Company of New France a concession’ of the Isles de la Magdelaine on condition that he should not make any traffic or trade [239] with the Indians. Then he made an embar- kation with two vessels, with everything he thought neces- sary for his establishment. He arrived at Isle Percée, and earned that these islands [the Magdalens| belonged to me, of which he did not take any great account. He went to La Magdelaine, where he made his establishment, and set at work ill his fishermen, [who were] Basques and Normans. All that yeing set agoing, he came with a large crew to find me, at aint Pierre in the Island of Cap Breton. He told me he ‘iad come to inform me of the concession of the Company. ‘le gave me an account of his plan, the means that he would ake to make his business successful, and all his supposed reat profits. Finally, I asked him if he had not [240] other

-| + Much more about La Giraudiere and his establishment at Sainte Marie is

Vol. I. of our author’s work at pages 13 and 116.

* Dated roth January 1663. It included also Isle Saint Jean, and is given

full in the Memorials of the English and French Commissaries (London,

|55), page 736. A related document, containing a reference to a possibility

_jat Doublet may acquire lands in Canada from Sieur Denis, is in the same rk, page 739.

——

SSS

344 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

means than those. He answered that this was infallible, and that it could not there turn out otherwise. ‘I am easy in mind,” said I to him, ‘through knowing your intentions; I | am now undisturbed ; I shall never have the trouble of going ~ to chase you away from a concession which the Company has — no power to grant you, since it has put me in possession of it — more than ten years ago. In three years you will leave it — ruined by the expense, and your associates there will lose everything they have put into it.” I took leave of him, and let him do it. He went away at the end of two years, as , I had predicted to him, his company being disheartened PY the losses in which this clever man had involved them.

All this discourse is only to [241] make you see that ll | those who have undertaken that fishery there have lost, and - later ones since have not had better success. The only thing | which makes me angry is that all those ignoramuses with their » babble do wrong to others, and that ordinarily too much trust | is placed in these great talkers of nothing, who promise four : times more than they are able to perform .and [thus] get the” better of those who would not deceive people, but who never- | theless are not believed, because their experience is sustained © only by their sincerity. It 1s necessary to lie to accomplish any- - thing, to be a cheat in order to engage in these new enterprises, . to put a high value on all the profits and advantages, and to” minimise the expenses so that they do not discourage anybody, © [242] although it would have been more natural to distrust | their smallness of experience than to put faith in their empty | and vague discourse. It is also the truth to say that if there is profit to be made in the Cod-fishery and there are methods of increasing that profit, such methods will be more probably _ found by a person skilled by the experiences of thirty or forty — years than by those who suddenly take a notion to place themselves at the head of affairs of which they have scarcely j heard tell. These, nevertheless, embark the credulous in their ” enterprises, the bad success of which is capable in the future

i

AMERICA. CHAP. XVI B45

of disheartening those with the best intentions, and of in- stilling distrust of those who have no [243] need other than of support in order to succeed.

Let us return to our fishery. It is at least certain that it is a remarkable means of multiplying the power and industry of men. ‘Those who go to make it every year in the ordinary way, will find that more profitable than will those who under- take the sedentary fishery, if undertaken as it has been by those of whom we have spoken, on account of the fact that few fishermen will be found who are willing to leave for that purpose their families which they have in France. And even if they would be willing to do it, something which is not im- possible, in order to make some profit there it would be necessary that they be supported during four [244] or five ‘months of the year by those who employ them, and they will ‘remain all that time doing nothing. In place of this, in the ordinary fishery, they are no sooner back in France than one is tid of them. It was not that they were not glad to find em- ployment and to earn wages all the year; but that is not pos- isible, neither by the ordinary fishery nor by the sedentary fishery as it has been managed up to the present time. It 1s then neces- sary to have some method by which they can be continuously jemployed, and to give the means for earning [something] all the yearround. ‘This is something which no one has succeeded jin doing up to this time, because, perhaps, no one has reflected Jupon it. At least we have not yet seen any[245 ] effects thereof, pws it has been proposed to us several years ago ; but these

me, I have had al] [needful] leisure to apply be peel to the ‘bubject, to reflect upon it, and to test sundry times a method by which ten men can catch more fish in one day than fifty would be able to do by the common and ordinary methods.’

}

7 1 This, if not mere “‘bluffing,” is perhaps a reference to experiments in the ' jise of trawls or nets, which are now extensively employed in fishing cod upon |. large scale in Newfoundland and elsewhere (Fishery Industries of the Snited States, Section V.).

346 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

In the same manner the recent introduction of machines, — as well for silk stockings, ribbons, and silks, has multiplied the — industry of men without multiplying their number. I believe — that I have not altogether lost my time, even though it has — been thwarted by a thousand [246] misfortunes, since that, in — addition to the means of establishing securely the sedentary — fishery, and the sole means, in my opinion, which can make it — succeed profitably, I have also found in it the expedient for making the country inhabited, according to the intention of — the King. This is through the great advantages that could — be derived therefrom by the inhabitants, whom the gain will — turn into fishermen, and by the fishermen whom the great — profits will turn into inhabitants, profit being the first in-— centive of all conditions of men. In addition to this, the | King will derive therefrom also [another] very considerable ad- | vantage, which is this, that the fishery for dry fish, being | made for the future with a third less sailors than has been the — custom, the surplus, being able [247] to find employment only - on the sea, will be obliged to take part either in the naval » armies, or in voyages to the Orient or the Occident, or upon ~ the other merchant ships. This will facilitate maritime com- | merce, will render the sailors more tractable, and will reduce ; them to the necessity of seeking employment instead of © their being sought. The King will derive other yet more | considerable advantages from this establishment, but this is’ not the place to speak of them. I conclude only with the © assurance that it is impossible for one to find his profit in the” sedentary fishery, who does not at the same time make those - find it who will be working therein [for him], from the leaders i) down to the last man. And this profit cannot be [248] found | i therein, if one does not manage well both as to the time and the place, and if one has not the art of turning to his profit all _ 4 the advantages which can be derived from the land, from I industry, and from repeated experience in the choice of hat-— bours and of seasons, and in the diverse wanderings of the fish. -

AMERICA. CHAP. XVI 347

Before finishing this chapter, let me say again, to emphasise

that which I have advanced for the sedentary fishery carried on in the usual manner, and for all those who undertake it, that the ships which leave France every year for this fishery have a decided advantage over those which make the sedentary fishery, or at least those who are residents, as I have said. Since the fish does not occur anywhere on the coasts of [249] New France until the month of May, and so little in April as to be inconsiderable, if the ships which leave France can be on the coast in April they are there indeed as early as the sedentary residents, who will not have therein any advantage. The good fishing is only in May, June, July, August, and September. Yet this last month is devoted only to finishing ‘up for the return. And if their load is not made, they have ‘trouble to complete it. This is because the winds are rough, and the season difficult for sending the boats upon the | grounds. Also they do not find three days in the week for going there, and if they do go they have not more than an hour or an hour and a half to remain upon the grounds, and [250] they will catch only fifty or sixty Cod upon each voyage. This is not because there are no Cod on the coast, but the 'weather does not permit the fishermen to remain on the ‘grounds with the grapnel, and especially in so small a vessel as aboat. ‘Thus, load or no load, the month of September being ‘passed it is necessary to return. And besides the expense that they would incur [if they remained longer] would amount to more than the fish could be worth. Further, at that time poe fishermen do not wish to go out, although their interest would be to complete the load. But the excess of difficulty, hoined to their desire to see again their wives and children, lifts them then above the hope of gain.

Tell me now what advantage [251] will the sedentary ishermen have above those who leave France every year? jJn the contrary they will have less. For the others having itived in France are rid of their fishermen, in place of which

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:

348 NATURAL HISTORY

it is necessary to support and pay the sedentaries their wages all the winter. I wish that they could be made to work, but let us see if their work will be worth the expense and their wages. In the winter they can only make planking, and cut down trees, and distribute them for burning. I know by ex- perience that they lack much of being able to earn their expenses, something which does not happen when they are working for themselves and their little family. For then they do it from inclination, and the gain that they make [252] in the fishery renders them industrious to establish themselves comfortably in the place where they find so many advantages. Thus to undertake a sedentary fishery with considerable profit, it is necessary to people the land. But to make the land inha- bited, it is also necessary so to manage that the fishery shall produce a profit so great that the people, as I have already

said, will greatly wish to come with their families as residents,

and that the residents will wish to become fishermen there.’

1 Our author’s discussion of the sedentary fishery is involved, and his — language seems designed to convince the reader rather by confusion of words

than by clarity of ideas. His argument seems to be that, while the sedentary fishery is the best for the prosperity of the country, nobody up to the present

has been able to make it profitable, because the sedentary have as yet no — advantage over the transitory fishermen, and it has not been possible to keep /

the former profitably employed over the winter. Denys, however, has dis- covered a method by which ten men may catch as many fish as fifty hitherto,

which will render the fishery so profitable that men will go there with their — families to settle. But here the logic fails, for he does not show, as he must, —

ae

that his method can be practised only by the sedentary fishermen, for otherwise — they will still be at a disadvantage as compared with the transitory fishermen. —

Weneed not follow the subject further, since it is perfectly plain that our author

had no clear ideas on the subject in his own mind. Although his argument is

thus faulty his conclusions as to the advantage of the sedentary fishery have been fully justified by history, for it is purely as a sedentary fishery that the

great and prosperous fisheries of Acadia and Newfoundland are carried on at - this day. The French continued the transitory fishery, returning to France ~ every winter, upon the west coast of Newfoundland down to the year 1904, — when France gave up her rights to Great Britain. The only transitory fishery © now remaining in America is the summer fishery of the Newfoundland fishermen —

to Labrador.

[253] CHAPTER XVII

Of the other sea-fshes ;* of those which approach the land ; their combats ; the method of taking them, and their characteristics.

T remains now to speak of the fishery for Seals [ Loups marins|. ‘There are two species of them. I have spoken of the first at the Isles of Tousquet.” The

second kind is much smaller, and they also bear their young on land at those islands, on the sand and on the rocks, and wheresoever coves of sand occur, to which they resort. [254] Places occur which they frequent more than others. _ There is scarcely anybody but the Indians who make wars upon _ them; they are good toeat. An oil is obtained from them un- | like that of the other Seals. This oil is to the Indians a relish at all the feasts they make among themselves. They use it also _ to grease their hair. ‘This kind of Seal comes out on land in _ all kinds of seasons, and scarcely scatters from the land. In | good weather they are found ashore on a sandy coast, or in- | deed upon the rocks, where they sleep in the sun. There is

_ described in this chapter are not fish at all, but mammals.

2 In Vol. I. of this book, page 64. That species can only be the gray seal, for that is the only one in addition to the harbour seal which breeds on land in Acadia. It is not now known to breed on the Tusket Islands, though it | does on Sable Island, but our author makes it plain enough that it was well- |

i | * The reader will hardly need to be reminded that the first four animals

nigh if not totally exterminated from the Tusket Islands by English fishermen (this volume, page 236). The second species, well described in the present chapter, is the smaller harbour seal, which is common throughout all the coasts of Acadia. Only two others are known to occur in this region, the harp seal and the hooded seal ; but they are rare, and moreover are pelagic species, breeding on ice-floes and very rarely resorting to land. The presence of these

various forms in Nova Scotia is discussed by Gilpin in the 7vavsactions of the Nova Scotian Institute, V11. 1874, 377-384. 349

|

350 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

always some one of them which acts as sentinel to give warn- ing if anything appears, whether it be a canoe, or some person along the coast. At the same time that it [255] perceives something, it throws itself into the water, and all the others after it. Then they return swimming near the land; they raise themselves upon their hind flippers, the head above the water, looking all along the coast [to find] whether they can see anything. If they see nothing some return to land, but others go out to sea.

There are places where they land with two to three hun- — dred in a band. If they find rocks along the land, or in cul — de sacs where they usually resort, one finds them thereon — asleep in the sun. It is there they are easy to kill, being but — two or three on a rock, without a sentinel. They are easily . approached with a canoe. If they are mortally injured [256] | they fall into the water and thrash about, and there they are taken. But if they are killed instantly, and fall into the water, they go to the bottom like a stone. They are often lost when there is too much water at the foot of the rock.

All the oil they can yield is about their bladder-full, and in this the Indians place it after having melted it. This oil is good to eat fresh, and for frying fish. It is also good to burn. It has neither odour nor smoke, no more than olive oil. In barrels it leaves no refuse nor dregs at the bottom. q If one were to bring it to Paris, it would sell there very well. |

One sees also Walrus [Vaches marines],’ otherwise called — [257] beasts of the big tooth | Bétes a la grande-dent\, because they have two huge teeth, thick and long as half the arm, while the other teeth are four fingers’ breadth long. There

1 The walrus, sea-cow, or sea-horse,now extinct in this region, though formerly occurring all along the Gulf of Saint Lawrence coast, on Sable Island, and pro- bably along the Atlantic coast of Nova Scotia. Its former occurrence in Nova — Scotia is discussed by Gilpin in 7yvansactions of the Nova Scotian Institute, 1l. 126 ; in the Magdalen Islands by Patterson in the same journal, I., 1891, 38; in Prince Edward Island by Warburton in Acadzenszs, III. 116; and in New © Brunswick by the present writer in Bulletin of the Natural History Society of — New Brunswick, V.240 and 462.

AMERICA. CHAP. XVII 351

is no ivory more beautiful. I have spoken of it at the Isle de Sable,* and how the English have done their best to capture it. [hose little Seals come ashore also on the same island. If one were to find a device for taking them it would return a great profit. I believe that I have found a certain method for the Sea-cows and Seals. Not having yet tested it, I will not say anything more about it, in order not to give assurance of that which is to me still uncertain. If I had been upon the ground I would have tried it, the expense of it not being great. Those are all the fish which come out on land. [258] Those which come near the land are the Porpoises [Marsoiiins|, of two kinds.” The larger are all white, almost the size of a Cow. They go leaping in the sea from place to place, at intervals of about a hundred feet from one leap to the other, sometimes more, sometimes less. This is accord- ing to the feed they find, which is Mackerel, Herring, or young Herring, upon which latter they pounce more than upon the others. They yield plenty of oil, almost a barrel _toeach one. Since I have never eaten it I say nothing as to its taste. _ The other Porpoise is that which is named Poursille.’ It goes always in large bands, and is found everywhere on the sea. They go also near the [259] land following the bait. They are good to eat. Black puddings and chitterlings are _made from their tripe; the pluck is excellent fried; its head i is better than that of mutton, but not so good as that of | veal. | There are also in these waters the Salmon [Saumon], the Shad [dloze], the Trout [Truite|, the Lamprey [Lemproye], the Smelt [Eperlan], the Sea-eel [ Anguille de mer|, the Mackerel |Maquereau|, the Herring [Harang], the Anchovy [Enchois], the 1 In Vol. I. p. 198. 2 This is the white whale, which grows up to fifteen or sixteen feet long ; itis still called zarsouin by the Canadian and Acadian French.

* This is the common porpoise or herring hog, very abundant everywhere around the coasts of this region. It is still so called by the French residents.

352 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

Small Herring [Sardine],1 and many other sorts of little fish, which are all taken in the seine or with lines near the land. When one is two or three leagues out at sea, he is acquainted only with those which are taken on the line, there being as yet no fishermen [with nets, &c.], as in France, [260] The Halibut [F/aizans] is the name given [a certain fish] by the fishermen, who curse them because they are so large. If they are taken on the line it must be a strong one if it is not to be broken, or if they are not to carry off the hook. If one is drawn up, it requires all the crew of the boat to bring it on board, using gaffs; and as quickly as possible they cut the backbone or the tail with a hatchet which they keep on purpose in their boats. The time this takes checks their fishery, and it is that which makes the fishermen detest them, and swear against them. ‘This Halibut is in my judg- ment the Sole;” it has the same form, is black above and

white beneath, and the mouth is the same. It has only one — bone in the middle, and all around are the [261] fins with '

little bones like the Sole. It is the latter part which the

fishermen eat, for it is the most tasty and the fattest part of —

the Sole. They cut the fins all around, of the width of four

large fingers’ breadth. Then it is cut into chunks which are | placed on a spigot and roasted. ‘They are eaten with vinegar, © being themselves so fat. This does not mean that they are |

not very excellent also when boiled and placed in butter, and ©

1 The identity of most of these forms, which occur abundantly in this region, is so obvious as to call for no comment. The sea-cel is no doubt the conger

eel, still called the sea-eel in New England. A true species of anchovy occurs — in New Jersey, and very likely also in this region, but as it is a very incon- — spicuous fish itis more probable that our author applied the name to young ~ gaspereau or shad which the anchovy somewhat resembles. No species of

sardine occurs on this coast, and Denys probably applied the name, as it is extensively applied to-day, to young herring.

2 The identity of the /laztan is, of course, perfectly clear, and indeed the —

name is used for the halibut by the Acadians to this day. It is by no means

identical with the sole, as our author supposes, but is a very much larger and — otherwise different fish. It is now very highly esteemed, and much sought, —

as a food-fish.

AMERICA. CHAP. XVII 353

in every other sauce that can be made for the Sole, and the body also [is excellent] on a short boiling with good herbs and orange. I have eaten of it several times and have found it good. So great a number are caught that one becomes tired of them, and they are so huge that one can hardly credit it. [262] One Flaitan or Sole is capable of furnishing a dinner for forty or fifty persons. It is all that two men can do to carry one on a barrow.

There also occur there three sorts of Skates [ Rayes],—the Bouclée, one which is not that, and the Posteau.' The first is the best and the second after it, and the third is not very good. All three species are eaten in France. I find that these [above-mentioned] have something more agreeable to the taste [than those of France].

The Sturgeon [Esturgeon”|; I believe it is this which is called the Dolphin [Dauphin]. There are some of eight, ten, eleven, and twelve feet in length, and as thick in the body as a Sheep. There is upon the head a crown, raised [263] an inch. ‘The body is covered with scales, of the size of the circumference of a plate, a little oval in form. They are

besprinkled with a sort of Fleur de lys. Their flesh is as good

Waeevect, and like it is carved into slices; and its fat is yellow. It is necessary to boil it four or five hours in order

to cook it. ‘That fish comes to the entrances of the rivers.

It throws itself in a leap its height above the water. It is

' The douclée is, no doubt, the very common barndoor skate, which is used to a small extent as a food-fish in New England and New York. But the other two I have not been able to distinguish. One of them is probably the little skate or hedgehog ray, which occurs in this region, while the other may be the tarer starry ray. The name fosteau or fostau is given in Jouain’s Patois Saintongeais as a smaller species of ray, not spined (zon bouclée).

* The common sturgeon, once abundant though now rare in this region, is here well described by our author. It is, however, very surprising to find him connecting it with the dolphin, by which, of course, he means the cetacean of that name and not the fish. Perhaps his idea had no firmer basis than an association of ideas between the “crown” of the sturgeon and its “ fleur-de-lys,” and the name of the heir to the crown in France !

354 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

taken with a harpoon, which is made like a barbed rod,’ of eight to ten inches long, pointed at one end, and with a hole at the other in which is attached a line. ‘Then it is fastened at the end of a pole, so that it may be used asa dart. The fishery is made in the night. [264] Two Indians place them- selves in a canoe; the one in front is upright, with a harpoon in his hand, the other is behind to steer, and he holds a torch of birch bark, and allows the canoe to float with the current of the tide. When the Sturgeon perceives the fire, he comes and circles all around, turning from one side to the other. So soon as the harpooner sees his belly, he spears it

below the scales. The fish, feeling himself struck, swims ©

with great fury. The line is attached to the bow of the canoe, which he drags along with the speed of an arrow. It

is necessary that the one in the stern shall steer exactly as the © Sturgeon goes, or otherwise it will overturn the canoe, as

sometimes happens. [265] It can swim well, but with all its —

strength it does not go with fury more than a hundred and | fifty or two hundred paces. That being over, the line is —

drawn in, and it is brought dead against the side of the canoe. |

Then they pass a cord with a slip-knot over the tail, and they —

draw it thus to land, not being able to take it into the canoe because it is too heavy.

There are also small ones, which are another kind, having —

nevertheless the flesh the same, but of better taste and more

tender.” It is from this fish there is made the larger part of the isinglass. That would be worth something, and, if the —

country were inhabited, numbers of them could be taken.

1 Cramaillee in the original. Cvramaillére is the iron rod, with several uni- lateral, upward-projecting teeth, hung of old in a fireplace as a support to kettles, &c., and it is this, no doubt, our author had in mind.

2 Only one species of sturgeon occurs in this region. The mention of the

isinglass immediately after seems to imply that our author has in mind the hake ©

(or ling), which is conspicuous for the great abundance of that substance it

yields. It is, however, wholly unlike a sturgeon, being more nearly like |

the cod.

AMERICA. CHAP. XVII 355

The Squid [ Lexcornet]* is another fish [266] made about like the Cuttle-fish [sezche]. It has tentacles around the head, half a foot in length or thereabouts, with which it takes fish to eat. To capture it, a fire is made on land on the edge of the water. At night on a rising tide it comes ashore; the tide falling, it remains high and dry on the beach, which is some- times found all covered with it. It is about a foot in length, quite round, and larger in the middle than at the ends. The end of the tail is pointed, and on it there is a border of two inches breadth all round, like a little buckler. It is good to eat roasted, boiled, and fried. It makes the sauce black like the casseron in France, which latter are little Cuttle-fishes. There occur [267] fishes of this kind in those seas as large as hogsheads; but those do not come ashore,” where one sees the small ones only in spring and autumn.

There is also the Haddock [ Goderge],? which the fishermen call the fish of Saint Peter, because of two black marks which occur upon the two sides of the head. This is said to be the. _ place where our Saviour took hold of it. It is formed like a small Cod, is good to eat, and it is even dried just like the Cod.

The Flounder [PJlaise, or Phe de mer],* occurs near the land on bottoms of sand when the tide is low. To take it there is used a shaft with an iron pointed at the end, having a little tooth which keeps it from coming out when [268] the fish is struck. It is much better eating than those of the rivers, being firmer and of better taste.

? Our author’s excellent description makes the identity of this animal plain. It is the common short-finned squid abundant around the coasts of this region, as described in Bulletin of the Natural History Society of New Brunswick, No. WiI., 28.

* This is a plain reference to the giant cuttle-fishes of Newfoundland and

vicinity, which do become as large as our author states.

* The identity is fixed by the name “ fish of St. Peter,” which is still applied

} - to it by fishermen.

* This is without doubt the common (winter) flounder, which occurs in abundance all through this region, but in our author’s mind it probably in- | cluded the similar sand dab, also abundant in Acadia.

356 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

There are also taken Lobsters [ Hommars], which are Cray- _ fishes of the sea. There are some of them seen which have the claw or snapper so large that it will hold a pint of wine. They are taken on the coast around the rocks. ‘They come. | in the spring and remain until the winter. They are taken with the same iron as the Flounders. It is very good eating with all kinds of sauces. We have named them Sea-partridges _ on account of their goodness. f

The Swordfish [Espadon]' is a fish as large as a cow, of six to eight feet in length, and it becomes slender towards the tail. It has upon its snout a sword, from which it takes [269] its name. ‘This is about three feet long, and about four good inches wide. ‘There are, on the two sides of this sword, points. of an inch long and of equal distance one from another, and | it narrows towards the end. It does not bend, and is hard | and very stiff. One of them once ran ashore near the Fort. , It is very good to eat in any manner. Its head is as good as. that of calf, though much larger and more square. Its eyesare as’ large as the fists. This fish is the enemy of the Whale [ Balene], If they meet they inevitably fight. I once came across a case | of this, and I had diversion for nearly an hour, though without — approaching nearer than three or four hundred paces, [270] as, I had then only a long boat which would not have been able’ to resist the blows of the tail of the Whale. I saw them sufficiently well. It is the Swordfish which attacks, being’ more active than the Whale. There were two Swordfish © against one Whale. The Swordfish threw itself from the

1 The identity of the swordfish is perfectly clear. It occurs in this region somewhat abundantly. But our author makes a serious mistake about it, for , he gives it, in place of its proper sword, the saw of a saw-fish, thus confus- : ing the two, as is very commonlydone. This is all the more remarkable since | he had apparently seen the specimen which came ashore near his fort, and itis — possible that the latter really was a saw-fish, here wandering far outside its — usual tropical and sub-tropical limits. While the sword-fish does, in all pro- a bability, attack whales, a much more common and inveterate enemy of the ~ latter is the orca, or killer-whale ; and it is this, and not the sword-fish, our — author appears to have seen attacking the whale.

AMERICA. CHAP. XVII 357

water more than its own height. While in the air it turned its snout downwards, and tried in falling to thrust its sword into the body of the Whale, which plunged into the water almost straight down, and, having its tail in the air, struck it upon the water with all its strength, seeking to catch its enemy. If it had struck the Swordfish, it would have done injury to the latter. But at the same time that the Swordfish falls upon the Whale it goes to the depths to find the latter again, and obliges it to return to the top of the water. Sosoon [271] as it comes up, the other Swordfish raises itself and also tries to give it its sword in the back. Sometimes they threw themselves out both at once, and fell upon the Whale, which had only its tail for defence, and, not being so agile as the other, accomplished nothing. But the Swordfish, which moved about very differently, was at its head underneath the water before it gave its blow of the tail, and obliged it to return to the top of the water, they at the same time [leaping] into the air to injure the Whale. This they cannot do, since its fat is thicker than the length of the sword, which cannot touch the flesh. And if they did touch it with these points, they would be liable to stick there, and this would make them remain and cause their loss. All their [272] combats come only from jmatred, without their being able to do one another any injury. ‘Nevertheless, they compelled the Whale to flee, and it went 0 the bottom, and came back no more to the fight. At least | did not see it appear again upon the surface, but only the \wordfish, as if they were victors.

| There is also seen there a fish which the French sailors call hark [Requiem], and the Spanish Tiduron. It is five to six

_2et long, more slender than the Sturgeon, lessening towards

_| * Two species of shark occur somewhat commonly in this region, the basking _) bone shark and the thrasher shark, both much larger than the size given by ir author ; and other species may occur sporadically. The attacks upon man re detailed are, of course, simply the conventional attribute of the shark the orld over, and have little or no foundation so far as the Acadian species are mcerned. The shark is still called reguzn (or marache) by the Acadians. 2A

{ } .

358 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

the tail, [with] the head pointed and very long. It has the mouth below, and it must turn upon its back to bite. It has seven rows of very slender teeth. If a man should fall into the water, or if he were in bathing and one of these fish should meet him there, he would [273] have trouble to save himself; at least he would have to swim well to gain the land until he could place his belly upon the sand. For if he were to give it time to be able to turn, it would bite him. And if it were to seize an arm, a leg, or the head, it would carry off the piece.

We have no bone which they would not tear clean as one — would a radish. If one were to fall into the water in a place — where he could not gain the land, if he were not promptly —

rescued he could not save himself. They are met with through

all the sea, and on the coasts. Its skin 1s very rough; it can ©

be used to polish wood. I have never eaten it, nor have I ©

seen any person who had eaten it, or who had desire to eat it. | The sailors have a horror of them. [274] There occur also © Dogfish [Chiens de mer], which are formed the same as the » shark, but they are not thicker nor longer than the arm, They do not eat people. Also they have not so many teeth, ©

and they are good to eat. As for the fish of river or pond, I have seen very little of

them. We have so many sea-fish all around the forts that one © does not take the trouble to go and search the ponds. Besides, — it would be necessary to have drag-nets for that. The seine can- _ not be used, there being too many plants and trees therein. In ©

some rivers the seine can be used. I have taken there the Chubs

[ Barbeaux],’ the Petits Barbillons,and the Horned Pout [ Gowon]? —

1 A very well-known fish, all too abundant throughout this region, where it |

is a great nuisance to the cod fishermen.

2 The barbel of Europe does not occur in America, and its nearest repre-

sentative in our waters is the chub, an inferior though edible fish, everywhere —

abundant. The fetits darbillons of our author are likely the common shiner or shining dace, though the “ petits” would suggest that he simply had minnows ~

and similar small fry in mind. ® The goujon, or gudgeon, of Europe does not occur in this country, but 4

AMERICA. CHAP. XVII 359

In the winter my men have gone [275] to some ponds. A hole was made in the ice, and, with a little line and a little hook, they have caught little Salmon Trout? [Truzies Saumonées| of about a foot in length. They have taken indeed a hundred of them in one afternoon. They are very good. In the same ponds is taken the Tortoise [Tortue].2. Some of them are found as large around as the circumference of a hat. The shell above is streaked with red, white, and blue colours. It is a very good fish. Being boiled, the shell is removed: then it is skinned. It is cut into pieces and served as a stew or a fricassee with a white sauce. There are no pullets which are as good as this.

I have spoken of the Oysters [ Huistres] in the first book,’ but I have not [276] told you that they are a great manna for the winter when the weather does not permit going on the hunt. They are in the coves or on the shore near the land. To obtain them the ice is broken, and a large opening is made. ‘Then one has little poles long enough to reach to the bottom of the water. “Iwo of them are tied together about half-way up; then this [arrangement] is opened and closed like pincers. The Oysters are drawn from the water and thrown upon the ice. Men never go to this fishery except there are several jof them. Some fish, another makes the fire, another shells

be close relative is our common horned pout, which is unquestionably meant py our author. The name goujon is actually applied to a related species found /\f parts of the United States.

_| + This salmon trout, of which our author speaks elsewhere in his book _|I. 130), is that which is locally called sea-trout, and supposed by M. H. py ey and other local writers to be identical with the salmon trout of Europe. “he studies, however, of observant anglers, notably W. H. Venning and E. A. Baines, as set forth in Forest and Stream and elsewhere, seem to leave no _joubt that the sea-trout is simply large individuals of the common brook trout _\hich descend to spend the winter in the estuaries of the rivers, and in the spring ascend the streams to their spawning-grounds. I presume the ponds men- _joned by our author were brackish offsets of river estuaries.

| ? This tortoise is evidently, from the description, the painted tortoise, the _)mmonest in this region.

| ® At several places ; but see especially under pages 140, 168.

|

———<——$

360 NATURAL HISTORY

Oysters for a fricassee, others place them upon the coals, two or | three in a large shell with their water, crumbs of bread, and a | little pepper or nutmeg. [277] They are cooked in this way, | and are good eating. When the men are sated, each one takes — a load; and the Dogs, harnessed like horses, draw each one a bagful on a little sledge which is made very light. They go always running over the ice or the snow. It is these which carry all the outfit of the hunters. When one goes in winter ) to sleep outside, he has less trouble than in France, although © it is said the country is so cold. I have suffered from cold less there than in Paris, especially when one is in the woods | under shelter from the wind.*

t

1 Other species of fish mentioned by our author in Vol. I. of his book, — but not included in this chapter, are the Amguzl/e or common eel, Barc or bass (30), Gasfarof or gaspereau (30), Esguzl/e or sand lance (55), Poumamon or tomcod (148), and the Zamzson or caplin (229). Of shell-fish he mentions | Cocques or clams (81), Bourgos or whelks (81), Moudles or mussels (81), Coutel-

lieres or razor clams (82), and Conziffie or scallops (97). i

[278] CHAPTER XVIII

Description of the fish of fresh water having four feet; their forms and peculiarities, their industry, and manner of acting and working.’

HERE are also in these parts three kinds of fish of

fresh water which have four feet, the Muskrat, the

Otter, and the Beaver. It is permissible to eat det during Lent, as is the case with the Otter in France. The Muskrat [Rat Musqué] is a little stouter and longer than the Water-rat of France. Its element is the water, but it never- theless goes [279] sometimes upon land. It has a flat tail, eight to ten inches long and a finger-breadth wide, covered wwith little black scales. The skin is reddish to dark brown in colour. Its fur is very fine and somewhat long. It has scent glands near the testicles, and these have a very agreeable odour of musk, which is not disagreeable to all those whom musk makes uncomfortable. If it is killed in winter, when the skin is good for the furrier, the glands have no smell. In the spring they begin to assume their smell, which lasts untilautumn. Being killed at the right season, their glands seep their scent always. To preserve their good odour it is “aecessary to moisten them with a little oil; otherwise [280] when they are worn they dry up; and the moths get into hem, which spoils them. The skin is good for making fur

i the end of autumn, when it has little of the smell. As for

:

1 The original reads ¢enaz//er, which I take to be a misprint for ¢vavazller. \n calling these mammals fish, our author is, of course, simply reflecting the

elief of his time. 361

362 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

the flesh it has no taste of musk, and is excellent to eat roasted _

or fried with a white sauce.

The Otter [Zoutre] is a fish known in France; many — persons eat it there. The taste is very much the same, but | they differ from those in France in this, that they are all in © common longer and blacker. There occur some which are ~ much more so than others, and there are also some which are — black as jet. When they have a commercial value, being — killed at the proper season, they have been sold for [281] as — - much as eight, ten, and twelve Louis d’Or each.’ ‘Those fine —

ones are still much sought, but are no longer so dear.

The Beaver [Castor] is a fish like the Otter. It is not so | long. It is almost as long and stout as a Sheep. The feet are — short,—the hind ones webbed like a Goose, while those in © front are like hands. Its tail is formed like a sole, covered ~ with little black scales. The inner part is a firm fat like the ~ gristle of veal, and is very good eating boiled or fried. The —

flesh is eaten also boiled, but the thighs and the shoulders are much better roasted, and resemble a shoulder and a leg of roasted mutton. ‘The [282] backbones are the same, and the flesh of similar colour. As for the taste, it is somewhat different [from that of mutton]; otherwise it would not be fish. As to their colour, they are usually of a dark brown,

leaning towards black or even red. They occur sometimes black, and even white. Those skins have had formerly a ~ great vogue when the beaver hats were popular, but they are | not so much [in fashion] at present. They are used never- © theless for furs in Germany, Poland, Russia, or other cold — countries to which they are sent. Although there are some ©

—s a — i om

of them in Russia, the hair is not so beautiful nor so long. ~ Besides they have a secret in that country which we have not ~ yet in France, that of removing from a skin of [283] Beaver —

all the down without injuring the long hair. Thus the skin

1 The louis d’or was worth at various times from $4 to $4.60.

AMERICA. CHAP. XVIII 363

is used for fur with the long hair; and they send the down to France, and it is that which is called Russian Wool.

In France the long hair is cut from the skin in order to obtain the down, and the long hair is lost. But the skin is used to make the slippers or mules of the Court-house at Paris. That is all that can be said of the skin and the flesh. But these are not the most remarkable things about this animal, which consist rather in its laborious and orderly nature, and its industry and obedience in work. These are such that it will be difficult to believe that which I am going to tell, and which I would find it hard to believe myself had I not been an eye-witness thereof.’

[284] All the animals of which the industry has been the “most vaunted, without excepting even the Ape with all that One can teach him, and all the others, are only that which they are, that is to say, beasts, in comparison with the Beaver, which passes only for a fish. As such the water is “necessary to him. For this purpose he makes lakes and big ponds, and the greater part of all those which are in New France have been made by the Beavers.” For this they seek a stream which runs by some narrow place where the sides

are high, as between two hills or banks, and where the woods, ‘the land, and all the materials suitable for their work are found at the place itself. They [285] make {there] a dam orcauseway. These are seen of a hundred and fifty and two hundred paces and more in length, and of eight, ten, eleven, and ‘twelve feet in height, and as large at their base; they have a ‘slope proportioned to their height, so that they are sufficiently strong to sustain the weight of the water.

For this work they assemble together as many as two,

Lilixce, or four hundred Beavers, and more, as well large as

1 Yet later in his book, page 428, he very clearly implies that he had seen nothing more than the repairing of a broken dam!

2 So far as the ponds are concerned this statement is hardly an exaggeration, |but the lakes are different.

364 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

small. It is necessary to know first of all that the Beaver has only four teeth, two above and two below.’ The largest are of two finger-breadths, the others have them in proportion to their size. They have rocks for sharpening them, rubbing them [286] on their tops. With their teeth they cut down trees as large as half barrels. ‘Two of them work together at it, and a man with an axe will not lay it low quicker than do they. They make it always fall on the side which they wish, and where it is most convenient for them.

To place all these workmen at their business, and to make them do their work well, there is need of an architect and commanders. ‘Those are the old ones which have worked at it formerly. According to number there are eight to ten commanders, who nevertheless are all under one, who gives the orders. It is this architect who goes often to the atelier of one, often to that of the other, and is always in action. When he has fixed upon the place where it 1s necessary to make the [287] dam, he employs there a number of the Beavers to remove that which could injure it, such as fallen trees, which would be able to lead the water underneath the dam, and cause loss of the water. “Those are the masons. He sets others to cut down trees, and then to cut branches of the length of about two feet or more according to the thickness of the branch. These are the carpenters. Others have to carry the wood to the place of the work where the masons are, [thus acting] like the masons’ men. Others are destined for the land; they are the old ones, which have the largest tails, and they act as hod-carriers. There are some which dig the ground and scrape it with their hands; these are the diggers. Others have to load it. [288] Each does his duty without meddling with anything else. Each set of workmen at a task has a commandant with them who overlooks their work, and shows them how it should be done. The one who commands

1 An error, for in addition to the incisors, here correctly described, it has 4 supply of molar teeth. The sharpening of the teeth on stones is folk-fiction.

AMERICA. CHAP. XVIII 365

the masons shows them how to arrange the trees, and how to place the earth properly. ‘Thus each one shows those who are under his charge. If they are neglectful of their duty he chastises them, beats them, throws himself on them, and bites them to keep them at their duty. Everything being thus arranged, which indeed is soon accomplished, every morning each one goes to his work. At eleven o'clock they go to find something to eat, and do not return until about two o’clock. I believe this is because of the great heat, which is against them, [289] for if it is bright moonlight they work at night more than by day. Let us watch them now all at work making their dam. There are the masons; their helpers bring them the wood cut into lengths. Each brings his piece according to his strength ‘upon his shoulders. They walk entirely upright upon their hind feet. Arriving there they place their piece near the ‘masons. The hod-carriers do the same; their tails serve them be hods. To load these they hold themselves fully erect, and lay their tails quite flat on the ground. The loaders place the ) earth upon the tails, and trample it to make it hold, [ building it ] as high as they can, and bringing it to a sharp ridge at the top. Then those which are [290] loaded march quite upright jdrawing their tails behind them. They unload near the ‘masons, who, having the materials, begin to arrange their ‘sticks one above another, and make of them a bed of the jlength and breadth which they wish to use for the foundation of \the dam. In proportion as some place the wood, others bring handfuls of earth which they place upon it, packing it down to fill up the interstices between the sticks. When it is upon ‘the sticks, they hammer it with the tail, with which they strike ie above to render it firm. This layer being made of earth ind of sticks the length of the dam, they add sticks and then ‘arth on top as [291] before, and go on extending it always in eight. The side to the water, in proportion as it rises, is ined with earth, which they place there to fill up the holes

i

366 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

which the sticks might have made. In proportion as they deposit this earth, they place their posterior end on the edge of the dam, so that the tail hangs down; then raising the tail they strike against the earth to flatten it, and to make it enter into the holes which there may be at the ends of the sticks towards the water, so as to keep that from possibility of entering. They even place there two or three layers of earth one upon another, beating it from time to time with the tail, so that the water cannot pass through their[292]dam. When they are beating like that with their tails, they can be heard for a league in the woods.

In order to be able to mount upon their dam, and to carry —

up their materials in proportion as they build it up, they make, at the two ends, and both inside and outside, a stairway joined to the dam, which goes gradually ascending towards the middle thereof. They build it out from both sides, according as the

materials are brought from one place or another. One might

say that the water being stopped could overflow the dam and « hinder their work ; but as these are not large streams this does ©

not happen. Besides it is in summer and autumn that they do their

work, whilst the waters are low, [293] and they advance their

work faster than the water can rise, because of its extent. ©

But in the end the water must rise higher than the dam, and

aS

a x

besides the water increases in winter and spring when the

snows melt. ‘This would break the dam if there were no ©

outlet for it. At that time the water passes over the dam where they have made conduits, like gutters, at places here and there; by these the water escapes, and runs over the dam,

which is so well arranged that rarely does the water make a ~

breach in it. All their work being finished, they let the pond fill up

with water until it runs over the dam, to see just where the

surface of the water reaches at its greatest height. This isi

order that they may set to work to make their [294] houses, —

AMERICA. CHAP. XVIII 367

which they build all around the pond, unless there occurs some land rising within the water. On such [an island] several Beavers place themselves and make their houses there. These are built like ovens outside. They build them of branches of trees, of which one end is in the ground and the other interlocked one with another. This makes the vault. This having been finished, and well lined with sticks, they make an upper story inside. The under part is divided into two by a partition, whereby one part of the oven or house is in the water, and the other on land. All the upper part and the sides are mortared with earth, the same as the nest of a Swallow.

| The house having been built, they make their provision for the winter. For the Beaver [295] does not eat fish. It _ lives on bark of the Aspen, which is a very light wood. He _ fells a tree [and] cuts it into sticks of a length to pile in his dwelling ; then each one takes his piece and enters by the opening from the land. They fill all the upper part with this wood, and also the lower part which is not under water.

They arrange it as precisely as the logs of wood are floated ina lumber-yard. It is thus entirely filled, with the exception | of a hole which they leave for going on land. They fell huge |

trees, which they cause to fall all around and over the house, quite in confusion, in order that the house may i be visible, and cannot be approached without making a noise.’

1 As the reader will hardly need to be informed, this account of the works of the beaver, while based upon a slender foundation of fact, is very largely ‘fiction. The beaver, with his really remarkable habits and works, has ever been, and still is, a favourite subject for wonder tales of the woods. Denys is ‘no doubt simply repeating the stories current in his time, and it is likely that Most if not all of his statements were in print long before his book appeared. _ Even the accurate Jesuit Relations (Thwaites’ edition, I. 249, IX. 129) give some of these exaggerations for fact. Another early romancer on the beaver, later than our author, was Le Beau, whose work is summarised in Martin’s book cited below. As a matter of fact the dams and houses of the beaver are but crude affairs in comparison with the popular idea of them, as all observers who really know them agree. I have myself seen much of the beaver works in remote

368 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

Fach pair, male and female, occupies a house with the young, which they [296] take care of from one birth to another. They give birth only once a year as a rule, and they bring forth in the spring. ‘These little ones suck and eat nothing until they are two or three months old. Although they eat, they do not give up suckling until they are grown. When the mother is about to give birth all the young of the preceding year are chased from the house, and then they pair, and go to find a place to build a house, if they do not find one already built.

When they are in their houses, which is in the winter, they all have the hinder parts in the water, and the head in the air, for they cannot remain long without breathing. For their food, they take one of those branches or pieces of [297] wood, or else two, according to the thickness these have, eat the bark, make the wood all clean, and then push this stick into the water through the hole where are their hinder parts; [this is] in order not to encumber their dwelling. Their wood which is their food is under cover for fear that it may become wet. If it were to get wet, the bark would spoil, and would no longer be good to eat. That is why they plaster their dwellings.

For the summer they make no provision. They go on — land to eat, but remain in the water much the greater part of —

the time. But in winter, when their pond freezes, they are —

compelled to remain at home. If they were to go into the water, as they can do, underneath the ice, they would not be able to keep alive, being [298] everywhere imprisoned, and

parts of New Brunswick and know this to be true. An account of the beaver and his works, which for information and style will always remain a classic, is that by Samuel Hearne, given in full by Martin, while an excellent modern account is that by H. P. Wells, in Harper's Magazine, Vol. LXXVIIL., 1889, 228. Recent studies also have shown that their works exhibit little engineering skill — (Sczence, XXV. 306). A very valuable work is Castorologia, or the History and

Traditions of the Canadian Beaver, by Horace T. Martin, Montreal and London, ~ 1892.

AMERICA. CHAP. XVIII 369

not having any opening for breathing. After all this I leave you to judge whether that instinct which is attributed to the other animals is very different in these from reason and good sense. As for me, I know well that there are many men, even skilled in many things, who would be greatly embarrassed if it were necessary for them to build their dwellings for themselves, especially if they had to take so many and important pre- cautions for the preservation of their life as the Beavers must take in regard to their breathing, their food, the water, and the care to conceal themselves from the knowledge of the hunters.’

1 On the hunting of the beaver by the Indians, our author gives a full account later at pages 427-430, 434-437.

[299] CHAPTER XIX On the sea-birds and their characteristics.

T’ remains for me to make known the sea-birds. | mean the principal ones, for the number is too great for me to remember them all. The first is the Wild Goose

[Outarde.|* It is of the bigness of a Turkey. Its plumage is gray-brown after the fashion of that of a Goose, the under part of the throat white. The Indians make robes of it. It only lays every alternate year; the year in which it does not lay, it moults.

The young Wild Geese do not lay until they are [300] four ° years old. They lay fourteen, fifteen, and sixteen eggs. They — make their nests in islands or in marshes, flat on the ground asarule. Nevertheless there are some which make them in trees; and when their little ones are hatched, these place them- selves on the backs of their father or their mother, which — carry them to the water, in one or two loads. Those on the « land take theirs also to the water as soon as they are hatched. ~ At night the mother leads them back to land to place them

1 Oudarde is the name in France of the bustard ; this bird does not occur in America, but, following the usual custom in such cases, the early French voyagers applied this familiar name to that bird in the new world which seemed most nearly to take its place. That it was applied to the wild or Canada goose, and not, as some have supposed, to the brant, is made plain by the sense of this and other passages in our authors book, by Lescarbot’s express description of it as oye sauvage or wild goose, and above all by the fact that the Acadian hunters thus use the name to this day, as I am assured by Dr. A. C.

Smith. Our author gives later an account of the hunting of this bird by the Indians,

at pages 442-444. 370

NATURAL HISTORY 371

under her, and always in some islands or marshes because of the Foxes, which make war upon them.’

There is also another species, which is much smaller.’ But in every other respect it is just the same. Its flesh is good, [301] and very excellent eating roasted and boiled. It makes very good stew. Its soup is white. It 1s also good salted. Its taste is much better than that of Goose, and it is not so hard to digest. ‘Those which have not yet laid their eggs taste much better than the others. They feed only upon grass. They go to feed in those marshes or meadows which are upon the border of the sea. If they can meet with places of muddy sand, where grows a grass of the length of a fathom and more, a kind which is very narrow and ascends to the surface of the water,” that is the feeding-ground they like the best. In those places they never fail to occur, besides which they [302] like better to be in the water than on the land, for fear of being surprised.

At some point [near] where they are, if they be in great number, there are always one or two which act as sentries ; they do not feed, but walk about from one place to another, with an eye upon everything. If they see or hear anything in the woods, that very moment they make a cry; all the others taise their heads, and remain thus for atime. If the sentinel says no more, they resume eating. But if this sentinel hears Or perceives anything, it makes another cry, and takes wing, and so do all the others at the same time.

* In most respects this account is accurate, though the number of eggs is exaggerated (at least as compared with the habits of this species at the present day) ; and the statement, which our author also makes at page 189 of Vol. I. of his book, that they moult and lay in alternate years, is untrue.

* The identity of this smaller species is not plain. The description would perfectly fit Hutchins’ goose, but that species is not a resident of Acadia. I am inclined to think our author refers simply to smaller forms, perhaps young birds, of the Canada goose.

’ This is the familiar eel-grass, so abundant in all the lagoons of the Gulf Coast. It is still called ?herde by the Acadians.

3872, NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

The Brant [Cravan]' is scarcely smaller than the small Goose. Its taste is also very pleasant, [303] roasted and boiled, but not salted. It is browner in plumage, the neck is shorter, and there is no white under the throat. It is a bird of passage; it only comes into the country in summer, and it goes away in winter. It is not known whence it comes nor whither it goes. No one has ever seen it producing its young. If it were not for the taste, which is infinitely better than that of the Widgeon [Macreuse] I would say they were the same thing. The plumage is very much alike, but to eat it in Lent would be too delightful. They live also on grass, with some little shell-fish or worms which are found in the sand.

The Ducks are all like those of France, as to plumage and goodness. Those which have the wing blue and the feet red are the [304] best. Those with grey feet, which have also the wing blue, hardly differ in goodness. There is another kind of them which has not the blue wing, but they are not so good. There is seen also another species which has the plumage bright brown; of this species the male is white, with black at the end of the wing.” The male and the female are never together, and only assemble in spring when they mate. When the females begin to make their nests they separate. The males go in flocks by themselves, and the females the

same. If one fires upon the females, unless he kills them ~

entirely dead, they are lost; for so soon as they are wounded ~

1 Our author's description makes it perfectly plain that the cvavaz is the brant, and his account of its habits and appearance is accurate. But the name has not persisted, for it is unknown to the Acadian hunters, who call this bird brenaiche,

2 It is not possible, I believe, to identify these ducks with certainty, but I think it probable the first mentioned is the mallard, the second is the black duck (though the colour of the feet is not grey), the third may be the scaup duck, while the fourth appears not to fit any member of the American fauna; it perhaps comes as near to the Labrador, or pied, duck, now apparently extinct, as to any other, though in some respects the account fits the true eider, which does not occur, or is very rare, in this region. The American eider he mentions in Vol. I. (27, 143), as 7zovaque.

AMERICA. CHAP. XIX 373

they dive, and they seize with their beak any, even the smallest,

grass they find, [305] and die there, and do not come again to the surface. They are not good in other respects; they taste of oil like the Widgeon.*

As for the Teal [Sarcelle],’ it is familiar in France. One knows its value as well as that of the Great Northern Diver [P/ongeon],? and the Mud-hen, or Coot [Poule @eau|,* and this is why I shall not speak further of them. There are seen also quantities of other birds of the bigness of Ducks, such as the Spoonbill [Palonne],> which has the beak about a foot long and round at the end like an oven shovel; the Night Heron [£grez],* which has three little feathers straight up on its head; the Sheldrake [Bec de scie],’ which has the beak formed like a saw; the Long-tailed Duck [ Cacaoity],* because it pronounces this word for its note ;

1 A description of the widgeon or macreuse given by Larousse (Dictionnaire Universelle) seems to imply that this bird is not really so oily, but that a belief in the resemblance of its fat to fish-oil had grown up to justify its being eaten in Lent.

2 Two species of teal occur in this region of which the green-winged is most abundant and nearest like that of Europe, and this no doubt our author has chiefly in mind.

* The identity of the A/ozgeon, commonly called Loon, is unmistakable.

4 The foule d’eau of France is the European coot, of which a very near representative is the American coot or mud-hen, which is abundant in this region.

5 A bill of the length here described could only belong to a spoonbill, no species of which occurs in Acadia, though one is known in France. Accordingly I think our author really refers to the shoveller duck, whose bill he has greatly lengthened by some confusion with the true spoonbill.

® This description fits perfectly the black-crowned night heron, which has three long plumes from the top of its head (though not “straight up”), and no doubt this is the form meant by our author. The true egret of the south strays into this region, but it has not the three feathers here mentioned.

* The sheldrakes or mergansers are sometimes called sawbills because of their strongly serrated mandibles. Two species, the American merganser and the red-breasted merganser, occur in Acadia, and our author no doubt meant to include them both. They are still called dec-scze, that is, saw-beak, by the Acadians.

§ The long-tailed or old squaw duck is called by the Canadians cacca-wee according to Baird Brewer and Ridgeway, while the Downs-Piers’ list of birds

2 B

3874 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

the Buffle-head Ducks [ Marionet [306] zes],* because they run leaping upon the water; the Razor-billed Auk [Gode],’ a bird which flies as swiftly as an arrow, black and white in its plumage ; the Cormorant [Cormorant] which devotes itself to the catching of fish. Their neck is tied near the stomach, which prevents them from swallowing, and being thus pre- vented, they carry their fish ashore.”

There are Plover [ 4//oiiettes|* of three sorts. The largest are of the bigness of a large Robin [ Mer/e] of greyish colour, and they have long feet. Others, which are scarcely less large, have the beak longer. Others are like Sparrows and little Chaffinches. All that game goes in flocks together, always along the edge of the sea, where there is any beach. The

of Nova Scotia gives cockaweeas alocalname. Its Indian name is Lakawegéchk, as I infer from Rand (J/tcmac Reader, 47), which may be the origin of the French name, though also they may have arisen independently.

1 That the sarionette was the buffle-head duck, or dipper (as it is more ~ commonly called by the English in Acadia), is made certain by the fact that .

the Acadians still call it by that name, as Dr. A. C. Smith informs me. It is also stated by Baird Brewer and Ridgeway that the same name is used for it about New Orleans ; the name was no doubt taken there by the Acadians in 1755.

* This gode is, of course, the same as the godez described by Cartier, whose description makes it plain that it was either the razor-billed auk or one of its near relatives, the murres or guillemots. But since our author names the common murre or guillemot the Joule de mer (on page 52 of this volume) it seems

certain the gode was the-razor-bill. The account of the colouration is correct,

but I have not been able to confirm the statement about its swiftness of flight.

3 The common cormorant well known in this region. The reference to the tying of their neck, &c., is plainly an echo of the employment of cormorants in fishing by various peoples, but has no reference to such use in Acadia. In Vol. 1. of this book, page 155, our author mentions one of their breeding-places on the rocks between Labrador and Niganiche in Cape Breton.

4 That the adloiietfes (literally “larks”) were plover is shown in part by probabilities based upon their appearance, but conclusively by the fact that they are so called by the Acadians to this day. Our author’s description is too brief to admit of certain identification of his three kinds, but it is likely the two larger are the black-bellied and the golden plover, while the third is the ring- neck or else the piping plover. I presume the J/uzviers of page 173 of Vol. I. is but another name for the adloviettes.

AMERICA. CHAP. XIX 375

Sandpipers [ Chevadliers|* are a kind of Snipe [Beccasse] which have the beak very long. They live [307] on small worms and other things which they find in the sand on the border of the sea. hey are of the same size, have legs as long, and the plumage redder than the Small Snipe [ Beccassine].”

The Terns or Mackerel Gulls [ Ester/ats]* are other birds, large as a Pigeon, which live on fish. Flying always in the air, if they perceive their prey they fall upon it like a stone, seize it with their beak and swallow it. The Herring Gull | Gois/an]* is much larger, lives upon fish and livers or entrails of Cod, but only captures that which is floating upon the sea. There are also a number of others which I do not remember.

All those kinds of birds are good to eat, as are also all their : eggs, aside from those of the Cormorant. Throughout the ‘country, there [308] are found numbers of Herons [ Herons],° which are always upon the borders of the sea or of the ponds, and live on little fish which occur in the holes where the

1 Our author’s description of the chevalliers would seem to make it certain ‘they are sandpipers. Of these the spotted sandpiper is the commonest, and no doubt is the one our author had most in mind. , ? Although our author several times mentions Jdeccasse and beccassine, ‘obviously snipe, he gives us nowhere any description that will enable us to distinguish any distinct species. Many kinds occur in this region, and it is altogether likely he uses the words simply in a generic sense to include large jand small forms respectively. The ?’éches on which they live are azches, a | ae s name for small worms used as bait.

° The identification of esfev/azs is made certain by its use by the Acadians B day, who apply it to the common small gull, which I have no doubt is the

mackerel gull or tern. It is by far the most abundant small gull of Acadia. |Our author’s account of it is accurate.

* The French word goz/and is applied to a large gull of the genus Larus,

\ind by far the commonest of these in this region is the herring gull; this \s called goz//an by the Acadians, which settles its identity.

* Our author has in mind without doubt the great blue heron, which is very -|bundant throughout Acadia. His account of it is entirely accurate. In ids first volume, however, page 62, our author gives both eves (cranes) and _€rons in Acadia, though the former does not occur there. It is possible he _|sed one or the other of these names for the bittern, or perhaps the quawk. _n inquiry I find that nothing is known to ornithologists as to the seven galls, nd this is evidently another item of folk-fiction.

376 NATURAL HISTORY

water remains when the tide falls, or [else] on the border of the water in the ponds. They make their nests in the thick woods which occur on islands. They are good to eat and have seven galls and are always thin. As for the young

they are better and always fat.’

1 Denys’ account of the sea-birds in this chapter is very incomplete, and does not take account of several which he mentions in the first volume of his book: the J/oyvague or American eider (pages 27, 143), Perroguets de Mer or puffins (33), Pigeons de Mer or black guillemots (33), Gries or cranes (62), Tournevires or turnstones (62), Oyes blanches et gris or snow geese (60, 85), | Corbegeos or curlews (85), argots or gannets (33), and of course the Happefoye or fulmars, Crozseurs or petrels, the Poules de Mer or guillemots, and Penne- gouins or great auks of page 49 of this volume. He gives an account of the

principal land-birds later, pages 336-343.

[309 | CHAPTER XX

The description of all the kinds of woods which are inland; their characteristics, and the advantages which can be derived from them.

FTER having described the larger part of the fishes

and of the sea-birds, it is necessary to speak of the

: land, of the greater part of the woods which it bears, and of the profits which can be derived from them. ‘That which I have already said concerns only those of the ‘coasts, and they are as nothing in comparison with those which are inland [310] and on the upper parts of the rivers. ‘This is according to the report of the Indians, of which I have verified the truth in one place where | have traversed twenty-five or thirty leagues of woods; and that has made me put faith in the statements which they have made to me about them. Throughout the country is found a great number of meadows and ponds. The trees [there] are very much more beautiful in height and thickness, and stand more open and less confused. One could there chase a Moose on horseback.’ Only the old trees which are fallen in one place and another could offer any hindrance; [these ‘are there] through lack of people to remove them, as do the poor people in the forests of France. The lands there are also much better, and easier to clear than [311] on

the margin of the sea, and the country is finer. Beeches f

| ‘ This account of the Acadian woods is incorrect. It is only in a few imited areas, especially in occasional pine or hardwood groves, that they jue Open; elsewhere they are dense, obstructed, and practically impassable or horses.

377

Se =

378 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

[ Haistres|* occur there, which are large both in height and | thickness; from them can be made galley oars of forty | and fifty feet in length, and others for the fishermen, who — need a good many, which they are obliged to bring from | France. One could make of them fine and good planking © for the bottoms of ships, which would be as good as the Oak; for it does not rot in the water, and it is no less strong, nor so subject to splitting and to cracks, something which ~ happens often with Oaks, and causes leaks difficult to stop well. | The Black Birch | Mienogon']* is a kind of Birch, but its | wood is redder. From it also one can make [312] good planking, and it does not split too much. It is used for the — stocks of muskets. It would be good to place as the deck- ribs of a ship, and for the upper works. The Birch[ Bouleau]® | would serve there also very well. It is lighter, and does not | |

:

split nor crack in the sun, or very little. I have had several © vessels built of it, which are well preserved, though they . are drawn ashore in winter. They remain without injury - in cold and in heat. There never will be any lack of © trees for making ribs, floor-timbers, knees, and stem and stern pieces, although few crooked trees occur. The ribs © difficult to find are those with reversed curve for the rising- pieces, and for stems. As for forked pieces, they will be ( found, but the square bracket-knees [313] are rare there. ; But I have a certain means of obtaining plenty of them, of © very good kind, and of all the other sorts. | Let us speak of the Oak [ Chesne],* which is said to have —

1 But one species of beech occurs in Acadia—the American beech ; it is a fine tree.

? This is the black birch, as the description implies, and as its name proves, © for it is without doubt a form of the Micmac Indian Wzmmmogzn-k, meaning the black birch (Rand, M/zcmac Reader, 57). .

3 The paper, or canoe, birch is here meant, as the reference to the lighter — wood implies. Yet that is less used for shipbuilding than the grey birch, which our author perhaps does not distinguish from it.

4 The commonest large oak of Acadia is the red oak, and with this, no

AMERICA. CHAP. XX 379

no value for shipbuilding. That is not my feeling, though it may not be good for making barrels to contain liquid sub- stances, but only for dry merchandise, because it is too loose- textured, and its grain consequently too coarse. If one spits on one end of a piece of Oak of twenty-five to thirty feet, and then blows on the other, the spit will swell up. This is with the grain of the wood, but not across it. When | have said that barrels made of this wood do not hold liquors, this is because in order to make a [314] barrel, it is necessary to cut a notch, which is gouged into the staves, and cuts across the grain of the wood. Thus the liquor with which the barrel is filled enters into this joint, and, reaching the grain of the cut wood, passes along the staves; and this makes the barrel Jeak at the ends, although nothing passes through the staves

or the joints. Consequently the Oak of New France having only this defect, it does not cease on that account to be good

_ for building ships.

Further, if a ship can be built only of Oak, how then do

those manage who build such fine and good ones in the Indies where there is no Oak? If I were once [315] well established _ Ishould show that good ships can be built there, and as durable _as those of France, as I have already tested several times.

There is also Pine [Piz] for making planks good for constructing decks, and Firs [Sapim]? for the finishings and the upper works and to line rooms. There occur also in

‘the country forests of little Pines [Petits Pins]* Spruces

_ doubt, our author’s experiments were made. But he was too sanguine as to its

"uses, for it is rather an inferior timber-tree.

| 1 This is the valuable white pine, formerly abundant throughout Acadia.

| 2 Our author throughout his book uses the term safivs, literally ‘‘ firs,” in

| somewhat the same comprehensive way that we use the word spruce, namely,

'to include our three common spruces, together with the balsam fir and per-

haps also the hemlock. Compare his attempt to distinguish between them on

pages 23, 24 of Vol. I. of his book.

* This is very likely the red pine, especially abundant on the Nepisiguit near where our author lived ; but he may also have had in mind the Banksian or Princes pine, also abundant in northern Acadia.

880 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

[Prusses]1 and Firs, which will furnish me with pitch and

tar, of the qualities of which I have already spoken. Ihave ©

a certain method of rendering the masting still better than it is.

As for linen for sails and for cordage, the country will furnish no less than a superfluity when there is willingness to set at it. There remain only the iron and the copper to in- clude everything which [316] is needed to complete a vessel. I believe that if the country were well populated I should find the iron and the copper *as well as the limestone, which [latter] has been known only for fifteen years, since the time when I found it as well as plaster.

As for carriages for cannon, there are very fine Elms [ Ormes]* for making the axles, the wheels, and all the rest. The Maple [Erade]* is yet another good wood which could also be used. That tree has sap different from that of all others. There is made from it a beverage very pleasing to drink, of the colour of Spanish wine but not so good. It has a sweetness which renders it of very good taste; it does not inconvenience the stomach. It passes as promptly as the waters of [317] Pougue.® I believe that it would be good for those who have the stone. ‘To obtain it in the spring and autumn, when the tree is in sap, a gash is made about half a foot deep, a little hollowed in the middle to receive the water. This gash has a height of about a foot, and almost the same breadth. Below the gash, five or six inches, there is made a hole with a drill or gimlet which penetrates to the middle of the gash where the water collects. There is inserted a

1 This is, very probably, the black spruce, although his reference to little Pines Spruces and Firs may not mean actual species.

2 The iron has been found and worked in several places, but copper has not yet been found in paying quantities anywhere in Acadia.

8 The American or white elm, abundant throughout Acadia.

4 Evidently the sugar maple. The white maple and red maple also occur in this region, but probably were not separated by our author.

6 Pougues, in central France, with mineral springs still celebrated.

AMERICA. CHAP. XX 381

quill, or two end to end if one is not long enough, of which the lower extremity leads to some vessel to receive the water. In two or three hours it will yield three to four pots of the liquid. ‘This is the drink of the [318] Indians, and even of the French, who are fond of it.?

As for the Ash [Fresne],2 some very fine and straight ones are seen. ‘They are used for making the Biscayan pike- staffs ; one could make enough of them to supply all the armies of the King. If those who command, or will command, in those countries have mechanical genius and the spirit of invention, they will find yet many [other] things to turn to account,

and with which to employ their talents, aside from the trade

and the fishery which are the best means for peopling the — country. |

) | |

———_$<—<$—$_<—<———S ran

* It is remarkable that our author does not mention the making of sugar from this maple sap. Le Clercq, in his WMouvelle Relation of 1691, refers to it. 2 Three spécies of ash, the white, red, and black, occur abundantly in this region, the first being the best. Our author probably did not distinguish

_ between them. Other trees which our author omits from this list, though he | gives them in Vol. I. of his book, are Voyers (page 46) or walnuts, and 7remébles

|

(page 55) or aspens.

[319] CHAPTER XXI

Which treats of the animals, birds, and reptiles; of their characteristics, and of the manner of capturing them.

F'TER having spoken of the forests and of the different kinds of woods which compose them, it will not be out of place to say two words about the divers animals

which inhabit them. These are the Moose, otherwise called Elk, the Black Bear, the Lynx, the Porcupine, the Foxes, the Marten, the Wolverene, the Squirrels, the Ermine, the Mink, the Weasel and the Snakes. [320] The Moose [Orignac]? is

as powerful as a mule. The head is almost the same; the '

neck is longer, the whole much more lightly built, the legs long and very lean, the hoof cleft, and a little stump of tail. Some have the hair grey-white, others red and black, and when they grow old the hair is hollow, as long as a finger, good for making mattresses, and for furnishing saddles for horses.

It does not gall, and comes up again after being beaten down. | It carries great antlers on its head, flat and forked in © the form of a hand. Some are seen which have about a ~

fathom of breadth across the top, and which weigh as much as a hundred or a hundred and fifty pounds. They are shed like those of the deer. They are subject to fall from epilepsy. The Indians say that when the Moose feels it coming on [321] it stops, and then with the left hind foot it scratches

1 There is, of course, no question as to the identity of this animal. The name ovignac is probably, as Lescarbot says, simply the Basque word for deer. Most of the statements about the animal are correct, though the spread of the antlers is somewhat exaggerated. Our author givesa full account of the hunting of the moose by the Indians later at pases 420-427, 431-434.

362

A i ar ——— eh aaa -

NATURAL HISTORY 383

itself behind the ear so much that the blood flows, and this cures it. Old ones are seen which have the hoof of a foot in length or more. All of it is good to eat. The male is fat in summer, and the female in winter. When One is pregnant, she bears one and sometimes two young. It is eaten roasted and boiled, and makes good stew. It is salted to preserve it. It does not inconvenience the stomach. One can eat all his fill of it, and then an hour later can eat as much again; it never gives any inconvenience. As for the taste it suggests venison a little, and is at least as pleasing to eat as the Stag.’ In its heart there occurs [322] a little bone of which the Indian women make use to aid them in childbirth; they reduce it to powder, and swallow it in water, or in the soup made from the animal.”

The Bear [Ours]? is all black, is of the height of a large Pig, not so long but stouter in body, with long hair. It has a large flat head, little ears, and no tail, or so little that it seems as if wanting. It has long claws and climbs trees, lives On acorns, eats little of carrion, but goes along the edge of the sea where it eats Lobsters and other fish which the waves cast upon the coast. It never attacks man, at least unless injured. Its flesh is good to eat, and is white like [ 323] veal,

_ as good to the taste and even more delicate. It spends six

se eS $$

_ months of the winter hidden in a hollow tree, and during all | that time it does nothing but suck its paws for its entire living. This is the time when it is the fattest. The young

of five to six months are of very excellent taste and very tender.

The Canada Lynx [Loup-servier]* is a kind of Cat, but

* He means, of course, the European stag.

* This Indian custom is mentioned also by Le Clercq.

* The black bear is the only species of this region, and it is still abundant. Our author gives a full account of its hunting by the Indians later on pages 438-440.

* A well-known animal still occurring in this region. Our author gives an account of its hunting by the Indians later at page 441.

3884 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

much larger. It also climbs trees, and lives on animals which it captures. Its hair is long, of a greyish-white, and it makes a good fur. The flesh is white and very good to eat.

The Porcupine [Porc-épic] is of the size of a middling Dog, but shorter. Its hair’ is about four inches long, white and [324] thick as a straw. This is stiff though hollow. When it is attacked it darts its quills from its back and they prick. If one pierces the skin, however little, and is not promptly drawn out, whether it be in the hand, in the body, or in whatsoever other place, it will keep ever entering, and will pass clear through the place where it may be attached. Everything possible is done to keep the Dogs from throwing themselves upon the animal, for it injures them if they are not promptly aided. It is very good to eat. It is placed on the fire to be grilled like a Pig, but before that the Indian women draw all the quills from the back, which are the largest, and from them make beautiful works.2. Being singed, [325] well roasted, washed, and placed on the spit it is as good as suck- ling Pig. It is very good boiled, but less good than roasted.

Of the Foxes | Renards]* there are several kinds dis- tinguished by colours. Some are found wholly black, but those are rare. ‘There are black ones mottled with white, but there occur more of grey mottled with white; but more commonly they are all grey and all red, leaning towards the reddish. ‘Those animals are only too common. All these kinds have the disposition of Foxes, and are cunning and subtle in capturing the Wild Geese and Ducks. If they see some flocks of these out on the sea, they go along the edge of the beach, make runs of thirty to forty paces, then retire from time to time over the same route [326] making leaps. The

1 Our author’s word is oz/, for which we have no exact equivalent. Need- less to say, his statement about darting the quills is another folk-error.

2 As our author later relates more fully on pages 386, 390, and elsewhere.

3 All of these foxes are simply colour varieties of one species. It is now rarely that any colour other than red is found.

'

AMERICA. CHAP. XXI 385

game which sees them doing this comes to them very quietly. When the Foxes see the game approaching, they run and jump; then they stop suddenly in one jump, and lie down upon their backs. ‘The Wild Goose or the Duck keeps con- stantly approaching. When these are near, the Foxes do not move anything but the tail. Those birds are so silly that they come even wishing to peck at the Foxes. The rogues take their time, and do not fail to catch one, which pays for the trouble.

We train our Dogs to do the same, and they also make the game come up.’ One places himself in ambush at some spot where the game cannot see him; when it is within good shot, it is fired upon, and four, five, and six of them, and sometimes more are killed. [327] At the same time the Dog leaps to the water, and is always sent farther [and farther] out ; it brings them back, and then is sent to fetch them all one after another.

The Wolverene [Quincajou|? is nearly like a Cat, with

1 Dogs are still trained to attract ducks in this way—a process called toling (or tolling). Compare account in the Ceztury Dictionary, and especially in Forest and Stream, Oct. 26, 1907.

2 Called also carcajou (another form of our author’s name) and Indian devil. It is a small animal of strength and ferocity far beyond its size. It formerly occurred in Acadia, but is now extinct in that region. Our author is wrong about the long tail, for it is really short. We have here no doubt another folk- error. But its habit of capturing moose receives full confirmation from another early voyager to Acadia, John Gyles, who was a captive among the Indians of the Saint John a few years after our author wrote. Gyles, in his Memoirs of Odd Adventures, describes the wolverene, and says: “ They will climb trees and wait for moose and other animals which feed below, and when opportunity presents, jump upon and strike their claws in them so fast that they will hang on them till they have gnawed the main nerve in their neck asunder, which causes their death. I have known many moose killed thus.” And he narrates a case in which he saw tracks in the snow showing how a wolverene has been swept by a tree from the back of amoose. Curiously enough the error about the animal’s long tail has persisted almost to our own days, for it is given by Cooney in his History of Northern New Brunswick and Gaspé, 1832, page 232. It was through this passage in our author’s work, apparently, that the word Quincajou obtained entrance to French dictionaries, for it is under this word that Richelet’s Dictionary of 1738 cites our author. (Compare Bibliography on page 44, earlier.)

386 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

hair red brown. It has a long tail; holding it up, it makes two or three turns upon its back. It has claws. It climbs trees, stretches its length upon a branch, and there awaits some Moose. If one of these passes, it throws itself upon its back, grips it with its claws, encircles it with its tail, then gnaws its neck a little below the ears, so that it brings it down. The Moose swiftly runs and rubs against the trees, but the Quincajou never quits its prize. If the animal does not pass near, it runs [328] after it, chases it, and does not give it up. If it is once able to reach it, it leaps upon its rump, and proceeds to attach itself to its neck, and gnaws it so well that it brings it down. In order to save itself the Moose runs to the water as soon as it can and throws itself into it. But before it throws himself into it, the Quincajou lets go and jumps to the ground, for it does not wish to enter the water. Four years ago one of them captured a large heifer of mine three years old, and broke her neck.’ The next morning we set our Dogs upon the track, and we found her. It had eaten only her eyes and tongue.

The Foxes and the Quincajou hunt together. The Quin- cajou has not a good sense of smell as the Foxes have. ‘These beat the woods to find the track [329] of a Moose, and they hunt without making a noise. If they meet with a track they follow it until they have found the animal. If they find it grazing or lying down they do nothing to it, but they go around and seek a place the most convenient to make their prey pass by. ‘Then the Quincajou which follows them places itself in ambush on the branch of a tree. It being placed, the Foxes return to fetch the animal. They place themselves at some distance in the woods, on both sides. Another Fox goes behind to make it rise, yelping very softly. If the animal goes directly where the Quincajou is, those which are on the sides make no sound; if it does not go there, those

1 At that time Denys was living at Saint Peters in Cape Breton.

AMERICA. CHAP. XXI 387

which are on the side towards which it is going yelp in order to turn it. They do so well that they [330] make it pass where the Quincajou is, which does not fail in its blow, and throws itself on its neck and gnaws it. When the Moose has fallen they throw themselves upon it, and make good cheer together as long as the beast lasts.’ As for the Marten [ Marthe],’ it is sufficiently well known ;

it is seen in France. But these are much redder than those a this country, and have not so fine a hair. They keep them- selves as a rule rather far in the woods. ‘They are only seen upon the coast every two years, or three years. When they come there it is in great number, and when the Indians see them they rejoice, because it is a sign of a good year, that is to say, of much snow, without which they cannot make good hunting. This[331] fails them often. All that coast of New France does not abound in snow; in the years of snows we find that the grains bear better.

_ Let us say a word of the Squirrels [Ecureiii/s].2 The largest is quite like those of France, and of the same hair. There is a kind a little smaller which is called Swiss [Swisse], because they are all striped from the head to the tail by white, red, and black lines, all of the same breadth and about half a finger’s width. The third kind is the size of the second, vand with hair something like those of France, but a little blacker ; these fly. They have wings which oad from the hind to the [332] fore limbs, and which open to the breadth of a good two fingers. It is a very delicate little fabric, jcovered above with a little downy hair. Its entire flight ex-

| " Probably there is some truth mixed with much folk-error in this account. : k 2 The marthe (also written martre and marte) is, of course, the abundant ppiae marten or sable. I can find no further reference to their coming to the voast as here related.

| * The three squirrels are perfectly recognisable. The first is the very ommon red squirrel ; the second is the ground squirrel or chipmunk, whose | Dalikeines suggest the striped uniforms of Swiss mercenaries ; the third is the -/omewhat common, though rarely seen, flying squirrel.

388 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

tends in a straight line only thirty to forty paces. But if it is flying from one tree to another, sliding downwards, it will fly double the distance. All those animals are very easily tamed. But the flying kind is rarer than the others. They live

on beech-nuts which are called foie.* They make their — provision from this in Autumn for the winter, [placing it] in |

some hollow tree where the snow does not reach. This flying ©

animal is very curious. I have seen one of them in Paris at the residence of Monsieur Berruier, former Director of the

Company of Canada.

The White Weasel [Ermine]? is of the size of [333] the

Squirrel but a little longer, of a beautiful white hair. It has

the tail long, but the little tip is black as jet. It eats the

egos of birds when it can get them, and also the little birds.

The Mink [Pitois]° and the Weasel [ Foive]° are about the same thing, except that the Mink has the hair black, and not.

so thick, but longer than that of the Weasel. Both of them.

wage war against birds, large and small, against Hens, Pigeons, | if

5 ‘7

and all that they can catch. They enter freely into dwellings. »

There occur also throughout that country plenty of »

Snakes [Sevpens], of all colours, in the woods. Nevertheless | they have never yet been known to injure Indians or French.’

1 So called, no doubt, because of the resemblance of the husk to the /oim, i.¢. | the mass of spines on the underside, of the true artichoke of France. The | name is still applied to the beech-nut by the Acadians.

2 The ermine of this region is simply the white or winter condition of the.

common weasel.

3 Our author’s account of the weasel-like animals is somewhat mixed. The

pttois (commonly written pufozs) of Europe is the polecat, which does not if occur in this region; but his reference to colour seems to indicate that he —

applies the name to the mink. The /oimze (commonly written fowzne, or, on

page 319, earlier, Souinne) of Europe is the beech marten, whose nearest repre- sentative in Acadia is the marten or sable. But as Denys has already called | this animal the mar¢he, and moreover as he says the /owine enters freely into dwellings, he must have had the common weasel, in its brown or summer con- dition, in mind.

4 All of the few species of snakes which occur in this region are, as our

author says, perfectly harmless.

AMERICA. CHAP. XXI 389

Although [334] they are stepped on they do no injury in that land. It is necessary not to forget the Rabbit [Zapzz],* with which the entire country is furnished in all its parts, as well on the mainland as on the islands, provided that one goes to places a little removed from the dwellings. Because the Dogs chase and even eat them, they are thus obliged to keep at a distance. They are hunted only in the winter, when they have paths beaten on the snow. Or else there is built a large hedge, very long, of branches; and in it are left little passages here and there. In these spots are placed little branches of Birch, which is their food in winter; and here are set snares, _which are nothing but very slender cords. [335] The snare

is fastened to the end of a branch of a tree which 1s bent like -aspring. Or, in default of a branch, a large pole is taken, ) which is placed upon a forked piece in such manner that the | large end [by its weight] raises the small one somewhat high, | so that the Rabbit may not be eaten by a Fox when captured | by the snare which is attached to the end of the pole. From : thirty snares set, one will have the next morning at least | twenty Rabbits, if the night has been a good one, that is to . say has been cold, and has had neither rain nor snow. For at such times the Rabbits do not run out. They are not formed like those of France. They have the hind limbs much larger, | but the flesh is alike. They are good roasted, and even boiled in the pot. In summer [336] they are red, and in winter they are all white. They are shedding their hair nearly all the time, which brings it about that the fur is not good. Its hair is fine. I believe it would be good for making hats. it has not yet pep brought, so far as I know, to France for making trial of it.?

1 The /apin and the /zevre (hare), mentioned by our author on page 27 and elsewhere of Vol. I., are the same animal. Only a single kind occurs in Acadia, and its habits xn structure are those of a hare and not a rabbit.

2 In this enumeration of the mammals our author omits the caribou, which

| | & | | 2c |

|

390 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

With regard to the birds of that country, the largest is the Eagle [4igle].' It has a white ruff. It takes the Rabbit in

its claw and carries it off. A smaller species has not the ruff,

and preys on birds not so large as the Duck. ‘Their plumage is greyish, the beak is large and strong, and the claw large.

The Duck-hawk [Faucon], the Goshawk [Autour], and the Pigeon-hawk [ Tierceler]* have the plumage like those which are seen in France. The claw and the beak are the same. They prey on [337] the Partridge, the Pigeon, and other birds of that strength. The Pigeon-hawk has not a good claw for seizing the Partridge, though it is good for the Pigeon, and for other little birds. There occurs there another kind of Hawk. This captures only fish. It is always flying over the water; if it catches sight of some fish it drops upon it more swiftly than a stone can fall. It takes its prey in its claw and carries it off to a tree to devour it.

There are three kinds of Partridges [Perdrix], the red, the

grey, and the black.* The red is the best, equal to that of |

France for flesh and taste. The grey has a different taste from that of France; it suggests venison. Some persons find

he describes on page 202 of Vol. I. The beaver, otter, and muskrat have been described a little earlier in chapter xviil.,and the marine mammals in chapter xvii. The bat is given among birds later at page 344.

1 This eagle is, of course, the bald eagle, abundant along the coast in all

this region. The smaller species cannot be an eagle at all, since no othereagle of greyish colours occurs in this region, and I take it he refers to an eagle-like ~

hawk. The one most probable is the white or grey gerfalcon, which occurs occasionally along the coast of Acadia. 2 These hawks were probably such as were most like those known to our

author in France. /azconis there the name of the peregrine falcon, of which ©

our duck-hawk is a form, though this bird is now rare in this region. The autour is in France the goshawk, and the American goshawk is one of the

most prominent and destructive hawks of Acadia. The word dercelet is —

applied in France to the males of several small hawks, and very likely it here applies, as the mention of the pigeon indicates, to the pigeon hawk, 3 This is a good characterisation of the familiar fish-hawk.

4 The red and the grey partridges are not two species, but are different — varieties of the ruffed grouse. The black partridge is, of course, the Canada —

grouse or spruce partridge, very well described by our author.

AMERICA. CHAP. XXI 391

its taste better [338] than that of the red. As for the black it has the head and the eyes of a Pheasant [Faisant]; the flesh is brown, and the taste of venison so strong that I find it less good than the others. They taste of Juniper berries, with a flavour of Fir. They eat of these seeds which the others do not. All these kinds of Partridges have long tails. They open them, like a Turkey, intoa fan. They are very beautiful. The red has a medley of red, brown, and grey—the grey of two shades, one bright and the other brown, the black of grey and black. They have been brought into France and given to sundry persons, who have had fans made of them, which have been considered beautiful. ‘They all perch, and are so silly that if you meet with [339] a flock of them upon a tree, you may shoot them all one after the other without their flying away. | And indeed if theyare somewhat low, so that you can touch them with a pole, it is [only] necessary to cut one, and to attach to itsend a cord or a little tape with a running knot, then to pass it over their necks and pull them down. You may take them all alive one after another, carry them home, place them

/on the ground in a room, and feed them with grain. They eat it promptly, but they must not be able to get out or they will fly away. I have twice tried to bring some of them to France. They stand well all the length of the voyage, but ‘when approaching France [340] they die, which has made me (believe that our air must be contrary to their good. | There are also Woodcock [| Becasses de bois],’ but they are

not common. They are found occasionally at the sources of \spring brooks.

All the Crows [Corbeaux]” of this country are wholly black. The note is not the same [as ours]. They are also as Me to eat as chicken.

|

1 That is, snipe of the woods; there can be no doubt as to their jidentity. * He refers to the common crow and the raven, our only species. But crow is not considered good eating among us.

| | |

392 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

Also Night-hawks | Orfrayes]* are met there, not so large as those of France. In summer they are heard crying in the evening. ‘Their cry is not so disagreeable as in France. They cry mounting in the air very high; then they let themselves fall like a stone to within a good fathom of the ground, when they rise again; and this is a sign of good weather. [341] The Barred Owl [ Chat-huant]” is of the plumage and size of that of France, and has a little white ruff. Its cry is not similar, but there is little difference. All the birds make war upon it. It is better and more delicate eating than the chicken. It ts always fat. It feeds upon little Field-mice which are in the woods. It makes provision of them for the winter. It captures some of them, which it places in hollow trees. With its beak it breaks their fore legs in order that they may not escape or crawl out. It collects hay in another tree to

nourish them, and brings them every day their provision, ' whilst it makes its own meals on these little animals in pro- |

portion as they grow fat.

[342] There is also a bird which is called the Robin [Merle]? It is related to the Starling [Ezourneau] being less black than the [our] Merle, and less grey than the [our] Etourneau. It is not bad to eat.

One also meets there the Woodpeckers [Piguebois]. They . have plumage more beautiful than those of France, and are of |

1 The description is plainly of the night-hawk or goatsucker, a very —

different bird from the or/ray or osprey of Europe, from which its name is |

taken.

barred owl, which no doubt our author had in mind, though his mention of the white ruff seems to indicate rather the great horned owl, and the reference to war made upon it by birds applies rather to the screech owl. It is likely our author did not distinguish very clearly between them. The Acadians apply the

2 The nearest American representative of the French chat-huant is the —

name, as Dr. Smith tells me, to the cat owl. Of course the collecting of the |

mice is another bit of folk-fiction.

3 That the merle is our American robin is shown both by the description and by the fact that the Acadians thus use the name to this day.

4 Several small species occur in Acadia ; we need not try to distinguish between them since our author does not.

AMERICA. CHAP. XXI 393

the same size. There are others which are called Red-headed Woodpeckers [Gays],* which are of a beautiful plumage; the head is all red, and the neck of real flame-colour.

The Humming Bird [Ozseau Mouche]? is a little bird no larger than a cockchafer. The female has plumage of a golden green, the male the same, excepting the throat, which is of ared brown. When it is seen in a certain light it emits [343] fire brighter than the ruby. They live only upon the honey which they collect from flowers. Their beak is long and of the thick- ness of alittle pin. Their tongue passes a little out of the beak, and isveryslender. Their flight is swift, and they make a great noise in flying. They make their nests in trees, and these are of the size of a fifteen-sou piece. Their eggs are the size of

peas; they lay three of them, or four or five or more. The attempt has been made to rear them, but it has not been possible to bring it about.

As for the Swallow [Hyrondelle]* it is the same as in

| | France. It comes in spring, and returns at the end of autumn. They make their nests in houses, or against certain rocks _where they do not get wet. [344] The Bat [ Chauve-souris]" is also of the same sort as that of this country, but it is much larger. It retires in ‘winter into the hollows of trees, or among the rocks, and only appears in summer.

1 These gays (a word derived presumably from gaz, referring to the bright- ness of colour, rather than from geaz, meaning “ jay”), would seem to be the redheaded woodpecker, which occurs, though it is rare, in this region. The description fits this bird very perfectly. |

* This is, of course, the ruby-throated humming-bird, here very well described, though with some error as to number of the eggs, which are usually only two. | Ofthe several species of this region, our author seems to have had in _mind the cliff or eave swallow. | * This is, of course, the brown bat, the commonest species of this region.

[345] CHAPTER XXII

Which treats of the diversity in the seasons of the year, and of

the different kinds of fruits,

FTER having given a description of the country, of — the climates, of the coasts, of the rivers, of the |

fishes and sea-birds and land birds, I think it will not be a bad idea to speak of the seasons. The four seasons of the year are not equal in those parts

any more than in France. The spring there is a little later, | and only commences in the month of April on the North —

Shore. On the [346] most southern coast of Acadie it begins

on the twentieth or twenty-fifth of March. The beginning of . spring is,asarule,rainy. This does not mean that there are —

not intervals of fine weather. The month of May having

arrived, the rains are not so common, but fogs form in the i mornings up to nine or ten o’clock, when the Sun overcomes | them, and all the rest of the day the weather is fine and ©

serene.

The summer as a rule is always fine and very warm. ~

There is some rain of short duration, and still sometimes fog in the morning, but it does not last beyond seven to eight o'clock. All of the rest of the day it is fine sunshine without clouds. There are years when the fog lasts up to ten o’clock, [347] and sometimes all day long. ‘These fogs are not un- healthy.

As for the autumn, few years occur in which it is not fine. I have seen people bathing up to All Saints. The cold does not begin until mid-November, and then with little melting

snows on the ground which do not last. 394

NATURAL HISTORY 395

The winter is agreeable in that it is never rainy nor filled with mists, nor hoar-frosts. It is a cold which is always dry and with a bright sun. One never sees a little cloud in the sky. It rarely snows more than twenty-four hours together, and as a rule this only falls during a day ora night. One goes from eight to fifteen days, and even three weeks, without seeing it snow, during which time it is always [348] good weather. That does not prevent the occurrence at times of furious gusts of wind, which overthrow trees, but they are not of long duration. As for earthquakes, I have never heard tell that any have come within the knowledge of man except one that I experienced about nine or ten years ago. Yet this was so small an affair that it was scarcely noticed. It had only three little shocks, and had it not been for some rattling of cooking utensils and table ware it would not have been perceived. There were some Indians who felt it. They were not even surprised. It was terrible at Quebec,” where apparently it began, but Iam not speaking of that country,

and I leave the narration of it to those who have experienced

its effects.

[349] From the end of the spring and during the summer and autumn, there often occur thunderstorms, but they do not last. Nevertheless the thunder falls sometimes in fire and strikes in the woods,’ where everything is so dry that it continues there some three weeks or a month. Unless rains fall sufh- ciently to extinguish it, the fire will burn sometimes ten, twelve, and fifteen leagues of country. At evening and at night, one

1 Our author’s account of the weather of the country is altogether too optimistic. The climate is in fact considerably more severe than he makes it.

* This is a reference to the great earthquake of February 5, 1663, fully de- scribed in the /eswz¢ Relations and elsewhere. Earthquakes occasionally occur in Acadia, and those of which records exist have been enumerated by S. W. Kain in Bulletin of the Natural History Society of New Brunswick, Vol. IV. p. 16, and V. 243.

® Le Clercq gives a similar origin for a great fire which before 1677 destroyed the woods of a wide territory south of the Nepisiguit (Vouvelle Relation, 213).

396 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

sees the smoke ten and a dozen leagues away. On the side to which the wind is carrying it, it is seen very far off. Inthe places where that occurs all the animals flee from it fifteen and twenty leagues. If this happens upon the border of the sea, where the water from the rains can wash down into it, all the fish flee from it, [350] and there will be no fishery the following year, nor water-fowl on the coast ; hence the fishing vessels must seek other places, or else they will accomplish nothing. I have seen this happen not by the fire from the sky, but by the accident of a cannonier, who, drying his powder on Miscou, set it afire in using tobacco, and the fire reduced to cinders a good part of the woods of the island. The result was that the following year there were no Cod on the coast, so that the fishermen were obliged to go seek their fish else- where.

‘With regard to the fruits which are found in the country, there are wild Cherry trees [Servizers sauvages].’ Their fruit is not large; as for the taste it [351] 1s close to the Cherry. Other trees are also seen there; all their fruit is very small. There are Raspberries [Framboises]” in all the places deprived of their woods, and also in our clearings. If one of the latter is left a year without cultivation, it all fills up with Raspberry bushes [Framboisters|. ‘The Raspberries are very large, of a very good taste, and better than those of France. It is troublesome to clear the land of them. If, after having removed them, the land is left without being cultivated and sown, it produces Hazelnut bushes [ Nozzi/fiers|* of which the Hazelnuts [ Notsettes] are good. Remove the Hazelnut bushes, and again do not cultivate the land, it produces woods as before. The land there is so good it cannot remain without

1 Evidently the wild red cherry, common in all this region.

2 The common red raspberry, whose habitat is here weli described.

3 The common American hazelnut, which is very abundant in this region, and does tend somewhat to follow the raspberry in old clearings as a step in the transition to woods.

AMERICA. CHAP. XXII 397

producing some-[352] thing. And in addition there occur rarely Thorn bushes [ Epines], Bramble [ Ronces], and Thistles [ Chardons]."

There are seen also many kinds of Currant bushes [ Groze/- her|.2 There are the large green Gooseberries [Grosez/les] of France, which are only good when they are over-ripe; there are some which are only good when they are violet. The red Currant, which resembles that of France, is not common. There are other similar ones which are velvety. ‘There are also seen white and blue ones. This kind is not found commonly. All those kinds of Currants are good to eat.

The Apple trees [Pommiers| of that country creep upon the ground.* They grow up only half a foot, and [353] have

a leaf like the Myrtle. Its fruit is large as Hazelnuts. On one side it is all red, and on the other white. It is the pesiz lapis.“ They only appear in autumn, and are good to eat | Only in spring and summer when the snow and the winter | have passed over them.

| There occurs a root which throws out a little green "sprout, like the Vez/ée or Bindweed, which twines around _that which it meets with but does not climb so high. Having met with it, if you dig at the foot you find the root,

’ These three names are no doubt used in a general and not a specific sense. The éfzves or thorn-bushes would be principally hawthorns, of which | two or three kinds occur in this region; vonmces or brambles would include probably blackberries, perhaps roses, and possibly the introduced sweetbrier. Chardons or thistles would include one or two of the native species and very | probably the introduced Canada thistle.

* Of these currants the wild red and the gooseberry are readily recognisable ; the velvety form is, of course, the fetid currant. The white and blue kinds I take to be not currants at all, but the white baneberry and the clintonia re- spectively (though the blue kind might be the black currant), but these are | certainly not good to eat.

| * Apparently the familiar beech plum, abundant everywhere in this region and here well described. But in this case dommiers is a misnomer, and should jread pruners.

* Our author appears to mean that the plant is the same as one called (in France) Zetit lapis.

\

——

398 NATURAL HISTORY

which has nuts as large as Chestnuts strung together like beads, the nuts being distant about half a foot from one another. There are some of these roots [354] that one will raise for from ten to a dozen paces all furnished with them. If one is lacking you can find another. The Indians are very fond of them. They have the taste of Chestnuts when they are boiled, and they are called Chicamins.*

1 This is very plainly the well-known ground nut, which our author describes with some exaggeration as to the extent of the roots. The name is Micmac Indian, given by Rand (Micmac Dictionary, 125) as Segubun. The sounds of 6 and m are often indistinguishable in Micmac. It is described, as Chiguebz by Father Biard (/Jesuzt Relations, 111. 259). The word is still used among the Acadians of Madawaska, as M. Prudent Mercure informs me, in the form Chicawben.

A plant our author omits from this list, though he mentions it in Vol. I. (page 47), is the /ambruche de vigne or grape vine.

wal CHAPTER XXIII

Concerning the ways of the Indians, their polity and customs, their mode of life, their disposition and that of their children ; of their marriages, their method of building, of dressing, of speech-making, with other particulars.’

T remains for me now to set forth the ways of the Indians, their characteristics, their mode of life, their matriages, their burials, their work, their dances, their

hunting, and how they governed themselves in former times, [356] as I have been able to learn it from them, and the way in which they did things thirty-seven to thirty-eight years ago when I was first in that country. They had as yet changed their customs little, but they were already making use of kettles, axes, knives, and of iron for their arrow-heads. There were still but few of them who had firearms.

They still lived long lives. I have seen Indians of a

1 Our author is, of course, describing the Micmac tribe of Indians which occu- pied all of Nova Scotia, and the entire extent of his government from Canso to Gaspé. As he was intimately acquainted with them through his long experi- ence as fur-trader and fisherman, this part of his book has a high value, and we would there were more of it. Most of his statements are in agreement with one or the other of the several works we are so fortunate as to possess about these Indians. Of these the following are of particular value. The references in Champlain’s writings are all too brief, and confined to some account of their hunting and burial customs. But Lescarbot (in his A7stoire de la Nouvelle France, Paris edition, 1612, cited) gives a systematic though condensed account of them, all the more valuable in that it is made from observation before the Indians had any extensive permanent contact with the whites. Nearly con- temporary are the valuable observations of Father Biard, fully given in the Jesuit Relations for 1611-1614 (Thwaites’ edition, II., I11.). Most extensive of all, however, though later than Denys, is Le Clercq’s Nouvelle Relation de la

Gaspesie (Paris, 1691), a work almost entirely devoted to these Indians, whom 399

400 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

hundred and twenty to a hundred and forty years of age who still went to hunt the Moose; the oldest, who neared a hundred and sixty years, according to their account, no longer went.’ They count by moons.’

Before speaking of the way they live at present, it is neces- sary to look into the past. Their subsis- [357] tence was of fish and meat roasted and boiled. To roast the meat they cut

he calls Gaspesiens. His book is not only an invaluable repository of fact about them, but it has a literary merit and a pleasant humour unfortunately absent from Denys’ book. There appears to be a certain connection between the works of Le Clercq and Denys, for the former describes many matters in a way strongly recalling the latter; and I believe that Le Clercq in writing his book used that of Denys, but more as a source of suggestion than of informa- tion. He gives many matters in far greater detail than Denys, and includes many topics which Denys omits altogether. In fact Lescarbot’s and Le Clercq’s works are attempts at orderly complete treatments of the Indians, while Denys, though perhaps aiming at completeness, shows his lack of scholarly training in his important omissions and defective proportioning of subjects. But he makes some amends for this in his more minute account of many in- teresting matters connected with their daily life, in which feature his work sur- passes that of any other writer. There is also some matter of value in St. Valier’s Estat present de Eglise (Paris, 1688 ; Quebec edition of 1856 cited), and in Dieréville’s Relation du Voyage du Port Royal de ? Acadie (Amsterdam, 1710)—the latter an independent book based upon personal observations made about 1700. Another systematic work, which must, however, be used with some caution, is an Account of the Customs and Manners of the Micmacs and Maricheets, Savage Nations, by a French Abbot [ Maillard], (London, 1758).

Of modern accounts, based upon traditions, &c., the best is Silas Rand’s Lectures, delivered in Halifax in 1849, published 1850. Other works of lesser worth are mentioned by Bourinot in 7vams. Royal Soc. of Canada, 1X., 1891, ii. 328. Of course there are many other accounts of these subjects both by early and by recent writers, but in all cases, I believe, they include no original infor- mation. The Micmacs in their customs were very like the Maliseets and other Algonkian tribes to the south-west, so that works treating of those tribes have a value also for our present subject. Among these the most valuable are refer- ences in the Memoirs of Odd Adventures, by John Gyles (Boston, 1736; re- printed Cincinnati, 1869), and the Journal of Captain William Pote, Jr. (printed New York, 1896), while the modern writings of Montague Chamberlain in the magazine Acadiensis give material from personal knowledge and tradition.

1 These ages are probably exaggerated, though less by our author than by his Indian informants. Yet testimony as to the great age they attained is given by all other writers upon the Micmacs, by Lescarbot (770), St. Valier (14), Le Clercq (84), Dieréville (183), and Maillard (49).

? As all authors agree.

AMERICA. CHAP. XXIII AO

it into fillets, split a stick, placed it therein, then stuck up the stick in front of the fire, each person having his own. When it was cooked on one side, and in proportion as it cooked, they ate it. Biting into it, they cut off the piece with a bone, which they sharpened on rocks to make it cut. This served them in place of knives of iron and steel, the use of which we have since introduced among them.

Having eaten all of it that was cooked, they replaced the meat in front of the fire, took another stick and went through the same process. When they had eaten all the meat from a stick, they [358] always replaced it with more, keeping this up all the day.

They had another method of roasting, with a cord of bark from trees, attached to a pole which extended across the top of their wigwam, or from one tree to another, or upon two forked sticks stuck in the earth. The meat was attached to the lower end of the cord, through which was thrust a stick with which it was twisted several turns. After it was let go,

by this means the meat turned a long time first one side then

the other to the fire. When it turned no longer, the cord

_ Was again twisted by means of the stick through its middle,

and again allowed to go.’ The surface of the meat being cooked, they would bite the outside, and cut off the [359] piece close to the mouth, continuing thus until the whole was eaten. They also roasted it upon coals.

As for fish, they roasted it on split sticks which served as a grill, or frequently upon coals, but it had to be wholly cooked before it was eaten. All the children do their cooking like the others, with split sticks and upon the coals.

All these kinds of roasts were only an entrée to arouse the appetite ; in another place was the kettle, which was boiling. This kettle was of wood, made like a huge feeding-trough or stone watering-trough. ‘To make it they took the butt of a

1 This method is mentioned also by Le Clercq (119). Our author’s account of the Indian cooking methods is much the most detailed we possess.

402 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

huge tree which had fallen; [360] they did not cut it down, not having tools fitted for that, nor had they the means to transport it; they had them ready-made in nearly all the places to which they went.

For making them, they employed stone axes, well- sharpened, and set into the end of a forked stick [where they were] well tied. With these axes they cut a little into the top of the wood at the length they wished the kettle. This done they placed fire on top and made the tree burn. When burnt about four inches in depth they removed the fire, and then with stones and huge pointed bones, as large as the thumb, they hollowed it out the best they could, remoy- ing all the burnt part. Then they replaced the fire, [361] and when it was again burnt they removed it all from the interior and commenced again to separate the burnt part, con- tinuing this until their kettle was big enough for their fancy, and that was oftener too big than too little.’

The kettle being finished, it had to be used. To this end they filled it with water, and placed therein that which they wished to have cooked. To make it boil, they had big stones which they placed in the fire to become red hot. When they were red, they took hold of them with pieces of wood and placed them in the kettle, [when] they made the water boil. Whilst these were in the kettle, others were heating. Then they removed those [362] which were in the kettle, replacing them there by others. This was continued until the meat was cooked.

They had always a supply of soup, which was their greatest drink ; they drank little raw water formerly, as indeed they do at present.” Their greatest task was to feed well and to

1 The only other references to these wooden kettles that I have found are in Lescarbot (805), where, however, it appears that they were easily and quickly made wherever wanted, and in Le Clercq (121), where they are barely mentioned. Later in his book (372 and 464) these kettles are again mentioned by our author.

2 Le Clercq, on the contrary (127), says they drank pure water with pleasure in the summer.

‘ : %

AMERICA. CHAP. XXIII 403

goahunting. They did not lack animals, which they killed only in proportion as they had need of them. They often

ate fish, especially Seals to obtain the oil, [which they used] as much for greasing themselves as for drinking; and [they ate] the Whale which frequently came ashore on the coast, and on the blubber of which they made good cheer. Their

greatest liking is for grease; they eat it as [363] one does

bread, and drink it liquid. There was formerly a much larger number of Indians than at present. ‘They lived without care, and never ate either salt

-orspice. They drank only good soup, very fat. It was this

which made them live long and multiply much. They would have multiplied still more were it not that the women, as soon

_as they are delivered, wash the infant, no matter how cold it

may be.1 Then they swaddle them in the skins of Marten or

Beaver upon a board, to which they bind them. If it is a

boy, they pass his penis through a hole, from which issues the urine; if a girl, they place a little gutter of bark between the

legs, which carries the [364] urine outside. Under their back-

| freezing weather the most sensitive part of the body, this ' part freezes, which causes much mortality among them, princi-

sides they place dry rotten wood reduced to powder, to receive

the other excrements, so that they only unswathe them each twenty-four hours. But since they leave in the air during

pally among the boys, who are more exposed to the air in that part than the girls. To this board there is attached at

_ the top, by the two corners, a strap, so arranged that when it is

| placed on the forehead the board hangs behind the shoulders ;

' thus the mother has not her arms encumbered and is not pre-

—————

vented either from working or go- [365] ing to the woods, whilst the child cannot be hurt by the branches along the

1 A custom mentioned also by Le Clercq (44), who gives a great deal more information about the treatment of the young children. The method of carry- ing the children here described was well-nigh universal among the Indian tribes, and is described by most early writers.

404 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

paths. ‘They have three or four wives, and sometimes more.

If one of them turns out to be sterile they can divorce her if —

they see fit, and take another. Thus they are able to have plenty of children. But if a woman becomes pregnant whilst she is still suckling a child, she produces an abortion.’ A thing which is also ruinous to them is that they have a certain drug which they use for this purpose, and which they keep secret among themselves. The reason why they produce the abortion is, they say, because they cannot nourish two children at the same time, forasmuch as it 1s necessary that the child shall cease suckling of itself, [366] and it sucks for two or

three years. It is not that they do not give them to eat of — that which they have, for in chewing a piece of anything they —

place it in their mouths and the infant swallows it.

Their children are not obstinate, since they give them | everything they ask for, without ever letting them cry for — that which they want. The greatest persons give way to the _ little ones. The father and the mother draw the morsel from

the mouth if the child asks for it. They love their children greatly.” They are never afraid of having too many, for they

are their wealth. The boys aid the father, going on the hunt, |

and help in the support of the family. The girls work, [367]

aiding the mother; they go for the wood, for the water, and —

to find the animal in the woods. After the latter is killed

I

QR

a

they carry it to the wigwam. There is always some old — woman with the girls to conduct them and show them the ©

way, for often these animals which it is necessary to go and |

find are killed at five or six leagues from the wigwam, and there are no beaten roads. The man will tell only the distance of the road, the woods

1 Mentioned by most of the other writers on these Indians, e.g. Maillard (36), and Dieréville (145). Also the high value placed on fecundity, or upon having many children, is mentioned by all writers on these Indians.

2 This love for their children is emphasised also by Lescarbot (659), by Le Clercq (45, and elsewhere), by Dieréville (145).

AMERICA. CHAP. XXIII 405

that must be passed, the mountains, rivers, brooks, and meadows, if there are any on the route, and will specify the spot where the animal will be, and where he will have broken off three or four branches of trees to mark the place. This is enough to enable them to find it, to such a degree that they never [368] fail, and they bring it back.’ Sometimes they camp where the animal is. ‘They make broiled steaks and return next day. After they have lived for some time in one place, which they have beaten [for game] all around their camp, they go and camp fifteen or twenty leagues away. [hen the women and girls must carry the wigwam, their dishes, their bags, their skins, their robes, and everything they can take, for the men and the boys carry nothing, a P agelae they follow still at the present time.

: Having arrived at the place where they wish to remain, the women must build the camp. Each one does that which is her duty. One goes to find poles [369] in the woods; | another goes to break off branches of Fir, which the little pile carry. The woman who is mistress, that is, she who has borne the first boy, takes command, and does not go to the 'woods for anything. Everything is brought to her. She fits the poles to make the wigwam, and arranges the Fir to make the place on which each one disposes himself. This is their | carpet and the feathers of their bed. If the family is a large ‘one they make it [the wigwam] long enough for two fires; ‘otherwise they make it round, just like military tents, with only this difference that in place of canvas they are of barks ‘of Birch. These are so well fitted that it never rains into ‘their wigwams. The round kind holds ten to twelve persons, ‘the long [370] twice as many. The fires are made in the |

1 That it was the duty of the women to go and fetch home the game killed . | by the men is stated by Lescarbot (806), Le Clercq (116), and others. We may

hi allowed to doubt, however, whether the women could find the game from such scanty directions.

PANAD)

406 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

middle of the round kind, and at the two ends of the long sort.’

To obtain these barks, they select all the biggest Birches

they are able to find, and these are the thickness of a hogs- head. They cut the bark all around the tree as high up as —

they can with their stone axes; then they cut it low down, also all around; after that they split it from above downwards, and with their knives of bone they separate it all around the

tree, which ought to be in sap to loosen readily. When they — have enough of it, they sew it edge to edge, four pieces together _ or five together. Their thread is made from root of Fir,’ which they split in three, the same as the [371] Osier with — which the hoops of barrels are tied. They make it as fine as |

they wish.

Their needles are of bone, and they make them pointed as ‘

awls by dint of sharpening them. They pierce the barks, | and pass this root from hole to hole for the breadth of the | barks. This being finished they roll them as tightly as they | can that they may be the easier to carry. When they strip - them off the wigwam to carry them to another place, since © they are dried from the fire which had been made there, they - heat them again to make them more supple. In proportion + as they heat, they are rolled up; otherwise they would break |

through being too dry.

[372] At the present time they still do it in the same way, but they have good axes, knives more convenient for their work, and kettles easy to carry. This is a great con-—

venience for them, as they are not obliged to go to the places © where were their kettles of wood, of which one never sees any —

at present, as they have entirely abandoned the use of them.*

1 A very similar account of the wigwams is given by Le Clercq (67), and they are described also by Biard (III. 77). 2 The black spruce, used by the Indians for such purposes to this day.

3 Other interesting references to these kettles occur on pages 362 and 464

of this volume of our author’s book.

AMERICA. CHAP. XXIII 407

As to their marriage, in old times a boy who wished to have a girl was obliged to serve the father several years’ according to an agreement. His duty was to go a hunting, to show that he was a good hunter capable of supporting well his wife and family. He had to make bows, arrows, the frame of snowshoes, even a canoe—that is to say, to do the [373] work of men. Everything that he did during his time went to the father of the girl, but nevertheless he had use of it himself in case of need.

His mistress corded the snowshoes, made his clothes, his moccasins and his stockings, as evidence that she was clever

‘in work. The father, the mother, the daughter, and the ‘suitor all slept in the same wigwam, the daughter near her mother, and the suitor on the other side, always with the fire between them. The other women and the children also slept ‘there. There never occurred the least disorder. The girls ‘were very modest at that time, always clothed with a well- dressed Moose skin which descended below the knees. They ‘made their stockings [374] and their shoes from the same kind of skin for the summer. In winter they made robes

of Beaver. ‘The modesty of the girls was such in those old

‘times that they would often hold their water twenty-four ‘hours rather than let themselves be seen in this action by a boy.”

| The term being expired, it was time to speak of the marriage. The relatives of the boy came to visit those of the

1 This term of service was apparently a year; it is thus given by Le Clercq (386, 441), whose account otherwise agrees closely with that of our author, while Lescarbot (738), Dieréville (140), and Gyles (45) thought this time was one of marriage but of continence. | * There is substantial unanimity among all the early writers as to the nodesty of the Indian women and girls, at least in earlier times. Thus it is emphasised more or less without reservation by Lescarbot (738,740), by Father Le Jeune in the Relation for 1635 (Thwaites’ edition, VIII. 157, 165-167), by St. \ahier (17), by Le Clercq (55, 416), by Dieréville (168), by Maillard (55), though his writer intermixes some details belonging to the Canadian Indians, while chamberlain (A cadiensis, 11, 81) emphasises it for all the Wapanaki tribes.

|

408 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

girl, and asked them if it were pleasing to them. If the ©

father of the girl was favourable to it, it was then necessary

to learn from the two parties concerned if they were content —

therewith; and if one of the two did not wish the marriage, _ nothing further was done. They were never compelled, But if all were in agreement, a day was chosen for making | a banquet ; in the meantime [375] the boy went a hunting, and

did his very best to treat the entire assembly as well to roast

as to boiled meat, and to have especially an abundance of —

soup, good and fat. The day having arrived, all the relatives and ouests

assembled, and everything being ready the men and older boys _ allentered the wigwam, the old men at the upper end near the _

father and mother. The upper end is the left in entering the

wigwam, and a circuit is made passing to the right.’ No :

other woman entered save the mother of the boy. Each one.

having taken his place, all seated themselves upon their buttocks, like Apes, for that is their posture. The bridegroom brought in the meat in a huge bark dish, [376] divided it, |

and placed it on as many plates as there were persons, as

“

much as they could hold. There was in each plate enough © meat for a dozen persons. He gave each one his plate, and,

they devoted themselves to eating. The bridegroom was

i iq

there also with a great dish of soup, which he gave to the i

first one that he might drink his fill. He, having sufficiently -

|

quenched his thirst, passed the dish to his neighbour, who did — the same. When it was empty it was filled again. Then having drunk and feasted well, they took a [comfortable] — posture. The oldest of them made a speech in praise of the _ bridegroom, and gave an account of his genealogy, in which

he was always found descended from some great chief ten or twelve generations back. He exaggerated everything [377] good that they had done, as well in war as in hunting, the

1 But Le Clercq (73) says the chief place was on the right.

AMERICA. CHAP. XXIII 409

spirit they showed, the good counsel they had given, and everything of consequence they had done in their lives. He commenced with the most ancient, and, descending from generation to generation, he came to a conclusion with the father of the bridegroom. Then he exhorted the bridegroom not to degenerate from the worth of his ancestors." Having finished his speech, all the company made two or three cries, saying fau, hau, hau. After this the bridegroom thanked them, promising as much as, and more than, his ancestors ; then the assembly gave again the same cry. Then the bride- groom set about dancing ; he chanted war songs which he com- posed on the spot and which exalt- [378] ed his courage and ‘his worth, the number of animals he had killed, and everything that he aspired to do. In dancing he took in his hands a bow, arrows, and a great shaft in which is set a bone of a Moose, sharply pointed, with which they kill animals in ‘winter when there is a great depth of snow. This sort of ‘thing [they did] one after another, each having his song, during which he would work himself into a fury, and seemed as if he wished to kill everybody. Having finished, the entire assembly recommenced their hau, hau, hau,” which ‘signifies joy and contentment.

' After this they commenced again to eat and drink until they were full. Then they called their wives and children who [379] were not far off; these came and each one gave them his

|

bo from which they proceeded to eat in their turn.

If there were any women or girls who had their monthlies, ‘she had to retire apart, and the others brought to each one her portion. In those [old] times they never ate except alone by themselves; they did no work, and did not dare touch any- |

1 The grace and force of these Indian orations made at marriages, funerals, ‘and upon other public occasions are emphasised by most of our early writers ; \iiroare especially Maillard (7), and Le Clercq (528).

* Most of our early writers mention this expression of approval or applause,

though it is sometimes written differently. Compare Le Clercq (179, 264), and Maillard (13, 15).

410 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

thing, especially anything to be eaten. It was necessary they — should be always in retirement.’ | They have thus developed into a custom the recital of — their genealogies, both in the speeches they make at marriages, and also at funerals. This is in order to keep — alive the memory, and to preserve by tradition from father to | son, the history of their ancestors, and the example of i [380] their fine actions and of their greatest qualities, some- | thing which would otherwise be lost to them, and would deprive them of a knowledge of their relationships, which | they preserve by this means; and it serves to transmit their — [family] alliances to posterity. On these matters they are very inquisitive, especially those descended from the ancient | chiefs; this they sometimes claim for more than twenty | generations, something which makes them more honoured | by all the others. They observe certain degrees of relationship among them: which prevents their marrying together.” This is never done by brother to sister, by nephew to niece, or cousin to cousin, — that is to say, so far as the second degree, for beyond that they © can doit. If a young married woman [381] has no children © by her husband at the end of two or three years, he can divorce’ her, and turn her out to take another. He is not held to” service as in the case of the first; he simply makes presents of _ robes, skins, or wampum. I shall tell in its proper place what © this wampum is. He is obliged to make a feast for the father of the girl, but not so impressive a one as on the first occasion.” If she becomes pregnant he gives a great feast to his relatives 7 otherwise he drives her out like the first, and marries another. — This wife being pregnant, he sees her no more. As to these — matters, they take as many women as they please provided that

1 A very widespread aboriginal custom. For our Indians it is mentioned, ~ with more or less additional detail, by Biard (III. 105), Le Clercq (360), Dieré- ville (165), and Maillard (51). a

2 Discussed also by Le Clercq (386), and by Lescarbot (741).

AMERICA. CHAP. XXIII 411

they are good hunters, and not lazy.’ Otherwise the girls will

not accept them. [382] One sees Indians who have two or

| three wives pregnant at the same time; it is their greatest joy

to have a large number of children. For all these festivities of weddings and feasts they adorn

themselves with their most beautiful clothes. In summer the

men have robes of Moose skin, well dressed, white, ornamented

_ with embroidery two fingers’ breadth wide from top to bottom, both close and open work. Others have three rows at the _ bottom, some lengthwise, and others across, others in broken

chevrons, or studded with figures of animals, according to the

fancy of the workman.’

They work all these fashions in colours of red, violet, and

blue, applied on the [383] skin with some isinglass. They

had bones fashioned in different ways which they passed quite hot over the colours, in a manner somewhat like that in which

one gilds the covers of books. When these colours are once

|

applied, they do not come off with water. ‘To dress their skins, these are soaked and stretched in the sun, and are well-heated on the skin side for pulling out the

_hair. Then they stretch them and pull out the hair with bone

instruments made on purpose, somewhat as do those who pre-

J

| pare a skin for conversion into parchment. ‘Then they rub it with bird’s liver and a little oil. Next, having rubbed it well

between the hands, they dress it over a piece of polished wood

_made shelving on both sides [384] just as is done to dress the

skins for making gloves upon an iron. ‘They rub it until it becomes supple and manageable. ‘Then they wash it and twist

it with sticks many times, until it leaves the water clean. Then they spread it to dry. For the skins dressed with the hair, these are only treated

* The marriage relations here described are confirmed in their main features by the other early writers. * Confirmed by Lescarbot (672, 719), by Biard (III. 75), and by Le

Clercq (57).

412 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

with the livers, with which they are well rubbed by hand ; they are passed repeatedly over the sticks to dress them well. If they are not then soft enough, more of the livers is added and they are once more rubbed until they are pliable; then they are dried. Allof those robes, whether for men or for women, are made like a blanket. [385] The men wear them upon — their shoulders, tying the two ends with strings of leather — under the chin, while all the remainder is not closed up. They © show the whole body with the exception of their privy parts, — which are hidden by means of a very supple and very thin — skin. This passes between their legs and is attached at the — two ends to a girdle of leather which they have around them; — and it is called a truss [drayer].’

The women wear this robe in Bohemian fashion. The — opening is on one side. They attach it with cords in two places, some distance apart, in such a way that the head can - pass through the middle and the arms on the two sides.” | Then they double the two ends one [328, viz. 386] above | the other, and over it they place a girdle which they tie very tightly, in such manner that it cannot fall off. In this way they are entirely covered. They have sleeves of skin which are attached together behind. They have also leggings of’ skin, like stirrup stockings, without feet ; the men wear these. likewise. j

They also make moccasins of their old robes of Moose skin, which are greasy and better than new. Their moccasins | are rounded in front, and the sewing redoubles on the end of the foot, and is puckered as finely as a chemise. It is done very neatly; the girls make them for themselves embellished

1 In Canadian French dvayet is now anything put on to cover the person in bathing.

2 Le Clercq (53) gives a similar account of their dress, adding that the men > wear it somewhat as in the pictures Hercules wears the lion’s skin. Lescarbot (702) makes precisely the same comparison, and adds that the women wear _ theirs somewhat as in the pictures of Saint John the Baptist. Lescarbot gives a much fuller account of their winter dress. |

AMERICA. CHAP. XXIII 413

with colours, the seams being ornamented with [387] quills of Porcupine, which they dye red and violet.

They have some very beautiful colours, especially their flame-colour, which surpasses all that we see in this country of this nature. It is made from a little root as thick as a thread.’ As for the leaf, they are not willing to show it, something which is unusual with them. Such were approximately their summer clothes. During the winter their robes are of Beaver, of Otter, of Marten, of Lynx, or of Squirrel, always marta- chées,” that is to say, painted.

Even their faces, when they go to ceremonies with their fine clothes, are painted in red or violet; or else they [388] make long and short rays of colour, according to fancy, on the nose, over the eyes, and along the cheeks, and they grease the hair with oil to make it shine. Those who are finest among _ them look like a masquerade. Such are their fineries on their _ days of holiday-making.

1 This plant was without doubt the small bedstraw, the variety called in the | older, and as well in the newest, works Galium tinctorium. Its identity is made

certain by Slafter, in the Otis-Slafter Champlain (III. 14, 15), who cites Kalm _ as stating that the Indians used the roots of this plant to dye their porcupine

» quills red, and that the colour stood the weather well.

* This word is apparently of Micmac origin; it is so stated by Lescarbot | (732). But I have not been able to find its equivalent in modern Micmac. The | word is said to be still in use among the Canadian French.

[389] CHAPTER XXVI fie. XXIV]

Of their head-dress, of their ornaments, and of their finery. Of the regimen which they observe during their illnesses ; of their amusements and conversations. Of the work of the men and of the women, and of their more usual occupations.

a “AO distinguish the men and the women from the boys and the girls by their ornaments; the first have the hair cut below the ears. The boys wear theirs

[390] of full length ; they tie it in tufts on the two sides with

cords of leather. The dainty ones have theirs ornamented

with coloured Porcupine quills. The girls wear theirs also full length, but tie it behind with the same cords. But the belles, who wish to appear pretty, and who know how to do good work, make ornamental pieces of the size of a foot or eight inches square, all embroidered with Porcupine quills of all colours. It is made on a frame, of which the warp 1s threads of leather from unborn Moose, a very delicate sort ; the quills of Porcupine form the woof which they pass through these threads, just as one makes tapestry, and it is very well

made. All around they make a fringe of the same [391]

threads, which are also encircled with these Porcupine quills in

a medley of colours. In this fringe they place wampum,

white and violet. They make of it also pendants for the ears,

which they have pierced in two or three places. This wampum [porcelene] is nothing else than the teeth of

a certain fish which is caught by the Indians of New England,

and which was really rare among them.’ In those times it

1 Our author is in error as to the source of wampum; it was really made

from the shells of molluscs—the white from a species of Busycon and the purple 414

.

He

NATURAL HISTORY 415

was valued greatly among them, though it is common at present. Each grain is the length of half the width of a finger. It was all their ornament, in every kind of work in which it was necessary to sew with aneedle. The latter was that awl of which I have already spoken, or a bodkin of bone, [392] well pointed for making a little hole, and they passed through it a thread, which was made from the tendon of a Moose, found along the spine of the back. When this tendon is well beaten it separates into threads, as fine as one wishes. It is with these they sew all their robes, which never rip out. Such is the ornamentation of the girls. As soon as they are married, the mother in delivering them to their husbands, cuts their hair. This is the symbol of marriage, as it is also for the husband. |

The law which they observed in old times was this—to do to another only that which they wished to be done to them. They had no worship.’ All lived in good friendship and understanding. ‘They refused nothing to one [393] another.

If one wigwam or family had not provisions enough, the

neighbours supplied them, although they had only that which was necessary for themselves. And in all other things it was the same. ‘They lived pure lives; the wives were faithful to their husbands, and the girls very chaste. ‘They were not subject to diseases, and knew nothing of fevers. If any accident happened to them, by falling, by burning, or in cutting wood, [the latter happening] through lack of good axes, theirs being unsteady through failure to cut well, they did not need a physician. They had knowledge of herbs, of which they made use and straightway grew well. They were not subject to the from the round clam or quahog, Venus mercenaria. Anaccount of wampum in Acadia is in the Bulletin of the Natural History Society of New Brunswick, No. VIII., 1889, 12,91. Lescarbot (732) also says the Acadian Indians obtained it from those of New England. Compare also Thwaites, /esuzt Relations, VIII. 312, where other references may be found.

1 This is our author’s only reference to this subject, to which the other writers, Lescarbot, Biard, and Le Clercq especially, give much attention.

416 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

gout, gravel, fevers, or rheumatism.’ ‘Their [394] general remedy was to make themselves sweat, something which they did every month and even oftener. I tell this for the men, for I have never had knowledge that the women made them- selves sweat. For this purpose, they constructed a little round wigwam to hold as many as four, five, six, seven, or eight or more. [hese wigwams were covered with bark from top to bottom, entirely closed up with the exception of a little opening for entering, and the whole was covered besides with their garments. Whilst this was being done, large rocks were gathered and placed in the fire, and made red hot. After this those who wished to sweat placed themselves wholly naked in the wigwam, seated on their buttocks all around. Being therein, [395] their wives, or some boys, gave them these rocks all red-hot, with a big dish full of water and another small dish for pouring the water upon the rocks which were placed in the middle of the circle. This water which they poured upon the rocks made a steam which filled the cabin, and heated it so much that it made them sweat. When they commenced to sweat they threw on more water only from time to time. When the rocks were cold they threw them outside, and they were given others all red-hot. They did not make haste in the sweating, but heated up little by little, but so thoroughly that the water trickled over them in all parts, and these they wiped down from time to time with the hand. ‘They remained there [396] as long as they could, and they stuck to it an hour and a half ortwohours. During this time they chanted songs, and told stories to make them- selves laugh. When they wished to come out, they dashed on the water as much as they could from head to foot, and then, making a run, went to throw themselves into the sea or ariver. Being refreshed they put their robes upon them; and then went into their wigwams as composed as

1 Substantiated, with further particulars, by Le Clercq (394).

AMERICA. CHAP. XXIV 417

ever. Our Frenchmen make themselves sweat like them, and throw themselves into the water similarly, and are never incom- moded thereby. The water in those parts never injures the health. In the winter when our men go a hunting, sometimes they have no Dogs, and [when] they kill [397] game those who know how to swim throw themselves into the water to go after it. On returning to the house and changing their clothes, they receive no inconvenience, and never catch cold therefrom.

If they were ill and dying of old age, or by some accident happening through trees or other object falling upon them, or where there was no apparent cause, there were old men who claimed to speak to the manitou, that is to say, the Devil, who came to whisper to them.” These fellows put many superstitions into the mind, of which I have mentioned several in the foregoing. They were men who had some cunning more than the others, and made them believe all they wished, and passed for their physicians. ‘These fellows [398] came there

‘to see the sick man, and asked of him where his ill was.

After being well informed in all, they promised health, by blowing on him. For this purpose they set themselves a dancing, and speaking to their manitou. They danced with such fury that they emitted foam as big as the fists on both sides of the mouth. During this performance they approached the patient from time to time, and at the place where he had declared he felt the most pain, they placed the mouth upon it, and blew there with all their might for some time, and then commenced again to dance. Following this, they returned again to the sick man to do just the same as before. Then they said it was the manitou which had possession of him, and

1 These sweat baths were very widely used by the American Indians. Le Clercq (512) and Dieréville (184) mention their use by our Micmacs.

2 Among our Micmacs, as among all the American Indians, the Medicine- man played a very important part, and his various actions are fully described by

all our writers, by Lescarbot (679), by Biard (III. 117), by Le Clercq (329), by Dieréville (163), and by Maillard (37).

418 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

that he [the sick man] had passed through several places [399] where he had not rendered the accustomed homage,’ or some other similar follies. And [they said] that in time they hoped to make him get out. This lasted sometimes seven to eight days, and finally they made a pretence of drawing some- thing from his body by dexterously showing it, saying— ‘‘ There, there, he has gone out; now he is ¢uped:7) yaaa often in fact the man got well through imagination. And if the patients did not grow well, they found some other excuse, such as that there were several manitous, that they had been unwilling to go out, and that they had too far ignored them. They always made out a good case for them- selves. One never omitted to give them something, though not so much as if he had been entirely [400] cured. Those medicine-men were lazy old fellows who would no longer go hunting, and who received from others everything they needed. If there were any fine robes, or other rarity in a wigwam, that was for Monsieur the Medicine-man. When animals were killed, all the best parts were sent to him. When they had cured three or four persons, they never lacked anything more, This it was not difficult for them to do, since the greatest malady of the Indians proceeded only from their imagination. This being removed from the mind, immediately they became well.

The Indians were very fond of feats of agility, and of hearing stories. There were some [401] old men who com- posed them, as one would tell children of the times of the fairies, of the Asses’ skin, and the like. But they compose them about the Moose, the Foxes, and other animals, telling that they had seen some powerful enough to have taught others to work, like the Beavers, and had heard of others which could speak. ‘They composed stories which were pleasing and spirited. When they told one of them, it was always as

1 Evidently of the kind mentioned by our author on pages 41, 42 of Vol. I. of his book.

AMERICA. CHAP. XXIV 419

heard from their grandfather. These made it appear that they had knowledge of the Deluge, and of matters of the ancient Law.' When they made their holiday feasts, after being well filled, there was always somebody [402] who told one so long that it required all the day and evening with intervals for laughing. ‘They were great laughers. If one was telling a story, all listened in deep silence; and if they began to laugh, the laugh became general. During such times they never failed to smoke. They had a certain green tobacco, the leaf of which was not longer than the finger, nor any broader.’ They dried it, and made it into a loaf, in the form of a cake, four inches thick. The smoke was not strong, the tobacco

| good and very mild. Those story-tellers who seemed more

clever than the others, even though their cleverness was nothing more than sportiveness, did not fail to make fun of

_ those who took [403] pleasure in listening to them.

As to the work of the men, it consisted in making their

_ bows, which were of Maple, an unsplit piece. In fashioning

them, they made use of their axes and knives; for polishing

| them, they used shells of Oysters or other shells, with which _ they polished as can be done with glass. ‘Their arrows were _ of Cedar, which splits straight ; they were nearly half a fathom -inlength. They feathered them with Eagles’ quills. In place of iron they tipped them with bone. The frames of their - snow-shoes were of Beech, of the thickness of those used in ‘playing tennis, but longer and thicker and of the same form

without a handle. The length of each was as a rule the

distance from the waist to the ground. They [404] placed

+ Our author gives but a scant idea of the very rich legendary and folk-lore

ofthe Micmacs. Their principal stories have been collected and published by Silas Rand, Legends of the Micmacs (New York, 1894), and in more popular

form in The Algonquin Legends of New England, by C.G. Leland (Boston, 1884), and in Kuloskap, the Master, by Leland and Prince (New York, 1902). Denys was in error in thinking they were composed upon the spot, and in fact they /ad been related by the narrator’s grandfather.

* This, I presume, was the leaf of a willow. Le Clercq (515) gives some account of their use of tobacco.

420 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

there two pieces of wood which ran across, at a distance from one another equal to the length of the foot. They were corded with Moose skin, dressed to parchment; this was cut into very long cords [which were] both thick and thin. The thick were placed in the middle part of the snow-shoe, where the foot rests between the two sticks, while the thin were used at the two ends.’ Close against the stick in front there was left an opening in the middle of the snow-shoe to admit the end of the foot in walking. This was in order that the snow-shoe might not rise behind, and that it might do nothing but drag. It was usually the women who did the cording.

Their lances were also of Beech, at the end of which [405] they fixed a large pointed bone. They used them to spear animals when there was deep snow.

For making their canoes they sought the largest Birch trees they could find. They removed the bark of the length of the canoe, which was of three to four fathoms and a half [in length]. The breadth was about two feet in the middle, and always diminished towards the two ends, falling away to nothing. The depth was such that for a man seated it came up to his armpits. The lining inside for strengthening it was of slats, of the length of the canoe and some four inches ~ broad, lessening towards the ends in order that they might " match together. On the inside the canoe was lined with — them [406] completely, as well as all along it from one end to the other. These slats were made of Cedar, which is light, and which they split in as great lengths as they wished, and also as thin as they pleased. They also made from the same wood half-circles to form ribs, and gave them their form in the fire.

For sewing the canoe, they took roots of Fir of the thickness of the little finger, and even smaller; they were

1 This description is accurate ; the Indians still make them thus.

AMERICA. CHAP. XXIV 421

very long." They split these roots into three or four parts, that is the largest ones. These split more easily than the Osiers used in making baskets. They made these into packages, which they placed in the water for fear lest they might dry up. There were also necessary two [407] sticks of the length of the canoe, entirely round, and of the thick- ness of a large cane, and four other shorter sticks of Beech. All these things being ready, they took their bark and bent and fixed it in the form the canoe should have; then they placed the two long pieces all along and sewed them to the rim inside with these roots. To sew they pierced the bark with a punch of pointed bone and passed through the hole an end of the wicker, | drawing and tightening the stick as closely as they could | against the bark, and always enwrapping the stick with the wicker so that hey were in contact with one another. The sticks being well sewed on all along, [480, viz. 408] they placed also the smaller pieces of beech crosswise, one in the middle, entering at its two ends into holes made in the pieces | with which the canoe is rimmed, and three others in front of it, distant a half fathom from one another, which lessened in length with the shape of the canoe. Three others also were placed backward at the same distances. All these pieces entered also at their ends into holes which were made in the Pieces sewed all along the canoe, to which they were so firmly attached on both sides that the canoe could neither enlarge nor narrow. | Then are placed in position those big slats with which they | lined all the interior of the canoe from top to bottom, [409] | |

= eS

and they were all made to touch one another. To hold them in place, they put over them those half-circles, the ends of | which were brought to join on both sides below those pieces which were sewn all around on the top. They drove these in with force, and they lined all the canoe with them from one

1 These were roots of the black spruce, used by the Indians to this day. Die

422 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

end to the other. This made the canoe stiff to such a degree that it did not yield at any point.

There were seams in it, for in order to narrow it at the two ends, they split the bark from above downwards; they then overlapped the two edges one over the other, and sewed them. But to prevent the seams from admitting water, the women and girls chewed the gum of the Fir every day until it became a [410] salve which they applied by aid of fire all along the seams, and this tightened them better than pitch. All this being done, the canoe was finished, and it was so light that a single man could carry it on his head.

The paddles were of Beech, the blade of an arm’s length and of the breadth of half a foot or thereabouts; the handle is a little longer than the blade, and both are in one piece. Three, four, and five persons, both men and women, rowed

together, [so that] it went extremely swiftly. They also went with a sail, which was formerly of bark but oftener of | a well-dressed skin of a young Moose. Had they a favourable —

wind they went as swiftly [411] as the throw of a stone. One canoe carried as many as eight or ten persons.’ The work of the women was to go fetch the animal

after it was killed, to skin it, and cut it into pieces for cook- |

ing. To accomplish this they made the rocks red hot, placed | them in and took them out of the kettle, collected all the | bones of the Moose, pounded them with rocks upon another |

of larger size, [and] reduced them to a powder; then they —

placed them in their kettle, and made them boil well. This

brought out a grease which rose to the top of the water, and © they collected it with a wooden spoon. They kept the bones -

boiling until they yielded nothing more, and with such success

1 Our author is describing the large Micmac canoes, and his description is | accurate, for the Indians build them thus to this day. The only change in |

their method lies in the use of nails for fastening the bark to the gunwales, and of pitch in place of gum, Compare the illustrated article on this subject

by Tappan Adney in Oxting, for May 1900, 185-189. Lescarbot (774) has a —

brief but good description of them.

AMERICA. CHAP. XXIV 423

that from the bones of one Moose, [412] without counting the marrow, they obtained five to six pounds of grease as white as snow, and firm as wax. It was this which they used as their entire provision for living when they went hunting. We call it Moose butter; and they Cacamo,'

They made their dishes, large and small, of bark. They

sewed them with the Fir roots so well that they held water. They ornamented some of them with quills of Porcupine. They made bags of flattened rushes, which they plaited one within another. They went to the woods to fetch dry fuel, which did not smoke, for warming and for burning in the -wigwam. Any other kind of wood was good for the kettle, since that was always outside the wigwam. [413] They fetched the water, dressed the skins, made the robes, the sleeves, the stockings, and the moccasins, corded the snow- shoes, put up and took down the wigwams. They went to fetch Fir with which they lined all the inside of the wigwam _ to four fingers’ depth, with the exception of the middle, where the fire was made, which was not so lined. They arranged it so well that it could be raised all as one piece. It served them also as mattress and as pillow for sleeping. , The coverlet was a skin of Bear or of young Moose, of which the hair is very long and thick. When they went to bed they unfastened their robes which served them as blankets. They all had their feet to the fire, [414] which never died out; they kept it always going, throwing on it wood of which the stock was at the door.

When they changed their location in order to camp in another place, the women carried everything.” Their daughters

1 Evidently a Micmac word ; it is, no doubt, the Awoo, “a cake of tallow,” of Rand’s Micmac Dictionary (261), with some prefix. Le Clercq (114) calls it pain de cacamos.

2 That the women did all the menial work was simply in agreement with universal aboriginal custom, and all of our writers mention the fact for our Indians. Both Lescarbot and Biard have special sections on the work of the men and the women.

424 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

big and little carried also according to their strength. They were thereby accustomed at a young age to work, as well as to everything they had to do, even to masticating the Fir gum. In consequence they never had toothache, and their teeth were well kept and white as snow.’ If the ladies of France would make use of this gum, I do not question they would obtain from it the same advantages. For it is well to note here that the men [415] who lived on the same diet neverthe- less had not teeth so fine as those of the women, who were obliged to chew the Fir gum for caulking their canoes.

The work of the men was to make the frames of the snow-shoes, bend them, polish them, place the two bars across them, and make them all ready to be corded. They made their bows, their arrows, and the wooden handles to receive the big bones with which they killed the Moose, the Beavers, and everything which they speared. ‘They made also the boards on which the women placed their children, and all other articles of wood.

They made also their pipes for holding their tobacco. They made them [416] of wood, with a claw of Lobster, which is properly a Sea-crayfish. They made them also of a certain green stone, and of another which is red, with the stem, the whole in one piece.”

To hollow and pierce the stem, they made use of their bone, of which the point was a little flattened and sharpened; by dint of turning back and forth they hollowed the stone

1 Le Clercq (393) gives a similar account.

2 Pipes supposed to be of aboriginal Micmac manufacture have been described by G. Patterson (Proceedings and Transactions of the Nova Scotian Institute, V\1., 1889, 248), by Harry Piers (zézd., 286, and IX., 1896, 52), and by S. W. Kain (Bulletin of the Natural History Society of New Brunswith, XIX., 1901, 295), and there is a summary account of the subject by J. D. M‘Guire (in Report of the U.S. National Museum, Washington, D.C., 1897, p- 479). Among all of these pipes, however, there is no one in which bowl and stem forma single piece, though Mr. Piers, in his second paper, describes and figures one of this kind which he supposes not to be Micmac. Our authors description shows that it may, after all, be Micmac.

AMERICA. CHAP. XXIV 425

and pierced the stem. In the same way, and by virtue of time, they came to the end of it. All of their work was never very pressing, and all that they did of this sort was only for their amusement. As to their other kinds of pipes, they were of two pieces. The stems were made of a certain wood which our sailors [417] call pipe [ca/umet] wood.’ They made the stems of them of a foot or a foot and a half in length. In order to pierce them they made a ring at an inch from one end, from which they removed the wood all around as far as the middle, which they left as large as the wick of a candle; this seems like the pith, but it has none of it, or so little that it seems like none. They took this wick in their teeth which they shut tightly, and [took] all the rest of the stick in their hands, which they turned little by little and very carefully. This : wick twisted so well that it detached itself inside the stick, | being loosened from one end to the other of its proper thick- /ness. It was then drawn out very carefully with a constant turning of the [418] stick which in this manner became pierced. | Then they polished it, and reduced it to the thickness neces- sary to make it enter the hole of the pipe. This was some- ‘times of hard wood, sometimes of Moose bone, or the claw of Lobster, or Sea-crayfish, and of other material according to _the fancy of him who took it upon himself to make it. 1 This was no doubt some species of willow, for not only is this probable in

the nature of the case, but Rand in his Micmac Reader (58), gives an Indian name for “ Pipe-stem wood (a species of willow).”

[419] CHAPTER XXV

The Hunting of Moose, of Bears, of Beavers, of Lynxes, and

other animals according to their seasons.

Chk: hunting by the Indians in old times was easy for ~ them. They killed animals only in proportion as ~ they had need of them. When they were tired of — eating one sort, they killed some of another. If they did not ~ wish longer to eat meat, they caught some fish. They never — made an accumulation of skins of Moose, Beaver, Otter, or others, but only so far as they [420] needed them for personal ~ use. They left the remainder where the animals had been © killed, not taking the trouble to bring them to their camps. The hunting of the Moose in summer took place by surprising them. The Indians knew approximately the places — where they could be found. In those localities they beat the woods, going from one part to another to find their tracks. — Having found one they followed it, and they knew by the ~ track, and even from the dung, whether it was male or female, — and whether it was old or young. By its track they knew — also whether they were near the beast; then they considered — whether there was any thicket or meadow near by where the © beast would be likely to be, judging from the direction [421] — it was taking. They were rarely mistaken. They made a ~ circle around the place where it was, in order to get below the wind so as not to be discovered by the Moose. They — approached it very softly, fearful of making noise enough to reveal themselves to it. Having discovered it, if they were not near enough they approached closer until within arrow-shot, which is from forty-five to fifty paces. Then they launched 426

NATURAL HISTORY 4:27

their blow against the beast, which rarely fell to a single arrow. Then it was necessary to follow its track. Sometimes the beast would stop, hearing no more noise. Knowing this from its pace, they went slowly and tried to approach it yet a- [422] gain, and gave it still another arrow-shot. If this did not make it drop, they had again to follow it, even to evening, when they camped near the beast, and in the morning went again to take up the track. The animal being sluggish in rising because of the blood it had lost, they gave it a third shot, and made it drop, [thus] accomplishing the killing. They then broke off some branches to mark the place, in order to send their wives to find it.

But after having delivered the two first blows, they endeavoured to get in front of it to make it turn towards the camp, following it and making it approach until it fell dead from lack of strength. Often they [423] worked it up very close to the camp. They always found several together, but in summer they can never follow more than one.

In the spring the hunting was still made thus, as it was

except when the females enter on the rutting-time. At that

time the hunting was done at night upon the rivers in a canoe. Counterfeiting the cry of the female, the Indians with a dish of bark would take up some water, and let it fall into the water from a height. ‘The noise brought the male, who thought it was a female making water. For this object they let themselves go softly along the stream; if they were ascending, they paddled very softly, and from time to time they made water fall, counterfeiting [424] always the female. They went all along the border of the river, and if there was any male in the woods who heard the sound of this water, he came there. Those who were in the canoe would hear him coming, because of the noise the beast made in the woods, and they kept on constantly imitating the cry of the female, which made him come close up to them. They were all ready to draw upon him, and never missed him. The darkest night

428 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

was best for this hunting, and also the most calm, [since] the wind prevented the noise made by the fall of the water from being heard.’

In winter the hunting was different. Because of the snow, snow-shoes were used, by [425] means of which one marches over the snow without sinking in, especially in the morning, because of the freezing in the night. At that time it bears the Dogs, but the Moose does not find good going, because he sinks into the snow, which fatigues him greatly in travelling.

To find the Moose, the Indians ran about from one place to another, seeking wood that was bitten. For at this time of year they eat only the twigs of wood of the year’s growth. Where they found the wood eaten, they met straightway with the animals, which were not far distant, and approached them easily, they being unable to travel swiftly. They then speared them with the lance, which is the large shaft of which I have spoken; [426] at its end is fixed that large pointed bone which pierces like a sword. But if there were several Moose in the band, they made them flee. At that season the Moose arranged themselves one after another, and made a large ring of a league and a half, or two leagues, and some- times of more, and beat down the snow so well by virtue of moving around, that they no longer sank into it.” The one in front becoming weary, dropped to the rear. But the Indians, who were more clever than they, placed themselves in ambush, and waited for them to pass, and there they speared them. ‘There was always one person chasing them; at each circuit always one of them fell; but in the end they scattered into the woods, some in one direction and some in another. There [427] fell always five or six, and, when the snow would carry, the Dogs followed whatever ones were left.

1 This method of hunting the moose, by imitating the call and acts of the female, is that most practised by hunters to this day. Itis known as “ calling.” This is the earliest mention of it that I have found. Le Clercq (474) gives a similar description.

2 This is an accurate description of the well-known habit of “ yarding.”

VW

AMERICA. CHAP. XXV 429

Not a single one could escape. But in those times they killed only their provision, and they only went hunting in proportion as they had need of meat. All their hunting and fishing were done only as they had need for food.’

The hunting of the Beaver took place in summer with arrows, when they were taken in the woods, or else in the lakes or ponds, where the Indians placed themselves in canoes at a proper spot to watch until they came to the surface of the water to take air. But the commonest and most certain way was to break their dam, and make them lose the water. [428] Then the Beavers found themselves without water, and did not know any more where to go; their houses showed everywhere. The Indians took them with blows of arrows and of spears; and, having a sufficiency, they left all the rest.

The Beavers, hearing no more noise, reassembled and set about repairing their dam. It is at this we have seen them working, and this makes it well believable that all I have said of their work is true.” I do not consider that the work of making their dams entirely anew is so difficult as to repair

them when broken in the middle.

In winter the hunting of them was done differently, the dams and the lakes being all frozen. Then the [429] Indians have their Dogs, which area kind of Mastiff, but more lightly built. ‘They have the head of a Fox, but do not yelp, having only a howl which is not of great sound.’ As for their teeth,

’ The hunting of moose on the snow was a main reliance of the Indians in winter, and practically every writer from Champlain (191, Laverdiére ed.) on- ward speaks of it. In consequence in winters when the snow was scant, and they could not thus capture the moose, they were often reduced to misery if not Starvation, as several times shown in the Jesuzt relations (XXXII. 41, XLV. 61, XLIX. 159). Le Clercq gives a special account of their moose hunting (470), as in brief does Lescarbot (804). There is more about the moose in our author’s earlier chapter at page 320 of this volume of his book.

2 He refers to the elaborate exaggerations given earlier, at page 284 of his book, where there is much other information about the beaver. The hunting of the beaver is described also, with some differences of detail, by Lescarbot (807), by Le Clercq (475), and by Dieréville (128).

* Lescarbot (804) gives a brief account of the Indian dogs.

430 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

these are longer and sharper than those of Mastiffs. These Dogs serve for hunting the Moose, as I have related, in the spring, summer, and autumn, and in the winter when the snows will bear them. ‘There is no hunter who has not from seven to eight of them. They cherish them greatly. If they have little ones which the mother cannot nourish, the women suckle them ; when they are large they are given soup. When they are in condition to be serviceable, they are given nothing but [430] the offal of the beasts which are killed. If eight days pass without any animals being killed, they are just so long without eating. As to the bones, they are not given any, for fear of damaging their teeth, not even those of the Beaver. If they should eat of that, it would keep the Indians from killing any, and the same if one were to burn them.’ For it is well to remark here that the Indians had many superstitions about such things, of which it has been much trouble to dis- abuse them. If they had roasted an Eel, they also believed

that this would prevent them from catching one another time. | They had in old times many beliefs of this kind, which they —

have no more at the present time, and of which we have disabused them.

[431] Their wealth was in proportion to their Dogs, and as | a testimony to a friend of the esteem in which they held him, | they give him that Dog to eat which they valued the most; — [this was] a mark of friendship. ‘They say that it 1s very

good eating. They still do this, and the French eat it when —

they are present at their feasts, of which they tell great stories. They like it better than mutton. But that, nevertheless, has never given me any desire to eat it.

When they took their Dogs to hunt the Moose in spring,

summer, and autumn, the Dogs would run about for some —

time, some in one direction and some in another. The one

which first met some track followed it without giving tongue. — If he [432] overtook the beast, he got in front of it, jumping —

1 Fully confirmed, with additional details, by Le Clercq (356, 357).

AMERICA. CHAP. XXV 431

for the nose. “Then he howled. [The Moose amused himself, and wished to kick the Dog in front. All the other Dogs which heard it came running up and attacked it from all sides. It defended itself with its feet in front; the Dogs tried to seize its nose or ears. In the meantime the Indian arrives, and tries without being seen to approach within shot below the wind. For if the animal perceives him or his smell, the Moose takes to flight and scorns the Dogs, unless the hunter gives it an arrow-shot. Being injured, it has difficulty in saving itself from the Dogs, which follow it incessantly, as does also the Indian, who overtakes it [433] and shoots again. But sometimes the Dogs, which have seized the ears or the muzzle, drag it to earth before the Indian has come up. They are not inclined to abandon it, for very often they have had

nothing to eat for seven to eight days. The Indian arrives, completes the kill, splits open the belly, and gives all the

entrails to his Dogs, which have a great junket. It is this which makes the Dogs keen in the chase. As for the winter, when it has rained upon the snow, which [thus] can carry the Dogs, they made use of them as I have already described, because they have not at that time so much trouble to catch the Moose. For these cannot then run so fast; being much heavier than the Dogs, they sink into the snow, and are unable [434] to advance farther except by leaps.

As for that [hunting] of the Beavers, it also was done in winter with Dogs, but they were only used to find the houses in which they smelled the Beavers through the ice. Having found them, the Indians cut through the ice and made a hole large enough to let througha Beaver. Then they made another hole twenty-five or thirty paces away, on the open surface of the lake. In this place an Indian or two took their stand with a bow and an arrow which has a harpoon of bone at the end, made like a barbed rod, like that which was used in fishing the Sturgeon, but smaller.’ It has also a cord to which it is

1 As described earlier by our author on page 263 of this volume of his book.

432 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

attached at one end, and the Indian took hold of the other. Everything being ready, an- [435] other Indian went to the other hole near the house of the Beavers. Lying down on his belly upon the ice, he placed his arm through the hole to find the Beavers’ opening, that by which they place their tail in the water. There they are all arranged one against the other, that is to say, all those of one Beaver family. Having found them, the Indian passed his hand very gently along the back of one several times, and, approaching little by little to the tail, tried to seize it.

I have heard it said by the Indians that they have kept the arm so long in the water that the ice froze all around the arm. When they once seized the tail they drew the Beaver all [436] at one swoop out from the water upon the ice, and at the same time gave it the axe upon the head. They killed it for fear lest the Beaver bite them, for wherever these set their teeth they take out the piece. Having thus drawn one out they tried to obtain another, which they did in the same way, rubbing them gently. That does not put them to flight, for they imagine they are touching one another. But nevertheless three or four of them having been removed, the remainder take to flight and throw themselves into the water. Not being able to remain long without breathing, the daylight which shows over the hole out on the surface leads them to go there to get the air. The other Indians who are there in ambush, so soon as they appear, give them an arrow shot; [437] the harpoon, which has teeth, holds in some part of the Beaver from which it cannot be drawn out. ‘The cord is then pulled and the Beaver is drawn out through the hole; then they raise it upon the ice and kill it. Some time after there comes another which is taken in the same way. Few in a house are saved; they would take all. The disposition of the Indians is not to spare the little ones any more than the big

ones. They killed all of each kind of animal that there was _ when they could capture it. It is well to remark here that

AMERICA. CHAP. XXV 433

they were more fond of the young than of the grown of various species of animals, whatever these might be, to such a degree that often when they were chasing two Elks, male and female, they [438] quitted the male if they perceived that the female was pregnant, in order to obtain the young ones, for ordinarily they carry two, and it is for them a great dainty.’

As to the Bears, if they killed them in winter, it was necessary that they should happen upon them when hunting. Coming upon some large trees they looked to see whether there came out any breath in the form of vapour from within. If they saw any it was a sign that the Bear was there. They mounted upon the tree and killed the Bear with their spears; then they drew it out. In the spring they met them in the woods, when they followed their track. Or they killed them sometimes upon an Oak where they were eating acorns. ‘Then a shot [439] of an arrow straightway brought it to the ground, and so soon as it was down they gave it another arrow, and then they killed it with blows from axes.

| If they meet it upon the ground, and they draw upon it,

according to whether the Bear is hurt [or not] it [either] flees

‘or comes to the man, who has immediately another arrow

ready. If he does not bring it down, the Bear embraces him, and will very soon have torn him to pieces with its claws. But the Indian to escape this throws himself face down upon the ground. The Bear smells him, and if the man does not stir, the Bear turns him over and places its nose upon his mouth to find if he is breathing. If it does not smell the breath, it places its bottom on the [man’s] belly, crushes him as much as it can, and at the same time replaces its nose upon the mouth. If it [440] does not then smell the breath, and the man does not move, it leaves him there and goes fifteen or twenty paces away. Then it sits down on its haunches and watches [to see] if the man does not move. If the man re- mains some time immovable, it goes away. But if it sees him

1 Fully confirmed by Le Clercq (356).

434. NATURAL HISTORY

move, it returns to the man, presses him once more upon the belly for a long time, then returns to smell at his mouth. If it perceives that the man breathes it will press him like that until it believes it has suffocated him, if in the meantime its wounds do not bring it down. ‘To guard against this, it is necessary to take good care neither to breathe nor to move until it is far off. They do not do any other harm. When one has Dogs one is guaranteed against all this.

[441] As for the Lynxes, if the Indians meet them and they or their Dogs pursue them, this animal mounts intoa tree where it is easily killed, whilst the Dogs are terrifying it with their barkings. All the other animals are not really difficult to kill, and there is not one of them capable of attacking a man, at least unless it be attacked first.

They kill with the arrow only all kinds of game, both water and land, whether flying or upon the ground. As for the Squirrel, the Partridge, and other small game, it is the children who amuse themselves with that.

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[442] CHAPTER XXVI

The hunting of Birds and of Fishes, as well by day as by nighi ; and the ceremony of their Burial, with that which was cus- tomary when they were committed to the earth,

‘ie had still another kind of hunting by night, and one rather interesting. In certain closed coves which are under cover from the wind, the Wild Geese, the Brant, and the Ducks go to sleep out upon the surface, for on land they would not be safe because of the Foxes. To those places [443] the Indians went, two or three in a canoe, with torches which they made of Birch bark; these burn more brightly than torches of wax. Reaching

the place where all these birds are, they laid down in the

canoe, which they allowed to drift without their being seen.

The current carried them right into the midst of all these

birds, which had no fear of them, supposing them to be logs of wood which the sea was carrying from one place to another, something that often happens, which makes them accustomed to it. When the Indians were in their midst they lighted their torches all at once. This surprised the birds and obliged them all at the same moment to rise into [444] the air. The darkness of the night makes this light very con- spicuous, so that they suppose it is the sun or other [such] thing. ‘They all proceeded to wheel in confusion around the torches which an Indian held, always approaching the fire, and so close that the Indians, with sticks they held, knocked them down as they passed. Besides, by virtue of much

wheeling about, these birds became dizzy, so that they fell as 435

436 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

if dead; then the Indians took them and wrung their necks. As a result in a single night they filled their canoe.

‘The Indians used these torches also for fishing the Salmon and the Salmon Trout,’ [445] which is as powerful as the Salmon. There are there two species of Salmon; one is like that of France, while the other has the lower jaw more pointed, with a hook at the end which turns upwards. | believe nevertheless that it is the one which we call in France Becars.”. They are not less good than the others. All of them come from the sea and ascend the rivers in spring. There occur many pools in these rivers, in which the Salmon play after having ascended, which they have trouble in doing because of the falls which are found there. There are places where the water falls from eight, ten, twelve, and fifteen feet in height, up which the Salmon ascends.* They dart into the waterfall, and with five or [446] six strokes of the tail they get up. It is not that there are falls in all these rivers, but — in certain ones only. After having thus ascended, they disport » themselves in these pools. Having remained there some time — they ascend again still higher. To these places of rest the Indians went at night with their canoes and their torches. Where the pools are, there they carried their canoes through | the woods, and launched them where the Salmon or the Trout © were. These rarely are found together in the same pool. — Being there, they lighted a torch. The Salmon or the Trout, © seeing the fire which shines upon the water, come wheeling around the canoe. He who is standing up has in his hand

' On the identity of this fish consult the note earlier under page 275 of this volume of our author's book.

* There is some confusion here. But one species occurs in Acadia. The — salmon with the hooked jaw is the male, but the decard of France appears to — be the female salmon. :

5 The height of vertical fall up which a salmon can leap depends in part — upon the character of the pool below, but it certainly never exceeds the limit — given by our author. A striking study of leaping salmon, with a photograph,

taken on one of the rivers within our authors government, is that by D. G. Smith in Forest and Stream, February 15, 1902.

AMERICA. CHAP. XXVI 437

a harpoon [447 |, which is the same as that used for Beaver, and likewise is fixed in the end of a long shaft. So soon as he saw a fish passing he speared at it, and rarely missed. But sometimes the spear did not take hold, for want of catching on some bone; thus they lost their fish. This did not prevent them from taking a hundred and fifty to two hundred in a night.’

They make use also of another device. At the narrowest place of the rivers, where there is the least water, they make a fence of wood clear across the river to hinder the passage of the fish. In the middle of it they leave an opening in which they place a bag-net like those used in France, so arranged that it is inevitable [448] the fish should run into them. These bag-nets, which are larger than ours, they raise two or three times a day, and they always find fish therein. It is in spring that the fish ascend, and in autumn they descend and return to the sea. At that time they placed the opening of their bag-net in the other direction.

All that I have said so far about the customs of the

Indians, and of their diverse ways of doing things, ought to _ be understood only as the way in which they did them in old

times. To this I shall add their burials, and the ancient ceremonies of their funerals. When some one of them died,

there was great weeping in his wigwam. All his re-[449] latives and friends went there to weep, and this lasted three

or four days without their eating. During this time there was delivered his funeral oration. Each one spoke one after

_ another, for they never spoke two at a time, neither men nor women. In this respect these barbarians give a fine lesson to

those people who consider themselves more polished and wiser than they. A recital was made of all the genealogy of the dead man, of that which he had done fine and good, of the stories that he [the orator] had heard told of his ancestors, of 1 The Indians continued thus to spear salmon down to our own times, but they are now forbidden by law. O15

438 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

the great feasts and acknowledgments he had made in large number, of the animals he had killed in the hunt, and of all

the other matters they considered it fitting to tell in praise © of [450] his predecessors. After this they came to the dead —

man; then the loud cries and weepings redoubled. This

made the orator strike a pose, to which the men and women — responded from time to time by a general groaning, all at one — time and in the same tone. And often he who was speaking © struck postures, and set himself to cry and weep with the

others. Having said all that he wished to say, another began |

and said yet other things than the first. Then one after another, each after his own fashion, made his panegyric on —

the dead man. This lasted three or four days before the

funeral oration was finished.t After this it was necessary to make [451] great tabagie,”

that is to say festival, and to rejoice in the great gratification —

the deceased will have in going to see all his ancestors, his

relatives and good friends, and in the joy that each of them —

will have in seeing him, and the great feasts they will make ,

for him. They believed that, being dead, they went into —

another land where everything abounded plentifully, and ~ where they never had to work. _ The festival of joy being ©

finished it was necessary to do some work for the dead.

The women went to fetch fine pieces of bark from which they made a kind of bier on which they placed him well en- | wrapped. Then he was carried to a place where they had a staging built on purpose, and elevated eight or ten feet. On

this they placed the bier, and there they [452] left it abouta |

year, until the time when the sun had entirely dried the body.

During that time the wives of the deceased wept every time |

they met together in company, but not so long as the first time. Rarely the women re-married, or at least not until

after the end of a year. Usually if they had children who >

1 Le Clercq (261) describes also these funeral orations. 2 This word is French, adopted by our Indians. Compare Lescarbot (693).

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AMERICA. CHAP. XXVI 439

could support them, they did not re-marry at all, and lived always with their children in widowhood. The end of the year having passed, and the body [being] dry,’ it was taken thence and carried to a new place, which 1s their cemetery. There it was placed in a new coffin or bier, also of Birch bark, [453] and immediately after in a deep grave which they had made in the ground. Into this all his relatives and friends threw bows, arrows, snow-shoes, spears, ‘robes of Moose, Otter, and Beaver, stockings, moccasins, and everything that was needful for him in hunting and in clothing himself. All the friends of the deceased made him each his present, of the finest and best that they had. They competed as to who would make the most beautiful gift. At a time when they were not yet disabused of their errors, I have seen them give to the dead man, guns, axes, iron arrow- heads, and kettles,” for they held all these to be much more convenient for their use than would have been [454] their kettles of wood, their axes of stone, and their knives of bone, . a their use in the other world. There have been dead men in my time who have taken

away more than two thousand pounds of peltries. This

aroused pity in the French, and perhaps envy with it; but nevertheless one did not dare to go take the things, for this would have caused hatred and everlasting war, which it was not prudent to risk since it would have ruined entirely the trade we had with them. All the burials of the women, boys, girls, and children were made in the same fashion, but the weeping did not last so long. They never omitted to place with each one that which [455] was fitting for his use, nor to bury it with him.

It has been troublesome to disabuse them of that practice,

1 Compare a slightly different account by Le Clercq (521). Champlain (266 of Quebec ed.), Lescarbot (861), and Biard (III. 129) also give accounts of their mortuary customs, differing somewhat from our author’s description.

2 All early writers agree as to this custom. Compare Lescarbot (875),

440 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

although they have been told that all these things perished in the earth, and that if they would look there they would see that nothing had gone with the dead man. That was emphasised so much that finally they consented to open a grave, in which they were made to see that all was decayed. There was there among other things a kettle, all perforated with verdigris. An Indian having struck against it and found that it no longer sounded, began to make a great cry, and said that some one wished to deceive them. ‘‘ We see indeed,” said he, ‘the robes and all the rest, and if they are still there it is a sign that the dead man has not [456] had need of them in the other world, where they have enough of them because of the length of time that they have been furnished them.” ““But with respect to the kettle,” said he, “they have need of it, since it is among us a utensil of new introduction,

and with which the other world ‘cannot [yet] be furnished. —

Do you not indeed see,” said he, rapping again upon the —

kettle, ‘that it has no longer any sound, and that it no longer ©

says a word, because its spirit has abandoned it to go to be of use in the other world to the dead man to whom we have © given it?”

It was indeed difficult to keep from laughing, but much | more difficult to disabuse him. For being shown another — which was worn out from use, and being made to hear — that it [457] spoke no word more than the other,—“ ha,” said — he, ‘‘that is because it is dead, and its soul has gone to the land where the souls of kettles are accustomed to go.” And no other reason could be given at that time. Nevertheless, — they have been disabused of that in the end, though with much difficulty, some by religion, [some by] the example of our own customs, and nearly all by the need for the things which come from us, the use of which has become to them > an indispensable necessity. They have abandoned all their own utensils, whether because of the trouble they had as well to make as to use them, or because of the facility of

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AMERICA. CHAP. XXVI 441

obtaining from us, in exchange for skins which cost them almost nothing, the things which seemed to them invalu- [458] able, not so much for their novelty as for the convenience they derived therefrom. Above everything the kettle has always seemed to them, and seems still, the most valuable article they can obtain from us. This was rather pleasingly exempli- fied by an Indian whom the late Monsieur de Razilly sent from Acadia to Paris; for, passing by the Rue Aubry-bouche, where there were then many coppersmiths, he asked of his interpreter if they were not relatives of the King, and if this was not the trade of the grandest Seigniors of the Kingdom. This little digression must not make me forget to say here, before finishing this chapter on funerals, that to express a thing such [459] as it is when it can be no longer of use, they say ‘that it is dead. For example, when their canoe is broken, they

say that it is dead, and thus with all other things out of service.

[460] CHAPTER XXVII

The difference that there is between the ancient customs of the Indians, and those of the present.

HE Indians to-day practise still their ancient form of burial in every respect, except that they no longer place anything in their graves, for of this they are

entirely disabused. They have abandoned also those offerings, so frequent and usual, which they made as homage to their mantiou in passing by places in which there was some risk to be taken,’ or where indeed there had happened some [461] misfortune [or other]. This they did in order to avert the like from themselves or their families. They are also cured of other little superstitions which they had, such as giving the bones to the Dogs, roasting Eels,” and many others of that sort which are entirely abolished. [This is] as much through a spirit of self-interest as through any other reason; for they gave there often the most beautiful and rarest objects they had. But since they cannot now obtain the things which come from us with such ease as they had in obtaining robes of Marten, of Otter, or of Beaver, [or] bows and arrows, and since they have realised that guns and [462] other things were not found in their woods or in their rivers, they have become less devout. Or, it would be better to say, [they have become] less super- stitious since the time when their offerings have cost them so much. But they practise still all the same methods of hunting, with this difference, however, that in place of arming

1 Compare a case of this, at the Falls of Saint John, in our author's Vol

| Ie 2 Of which our author speaks earlier at page 430 of this volume of his book. 442

t

NATURAL HISTORY 443

their arrows and spears with the bones of animals, pointed and sharpened, they arm them to-day with iron, which is made expressly for sale to them. Their spears now are made of a sword fixed at the end of a shaft of seven to eight feet in length. These they use in winter, when there is snow, to spear the Moose, or for fishing Salmon, [463] Trout, and Beaver. ‘They are also furnished with iron harpoons, of the use of which we have spoken before.

The musket is used by them more than all other weapons, in their hunting in spring, summer, and autumn, both for animals and birds. With an arrow they killed only one Wild Goose; but with the shot of a gun they kill five or six of them. With the arrow it was necessary to approach an animal closely: with the gun they kill the animal from a distance with a bullet or two. The axes, the kettles, the knives, and everything that is supplied them, is much more convenient and portable than those which they had in former times, when they were obliged to go to camp near their grotesque [464] kettles, in place of which to-day they are free to go camp where they wish. One can say that in those times the immovable kettles were the chief regulators of their lives, since they were able to live only in places where these were.’

With respect to the hunting of the Beaver in winter, they do that the same as they did formerly, though they have nevertheless nowadays a greater advantage with their arrows and harpoons armed with iron than [they had] with the others which they used in old times, and of which they have totally abandoned the use.

As for their festivals, they make these as they did formerly. The women do not take part in them; and those who have

* Other references to these kettles occur earlier at pages 362 and 372 of this volume of our author’s book. No other writer, so far as I can find, speaks of these gigantic kettles and their curious determination of the camping- grounds.

444 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

_ their monthlies [465] are always separate. They always make speeches there, and dances; but the outcome is not the same. Since they have taken to drinking wine and brandy they are subject to fighting. Their quarrelling comes ordinarily from their condition; for, being drunk, they say they are all great chiefs, which engenders quarrels between them. At first it needed little wine or brandy to make them drunk.

But at present, and since they have frequented the fishing vessels, they drink in quite another fashion. They no longer have any regard for wine, and wish nothing but brandy. They do not call it drinking unless they become drunk, and do not think they have been drinking unless they fight and are hurt.’ [466] However when they set about drinking, their wives remove from their wigwams the guns, axes, the mounted swords [spears], the bows, the arrows, and [every weapon] even their knives, which the Indians carry hung from the neck. They leave nothing with which they can kill one another. ‘They permit that without saying a word, if it is before they commence to drink: otherwise the women do not dare enter the wigwams. Immediately after taking every- thing with which they can injure themselves, the women carry it into the woods, afar off, where they go to hide with all their children. After that they have a fine time, beating, injuring,

and killing one another. Their wives do not return until the

next day, when they are sober. [467] At that time the fighting can be done only with the poles of their wipwams, which they pull to pieces to allow this use. Afterwards their poor wives must go fetch other poles, and other pieces of bark to repair their lodging. And they must not grumble, other- wise they would be beaten.

If it is found that any one among them is hurt, he who _ will have done it asks his pardon, saying that he was drunk;

1 Our authors description, in the following pages, of the direful effects of liquor upon the morals and health of the Indians, is fully confirmed by Le Clereq (425 e¢ seg.), who gives also many additional details.

6 eee eee

ie

AMERICA. CHAP. XXVII 445

and he is pardoned for that. But if some one has been killed, it is necessary that the murderer, aside from the confession of his drunkenness and the pardon he asks, should make to the widow some present to which all the others condemn him. And to make the peace complete, he must pay [468] for another drinking bout. If he has not the skins, it is as if one were to say “I have not the money.”’ To buy the brandy it was then necessary that he sell his gun, his blanket, or other thing in order to get it. This will cost them five to six skins; they will give this to the fishermen for a bottle or two of brandy. Then they commence again to drink. If the brandy they have is not sufficient to make them drunk they will give everything they possess to obtain more. That 1s only a way of saying they will not cease drinking so long as they possess anything. Thus the fishermen are ruining

_ them entirely.

For as to the [trading] establishments, no one will ever give them so much that they are able to drink to the point of killing one another, and one sells to them dearer [469] than do the ships. It is the captains and sailors who supply it to them, to whom it costs no more than the original price. Through this they do not fail to make great gain. For all the expenses and charges of the ship, these are upon the owner, besides which the crew trades or bargains with the Indians using biscuit, lead, quite new lines, sails, and many other things at the expense of the said owners. This allows them to give the Indians two or three times more than they are given at the establishments, where there is nothing on which the freight or carriage alone does not cost sixty livres a ton, aside from purchase price and leakage. And aside from this there is given the Indians every time they come [470] to the estab- lishments a drink of brandy, a bit of bread and of tobacco as. they enter, however many they may be, both men and women. As for the children they are given only bread. They are again given as much when they goaway. And in addition it is

446 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

necessary to keep up a crew under wages aside from their keep. All of these attentions have been introduced in the past to attract the Indians to the establishments in order to be able more easily to instruct them in the Christian faith and religion. This has already been done for a very great number, through the labours of the Reverend Jesuit Fathers, who have retired thence seeing that there was nothing more to be done with these people, whom the frequentation of the ships kept [471] in perpetual drunkenness.’

At the present time, so soon as the Indians come out of the woods in spring, they hide all their best skins, bringing a few to the establishments in order to obtain their right to something to drink, eat, and smoke. They pay a part of that which was lent them in the autumn to support them, without which they would perish of hunger. They insist that this is all their hunting for the winter has produced. As soon as they have departed, they go to recover the skins which they have hidden in the woods, and go to the routes of the fishing ships and keep watch. If they see any vessels, they make great smokes to [472] let it be known that they are there. At the same time the ship nears the land, and the Indians take some skins and embark in their canoes to go to the ship, where they are well received. They are given as much as they want to drink and to eat to start them going. They are then asked if they have many skins, and if there are not other Indians, in addition to themselves, in the woods. If they say that there are, and that they have skins, presently a cannon-shot is fired from the largest piece, to let them know they are to come. This they do not fail to do as soon as they hear the cannon, and they bring their skins. During this time the ship shortens sail, and passes a day or two moving [473] back and forth awaiting the Indians who bring them one or two skins; they are received with the same cheer as the first, who have also a

1 Denys refers evidently to the abandonment of the Jesuit Missions at Miscou and Nepisiguit.

AMERICA. CHAP. XXVII 447

part in the good reception tendered the later comers, and they drink again together afresh. It is well to remark that when skins | peaux] are mentioned, simply without any addition, it is the same as saying skins of Moose, from which are made the best Buffalo skins [ duffles].

The evening being come they return on shore with some casks of brandy, and fall to drinking, but little for fear of getting drunk. They send again only their wives to the ship, who carry a skin and bring back brandy; and they send their Wives again in the same manner from time to time [474] in order to obtain their bottles of brandy. But if you wish to know why they do not take all they want to drink at one time, it is because their wives do not make trips to the ships without bringing back twenty-five or thirty sea-biscuits as a present, which each one makes them in return for some bark dishes and peschipotys.1 I think I have already said that these peschipoty are purses of leather ornamented for holding tobacco; they are the work of the women, and rather nicely made.

A peschipoty is anything which is closed by a string or

secured like a purse, provided that the whole does not surpass

in size a bag for [475] holding prayer-books. They are made of Marten, of Squirrel, of Muskrat, or other little animals ; others are of Moose skin, or of Sealskin; these are of the breadth of the hand and a little longer. One side is turned over the other with a little latchet which makes several turns to close it, in the fashion of our leather paper-holders. Those made of skins have strings like the purses, and all those peschipotys serve to hold tobacco or lead for hunting. The Indian women fix the price to the fishermen according to the kind of skin and

1 A Micmac word ; it is given (for a “ pouch”) in Rand’s Micmac Dictionary (201) as mijepode. ‘The preliminary 77 in many Indian words is so sounded as to be caught by Europeans as 4 or Z—hence the form given by our author. It occurs, obviously misprinted, in a document of 1653 in Rameau, Colonie féodale, IT. 413.

448 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

its fantastic ornamentation, which they call matachiez ; it is made from Porcupine quills, white, red, and violet, and some- times [476] with their wampum, of which I have already spoken. With these they obtain many things from the sailors. There is no one of these who is not willing to obtain the peschipoty at the expense of the corbz//on,' that is to say, ship’s biscuit and drink. They bring Martens and Squirrels for cravats, or other bagatelles which the women make. It is not that they sell at each voyage all they bring, [for] they know well how to manage their part, but [it is] only to show the goods and inculcate a desire for them. They promise things first to one then to another, but give nothing. During all the trading, they are promised much if they will go and find [the sailors] at the place where they are going to anchor to make their fishery, and this [471, viz. 477] the women make them hope [they will do]. After that each sailor gives them, secretly from one another, some ship’s biscuit; these they always take, assuring them they will go and meet them. But they do not go there at once, but remain still on shore, waiting for other ships to come past. Not one passes without their obtaining by the same methods two or three hundredweight of biscuit, and some good casks of brandy in return for two or three skins which they give. And there is this much certain, that as long as they are able to visit the ships, they never get drunk; for they would not then be able to preserve the judgment which is necessary for making dupes of the sailors and captains, and [478] for securing their bread. And besides so long as they can keep sober they drink without its costing them anything, both men and women. And they manage, moreover, so well that in the end they become drunk at the expense of the other party before having touched the brandy which they had obtained by trade. So much are they devoted

1 The little box containing the day’s rations of biscuit. Our author speaks of it in connection with the fishery at page 143 of this volume of his book. Here it is used for the ship’s provisions.

AMERICA. CHAP. XXVII 449

to their own interest, and their pleasure, and so clever in de- ceiving those who trust them.*

The ships having left them, they commence to drink in earnest on land. If there remain with them some women who like to drink, although they are certain of being well beaten, they do not give themselves any concern provided that they may get drunk. Those who do not wish to drink at so dear a price re- [479] tire with their children into the woods, and do not return until all the drunken orgie is passed ; this will last sometimes two or three days without cessation. After that it is found that heads, arms, and legs are badly bruised, and much hair is pulled out. Thus there is no apology to be made; each one is scored and cares only to think of himself. Their greatest remedy is the gum of the Fir, which is sovereign as balsam for wounds, in case there is no broken bone. If there are any of the latter, they know how to mend them and restore them to their proper condition. All this being finished, it is necessary to return where the fishermen are. There they commence again the same life so far as they have anything to drink, and they strip themselves totally naked. That is [480] to say, they sell everything and drink everything, saving only the biscuit for the winter. Thus they pass all the summer and part of the autumn, so long as there are ships on the coast ; and never does a year pass that there are not some six, seven, or eight Indians killed along this coast by drunkenness.

The women and the older girls also drink much but by stealth, and they go to hide themselves in the woods for that purpose. The sailors know well the rendezvous. It is those who furnish the brandy, and they bring them into so favourable a condition that they can do with them everything they will. All these frequentations of the ships have entirely ruined them, and they care no longer for Religion.” [475,

1 Father Biard (III. 81) also speaks of this ability of the Indians to outwit the Europeans.

All this, like the preceding, is fully confirmed by Le Clercq (430).

450 NATURAL HISTORY OF NORTH

viz. 481| They blaspheme the name of God, are thieves and cheats, and have no longer their former purity, neither women nor girls, at least those who drink. It is no longer a crime for a girl to bear children; indeed she is earlier married thereby, because there is assurance that she is not sterile. He who marries her takes the children. They do not divorce their wives now as they did formerly, and they have not so many, not being good hunters. This is because of their drunkenness, and because the animals are not so abundant. In addition to all the wickedness of which I have spoken, the fishermen have taught them to take vengeance upon one another. He who may desire ill to his companion, will make him drink in com- pany so much that it makes him [476, v7z. 482] drunk, during which time he holds himself in restraint. He acts as if he were as drunk as the others, and makes a quarrel. The fight being commenced, he has an axe or other weapon, which he had hidden before the drinking; this he draws and with it kills his man. He continues to make drunken orgie, and he is the last to awaken. The next day he is told that it is he who has killed the other man, at which he expresses regrets, and says that he was drunk. If the dead man was married, this false drunkard makes, or promises to make, a present to the widow ; if he is a boy, he testifies the same regrets to the father and mother, with promises also of making them pre- sents. If the dead man has brothers or relatives who are fond of him, he who has killed him 1s assured that [477, viz. 483] the same will be done to him, and sooner or later they will take vengeance.

Such is the great difference between their present customs and those of the past. If they have always the liberty of frequenting the ships, it will be still worse in the future. For their skins are not worth so much as they have been. To obtain as much drink as they have had, it will be necessary for them to use force, as they have already done with the ships which they have found alone, something which is

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em

AMERICA. CHAP. XXVII 451

happening rather often. They have already threatened them, and in the case of a little ship, which they found alone in a harbour, they have forced her to give them some. And they have plundered boats which were at the distant fishery.’ This is the return of all that which they have learned. And the Indians whom [478, viz. 484] the fishermen have taken to France have contributed still more to it through consort- ing there with blasphemers, in pot-houses and vile places, to which they have been taken. Then [there are] the wars which the French have made among themselves to dis- possess one another, through their ambition and desire to

_ possess everything; these things the Indians know well, and,

when one represents to them that they ought not to rob and ‘to pillage vessels, they say in prompt answer that we do the same thing among ourselves. ‘‘ Do not take your establish- ments one from another,” they say to us, ‘“‘and do not kill one another for that purpose; have we not seen you do it, and why are you not willing that we should do it? If one [479, viz. 485] is not willing to give it to us, we will take it.” That is what they say at present, and I do not see any remedy for it except through peopling the country, and through its coming to pass that his Majesty will there maintain each one in that which belongs to him, without its being given to another after it will have been put into good condition. For this has been done almost always up to the present, and has ruined those who had good intention to people it; for these have been replaced by those who sought only the large returns of trade. This not having proven as abundant as they had expected, they have abandoned everything and lost their time with all their investments. And it has even ruined the

country which should be at present in condition to be self

supporting, and to pre-[480, viz. 486] serve for the King the great profits which he has drawn from it, as would be the

’ Dégrat, fully explained by our author at page 191 of this volume of his book.

452 NATURAL HISTORY

case, the land being as good as it is, if it were only inhabited as it ought to be. Above all, I hope that God may inspire in those who have part in the government of the State, all the discretion which can lead them to the consummation of an enterprise as glorious for the King as it can be useful and advantageous to those who will take interest therein. This |

hope they may do, chiefly for the glory of God.

THE END

meee ni PTILON GEOGRAPHIQUE Po HISTORIQUE PES COSTES

DE LAMERIOVE

BEPFENTRIONALE.

Avec Histoire naturelle du Pais.

Par Monsieur DENYS, Gouverneur Lieutenant General pour le Roy, && proprietaire de toutes les Terres {3 Isles qui sont depuis le Cap de Campseaux, jusques au Cap des Roziers.

TOME > T:

A PARIS, ier. raps, BARBIN, au Palais,

sur le Perron de la sainte Chapelle.

WE DCe) LXE, Avec Privilege du Roy.

y Fe eln ue y ,

[i] AV ROY

SIRE,

ES effets de vostre Royale protection se font tellement sentir par tout ot le Commerce [ii] & la Navigation se peuvent étendre, que quand mon devoir & mon inclination ne me porteroient pas 4 vous dédier cét Ouvrage, la raison toute seule m’y obligeroit. Le Canada ne com-

mence 4 respirer, que depuis les soins que prend Vostre MAIESTE, de donner une nouvelle face a cette Colonie chancelente. L’Acadie seroit encore injustement entre Jes mains de nos voisins sans ce mesme soin qui veille inces- samment 4 tout ce qui peut enrichir vos sujets par le Commerce Maritime ; Mais, SIRE, puis que le pays dont [ii] je prens la liberté de vous presenter la Description fait la principale partie de la Nouvelle France, la pe utile, & la plus aisée 4 peupler; j’ose esperer que Vostre MAIESTE, voudra bien luy

faire quelque part de cette application universelle, par le moyen de laquelle nous

voyons tous les jours changer en abondance ce qui avoit paru de plus infructueux jusques 4 cette heure. ‘Trente-cing ou caret années de frequentation ou de sejour en cette partie de Amerique, ou 12, Phonneur de Commander pour Vostre MAIESTE [iv] depuis quinze ans, m’ont donné assez de connoissance de sa fertilité: j’ay eu d’ailleurs le loisir d’examiner & d’estre convaincu des avantages qu’on en peut tirer pour |’ Architecture navale, & des moyens d’y etablir la Pesche sedentaire avec un gain presque incroyable 4 qui en entendra lceconomie, en faisant avec douze hommes ce qu’on n’a pti faire jusques 4 present avec cinquante; Mais, SIRE, ce Pays tel & meilleur encore que je ne le represente, a besoin pour devenir utile au nostre de ses bien-heureuses in- fluences dont [v] il a pli a Vostre MAIESTE de regarder ses voisins. ‘ant de Tresors dont |’ Espagne s’est enrichie seroient peut estre encore en |’ Amerique sans la protection que Christophe Coulomb receut de Ferdinand & d’Isabeile : Bien qu'il n’eust quasi que des conjectures du pays dont il proposoit la découverte, & que les richesses qui en sont venués ne fussent encore qu’en idée, Sa constance enfin triompha des refus dont tout autre que any auroit esté rebuté, & une audience favorable acquit au Roy d’ Espagne ce qu’un des Predeces- [vi] seurs de Vostre MAIESTE avoit traité de chimere. Je ne viens pas, SIRE,

luy proposer la découverte d’un Pays que je ne connoist point, ny luy promettre 455

456 - EPITRE

des mines d’or, bien qu’il y en puisse avoir dans la Nouvelle France, je viens seulement luy offrir les experiences que j’y ay acquises & dans la Marine pendant tant d’années. Ie souhaite qu’elles me puissent procurer une audience qui me donne le moyen d’expliquer moy-mesme 4 Vostre MAIESTE des choses dont jay creu ne devoir pas informer le Public. En at- [vu] tendant cette grace, trouvez bon, SIRE, qu’avec mon Ouvrage je consacre encore ce qui me reste de vie au service de Vostre MAIESTE, & que je me serve de cette occasion pour luy témoigner avec combien de respect, de zele, & de sotimission,

je suis, SIRE, de Vostre MAIESTE, Le tres-humble, tres obeyssant, & tres-fidel sujet & serviteur DENYS.

ee

wii} AVERTISSEMENT AV LECTEVR

E n/a pas été sans beaucoup de peine que je me suis enfin rendu a la priere de quelques-uns de mes amis, & que j’ay accordé 4 leur curiosité Ja Description que je vous donne de la plus belle partie de la Nouvelle France; ma resistance en cela ne venoit pas de la disette

des choses que j’avois 4 dire, [ix] mais bien du peu d’application que j’ay eu toute ma vie 4 Ja symmetrie des mots ou a leur arrengement: En effet il auroit esté a souhaiter pour la satisfaction du Lecteur, que cet Ouvrage eust esté écrit d’un stile differend de celuy qu'il y a cinquante ans que je pratique, sans que mes occupations maritimes & une frequentation de prés de quarante années avec des Sauvages m’aient jamais pti donner le loisir de le changer. Mais si |’on ne trouve pas toute la grace & la regularité qui devroit estre dans [x] le discours, du moins puis-je asseurer que la sincerité y supléra en toutes les choses que j’y traitte.

Les divers voiages que j’ay fait en tous les lieux maritimes de la nouvelle France & le long-temps qu'il y a que j’ay Phonneur de commander pour le

Roy, tant aux Isles de la grande Baye de saint Laurens qu’en la Terre ferme,

& que j’y reside avec ma famille, m’a donné le loisir de faire suivant mon inclination, des observations sur tout ce qui m’a paru en ce pais-la d’uti- [xi] le ou de curieux.

J’ay fait une Carte pour servir a l’intelligence de la position de chaque lieu conformément aux hauteurs que j’y ay prises, & a laquelle je renvoie le Lecteur pour la latitude des endroits que je décris. J’ai fait inserer aussi quelques figures des choses qui concernent la pesche, & que la Description toute seule Nauroit pas rendué assez intelligibles.

J’ai expliqué autant que j’ai pi dans le corps du discours les termes de la navigation, d’architecture nava- [xii] le & de pesche pour la commodité de ceux qui n’en ont que peu ou point de connoissance.

C’est par ma propre experience que je me suis desabusé de l’opinion 0% !’on a long-temps esté que le froid excessif rendoit ce grand pais inhabitable, & fai reconnu quil n’y dure pas plus qu’en France; & qu’aux lieux ot Pon a defriché, la terre y est presque par tout propre a produire toutes les especes de fruits, de grains & de legumes que nous avons en nos Provinces: ce qu’on ne [xiii] scauroit revoquer en doute, puis que le climat est pareil au nostre & sous la mesme élevation. I] est plus facile 4 peupler qu’aucune des terres de PAmerique ot nous avons des Colonies, parce que le voiage en est court, & se fait presque tout entier sous le mesme parallele d’ow |’on a coustume de partir pour y aller.

Tout ce qu’on y couppe de bois pour deserter la terre, y est propre ou pour

457

458 AVERTISSEMENT

la construction des maisons ou pour batir & mater des vaisseaux, ou pour des cendres, & tous les [xiv] autres usages ot le bois peut estre emploié, outre que la grande quantité de havres seurs qui sont par toute la coste faciliteront beaucoup le commerce qui s’y peut faire.

I] y a des mines de charbon de terre dans |’étendué de ma concession & sur le bord de la mer, qui se trouve aussi bon que celui d’ Ecosse, par les épreuves que jen ay faites diverses fois sur le lieu & en France ot j’en ay fait apporter des essais: Enfin tout y contribué 4 faire retissir lintention qu’a le [xv] Roi de rendre heureuses les peuplades qu’il envoye dans les pais étrangers.

Et parce que personne ne s’est encore avisé de décrire la pesche de la molué, tant sur le grand banc qu’a la coste de la nouvelle France & isles adjacentes, & qu’a la reserve des Capitaines & Matelots qui s’y emploient, qui que ce soit presque n’est informé de la maniere dont elle se fait ny de ce qui s’y passe, j’en donne un détail ot j’ay fait mon possible de ne rien obmettre de ce qui peut servir a la faire bien [xvi] comprendre. J’ai décrit le plus particulie- ment que j’ay pu la police qui s’observe entre les Capitaines, leur ceconomie, leur discipline, les instruments & les machines dont ils se servent a la pesche, les fatigues qu’on y essuie, les risques qu’on y court, & quantité d’autres par- ticularitez curieuses, qui feront peut-estre excuser par leur nouveauté ce qui pourroit d’ailleurs n’estre pas d’un goust general dans cet Ouvrage.

On peut dire a l’avantage de cette manne inepuisable, [xvii] qu’encore que peu de personnes soient informées du détail de cette pesche, ny des saisons & des lieux qui y sont propres, ny de beaucoup d’autres circonstances qui la concernent; il est toute fois certain qu'il n’y a point de marchandise plus connué ny mieux debitée en Europe, sans ce qui se transporte continuellement dans les autres parties du monde par les voiages de long cours. Si 1’on con- sidere qu’il n’y a pas trente-cing ans que plus de cing cens navires Francois estoient annuellement [xviii] occupez a cette pesche, & qu’il n’i en a pas trois cens qui s’y emploient presentement. On s’appliquera peut-estre davantage 4 nous maintenir en la possession ou nous sommes de temps immemorial de tous les lieux ot ce poisson se trouve en plus grande abondance.

Que si la pesche des molués a attiré nos navires en ces cétes-la: le com- merce a produit le mesme effet a l’égard des Sauvages, qui sont tellement changez de meeurs par la frequentation des Francois, que [xix] jay jugé a propos de faire remarquer la difference qu’il y a entre leur conduite & maniere de vie presente d’avec celle qu’ils pratiquoient avant que les débauches d’eau de vie & du vin eussent corrompu leurs premieres inclinations.

A Pégard des animaux qui s’y rencontrent, peut-estre n’a-ton rien veu de si singulier que ce que je dis de l’instinct des castors, de leur industrie, de leur discipline, de leur subordination, de leur obeissance dans le travail, de la grandeur de leurs ouvra- [xx] ges de la solidité de leur architecture aux édifices puplics, que le soin de leur conservation leur fait faire.

On tombera aussi d’ accord que l’habileté des renards a attraper des outardes, passe en ce pajs-la tout ce qu’on dit en celui-ci de leurs finesses, & la souplesse des chiens pour les imiter ne paroistra pas moins surprenante. Le soin qu’ont les hiboux de conserver des animaux envie pour leur servir de provision pendant !’Hiver, passeroit pour une fable, s’il n’y avoit des milliers [xxi] d’hommes témoins de cette verité.

J’esperois donner a la fin de ce traité en faveur de ceux qui aiment la

AV LECTEVR 459

navigation, un essai de tables pour servir a trouver a toutes les heures du jour que le Soleil paroist, la Latitude de chaque lieu par une seule operation, & avec les instruments ordinaires dont les Pilotes ont accoitumé de se servir: mais comme le calcul ne s’en peut achever qu’avec beacoup plus de temps que je ne m’étois proposé, j’ay mieux aimé satisfaire mes amis qui [xxii] me pressoient de

leur donner cet Ouvrage, que de leur en faire attendre un autre qu’ils ne me

demandoient pas, & qui est peut-estre plus de mon inclination que de leur goust.

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CONTENUS EN CE PREMIER TOME

CHAPITRE PREMIER

Qvi traite de toutes les costes, isles & rivieres, de la bonté de la terre, de

THIS

la qualité des bois, des oyseaux, poissons, animaux, & autres choses vo.ume

con- [xxiv] tenués dans toute l’étendué des costes, depuis la riviere de Pantagotiet jusques a celle de saint Jean, avec la redition qu’en ont fait les Anglois, & ce qui y est arrivé al’Auteur . page [1]

CHAP. If

Qui traite de la riviere de saint Jean, des mines du Port royal, de toute la Baye Francoise, de la terre, des bois, de la chasse, & de tout ce

qui s’y est passé , , : ; : 3 : - [35]

CHAP. III

Description de la coste depuis l’Isle longue jusques a la Haive, des rivieres, des isles, de la chasse, de la [xxv] pesche, de la terre, & de diverses sortes de bois, l’établissement d’une pesche sedentaire, comme elle a esté détruite, & autres particularitez . ; - [58]

CHAP. IV

Suite de la coste d’Acadie depuis la Haive jusques 4 Campseaux oi elle finit, ou sont décrites toutes les rivieres, les isles, les bois, la bonté de la terre, les diverses especes de chasses & de pesches, & des

465

471

475

rencontres & avantures qui sont arrivées a |’ Auteur : [105] 484

461

462 TABLE

CHAP. V

Description de Campseaux, de la Baye & [xxvil] petit passage de Camp- seaux jusques au cap de saint Louis, des rivieres, des isles, des havres, des bois, de la chasse, de la pesche, & de ce qui y est de plus particulier : 5 ‘ , : : . [126]

CHAP. VI

Qui décrit de l’Isle du Cap Breton, des ports, havres, ses rivieres & les isles qui en dépendent, la nature de la terre, des especes des bois, de la pesche, de la chasse & de tout ce qu’elle contient . [145]

CHAP. Vil

Contenant la Description de la grande Baye de saint Laurent, depuis le cap saint Louis jus- [xxvii] ques a l’entrée de la Baye des Chaleurs, avec toutes les rivieres & isles qui sont le long de la coste de Terre ferme & de l’isle saint Jean, la qualité des terres, les especes des bois: de la pesche, de la chasse, & pee chose de la conduite & des mceurs des Sauvages . : : : : [164]

CHAP. VIII

Description de l’Isle saint lean & des autres isles qui sont dans la grande Baye de saint Laurent jusqu’a son entrée, mesme de l’isle de Sable, & de tout ce qui les concerne; soit a l’égard de la terre, [xxviii] des bois, & de la pesche, chasse, rivierrs, & autres particularitez [195]

CHAP.11TX

Description de la Baye des Chaleurs, & de tout le reste de la coste de la grande Baye jusque’ a l’entrée de la grande riviere de saint Laurent, y compris toutes les rivieres, ports, & havres, les qualitez des terres, des bois, des especes de chasse . ‘ : [204]

PAGE

487

500

501

TABLE 463

PAGE Articles arrestez entre le sieur Vvak Chevalier & Ambassadeur du Ro

de la grande Bretagne, deputé dudit Seigeur Roy, & les [xxix] sieurs de Buillion Conseillers du Roy tres-Chrestien en ses Conseils d’Etat & Privé, & Bouthillier Conseiller de sa Majesté en sesdits Conseils, & Secretaire de ses Commandemens, Commissaires deputez par sa Majesté pour la restitution des choses qui ont esté prises depuis le traité fait entre les deux Couronnes, le vingt-quatre Avril mil six cens vingt-neuf . : : : : : [238] 508

Ensuit la teneur du Pouvoir dudit sieur Isaac Vvak Chevalier, Ambas- sadeur du Roy de la grande Breta- [xxx] gne : (254) oanr

Ensuit la teneur du Pouvoir desdits sieurs de Buillion & Bouthillier Com- missaires deputez par sa Majesté tres-Chrestienne . : [262512

L’Auteur prie le Lecteur de supléer aux fautes qui se pourront rencontrer en la presente impression,

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DESCRIPTION GEOGRAPHIQUE

DES COSTES DE L’AMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONALE

CHAPITRE PREMIER

Qui traite de toutes les Costes, Isles &5 Rivieres, de la bonté de la terre, de la qualité des bois, des oyseaux, poissons, animaux & autres choses contenués dans toute l’étendué des costes, depuis la riviere de Pentagoiiet jusques a celle de S. Lean, avec la redition qu’en ont fait les Anglois, && ce quit y est arrivé a

P Autheur.

A Riviere de Pentagotet, ainsi nommée par les Sau- [2] vages, est celle qui joint la nouvelle Angleterre, que je n’ay point veué, ny la coste jusques a la riviere de saint Jean, c’est pourquoy je n’en parleray que suivant le recit que m’en ont fait ceux qui y ont demeuré, pendant le

temps que feu Monsieur le Commandeur de Razilly fut pour habiter ce pays-la aprés le siege de la Rochelle; le fort de Pentagotet avoit été basty par feu Monsieur de la Tour, & ayant esté pris sur les Francois par les Anglois durant les guerres, fut remis par un accommodement fait avec la France, 4 la priere de Messieurs de la Compagnie de Canada, entre les mains du sieur de Razilly, aux conditions portées par le T'raité, cy-aprés inseré a la [3] fin de ce Livre; Depuis ce temps Ia il y a tofijours entretenu garnison, jusques 4 sa mort, aprés quoy Monsieur d’Aunay Charnizé luy succeda par accommodement qu’il fit avec le frere du sieur de Razilly, ensuitte le sieur le Borgne de Ja Rochelle s’en mit en possession par Arrest du Parlement de Paris, & comme creancier dudit sieur d’Aunay, tant pour Pentagotiet, le Port Royal, que la Haive, premiere habitation dudit sieur de Razilly, ou il avoit fait de grandes dépences, tant en ses bastiments, & fortifications, qu’a y faire venir du monde pour y habiter; II y avoit déja un beau défrichement qu’il auroit bien augmenté, & mis ce pays en un autre estat, [4] que ceux qui luy ont succedé, lesquels au lieu d’y faire aucune augmentation, ont au contraire détruit la Haive, emmené les habitans au Port royal, fait la guerre 4 tous leurs voisins; & en l’année 1654. le Borgne, qui pretendoit estre Seigneur de tous ces pays-la4, comme creancier du sieur d’Aunay, ayant appris que j’estois venu a |’Isle du Cap Breton avec commis- sion de Messieurs de la Compagnie pour la faire habiter, prit le temps pour me 465

466 DESCRIPTION DE L’AMERIQUE

deposseder, qu’ayant mis tout mon monde aterre pour travailler au défrichement, j étois allé 4 sainte Anne pour y voir ce Havre ; ; Il envoya soixante hommes au Cap Breton, qui surprirent mes gens, & s’en rendirent maistres, aussi bien que du Na- [5] vire que j’y avois laissé, & de tout ce qui estoit dedans; ils envoyerent ensuitte vingt-cinq hommes en embuscades sur le chemin qu’ils sgavoient que je devois tenir; ils me prirent, n’ayant avec moy que trois hommes seulement, & sans armes, & m’emmenerent prisonnier au Port royal avec tous mes gens, Péquipage qu’ils avoient pillé, & mon Navire & marchandises, dont la perte se montoit pour moy 4a cinquante trois mil livres 4 quoy me revenoit |’embarque- ment, dont je n’ay jamais pi rien retirer; le Borgne mit l’année suivante un Commandant dans le fort que j’avois fait bastir au Cap Breton au lieu appellé saint Pierre.

[6] Me menant prisonnier au Port royal, nous passames 4 la Haive; ceuX qul me conduisoient avoient ordre de mettre le feu par tout, sans épargner mesme la chapelle, qui fut consommée en trois ou quatre heures avec la forteresse, & autres logements, dont la perte se montoit a plus de cent mil livres. Je ne fus pas plitost arrivé au Port royal, qu’on me mit dans un cachot, les fers aux pieds, d’ou estant élargi quelque temps aprés, je revins en France pour faire mes plaintes; oi ayant ensuite obtenu une autre Commission de Messieurs de la Compagnie, qui me fut confirmée par Lettres patentes du Roy, pour mon rétablissement. Je retournay en 1654. en l’habita- [7] tion de saint Pierre, au Cap Breton qui me fut rendué en vertu de mes Lettres patentes & de ma Commission, par celuy qui y commandoit pour le Borgne, qui estoit allé pour lors a la riviere saint Jean, pour tascher de surprendre le sieur de la ‘Your, a qui elle appartenoit, sous pretexte de |’ accommoder de quelques victuailles, ce que j’ay sceu depuis par un homme que javois envoyé exprés pour luy signifer mes Patentes, ce qu’il executa en vertu du pouvoir qu’ il avoit. Cela obligea le Borgne a remettre |’execution du dessein qu'il avoit contre le sieur de la Tour a une autre fois, pour tascher par le moyen de son monde, qu'il fit rembarquer dans deux chaloupes [8] & retourner au Port royal, de surprendra a son retour celuy qui luy avoit signifié ma Commission, & se saisir des Origin- aux, pour ensuite me venir surprendre & me deposseder, comme il avoit déja fait; cela luy retissit tout autrement, car dés le lendemain de leur départ, les Anglois arriverent dans !a riviere de saint Jean, attaquerent le sieur de la Tour, & le sommerent de se rendre, 4 quoy il fut obligé de consentir, estant sans victuailles, & n’en ayant point eu du sieur le Borgne comme il pretendoit, ce qui l’empescha de tenir; Les Anglois furent de la au Port royal ou commandoit le Borgne qu’ils sommerent pareillement de se rendre, ce que n’ayant voulu [g] faire, les Anglois mirent 4 terre trois cens hommes; pour s’y opposer ledit le Borgne envoya son Sergent avec partie de son monde; il y eust combat entre les deux parties ot ledit Sergent fut tué, le reste s’étant mis en fuite, le Borgne se trouva bien en peine, car de six vingts hommes des siens avec les habitans, qui faisoient bien cent cinquante, il n’en pit pas trouver un seul capable de commander; ce qui les obligea de se rendre 4 composition, plitost manque de courage, que de toutes sortes de munitions de guerre & de bouche, dont ils avoient suffisamment pour tenir bon, pltitost que se rendre par composition ; Les Anglois, estans maistres du fort, ne voulurent [10] plus tenir aucun des articles, qui leur avoient accordées, la fachete des vincus servant de pretexte aux vic- torieux ; depuis ce temps les Anglois sont totijours demeurez en possession des

SEPTENTRIONALE. CHAP. I 467

forts de Pentagouet, de la riviere saint Jean, du Port royal, & de la Haive, jusques a present que le Roy les a retirés.

Quelque temps aprés, le fils du sieur le Borgne revint pour s *établir a la Haive, ou il fit un fort de pieux; il avoit avec luy un nommé Guilbault Mar- chand de la Rochelle, qui luy fournissoit toutes les victuailles & marchandises dont il avoit besoin, & desquelles il devoit prendre le remboursement sur la traite qui se feroit ; "cependant les Anglois scachant [11] que le Borgne estoit ala Haive, y ue at pour le prendre ; ; mais les voyant venir, le Borgne se retira dans les bois avec quelques-uns des siens, dont la plus grande partie demeura avec Guilbault dans le fort en resolution de se deffendre; en effet ils soustinrent Pattaque des Anglois, dont il y eut plusieurs tuez sur la place, entre autres leur Commandant; ce qui les obligea a se retirer pour quelque temps; mais Guilbault qui n’avoit autre interest dans cette affaire que de sauver son bien, convint depuis avec les Anglois de leur remettre le Fort entre les mains, a la charge que tout ce qui luy appartenoit, ou a ceux qui estoient avec luy, leur seroit rendu, ce qui fut executé; [12] mais les Anglois estans entrez dans le Fort, & n’y ayant point trouvé le Borgne, ne voulurent point qu’il fut compris dans la capitulation ; ce qui |’obligea s’estant retiré dans les bois sans victuailles de se venir rendre peu de temps aprés prisonnier; Ils |’emmenerent a Baston, ot l’ayant gardé long- temps, le mirent enfin en liberté par un accommodement qui n’a pas tenu depuis, ce qui a causé ensuite plusieurs guerres entr’eux, qui ne laisserent pas de me causer beaucoup de pettes, bien que je n’y prisse point de part, & que je n’eusse pour but que de m’appliquer dans mon district, 4 mon établissement & 4 mes affaires, sans me méler de celles des autres.

Mais j’étois reservé a d’autres [13] disgraces, & quelque peine que je prisse a faire valoir ma concession de Ja maniere la plus pacifique qui m’étoit possible ; le sieur de la Giraudiere qui s’étoit venu établir depuis quelque temps en la riviere de sainte Marie, obtint par surprise une seconde concession de Messieurs de la Compagnie, leur faisant entendre que le Cap de Campseaux estoit au Cap saint Louis, qui en est éloigné de plus de vingt cing lieues; il amena cent hommes au pays, qui arriverent 4 Campseaux, ou ils scavoient que mon navire devoit venir, comme il fit bien-tost aprés, lequel il arresta & fit deffenses au Capitaine de ne rien donner, en vertu de sa nouvelle concession qu'il m’envoya signifier, & faire com- [14] mandement de luy remettre mon habitation, avec tout ce que je pre- tendois | jusques au Cap saint Louis, que l’on avoit dit estre ce Cap de Camp- seaux; 4 la verité ayant esté un peu surpris, je fis réponse que !’on avoit exposé faux 4a Messieurs de la Compagnie, qui ne pouvoient pas donner ce qu’ils m’avoient déja vendu; mais m’ayant dit, que si je ne le rendois d’amitié |’on me le feroit rendre de force, plus de six vingt hommes que j’avois avec moy, scachans que mon Navire étoit arresté, & que je n’avois pas de victuailles suffi- samment pour les retenir, me demanderent leurs congez, que je leur accorday, aprés toutesfois les avoir employez 4 renfermer, & fortifier tous mes [ 1 5 | logemens, de deux petits bastions, qui garnis de huit pieces de canon & quelques pierriers avec une enceinte de bariques remplies de terre, me mirent en estat de deffences : ensuite de quoy n’ayant de tout mon monde retenu que douze hommes, je ren- voyay le reste a l’Isle du Cap Breton, avec lettres aux Capitaines des Pescheurs de les recevoir, leur donner passage, & m’envoyer quelques victuailles, s’ils en avoient; ce qu’ils firent du mieux qu’ils purent; Quelque-temps aprés la Giraudiere & son frere, avec tout leur monde, scachans le départ des miens &

468 DESCRIPTION DE L7AMERIQUE

ne croyant pas trouver de resistance, vinrent a dessein de me forcer a luy ceder, ce que je leur avois refusé; mais [16] ils furent bien étonnés de me voir en estat de resister 4 leur entreprise; ils me firent un second commandement de leur remettre la place, autrement qu’ils la forceroient, & que je ne devois pas exposer ma vie de la sorte, mais leur ayant fait réponse quils eussent plus de soin de la leur, & qu’ayant douze hommes avec moy aussi resolus de deffendre mon bien qu’ils estoient pour le prendre injustement, nous ne les épargnerions pas; ils se contenterent d’estre trois jours 4 la veué du Fort, sans rien faire que tourner d’un costé & d’autres, puis ils s’en retournerent; & quelque temps aprés le sieur le Bay, frere de la Giraudiere me vint revoir & demanda a me parler, [17] i me dit qu ‘al avoit pris mon habitation de saint Pierre, ou il n’y avoit que cing hommes que j’y tenois seulement pour la traite, & m’ayant proposé de nous accommoder ensemble aprés plusieurs contestations que nous eusmes en cette conference, nous tombasmes d’accord qu’il me rendroit saint Pierre, & que je leur remettrois Chedaboutou, ot j’étois pour lors, qu’ils me remmeneroient en France dans leur Navire n’y en ayant plus d’autre a la Coste, que nous remet- trions nos pretentions entre les mains de Messieurs de la Compagnie pour nous regler, & que nous nous en tiendrions 4 ce qu’ils en jugeroient, ce qui fut signé reciproquement.

Ils m’amenent ensuitte en [18] France, suivant nostre accord & aprés avoir exposé nos differends, a Messieurs de la Compagnie, ils declarerent avoir esté surpris, & donnerent une Sentence, par laquelle ils cassoient tout ce que Mon- sieur de la Giraudiere avoit obtenu d’eux, & me rétablissoient dans tous mes droits: cette affaire ne laissa pas de me causer pour plus de quinze mil escus de perte, tant pour les advances que j’avois faites, pour |’entretien & la conduite de sIxX vingts hommes, que pour mes défrichemens, bastimens & bestiaux qui furent tous perdus & ruinez, ce qui rompit toutes mes mesures, en telle sorte que je n’ay pti m’y rétablir, de maniere que je fus obligé de me retirer 4 saint Pierre au Cap Bre- [19] ton, oti je me fusse sans doute remis de mes pertes, par la rencontre de quelques Sauvages que l’on ne connoissoit point encore, lesquels me vinrent trouver, & m’apporterent plain deux Chaloupes de peletrie outre ma traite ordinaire, ce qui pouvoit bien monter 4 vingt-cing mil livres sans que par un mal-heur, dont on n’a jamais pu connoistre la cause, le feu ayant pris de nuit 4 un grenier, ou on navoit point cotitume d’en porter, embrasa tous mes logemens ; toutes mes marchandises, meubles, munitions, victuailles, farines, vin, armes, bref tout ce que j’avois dans ce lieu fut consommé sans pouvoir rien sauver, & tout mon monde fut [20] obligé aussi bien que moy d’en éviter la violence tous nuds en chemise, & ne fut sauvé que demie barique d’eau de vie & autant de vin, avec environ cing cens gerbes de bled qu’on eut bien de la peine a tirer d’une grange ow le feu n’estoit pas encore pris, sams quoy nous eussions esté tous contraints d’aller chercher a vivre dans les bois, avec les Sauvages 5 en attendant le Printemps suivant: Voila comme jusques 4 present je n’ay rien pu faire dans ce pays-la, tant a cause des guerres que on ma suscitez par envie, que par la disgrace du feu, dont je n’ay jamais pu, comme j’ay déja dit, découvrir la cause, ce que l’on ne doit pas imputer, ny 4 ma negligence ny au deffaut de la [21] terre, non plus qu au manque de connoissance du pays, dont je scavois assez les avantages, ce qui me fait avancer avec certitude, que sans les disgraces j’aurois fait en peu de temps un établissement considerable par mes soins & mon travail, & aurois tiré de cette terre tous les avantages qu’elle m’offroit.

SEPTENTRIONALE. CHAP. I 469

I] est donc tres-certain qu’on la peut habiter avec autant de satisfaction que Ja France mesme, pourveu que l’envie des Francois, les uns contre les autres ne ruinent pas les desseins des mieux intentionnez, & que ce qui aura esté donné une fois 4 un Particulier de pays a4 cultiver, luy demeure sans pouvoir estre troublé, ny dépossedé de sa concession, autrement per- [22] sonne ne travaillera jamais avec affection pour rendre ce pays habitable, & il demeurera totjours exposé aux entreprises des plus forts, ou de ceux qui seront le plus en credit, & ce qui ruinera toutes les bonnes entreprises, que ceux qui en ont la con- noissance y peuvent faire, avec beaucoup de gloire pour sa Majesté, & un grand avantage pour la France mesme.

Mais laissons la mes disgraces & continuons ma description; La riviere de Pentagouet est assés large 4 son entrée, & entre dix ou douze lieués dans les terres; les Vaisseaux de deux 4 trois cens tonneaux y peuvent monter jusques au fort des Francois qui est a la droite en entrant; les Anglois sont habituez 4 la gauche, [23] & y ont beaucoup de monde avec grande estendué de terre défrichée; le pays y est fort agreable, & la terre bonne; des deux costez de la riviere les Arbres y sont beaux & en grande quantité, comme chesnes, boulleaux, haistres, fresnes, erables, & de toutes autres sortes que nous avons en France; I] y a aussi grand nombre de Pins sauvages qui n’ont pas le grain du bois bien gros, mais ils sont de quarante 4 soixante pieds de haut sans branches, fort propres a faire des planches, tant pour les bastimens de mer, que ceux de terre ; Il y a aussi beaucoup de Sapins de trois especes, dont les uns ont la feuille plate, de la longueur & largeur d’un fer d’aiguillette, en pointe ran- [24] gée le long de la branche, qui est celuy dont le grain est le plus gros; la seconde espece a bien la fetille de mesme, mais elle vient tout au tour de la branche & picque, & la troisiéme a aussi la feuille tout au tour, mais plus claire & éloignée & ne pique point; on l’appelle Prusse, ayant le grain beaucoup plus serré que les autres; il est bien plus propre pour la mature & le meilleur ; les chesnes de cet Sacioit, sont aussi meilleurs qu’ en tous les autres lieux de la nouvelle France, & plus l’on va vers le Nord & moins bons y sont toutes sortes de bois,

Il y a aussi grand nombre de matures en la nouvelle Angleterre, qui en fournit 4 present toute |’ Angleterre, & que l’on [25] trouve beaucoup meilleure que celle qui vient de Norvegue; la raison que j’en puis donner, c’est que plus ce Sapin a le grain serré & mieux il vaut, celuy de la Norvegue estant de cette qualité, ce qui vient 4 mon advis, de ce que ces arbres croissent sur des montagnes ou ils ont le pied sec, & que les grands froids qu’1l fait en ces quartiers resser- rent le bois, en sorte que la séve ne luy donne pas assez de nourriture pour en faire enfler le grain, mais seulement pour sa hauteur, & ne grossit qu’a propor- tion qu’il croist.

En la nouvelle Angleterre la chaleur fait le mesme effet, car les Sapins y viennent aussi dans les lieux secs & élevez, mais le Soleil par sa force dessechant [26] ’humeur superflué de ces arbres, qui empesche que le grain n’en grossisse, le tenant plus serré, leur donne une liaison bien plus forte, qui les rend de meilleure qualité que celle qui est communiquée 4 ceux du Nord par le froid.

La preuve de mon raisonnement, est que toute la mature qui vient dans la nouvelle France, depuis la Haive jusqn’a |’entrée de la grande riviere de saint Laurent ov le pays est temperé, n’est pas bonne, parce qu'elle a le grain bien plus gros que celle qui vient au Port royal, en la riviere saint Jean, ou en celle de Pentagoiiet qui est la meilleure.

2H

470 DESCRIPTION DE L’AMERIQUE

Pour celle de Kébec, elle doit estre aussi de la bonne qualité, [27] en ce qu’il y a du froid au bas de la riviere, & de Ja chaleur dans le haut, c’est ce que jen puis dire n’en ayant point veu.,

Revenant a la riviere de Pentagouet, il y a quantité d’Ours, qui se nourris- sent du gland quils y trouvent, ils ont la chair fort delicate, & blanche comme celle du veau: il y a aussi grand nombre d’Orignaux, ou Eslans, peu de Castors, & de Loutres, mais force Lievres, Perdrix, Tourtres, & autres sortes d’oyseaux de terre, au Printemps, & encore plus |’ Hyver de ceux de riviere & de mer qui y viennent en tres-grande quantité, comme Outardes, Canards, Cercelles, Moyaques, Cormorans, & de plusieurs autres especes, qui |’ Esté vont vers [28] le Nord, & retournant la l’Hyver, quand les rivieres gelent, ce qui arrive tres-rarement du costé du Sud.

Avant que d’entrer dans la riviere, il y a plusieurs Isles un peu au large, autour desquelles les Anglois peschent grand nombre de Maquereaux, & méme dés l’entrée de la riviere, ot est |’ Isle des Monts deserts; En allant vers Baston il y a encore nombre d’Isles ou: les Anglois font leurs pesches de Maquereaux au Printemps, dont ils font tres-grand trafic dans toutes leurs Isles des Barbades ou Antilles, ce qui les a le plus enrichis. Pour du Hareng, ils n’en ont pas beaucoup, mais bien du Gasparot, qui en est une espece, qui n’est pas si bon 4 beaucoup [29] prés: Pendant l’Hyver seulement, ils y peschent autour de ces Isles de la Molue, qu’ils font sécher a la gelée; nos Francois la vont achepter au Printemps, & leur portent en eschange du Sel, du Vin, de l’eau de Vie & autres marchandises: Dans le haut de cette riviere il y a forces Saumons, Truites & beaucoup d’autres poissons de mer, car de celuy d’eau douce je n’ay point encore ouy dire qu’on en ait pesché.

Depuis la riviere de Pentagouet, jusques 4 celle de saint Jean, il peut y avoir quarante a quarante cing lieues; la premiere riviere que l’on rencontre le long de la coste; est celle des Etechemins, qui porte le [30] nom du pays, depuis Baston jusques au Port royal, dont les Sauvages qui habitent toute cette étendue, portent aussi le mesme nom; II y a dans cette riviere grand nombre d’Isles, quelques-unes de deux lieues de tour, les autres plus ou moins, qui sont toutes dans une ance de grand circuit, ou il se peut mettre des Navires de cent cinquante tonneaux en toute seureté; dans le fond de cette ance ou se déchar- gent de petits ruisseaux, dans lesquels on trouve du Saulmon, de la Truitte, du Barc, du Gasparot, & le long de la coste ils y peschent de la Molué, & autres poissons de toutes sortes: Allant vers la riviere de saint Jean ils y rencontrent des Isles, & de grandes ances, qui [31] en sont aussi remplies, & a quatre ou cing lieués des Etechemins, il y a une autre riviere qui a environ demie lieve de large, dans laquelle montant deux ou trois lieues |’on rencontre de petites Isles couvertes de sapins, bouleaux, quelques chesnes, & autres bois: Plus haut 4 ladite riviere il y a un saut qui empesche les bastimens de passer plus outre ; les canots y peuvent aller. Je n’ay pas pi scavoir son étendue ; il y a quelques montagnes qui paroissent dans le haut & nombre de prairies qui la bordent, dont quelques-unes sont assez grandes, 4 ce qu’on dit, tous les bois y paroissent beaux, il y a force chesnes, & d’autres especes d’arbres, dont jay déja [32] parlé: On tient que ce lieu s’appelloit autrefois sainte Croix, & que c’est ot les sieurs de Mont & de Champlain, ont voulu faire bastir une habita- tion, tant ils trouverent ce lieu bon & agreable plus que tous les autres qu’ils avoient veus.

SEPTENTRIONALE. CHAP. II 471

Vis a vis de la derniere ance au large dans la mer, paroissent des Isles, Ja plus grande desquelles s’appelle I’Isle de Menane, qui se void de loing, vyenant de la mer, & sert de connoissance pour la riviere saint Jean, quoy qu'elle en soit éloignée de six 4 sept lieues de |’entrée.

Dans toutes ces Isles qui sont en mer, a deux ou trois lieués de la grande terre, il y a grand nombre de toutes sortes d’oy- [33] seaux, qui vont au Printemps y faire leurs petits, & entre autres force Margots, qui sont des oyseaux gros comme des Poules, qui ont les aisles fort grandes, dont les petits sont excellens 4 manger: Ces oyseaux peschent le Maquereau, le Hareng & le Gasparot ou ils en trouvent: Il y a aussi des Outardes, des Canards, des Moyaques, des Goislans, Esterlets, Perroguets de mer, Pigeons de mer, & de toute autres sortes d’oyseaux en grand nombre.

De la derniere ance en allant 4 la riviere de saint Jean, ce ne sont que des rochers six ou sept lieues durant, la coste en est fort dangereuse, & environ trois quarts de lieués plus en mer que |’Isle de Manane, il y [34] a un rocher qui ne se découvre que tous les six ou sept ans, qui est au rapport des Sauvages de lapis Lasuli: J’en ay veu un morceau dont ils firent present au feu Commandeur de Razilly, qui l’envoya en France pour le faire voir, auquel on rapporta que ¢étoit veritablement du lapis Lasuli, dont on pouvoit faire de |’azur, qui auroit valu dix écus l’once: On fit ensuite ce que |’on pit pour apprendre des Sauvages l’endroit ot étoit le rocher, qu’ils ne voulurent jamais indiquer, quelque chose qu’on leur promist, mais seulement qu’il étoit proche de Menane, comme

jay dit.

[35] CHAPITRE II

Qui traitte de la riviere saint Jean, des Mines, du Port royal, de toute la Baye Francoise, de la Terre, des Bois, de la Chasse, && de tout ce qui s’y est passé.

"ENTREE de la riviere saint Jean, est de dangereux abord, rangeant la terre des deux cétez; le meilleur endroit est du cdté de Stribord ou main droite, sans trop approcher la terre: cette entrée est étroite, a

| cause d’une petite Isle qui est a Basbord, ou costé gauche, [36]

- laquelle passée, la riviere est bien plus large: du mesme coté de I’Isle, il y a de grands marais ou prairies qui sont couvertes de plaine mer, le rivage est sable vaseux, qui fait une pointe, laquelle passée, il y a une ance qui entre dans lesdits

) marais, dont l’entrée est étroite, o1 feu Monsieur de la Tour avoit fait faire une

_ écluse, ot l’on peschoit un grand nombre de ces Gasparots que |’on faisoit saller

pour |’Hyver, il s’y en peschoit quelques-fois une si grande quantité que l’on

» étoit obligé de rompre écluse, & de les jetter 4 la mer, autrement ils auroient

| empuanty l’écluse, qui en auroit esté perduc, on y trouvoit aussi quelques-fois

| des Saulmons, [37] des Alozes, & du Bar, qui est le maigre de la Rochelle, qui

_servoit tous les Printemps d’une grande mane pour ceux de pays.

Un peu plus avant, au dela de ladite écluse, il y a une petite butte, ot

l@ Aunay fit batir son Fort que je n’ay pas trouvé bien placé 4 mon avis, pour

) estre commandé d’une Isle qui est tout proche plus élevée, & derriere laquelle

x

tous Navires se peuvent mettre 4 couvert du Fort, dans lequel il n’y a que de

472, DESCRIPTION DE L’AMERIQUE

Peau de puits, qui n’est pas bien bonne non plus que celle qui est hors du Fort: I] auroit esté 4 mon avis mieux placé derriere |’ Isle o& mouillent les Vaisseaux, & ot il auroit esté plus élevé, & par conse- [38] quent point commandé d’autres endroits voisins, & auroit eu de bonne eau, comme dans celuy que fit bastir ledit feu sieur de la Tour, lequel fut riiiné par d’Aunay aprés s’en estre rendu le maistre aSseZ injustement, n’y ayant aucun droit, ce qu’il auroit eu bien de la peine a a executer s’il n’eust esté adverty de |’absence dudit sieur de la ‘Tour, qui avoit mené avec luy une partie de son monde, & n’avoit laissé que sa femme avec le reste des siens a la garde du Fort; laquelle aprés avoir sofitenu pendant trois jours & trois nuits toutes les attaques de d’Aunay, & l’avoir obligé de s’éloigner de la portée de ses canons, fust enfin obligée de [39] ceder le quatriéme jour qui étoit le jour de Pasques, ayant esté trahie par un Suisse qui étoit en garde ce jour-la, pendans qu’elle faisoit reposer ses gens, esperant quelques relaches, Le Suisse se laissa corrompre par les gens de d’Aunay, & souffrit qu’ils montassent a l’assaut, qui fut encore sotitenu quelque temps par la Commandante 4 la teste de son monde, qui ne se rendit qu’a l’éxtremité, & sous condition que ledit d’Aunay donneroit quartier 4 tous, ce qu’il n’executa pas, car s’étant rendu maistre de la place, il les fit mettre tous en prison avec la Commandante, ensuite de l’avis de son Conseil, les fit pendre, 4 la reserve d’un seul qui [40] eut la vie sauve a la charge qu'il en feroit l’execution, & la Commandante les assista 4 la potence la corde au col comme auroit esté le plus grand scelerat: Voila le tiltre dont le Borgne s’est servy pour pretendre comme Creancier dudit sieur d’Aunay la proprieté de la riviere saint Jean.

Passé |’Isle, dont j’ay parlé, au dessous duquel mouillent les Vaisseaux pour estre plus a l’abry, il n’y a qu’une bonne portée de canon jusqu’au saut, ov ils ne peuvent passer, mais bien des chalouppes & petites barques, de plaine mer seulement: mais avant que d’entrer plus avant en la riviere, il y a une chose qui est assez surprenante; 4 la chfite du saut [41] est une grande fosse d’environ trois ou quatre cens pas de tour qui est faite par la chiite de |’eau qui passe entre deux rochers qui forment un détroit a la riviere, ce qui la rend plus ei en cet endroit. Dans cette fosse il yaun grand arbre debout, qui flotte, & quel- que courant qu’il y ait il n’en sort jamais & ne paroist que de temps en temps, Von est quelques-fois, huit, dix, ou quinze jours sans le voir, le bout qui paroist sur l’eau est a peu prés gros comme le tour d’une barique, & quand il paroist, — c’est tantost d’un costé & tantost d’un autre: ‘Tous les Sauvages qui passoient anciennement par Ja, qui sont en grand nombre en ces quartiers, luy rendoient [42] hommage, mais peu le font a present, ayans esté desabusez ; ils appelloient cét arbre le Manitou, qui est 4 dire le Diable. L’ hommage qu ils luy rendoient anciennement étoit un ou deux castors, ou autre pelletrie qu’ils attachoient sur la teste de cét arbre, avec un fer de fleche qui étoit fait d’un os d’Orignac, qu’ils appointissoient avec des roches: lors qu’ils passoient par la, & que leur Manitou ne parroissoit point ils tenoient cela 4 mauvais presage, disant qu'il estoit faché contre eux: Depuis que les Frangois sont en ces quartiers-la, que l’on leur a donné des fers de fleches de fer, ils ne se servent plus des autres, & le pauvre Manitou en a la teste si couverte qu’a [43] peine y pourroit-on mettre une épingle: Je l’ay veu, & des hommes de Monsieur de la Tour qui demeuroient avec luy, & depuis avec moy m’ont assuré qu’il fit une fois attacher des cordes a la teste de cét arbre, & que des chalouppes avec dix avirons a nager de toutes leur forces avec le courant ne |’ont jamais pu tirer hors de la fosse.

SEPTENTRIONALE. CHAP. II 473

Ayant passé le saut, la riviere s’élargit beaucoup plus en un endroit qu’en autre, a cause des Isles: I] y en a trois qui sont grandes, dans lesquelles il y a de fort belles prairies, & aussi tout le long des deux cétez de la riviere, les- quelles sont inondées tous les ans par la fonte des neges qui arrive [ 44] ordinaire- ment au Printemps. [Elle va fort avant dans les terres, & mesme les Sauvages par le moyen de cette riviere, en traversant quelques terres vont tomber en d’autres rivieres, dont les unes vont finir dans celle de saint Laurent, les autres tombent dans la grande baye de saint Laurent & 4 Nepiziguit dans la baye des chaleurs: I] y a a chaque traverse deux ou trois portages de canots, au travers des bois, ot l’on trouve des chemins qui vont d’une riviere a |’autre, qu’ils appellent Louniguins, les autres portages sont des endroits dans les rivieres ou la navigation est empeschée par les sauts ou cheuttes d’eau causée par des [45] rochers qui les retiennent & en retressissent le passage, ce qui rend le courant si rapide, & fait que l’eau tombe de si haut, que |’on est obligé de porter les canots sur les épaules ou sur la teste jusques au lieu ot le cours de la riviere est uny. Le plus souvent ces portages sont de cinq 4 six lieués, quelques fois jusques 4 dix, ce qui est rare, c’est ce que les Sauvages appellent Louniguins, dont ils entreprennent volontiers le trajet par la facilité qu’ils ont de porter leurs canots qui sont tres legers, comme il sera aisé de remarquer par la description que j’en feray en son lieu. Les chalouppes ne peuvent entrer dans cette [46] riviere plus haut que dix-huit 4 vingt lieués, 4 cause des sauts & des rochers, qui y sont semez ce qui oblige de se servir de canots.

Outre tous les bois que je vous ay déja nommés, il y a encore icy grands nombre de chesnes fort beaux, qui seroient bons 4 bastir des Navires, & doivent estre meilleurs que ceux du costé du Nord, dont le bois est trop gras: il y a aussi des haistres en quantité, tres gros & hauts de branches: il est aussi

' abondant en noyers sauvages, dont les noix sont triangulaires qui sont difficiles a

ouvrir, mais les presentant au feu elles s’ouvrent aisément, ce quil y a dedans a

| le goust de noix: l’on y trouve encore grande quantité [ 47] de Lambruches, de _ vignes sauvages qui portent du raisin, dont le grain est gros & dé fort bon goust,

mais l’écorse en est épaisse & dure: il vient 4 maturité, & si elle estoit cultivée

| & transportée je ne doute point qu’elle ne produisist de tres-bon vin; ce n’est

pas un signe que le froid y soit si aspre, ny les neges en si grande quantité, que

) tout le monde dit: je croy qu'il y a bien des contrées en France qui ne vallent | pas ce pays, pour le climat, & ou il habite bien du monde, qui n’est pas si 4 son

aise que l’on seroit dans ces regions quoy qu’éloignées. Depuis |’entrée de la riviere saint Jean, jusques 4 celle du Port royal, il y a

douze lieués de trajet, qui forme, ce que [48] nous appellons la baye Francoise, _& qui s’enfonce dix ou douze lieués avant dans les terres. En sortant de la Tiviere saint Jean sur la main gauche il y a une pointe qui avance en mer, &

Payant doublée, on entre dans une grande baye qui s’avance dans la terre environ

une lieué, au fonds de laquelle il y a deux Isles, & continuant le long de Ja | Coste, environ trois ou quatre lieués, l’on trouve deux petites bayes distantes

d’une lieué l’une de l’autre, ot |’on dit y avoir des mines de fer: continuant

' Cette route on voit une grande pointe qui avance a la mer, derriere laquelle il y a une petite riviere: allant plus avant, on voit un cap, [49] que l’on nomme le | cap des deux bayes dont les entrées sont étroites qui avancent dans les terres ) quinze ou seize lieués, il y a force rochers dedans ces bayes qui sont dangereux,

en ce que la mer y monte huit ou dix brasses & les couvre, ce que j’ay ouy dire

AT 4 DESCRIPTION DE LAMERIQUE

a ceux qui y vont en traitte avec des barques, & qu’ils sont obligés de mouiller ’ancre a quinze & seize brasses pour estre en seureté: il y a plusieurs rivieres qui tombent dans ces bayes par le moyen desquelles les Sauvages vont dans celle de saint Jean, d’autres par ou ils vont tomber dans des lacs qui vont vers Campseaux, & le cap saint Louis qui est dans la grande baye saint Laurens: il y a des [50] terres 4 traverser pour aller d’un lieu a |’autre, & Jes Sauvages de ces quartiers-la, portent leur pelletrie dans la riviere saint Jean aux Anglois. Le sieur d’ Aunay y a traitté de son temps jusques 4 trois mille orignaux par an, sans les castors & loutres, ce qui fut la cause quil en déposseda le sieur de la Tour ; Ces bayes s’appellent des mines, parce qu'il y a de ces pierres de mines dont on se servoit anciennement pour les arquebuzes a rouet, & tous ceux qui y ont été disentqu’il y a aussi des mines de cuivre en plusieurs endroits.

Dans ces bayes il y a force montagnes dans les terres, & quelques-unes bien hautes: il y a aussi du plat pays, & grand nombre de pins, sapins, prus- [51] se, mélez d’autres bons bois; mais peu sur les bords de la mer: tout le tour des deux bayes a environ une lieué, ou lieué & demie: Plus avant dans les terres il y a de beaux bois qui sont beaucoup plus clairs, 4 ce que tous les Sauvages rapportent, il s’en trouveroit la nombre pour matures & bordages, tant chesnes qu autres especes.

En sortant de ces bayes des mines continuant son chemin vers le Port royal, il y a une Isle d’une grande hauteur, & de cinq quarts de lieués de tour ou environ; elle est platte au dessus, & nonobstant sa hauteur, il y a une source d’eau, on dit qu’il y a aussi une mine de cuivre: de Ja rengeant la terre six a sept lieués durant qui [52] ne sont que rochers: on trouve |’entrée du Port royal qui est assez étroite, ce qui fait un grand courant de marée, & si !’on veut faire entrer ou sortir un navire avec la marée, il faut que ce soit la poupe premiere, & si il faut bien prendre garde a soy.

Le Port royal est un tres-beau lieu & un tres-beau bassin qui a plus d’une lieué de large & environ deux de longueur, a l’entrée il y a dix-huit a vingt brasses d’eau, il n’y 4 pas moins de quatre 4 six brasses d’eau entre la terre & ’Isle que l’on nomme |’ Isle aux chevres qui est environ le milieu du bassin; la il peut moiiller de grands Navires & en seureté comme dans une boéste, le — fonds est bon par tout, dans le fonds du bas- [53] sin il y a comme une pointe © de terre ot Monsieur d’Aunay avoit fait faire un beau & bon Fort: cette pointe — a deux rivieres, |’une a droite & |’autre 4 gauche, qui ne vont pas bien avant © dans les terres, l’une large a son entrée, |’autre n’est pas si large, mais elle est bien plus profonde & la marée y monte huit 4 dix lieués: Il y a quantité de prairies des deux costez, & deux Isles qui ont des prairies qui sont a trois ou quatre lieués du Fort en montant: I] y a une grande étendué de prairies que la marée couvroit & que le sieur d’Aunay fit desecher: elle porte 4 present de beau & bon froment, & depuis que les Anglois ont esté maistres du pays, les habitans [54] qui s’estoient logez proche le Fort, ont la pluspart abandonné leurs logemens, & se sont allez establir au haut de la riviere, & ont fait leurs dé- frichemens au dessous & au dessus de cette grande prairie, qui appartient a present 4 Madame de la Tour, ot ils ont encore assechez d’autres terres qui portent du froment en plus grande abondance que celles qu’ils cultivoient autour du Fort, quoy qu’elles fussent bonnes: ‘T'ous ces habitans-la sont ceux que Moutieta le Commandeur de Razilly avoit fait venir de France 4 la Haive, qui depuis ce temps-14 ont bien multiplié au Port royal, ou ils ont grand nombre de

SEPTENTRIONALE. CHAP. III 475

vaches & de porcs: Outre les deux [55] rivieres dont je viens de parler, il s’en décharge encore une dans le bassin tres poissonneuse aussi bien que les deux autres, ou il se pesche une grande quantité de poisson, comme gasparots, saulmons, truittes, esguilles, & autres sortes.

Dans le haut de ces trois rivieres, il y a quantité de chesnes, & sur leurs rivages des pins & sapins de trois fagons, bouleaux, mignogons, haistres trembles, herables, fresnes & chesnes. Ce pays n’est point trop montagneux, le lembruche de vigne, & le noyer y est aussi: il y a fort peu de neges en ce pays-la, & fort peu d’hyver: la chasse y est bonne toute |’année, du lapin, de la perdrix, des tourtres & autre [56] gibier de bois, pour le gibier d’eau il y en a grande abondance, Esté & Hyver le pays y est fort agreable.

Sortant du Port royal allant vers l’Isle longue 4 deux ou trois lievés |’on trouve une grande ance, ot des vaisseaux peuvent mouiller, il y a bon fonds, mais |’abry n’est pas general, & ce n’est proprement qu’une rade: continuant le long de la coste six ou sept lieués, l’on trouve des ances & rochers couverts d’arbres jusques 4 |’Isle longue, qui a environ six a sept lieués de long, elle fait un passage pour sortir de la baye Francoise, & aller trouver la terre d’ Acadie: il y a entre I’ Isle longue & la terre du Port royal des rochers qui [57] font le grand & le petit passage, les courans y sont forts rudes, entre autres au petit passage qui n’est que pour des barques, j’y ay voulu passer une fois, mais le vent ne nous estant pas favorable pour refouler la marée & nous porter au grand passage, je voulus faire mouiller l’ancre quoy qu’il n’y eust que deux brasses & demie d’eau 4 l’entrée: le courant estoit si fort, que l’ancre n’ayant pti prendre fonds, nous la perdismes avec nostre cable qui fila par le bout, il nous falut relacher 4 la riviere saint Jean, ot |’on me donna un ancre & un autre cable; de-la je revins passer au grand passage de |’ Isle longue.

[58] - CHAPITRE III

Description de ta coste depuis 1’ Isle longue jusques a la Haive, des Rivieres, des Isles, de la Chasse, de la Pesche, de la Terre, §& de diverses sortes de bois, Pétablissement d’une Pesche sedentaire, comme elle a esté détruite, & autres particularitez.

ORTANT de la baye Francoise, pour entrer 4 la coste d’Acadie, prenant la route vers le cap Fourchu, qui est [59] distant de I’isle longue de douze ou quinze lieués: Toute cette coste est saine & sans rochers, & a six lieués de |’Isle longue il y a une riviere ou de petits

Navires peuvent entrer; elle se nommz la riviere aux Ours, elle prend son nom du grand nombre qui s’y en trouve, il y a peu de pins & de sapins, mais quantité de chesnes mélez d’autres beaux arbres, comme ceux que jay déja nommez ; le pays est beau & paroist assez plat, il y a force prairies tout le long, & la terre qui y doit estre tres-bonne, a ce que j’en ay pi juger. II y a pesche de molués a la coste, & de saulmons, truittes, & esperlans au haut de la riviere.

[60] Continuant jusques au cap fourchu, la coste parroist fort belle, il y a peu de sapins, mais beaucoup d’autres especes de bois & de grandes prairies, il y

476 DESCRIPTION DE LAMERIQUE

a belle chasse tout le long de cette coste de toute sorte de gibier, & continuant la méme route, on trouve 4 cing lieués de la riviere aux Ours une entrée entre deux rochers pour une chalouppe, ot je fus & ou je vis quantité d’étangs d’eau de mer, qui estoient remplis de canards, outardes, oyes, cravans, sarcelles, & tout autre gibier, dont nous tuasmes plus de cing cens pieces de toutes facons: Il y a quantité de tres-beaux arbres, comme ceux que j’ay déja nommez; le pays est plat, & la terre n’y peut [6 Hi estre que tres-bonne, la situation y est tres-agreable, il peut y avoir dela au cap fourchu six ou sept lieués.

Le cap fourchu se nomme ainsi en ce qu'il est fait comme une fourche, les vaisseauxX 8 y peuvent mettre a couvert, la pesche de la molué y est abondante & n’est pas loin de terre, & s’y fait plitost qu’en aucun lieu de |’Acadie. Le pays y est tres beau & bon, pour les bois ils sont comme les autres, mais li y a des chesnes, erables, & des trembles en plus grand nombre. Un nommé de Lomeron y a eu autrefois une habitation, & s’appelloit le port Lomeron du temps du sieur dela Tour: Dés le commencement qu’il fut en ces quartiers-la cette habita- [62] tion fut ruinée par les Anglois du temps de la guerre de la Rochelle.

Du cap fourchu, allant au cap de sable, !’on trouve une grande baye, dans laquelle il y a force Isles, qu’on appelle les Isles de TTousquet; elles sont toutes couvertes de beaux & bons bois de mesmes especes que les autres dont nous avons déja parlé; il y a forces prairies en ces Isles ou abondent toutes sortes d’oyseaux qui y font mesme leurs nids; il y a des oyes, grués, outardes, canards, sarcelles, herons, beccasses, beccasines, corbeaux, tournevires, chevaliers, & tant d’autres sortes d’oyseaux que cela est surprenant; le pays est des plus agreables & des meilleurs que j’aye encore veus, il est [63] plat & la terre y est tres- bonne, la pesche y est abondante en truittes, saulmons, & |’esperlan y donne au Printemps en grande quantité, dans les ruisseaux ou il vient jetter ses ceufs; il est grand pour l’ordinaire comme un moyen harang. Le sieur la Tour y avoit une habitation pour la traite des pelleteries, ou trafic avec les Sauvages, qui y venoient de plusieurs endroits, & n’est pas éloignée de plus de deux ou trois lieués de la terre.

L’on va de la au cap de sable qui a des battures & des rochers au large, neantmoins le Port est bon, & la pesche de la molué y est abondante: Entre le cap fourchu & le cap de sable, trois ou quatre lieués en [64] mer il y a plusieurs Isles, les unes d’une lieué, & les autres de deux, trois, & 4 quatre de tour, que Yon nomme les Isles aux loups marins, elles sont assez difficiles 4 approcher a cause des rochers qui sont 4 |’entour, elles sont couvertes de sapins, bouleaux, & autres bois qui n’y sont pas fort gros, elles s’appellent Isles aux loups marins, parce quils vont la faire leurs petits qui sont grands & puissans, il y en a de plusieurs especes dont je feray un article a part, ils viennent pour mettre bas vers le mois de Fevrier, montent sur les roches & se mettent autour des isles ot ils font leur petits, qui sont en naissant plus gros que le plus gros pore que l’on voye, & plus [65] longs. Ils ne demeurent 4 terre que peu de temps, aprés quoy leurs pere & mere les emmennent a la mer, ils reviennent quelques-fois a terre ou sur des roches, ot la mere les fait tetter. Monsieur d’Aunay y envoyoit du Port royal du monde avec des barques pour en faire la pesche dans la saison, qui est au mois de Fevrier lors que les petits y sont, l’on va tout autour des isles avec de forts bastons, les pere & mere fuyent a la mer, & on arreste les petits qui taschent de suivre, en leur donnant un coup de baston sur le nez dont ils meurent, |’on va le plus viste que |’on peut, car les pere & mere

SEPTENTRIONALE. CHAP. III A77

estans 4 Ja mer, font un grand bruit qui donnant |’alarme par [66] tout, ce qui les fait tous fuir, mais il se sauve peu de petits 4 qui l’on n’en donne pas le temps; il y a des journées que l’on en tué jusques a six, sept, & huit cens, ce sont les petits qui sont les plus gras, car les pere & mere sont maigres; |’ Hyver, il en faut bien trois ou quatre petits pour faire une barique d’huile qui est bonne 4 manger estant fraiche, & aussi bonne a briller que l’huile d’olive, & n’a point d’odeur en brilant comme les autres huiles de poisson qui sont tofijours pleines de lie épaisse, ou de saletez au fonds des bariques, mais celle-cy est totijours claire. Sur ces isles aux loups marins il y a un si grand nombre de toutes sortes d’oyseaux, que [67] cela n’est pas croyable, & sur tout pendant le Printemps quwils y font tous leurs nids: si l’on y va, on en fait lever une si grande quantité qu’ils font un nuage en l’air que le Soleil ne peut pas penetrer, & pour les tuer il ne faut point de fuzils, mais seulement des bastons, car ils sont paresseux a se lever de leurs nids; pour des petits on en prend, tant que |’on yeut a charger des chalouppes & mesme des ceufs.

De Ia traversant la baye de Tousquet, |’on va trouver le cap de sable, qui est une isle qui fait une pointe qui avance en la mer, & entre la grande terre & Visle, il y a passage pour des barques, mais au dela de l’isle vers l’eau, il y a des roches [68] & battures qui avancent une bonne lieué en la mer, les ayant passées environ de deux lieués l’on entre en la baye de sable, qui est fort grande; 1a les Navires peuvent mouiller en toute seureté, & en y passant, en 1651 j’y rencontray Monsieur Gabaret Capitaine pour le Roy en la marine, qui y estoit mouillé & revenoit de courses du Golfe de Mexique, & en ce mesme lieu 14, Monsieur de la Tour a eu une habitation, ot il estoit pendant le siege de la Rochelle, il y avoit un bon Fort qui luy servit bien, d’autant que son pere estoit pour lors en Angleterre ot il se maria 4 une Dame d’honneur de la Reine, de grande con- dition, & en faveur de ce mariage le Roy d’ Angleterre [69] le fit Chevalier de la Jarretiere, pour l’obliger d’aller trouver son fils & V’engager a remettre le Fort en l’obeyssance de sa Majesté Britanique. Pour cét effet on fit armer deux Navires de guerres, dans |’un desquels s’estoit embarqué la Tour & sa femme; ils ne furent pas plitost arrivez a la veué du Fort, que la Tour pere mit pied 4 terre, ou il fit son possible pour persuader son fils de remettre le Fort a Vobeyssance du Roy d’ Angleterre, qu’il continuéroit d’y commander aussi absolument qu’il avoit fait jusques alors, & que luy & sa femme y demeureroient aussi pour sa seureté.

Que pour cét effet l’on avoit apporté des Commissions en [70] son nom, avec |’Ordre de la Jarretiere pour les honorer, & d’autres avantages qui luy | furent promis par ceux qui commandoient les vaisseaux, tout cela se passa sans qu’ils entrassent dans le Fort, & le jeune la Tour leur fit réponse qu’il avoit beaucoup d’obligation au Roy d’ Angleterre d’avoir tant de bonne volonté pour luy; mais qu’il avoit un maistre capable de reconnoistre la fidelité qu’il estoit obligé de luy garder; qu’il ne pouvoit pas leur remettre la place entre les mains, ny prendre d’autre Commission que celle qu’il avoit, qu’il remercioit le Roy d’Angleterre de l’honneur qu’il luy faisoit, mais qu’il ne pouvoit recevoir de Tecompense que du Roy son [71] maistre; ce qui obligea son pere & tous les Commandans des vaisseaux, d’employer toutes les plus belles paroles du monde a le persuader, mais inutilement, car il demeura ferme dans sa resolution & dit courageusement 4 son pere que luy ny sa femme n’entreroient jamais dans son | Fort, ce qui le fit retirer avec les autres & retourner a bord de leurs Navires,

478 DESCRIPTION DE LAMERIQUE

d’ou ils envoyerent le lendemain un homme 4 terre, avec une lettre du pere, par laquelle il luy mandoit tout ce qui pouvoit servir, a l’obliger de se rendre de bonne amitié; autrement qu’on estoit resolu de luy faire rendre de force, qu’ils avoient du monde pour cela, qu’il prist garde de ne se [72] point mettre dans les mauvaises graces du Roy d’Angleterre, que c’estoit le vray moyen de se perdre, & qu’il n’estoit pas en estat de resister a ses forces. ‘Tout cela n’eut pas plus de pouvoir qu’auparavant, & pour toute réponse de bouche 4 celuy qui luy avoit apporté la lettre, il dit que les Commandans & son pere en useroient comme ils le jugeroient 4 propos, & qu’il estoit tout preparé & son monde a les recevoir; le messager s’en retourna porter cette nouvelle, ensuite de quoy ils prirent resolution d’attaquer le Fort, & le lendemain ils firent mettre du monde a terre avec leurs grands batteaux, attaquerent le Fort; le combat dura tout ce jour & la nuit: ils ta- [73] cherent d’approcher pour couper les pieux, ou pour mettre le feu, mais ceux de dedans estoient tellement sur leurs gardes qu’ils n’en peurent venir 4 bout; il y eut beaucoup d’Anglois tuez & de blessez en cette attaque, ce qui ne leur confirma que trop la resolution du jeune la Tour; le lendemain ils debarquerent tous les Matelots & Soldats pour |’épouvanter par le grand nombre qu’ils firent paroistre, & se rengeant derriere des retranchemens de terre, qu’ils avoient fait la nuit aux quatre coings du Fort, d’ou ils faisoient grand feu aussi bien que ceux de dedans, qui ne tiroient point a faux, & qui en tuerent encore & blesserent plusieurs, ce qui fit renoncer [74] les Anglois a la prise du Fort, les Matelots ne voulant plus donner, & les Soldats n’estant pas en grand nombre n’en ayant amené que ce qu'il en falloit pour y mettre en garnison, tant ils estoient asseurez, sur le recit de la Tour pere de n’y trouver aucune resistance, dés qu’il luy auroit parlé des honneurs & des ayvantages dont sa Majesté |’honnoroit.

De la Tour voyant que les Capitaines des Vaisseaux étoient resolus d’abandonner |’entreprise & de partir, fut bien estonné, car il n’osoit pas retourner en Angleterre de crainte qu’on ne luy fit-la mauvais party; sa femme Pembarassoit fort aussi, 4 qui il n’osoit se découvrir, ce qu'il fut enfin [75] obligé de faire, en luy disant qu’il ne trouvoit rien de plus asseuré ny d’autre party 4 prendre que celuy de demeurer avec son fils n’y ayant pas plus de seureté en France pour luy qu’en Angleterre apres la tentative qu’il venoit d’hazarder; qu’elle pouvoit y aller si bon luy sembloit, qu’a son égard il prieroit son fils de luy permettre de demeurer avec luy, sa femme luy témoigna qu’elle ne |’abandonneroit point si son fils leur vouloit permettre de demeurer ; la resolution prise ils la communiquerent au Capitaine qui le trouva bon ; il écrivit 4 son fils, & le pria de souffrir que sa femme & luy demeurassent dans le pays, qu’aprés ce qui s’estoit passé ils n’osoient pas retourner en Angle- [76] terre puis qu’il y alloit de sa teste; son fils luy fit réponse qu’il ne vouloit point estre la cause de sa mort, mais qu'il ne luy pouvoit accorder sa demande, qu’a condition qu’il n’entreroit ny luy ny sa femme dans son Fort, qu'il leur feroit bastir un petit logement au dehors, que c’estoit tout ce qu'il pouvoit faire ; il receut la condition que son fils luy fit; le Capitaine envoya tout leur équipage 4 terre, ot la Tour pere décendit avec sa femme, deux hommes pour le servir & deux filles de chambre pour sa femme ; le jeune de la Tour leur fit bastir un logement 4 quelque distance du Fort, ot ils s’accommoderent du mieux quils peurent, ils avoient apporté quelques [77] victuailles, qui ne furent pas plitost consommées que la Tour fils y supplea, en nourrissant son pere & toute 8a

SEPTENTRIONALE. CHAP. III 479

famille. Environ |’an mil six cens trente cinq, je passay par la; je fus voir le jeune de la Tour, qui me receut tres-bien, & me permit de voir son pere en son logement dont j’ay parlé, ce que je fis, il me receut bien, m’obligea de diner avec luy & sa femme; ils estoient fort proprement meublez ; dans le temps que jy estois il y arriva un Pere Recollet a qui la femme témoigna la joye qu’elle avoit de me voir, ensuite je m’entretins avec le Recollet qui me fit recit de son Jardin, & me convia de aller voir, ce que jacceptay ; j’estois curieux de [78] voir tout & d’observer mesme ce qui s’offroit digne de remarque; il me fit embarquer avec luy dans son canot, sans faire autrement reflexion sur le danger ou je m’exposois n’ayant point encore éprouvé cette espece de navigation. Le Pere accommoda sa voile & la mit au vent, nous traversames la baye qui avoit bien une lieué & demie, & comme en arrivant a terre mon Conducteur voulut baisser la voile de crainte d’échouer trop rudement & de briser son canot, sur le devant duquel il m’avoit placé, je m’avisay de regarder derriere moy, & pour n’avoir presque fait que tourné la teste & avoir mis le canot par ce petit mouve- ment hors de |’équilibre ot il é- [79] toit il fut renversé en un instant, bien nous prit d’estre proche de bord; cette sorte de navigation est bizarre, difficile & dangereuse, sur tout lors qu’on en fait les premieres experiences; nous arrivames au Jardin, il me dit qu’il l’avoit défriché tout seul, il pouvoit avoir demy arpent de terre, il y avoit quantité de tres-beaux choux pommez & de toutes autres sortes d’herbes potageres & de legumes; il y avoit quelques pommiers & poiriers qui étoient bien pris & tres-beaux, mais non pas encore en estat de porter, estans venus petits de France, & n’ayant esté plantez que de année precedente ; je fus content de voir tout cela, mais bien plus, lors qu il me montra [80] ses pois & son froment qu’il avoit semé; les pois me ravis- soient 4 voir leur hauteur, ils estoient ramez, mais si couverts de gousses, que cela ne se peut croire 4 moins que de le voir, & le froment de mesme, il n’y avoit grain de bled qui n’eust sept a huit pailles les moindres, les autres douze & treize; le moindre épy de demy pied le longueur, bien fournis de grain, mais entre autres, 11 me montra un grain de bled qui estoit venu a l’écart, qui avoit cent cinquante pailles toutes portant épy & que je comptay; il avoit un grand cercle, ou cerceau, de barique qui les entouroit pour les maintenir & supporter de crainte d’estre couchés par le vent. Le [81] jeune de la Tour avoit aussi un jardin proche de son Fort, du bled, & des pois, qui n’estoient pas si bien soignez que ceux du recollet; La terre est platte dans le fonds de cette baye les arbres y sont tres-beaux des sortes que j’ay nommez cy-devant, il ny a pas si grand nombre de sapins ; il y a plusieurs ruisseaux qui tombent en ladite baye, en laquelle il s’y pesche du poisson, de petites molués, maquereaux, plaises de mer, & autre sorte de poisson, & aux entrées des ruisseaux force esperlan au Printemps; il y a aussi une riviere, ou il se pesche du saumon & de la truite, & tirant vers le cap de sable, l’on y trouve nombre de cocquillage, comme cocques, bourgos, [82] moulles, coutellieres, & autres coquilles, & des hommars qui sont escrevisses de mer, il y en a dont la coquille de la patte de devant tient une pinte & plus; |’on trouve quantité de belles prairies en montant dans cette riviere & le long des ruisseaux qui s’y deschargent.

Sortant de la baye de sable, continuant son chemin on appercoit un petit cap ou pointe, & quelques Isles qui sont le long de la coste couvertes d’arbres & sapins ; il y a force oyseaux tout autour qui y viennent faire leurs nids au Prin- temps, la coste en est aussi pareillement garnie, le pays ne parroist pas montag-

480 DESCRIPTION DE LAMERIQUE

neux ; cette coste est remplie de rochers qui avancent en la mer, ce qui [83] fait qu’elle est fort dangereuse a l’aborder; a trois ou quatre lieués de 14 on trouve un port ou il y a une petite riviere qui entre assez avant dans les terres ; le port est bon, & des Vaisseaux de raisonnable grandeur y peuvent moiiller en toute seureté, il s’appelle le port du cap Naigre; tous les bois y sont semblables aux autres que j’ay nommez, & la terre y est aussi bonne, 4 ce que j’en ay pil juger, la pesche de la moulué y est fort avantageuse, bien que je n’y aye point veu de Navire; passant plus outre on trouve une grande Isle qui fait un bon Port entre la terre & elle qui se nomme le Port aux Moutons, les Vaisseaux y peuvent entrer & en sortir des deux c6- [84] tez; j’ay veu des Navires y faire leur pesches de molués, ils vont environ deux lieués ou deux & demie pour trouver la moulué, l’on la fait secher sur des Vignaux, qui sont des especes de clayes sur lesquels on est obligé de la faire secher lors qu/il ne se trouve au lieu ou se fait la pesche que du sable & de I’herbe, ce qui n’y est pas propre, comme je V’expliqueray en son lieu; J|’Isle est couverte de bois, force sapins; au derriere de cette isle vers la grande terre est une grande baye qui a bien trois bonnes lieués de large & autant de profondeur; dans le fonds il y a deux petites rivieres ot l’on n’y peut entrer avec chalouppes bien avant a cause des gros [85] rochers qui y sont en grand nombre; la terre y est quasi toute couverte de pierres, il ne s’y voit point de montagnes au haut des rivieres & les arbres y paroissent beaux & grands.

Venant le long de la coste pour trouver |’autre costé de la baye I’on trouve une grande étendué de marécages d’environ deux lieues de longueur & une de largeur ou la marée monte, qui fait une grande quantité de petits étangs qui sont tous remplis de gibier, outardes, cravans, canards, sarcelles, oyes blanches & grises, beccasses, beccassines, allouettes, corbegeos & beaucoup d’autres sortes de bon gibier, & tous ces marécages sont couverts de tres bonne herbe de [86] pré ; continuant la route le long de la coste !’on trouve un petit Havre qui est a l’autre extremité de la baye, distante de |’Isle aux Moutons de deux lieués, & cela s’appelle le Port Rossignol qui est tres bien situé pour la pesche de la moulué qui y est en abondance.

Cet endroit est le premier lieu ot j’ay voulu établir la Pesche sedentaire, & pour cet effet j’avois fait compagnie avec feu Monsieur de Razilly, & un mar- chand d’Auray en Bretagne ; le Commandeur de Razilly demeuroit pour lors a la Haive qui me protegeoit ; ma pesche me reussit assez bien pour ce voyage, je renvoyay le Navire chargé en Bretagne, ot le poisson fut assez bien vendu, cela [87] nous obligea d’en avoir un plus grand. Un nommé la Catherine de deux cens tonneaux que nous achetames du Roy, nous le fismes équiper pour la pesche, & un de mes freres nommé de Vitray, qui a esté depuis Capitaine de Navire du Roy, fut mis dessus pour le commander, il me |’amena en la nouvelle France ot nous luy fismes faire sa pesche, qui nous reussit encore fort bien, estant chargé de molué nous donnames ordre 4 mon frere d’aller 4 Porte en Portugal pour le vendre, ce qu'il fit avec avantage; dés qu'il y fut arrivé il toucha environ la valeur du tiers de sa charge en reaux qu'il fit tenir a la Rochelle, mais pendant qu’il achevoit de décharger & livrer [88] le reste, la guerre fut declarée entre les deux Couronnes, & |’on accorda aux Francois trois mois pour se retirer des Estats du Roy d’Espagne, dont le Portugal en ce temps-la faisoit partie, pour n’estre point surpris avant les trois mois expirez mon frere pressa son payement: cependant il arriva un ordre du Roy d’ Espagne

SEPTENTRIONALE. CHAP. III 481

pour arréter tous les vaisseaux a la reserve du nostre qui se pouvoit retirer, mais nos Marchands de poisson ne se pressoient pas de payer faisans tofijours des remises, & un mois devant que les trois mois fussent expirez, ils proposerent 4 mon frere d’achepter le navire pour leur voyage des Indes, le marché en fut fait & conclu, 4 condi- [89] tion de le payer comptant, & qu’il seroit permis 4 mon frere d’embarquer son argent & son monde dans un autre bastiment Francois qui estoit 1a, & devoit partir dans sept ou huit jours: l’on luy compte bonne partie de son argent qu’il fit porter au bord de ce vaisseau qui estoit déja en rade, il survint un second ordre du Roy d’arrester tout, sur cet ordre le Gouverneur arreste celuy de mon frere, disant appartenir aux Marchands Espagnols & qu’il estoit propre pour la guerre; mon frere se plaint au Gouverneur, il demande ou le reste de son payement ou son navire, le Gouverneur luy promit de le faire payer, & pour cet effet envoya un homme avec luy fai- [g0| re commandement aux marchands d’achever le payement, ils le promettent & n’en font rien, au contraire ils le font chicaner tant que les trois mois expirent, & le jour devant le terme expiré, ils firent arrester la navire ou estoit argent, qu’ils prirent & sotitinrent en Justice qu’ils n’estoient pas obligez de le payer, puis que le Roy sen estoit mis en possession avant qu'il fut 4 eux, qu’il pouvoit avoir son recours contre le Roy qui s’en estoit saisi avant les trois mois expirez.

Le Gouverneur luy donna des lettres pour cela avec lesquelles il alla 4 Madrid ou il sollicita son affaire, & fit si bien connoitre son bon droit, qu’on fut obligé, pour éviter de luy ren- [91] dre justice de luy faire une querelle d’ Allemand, en vertu de laquelle on le mit en prison, ce qui fut tout son payement.

L’ Ambassadeur de France qui estoit pour lors 4 Madrid le fut voir en la prison ou il estoit, il luy compta son affaire, mais il n’en tira point d’autre consolation ny esperance, |’ Ambassdeur |’ayant asseuré qu’il n’en devoit rien attendre, ayant a faire 4 des fourbes qui n’avoient autre dessein que de luy faire perdre son navire & sa marchandise, neantmoins qu’il en parleroit, & que dans deux ou trois jours il luy en rendroit réponse, ce qu'il fit; mais aussi infructueusement que la premiere fois, Vayant asseuré que l’on ne |’avoit fait mettre pri- [92 sonnier que pour l’empescher de demander son deub, qu'il pouvoit sortir pourveu qu "il ne demandast rien, ce quwil fit 4 la caution d’un Savetier pour un écu. Estant en liberté il fut voir ! Ambassadeur de temps en temps qui le prit en amitié, & le trouva propre pour faire scavoir au Cardinal de Richelieu ce qui se passoit lors en Espagne contre la France ne pouvant pas écrire de crainte que les lettres ne fussent interceptées ; il fit donc aprendre par coeur 4 mon frere tout ce qu’il avoit 4 mander & fut envoyé en France avec une lettre de creance pour le Cardinal de Richelieu. Apres avoir presenté sa lettre 4 ce premier Ministre & luy avoir dit qu’il avoit [93] a Pentretenir seul de choses de consequence dont |’ Ambassadeur l’avoit chargé, il s’en aquitta de telle sorte que le Cardinal témoigna en estre satisfait & luy promit sa protection pour tascher de luy faire tirer payement de son navire, mais ces belles paroles furent tout le recouvrement que nous en avons fait. Quant au Commandeur de Razilly, le Marchand Breton & moy, car a Pégard de mon frere, le Cardinal luy donna le commandement d’un navire du Roy. Voila 4 peu prés le succez qu’eut le projet que javois fait pour établir dans la suite une pesche sedentaire, & bien qu’on ait cri que mon principal but dans toutes mes entreprises en ces [94] pays-la a toujours esté le negoce des pelleteries avec les Sauvages; je n’ay jamais compté ]4-dessus que comme sur un accessoire qui pouvoit servir en quelque facon au capital de ce qui se peut faire

482 DESCRIPTION DE LAMERIQUE

dans le pais qui est la pesche sedentaire & la culture de la terre, supposé l’établissement d’une ou plusieurs colonies en tous les lieux de la coste ot |’un & autre se peuvent avantageusement pratiquer.

Continuant la route, on trouve une coste, & tout le long des Isles de distance en distance il y a passage pour de petites barques & chalouppes, entre la grande terre, & les Isles qui sont couvertes de sapins & bouleaux. Ayant fait six 4 sept lieués le [95] long de cette coste, l’on trouve une petite riviere dont Ventrée est bonne pour des barques; elle ne vient pas de bien loin dans la terre, mais c’est un tres-beau & tres-excellent pays; c’est le lieu ot le Com- mandeur de Razilly avoit fait faire une partie de son défrichement; il y avoit environ quarante habitans que recueilloient déja quantité de foment lors quwil mourut. II n’avoit point d’autre passion que de faire peupler le pays, & tous les ans il faisoit venir du monde le plus qu’il pouvoit 4 ce dessein. L’on alloit de la a la Haive par terre; il y avoit environ demie lieve de traverse, & par mer une lieué. I] n’y avoit qu'une pointe a doubler pour entrer dans [96] le havre de la Haive. A son entrée a la gauche il y a une isle qui s’apelle |’ Isle aux Fram- boises, le dessus n’estant que framboisiers; le Printemps elle est toutes couverte de tourtres qui les vont manger; 4 la droite en entrant il y a un gros cap de roche que |’on appelle le cap Doré, parce que quand le Soleil donne dessus il paroist tout doré, l’entrée est entre l’isle & le cap, elle n’est pas bien large; estant dedans l’on trouve un beau bassin ou il tiendroit bien mille vaisseaux. Le logement de Monsieur de Razilly estoit 4 une lieué de l’entrée sur une petite pointe, qui a d’un costé la riviere, & de l’autre il y a un étang & des marests qui s’avancent dans la [97] terre environ cing cens pas, & au bout il n’y a pas grande terre 4 couper pour enfermer d’eau environ trois ou quatre arpens de terre ou estoit basty le Fort, la riviere monte cing a six lieués dans les terres, jusques ov |’on peut aller avec des chalouppes; cela passé il se faut servir de canots. ‘Tout le long de cette riviere ce sont de belles & bonnes terres, fors beaux bois des especes que j’ay déja nommées, mais les chesnes, & les ormeaux y sont plus abondans des deux costez de la riviere, dans laquelle il y a une infinité de conniflle, qui sont de grandes coquilles comme celles que les Pelerins rapportent de saint Michel & de saint Jacques, c’est un excellent manger, l’an- [98] guille y est tres-bonne, l’aloze, le saumon, molué & d’autres sortes de bons poissons; la chasse ny est pas moins abondante toute |’année de toutes sortes d’oyseaux que j’ay déja nommez. C’est 1a le lieu que le Commandeur de Razilly avoit choisi pour sa retraite, pour moy j’avois choisi un autre endroit de l’autre costé de la riviere ot la terre estoit tres-bonne, & sur le bord d’une autre petite riviere qui tomboit dans la grande ot j’avois fait bastir un logement; j’avois douze hommes avec moy, les uns laboureurs, les autres faiseurs de mairrain ou douves pour barriques, charpentiers, & d’autres pour la chasse, j’étois muny de toutes sortes de [99] provisions, nous faisions bonne chere car le gibier ne nous manquoit point, du haut de ma petite riviere traversant quatre ou cing cens pas dans le bois j’allois en de grands étangs plains de gibier ot je faisois ma chasse, laisant la grande riviere au Commandeur. En ces endroits tout le bois n’étoit que chesnes, qui estoit ce que je chercheois. Je mis 1a mes ouvriers de mairrain & mes charpentiers en besongne; en deux années jeus quantité de mairrain, de poutres pour les bastimens toutes escaries, aussi bien que des solives. Monsieur de Razilly qui ne souhaitoit que de faire connoistre la bonté du pais pour y attirer du monde, estoit ravy que je chargeasse [100] tout le bois sur les

SS Che

——

SEPTENTRIONALE. CHAP. III 483

navires qui luy apportoient ses provisions, sans qney ils auroient esté obligez de sen retourner a vuide en France.

Ce m’estoit une commodité qui ne luy colitoit rien, tout cela luy donnoit une grande satisfaction, & m’eust donné un grand profit & 4 ma compagnie de la Pesche sedentaire que je voulois établir comme j’ay dit, & qui manqua, non seulement par la perte de nostre navire, & ensuite par la mort de Monsieur de Razilly 4 qui le sieur d’ Aunay succeda, par un accommodement avec le frere du Commandeur, cela apporta bien du changement dans le pais; le premier ne souhaitoit que de faire connoistre sa bon- [ror] té & le faire peupler, & l’autre tout au contraire apprehendoit qu'il s’habitast, & aussi n’y a-t’il fait passer per- sonne, & emmena tous les habitans de la Haive au Port royal, les tenans tofijours esclaves sans leur y laisser faire aucun profit, son humeur & celle de son conseil estoit de regner, ce qu’ils n’eussent pu faire si l’on eust conneu la bonté du pays, & qu’il eust esté peuplé, ils me |’ont bien fait connoistre, car depuis la mort de Monsieur de Razilly je n’ay pa avoir Ja liberté de faire venir mon bois, ny n’a jamais voulu que ces vaisseaux m’en ayent apporté, qui revenoient a vuide, quoy que je luy aye voulu donner la moitié de la vente du bois. Mon maistre [102] faiseur de marain le fut trouver au Port royal, 4 qui j’avois donné la moitié de ce que j’en pretendois, qui eust esté le quart pour luy & le quart pour moy.

oyant que cét homme le pressoit pour avoir la liberté de faire enlever ses bois, il luy permit s’il pouvoit trouver un navire pour cela. Pour lors il y avoit une petite barque de Baston qui leur avoit apporté quelques victuailles, il en parla 4 celuy que la commandoit, qui luy dit qu’on luy acheteroit 4 Baston, il demanda permission d’y aller, on luy accorda. D’Aunay, a son retour luy fit accroire qu'il les avoit trahis sous pretexte de venir querir son bois, que c’estoit pour les surprendre: il le fit [103] mettre en une basse fosse, ot il n’y avoit point de

_ jour, avec des fers de cinquante livres aux pieds, & on l’y fit mourir de misere,

& tant que d’Aunay 4 vécu, sa conduite a totijous esté de mal-traiter ceux qu il croyoit capable de faire peupler le pais par leur exemple, en sorte que je fus contraint d’abandonner le pais & pour plus de vingt mille livres de bois de toute sorte, tout faconné: ce qui fait bien connoistre que quelque bonne que puisse estre une terre, il n’est point d’homme qui en puisse tirer du fruit, s'il est persecuté dans ses entreprises, & il 4 beau avoir des talents, de |’experience & du scavoir faire, si on luy lie les mains, & qu’on [104] l’empesche de s’en servir, ce qui est assez bien prouvé par mon exemple. Et ensuite les desordres que d’ Aunay causa dans le pais; ses enfans furent bien heureux de trouver un azile chez moy, aprés avoir esté chassez des Anglois: mon établissement ayant servy, non seulement 4 la subsistance de ma famille, mais 4 le leur propre, pendant prés d’un an dans leur besoin, & 4 tous ceux qui m’ont persecuté.

484 DESCRIPTION DE L’AMERIQUE

[105] CHAPITRE IV

Suitte de la coste a’ Acadie depuis la Haive jusques d Campseaux ou elle finit, od sont décrites toutes les rivieres, les Isles, les bois, la bonté de la terre, les diverses especes de chasses §§ de pesches, &§ des rencontres {F avantures qui sont arrivees a

? Autheur.

ORT ANT de la Haive & ayant doublé le cap Doré environ une lieué, l’on entre dans la baye de Mirligaiche qui a prés de tros lieués de pro- fondeur, rem- [106 ] plie de plusieurs Isles, entre autres il y en a une d’un quart de lieué de tour, ce n’est qu’une roche couverte de petit bois

comme des bruyeres; je fus en cette baye avec Monsieur de Razilly & des Sauvages qui nous conduisoient, & un T'ruchement nous dit, passant proche de cette Isle, que les Sauvages n’y mettoient jamais pied a terre, & luy en ayant demandé la raison, il fit réponse, que lors qu'un homme mettoit les pieds sur cette Isle, qu’en mesme temps le feu luy prenoit 4 ses parties, & qu’elles briloient, au rapport des Sauvages, ce qui nous donna sujet de rire, & encore plus lors que le Commandeur de Razilly dit 4 un Pere Capucin 4gé de soixante ans & plus d’y aller [107] pour desabuser ces gens-la de leurs erreurs, ce qu’il refusa & n’en voulut jamais rien faire, quoy que Monsieur de Razilly luy pat dire, l’on passa donc outre: nous allames jusques au fonds de cette baye ou nous trouvames plusieurs autres belles Isles remplies en partie de grands chesnes.

Continuant nostre chemin nous abordémes au lieu of mon monde travailloit aux bois de charpente & au marrain, dont Monsieur de Razilly fut ravy voyant une si grande quantité de bois & si bien conditionné, il dit mille belles choses sur la bonté du pais, sur le grand nombre de monde qui patit en France & qui pourroit estre a son aise en ce pais; il en dit bien davantage [108] lors que je le fis entrer dans une salle que j’avois fait faire couverte de feuillages, ou il trouva une table assez bien garnie, des potages de tourtres, avec des outardes & cravans, ou tout son monde se réjouit bien autant que luy, car ils avoient tous bon apetit ; a ce service en succeda un autre de cravans & de sarcelles, & 4 celuy-cy un troisiéme de beccasses, beccassines & allotettes en piramides, ce fut un ravisse- ment a tout le monde de voir tant de gibier a la fois, tout cela n’avoit couté que deux journées de mes chasseurs. Des framboises & des fraises en abondance servirent de dessert m’ayant esté apportées par les enfans des Sauvages que J avois employez pour [109] ne point distraire mes gens de leur travail. Le vin blanc & clairet ne manqua pas 4 cette petite feste, en sorte que Monsieur de Razilly & toute sa suitte furent forts satisfaits aussi bien que mes gens qui eussent souhaité que Monsieur de Razilly les fust venu voir souvent, 4 quoy je n’aurois pas trouvé mon compte, non pour la dépence du gibier qui ne me manquoit point, ils en avoient tous les jours, mais pour le retardement de mon travail.

Sortant de la baye allant le long de la coste, 4 trois ou quatre lieués de Ia l’on rencontre une riviere qui a deux entrées par le moyen d’une Isle qui est au milieu ; du costé de la premiere entrée il y a de tres-belles [110] & bonnes terres couvertes de grands & beaux arbres, a l’autre entrée a la droite on ne trouve point de beaux bois que l’on ne monte avant dans la riviere; il n’y a que

SEPTENTRIONALE., CHAP. IV 485

des roches pellées assés hautes; entre ces roches il y a un petit havre ow les navires mouillent, & ou il y en a souvent qui y font leur pesche & font secher leur poisson sur les roches qui sont Isolées, & les chalouppes qui vont en pescheries entrent & sortent des deux costez; un peu au large de ces Isles, la pescherie y est bonne & abondante en molue, ie maquereaux & le harang donne fort 4 la coste; ce lieu s’appelle Passepec, du costé de la mer ce n’est que rochers qui sont tous pelez l’espace de quatre a cing lieués. Lelong [111] de cette coste n’est que sapins meslés de quelques autres bois; continuant l’espace de cing a six lieués le long de la coste l’on trouve une baye d’environ une lievé de large ou il ya quelques Isles, la les arbres & la terre commencent d’estre agre- ables, & vis 4 vis trois ou quatre liués au large il y a une Isle de roches, qui est grande avec de petit bois dessus ; elle est assez mal-aisée 4 aborder, j’y ay esté une fois avec une chalouppe au temps que les oyseaux font leurs nids, nous y en trouvames une si grande abondance de toutes les sortes que j’ay nommez, que tout mon équipage & moy nous estans mis a couper des batons nous en tudmes un si grand nombre tant petits que peres [112] & meres, qui estoient si paresseux a se lever de dessus leurs nids, que nous ne les petimes emporter tous, outre que la quantité de ceux quis’estoient sauvez & élevez en l’air faisoient un nuage si épais, gue les rayons du Soleil ne pouvoient pas penetrer au travers. Nous nous rembar- quames avec notre chasse, & retourndmes a terre faire bonne chere. Continuant nostre route environ cing lievés, |’on trouve une riviere que l’on appelle la riviere de Theodore qui a belle entrée pour des navires, les chalouppes y peuvent monter cing a six lieués, le reste en.canots: le pays y est bien agreable, le terroir est bon, mais il y a quelques roches [113 | semées par cy par la qui ne sont pas bien grosses & ne tiennent pas en terre: pour les bois il y ena de toutes les sortes & y sont gros & de belle hauteur, les sapins ny sont pas si communs que les pins sauvages.

_ Acing lieués de cette riviere continuant le long de la coste l’on trouve la baye de toutes Isles qui a bien dix-huit lieués de large: avant que d’y entrer l’on trouve des rochers le long de la coste, & toutes les Isles qui sont dans cette baye sont rochers, les unes contiennent bien plus de tour que les autres, il y en a une bonne partie ow il n’y a que de la mousse dessus, d’autres des brieres ou brandes, d’autres de petits sapins fort [114 ] bas & tout branchus. Entrant dans la baye il y a de plus grandes Isles ot les sapins sont plus beaux, & en toute cette espace de dix-huit lieués, ce ne sont qu’isles dont je n’ay jamais pti scavoir le nombre ny celuy du gibier qui y abonde de toute parts: il y a passage de |’une des pointes 4 l’autre de ladite baye entre ces Isles pour une chalouppe & pour une barque, mais il faut bien scavoir le chemin pour y passer: cette baye a bien prés de quatre lieués de profondeur, & plusieurs rivieres qui descendent dedans, elles sont petites, ce ne sont quasi que gros ruisseaux par ot les Sauvages vont & viennent, ils y sont en grand nombre a cause de la chasse qui est bonne dans [115] le haut des terres y ayant des montagnes toutes remplies d’orignaux : il ne laisse pas d’y avoir de beaux bois & de bonne terre & des endroits beaux & agreables: sortant de cette baye a trois ou quatre lieués de 14 on trouve une riviere ou de petits navires peuvent entrer, mais il y a une forme d’Isle qui jette des battures de sable au large ot la mer brise fort dessus, ils les faut passer, & puis revenir le long de la terre il y a un petit canal par ou |’on peut entrer, estant dedans |’on trouve assez d’eau & la riviere paroit fort belle, beau pais plat: les arbres y sont beaux, ce sont tofijours les mesmes especes de bois dont j’ay déja parlé, la chasse y est tres-bonne & force gibier.

21

486 DESCRIPTION DE L?AMERIQUE

[116] Continuant sa route aprés avoir fait cinq lieués on trouve une autre riviere qui a une petite Isle ronde a l’entrée couverte d’herbe qui s’appelle I’ Isle Verte, & la riviere a esté nommée sainte Marie par la Giraudiere qui si est venu habiter, & qui avoit fait bastir une maison a trois lieués, au dessus de son em- bouchure les chalouppes ne pouvant pas aller plus avant: le pais y est plat depuis Ventrée de la riviere, & jusques a demic Jieué au dessus du logement & plus haut ce sont tous rochers, la riviere sort d’un grand lac qui est a deux lieués ou environ au dessus des rochers, tous les logemens de la Giraudiere estoient enclos d’un Fort de quatre petits bastions, le tout fait de [117] gros picquets ou pieux : il y avoit deux pieces de canon de fonte & des pierriers, le tout en assez bonne deffence.

La Giraudiere avoit fait faire du défrichement, mais ce terroir la n’estoit pas des meilleurs pour estre sableux, il ne laissa pourtant pas de rapporter de bons bleds, mais cela n’a pas continué, au reste la pesche & la chasse y estoient abondantes, mais n’en estans pas contens cela ne le satisfaisoit pas; ce qui le fit songer a trouver moyen de me faire querelle comme il fit, passa en France, surprit les interessez de la Compagnie ancienne, se fit donner mon habitation & vingt cing lieués de terres 4 moy concedée (dont je parleray lors que j’y [118] seray arrivé.) Ledit dela Giraudiere qui estoit venu en France avec moy pour cette affaire, se voyant debouté de sa pretention par la Compagnie, n’y a pas retourné, & de Bay son frere qui commandoit au pais en sa place a aussi repassé en France, qui a laissé en sa place un nommé Huret, qui y a totijours demeuré depuis, jusques en mille six cens soixante neuf.

Un nommé la Montagne qui avoit esté a moy & que j’avois marié 4 une des servantes de ma femme, travailloit pour son compte a saint Pierre en l’isle du cap Breton: il y avoit bien six arpens de bonne terre defrichée sans racine ou il receuilloit de bon froment, des pois, & des [1 19] féves, par le moyen des avances que je luy avois faites: la Giraudiere me l’avoit débauché dans le temps qu'il me venoit voir sous pretexte d’amitié, l’ayant engagé luy & sa femme de me demander leur congé gé pour retourner en F rance, ils m’importunerent tant que je fus contraint de leur accorder: ils furent 4 Campseaux pour trouver passage ot ils demeurerent tout le temps de la pesche: les navires estans prés 4 partir, la Giraudiere dit aux Capitaines qu’ils leurs refusassent leur passage pour me donner lieu de croire que s’ils les retiroient en leur habitation c’étoit par charité, ne scachant ou aller manque de passage : il ne se contenta pas de m’avoir [120] débauché ceux-la, il en attira encore d’autres: la Montagne y demeura environ deux années, mais voyant qu’il ny trouvoit pas son compte & que l’on ne luy tenoit pas ce qu’on luy avoit promis, il eut bien voulu revenir trouver son défrichement, mais je ne me voulus plus fier en luy. Le Borgne le prist, sa femme & ses enfans, ot il demeura bien autant a travailler sans rien gagner, il ne scavoit quel mestier faire en France ou il n’avoit pas le moyen de vivre, cepen- dant le Borgne croit luy donner assez que de les nourrir tous, mais enfin la Montagne quite le Borgne comme il avoit fait la Giraudiere.

Ne scachant ou donner de la [121] teste, il prit resolution d’aller au Port royal avec toute sa famille, il se Tendit serviable aux Anglois & en tira de la poudre & du plomb aprés quoy il se retira 4 la coste, ou il fit une petite cabane a la mode des Sauvages, il faisoit quelques peaux dont il avoit de la poudre, du plomb, de l’eau de vie & autres commodités des Capitaines des navires pescheurs : il vivoit de la sorte, lors qu’il rencontra une barque Angloise qui venoit de sainte

SEPTENTRIONALE. CHAP. V 487

Marie pour surprendre Huret Commandant dans l’habitation du sieur de Cangé: Les Anglois luy firent confidence de leur entreprise & comme ils les avoient manquez, mais Ja Montagne leur ayant promis de les [122] faire reussir en ce dessein s’ils y vouloient retourner, & qu’il les y accompagneroit volontiers pour se vanger du tort qu'il en avoit receu & leur serviroit de guide scachant toutes les routes & leur maniere d’agir: il les mena au travers les bois tout proche du Fort, justement a |’heure du diner : il va a la découverte, trouve que |’on étoit 4 diner la porte ouverte, il avertit les Anglois qui prennent leurs courses pour entrer dans le Fort : comme ils courroient un homme vint a sortir par hazard, les ayant apperceus ils fermerent les portes & crierent aux armes, mais les Anglois gagnerent les embrazures, ou ayant passé leurs fuzils tirerent sur le premier qui sortit du lo- [123] gis, ensuite sur un autre, & les tinrent ainsi assiegez, ils travaillerent pour faire entrée, & menasserent de tuer tout s’ils ne se rendoient, ce qu’ils firent: Les Anglois estans les maistres les lierent, une partie les gardant pendant que les autres pillerent & chargerent tout en leur batiment, & apres avoir mis le teu dans le Fort, les emmenerent a leur bord ow ils leur donnerent une chalouppe pour aller ot ils pourroient, ne scachant ot donner de la teste, Huret & son monde vinrent en mon habitation de Nipigiguit dans le fonds de la baye des chaleurs, ou ma femme en mon absence les a nourris tout un Hyver, jay son billet dont je n’ay pas encore esté payé: [124] & voila comme mon assiduité & mon travail m’ ont donné occasion d’assister dans leurs disgraces ceux qui croyoient ne pouvoir jamais avoir assez de terre a leur gré, & qui n’aspiroient qu’a me traverser & me détruire dans le temps que la Providence me faisoit travailler 4 leur subsistance & 4 leur donner du pain dans leur misere, cecy soit dit sans reproche.

De la riviere sainte Marie au cap de Campseaux il y a bien dix lieués, & ayant fait quatre a cinq lieues le long de la coste, ]’on trouve une baye ou ily a des roches, il n’y a de retraite que pour des chalouppes: environ trois lieués au large il y a des Isles 00 un ou deux navires [125] peuvent mouiller, mais avec peu de seureté, 1a ils font leurs pesches & font sécher le poisson sur les Isles, ot il n’y a pas grand bois: de cette baye continuant son chemin tout le long de la coste il y a des terres hautes & rochers sans retraitte.

[126] CHAPITRE V

Description de Campseaux, de la baye (S petit passage de Campseaux jusques au cap de saint Louts, des rivieres, des Isles, des Havres, les Bois, de la

Chasse, de la Pesche, go? de ce qui y est arrivé de plus particulier. AMPSEAUX est un Havre qui a bien trois lieues de profondeur,

qui du cap commence |’entrée de la grande baye de saint Laurent. Le Havre [127] n’est composé que d’un nombre d’Isles, il y en a une grande d’environ quatre lieues de tour, ot il y a ruisseaux & fontaines : elle est couverte d’assez beaux arbres, mais la plus grande partie ne sont que sapins, qui est la commodité des pescheurs pour faire leurs échaffaux, dont je parleray en son lieu: cette Isle est dans le milieu des autres, & fait deux Havres, Pun pour |’ Amiral ou premier navire arrivé qui est le plus proche de l’entrée du

488 DESCRIPTION DE L?AMERIQUE

costé de la mer, l’ancrage du navire est entre deux Isles ow il est en seureté, & autre Havre, pour le vis-Amiral: & de l’autre costé de l’Isle od les nayvires n’ont pas un si bon abry: ces deux places ont de la grave, mais ils n’en ont pas assez [128 ] pour se passer de vignaux ; j expliqueray ces deux termes lors que je parleray de la pesche des molues: la troisiéme place est a la petite entrée du costé de la baye de Campseaux, celle-la n’a point de grave, |’on se sert de vignaux, toutes les entrées d’un costé & d’autre sont dangereuses, il faut que les navires passent entre des rochers: la coste y est fort poissonneuse, sur tout en molue, maquereau & en haran, dont les pescheurs font leurs boites pour prendre la molue qui en est fort friande: les pescheurs appellent boite ce que nous nommons appas qui s’attache a l’hamecon, la molué se prenant 4 la ligne.

Entrant dans le fonds de la baye de Campseaux qui a huit [129] lieues de profondeur: sortant de Campseaux y: allant le long de la coste lon trouve trois lieues durant des roches, apres cela l’on trouve une grande ance qui a une Isle au milieu, derriere laquelle les chalouppes se peuvent mettre 4 couvert : plus ’on va en avant dans la baye, plus ce pays se trouve beau, & a trois lieues de cette ance, on trouve une petite riviere que jay nommé la riviere au Saumon : y allant une fois pour y pescher, je fis donner un coup de saine a l’entrée, ou il se prit une si grande quantité de Saumon, que dix hommes ne la peurent amener 4 terre, & quoy qu’elle fust neufve, si elle n’eust crevé le Saumon |’auroit emportée, nous en eusmes enco- [ 130 | re plein nostre chalouppe: les Saumons y sont forts, les moindres ont trois pieds de long. Une autre fois je fus pescher a quatre lieues dans le haut de la riviere jusques ou les chalouppes peuvent aller: il y a deux fosses ow je fis jetter la saine : en une je pris bien dequoy emplir une barique de truites saumonnées, & en |’autre six-vingts Saumons: la riviere monte bien avant dans les terres, il ny va que des canots: au costé gauche de cette riviere il y a des terres hautes couvertes de beaux arbres, & le long de cette coste proche de leau il y a force pins: au costé droit les terres y sont plus basses & couvertes des mesmes especes de bois que jay déja décris, & en montant | 131] la riviere on trouve des prairies, jusques ou les chalouppes peuvent monter, la riviere fait une Isle qui n’est encore que des prairies: I’herbe y est bonne & y vient aussi haute qu’un homme, c’estoit la provision de nos vaches, estant 4 Chedabouctou qui est a deux lieues plus avant au fonds de la baye.

Chedabouctou est le mot sauvage que porte cette riviere, il s’y est fait un beau Havre par le moyen d’une digue de cailloux de six cens pas de long qui barre l’emboucheure de cette riviere, 4 la reserve de l’entrée quia une portée de pistolet de large & qui fait par dedans une espece de bassin: cette digue paroist encore de cing ou six pieds de haute mer, en sorte que !’en- [132] trée en est fort aisée; un navire de cent tonneaux y peut entrer facilement & y demeurer toaijours a flot: la terre y est bonne, quoy que les deux costez de la riviere soient bordez de rochers : sur le haut il y a de tres-beaux arbres, des especes que j "ay déja nommées.

C’est le lieu que 7 avois choisi pour faire mes magazins pour |’établissement de ma Pesche sedentaire, j’avois six-vingt hommes 4 y travailler tant aux batimens qu’au labourage, j’avois environ trente arpens de terre défrichée dont une partie estoit ensemencée : toutes ces terres se sont remises en friches, & les batimens sont rilinez; jen avois déja fait achever deux de soixante pieds de long, & un [133 } autre pareil dont la charpente estoit preste 4 monter, lors que la Giraudiere me vint attaquer, ce qui m “obligea de quiter tout & me retirer au Fort saint Pierre enl’Isle du cap Breton, & m’a ruiné de telle sorte en toutes mes affaires, qu'il

SEPTENTRIONALE. CHAP. V 489

n’a presque pas esté en mon possible de les remettre sur le pied ou elles estoient auparavant.

Sortant de Chedabouctou allant 4 l’entrée du petit passage de Campseaux 1’ on passe quatre lieues de terre hautes & de rochers, qui vont en descendant jusques a une petite Isle; & la les terres sont plattes, marécageuses & pleines de petits étangs d’eau salée, dans lesquels il se trouve grand nombre de gibier : une lieué plus avant on [134] trouve une autre baye ou il y entre un grand courant de marée : entrée y est estroite, 11 y a une barre de sable, & les chalouppes n’y peuvent entrer que de pleine mer, le dedans asseche de basse mer ou tombe deux petits ruisseaux : l’on nomme ce lieu, la riviere du Mouton; la chasse est excellente dans les terres qui sont tres-bonnes, le pais agreable: les bois y sont beaux, il y a peu de sapins, & toute la coste est de mesme jusqu’a !’entrée du petit passage de Campseaux qui est entre la terre ferme & l’Isle du cap Breton ot paroist un gros cap de terre rouge. Continuant huit ou neuf lieués !’on trouve un grand cap fort haut, & toute cette coste est haute avec des rochers cou- [135] verts de grands sapins: au bas de ce grand cap qui est escarpé a pied droit, il y a une ance ot les vaisseaux qui vont dans la grande baye de saint Laurens pour faire leur pesche, & qui arrivent 4 la coste de trop bonne heure, qui ne peuvent entrer dans la grande baye de saint Laurens par le grand passage a cause des glaces, viennent chercher ce petit passage, & se mettre 4l’ancre dans cette ance pour laisser passer les glaces : ce lieu s’appelle Fronsac ; j’y ay veu jusques a huit ou dix vaisseaux, & quoy que le courant soit extremement fort dans ce petit passage, les glaces n’incommodent point les vaisseaux en cet endroit, 4 cause d’une grande pointe qui avance, & [136] qui détourne la marée qui pourroit apporter ces glaces de la grande baye, les rejette du costé de I’Isle du cap Breton, & celles qui pourroient venir de |’autre costé sont jettées aussi par le gros cap du costé de cette Isle: cet endroit-la est le plus estroit du petit passage, & il n’y peut avoir que la portée d’un bon canon de la terre ferme a I’Isle.

Sortant de cette ance, avant que d’en passer la pointe il y a des étangs d’eau sallée ou il se trouve quantité de bonnes huitres & fort grosses, & des moules encore davantage : passé la pointe on trouve une petite riviere ou des chalouppes peuvent entrer; estant dedans on trouve une Isle qui separe une gran-[ 137 | de baye endeux, ou tombent deux ruisseaux, il s’y trouve aussi force huistres & moules : le pais est agreable & beau, les arbres y sont comme les autres, mais il y a plus de cedres & de trembles, la terre y est basse; la baye a bien deux lieues de tour & platte en des endroits : elle asseche de basse mer ; ce sont sables vazeux, & l’on y trouve quantité de coquillages de toutes facons bonnes a manger, c’est la plus grande subsistance des Sauvages pendant le Printemps. Dela aprés avoir fait encore deux lieues suivant la coste, on trouve une autre baye qu’on nomme Articougnesche : suivant la coste ce sont tous sables, quide basse mer assechent [138 ] bien trois lieues vers ]’eau, & a entrée des terres il y a force étangs d’eau sallée & de belles prairies ot l’on trouve grand nombre de gibier, & plus avant que les prairies les terres y sont bonnes & de tres-beaux bois, puis ayant avancé environ six lieues, continuant Ja route le long de la coste l’on trouve une riviere par ot les Sauvages viennent au Printemps en canots apporter en cachette leurs pelleteries aux pescheurs 4 qui elle n’est pas permise, & qui ne laissent pas neantmoins de leur donner du tabac & de !’eau de vie en échange.

Continuant le tour de la baye la terre y est diversifiée d’étangs & de prairies, a la reserve de quelques lieux couverts [139] de sapins & de cedres, & dans le

490 DESCRIPTION DE L’AMERIQUE

fonds de la baye!’on trouve une petite entrée entre deux pointes qui va dans une grande ance toute plate, dans laquelle il y a un canal par ot les chalouppes peuvent entrer: a une bonne portée de canon de cette entrée l’on trouve la riviere de Mirliguesche qui donne le nom 4a cette baye: elle est profonde & s’étend bien avant dans les terres: pendant le Printemps & |’ Autommne, cette ance est toute couverte d’outardes, canards, sarcelles & de toutes autres sortes de gibier, le nombre en est si grand que cela ne se peut pas imaginer, ils y demeurent jusques apres la Toussaint : en ce mesme lieu il y a des huistres excellentes, & a l’en- [140] trée de la riviere 4 gauche il y en a encore davantage, elles sont en roches les unes sur les autres : en montant la riviere il y a du costé gauche deux lieues durant des roches de platre qui sont assez hautes; cela passé les terres sont bonnes trois lieues durant des deux costez, & couvertes de beaux arbres gros & fort hauts entremeslées de chesnes, & de quelques pins: au bout de ces trois lieues l’on rencontre deux autres rivieres en fourche qui tombent dans celle-la, qui viennent de loin dans les terres par ot les Sauvages qui y sont en grand nombre viennent au Printemps pour le trafic de leurs peaux: la chasse y est assez bonne: le pays y est plat, avec une grande esten- [ 141 | dué de prairies des deux costez. Ces deux rivieres viennent des lacs qui sont dans le haut des deux rivieres, & dans lesquels les Sauvages tuent quantité de castors.

A trois lieués de cette riviere en continuant la route le long de la coste, l’on trouve une petite ance ou la marée entre, dont le fond n’est que vase, & au milieu de laquelle passe un ruisseau : pendant le Printemps & |’ Automne !’on y pesche une grande quantité de bars, qui est un tres-bon poisson long de deux a trois pieds; les Sauvages les prennent avec une épée anmanchée a un baston d’environ sept pieds de long qu’ils dardent sur le poisson lors qu’ils l’appergoivent, & en une heu- [142 ] re ils en chargent un canot qui est environ deux cens de ces poissons. Dela la coste va jusqu’au cap saint Louis toljours en montant quatre lieués durant ; ce cap la est aussi extremement haut, il se void de vingt lieues : j’ay monté jusques au haut ov il y a de beaux arbres, & fort hauts & gros, bien que d’embas ils ne paroissent que des bruieres : en descendant du costé de la grande baye de saint Laurens la terre est couverte des mesmes bois: au pied de ce capil y a des rochers qui font un petit bassin ot |’on se peut mettre a l’abry du mauvais temps en cas de besoin avec une chalouppe, il y a entrée des deux costez: il s’y trouve quantité de homars entre toutes [143] ces roches-la; s’y l’on y estoit assiegé de mauvais temps l’on y trouveroit totijours dequoy subsister: il sy trouve aussi quelques canards & moyaques, le long de la coste qui se mettent a Vabry derriere quelques roches pour éviter les brisants de la mer qui sont furieux lors que les vents portent 4 la coste: si l’on passe pardevant ce cap-la il faut bien se donner de garde de porter la voile haute, & les plus sages les mettent toutes basses pour luy rendre |’hommage, j’entends pour des chalouppes, car les vaisseaux passent au large & ne s’approchent pas de si prés que les chalouppes, encore qu'il ne fasse de vent que pour faire enfler la voile: la hauteur du cap fait une rafale si furieuse [144] de ce peu de vent qu'il y a, que s'il rencontroit la voile hautre il feroit renverser la chalouppe la quille en

haut, plusieurs y ayant tourné, il faut passer cét endroit 4 la rame pour le plus.

seur, & il n’est pas pliitost passé qu’on trouve le vent tout calme.

SEPTENTRIONALE. CHAP. VI 491

[145 | CHAPITRE VI

Qui décrit de P Isle du cap Breton, des Ports, Havres, ses rivieres && les Isles qui en dépendent, la nature de la terre, des especes des bois, de la pesche, de la chasse ES tout ce qu'elle contient.

E reviens 4 |’Isle du cap Breton avant que de passer plus avant. Elle est distante de dix lieués du cap de Campseaux ; elle a quatre vingt lieués de tour, y compris |’Isle de sainte Marie qui en est adjacente, & située en sorte qu’elle forme [146] deux passages ; l'un entre elle & la terre

ferme appellée l’entrée du petit passage de Campseaux, dont nous avons parlé cy-dessus, & l’autre entrée est une intervale de six lieués qui est entre elle & |’Isle du cap Breton, par ot |’on va du petit passage de Campseaux au Fort de saint Pierre ; le trajet ne s’en peut faire que par des barques, encore faut-il bien prendre garde au chenal ou canal de |’entrée du petit passage: allant le long de |’ Isle de sainte Marie par dehors |’on trouve une petite Isle toute ronde 4 trois lieués de la nommée |’Isle Verte, pour y aller il faut tenir le large: la coste y est semée de rochers qui avancent une bonne lieué en mer, trois lieues [147] durant, & ow il s’est perdu autrefois des vaisseaux ; cela passé venant trouver |’Isle verte, il la faut laisser 4 droite pour entrer dans la baye de saint Pierre; !’on y mouille devant une pointe de sable un peu au large; les vaisseaux ne peuvent approcher plus prés de saint Pierre qu’a la distance de trois lieués les barques y peuvent venir, mais il faut bien scavoir le canal qui serpente, outre qu'il y a quantité de roches qui ne paroissent pas; le fort est basty au pied d’une montagne qui est quasi toute droite, l’on a peine a monter dessus de ce costé-la: il y a un étang au haut qui fait plusieurs fontaines, au pied de Ja montagne laquelle va en baissant d’un costé vers La- [148] brador huit ou neuf cens pas de long ; de l’autre costé de l’entrée elle descend environ cing cens pas, sur une ance ow une petite riviere tombe, dans laquelle on prend |’hiuer force ponnamon; c’est un petit poisson presque semblable au goujon qui est excellent. Tout le haut de cette montagne est de bonne terre ; les arbres y sont beaux, & c’est la dessus que j’ay fait faire mon défrichement: j’y ay bien quatre vingts arpens de terres labourables que je faisois ensemencer tous les ans avant mon incendie.

L/’autre costé de terre qui est au pied de la montagne ou est le Fort a plus de dix lieués ; ce ne sont que sapins autour, ou la terre ne vaut rien jusques a [149] une petite riviere, ot il se trouve de bonnes terres & dans laquelle l’on pesche des Saumons: il y a aussi des prairies ; la traite y est assez bonne en tirant vers Labrador. Ce que l’on appelle Labrador est une intervale de mer, qui couppe par la moitié l’Isle du Cap Breton, a Ja reserve de huit cens pas de terre ou environ qu’il y a depuis le Fort saint Pierre jusques 4 |’extremité de cette mer de Labrador, qui fait une espece de golfe, dont l’ouverture est a Orient de Isle du cap Breton, & finit 4 l’Occident du costé du Fort saint Pierre. J’ay fait faire un chemin dans cette espace pour faire passer a force de bras des chalouppes d’une mer 4 !’autre, & pour éviter le circuit qu'il [150 faudroit faire par mer: la marée monte jusques 4 |’extremité du golfe, & l’on compte vingt lieués depuis son entrée jusques 4 huit cens pas du Fort ou elle

492 DESCRIPTION DE LAMERIQUE

aboutit, & lors qu’il est pleine mer en Labrador, il est basse mer de l’autre costé vis 4 vis le Fort; l’ouverture de cette petite mer de Labrador est a Il’ Est juste- ment al’ oposite de Pautre costé: ce qui fait cette difference de marée, c’est que la baye de saint Pierre a son ouverture droit 4 I’ Ouest, joint qu’il n’est jamais pleine mer dans un Havre, que la Lune ne soit droit a l’opposite de entrée du Havre, soit dessus ou dessous l’orizon. Dans Labrador il y a un grand bassin ou étang de huit lieués de longueur & de cing de [151] largeur avec des ances de chaque costé qui entrent fort avant dans les terres: tout le tour de Labrador est bordé de montagnes dont partie sont de platre: les terres ny sont pas bien bonnes quoy que les montagnes soient couvertes d’arbres, dont la plus grande partie sont pins & sapins meslez de boulleaux & haistres: la pesche n’y est pas bonne ; il s’y trouve seulement des huistres qui ne sont pas bonnes quand elles sont houveliernece peschées a cause qu’elles sont trop douces, mais elles ont une proprieté, qui est que |’on les peut garder huit ou dix jours sans qu’elles perdent leur eau, apres quoy elles sont sallées & perdent cette fadeur que leur cause l’eau douce des rivieres, a [152] l’embouchure desquelles l’on les pesche.

Sortant du port de saint Pierre par le costé de Campseaux pour faire le tour de l’Isle tirant vers la partie Orientale, l’on trouve l’Isle Verte; de la l’on va aux Isles Michaur qui en sont 4 trois lieués, ce sont des roches que l’on nomme ainsi: la pesche de la molué y est bonne, & de 1a au Havre |’ Anglois on compte dix lieués: toute la coste n’est que rochers, & a |’entrée de ce Havre |’on trouve une Isle qu’il faut laisser 4 gauche, les navires estans dedans y sont en seureté: Pancrage y est bon; toutes les terres du dedans ne sont que costes de rochers assez hautes; au bas il y a un petit étang ot |’on prend [153] grand nombre d’anguilles: la pesche de la molué y est tres-bonne; les Olonnois venoient anciennement hiverner ]4 pour estre des premiers sur le grand banc pour la pesche de la molué verte, & estre des premiers en France, parce que le poisson se vend beaucoup mieux 4 la nouveauté. AQ trois lieués de 14 |’on trouve le port de la Baleine, qui est encore un bon Havre, mais de difficile entrée, 4 cause de quantité de rochers qui s’y rencontrent: de 1a on va au Fourillon qui est derriere le cap Breton: le cap Breton n’est qu’une Isle, & la partie de |’Isle qui porte ce nom & qui regarde le Sudest, ce sont tous rochers entre lesquels |’on ne laisse pas de mettre des na- [154] vires a l’abry pour la pesche qui y est tres-bonne. Toutes les terres de ce pais-la ne vallent gueres, quoy qu’il y ait de beaux bois dans le haut des montagnes, comme bouleaux, haistres & la plus grande part sapins & quelques pins. Passant plus avant l’on trouve la riviere aux Espagnols, & a l’entrée de laquelle des navires peuvent estre en seureté : il y a une montagne de tres-bon charbon de terre 4 quatre lieués avant dans la riviere, la terre y est assez bonne; de !’autre costé elle est couverte de boulleaux, haistres, erables, fresnes, & quelques-peu de chesnes: il s’y trouve aussi des pins & des sapins: du haut de Ja riviere on traverse 4 Labrador ; il faut passer deux [155] ou trois lieugs de bois pour cela. Sortant de la riviere aux Espagnols pour aller 4 Pentrée de Labrador, |’on fait trois lieués qui sont tous rochers, au bout desquels est l’entrée du petit Chibou ou de Labrador; en cette entrée il y a encore du charbon de terre: la commence une grande baye qui va proche de Niganiche, elle a huit ou dix lieués de large: dedans cette baye il y a forces roches ou les cormorans font leurs nids : en terre de toutes ces roches 4 la droite est le grand Chibou, qui est l’entrée du Havre de sainte Anne, qui est bon & fort spacieux ; son entrée est entre deux pointes & n’a pas cent pas de large; les vaisseaux de

SEPTENTRIONALE. CHAP. VI 493

trois ou quatre cens tonneaux y peu- [156] vent entrer de toutes marées: ancrage est bon, & quand les cables manqueroient |’on n’échoueroit que sur des vases ; le Havre peut contenir mille vaisseaux ; le bassin est entouré de mon- tagnes, de roches forts hautes ; les navires peuvent mettre le beau pré en terre 4 la droite en entrant, c’est a ine se mettre sans danger si prés de terre que le mast de beaupré qui est 4 |’avant du navire y puisse toucher, la roche y est escarpée; il y a quelques Action rivieres & ruisseaux qui tombent dedans & qui viennent de toutes ces montagnes. Du bout ou extremité du Havre il y a une montagne de roche blanche comme lait, qui est aussi dure que le marbre: en un autre endroit il y a une [157] terre toute mélée de petits cailloux de plusieurs couleurs ; il en est tombé des morceaux 4 la coste d’assez bonne grosseur, contre lesquels la mer bat sans qu’elles se mettent en pleces ; ; bien au contraire elles sendurcissent si fort 4 l’air & a l’eau que les outils n’en scauroient faire sortir la moindre petite pierre, ce qui me fait croire qu’ils ne seroient pas moins beaux au poly que le marbre, aussi bien que la roche blanche dont je viens de parler, si Pon en vouloit faire l’essay. Il y a pesche de Saumon dans le Havre, mais le maquereau y est abondant, il s’y en pesche de monstrueux en grosseur & longueur, on les prend 4 la ligne a l’entrée du Havre: c’est une pointe de sable [1 58] ou l’on trouve force coquillage il y a aussi des étangs au bas des montagnes ou il y a tres-bonne chasse d’outardes, de canards & de toutes autres sortes de gibier.

Sortant de Ja allant 4 Niganiche, l’on passe huit lieués de costes de roches extremement hautes & escarpées comme une muraille, si un navire s’y perdoit il n’y auroit point de ressource pour personne, & Niganiche qui est 4 deux lieués de la pointe ne vaut gueres non plus ; ; ce n'est proprement qu’une rade, entre des Isles qui sont un peu au large vis a vis une ance de sable; les navires mouillent la entre les Isles & la terre; il s’y met quelquefois jusques 4 trois navires, mais il n’y sont pas en [159] seureté; c’est pourtant la place la premiere prise de toute la coste, parce que la pesche y est bonne & prime; ce mot de prime veut dire que le poisson y donne & s’y pesche de bonne heure. Du Fourillon ou cap Breton il y peut avoir dix-huit 4 vingt lieués jusques 4 Niganiche, & de la au cap de Nort cing 4 six lieués, toutes costes de rochers: il y a place au cap de Nort pour un navire qui peut y faire sa pescherie: du cap de Nort au Chadye il y a environ quinze a seize lieués : toute cette coste-la n’est que rochers, couverts de sapins, mélez de quelques petits boulleaux: il s’y trouve quelques ances de sables ou 4 peine se peut retirer une chalouppe : cette coste est | 160] dangereuse : Le Chadye est une grande ance qui a environ deux lieués de profondeur ; dans le fonds est une grave de sable mélée de cailloux que la mer y a faite, derriere laquelle est un étang d’eau sallée, & cette ance est bordée de rochers des deux costez : la molué donne beaucoup dans cette baye, ce qui y attire les navires, bien quwil s’y en perde souvent a cause du peu d’abry qu’il y a.

Continuant sa route le long de la coste qui sont montagnes de roches jusques a quatre lieués de Ja, l’on trouve une petite Isle vis 4 vis d’une ance de sable propre a mettre des chalouppes 4 couvert : dedans cette ance il y a une montagne de pierre noire dont les Charpen- [161] tiers se servent 4 marquer leurs ouvrages ; elle n’est pas des meilleures estant un peu dure: aprés avoir fait encore huit lieués de coste |’on trouve des terres basses & plattes couvertes de bois de toutes sortes, comme fresnes, boulleaux, haitres, erables, pins, & sapins, mais tous ces bois-la ne sont pas des plus beaux: de 1a |’on entre dans une petite riviere 4 chalouppes ou ]’on pesche force saumons: il y a une mine de charbon de terre; 1’on m’a

494 DESCRIPTION DE L?AMERIQUE

dit qu’il y avoit aussi du platre, mais je ne l’ay pas veu: le bois est assez beau en cette riviere, & le terrain n’en est pas montagneux: de l’emboucheure de cette petite riviere jusques a Ventrée du petit passage de [1 62] Campseaux du costé du Nord il n’y a que trois lieués ; & de la a lautre entrée du costé du Sud environ dix lieués, ou j’ay commencé pour faire le tour, & c’est ot finit le circuit de cette Isle du cap Breton, a laquelle on donne communement quatre vingt lieués de tour, dont la circonference & le dedans ne contiennent presque que des montagnes de roches ; mais ce qui la fait estimer sont les ports & rades ou les navires se mettent pour faire leur pescherie: le maquereau & le harang donne fort autour de |’ Isle, & les pescheurs en font leur boitte ou l’appast pour pescher Ja molué qui en est fort friande, & qu’elle court sur toute autre chose: cette [163] Isle a encore esté estimée pour la chasse de l’orignac ; il s’y en trouvoit autrefois grand nombre, mais 4 present il n’y en a plus, les Sauvages ont tout détruit & lont abandonnée n’y trouvant plus de quoy vivre; ce n’est pas que la chasse du gibier n’y soit bonne & abondante, mais cela n est pas suffisant pour leur nourriture, outre qu’il leur couste trop en poudre & en plomb; car d’un coup de fuzil, dont ils abattent un orignac, ils ne tueront qu’ue outarde ou deux, quelquefois trois, & cela n’est pas sufhsant pour les nourrir avec leurs familles comme fait une grande beste.

[164] CHAPITRE VII

Contenant la description de la grande Baye de S. Laurent, depuis le Cap de S. Loiiis jusques aT entrée de la Baye des chaleurs, avec toutes les rivieres && isles qut sont le long de la coste de Terre ferme, &5 de l’Isle S. Jean, la qualité des terres, les especes de bois: de la Pesche, de la Chasse, &§ quelques choses de

la conduite §§ des meurs des Sauvages.

L, faut retourner au cap saint Louis pour suivre le reste de la coste jusques

a Ventrée de la [165] Baye des chaleurs, partant de ce cap a dix lieués

de la l’on trouve une petite riviere dont l’entrée a une barre qui se bouche quelquefois, lors que le temps est mauvais & que la mer pousse

les sables 4 l’entrée, mais quand la riviere se fait grosse elle passe par dessus & fait l’ouverture, il n’y peut entrer que des chaloupes: elle ne va pas avant dans les terres qui sont assez belles & couvertes d’arbres de toutes les especes que j’ay déja nommées. Continuant la route environ douze lieués la coste n’est que de rochers, a la reserve de quelques ances de differentes grandeurs, les terres sont basses en ces endroits-la, elles paroissent bonnes & couvertes de beaux arbres, parmy lesquels il y a [166] quantité de chesnes; l’on arrive ensuite 4 une grande riviere dont |’entrée est toute platte environ une lieué & demie vers la mer, & a bien trois lieués de large 4 son emboucheure, qui asseche presque par tout de basse mer, en sorte qu’on remarque aisément que son fonds est de sable; il n’y peut entrer que de petits bastimens de pleine mer comme barques de douze 4 quinze tonneaux, encore faut-il qu’ils attendent la pleine mer, l’on trouve mesme a l’entrée quelques battures de roches. A la gauche de cette embou- cheure est une petite riviere qui n’est separée de la grande que par une pointe de

SEPTENTRIONALE. CHAP. VII 495

sable, elle entre avant dans les terres & est fort estroite 4 |’entrée: cela passé l’on trouve { 167] une grande ouverture ou il se fait plusieurs ances par le moyen des pointes de terres basses ou prairies, dans lesquels sont plusieurs étangs ou il y a une si grande abondance de gibier de toutes les facons que cela est surprenant, & si la chasse y est abondante, la terre n’y est pas moins bonne: il y a quelques petits costeaux qui ne sont pas desagreables: tous les arbres y sont tres-beaux & gros: il y a des chesnes, des haistres, des erables, des mignenogons, des cedres, pins, sapins, & toute autre sorte de bois: la grande riviere est droite a |’entrée, les chalouppes y vont sept a huit lieués dedans, aprés quoy l’on rencontre une petite Isle couverte des mesmes bois & des [168] lambrusques de vignes, au dela de laquelle l’on ne peut monter plus haut vers sa source qu’avec des canots: la terre des deux costez de la riviere vers sa source est couverte de pins gros & petits l’espace d’une lieué; en remontant des deux costez ce sont tous beaux arbres, comme cy-dessus: les costeaux y sont un peu plus hauts que ceux de la petite riviere, mais la terre n’y est pas moins bonne: il y a aussi le long de ses bords des ances & cul de sacs avec des prairies ot Ja chasse est bonne, cela s’appelle la riviere de Pictou.

A une lieve & demie dans la riviere, sur la gauche il y a une grande ance ot on trouve quantité d’excellentes huistres, les unes en un endroit sont quasi [169] toutes rondes, & plus avant dans l’ance elles sont monstrueuses, il s’y en trouve de plus grandes qu’un soulier & 4 peu prés de mesme figure, & sont toutes fort pleines & de bon goust: & a l’entrée de cette riviere sur la droite 4 une demie lieué de son embouchure, il y a encore une grande baye qui entre prés de trois lieués dans la terre, & qui contient plusieurs Isles & nombre d’ances des deux costez ou il se trouve force prairies & du gibier en abondance: allant trois lieués plus avant on rencontre une autre ance bien plus grande aussi, garnie de quantité d’Isles d’inégales grandeurs, parties couvertes d’arbres, les autres de prairies, & une infinité d’oyseaux de toutes les espe- [170] ces: toutes les terres sont belles & bonnes, elles ne sont point trop montagneuses, mais couvertes de beaux arbres, entre lesquels il y a quantité de pins & de chesnes.

Passant huit ou neuf lieués plus avant la coste est haute avec des rochers ; elle n’est pas trop saine, il faut un peu prendre le large, l’on y trouve pourtant quelque ance ou la terre est basse, mais il n’y a pas beaucoup d’abry pour des chalouppes, & la mer y brise fort. L’on trouve une autre riviere qui a force roches a son entrée, & un peu au large vers la mer, une autre petite Isle couverte de bois que l’on appelle l’Isle l?Ormet: avant que d’entrer dans cette riviere on trouve [171] une grande baye de deux bonnes lieués de profondeur & d’une de largeur; en plusieurs endroits la terre basse est totijours couverte de beaux arbres, dans le fonds de cette baye |’on void deux pointes de terre qui s’ap- prochent & font un détroit qui est l’entrée de la riviere qui vient de trois ou quatre lieués dans les terres: elle est platte 4 son entrée, les chalouppes n’y entrent pas bien avant: le pais est assez beau, il paroist quelques montagnes dans les terres d’une mediocre hauteur, il s’y pesche aussi force huistres & coquillages. Sortant de 14 suivant la coste 4 deux lieués ou environ, l’on trouve encore une autre riviere qui entre assez avant dans les terres, les [172] deux costes sont montagneuses.

Passant plus avant suivant la coste environ douze lieués, ]’on va trouver le cap Tourmentin; c’est une grande pointe qui avance a la mer, & n’est qu’a deux lieués & demie de |’Isle saint Jean qui est le plus estroit de tout le passage :

496 DESCRIPTION DE LAMERIQUE

cette coste n’est que montagnes & rochers tres-dangereux qui sont fort au large, vis a vis de luy les unes paroissent & les autres découvrent de basse mer seule- ment. Cette pointe est entre deux grandes bayes bordées de montagnes & de roches; tout le dessus n’est quasi que pins & sapins, & quelque peu d’autres arbres: ayant doublé cette pointe & fait environ dix lieués le long de cette coste on trouve une [173] autre riviere ot les barques entrent, il faut bien prendre le canal, passé une petite Isle on est bien 4 couvert, & l’on trouve de l’eau assez : Pon mouille l’ancre devant une grande prairie qui fait une ance d’une raisonnable étendué ot l’on se met a l’abry: fay nommeé cette riviere la riviere de Cocagne, parce que j’y trouvay tant dequoy y faire bonne chere pendant huit jours que le mauvais temps m’obligea d’y demeurer, & tout mon monde estoit tellement rassasié de gibier & de poisson qu’ils n’en vouloient plus; soit d’outardes, canars, sarcelles, pluvier s, beccasses, beccassines, tourtres, lapins, perdrix, perdreaux, saumon, truites, maquereaux, esperlans, huistres, [174] & d’autres sortes de bons pOissons ; tout ce que je vous en puis dire, c’est que nos chiens se couchoient contre la viande & le poisson tant ils en estoient rassasiez: le pais est aussi agreable que la bonne chere, ce terroir 14 est plat, couvert de tres-beaux arbres, tant en grosseur qu’en hauteur de toutes les sortes que je puis avoir nommez; il y a aussi de grandes prairies le long de la riviere qui entre environ cing a six lieués dans les terres, le reste n’est navigable qu’en canot, & il s’y trouve beaucoup plus de pins que d’autres arbres.

Continuant nostre chemin nous fusmes en la riviere de Rechibouctou, qui est environ 4 dix lieués de Ja derniere dont nous [175] venons de parler : : cette riviere a des grands platins de sables 4 son entrée qui vont prés d’une lieué, au milieu desquels il y a un canal pour le passage des navires de deux cens tonneaux, aprés qu’on y est entré l’on trouve un bassin d’une grande étendué, mais plat en quelques endroits: les navires ne peuvent pas aller bien avant dedans cette riviere, mais les barques y naviguent prés de trois lieués. Deux autres rivieres tombent dans ce bassin, dont l’une est petite & |’autre assez grande, par ou les Sauvages vont a la riviere saint Jean, en portant deux fois leurs canots pour traverser d’une riviere 4 |’autre, du haut de laquelle ils vont dans un grand lac & puis se rendent a [176] une autre riviere qui tombe dans celle de saint Jean; ils employent deux jours a faire ce trajet quand ils ne se veulent point arrester, ce qui ne leur arrive gueres n’estans jamais bien pressez, & c’est par ce moyen que les Sauvages de la riviere de saint Jean & ceux-cy se visitent souvent; 4 Pégard de la petite riviere qui est a droit en entrant, elle sert par le moyen d’un autre portage 4 la communication de Miramichi, qui est l’habitation que jay dans la baye des chaleurs. Le Capitaine de Rechibouctou nommé Denis est un suffisant & pernicieux Sauvage, tous les autres de la grande baye |’aprehendent, & quia sur le bord du bassin de cette riviere un Fort fait de pieux assez gros, [177] avec deux formes de bastions, & dans lequel est sa cabanne & les autres Sauvages cabannent autour de luy: ii a fait mettre une grande piece de bois droit au haut d’un arbre avec de grandes chevilles qui passent au travers a la maniere d’une estrapade, qui servent d’eschelons pour monter au haut, ou il envoye de temps en temps un Sauvage pour voir s'il ne verra rien le long des costes; de la |’on découvre fort loin 4 la mer, si l’on appercoit quelque batiment ou canots, il fait mettre tout sont monde en armes avec leurs arcs & flesches & leurs fuzils, met une sentinelle 4 |’avenue pour demander quelles gens ce sont, & puis selon sa fantaisie il les fait attendre, ou [178] les fait venir sur le champ.

eee

SEPTENTRIONALE. CHAP. VII 497

Avant que d’entrer il faut qu’ils fassent une décharge de leurs fuzils pour salut & quelquefois deux, puis ce Chef entre, & sa suite aprés: il ne sort jamais de sa cabanne pour recevoir ceux qui le viennent visiter ; il est todjours 1a planté sur son cul comme un Singe la pipe a la bouche, s’il a du tabac; il ne parle point le premier, il attend qu’on luy fasse compliment, quelque temps aprés il répond avec une gravité magistrale: s’il va ala cabanne de quelque Sauvage, en arrivant il fait tirer un coup de fuzil pour avertir tous les autres Sauvages qui sortent de leurs cabannes, & vont au devant de luy avec leurs fuzils, pour lors il descend

-de sa cha- [179] loupe mettant pied a terre, tous les Sauvages qui sont 1a tirent

leurs fuzils, puis ’accompagnent jusques a leur cabannes, Jors qu’il entre dedans ils tirent encore chacun un coup de fuzil. Voila la maniere dont il se fait recevoir, plus par crainte que par amitié; ils souhaittent tous sa mort, il n’est aimé de pas un; s’ils manquoient a leur devoir, il les battroit, non pas estans en nombre, car en ce cas il ne le feroit pas impunément; mais quand il les attrape

‘seuls il les fait souvenir de leur devoir: si les Sauvages font la débauche, il

n’est jamais de ja partie, il ce cache, car en l’ivrongnerie ils sont aussi grands Capitaines que luy, & s’il leur disoit quelque chose qui les fachast ils l’assom- [180] meroient. En ces temps-la il est sage, & ne parle jamais de sa grandeur. Il est bon de remarquer que les Sauvages de la céte ne se servent de canots que pour les rivieres & ont tous des chalouppes pour la mer, quils acheptent quelques fois des Capitaines qui sont sur leur depart, apres avoir achevé leur pesche, mais la pluspart les prennent ot les Capitaines les ont fait cacher 4 la coste ou dans des étans pour s’en servir en un autre voyage; mais lors que les proprietaires ou autres y ayant droit les reconnoissent, ils ne font pas plus de ceremonie 4 les reprendre que les Sauvages a s’en servir. Pour revenir au Capitaine Denis, son pais de Rechibouctou est beau, les terres bonnes qui [181] ne sont ny trop basses ny trop hautes: la chasse y est abondante, la pesche du Maquereau aussi, qui y est tresgros: pour les bois ils sont comme ceux des autres endroits mélez de sapins & de pins. Sortant de Rechibouctou pour aller 4 Miramichi, a la gauche l|’on trouve de grands platins de sables qui avancent fort au large vers la mer, & mesme toute la coste qu’il ne faut pas approcher de trop prés l’espace de huit 4 dix lieués, apres quoy |’on trouve une grande baye qui entre plus de deux lieués dans les terres & qui a bien autant de large: toute cette baye est aussi de platins dont la plus grande partie découvre de basse mer, & la mer y est tres-dangereuse de mauvais temps, parce qu’el- [182] le brise par tout. Il y a pourtant un petit canal qui conduit dans la riviere qui est bien tortu, & il le faut bien scavoir pour y entrer, encore n’y peut il passer que des barques de douze a quinze tonneaux de pleine mer: toute Yestendué de ces platins continue jusques 4a l’emboucheure de la riviere de Miramichy dont l’entrée est fort estroite, 4 cause d’une petite Isle qui est a la droite en entrant qui ferme l’ouverture. Cela passé |’on trouve une belle riviere large d’une portée de canon qui est assez profonde: les deux costez sont rochers assez hauts, sur lesquels il y a de beaux bois: l’on y trouve pourtant quelques petites ances basses ot |’on peut aborder & descendre avec des chaloup- [183] pes ou canots: cette riviere a cinq ou six lieués de long ot les bastiments peuvent monter, & la l’on trouve deux autres rivieres assez grosses qui tombent dedans & aboutissent toutes les deux en pointes qui font une fourche, mais il n’y peut monter que des canots a cause des roches qui y sont cd & 1a: Celle qui est a gauche en montant va a la riviere de Rechibouctou, |’autre qui est a droit va

498 DESCRIPTION DE LAMERIQUE

du costé de la baye des chaleurs: du haut de cette riviere |’on va tomber par le moyen d’un portage de canot en la riviere de Nepigiguit qui est dans le fonds de la baye des chaleurs. Les Sauvages m’ont dit que dans le haut de ces rivieres la terre est belle & platte, que les arbres y sont [184] beaux, gros & clairs semez, qu'il n’y a point de petits arbres qui les empeschent pour la course de Veslan, ce sont mesme especes de bois que j’ay cy-devant nommez: dans les vallons ot les eaux font un marescage il y a force sapins, mais petits & fort épais: pour le bas des rivieres ou se fait Ja fourche a la gauche ce sont rochers, & a la droite c’est un plat pais ot il y a une grande prairie de plus de deux lieues de long, & demie lieué de large en un endroit, & de trois quarts de lieué en l’autre: il y a quelques petits arbres dedans & fort éloignez les uns des autres : il se trouve aussi grande quantité de fraises & framboises dedans, ow il s’amasse un si grand nombre de [185] tourtres qu’il n’est pas croyable. J’y ay demeuré une fois huit jours vers la saint Jean, pendant quoy tous les matins & tous les soirs nous en voyions passer des bandes, dont les moindres étoient de cing 4 six cens, les unes se posoient dans les prairies, les autres vis 4 vis sur une pointe de sable, de l’autre costé de la riviere elles ne demeuroient pas posées plus d’un quart d’heure au plus, qu’il en venoit d’autres bandes se poser au mesme lieu, les premieres se levoient & passoient outre; je vous laisse a penser sil en fut tué en quantité & s’il en fut mangé de toutes facons: si les tourtres nous tourmentoient par leur abondance, les saumons nous donnoient bien plus de peine, [186] il en entre en cette riviere une si grande quantité, que la nuit |’on ne peut dormir tant est grand le bruit qu’ils font en tombant sur l’eau aprés s’estre jettez ou élancez en lair, ce qui vient de la peine qu "ils ont eus 4 passer sur ces platins pour le peu d’eau qu’il y a, apres quoy ils s’égayent a leur aise lors qu’ils recontrent plus de fonds, ensuite ils montent dans les rivieres qui vont bien avant dans les terres & qui descendent de plusieurs lacs qui dégorgent les uns dans les autres: en tous ces lacs l’on trouve force castors & peu d’orignaux ; pour la chasse du gibier elle est aussi tres-bonne & tres-abondante, le coquillage n’y manque pas, les platins en sont totijours remplis: les [187] _Sauvages sont dans ces rivieres en plus grand nombre que dans les autres :

Pour en sortir il faut passer tous ces platins, puis suivre la coste jusques 4 ’Isle de Miscou qui en est éloignée de dix a douze lieués, la coste est quasi toijours de sable: il s’y trouve plusieurs ances grandes & petites, ot il y a des prairies & des étangs d’eau salée que la mer fait en montant: il se trouve aussi quelques gros ruisseaux, & en tous ces endroits la chasse des oyseaux de toutes especes n’y manque point: la coste est toute remplie de bois pareils aux autres, 4 la reserve que les cedres y sont plus communs. Deux lieués avant que de trouver les Isles de Miscou, l’on trouve [188] une grande ance qui est le passage de Caraquet qui aboutit 4 la baye des chaleurs, ot il y a des isles dont je parleray en leur lieu.

Aprés avoir fait deux lieués Je long de la coste, l’on trouve une autre petite entrée pour des barques qui est entre les deux Isles de Miscou, |’entrée est dangereuse de mauvais temps parce qu’il y aune barre de sable qui brise furieusment, des deux costez des Isles il y a des pointes de sable qui rendent l’entrée étroite, mais dés qu’on les a passeés le dedans s’élargit, 4 la droite en entrant est la petite Isle de Miscou qui a quatre ou cing lieués de tour: ayant passé la pointe il en paroist une partie comme une grande étendue de terre sans arbres, qui ne [189 ] sont que marescages tous pleins de brandes, quand |’on marche 1a dessus !’on fait tout

SEPTENTRIONALE. CHAP. VII 499

trembler a plus de cinquante pas autour de soy, la les outardes vont faire leurs petits & se deplumer pendant le Printemps, ceux qui se déplument ne pondent point cette année-la, & les autres qui ne déplument point pondent : je vous en diray les particularitez quand je parleray des proprietez des oyseaux de ces pais-la.

En suivant nostre route lors qu’oa a passé les marests, l’on trouve de la terre couverte de sapins mélez de quelques petits bouleaux, apres quoy |’on rencontre une grande pointe de sable qui fait une ance d’une grandeur con- siderable: c’est la que [190] mouillent les navires qui y vont faire leur pescheries a l’abry des deux Isles; l’on peut dire avoir la un navire en seureté : jy ay veu jusques a cinq ou six navires pour y faire leur pesche; ils font des Vignaux sur cette pointe de sable, car il n’y a point la de grave, ce que jexpliqueray plus au long lors que je parleray de la pesche. L’eau douce est fort éloignée de ce quartier-la, mais en en recompense, a quelque deux cens pas de la coste, vis 4 vis ou environ le milieu de ces bois dont je viens de parler, il sort du fonds de Ja mer un bouillon d’eau douce gros comme les deux poings qui conserve sa douceur dans un circuit de vingt pas, sans se méler en facon quelconque, soit [191] par le flux cu le reflux de la mer, en sorte que le bouillon d’eau douce hausse & baisse comme la marée: les pecheurs y vont faire leurs eaux avec leurs chalouppes pleines de bariques qu’ils emplissent a seaux, comme s’ils puisoient dans le bassin d’une fontaine. A I’endroit ou est cette source extraordinaire, il y a une brasse d’eau aux plus basses marées, & leau est salée tout autour comme le reste de la mer.

La grande Isle de Miscou a sept a huit lieués de tour, avec plusieurs grandes ances, prés desquelles sont plusieurs prairies & étangs ou la mer monte & ot il se trouve une grande quantité de chasse de toutes sortes d’oiseaux, il s’y trouve aussi beaucoup [192] de perdrix & de lapins, il y ala quatre ruisseaux qui coulent en la mer, dont deux peuvent porter canots, les autres non; les bois y sont comme aux autres endroits, il y a neantmoins plus de sapins; la terre y est sablonneuse & ne laisse pas d’estre bonne, tous les herbages y viennent tres-bien, & lors que j’y avois une habitation j’y fis planter force noyaux de pesche, pavie, presse, & de toutes sortes de fruits 4 noyau qui y vinrent 4 merveille; j’y fis aussi planter de la vigne qui reussit admirableblement: mais deux ans aprés d’Aunay m’en deposseda en vertu d’un Arrest du Conseil, quoy que j’eusse une concession de la Compagnie, en consideration de laquelle il fit accom- mode- [193] ment avec celuy qui y commandoit pour moy, 1’on inventoria toutes les marchandises & victuailles que j’y avois, de la valeur desquelles il donna sa promesse payable |’année suivante, avec les risques de la grosse avanture dont je n’ay jamais pil rien retirer. Adinsi tant qu’il n’y aura point dordre & que |’on ne sera point asseuré de la jouissance de ses concessions, le pais ne se peuplera jamais & sera totijours a l’abandon des Ennemis de la France.

La sortie & l’entrée des navires est entre la grande Isle & cette grande pointe

de sable de la petite Isle, il faut costoyer la grande Isle pour prendre le bon

chenal, qui a tofijours brasse & demie & deux brasses d’eau, sor- [194] tant de la il faut entrer dans la baye des Chaleurs & en faire le tour pour aller a Pisle Percée.

500 DESCRIPTION DE L?AMERIQUE

[195] CHAPITRE VIII

Description de I’ Isle S. Jean &s° des autres Isles qui sont dans la grande Baye de saint Laurent 4 jus a son entrée, mesme del’ Isle de Sable {} de tout ce qui les concerne ; soit ad Pégard de la terre, des bois, &F de la pesche, chasse, rivieres, toe autres particularitez.

VANT que d’entrer dans la baye des Chaleurs je vous feray icy la description de l’isle de saint Jean & de toutes les autres isles qui sont dans la grande baye de saint Laurent.

Je reprends mon chemin [196] dés la grande entrée qui est entre le cap de Rest en l’isle de Terre neufve & le cap de Nort dans V’isle du cap Breton, dans cette espace l’on trouve l’isle de saint Paul qui est éloignée environ de cing lieués du cap de Nort, & dix-huit du cap de Rest: de 1a entrant vingt lieués dans la grande baye de S. Laurent l’on trouve les isles aux Oliseaux, elles portent ce nom a cause du grand nombre qui s’y trouve, & si les navires pescheurs qui entrent en cette baye ont beau temps en y passant, ils envoyent leurs chalouppes qui s’y chargent d’ceufs & d’oiseaux, puis passant le long des isles Ramées qui sont sept toutes rangées le long de isle du cap Breton a sept ou huit lieués au lar- [196] ge, il y a passage entre les deux pour de grands vaisseaux ; j’y ay passé avec un navire de cing cens tonneaux que je menois 4 Miscou faire la pesche & porter des victuailles 4 mon habitation. Au bout des isles Ramées est l’isle de la Magdeleine, qui est bien plus grande que toutes les autres, il y a un petit havre pour des vaisseaux de quatre vingts ou cent tonneaux, la pesche de la molué y est abondante, il s’y trouve aussi des loups marins; les Anglois ont voulu y habiter déja plusieurs fois d’o je les ay chassez, les Francois estant en possession de ces lieux-la de tems immemorial, & n’estant pas juste qu’ils nous viennent troubler dans nos concessions si annciennes, puisque nous les laissons [198] jouir en paix de tant de nouvelles Colonies qu’ils ont establies dans nostre voisinage, outre quils ne permettent 4 aucun Francois de faire pescherie quelle qu'elle soit en leur coste: par le mesme droit ils ne la doivent pas faire aux nostres, ils n’ont pas laissé de la venir faire en l’isle de Sable, qui est 4 quinze lieués du cap Breton dans la baye de Campseaux. Cette isle estoit remplie de vaches, y estant venus habiter ils ont tout détruit pendant le sejour quils y ont fait, ils pretendoient aussi y faire pesche de vaches marines mais ils n’en purent pas venir a bout, ils furent contraints de l’abandonner: il y a dans le milieu un estang d’eau douce & quelque peu d’herbes qui poussent [199 | au travers du sable, elle a bien vingt ou vingt-cing lieués de longueur & une portée de canon de largeur, elle est dangereuse 4 cause des battures qu’elle a du costé de la mer, qui mettént trois ou quatre lieués hors & sont toutes plattes, & asseichent de basse mer plus d’une lieué, il n’y a plus dessus que l’étang & de Vherbe, n’y estant resté aucunes vaches, on les a seulement tuées pour en avoir les peaux.

Revenant a nos isles de Brion & de la Magdeleine, ce ne sont que rochers & dessus des sapins entremélez de petits bouleaux: a huit ou dix lieués de la on rencontre l’isle de saint Jean sur la route de l’isle Percée, l’on en passe

~= wR eS I

SEPTENTRIONALE. CHAP. [X 501

4 la yeué selon la rencon- [200] tre des vents il ne la faut pas approcher de prés, car toute la cote du costé de la baye n’est que sable & qui a des battures a plus d’une lieué au large. Cette isle a bien vingt-cing ou trente lieués de longueur & une lieué de large au milieu, estant 4 peu prés de la figure d’un Croissant, & pointue des deux bouts: le costé qui regarde la Terre ferme est bordé de rochers, il y a deux ances ou deux ruisseaux viennent se décharger dans la mer, des barques y peuvent entrer y ayant dedans des especes de petits havres, de ce costé-la les bois y sont tres beaux, ce qu'il y a de terre y paroist assez bonne: cette isle n’est couverte presque que de sapins mélez de quelques hestres & bouleaux. Du costé [201] qui regarde la grande baye il y a aussi deux havres d’ou sortent deux petits ruisseaux, mais les entrées sont fort plattes, il y a assez d’eau dedans, j’ay autrefois entré dans celuy qui est le plus proche de la pointe de Miscou, j’y ay veu trois grands vaisseaux Basques, mais pour y entrer il leur falloit tout décharger en rade, porter tout 4 terre, & ne laisser de l’este que pour soustenir les vaisseaux, & puis le coucher sur le costé comme pour leur donner carenne, puis les remorquer dedans avec des chalouppes: ils sortoient de mesme maniere, apres quoy ils portoient tout leur poisson en rade pour le charger, l’on n’y peut plus aller 4 present les entrées en estant bouchées & le [202] risque trop grand, ce qui les obligeoit d’aller 1a estoit l’abondance du poisson qui est a cette coste, outre quils estoient proche du banc aux Orphelins oa le poisson est aussi grand que celuy du grand banc, la marée entre bien avant en des endroits de cette isle, ce qui fait de grandes prairies & plusieurs estangs; en tous ces lieux la le gibier y abonde, il s’y trouve force pasturage, ils y font leurs nids & s’y déplument: l’on y trouve des grués, des oyes blanches & des grises comme en France, pour des orignaux il n’y en a point, il y a des cariboux qui est

une autre leis d’orignaux, ils n’ont pas les bois si puissant, le poil en est

plus fourny & plus long, & presque tous blancs, ils sont ex- [203] cellents a manger, la chair en est plus blanche que celle d’orignac, il y en a peu, les Sauvages les trouvent trop bons pour les y laisser croistre: cette beste a la cervelle partagée en deux par une toile qui fait comme deux cervelles.

[204] CHAPITRE IX

Description de la Baye des chaleurs && de tout le reste de la coste de la grande Baye Jus ques a@ l’entrée de la grande riviere de saint Laurent, y compris toutes les rivieres, ports & havres, les qualitez des terres, des bois, aes especes de pesche,

de chasse, (5c.

E reviens pour entrer dans la Baye des chaleurs estant sorty du havre de Miscou, laissant la grande Isle 4 la gauche on la costoye environ trois lieués durant, apres quoy on trouve le [205 | petit passage qui vient de la baye de Miramichy dont je vous ay marqué l’entrée cy-dessus, ce passage est

propre pour des barques qu’on voudroit faire aller par 1a en la baye des chaleurs, & leur faire cottoyer les Isles de Tousquet, qui ne sont 4 proprement parler que des platins ou bancs de sables dont partie assechent de basse mer, mais a la

2K

502 DESCRIPTION DE L’AMERIQUE

grande Isle il y a deux endroits ot les navires pescheurs peuvent moiuiller, il y faut entrer par la baye des chaleurs pour y aller, l’on trouve deux canoaux ou chenaux, dont l’un va a un bout de I’Isle & l’autre a l’autre bout o@ les vais- seaux mouillent 4 fourchez sur quatre cables, la grande Isle de Tousquet a quatre a cinq lieués de tour, elle [206] a deux grandes ances ow les vaisseaux mouillent, ils sont proches de leur échaffaux, ils ont de la grave & des vignaux pour faire secher leur poisson; la pesche est tres-bonne en ces quartiers-la, le harang y donne 4 force aussi bien que le maquereau, il s’en prend grande quantité aux eschaffaux quoy que la plus part de la coste ne soit que sable & petits cailloux que la mer roule au bord, & qui fait ce qu’on appelle grave, propre a secher le poisson, & en quelques endroits le tout est roches; pour les bois Ja plus grande partie sont sapins, dans le milieu de I’Isle il se trouve quel- ques beaux arbres; l’autre Isle n’est pas si grande pour la terre & le bois, c’est quasi la mesme at [207 ] se, la chasse est bonne en toutes ces Isles qui sont environnées d’ances & de prairies, ot le gibier trouve force pature, les costes sont bordées de roziers, pois & framboisses sauvages: cette baye de Tousquet a environ trois 4 quatre lieués d’étendué.

Sortant de la entrant dans la baye des chaleurs, |’on costoye dix lieués de roches escarpée au pied desquels la mer bat, en sorte que si un navire s’y perdoit il ne s’en sauveroit personne, le dessus est couvert de méchans petits sapins: cela passé on trouve une petite riviere dont l’entr é en’est propre que pour des chalouppes, & de pleine mer seulement: trois lieués plus avant il y a une grande ance, [208] dont une pointe qui avance vers la mer fait un costé de l’entrée du bassin de Nepegiguit: toute l’estendué de cette grande ance est d’une lieué de long: elle a derriere elle de grandes & belles prairies qui s’étendent une grande demie lieué au dela de |’entrée du bassin, lequel a plus d’une lieué & demie de longueur & bien prés d’une de large: a trois lieués au large & vis a vis de son entrée en mer il y a des battures, dont la moitié assechent de basse mer, il reste un petit canal par ou des chalouppes peuvent entrer environ une portée de fuzil dans le bassin, & tout le reste du bassin asseiche de basse mer: il s’y voit une si grande quantité d’ outardes, canards & cravans, que cela [209] n’est pas croyable, & tout cela fait un si grand bruit la nuit que l’on a peine a dormir: lors que la mer monte elles se retirent 4 la coste ot |’on en tue en quantité a |’abry du bois, il se décharge quatre rivieres dans ce bassin, dont trois viennent des montagnes qui paroissent a leurs extremitez, & |’autre qui est la plus grande, tombe dans ce bassin 4 main gauche en entrant: c’est celle par ou l’on va & vient de Miramichy qui n’est que pour des canots: il y monte force saumon dans les trois autres, & l’on n’a jamais veu une si grande abondance de toutes sortes de coquillages, de plyes, & de homars, qu’il s’en trouve sur ces platins, ce ne sont presque que des prairies [210] d’un costé & d’autres de ce bassin, ensuite desquelles la terre est chargée de beaux arbres de toutes les especes que jay marquée cy-dessus: il y a aussi a la droite en entrant une grande pointe de sable, qui répond quasi vis a vis de |’autre, ce qui rend |’entrée du bassin étroite: lors que la mer monte & entre dedans, l’on pesche a cette entrée grand nombre de maquereaux : il y entre aussi des esturgeons qui ont plus de six pieds de long & qui ressortent avec la marée, & force saumons qui montent dans les rivieres. Mon habitation de Nepigiguit est sur le bord de ce bassin; a une lieué a la droite de son entrée de basse mer un canot n’en scauroit approcher : c’est ot j’ay esté obli- [211] gé de me retirer aprés incendie de mon Fort de

SEPTENTRIONALE. CHAP. IX 503

saint Pierre en |’Isle du cap Breton. Ma maison y est flanquée de quatre petits bastions avec une palissade. dont les pieux sont de dix-huit pieds de haut, avec six pieces de canon en batteries: les terres n’y sont pas des meil- leures, il y a des roches en quelques endroits: j’y ay un grand jardin dont Ja terre est bonne pour les legumes qui y viennent 4 merveille: jay aussi semé des pepins de poires & pommes, qui ont levé & s’y sont bien conser- vésq u oy que ce soit le lieu le plus froid que j’aye, & ot il y a plus de nege: les pois, & le bled y viennent passablement bien, les framboises & les fraises sont en abondance par toute

[212] Sortant de Nepegiguit pour achever ma route vers |’Isle_percée, aprés avoir fait deux lieués l’on trouve une petite riviere ou entre une chalouppe environ demie lieué, les canots y montent fort haut, il y entre du saumon d’une longueur extraordinaire, il s’y en est pris de six pieds de long, il s’y trouve aussi grande abondance de chasse, la terre y est bonne, les arbres sont beaux de toutes les especes susdites.

Environ trois lieués plus avant, l’on trouve une grande baye qui a quatre lieués d’ouverture, & dix-huit 4 vingt lieués de profondeur: les terres y sont hautes & presques toutes montagnes de roches: il y a plusieurs petits ruisseaux & ri- [213] vieres qui tombent dedans cette baye, il y en a par ou les Sauvages peuvent monter si avant dans les terres, que par le moyen de quelques portages de canots ils entrent dans des lacs qui se déchargent dans la grande riviere de saint Laurens d’ou ils vont 4 Kebec, en sorte que de Nepegiguit 4 la grande riviere, ils n’emploient pour l’ordinaire que trois jours a faire ce chemin: il se trouve aussi en cette baye des terres basses & de grandes ances ot la mer entre, ce qui fait des prairies & étangs ot |’on trouve grande abondance de toutes sortes de gibier, la terre y est bonne par des endroits, les bois y sont beaux, comme fresnes, bouleaux, mignogon, erables, cedres, & de [214] toutes autres sortes d’arbres; sur les costeaux des montagnes il s’y trouve des mesmes arbres, mais beaucoup de sapins & pins. Sortant de cette grande baye qui se nomme la baye de Ristigouche, continuant son chemin |’on trouve encore environ cing ou six lievés de terres hautes & rochers; cela pasfé la terre s’abaisse, & l’on trouve une grande ance oti la mer fait des prairies & des étangs qui est pais de chasse, & dans la terre qui est au fonds de ces prairies il y a de fort beaux arbres, puis |’on costoye deux bonnes lieués de terre qui s’avancent vers |’eau, ce qui fait un cap que l’on nomme le petit Paspec-biac: il y a une riviere ot les chalouppes se mettent 4 [215] l’abry lors qu’ils viennent faire leur degrat du grand Paspec-biac qui est a quatre lieués de 14. Nous expliquerons ce que c’est que dégrat lors que nous traiterons de la pesche: Ja molué donne a !’un quand elle manque a |’autre, mais tous les vaisseaux pescheurs mouillent au grand: les quatre lieués de costes sont hautes & de rochers, au pied desquels la mer bat quand elle est haute: Cela passé on trouve une grande pointe de cailloux que la mer y a amassez meslez de sable, c’est ce que l’on appelle grave, surquoy les pescheurs font secher leur poisson. A la pointe de cette grave il y a une entrée pour des chalouppes ou la mer monte, qui fait de grandes prairies & [216] étangs: derriere cette riviere l’on trouve force mousles, plyes, hommars, & abondance de gibier, & au temps des tourtres il y en vient une infinité, & d’oyes blanches & grises; mais elles n’y tardent que pour paistre, puis elles passent outre, partie vont dans le bassin de Nepegiguit, & si tost que les unes se levent les autres s’y posent: cette grave fait une grande ance ou les navires pescheurs

504 DESCRIPTION DE LVAMERIQUE

mouillent 4 quatre cables, car ce n’est proprement qu’une rade qui n’est pas mauvaise, & la tenué y est bonne proche de terre, deux vaisseaux y peuvent tenir 4 l’aise au milieu de |’ance.

Pour en sortir il faut doubler une grande pointe de sable, aprés laquelle on trouve une [217] autre ance qui a bien une lieué de profondeur, ensuite dequoy !’on costoye une lieué de rochers escarpez, au bout desquels l’on trouve encore une autre ance qui s’enfonce un bon quart de lieué dans les terres, & dans le fonds est une petite riviere ou il ne peut entrer que des chalouppes: la terre y est bonne dedans & les bois fort beaux; de cette riviere au port Daniel il y a trois 4 quatre lieués qui ne sont encore que des costes de rochers escarpez, au pied desquels la mer bat, en sorte que depuis Paspecbiac jusques au port Daniel personne ne se pourroit sauver d’un naufrage qui s’y feroit, si ce n’est en cette petite riviere, ou au port Daniel; son entrée a une bouine [218] demie lieué d’ouverture, les deux costez ne sont que rochers assez hauts, sa gauche en entrant a des roches qui s’avancent vers l’eau en sorte qu’il faut ranger le costé 4 droit pour y entrer, un navire n’y peut entrer plus avant qu’un bon quart de lieué; on y peut mouiller l’ancre; vis 4 vis le mouillage il y a une grande ance de sable a la droite ot les barques vont mouiller: entrant plus avant du mesme costé c’est une grande montagne de roches qui est de pierre a chaux; de l’autre costé sont des platins qui assechent de basse mer: il y a une pointe de sable vis 4 vis du rocher qui fait un petit détroit ot les barques peuvent passer, & l’on entre dans un grand bassin qui a [219] bien une lieué de profondeur, & peu moins de largeur, il tombe dedans deux grands ruisseaux & d’autres petits, cela fait un canal qui n’est que pour les canots, tout le reste asseche de basse mer: c’est le lieu que le gibier demande, aussi y est-il en grande quantité de toutes facons, les coquillages ne manquent jamais dans les platins, non plus que les hommars: il y a aussi des prairies tout le long de ce bassin, les terres y sont belles & basses toutes couvertes de tres-beaux arbres & de toutes les especes que je puis avoir nommées, ce lieu est fort agreable.

Sortant du port Daniel l’on costoye encore deux lieués de rochers, aprés quoy !’on trou- [220] ve un cap de roche fort haut qui se nomme la pointe au maquereau, vis a vis de laquelle il s’y en pesche grande quantité, il y a aussi bonne pesche de molué, ce cap la est 4 douze lieués du cap d’ Espoir, & entre les deux il y a une grande ance qui a bien quinze lieués de tour, il y a trois rivieres qui tombent dedans, la molvé donne fort en toute cette baye, mais il n’y a point de place pour mettre un navire, sinon entre deux Isles qui sont 4 une bonne lieué de la pointe au maquereau, encore ce ne peut estre qu’un vaisseau de soixante ou quatre vingts tonneaux; trois lieués plus avant toiijours en suivant la coste de cette grande ance, l’on trouve une petite riviere dont V’en- [221] trée est étroite, la mer y a grand courant, les barques y peuvent entrer bien aisement pourveu qu’on en scache l’entrée, car elle n’est pas droite: estant dedans il y a un grand bassin de deux lievés de circuit, & dont une partie asseche: les motiles, les coquillages, & les huistres y sont en abondance, & grande quantité de gibier: ce lieu est beau & plaisant, la terre bonne & basse, les arbres beaux, la pluspart cedres, pins, sapins, sur les bords, & plus avant dans les terres, erables, fresnes, bouleaux, mignoguon, chesnes, & autres sortes de bois: cing lieués plus avant l’on en trouve un autre qui se nomme la petite riviere, il n’y peut aussi entrer que des barques, l’entrée

ree ei ee ee =

SEPTENTRIONALE. CHAP. IX 505

[222] est plus facile n’y ayant qu’un détroit of la terre conduit; le dedans n’est pas si large que |’autre, il y a aussi plus d’eau & |’on y entre plus avant ; le pais est 4 peu prés de mesme, tant pour le terroir que pour les arbres, la pesche du coquillage & la chasse y est abondante, & de plus l’on y prend du maquereau; a quatre lievés plus avant l’on en trouve une autre qui se nomme la grande riviere, parce qu’elle est plus profonde, mais l’entrée en est plus difficile en ce qu'il y a barre, & il s’y fait une digue de cailloux & sable que la mer y ammene; |’entrée est tantost 4 un endroit & tantost a l’autre, parce qu’elle est dans le fonds de la baye, & que quand le vent vient [223] de la mer par tourmente il donne droit dans l’embouchure, & l’emplit de cailioux jusques a ce que l’abondance de |’eau qui a esté renfermée quelque temps fasse assez d’effort pout repousser cét obstacle & en laisser |’ouverture libre par l’endroit ot la tourmente avoit moins poussé de cailloux: c’est dans ces deux rivieres qu’on a accotitumé de se sauver: les batteaux Normands du banc aux orphelins, lors gu’ils y sont trop pressez de la tempeste, pendant que leurs navires sont a VIsle percée qui est a dix-huit ou vingt lieués du banc aux orphelins ot ils ne peuvent gagner, 4 moins que le vent ne leur serve 4 se sauver vers leurs vaisseaux, sinon ils n’ont point d’au- [224] tre retraite qu’en ces deux rivieres: il s’est bien perdu de ces batteaux 14 autrefois, 4 present il n’y vient plus tant de Normands, la traitte des pelleteries n’y est pas si bonne que par le passé, ils cherchoient bien plitost cela que la molué.

Le dedans de la grande riviere n’est pas large quoy qu'il y ait quelque prairie, la chasse n’y est pas non plus si abondante qu’aux autres lieux, les terres y sont plus hautes, aussi y a-t’il plus de sapins qu’aux autres endroits. Continuant la mesme route environ six lieués la coste est des terres hautes & des rochers, au pied desquels la mer bat, le haut est chargé de sapins & de quelques autres arbres meslez; cette coste est dan- [225] gereuse, il s’y est perdu un navire Basque il y a six ou sept ans; le bout de cette coste est le cap d’Espoir esloigné de quatre lieues de l’isle percée, & d’une lieve du cap Enragé; en cet endroit se trouve bien souvent deux vents contraires: un navire par exemple viendra de Miscou ou baye des chaleurs portant beau frais le vent arriere, l'autre navire viendra de la baye des molues ou l’Isle Percée avec aussi vent derriere, qui est a l’apposite l’un de I’autre, lors qu’ils approchent de ces caps ils trouvent le vent tout calme tous deux, ou bien il faut que l’un des deux vents |’emporte sur l’autre & le repouse, cela arrive souvent en cet endroit : de la al’ Isle Per- [226] cée toute la coste est fort haute de roches couppées, la mer bat au pied, & quand il y arrive quelque naufrage c’est sans ressource, mais dans le milieu!’ on trouve une petite ance ot une chalouppe se peut mettre a couvert.

L’Isle Percée est une grande roche qui peut bien avoir cinquante 4 soixante brasses de hauteur escarpée a pied droit des deux costez, & peut avoir de largeur trois ou quatre brasses; de basse mer, ]’on y va de terre ferme 4 pied sec tout autour, elle peut avoir de long trois cens ciquante ou quatre cens pas: elle a esté bien plus longue, allant auparavant jusques a4 |’Islc de Bonne-avanture, mais la mer !’a mangéé par le pied ce qui la fait tomber, & j’ay veu [227] quil n’y avoit qu’un trou en forme d’arcade par ot une chaloupe passoit 4 la voille, c’est ce qui luy avoit donné le nom de Visle Percée; il s’en est fait deux autres depuis qui ne sont pas si grands, mais qui a present croissent tous les jours; il y a apparence que ces trous affoiblissant son fondement, & seront cause 4 la fin de sa cheute, apres quoy les navires n’y pourront plus demeurer: tous

506 DESCRIPTION DE L7AMERIQUE

ceux qui y viennent faire leur pesche mouillent !’ancre a lV’abry de cette Isle, 4 une longueur ou deux de cable d’icelles, il y a trois ou quatre brasses d’eau, en séloignant on trouve totijours plus de profondeur: ils sont tous ancrez 4 quatre cables, & mettent des flottes ou pieces de bois [228] de cedre a leurs cables pour les supporter crainte des roches qui sont au fonds, quand le mauvais temps vient de la mer, qui porte sur |’Isle la houlle qui donne contre & fait une ressaque qui retourne contre les navires, qui empesche que les cables ne travail- lent; a la longueur de quatre a cing cables de l’Isle, il y a trois roches gui couvrent de pleine mer, & la plus au large est 4 deux ou trois longueurs de cable de la terre: ces rochers la rompent encore la mer, qui fait qu'elle n’en est pas si rude.

J’y ay veu jusques a unze navires pescheurs qui ont tous chargé de molué: la pesche y est tres-abondante, on y prend grand nombre de maquereaux [229] & harangs pour la boitte, l’éperlan, & le lanson donnent aussi a la coste ot ils s’échouent qui est encore tres-bon pour la boitte, la molue les suit, ce qui

rend Ja pesche bonne, la terre ne lest pas moins: le long de la coste, qui est

platte, les pescheurs y ont apporté de petits cailloux pour faire une grave, afin de faire secher la molue ; au de la de cette grave il y a des prairies ow ils font des vignaux ; ces prairies se sont faites par la grande quantité de sapins que les pescheurs y ont abbattus pour faire leur échaffaux, & qu’ils abattent tous les jours, toute cette coste la n’estant auparavant que sapins, 4 present il n’y en a plus que des petits qui y sont revenus, ils leurs en [230] faut aujourd’huy aller chercher

4 la montagne qui est 4 deux portée de fuzil de la coste, & les apporter sur leurs _

épaules, ce qui est une grande fatigue, autrement ils les vont querir dans le fonds de la baye des molues avec des chalouppes; il leur en faut pour faire leurs échaffaux sans quoy ils ne pourroient habiller la molué; la montagne est fort haute & s’apelle la table 4 Rolant, elle se voit en mer de dix huit a vingt lieués; elle est platte & de forme carrée, ce qui luy a donné ce nom: ily a d’autres montagnes joignantes aussi hautes. Ces montagnes-]a vont toutes en descendant jusqu’au fonds de la baye des molués, qui est 4 trois bonnes lieués de Visle Percée, ot [231] la chasse y est bonne, a la saison des tourtres ou les pescheurs en font grand meurtre & grande chere: Ils font des jardins ot ils cultivent des choux, des pois des féves, & de la salade, ils envoyent aussi a la chasse en la baye des molués pour se bien traitter. Mais avant que d’y entrer, parlons de |’Isle de Bonne-avanture qui est 4 une lieué & demie de l’isle Percée & vis a vis, elle est aussi haute que isle Percée & de figure ovalle; elle a deux lieués de tour toute couverte de sapins, parmy lesquels il se trouve aussi d’autres arbres, la chasse des lapins y est bonne, de trente collets tendus le soir, l’on a du moins vingt lapins le lendemain matin: les tourtres y abondent par la [232] quantité des fraises & des framboises dont elles sont friandes, pour la pesche elle y est aussi bonne qu’a isle Percée, mais la commodité n’y est pas pareille, il n’y a de grave que pour un navire, jy ay veu trois navires mouiller devant une petite ance par ou |’on aborde en cette Isle, tous les autres vaisseaux en cet endroit seulement peuvent avoir des vignaux, mais il faut qu’ils fassent un chemin avec des sapins depuis le bord de l’eau avec des eschaffaux qui vont toiijours en montant jusques a douze ou quinze brasses de haut par ot il leur faut porter leur poisson pour le faire secher sur leurs vignaux.

Sortant de Bonne-aventure & de l’isle Percée, l’on entre en [233] la baye

SEPTENTRIONALE. CHAP. IX 507

des molués qui a quatre lieués d’ouverture, & trois de profondeur, le costé qui joint Visle Percée sont ces montagnes qui vont en baissant jusques au fonds ; de cette baye ou est l’emboucheure d’une petite riviere de barre, les chalouppes n’y entrent que de beau temps, Ja mer asseche assez loin de l’entrée, il n’y a pas grande eau dedans de basse mer, sinon un petit canal pour des canots; c’est une grande étendué de platins & prairies qui rendent la chasse abondante & la pesche de toutes sortes de coquillages; le saumon y monte en quantité, ce lieu-l4 est assez agreable, la terre bonne & toutes sortes d’arbres & fort gros, il s’y trouve de beaux sapins, si les pescheurs [234] ont maque de mature ils la vont chercher en ce lieu; de 14 suivant la coste pour aller a l’autre bout de la baye, il faut faire quatre 4 cinq lieués de coste qui vont toute en remontant, mais non pas si haut que de l’autre costé ; ce sont des rochers couverts de sapins, & quelques autres petits arbres de bouleaux & fresnes, il s’y en trouve peu de gros, cette pointe se nomme le Forillon, il y a une petite Isle devant 00 les pescheurs de Gaspé viennent faire leur degrad pour trouver la molué; de cette isle en la riviere de Gaspé ou mouillent les vaisseaux pescheurs, l’on compte quatre bonnes lieués, scavoir deux lieués a l’entrée de la riviere & deux ou sont les vaisseaux ; les pescheurs ont 14 une [235] belle grave suffisamment pour deux grads vaisseaux, la terre des environs de cette grave, est bien haute, sur laquelle est une grande espace toute couverte d’herbe, & au dela des bois de toutes sortes qui ne sont pas bien gros & force sapins; une lieve plus avant dans la riviere, est une ance ot |’on peut mettre pied a4 terre; sur le haut est le lieu ot l’on a voulu faire trouver une mine de plomb, & Messieurs de la Compagnie y ont fait de la dépense, sur ce que des personnes leur en ont apporté quelques morceaux qui veritablement étoient bons, mais c’estoit seulement de quelques petites vaines qui couroient sur la roche, que la force du Soleil avoit purifiées, car toute la mine n’est au- [236] tre chose qu’antimoine & qui n’est pas abondante, je la connoissois il y a plus de vingt ans; si elle eust esté bonne je ne I’aurois pas laissée inutille, jay trouvé assez de personnes qui l’ont voulu entreprendre sur les eschantillons que j’ay fait voir, je n’ay jamais voulu, scachant bien que je les aurois trompez, c’est ce que je ne suis point capable de faire, 4 moins que je ne fusse moy-mesme trompé sans le connoistre, il ne paroist que de grandes montages au haut de cette riviere, elles sont separées les unes des autres toutes couvertes de bois, il se pesche du harang a l’entrée de cette riviere & force maquereau; au tour du mouillage des vaisseaux. La pesche de la molue y est bon- [237] ne, & la chasse de la tourtre aussi: Sortant de cette riviere Pon passe un grand cap, & 4 trois ou quatre lieués de 1a paroist le cap des Roziers qui est la borne de ma concession; je n’ay point esté de ce costé-la, je Vay veu seulement de loin passant pour aller 4 Kebec il fait l’entrée de la grande riviere de saint Laurent du costé du Sud, & borne ma concession du costé du Nord. Voila l’estendué des costes depuis la nouvelle Angleterre jusques a la grande riviere de saint Laurent & des Isles, du moins des principales. |

508 DESCRIPTION DE L?AMERIQUE

[238] Articles arrestex entre le steur Vvak Chevalier & Ambassadeur du Roy de la grande Bretagne deputé dud. Sr Roy €& les sieurs de Buillon Conseillers du Roy tres-Chrestien en ses Conseils d’ Etat & Privé, &§ Bouthilher Conseiller de sa Majesté ensesd. Conseils & Secretaire de ses commandemens, Com- missaires deputez par sadite Mayesté pour la restitution des choses qui ont esté prises depuis le Traité fait entre les deux Couronnes le 24. Avril 1629.

E la part de sadite Majesté de la grande Bretagne, le [239] sieur Isaac Vvak Chevalier & son Ambassadeur prés du Roy tres-Chestien en vertu du pouvoir qu’il a, lequel sera inseré en fin des Presentes, a promis & promet pour & au nom de sadite Majesté de rendre & restituer a sadite Majesté tres-Chrétienne tous les lieux occupez en la nouvelle France, |?Accadie & Canadas par les Sujets de sadite Majesté de la grande Bretagne, iceux faire retirer desdits lieux, & pour cet effet ledit sieur Am- bassadeur délivrera lors de la passassion & signature des presentes aux Com- missaires du Roy tres-Chrestien en bonne forme le Pouvoir qu’il a de sadite Majesté de la grande Bretagne pour la restitution desdits lieux ; ensemble les commandements de [240] sadite Majesté 4 tous ceux qui commandent dans le Port royal, Fort de Kebec & Cap Breton, pour estre lesdites Places & Forts rendus & remis és mains de ceux qu’il plaira 4 sa Majesté tres-Chrestienne, ordonner huit jours aprés que lesdits commandements auront esté notifiés 4 ceux qui commandent ou commanderont lesdits lieux: Jedit temps de huit jours leur estant donnez pour retirer cependant hors desdits lieux Places & Forts, leurs armes, bagages, marchandises, or, argent, ustenciles & generalement tout ce qui leur appartient, ausquels & 4 tous ceux qui sont esdits lieux est donné le terme de trois semaine aprés lesdits huit jours expirez, pour durant icelles ou pli- [241] tost, sifaire se peut, rentrer en leurs navires avec leurs armes, munitions, bagages, or, argent, utanciles, marchandises, pelleteries & generalement tout ce qui leur appartient, pour de la se retirer en Angleterre sans séjourner davantage esdits pais. Et comme il est necessaire que les Anglois envoyent esdits lieux pour reprendre leurs gens & les ramener en Angleterre, il est accordé que le General de Caen payera les frais necessaires pour |’équipage d’un navire de deux cens ou deux cens cinquante tonneaux de port que les Anglois envoyeront esdits lieux, 4 scavoir le louage du navire d’aller & retourner, victuailles des gens, tant de marine pour la conduite du navire que [242] de ceux qui sont a terre, lesquels on doit ramener, salaire d’iceux, & generalement tout ce qui est necessaire pour |’équipage d’un navire dudit port pour un tel voyage, selon les usances & couttimes d’ Angleterre : Et de plus que pour les marchandises loyales & marchandes qui pourront rester es mains des Anglois non troquées, qu’il leur donnera satisfaction esdits lieux selon qu’elles auront coaité en Angleterre, avec trente pour cent de profit en consideration des risques de la mer & port d’icelles payé par eux.

Procedant par les Sujets de sadite Majesté de la grande Bretagne 4 la restitu- tion desdites Places, elles seront restituées en mesme estat qu’elles estoient lors de la prise.

[243] Que les armes & munitions contenues en la déposition du sieur de Champlain, ensemble les marchandises & utenciles qui furent trouvez 4 Kebec lors de la prise, seront rendués en espece ou en valeur, selon que le porte la

SEPTENTRION ALE 509

deposition dudit sieur de Champlain, & sera le contenu en icelle, ensemble tout ce qui est justifié par ladite deposition avoir esté trouvé audit lieu lors de la prise, rendu & delaissé audit Fort entre les mains des Francois: Et si quelque chose manque du nombre de chacune espece, sera satisfait & payé par le sieur Philippes Burlamachy, 4 qui par sa Majesté tres-Chrestienne sera ordonné hormis les cofiteaux, castors, & pourveu des debtes [244] enlevez par les Anglois, dequoy on a convenu cy-dessous, & satisfaction a esté donnée audit General de Caen, our & au nom de tous ceux qui y pourroient avoir interest.

De plus le sieur Burlamachy de la part de sa Majesté de la grande Bretagne pour & au nom de sadite Maijesté, a la requeste & commandement dudit S* Ambassadeur selon |’ordre qu’il a receu d’ Elle, & encore en son propre & privé nom, a promis & promet de payer audit General de Caen dans deux mois, du jour de la signature & datte des Presentes, pour toutes & chacunes desdites pelleteries, coiiteaux, debtes deués par les Sauvages audit general de Caen, & autres marchandises a luy apar- [245] tenantes trouvées dans lesdits Forts de Kebec en |’an 1629. de la somme de 820700 livr. tournois. Plus luy faire rendre & restituer en Angleterre la barque nommée |’Helene, agrets, canons, munitions & appartenances selon le memoire qui en a esté justifié pardevant le Seigneur du Conseil d’ Angleterre.

Seront de plus restituez audit general de Caen dans l’habitation de Kebec, toutes les bariques de galettes, barils de pois, prunes, raisins, farines, & autres marchandises & victuailles des traites qui estoient dans ladite barque lors de la prise d’icelle en l’an 1629. ensemble les marchandises a luy appartenantes, qui ont esté dechargées & laisées l’année der- [246] niere 4 Kebec en la riviere S. Laurent, pais de la nouvelle France.

Et en outre promet ledit sieur Burlamachy audit nom que dessus, payer ou faire payer dans Paris, a qui par sa Majesté tres-Chrestienne sera ordonné, la somme de soixante mil six cens deux livres tournois dans ledit temps, pour les navires le Gabriel de saint Gilles, sainte Anne du Havre de Grace, la Trinité des sables d’Olone, le saint Laurent de saint Malo, & le Cap du ciel de Calais, canons, munitions, agrets, cordages, victuailles, marchandises, & generalement toutes choses comprises és inventaires & estimations desdits navires faits pat les Juges de |’ Admirauté en Angleterre. Pareillement pour la barque [247] d’avis envoyée par les associez du Capitaine Bontemps avec ses canons, munitions, agrets, apparaux, marchandises & victuailles, la somme que |’on trouvera que ladite barque & marchandises, agrets, canons & munitions auront esté vendus ou evaluez par ordre des Juges de |? Admirauté d’ Angleterre, & le mesme pour le vaisseau donné par ledit Bontemps aux Anglois repassez en Angleterre selon le-valuation qui en aura esté faite comme dessus.

Comme aussi de la part de sa Majesté tres-Chrestienne suivant le Pouvoir qu’elle en a donné aux sieurs de Buillion Conseiller du Roy en ses Conseils d’Etat & Privé, & Bouthillier aussi Conseiller du Roy [248] esdits Conseils & Secretaire de ses Commandements dont copie sera inserée a la fin des Presentes : I] a promis & accordé que les sieurs Lumague ou Vzanelly donneront caution & asseurance au nom de sadite Majesté en leur propre & privé nom, dés ce jourd’huy datte desdites Presentes de payer dans |’espace de deux mois, 4 compter du jour de ladite datte audit Ambassadeur, ou a4 qui il ordonnera en la ville de Paris, la somme de soixante quatre mil deux cens quarante six livres quatre sols trois deniers tournois pour les marchandises du vaisseau le Jacques, & la somme de

510 DESCRIPTION DE L’AMERIQUE

solxante neuf mil huit cens nonante six livres neuf sols deux deniers tournois pour les marchandises [249] du vaisseau la Benediction, le tout au taux du Roy ; & que dans quinze jours lesdits deux navires le Jacques & la Benediction estans maintenant au port du havre de Dieppe avec leurs cordages, canons, munitions, agrets, apparaux & victuailles qui furent trouvez a leur arrivée audit Dieppe, seront restituez audit sieur Ambassadeur d’ Angleterre ou 4 qui il ordonnera; & si quelque chose de cela vient 4 manquer luy en sera payé en argent comptant.

Et pour le regard du navire le Bride ou Réponse, les sommes ausquelles se trouveront monter ce qui a esté vendu a Calais, tant des vivres & autres mar- chandises que du corps du navire, canons, munitions, a- [250] grets, apparaux & victuailles d’iceluy seront payez ; ensemble les sommes ausquelles se trouveront monter le reste de la charge dudit navire trouvé dans iceluy lors qu’il fut pris, lesquelles seront payez sur le pied de la derniere vente faite audit Calais, pour le payement dequoy lesdits sieurs Lumague & Vanelly passeront caution pour le payer a Paris ausdits sieurs Ambassadeurs ou a qui il ordonnera dans le terme susdit.

A esté accordé que sur les sommes qui doivent estre restituées pour les Anglois & Francois, seront deduits les droits d’entrée, emsemble ce qui aura esté baillé pour la garde des marchandises & repara tions des- [251] dits navires, & particulierement douze cens livres pour ce qui touche les droits d’entrée des marchandises dudit General de Caen, & douze cens livres qu’il doit payer pour les vivres fournis aux Francois a leur retour en Angleterre & en France 1629.

De plus a esté convenu de part & d’autre, que si lors de la prise desdits vaisseaux le Jacques, la Benediction, le Gabriel de saint Gilles, sainte Anne du Havre de grace, la Trinité des sables d’Olonne, le saint Laurent de saint Malo, le Cap du ciel de Calais a esté prisé aucune chose contenué és inventaires, & qui neantmoins n’aura esté comprise és procez verbaux des ventes & estimations. Comme aussi, [252] si lors de la prise desdits vaisseaux il a esté soustrait ou enlevé quelque chose nom comprise és inventaires, faits tant en Angleterre qu’en France par les Officiers de I) Admirauté, il sera loisible aux interressez desdits navires de se pourvoir par les voyes ordinaires de la Justice contre ceux qu’ils pourront prouver estre coupables de ce delit, pour iceux estre contraints par corps a la restitution de ce qui sera prouvé avoir esté enlevé par eux, & qu’a ce faire ils seront contraints solidairement le solvable pour |’insolvable, sans toutes- fois que lesdits Interessez pussent pour raison de ce pretendre aucune reparation de leur griefs par represailles ou [253] lettres de marques soit par mer ou par terre.

Pour l’execution de ce que dessus, toutes Lettres & Arrests necessaires seront expediez de part & d’autre, & fournis dans quinze jours.

i

SEPTENTRIONALE 511

[254] Lnsuit la teneur du Pouvoir dudit sieur Isaac Wake, Chevalier, Ambassadeur du Roy de la Grande Bretagne.

AROLVS Dei gratia magne Britannie, Francice & Hibernie Rex, Fidei defensor &c. Omnibus has Literas visuris, salutem. Cim controversia quedam, & difficultates huc usque obstiterint quominus conditiones & articuli nuper inter nos & Serenissimum Potentissi- mumque Regem Francorum Christianis- [255] simum Fratrem nostrum charissimum initi, redintegrari & restitui, ac reconciliationis quo illo & justo modo, atque exacta & debita ratione illa, quam arctissimus vtriusque nostriim consanguinitatis, affinitatis, & affectus nexus, atque mutua Regnorum subdi- torumque nostrorum consuetudo, vicinitas, & utilitas utrimque jubet, & requirit, observari & impleri potuerint; nobis vero ipsis nec quidquam antiquius sit, quam ut nostra parte verbo & promisso nostris regijs satisfaclamus; neque ex parte prefati Regis Christianissimi aliud quam idem [256] reciprocum in nos studium & animum nobis promittamus: Nos quidem intelligentes nil amplius ad tante rei perfectionem superesse nisi ut utrimque Commissarij & Procuratores sufficienti authoritate instructi conveniant, diutius differre nec debuimus, nec volumus, quin sanetum & necessarium zque ac desideratum illud perfecte reconciliationis opus tam feliciter inceptum ad exoptatum finem & effectum promovere, atque mutuam mercature exercende & restaurande libertatem, equé ac sinceré colendz amicitiz, & necessitudinis certitudinem [257] stabilire anni- teremur; igitur sciatis quod nos virum nobilem & nobis perquam fidelem & dilectum Isaacum Vvakum Equitem auratum & nostrum apud dictum Fratrem nostrum charissimum Regem Christianissimum morantem Oratorem & legatum ; de cujus quidem multa rerum experientia, prudentia, virtute, & fide plurimim confidimus, fecimus, constituimus & deputavimus & per presentes facimus, con- stituimus, & deputamus nostrum verum & indubitatum commissarium deputatum & Procuratorem, dantes eidem & com- [258] mittentes plenam & omnimodam auctoritatem, & potestatem pariter & mandatum generale & speciale nomine nostro cum prefato Rege Christianissimo Fratre nostro charissimo, ipsiusque Commissarijs deputatis & procuratoribus ad hoc sufficientem potestatem habentibus, super dicto controversiarum tollendarum & prefate reconciliationis, mercatureque stabiliende negotio communicandi, tractandi, conveniendi, & concludendi czteraque omnia & singula faciendi que ad dictam mutue recon- ciliationis & commercij restitutionis perfectionem [259] atque ad firmiorem pacem & amicitiam inter nos, nostras Coronas, & subditos firmandam conducunt, atque super iis articulis literas & instrumenta necessaria conficiendi & ab altera parte petendi & recipiendi, denique omnia ea que ad premissa vel circa eadem erunt necessaria & opportuna expediendi: promittentes bona fide & in verbo regio nos omnia & singula que inter dictum fratrem nostrum charissimum Regem Christianissimum ejusque Procuratores, Deputatos aut comissarios atque prenominatum Equitem Isaacum Vvakum [260] nostrum Procuratorem & Legatum in premissis seu premissorum aliquo erunt facta, pacta, & conclusa, rata, grata & firma habituros, specialius mandatum, si opus fuerit, daturos, & omnes defectus, si quippiam in hisce literis reperiantur, suppleturos atque nunquam contra ipsorum aliquid vel aliqua contraventuros, imo quid quid nomine nostro promissum fuerit, inviolabiliter observaturos & observari facturos.

512 DESCRIPTION DE L’AMERIQUE

In cujus testimonium has litteras fieri atque manu nostra signatas Regni nostri Anglie sigillo communiri fecimus; Datas [261] in regia nostra Grenovici 29. die Junij anno Christi 1631. regni verd nostri septimo.

Ainsi signé, CAROLVS Rex.

Et scellé sur double queué de cire jaune.

[262] Ensuit la teneur du Pouvoir desdits sieurs de Bullion & Bouthillier

Commissaires deputex par sa Mayesté tres-Chrestienne.

OUIS par la grace de Dieu Roy de France & de Navarre: A tous ceux qui ces presentes Lettres verront, salut. S’estant rencontrez quelques difficultez qui ont empesché jusqu’a present l’effet & entiere execu- tion des derniers Articles arrestez entre Nous, & tres-haut, tres-

puissant, & tres excellent Prince, nostre tres-cher & tres-amé Beau-F rere, Cousin & ancien allié le Roy de la [263] grande Bretagne, & que les Sujets des deux Couronnes n’en ayent retirez les fruits que nous en estions promis pour leur benefice commun, comme Nous n’avons jamais eu rien plus 4 coeur que faire garder & observer exactement les choses qui ont esté par Nous promises, & d’établir & étraindre entre nous & ledit Roy nostre tres-cher Frere, la bonne & sincere amitié & intelligence qui doit estre entre nous pour le bien commun de nos Couronnes & du Public, aussi ne desirons nous rien tant que de faire cesser & terminer au plitost les difficultez qui pourroient empescher un si bon ceuvre: & dautant que Nous sommes asseuré que ledit Roy de la grande [264] Bretagne a de son costé la mesme intention, & que mesme il a donné pouvoir par ses Lettres Patentes du 29. Juin dernier au sieur Isaac Wake son Ambassadeur ordinaire resident prés de Nous pour traiter de ses affaires, desirant y cor- respondre de nostre part. Nous avons fait choix pour cette negotiation, nos amés & feaux Conseillers, 4 nostre Conseil d’Etat, les sieurs de Buillion & Bouthillier Secretaire de nos Commandements, comme de personnages en V’aftection, fidelité experience desquelles Nous avons particuliere confiance. A ces causes & autres bonnes considerations 4 ce Nous mouvans, Nous avons lesdits sieurs de Buillion & Bouthillier com- [265] mis & deputez, commettons & deputtons par ces Presentes signées de nétre main, avec plein Pouvoir & mandement special, pour en nostre Nom conferer, negocier & traiter avec ledit Sieur Wak Ambassadeur, de l’accOmodement des difficultez susdites des restitu- tions a faire des choses prises de part & d’autre, de |’établissement d’un bon, libre, & seur commerce & trafic entre les Sujets des deux Couronnes, & generalement de toute autre choses qu’ils verront estre necessaires & convenables pour une parfaite reconciliation entre nous & nos Sujets, & l’affermissement d’une bonne & durable paix entre Nous & nos Couronnes, & de ce en passer, bailler & recevoir tous Articles, [266] Accords, & Traitez que besoin sera. Prommettons en Foy & parole de Roy avoir pour agreable, tenir ferme & stable tout ce qui sera par nosdits Deputez, fait, geré & negocié, conclud & arresté sur ce sujet avec ledit Sieur Ambassadeur, sans x contrevenir, ny souffrir que de Nostre part il y soit contrevenu en aucune maniere: Car tel est

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et eg a a ae

SEPTENTRIONALE 513

nostre plaisir. En témoin dequoy Nous avons fait mettre Nostre Scel 4 cesdites Presentes. Donné 4 Mets le vingt-cinquiéme jour de Janvier, |’an de Grace 1632. & de nostre Regne le vingt-deuxiéme. Signé, LOUIS. Et sur le reply, Par le Roy De Lomenie. Et scellé sur double queué du grand Sceau de cire jaune.

[267] En foy de quoy Nous Ambassadeurs & Commissaires susdits, en vertu de nos Pouvoirs avons signé les Presentes Articles 4 saint Germain, le vingt- neufviéme jour de Mars 1632. Signé,

ISAACUS WAKUS, BUILLON, BOUTHILLER.

[267 verso] Lixtrait du Privilege du Roy.

AR Grace & Privilege du Roy, donné a saint Germain en Laye, le

29. Septembre 1671. Signé Datence’. II est permis au sieur Denys

de faire imprimer par tel Imprimeur qu’il voudra choisir pendant cing

années, un Livre de sa composition. intitulé, Description Geographique

des costes de 7 Amerique Septentrionales, depuis la nouvelle Angleterre jusques a la

riviere saint Laurent, avec |’ Histoire naturelle des peuples (§ des animaux du

pays, & deffences sont faites 4 toutes personnes de quelque qualité quelles soient

de le faire imprimer sans |’exprés consentement dudit sieur Denis ou de ceux gui auront droit de luy, sur les peines portées par lesdites Lettres.

Et ledit sieur Denis a cedé son droit de Privilege 4 Louis Billaine & Claude Barbin Marchands Libraires 4 Paris, pour en jouir suivant l’accord fait entr’eux.

Registré sur le Livre de la Communauté, des Maistres Imprimeurs Marchands Libraires, le Mars 1672,

Signé THIERRY Syndic.

514

oe) OIRE NATURELLE

Des Peuples, des Animaux, des Arbres & Plantes de l’Amerique Septentrionale, & de ses divers Climats.

Avec une Description exacte de la Pesche des Molués, tant sur Te Grand-Banc qua la Coste; & de

tout ce qui sy pratique de plus particulier, ec.

Par Monsieur DENYS, Gouverneur Lieutenant General pour le Roy, & Proprietaire de toutes les Terres & Isles qui sont depuis le Cap de Camp-

seaux, jusques au Cap des Roziers.

TOME SECOND.

Pook AILS,

Chey Craupe, BaARBIN, au Palais,

sur le Perron de la sainte Chapelle.

Me DC. LX XII. Avec Privilege du Roy.

2}

roe e : i: gil

eat hay f ete tes rw { Yen x H \ & th ni ise)

ft

Peto l OJRE NATURELLE DE L’AMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONALE

CHAPITRE PREMIER

Qui traitte de la difference &5 du rapport qu’il y a entre les climats de la nouvelle France &§° de [ ancienne, avec les raisons pourquoy ces pays la peuvent produire tout ce qui croit en France.

PRES avoir fait voir |’étendue de la coste de la nouvelle France, depuis la nou- [4] velle Angleterre jusqu’a l’entrée de la grande riviere de saint Laurent, & marqué le tout de port en port, de havre en havre, & de riviere en riviere; ce qui est contenu en chaque endroit, des

especes, des arbres, leurs grandeurs & grosseurs, la qualité & bonté de la terre. I] est maintenant 4 propos de montrer qu’elle est capable de porter tout ce que la France peut produire, puis qu’elle est située sous les mesmes climats.

La riviere de Pantagouet est située par les quarante-trois degrez & demy de latitude, autre bout joignant la grande riviere de saint Laurent, & par les quarante-neuf degrez aussi de latitude. Toute cette éten- [5] due de la nouvelle France ne contient donc que cing degrez en toute sa longueur de coste, qui est environ de deux cens cinquante lieues. Et Bayonne qui est le bout des costes de France du costé du Midy est par les quarante-trois degrez quarante- cing minutes; & Calais qui est le costé du Nord est par les cinquante-un degrez ; partant les costes de France doivent estre bien plus froides que celles de la nouvelle France puis qu’elles sont deux degrez un quart plus Sud du costé du Midy, & le cap Breton est par les quarante-cing & deux tiers, qui fait la grande entrée de la grande baye de saint Laurent, entre luy and le cap de Rayes: Depuis ledit cap Breton jusques a l’en- [6] trée de la grande riviere, il me se trouve que deux degrez cinquante minutes de difference plus Sud que la France: Puis que la riviere de Nantes qui est par les quarante-sept degrez vingt-quatre minuttes, & Calais qui est |’autre bout du costé du Nord est par les cinquante-un degrez qui ont de differences trois degrez trente-six minuttes ; ainsi toutes l’estendue des terres qui sont depuis Nantes jusques a Calais, doivent donc estre aussi froides, & plus que celles qui sont depuis le cap Breton jusques a la grande riviere de saint Laurent, & mesme tout le reste du pais, puis que le Soleil qui est le maistre de tous les Astres, & de qui ils dépendent tous, doit faire le mes- [7| me effet en un lieu qu’il fait en |’autre pour la chaleur. Mais il y a des accidens qui détournent les effets de sa puissance, comme il se void que sous un mesme climat il se trouve des terres qui sont bien meilleures les unes que les autres; un endroit n’aura que des roches, un autre ne produira que

517 2L

518 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

des brandes, en un autre endroit il n’y aura que des montagnes, dans les vallons il n’y aura que des marescages & prairies, entre tout cela il se trouve de bonnes terres qui sont propres aux bleds, aux fruits & aA toutes autres bonnes plantes : ce n’est donc pas la faute du Soleil si toutes les terres qui se rencontrent sous un mesme degré de chaleur n’ont pas un mesme effet. La nouvelle Fran- [8] ce en est de mesme, il s’y trouve des montagnes, des rochers, des marescages, des prairies, des brandes, & de bonnes terres qui peuvent tout produire aussi bien qu’en France. II] s’y trouve encore un autre accident par le froid que |’on dit y estre plus grand qu’en France & plus de neges, il est vray, pourveu que ce soit sans changer de climat; car si je changeois d’un climat 4 autre tout mon raisonnement ne vaudroit rien, je demeure donc en la mesme étendué que j’ay fixée cy-dessus,

Premierement je vais donner ma raison du froid & des neges de la nouvelle France, & je dis que la quantité des neges qui s’y trouve vient de ce que toute la terre est couverte de [9] bois, & que les neges qui tombent en ces quartiers- la, qui commencent comme en France, quelque fois a la fin de Septembre ou a la my-Octobre selon que les années se comportent, toutes ces neges-la ne demeurent point d’abord sur la terre, parce qu’elle a encore de la chaleur qui les fait fondre, d’autresfois il se trouve des années pluvieuses, ce qui provient de la temperature de l’air qui d’ordinaire est par dela comme en France, dont jay fait plusieurs fois des remarques par le rapport de ceux qui viennent de France, a qui je demandois |’état de ’hyver, tant en son commencement, son milieu qu’a sa fin, A quoy je trouvois le mesme rapport a peu prés. ‘Toutes les [10] neges qui tombent par dela vers la ‘Toussains ne fondent plus a cause des bois qui les conservent & que la terre a perdu sa chaleur, & le Soleil n’a plus assez de force pour les fondre a travers des bois, ainsi tout ce qui en tombe depuis ce temps-la s amassent |’une sur l’autre, ce qui fait qu’on dit qu’il y a six mois de neges: cette longueur de neges vient aussi, de ce qu’au Printemps la force du Soleil n’a pas assez de chaleur pour les faire fondre dans les bois qui ont repris leur verdure avant sa force, & |’empesche de les faire si-tost fondre. J’ ay remarqué que la nege dans les bois ne fond jamais par la force du Soleil, mais par la chaleur de la terre qui s’échauffe [11] si-tost que le Printemps arrive, & fait que les neges fondent plitost par le dessous que par le dessus. Ce n’est pas une mauvaise marque de Ja bonté de la terre; de plus je dis que dans les endroits deffrichez les neges sont fondues cing a six semaines plitost que dans les bois, quoy que les bois qui en sont proches leur communiquent encore beaucoup de leurs froidures, cela se void asseZ communément en France, ou toutes les terres qui sont proches des bois sont beaucoup plus sujettes aux gelées que celles qui sont éloignées, cela se peut encore mieux prouver par Kebec qui a deux mois d’ Hyver moins qu'il n’avoit avant que les terres y fussent défricheés, ce qui [12] m’a esté assuré par plusieurs anciens habitans de Kebec: si une fois les bois sont plus éloignez de leurs terres il n’auront pas plus d’ Hyver qu’a Paris, par consequent |’on n’a plus de raison de décrier ce pais-la, pour les grands froids & les grandes neges, par les raisons que j’en rapporte qui sont assez claires pour faire comprendre que la nouvelle France peut tout produire aussi bien que l’ancienne, mais il faudroit du monde pour travailler au défrichement, il y en a tant en France qui a peine trouve le moyen d’y subsister, & si ce n’estoit la Providence de Dieu qui donne 4 la France une si grande abondance de bleds, de vin, de fruits & de legumes il en mourroit de faim [13] un grand nombre, comme lon a veu en l’année 1661.

DE LLAMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONALE 519

en la plus grande partie des Provinces de France, & s’il arrivoit encore une pareille disette, tel qui a dequoy subsister se trouveroit pour lors bien heureux d’estre en la nouvelle France, ot avec un peu de travail on ne scauroit mourir de faim; vaudroit-il pas beaucoup mieux que tant de pauvres gens allassent en ces quartiers-la travailler & défricher des terres & s’y rendre heureux? II] ne leur faut que deux années de travail pour avoir du bled, des pois, des féves & toutes sortes de legumes pour y vivre, pliitost que languir icy; car outre qu’ils y souffrent ils font patir les autres, ils ne payent aucune taille au [14] Roy & empeschent ceux qui ont quelque peu de chose de se mettre 4 leur aise, lesquels payeroient leurs tailles plus aisément.

Ceux qui aiment beaucoup mieux boire que manger, me diront que la l’on ne recueille point de vin; l’on n’y prend point les pigeons a la rape, & ne con- siderent pas, qu’aux lieux ou le vin ne croist point, c’est ot l’on boit le meilleur ; un autre qui aimera les fruits me dira qu’il n’y en a point; ainsi un chacun me demandera les choses suivant son inclination, 4 quoy je leur répond que tout ce que l’on peut receuillir en France, vient en ces pais-la: 4 mesme temps |’on me demande pourquoy n’en avez vous donc pas? & n’y en ayant pas [15] pre- sentement aussi-tost l’on condamne le pais. Il y en a de qui ces demandes ne me surprennent pas, mais aussi j’en void qui se picquent d’esprit & qui croyent scavoir tout ; mais ils ont peu de jugement, puis qu’ils voudroient que tout fust par dela comme 4a present en France, sans considerer que c’est un nouveau pais qui n’est point encore habité, que c’est le necessaire 4 quoy il faut travailler comme le bled duquel |’on ne se peut passer & des legumes, qui est le principal de la vie, & ayant cela on peut avoir de la biere, & tout cela se peut avoir dans deux années ou trois tout au plus, le reste se peut avoir avec le temps, ainsi que Pon a fait en France dans les commencemens [16] qu’elle s’est habitée; ce

n’estoit que bois aussi bien qu’en ces pais-la. Nos ancestres n’ont pas com- mencé par la vigne, par les fruits, & par toutes autres choses qui flattent nos gousts, tout cela s’est fait petit 4 petit ; & si depuis que 1’on y travaille l’on n’a pas tout ce que l’on souhaite, tous les jours on cherche ce qu'il y a de friand dans les pais étrangers, pour en avoir l’on fait venir du plant de vigne de tous les cétez ot il se cueille de bon vin: pour les fruits & legumes de mesmes. Il y a trente a quarante ans qu’a Paris l’on ne faisoit quasi des Jardins que pour des choux, de la porée & quelques autres legumes, & a present il s’y trouve de tres- beaux fruits, [17] encore la pluspart ne vient que par artifice & 4 force d’argent, & si avec tout cela ils n’ont que |’éclat, le goust n’y est point comme a4 ceux qui croissent au pais d’ou on les tire: Pourquoy, c’est que l’on les change de climat, & n’ont pas la force du Soleil comme en leur pais natal. N’avons nous pas édifié en France les Cannes de succre a Hieres, aussi bien que les Oranges de Portugal, dont l’origine estoit venue de la Chine, & les fleurs de Cassie & de tubereuse n’y ont pas esté apportées d’Espagne & autres climats encore plus chaud, aussi bien que le jassemin & la tulipe qui se sont tellement naturalisez & par leur goust & par leur odeur, que ce qui nous estoit autrefois si rare [18] sur tout 4 Paris nous y est devenu tres-commun. Ne condamnez dont plus la nouvelle France d’ingratitude, & commencez par le bon sens, qu'il s’en peut faire un bon pais, & aussi fertile que la France en toutes choses.

Encores que j’aye dit que le bon vin se boit aux lieux ou il ne croit point ; n’en tirez pas pour cela une consequence pour priver le pais de pouvoir produire cette douce liqueur, & d’aussi agreable que celle qui se boit en France; si l’on

520 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

n’y a point encore planté de vignes, c’est parce que le necessaire va tofijours le premier, qui ne requiert point tant de temps pour en jouir que le vin, pour lequel il faut des six & sept années a- [1 g| vant qu’unevigne puisse estre en rapport, ce quelle porte auparavant cela étant peu de chose; car un, deux, trois, ou quatre muids que l’on en peut tirer pour l’arpent ne sont pas considerables ; cela fait bien voir, qu'il est bien plus necessaire de semer du bled que de planter la vigne ; outre que le vin n’est pas si mal-aisé a transporter que le bled, & qu’on se peut plus aisément passer de vin que de pain.

Voyons 4 present si la vigne y peut venir en toute maturité. Premierement il est certain que le pais produit la vigne naturellement, qu’elle porte raisin qui meurit 4 sa perfection, le grain aussi gros que peut estre le muscat; pour son suc il n’est pas si [20] agreable estant sauvage, & la peau en est un peu plus dure ; mais si elle estoit transplantée & cultivée comme |’on fait en France, je ne doute point que le vin n’en fust aussi bon. Mais laissons cela, & voyons si le plan de France porté de par dela y porteroit d’aussi bon vin qu’il fait icy. II ne faut point parler du crei de Nantes ny du cidre de Normandie, |’on croira assez que cela y peut venir; mais parlons du creti d’autour de Paris, Bourgogne & Champagne, si l’on est une fois convaincu que cela se peut, l’on n’aura plus tant de peine a croire tout le reste.

Je vous ay déja fait le rapport des climats de tous ces quartiers-la, de la cause du froid & [21] de la longueur des neges: il n’est pas besoin de le repeter pour vous faire croire que le pais étant découvert, tous ces accidens de froid & de neges ny seront plus; cela estant qui est-ce qui empeschera que la vigne que je nomme cy-dessus ne puisse aussi bien venir par dela quwicy: |’on y trouve de pareille terre, des montagnes exposées au midy & a l’abry du mauvais vent, les costeaux propres pour y planter de la vigne: pour les facons elles s’y peuvent observer comme en ces quartiers de la France, & qui s’y pratiquent autrement que non pas aux lieux chauds, ce qui est une des principalles raisons pour lesquelles les vins viennent aux pais froids meilleurs que dans les pais [22] chauds, du moins plus delicats & plus agreables a boire; tels sont les vins de Champagne beaucoup plus delicats que ceux de Provence, quoy qu ils croissent en un climat beaucoup plus froid. Quant a la culture l’on déchausse la vigne en Hyver dans les pays chauds pour la faire hyverner, & aux froids on la chausse, c’est 4 dire que l’on enterre les brins de sermens pour les conserver du froid; car estant enterrez & couverts le brin de serment ne gele point, & au commencement du Printemps on la déterre, & elle a encore assez de temps pour s’hyverner, aprés quoy on la taille, & on la met en paisseaux ou eschallas pour parvenir a sa production. Voila la methode dont on se sert en Champagne.

[23] Pour la Bourgogne, je ne scay pas si on y pratique la mesme chose qu’en Champagne; peut-estre qu’il n’y a pas tant de neges & qu’ils ont plus de pluye; si cela est il faut quils ayent une autre maniere d’accommoder leurs vignes, ce qui sera bien aisé de scavoir, pour faire le mesme. A Paris l’on s’y gouverne comme au reste de la France, a la reserve de la taille, qui a quelque peu de difference. Pour conclusion, ce qui fait le bon vin c’est le bon climat, le Soleil, le terroir & le bon gouvernement dont il faut scavoir la pratique selon les lieux ot elle se plante; mais le terroir avec le Soleil y est le principal, car l’on voit des endroits ot le vin est bien meilleur qu’en un [24 ] autre, quoy que la distance d’un lieu a |’autre ne soit pas considerable.

Pour le contenu des autres terres qui sont depuis le cap Breton qui est par

a

ee ee ee

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les quarante cinq degrez deux tiers jusques a la riviere de Pantagotiet, qui est par quarante trois degrez & demy, ce qui fait environ cent cinquante lieués de costes, dont les climats sont bien plus chauds que ceux dont je viens de parler, qui sont 4 peu prés comme ceux de Nantes 4 Bayonne. Nantes est par les quarante-sept degrez vingt-quatre minutes, & Bayonne par les quarante-trois degrez quarante- cing minuttes; c’est peu de difference. Je conclud donc que tout ce qui peut venir en France en cette étendué de [25] terre, peut venir en celle de la nouvelle France, par les raisons que jay alleguées cy-dessus, les accidens levez ainsi que jay dit; pour ce qui est du sel, il s’y peut faire aussi beau & aussi bon qu’en Brouage ; je le scay par experience, |’épreuve en a esté faite, jay veu du sel qui a esté fait en des marests faits exprés qui furent rompus si-tost aprés; Von s est contenté de scavoir qu’il s’y pouvoit faire: je connois un peu le bon sel & la qualité qu’il doit avoir pour estre bon, c’est encore une preuve de ce que je dis, que ce qui se produit et un pais se peut produire en l’autre estant tous deux sous un mesme climat, quelque distance qu’il y ait de l’un a l’autre. Il me semble que tout ce [26] que je viens de dire et plus que suffisant pour desabuser ceux qui ont conceu une si mauvaise opinion de la nouvelle France. Ce n’est pas pour obliger personne de ceux qui sont en un bon pais a le quitter, y ayant dequoy subsister, mais tant de pauvres malheureux qui ont la santé qui pourroient bien travailler, ne seroient-ils pas plus heureux en ces pais-la, qu’icy 4 demander leur vie.

[27] CHAPITRE II

Le recit des profits qu’on retire {F qu’on peut retirer du pays pour la pesche des Molués vertes ou blanches ainsi qu’elles se mangent a Paris; la maniere de

la pescher, habiller {§ saller.

PRES avoir fait voir que ce pais-la se peut habiter & produire comme celuy-cy pour sa subsistance; il vous faut faire connoistre ce qu’il a de plus que la France, les profits que l’on peut tirer, & que |’on tire de chaque chose !’une aprés I’autre. Commencons par la [28] molué

si connué en France, & dont le debit se fait par toute |’ Europe, & principale- ment a Paris. Vous scaurez donc que la molué verte ou blanche, & la molué seche ou merluche n’est qu'une mesme espece de poisson, dont Ja dénomination n’est differente que par les diverses manieres dont elle est accommodée, les differends lieux ot la pesche s’en fait en ces pais-la, & leur diverses grandeurs : la plus grande se trouve ordinairement sur le grand Banc, & n’est pas propre a secher, comme la petite qui se pesche a la Coste, & se sale & se seche 4 terre comme je l’expliqueray cy-aprés.

Toute cette pesche se fait aux costes de la nouvelle France, tout ce qui s’en pesche ailleurs [29] n’est pas considerable; bien que ce poisson soit une espece de manne intarissable, je ne puis m’empescher de m’estonner de ce qu'elle se vend si peu, eu égard 4 la peine que l’on y a, aux risques que I!’on y court, allant & retournant, qui sont si grands qu’a peine le pourra-on croire. Je tascheray de vous rapporter icy le plus exactement que je pourray, tout ce qui se pratique en la pesche des molués de l’une & de I’autre sorte. Ceux qui

522 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

scavent ce que c’est s’en mocqueront, mais ceux qui n’en sont pas informés seront peut-estre bien-aises de l’apprendre, & le nombre en est assurément plus grand que des autres.

Je commenceray par la molué verte qui est celle que l’on man- [30] ge 4 Paris, & qui se pesche sur le grand Banc de Terre-neufve. Le Banc qui s appelle ainsi est une grande montagne qui est dans la mer & sous l’eau distante de vingt-cing lieués ou environ de l’Isle de Terre neufve, d’ot la molué verte prend son nom. Ce Banc a environ cent cinquante lieués d’un bout a l’autre, & quelques cinquante lieués en son plus large. Cette montagne qui est en la mer a au dessus d’elle en son plus haut vingt-cing brasses d’eau, & en d’autres endroits trente, trente cing, quarante, cinquante, & soixante brasses d’eau. Tout autour elle est coupée quasi tout droit, & en ce tour-la on ne trouve point de fonds 4 douze & quinze cens brasses de cordages; par [31] la vous pouvez juger de la hauteur de la montagne qui est de roche, tout le haut en est plat quoy quelle aille en baissant, c’est ou se pesche la molué qui y trouve pour sa noutriture force coquillages de plusieurs sortes & autres poissons. Celuy-cy est fort glouton, & sa gourmandise s’étend sur tout, mesme sur ceux de son espece, & souvent on en pesche qui ne laissent pas depuis qu’ils sont pris 4 ’hamecon, dans le temps que l’on les tire en haut d’avaler a demy un de leur semblable si il se rencontre 4 son chemin; il ne trouve rien de trop dur, quelques-fois les pescheurs, laissent tomber leurs cofiteaux; leurs mitaines, ou autres choses, si une molué le rencontre elle [32] l’avalle, & bien souvent ils peschent la molué qui aura avallé ce qui sera tombé & le retrouvent dans son estomac, que les matelots appellent gau. Ce poisson a encore une proprieté, qui est que ce qu’il avale qui ne se peut pas digerer, il le fait revenir de son gau qu'il retourne hors sa gueule, & en fait sortir tout ce qui luy nuit, aprés quoy il le retire en dedans, & ravalle cet estomac. Ceux qui vont ordinairement es faire cette pesche sont des Normands du havre de Honfleur, de Dieppe, & d’autres petits havres de Normandie, mesme de Boulogne & de Calais, de Bretagne, d’Olonne & de tout le pais d’Aulnis; tout cela fait bien le nombre de deux cens [33] a deux cens cinquante navires ‘pescheurs tous les ans, & toute leur pesche n’est quasi que pour Paris, du moins les trois quarts: il y a tel navire qui rapporte jusques a trente, quarante & cinquante milliers de molues, & un navire de cent tonneaux, par exemple, n’aura en comptant mesme le Capitaine, que quinze ou dix-huit hommes au plus d’équipage, & il raportera vingt & jusqu’a vingt-cing milliers de poisson.

I] faut qu’un Capitaine qui part de France pour cette pesche fasse provision de victuailles pour six mois du moins pour tout son équipage qui est de plus ou moins d’hommes selon Ja grandeur de son vaisseau: aprés cela ils vont prendre leur [34] sel en Brotiage, Oleron, Ré, ou Bretagne, qui vaut dix, unze, & douze livres le muid, qui est de vingt-huit minots de sel comble & en penne, quasi tout le reste de ce que peut porter son navire. Cette pesche-la dépence beaucoup de sel; il faut de plus des lignes grosses comme des tuyaux de plumes de quatre vingts-brasses de long, il en faut huit 4 dix pour chaque homme, & quelquefois jusques 4 douze ; il leur faut beaucoup plus d’ains ou hamecons, car il s’en perd que la molué emporte, il luy faut encore pour chaque homme douze A quinze plombs de six livres pesant chacun, qui s’attachent au bout de la ligne pour la faire aller a fonds, des cotiteaux pour ouvrir la molué, [35] & d’autres pour l’habiller, qui est la fendre jusques 4 la queué, comme on la void a Paris,

SS

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aprés qu’il est équipé de la sorte, il met a la voille & va a la grace de Dieu pour trouver le grand Banc, ov estant arrivé |’on ploye toutes les voilles & accommode son navire pour cette pesche, l’on attache la barre du gouvernail d’un costé, en sorte que le navire demeure quasi comme s’il estoit a l’ancre, bien qu’il ne laisse pas de deriver lors qu’il y a du vent. Aprés cela les uns jettent d’abord les lignes 4 la mer pour voir si le poisson mord, & les autres travaillent 4 faire un échaffaut le long d’un des costez du navire par le dehors, 4 moins que le beau- temps n’ait permis a |’équipage de le faire [36] pendant la route ou en approchant du Banc; sur cet échaftaut l’on met des barils qui sont demy muids qui viennent a hauteur de la ceinture, chaque pescheur se met dedans le sien, ils ont aussi un grand tablier de cuir qui leur va depuis la gorge jusques aux genoux, le bas du tablier se met par dessus le baril en dehors, pour faire que l’eau que la ligne apporte avec elle en tirant la molué du fonds de |’eau n’entre en son baril, & le pescheur ayant sondé le fonds attache sa ligne au baril dans lequel il est, en sorte qu'il s’en faut environ deux brasses que le plomb ne touche au fonds, & il s’en faut aussi une brasse que le bout de ligne ot est |’hamegon, & qui est attachée pro- [37] che du plomb n’y touche aussi; il ne se pesche qu’une molué 4 la fois, & pour scavoir le nombre qu’il s’en pesche, chaque pescheur a un petit fer pointu proche de luy, & au mesme temps qu’il deffait ’hamegon de la molué il en couppe la langue & la passe en ce fer; chaque pescheur a deux lignes, & pendant qu'il en tire une en haut il jette |’autre qui descend en bas quand il y a abondance de poisson au lieu ov est le navire.

Un bon pescheur en peut prendre jusques a trois cens cinquante & quatre cens, mais cela lasse beaucoup les bras; la molué est pesante, outre ce qu’elle resiste, & puis trente, quarante & suivant la profondeur jusques 4 soixante brasses [38] de lignes ne sont pas si-tost tirées; s’ils faisoient tous les jours cela ils n’y pourroient pas durer ; il se trouve bien des jours qu’ils n’en trouvent point, d’autres-fois ils n’en pescheront que vingt-cing, trente, quarante, un cent, ou deux cens chacun par jour, tout cela est au hazard; pour la boite de la molué c’est l’apast que l’on met a |’hamecon, sur la pointe duquel il pique un morceau de harang, dont la peau a un certain éclat qui reluit en Ja mer, & lors que la molué l’appercoit elle y court: outre cela ils garnissent entierement ’hamecon des tripailles de la molué gros comme les deux poings; mais quand ils trouvent dans le Gau ou estomac de la molué des coquillages ou autres [39 | pOlssons qui ne sont pas consommez ils s’en servent au lieu de harang.

Il y a tel navire qui sera assez heureux pour faire sa pesche en un mois ou six semaines, pendant qu’un autre sera trois, quatre & cinq mois 4 |’achever: cela dépend du bon-heur. ‘Tous les navires pescheurs ne mouillent jamais !’ancre sur le banc; le jour ils ont une petite voille quarrée sur le cul de leurs vaisseaux qu’ils appellent tapecu!, pour les sofitenir au vent & empescher la derive ou que le navire n’aille de costé; s’il y alloit les lignes s’éloigneroient trop du navire, & ne pourroient pas prendre le fonds ov est la molué,

Pour la nuit ils mettent leur [40] grande voile, & tous ceux qui sont sur le banc la mettent tofijours d’un mesme costé, afin que les vaisseaux fassent leur derive toute semblable, & par ce moyen éviter la rencontre les uns des autres, parce qu’autrement ils courroient risque de se perdre, en ce que les vaisseaux se pourroient aborder avec fracas.

De plus il faut scavoir que le grand Banc est rarement sans une brune ou brouillard, & quelquefois si épaisse que l’on ne void pas d’un bout du navire

524 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

4 Pautre, c’est ce qui les oblige 4 prendre cette precaution pour éviter le naufrage.,

Quand les pescheurs qui sont sur ce grand Banc voyent que le Caresme approche, ceux qui [41] ont la moitié ou les deux tiers de leurs pesche s’en vont pour tacher d’arriver des premiers pour la vente qui est meilleure qu’en un autre temps. :

Le Printemps ils partent encore avec moins de charge, car ceux qui arrivent des premiers trouvent encore la vente meilleure, le debit en estant bien asseuré a Paris, c’est ce que l’on y appelle la molue nouvelle.

Cette diligence leur procure encore un autre avantage, qui est d’entreprendre un second voyage en la mesme année dés qu’ils sont déchargez, & s’ils font bonne rencontre de pesche sur le Banc, ils peuvent estre encore arrivez assez-tost pour la vente du Caresme, mais tous ces avantages-la sont casuels, [42] heureux celuy

ui les rencontre, encore y a-il bien de la peine & du mal 4 souffrir, en ce que sur le grand Banc il fait plus froid au mois de Juin, qu’il ne fait en France au mois de Septembre.

C’est tout ce qu’il y peut avoir que trois mois d’Esté qui sont quasi tofjours pleins d’une grosse brune assez froide. Cette grande froidure du Printemps provient des glaces qui viennent du costé du Nord tirant vers la Suede & Dannemarc, ot la mer glace fort épaisse, & comme la tourmente la fait rompre par morceaux, que la marée emporte au large, & que le vent du Nord qui est commun en ce temps-la les amene vers le grand Banc. Pen- [43] dant leur voyage la mer qui bat contre & qui monte dessus se glace, ce qui la rend tofijours plus épaisse, & lors que le dessus est plus chargé que le dessous, elle tourne le haut en bas, ainsi elle va toiijours profitant, il s’en voit quelques-fois de plus hautes que les tours Nostre-Dame de Paris, quand le Soleil donne dessus on les void de dix-huit 4 vingt-lieués ; si un navire les rencontre & qu’il soit au dessous du vent il les sent bien d’aussi loin par le moyen du froid qu’elles rendent & du vent qu’il porte.

Lors que l’on va sur le grand Banc ou en la nouvelle France au mois de May, Juin & Juillet, il faut faire bon quart toutes les nuits; un navire qui rencontre- [44] roit une glace se briseroit en pieces comme s’il donnoit contre une roche, & point de salvation en ces rencontres: 4 cinquante ou soixante lieués en mer au deca du Banc quelques fois plus proche du Banc, quelques-fois dessus, quelques-fois par dela, elles vont selon les vents qui regnent, il s’en trouve quelquefois un si grand nombre en suite les unes des autres estant conduites tout d’un mesme vent, qu’il s’est trouvé des navires allant a terre pour le poisson sec qui en ont rencontré de cent cinquante lieués de longueur encore plus, qui les ont cottoyées un jour ou deux avec la nuit, bon frais portant toutes voiles sans en trouver le bout, ils vont comme cela tout le long [45] pour trouver quelques ouvertures a passer leurs navires: s’ils en rencontrent ils y passent comme par un détroit, autrement il leur faut aller jusques au bout pour y passer, car les glaces barrent le chemin.

Ces glaces-l4 ne fondent point que lors qu’elles attrappent les eaux chaudes vers le Midy, ou bien qu’elles soient poussées par le vent du costé de la terre, il en échoue jusques a vingt-cing & trente brasses d’eau, jugez de leur hauteur sans ce qui est sur l’eau: Des pescheurs m’ont asseuré en avoir veu une échoiiée sur le grand Banc a quarante-cing brasses d’eau qui avoit bien dix lieués de tour, il falloit qu’elle eust une grande hauteur: les [46] navires n’approchent point de

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ces glaces-]a ’on apprehende qu’elles ne tournent d’un costé sur l’autre, 4 mesure qu’elles se déchargent du costé ou elles ont plus de chaleur, ainsi le plus pesant Pemporte: ces glaces-la sont la cause en partie, de ce que |’on croit le Canadas si froid.

Les pescheurs sur le Banc ont prés de six mois que l’eau gele sur leur ligne a mesure qu ils a retirent en haut, cela leur donne bien du mal & une grande fatigue: je ne scay comment il se trouve du monde pour cette pesche, & ou ils ont se peu de profit : ‘ quand un pescheur gagne pour son voyage trente a trente- cing ou quarante écus i] n’est pas mal, & ces voyages [47] sont de cinq, six & sept mois, compris le temps de la ehatee & de la décharge du navire, pendant quoy ils ne gagnent rien.

Revenons 4 la facon de saller la molué. Ayant couppé la langue ils jettent Ja molué sur le pont du navire, ot des garcons Ja donnent 4 ceux qui l’habillent : ce qu ’estant fait ]’on la donne au saleur qui la range en fonds de cale teste contre queué, en ayant fait une couche longue d’une brasse ou deux selon qu'il void la pesche donner pour contenir le tout en une pille: le premier rang fait on la couvre toute de sel tant qu’elle en puisse prendre, comme on dit tout son saoul, puis on fait une autre couche dessus qu’on [48] sale de mesme, ainsi continuant toute la pesche d’un jour, car on met que tres-rarement celle d’un jour sur Pautre, ayant demeuré ainsi trois ou quatre jours tant que son eau soit égouttée & qu’elle ait pris son sel, puis on la releve & on luy oste tout ce qu'elle a de sel de reste, & puis on fait une autre couche en un autre endroit du fonds du navire, & on la recouvre encore de nouveau sel, lit pour lit, aprés quoy Yon n’y touche plus & l’on continué totijours de mesme jusques a ce que le navire ait sa charge, si on les changeoit encore une autrefois de place, il y faudroit encore remettre de nouveau sel.

I] convient encore de scavoir que sur le Banc qui est 4 vingt- [49] cing lieués de Ja plus proche terre il s’y void une si grande quantité d’oiseaux que cela n’est pas croyable, comme happefoye, croiseurs, poules de mer, pennegoins & beaucoup d’autres sortes.

Je parleray seulemét de ceux-cy. Les happefoye sont des oyseaux fort gourmands, ils 5 ’appellent ainsi, parce qu’ils vivent de foye de molué, & s’ils voyét un navire qui pesche, il s’y en assemble un si grand nombre autour de luy pour attraper les foyes qui tombent en la mer, qu’aussi-tost qu "il s’en jette un, plus d’une cinquantaine de ces oyseaux fondent dessus & s’entrebattent pour attraper ; ils viennent tout proche le bord du navire, & quelques-fois on les peut tuer [50] avec une perche, leur gourmandise fait que l’on les prend aisé- ment, avec des hamecons qu’ on attache au bout d’une petite ligne dont les pescheurs se fournissent exprés: cette ligne est supportée sur |’eau par un morceau de liege, & l’on meta l’hamecon un morceau de foye: |’on jette cela la plus au large que |’on peut, aussi-tost ces oyseaux se battent a qui l’attrapera; & aprés s’estre bien battus, a la fin un |’attrape qui se prend par le bec, on le tire a bord ; il faut bien prendre garde qu'il ne vous attrape la main, son bec de dessus est crochu qui passe beaucoup sur |’autre, s’il mordoit il perceroit le doigt ou la main; lors qu’on |’a depris de ’hamecgon & qu’on le laisse aller [51] sur le tillac il ne s’envole point, il ne scauroit s’élever 4 moins qu’il ne soit dans l’eau: cette pesche donne un grand divertissement.

Les Croiseurs sont des oyseaux qui viennent aussi pour manger des foyes, mais ils ne s’approchent pas de si prés; ils s’appellent Croiseurs, parce qu’ils

526 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

croisent tofijours en mer d’un costé & d’autre: leur vol est differend de ceux des autres oyseaux, en ce qu’ils volent pour ainsi dire de travers, ayant une aisle qui regarde vers le Ciel, & une autre vers la mer, en sorte que pour se tourner ils mettent l’aisle de dessus dessous: il s’en trouve tofijours depuis qu’on est en mer a cent lieués de terre jusques 4 la nouvelle Fran- [52] ce: il ne se passe journée que l’on n’en voye quelqu’un qui va croisant d’un bord a Vautre, c’est pour chercher quelques petits poissons 4 manger qui vont a fleur d’eau, comme le poisson volant, le harang, la sardine & autres dont il vit.

La Poule de mer s’appelle ainsi par la ressemblance qu’elle a avec cet animal terrestre: elle vit aussi de petits poissons & de foyes; elle n’est pas gourmande, mais plus privée que les autres; elle est tofijours volante autour du navire, si elle apercoit quelques tripailles elle se jette dessus.

Le Pennegoin est un autre oyseau martelé de blanc & de noir, il ne vole point, il n’a que deux moignons d’aisles dont [53] il bat sur l’eau pour fuir ou plonger: on tient qu’il plonge jusques au fonds pour trouver sa proye sur le banc; il s’en trouve 4 plus de cent lieués de la terre, ou il ne laisse pourtant pas d’y venir pondre comme les autres; lors qu ils ont fait leurs petits ils se mettent a eau & leurs petits se mettent sur leur dos, & les portent comme cela jusques sur le Banc, ot on en void qui ne sont pas plus gros que des poulets, quoy qu’ils viennent gros comme des oyes: tous ces oyseaux-la sont bons 4 manger par des pescheurs ; pour moy je n’y trouve point de goust, ils sentent l’huile a cause de la quantité du poisson & des foyes qu’ils mangent, & qui servent a faire ’huile de poisson, [54] les pescheurs les amassent pour cet effet; il y a telle navire qui en a fait jusqu’a dix & douze poincons: C’est a peu prés tout ce qui se pratique en la pesche de la molué verte sur le grand Banc.

[55] CHAPITRE III

La maniere de pescher la molué qu’on appelle merluche, de ’habiller, de la saler,

es? de la faire secher, && de toutes les utencilles necessaires pour cela.

ARLONS 4 present de la péche du poisson sec qui est tofijours comme nous avons dit au precedent Chapitre la mesme molué sous le nom de merluche, elle est plus petite que la verte, ce qui la rend plus aisée 4 conserver, le sel la penetrant davantage que la molué verte qui [56]

est plus grande & par consequent plus épaisse, & qui seroit mangée des vers avant qu'elle fit seche a cause de son épaisseur, ce qui n’arrive pas 4 la petite qui est de garde & sert aux victuailles des plus longs voyages & aux climats les plus chauds; ce n’est pas qu'il ne s’en peschent de grandes a la Terre & plus grandes qu’au Banc, mais l’on ne la fait point secher, on la met au verd, c’est a dire on la sale, comme on fait sur le Banc.

Entre tous ceux qui d’ordinaire font cette sorte de pesche, les Basques sont les plus habilles, ceux de la Rochelle ont le premier rang aprés eux, & les Insulaires qui sont aux environs, ensuite les Bourdelois, & puis [57] les Bretons: De tous ces endroits-la il y peut aller, cent, six-vingt, & cent-cinquante vaisseaux

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tous les ans, sil n’y a point d’empeschement par la necessité des matelots qui sont retenus pour les vaisseaux du Roy.

I] faut pour cette pesche beaucoup plus de dépense que pour celle du Banc, 4 laquelle il ne faut que des plombs, des lignes des couteaux, du sel & d’autres utencilles dont nous avons parlé; un navire de deux cens tonneaux au Banc n aura que vingt-cing hommes, & pour la secherie il en faudra cinquante du moins avec des victuailles pour huit 4 neuf mois: Pour ce qui est du sel il luy en faut plus de la moitié moins, outre que si un [58] navire du Banc porte quarante-cing 4 cinquante milliers de poisson |’autre en portera deux cens milliers de sec. A |’égard de leur équipage de pesche & nourriture il est bien differend, leur principale victuaille est de quatre quintaux ou quatre cens pesant de biscuit pour hommes tant grands que petits; & une pipe de vin ou deux bariques, outre du lard, des pois, des féves, de la molué, du harang, du beure, de l’huile, du vinaigre & autres petites commoditez 4 chaque navire 4 proportion du nombre des pescheurs.

Pour leurs conditions elles sont differentes; les Basques s’accommodent a la charge du navire, l’on estime le navire ce qu’il peut porter de quintaux de [59] poisson, les Bourgeois accordent avec |’équipage qui sont deux ou trois cens parts selon le nombre, & donnent au Capitaine un certain nombre de parts suivant la reputation qu’il a en cet exercice, au Maistre de grave tant, au Pilote tant, les Habilleurs tant, les Maistres des chalouppes tant, a leurs Arimiers & Bossoints 4 chacun tant, & aux Garcons a chacun tant de parts; au retour du navire s’ils n’apportent le nombre des quintaux dont |’on est convenu, |’on rabat 4 un chacun de ce qui manque au prorata de ce qu’il devoit avoir, mais s’il apporte plus on leur augmente aussi tout de mesme.

La pluspart des Bourdelois font au tiers de la charge, c’est [60] a dire que si le navire rapporte dix-huit milliers de poisson, il y ena six mil pour !’équipage qui s’accordent aussi a la part, mais c’est le Capitaine qui fait l’équipage, & promet 4 son Pilotte & Maistre de grave qui souvent n’est qu’un qui fait les deux charges a tant de parts, 4 un chacun ensuite selon sa charge; le Capitaine se taxe aussi; mais tous les garcons luy appartiennent, 4 qui il ne donne que des trois, quatre, cing & six écus pour tout leur voyage & prend leur part: il y a quel- quesfois des quatre, cinq, six & dix garcons selon Ja grandeur du navire, en sorte qu'il y a tofijours un garcon pour chalouppe.

Ceux de la Rochelle & des [61] Isles font autrement, ils n’ont que le quart de la pesche, de vingt mil livres, cinq mil; c’est aussi le Capitaine qui fait son équipage, & sont tous a la part également, le Capitaine & les garcons, comme les autres, pour chaque chalouppe un garcon, les Bourgeois du navire qui sont les proprietaires font les victuailles comme je vous ay dit, & donnent au Capitaine cent écus pour chalouppes, 4 chacunes desquelles il y a tofijours cinq hommes y compris les garcons; A tous ces gens-la il leur faut un pot de vin a chacun selon sa charge; c’est 4 quoy sont employez les cent écus pour compenser la difference qu'il y a du quart de ceux qui sont au tiers; de ceux-cy le Pilotte aura [62] par exemple cent cinquante livres ou deux cens livres, le Maistre de grave a peu prés autant, si un seul fait les deux charges il aura trois cens livres, les Maistres de chalouppes cent vingt ou cent trente livres selon qu’ils vallent: il faut que ces Officiers-la scachent habiller le poisson: les Arimiers vingt-cing a trente écus, les Bossoints, vingt-cing, trente & quarante livres, tous selon leur capacité; le Capitaine gagne quelques-fois sur ces cent écus, quelques-fois aussi il y perd, en

Raffalles sont des recharges subites de vent

528 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

ce que les Capitaines se piquent d’avoir de bons hommes qu’ils connoissent tous, & cela ne s’emporte qu’a force de pot de vin & 4 les faire boire, & 4 boire mesme souvent avec eux pour [63] tacher de les avoir & Jeur donner le denier 4 Dieu, aprés cela c’est un homme asseuré, quelques-fois les Bossoints les recompensent, ce sera un bon garcon fort qui veut apprendre le métier de Matelot, car c’est-la leur apprentisage, auquel il ne donnera que la valeur de son pot de vin, pour son voyage, & retire sa part; le Canonier peut estre aussi un homme de chalouppe, en ce cas on luy augmente son pot de vin, pour les Charpentiers ils ont aussi un pot de vin de trente & quarante écus, le maistre valet de mesme, c’est celuy qui a le soin de victuailles: pour le Chirurgien il a son coffre pour pot de vin, pour lequel l’on luy donne des deux ou trois cens livres, sur [64] quoy il doit fournir des medicaments, instruments, & de tout ce qu’il luy faut pour penser & medica- menter tout l’equipage, & au retour son coffre luy demeure, il a aussi vingt sols de chaque homme pour leur faire le poil, & sa part 4 la pesche comme les autres, mais il doit aussi servir 4 la terre, c’est luy qui est un des décoleurs, & porte le boyart comme le moindre des Matelots, ce que j’expliqueray en son lieu.

Le Capitaine ayant tout son equipage travaille 4 faire embarquer son sel, son vin, & tout ce qui luy est necessaire pour la pesche, & le vent luy estant propre il met 4 la voile; ayant fait environ cent ou cent cinquante lieués & qu'il est hors des ter- [65] res il songe a faire preparer une bonne partie de ce qui est necessaire pour la pesche, il donne a chaque Maistre de chalouppes de la toille pour faire sa voille & du fil tant qu’il Juy en faut, puis il donne a chacun son Arimier & Bossoin, car bien que tous soient assurez en partant de France de |’employ quils auront sur les lieux, neantmoins peu scavent certainement avec qui ils serviront, si ce n’est lors que le Capitaine leur declare, & quelques-fois il les fait tirer au sort: ces chalouppes-la sont appareillées comme celles de la Rochelle, elles n’ont qu’un mast, la drisse n’en partage pas la vergue également, elle est attachée en son tiers & n’a qu’un bras qui est un cordage attaché au plus [66] long bout de la vergue, & de |’autre costé, le bout de la vergue est une fois plus gros que du costé du bras, afin de faire le contre-poids, le bras sert pour haller la voile, lors que le vent vient de |’arriere & l’escoute qui est attachée au coin de la voile, de l’autre costé par embas sert a haller la voile, lors que le vent vient de l’avant pour que la voile recoive plus de vent, 4 quoy sert encore le secours d’une perche avec laquelle on pousse la ralingue, plus en avant pour que le vent donne encore mieux dans la voile; cette perche s’appelle un Valleston, & pour lors s’il y a du vent la chalouppe est tellement couchée sur le costé que |’eau entre dedans par dessus le bord ; c’est en ces occa- [67] sions ot le maistre de la chalouppe a besoin de toute son adresse a bien gouverner, & qu’il est necessaire qu'il aye Pecoiite 4 la main pour |’alonger ou la retirer, pour faire dresser la chalouppe quant elle se couche trop, ou qu’il vient des raffalles, ayant un bon Gouverneur il n’y a pas de risque, il y en a plus quant le vent vient justement par derriere; l’on souhaite plus celuy-la que |’autre, en ce que la chalouppe est toujours droite, neantmoins il en perit plus de vent arriere que de celuy de devant, en ce que la chalouppe est plus mal-aisée 4 gouverner, & plus sujette 4 virer.

Continuons a dire ce qui est necessaire 4 l’apprest des chalouppes de pesche; le Capi- [68] taine donne encore a chaque Maistre de chalouppe un cableau, c’est un cordage un peu plus gros que les grosses cannes que |’on porte a la main, il a soixante a quatre-vingts brasses, il en faut garnir un bout de douze a quinze brasses de long, cette garniture se fait des filets d’un vieil cable, & cela s’appelle

Ee

————— eS eee =

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fil de carret, avec lequel |’on entoure le cableau le plus serré que l’on peut de la longueur que j’ay dite: on le godronne a mesure qu’on le garnit, on leur donne encore un grappin de fer qui est l’ancre de la chalouppe, il est fait comme un crochet 4 pendre de la viande, 4 Ja reserve qu’il est plus grand, & que la verge ou est la boucle a une bonne demie brasse de longueur & [69] au bout des pointes; on soude un morceau de fer plat large comme Ja main qui vient en pointe sur le bout du grappin qui pese cinquante a soixante livres: le cableau n’est pas attaché 4 lanneau comme |’on fait aux ancres, mais aux pattes, tenant seulement a Panneau par un fil de carret, afin que si le grappin estoit engagé dans quelques roches, le fil de carret venant 4 rompre par I’effort que l’on fait a l’élever, le grappin puisse plus aisément se dégager, |’effort ne se faisant plus que sur les pattes ou le cableau est attaché.

Le Capitaine donne encore pendant le voyage 4 chaque chalouppes six lignes, scavoir deux a chaque homme & une dou- [70] zaine d’ains ou hamecons, & deux barres de plomb qui fait 4 chacun trois calles de trois 4 quatre livres piece; cela fait, chacun travaille 4 preparer son affaire pour estre prest 4 s’en servir lors qu’il est question d’aller en pesche dés qu’ils sont arrivez a terre, ou ils n’auroient pas le loisir 4 cause de leurs échaffauts & logemens.

Pour preparer leurs lignes qu’on leur donne en un paquet il les faut détordre & les étendre: pour ce faire ils attachent un morceau de bois 4 un bout de la ligne qu’on jette 4 la mer, 4 mesure que le navire vat ce bout demeure derriere jusques a ce qu’ils l’ayent toute démélée, & estant au bout ils y mettent un autre morceau de bois, que [71] !’on jette aussi 4 la mer de l’autre costé du navire, & tirent le premier bout pour le detordre, & le dernier bout va aussi de l’arriere du navire ; 4 mesure que l’on tire le premier ; ils la tire comme cela d’un bord a autre, des sept, huit & dix fois, tant qu’elle soit toute detorse, & puis la ployent sur un travouil qui sont quatre morceaux de bois, dont deux les plus longs d’environ un pied, sont plats par les bouts & percez, & dans les trous on met un baston rond a chaque bout, qui fait un quarré un peu plus long que large; la- dessus |’on tourne les lignes afin qu’elles sechent plus facilement qu’en un bouchon, & qu’elles ne se meslent point.

Ensuite ils enchappellent les [72] ains ou hamecons, c’est 4 dire qu’ils mettent environ un pied de lignes en double sur le bout de l’ain d’enhaut qui est un peu aplaty & le lient en sorte qu’il ne se peut deffaire, car c’est dans la pointe de I’hamecon que se met la boitte ou l’appast, c’est 4 dire un morceau de harang ou de la tripaille de molués gros comme le poing que prend la molué, & en la tirant en haut elle emporteroit l’ain s’il n’estoit bien lié. De cét ain au plomb que !’on met 4 la ligne, il y a une bonne brasse de ligne d’intervalle.

Pour ces plombs-]4 on couppe la barre de plomb en trois ou quatre morceaux selon ce quelle est, chaque morceau fait son plomb, les uns le font rond, les [73] autres le font en quarré, & bien plus gros d’un bout que de I’autre, le plus menu s’applatit un peu par un bout; on le perce, & en ce trou-la l’on met aussi de la ligne en double de la mesme longueur qu’a |’ain, on les lient avec du fil de voile, en sorte que cela n’échappe point, les uns y font plus d’enjolivements que les autres pour faire voir leurs addresses, cela s’appelle garnir le plomb.

Quand ils travaillent il semble qu’il y a plus de cinquante Mareschaux a battre sur ?enclume au bruit qu’ils font, les uns battent sur les ancres, les autres sur les canons, cela dure trois ou quatre jours.

[74] Parlons a present de |’équipage des Pescheurs qui sert 4 la pesche;

530 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

pour cela les Maistres de chalouppes & tous leurs gens ont chacun une paire de bottes, fortes & larges, en sorte que l’on se débotte en secouant la jambe: elles n’ont que la tige sans genouilleres, il ne faut point qu’elles prennent l’eau; ils ont encore un grand garderobbe de peau de mouton passée avec la laine, le costé du cuir est bien huilé, en sorte que |’eau ne passe point au travers, ce garderobbe va plus bas que la botte, ils ont encore un juste-au-corps de la mesme étoffe 4 l’épreuve de l’eau qui vient plus bas que la ceinture qui couvre ce garderobe, & ce [75] juste-au-corps a un capuchon qui se met sur la teste; outre cela il y a un grand tabelier de mesme étoffe, qui prend depuis le col jusques 4 my-jambe. Voila ’équipage a chacun des trois hommes de la chalouppe lors qu’ils vont en mer pour pescher la molué, du moins ceux qui se veulent conserver de la pluye & de l’eau en tirant leurs lignes.

I] se trouve peu de Basques qui n’ayent tout cét équipage, & mesmes plusieurs l’ont double en cas qu’ils soient mouillez, ils en prennent un sec le lendemain pour retourner en pesche pendant que |’autre seche, quand ils quittent ces habits-la, ils ne sont non plus mouillez que [76] s’ils n’avoient bougé d’une chambre quelque pluye qu'il fasse.

Les Rochelois, Bourdelois & Islois, ou Matelots des Isles Dieu, d’Olleron & autres ne sont pas si bien équipez, il s’en trouve quelques-uns qui en ont, mais rarement de rechange, pour |’ordinaire la pluspart se contente de leurs petits capots de drap qui leur vient un peu plus bas que la ceinture, avec le capuchon, le tabelier de peau de mouton comme les autres, des manches de cuir on de toille goudronnée, pour des bottes les Pescheurs en ont tous generallement. Voila leur équipage de pesche; ils acheptent tout cela a leurs depens.

[77] CHAPITRE IV

Contenant ce qut se pratique lors que les navires approchent du Feu ou la pesche se doit faire, la maniere davoir leur place, ce qui se fait a la descente, && comme I’ on met le monde en besongne.

ENDANT gue tous ces preparatifs de pesche se font dans le navire il ne laisse pas d’avancer chemin, & estant proche de terre & du lieu on ils pretendent aller faire leur pesche il se rencontre quelquefois deux ou trois navires ensemble qui ont dessein d’aller tous en vn mesme [78]

havre & chaque Capitaine d’y estre Admiral; pour avoir cette Admirauté lors qu’ils sont a huit, dix, ou douze lieués de terre ils mettent la nuit yne chalouppe 4 l’eau avec leurs meilleurs hommes de rames équipée de bons avirons, s’ils ont bon vent qui les porte plus viste que l’aviron ils se servent de la voile, si au jour ils appercoivent que d’autres y envoyent aussi; ils n’ont point peur de tourner, ils portent de la voille a l’envie les vns des autres pour gagner le devant, quel- quefois |’eau passe par dessus le bord de la chalouppe, personne ne remué crainte d’en faire perdre l’aire excepté celuy qui jette |’eau; peu de monde voudroit estre de leur compagnie, s’il n’y a point de [79] vent il faut ramer, c’est la ou ils allongent bien les bras; 1] n’y a point de galeriens qui tirent si fort a la rame qu’eux; l’on ne parle point de boire ny de manger crainte de retarder; il y en

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a totjours quelqu’ vn qui arrive quelque moment pltitost que les autres 5 le premier qui saute 4 terre acquiert le droit d’ Admiral pour son Capitaine, c’est 4 luy 4 prendre sa place ou bon luy semble, tant pour faire son échaffaut que pour placer son navire, s’il se trouve a la coste du bois des échaffaux qui auroient esté rompus l’hyver que la mer y aura jettez il le prend & tout ce qu’il y trouve a sa commodité par preferance.

Le navire y estant arrivé ils changent tous d’employ hors le [80] Capitaine, & chacun d’eux prend celuy auquel il a esté destiné suivant son engagement, avant que de partir, en sorte que tel n’estoit que matelot pendant la route qui devient Maistre de chalouppe ; lors qu’il est arrivé au lieu de la pesche, 4 mesme temps le Capitaine envoye tous ces Charpentiers 4 terre pour vitement preparer ses chalouppes, 8 ‘il en a luy a terre; mais ils vont peu en vn lieu qu’ils n’en ayent ou quils n’y en portent, s’il y en manque quelqu’une & qu’il en trouve 4 Ja coste 11 les prend par preference, moyennant toutefois que les chalouppes n’ayent point de Maistre & qu’il n’y ayent aucun pescheur qui les reclame, ou comme proprietaires, ou par [81] Procuration d’eux, ou la marque des chalouppes soit expr imée ; ce droit d’ Admirauté ne donne rien sur les chalouppes d’yn autre; mais seulement sur celles qui se trouvent comme épaves, dont il se peut preferablement servir, aprés quoy sil y en a suffisament, les navires qui sont arrivez dans le mesme havre ont aprés luy successivement le mesme droit suivant le rang de leur arrivée, 4 la reserve de Plaisance qui est vn havre en isle de ‘Terre-neufve o4 nombre de navires vont faire leur péche, dans lequel, quand |’ Amiral s’est pourveu suffisiment des chaloupes, il donne le surplus a qui bon luy semble de ceux qui en ont besoin, 4 la reserve toiijours des proprietaires ou porteurs de Procurations.

[82] Les Charpentiers estant 4 terre, le Capitaine travaille a faire placer son navire le mieux qu'il peut & le bien faire amarer, puis laisse le Contre-maistre avec sept ou huit hommes pour le degarnir, tout de mesme que s’il estoit dans un havre en France pour y passer son hyver, il ne luy reste de cordage que les aubans qui servent a tenir les mats debout, ces ordres donnez tout le monde va a terre.

Y estas les uns vont pour travailler a terre au logement des pescheurs qui est comme une halle couverte d’une voile du navire, les cétez du bas tout autour sont garnis de branches de sapin entrelacez das des piquets ou pieux fichez en terre de quatre a cing pieds de haut & ot finit la voi- [83] le des deux costez,

a Pégard des deux bouts qui sont comme les deux pignons de cet édifice l’on y met des perches de sapin distantes d’vn pied |’vne de I’autre, on les entrelasse aussi de branches de sapin que I’on serre le plus prés les vnes des autres que l’on peut, en sorte qu’a peine le vent y passe; dans le millieu au dedans l’on met de grosses perches de bout, distantes l’vne de l’autre de la longueur d’vn homme qui supportent le faiste, l’on met d’autres perches par le travers que |’on cloué a chaque distance le tout en sorte que cela ne bransle point, & en font deux estages V’vn sur l’autre ot ils dressent leurs lits & couchent deux 4 deux; le fonds de leurs lits est [84] de cordages qu’ils maillent comme vne raquette, mais les ouvertures bien plus larges, & a chaque largeur de lit l’on met vne perche qui fait la separation des deux hommes & qui empeschent qu’ils ne s’incomodent Ja nuit par leurs poids, qui autrement les feroit tomber |’vn sur !’autre si les cordes qui en composent le fond n’estoient roidies par cette perche du milieu, leur lit est vne paillasse d’herbe seche, leur couverture est telle qui leur plaist

582 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

d’apporter, car beaucoup n’ont pour cela que leurs cappots. Pour leurs coffres ils les mettent le long de la palissade & de leurs lits; voila le logement des pescheurs, a |’égard des dimentions de ce logement il dépend pour [85] l’ordinaire de la grande voile du navire qui le couvre.

Pendaut que lon travaille 4 ce logement d’autres travaillent a celuy du Capitaine qui se fait de la mesme sorte; mais il y a au milieu une cloison de perches les vnes contre les autres, ot |’on fait une porte qui ferme 4 clef, un costé sert pour mettre les victuailles, & l’autre la ou est sa table & son lit, a costé ou au dessus fait de cordages comme les autres, quelquefois il le fonce de planches, il a paillasse & matelats.

D’un autre costé le Maistre-valet avec une partie des garcons travaille 4 faire la cuisine, qui est couverte de grands gazons de terre arrengés comme des tuilles les uns sur les autres, [86] en sorte qu’il n’y pleut point, & de la couverture en bas, il y a tout autour des branchages de sapins entrelacez comme les autres que les garcons apportent de de dans Jes bois aussi bien que pour tout le reste des logemens; c’est d’ordinaire le Chirurgien qui a l’ordre de les faire aller aux bois, tout cela ce fait 4 la fois & est achevé en deux ou trois jours bien qu’il faille aller chercher tous ces branchages & perches dans le bois, les apporter & les peler, de crainte qu’elles ne percent & gastent les voiles.

Pendant que tout cela se fait le Maistre de grave & le Pilote, qui ont dix ou douze hommes avec eux, sont aux bois pour couper des sapins gros comme la cuisse, de douze, quinze, [87] seize 4 vingt pieds de longueur pour faire leurs échaffaux & les logemens, tous y trevaillent, il les faut apporter jusques sur le bord de l’eau de sept 4 huit cens pas, & quelquefois de mil ou douze cens; car tous les ans l’on en coupe, & les plus proches sont tofijours les premiers pris, il

a des endroits ot il y en a esté tant couppé qu’il n’y en a plus, il faut qu’ils en aillent chercher 4 trois, quatre, cing & six lieués, & quelquefois plus loin, il n’y a plus gueres d’endroits ot il ne les faille aller chercher au loin, ils y vont avec des chaloupes de trois hommes chacune qui vont & viennent jour & nuit qui n’en scauroient porter plus de cinquante 4 soixante chacune, & de puis que |’on a[go| commencé le travail il ne faut quasi plus parler de dormir, boire & manger qu’a la derobée, sinon pour le souper, pendant que |’on charie tout le bois les autres travaillent a dresser |’ échaffaut.

[9x] CHAPITRE V De la maniere de faire échafaut pour Phabillage de la Molué, £5 du travail

guwil y a a le construire.

"ECHAFFAUT estant aussi necessaire qu'il est a cette pesche, il ne sera pas hors de propos, de le décrire icy, pour en faire mieux comprendre l’usage; Il faut scavoir d’abord que tout le bois dont il est composé, se prend dans le pais mesme ou il se fait; il peut

avoir quarante, cinquante, & soixante pas de long, suivant la grandeur des navires, a laquelle nous suppo- [9°] sons totijours que le nombre des hommes est 4 proportion, sa largeur est 4 peu prés le tiers de sa longueur, & le bout

'

DE L’AMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONALE 533

qui n’est point couvert est aussi environ le quart de sa longueur, & se termine quelquefois en pointe & quelquefois en quarré, & avance en la mer, en sorte que les chaloupes y puissent totijours aborder.

Pour commencer la construction de |’échaffaut l’on plante a quinze, vingt, ou vingt-cing pieds en mer, vn gros pieu de dix-huit a vingt pieds de haut, pour cet effet trois ou quatre hommes se mettent a la mer estant basse le plus avant qu’ils peuvent, le pieu estant dressé l’on y met jusques a trois & quatre arboutans, dont les bouts sont au fonds de l’eau, & les [g1] autres bouts contre le pieu, aussi haut qu’un homme peut toucher pour les clouer d’un clou gros come le doigt: Ce pieu estant bien arresté debout, on en plante vn autre de mesme 4 terre & tout vis 4 vis un second, en sorte que ces deux derniers font la largeur de l’échaffaut, ce qui fait vn triangle quand le bout de l’échaffaut ou avant bec se finit en pointe.

Entre ces deux derniers pieux & celuy qui est 4 la mer, I’on plante encore des pieux de brasse en brasse des deux costez, en sorte que cela forme le triangle dont la pointe est a la mer, tous ces pieux-la estant dressez avec des arboutans bien clotiez a chacun desquels l’on clotie trois & quatre de ces grosses [92] perches de puis le bas jusques en haut, de distance en distance, en sorte que cela sert d’échellepour monter sur |’échaffaut ; pour fortifier cette pointe Yon met encore sous toute |’étendue de ce triangle nombre de pieux debout bien étayés, aprés quoy |’on met quantité de grosses perches qui traversent des uns aux autres, d’autres qui prennent du haut en bas en croisant, en sorte que cette pointe est tellement garnie de bois si solide & si bien clouée, qu’elle est capable de resister aux plus rudes vagues, & au choc des chalouppes qui y abordent toutes continuellement lors qu’elles reviennent de Ja pesche: le Pilotee de cette pointe estant ainsi planté, l’on pose des traverse de grosses pie- [93] ces de bois a la hauteur de dix-huit a vingt pieds du fonds, de ce premier pieu qui fait la pointe : & les traverses sont proprement les solives qui soutiennent le plancher, qui de haute mer est élevé de cing pieds ou environ de la superficie de |’eau 4a la pointe de l’échafaut. Cela fait l’on continue |’échafaut de la largeur de ces deux pieux qui sont en terre, qui sont aussi la largeur de cette pointe, laquelle largeur l’on continue trente-cinq ou quarante pas totjours de plain pied, en sorte que les pieux que l’on plante debout pour soutenir le planché de l’échafaut aillent toaijours en diminuant de longueur, 4 cause que la coste va s’élevant vers la terre comme un theatre de Comedie. Tous [94] ces pieux sont aussi bien étayez & fortifiez de perches en travers que l’avant bec de l’échafaut: on continué a mettre dessus des traverses de brasses en brasses pour parachever le planché de l’échaffaut: dans le milieu de ces traverses l’on met de grosses perches de bout de vingt-cinq ou trente pieds pour supporter le faiste de |’édifice, dont le plus gros bout porte sur terre & sont clouées a ces traverses de deux en deux, depuis la base du triangle allant vers la terre. ‘Tout cela estant achevé, on a de petites perches les plus longues que l’on peut trouver, que l’on couche de leurs longs sur ces traverses ot on les aranges le plus prés que l’on peut les unes contre les autres depuis [95] la pointe jusques au bout devers terre, ce qui fait proprement le planché de l’échafaut.

Depuis ces deux pieux de la pointe qui font la largeur de |’échafaut en allant 4 terre, de ces deux costez |’on met de petites perches, qui vont depuis la terre toutes droites, & passent au dessus du plancher d’environ quatre pied, distantes d’environ deux pieds les unes des autres, au bout d’enhaut de ces

2M

534 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

petites perches qui sont des deux costez de |’échafaut, l’on clove une autre grosse perche au dessus qui les prend de travers d’un bout a l’autre.

Dessus ces grosses perches de bout qui sont clouée au milieu des traverses, V’on met d’autres perches que l’on cloue sur les [96] bouts d’enhaut d’un bout a lautre, lesquelles perches font le faiste; ensuite on met d’autres perches, qui viennent aboutir ou tomber sur ces autres perches qui sont élevées de quatre pieds aux costez de l’échafaut, & servent de chevrons: cela fait on met une grande voile du navire dessus, dont les cotitures vont comme les chevrons, afin que l’eau coule plus facilement; pour cet effet l’on roidit la voile le plus que l’on peut avec des cordes que l’on passe a ces perches, sur quoy portent les chevrons: si la voile n’est assez grande pour couvrir tout |’échafaut, on laisse le bout de vers terre découvert; car le principal est le bout opposite, ou se fait le plus fort du travail.

[97] Pour fermer les deux pignons & les deux costez de quatre pieds de haut, ’on commence au pignon de la pointe qui est 4 ces deux gros pieux qui font la largeur de |’échaffaut, l’on cloué pour cela une grosse perche d’un pieu a Pautre, 4 la reserve de Ja largeur d’une porte que |’on laisse d’un costé pour aller du dedans sur la pointe: cette perche que |’on cloue en bas est élevée au dessus du plancher de deux pieds, & de Ja en haut jusques au faiste l’on met d’autres perches 4 un pied l’une de l’autre clouée en haut & en bas qui diminuent comme la pente de la voile, !’on en fait autant au pi ignon opposé, ou neantmoins les perches vont depuis le bas jusques en haut, aprés quoy l’on [98] garnit les bouts & les costez de branchages entrelacez entre ces perches & les plus serrez que l’on peut.

Pendant que tout ce travail se fait, le Capitaine ne laisse pas d’envoyer des chaloupes 4 la pesche si-tost que les Charpentiers les ont mises en estat d’y pouvoir aller, & le poisson qu'ils rapportent tous les soirs s’habille sur des planches, que l’on met sur des bariques, qui sont des especes d’établis volans dont ils se servent en attendant que |’échaffaut & ce qui en dépend soit en sa perfection : = ce poisson se sale & se met en pile, ainsi que si tout estoit en estat de la recevoir, comme je vous diray dans la suite.

L’échaffaut n’est pas pliitost [gg] fait que l’on travaille 4 accommoder le ded ns, ot on fait une table de quatre pieds de large d’environ trois pieds de haut, éloignée de trois pieds de la cloison dont je viens de parler: cette table s’apelle l’étably ; dans l’espace qui est entre cet étably & la cloison se mettent les picqueurs & decoleurs; de l’autre costé sont les habilleurs, & ces habilleurs sont cinq, six ou sept selon la grandeur du navire; chaque habilleur a un picqueur & un decoleur; les habilleurs ont a leur costé droit une espece d’auget ou quaisse de bois Pattee un pied & demy de large & un peu plus de long dont le fonds est incline d’environ demy pied vers le plancher, tirant en de- [100] dans, & ce qui ferme le costé vers lequel le fonds s’incline est une coulisse qui se leve & se baisse entre deux tringles, afin que le poisson tombe de luy-mesme & tout d’un coup dans les brotiettes, comme je_ P expliqueray plus au long lors que je parleray de ae du poisson. A cing ou six pieds en arriere tirant vers la terre, dans le milieu de ledifice, l’on fait une espece d’enceinte pour mettre le sel qui sert A saller le poisson, cette enceinte s “appelle la saline & est située justement sous le faiste, en sorte que les pieux qui le sofitiennent passent tout au travers de cette saline, qui peut avoir vingt a vingt-cing pieds de longueur & plus, selon la grandeur du navire auquel [101] elle est proportionnée, & a environ quatre pieds

DE L’AMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONALE 535

de large; ce reduit est fait de longs pieux couchez les uns sur les autres jusques a la hauteur d’un pied & demy ou environ: des deux costez de cet edifice il y a deux portes, lesquelles servent 4 décharger |’échafaut du poisson lors qu’il le faut porter 4 la mer pour le laver. Voila a peu prés tout ce qui se peut dire, de Péchaffaut, pour en donner |’intelligence.

[102] CHAPITRE VI

Contenant la maniere de tirer P huile des foyes de molué, avec la description des in- strumens & utencilles qui servent a habiller, saller {5 laver le poisson ; ce que cest que vignaux &§ grave, leur construction && leur usage.

ENDANT gue ce travail se fait, d’autres sont employez a preparer ce

qui est necessaire pour faire l’huile, ce qui se pratique de trois facons:

La premiere est une forme de met comme celle d’un pres- [103] soir

ou l’on foule la vendange, dont les costez sont bien plus hauts tout

autour; il y a trois planches & quatre si elles sont étroites, l’une sur |’autre, bien jointes, bien calfetées, & bien brayées, tant au fonds qu’aux costez, en sorte que I’huile ne coule point, cela peut avoir six a sept pieds en quarré: a l’un des costez l’on met une clisse ou claye de la hauteur & de la largeur de la met, avec des nattes de paille en dedans le long d’un costé du pressoir: entre cette clisse & natte, & le bord du pressoir il y a une petite espace de vuide, cela se fait pour empescher que tous les foyes de molué que |’on jette tous les jours dans cette grande espace qui reste de vuide ne passe, & [104] qu’il reste une espace pour Vhuile a mesure qu’elle se fait, ce qui n’arrive que par la force du Soleil qui fait fondre les foyes, car cette met ou espece de pressoir se place hors |’échafaut en un endroit le plus commode qu’il se peut; l’huile va totijours au dessus du sang que !es foyes rendent, & |’eau qui tombe quand il pleut décend plus bas que Phuile qui est au milieu de l’eau & des foyes que 1’on y met tous les jours qui flottent sur Vhuile; lors qu’on la veut tirer on fait un trou dans le bord du pressoir, 4 environ un pied du fonds du costé de la clisse, & |’on fait un autre trou plus bas pour vuider l’eau & le sang; a ces trous |’on met une bonne cheville ou une canelle, & Vhuile se tire 4 me- [105] sure qu’elle se fait & se met dans des bariques: tous les foyes ne fondent pas entierement, & il se fait sur Phuile beaucoup de villanies qu’il faut vuider & jetter de de temps en temps, autrement cela feroit une crouste a force de secher, qui empescheroit que le Soleil ne fist fondre les foyes qu’on y met tous les jours: il n’y a presque que les Basques qui fassent ces sortes de pressoirs, encore faut il que ce soit de grands navires, les autres se servent d’une chalouppe bien calfetée, dont l’on met un bout quelque peu plus haut que |’autre, & au bout d’en bas !’on met une clisse & des nattes comme 4 la met ou pressoir pour empescher les foyes de passer: 4 ce bout on y fait deux trous, [106] l’un pour vuider l’eau, & l’autre pour tirer ’huile qu’on vuide de temps en temps, le dessus & le dessous comme a la met ou pressoir, a faute de chalouppe ou de pressoir l’on se sert de bonnes barriques deffoncées d’un costé, qu’on met debout sur des chantiers assez élevez, l’on met une clisse dedans, du bas en haut, avec des nattes qui font une espace vuide

536 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

d’environ demy pied de large du haut en bas de la barique; on fait aussi au bas deux trous pour vuider l’eau & ’huile, & I’on vuide aussi toute l’ordure ou le marc qui se fait dessus de temps en temps ; la barique de cette huile vaut jusques A vingt & vingt-cing écus: toutes ces trois sortes de vaisseaux dont l’on se sert [107] pour faire ’huile s’appelle un Charnier par tous les pescheurs, a la reserve des Bretons qui l’appellent un Treuil.

Comme tout le monde ne travaille pas a la fois a une seul besogne, & que chacun a son travail. Voyons ceux qui sont employez aux utencilles qui servent a apprester la molue, comme la galaire qui est une espece de petit échaffaut que l’on fait a terre sur le bord de la grave, pour cela, on fait un fonds de pieux plantez tous droits comme ceux de dessous |’échaffaut, qui vont tofijours en haussant allant vers la mer, afin que le planché soit de niveau; il se fait de la mesme maniere que |’échaffaut, tant le fonds que le plancher de petites perches, a la [108] reserve qu’il n’a que douze ou quinze pieds tant de long que de large ; celuy-la est double, les simples ont la mesme longueur le long de la grave, & la moitié de la largeur allant vers la mer. II s’en fait de trois ou quatre comme cela, selon la grandeur du navire, & totijours plus que moins, crainte que le mauvais temps ne permette pas de mettre le poisson au sec: cette galaire est couverte par dessus de perches en forme d’une treille; sur lesquels l’on met force branchages pour empescher que le Soleil en donnant sur le poisson ne l’échauffe, ce qui le gateroit.

Il faut aussi des boyars que nous appellons en France des sivieres a bras; tout le monde [109| scait ce que c’est; il y a aussi des clayes qui sont plattes, faites avec de longues baguettes grosses d’un pouce, entrelacées comme une claye 4 nettoyer des habits, mais elles sont bien plus grandes & plus fortes, elles servent a jetter la molué dessus lors qu’elle est lavée, afin qu’elle ne prenne point de sable: l’on en fait une autre grande d’environ une brasse & demie en quarré ; elle est faite comme une cage hors qu'elle n’est point fermée dessus, les bastons en sont gros comme le pouce, elle est foncée de planches, cela se met dans I’eau, l’on jette le poisson dedans pour le laver, & s’appelle un Timbre.

Les brouettes ne sont autre [110] chose que deux morceaux de bois écarris gros comme le bras ou environ, de quatre a cinq pieds de long, de figure de crosse par un bout, sur lesquels l’on cloue des douves d’un pied & demy de longueur, dont les bouts sont clouez sur la rondeur de ces bois pour faire un fonds, afin que cela soit creux l’on met encore des douves aux deux costez, dont un bout de la douve est clouée contre le bout de la crosse, & l’autre bout de la douve au milieu de ces batons, ot il commence a perdre sa rondeur, en sorte que la rondeur de ces bastons estant ainsi acommodez fait un grand creux comme 4 une civiere roulante, & au lieu d’une roué |’on met un gros rouleau de bois, poin- [rrz] tu des deux bouts que l’on passe en deux boulons de fer qui sont attachez au dessous de cette broiiette; en sorte que lors que !’on la traine ce roulleau sert de roué, ce qui la rend plus facile 4 mener; son usage est de transporter le poisson des augets dont j’ay parlé qui servent aux habilleurs. L’on met cette brotiette sous ces augets, & on n’a pas plustost levé la coulisse que le poisson tombe dedans sans y toucher, ce qui se fait pour épargner le temps & expedier besogne.

Pendant que tous ces travaux se font le Chirurgien avec partie des garcons travaillent 4 faire des vignaux, pour cela on a quantité de petites perches que

DE LAMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONALE 537

on coupe par morceaux d’en- [112] viron cinq a six pieds de long pointus d’un bout que |’on enfonce en terre, en sorte qu’il en reste environ de trois pieds & demy ou quatre pieds hors de terre; ces piquets-la sont distant les uns des autres d’environ une brasse tous arangez sur vne mesme ligne, & tous d’une mesme hauteur d’environ vingt-cinq, trente ou quarante pas de longueur selon Pestendué de la place, qui oblige quelquesfois de les faire plus long & plus courts; cette premiere ligne de piquets estant faite !’on en fait une autre du mesme sens, dont la distance d’entre les deux lignes a environ cinq pieds, peu

lus ou moins; en suitte l’on met de longues perches que Ion lie au bout d’en haut de ces pi- [113] quets, d’vn bout a l’autre des deux costez, la ligature dont on sert ce sont des fils de carret, toutes ces perches estant posées on en met d’autres en travers dont les bouts portét sur ces perches des deux costez, & liée de chaque bout a ces perches de distances d’environ un pied les vnes des autres, cela fait on couvre toute cette longueur & largeur de branchages, ausquels !’on oste tout le feuillage afin que |’air donne aussi bien par dessous que par dessus, lors que la molué est sur ces vignaux pour secher. Il faut a vn navire environ de trente, quarante ou cinquante de ses vignaux selon la grandeur du vaisseau, & qui est aussi selon l’estendueé de la place qui est quelquefois des [114] trente, de cinquante, & jusques 4 cent pas de longueur.

D’vn autre costé le maistre valet a vne partie des garcons qu'il fait travailler a la grave, s'il n’a pas d’autre besongne plus pressée; mais voyons le travail de la grave, & puis je diray ce qu’il fait en faisant faire cette grave. Ce qu’on appelle grave sont de petits caillous que la mer jette a la coste, lesquels on applanit le plus également que !’on peut s’il y en a trop en vn endroit on l’oste pour remplir les fonds en d’autres endroits, ou bien les garcons en vont querir 4 la coste avec des mannes, (c’est vne espece de panier rond sans ance) & la portent ot il en faut, si la grave est vieille quelle n’aye point esté ga- [11 5] tée l’hyver par la mer, il si trouve de l’herbe qui vient parmy ces ,caillous, il faut que les garcons l’arachente tout brin a brin en sorte qu’il n’en reste point.

Ce que le Maistre-valet 2 outre le travail de la grave, il a le soin de donner tout ce qu’il faut pour la cuisine, tous les jours pour tout l’équipage, d’aler avec ses garcons dans vne chalouppe qu’il a, de terre au navire, tantost querir du vin, du biscuit, du lard, du beure, de l’huile, & tout autre provisions; il va a la fontaine chercher de |’eau avec des bariques pour faire son brevage, & pour la chaudiere, il va encore au bord du navire avec sa chalouppe querir du sel, le fait apporter a terre ou il le fait mettre en [116] un petit monceau par ses garcds, jusques a ce que l’echaffaut soit fait & la saline preste 4 le recevoir: ce sel la que Pon apporte ainsi est pour saller la molué que |’on pesche pendant le travail par ces chalouppes qui vont en pesche comme jay dit a mesure que les Charpentiers les rendent preste, & c’est ce poison-la que j’ay dit cy-devant que Y’on habille sur ces planches que l’on met sur des bariques.

538 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

[117] CHAPITRE VII

Contenant la maniere dont on construit les Chalouppes quon doit embarquer par quartiers pour porter a la Pesche.

E croy qu’il ne sera pas hors de propos de décrire aussi le travail des Charpentiers, quoy qu’ils ayent esté mis a terre les premiers pour commencer la besogne encore qu’ils achevent les derniers. Pour rendre les chalouppes prestes pour aller en pesche l’on commence par le char-

pentage qu’il y a a faire aux chalouppes neufves qu’on porte de France, elles se mettent par [118] quar tiers dans le navire, |’vne a la quille entiere, a a d’autres on la coupe par la moitié selon la place qu'il y a dans le navire pour les y mettre ; cette quille est le fonds de la chalouppe, & le fondement de tout le bastiment ; sur cette quille on met les varangues qui sont de bois écarris d’ environ trois pouces, de trois pieds & demy ou environ de longueur, qui releve vn peu par les bouts, en allant du milieu de la chalouppe aux deux bouts, elles vont tofijours en diminuant, parce que la chalouppe n "est pas si large par les bouts que dans le milieu, principalement dans le fond, a cause des facgons qu’elle a afin que le devant couppe plus facilement l’eau lors que la chalouppe va a la voile ou 4 la [119] rame; le derriere n’a pas la facon si haute que le devant ; ce que !’on appelle facon, c’est que le bordage ou planche qui fait l’enceinte de la chalouppe se joignent quasi toute par le devat depuis la quille jusques au haut de la chalouppe pour coupper |’eau, & derriere n’a cette pince que par le bas, afin que .’ eau lors que le bastiment va 4 la voille, ou a la rame rencontre le gouvernail, & qu’en donnant contre il la fasse venir d’vn coste ou de !’autre pour, aller droit ou l’on veut.

Au dessous de ces varangues l’on clotie deux bordages ou deux planches d’vn bout de laquille a ’autre de chaque costé; voila le premier quartier; a ces varangues |’on clotie des mem- [120] bres a cloux perdus, ces membres sont de bois écarris de la grosseur des varangues, qui sont courbez en bas & en montant tout droit jusques 4 la hauteur que l’on veut donner a la chalouppe, chaque varangue a son membre a chaque bout qui va totijours en acoursissant vers les deux bouts, pour faire ces facons dites cy-dessus, tous ces membres estant posez des deux costez d’vn bout de la quille a l’autre, a cette quille l’on cloue vne estrave sur le devant, qui est vne piece de bois d’environ six pouces d’écarrissage, qui fait vn rond en montant du bout de la quille en haut de la hauteur de la chalouppe ; ; 4 autre bout de la quille au derriere, on met vne autre piece de bois écarrie de la [121] mesme grosseur de |’estrave laquelle est droite, mais elle va un peu en penchant en dehors, & qui va aussi haut que doit estre la chalouppe, & cette piece s’appelle P Etambot, a laquelle l’on a fait des feuilleures d’un pouce de profondeur des deux costez en dedans pour clouer le bordage que l’on met pour fermer le tour de la chalouppe, l’estrave a une feuilleure aussi de mesme pour clotier le bout des planches, l’estrave & |’étambot & tous les membres estant posez selon la facon ou la forme que doit avoir la chalouppe, il la faut border, border c’est mettre des planches tout autour, qui s’appellent bordage.

En posant le bordage depuis le bas de la quille allant en haut [122] l’on

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DE LVAMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONALE 539

prend garde que les bouts ne finissent dans le milieu |’un contre |’autre; il faut quwil passe d’un pied & demy ou deux les uns sur les autres pour rendre la liaison plus forte, tant a l’égard des pieces de bordage, qui vont de |’avant 4 Varriere, qu’a l’égard de celles qui vont de l’arriere en avant, a la maniere des pierres que !’on laisse surpasser les autres en la construction d’une maison, & que les Macons appellent mordans; cela se pratique de puis le bas jusques au haut des deux costez de la chalouppe en mettant tofijours les bordages les uns sur les autres, ce qui ne se fait d’ordinaire que pour ces chalouppes-la que l’on est obligé de porter en quartiers, ne les pou- [123] vant mettre entieres dans le navire: ayant esté ainsi assemblées en France on les demonte pour les mettre en quartiers, tous les bordages que j’ay dit passer les uns sur les autres dans le milieu ne sont clouez en cet endroit qu’a cloux perdus, tout le reste est cloué 4 demeure 4 la reserve d’un costé qui tient 4 l’estrave & |’autre costé a l’étambot, en sorte que |’étrave & |’étambot ne tiennent que d’un costé 4 l’un des quartiers ; pour faire ces quartiers l’on couppe la quille par la moitié, mais si le navire la peut porter entiere, l’on démanche les membres des varangues ol je vous ait dit quils estoient clouiez a cloux perdus; l’on démanche aussi tous ces bouts de bordages [124] du milieu qui vont les uns sur les autres, ainsi la chalouppe demeure partagée en quatre quartiers quand on la couppe, & en cing quand la quille demeure entiere.

Aprés avoir parlé de la construction des chalouppes & de la maniere de les mettre en quartiers ; il faut maintenant dire comme I’on les remonte ou r’assemble dans le pais, le tout estant mis a terre les quartiers de chalouppes 4 part, car chaque chalouppe 4 ses quartiers marquez d’vne marque & du costé quils doivent estre, afin que les bouts du bordage qui se doivent rapporter au milieu se trouvent justes; tout le triage des chalouppes estant fait l’on posse sa quille

-Wune [125] sur des tins, qui sont des especes de chantiers ou gros morceaux

de bois pour |’élever de terre, puis on pose le quartier ot tient |’étambot a un bout & l’étrave qu’on cloué a l’autre bout de la quille, & ensuite les membres aux varangues, & puis l’on pose les deux autres quartiers, l’un d’un costé en avant, & l’autre de l’autre costé en arriere, en sorte que les bouts des bordages se retrouvent dans le milieu juste comme ils doivent estre ; estant ainsi posée Yon cloue les membres aux varangues 4 demeure, & les bouts des bordages sur les membres aussi 4 demeure, & pareillement a l’estrave & I’étambot ; voila la chalouppe remontée, il y manque une lisse qui est faite d’une [126] planche siée de sa longueur par morceaux, d’environ quatre & cing pouces de large, l’on en met une tout au tour de la chalouppe clouée en dedans 4 un demy pied ou environ du bord, cela sert a renforcer la chalouppe & a tenir les membres en estat, & 4 suporter les baux ou toutes qui ont demy pied de large & d’vn pouce d’épaisseur, les baux ou toutes sont proprement les bancs sur lesquels s’assient les rameurs, il y en a six comme cela d’un bout de la chalouppe 4 l’autre; ces toutes estant chacune en leurs places, scavoir trois en avant & trois en arriere a environ deux pieds les uns des autres, & entre deux on laisse une espace de cinq pieds ou environ qui est le milieu; [127] ces toutes-la sont posées sur cette lisse traversant la chalouppe d’un costé a l’autre, 4 chacun de ces bouts de toute l’on met un court baton qui est un morceau de bois fait en équerre tout d’une piece, dont un bout est cloué sur la toute, & |’autre cété surle bord de la chalouppe ; ce sot ces toutes-la qui tiénent la chalouppe en état & empéchent qu’elle ne se puisse élargir; maintenant il y faut mettre un carreau tout au tour

540 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

de la chalouppe ; ce carreau est un morceau de bois de deux bons pouces, ou de deux & demy en quarré que l’on met tout autour de la chalouppe par dessus le dernier bordage d’enhaut, & que l’on clotié au bout des mébres qui passe un peu au dessus du bordage, aprés quoy [128] l’on rongne les membres au niveau du carreau.

I] faut en suite galfeter cette chalouppe ; galferter c’est mettre de l’étoupe dans les joints qui est l’ouverture qui se fait entre deux bordages; cette étoupe est faite de vieux cables que l’on coupe par morceaux, puis l’on deffait les fils de carret que l’on fait boiillir dans l’eau, puis on les bat avec un maillet ou autre chose pour les rendre maniables & pour separer mieux le chanvre en brin, ce qui s’apelle décharpir ou mettre en filasse, estant separé l’on le file gros comme le pouce, dont l’on fait des quenoiiillées grosses comme le bras, de la lougueur de la moitié du bras, voila l’étoupe dont l’on se sert a galfeter les navires [129] & chalouppes, pour faire entrer cette étoupe dans les jointures du bordage, il faut avoir un fer qui est fait comme un cizeau large de deux doigts & long d’un bon demy pied, un bout est plat, & l’autre tout rond & plat dessus ot I’on cogne avec un maillet pour faire entrer |’étoupe a force, en sorte quelle devienne aussi dure que le bois, le fer s’apelle un galfet, & le travail galferter, & la besogne la couture. La chalouppe estant bien galfetée d’un costé !’on la tourne sur l’autre pour y en faire autant; le galfetage estant achevé l’on fait bien chaufer un costé avec de la brande ou branchage de sapin dont !’on fait de petits fagots que l’on emmanche au bout d’un baton, pour les allu- [130] mer & les porter tous flambans a la chalouppe pour faire bien chauffer le bordage, quand un fagot est bruslé on en allume un autre tant qu’elle soit bien chaufée, & pour lors on a du bray dans vn grand pot de fer que |’on fait bien chauffer; ce bray c’est ce que les jotieurs de violon appellent colofhanne dont ils frottent leur archet, lequel estant bien chaud |’on y met de I’huile de poisson pour le rendre plus gras & empescher qu’il ne s’écaille quand il est sec; le bordage estant bien chaud !’on a un bouchon de laine emmenché au bout d’un baton que |’on appelle un guipon, l’on le trempe dans cette chaudiere ot est le bray que |’on employe le plus chaudque I’on peut, [131] & l’on passe ce guipon par dessus les coutures & le bordage méme, afin que le tout soit bien brayé, ce costé-la estant fait l’on tourne la chalouppe pour en faire autant de l’autre costé, estant bien brayée !’on travaille au dedans de la chalouppe, les intervales qui sont entre les toutes sont separez les uns des autres par des plaches ou douves de bariques, que !’on cloue d’un bout aux toutes, & l’autre bout est cloiié au bas de la chalouppe a une barre de bois qui traverse le fond, & cette separation s’apellent rums, chaque pescheur en a deux, dont l’un sert 4 metre la molué 4 mesure qu’il la pesche, & l’autre luy sert de place 4 se mettre pour pescher, quand son rums est plain l’on le [132] vuide dans cette grande espace qui est au milieu de la chalouppe gui s’appelle le grand rums, les autres pescheurs vuident aussi leurs rums dans ce grand quand il est plain, & les petits c’est lors que ]’on dit la chalouppe est chargée, & pour lors elle a bien cing a six cens de molue.

I] faut encore des fargues 4 la chalouppe pour estre toute preste 4 aller en pesche, ces fargues sont une bande de toile forte bien gaudronnée d’environ un pied de largeur, que l’on cloue sur le carreau que j’ay dit que l’on mettoit par dessus le haut du bordage; cette fargue se cloué par vn bord tout autour de la chalouppe, & le long de |’autre bord de la fargue il y a des ceuillets par le moyen des- [133] quels on y attache avec des fils de carrets une perche de chaque

DE LAMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONALE 541

costé, qui va d’un bout a |’autre de la chalouppe, si une perche ne suffit on en met deux ou trois; il y faut encore des bois ronds ou carrez d’une demie brasse de long que !’on fourre en tre le bord de la chalouppe & cette lisse sur quoy portent les baux, ces batons passent au dessus du bord, de la chalouppe de la largueur de la fargue, & sont ademie brasse de distance les uns des autres, & percez par le haut pour passer une ficelle qui est atachée a cette petite perche de la fargue qu’on leve, & dont l’on ne se sert que quad les pescheurs trouvent mauvais temps en mer, ou bien quand la chalouppe est trop chargée, pour lors ’on met ces [134] bois & l’on leve les fargues par le moyen de ces petites cordes qu’on lie & qu’on arreste en suite a ces bouts de bois appellez espontilles, par ce moyen la fargue sert d’un bordage qui empesche |’eau d’entrer dans la chalouppe, & aprés que la pesche est faite on oste les fargues des chalouppes qu’on laisse dans le pais, ceux qui s’en servent l’année d’aprés sont obligez d’y adjotiter ces fargues, pour les rendre d’usage a la pesche, outre le radoube qu’on est obligé d’y faire selon l’estat ot l’on les trouve.

[135] CHAPITRE VIII De la distribution qui se fatt des chalouppes aux Maistres Pescheurs {5 du moyen

dont on se seri pour les mettre en seurete pendant la nuit.

OUR scavoir qui montera les chalouppes a mesure qu’il y en aura de prestes, tous les Maistres de chalouppes tirent au billet, dans lequel est écrit, premier, second, troisiéme, ainsi du reste: celuy a qui arrive la premiere, prend la premiere apprestée par les Charpentiers,

ainsi des autres chacun en son rang: ce sont les [136] Maistres & leur equipage qui font les rums, les fargues, le mast, & la vergue, pour la voile, les ains, les plombs, les lignes, tout cela est appresté pendant le voyage ainsi que jay dit; ce choix par billet se fait pour éviter la dispute & querelle entr’eux afin qu’ils ne se puissent plaindre si l’un a une chalouppe meilleure que |’autre, parce que les Charpentiers accommodent d’ordinaire toutes les meilleures les premieres y ayant moins de travail a faire, & afin qu’elles puissent toijours aller en pesche pendant que les autres s’apprestent, & a mesure qu'il y en a une accommodée, celuy a qui elle appartient met tout son equipage de pesche & tous ses hommes de mesme, & puis s’en [137 | vont en pesche, leur poisson s’habille comme j’ay dit cy-devant ; jen feray le recit amplement lors que toutes les chalouppes seront en estat & que le travail sera achevé.

Maintenant il faut travailler a mettre toutes les chalouppes en seureté lors qu’elles reviennent le soir de la pesche, crainte que le mauvais temps ne les surprenne la nuit, ce qui les pourroit faire perdre ; pour cela on a un cableau gros comme le bras ou plus selon la grandeur du navire, car il le faut plus fort ayant plus de chalouppes qu’a un qui en a moins: De ce cable on en porte un bout a la mer le plus au large que |’on peut qui est de toute sa longueur, il est amaré ou attaché a [138] une bonne & forte ancre que ]’on jette au fonds de la mer, puis Yon prend le bout qui est a terre que 1’on hasle ou tire a force d’hommes, & s ils sont plusieurs navires en un mesme havre ils s’entr’aident les uns les autres:

542 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

ce cable estant bien roidy !’on le tourne autour d’un pieu fort gros qui est enfoncé bien avant en terre, ce bout la estant bien amaré l’on met encore un pieu au dessus de celuy-la a cinq ou six brasses qui est encore bien enfoncé en terre, & a ce pieu-la l’on amare un autre cordage qui tient a la teste du premier pieu pour le tenir ferme & empescher que les chalouppes qui sont amarées sur le cable ne |’ébranlent par la tourmente qui pourroit arriver: [139] Pour amarer ces chalouppes a ce cable il y a de bons bouts de cordes qui y sont amarés d’un bout, de distances en distances, & a l’autre est amaré un petit bois qui tient tofijours le bout sur l’eau, cela s’appelle un Boyon, l’on en met comme cela autant que de chalouppes, & distantes les unes des autres, en sorte que la tour- mente quand il en fait ne les fasse entre heurter ce qui les feroit rompre, il faut que ce cable-la porte toute la fatigue des chalouppes & du mauvais temps.

A ce mesme cable, on attache 4 huit ou dix brasses de |’échaffaut une poulie ou l’on passe un cordage, dont un bout est fixé & attaché a la teste de ce gros pieu qui fait la pointe de [140] léchaffaut, l’autre bout qui est de cinquante a soixante brasses selon la grandeur du navire demeure sur |’échaffaut, afin d’y pouvoir attacher les chalouppes destinées seulement au service de terre, & non a la pesche, & lors qu’on les a attachées a ce cordage on tire le bout qui est fixe, & par ce moyen on fait aller la chalouppe a certaine distance de |’échaffaut, en sorte pourtant qu’on y en peut encore mettre une autre de la mesme maniere, en tirant davantage le bout de la corde qui est fixe & attachée au pieu de la pointe de l’échaffaut, & quand on a besoin de ces chalouppes ou de l’une d’icelles seulement, on n’a qu’a tirer le bout opposé de cette mes- [141] me corde pour les faire venir 4 léchaffaut; ce cordage s’appelle un Tourne-vire; d’autres Pappellent un Vas-tu, Viens-tu; son usage est de tenir toujours a flot les deux chalouppes du service, dont la plus grande s’appelle charroy, & de les avoir aisément sous la main dés qu’on en a besoin, sans qu'il soit necessaire d’avoir des batteaux pour les aller querir, servant a aller querir celles qui sont attachées au boyon & destinées 4 la pesche.

[142] CHAPITRE IX

Les preparatifs des chalouppes pour aller en pesche. Ce qui se pratique estant sur le fonds pour pescher. Ce qui se fait a terre. Du retour des Pescheurs, &&

leur maniere de décharger leurs chalouppes Es” de les mettre en seureté.

AINTENANT que tous nos travaux sont prests & que toutes nos chalouppes sont en estat d’aller en pesche, il les faut faire partir pour cela; [143] la veille qu’ils doivent aller 4 la mer pour pescher, le Bossoin a le soin d’aller emplir son corbillon de biscuit

qui ne leur est point épargné, ils en prennent a discretion ; ce corbillon est une grande boéste semblable a celle dans lesquelles on envoye des pruneaux de Tours, mais presque une fois plus grande, ensuite il va emplir son baril de bruvage qui ne les enyvre pas, car d’une barique de vin |’on en fait quatre & quelquesfois cinq, sans autre miracle que de |’eau, elles sont 4 l’abandon chacun en prend tant qu'il veut; le Maistre-valet a le soin de cette multiplication ceconomique, & les

DE LPAMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONALE 548

garcons vont querir |’eau en une chalouppe avec des bariques, quelquesfois loin, quel- [144] quefois prés, selon que la fontaine est située: c’est li toute la pro- vision que les pescheurs ont tous lors qu’il vont sur le fonds, qui est le terme dont ils se servent pour dire aller a la pesche.

Le lendemain dés la pointe du jour on les fait lever, ils vont prendre les chalouppes du Vas-tu Viens-tu pour aller aux leurs qui sont amarez sur ces boyons; y estant embarquez ils mettent a la voile, s’il y a du vent, car ils vont ot le vent les porte, ou bien s’ils ont dessein d’aller en quelque endroit, ils rament au vent; d’autrefois qu'il n’y a point de vent ils vont tous 4 la rame, ils n’usent point de ce mot, c’est aller a la nage; ils disent qu’il n’y a que les galeriens, qui tirent 4 la rame, il n’y a guere de ha- [145] vres ot il n’y ait plus d’un navire, & tous les matins l’on void des trente, quarante & cinquante chalouppes 4 la voile ou a la nage dont les unes vont d’un costé & les autres d’un autre; chaque Maistre de chalouppe est libre d’aller o4 bon luy semble, & ot il croit trouver plus de molue ; lors qwils sont 4 une lieué ou une lieué & demie ils amenent leur voile bas ou cessent de nager s’ils vont 4 la nage: ils jettent la ligne hors toute aboittée, c’est 4 dire avec la molué ou apast qui est pareille a celuy du grand Banc, a l’exception que la ligne, ain & la boitte ne sont pas si gros icy.

La ligne estant jettée s’ils trouvent de la molué qui morde a l’hamecon, qui est l’ain & la [146] boitte emsemble, pour lors tous ceux de la chalouppe jettent leurs lignes, & le Bossoin qui est celuy de devant jette le grapin a la mer, c’est sa charge; aprés cela ils travaillent a tirer la molué haut tant qu’ils peuvent, & ont chacun deux lignes, l’une d’un bord de la chalouppe & I’autre de !’autre, si-tost que la molué est halée haut on la décroque de l’ain & on la jette en son run comme j’ay dit cy-devant, & si la boitte estoit emportée, il y en met preste- ment d’autre, qu’il prend dans le gau de la molué, s’il y trouve quelque chose quwil ne soit consommé il le met a la pointe de son ain, puis rejette sa ligne en la mer, pendant qu’elle va au fonds il se tourne a l’autre bord [147] & hale Pautre ligne s’il y sent une molué prise, ce qui manque rarement: tant quils trouvent du poisson ils ne bougent pas de 1a, tous les autres font de mesme, quand le poisson leur manque ils levent le grappin & vont en un autre endroit, mais quand la molué donne, c’est un plaisir que de les voir agir des bras & du corps, comme ils se tournent d’un bord sur !’autre, ils ne font que tirer la ligne & au mesme temps la rejettent, car elle est bien-tost décroquée, & il est bon de scavoir que les lignes sont amarées sur le bord de la chalouppe, & ne peuvent aller jusques au fonds, il s’en faut tofijours une bonne brasse que |’ain ne touche a terre, & deux brasses pour le plomb, [148] ils travaillent a l’envie, c’est a qui en halera le plus, ils ne reviennent point que le soir.

En attendant leur retour, voyons ce que font ceux qui sont 4 terre, le Capitaine va visiter ses vignaux, regarde s’ils sont bien faits, s'il y a assez de branchages dessus, s’il en aura sufisamment pour éparer tout son poisson (c’est a dire l’étendre dessus) s’il croit n’en pas avoir assez & qu'il ait encore de la place de reste, il donne ordre pour en faire encore ; il visite la grave, regarde si elle est bien accomodée, le Maistre de grave est avec luy, si luy mesme ne I’est, car beaucoup sont l’un & l’autre: ils visitent les boyars, les clayes, & tout ce que jay nommé pour le service de terre, [149] s’ils trouvent qu’il n’y ait sufh- samment de tout, il donne ordre d’en faire encore, car il s’en rompt, & quand le fort de la pesche vient l’on n’a pas le temps de s’amuser 4 cela, & dans le com-

544 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

mencement de la pesche qu'il n’y a pas encore nombre de molué peschée, ils ont plus de temps a travailler a ces petites choses-la : pendant cette visite le Maistre- valet, quelques matelots & les garcds vont au bord du navire avec des chalouppes de terre, pour apporter les victuailles necessaires 4 l’equipage, & regarder que rien ne soit en desordre a bord, pendant ce temps-la, les matelots & les garcons portent du sel pour emplir a saline, & sitost qu’ une chalouppe est [150] chargée on la mene a terre pendant que |’on charge [’autre, il leur faut bien cing ou six voyages de chalouppes pour emplir la saline. Lors que le fonds ou I’ancrage permet que le navire soit proche de |’échaffaut, il n’y demeure personne, ny nuit ny jour l’on n’y va point que l’on n’y aye affaire, mais lors qu’il est ancré loin de l’échaffaut l’on y envoye coucher deux, trois, ou quatre matelots pour le garder.

Pendant que le Capitaine & le Maistre de grave font leur visites & donnent leurs ordres pour tout ce qui reste a faire, & que la saline s’emplit de sel, les pescheurs qui ont fait leur devoir sur le fonds paroissent a la voile, qui est environ les quatre heures du soir qu’ils commen- [151] cent a lever le grappin & mettre a la voile, il leur faut du moins une heure & demie & deux heures, & quelques- fois trois 4 venir de dessus le fonds a |’échaffaut selon qu’ils en sont esloignez, il est totijours prest de six heures avant que la premiere chalouppe arrive a V’échaffaut, les autres suivent qui arrivent 4 prés de demie heure, de trois quarts ou une heute & quelquesfois plus, ils se suivent comme cela pour se donner le temps de decharger les uns les autres, neantmoins quelquefois il y en arrive deux ou trois a la fois: la premiere arrivée amare sa chalouppe a cette pointe de Véchaffaut qui est avancée 4 la mer, & les autres chalouppes tout autour de cette pointe, o1 [152] les pescheurs jettent leur poisson dessus 4 mesure qwilsarrivent pour décharger la chalouppe, & pour le jerter haut ils ont un tré ou daguet qui est une pointe de fer longue d’un demy pied ou environ qui va un peu en courbant vers la pointe, il est emmanché au bout d’un baston de quatre a cinq pieds de long, ils mettent ce fer en la teste de la molué & la jettent en haut ; si la molué est trop grande & qu’un homme ne la puisse mettre sur |’échaffaut, un garcon qui est dessus a une gaffe, c’est encore un fer qui est crochu, de la grosseur d’un doigt, pointu d’un bout, & l’autre qui est assez long pour amancher au gros bout d’une grande perche, que ce garcon qui est sur la pointe de [153] Péchaffaut donne a la chalouppe & tient tofijours le petit bout: ceux de la chalouppe passent la teste de cette grosse molué dans le croc de cette gaffe, & celuy d’en-haut la tire a luy; il ya quelques-fois des molués si grandes qu’a peine deux garcons les peuvent-ils mettrent haut. Quant les Maistres de chalouppes habillent, ils ne s’amusent point a décharger, ils vont vistement quitter leur equipage de pesche 4 la reserve des bottes, pendant que les arimiers & les bossoins déchargent leurs chalouppes, & si-tost qu’elle est déchargée Parimier monte sur |’échaffaut pour aller au travail, & le Bossoin oste sa chalouppe de la, pour faire place a une autre qui en fait autant, [154] & va aussi-tost |’amarer a ce cable au boyon, Ia il lave & nettoye sa yori le plus proprement qu’il peut, sur tout les baux que la molué engraisse, & qui deviennent si glissans qu’on pourroit tomber en marchant dessus s’ils ne les dégraissoient a force de les laver & nettoyer; cela fait ils se reposent en attendant que l’on les aille querir tous emsemble avec la chalouppe de service, 4 moins que quelqu’une de celles qui reviennent de la pesche ne Jes prennent en passant quand leur besogne est faite.

DE LAMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONALE 545

[155] CHAPITRE X

De la maniere @ habiller ‘S saler la molué, de faire P huile qui s’en tire, &5 comme on appreste les rabbes, ce que c'est && leur usage, &5'c,

ES lors qwil y a deux ou trois chalouppes déchargées, qu’il y a du

poisson sur cette pointe ou avant-bec, & des Maistres de chalouppes

& des arimiers a l’échaffaut ; chacun selon sa charge commence a

se preparer pour aller a l’étal; c’est prendre sa place autour de

Pétably: pour cela les habilleurs commencent par leurs [156] cousteaux, qui leurs sont fournis par le Capitaine, ils les aiguisent, & leur éguisoire, c’est un morceau de bois plat de quatre doigts de large, de trois d’épesseur & long comme le bras, surquoy ils mettent le marc d’une meule a éguiser; ce marc ce fait par le moyen des Charpentiers, qui 4 force d’aiguiser leurs feremens sur une grande meule de pierre qui s’use a force de servir, & ce qui s’en mange tombe dans Pauget ou est l’eau; ils ont soin d’amasser cela, & mesme quelques-uns en portent de France avec quoy ils aftillent leurs couteaux qui couppent comme des rasoirs, ils en ont deux chacun; dés qu’ils sont éguisez ils mettent un grand tabelier de cuir qui leur prend au [157] dessous du menton, & va jusques au genoux, ils ont aussi des manches de cuir ou de toile godronnée; en cet estat ils se vont mettre en un baril qui leur vient jusques 4 my cuisse, ces barils-la sont entre ces petits coffrets qui tiennent a l’étably dont jay parlécy-devant, ils mettent leur tabelié en dehors ou par dessus ce baril pour empescher l’eau, le sang, & autres vilenies d’y entrer. Voila les habilleurs placés prest a bien faire, mais i] leur faut un picqueur & un décoleur a chacun, lesquels ont aussi un grand tabelier & des manches comme les autres, mais ils n’ont point de barils, outre cela ceux de mer ont leurs bottes qu’ils ne quittent que pour dormir; ceux de terre qui font [158] ce métier-la, n’en ont point, le décoleur n’a point de coiteau, mais le piqueur en a, differend de ceux de |’habilleur, celuy de Vhabilleur est quarré par le bout, & fort épais par le dos pour luy donner de la pesanteur, afin qu'il aye plus de coup a couper l’areste de la molue, celuy du piqueur est plus long & pointu, la pointe en arondissant du costé du tailland, les piqueurs & décoleurs sont de l’autre costé de |’étably proche la cloison qui est du costé de la mer, joignant cette pointe ot l’on décharge la molue, estans tous ainsi disposés, les garcons & d’autres encore, sont sur cette pointe de |’échaffaut avec leur tré ou daguets, avec lesquels ils picquent la molué dans [159] la teste, la poussent proche de l’étably par dessous cette cloison ou pignon que j’ay dit cy-devant, ou l’on avoit laissé une ouverture d’environ deux pieds de haut; 1’ayant poussée la, d’autres hommes qui sont entre les piqueurs & décoleurs prennent la molué, la mettent sur l’étably proche du picqueur, qui au mesme temps la prend luy coupe la gorge, puis luy fend le ventre jusques au nombril, qui est proprement par ou elle se vuide, puis passe son cousteau tout proche des oulyes pour separer un os qui est entre l’oreille & la teste, & tout d’un temps pousse la molué 4 son voisin le décoleur, qui luy arrache les tripailles du ventre, au mesme instant il met en deux mannes [160] qu’il a devant luy, dans |’une les foyes & dans I’autre les rabbes, qui sont les ceufs de la molué, & puis tout d’un temps il renverse la

546 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

molué le ventre sur l’étably, & prend la teste 4 deux mains, la renverse sur le dos de la molué & luy romp le col, il prend la teste d’une main la jette dans un trou qui est 4 ses pieds par ot elle tombe dans la mer, & de |’autre main pousse la molué a P’habilleur, qui la prend par l’oreille avec une mitaine qu'il a a la main gauche, autrement il ne la pourroit pas tenir ferme, luy pose le dos contre une tringle de bois de la longueur de Ja molué, épaisse de deux doigts, & cloiiée vis A vis de luy sur |’étably, afin de tenir le poisson ferme & l’empescher de glisser pendant |’ope- [161] ration, a cause de la graisse, & puis avec son couteau décharne le gros de l’arreste du costé de l’oreille qu’il tient 4 la main, & commengant a Poreille & venant jusques a la queué, & au mesme temps donne un coup de cotiteau sur l’arreste & la coupe a |’endroit du nombril, & puis passe son couteau par dessous l’arreste allant vers les oreilles, coupe toute ces petites arrestes, qui servent de coste au poisson, jette cette arreste derriere luy, & du couteau jette la molué dans ce petit coffret ou auget qui est a sa droite, ce qu ils font avec une telle dexterité & vitesse, tant les piqueurs, décoleurs, qu’habilleurs, que ceux qui ne font autre chose que d’amasser les molués & les mettre sur |’é- [ 162 | tably ont peine a les fournir; A cette arreste qu’ils jette derriere eux se prend, ce qu’on appelle en France trippe de molué, que les pescheurs appellent des noues, qui n’est autre chose que la peau ou membrane qui enveloppe les intestins, tous les poissons en ont de mesme les uns plus grandes, les autres plus petites selon la grandeur du poisson, je diray cy-aprés comme ces noiies se font & s’accomodent.

La molué estant habillée ainsi que je viens de dire, on Ia salle, ce qui se fait sur le mesme échaffaut 4 couvert de la voille, le long de ces palissades de branch- ages, qui sont aux deux cdtez de |’échaffaut, la saline estant au milieu afin que lon [163] puisse prendre Je sel plus facilement d’un costé & de l’autre, pour cela il y a des hommes qui ont chacun une de ces broiiettes, que j’ay d’écrittes qui vont mettre sous ces petits coffrets, puis ils levent la coulisse & toutes les molues tombent dedans d’elles-mémes a cause que le coffret est en pente, puis remettent Ja coulisse en sa place trainent la broiette au lieu ot |’on sale la molué, l’y renversent & retournent en querir d’autres, deux ou trois hommes prennent cette molue par les oreilles, l’arangét teste contre queué, en font une couche de la longueur qu’ils jugent 4 peu prés pour contenir toute la pesche de cette journée, car pour rendre la salaison égale on ne met ja- [164] mais l’un sur l’autre du poisson sallé en differends jours; car c’est une maxime inviolable que tout le poisson qui se pesche en un jour a ses autres facon de suitte; la longueur de deux molues mises bout 4 bout fait tofijours la largeur de la pille, & la hauteur dépend aussi bien que la longueur de la quantité du poisson qui aura esté pesché pendant la journée; l’on met tofiijours la peau de la molué en bas; de cette premiere couche estant ainsi faite de la longueur qu’ils l’ont jugé a propos, le salleur a une grande pelle toute plate avec laquelle il prend du sel en la saline qui est derriere luy & en salle la molué; le salleur y est si adroit qu’encor que sa pelle soit chargée de sel il le jette sur cet- [165] te molué 4 plus d’une grande brasse de luy, de la largeur de sa pelle sans en mettre quasi plus en un en droit

u’a l’autre, sil y a quelque endroit of il n’y en ait pas assez il y en remet, & ae sort de dessus sa pelle que ce qu'il en veut mettre, cette molué se salle fort peu, quand il y a trop de sel il la brile, & n’est jamais si belle que l’autre, c’est pourquoy il faut que le salleur soit adroit 4 jetter son sel, quand cette premiere couche est faite l’on en fait vne autre dessus de la mesme facon, & puis l’on la

| j \ |

DE L’AMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONALE 547

salle de mesme |’autre, ce qui se reitere jusques 4 ce que tout le poisson soit habillé.

Pour cette grande moulue que j’ay dit avoir besoin d’un homme & quelques- fois de deux [166] pour la mettre haut avec une gaffe, elle s’appelle molué de gaffe, & s’abille & se sale comme celles du grand Banc; c’est pourquoy !’on ne la mesle pas avec |’autre, ’on en fait une pille 4 part au bout de la saline, ou a costé, & pour la saler on la couvre de sel & principalement au haut de la queué ot le gros os a esté couppé, car c’est 1a l’endroit ot elle se gaste le plitost quand il n’y a pas assez de sel, & tout le long de la quevé, s’il estoit fendu comme le corps il n’y faudroit pas tant de sel.

Voyons a present ce que !’on fait de ces mannes ow le decoleur met les foyes & les rabbes, qui sont comme j’ay déja dit les ceufs de la molué; un garcon ou un homme les vont vuider 4 [167] mesure qu’elles s’emplissent, scavoir les rabbes se mettent au bout de la saline dans laquelle on fait une petite espace de vuide ot l’on les jette, & la on les salle 4 mesure que l|’on les arrange les unes sur les autres, il n’y faut pas beaucoup de sel, on porte les foyes au charnier qui est hors |’échaffaut, & on les y met tous les jours 4 mesure que la pesche en fournit; jay déja d’écrit ce charnier, mais il est bon de remarquer icy que tout ce qui sert 4 tirer l’huile, des foyes s’appelle charnier, soit pressoir, met, chalouppe, ou bariques.

Je reviens 4 nos Bossoins que j’ay laissé aller amarer leurs chalouppes a leurs boyons qui tiennent 4 ce gros cable, aprés [168] les avoir bien nettoyez & lavez, ils ployent leur voille, la mettent tout le long d’un des cétez de la chalouppe y arrangent aussi tous leurs avirons, puis mettent leur masts bas, les cordages tournez tout autour, & puis passent le gros bout qui est celuy d’embas par dessus la premiere toute du grand rum, qui est en arriere, & le font passer par vn trou qui est fait dans la cloison ou separation du grand rum en avant, & afin que le petit bout du mats qui porte sur le derriere de la chalouppe, n’empesche point de nager lors qu’il n’y a point de vent, ny mesme a manier les lignes lors de la pesche ; ’on a une grosse fourche dont le bout d’embas qui a trois pieds ou environ, est apla- [169] ty pour la faire entrer entre la lisse & le bord de la chalouppe ot !’on met ses pontilles ou batons qui tiennent les fargues, estant la posez a l’endroit du petit rum qui joint le grand en arriere, l’on met le mast sur cette fourche qui éleve le bout d’enhaut, en sorte qu’il ne peut incomoder, cette fourche s’oste& met quand on veut; ils demeurent la dans leur chalouppes jusques a ce que |’on les aille querir, qui est lors qui la fin du travail cesse a l’échaffaut, un des garcons avec une des chalouppes de terre les va prendre les uns aprés les autres, & viennent avec leur barils & corbillons qu’ils vont emplir dés qu’ils sont décendus 4 terre, afin d’estre tout prest le lendemain a la pointe du jour [170] pour retourner sur le fonds.

Lors que le travail de l’échaffaut est finy chacun va quitter son équipage d’échaffaut, d’habillage & de pesche, a la reserve des cotiteaux d’habillage & dont ils ne se dessaisissent point, de crainte qu’on n’en gaste le tranchant en coupant autre chose que du poisson ; les garcons ont le soin de laver les tabliers & les manches, & les faire secher pour estre prests pour s’en servir le lendemain au soir, autrement ils sont asseurez d’étre bien battus; car quand un garcon manque a ce qu’il doit faire il a le fotiet & tous les autres par compagnie; c’est pourquoy ils s’entre-avertissent de faire ce qui leur est donné en charge. Estant tous nettoyez & [171] lavez ils vont souper, ils se mettent sept 4 sept au plat, s’il

548 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

se trouve un homme ou deux de plus, l’on fait deux plats de huit, & chacun se place ot il peut, hors le Capitaine qui mange en son logement, & avec luy le Maistre de grave, le Pilotte, & le Chirurgien qui est celuy qui a le soin de la cuisine; il a aussi vn garcon pour le servir, & un a chaque plat, lesquels ne mangent que les restes & en ont suffisamment.

fa72i\ CHAPITRE XI

Le gouvernement des Victuailles, comme on en use pendant la pesche. Comme la

boitte ou appast se pesche, && de la proprieté de la molué {F du maquereau.

L n’est pas hors de propos de dire icy que toutes les victuail les qui ont esté mises dans le navire appartiennent aussi bien a tout l’équipage qu’au Capitaine, qu’il n’en peut disposer en faveur de qui que ce soit, que du consentement de tout le monde, quoy quwil ait [173] le droit de faire

boire le vin pur 4 sa table pendant le voyage & durant le sejour; l’équipage le boit pur a la mer trois fois la semaine, & les autres jours du breuvage qui n’est qu’a moitié eau: estant 4 terre pendant la pesche le breuvage est bien plus trempé, d’une barique de vin l’on en fait trois ou quatre, la raison est que pendant le temps de la pesche le travail est extrémement rude, l’on dort peu, & ils sont tout le jour au Soleil, a terre & a la pesche, pendant ce temps-la ils sont toGijours alterez; il est meilleur en toutes manieres qu’ils se passent de vin pur, ils se contentent d’en boire le Dimanche a disner & souper, parce que ce jour-la on ne va point sur le fonds, c’est celuy [174] qu’ils prennent pour blanchir leurs linges, accommoder leurs hardes & mesme leurs chalouppes s’il y a quelque chose a faire. Cette épargne de vin qui se fait est pour leur santé, & pour boire tout pur au retour de leur voyage s’il y en a sufhsamment, sinon ils font quelque peu de bruvage 4 demy vin: il y a quelques equipages qui ne veulent pas faire cette épargne pendant le travail, & qui ayment mieux boire de l’eau a leur retour, cela despend d’eux, ils sont maistres de leur victuailles, les garcons y ont autant que les compagnons.

Pour le manger ceux qui vont sur le fords n’ont pour ordinaire que leur baril de bruvage, & leur corbillon de pain a trois [175] hommes depuis le matin jusques au soir a souper, il y en a quelqu’un qui porte quelque morceau de molué, de maquereau, ou de haran rosty du reste de leur soupé, ceux qui demeurent a terre disnent sur les neuf heures avec de la molué boiiillie & rostie, ou du maquereau, ou haran quand on en pesche; sur les deux heures ils collationnét avec du pain & du bruvage, ceux qui veulent manger autre chose V’aprestent eux mesmes, le Capitaine a quelque fromage, mais cette provision se fait 4 ses despens; il fait faire un jardin a terre qui luy donne des salades, des pois, des févres, outre le gibier qu'il peut tirer avec le Chirurgié quand ils en ont le loisir, comme tourtres, canards, outardes, sar- [176] celles, lapins, & autre gibier qui se trouve au bord de la mer ou dans les estangs: le Capitaine apporte encores des volailles de France, dont il a des ceufs & des poulets, il y en a de menagers qui n’ont rien de tout cela & vivent comme |’équipage, pour le souper il y a grande chaudiere de molué bouillie, & de petites molués qui sont grasses

DE LVAMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONALE 549

que |’on coupe par trongons, que l’on fait rostir 4 la broche, & mesme le maquereau que l’on coupe aussi par darnes, outre cela on distribue de l’huile & du vinaigre pour chaque plat, joint qu’ils ont encores un plat de pois ou féves boiiillies, & l’on met de I’huile ou du beurre dans la chaudiere, mais personne ne souppe que tout le travail de l’é- [177] chaffaut ne soit fait, ny mesme le Capitaine: pour les Dimanches tout le monde disne, collationne & soupe de bonne heure, ce jour-la il ont du lard que l’on fait bouillir avec des pois ou des féves, sils ont de |’un a disner, ils ont de l’autre 4 souper, outre grands plats de poisson bouilly & rosty, pour Peau de vie ceux qui en veulent boire vont a leur coffre.

Le Capitaine a le soin d’envoyer tous les soirs une chalouppe avec des hommes, & un filet que |’on va mouiller a la mer avec un grappin qui l’arreste en bas, & au dessus il y a un morceau de bois pour entretenir ce filet estendu perpendiculairement, & a l’autre bout du filet au coin d’enhaut l’on met un au- [178] tre morceau de bois, & celuy la va & vient comme la marée le porte, & pour empescher les chalouppes de passer sur ce filet, il y a pour signal sur l’un de ces deux morceaux de bois une branche de sapin pour les faire voir de loin & en éviter la rencontre; le lendemain matin il renvoye la chalouppe sur les neuf heures pour lever le filet; apres que toute lamolué est lavée, l’on va querir le filet qu’on rapporte 4 terre & le poisson qui y est pris, 4 scavoir du maquereau & du harang; dans les commencemens il s’en péche peu, & ce qu'il y ena le Capitaine les partage le soir aux chalouppes de pesche; apres que l’on a quité Pétal, c’est a dire que toute la molue est habillée, salée, les foyes & les rabes [179] serrez, & que tout le travail de la journée est fait, chaque chalouppe en a par fois, des quinze, vingt, trente, & quelques-fois plus ou moins de ce poisson selon qu’il donne, c’est pour faire la boitte de leur ain, qui est garny de tripaille de molué plus gros que le poing, & sur la pointe de l’ain l’on met un morceau de maquereau ou de harang, qui jette un certain éclat dans |’eau aprés lequel la molué court dés qu'elle le voit, car elle est friande, & par ce moyen les pescheurs font meilleure pesche outre que la molué est extremement gourmande & se mange Pune Vautre, & n’est jamais saoule, mais cet éclat fait qu’elle y court plitost qu’aux autres rencontres de poissons qui se presentent devant [180] elles, & si par hazard une petite molué court 4 l’ain & qu'elle le prenne, & qu’une grosse molué l’appergoive elle engoulera la petite molue avec |’ain, ce qui arrive assez souvent, & mesme une grande molue comme elle de gaffe, quoy qu'elle soit prise a Pain a la machoire d’en haut, & que le pescheur ne le hasle pas assez prompte- ment, si elle rencontre encore une petite molue elle l’engoule en chemin faisant, & souvent il se rencontre des molués estant haslées haut, de la gueule desquels sortiront encore les queués des molués qu’elles n’auront peu achever d’avaler. Comme la molué est gourmande, aussi a-elle la proprieté de revirer son estomac, que les pescheurs appel- [181] lent gau, & quand elle a quelque chose dedans qui l’incommode elle le fait revenir a la gueule, comme qui tourneroit sa pochette, & puis la remettre, & par ce moyen jette tout ce qu’elle ne peut digerer, ou qui V’incommode; pour preuve de cela, c’est qu'il y a des molués qui avalent 1’ain & |’apast si goulument que !’ain entre dans leur gau, les pescheurs appellent cela estre engotté, & de celle-l4 qui sont engottées, il s’en rencontre qui ont leur gau 4 la gueule, tout deviré ou retourné lors qu’elles sont haut, & c’est qu’elles vouloient vomir l’ain qui les incommodoit, mais il n’en sort pas comme une autre chose qu’elles ont avalé.

2N

550 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

Revenons 4 nos maquereaux, [182] lors qu’ils viennét a la cote, ils ne voyent goute, ils ont une maille sur les yeux qui ne leur tombe que vers la fin de Juin, & pour lors ils voyent & se prennent a la ligne, en ce temps-la tout le monde en mange: car quoy qu’ils voyent ils ne laissent pas de se prendre la nuit aux filets, & alors |’on n’en donne plus aux pescheurs, ils en prennent tant qu’ils veulent, en allant sur le fonds le matin, & le soir en revenant, avec de petites lignes que on porte exprés pour cela, & le Capitaine en donne une a chaque pescheur, & des petits ains; pour la boitte on y met un petit morceau de la peau de molué de la largeur & longueur du petit doigt, ou un petit morceau d’étoffe rouge, tout cela [183] c’est manque de maquereau, dont l’on prend une boitte de la mesme longueur & largeur que l’on couppe du ventre, & qui est la meilleure. Pour bien pescher Je maquereau il faut que ja chalouppe aille a la voile ou a la nage, pour cela ils amarent la ligne sur le bord de la chalouppe, car ils ne la peuvent pas tenir 4 la main comme quand |’on va 4 la voile; lors que le maquereau mord a V’hamecon ils donnét une secousse a la ligne, il y a quelques matelots qui y mettent un grelot ou sonnette pour avertir, les autres se contentent de la secousse que le maquereau donne; si-tost qu’ils l’appergoivent ils mettent le bout de leur aviron sous une de leur jambe, & haslent la ligne & décroquent la maque- [184] reau & rejettent la ligne en mer, qui n’est pas long-temps sans en prendre un autre; ils vont toGjours prenant du maquereau, tant qu’ils soient sur le fonds, & pour lors ils ne manquent point de boitte ny de faire bonne pesche de molué.

[185] CHAPITRE XII Le depart des Maistres des chalouppes pour aller sur le fonds {© ce qui s’y

pratique. L’ explication du marigot, avantage des pescheurs. Ce que c’est

gue degrat, comment il se fait, la cause pourquoy ; 5 autres raisons sur le mesme fait.

E lendemain dés la petite pointe du jour, le Capitaine & le Maistre de grave reveillent tout le monde, chacun va a son travail, mais pour ceux de

[186] terre, je remets 4 en parler aprés que j’auray dit tout ce que

les pescheurs font a la mer; a peine sont-ils partis, qu’en allant sur

le fonds, soit a la nage ou 4 la voile, ils peschent du maquereau 4a la ligne ; estant assez éloignez de terre ils s’arrestent & jettent la ligne pour scavoir s'il y a de la molué, s’en trouve-t-ils jettent le grappin, sinon ils vont en un autre endroit, ainsi que j’ay dit cy-devant, mais comme ils ne manquent pas de maquereau, aussi ne manquent-ils pas de molue, & la pluspart du temps ils re- tournent a l’échaffaut chargés aux deux tiers, du moins a my charge, ce qui ne donne pas peu de joye au Capitaine qui les flate, leur fait boire le petit coup d’eau de vie en [187] passant, c’est a dire 4 ceux qui chargent leur chalouppes seulement, ot les vieux Maistres de chalouppes ont bien de l’avantage, parce qu’ils scavent quasi tous les bons endroits de pesche & les meilleurs fonds. Ayant fait cette pesche en tous les havres de la coste, ils sont aussi bien plus recherchez des Capitaines lors qu’ils font leurs equipages & ont plus de pot de vin que les autres, & estans connus de tous les Capitaines c’est 4 qui les aura, ce

DE LVVAMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONALE 551

qui ne se fait qu’a force d’argent, mais tous ces Maistres de chalouppes ne Jaissent pas de s’ennuyer de la fatigue d’une si longue pesche, & les laches dorment & ne font pas grande pesche, n’apportant le soir que cent cinquante, ou deux cens [188] molués, ce qui fait bien detester les Capitaines qui les grondent & leur chantent injures, les appellant coureurs de marigots; courir le marigot, c’est lors que les pescheurs vont se cacher en quelque petite ance de terre, ou a l’abry des rochers, au lieu d’aller sur le fonds, ce qui ne leur arrive que trop souvent, & la ils font du feu pour rostir du maquereau & faire bonne chere, & puis ils dorment jusques a une heure ou deux heures apres midy qu’ils se reveillent & s’en vont sur le fonds, prennent ce qu’ils peuvent attraper, cent ou cent cinquante molués, & s’en retournent a l’échaffaut comme les autres, crainte d’estre grondez: ils grondent les premiers, alleguent leurs malheur, qu’ils [189] ont couru toute la journée d’un bord sur l’autre, mouillé plus de vingt fois le grapin sans trouver de molué, qu’ils sont plus fatiguez que s’ils en avoient pesché cing cens, qu’ils ont esté malheureux dés le matin, qu’ils n’ont pesché que dix a douze maquereaux, que le lendemain ils iront d’un autre costé, qu’ils seront plus heureux, & en effet le lendemain ils apportent de la molué, car d’aller au marigot deux fois de suite c’est trop, quoy qu'il y ait des paresseux qui le fSt & de tout cela ils ne s’accusent jamais les uns les autres; il n’y a point de Maistre qui n’y aille quelquefois, mais les uns plus que les autres, au temps de pluye ils y sont bien sujets n’ayant pas de hardes pour changer.

190] C’est en quoy les Basques ont bien de l’avantage, ayant de bons habits de peaux, ils vont rarement au marigot & sont peu paresseux, le soir ils viennent aux échaffaux, & ont leurs chalouppes chargées que les autres pescheurs ne les ont pas 4 demy, aussi les appellent-ils tous Sorciers, & disent qu’ils font jotier la Barrette qui est une toque qu’ils portent sur la teste qu’ils font tourner lors qwils sont en colere; tous ces reproches ne sont fondés que sur une haine que tous les pescheurs ont contre eux, parce qu’ils sont plus habilles a la pesche que toutes les autres Nations.

I] n’y a gueres de havres ov il n’y ait plusieurs navires, 4 l’isle Percée jen ay veu jusques 4 un- [191] ze, aussi est ce le meilleur endroit de la pesche; ce nombre de navires qui se trouvent en chaque endroit ne laisse pas de bien enlever du poisson; il y a des endroits ow il s’enleve tous les jours des quinze, vingt, & trente milliers de poisson, sans ce qui se fait en tous les autres endroits, en sorte qu’une pesche de cette force continué six semaines ou denx mois; ce qui éclaircit furieusement la molué & la fait fuir, & Ja quantité de la molué fait aussi fuir le maquereau, & le harang que la molué suit, ce qui fait que les pescheurs ne trouvent plus de pesche sur les fonds ordinaires, cela oblige les Capitaines a faire des dégrats pour Ja suivre. Pour cet effet le Capitaine envoye des [192] chalouppes a la pesche d’un coté & d’autre a cinq, six, & sept lieués de |’échaf- faut, pour scavoir ou peut étre allé le poisson, elles ne reviennent que le lendemain au soir, & chacun fait son rapport de ce qu’il a trouvé; sur cela le Capitaine prend resolution, apres en avoir conferé avec son Maistre de grave & son Pilotte: Ja resolution du lieu étant prise, l’on donne ordre a toutes les chalouppes d’aller le lendemain du matin faire leurs pesches de ce costé-la, & de porter leur poisson au lieu dudégrat, & pour preparer ce qui est necessaire, il fait aussi partir les deux chalouppes de terre, dont |’une est un charroy qui est une double chalouppe dont le rum du milieu est une fois aussi grand [193] que les autres, fonce de planches pour porter le se] du navire a |’échaffaut, l’on le charge de

552 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

sel & de planche pour faire un étably sur des bariques, que l’on porte aussi; la chalouppe porte du bruvage, du pain, & tout ce qui est necessaire pour |’ habillage du poisson ; il y va aussi une partie du monde de terre pour cela, avec le pilotte: estant arrivé au degrad |’on décharge tout a terre, & pour coucher le monde on fait une petite cabanne ala haste que !’on couvre d’une voile portée exprés; l’on accommode les planches dont !’on fait un étably sur lequel |’on habille le poisson comme a |’échaffaut, on le sale de mesme; chacun se met au travail aprés que les pescheurs sont venus, & [194] un garcon prepare le souper pendant que 1’on habille le poisson; ayant achevé ils vont soupé, & puis se coucher, les bossoins vont aussi remplir leurs barils & corbillons pour partir le lendemain du matin, pour retourner a la mer a l’ordinaire.

Le degrad durera quelquefois huit, dix, ou quinze jours avant que le poisson aille en un autre endroit, tous les pescheurs sont sujets a ce degrad; s'il y a plusieurs navires en un havre, ils ne vont pas totijours faire ce degrad d’un mesme costé, cela dépend de la fantaisie du Capitaine s’il a de l|’experience, ou bien selon que les anciens Maistres de chalouppes luy conseillent, qui disent la bonne rencontre qui leur est arrivée en cette mé- [195] me heure, ayant esté obligez de faire degrat; il y a bien du hazard a cela, a moins que d’avoir une grande routine 4 la pesche, & avoir bien frequenté la coste, & tous les havres ot |’on se place pour faire sa pesche, car la molué ne va pas tous les ans d’un mesme costé; celle qui sera une année sur une batture, la depeuplera par le grand nombre qui y vont en bande, ainsi |’année suivante elle est obligée d’aller chercher une autre batture, of la molué n’aura pas donné l’année d’auparavant; il y a encore le maquereau & le harang, qui prendra une autre route que celle de l’année passée, cela vient quelquefois des vents qui ont regnez |’hyver, ou de la sardine, de l’éperlan, du langon & [196] autres petits poissons qui viennent au Printemps jetter leurs oeufs a la coste, qui avancent ou retardent selon |’ Hyver, ce qui est la nouriture du maquereau ou du harang, & le maquereau & le harang est celle de la molué ; jay remarqué plusieurs fois que ou donne ce petit poisson le Printemps, que la pesche y est toijours meilleure que aux autres endroit; j’ay fait encore sur cette pesche beaucoup d’autres remarques que je passeray icy sous silence pour n’estre propre qu’aux pescheurs en faveurs desquels je n’ay point entrepris décrire tout cecy, puis qu’ils en sont ou doivent estre suffisamment informez.

[197] CHAPITRE XIII

L’ apprest du poisson au degrat, ce que Pon en fait ; la maniere de laver la molue ts de la mettre en gallaire ; le grand travail a l’echajfaut quand la molue donne, 5° des lumieres dont on se sert.

L’EGARD du travail de terre il est bon de scavoir que le nombre

des hommes est totijours propoitionné 4 ceux qui sont occupez 4

la pesche, laquelle se regle sur le nombre des chalouppes qu’a

chaque navire, par exemple un navire de huit, neuf 4 dix chalouppes

qui va [198] en pesche chacune aura trois hommes, & pour chaque chalouppe

deux hommes 4 terre, qui sont le Capitaine, le Maistre de grave, le Pilotte, le Chirurgien, les Charpentiers, le reste sont matelots & garcons.

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Jay déja dit cy-devant le travail qu’il y avoit a Vhabillage du poisson dans la premiere sortie des chalouppes, & comme |’on fait 4 leur retour pour Yapprester & saler, mais il faut dire ce que devient tout ce poisson que l’on a pesché & porté a ce degrad, ot j’ay dit qu’il s’habille & sale pareillement a celuy de l’échaffaut, mais 1a !’on a le soin aprés qu’il est salé de couvrir la pille de branchage vert pour empescher que le Soleil ne |’échauffe, ce qui le gasteroit, [199] car il n’a point d’abry comme celuy de |’échaffaut, qui a la voile, & si on ne laisse pas quelquefois d’y mettre du feuillage dans la grande chaleur; la premiere journée le poisson que |’on porte au degrad demeure dans le sel, la nuit dont il est sallé le soir, le lendemain tout le jour & la nuit suivante; celuy gui se sale a Péchaffaut demeure autant dans le sel, si ce n’est que le mauvais temps ne permette pas de |’oster ; pour le degrad, beau temps ou non on I’enleve, son temps fait qu’il doit demeurer dans le sel, ce qui se fait tous les matins, car comme il s’en sale tous les jours, on |’enleve aussi tous les matins ; sitost que les pescheurs sont partis pour aller sur le fonds on le [200] charge dans le charroy, & s'il ne peut tout porter on en met dans Il’autre chalouppe, 4 scavoir, quatre hommes dans la grande, & trois dans la petite; s’il fait du vent qui leur puisse servir, ils mettent a la voile, sinon il faut qu’ils aillent 4 la nage des six sept & huit lieués, quelquefois sitost qu’ils sont arrivez ils les faut decharger de jour ou de nuit; l’on approche les chalouppes proche de terre que |’on amare pour les tenir en estat: on met tout proche dans |’eau, entre la chalouppe & la terre le grand timbre que j’ay dit estre fait comme une cage plancheée par le bas, dont le dessus n’est point couvert: du charroy & de la chalouppe on jette la molué dedans qui n’en peut sortir: [201] tous les costez estant eslevez, dans le timbre il y a deux ou trois garcons tout nuds en chemise qui lavent cette molué: pour la laver prennent une molué de chaque main par les oreilles, en battent l’eau en la secoiiant dans |’eau, la faisant aller d’un costé 4 l’autre sans la quitter de la main, estant ainsi bien lavée en sorte qu’il n’y puisse estre demeuré de sel, ils la jettent sur ces clayes que jay dit estre semblables 4 celles ou on nettoye des habits, qui sont proche du timbre 4 terre, élevées sur des bois, pour que la molué ne prenne point de sable; de la on la charge sur ces boyars que j’ay dit, & on la porte sur ces galaires dont j’ay parlé qui sont de petits échaf- [202] fauts sur quoy on la remet en pille, non si longue que celle que l’on fait en la salant, mais bien plus haute, on la laisse 14 pour egouter autant de temps qu’en la saline, celle que |’on sale en |’échaffaut se porte aussi sur des boyars tous les matins pour estre lavée; on la jette dans ce timbre, ou les garcons la lavent comme I’autre, & se porte de mesme sur la galaire.

Le charoy & la chalouppe estant déchargé on les renvoye au degrad soit de jour ou nuit, ils n’ont point de relasche, mais avant que d’aller il faut qu’ils aillent charger du sel au bord du navire, & des victuailles, & de tout ce qui leur est necessaire, & remportent le vin pur; ils font leur breuvage au degrat comme 1203] il leur plaist, c’est 4 faire a boire de |’eau au retour du voyage; le

apitaine ne se met point en peine de cela, pourveu qu’il charge son navire de molué ; tous les jours on fait la mesme chose au degrat, tant qu'il dure: lors que la molué ne donne plus au degrat il en faut faire un autre & la suivre ou elle va, ou on fait toute la mesme chose; sur la fin de la pesche la molué revient sur ces premiers fonds proche de |’échaffaut of on acheve sa charge.

Tout ce travail est d’une grande fatigue, & principalement quand le poisson donne, car ils sont a l’étably quelquesfois jusques a une heure ou deux apres

554 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

minuit, avant que tout le poisson soit habillé, salé, & que tout [204] soit achevé: en ce temps-la les Bossoins n’ont pas le loisir de laver leur chalouppes ny les accommoder ; le Capitaine les fait venir 4 1’étal pour travailler la nuit, il leur faut de la lumiere: de cette lumiere ils en ont de deux facons; les uns ont des lampes qui ont quatre grosses méches en nombre suffisant pour éclairer par tout le dedans de |’échaffaut, mais a l’étably ils ont de gros tizons de bois bien sec, & au bout d’en bas du tizon on fait trois trous en triangle, ou on met trois chevilles qui font un pied pour le tenir de bout, le bout d’en haut s’alume, & tout au dessus on met un sabot plein d’huile, il y a un petit trou au bas par ou l’huile [205] tombe goute 4 goute sur le feu du tizon qui l’entretient tofijours flambant, qui rend plus de lumiere qu’un flambeau, il y en a deux ou trois de la sorte sur |’étably : Comme le travail est de longue durée, le Capitaine fait apporter du vin pur, leur en fait boire un ou deux coups au plus, autrement cela les gasteroit: quand ils sortent de la pour aller souper ils sont si fatiguez qu’ils s’endorment en mangeant, quoy qu’ils ayent bon appetit ; je croy que l’on ne doutera pas de cela, estant d’4ge pour bien manger, & mesme apres tout cela ils ne sont pas sitost couchez que I’on les fait lever pour aller sur le fonds: ceux de terre se levent aussi [206] matin, mais ils attrapent sur le jour quelque heure pour reposer.

[207] CHAPITRE XIV

Du travail de terre qui se fait a laver la molué, la porter a la galaire, aux vignaux, a la grave, la tourner F retourner, F la mettre en pile.

L faut maintenant faire travailler ceux de terre; estant levés la premiere chose qu’ils font tous les jours est d’aller a l’échaffaut prendre la pille de molué qui est a laver, la porter a l’eau dans ce timbre, la laver & de la la porter 4 la galaire: il y en a aussi tous les jours a la ga- [208] laire

qu'il faut porter sur les vignaux : celle-la se charge sur des boyarts, on la porte aux vignaux: ceux qui la portent l’arangent sur les vignaux queués contre teste, la peau en haut: quand un vignau en est tout couvert on commence a en mettre sur un autre: quand il est question de porter le boyart il n’y a personne d’exempt, ny mesme le Capitaine, si ce n’est quelque vieux Capitaine qui a eu cOmande- ment & qui a veu le loup: pendant ce temps-la ceux qui ont de |’eau de vie en boivent un petit coup a la dérobée sans perdre leur rang, ayant demeuré comme cela jusques sur les neuf heures que la peau a eu le temps de secher, on va la retourner la chair en haut, & y [209] demeure jusques sur les qurtre heures que l’on la va retourner la peau en haut pour passer ainsi la nuit: on ne laisse jamais la chair en haut pendant la nuit, a cause de l’humidité: cela se fait tous les matins, la laver, la porter sur la galaire, de la galaire sur les vignaux, & toute la molué qui est sur les vignaux, tant celle du jour que celle des precedents, on ia va retourner la chair en haut tous les matins, sur les neuf heures ou environ, que le Soleil a eu la force de secher la rosée & I’humidité de la nuit, & on la laisse ainsi environ jusques sur les quatre heures aprés midy, si ce n’est qu'il arrive de la pluye ou apparence de pluye: car de puis que la molué a esté une fois mise

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au sec il ne faut plus qu’el- [210] le moiiille, & mesme si la pluye continué on la laisse toiijours la peau en haut, & celle qui est sur la galaire y demeure aussi, & celle qui est au sel sans la laver, il arrive quelquefois des six, sept & huit jours sans que l’on puisse mettre sur des vignaux, laver, ny retourner; quand cela arrive, qui est rarement, la molué court grand risque de s’échauffer, & si cela arrivoit on seroit obligé de la jetter, & mesme quand cela arrive pour deux ou trois jours la molué n’en est jamais si belle & est quasi tofijours de rebut 4 la vente, dont il faut donner deux quintaux ou deux cens pesant pour un.

Quand celle qui a esté la premiere mise sur les vignaux commence d’estre un peu seche, & [211] que le Maistre de grave juge qu’elle soit en estat d’estre mise en mouton, au lieu de Ja retourner le soir 4 l’ordinaire la peau en haut, il en fait mettre jusques 4 huit, & dix & douze queués contre teste, les unes sur les autres, la base de cette petite pille n’estant que de deux molués qui s’appellent Mouton; on les met ainsi afin qu’elles conservent leur chaleur, ce qu’elles ne pourroient pas faire n’estant que retournées seules, en ce que la nuit est totijours fraiche qui les humectroit trop avec le grand air, & le vent humide qui les prendroient par dessous sur ces vignaux ; on augmente tous les soirs ces moutons, jusques 4 quinze, vingt, & vingt-cing molués: quand elles ont esté [212] mises de la sorte en gros moutons, le soir au lieu de les remettre sur les vignaux on les porte sur la grave pour décharger les vignaux & faire place a d’autres, & de deux moutons on n’en fait qu’un sur la grave, & pour lors on n’en oste tous les soirs de dessus les vignaux que l’on met sur la grave, & tous les jours on en met sur les vignaux: on en oste & on en met sur la grave jusques a la fin de la pescherie.

Ayant ainsi tous les vignaux & la grave garnie de molué, tous les matins aprés l’avoir lavée & porté celle de la galaire sur les vignaux, & retourné toute autre la chair en haut, on va retourner de mesme celle qui est sur la grave, & celle qui y est [213] en moutons on la pare une a une, la peau en haut, & puis on va retourner celle que l’on avoit apporté de la galerie le matin Ja chair en haut comme aux autres, en suite de quoy on revient faire la mesme chose qu’on a fait a celle de la grave, qui estoit en gros moutons, que l’on avoit choisie & mise la peau en haut; presentement toute la molué des vignaux & de la grave a toute la chair en haut. Voila le travail que |’on fait tous les jours le matin avant le diner, je ne doute pas qu’ils n’ayent bon appetit pour y bien faire leur devoir, & si pendant le temps du diné il arrivoit a paroitre quelque nuage ou il y eust apparence de pluye, il leur faudroit tout quiter & courir vite- [214] ment a Ja molué pour Ja tourner la peau en haut crainte que la chair ne moiiille, cela fait ils vont achever leur diner, & si ce nuage la ne donne point de pluye ou peu, que le Soleil vienne 4 reparoistre beau, il faut quiter son diner encore une fois & retourner mettre la molué comme elle estoit, ot elle demeure jusques a quatre heures du soir ou environ.

Depuis le diné jusques 4 ce qu’il faille retourner la molué le Capitaine visite par tout, cherche s’il n’y a rien a faire, va faire changer sa molué de gaffe de place, fait resaller la plus vieille salée, la fait mettre en quelque endroit de échaffaut qu’elle n’incommode pas, & 14 en fait faire une pille, & y demeure jus- [215] ques 4 ce qu’il la faille embarquer ; une autrefois il fera racommoder ses rabbes ou ceufs de molués que !’on sale tous les jours 4 un des bouts de la saline, comme j’ay dit, il les fait lever, de 1a les fait porter 4 un coin de |’échaf- faut, au bout du costé de terre, & la les fait resaller, les arrange en pille les unes

556 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

sur les autres, la pille estant grosse il les fait mettre en des bariques ot on les resalle encore, mais legerement estant bien pleines, on les enfonce & demeurent 14 jusques a ce que l’on embarque tout: Une autre fois il visitera ses charniers ou se fait l’huile, s’ils sont plains il Ja fait tirer & mettre en bariques qui demeure aussi la jusques a l’embarquement; une autre fois il fera vui- [216] der ses charniers pour faire sortir l’eau & le sang, & oster toute la vilannies qui se fait au dessus des foyes qui ne fondent pas, il trouve tofijours de quoy s’occuper & a faire travailler les autres, de crainte que les havives ne les prennent ; le Maistre- valet est au bord du navire pour faire apporter des provisions a terre 4 mesure qu il en faut, ot il va chercher de |’eau pour faire son breuvage, 11 a soin que les garcons fassent ce qui est de leur charge qui est d’obeyr 4 tout le monde en toutes choses, & avoir soin que les tabliers des habilleurs & leurs manches soient bien lavées & sechées, que les cotiteaux des piqueurs soient nets & éguisez, que l’échaffaut soit lavé & net de tous ces os de [217] molué que les habilleurs jettent derriere eux, & des tripailles qui tombe d’un costé & d’autre, que le tablier soit net & bien lavé, la moindre chose de tout cela qui manque tous les garcons ont le foiiet, il n’y a point d’excuse a prendre les uns sur les autres, d’autres matelots avec le pilotte ont soin d’aller chercher du sel a bord pour entretenir la saline; le Chirurgien travaille 4 son jardin, ou va a la chasse pour la table du Capitaine, le Maistre de grave se promene autour de ses vignaux & de sa grave, visite sa molué d’un bord & d’autre, regarde celle qu’il faudra mettre en moutons grands & petits tant aux vignaux qu’a la grave, visite aussi celle des petites pilles, pour voir s’il est temps d’en faire de [218] plus grandes, il visite aussi les grandes pilles pour voir s'il y en a qui ayent besoin d’estre mises le lendemain au Soleil, personne ne manque d’occupation; sur les deux heures aprés midy ils ont une heure pour collationner, prendre du tabac ou dormir ; comme les quatre heures approchent le Maistre de grave le Capitaine & le Pilotte sont 4 regarder de temps en temps si les chalouppes de pesche ne reviennent point si-tost que l’on les appercoit le Maistre de grave commence a appeller le monde, qund il parle il faut quiter toute sorte de besogne & aller a luy, puis il envoye les uns tourner les vignaux, & leur dit vous mettrez cela en petits moutons, cela en grands, celle-l4 vous la [219] porterez sur la grave & envoye les autres 4 la grave faire la méme chose.

La molué qui se doit mettre en pille le Maistre de grave & le Pilotte se la font apporter par brassée & en font des pilles, les unes grosses & les autres petites, selon qu’ils jugent a propos, pendant que cela se fait les pescheurs arrivent a l’échaffaut qui déchargent leurs molués, & chacun se va preparer pour Vhabiller comme a l’ordinaire.

Quand Ja molué a esté mise plusieurs fois en gros moutons, l’on la met en pitites pilles, & une autre fois de ces petites pilles l’on en fait une plus grande, ainsi l’on va tous les jours en augmentant ces pilles, jusques 4 ce que la molué soit entiere- [220] ment seche, dont |’on fait une grosse pille ot l’on ne touche plus de douze ou quinze jours, puis l’on Ja remet encore en pille pour un mois sans y toucher.

C’est tous les jours la mesme besogne d’habiller & saler, tous les matins aver & mettre en pille dans les galaires, des galaires les porter sur des vignaux, des vignaux sur la grave, de la grave les soirs en mettre en petites pilles, des petites pilles en faire de grandes; pour cela il y a tous les matins des pilles a mettre sur Ja grave jusques 4 ce que Ja molué soit bien seche, pour en faire une

DE LPAMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONALE = 557

pille qui demeure un mois ou cinq semaines sans que l|’on y touche; au bout de ce temps-la on luy donne encore un Soleil, puis on la remet [221] en pille pour autant de temps, cela se fait de crainte que la pille n’aye pris quelque humidité, & pour tenir toijours le poisson sechement.

[222] CHAPITRE XV

La maniere de faire les pilles de molue: tout ce qui sy pratique a embarquement, tant pour la molue que victuailles {5 autres choses.

ES pilles de poisson se font toutes rondes, c’est le Maitre de grave & le Pilotte d’ordinaire qui les font; pour cela l’on fait un fondement de roches que !’on arrange les unes contre les les autres tout en rond, de six, huit, dix, & douze pieds de diamettre, selon le nombre an

poisson que l’on y veut mettre, elles se font aux lieux les plus esle- [223] vez de la grave, & ces roches ne sont que pour eslever, afin que la pille ne mouille par le dessous, ensuite |’on apporte Ja molué par brasse a celuy qui fait la pille, il couvre toutes ces roches de molués tout en rond la peau en bas, puis il met toutes ces brasses de molués les unes contre les autres, Ja molué sur le costé tout en rond les queués en dedans, & les testes en dehors, tellement arrangée qu’une teste ne passe pas l’autre, & remplit le milieu de molué a mesure que le tour hausse qui est fait comme une tour de moulin 4 vent, non si eslévée, seulement pour ce qu'il y a de molué 4 mettre en la pille.

L’on choisit la grande qui est pour la couvrir, & cette couver- [224 | ture va toute en pointe comme celle d’un moulin 4 vent ot la molué sert de tuille ou de barderau, arrangée de mesme les unes sur les autres, en sorte que le dedans de Ja pille ne peut mouiller ; il y a telle pille qu’il faut une échelle pour Ja couvrir, outre cette couverture on met encore des voiles dessus pour empescher que Vhumidité ne la penetre.

Quand toute la pesche est faite, que les pescheurs ont quité les lignes, il faut encore du temps pour faire secher le dernier poisson, pendont quoy on va au bois chercher des branchages, qu’on porte au navire pour mettre par dessus le leste, qui sont des roches ou caillotage qu’on met au fonds du vais- [225] seau pour le tenir en assiete, & empescher que le vent ne le puisse coucher d’un bord ny d’autre, ce qui fait que le navire en porte mieux ses voiles, & ses branchages qu’on met dessus, c’est pour unir le fonds & pour le hausser, en sorte que |’eau ne puisse toucher a la molué; |’on garny aussi tous les costez du navire de mesmes branchages que le fonds, afin que la molué ne sente point |’humidité du bord ; tout cela estant preparé l’on charge le navire, pour cela l’on prend de ces grandes pilles de poisson le premier sec, 4 qui il faut encore donner un Soleil sur la grave de deux ou trois heures, & pour l’enlever on la met par quarterons de trente-trois molués, qui font [226] cent trente deux molués au cent, c’est le compte des pescheurs, a cause qu’a la vente il s’en trouve de gastée & de rompues, & dont on donne deux cens pour un, attendu que c’est du poisson de rebut & non marchant, si c’est au poids, deux quintaux pour un, & c’est pour cela que

558 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

les pescheurs font leur cent de cent trente deux, afin de trouver leur compte a la vente, lors qu’il arrive du dechet qui est presque inevitable.

Pour l’embarquer, chacun prend son quarteron qu’il porte dans le charoy; 4 faute de charoy I’on se sert d’une chalouppe, & 4 mesure qu’ils passent le Capitaine ou le Maistre de grave est 14, qui met une petite pierre dans son chapeau pour scavoir [227] le nombre de la molué que |’on embarque tous les jours, pourveu que le temps soit beau & sec, car la molué se gasteroit si elle estoit mouillée, & mesme si elle estoit humide.

Hstant portée au bord du navire, on la met entre les deux ponts pour la donner a ceux qui sont en bas, qui l’arrangent sur ces branches teste contre queué ; on commence 4 charger par le devant ou par le derriere, selon la com- modité du navire, les unes sur les autres, tant qu’elles viennent 4 toucher le pont, & 4 mesure qu'elle s’affaisse on remplit tofijours le vuide, tant que le navire soit plein de devant en arriere, a la reserve du milieu devant le grand mast, qui est pour mettre cette gran- [228] de molvé de gaffe que l’on a salée au vert.

Et la plus belle & la plus grande du sec on la trye a part, a chaques fois que l’on met des pilles au Soleil, & cela ce met dans la soutte, c’est ou estoit le pain ou biscuit comme estant le lieu le plus sec, & ce qui reste de biscuit pour le retour, il se met entre deux ponts, aussi bien que tout le reste des boissons, vivres, & bagages des matelots.

Pendant que |’on fait tout cela, le Contre maistre est 4 bord avec quatre ou cing hommes qui travaillent 4 remetre le navire en funins, qui est de remettre tous les maneuvres, & cordages en leurs places; maneuvres se sont tous les cordages, aprés cela il accommode ses voi- [229] les & les envergue, enverguer c’est attacher les voiles aux vergues.

Le Maistre valet travaille avec les garcons a faire du breuvage pour la retour, & de l’eau pour la chaudiere, les Charpentiers sont 4 bord pour mettre des aitances ou estais, qui sont des bois de bout, qui prennent de dessus le premier pont 4 celuy d’en haut tout le long du navire des deux costez; c’est pour empescher que les barriques de vin, breuvage, & |’eau qui se mettent la n/aillent d’un bord sur |’autre, en cas de rencontre de mauvais temps, on laisse la place des canons libre pour s’en servir au besoin, & toutes choses se por- [230] tent a bord a mesure qu’elles s’apprestent, & s’arrangent 4 méme temps; il n’y a que la molué 4 qui il faut du beau temps pour l’embarquer; & sitost qu’elle est embarquée, tout le reste est bien-tost prest, il n’y a plus que le vent qui les puisse empescher de partir, leur estant contraire.

Ils n’emportent d’ordinaire qu’une chalouppe, ils cachent les autres dans le bois, a trois ou quatre lieués, ou plus loin, 1a ot ils croyent que l’on va le moins ; s'il y a un étang quelque part, ils les mettent dedans, les font emplir d’eau & quelque roches qu’on met dedans, & les coulent bas, en sorte qu’elles ne paroissent ; on les cache le mieux qu’on peut pour n’estre prises [231] l’année suivante par d’autres pescheurs, qui les emmennent d’un costé & d’autre ou ils en ont besoin, ainsi leurs pesches étant faites ils les laissent la cachées, si a deux ou trois ans de 14 ils reviennent, ils les trouvent, sinon ils les vendent a un autre, qui viendra faire sa pesche en ce lieu-la.

Voila la maniere & pratique de la pesche de la molué seche, la plus intelli- gible que je l’ay peu faire, vous excuserez un pescheur: si j’avois autant employé de temps a l’étude que j’ay fait 4 m’instruire & a rechercher les moyens de suivre la molué, & connoistre les endroits ot elle donne, tant au Printemps qu’en

a a

f

DE LLAMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONALE 559

? Autonne, & ot est l’endroit pour y char- [232] ger plus prestement qu’en un autre lieu, je vous aurois donné plus de satisfaction en tout ce recit que je n’ay fait.

[233] CHAPITRE XVI

Recit general de la pesche Sedentaire de la molue ; les profits qu’en ont retiré ceux qui l’ ont entreprise ; les avantages qu’on en peut faire ; P établissement, supposé

que le pays se peuple en y envoyant des Colonnies.

PRES avoir expliqué le détail de se qui se pratique a la pesche du poisson sec ou merluche, par les pescheurs qui partent tous les ans des costes de France pour cela. J’ay pensay qu’il ne seroit pas hors de pro- [234] pos de vous entretenir de la pesche Sedentaire du mesme

poisson ; jay nommé ainsi celle qui se peu faire par les habitans ou colones qui y seront établis, & je commengay a la pratiquer dés le temps que j’entrepris de m’habituer en la nouvelle France avec le Commandeur de Razilly, dont j’ay parlé au commencement de mon Livre, & fait connoistre les raisons qui mont empesché d’en faire |’établissement, mais comme je |’ay totijours jugée avantageuse pour ceux qui seroient sedentaires dans le pays: cela m’a donné occasion d’en parler dans les entretiens que j’ay eu avec plusieurs personnes sur ce sujet qui en ont entretenu d’autres; ce qui a donné envie a plusieurs [255] de |’entreprendre, outre que l’on ma veu persister nonobstant toutes mes pertes, 4 métablir au pays & y faire des logemens, mais je n’ay jamais fait connoitre comme il se falloit prendre a |’établissement, ny par ow il falloit commencer: jay seulement fait voir des profils fondez sur la pesche ordinaire, assez avantageux pour donner envie d’entreprendre cette pesche Sedentaire.

Le premier qui la commencée a esté un nommé Rivedou, au cap de sable, qui y vint s’établir avec sa femme, sous commission du Gouverneur de la nouvelle Angleterre: il fit son embarquement a la Rochelle, il amenna avec luy nombre de pescheurs, tant pour la molué que [236] pour les loups marins, dont la pesche se fait aux Isles de Tousquet; & au cap de sable ot il fit son logement; envoya ses pescheurs en pesche qui ne luy fust pas avantageuse, aussi y estoit-il arrivé un peu tard: il renvoya son navire en France porter ce qu'il avoit de poisson, pour revenir l’année suivante, esperant reiissir: |’ Hyver il envoya 4 la pesche des loups marins une partie des hommes qui luy étoient restez, dont il n’eust pas non plus grand profit, les Anglois ayant ruiné les Isles de Tousquet ot la pesche s’en fait: V’année d’apres son navire revins de bonne heure avec de bonnes victuailles & du monde de renfort ; il enuoya a la pesche, & fait si bien qu’il char- [237] gea son navire, & le renvoya en France, le poisson estant vendu il ne se trouva pas de profit; au contraire il n’y avoit pas pour rembourser la moitié de ses frais, ce que fut cause qu’il n’eust point de retour de France |’année suivante; outre que le feu prit 4 son habitation, ot il perdit si peu qu’il avoit de reste: il a tout abandonné sans envie d’y vouloir retourner.

En suite le sieur de la Giraudiere |’a voulu entreprendre : il fit un embarque- ment 4 Nante; il se vint établir 4 sainte Marie, & fit faire sa pesche au havre de

560 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

Campseaux, qui ne luy reiissit pas mieux qu’a ce Rivedou, car il perdit tout ce qu’il y avoit mis.

Apres cela est venu un nommé [238] Doublet de Normandie, que croyoit estre plus habile que tous les autres: il est vray qu’a |’entendre parler, il est capable de beaucoup de choses; il avoit entendu parler de la pesche a des pescheurs du pais; comme I’on y travaille, & ce qui s’y pratique: Voila un homme scavant par ouy dire, il s’imagine estre capable d’entendre cette pesche Sedentaire, il va 4 Rouen, en parle a plusieurs, & fait tant par ses raisonnemens, qu’il forma une compagnie, pour se venir établir aux Isles de la Magdelaine; par le moyen de ses associez, il obtint de la Compagnie antienne de la nouvelle France, une concession des Isles de la Magdelaine, a condition de ne faire aucune traite, ou negoce [239] avec les Sauvages: en suite il fit un embarquement de deux vaisseaux avec tout ce qu'il crut estre necessaire pour leur établissement; il arrive a l’Isle percée, & apprend que ces Isles m’appartenoient, dont il ne fit pas grand estat: il fut 4 la Magdelaine ot il fit son établissement, met tous les pescheurs en besogne, Basques & Normands; tout cela estant en train d’aller, il me vint trouver 4 saint Pierre Isle du cap breton avec grand équipage, & me dit quw’il me venoit signifier sa concession de la Compagnie; il me fit le recit de son dessein, les moyens qu’il tiendroit pour faire valoir son affaire, & tous ces grands profits pretendus: en suite je luy demanday s’il n’avoit point d’au- [240] tres moyens que ceux-la, il me répondit que cela estoit infaillible, que lon n’y pouvoit pas parvenir autrement: Je suis bien aise, luy dis-je, de sgavoir vos intentions: je suis 4 present hors d’inquietude, je n’auray point la peine de vous aller chasser, d’une concession que la Compagnie n’a peu vous accorder, puis qu’elle m’en a mis en possession il y a plus de dix ans: dans trois ans vous en sortirez condamnez aux dépens, & vos associez y perderont tout ce quils y mettront: je pris conge de luy & le laissay faire: il en partit au bout de deux ans comme je luy avois predit, sa compagnie s’estant rebutée des pertes ou le galand homme I’avoit engagée.

Tout ce discours n’est que pour [241] faire voire, que tous ceux qui ont entrepris cette pesche y ont perdu, & ces derniers icy n’en ont pas eu meilleur marché: tout ce qui m’en fache, est que tous ces ignorans-la avec leur babil font tort aux autres, & d’ordinaire on se fie plustost 4 ces grands diseurs de rien, qui promettent quatre fois plus quwils ne peuvent tenir, & l’emportent sur ceux qui ne voudroient pas tromper, & qui cependant ne sont pas creus, parce que leur experience n’est soutenué que par leur sincerité: il faut mentir pour faire quelque chose, & estre fourbe pour engager en de nouvelles entreprises, y faire bien valoir tous les profits & avantages, diminuer les dépenses en sorte qu’ils ne rebutent [242] point: & comme il auroit esté naturel de se defer pltitost de leur peu d’ experience, que d’ajotter foy 4 leur discours vains & vagues: il est aussi vray de dire, que sil y a du profit 4 faire en la pesche des molués, & des moyens pour multiplier ce profit-la; ces moyens-la seront plitost trouvez par une personne consommée par des experiences de trente & quarante années, que par ceuX qui s’avisent subitement de se mettre en teste des choses dont a peine avoient ils ouy parler, & qui cependant ne laissent pas d’embarquer les credules en des entreprises, dont le mauvais succez est capable de rebuter dans la suite les mieux intentionnez, & donner des deffiances de ceux qui n’ont [243] besoin que de secours pour reiissir. .

Revenons a nostre pesche. II est constant qu’A moins que d’ayoir un

DE LAMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONALE 561

moyen extraordinaire pour multiplier la force & V’industrie des hommes, ceux qui iront la faire tous les ans 4 l’ordinaire, y trouveront mieux leur compte, que ne feront pas ceux qui entreprendront la pesche sedentaire, comme I’ont entre- pris ceux dont nous avons parlé, attendu qu’ on trouvera peu de pescheurs qui veulent abandonner pour cela leur famille qu’ils ont en France, & quand mesme ils le youdroient bien faire, ce qui n’est pas impossible, en leur y faisant trouver leur compte, il faudra qu’ils soient 4 charge pendant quatre [244] ou cing mois de année a ceux qui les employeront, & qu’ils demeureront tout ce temps-la 4 ne rien faire, au lieu qu’en la pesche ordinaire ils ne sont pas plifitost de retour en France qu’on en est quite, ce n’est pas qu’ils ne fussent bien aise d’estre employez, & de gagner toute l’année, mais cela ne se peut, ny par la pesche ordinaire, ny par la pesche Sedentaire, comme elle a esté entreprise jusques 4 cette heure; il faut donc avoir un moyen par lequel on les puisses employer continuellement, & leur donner dequoy gagner toute l’année; & c’est 4 quoy personne n’a reiissi jusques a cette heure, parce que personne peut-estre n’y a fait reflexion, au moins n’en avons nous point [245] encore veu d’effets; quoy qu’on nous en propose depuis quelques années, mais ce ne sont que des projets qui n’ont encore abouty 4 rien; pour moy qui ay eu tout loisir de m’y appliquer, d’y faire reflexion, & d’ éprouver diverses fois un moyen par lequel dix hommes peuvent pescher plus de poisson en un jour, que cinquante ne sauroient faire par les voyes communes & ordinaires.

En la mesme maniere que par les machines qu’on a introduites depuis peu, tant pour les bas de soye, les rubans, & les soyes, en quoy lon a multiplié Pindustrie des hommes sans en multiplier le nombre. Je croy n’avoir pas tout a fait perdu mon téps, bien qu’il ait esté traversé de mille [246] disgraces, puis que outre le moyen d’établir seurement la pesche sedentaire, qui est l’unique moyen 4 mon avis qui ja puisse faire reiissir avec utilité: j’ay encore trouvé en cela l’expedient de faire habiter le pais, suivant l’intention du Roy par les grands avantages que pourront retirer les habitans, que le gain rendra pescheurs, & les pescheurs que les grands profits rendront habitans, le profit estant le premier mobile de toutes les conditions des hommes: le Roy outre cela y trouvera encore un avantage tres-considerable, en ce que la pesche du poisson sec, se faisant 4 l’avenir avec le tiers moins de matelots qu'elle n’avoit accofitumé, le surplus ne pouvant [247] s’employer qu’ la mer, sera obligé de prendre party, ou dans ses armées navales, ou dans les voyages d’ Orient, ou d’Occident, ou sur les autres navires Marchands, ce qui facilitera le commerce maritime, rendra les matelots plus souples, & les reduira 4 la necessité de chercher de |’employ, au lieu qu’on les recherche. Le Roy tirera encore d’autres avantages plus consider- ables de cet établissement: mais n’estant pas ici le lieu de les dire, je couclus seulement en assurant qu’il est impossible que l’on trouve son compte a la pesche sedentaire, qu’on ne le fasse trouver en mesme temps a ceux qui y travailleront, depuis le premier jusques au dernier, & que ce compte ne s’y pourra [248] trouver, si !’on ne ménage & le temps, & le lieu, & si l’on n’a l’art de tourner a son profit tous les avantages qu’on peut tirer, & de la terre, & de l'industrie, & des experiences, reiterées par le choix des havres, des saisons, & des degrada- tions diverses du poisson.

Avant que d’achever ce Chapitre, disons encore pour prouver ce que jay avancé de la pesche Sedentaire 4 la maniere ordinaire, & de tous ceux qui |’entre- prendront, que les navires qui partent tous les ans de France pour la pesche, ont

562 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

plus d’avantage que ceux qui la feront sedentaire, 4 moins que d’estre habitans comme j’ay dit, d’autant que le poisson ne donne point en toutes les costes de la [249] nouvelle France, qu’au mois de May, & si peu en Avril qu il n’est pas considerable, & si les navires qui partent de France peuvent estre a la coste en Avril, ils y sont donc aussi-tost que les Sedentaires qui n’y auront aucun avantage. La bonne pesche n’a que May, Juin, Juillet, Aoust, Septembre : encore ce dernier mois n’est que pour les apprester 4 s’en retourner: & si leur charge n’est faite, ils ont de la peine a l’achever, en ce que les vents sont rudes, la saison facheuse pour envoyer des chalouppes sur le fonds, encore ne trouvent- ils pas trois jours en la semaine pour y aller, & s’ils y vont, ils n’ont pas plus d’une heure ou une & demie a demeurer sur le fonds, & pes- [250] cheront cinquante ou scixante molués 4 chaque voyage: ce n’est pas qu’il n’y ait de la molué a la coste, mais le temps ne permet pas aux pescheurs de demeurer sur le fonds avec le grappin, & principalement un si petit bastiment qu’une chalouppe: ainsi la charge ou non, le mois de Septembre passé il s’en faut retourner, outre que la dépence qu ils feroient, se monteroit 4 plus que la pesche ne pourroir valoir: de plus en ce temps-l4 les pescheurs ne veulent pas aller dehors, quoy que leur avantage soit de bien charger: mais l’excez de la peine, jointe au desir de revoir leurs femmes & leurs enfans, l’emporte alors sur l’espoir du gain.

Dites moy donc quel avanta- [251] ge auront les sedentaires, de plus que ceux qui partent de France tous les ans, au contraire ils en auront moins: car les autres estant arrivez en France sont déchargez de leurs pescheurs, au lieu qu’il faudra nourrir & payer les sedentaires de leur gages tout |’Hyver. Je veux qu’on les fasse travailler, mais voyons si leur travail vaudra la dépence & les gages. Dans |’Hyver ils ne peuvent faire que de la planche, & abbattre du bois & le debiter pour brusler. Je scay par experience qu'il s’en faut beaucoup qu’ils ne puissent gagner leurs dépens, ce qui n’arive pas lors qu’ils travaillent pour eux & leur petite famille, car alors ils le font d’inclination, & le gain qu’ils trou- [252] vent en la pesche les rend industrieux pour s’établir commodement au lieu ou ils rencontrent tant d’avantages: ainsi pour entreprendre une pesche Sedentaire avec des profits considerables, il faut faire habiter le pais; mais aussi pour rendre le pais habité, il faut faire en sorte que la pesche produise un profit si extraordinaire, que le monde, comme j’ay déja dit, veule bien y venir avec leurs familles pour habitans, & que les habitans veulent bien s’y faire pescheurs,

[253] CHAPITRE XVII

Des autres Poissons de mer: de ceux qui approchent de terre ; leurs combats ; la maniere de les pescher && leurs qualttez.

L reste maintenant a parler de la pesche des loups marins, il y en a deux especes ; j’ay parlé de la premiere aux Isles de Tousquet, la seconde sorte est bien plus petite qui font aussi leurs petits a terre dans ces Isles, sur le sable, & sur les roches, & par tout ow il se trouve des

ances de sables c’est ot ils vont ; il se [254] trouve des endroits ou ils fre- quentent plus qu’en d’autres; il n’y a gueres que les Sauvages qui leur font la

DE LPAMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONALE 5638

guerre estans bons 4 manger, on en tire de I’huile, non comme les autres loups marins : cette huile leur est un ragoust a tous Jes festins qu’ils font entr’eux, ils s’en servent encore a gresser leurs cheveux: cette espece de loups marins s’échoiient a terre en toutes sortes de saisons, & ne s’écartent gueres de la terre; d’un beau temps on les trouvent échouez a une coste de sable, ou bien sur des roches ou ils dorment au Soleil; il y en a tofijours quelqu’un qui fait la sentinelle pour avertir s’il paroist quelque chose, soit canot ou quelqu’un le long de la coste; au mesme temps qu’il ap- [255] percoit quelque chose il se jette a l’eau & tous les autres ensuite, & puis reviennent a la nage proche la terre, ils se levent sur leurs pattes de devant, la teste hors de l’eau, regardant de tous les costez s’ils verront quelque chose, s’ils ne yoyent rien, quelques-uns retournent 4 terre, les autres vont en mer.

Il y a des endroits ow il s’en échoue des deux 4 trois cens d’une bande, & s'il se trouve des roches le long des terres, ot en des culs de sacq ot ils hantent d’ordinaire, on les trouve dessus 4 dormir au Soleil, c’est ot ils sont faciles a tuer, n’y en ayant que deux ou trois sur une roche, sans sentinelle, on les approche facilement avec un canot, si on les blesse 4 mort [256] ils tombent a Peau & se debattent, ot on les prend, mais si on les tué tous roides, & qu’ils tombent a l’eau ils vont 4 fond comme une roche; on les perd souvent y ayant trop d’eau au pied de la roche.

Tout ce quwils peuvent rendre d’huile, c’est environ plain leur vessie, dans laquelle les Sauvages la mettent, apres |’avoir fait fondre. Cette huile est bonne a manger fraiche & pour fricasser du poisson: elle est encore excelente 4 briler, elle n’a odeur ny fumée, non plus que celle d’olive, & en bariques elle ne laisse d’ordure ny lie au fonds; si on en apportoit a Paris elle s’y debiteroit fort bien.

On void aussi des vaches marines, autrement appellées bé- [257] tes a la grande-dent, parce qu’elles ont deux grandes dents, grosses & longues céme la moitié du bras, & les autres dents longues de quatre doigts, il n’y a point d’yvoire plus beau: j’en ay parlé a l’Isle de sable, & comme les Anglois ont fait leur possible pour les prendre: ces petits loups marins échotient aussi en la méme Isle, si l’on avoit trouvé l’invention de les prendre, cela raporteroit un grand profit; je croy en avoir trouvé une infaillible, pour les vaches & loups marins; ne l’ayant point éprouvé, je n’en diray autre chose, pour n’assurer pas ce qui m’est encore incertain, si j/avois esté sur le lieu je l’aurois éprouvé, les frais n’en estant pas grands, ce sont 14 tous les poissons qui vont 4 terre.

[258] Ceux qui approchent des terres sont les marsoiiins de deux especes, les plus grands sont tous blancs, de grosseur 4 peu prés d’une vache, qui vont sautant en mer de distance en distance environ de cent pas en cent pas, d’un saut a l’autre, quelquefois plus, quelquefois moins, selon Ja pature qu’ils trouvent, qui est le maquereau, le harang, ou sardine, surquoy ils se jettent plus qu’au reste. Ils rendent force huile, prés d’une barique chacun; & comme je n’en ay point mangé je ne diray rien de leur goust.

L’autre marsoiiin est celuy que i’on nomme poursille, ceux 14 vont totijours en grande bande, & il s’en trouve par toute la mer, ils vont aussi proche de [259] terre suivant la boitte, ils sont bons a manger, l’on fait des boudins & andoiiilles de leurs tripes, la fressure est excellente fricassée, la teste en est meilleure que celle de mouton, mais non pas si bonne que celle de veau.

I] y a encore dans ces mers, le saumon, |’aloze, la truite, la lemproye, ’éperlan, l’anguille de mer, le maquereau, le harang, |’enchois, la sardine, &

564. HISTOIRE NATURELLE

beaucoup d’autres sortes de petits poissons, qui se prennent tous 4 la cenne ou filets proche de terre.

Lors qu’on est a deux ou trois lieues en mer, l’on ne connoist encore que ceux qui se prennent 4 la ligne, n’y ayant encore de pescheurs comme en France ; [260] les Flaitans, c’est le nom des pescheurs qui les maudissent, parce qu’ils sot trop grands, s’ils se prennent 4 la ligne il faut qu’elle soit bonne si elle ne se rompt, ou qu’ils n’emportent |’ain, & si l’on l’amene haut il faut tout |’équipage de la chalouppe pour le mettre dedans, avec des gaffes, & luy coupper au pltitost l’arreste ou la queué avec une hache qu’ils ont expres en leurs chalouppes. Ce temps-la détourne leur pesche, & c’est ce qui fait que les pescheurs les detestent & jurent contre eux: ce Flaitan, c’est 4 mon jugement la sole, il a la mesme forme, noir dessus & blanc dessous, la gueule de méme; il n’a qu’une arreste dans le milieu & tout autour des na- [261] geoires avec des petites arrestes comme la sole: c’est ce que les pescheurs mangent estant le plus friand & le plus gras de la sole: |’on couppe ces nageoires tout autour de la largeur de quatre grands doigts, puis l’on les couppe par troncons qu’on met en broche, on les fait rotir & on les mange au vinalgre estant assez gras d’eux- mesmes, ce n’est pas que boiiillis & mis au beure & en toute autre sauce que !’on peut faire a la sole ils ne soient excellents, & mesme le corps au court boiiillon avec de bonnes herhes & de l’orange; j’en ay mangé quelquefois que jay trouvez bons, il s’en pesche si grand nombre que !’on s’en dégoute, & sont si prodigieux, qu’a peine pourra-on croire, [262] qu’un fletan ou solle soit capable de donner a diner 4 quarante ou cinquante personnes, c’est tout ce que deux hommes peuuent faire que d’en porter un dessus un boyart.

I] s’y trouve trois sortes de rayes, la bouclée, celle qui ne l’est point, & le posteau: la premiere est la meilleure, la seconde apres, & la troisiéme n’est pas fort bonne, il s’en mange des trois especes en France, je trouve que celles-cy ont quelque chose de plus agreable au goust.

L’Esturgeon, ce croy que c’est ce qu’on appelle Dauphin, il y en a de huit, dix, unze & douze pieds de long, gros par le corps comme un mozton, il a sur la teste une Couronne rele- [263] vée d’un pouce, le corps couvert d’écailles, de la grandeur du rond d’une assiette un peu en ovale, elles sont parsemées d’especes de Fleurs de lys, la chair en est bonne comme du beeuf, se leve de mesme par éguillettes, & la graisse en est jaune ; ; il faut que cela boiiille pendant quatre ou cinque heures pour estre cuit: ce poisson la vient jusques aux entrées des rivieres ; il s’éleve en sautant de sa hauteur sur |’eau: on le prend avec un harpon qui est fait comme une cramaillee de huit a dix pouces de long, pointu d’un bout, & un trou de l’autre ot |’on attache un ligne, puis on l’amanche au bout d’un baston, pour le pouvoir darder ; la pesche s’en fait la nuit.

[264] Deux Sauvages se mettent dans un canot, celuy de devant est tout debout le harpon a la main, l’autre derriere pour gouverner, qui tient un flambeau d’écorce de bouleau, & laisse aller le canot au courant de la marée: lors que Y’éturgeon appergoit le feu, il vient faire des passades tout autour, se tournant d’un costé sur |’autre: si tost que le harponeur en appercoit le ventre, il le darde au deffaut des écailles, le poisson se sentant frappé il nage d’une grande furie : la ligne est attachée au canot sur le devant qu’il entraine de la vitesse d’une fleche; il faut que celuy qui est derriere gouverne droit selon que l’éturgeon va, autrement il renverseroit le canot, ce qui arrive quel- [265] quefois, ils scavent bien nager, & puis toute sa force ne va de furie que cent

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cinquante ou deux cens pas; cela fait on retire la ligne, on l’amene contre le canot mort ; pour lors on luy passe une corde avec un nceud coulant en la queué, & on le tire ainsi 4 terre, ne le pouvant mettre dans leur canot pour estre trop puissant.

Il y en a de plus petits, qui est une autre espece, ayant pourtant la chair de mesme, mais de meilleur goust & plus tendre ; c’est de ce poisson-la dont on fait la plus grande partie de la colle de poisson, cela vaudroit quelque chose, & si le pays étoit habité, il s’en prendroit nombre.

Lencornet est un autre pois- [266] son fait environ comme la seiche, il a les barbes autour de la teste, longue d’un demy pied ou environ, avec cela il prend le poisson pour le manger: pour le prendre on fait du feu 4 terre sur le bord de l’eau, la nuit la mer montant il vient a terre, la mer perdant il demeure 4 sec sur la greve, qu’on en trouve quelquefois toute couverte; il a environ un pied de longueur, tout rond, plus gros du milieu qu’aux bouts, le bout de la queué est pointu, ou il ya un rebord de deux doigts de large tout en rond, comme une petite rondache, il est bon a manger, rosty, boiiilly, & fricassé, il fait la sausse noire ainsi que le casseron en France, qui sont de petites seiches, il se trouve de [267] ces poissons la 4 la mer gros comme des muids; ceux-la ne viennent pas a terre, ot l’on ne void que les petits au Printemps & 4 ? Automne.

On a encore la Goberge que les pescheurs nomment poisson de saint Pierre, pour deux marques noires qu’il a au dessus des deux costez de la teste, que l’on dit estre l’endroit par ot nostre Seigneur le prit; il est fait comme une petite molue, excellent 4 manger, & mesme on le fait secher comme la molué.

La Plaise ou Plie de mer se trouve proche de terre dans des fonds de sable lors que la mer est basse; pour la prendre on se sert d’un baton & un fer pointu au bout avec une petite dent qui l’empesche de sortir ; lors qu’el- [268] le est picquée, elle est bien meilleure 4 manger que celles des rivieres, estant plus ferme & de meilleur goust.

I] se prend encore des Hommars, qui sont des Ecrevisses de mer; il s’en voit qui ont la patte ou mordant si gros qu’elle peut tenir une pinte de vin: on les prend a la coste autour des roches, ils viennent au Printemps, & durent jusques a |’Hlyver; ils se prennent du mesme fer que les plaises, c’est un fort bon manger 4 toutes sortes de sauces; nous les avons nommez perdrix de mer pour leur bonté.

L’Espadon est un poisson gros comme une vache, de six a huit pieds de longueur qui va en diminuant vers la queué: il a sur le nez un espadon dont il prend [269] la nom, qui est long d’environ trois pieds, large d’environ quatre bons doigts: il y a des deux costez de cet espadon des pointes longues d’un pouce, de pareille distance les unes des autres, & va étraississant vers le bout, il ne plye point & est dur & fort roide: il s’en est échoiié une fois un proche du Fort, c’est un tres-excellent manger, & a toute sauce; la teste en est aussi bonne que celle d’un veau, quoy que plus grosse & plus carrée; les yeux en sont gros comme les poings; ce poisson 1a est l’ennemy de la Balene, s’ils se rencontrent il faut se battre: je m’y suis une fois rencontré; jen eust le divertissement prés d’une heure sans en approcher que de trois ou quatre cens pas, [270] n’ayant qu’une barque pour lors qui n’eust pas pi resister aux coups de queué de la balene; je les voyois assez, c’est |’espadon qui attaque estant plus agille que la balene: ils estoient deux espadons contre une balene, |’espadon s’élance sur l’eau

20

566 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

plus que de sa hauteur: étant en l’air il se tourne le nez en bas & tache de donner en tombant de son espadon dans le corps de la balene, qui se plonge en Peau quasi toute droite, & ayant la queué en l’air en frappe l’eau de toute sa force, taschant d’attraper son ennemy: si elle |’attrappoit elle l’incommoderoit, mais au mesme temps quil tombe sur elle, il va au fonds pour retrouver la balene qu ‘il oblige 4 revenir sur Peau: si-tost [271] qu’elle revient, l’autre espadon s’éleve qui tasche aussi a luy donner de son espadon sur le dos: quelquefois ils s’élevoient tous deux a la fois & tomboient dessus la baleine qui na que sa queue pour deffence, & n’estant si agille que l’autre n’atrappe rien, mais l’autre qui se remué bien autrement, estoit 4 sa teste au fonds de |’eau avant qu’elle donnast son coup de queue, & l’obligeoit 4 revenir sur l’eau, eux en mesme temps en l’air pour offencer Ja balene, ce qu’ils ne peuvent faire, ayant le lard plus épais que la longueur de l’espadon, qui ne peu toucher 4 la chair, & s’ils y touchoient ces pointes pourroient s’y accrocher, ce qui I’y feroit demeurer & causeroit sa perte: tout leur [272] combat ne provient que d’une haine, sans se pouvoir faire de mal; neantmoins ils obligerent la balene a s’enfuir qui s’en alla au fonds, & ne revint plus au combat, du moins je ne la vis plus paroistre sur l’eau, mais bien les espadons comme victorieux.

I] s’y voit encore un poisson que les matelots Francois appellent Requiem, & les Espagnol Tiburon, il est long de cing 4 six pieds, plus menu que |’esturgeon, en diminuant vers la queue, la teste pointué, fort longue: il a la gueule par dessous, & faut qu’il se tourne sur le dos pour mordre, il a sept rangée de dents fort affillées; si un homme tomboit a |’eau ou qu’il se baignat, & qu’un de ces poissons !a s’y rencontrast il auroit [273] bien de la peine 4 s’en sauver, 4 moins que de bien nager pour gagner la terre, jusques a mettre le ventre sur le sable; car s'il luy donnoit le temps 4 se pouvoir tourner il le morderoit, & s’il prenoit un bras, une cuise, ou la teste il emporteroit la piece; nous n’avons point d’os qu’il ne tranchast net comme une rave; si l’on estoit tombé a l’eau en un lieu d’ou l’on ne peust gagner la terre, si on n’estoit promptement secouru on ne s’en poutroit sauver. i sen rencontre par toute la mer & aux costes : La peau en est fort rude, l’on s’en peut servir pour polir du bois; je n’en ay jamais mangé, ny veu personne qui en eust mangé, ny qui ait eu envie d’en manger, les matelots les ont en horreur.

Il se trouve aussi des Chiens de mer, qui sont faits de mesme que le Requiem, mais ils ne sont pas plus gros ny plus longs que le bras, ils ne mordent point le monde, aussi n’ont-ils pas tant de dents, & ils sont bons a manger.

Pour du poisson du riviere ou d’étang, j’en ay veu fort peu, nous avons tant de poisson de mer tout proche les Forts, que l’on ne prend pas la peine d’aller chercher les étangs, outre qu’il faudroit avoir des tramails pour cela; la cenne n’y peut servir, y ayant trop d’herbiers & des bois dedans, en quelques rivieres on peut faire cenner; j’y ay pris des barbeaux, des petits barbillons & du goujon.

L’Hyver mes gens sont allez [275] en quelques étangs, on fait un trou dans la glace, & avec une petite ligne & un petit ain, ont pesché de petites truites saumonnées d’environ un pied de long, |’on en prend bien un cent en une apresdisnée, elles sont tres-bonnes, dans les mesmes étangs l’on prend de la tortué, il s’en trouve d’aussi grandes que le tour d’un chappeau; l’écaille de dessus est rayée de couleur rouge, blanches & bleues: c’est un tres-bon poisson,

a

DE L,AMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONALE 567

étant boiiilly on oste |’écaille, puis on la pelle, on le couppe par morceaux, le met a |’étuvée ou fricassé avec une sauce blanche, il n’y a point de poulets qui vallent cela.

J’ay parlé des huistres au premier Livre, mais je ne vous ay [276] pas dit que c’est une grande manne pour |’Hyver que le temps ne permet pas d’aller 4 la pesche: elles sont dans les ances ou a la coste proche de terre : pour les avoir on casse la glace, on fait une grande ouverture, puis on a de petites perches assez longues pour toucher au fonds de l’eau: on en lie deux ensemble par la moitié, puis on ouvre & ferme cela comme des tenailles, l’on les tire de l’eau & les jette sur la glace; on ne va point a cette pesche que l’on ne soit plusieurs, les uns peschent, un autre fait du feu, l’autre écalle pour en fricasser, d’autres les mettent sur les charbds deux ou trois en une grande coquille, avec leur eau, de la mie de pain, & un peu de poivre ou muscade, [277] on les fait cuire comme cela, & c’est un bon manger, & quand on est bien rassasié chacun emporte sa charge, & les chiens entrainent chacun une sachée avec un petit traineau que |’on leur fait fort legere, attelez comme un cheval, ils vont totijours courant sur la glace, ou la neige, ce sont eux qui portent tout l’équipage des chasseurs: quand on va |’Hyver coucher dehors, on en fait moins de difficulté queen France quoy que l’on die le pays si froid, jy ay moins souffert de froid qu’a Paris, sur tout lors qu’on est dans le bois a l’abry du vent.

[278] CHAPITRE XVIII

Description des poissons da’ eau douce a quatre pieds ; leurs formes && qualitez, leurs industries £5 maniere d’agir {> tenailler.

L ya encore en ce pais-la, trois sortes de poissons d’eau douce qui ont quatre pieds, le Rat musqué, le Loutre, & le Castor, il est permis d’en manger pendant le Caresme, comme le Loutre en France: Le Rat musqué est un peu plus gros & plus long que le Rat d’eau de France,

son élement est |’eau, mais il ne laisse pas d’aller quel- [279] quefois 4 terre ; il a la queué plate, longue de huit 4 dix pouces de la largeur d’un doigt, couverte de petites écailles noires, la peau rousse couleur de minime brun, le poil en est fort fin, assez long, & porte des rognons proche les testicules, qui ont |’odeur du musque tres-agreable, & n’est point incommode 4 tous ceux a qui le musque donne des incommoditez: si on les tué |’Hyver pendant que la peau est bonne pour fourrer, les rognons ne sentent rien: au Printemps ils commcncent 4 prendre leur senteur qui dure jusques 4 |’Automne? estans tuez en la bonne saison, leurs rognons sentent totijours, & pour entretenir leur bonne odeur, il les faut humecter d’un peu d’huile, autrement [280] les portant sur soy ils sechent, & la mitte s’y met qui les gaste, la peau est bonne 4 faire fourure, sur la fin de YAutomne ot elle a peu de sentiment: pour la chair elle n’a point de goust de musque, elle est excellente 4 manger, rostie, ou fricassée avec une sauce blanche.

Le Loutre est un poisson connu en France, beaucoup de personnes y en

mangent; le goust est 4 peu pres de mesme, mais elles different de celles de

568 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

France en ce qu’elles sont plus longues & plus noires, toutes communement; il s’en trouve qui le sont bien plus les unes que les autres, il y ena d’aussi noires que du jay; lors qu’elles ont valu de l’argent, estant tuées en bonne saison, il s’en est vendu [281] jusques a huit, dix & douze Louis d’or la piece; ces belles-la sont encore recherchées, mais ne sont plus si cheres.

Le Castor est vn poisson comme le Loutre, il n’est pas si long, il est a peu prés de la longueur & grosseur d’un mouton, les pieds plus courts, ceux de derriere toillés ainsi qu’un oye, ceux de devant sont en forme de mains, la queué en est faite comme une solle couverte de petites écailles noires; le dedans est une graisse ferme, semblable 4 des tendrons de veau, qui est un tres-bon mangé bouilly & fricasse; la chair se mange aussi bouillie, mais les cuisses & les épaules sont beaucoup meilleures rosties & semblent 4 une épaule & 4 un membre de mouton rosty, les [282] arrestes sont de mesme, & la chair de semblable couleur; pour le goust a quelque difference, autrement il ne seroit pas poisson ; pour leur couleur ils sont d’ordinaire d’un minime brun, tirant sur le noir ou bien roux, il s’en trouve quelquefois de noirs, & mesme de blancs, ces peaux-la ont eu autrefois grand cours lors des chappeaux de castors, il ne l’ont pas tant a present, l’on s’en sert pourtant pour fourure en Alemagne, Pologne, Moscovie, ou autres lieux froids ot on les envoye, quoy qu’il y en ait en Moscovie, mais le poil n’en est pas si beau, ny si long; outre qu ils ont un secret en ce pays-la que nous n’avons point encore en France, de tirer de dessus une peau de [283] castor, tout le duvet sans offencer le grand poil, ainsi Ja peau leur sert pour fourure avec le grand poil, & ils envoyent le duvet en France, qui est ce qu’on appelle Laine de Moscovie.

En France on coupe le poil sur la peau pour avoir le duvet, & le grand poil est perdu, mais la peau sert 4 faire des pantoufes ou mulles du Palais a Paris: c’est la tout ce que 1’on peut dire le la peau & de la chair, qui n’est pas ce qu’il y a de plus remarquable en cet animal, mais son naturel laborieux & disciplinable, son in- dustrie & son obeissance dans le travail, en sorte qu’on aura peine a croire ce que j’en vais dire, & que j’aurois peine a croire moy-mesme si je n’en avois esté souventes fois le témoin oculaire.

[284] Tous les animaux dont on a le plus venté |’industrie sans en excepter mesme le singe, avec tout ce qu’on luy peut apprendre & tous les autres ne sont que ce qu’ils sont, c’est 4 dire des bestes en comparaison du Castor, qui ne passe que pour poisson: comme tel il luy faut de l’eau: pour cet effet il fait des lacs & de grands étangs; & la pluspart de tous ceux qui sont en ces quartiers de la nouvelle France ont esté faits par les Castors; pour cela ils cherchent un ruisseau qui passe par quelque endroit étroit, dont les cétes soient hautes, comme entre deux montagnes ou cotteaux, & ou les bois, la terre, & tous les matereaux propres a leur travail se trouvent en cet endroit-la; ils [285] font une digue ou chaussée, il s’en voit de cent cinquante & deux cens pas & plus de longueur, & de huit, dix, onze & douze pieds de hauteur, & sont aussi larges en leur base avec un talus proportionné a sa hauteur en sorte qu’elle soit assez forte pour sotitenir la pesanteur de l’eau,

Pour ce travail, ils s’assemblent jusques 4 deux, trois & quatre cens castors & plus, tant grands que petits: il faut scavoir premierement que le castor n’a que quatre dents, deux en haut & deux en bas, les plus grandes sont de la longueur de deux travers de doigt, les autres les ont 4 proportion de leur grandeur, ils ont des pierres pour les aiguiser, en les frottant [286] dessus: avec

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leurs dents ils abattent des arbres gros comme des demie bariques; ils se mettent deux aprés, & un homme avec une coignée ne |’aura pas pliitost mis a bas queux, & le font toiijours tomber du costé qu’ils veulent le plus a leur commodité.

Pour mettre tous ces ouvriers en besogne, & bien faire leur travail, il leur faut un architecte & des commandans: ceux-la sont les anciens qui y ont travaillé autrefois ; selon le nombre il y a huit ou dix commandans, qui neant- moins dépendent tous d’un seul, qui donne les ordres: c’est cet architecte qui va tantost 4 l’atellier de l’un, tantost 4 celuy de l’autre, & est toijours en action. Lors quwil a arresté le lieu ov il faut faire la [287] chaussée, il y employe un nobre de Castors 4 oster ce qui pourroit nuire, comme du bois abatu qui pourroit donner cours par le dessous de la chaussée, & faire perdre l’eau: ceux-la sont les massons: il en fait mettre d’autres a abattre des arbres, puis couper les branches de longueur d’environ deux pieds, ou plus selon la grosseur de la branche, ce sont les Charpentiers; d’autres sont pour porter le bois au lieu du travail o4 sont les massons comme les maneuvres, les autres sont destinez 4 la terre, se sont les vieux qui ont la queué la plus large qui servent de hotteurs: il y en a qui bechent la terre, & la grattant avec leurs mains, ce sont les bescheurs, d’autres sont pour la charger, [288] chacun fait son métier sans se méler d’autre chose: chaque travailleurs d’un métier a un commandant avec eux qui veille sur leur travail, leur montre comme il faut faire: celuy qui commande aux massons leur montre a arranger le bois & bien poser la terre, ainsi chacun montre a ceux qui sont en sa charge, s’ils manquent il les chastie, les bat, se jette dessus & les mord pour les mettre a leurs. devoir.

Tout estant ainsi disposé, ce qui est bien-tost fait, tous les matins chacun va a sa besogne: sur les onze heures ils vont chercher 4 manger, & ne reviennent qu’environ les deux heures, je crois que c’est 4 cause de la grande chaleur qui leur est con- [289] traire, car s’il fait clair de Lune ils travaillent la nuit plus que le jour.

Voyons-les donc tous agir pour faire leur chaussée, ot sont les massons, les maneuyres y apportent le bois couppé de longeur; chacun porte sa piece sejon sa force sur ses espaules; ils marchent tous droits sur les pieds de derierre, estant la ils posent la piece proche des massons, les hotteurs font de mesme, leur queue leur sert de hotte; pour les charger ils se tiennent tous droits, & leur queué porte a terre toute plate; les chargeurs mettent la terre dessus qu’ils foullent pour la faire tenir, & tout le plus haut qu’ils peuvent venant en dos d’asne par enhaut, puis ceux qui sont [290] chargez marchant tous droits tramant leur queué aprés eux, qu’ils déchargent proche les massons, lesquels ayans des matereaux commencent 4 arranger leurs bois les uns contre les autres, & en font une couche de la longueur & largeur quils veullent faire le fonds de la chaussée: 4 mesure que les uns posent du bois, d’autres prennent de la terre a belle mains qu’ils mettent dessus, la foulent pour remplir |’entre-deux des bois; quand elle est au dessus des bois ils la battent avec la queué dont ils frappent dessus pour la rendre ferme; cette couche estant faite de terre & de bois de la longueur de la chaussée, ils remettent des bois & puis de la terre dessus, comme [291] auparavant, & vont continuant to(jours en la haussant, & le costé de l’eau a mesure qu’elle hausse se garnit de terre, qu’ils y mettent pour remplir les trous que les bois auroient pi faire: 4 mesure qu’ils mettent cette terre ils posent le cul sur le bord de la chaussée en sorte que leur queué pend a bas, & puis en

570 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

levant leur queué frapent dessus la terre pour I’ applanir, & la faire entrer dans les trous qu il y pourroit avoir au bout des bois du costé de l’eau & empescher qu’elle n’y puisse avoir d’entrée, & mesme y mettent jusques 4 deux ou trois fois de la terre l’une sur l’autre, la battant de temps en temps avec leur queué, en sorte que l’eau ne peut passer au travers de leur [292] digue; lors quils battent comme cela de la queue, on les entend d’une lieué dans les bois.

Pour pouvoir monter sur leur digue & y porter leurs mattereaux a mesure qu’ils la haussent, ils font aux deux bouts une montée au dedans & au dehors, jointe a la digue qui va insensiblement en montant vers le milieu de la digue, ils en font des deux costez, d’autant que |’on apporte les matereaux de part & d’autre: on pourra dire que !’eau estant arrestée peut surmonter la digue & empescher leur travail, mais comme ce ne sont pas de gros ruisseaux cela n’arrive pas.

Outre que c’est Esté & |’ Automne qu ils font leur travail & pendant que les eaués sont bas- [293] ses, & avancent plus leur travail que l’eau ne peut monter, 4 cause de son étendué, mais 4 la fin il faut que l’eau monte plus haut que la digue, outre qu’elle grossit 1’ Hyver & au Printemps que les neges fondent qui romperoient la digue, si elle n’avoit passage, pour lors elle passe pardessus ow ils ont fait des conduits de distance en distance, comme des goutieres par ou eau sort, qui court par dessus la digue, qui est si bien accommodée que rare- ment |’eau y fait breche.

Tout leur travail estant achevé, ils laissent emplir l’étang d’eau, jusques a ce qu’elle ait cours pardessus la digue pour voir jusques ou va le bord de l’eau a sa plus grande hauteur, afin de travailler 4 faire leurs lo- [294] gemens qu’ils font tout autour de |’étang, si ce n’est qu’il se trouve de la terre haute dedans l’eau, ou il se met quelques castors qui y feront leurs logements, lesquels sont faits ainsi que des fours par le dehors, ils les batissent de branches de bois, dont un bout est en terre, & les autres ployées les uns dans les autres, qui font la voute, laquelle estant faite, bien garnie de bois, ils font un étage haut par dedans, le dessous en est partagé en deux, par une cloison dont une partie du four ou loge- ment est dans l’eau, & l’autre a terre; tout le dessus & les costez sont massonnez de terre de mesme qu’un nid d’yrondelle.

Le logement fait, ils font leur provision d’ Hyver, car le castor [295] ne mange point de poisson, il vit d’écorce de tremble qui est un bois fort leger; uf abat un arbre, le couppe par troncons de longueur pour ranger en son logis, puis chacun porte son morceau & entrent par l’ouverture de terre, emplissent tout ie haut de ce bois & aussi le bas qui n’est point 4 l’eau, l’arrange aussi proprement que sont les biiches de bois flotté dans un chantier, ayant tout remply a la reserve d’un trou qu’il laisse pour aller a terre; il abat de gros arbres qu’il fait tomber tout autour & dessus son logement tout en confusion, afin que sa maison ne paroisse pas, & ne puisse estre approchée sans faire de bruit.

Chaque masle & femelle a sa maison avec leurs enfans, qu’ils [296] gardent d’une portée a l’autre, qui n’arrive qu’une fois i’année d’ ordinaire, & mettent bas au Printemps; ces petits tettent & ne mangent pas qu’ils n’ayent deux ou trois mois, quoy qu’ils mangent ils ne laissent pas de tetter jusques 4 ce qu’ils soient grands: lors que la mere a mis bas, tous les petits de |’année precedente sont chassez de la maison, & alors ils s’accouplent & vont chercher place pour batir un logement, s’ils n’en trouvent quelqu’un de tout fait.

Quand ils sont dans leurs logemens qui est |’ Hyver, ils ont tous lederriere a

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Peau & la teste 4 lair, car ils ne peuvent pas demeurer long-temps sans respirer ; pour leur nourriture ils prennent une de ces branches ou morceau de [297] bois ou deux selon la grosseur dont ils sont, mangent la peau, mettent le bois tout net, 8& ensuite poussent ce bois 4 l’eau par le trou ou est leur derriere pour ne point embarasser leur logis: leur bois qui est leur nourriture, est 4 couvert crainte quwil ne se motille; s’il se mouilloit la peau se gasteroit & ne vaudroit plus rien 4 manger, c’est pourquoy ils massonnent leurs logis.

Pour l’Esté ils ne font point de provisions, ils vont manger 4a terre, & se tiennent 4 |’eau la plus grande partie du temps, mais |’ Hyver lors que leur étang gelle ils sont contraints de demeurer 4 la maison; s’ils alloient 4 l'eau comme ils le peuvent faire, par dessous la glace ils n’y pourroient pas vivre, estant pri- [298] se par tout, & n’y ayant aucune ouverture pour respirer, apres tout cela je vous laisse 4 juger, si l’instinct qu’on attribué au reste des animaux est fort differend en ceux-cy de la raison & du bon sens. Pour moy je scay bien qu’il y a beaucoup d’hommes, mesmes habilles en beaucoup de choses, qui seroient fort embarassez s’il leur falloit faire eux-mesmes leurs logements, sur tout s’il y avoit autant de precautions 4 prendre, & aussi importantes 4 la conservation de leur vie, comme le sont aux Castors la respiration, les alimens, l’eau&le soin de se derober a la connoissance des chasseurs.

[299] CHAPITRE XIX

Des oyseaux de mer &5 de leurs proprietez.

L, me reste a faire connoistre les oyseaux de mer, je veux dire les prin- cipaux, car le nombre est trop grand pour me souvenir de tous ; le premier est l’Outarde, elle est de la grosseur d’un cog d’Inde, le plumage en est gris brun de la maniere de celuy d’une oye, le dessous de la gorge blanc,

les Sauvages en font des robes, elles ne pond point que de deux ans en deux ans, l’année qu’elle ne pond point elle se deplume.

Les jeunes outardes ne pondent point qu’elles n’ayent qua- [300] tre ans, leur ponte est de quatorze, quinze & seize ceufs; elles font leurs nids dans des Isles, ou des marescages 4 plat de terre pour i’ordinaire; neantmoins il y en a qui les font dans des arbres, & lors que leurs petits sont éclos, ils se mettent sur le dos du pere ou de la mere, qui les portent a eau a une ou a deux fois; celles de terre les menent aussi 4 |’eau si-tost qu’ils sont éclos: la nuit la mere les remene a terre pour les mettre sous elle, & tofijours dans quelques Isles ou marécages, a cause des renards qui leur font la guerre.

I] y en a une autre espece qui sont plus petites, pour ce qui est du reste c’est la mesme chose, la chair en est bonne, | 301] & tres-excellente 4 manger rotie & bouillie, font de tresbon potage, le bouillon en est blane, elle est encore bonne salée, le goust en est autrement bon que d’un oye, & n’est pas de si mauvaise digestion, celles qui n’ont point encore pond, ont bien meilleure goust que les autres, leur mangeaille n’est que de l’herbe ; elles vont paistre en des marécages ou des prairies qui sont sur le bord de Ja mer; si elles se rencontrent en des lieux de sable vazeux, ow il croit des herbes de la longuenr d’une brasse & plus,

572 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

qui sont fort étroittes & montent jusques a fleur d’eau, c’est la pature qu’elles ayment le mieux: en ces endroits-la on ne manque jamais d’y en trouver, outre qu’elles [302] aiment mieux estre 4 l’eau qu’A terre crainte de la surprise.

En quelque lieu qu’elles soient il y en a tofijours une ou deux, si elles sont grand nombre, qui font le guet & ne mangent point se promenant d’un costé & d’autre regardant par tout: si elles voient ou entendent quelque chose dans le bois, au mesme temps elles font un cry, tous les autres levent la teste, demeurent comme cela un temps, si la sentinelle ne dit mot elles se remettent 4 manger, mais si cette sentinelle entend ou appercoit quelque chose elle fait un autre cry, s’enleve, & au mesme temps toute la suite.

Le Cravan n’est gueres moins gros que la petite outarde, le goust en est bien aussi friand, | 303] rosty & bouilly, non salé ; 5 il est plus brun de plumage, le col plus court, & point de blanc sous la gorge: c “est un oyseau passager, il ne vient dans le pais que PEsté, il sen va I’ Hyver, on n’a point de connoissance d’ou il vient, ny od il va: on n’a jamais veu qu'il aye fait des petits: si ce n’estoit le goust qui est autrement bon que la macreuse, je dirois que s’en sont, le plumage en approche beaucoup, mais d’en manger le Caresme il y auroit trop de delices ; ils vivent aussi d’herbes, de quelques petits coquillages, ou vers qui se trouvent dans le sable.

Les Canars sont tous comme en France, pour le plumage & la bonté: ceux qui ont l’aisle bleué & le pied rouge sont les [304] meilleurs; les pieds gris qui ont aussi l’aisle bleué ne different guere en bonté: il y en a d’une autre sorte qui n’ont point d’aile bleué qui ne sont pas si bons: il s’en void aussi d’une autre espece, qui ont le plumage minime clair, de cette espece le masle est blanc, a le bout de aisle noir: le masle & la femelle ne sont jamais ensemble, & ne s’assemblent qu’au Printemps qu’ils entrent en amour; & quand les femelles commencent 4 faire leurs nids ils se separent; les masles vont en bandes 4 part, & les femelles de mesme; si on tire sur les femelles, 4 moins que de les tuer tout roide on les perd, si-tost qu’elles sont blessées elles plongent, & la moindre herbe qu’elles trouvent elles la pren- [305] nent avec le bec, meurent la & ne reviennent point sur l’eau, elles ne sont point autrement bonnes, elles sentent Phuile comme la macreuse.

Pour la Sarcelle elle est commune en France, on en scait la valeur comme du Plongeon, & de la Poule d’eau, c’est pourquoy je n’en parleray pas davan- tage: il s’y void encore quantité d’autres sortes d’oyseaux de la grosseur des canards comme la palonne, qui a le bec long d’environ un pied, rond par le bout en pelle de four; laigraite qui porte trois petites plumes toutes droites sur Ja teste: le bec de scie, en ce qu'il a le bec fait en form de scie; le Cacaouy, parce qu "il prononce ce mot pour son ramage 5 Marionnet- [306] tes, parce qu’ils vont sautant sur l’eau: la Gode, c’est un oyseau qui vole aussi vite qu’une fleche, le blanc & noir est son plumage; le Cormorant qui se dresse a la pesche du poisson, on luy lie le col proche l’estomac qui |’épesche d’avaler, estant privé il apporte sa pesche 4 terre.

I] y a des Allouettes de trois facons, les plus grosses, sont de la grosseur d’un gros merle grisette, elles ont les pieds longs: d’autres qui ne sont gueres moins grosses ont le bec plus long, d’autres comme des moineaux, & de petits pincons; tout ce gibier-la va en bande toajours sur le bord de !’eau, ou il y a de la greve? les Chevalliers, sont une espece de beccasses qui ont le bec fort long, ils vivent [307] de l’éches & autres choses qu’ils trouvent dans le sable, sur le

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bord de Ja mer, ils sont de la mesme grosseur, ont les jambes aussi longues, & le plumage plus roux que la beccassine.

Les Hsterlais, sont d’autres oyseaux, gros cOme un pigeon, qui vivet de poisson, volent tofijours en l’air s’il appercoit sa proye il tombe dessus ainsi qu’une pierre, la prend avec la bec & Davaile. Le Goislan est beaucoup plus gros, vit de poisson & de foye, ou tripaille de molué, mais n’atrappe que ce qui flotte sur eau: il y en a encore nombre d’autres, dont je ne me souviens pas; toutes ces sortes d’oiseaux-la sont bons a manger, & mesme tous leurs ceufs, hormy celuy du Cormorant: en tout le pays, on [308] trouve nombre de Herons, qui sont totijours sur le bord de la mer ou des étangs, vivent de petits poissons qui se trouvent dans des trous, ou |’eau demeure lors que la mer se retire, ou au bord de l’eau dans les étangs, ils font leur nids dans de grands bois, qui se trouvent en des Isles: ils sont bons 4 manger, & ont sept fiels, & tofijours maigres, pour les petits ils sont meilleurs & totijours gras.

[309] CHAPITRE XX

La description de toutes tes especes de bois qui'sont avant dans les terres ; leurs : ques : proprictez, && les avantages qu on en peut tirer.

PRES avoir décrit la plus grande partie des poissons, & des oyseaux de mer, il faut parler de la terre, de la plus grande partie des bois qu’elle porte, & les profits que |’on en peut tirer: ce que j’en ay deja dit ne concernant que les costes, ce qui n’est rien au prix de

ceuX qui sont avant dans | es [310] terres & au haut des rivieres, selon le rapport des Sauvages dont j’ay connu la verité en un endroit ou j’ay traversé vingt-cing ou trente lieués de bois, ce qui me fait ajofiter foy aux recits qu’ils m’en ont fait: en tout le pais on trouve grand nombre de prairies & d’ étangs: les arbres bien plus beaux en hauteur & grosseur, & partant plus clairs & moins confus: on y pourroit courir un orignac a cheval: il n’y a que de vieux arbres qui sont tombez d’un cdté & d’autre qui puissent y apporter de l’empeschement, faute de monde pour les oster, comme font les pauvres gens dans les forests de France: les terres y sont aussi beaucoup meilleures, & plus facilles 4 defricher que [311] sur les bords de la mer: le pais y est plus beau, l’on y trouve des haistres considerables, tant pour leur hauteur que leur grosseur, dont on peut faire des avirons de galaires de quarante & cinquante pieds de long, & d’autres pour les pescheurs a qui il en faut nombre & qu’ils sont obligez d’apporter de France, !’on en peut faire de beaux & bons bordages pour ies fonds de navires qui vaudroient bien le chesne, car il ne pourit point dans l’eau, & n’est pas moins fort ny si sujet a fendre & aux jarces, ce qui arrive souvent aux chesnes & fait des voyes d’eau qui sont mal-aisée a bien étancher.

Le Mignogon est une espece de bouleau, mais le bois en est plus rouge, Von en peut faire aussi de [312] bons bordages, & nest pas trop fendant: on s’en sert pour la monture des fuzils, il seroit bon a mettre a la fleur d’un navire, pour les presseintes & pour les hauts, le bouleau y seroit aussi fort bon, il est plus leger, il ne fend ny ne jarce au Soleil, ou bien peu: jen ay fait construire

574 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

quelques bastiments qui se sont bien conservez quoy qu’on les échoué |’ Hyver: ils demeurent au froid & au chaud sans se gater: l’on n’y manquera point de bois, pour faire des membres, varangues, genoiieilles & allonges, quoy qu’il se trouve peu d’arbres tortus: les membres difficiles 4 trouver sont ceux de revers pour les facgons, & les étraves: pour les fourches !’on en trouvera, & les courbas- tons d’équaire [313] y sont rares, mais j’ay un moyen seur d’en avoir quantité, de tresbds & de toutes les autres sortes.

Parlons du Chesne que |’on dit ne rien valoir pour les navires, ce qui n’est pas mon sentiment, quoy qu ‘il ne soit pas bon a faire des bariques pour contenir des choses liquides, mais seulement pour marchandises seches, parce qu’il est trop gras & que le grain par consequent un est trop gros, & si a une piece de chesne de vingt-cing 4 trente pieds, on crache 4 un bout, & que !’on soufle 4 l’autre le crachat enflera, cela est pour le fil du bois, mais non pas par son travers: quand j’ay dit que des bariques de ce bois ne tiennent pas les liqueurs, c’est que pour faire une [314] barique, il y faut un jable pour l’enfoncer; ce jable est entaillé dans les douves, & couppe le fil du bois par le travers, si bien que la liqueur dont la barique est pleine entre dans ce jable, & trouvant le fil du bois couppé, passe tout le long des douves, ce qui fait que la barique degoutte par les bouts, bien qu’elle ne passe point au travers des douves ny des joints, & partant le chesne de la nouvelle France n’ayant que ce deffaut, il ne laisse pas pour cela d’estre bon a bastir des navires.

De plus, si un navire ne se pouvoit faire que de chesne, comment font donc ceux qui en batissent de si beaux, & de si bons dans les Indes ou il n’y a point de chesne: si j’y suis une [315] fois bien étably je feray voir que l’on y peut faire de bons navires, & d’aussi bonne durée que ceux de France, en ayant déja fait l’épreuve diverses fois.

I] y a aussi du pin pour faire des planches, bonnes 4 faire les tillacts, & le sapin pour les ornemens & ceuvres mortes, & doubler les chambres ; il se trouve encore dans le pays des forests de petits pins, prusses, & sapins qui me fourniront le bray & je gauldron, des qualitez duquel j’ay déja parlé: j’ay un moyen certain pour en rendre la mature encore meilleure qu’elle n’est.

Pour la toille de voile & du cordage, le pays n’en fournira que trop quand on s’y voudra appliquer, il ne me reste que le fer & le cuivre pour avoir tout ce [316] qu’il faut pour rendre un vaisseau accomply, & je crois que si le pais estoit bien habité, je trouverois le fer & le cuivre aussi bien que la pierre 4 chaux, qui n’y estoit point connué que depuis quinze ans que je l’ay trouvée aussi bien que le plastre.

Pour les affuts des canons, il y a de tres-beaux ormes, pour faire les essieux, les roués & tout le reste: |?Erabe est encore un bon bois qui y pourroit aussi servir: cet arbre-la a la séve differente de tous les autres, on en fait une boisson tres-agreable 4 boire, de la couleur de vin d’Espagne, mais non si bonne; elle a une douceur qui la rend d’un fort bon goust, elle n’incommode point l’estomac, elle passe aussi promptement que les eaux [317] de Pougue ; je croy qu'elle seroit bonne pour ceux qui ont la pierre: pour en avoir au Printemps & |’ Automne que l’arbre est en seve, l’on fait une entaille profonde d’environ un demy pied, un peu enfoncée au milieu pour recevoir l’eau, cette entaille a de hauteur environ un pied, & 4 peu prés la mesme largeur; au dessous de l’entaille 4 cing ou six doigts on fait un trou avec un ville-brequin ou foiret, qui va répondre au milieu de l’entaille o& tombe l’eau: on met un tuyau de plume ou deux bout a bout

DE LAMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONALE 575

si un n’est assez long, dont le bout d’en bas répond en quelque.vaisseau pour recevoir |’eau, en deux ou trois heures il rendra trois 4 quatre pots de liqueurs ; c’est la boisson des Sau- [318] vages & mesme des Francois qui en sont friands.

Pour le Fresne, il s’y en void de beaux & bien droits: on s’en sert pour faire les piques en bisquaye, on pourroit en faire pour fournir toutes les armées du Roy: si ceux qui commandent ov commanderont en ces pays-la ont du genie pour les mecaniques, & |’esprit inventif, trouveront encore bien des choses a faire valoir & de quoy employer leurs talents, outre le negoce & la pesche qui sont les meilleurs moyens de faire peupler le pays.

[319] CHAPITRE XXI

Qui traite des animaux, oyseaux {F reptiles, de leurs qualitez, ‘S de la maniere

de les prendre.

PRES avoir parlé des forests & des especes differentes des bois qui les composent, il ne sera pas hors de propos de dire deux mots de divers animaux qui les habitent, qui sont l’Orignac autrement Eslan, |’Ours noir, le Loup servier, le Porc espic, les Renards, la Marthe, le

Quincajou, les Escureuils, !’Ermine, le Pitois, la Fouinne & les Serpens.

[320] L’Orignac est aussi puissant qu’un mulet, la teste 4 peu prés de mesme, le col plus long, le tout plus déchargé, les jambes longues fort seches, le pied fourchu, un petit bout de queué, les uns ont le poil gris-blanc, les autres roux & noir, & quand ils vieillissent le poil est creux, long d’un doigt & bon 4 faire des matelats, & garnir des scelles de cheval; il ne se foule pas & revient en le battant; il porte un grand bois sur sa teste plat & fourchu en forme de main: il s’en void qui ont environ une brasse par le haut de largeur, & qui pesent jusques a cent & cent 50. livres, il leur tombe comme au cerf, il est sujet a tomber du haut mal; les Sauvages disent que lors qu’il le sent venir [321] il s’arreste, & que du pied gauche de derriere il se gratte derriere Voreille tant qu’il en sorte du sang, ce qui le guarit: l’on en void de vieux qui ont la corne ou sabot d’un pied de long & plus, tout en est bon 4 manger; le masle est gras P Esté, & la femelle Hyver: lors qu’elle est pleine elle porte un & quelquefois deux petits, on en mange de rosty & bouilly, fait bon potage, on en salle pour la garder, elle n’est point incommode a |’estomac; on en peut manger tout son saoul, & puis une heure apres on en mangeroit encore autant, elle n’incommode jamais; pour le goust elle sent un peu la venaison, & est du moins aussi agreable a manger que le Cerf; dans le cceur il se trouve [322]| un petit os dont les femmes des Sauvages se servent pour aider 4 leur accouchement, le mettant en poudre & |’avallent dans de |’eau ou du bouillon de la beste.

L’Ours est tout noir, est de la hauteur d’un grand porc, non si long mais plus gros de corps, le poil grand, il a une grosse teste platte, de petites oreilles, point de queué, ou si peu qu’elle ne paroist quasi point, il a les griffes grandes & monte dans les arbres, vit de gland, mange peu de charongne, va le long des bords de la mer, ou il mange des hommars, & autres poissons que la mer jette

576 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

a la coste: il ne court point sur "homme 4 moins que d’estre blessé, la chair en est bonne a manger, blanche comme le [323] veau & d’aussi bon goust, mesme plus delicat; il est six mois de ’hyver caché dans un creux d’arbre, pendant tout ce temps-la il ne fait que lescher ses pattes pour tout vivre, & c’est le temps qu’il est le plus gras: les petits de cinq a six mois sont d’un tres-excellent goust & tres-tendres,

Le Loup servier c’est une espece de Chat mais bien plus gros, il monte aussi dans les arbres, vit d’animaux qu'il attrape, le poil en est grand, d’un gris blanc, c’est une bonne fourrure, la chair blanche & tres-bonne 4 manger.

Le Porc-épic est de la grosseur d’un moyen chien, mais plus court; son poil est long d’environ quatre pouces, blanc, [324] gros comme une paille, 11 est roide quoy que creux ; quand on I’attaque il darde son poil de dessus son dos, qui pique: s’il perce a peau si peu que ce soit, & qu’on ne l’arache pas prompte- ment, soit 4 la main, au corps ou en quelque autre lieu que ce soit, il entrera totijours, passera tout au travers du lieu ow il sera attaché: I’on fait tout ce que l’on peut pour empescher les chiens de se jetter dessus, car il les gastent s’ils ne sont promptement secourus: il est tres-bon 4 manger; on Je met au feu pour le faire griller comme un cochon, mais auparavant les Sauvagesses arrachent tout le poil de dessus le dos, qui est le plus grand, dont ils font de beaux ouvrages : estant bruslé, [325] bien rosty, lavé & mis a la broche il vaut un cochon de laict, il est tres-bon bouilly, mais moins bon que rosty.

Des Renards, il y en a de plusieurs sortes pour la couleur; 1|’on en trouve de tous noirs; ceux la sont rares; il y en ade noirs meslez de blanc, il s’en trouve plus de gris meslez de blanc, & plus communement de tous gris & de tout rouge, tirant sur le roux. Ceux Ja n’y sont que trop communs; toutes ces sortes 14 ont |’inclination de Renards, fins & subtils pour attraper les Outardes & les Canars, s’ils en voyent quelques bandes a la mer au large, ils vont sur le bord de la gréve font des courses de trente a 40. pas, puis reviennent de temps en téps de mesme [326] faisant des sauts; le gibier qui les voit faire vient 4 eux tout doucement, quand ils le voyent aprocher, ils courent & sautent, puis s’arrestent tout d’un coup, se couchent sur le dos, !’Outarde ou le Canard approche toiijours, estant prés ils ne remuent plus que la queué. Ces oyseaux la sont si sots qu’ils en viennent jusques 4 les vouloir becqueter, les drosles prennent leurs temps ne manquent pas d’en attraper une qui paye sa peine.

Nous dressons nos chiens a faire de mesme qui font aussi venir le gibier, on se met en embuscade en quelque endroit ou ce gibier ne vous puisse voir, estant a bonne portée I’on tire dessus, i! en demeure des quatre cing & six, & quel- quesfois plus, [327] au mesme temps le chien saute 4 l’eau que l’on envoye totijours au plus loing, les apporte puis on le renvoye les querir toutes les unes aprés les autres.

Le Quincajou est approchant d’un chat d’un poil roux brun, a la queué longue; la relevant, il en fait deux ou trois tours sur son dos, il a des griffes ; il monte dans les arbres, se couche tout de son long sur une branche & attend la quelque Orignac, s’il en passe, il se jette dessus son dos, il l’acolle de ses griffes, Pentourne de sa quevé puis luy ronge le col, un peu au dessous des oreilles, tant qu'il le fasse tomber bas, ils ont beau courir & se frotter contre des arbres, il ne quitte jamais sa prise, si la beste ne passe proche de luy il court [328] aprés, la suit & ne l’abandonne point, s’il la peut joindre une fois il saute sur sa croupe & se va attacher a son col & le ronge si bien qui le mer bas, pour s’en sauver.

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L’Orignac court 4 l’eau tant qu’il peut, se jette de dans, mais avant que de s’y jetter le Quincajou quitte prise & saute a terre, car il ne se veut point mettre a Peau; il y a quatre ans qu’il m’atrapa une grande genisse de trois ans, & luy couppa le col, le lendemain matin nous mismes nos chiens sur sa piste, nous la trouvames, il n’avoit encores mangé que les yeux & la langue.

Les Renards & le Quincajou font la chasse ensemble, le Quincajou n’a pas le sentiment bon comme les renards qui battent le bois pour trouver la piste de [329] l’Orignac & chassent sans faire de bruit, s’il la rencontre ils la suivent tant qu’ils ayent trouvé la beste, s’ils la trouvent paissant ou couchée ils ne luy font rien; mais ils vont au large & cherchent |’endroit le plus commode 4 faire passer leur proye, a lors le Quincajou qui les suit se met sur une branche d’arbre en embuscade, estant placé, les Renards retournent trouver la beste, se mettent dans le bois au large, 4 ces deux costez, un autre Renard va derriere pour la faire lever en jappant tout doucement, si la beste va droit ou est le Quincajou, ceux qui sont a ses cotez ne disent mot, si elle n’y va pas, ceux qui sont du costé ou elle va jappent pour la faire détourner, ils font si bien qu’ils la [330] font passer ou est le Quincajou, qui ne manque point son coup, & se jette 4 son col & luy ronge, estant tombée bas, ils se mettent aprés & en font bonne chere ensemble tant que la beste dure.

Pour la Marthe elle est assez connué, il s’en voit en France, mais elles sont bien plus rouges que celles de ce pais-la & n’ont pas le poil si fin, elles se tiennent d’ordinaire bien avant dans les bois, l’on n’en voit sur la coste que de deux ans en deux ans, ou de trois en trois, quand ils y viennent c’est en grand nombre, & quand les Sauvages les voyent ils se rejotiissent, parce que c’est signe d’une bonne année, c’est 4 dire force nege, sans laquelle il ne font pas bonne chasse, elle [331] leur manque souvent: toute cette coste-la de la Nouvelle- France n’est pas abondante en nege, & l’année des nages nous trouvons que les bleds se portent mieux.

Disons un mot des Ecureiiils, le plus grand est tout pareil 4 ceux de France & de mesme poil, il y en a une espece un peu plus petite qui se nomme Suisse, parce quils sont tous rayez de la teste 4 la queué par rayes blanche, rousse & noire toutes d’vne mesme largeur d’environ la moitié d’un travers de doigt: La troisiéme espece est de la grandeur de Ja seconde, & d’un poil approchant ceux de France un peu plus noir, ceux la volent, ils ont des aisles qui les prennent du train de derriere 4 celuy de [332] devant, qui souvrent de la largeur de deux bons doigts, c’est une petite toille fort mince, couverte dessus d’un petit poil folet, toute sa volée ne peut aller droit que trente 4 quarante pas, mais s’il vole d’un arbre a un autre en baissant il volera bien le double, tous ces animaux 1a sapprivoisent assez facilement, mais le volant est plus rare que les autres, ils vivent de graine de haistre qui se nomme foine, ils en font leurs provisions YAutomne pour l’Hyver dans quelque creux d’arbres ou Ja nege ne donne point, cet animal vollant est fort curieux, j’en ay veu un a Paris chez Monsieur Berruier cy-devant Directeur de la Compagnie de Canada.

L’Ermine est de la grosseur de [333] /’Escureuil un peu plus longue d’un beau poil blanc, & la queué longue dont le petit bout est noir comme jay, elle mange les ceufs des oyseaux quant elle les peut attraper, & mesme les petits oyseaux.

Le Pitois, & la Foine est quasi la mesme chose, sinon que le Pitois a le poil noir, non pas si épais, mais plus long que la Foine, tous les deux font la guerre

578 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

aux oyseaux, gros & petits, aux poulles, aux pigeons, & 4 tout ce qu’ils peuvent attraper, entrent librement dans les logis.

Lon trouve aussi en tout le pais force Serpens de toutes couleurs dans les bois, neantmoins |’on n’a eu encores connoissance qu’ils ayent jamais incommodé Sauvages ny Francois, quoy que [334] l’on ait marché dessus il ne font point de mal en ces pays-la.

Il ne faut pas oublier le Lapin dont tout le pais est fourny de toutes parts, tant la grande terre que les Isles, pourveu qu’on aille en des endroits un peu éloignez des habitations, attendu que les chiens les chassent & mesme les mangent, cela les oblige 4 s’esloigner, on n’y fait la chasse que |’Hyver qu’ils ont des routes battués sur la nege, ou bien on fait une grande haye, fort longue, de branchage ou on laisse de petits passages, de distance en distance, en ces endroits-l4 on met de petites branches de bouleau qui est ce qu’ils mangent ’Hyver, & la on tend des collets qui ne sont que de cordes fort deliées, & |’on atta- [335] che le collet au bout d’une branche d’arbre, que l’on plie comme une repusse, ou l’on prend une grande perche 4 faute de branche, que l’on met sur une fourche, en sorte que le grosbout esleve le petit assez haut, pour que le Lapin ne soit mangé du Renard, estant pris au colet qui est attaché au bout de la perche. De trente colets tendus, ]’on aura le lendemain matin du moins vingt lapins, si la nuit a esté belle, c’est 4 dire, qu’il ait fait froid, qu’il n’y ait point de pluye ny de nege, car en ces temps-la le Lapin ne court point; ils ne sont pas faits comme ceux de France; ils ont les jambes de derriere plus grandes, mais la chair semblable ; ils sont bons rostis & mesme boulis au pot, l’ Esté [336] ils sont roux, & l’Hyver ils sont tous blancs; ils muent quasi tofijours, ce qui fait que la fourure n’en est pas bonne, le poil en est fin, je croy qu'il ne laisseroit pas d’estre bon pour faire des chappeaux; on n’en a point encores apporté de ma connoissance en France pour en faire |’épreuve.

A Végard des oiseaux de ce pais-la, le plus gros est |’ Aigle, il a une fraise blanche, il prend le Lapin a la main & J’emporte, la plus petite espece n’a point de fraise & vole l’oyseau non si gros que le Canard, leur plumage est grisastre, le bec gros & fort & la main grande.

Le Faucon, |’ Autour & le Tiercelet sont du plumage de ceux que I’on voit en France, la main & le bec de mesme, ils vo- [337] lent la Perdrix, la Tourtre & les autres oyseaux de cette force. Le Tiercelet n’a pas la main bonne pour la Perdrix, mais bien pour la Tourtre & pour les autres petits oyseaux; il s’y trouve une autre espece de Faucon, celuy-la ne prend que du poisson, il est tofijours a voler sur |’eau, s’il appercoit quelque poisson il fond dessus plus viste qu’une pierre ne peut tomber ; 11 prend sa proye 4 la main & l’emporre sur un arbre pour la manger.

Il y a de trois sortes de Perdrix, de rouges, de grises, & de noires, la rouge est la meilleure, égale a celle de France pour la chair & le goust ; la grise a un autre goust que celle de France, elle sent la venaison: qulequesuns trouvent le goust meilleur [338] que de la rouge ; pour la noire elle 4 la teste & les yeux d’un Faisant, la chair brune, le goust de venaison si fort, que je le trouve moins bon que les autres, elle sent le genievre avec un goust de sapin, elle mange de ces graines-la, ce que les autres ne font pas. Toutes ces sortes de perdrix ont la queué longue, elles ouvrét leurs queué comme une poulle d’Inde en évantail, elles sont fort belles, la rouge l’a meslée de rouge brun & gris, la grise de deux gris, un clair & |’autre brun, la noire de gris & noir, on en a apporté en France

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que l’on a donné a quelques personnes qui en ont fait faire des éventailles, que Yon a trouvé beaux; elles perchent toutes, & sont si sottes, que si vous en rencontrez [339] une bande sur un arbre vous les tirez toutes l’une aprés |’ autre sans qu’elles s’envolent, & mesme si elles sont assez basses & que vous y puissiez toucher d’une perche, il en faut couper une, & y attacher au bout une corde ou un petit ruban avec un noeud coulant, puis leur passer au col & les tirer a bas, vous les prenez toutes vives les unes aprés les autres, portez les au logis mettez les 4 terre dans une chambre, baillez leur du grain elles le mangent toute 4 Vheure, mais il ne faut pas qu’elles puissent sortir autrement elles s’envoleroient, jay taché d’en apporter en France par deux fois, elles se portent bien tout le long du chemin, mais lors qu’on approche de la France [340] elles meurent, ce qui me fait croire qu'il faut que nostre air leur soit contraire.

Il y a aussi des becasses de bois mais elles ne sont pas communes, on en trouve quelquesfois aux sources des fontaines.

Tous les corbeaux de ces pais-la sont tous noirs, le chant n’est pas de mesme ; ils sont aussi bonsa manger qu’une poule.

I] s’y rencontre aussi des Orfrayes, non si grosses comme celles de France ; ’Esté on les entend crier le soir, leur cry n’est pas si desagreable qu’en France, & crient montant en l’air fort haut, puis se laissent tomber comme une pierre a une grande brasse prés de terre, puis elles remontent & c’est signe de beau temps.

[341] Le Chat-huant est du plumage & grosseur de celuy de France, a une petite fraise blanche ; son cry n’est pas semblable, mais il y a peu de difference, tout les oyseaux luy font la guerre, il est meilleur & plus delicat 4 manger que la poule, il est totijours gras ; il se nourrit de petits mulots qui sont dans les bois, il en fait sa provision pour |’ Hyver, il en prend qu’il met dans des creux d’arbres, il leur coupe avec le bec les pattes de devant afin qu’ils n’en puissent sortir ny remonter, il amasse de la foinne en un autre arbre pour les nourrir, leur en porte tous les jours leur provision, pendant qu'il fait la stenne de ces petits animaux 4 mesure qu’ils s’engraissent.

[342] Il y a aussi un oyseau que l’on nomme Merle, il tient de |’ Etourneau estant moins noir que le Merle & moins grisatre, que |’ Etourneau, il n’est pas mauvais 4 manger.

L’on y rencontre aussi des Piquebois, ils ont le plumage plus beau que ceux de France, & de la mesme grosseur, il y en a d’autres que l’on nomme des Gays, qui sont d’un beau plumage, la teste est toute rouge & le col d’une vraye couleur de feu.

L’oiseau Mouche est un petit oyseau qui n’est pas plus gros qu’un hanneton, la femelle a le plumage d’un vert doré, le male de mesme excepté la gorge, qu’il a d’un rouge brun, quand on le void d’un certain jour, il jette [343] un feu plus vif que le ruby : ils ne vivent que de miel qu’ils amassent sur des fleurs, leur bec est long & gros comme une petite épingle, leur langue passe un peu le bec & est fort déliée, leur vol est preste & fait un grand bruit en volant; ils font leurs nids dans des arbres de la grandeur d’une piece de quinze sols, leurs ceufs sont gros comme des pois, ils en font trois, quatre, ou cing au plus, on a taché d’en nourrir, mais |’on n’a pas pti en venir a bout.

Pour l’Hyrondelle c’est la mesme qu’en France, elle vient au Printemps, & s’en retourne 4 la fin de |’ Automne, elles font leurs nids aux maisons, ov contre quelques rochers ou ils ne moiiillent point.

580 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

[344] La Chauve-souris est aussi de 1a mesme sorte que c’elle d’icy, mais elle est beaucoup plus grosse elle se retire |’ Hyver en des trous d’arbres, ou dans des rochers & ne paroist point que |’ Esté,

[345] CHAPITRE XXII

Qui traite de la diversité des saisons de l'année, (S des diferentes especes

des fruits.

PRES avoit fait la description du pais, des climats, des costes, des rivieres, des poissons & oyseaux de mer & de terre, je croy qu il ne sera pas mauvais de parler des saisons.

Les quatre Saisons de l’année ne sont point égales en ces pais-la non plus qu’en France; le Printemps y est un peu plus tardif, & ne commence qu’au mois d’Auril du costé du Nord: le [346] costé plus Meridional de l’Acadie commence au vingt ou vingt cing de Mars; les commencemens du Printemps sont d’ordinaire pluvieux ; ce n’est pas qu’il n’y ait des intervalies de beautemps, le mois de May venu, les pluyes n’y sontpas si communes, mais il fait des bruines les matins jusques sur les neuf 4 dix heures que le Soleil les surmonte, & tout le reste du jour le temps est beau & serain.

L’Esté d’ordinaire est tofijours beau & fort chaud, il fait quelque pluye de peu de durée & encores quelquefois le matin de la brune, elle ne passe point sept a huit heures, tout le reste de la journée il fait beau Soleil sans nuage, il y a des années que la brune dure jusques 4 dix heu- [347] res & quelquefois tout le jour; elles ne sont point mal-saines.

Pour |’ Automne, il se trouve peu d’années qu’elle ne soit belle: jy ay veu baigner du monde a la Toussaint, le froid ne commence qu’a la my-Novembre, & par de petites nages fondués qui ne durent point sur la terre.

L’ Hyver est agreable en ce qu'il n’est point pluvieux ny remply de broiil- lards ny frimats; c’est un froid totijours sec & beau Soleil, on ne void pas un petit nuage au Ciel, il y nege rarement plus de vingt-quatre heures de suite, & d’ordinaire il n’en tombe que durant un jour ou une nuit, on est des huit & quinze jours & mesme trois semaines sans voir neger, pendant quoy il fait toujours [348] beau-temps. Cela n’empesche pas qu’il n’y ait des coups de vent quelques-fois furieux qui arrachent des arbres, ils ne sont pas de durée; pour des tremblemens de terre, je n ay point ouy dire qu'il y en eust eu de connoissance d’homme, qu’ un que ii ay veu il y a environ neuf a dix ans, encore ce fut si peu de chose qu’a peine s’en apperceut-on. I] n’y eust que trois petites secousses, & sans quelques batteries de cuisine & vaisselle on ne s’en fit point apperceu; il y eust quelques Sauvages qui le sentirent, cela ne les étonna pas seulement; il fut terrible a Kebec, ou apparament il commenga, mais je ne parie pas ee pays-la, & j’en laisse le recit 4 ceux qui en ont ressenty les effets.

[349] Depuis la fin du Printemps, & pendant l’Esté & I Automne, il s’y trouve souvent des orages, mais ils ne durent pas; neantmoins le tonnerre tombe quelques-fois en feu & se met dans le bois, ou tout est si sec qu’il y demeure des

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trois semaines & un mois, & 4 moins qu’il n’y vienne des pluyes suffisamment pour l’éteindre, il bralera par fois des dix, douze, & quinze lieués de pays; le soir & la nuit on en void Ja fumée de dix & douze lievés. Du costé que le vent la porte, elle se void bien d’aussi loin: aux cantons ov cela arrive toutes les bestes en fuyent quinze & vingt lieués, & si c’est sur le bord de la mer que Peau des pluyes y puissent couler, tout le poisson en fuit, [350] & n’y aura point de pesche l’année ensuivant, ny de gibier a la coste, en sorte que les navires pescheurs peuvent bien chercher d’autres endroits, autrement ils ne feroient rien, ce que j’ay veu arriver non par le feu du Ciel, mais par le hazard d’un canonnier, qui faisant secher ses poudres 4 Miscou y mit le feu en prenant du tabac, & le feu ayant mis en cendre une bonne partie du bois de I’ Isle, fit que l’année suivante il n’y avoit point de molué a la coste, en sorte que les pescheurs furent obligez d’aller chercher du poisson ailleurs.

A Végard des fruits qui se trouvent dans le pais, il y a des seriziers sauvages, le fruit n’en est pas gros, pour le goust il [351] tient de la cerise: 1’on y void encore d’autre arbres, tout le fruit en est fort menu, il y a des framboises en tous les lieux découverts des bois, & mesme en nos défrichemens, si on est une année sans les labourer ils se remplissent tout de framboisiers, les framboises sont fort grosses d’un goust tres-bon & plus excellent que celles de France, on a peine a en degarnir la terre; si aprés les avoir bien arrachées on laisse encore la terre sans l’avoir labourée & la semer, elle produit des noizilliers dont les noisettes sont bonnes; arrachez les noisettes & ne labourez point encore la terre, elle produit des bois comme auparavant, la terre y est si bonne qu’elle ne peut dmeurer sans produire quelque [352] chose, joint qu’il s’y trouve rarement des épines, des ronces, & des chardons.

L’on y void encore de plusieurs sortes de grozelliers: il y a de ces grosses groseilles vertes de France qui ne sont bonnes que lors qu’elles sont choppes, il

en a qui ne sont bonnes que lors qu’elles sont violettes ; la grozeille rouge qui vient semblable a celle de France n’est pas commune ; il y en a d’autres pareilles qui sont velués: il s’en void encore de blanches & de bleués, cette espece ne se trouve pas communement, toutes ces sortes de groseilles-la sont bonnes a manger.

Les Pommiers de ce pays-la rempent sur la terre, ils ne croissent que d’un demy pied, & [353] ont la feiiille semblable 4 du mirthe, le fruit en est gros comme des noisettes, il est d’un cété tout rouge, & de l’autre blanc: c’est le petit lapis, elles ne viennent qu’en l’Automne, & ne sont bien bonnes 4 manger qu’au Printemps & |’Esté, lors que la nege & I’ Hyver ont passé dessus.

I] se trouve une racine qui jette un petit brain d’herbe, semblable a la veillée ou lisette, qui s’entortille 4 ce qu’elle rencontre & ne monte pas si haut, la rencontrant si vous fouillés au pied vous trouvés la racine, qui a des grains gros comme des chataignes enfilées, semblables 4 des chapelets, les grains distans les uns des autres d’environ un demy pied ; il y a de ces racines [354] la qu’on levera des dix a douze pas tofijours garnies, |’une manquant vous en trouvez une autre: les Sauvages en sont friands, elles ont le goust de chataigne lors qu’elles sont boiiillies, & s’appellent des Chicamins.

582 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

[355] CHAPITRE XXIII

Concernant les meurs des Sauvages, leur police, > coutumes, leur maniere de vivre, leur inclination, celle de leurs enfans, de leurs mariages, leur mantere de bdtir, se vestir, haranguer, &F autres particularitez.

L me reste maintenant 4 faire voir les moeurs des Sauvages, leur compleétion, la maniere de vivre, les mariages, les enterrements, leur travail, les dances, leurs chasses, & comme ils se gouvernoient par le passé, [3 56] ainsi que je V'ay pa apprendre d’eux, & la maniere dont ils agissoient il y

a trente sept a trente huit ans que je fus en ce pais-la, ils avoient encore peu changé leurs cofitumes, mais ils se servoient déja de chaudiere, de hache, de cousteaux, & de fer pour leurs fleches, il y en avoit encore peu qui eussent des armes a feu.

Ils vivoient encore longtemps; j’ay veu des Sauvages de six a sept-vingts ans qui alloient encore a la chasse a |’ Orignac, les plus vieux qui approchoient de huit-vingt ans, selon leurs comptes n’y alloient plus, ils comptent par Lunes.

Avant que de parler de leur maniere d’agir d’apresent, il faut examin er le passé: lear nourri- [357] ture estoit de poisson & de viande rostye & boiiillie : pour faire rostir la viande ils la coupoient par roiielles, fendoient un baton, la mettoient dedans, puis piquoient le baston devant le feu, chacun y avoit les siens, lors qu'elle estoit cuite d’un costé & 4 mesure quelle cuisoit, ils Ja man- geoient mordant 4 mesme, & coupoient le morceau avec un os qu’ils aiguisoient sur des roches pour les faire couper, ce qui leur tenoit lieu de cousteaux de fer, & d’acier dont nous leur avons introduit l’usage depuis.

Ayant mangé tout ce qu’il y avoit de cuit ils remettoient la viande devant le feu, prenoient un autre baton & faisoient de mesme, avoient-ils mangé toute la viande d’un baston ils en [358] remettoient tofijours d’autres en continuant tout le jour.

Ils avoient une autre maniere de faire rostir avec une corde d’écorse d’arbres, attachée a une perche, qui traversoit le haut de leur cabanne, ou d’un arbre a Pautre, ou sur deux fourches piquées en terre |’on attachoit la viande au bout d’en bas de la corde, au travers de laquelle on mettoit un baton, avec lequel on luy faisoit tourner plusieurs tours, apres on le laissoit aller, ainsi la viande tournoit long-temps d’un costé, puis de |’autre devant le feu: ne tournoit-elle plus, on tournoit encore la corde avec le baston du milieu, on le laissoit encore aller ; le dessus de la viande estant cuit, ils mordoient le dessus, & coupoient le [359] morceau tout ras de la bouche, continuant tant que le tout fut mangé: ils en faisoient aussi rétir sur les charbons.

Pour le poisson, il le faisoient rostir avec des bastons fendus qui servoient de grille, ou bien sur les charbons, mais il falloit qu’il fut tout cuit avant que d’en manger ; tous les enfans faisoient leur rotisserie comme les autres, avec des bastons fendus & sur les charbons,

Toutes ces sortes de rosty n’estoient que |’entrée pour reveiller l’appety, il y avoit la chaudiere d’un autre costé qui boiiilloit: cette chaudiere estoit de bois, faite comme une grande auge ou timbre de pierre: pour la faire ils prenoient

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le pied d’un gros arbre qui étoit tombé, [360] ils ne le tranchoient point n’ayant pas d’outils propres pour cela; de les porter il n’y avoit pas de moyen; ils en avoient fait quasi en tous les endroits ow ils alloient.

Pour les faire ils se servoient de haches de pierre bien éguisées, amanchées au bout d’un baston fendu, bien liées, & avec ces haches ils coupoient un peu le dessus du bois de la longueur qu’ils vouloient la chaudiere ; cela fait ils mettoient du feu dessus faisoient briiler l’arbre ; estant brilé d’environ quatre doigts de profondeur, ils ostoient le feu, puis avec des pierres & des gros os pointus larges d’un pouce, ils creusoient de leur mieux en ostant tout le charbon, puis y remettoient du [361] feu, & ayant encore brilé, ils ostoient tout de dedans, & recommencoient d’en separer le charbon, faisant tofijours de mesme jusques a ce que leur chaudiere fust assez grande a leur fantaisie, mais plitost trop grande que trop petite.

La chaudiere estant faite, il s’en faut servir, 4 cet effet ils l’emplissoient d’eau, & mettoient dedans ce qu’ils vouloient faire cuire: pour la faire boiiillir, ils avoient de grosses roches qu’ils mettoient dedans le feu rougir, estans rouges ils les prenoient avec des morceaux de bois, les mettoient dans la chaudiere, elles faisoient boiiillir ?eau; & pendant que celles-la estoient dans la chau- diere, les autres rougissoient, puis ostoient celles [362] qui estoient dans la chaudiere, y en mettoient d’autres: continuant tofijours tant que la viande fut cuite.

Il y avoit tofijours force boiiillon qui estoit leur plus grand breuvage, ils beuvoient peu d’eau crué pour lors aussi bien qu’a present: leur plus grand travail c’estoit de bien manger & d’aller 4 la chasse, ils ne manquoient pas de bestes n’en tuant qu’a mesure qu’il en avoient besoin, & mangeoient souvent du poisson, sur tout du Loup marin pour avoir Vhuile, tant pour se graisser que pour boire, & de la balene qui s’échoué souvent 4 la coste, du lard de laquelle ils faisoient grande chere; leur plus grand ragoust est de la graisse, ils la man- gent comme [363] on fait le pain & la boivent fondué.

I y avoit pour lors bien plus grand nombre de Sauvages qu’a present: ils vivoient sans soucy, & ne mangeoient ny salé ny épissé, ils ne beuvoient que de bon boiiillon du plus gras; c’étoit ce qui les faisoit vivre longtemps & peuploient beaucoup: ils auroient bien plus peuplé, si ce n’estoit que les femmes si-tost qu’elles sont accouchées lavent leurs enfans quelque froid qu’il fasse, puis les emmaillotent dans des peaux de marte ou castors, sur une planche ou ils les lient, si c’est un garcon, ils luy passent la verge par un trou, par ou sort |’urine, & a une fille ils mettent une petite écorse en goutiere entre ses jambes qui porte Puri- [364] ne dehors; & sous leur derriere ils mettent du bois pourry sec, & reduit en poussiere pour recevoir les autres excrements, en sorte qu’ils ne les démaillottent que tous les vingt-quatre heures, mais comme ils leurs laissent 4 lair pendant la gelée la partie de leur corps la plus sensible, cette partie leur gele, ce qui en fait mourir beaucoup, principalement des garcons qui sont plus exposez a l’air par cet endroit-la que les filles: 4 cette planche est attachée une couroye en haut par les deux bouts, en sorte qu’en la mettant sur leur front la planche leur prend derriere les épaules, & de cette maniere la mere n’en a point les bras embarassez, & ne les empesche ny de travailler n’y d’al- [365] ler dans Jes bois, sans que l’enfant puisse estre offencé des branches aux passages: ils ont trois ou quatre femmes & quelques-fois plus; s’il s’en trouvoit quelques-unes sterilles, ils la peuvent repudier si bon leur semble, & en prendre une autre, &

584 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

ainsi ils peuvent avoir force enfans, mais si une femme demeuroit grosse, pendant qu’elle nourrit un enfant elle se fait avorter ; ce qui les ruinent encore, elles ont une certaine drogue dont elles se servent pour cela qu’elles tiennent secrettes entr’elles ; la raison pourquoy elles se font avorter, c’est disent-elles parce qu’elles ne peuvent pas nourrir deux enfans ensemble, d’autant qu’il faut que l’enfant quitte la mamelle de luy- [366] mesme, & tette des deux ou trois ans; ce n’est pas qu’elles ne leurs donnent 4 manger de ce qu’elles ont, & qu’en machant un morceau elles ne leurs mettent en la bouche, & l’enfant l’avale.

Leurs enfans ne sont point opiniatres en ce qu’elles leurs donnent tout ce qu’ils demandent, sans les laisser jamais crier apres ce qu’ils souhaitent, les plus grands cedent aux petits, le pere & la mere s’ostent le morceau de la bouche si en enfant le demande; ils ayment beaucoup leurs enfans, ils n’apprehendent jamais d’en avoir trop, car ce sont leurs richesses ; les garcons soulagent le pere allant a la chasse & nourrissent la famille ; les filles travaillent, [367] soulagent la mere, vont au bois, a eau, & vont chercher la beste dans les bois; aprés qu'elle est tuée, ils la portent 4 la cabanne, il y a toGjours quelque vieille femme avec les filles pour les conduire & leur apprendre les chemins, car souuvent ces bestes qu’il faut aller chercher sont tuées a cing ou six lieués de la cabanne, & il n’y a point de chemins battus.

L’ Homme dira seulement la distance du chemin, les bois qu’il faut passer ; les montagnes, rivieres, ruisseaux, & prairies, s'il y en a sur le chemin, & specifiera Pendroit ot sera la beste, & ou il aura rompu trois ou quatre branches d’arbres pour la remarquer, cela leur suffit pour la trouver, en sorte qu’elles ne la [368] Manquent jamais & |’apportent: quelques-fois elles couchent ot est la beste, elles font grillades reviennent le lendemain.

Quand ils ont demeuré quelque temps en un endroit, qu’ils ont battu tout le tour de leur cabanne, ils vont cabanner 4 quinze ou vingt lieués de la; pour lors ils faut que les femmes & les filles emportent la cabanne, leurs plats & leurs sacs, les peaux, les robes, & tout ce qu’ils peuvent avoir, car les hommes & les garcons ne portent rien, ce qu ils pratiquent encore a present.

Estant arrivez au lieu ow ils veulent demeurer, il faut qu’elles bastissent la cabanne, chacune fait ce qu’elle doit faire; ’une va chercher des perches [369] dans le bois, l’autre va rompre des branches de sapin, les petites filles les apportent, la maitresse femme, qui est celle qui a eu le premier garcon com- mande & ne va rien querir dans le bois, on luy apporte tout, elle accommode les perches pour faire la cabanne, arrange le sapin pour faire la place sur laquelle chacun se met, c’est leur tapis de pied, & la plume de leur lit; si la famille est grande elles la font longue pour faire deux feux, sinon elles la font ronde, toutes semblables aux tentes de guerre, si ce n’est qu’au lieu de toilles sont des écorses de bouleau, qui sont si bien accommodées qu’il ne pleut point dans leurs cabannes: la ronde tient dix 4 douze personnes, la lon- [370] gueur le double, les feux se font dans le milieu de la ronde, & aux deux bouts de la longue.

Pour avoir de ces écorces, elles choisissent tous les plus gros bouleaux qu’elles peuvent trouver de la grosseur d’un muid, elles couppent |’écorce tout autour de I’arbre, le plus haut qu’elles peuvent avec leurs haches de pierre, puis la coupent en bas aussi tout autour: apres cela la fendent du haut en bas, & avec leurs cousteaux d’os la levent tout autour de I’arbre, qui doit estre en seve pour la bien lever: lors qu’elles en ont suffisamment elles les cousent bout a bout, quatre a quatre, ou cing 4 cinq: leur fil est fait de racine de sapin qu’elles fendent en

DE LVAMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONALE 585

trois de mesme que |’o- [371] zier dont on lie les cerceaux des bariques, elles le font aussi fin qu’elles veulent.

Leurs aiguilles sont des os qu’elles rendent aigus comme des alaines 4 force de les aiguiser, elles percent leurs écorces, y passent cette racine de trous en trous, de la largeur des écorces: cela étant fait elles les roulent le plus serré qu’elles peuvent, pour estre plus faciles 4 porter, quand elles les ostent de dessus leur cabanne pour les porter en un autre endroit, bien qu’elles soient sechées par le feu que l’on y a fait, elles les chauffent encore pour les rendrent plus souples ; 4 mesure qu’elles chauffent on les roule autrement elles romperoient pour estre trop seches.

[372] A present elles font encore de mesme, mais elles ont de bonnes haches, des cousteaux plus commodes 4 leur travail, des chaudieres faciles 4 porter, qui est une grande commodité pour elles n’estant plus sujettes d’aller aux lieux ot estoient les chaudieres de bois, dont on n’en void plus 4 present, en ayant entierement perdu l’usage.

Pour leur mariage, anciennement un garcon qui vouloit avoir une fille, estoit obligé de servir le pere plusieurs années selon la convention: son service estoit d’aller 4 la chasse, faire voir qu’il estoit bon chasseur, capable de bien nourrir sa femme & sa famille; faisant des arcs, des fleches, le bois des raquestes, mesme un canot, cela est le tra- [373] vail des hommes: tout ce qu’il faisoit pendant son temps estoit pour le pere de la fille, mais il ne laissoit pas d’en avoir luy-mesme l’usage en cas de besoin.

Sa Maistresse cordoit les raquestes, faisoit ses robbes, ses souliers & ses bas pour marque qu’elle estoit habille au travail; le pere, la mere, la fille, & le serviteur, tout couchoit en une mesme cabanne, la fille proche la mere, le serviteur de l’autre costé, & tofijours le feu entredeux, les autres femmes & enfans y couchoient aussi. I] n’y arrivoit jamais de desordre, les filles estoient fort sages pour lors, tofijours couvertes d’une peau d’orignac bien passée qui descendoit plus bas que les genoiiils ; elles faisoient des bas [374] & des souliers de mesme peau pour |’Esté: |’Hyver elles faisoient des robes de castor; & la pudeur des filles estoit telle en ce temps-la, qu’elles eussent plitost retenu leur eau vingt-quatre heures que de se laisser voir en cette action par un garcon.

Le terme estant finy il faloit parler du mariage: les parens du garcon venoient trouver ceux de la fille, leur demandoient s’ils l’auroient agreable: si le pere de la fille en estoit d’accord, il falloit scavoir des deux parties s’ils en estoient contens, & si l’un des deux ne vouloient le mariage il n’y avoit rien de fait, on ne les contraignoit point, que si tout estoit d’accord on prenoit jour pour faire le festin, pendant [375] quoy le garcon alloit a la chasse, faisoit tout son possible pour traiter toute l’assemblée, tant de rosty que de boiiilly & d’avoir force boiiillon bien gras principale-ment.

Le jour estant venu tous les parens & conviez assemblez, & tout estant prest, les hommes & grands garcons entroient tous dans la cabanne, les vieillards au haut bout proches des pere & mere; le haut bout c’est la gauche en entrant dans la cabane faisant le tour allant 4 Ja droite: il n’y entroit point d’autre femme que la mere du garcon; chacun ayant pris son rang, tous assis sur le cul comme des singes, car c’est leur posture, le marié apportoit la viande dans un grand plat d’écorce, la [376] partageoit & la mettoit en autant de plats qu’ils y avoit de personnes, tant qu’ils en peuvent tenir, il y avoit dans chaque plat de la viande pour douze personnes, il d6noit 4 chacun son plat, & on se mettoit 4 manger, le

586 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

marié estoit 14 qui avoit un grand plat de boiiillon, dont il donnoit a boire tout son saoul au premier, lequel estant suffisamment desalteré bailloit le plat 4 son voisin qui faisoit de mesme, estant vuide on le remplissoit, puis ayant bien beu & mangé ils faisoient une pose, le plus ancien faisoit une harangue 4 la loiiange du marié, & faisoit le recit de sa genealogie ou il se trouvoit tofijours décendre de quelgue grand Capitaine de dix ou douze races, exageroit tout [37 7| ce quils avoient fait de beau, tant en guerre qu’a la chasse, l’esprit qu’ils avoient, les bons conseils qu’ils avoient donné, & tout ce qu’ils avoient fait en leur vie de considerable, il commencoit par le plus ancien en décendant de race en race & venoit finir au pere du marié, puis exhortoit le marié 4 ne point degenerer de la valeur de ses ancestres: ayant achevé sa harangue, toute la compagnie faisoit deux ou trois cris, disant haw, hau, hau ; apres quoy le marié les remercioit, pro mettant autant & plus que ses ancestres, & l’assemblée faisoit encore le mesme cry: ensuite la marié se metoit 4 dancer, chantoit des chansons de guerre qu il composoit sur le champ, qui exhal- [378] toit son courage & sa valeur, le nombre des bestes qu’il avoit tuées, & de tout ce qu'il pretendoit faire: en dansant il prenoit en ses mains un arc, des fleches, un grand baston ow est amanché un os d’un Orignac, bien pointu dequoy ils tuent les bétes ’ Hyver, lors qu’il y a beaucoup de neges: ces choses-la les unes apres les autres, chacun ayant sa chanson, pendant laquelle il se mettoit en furie, & sembloit qu’il vouloit tout tuer: ayant finy, toute l’assemblée recommengoit leur Aau, hau, hau, qui signifie joye & contentement.

Apres cela ils recommencent a manger & boire tant qu ils soient saouls, puis ils appellent leurs femmes & enfans qui ne [379] sont pas loin, ils viennent & chacun leur donne son plat dont elles vont manger 4 leur tour.

Que s’il y avoit quelques femmes ou filles qui eust ses mois, il faut qu’elle se retire 4 part, les autres leur donnent 4 chacune leur part, en ce temps-la ils ne mangent jamais que toutes seules, elles ne font rien, & n’osent toucher aucunes choses, principalement du manger, il faut qu’elles soient totijours a |’écart.

Ils ont ainsi fait passer en cotitume le recit de leurs genealogies, tant dans les harangues qu’ils font aux mariages qu’aux funerailles, afin d’entretenir la memoire & conserver par tradition de pere en fils l’histoire de leurs encestres, & exemple de [380] leurs belles actions & de leurs plus considerable qualitez, ce qui autrement leur pourroit échaper, & leur osteroit la connoissance de leurs parentez qu’ils conservent par ce moyen-la & leur sert 4 transmettre leurs alliances 4 la posterité, de quoy ils sont tres curieux, principalement ceux qui vienént d’anciens Capitaines ce qu ils rapportent quelquefois de plus de vingt races, & ce qui les fait plus estimer de tous les autres.

Ils observent certains degrez de parenté entre eux qui les empeschent de se marier ensemble; il ne se fait jamais de frere 4 sceur, de nepveu a niepce, de cousins 4 cousine, c’est 4 dire au second degré, car au dessous ils le peuvent, si une jeune mariée [381] n’a point d’enfans de son mary au bout de deux ou trois ans, il la peut repudier, & la chasser pour en prendre une autre: il n’est tenu au service comme 4 la premiere, il fait seulement des presens de robes, de peaux, ou de porcelenes, je diray en son lieu ce que c’est que porcelene, il est obligé de faire un festin au pere de la fille, mais non pas si solemnel que la premiere fois ; si elle devient grosse on fait grand festin a ses parens, sinon il la chasse comme la premiere, & se marie a un autre, & sa femme estant grosse il ne la voit plus, & pour cela ils prennent des femmes tant qu’ils veullent, moyennant qu’ils soient

DE LPAMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONALE 587

bon chasseurs, & point paresseux, autrement les filles ne le prendront pas, on [382] voit des Sauvages qui ont des deux ou trois femmes grosses tout 4 la fois, & c’est toute leur joye que d’avoir grand nombre d’enfans.

En toutes ces réjouissances de nopces & de festins, ils se parent de leur plus beaux habits; l’Esté les hommes avoient des robes de peau d’Orignac bien passées, blanches, passementées de passement large de deux doigts du haut en bas, tant plein que vuide, d’autres ont trois rangs par le bas, les uns en long, & les autres en travers, d’autres en chevrons rompus, ou parsemées de figures d’animaux selon la fantaisie de |’ ouvriere.

Elles faisoient toutes ces facons-la, de couleur rouge, violette & bleué, appliquées sur la [383] peau avec dela colle de poisson; ils avoient des os faconnez de plusieurs sortes qu’ils passoient tous chauds sur les couleurs de la maniere a peu prés dont on dore les couvertures des livres: quant ces couleurs sont une fois appliquées elles ne s’en vont point 4 l’eau.

Pour passer leurs peaux on les moiiille & on les étend au Soleil les faisant bien chauffer du costé du cuir pour aracher le poil, puis les tendent & arachent le poil avec des os faits exprés, comme ceux qui preparent une peau a mettre en parchemin, & ensuite ils la frotent de foix d’oyseau, & de quelque peu d’huisle, puis l’ayant bien frotée entre leurs mains la passent sur un bois poly fait en dos [384] d’asne, ainsi que l’on fait pour passer les peaux a faire des gans sur un fer, la frotent tant qu’elle soit souple, & bien maniable ensuite la lavent & la tordent avec des bois plusieurs fois, tant qu’elles rendent l’eau blanche puis ’estendent pour la faire secher. |

Pour les peaux passées avec le poil, ils ne se servent que de foixdont ils les frotent bien avec la main, & les passent encores sur leurs bois pour les bien corroyer, s ils elles ne sont assez molettes ils y mettent encores du foix & recommencent a les froter tant qu’elles soient maniables puis les font secher, toutes ces robes-la sont faites comme une couverture soit pour hommes ou pour femmes.

[385] Les hommes les mettent sur leurs épaulles lient les deux bouts avec des cordons de cuir dessous le menton, tout le reste n’est point fermé; ils montrent tout leur corps, 4 la reserve de leurs parties qui sont cachées par le moyen d’une peau bien souple & fort mince, laquelle passe entre leurs jambes & est attachée par les deux bouts, 4 une ceinture de cuir qu’ils ont autour deux, & s’appelle un brayer.

Les femmes mettent cette robe en facon de Bohemiennes, |’ouverture est au costé, elles l’attachent avec des cordons en deux endroits, distans l’un de autre, en sorte que leur teste puisse passer dans le milieu & les bras aux deux costez, puis doublent les deux bouts l’un [328] sur l’autre, & par dessus elles mettent une ceinture qu’elles lient bien serrée, en sorte qu’elle ne puisse se deffaire par ce moyen elles sont toutes cachées, elles ont des manches de peaux qui sont attachées l’une a [autre par derriere, elles ont aussi des chausses de peau en étrier qui n’ont point de pied les hommes les portent de mesme.

Elles font aussi des souliers de leurs vieilles robes d’Orignac, qui sont engraisées & meilleures que des neuves, leurs souliers sont arrondis pardevant, & la semelle redouble sur le bout du pied qui est froncée aussi menu qu’une chemise, cela est fait fort proprement, les filles en font pour elles enjolivez de couleurs & les coustures garnies de [387] poil de Porc-épy qu’elles teignent en rouge & violet.

588 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

Elles ont de fort belles teintures, sur tout leur couleur de feu qui passe tout ce que nous voyons icy en ce genre-la, ce qui ce fait avec une petite racine grosse comme du fil; pour la feiiille elles ne la veulent point faire voir, cela est rare entre elles, c’estoit-la 4 peu prés leurs habits d’Esté; pendant |’Hyver leurs robes sont de Castor, de Loutre, de Marte, de Loups serviers, ou d’Ecureiiils, toijours martachées c’est a dire peintes.

Mesmes leur visage lors qu’ils vont en ceremonie avec leurs beaux habits sont peint de rouge ou de violet, ou bien ils se [388] font des rayes longues & courtes & de couleur selon leur fantaisie, sur le nez, & sur les yeux, le long des joués, & se graissent les cheveux d’huiles pour les rendre luisans, qui sont les plus beaux entre eux, ils semblent 4 des mascarades, ce sont leurs parades aux jours de rejotiissances.

[389] CHAPITRE XXVI

De leur Coiffure, de leurs ornemens, & de leurs braveries. Du regime qu ils observent pendant leurs maladies, de leurs divertissemens 5 conversations. Du travail des hommes &§ des femmes, &5 de leurs plus ordinaires

occupations.

OUR distinguer les hommes & les femmes d’avec les garcons & les filles par les ornemens, les premiers ont les cheveux coupez au dessous des oreilles, les garcons les portent [390] tous longs, les lient en moustaches des deux costez avec des cordons de cuir; les curieux

les ont garnis de poil de Porc-épic de couleurs, les filles les ont aussi tout longs, mais les lient par derriere de mesme cordons, mais les galantes qui veulent paroistre jolies & qui scavent bien travailler, se font des garnitures de la largeur d’un pied ou huit pouces en quarré toute brodée de poil de Porc-épic de toutes couleurs fait sur le mestier, dont la chaine est de filets de cuir d’Orignaux mornez qui est fort delicat, le poil de Porc-épic est la trame, qu’elles passent au travers de ces filets ainsi que |’on fait la tapisserie, ce qui est bien travaillé ; tout autour ils font une frange des mes- [391] mes fillets qui sont entourés aussi de ce poil de Porc-épic mélez de couleurs ; en cette frange elles mettent de la porcelene blanche & violette, elles s’en font aussi des pendans d’oreilles, qu’elles ont percez en deux ou trois endroits.

Cette porcelene n’est autre chose que des dents d’un certain poisson qui se pesche par les Sauvages de la nouvelle Angleterre, qui leur estoit bien rare, & en ce temps-la valoit beaucoup entre eux, ce qui est commun 4a present, chaque grain est long de la moitié d’un travers de doigt, c’est tout leur enjolivement en toute sorte de travail ou il falloit coudre 4 l’éguille, qui estoit cette alaine dont jay déja parlé ou un poingon d’os [392] bien pointu pour faire un petit trou, & y passoient leur fil, qui est fait d’un nerf d’Orignac qui se trouve au long de l’épine du dos, quand il est bien battu il se leve par filets aussi fin que l’on veut, c’est avec cela qu’elles cousent toutes leurs robes, qui ne se decousent jamais: voila l’enjolivement des filles, si-tost qu’elles sont mariées, la mere les livrant a leur mary luy coupe les cheveux, qui est la marque du mariage, pareillement au marié.

DE L’AMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONALE 589

La Loy qu’ils observoient anciennement estoit celle de ne faire 4 autruy que ce quwils souhaitoient leur estre fait; ils n’avoient aucun culte: tous vivoient en bonne amitié & intelligence, : ils ne se refusoient rien les uns [393] aux autres, si une cabanne ou famille n’avoit pas de vivres sufisamment ses voisins luy en donnoient, quoy qu ils n’eussent que ce qui leur faloit, & de toutes autres choses de mesme, ils vivoient dans la pureté, les femmes estoient fidelles 4 leurs maris, & les filles fort chastes, point sujettes 4 maladies; ne connoissoient point de fiévre, s'il leur arrivoit quelque accident, par chitte, par brélures, ou en coupant du bois, manque de bonne haches, qui vacilloient faute de bien couper, il ne leur faloit point de Chirurgien, ils connoissoient des herbes, dont ils se servoient & se guerissoient fort bien, ils n’estoient point sujets 4 la goute, gravelle, fiévres ny rumatismes, leur reme- [394] de general estoit de se faire suer, ce qu’ils prati- quoient tous les mois & mesme plus souvent, je dis pour les hommes; car je n’ay point eu connoissance que les femmes se fissent suer, pour cet effet ils faisoient une petite cabanne en rond pour tenir au nombre de quatre, cinq, six, sept, ou huit au plus, elles estoient couvertes d’écorsse de haut en bas, bien bouchées a la reserve d’une petite ouverture pour entrer, le tout se recouvroit encore de leurs robes, & pédant que cela se faisoit l’on avoit de grosses roches que l’on metoit dans le feu, & que |’on faisoit bien rougir, aprés quoy ceux qui vouloient suer, se mettoient tous nuds dans la cabane assis sur le cul tous en rond, estant la [395] leur femme ou des garcons leur donnoient de ces roches toutes rouges, avec un grand plat tout plain d’eau, & un autre petit pour verser de l’eau sur les roches qui étoient au milieu d’eux; cette eau que |’on versoit sur ces roches fatsoit une fumée qui remplissoit la cabanne & |’échauffoit si bien que cela les faisoit suer; lors quils commencoient 4 suer ils ne jettoient plus d’eau que de temps en temps, les roches estant froides ils les mettoient dehors, on leur en donnoit d’ autres toutes rouges : ils ne se pressoient pas de suer, s’échauf- foient petit 4 petit, & si bien que |’eau leur couloit de toutes parts laquelle ils abatoient de temps en temps avec la main, ils y demeuroient | 396] tant qu’ils pouvoient, & s’y tenoient une heure & demie & deux heures. Pendant ce temps-la, ils chantoient des chansons, faisoient des contes pour se faire rire: vouloient-ils sortir, ils abatoient l’eau tant qu’ils pouvoient du haut en bas, & puis prenant leur course ils s’en alloient se jetter dans la mer ou riviere, estant rafraichis ils mettoient leurs robes sur eux, & puis s’en alloient en leur cabane aussi posez qu’auparavant. Nos Francois se font suer comme eux, & ils se jettent 4 eau de mesme & n’en sont point incommodez ; |’eau de ces pais-la n’incommode point la santé: l’Hyver que nos gens vont 4 la chasse, quelque- fois ils n "ont point de chiens & tuent du gi- [397] bier, ceux qui scavent nager se mettét 4 l’eau pour l’aller querir & s’en reviennent au logis pour changer d’habits & n’en recoivent aucune incommodité, & n’en sont jamais enrhumez.

S’ils estoient malades a4 mourir de vieillesse, ou quelqu’autre accident d’ arbres, ou autre chose qui tomboit sur eux & ov il ne paroissoit rien, il y avoit des vieillards qui disoient parler au manitou, c’est a dire au diable, qui les venoient soufler, ces gens-la leur mettoient force scrupules en esprit, dont jay parlé de plusieurs cy-devant, c’étoient des gens qui auoient quelque subtilité plus que les autres, qui leur faisoient croire tout ce qu’ ils vouloient & passoient pour leurs Medecins. Ces gens- [398] 1a venoient voir le malade, luy demandoient ou estoit son mal, aprés s’estre bien enquis de tout il promettoient guerison en le souflant, & pour cela ils se mettoient 4 danser parlant 4 leur manitou, ils

590 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

dansoient avec telle furie qu’ils écumoient gros comme les poings des deux costez de la bouche, pendant ce temps la ils alloient de fois 4 autres trouver le malade, & V’endroit ou il avoit témoigné sentir le plus de douleur ils posoient la bouche dessus & y soufiloient de toute leur force quelque temps, & puis com- mencoient a danser, en suite dequoy ils retournoiétau malade faire tout de mesme qu’auparavant, puis ils disoient que c’estoit le manitow qui le tenoit la qu'il avoit passé en quelques endrois [399] ou il n’avoit pas satisfait 4 ’hommage accous- tumé ou quelque autres folies semblables, & qu’avec le temps ilsesperoient le faire sortir, cela duroit quelquesfois des sept 4 huit jours, & a la fin ils faisoiét semblant de luy arracher quelque chosedu corps par subtilité qu’ils montroient, en disant le voila, le voila, il est sorty, maintenant il est guery, & en effet souvent il s’en guerissoit par imagination, & s’ils n’en guerisoient ails trouvoient quelque autre excuse, A scavoir qu'il y avoit plusieurs manitous qu’ils n’avoient pas voulu sortir, & qu’ils les avoient trop meprisez; ils faisoient toijours leur cause bonne, on ne laissoit pas de leur donner quelque chose; non pas tant que s'il eust esté entiere- [400] ment guery, ces Medecins-la estoient vieillards paresseux qui ne vouloient plus aller 4 la chasse, & qui avoient d’eux tout ce qui leur faloit, s'il y avoit quelques belles robes ou autre chose de rare en une cabane, c’étoit pour Monsieur le Medecin, quand on tuoit des bestes on luy envoyoit tous les meilleurs morceaux, quand ils avoient query trois ou quatre per- sonnes ils ne manquoient plus de rien ce qui ne leur estoit pas mal aisé de faire, en ce que la plus grande maladie des Sauvages, ne venoit que de fantaisie; leur ostant cela de l’esprit tout aussi-tost ils estoient gueris.

Les Sauvages aimoient fort ces tours de souplesses & a entendre des contes, il y avoit de [401] ces vieillards qui en composoient comme on faisoit aux nee du téps des Fées, ou de peau d’asne, ou autres semblables, mais eux les composoient sur les Orignaux, sur les Renards & autres animaux, leurs disoient qwils en avoient veu d’assez puissants pour avoir apris a travailler aux autres, comme sont les Castors, & oiiy d’autres qui parloient: ils faisoient des contes qui étoient agreables & d’esprit, quand ils en disoient quelqu’un c’estoit toGijours par ouy dire de leur grand pere, ce qui faisoit paroistre qu’ils avoient eu con- noissance du Deluge, & des choses de l’ancienne Loy. Loors qu’ils faisoient des festins de réjotissance, apres estre bien repeus, il y en avoit toaijours quelqu’un [402] qui en faisoit un si long qu’il en avoit pour toute la journée & soirée avec les intervalles de rire, ils estoient grands rieurs, si un faisoit un conte, tous l’écofitoient avec un grand silence, s’ils se mettoient 4 rire s’estoit un ris general ; pendant ce temps-la ils ne laisoient pas de petuner, ils avoient un certain tabac verd, dont la feiille n’étoit pas plus longue que le doigt ny plus large, ils le faisoient secher & le mettoient en pain, fait en galette, épaisse de quatre doigts, la fumée n’estoit pas forte, le tabac bon & fort doux: ces faiseurs de contes qui paroissoient plus subtils que les autres, quoy que leur subtilitez ne fussent que des badineries, ne laissoient pas d’abuser ceux qui prenoient [403] plaisir a les écoiter.

Pour le travail des hommes, il consistoit 4 faire leurs arcs qui estoient d’Erable tout de brin; pour le faconner ils se servoient de leurs haches & cousteaux ; pour le polir ils se servoient de coquilles d’huistres ou autres coquilles qu’ils polissoient comme peut faire le verre; leurs fleches sont de cedres, qui se fend droit, & qui avoiét pres de demie brasse de longueur: ils les emplumoient de queués d’ Aigles; au lieu de fer ils y mettoient des os: leur

DE L’AMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONALE 591

bois de raquette estoient de haistre de la grosseur de celles a joiier 4 la paulme, plus longues & plus larges, & de la méme forme sans manche, leur hauteur estoit d’ordinaire 4 un chacun de la ceinture en bas, ils y [404] mettoient deux bois qui traversoient, distant lun de l’autre de la longueur du pied, elles étoient cordées de peau d’Orignac, passée en parchemin, que l’on coupoit par éguil- lettes fort longues grosses & menués; la grosse se mettoit dans le milieu de la raquette ot l’ou met le pied entre ces deux bastons, & la plus menué aux deux bouts ; tout joignant le baston de devant, on laissoit une ouverture au milieu de cette raquette pour y passer le bout du pied en cheminant, afin que la raquette ne leve point du derriere, & qu’elle ne fasse que traisner, c’estoient d’ordinaire les femmes qui les cordoient.

Leurs batons 4 darder, étoient aussi de hestre, au bout desquels [405] ils emmanchoient un grand os pointu, ils s’en servoient pour darder les bestes lors qu’il y avoit beaucoup de neges.

Pour faire leurs canots ils cherchoient les plus gros bouleaux qu’ils pouvoient trouver, ils levoient l’écorce de la longueur du canot qui estoit de trois a quatre brasses & demie, la largeur d’environ deux pieds par le milieu, & tofijours en diminuant aux deux bouts venant 4 rien; la profondeur estoit d’un homme assis A venir jusques aux aisselles; la garniture du dedans pour le renforcer estoit des lattes de la longueur du canot, larges de quatre doigts en appetissant lar les bouts, afin qu’elles se puissent joindre; le dedans du canot en estoit garny [ 406| par tout, & tout autour d’un bout 4 l’autre; ces lattes estoient faites de cedre qui est leger, & qu’ils fendoient aussi long quwils vouloient & aussi mince qu’ils leurs plaisoit ; ils faisoient encore du mesme bois, des demy cercles pour servir de membres, & leurs donnoient la forme au feu.

Pour coudre le canot ils prenoient des racines de sapin de la grosseur du petit doigt & plus petites encore, elles estoient fort longues, ils fendoient ces racines en trois ou quatre les plus grosses, ce qui se fend plus facilement que Pozier a faire des paniers; ils faisoient des paquets de cela que |’on mettoit dans |’eau de peur qu’ils ne se chassent, il falloit encore deux [407] bastons de la longueur du canot, tout rond, & de la grosseur d’une grosse canne, & quatre autres bastons de haistre plus courts: tout cela estant prés ils prenoient leurs écorces, la plioient & dressoient en la forme que doit estre le canot, puis met- toient ces deux grandes perches tout autour, cousués sur le bord en dedans avec ces racines.

Pour coudre ils percoient |’écorce avec un poincon d’os pointu & passoient dans le trou un bout de l’ozier, le tiroient & serroient le baston contre |’écorce tant qu’ils pouvoient totijours en tournant le baston de l’ozier, en sorte qu’ils se touchoient |’un |’autre; les bastons estant bien cousus, tout autour, [480| ils en mettoient aussi de petits de haistre de travers, l'un dans le milieu qui entroit des deux bouts, en des trous qui étoient aux bastons dont le canot estoit bordé, & trois autres en avant, distantes de demie brasse les unes des autres, qui alloient en diminuant comme la forme du canot, & trois autres aussi qui se mettoient en arriere en mesme distance ; tous ces bastons entrent aussi par des bouts dans des trous qui estoient faits en ces bastons qui sont cousus tout autour du canot, auquel ils estoient si bien attachez des deux costez que le canot ne se pouvoit élargir ny étressir.

En suite on mettoit ces grandes lattes, dont on garnissoit tout le dedans du haut en bas, [409] qui se touchoient toutes: pour les tenir ils mettotent par-

592 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

dessus ces demy-cerceaux, dont les bouts venoient joindre d’un coté & de autre; au dessous de ces bastons qui estoient cousus tout autour par le haut, qu’ils y faisoient entrer de force & en garnissoient tout le canot d’un bout a autre, ce qui rendoit le canot ferme, en sorte qu’il ne plioit point par aucun endroit.

Il y avoit des cofitures, car pour |’étressir des deux bouts ils fendoient Pécorce du haut en bas, ils doubloient les deux bouts l’un sur l’autre qu’ils cotisoient, mais pour empescher que les coiitures ne prissent |’eau, les femmes & les filles maschoient de la gomme de sapin tous les jours tant qu’elles devint en [410] onguent, qu’ils appliquoient avec du feu tout le long des cofaitures, ce qui estanchoit mieux que du bray; tout cela estant fait le canot estoit achevé, qui estoit si leger qu’un homme seul le pouvoit porter sur sa teste.

Les avirons étoient de haistre, la palle de la logueur du bras, large d’un demy pied ou environ, & le manche un peu plus long que la palle le tout d’une piece, trois, quatre & cinq personnes, tant hommes que femmes ramoient emsemble, cela alloit extremement viste, ils alloient aussi 2 la voile, qui étoit autrefois d’écorce, mais le plus souvent d’une peau d’un jeune orignac bien passée; s’ils avoient le vent favorable, ils alloient aussi viste [411] que le jet d’une pierre, & un canot portoit jusques 4 huit ou dix personnes.

Le travail des femmes estoit d’aller chercher la beste apres qu’elle estoit tuée, l’écorcher, la couper par morceaux pour la faire cuire: pour cet effet elles faisoient rougir les roches, les mettoient & ostoient de Ja chaudiere, amassoient tous les os des orignaux, les piloient avec des pierres sur une autre bien large, les reduisoient en poudre, puis les mettoient en leur chaudiere & les faisoient bien boiillir, ce qui rendoit une graisse qui venoit sur l’eau, qu’ils amassoient avec une cuillier de bois, & les faisoient tant boiillir qu’a la fin les os ne rendoient plus rien, en sorte que des os d’un orignac, [412]| sans compter la moiielle, ils en tiroient cing 4 six livres de graisse blanche comme nege, ferme comme de la cire; c’étoit dequoy ils faisoient toute leur provision pour vivre allant a la chasse ; nous |’appellons du beurre d’Orignac, & eux du Cacamo.

Elles faisoient leurs plats d’écorces grands & petits, les cousoient avec ces racines de sapin, si bien qu’ils tenoient l’eau, elles en garnissoient quelqu’uns de poil de Porc-épic, faisoient des sacs de jonc¢ aplaty, qu’elles tressoient les uns dans les autres, alloiét aux bois chercher du bois sec, qui ne fume point pour se chauffer & briler a la cabane ; tout autre sorte de bois étoit b6 pour la chaudiere, attédu qu’elle étoit tofijours hors de la cabane, [413] elles alloient chercher de eau, passoient les peaux, faisoient les robes, les manches, les bas, & les souliers, cordoient les raquettes, faisoient & defaisoient les cabannes, alloient chercher le sapin dont elles garnissoient tout le dedans de la cabanne de |’épaisseur de quatre doigts, 4 la reserve du milieu ou se faisoit le feu, qui n’estoit point garny, elles l’arrangeoient si bien qu’on l’auroit levé tout d’une piece, ce qui leur servoit aussi de paillasse & de matelats a se coucher.

La plume estoit une peau d’ours ou d’un jeune Orignac, dont le poil est fort long & épais: lors qu’ils se couchoient ils defaisoient leurs robbes qui leurs servoient de couvertures, ils avoient tous les pieds au feu, [414] qui ne mouroit point, l’entretenant tofijours & y mettant du bois dont la provision estoit a la porte.

Si on changeoit de lieu pour aller cabanner en un autre endroit les femmes portoient tout: leurs filles grandes & petites portoient aussi selon leurs forces, on

DE L7AMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONALE 593

les accotitumoit pour cela de jeune age au travail, & 4 tout ce qu'il y avoit 4 faire, mesme 4 macher de la gomme de sapin, aussi n’avoient-elles jamais mal aux dents, qu’elles avoient bien arrangées & blanches comme de la nage: si les Dames de France se servoient de cette gomme, je ne doute point qu’elles n’en tirassent les mesmes avantages : car il est bon de remarquer icy que les hom- [41 5 | mes qui vivoient d’un mesme regime n’avoient pas neantmoins les dents si belles que les femmes qui estoient obligées de macher la gomme de sapin pour calfetter leurs canots.

Le travail des hommes estoit de faire leurs bois de raquettes, les plier, les polir, mettre les deux bois de travers, les rendre tout prest 4 estre cordées, ils faisoient leurs arcs, leurs fleches, les bois pour emmancher leurs grands os dont ils tuoient les orignaux, les castors, & tout ce qu’ils dardoient: ils faisoient encore les planches surquoy les femmes mettoient leurs enfans, & toutes autres sortes d’ouvrages de bois.

Ils faisoient aussi leurs pipes 4 prendre du tabac, ils en faisoient [416] de bois, d’un pouce du hommart qui est proprement l’écrevisse de mer, ils en faisoient aussi d’une certaine pierre verte, & d’un autre qui est rouge, avec le tuyau, le tout d’une piece.

Pour creuser & percer le tuyau ils se servoient de leurs os dont la pointe estoit un peu platte & tranchante, & a force de tourner & virer ils creusoient la pierre & percoient le tuyau, de mesme & a force de temps en venoient 4 bout, tout leur travail n’étoit jamais bien pressé, & ce qu’ils en faisoient estoit seulement pour leur divertissement.

Pour leurs autres sortes de pipes elles étoient de deux pieces, les tuyaux estoient faits d’un certain bois que nos matelots [417] nomment du bois de Calumet, ils en faisoient des tuyaux d’un pied & d’un pied & demy de longueur ; pour les percer ils faisoient un cerne 4 un pouce prés du bout dont ils ostoient le bois tout autour jusques au milieu, qu’ils laissoient gros comme la mesche d’une chandelle qui semble de la moisle, quoy qu’il n’y en ait point ou si peu qu'elle ne paroist quasi pas; ils prenoient cette méche avec les dents qu’ils tenoient ferme, & tout le reste du baston avec les mains qu’ils tournoient petit a petit & fort doucement; & cette méche se tordoit si bien qu’elle se détachoit du dedans du baston, estant deprise d’un bout a l’autre de sa grosseur; on la tiroit tout doucement en tournant toiijours le [418] baston, qui de cette maniere se trouvoit percé; ensuite ils le polissoient & le rendoient de la grosseur qu’il le falloit pour entrer dans le trou de la pipe, qui estoit quelquefois de bois dur, quelquefois d’os d’orignac, du pouce de homart, ou d’écrevisse de mer, & de toutes autres choses selon la fantaisie qui leur prenoit d’en faire.

594 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

[419] CHAPITRE XXV

La chasse des Orignaux, des Ours, des Castors, des Loups serviers Es” autres animaux, selon leur saison.

A chasse des Sauvages anciennement leur estoit facile, ils ne tuoient des bestes qu’a mesure qu’ils en avoient besoin; estans las d’en manger d’une sorte ils en tuoient d’une autre; ne vouloient ils plus manger de viande, ils prenoient du poisson, ils ne faisoient point d’amas de

peaux d’orignac, castors, loutres ny autres qu’autant qu'il [420] leur en falloit pour leur service; laissoient le reste ou les bestes étoient tuée, & ne prenoient pas la peine de les apporter 4 la cabanne.

La chasse d’orignac se faisoit |’Esté par surprises: les Sauvages scavoient 4 peu prés les endroite ou on les pouvoit trouver; en ces quartiers-la ils battoient le bois allant d’un costé & d’autre pour en trouver la piste, l’ayant trouvée ils la suivoient & connoissoient par cette piste si c’estoit masle ou femelle, méme 4 la fumée, & s’il estoit vieil ou jeune, par la piste ils connoissoient aussi s’ils estoient proches de la beste, pour lors ils regardoient s’il y avoit quelque Fort ou prairie proche ou la béte pouvoit estre selon le train [421] qu'elle tenoit, ils s’y trom- poient peu, ils faisoient une enceinte autour du lieu ou elle estoit pour prendre le dessous du vent, afin de n’estre pas éventez de l’orignac, ils en approchoient tout doucement crainte de faire du bruit tant qu’ils la peussent découvrir; l’ayant découverte s’ils n’estoient pas assez prests approchoient encore tant qu’elle fut a portée de la fleche, qui est de quarante-cing a cinquante pas; alors ils laschoient leur coup dessus la beste qui demeuroit rarement pour une fleche, apres quoy il la falloit suivre 4 la piste, quelquesfois la beste s’arrestoit n’entendant plus de bruit; ils alloient au petit pas, & connoissant cela a son train, ils tachoient de P “approcher en- [422] core une fois, & luy donnoient encore un coup de fleche: si cela ne la faisoit demeurer il Ja falloit encore suivre jusques au soir & ccouchoient proche la béte, & le matin I’alloient retrouver au giste: estant paresseuse de se lever 4 cause du sang qu'elle avoit perdu, ils luy donnoient un troisiesme coup & la faisoient demeurer |’achevant de tuer ; alors ils rompoient des branches pour marquer !’endroit pour |’envoyer querir par leurs femmes.

Mais apres avoir tiré les deux premiers coups, ils tachoient de gagner le devant pour la faire tourner devers la cabanne, la poursuivant & la faisant approcher tant qu’elle tombast morte manque de force; souvent ils [423] lamenoient tout proche de la cabane; ils en trouvoiét toajours plusieurs ensemble, mais |’ Esté ils n’en peuvent suivre qu’un.

Le Printemps la chasse se faisoit encore de mesme, si ce n’est lors que les femelles entrent en amour; en ce temps-la la chasse se faisoit la nuit sur les Tivieres en canot, contrefaisant le cry de la femelle, & puis avec un plat d’écorce, les Sauvages prenoient de |’eau, Ja laissoient tomber dans l’eau de haut, & le bruit faisoit venir le masle qui croyoit que ce fust une femelle qui pissoit: pour cela ils se laissoient aller doucement au fil de |’eau, si c’estoit en montant ils ramoient tout doucement, & de temps en temps ils faisoient tomber de |’eau contrefaisant [424] tofijours la femelle, & alloient tous sur le bord de la riviere,

DE L’AMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONALE 595

s’il y avoit quelque masle dans le bois qui entendit le bruit de cette eau il y venoit; ceux qui étoient dans le canot l’entendoient venir, par le bruit que faisoit la beste dans le bois, & continuoient de contrefaire totijours le cry de la femelle, les faisoient venir tout proche d’eux; ils estoient tous prests a tirer dessus & ne le manquoient pas: la nuit la plus noire estoit la meilleure pour cette chasse, & le temps le plus calme; le vent empeschant d’entendre le bruit que faisoit la cheute de |’eau.

Pour Hyver la chasse estoit differente 4 cause des neges, on se servoit de raquettes, par le [425] moyen desquelles on marche sur la nege sans enfoncer, principalement le matin a cause de la gelée de la nuit, & en ce temps-la elle porte les chiens, mais l’orignac ne fait pas grand chemin, parce qu’il enfonce dans la nege, ce qui le fatigue beaucoup a cheminer.

Pour trouver les orignaux, les Sauvages couroient dans les bois d’un costé & d’autre pour trouver du bois mangé; car en ce temps-la ils ne mangent que le jet du bois de l’année, la ot ils trouvoient le bois mangé, ils rencontroient bien- tost les bétes qui n’en estoient pas loin, & les approchoient facilement ne pouvant pas aller viste, ils leurs lancoient un dard, qui est le grand baston dont j’ay parlé, [426] au bout duquel est emmanché ce grand os pointu qui perce comme une épée, mais s'il y avoit plusieurs orignaux 4 la bande ils les faisoient fuir, alors les orignaux se metoient tous queué 4 queué, faisoient en grand cerne d’une lieué & demie, ou deux lieués, & qulequesfois plus, & battoient si bien la nege a force de tourner qu’ils n’enfongoient plus: celuy de devant étant las se met derriere, mais les Sauvages qui estoient plus fins qu’eux se mettoient en embus- cade, & les attendoient a passer, & la ils les dardoient; il y en avoit un qui les poursuivoit totijours; 4 chaque tour il en demeuroit tofjours un, mais 4 la fin ils s’écartoient dans le bois, les uns d’un costé, les autres de ’autre; il en [427] demeuroit totijours 5. ou 6. & quand la nage portoit, les chiens les suivoiét quelque nobre qu’il y en eust, il ne s’en pouvoit sauver un seul, mais en ce temps-Ia ils n’en tuoient que leur provision, & n’alloient a la chasse qu’A mesure qu’ils avoient besoin de viande; toute leur chasse & péche ne se faisoient qu’autant qu’ils avoient necessité de manger.

La chasse du castor se faisoit l’Esté a la fleche dans les bois ot on les prenoit, ou bien dans des lacs ou étangs, ot les Sauvages se mettoient en canots & a Paffust pour les gueter lors qu’ils venoient sur |’eau prendre lair, mais le plus commun & le plus assuré, c’estoit de rompre leur digue & en faire perdre eau, [428] alors les Castors se trouvoient sans eau, ne scachant plus ou aller, leur logement paroissoit par tout, les Sauvages les attrapoient 4 coups de fleches & de leurs dards, & en ayant leurs provisions ils laissoient 14 tout le reste.

Les Castors n’entendant plus de bruit se rassembloient & se mettoient 4 raccommoder leur digue; c’est 14 ot nous les avons veu travailler, ce qui fait bien croire que tout ce que j’ay dit de leur travail est veritable. Je ne tiens pas le travail de leurs digues a les faire entieres, si difficille que de les racommoder estans rompués dans le milieu.

L’ Hyver la chasse s’en faisoit autrement, les digues & les lacs estant tous gelez: Pour lors les [429] Sauvages ont leurs chiens qui sont une espece de matins, mais plus déchargez, ils ont la teste de renard & ne jappent point, ayant seulement un hurlement qui n’est pas de grand bruit; pour les dents elles sont plus longues & plus afillées que celles des matins, ces chiens servent pour la chasse de !’Orignac comme jay dit, le Printemps, |’ Esté, 1’ Automne, & l Hyver

596 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

lors que les neges les peuvent porter; il n’y a pas de Chasseurs qui n’en ayent des sept a huit: ils les cherissent beaucoup; s’ils ont des petits que la mere ne puisse nourrir, les femmes les font teter; sont ils grands ils leurs donnent du bouillon, estant en estat de servir on ne leur donne plus rien [430] que les tripailles des bestes que l’on tué; s’ils sont huit jours sans tuer des bestes, ils sont autant sans manger, pour des os on ne leur en baille point crainte de gaster leurs dents, ny mesme ceux de Castor, s’ils en mangeoient cela empescheroit les Sauvages d’en tuer, mesme si on les faisoit briiler, car il est bon de remarquer icy, que les Sauvages avoient la dessus des superstitions dont on a eu bien de la peine a les desabuser: s’ils avoient fait rostir une anguille ils croyoiét aussi que cela les empescheroit d’en prendre une autrefois: ils avoient anciennement plusieurs scrupulles de cette sorte qu’ils n’ont plus a present, & dont nous les avons desabusez.

[431] C’estoit leur richesse que leurs chiens, & pour témoigner 4 un amy Vestime quils faisoient de luy, ils luy donnoient 4 manger le chien qu’ils esti- moient le plus en témoignage d’amitié: on dit que c’est un excellent manger: ils le font encore, & les Francois en mangent quand ils se trouvent aux festins, dont ils font grand recit, & l’ayment plus que le mouton ; cela ne m’a pourtant jamais donné envie d’en manger.

Lors quils menoient leurs chiens 4 la chasse de l’Orignac, le Printemps, lEsté, & l Automne, les chiens alloient quelque temps les uns d’un costé, les autres de l’autre: celuy qui rencontroit quelque piste la suivoit sans faire bruit, s'il attra~ [432] poit la beste il gagnoit le devant luy sautant sur le nez: pour lors il hurloit, ’ Orignac s’y amusoit & luy vouloit donner du pied de devant ; tous les autres chiens qui |’entendoient y couroient & I’attaquoient de tous les costez; il se defend de ses pieds de devant, les chiens tachent de luy attraper le meufle ou les oreilles: pendant ce temps-la le Sauvage arrive qui tache sans se faire voir de l’aborder a portée & au dessous du vent, car si la beste |’appercoit ou l’éventent, ’?Orignac prend la fuite & se moque des chiens, sinon le Chasseur luy donne un coup de fleche, estant blessé il a peine de se sauver des chiens qui le suivent totijours, & le Sauvage aussi, qui le ratrappe [433] & le tire encore, mais quelques fois les chiens qui l’ont attrapé aux oreilles ou au mufle le couchent bas avant que le Sauvage l’eye ratrapé ; ils n’ont garde de l’abandonner, car bien souvent il y a sept 4 huit jours quils n’ont mangé, le Sauvage arrivé, l’acheve de tuer, luy fend le ventre, donne toutes les tripailles 4 ses chiens qui font grand curée, c’est ce qui rend leurs chiens aspres a la chasse: pour |’ Hyver lors qwil a pleu sur la nege & qu’elle peut porter les chiens, ils s’en servoient comme j’ay deja dit, parce qu’ils n’ont pas pour lors tant de peine a attraper les Orignaux, ne courant pas si viste, étant plus lourds que les chiens ils enfoncent dans la nege, & ne peuvent [434] plus aller que par sauts,

Pour celle du Castors elle se faisoit aussi l’FLlyver avec les chiens, mais ils ne servoient qu’a trouver le logement ou ils sentoient les castors au travers de la glace, les ayant trouvés les Sauges couppoient la glace & faisoient un trou assez large pour pouvoir passer le Castor, ensuitte ils en faisoient un autre a vingt-cing ou trente pas de 1a, sur le lac au large; en ce lieu-la se mettoit un Sauvage ou deux avec l’arc & la fleche qui a un harpon d’os au bout fait en cramailliere, comme celuy dont on se servoit 4 la pesche de |’éturgeon, mais plus petit, qui a aussi une corde ou il est attaché d’un bout, & le Sauvage tenoit Pautre ; tout cela estant fait, un [435] autre Sauvage alloit 4 l’autre trou proche du

DE LPAMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONALE 597

logement des Castors, se couchoit le ventre sur la glace, mettoit son bras dedans le trou pour chercher |’ouverture des Castors, par ot ils mettent leur queué dans Veau; 1a ils sont arrangez tous les uns contre les autres, c’est 4 dire tous ceux d’une famille Castorienne; les ayant trouvez le Sauvage passoit la main tout doucement sur le dos d’un par plusieurs fois, & approchant petit 4 petit de la queué taschoit de la prendre.

J’ay otiy dire 4 des Sauvages, qu’ils ont esté si long-temps le bras dans |’eau que la glace prenoit tout autour de leur bras, quand ils tenoient une fois la queué ils tiroient le Castor tout [436] d’un coup de l’eau sur la glace, & en mesme temps luy donnoient de Ja hache sur la teste, & |’assommoient de crainte que le castor ne les mordit, car ou ils mettent les dents ils emportent la piece ; en ayant tiré un ils tachoient d’en avoir un autre, auquel ils faisoient de mesme, les frottant doucement cela ne les fait pas fuir, s’imaginant se toucher les uns les autres, mais pourtant en ayant enlevé trois ou quatre le reste prend la fuite & se jette a l’eau, n’y pouvant demeurer longt-temps sans respirer ; le jour qui donne sur le trou qui est au large les y fait venir pour prendre l’air; les autres Sauvages qui sont la en embuscade, si-tost qu’ils paroissent leurs donnent un coup de fleche, [437] le harpon qui a des dents prend 4 quelque endroit du castor qui l’empesche de sortir ; on tire donc la corde, on ramene le castor au trou, puis l’enlevent sur la glace & Passomment, quelque temps apres il en vient au autre que l’on prend de méme, il s’en sauve peu d’une cabane, ils attrapoient tout. L’humeur des Sauvages est de ne pardonner non plus aux petits qu’aux grands ; ils tuoient tout de quelque sorte de beste que ce fust quand ils les pouvoient attraper: il est bon de remarquer icy qu’ils estoient plus friands des petits que des grands de quelques especes de bestes que ce fust, en sorte que souvent lors qu’ils couroient deux Eslans masles & femelles, ils [438] quittoient le masle s’ils appercevoient que la femelle fust pleine afin d’avoir ses petits, car d’ordinaire elles en portent d’eux, & c’est pour eux un grand regal.

Pour les Ours, s’ils en tuoient |’ Hyver il falloit qu’ils les rencontrassent en allant a la chasse, rencontrant quelques gros arbres ils regardoient s’il sortoit de Vhaleine en forme de fumée de dedans, s’ils en appercevoient s’estoit un signe que l’Ours y estoit, ils montoient dessus |’arbre & tuoient |’ours avec leurs dards, puis ils le tiroient de dedans; |’Esté ils en rencontroient dans le bois qu’ils suivoient a la piste; ou le tuoient quelquesfois sur un chesne ou ils mangeoiét dugland, lors un coup [439] de fleche les faisoit bien-tost décédre, & si-tost qu’il estoit a bas, ils redoubloient d’une autre fleche, puis l’assommoient a coups de hoches; s’ils le rencontroient a terre & qu’ils tirent dessus, selon que l’ours est blessé i] fuit, ou vient 4 l’homme, qui a bien-tost une autre fleche parée; s’il ne le fait demeurer, l’ours l’embrasse, & l’auroit bien-tost mis en pieces avec ses grifs, mais le Sauvage pour |’éviter se jette la face contre terre, l’ours le sent, & si l’homme ne remué point, il le tourne & luy porte le nez sur la bouche pour connoistre s’il respire ; s'il ne sent point son halaine, il met le cul sur son ventre, le foule tant qu’il peut, & en mesme temps reporte son nez sur sa bouche, s’il [440] n’y sent point son halaine, & que homme ne remué point il le laisse la, & s’en va 4 quinze ou vingt pas, puis se met sur le cul & regarde si l’on ne remué point, que l’on demeure quelque temps immobile il s’en va, mais s’il void remuer, il revient 4 l’homme, luy foulera encore sur le ventre assez long-temps, puis il retourne le sentir 4 la bouche, s’il s’appercoit qu’il respire, il le foulera comme cela tant qu’il croye l’avoir étouffé, si pendant ce temps-la les blessures ne le

2Q)

598 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

font tomber bas; pour s’en garantir il faut bien prendre garde de respirer ny de remuer qu’il ne soit tres-éloigné, ils ne font point d’autre mal, & lors qu’on a des chiens on se garantist de tout cela. |

[441] Pour les Loups serviers, si les Sauvages les rencontrent & qu’ils les poursuivent ou leurs chiens, cet animal monte dans un arbre ou il est facille a tuer, pendant que les chiens |’épouvantent de leurs cris ; tous les autres animaux ne sont pas bien mal aisés a tuer, & il n’y en a point qui soit capable d’attaquer homme a moins qu’il n’en soit attaqué le premier; ils ne tuoient qu’a la fleche toutes sortes de gibier d’eau & de terre, soit en volant ou a terre; pour |’écureuil, la perdrix & autres petit gibier, ce sont les enfans qui s’amusent a cela.

[442 | CHAPITRE XXVI

La chasse des Oyseaux, des Poissons, tant de jour que de nuit, &5 la ceremonie de leur Enterrement, ce qui s’y pratiquoit lors que Pon les mettoit en terre.

LS avoient encores une autre chasse de nuit qui est assez plaisante en de certains cul de sacs qui sont a labry du vent, les Outardes, les Cravans & les Canards s’y retirent pour dormir fort au large, car a terre ils ne seroient pas en seureté 4 cause des Renards, en ces lieux [443] la les

Sauvages alloient deux ou trois dans un canot avec des torches qu’ils faisoient d’écorse de bouleau qui flamboient plus clair que des flambeaux de cire estans au lieu of sont tous ces oyseaux ils se couchoient dans le canot qu’ils laissoient aller a la derive sans paroistre ; la marée les portoit droit au milieu de tous ces oyseaux qui n’en ont point de peur, s’imaginant estre quelque piece de bois que la mer transporte d’un costé & d’autre comme cela arrive souvent, ce qui fait quils y sont accotitumez, lors que les Sauvages estoient au milieu d’eux, ils allumoient leurs flambeaux tout d’un coup ce qui les surprenoit, les obligeoit tous au mesme temps de se lever en [444] lair, la nuit qui est brune fait beaucoup paroistre cette lumiere, soit qu’ils s’imaginent que ce soit le Soleil, ou autre chose, ils se mettoient tous 4 tourner en confusion tout au tour de ces flambeaux qu’un Sauvage tenoit en s’approchant tofijours du feu & si proche qu’avec un baston que les Sauvages tenoient ils les assommoient en passant, outre qu’a force de tourner ces oyseaux s’etourdissoient si bien qu’ils tomboient comme morts, & pour lors les Sauvages les prennoient & leur tordoient le col, en sorte qu’en une nuit ils emplissoient leur canot.

Les Sauvages se servoient encores de ses flambeaux pour la pesche du Saumon & de la truite [445] saumonée qui est aussi puissante que le Saumon, il y a de deux especes de Saumon, les uns semblables 4 ceux de France, les autres ont la machoire de dessous plus pointué & un crochet au bout qui releve au haut, je crois pourtant que c’est ce que nous appellons en France Becars, ils ne sont pas moins bons que les autres, tout cela vient de la mer & montent dans les rivieres au printemps, il s’y rencontre force fosses dans ces rivieres ou le Saumon s’égaye aprés avoir monté, a quoy il a de la peine a cause des saults qui s’y trouvent, il y a des endroits ou l’eau tombe de huit, dix, douze & quinze pieds de haut ot le Saumon monte, il se darde dans la cheute de l’eau en cing ou

————— oe

DE L’,AMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONALE 599

[446] six coups de queué il monte haut, ce n’est pas qu’il y aye des sauts en toutes ces rivieres, mais en certaines rivieres seulement, aprés avoir monté ils se divertissent en ces fosses, y ayant demeuré quelque temps ils montent encores plus haut, en ces lieux de repos les Sauvages alloient la nuit avec leurs canots & leurs flambeaux ; ot il y a des fosses ils y portoient leurs canots par dedans le bois, & les mettoient ot estoient les saumons ou les truites qui rarement se mettent en une mesme fosse, estant 1a, ils allumoient un flambeau: le saumon ou la truite voyant le feu qui fait lueur sur l’eau, viennent faire des caracolles tout le long du canot ; celuy qui est debout le harpon a la [447] main, qui est le mesme du castor aussi emmanché au bout d’un grand baston, si-tost qu’il voyoit passer un poisson il le dardoit & en manquoit fort peu, mais quelquesfois le harpon ne tenoit pas manque d’artraper quelque areste, ainsi ils perdoient leur poisson; cela n’empesche pas qu ils n’en prennent des cent cinquante & deux cens par nuit.

I]s se servent encore d’une autre invention au plus étroit des rivieres ot il y a le moins d’eau, ils font une palissade de bois tout au travers de la riviere pour empescher le poisson de passer, & au milieu ils laissent une ouverture, en laquelle ils mettent des nasses faites comme celles de France, en sorte qu’il faut [448] de necessité que le poisson donne dedans: ces nasses qui sont plus grandes que les nostres, ils les levent deux ou trois fois le jour, il s’y trouve toijours du poisson, c’est au Printemps que le poisson monte, & |’ Automne il décend & retourne a la mer, pour lors ils mettoient l’embouchure de leurs nasses de l’autre costé.

Tout ce que j’ay dit jusques 4 present des mceurs des Sauvages & de leurs diverses manieres d’agir, ne se doit entendre que de ce quwuils pratiquoient anciennement, 4 quoy j’ajotiteray leurs enterremens & ceremonies anciennes de leurs funerailles. Lors qu’il mouroit quelques hommes parmy eux c’estoit de grands pleurs en sa cabane, tous ses pa- [449| rents & amis le venoient pleurer, ce qui duroit des trois ou quatre jours sans manger ; pendant ce temps-la on faisoit son oraison funebre, chacun parloit les uns apres les autres, car jamais ils ne parlent deux a la fois ny hommes ny femmes, enquoy ces barbares donnent une belle lecon 4 bien des gens qui se croyent plus polis & plus sages qu’eux : il se faisoit un recit de toute la genealogie du deffunt, de ce qu'il avoit fait de beau & de bon, des contes qu’il luy avoient oiiy dire de ses ancestres, des grands festins & reconnoissances qu'il avoit fait en grand nombre, des bestes qu’il avoit tuces a la chasse, & toutes les autres choses qu’ils jugeoient 4 propos de dire a la lotiange de [450] ses predecesseurs : apres quoy ils venoient au deffunt, alors les grands cris & les pleurs redoubloient; ce qui faisoit faire une pose a |’Orateur auquel les hommes & femmes répondoient de temps en temps par un gemissement general, tout d’un temps & d’un mesme ton, & souvent celuy qui parloit faisoit des poses & se mettoit 4 crier & pleurer avec les autres ; ayant dit tout ce qu'il vouloit dire, un autre recommencoit qui disoit encore toute autre chose que le premier, ensuite les uns apres les autres faisoient chacun a sa maniere le pane- gyrique du mort, cela duroit trois ou quatre jours avant que l’oraison funebre fust finie.

Apres quoy il falloit faire [451] grand tabagie, c’est a dire festin, & se réjouir de la grande satisfaction qu’aura le deffunt d’aller voir tous ses ayeuls, ses parens & bons amis, & de la’ joye que chacun auroit de le voir, & les grands festins qu’ils luy feront, ils croyoient qu’estans morts ils iroient en un autre pays ou tout abondoit 4 foison, & ov !’on ne travaille point, le festin de la joye estant finy il falloit travailler pour le mort.

600 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

Les femmes alloient chercher de belles écorces dont ils faisoient une espece de bierre, dans laquelle elles le mettoient bien enveloppé, puis on le portoit en un lieu ot ils avoient un échaffaut basty exprés, élevé de huit 4 dix pieds sur lequel ils mettoient la bierre, & |’y lais- [452] soient environ un an, jusques 4 ce que le Soleil eust entierement deseché le cadavre ; pendant ce temps-la les femmes du mort le pleuroient autant de fois qu’elles se rencontroient en compagnie, mais non pas si long-temps que la premiere fois, rarement les femmes se remarioient, ou du moins si ce n’estoit apres le bout de l’an, & pour lordinaire ayant des enfans qui les pouvoient nourrir, elles ne se remarioient point, & demeuroient tofijours avec ces enfans dans la viduité.

Le bout de l’an estant passé & le codavre sec on I’ostoit de la, & on le portoit en un autre endroit qui est leur cimetiere ou on le mettoit en un coffre ou biere neufve aussi d’écorce de bouleau, [453] & incontinent apres dans une grande fosse qu’ils avoient faite dans la terre, dans laquelle tous les parens & amis jettoient des arcs, des fleches, des raquettes, des darcs, des robbes d’orignac, de loutre, de castor, des chausses, des souliers & tout ce qu’il leur estoit necessaire pour la chasse & le vestement ; tous les amis du deffunt luy faisoient chacun son present du plus beau & du meilleur qu’ils avoient, ils se piquoient a qui feroit le plus beau don: du temps qu’ils n’étoient pas encore desabusez de leurs erreurs je leur ay veu donner au deffunt, des fusils, des haches, des fers de fleches, & des chaudieres, car ils trouvoient tout cela bien plus commode a leur usage que n’auroient esté [454] leurs chaudieres de bois, leurs haches de pierre, & des coiiteaux d’os, pour leur service en |’autre monde.

Il y a eu des morts de mon temps qui ont emporté pour plus de deux mil livres de pelleteries, ce qui faisoit pitié aux Francois, & peut-estre envie tout ensemble, on n’osoit pourtant pas les aller prendre, car cela eust causé une haine & guerre immortelle, ce qui n’étoit pas prudent d’hazarder, puis que c’étoit ruiner entierement le commerce que nous avions avec eux ; tous les enterremens des femmes, garcons, filles & enfans se faisoient de mesme, mais les pleurs ne duroient pas si long-temps: on ne laissoit pas de mettre 4 un chacun ce qui é- [455] toit propre pour son usage, & l’enterrer avec luy.

n a eu de la peine a les désabuser de cela, quoy qu’on leur ait dit que toutes ces choses pourrissoient dans la terre, & que si on y regardoit ils verroient bien que rien n/alloit avec le mort: on fit tant qu’a la fin ils consentirent d’ouvrir une fosse, ou on leur fit voir que tout estoit gasté; il y avoit entre autres une chaudiere toute percée de ver de gris, contre laquelle un Sauvage ayant frapé & trouvé qu’elle n’avoit plus de son, il se prist 4 faire un grand cry & dit qu’on les vouloit tromper : Nous voyons bien, dit-il, les robbes & tout le reste & si elles y sont encore, c’est une marque que le deffant n’en [456] a pas eu besoin en l’autre monde ot ils en ont assez depuis le temps qu’on leur en fournit.

Mais a l’égard de la chaudiere dit-il dont ils ont besoin, qui est parmy nous un ustencile de nouvelle introduction, & dont l’autre monde ne peut estre fourny. Ne vois-tu pas bien dit-il, frappant encore sur la chaudiere, qu’elle n’a plus de son & qu’elle ne dit plus mot, parce que son ame l’a abandonnée pour aller servir en |’autre monde au deffunt 4 qui nous |’avons donnée.

Il fut bien mal-aisé de s’empescher de rire, mais bien plus encore de le desabuser, car luy en ayant montré une autre qui s’estoit usée a force de servir, & luy ayant fait entendre qu’el- [457] le ne disoit mot non plus que l’autre: ha,

DE LAMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONALE 601

dit-il, c’est qu’elle est morte, & que son ame est allée au pais ot ont accotitumé d’aller les ames des chaudieres, |’on n’en piit jamais avoir d’autres raisons pour lors; on les a pourtant desabusez de cela 4 la fin avec bien de la peine, les uns pour la Religion, l’exemple de nos Coustumes, & presque tous par la necessité des choses qui viennent de nous, & dont l’usage leur est devenu d’une necessité indispensable, ayant renoncé 4 toutes leur ustenciles, soit par la peine qu’ils avoient, tant a les faire & a s’en servir, que par la facilité de tirer de nous pour des peaux qui ne leurs cotitoient presque rien, des choses qui leur sembloient inestima- [458] bles, non tant par leur nouveauté que par les commoditez qu’ils en recoivent: sur tout la chaudiere leur a toGjours paru & paroist encore la chose la plus precieuse qu’ils puissent tirer de Nous; ce que témoigna assez plaisamment un Sauvage que feu Monsieur de Razilly envoya de |’ Acadie 4 Paris, car passant par la rué Aubry-bouché, ot il y avoit pour lors beaucoup de Chaudronniers, il demanda a son Truchement s’ils n’étoient pas parents du Roy, & sice n’étoit pas le métier des plus grands Seigneurs du Royaume. I] ne faut pas que cette petite digression me fasse oublier de dire icy avant de finir ce Chapitre des funerailles, que pour exprimer une chose telle [459] qu’elle soit qui ne peut plus servir, ils disent qu’elle est morte, par exemple quand leur canot est rompu, ils disent qu’il est mort, & ainsi de toutes autres choses hors de service.

[460] CHAPITRE XXVII

La difference qwil y a entre les coustumes anciennes des Sauvages, && celles a’ apresent.

ES Sauvages aujourd’huy pratiquent encore l’enterrement ancien en toutes choses, excepté que l’on ne met plus rien dans leurs fosses, dont ils sont entierement desabusez, ils se sont deffaits aussi de ces offrandes si frequentes & ordinaires qu’ils faisoient comme par hom-

mage a leur manitou, en passant par des endroits ou il y avoit quelque hazard a essuyer, ou bien ou il estoit arrivé quel- [461] ques disgraces, ce qu’ils faisoient pour en détourner autant de dessus eux ou leur familles: ils se sont encore corrigez d’autres petites superstitions qu’ils avoient, comme de donner des os aux chiens, de faire rostir des anguilles, & plusieurs autres de cette maniere qui sont entierement abolies, autant par un esprit d’interest que par aucune autre raison, car ils y donnoient souvent ce qu’ils avoient de plus precieux & de plus rare, mais comme iis ne pourroient pas recouvrer maintenant les choses qui viennent de Nous avec tant de facilité qu’ils en avoient a trouver des robbes de marte, de loutre ou de castors, des arcs, des fleches, & qu’ils se sont apperceus, que les fuzils & [462] autres choses ne se trouvoient ny dans leurs bois, ny dans leurs rivieres, ils sont devenus moins devots, ou pour mieux dire, moins super- sticieux dés que leurs offrandes leurs ont trop cousté; mais ils pratiquent encore toutes les mesmes manieres de la chasse, avec cette difference neantmoins, qu’au lieu qu’ils armoient leurs fleches & leurs dards avec des os de bestes, pointus & aiguisez, ils les arment aujourd’huy avec des fers qu’on fait exprés pour leur vendre, & leurs dards sont faits maintenant d’une épée emmenchée au bout d’un

602 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

baston de sept a huit pieds de long, dont ils se servent I’ Hyver quand il y ade la nege, pour darder |’ orignac, ou pour la pesche du saumon, de [ 463] la truite & du castor, on leur fournit aussi des harpons de fer, de l’usage desquels nous avons parlé cy-dessus.

Le fuzil leur sert plus que tout cela 4 leurs chasses du Printemps, de I’ Esté & de |’Automne, tant aux bestes qu’aux oyseaux: d’une fleche ils ne tuent qu’une outarde, mais d’un coup de fuzil ils en tuent des cing ou six: pour la fleche il falloit approcher la beste de prés, avec le fuzil ils tirent la beste de loin avec une balle ou deux : les haches, les chaudieres, les cofiteaux & tout ce qu’on leur donne leur est bien plus commode & plus portatif que ce qu’ils avoient le temps passé lors qu’ils estoient obligez d’aller cabaner aupres de leurs monstrueuses [464] chaudieres au lieu qu ’aujourd’huy ils ont la liberté d’aller camper ou ils veulent, & on peut dire qu’en ce temps-la les chaudieres immobiles estoient la principale regle de leur vie, puis quils ne pouvoient vivre qu’aux lieux ou elles étoient.

A Végard de la chasse du castor pendant I’ Hyver, ils la font de mesme qu’ils la faisoient autrefois, quoy quils ayent heantmoins aujourd’huy plus d’avantage avec les fleches & harpons, armez de fer, qu’avec les autres dont ils se servoient anciennement, & dont ils ont abandonné tout 4 fait l’usage.

Pour leurs festins, ils les font comme ils faisoient anciennement, les femmes n’y entrent point ; ceux qui ont leurs mois [465] sont totijours a part; ils y font totijours des harangues, des dances, mais l’issue n’est pas semblable, depuis quils boivent du vin & de l’eau de vie, ils sont sujets a se battre; leur querelle vient d’ordinaire sur leur condition, car estant saouls, ils se disent tous grands Capitaines, ce qui engendre des querelles entre eux, dans les commencemens il leur falloit peu de vin ou eau de vie pour les saouler.

Mais 4 present ils boivent bien d’une autre facon depuis qu’ils ont hanté les navires pescheurs, ils ne tiennent plus compte du vin & ne veullent plus que de eau de vie; ils n’appellent pas boire s’ils ne se saoulent, & ne croient pas avoir beu s’ils ne se battent & ne s’assomment ; [466] neantmoins lors qu’ils se mettent 2 boire, leurs femmes ostent de leurs cabannes, les fuzils, les haches, les épées emmanchées, les arcs, les flechess & mesmes jusques a leurs cousteaux, que les Sauvages portent pendus au col, elles ne leurs laissent rien dont ils se puissent tuer, & eux souffrent cela sans dire mot si c’est avant que de boire, autrement les femmes n’oseroient entrer dans les cabanes, & tout aussi-tost qu’elle leurs ont osté tout ce dont ils se pourroient blesser, elles l’emportent dans le bois au loing ou elles se vont cacher avec tous leurs enfans: aprés cela ils ont beau se battre s’assomer & se tuer, les femmes n’y viennent point, jusques au lendemain qu’ils sont désaou- [467] lez, pour lors leur combat ne se fait que des perches de leurs cabannes qu’ils mettent en pieces pour les avoir, apres cela il faut que les pauvres femmes aillent chercher d’autres perches & d’autres écorces pour faire leur logement, & si il ne faut pas gronder, autrement elles seroient battués.

9’il se trouve quelqu’un de blessé entr’eux, celuy qui l’aura fait luy demande pardon, en disant qu’il estoit yvre, il en est quitte pour cela, mais s’il y en a quelqu’un de tué, il faut que le meurtrier, outre |’aveu de son yvrognerie & le pardon qu’il demande, fasse quelque present a la vefve, 4 quoy tous les autres le condamnent ; ; & pour faire la paix entiere il faut qu’il paye [468] encore a boire, s'il n’a point de peaux, c "est comme qui diroit je n’ay point d’argent: pour acheter de l’eau de vie pour lors faut qu’il vende son fuzil, sa couverture ou

ee

DE LVVAMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONALE 603

autre chose pour en avoir, ce qui leur cofitera des cing 4 six peaux ils le donneront aux pescheurs pour une bouteille ou deux d’eau de vie, ils recommencent a boire ; si l’eau de vie qu’ils ont eué n’est pas capable de les enyvrer ils donneront tout ce qu’ils auront pour en avoir encore, c’est 4 dire qu’ils ne cesseront de boire tant qu’ils auront quleque chose, ainsi les pécheurs les ruinent entierement.

Car aux habitations l’on ne leur en veut pas tant donner qu’ils en puissent boire au point de se tuer, & on leur vend davan- [469] tage qu’aux navires, ce sont les Capitaines & les matelots qui leurs en donnent, ausquels il n’en couste que l’achapt, surquoy ils ne laissent pas de gagner beaucoup, car tous les dépens & frais du navire se font par les bourgeois, outre que |’équipage traite ou negocie avec les Sauvages, du biscuit, des plombs, des lignes toutes neufes, des voiles & de beaucoup d’autres choses aux dépens desdits bourgeois, cela fait qu’ils donnent aux Sauvages deux ou trois fois plus que l’on ne leur donne aux habitations, ot il n’y a rien dont le fret ou le portage seul ne cotite soixante livres pour tonneau sans l’achat & le coulage, outre qu’on donne aux Sauvages toutes les fois qu’ils vien- [470| nent aux habitations un coup d’eau de vie, un morceau de pain, & du tabac en entrant, quelques nombre qu’ils soient, hommes & femmes: pour les enfans on ne leur donne que du pain, on leur en donne encore autant quand ils s’en vont, joint qu’il faut entretenir bien du monde a gage outre la nourriture; toutes ces gratifications-la avoient esté introduites parle passé pour attirer les Sauvages aux habitations, afin de les pouvoir plus facilement instruire 4 la foy & Religion Chrestienne, ce que l’on avoit fait déja d’un grand nombre, par les soins des Reverends P. Jesuites qui s’en sont retirez voyant qu'il n’y avoit plus rien a faire avec des gens que la frequentation des navires entrete- [471] noit dans une perpetuelle yvrognerie.

A present, si-tost que les Sauvages sortent du bois au Printemps, ils cachent toutes leurs meilleures peaux, en apportent quelqu’unes aux habitations pour avoir leur droit de boire, manger & fumer, ils payent une partie de ce qu’on leur a presté pendant |’ Automne pour subsister, autrement ils mourroient de faim: ils assurent que c’est tout ce que leur ont produit leur chasse pendant tout |’ Hyver, si-tost qu’ils sont partis ils vont reprendre les peaux qu’ils ont cachées dans les bois, & vont sur les passages des vaisseaux pescheurs faire sentinelle: s’il apper- goivent quelques navires ils font de grosses fumées pour a- [472] vertir qu’ils sont-la ; au mesme temps le navire approche la terre, & les Sauvages prennent quelques peaux & se mettent en canots pour aller au navire, ot ils sont bien receus, on leur baille 4 boire & 4 manger tant qu’ils veulent pour les mettre en train, & on s’enqueste d’eux s’ils ont beaucoup de peaux, s’il n’y a point d’autres Sauvages qu’eux dans le bois, s’ils disent qu'il y en a & quiils ont des peaux, tout 4 ’heure on fait tirer un coup de canon de la plus grosse piece pour les avertir qu’ils viennent, 4 quoy ils ne manquent pas aussi-tost qu’ils entendent le canon & apportent leurs peaux, pendant ce temps-la le navire amene ses voiles, passe un jour ou deux 4 courir [473] bord sur bord, en attendant les Sauvages qui leurs apportent une ou deux peaux, & sont receus avec la mesme chere que les premiers qui ont encore part 4 la bonne reception que |’on fait aux derniers venus, & reboivent tous ensemble sur nouveaux frais: il est bon d’observer que quand on dit peaux, simplement sans autre adition, c’est A dire peaux d’orignac dont se font les meilleurs buffles.

Le soir estant venu ils se retirent 4 terre avec quelques barils d’eau de vie, & se mettent 4 boire, mais peu, crainte de se saouller, ils renvoient seulement des

604 - HISTOIRE NATURELLE

femmes au navire qui portent une peau & rapportent de |’eau de vie, & renvoient comme cela de temps en temps des [474] femmes afin d’avoir leur bouteille d’eau de vie: mais si vous desirez scavoir pourquoy ils ne prennent pas tout ce qu’ils veulent boire tout d’un coup, c’est que les femmes ne font point de voyages aux navires qu’elles ne rapportent vingt-cing ou trente galettes de biscuit de present que chacun leur fait, pour quelques plats d’écorce & des despeschipoty. Je croy avoir déja dit que ces peschipoty sont des bourses de cuir enjolivées pour mettre du tabac, qui est un travail des femmes assez proprement fait.

Un peschipoty c’est tout ce qui se ferme par un lien ou serant comme une bourse, moyennant que tout cela ne passe point la grandeur d’un sac a [475 | ' mettre des heures, on en fait de martes, d’écureuils, de rats musquez ou autres petits animaux, d’autres de peaux d’orignac, de peaux de loup marin, ceux-la sont de la largeur de la main & un peu plus longs; un costé tourne sur l’autre avec une petite couroye qui fait plusieurs tours pour la fermer, 4 la maniere de ces porte papieres de cuir: ceux de peaux ont des tirans comme les bourses, & tous ces peschipoty-la servent 4 mettre du tabac ou du plomb pour la chasse: les Sauvagesses les font valoir aux pescheurs selon la peau & lenjolivement bigarré, quwils appellent matachiez, ce qui se fait avec du poil de porc-épic blanc, rouge & violet, & quleques-fois a~ [476] vec de leurs pourcelenes, dont jay déja parle, avec cela elles tirent beaucoup de choses des matelots, il n’y a celuy qui n’en vueille avoir aux dépens du corbillon, c’est a dire du biscuit du navire & de Ja boisson; elles portent des martes, des escureuils, pour cravattes ou autres bagatelles que les femmes font; ce n’est pas qu’elles debitent 4 chaque voyage tout ce qu’elles portent, elles scavent bien ménager leur fait, mais seule- ment pour faire montre & donner de l’envie; elles promettent a l’un & a l’autre & ne donnent rien, pendant tout ce negoce-la, on leur promet beaucoup s’ils les veulent aller trouver au lieu of ils vont ancrer pour faire leur pesche, ce qu’el- [471] les font esperer ; apres quoy chaque matelot leur donne en cachette les uns des autres des eateries de biscuit, prennent totijours, en les assurant de les aller trouver, mais elles n’y vont pas si-tost, & demeurent encore a terre en attendant que d’autres navires viennent a passer, il n’en passe point dont elles n’ayent par la mesme methode deux ou trois quintaux de biscuit & de bons barils d’eau de vie, pour deux ou trois peaux qu’ils donnent, & ce qu'il y a de certain, c'est que tant qu’ils peuvent aller aux navires ils ne se saoullent jamais, car ils nc pourroient pas conserver le jugement qui leur est necessaire pour prendre les matelots & les Capitaines pour duppes & attra- [478] per leur pain, outre que tant quils peuvent aller de sang froid ils boivent sans qu’il leur en couste rien, tant hommes que femmes, & font pourtant si bien qu’a la fin ils se saoullent aux dépens d’autruy avant que d’avoir touché a l’eau de vie qu’ils ont traittée, tant ils sont adonnez 4 leur interest & a leur plaisir, & habiles 4 tromper ceux qui s’y fient,

Les navires les ayant quitez, ils commencent a boire tout de bon a terre; s'il y demeure quelques femmes avec eux qui ayment 4 boire, quoy qu’elles soient assurez d’estre bien battués, elles ne se mettent point en peine pourveu qu’elles se saoullent; celles qui ne veulent pas boire si cherement se reti- [479] rent avec leurs enfans dans les bois & ne reviennent point que toute l’yvrognerie ne soit passée qui durera quelquesfois des deux ou trois jours sans désaouller, apres quoy il se trouve bien des testes, des bras, des jambes fort endommagées & force cheveux arrachez, ainsi il n’y a point de soumission 4 faire, chacun est marqué

DE LYAMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONALE 605

& ne songe qu’a se penser; leur plus grand remede c’est de la gomme de sapin qui est souveraine comme le baume pour les playes n’y ayant point d’os cassez, s'il y ena ils les scavent bien rabiller & les remettre en leur estat; tout cela fait, il faut retourner ot les pescheurs sont; 14 ils recommencent la mesme vie tant qu’ils ont dequoy boire, & se dépoiiillent tous nuds, c’est [480] a dire qu’ils vendent tout & boivent tout, conservant seulement du biscuit pour leur Hyver: ils passent ainsi tout l’Esté & partie de Automne, tant qu’il y a des navires 4 la costé, & il ne se passe point d’année qu’il ne se tué des six, sept & huit Sauvages en toute la coste par |’yvrognerie.

Les femmes & les grandes filles boivent bien aussi a la dérobée, & se vont cacher dans les bois pour cela; les matelots scavent bien les rendez-vous, ce sont eux qui fournissent |’eau de vie, & les mettent en si bon estat peuvent faire delles tout ce gu’ils veulent. Toutes ces frequentation des navires Jes ont entierement perdués, & ne se soucient plus de la Religion, [475] elles jurent le nom de Dieu, sont larronesses & fourbes, & n’ont plus la pureté du passé, ny femme ny filles, du moins celles qui boivent: ce n’est pas un crime 4 une fille d’avoir des enfans, elle en est pliitost mariée, parce qu’on est assuré quelle n’est point sterile: celuy qui |’épouse prend les enfans; ils ne repudient pas a present cme ils ont fait par le passé, & n’ont plus tant de femmes, n’estans pas bons chasseurs a cause de leur yvrognerie, & que les bestes n’y sont plus si abondantes: outre toutes les méchancetez dont j’ay parlé, les pescheurs leurs ont apris 4 se vanger les uns des autres: celuy qui voudra mal a son com- pagnon le fera boire en compagnie tant qu’il l’aye fait [476] saouller pendant qu'il se reserve, il fait semblant d’estre saoul comme les autres & fait une querelle; la batterie estant commencée, 11 a une hache ou autre ferement qu’il a caché devant que de boire qu’il prend & dont il assomme son homme; il continué de faire |’yvrogne & c’est le dernier reveillé: le lendemain on luy dit que c’est luy qui a tué l’autre, dont il fait le fasché, & dit qu'il estoit yvre; si le mort estoit marié, ce faux yvrogne fait ou promet de faire present 4 la veufve, & si c’est un garcon il témoigne les mesmes regrets au pere & a la mere, avec promesse aussi de leur faire des presens: si le deffunt a des freres ou des parens qui l’aiment celuy qui a tué est assuré qu’on [477] luy en fera autant, & tost ou tard ils se vengeront.

Voila une grande difference entre leurs mceurs presents 4 ceux du passé ; s’ils ont tofijours la liberté de frequenter les navires ce sera encore pis 4 |’avenir, car leurs peaux ne vallent pas tant qu’elles ont vallu ; pour avoir dequoy boire comme ils ont eu il leur en faudra donner de force, comme ils ont déja obligé les navires qu’ils ont trouvez seuls, ce qui arrive assez souvent; ils en ont déja menacé, & mesme 4 un petit navire qui estoit seul 4 un havre, ils l’ont forcé a leur en donner, & ont pillé des chalouppes qui étoient au degrat, c’est la recompense de tout ce qu’ils leurs ont appris, & les Sauvages que [478] les pescheurs ont amené en France y ont encore contribué par la frequentation des blaphemateurs, des cabarets & des lieux infames ot on les a menez; ensuite les guerres que les Francois ont eu les uns contre les autres pour se deposseder par leur ambition & l’envie d’avoir tout: ce que les Sauvages scavent bien dire, quand on leur represente qu’il ne faut pas dérober ny piller des navires, car ils répondent aussi-tost, que nous Je faisons bien entre nous: Ne vous prenez vous pas vos habitations les uns aux autres: nous disent-ils, & ne vous tuez vous pas pour cela, ne yous avons nous pas veus faire, & pourquoy ne voulez-vous pas

606 HISTOIRE NATURELLE

que nous le fassions, si on ne nous [479] en veut point donner nous en pren- drons, c’est ce quils disent a present, 4 quoy je ne vois point de remede qu’en peuplant le pais, & pour y parvenir que sa Majesté maintienne un chacun en ce qui luy appartient, sans le donner a un autre aprés qu’on |’aura mis en bon estat, comme l’on a presque tofijours fait jusques 4 present, & ruiné ceux qui avoient bonne volonté de peupler, pour y mettre ceux qui n’y cherchoient que de grands profits de traitte, ce que n’ayant pas trouvé aussi abondamment qu’ils se l’estoient imaginez, ont tout abandonné & perdu bien du temps avec toutes leurs avances, mesme ruiné la pais qui seroit 4 present en estat de se maintenir, & de con- [480] server au Roy les grands profits qu'il en a retiré, comme il feroit le pais estant aussi bon qu’ils est, s’il estoit habité comme il devroit estre; surquoy je souhaite que Dieu inspire ceux qui ont part au gouverne- ment de |’Estat, toutes les considerations qui les peuvent porter a l’execution d’une entreprise aussi glorieuse au Roy, comme elle peut-estre utile & avantageuse A ceux qui y prendront interest ; ce que je souhaite qu’ils fassent, principalement pour la gloire de Dieu

FIN,

if} TABLE DES CHAPITRES

CONTENUS AU SECOND TOME

CHAPITRE PREMIER

Qvi traite de la difference & rapport qu’il y a entre les climats de la

PAGE OF THIS

nouvelle France & de |’ancienne, avec les raisons pourquoy ces pays-votume

la peuuent produire tout ce qui croit en France . : a Pee

CHAP. II

Le recit des profits qu’on retire & qu’on peut retirer du pays pour la pesche des molués vertes ou blanches ainsi qu’elles se mangent 4 Paris ; la maniere de la pescher, habiller & saler . ‘ a 294

CHAP. [it

La maniere de pescher la molué qu’on appelle merluche, de V’habiller de la saler, & de la faire secher, & de toutes les utencilles necessaires

pour cela i ; s - is . [35]

CHAP. IV,

Contenant ce qui se pratique lors que les navires approchent du lieu ot la ee Hees ae: re ue ee he

pesche se doit faire, la maniere d’avoir leur place, ce qui se [1i] fait a

la décente, & comme |’on met le monde en besogne_.. ee baal

CHAP. V

De la maniere de faire l’échaffaut pour l’habillage de la molué, & du

travail qu’il y a a le construire . : : ; : + LON 607

517

521

526

530

532

608 TABLE

CHAP. VI

Contenant la maniere de tirer huile des foyes de molué, avec la descrip- tion des instrumens & utencilles qui servent a habiller, saler & laver le poisson, ce que c’est que vignaux & grave, leur construction & leur

usage. : 4 : : . . : - regs CHAP. VII

Contenant la maniere dont on construit les chalouppes qu’on doit em-

barquer par quartiers pour porter ala pesche : . [117] CHAP. Vill

De la distribution qui se fait des chalouppes aux Maistres pescheurs, & du moyen dont on se sert pour les mettre en seureté pendant la

NUNN. . : : : - | oes |

CHAP. 1X

Les preparatifs des chalouppes pour aller en pesche, ce qui se pratique estant sur le fonds pour pescher ; ce qui se fait a terre; du [1] retour des pescheurs, & leur maniere de decharger leurs chalouppes

& de les mettre en seureté ; ; : : - [142] CHAP Y xX

De la maniere d’habiller & saler la molué, de faire l’huile qui s’en tire, &

comme ou appreste les rabbes, ce que c’est & leur usage - [155] CRAP XI

Le gouvernement des victuailles, comme on en use pendant Ja pesche; comme la boitte ou appast se pesche, & de la proprieté de la molué & du maquereau. : : : : - [ag24

CHAP. XIT

Le depart des Maistres de chalouppes pour aller sur le fonds, & ce qui s’y pratique; l|’explication du marigot, ce que c’est que degrat, comme il se fait, la cause aye & autres raisons sur le mesme

sujet. ; . : . : . [185]

PAGE

535

538

541

542

545

548

55°

TABLE

CHAP. XIII

L’apprest du poisson du degrat, ce que |’on en fait, la maniere de laver la molué, & de la mettre en galaire ; le grand travail a |’échaffaut quand

la molué donne, & des lumieres dont I’on se sert . 1 (i97 | CHAP. XIV

Du travail de terre qui se [iv| fait 4 laver la molué, la porter 4 la galaire,

aux vignaux, a la grave, la tourner & la mettre en pile . . [207] CHAP. XV

La maniere de faire les pilles de molués, tout ce qui s’y pratique a Pembarquement, tant pour la molué que victuailles & autres choses e ss s e . e e e e 2 [222]

CHAP. XVI Recit general de la pesche sedentaire de la molué ; les profits qu’en ont tiré ceux qui l’ont entreprise ; les avantages qu’on en peut faire ; Pétablissement, supposé que le pays se peuple en y envoyant des Colonies : : . : ; ‘ : soizaie) CHAP, XVII

Des autres poissons de mer, de ceux qui aprochent de terre, leurs com- bats, la maniere de les pescher & leurs qualitez_ . : - [255]

CHAP. XVIII

Discription des poissons d’eau douce a quatre pieds, leurs formes &

qualitez, leurs industries & maniere d’agir & travailler . . [278] CHAP. XIX

Des oyseaux de mer & de leurs proprietez : . - [299] CHAP. XX

La description de toutes [v] les especes de bois qui sont avant dans les terres; leurs proprietez, & les avatages qu’on en peut tirer . [309]

609

PAGE

a2

554

sai

559

562

567

571

573

610 TABLE

CHAP. XXI Qui traite des animaux, oyseaux & reptiles, de leurs qualitez, & de la maniere de les prendre . ‘ : ¥ ‘ 3 . (319) CHAP. XXII

Qui traite de la diversité des saisons de |’année, & des differentes especes

de fruits : : : : : ; : : - [345]

CHAP. XXIII

Concernant les mceurs des Sauvages, leur police & cotitume, leur maniere de vivre, leur inclination, celle de leurs enfans, de leurs mariages, leur maniere de bastir, se vestir, haranguer, & autres particu-

laritez . ' : c ; : : : ‘ - (3554

CHAP. XXIV

De leur coiffure, de leurs ornemens, de leurs braveries; du regime qu’ils observent pendant leurs maladies, de leurs divertissemens & conver- sations, du travail des hommes & des femmes, & de leurs plus

ordinaires occupatids x. : : : ‘ - [389] CHAP. XXV La chasse de orignaux, des ours, des castors, des loups serviers & autres animaux selon leur saison ; : : : : - [419] [vi] CHAP. XXVI

La chasse des oiseaux, des poissons, tant de jour que de nuit, & la cere- monie de leurs enterremens, qui s’y pratiquoit lors que 1’on les mettoit en terre ; : ‘ : . : - [442]

CHAP, XxXVII

La difference qu’il y a entre les costumes anciennes des Sauvages, & celles d’apresent . : ; 4 , : - [454]

PAGE

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580

582

588

594

598

601

INDEX

ACADIA, or Acadie, 125; description, 26; early history, 1-9; limits, I, 7, 28, 34, 126; origin of name, 126; seizure in 1654, 101; state in the seventeenth century, 18

Acadian people, 5, 8, 32, 124, 146

Acadian words, 32, 109, 112, 139, 142, 165, 177, 287, 291, 293, 325, 332, 351, 352, 357 379 371, 372, 373) 374; 375, 388, 392

Acadiensis, cited, 116, 123, 151, 219, 203) 407

Admiral, 164, 278

Admiralty, right of, 278, 279

Adney, T., 19, 422

Aigle, 390

Aldouane, 194

Alexander, Sir W., 3, 4, 128, 137

Allans Lake, 127

Allans River, 123

Allen, J., 119

Allotiette, 374

Aloze, 351

Alphonse, J., 225, 226

Amerique septentrionale, 1,° 28, 49, 50

Amet, 191

Ance a Beaufils, 220

Anchovy, 351, 352

Anguille de mer, 351

Annapolis, 123

Antigonish, 171, 172

Antilles, 110

Antimony, 227

Apple (trees), 214, 397

Archie Pond, 171

Archives des Colonies, 37, 38

Archives de la Marine, 37, 38, 39, 42, 43, 44

Argal, 2

Arimiers, meaning, 270

Armet, 191

Arms of Denys family, 44

Articles (Treaty) of 1632, 229

Articougnesche, 171

me 107, 124, 182, 215, 218, 226; uses, 381

Ashes, 9o

Aspen, 124, 367

Aulds Cove, 171

Aulnis, 259

Auray, 142

Autour, 390

Autumn, description, 394

Ayer, Boi, 53

BACCARO POINT, 140

Bacon, 221

Bailloquet, Father, 227

Bain, J., x.

Baird Brewer and Ridgeway, 373, 374

Baleine Cove, 3, 181

Balene, 356

Banksian pine, 379

Barachois, 225

Barbeau, 358

Barbadoes, 110

Barbillons, 358

Barbin, C., 49, 240

Barnaby River, 195

Barndoor skate, 353

Baronets of Nova Scotia, 133

Barred owl, 392

Barrington Bay, 131, 133; descrip- tion, 139-140

Barrows, 291, 331!

Basques, 208, 269, 276, 290, 382; nationality, 324; superior fishermen, 323) 324

Bass, 110, 114, 173

Baston, 151, 102

Bat, 393

Haxter, Ps.) 355) 39.225.) 220

Bay, Sieur de (or le), 104, 159

| Bay des Molués, 220, 223, 224, 225

Bay du Vin, 194

Baye des Chaleurs, 200, 204; descrip- tion, 210

Baye de Sable, 140

Baye de Toutes Isles, 156

612

Baye Francoise, 120

Bayonne, 247, 255

Bazine ,@n 915,222

Beach, 165, 197

Beach-master, 271, 335

Bear, 109, 127; description, 382, 383, 423; hunting, 433

Bear Head, 169

Bear River, 127

Beasts of the big tooth, 350

Beaubears Island, 161, 198, 200

Beaver, 31, 02; 1OQ, 121, a7 soso 1, 403, 413, 418, 442; dams, 363; description, 362; folk-fiction, 364, 367 ; houses, 367 ; hunting, 429, 443 ; works of, 363

Becars, 436

Beccasse, 375

Becasses de bois, 391

Beccassine, 375

Bedeque Bay, 208

Beech, 107, 119, 124, 180, 182, 186, 190, 208; description, 377; uses, 419-422

Beech-nut, 388

Bellamont, 41

Belledune Point, 215

Benjamin, S. G. W., 206, 216, 220, 221, 224

Bent, G., 116, 151

Bergier, Sieur, 16, 40, 168

Berraute, J. de, 270

Berruier, Monsieur, 388

Biard, Father, 250, 389, 399, 406, 410, A41l, 415, 417, 423, 439, 449

Bibliography, 37

Bibliographical description of Denys’ book, 49

Bibliothéque Nationale, 40, 42, 52, 222

Biencourt, 2, 3

Bigganvel. Pix, 247

Billaine, L., 49, 240

Bindweed, 397

Birch, 107, I1I, 124, 130, 146, 180, 182, 195, 186, 201, 208,>2%5,) 218, °226% bark, 405 ; description, 378

Bird islands (or rocks), 205

Bissett, Dr., 179

Black birch, 124, 190, 215, 218; de- scription, 378

Black guillemots, 112

Blue Gull Island, 140

Boarding, of boats, 296

Boat Harbour, 189

Boatswains, 30, 271; duty of, 300, 315

INDEX

Bogs, 201

Boite, 165, 262,275.) 357,

Bonaventure River (and Point), 215, 223

Bontemps, Captain, 232

Bossé, Father, 218, 222

Bouclée, 353

Bouleau, 3738

Boulogne, 259

Boundaries of Denys’ government, 20

Boundary disputes, 34, 126

Bourgogne, 254, 255

Bourgos, 139

Bourinot, J. G., 23, 35,1460) F7guayo, 179, 181, 400

Bouthillier, 229, 233, 237, 238, 239

Bordeaux, 269

Boyon, 303, 305

Boys, duty of, 314, 334

Brambles, 397

Brant, 127, 141, 154, 212, 435 ; descrip- tion, 372

Bras d’Or, 99, 177

Brayet, 412

Bregaux, 139

Brenaiche, 372

Bressani, 164

Bretons, 269, 291

Bridgewater, 149

Brion Island, 207

British Museum, 52

Brittany, 254, 259, 260

Broad River, 141

Brooklyn, 143

Brouage, 256, 260

Brouillon, 114

Brown, R., 38, 45, 175, 178

Brown, Yarmouth, 128

Bruce; 'G. Si ez

Bruce map, J13

Bryon Island, 207

Buffalo skins, 447

Buffles, 447

Buffle-head ducks, 374

Bulletin des Recherches Historiques,

47 Bulletin of Natural History Society of New Brunswick, 139, 149, 173, 201 Buillon or Bullion, Sieur de, 229-239 Buoy, 303 Burlamachy, Philippes, 231, 232 Burrage, Rev. Dr., 107, 228 Butternut, 120

CABINET HISTORIQUE, 45 Cabot, J., 1

INDEX

Cabot Strait, 169

Cacamo, 33, 423

Cacaoiiy, 33, 373

Caen, General de, 230, 231, 232

Cains River, 195.

Calais, 247, 248, 249, 259

Calnek, 122

Calumet, 425

Campseaux (see a/so Canso), 103, 121, 160, 164, 165

Canada-Frangais, Le, 46, 203

Canadian Archives, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 98, IOI, 137, 178, 179, 219, 22

=

Canadian Marsh, 199

Cange (or Cangers), Sieur de, 160

Canoes, description, 420; navigation, 138

Canonier, 272

Canso (see also Campseaux), 6, 7, 8, 11, 16, 20, 23, 29, 343; description, 164, 169

Cap Breton, 182, 249, 255; latitude, 248

d’Espoir, 218, 220

de Nort, 185, 205

de Rest (or Rayes), 205, 248

mee 2avic, 125, 120; 131, 139; 342

des Deux Bayes, 121

— des Roziers, 227

Pent Doré, 147, 153

—— Enragé, 220

Cape Breton, island, 12, 13, 16, 22, 24, 46; description, 175-187, 206

— Despair, 220

—— Negro, 132, 138, 140, 342

Jack, 170, 171

— North, 185

of Campseaux, 156, 162, 166

Ray, 205, 248

Sable, 3, 4, 137

—— Saint George, 103, 173, 188

—— Saint Lois, 103, 121; descrip- tion, 173

Saint Mary, 127

Caplin, 223, 326

Captain, duty of, 271, 307

Capuchin, 153

Caraquet, 129, 200, 219; description, 211; origin of name, 210

Carcajou, 385

Caribou, description, 209

Caribou Harbour, 191

Carney Shoal, 171

Carpenters, 272

Cartier, I, 197, 205, 206, 207, 220, 225, 374

613

Cascumpeque Bay, 208 Casgrain, L’Abbé, 33 Casseron, 355

Cassia, 253

Castine, 98

Castor, 362 Castorologia, 368 Caulking, 299

| Cedare 171, 1723 190; ‘200;9215, 258 ;

uses, 419, 420

Certain, André, 116

Chamberlain, M., 400, 407, 429, 439

Champagne, 254, 255

Champigny, 42

Champlain, 2,25, 29, 97; 110, 113, 117, HiOwI2O. 121,122, 12d, 125, 120, 127, 130./ 132) 136, 141, 142, 146, 147, 155, 156, 157, 164, 169, 175, 181, 183, 184, 205, 200, 208; 215, 221, 224, 226, 281, 264, 266, 399

Chapleau, 193

Chardons, 397

Charlevoix, 23, 34, 44, 97, 148, 158, 169, 175, 184

Charnisay, see D’Aulnay, and 5

Charnier, 290, 334

Charroy, 304, 325

Chat-huant, 392

Chauffaud, 284

Chauffours, Sieur de, 16

Chauve-souris, 393

Chebucto, 155, 159

Chedabouctou, 104; description, 167

Chedabucto, 13, 20, 103, 104, 166, 168

Cheney, E: D:, 117

Cherry trees, 396

Chesneau, Du, 39, 40, 73, 222, 223

Cheticamp, 185

Chevalliers, 375

Chevres, Isle aux, 123

Chicamins, 33; identity, 398

Chiens de mer, 358

Chignecto, 15, 121

Chipmunk, 387

Chubs, 3538

Church Ee) D.,,53

Cibo or Ciboux, 182

Cider, 254

Clairambault Collection, 24, 40, 42, 232. 92.3

Clams, 139

Clarke, J. M.,'x., 221, 222, 224, 325

Clarks Creek, 195

Clément’s Lettres, 39

Climate of Acadia, 30, 90; of Old and New France, 247

2 R

614

Clingstones, 203

Clyde, 140

Coal, 15, 74, 90, 182, 186

Cocagne, 19; description, 192

Cockawee, 374

Cocques, 139

Cod, 65, 110, III, 127, 139, 141, 143, 149, 155, 165, 166, 185, 186, 218, 222, 227; bank (or green) fishery, 257— 268 ; dressing, 350-395..325) 827): drying, 331-336; fishery, 2, 25, 27, 39, 55, 91, 92, 181, 206, 257-348 ; habits, 258, 319; on the grounds, 306; piling, 337; salting, 265, 313 ; sedentary fishery, 341-348

Cod liver oil, 289

Cod tripe, 313

Coddle Harbour, 162

Coffins Island, 142, 143

Cohn, A., 334

Colbert, 15, 39

Cold in Acadia, go, 248-250, 360

Cole Point, 189

Collar, 303

Collateral documents, 57

Collection de Manuscrits, 37, 38, 42, 44, 114, 133,229

Colours, used by Indians, 413

Columbus, 88

Commission of Denys as governor, 38

Company of Miscou, 12, 57, 58, 203

Company of New France, 4, 7, 10, 11, 15, 21, 39, 57, 58, 775 159, 203, 343

Company of the West Indies, 15, 39, 71, 159

Concession of 1653 (text), 57

Conger eel, 352

Conniffle, 149

Conseil Souverain, 42

Cooney, R., 385

Coot, 373

Copies of Denys’ book, 52

Copper, 380

Corbeaux, 391

Corbegeos, 142

Corbillon, 305, 448

Cormorant, 109, 183, 374, 375

Coronelli, 185

Country Harbour, 162, 173

Coureurs de marigots, 323

Coutellieres, 139

Cramaillee, 354

Cranes, 129, 209, 375

Cravan, identity, 372

Cray-fishes, 356

Creighton, J. G. H., 221

INDEX

Cret, 254

Creuxius, 173, 175, 185, 217 Croiseurs, 266, 267 Cromwell, 100

Crows, 129, 391

Cruzat, J. W., 44

Curlews, 142

Currants, 397

Cut-throat, 287

Cuttle-fish, 355

DANIEL, Captain, 3, 181, 184, 217 Dassié, 34, 40 Dauphin, 353 Dawson, J. W., 172 Dawson, S. E., 205 D’Aulnay (Charnisay), Sieur, 5, 6, 10, II, 13,23, 24, 26, 35, 37, 45, 62, 67, 97, 114, 116, 121, 123, 150, 2zoaneua- at Saint John, 114; character of, 151-152 Madame, 6, 184 Decoleurs, 287 Decree of 1655 (text), 67 Dedication, 29 ; text, 87 Dégrat, 216, 325, 327, 451; explana- tion, 324 Denis, chief, 24, 195 Denis, see Denys, and 20 Denys, Anne, 23 de Bonaventure, 38, 52, 143 —— dela Ronde, 15, 16, 24, 44, 78, 143, 194, 222 ——- de Saint Simon, 44 family, 9 ——- Francoise, 24 Joseph, 25 —— Marie, 24 —— Mount, 20, 47 —. Nicolas, 25, 27; a fisherman, Io, 13, 18; ancestry, 9; appears in Acadia, 4, 5; arms, 44; authority, 27; autograph, 36; biography, 9; book, vil., 14, 18, 25, 49; bounds of government, 20; character, 18; Charlevoix’s estimate of, (34y 44; concessions, 57; death, 17; en- counter with Le Borgne, 99, with La Giraudiere, 102; errors about, 22; family, 13, 21; Governor of the Gulf Coast, 7, 23, 36; lettes to King of France, 41, 42; literary style, vil., 25, 89; memorials, 20; other writings, 33 ; personal appear- ance, 17; posts, II; poverty, 17, 41; rights i in Acadia, 10, 12; service

INDEX

in New France, 89; spelling of name, 20; youth, 9

Denys, Pierre, 222

—— Richard, 14, 15, 16, 17, 223; biography, 21; commission, 40; death, 22; memorial, 42; post at Miramichi, 199 ; seigniory, 43

—— River, 20, 180, 182

Simon, 9, II, 24, 143, 184

Des Barres, 173

Des Brisay, 148

Description Geographique, described, 49; text, 453; translation, 85

Dieppe, 259

Dieréville, 266, 400, 404, 407, 410, 417, 429

Dionne, C. E., 109, 112

Dionne, N. E., x., 46, 203, 213

Distances of Denys, 29

Doane, A., 132, 138, 140

Dochet Island, 111

Doctor, duties, 272, 335

Documentary History of New York, 41, 43, 206

Dodd, Mead & Co., 53

Dog fish, description, 358 .

Dogs, of Indians, 429; hunting, 430- 434 |

Dolphin, 353

Double Head, 176

Doublet, Sieur, 13, 15, 158, 168, 200, 343

Douglastown, 199

Downs, A., 373

Drag-nets, 358

Dress of fishermen, 276

Dressing of skins, 411

Drudge-barrows, 292

Dry-fishery, 270

Duck-hawk, 390

Duck Island, 153

ues 169, i2,.127, 129, 14%, 172, 174, 184, 193, 212, 318, 435; descrip- tion, 372

Dufossé, E., 46, 52, 53

Du Mont’s Corps Universel, 229

Duro, 324

Dutch translation of Denys, 18, 35, 42, 53, 54, 80, 166, 202

Du Val, 158

EAGLE, identity, 390 Earthquake, 13, 395 Echaffaut, 283 Ecureitils, 387

cus, value, 265

615

Edits et Ordonnances, 38

Eel, 430, 442

Eel-grass, 371

Egret, 373

Eiders, 100,112, 174

Elk, 109, 382

Elm, 149, 380

Enchois, 351

English, in Acadia, 7, 8, 43, 152; at Penobscot, 107 ; at Port La Tour, 135; .at.-Port Royal, 101 >. at St. John, 100, 121

English port, 181

Engotté, 320

Eperlan, 351

Epilepsy, of moose, 382

Epines, 397

Equille, 124

Erabe, 380

Ermine, 382, 388

Errors about Denys, 22

Eschaffaut, 51

Esguilles, 124 }

Espadon, 356

Espontilles, 301

Esterlais, 375

Estrapade, 195

Esturgeon, 353 tal, 310

Etechemins, 110

Etourneau, 392

Expulsion of Acadians, 8

FACSIMILES of Denys’ maps, 46, 52

Faggots, 332

Faisant, 391

Faucher de Saint Maurice, 221

Faucon, 390

Fauquets, 266

Faye, Marguerite, de la, 21

Fergusons Point, 213

Fir,akimds) 107, 10S, ITI, (22; 127,130; 139, 140, 146, 155,156, 157, 164, 169, 172, 180, 182, 185, 186, 190, 192, 197, 198, 201, 202, 208, 211, 215, 218, 224, 225, 226; uses, 379, 380

Fires and fishery, 396

Fishery. See under Cod

Fish-hawk, 390

Fish hooks, preparation of, 275

Fishing boats. construction, 295-301 ; description, 30, 273-274; hidden, 340; kept at night, 302, 315; use, 302-305

Fishing lines, preparation of, 275

Fish of Saint Peter, 355

616

Flaitans, 352

Flakes, 141, 165, 201, 224, 331; de- scription, 283

Flat Head, 169

Flat Island, 226

Fleming and Tibbins’, 35

Floating ice, 117

Flounders, 139, 212, 216, 355

Flying fish, 267

Flying squirrel, 387

Fog, 262, 263

Foiessiere, 291

Foine, 388

Folk-fiction, 31

Fonds, 305

Forillon, 226

Forsyth de Fronsac, 9, 21, 44, 48, 170

Fort Dauphin, 184

Frederick, 115

—— La Have, 148

—— La Tour, 6,7, 115, 133; location, II4; siege, 116

—— of La Giraudiere, 158, 161

—— Pentagoiiet (or Penobscot), 97, 98, 106

—— Point, 147, 168

—— Richibucto, 195

——— Sainte Anne, 43, 69, 78

Saint Charles, 158

Saint Louis, 3, 4, 5, 169; attack,

135 5 Site, 132

Sainte Marie, 158

—— Saint Pierre, 43, 69, 176, 213; description, 178

Toulouse, 178

Fortin, Pierre, 283

Fourchu, Cape, 3, 126; description, 127

Fourillon, 181, 185

Foxes, 92, 382, 384, 386, 418, 435

Foxes and quincajou hunting, 386

Framboises, 147, 396

Franquelin, 119

Freire, 207

French Meadows, 138

Fresne, 381

Fronsac) Sieur dej22, 22/43 47,40, 170

—— (the place), 169, 170

Viscount de, 23

Frontenac, 23, 194

Fruits, 393

Fulmars, 266

Fundy Bay, 120

GABARET, 131 Gaff, 308

INDEX

| Gaff cod, 309, 314, 319, 333, 339

Gagnon, P., ix, 44, 53

Galaire, 291, 328, 331

Gallium tinctorium, 413

Gannets, I12

Ganong, W. F., 47, 48

Gardens, of a Recollet, 138 ; of Paris, 252; of the captains, 318

Garter, Knight of, 133, 134

Gaspé, 7, 8, 11, 12, 20, 20,43 ysaein. 227; Cape, 227; description, 226 ; peninsula, 222

Gaspereau, I10, 112, 113, 124

Gaspesie, 43

Gau, 258, 320

Gays, 393

Geese, 127, 129, 142, 209

Genest, 21, 45

Geographical Description, begins, 85

Geological maps, 183, 186

George Island, 165

Gerfalcon, 390

Gilpin, B., 349

Giraudiere, La, 13, 26, 102) te4,s9a. 168, 342; at Sainte Marie, 157-161 ; fort taken, 161

Goat Island, 123, 181

Goberge, 355

Gode, 374

Goiland (or Goislan), 375

Gooseberries, 397

Goose Island, 162

Goose Pond, 169, 171

Goshawk, 390

Goujon, 358

Governor Denys, 7, 12, 23, 38, 61, 63

Grand Bank, description, 258 ; fishery, QI, 257-268

—— Chady, 135

—— Chibou, 183

—— Grevé, 227

—— Lake, 194

——— Manan, III

—— Paspecbiac, 216

SS SEINE) 2 =

River, 178, -218 name, 178, 219

Grande Riviere, 219, 220

Grand Ruisseau, 202

Grape-vine, 124

Grapnels, 274

Grassy Island, 165

Grave, 21'1, 216, 204

Gravel beaches, 164, 217, 294

Great auk, 266, 268

3; meaning of

INDEX

Great Bay of S. Laurent, description, 188

Greatbeard, 17, 78

Great northern diver, 373

Green Bay, 146

fish, 256

Island, 162, 176, 180, 181

jvOh 201

Groseilles, 397

Grounds, 305

Ground nut, 398

Grouse, 390

Grozellier, 397

Grues, 129

Gudgeon, 358

Guilbault, 1o1, 148

Guillemot, 266, 267, 374

Gullivers Hole, 124

Guysborough, 13, 20, 103, 167

Gyles, J., 385, 400, 407

Gypsum, 183

HABILLEURS, 287

Haddock, 355

Hagdon, 266

Hagnuet, 74

Haistres, 378

Hake, 354

Hakluyt, 181, 182, 206

Hahburton, T. C., 133, ey Geni 177,

Halibut, 352

Halifax Harbour, 155

Hamecon, 306

Hamilton, P. S., 46

Hampers, 294

Handbarrows, 291

Hannay, James, 47, 98, 115, 118, 137, 151, 207

' Happefoye, 266

Harang, 351

Harbour Islands, 162

Harbour seal, 349

Hardy, C., 118

Hames, 100,,124, 193, 202, 225, 318, 389

Harrisse, H., 52

Harpers Point, 201

Harp seal, 349

Harvard College Library, ix., x., 52, 53

Havives, 334

Havre L’Anglois, 181

Hawthorns, 397

Hay’s History Readings, 47

Hazelnut, 396

Headers, 287, 311

Te cole

617

Hearne, S., 368

Hedgehog ray, 353

Hemlock, 379

Hennepin, 54

Henry Island, 186

Herons, 129, 375

Herring, 65, 110, 112, 155, 165, 186, 21, 223.1227, 262, 267, 318, 326, 351; as bait) 319

a OVE) I4A2. 143

arom ol: 112, 375

hog, 351

Hieres, 253

Hillsborough Bay, 208

Histoire Naturelle, described, 50; translation, 241; text, 515

Homage to ee 117, 418

Hommar, 140, 356

Honfleur, 259

Hooded seal, 349

Horned pout, 3538

Howley, Archbishop, 283, 325

Huistres, 359

Humming bird, description, 393 ©

Huret, 159, 160, 161, 162

Hutchins’ goose, 371

Hyrondelle, 393

ICEBERGS, 264

Icefields, 170

Ignace, Father, 37

Ingonish, 184

Iron, 380

Irwins Pond, 171

Island River, 202

Isle aux Moutons, 142

Isle de Bonne-avanture, 224

——- d’Oleron, 269

de Ne, 266

-—“ de Sable, 205, 207

——— Holt, 122

—— Longue, 124, 125, 126

—— lOrmet, I91

—— Madame, 175

—— Percée, 204, description, 221

Isles Ramées, 205, 206

Esters: ae 192, 205; description, 207, 343

Saint John (S. Jean), 13, 15

Isles aux Oiseaux, 205

—— de la Magdelaine, 206, 34 2)

—— of Miscou, 200

Isle Verte, 157, 176, 180

Indians, 399-452 ; ages, 399; burials, 437-442; care of children, 403;

207, 219, 324;

618

changes in customs, 442; cooking, 401 ; customs, 32, 82, 92, 399, 442; diseases, 416; dress, 411 ; drunken- ness, 82, 196, 444, 449; feasts, 408 ; funeral orations, 438; genealogies, 410, 437; head-dress, 414; kettles, 401 ; manners, 399, 442 ; marriages, 407, 410, 415; marriage feasts, 408 ; moose hunting, 426; murders, 445, 450; orations, 409 ; ornament, 414; outwit Europeans, 448; quarrels, 82, 444; remedies, 449; speeches, 408 ; stories, 418 ; superstitions, 441 ; sweat-baths, 416; trade, 10, 172, 445, 446 ; work of the men, 407, 419, 424 ; work of the women, 407, 422, 423; worship, 415

Indian children, disposition, 404

women, chastity, 415; drinking

by, 449; modesty, 407

routes of travel, 118, 194

Indiantown, 198

JACK, E., 46

Jasmine, 253

Jeddore, 156

Jesuit missionaries, 32, 446

Relations, 37, 39, 47, 147, 148, 155, 167, 166, 182, 164, 212,21 35227, 367, 399, 407, 415 ; sce also Biard, Father

John Carter Brown Library, 53

Jones Creek, 141

Jordan River, 140

Fost AL Co i67

Judicial Archives of Quebec, ix., 38, 40

Jumeau, 210

KAIN, S. W., 395, 424

Kavanagh Creek, 177

Kebec, 108, 214, 232, 251

Keith, 311

Kettles, 401, 443 ; of wood, 406 ; valued by Indians, 441

Kidder, 119

Kiernan, T. J., x.

Kirk, T., 3.98

Knight, T. F., 283

Kohl collection of maps, 39

Kouchibouguac, 195, 197

Kouchibouguacsis, 195

Kumoo, 423

LABRADOR, 176, 178, 182; meaning,

179 Labrador duck, 372 Lafitau, 118

ee eee

INDEX

La Haive, or La Have, 5, 10, 29, 98, 99, 100, IOI, 142, 151; description, 147

Lamec, 202

Lamprey, 351

Lamps, 329

Lances of Indians, 420

Landrys River, 202

Lanigans Beach, 165

Lanson, 223

Lapin, 389

Lapis Lazuli, 112

Larcadia, 126

Larks, 374

La Rochelle, 3, 143, 181

Larousse, 131, 373

La Tour, Charles de; 2;)3,) a.5ee 23, 34, 42, 100, 113, 116, tee, 131, 203

—— Claude de, 2, 3, 4, 98, 128, 132, 133, 137

—— Madame de, 6; defender of Fort La Tour, 123

La Tours, struggle at Cape Sable, 134

Laval University, 52

Laverdiére, 97, 121, 136, 137, 164, 429

La Vieille, 226

Lavoie, Father, 222

Leads for fishing, 275

Lead mines, 227

League, value, 106

Leaping salmon, 436

Le Beau, 367

Le Borgne, E., 6, 7, 12, 26, 38, 67, 98, 99, 100, 116, 148, 160

(son), 101, 160-161

Le Chadye, 185

L’éches, 375

Le: Clercq, C., 21, 25,32, 435 1775 eee 222, 223, 381, 383, 395, 399, 400, 401, 402, 403, 404, 405, 406, 407, 409, 410, 411, 412, 415, 416, 417, 419, 423, 428, 429, 438, 439, 444, 449

Legislative Library of Quebec, 52

Le Jeune, 407

Leland, C. G., 419

Lemproye, 351

Lencornet, 355

Lennox Passage, 176

Lenox Library, x., 49, 51, 52

Lent, 263

Leonard’s Recueil, 229

Lescarbot, M., 25, 142, 177, 203) 20a5 283, 370, 382, 399, 400, 402, 404, 405, 407, 410, 415, 417, 422, 423, 429, 438, 439

Le Tac, 222

INDEX

Letter of Denys, 41 ; text, 79

Letters Patent of 1654, 12, 100; text, 61

E’herbe, 371

L’Hermitte, Sr., 179, 220, 225, 325

Library of Congress, 39

Library of Parliament, 52

License, for printing this book, 240

Lieutenant-General Denys, 7, 12, 23, 38, 61, 63

Lievre, 389

Lights, description, 329

Limestone, 380

Ling, 354

Liscomb Harbour, 156

Little Harbour, 188

Little Passage, 168, 169, 175, 186

Little River, 212

Little Skate, 353

Littré, 323, 325

Liver-butt, 291, 314, 334

Liverpool, 5, 10, 142, 143

Livers of cod, 314

Livre, value, 99

Lobsters, 140, 174, 212, 216, 217, 355

Lodging of fishermen, 280

Lomeron, De, 128

Lomeron, Port, 3

Londin Beach, 189

Long-tailed duck, 373

Loon, 373

Louisbourg, 1381

Louis d’or, value, 362

Louis, King of France, 67, 79, 88, 239

Louniguins, 119

Loup-servier, 383

Loups marins, 129, 349

Loutre, 362

Lucas, 268

Lunenburg, 148, 149, 153

Ey, 362, 342; description, 383; hunting, 434

MABOU River, 186

MacDonald, Mrs. A. D., 158

Mackenzie Head, 189

Mackerel, 65, 109, 112, 139, 155, 165, 184, 186, 193, 197, 211, 213, 219, 223, 227, 318, 326, 351; blindness, 320 ; fishery, 319, 321

Mackerel gulls, 112, 375

MacLeod, R. R., 20, 178

Macreuse, 372

Madam Island, 175

Madrid, 145

Magdalen Islands, 12, 13, 16, 343, 350; description, 205

619

Magdeleine, 207

Maggiolo, 182

Mahy Islands, 218

Maillard, Father, 400, 404, 407, 409, 410, 417, 439

Mainchi, 192

Maine Historical Magazine, 47

Maine Historical Society, 39, 98

Mal Bay, 223

Malignant Bay, 188

Maliseet, 119

Manitou, 117, 417

Manna, OI

Map of Acadia by Denys, 33, 51, 89

Maple, 107, 124, 182, 186,. 190, 215, 218, 380, 419 ; sap, 380; sugar, 381

Maquereau, 351

Maquereau, Pointe au, 218

Marache, 357

Marcelle Point, 211

Margaree, 186

Margots, 112

Marigot, 323

Marionettes, 374

Marot, 137

Marsh Point, 186

Marsouins, 351

Martachées, 413

Marten, 382, 403, 413, 442, 447, 448 ; description, 387

Marthe, 387

Martin, H. T., 368

Martre, 387

Massachusetts Historical Society, 38

Masting, 108, 380

Matane, 215

Mate, duty, 339

MiGrath, P. 7T:,:260

M‘Gregor, J., 283

M‘Guire, J. D., 424

McNairs Cove, 170

Medicine men, 417

Mémoires des Commissaires, 45, 229

Memorial of 1689 (text), 76

Memorials of Commissaries, 38, 128, 169

Menane, III, 112

Mensel, E., 80

Mercure Francois, 229

Mercure, P., 398

Merganser, 373

Merigomish Harbour, 188

Merle, 374, 392

Merluche, 257, 269, 341

Merman, 80, 81, 166

Mescognus, 107

620

Messes of fishermen, 316

Metapedia, 215

Meulles, De, 17, 41, 119, 169

Michaur (Michaux or Michou) islands, 181

Micmac language, 33, 109, 128, 133, 153, 155, 164, 167, 171, 177, 179, 182, 185, 190, 192, 194, 197, 200, 210, 212, 215, 226, 374, 378, 398, 413, 423, 447

legends, 419

tribe, 399, 400

Middle River, 212

Mignogon, 33 ; identity, 378

Mijepode, 447

Mill Cove, 171

Creek, 183

pond, 113

Mines, 88, 121

Mink, 382, 388

Minnows, 358

Minot, value, 260

Miramichi, 11, 16, 21,\22, 23, 41, 42% 43, 161, 195, 212; description, 197 ; origin of name, 1975. POSt- at, 1%; 161, 200

Mirligaiche, 149, 153

Mirliguesche, 172

Miscou, 2,).3,..4, ©, 10; 11, 12,737, 40, 47, 48, 68, 201, 206, 210, 446; de- scription, 200; establishment, 203; fire on, 396; origin of name, 200

Moccasins, 412

Moll’s map, 33, 311

Molue, 33

Montagne, La, 159, 160, 161

Monts, Sieur de, 2, 111, 120, 522, 141, 142, 147

Moodie Cove, 189, 190

Moose, 109, 121, 157, 187, 198, 199, 209, 418, 423, 447; calling, 427 ; description, 382; hunting, 426; rutting, 427

Moose butter, 423

Moore, C. L., 189

Moore, Geo., 178

Morasses, 201

More, 142

Moreau, 10, 34, 35, 45, 115, 128, 136, 147,150

Moreau de Saint Méry, 38

Morriston Pond, 173

Morue, 33

Moshers Island, 147

Moulles, 139

Mount Granville, 177

INDEX

Mount Joly, 223

Mount Sainte Anne, 224

Moutons, 332, 335

Mouton, Port, 141

Mouton, Riviere du, 169

Moyaque, 33, 109

Mud-hen, 373

Muids, capacity, 253

Mules, 363

Murdoch, B., 44, 45, 98, 128, 133, 148, 151, 160, 162, 169, 184

Murray, D., 170, 171

Murres, 374

Muskrat, 447 ; description, 361

Mussels, 139, 171, 216, 218

NAMES of animals and plants, 107

Nantes, 248, 249, 254, 255

Natural History, translation, 241;

text, 515

Navigation, 29, 90

Nectarines, 203

Nepisiguit, 2,.7, 12, 13, 14, tae 46, 69, 77, 105, 118, LIQ) Eyenumeena 162, 198, 216, 379, 395, 446; de- scription, 212; origin of name, 202

New Brunswick Historical Society, 40, 42, 43, 48, 200

New Brunswick Magazine, 115, 126

New Carlisle, 215

Newcastle, 199

New Cod, 263

Newfoundland, 205, 258, 279, 325

New France, 28, 247, 249; see also Acadia

New Glasgow, 190

New York Public Library, 52, 53

Nigadoo, 214

Niganiche (or Niganis), 183, 184, 185

Night-hawks, 392

Night heron, 373

Noddy, 266

Noizilliers, 396

Normandy, 254, 259

Normans, 219, 259

North American Review, 45

| North Gut, 183

North-west Miramichi, 198

Notice to the Reader, text, 89 Notes, 313

Nouvelle River, 217

Nova Scotia Historical Society, 53

OAK, 107, 108, I1I, 119, 122, ;ame 149, 150, 154, 173, 182, 189, 190,

INDEX

191, 218; description, 378; uses, 379

Oakum, 299

Ochatis, 185

Oil press, 289

Oiseau mouche, 393

Old Fort, 114, 115

Oleron, 260

Oliver Island, 165

Olonne, 181, 259

Oranges, 2 53

Ordinance of 1677 (texe), a3

Orfrayes, 392

Orignac, identity, 382

Ormes, 380

Orphan Bank, 208

Orphelins, Bank aux, 219

Osprey, 392

Otis, 207

Otis-Slafter, 97

@itier,, 100, 121, scription, 362

Ours, 383

Outarde, identity, 370

Outfit of fishermen, 276

Owls, habits, 92, 392

Oyes, 127; blanches et grises, 142

Oyster 171, 160, 100, 191, 193, 218,

' 419; distribution in Acadia, 172; how taken, 359

Oyster Pond, 171

361, 413, 442; de-

PABOS, 218

Paddles, 422

Pain de cacamos, 423

Palonne, 373

Paltsits, Victor H., x., 42, 49

Pantagoiet, latitude, 255

Papon, 69, 99

Paris, 254, 255

Parkman, F’., 38, 116, 151

Parks Cove, 149

Partridges, 109, 124, 193, 202, 434; capture, 391 ; description, 3090

Partridge Island, 113

Paspebiac, 215, 216

Passage de Fronsac, 170

Passamaquoddy, 24, 47, 110, 111

Passepec, 155

Patterson, G., 46, 177, 188, 189, 190, 206, 207, 350, 424

Peaches, 203

Pears, 214

Peas, 139, 214

Pemetegoit, 97

Pennegoins, 266, 268

621

Penobscot, 5, 7, 8, 29, 247; latitude, 255; Origin of name, 97

Pentagotet, 97, 109

Percé, early settlement, 223

Rock, 221

Seigniory, 15, 16, 222

Perdrix, 390

Peregrine falcon, 390

Perley, Mik. 283,) 350

Perpisawick, 155

Perroquets de mer, 112

Pesche sedentaire, 341

Peschipotys, 33, 447

Petitcodiac, 121

Petit Chibou, 182

Petitdegrat Island, 176, 326

Petite Riviere, 146, 223

Petit lapis, 397

Pas Island, 165

—— Paspec-biac, 215

Passage, 125

Petits Pins, 379

Petrels, 266, 267

Pew, 308

Pheasant, 391

Philological problems, 32

Picqueurs, 287

Pictou, 46; description, 189; origin of name, 190

Piers, H., 373, 424

Pigeon-hawk, 390

Pigeons, 109, 124, 193, 199, 216, 224, 225227. Que

Pigeons a la rape, 252

Pigeons de mer, 112

Pilot, 271

Pin, 379

Pine, 107, 122, 127, 173, 180, 182, 1386, 190, 191, 192, 193, 197, 2183 uses, 107, 379

Pine marten, 387

Pipegueniche, 133

Pipes, 424

Pipe-stem wood, 425

Piquebois, 392

Piscatiqui, 165

Pisquit, 79

Pitois, 388

Plaisance, 279

Plaise, 355

Plaster, 15, 74

Platins, 197

Play the cap, 324

Plessis, Bishop, 165, 283

Plie de mer, 355

Plongeon, 373

622

Plover 142,054. 193"- kinds, 374

Pluviers, 193, 374

Poil, 384

Pointe au Pére, 213

Pokemouche, 200

Pokesuedie, 129, 211

Pomquet, 172

Pommiers, 397

Pond fish, 358

Ponnamon, 177

Poor of France, 251

Poplars, 171

Porc-epic, 384

Porcupine, 382 ; description, 384

Porcupine quills, 384, 413, 414, 423, 448

Porcupine, Cape, 170

Porpoises, 351

Portages, 119, 194, 198, 215

Portage Brook, 219

Port aux Moutons, description, 141

Porte, 143

Port Daniel, description, 217

Port de la Baleine, 181

Portland, Point, 115

Port La Tour, 128, 132, 133, 138

Port Lomeron, 128, 133

Portobello, 194

Port of Cap Naigre, 140

Bossisnel, 5, 10, 142

i, ae es Royal, 2 2, 3) 45 5; 75 8, 13; 98, Too,

151,,160; Capture im) 1654,0 ter ;

description, 122

Se. Marie, 175

Portugal, 143, 144

Posteau, 353

Potash, go

Pote, W., 400

Pot, The, 117

Pougues, 380

Poule d’eau, 373

Poules de mer, 266, 267

Pounamon, 33, 177

Poursille, 351

Poutrincourt, De, 2

Premiums to fishermen, 271

Prime, 185

Prince, |. are

Prince Edward Island, 192, 205, 209; see also Isle Saint John (Jean)

Princes pine, 379

Privilege du Roy, 514

Prospect, 155

Provence, 255

Provisions, how administered, 317

Provisions of 1654, text, 61

INDEX

Prowse, Judge, 279, 311, 324 Pruniers, 397

Prusse, 107, 380

Public Record Office, 41 Pubnico, 129

| Puffins, 112

Pugwash, 192

Pye, 221

| QUACO, 121

Quahog, 415 Queensport, 166 Quincajou, identity, 385 Quintals, value, 338

{

RABBES, 312, 334

Rabbit, hunting of, 389

Ragged Island, 169

Rameau, 128, 133, 447

Ram’s Horn, 292

Rand, S. T., cited, 109, 128, 164, 167, 171, 177, 190, 192, 374, 378, 400, 423, 425, 447

Raspberries, 154, 199, 214, 225, 396

Raspberry Island, 147

Rat Musqué, 361

Raudot, 43, 78

Raven, 391

Rayes, 353

Raymond, W. T., 235

Razilly, Isaac de, 5, 9, 10, 11, 775 975 98, 124, 142, 146, 149, 150, 153, 154, 203, 218, 341, 441; biography, 147

Razor-billed auk, 374

Razor-clams, 139

Ré, 260

Rechibouctou, description, 194, 198 ; see also Richibucto

Recollets, 16, 137

Redbank, 198

Red-headed woodpeckers, 393

Red oak, 378

Red squirrel, 387

Relations of the Jesuits. Relations

Renards, 384

| Renewal of 1667, text, 71

| Requiem, 357

Restigouche, 16, 22, 33; description,

See Jesuit

215 Rey-Gaillards, 25 Richelet, Dictionnaire, 35, 44, 385 Richelieu, Cardinal, 145, 170 Richibucto, 16, 24, 194 Richmond Bay, 208 Rigging the lead, 276

INDEX

Risser, J. F.,.147; 153 Ritceys Cove, 149 Rivedou, 133, 342 Riviere aux Ours, 127 Riviere des Espagnols, 182 River fish, 110, 358 Riverport, 10, 147, 150 Robin, 374, 392

Rock Island, 166

Roe, 312, 314 Rolante, 224

Ronces, 397

Rooms, 300

Rosier, Cape, 20, 228 Ross, Hon. W., 183 Rouillard, E., 215, 226 Rouleau, P., 80, 81 Roy, P. G., 215

Rums, 300

Russian wool, 363 Rustico Beach, 189

SABBIES Branch, 195

Sable, 387

Sable, origin of word, 131

Sable Island, description, 207, 350

Sainsbury, Calendar, 116

Saint Annes, 4, II, 24, 43, 78, 993 description, 183

Cembro, 155

Crowe 2, 11, 110; 111

—— Georges Bay, 171

—— Germain, Treaty of, 4, 229

——— James, 149

—— Jean (or Saint John) River, 2, 5, 47, 194; description, 113

—— Laurent, Baye, description, 188

—— Laurent, River of, 247, 249

—— Louis Village, 195

Malo, 155

Sainte Marie Island, 175

Saint Marie River, 102, 157, 343

Marys, 157, 173

— Michel, 149

Ovide, 143

—— Paul, Island of, 205

—— Peters (see also Saint Pierre), 7, 10, II, 12, 13, 14, 24, 43, 99, 152, 161, 176, 177, 208

—— Peters River, 214

—— Pierre (see also Saint Peters), 99, 100, 159, 168, 343; description, 176 ; destruction by fire, 105

—— Valier, 42, 400, 407

Saline, 288

Salmon, 65, I10, I14, 124, 127, 129,

623

139, 149, 166, 178, 184, 186, 193,

199, 212, 213, 214, 226, 351, 436;

pecans, 437; Spearing, 436 ; species,

43

Salmon River, 121, 166, 173, 194

Salmon trout, 166, 436 ; identity, 359

Salt-bin, 288, 307, 311, 335

Salter, 313

Salt in New France, 256

Sambro Island, 155

Samuels, E. A., 359

Sand-eel, 124

Sand flats, 197

Sandpipers, 129, 375

Sandy beach, 227

Sanson, 176, 216

Sapin, 107, 379

Sarcelle, 373

Sardines, 65, 267, 352

Saumon, 351

Saumon R. 351

Savary, 122

Sawhbills, 373

Saw-fish, 356

Scallops, 149

Sciaena, 114

Sea-birds, 370

Sea-cow, 65, 350, 351

Sea-crayfishes, 140

Sea-eel, 351, 352

Sea-fishes, 349

Sea-horse, 350

Sea-parrots, 112

Sea-pigeons, 112

Sea Wolf Island, 186

Seasons described, 394

Seals, 130, 206, 403; fishery, 130, 342, 350; habits, 350; kinds, 349; oil, 350; skins, 447

Seal Islands, 130

Secherie, 270

Sedentary fishery, 10, 12, 16, 27, 31, 87, 142, 150, 167; discussed, 341I- 348

Seiche, 355

Seignelay, 42, 76

Seigniory of Miramichi, 16, 22, 41, 42,

du (or: au), 166, 214,

Seigniory of Isle Percée, 222 Seine, 358

Seriziers, 396

Serpens, 388

Shad, 114, 149, 351

Shark, 357

Shea, J. G., 44, 97

624

Shediac, 193 Sheldrake Island, 197 Sherbrooke, 158 Shiner, 358 Shippegan, 200, 202, 203, 210 Ship Harbour, 156 Shou Bay Hill, 147 Shubenacadie, 121 Sideboards, 300 Sirois, Father, 222 Skins, 447

Skates, 353

Slafter, E. 5 128, 207

Smelt, 127, 139, 193, 223, 326, 351; size, 129

Smith, A. C., 109, 112, 142, 223, 370, 374, 392

TT DaG: 2) 436

—— Island, 186

Snakes, 382, 388

Snipe, 129, 142, 154, 193, 375

Snow geese, 142

in Acadia, 250, 395

shoes, description, 419

Sole, 352

Southack, 41

South Gut, 183

South River, 172, 173

Spain, losses in, 143

Spanish Bay, 182

Spencer, Cape, 120

Splitters, 287, 309, 310, 311, 312

Splitting-table, 287

Spoonbill, 373

Springs at Miscou, 202

Spring, description, 394

Springhill, 119

Spruce, 107, 122, 379

partridge, 390

roots, use, 406, 420

Squalls, 273

Squid, 355

Squid Cove, 165

Squirrels, 382, 413, 434, 447, 448; description, 387

Stag, 383

Staging, description, 283

Starling, 392

Starry ray, 353

Steward, 272, 281

Stewiacke, 158

Stock-fish, 257, 269

Stone axes, 402

Stowers, 270, 271, 309

Strawberries, 154, 199, 214, 225

Stuart, Sir J., 3, 181

INDEX

Sturgeons, 213; capture, 354 ; descrip- tion, 353

Sugar cane, 253

Sulte, B., 38, 41, 46

Summer, description, 394

Superstitions of Indians, 430

Susa, Convention of, 229

Swallow, 393

Sweat-houses of Indians, 416

Swiss, 387

Swordfish, 356

Sydney, Cape Breton, 90, 182

TABAGIE, 438

Table a Rolant, 224

Table of Chapters, Vol. I., 93; Vol. i243

Tabusintac, 200

Talon, 222

Tanguay, 21, 23, 24, 45

Tantet, M. Victor, 57

Tatamagouche, 191

Teagues Brook, 211

Teal, 109, 127, 129, 141, 154, 172, 193, 318, 373

Temple, 116, 162

Terns, 375

Terre neufve, 205

Tetagouche, 212

Theodore River, 156

Thevet, 126, 164

Thistles, 397

Thomaston, 107

Thorn-bushes, 397

Throaters, 287, 311, 312

Thwaites, R. G., editor of the Jesuit Relations, which see

Tiburon, 357

Tides of Bras d’Or, 179

Tiercelet, 390

Timbre, 292, 328, 331

Title of Denys’ book discussed, 28

Tobacco, 419

Tobique, 119

Toling, 335

Tomcod, 177

Tor Bay, 162

Toronto Public Library, 52

Tortoise, description, 359

Tortué, 359

Tourmentin, Cape, 192

Tournevires, 129

Tournevire, 304

Tousquet, Isles of, 128, 210, 211, 342,

349 Tracadie, 200

INDEX

Tracadie Harbour, 208

Tracadigash Point, 215

Trancheur, 287

Transactions Nova Scotian Institute, 206

Royal Society of Canada, cited, 46, 47, 48, III, 114, 115, 118, 119, 126, 161, 173, 175, 177, 194, 195, 197, 198, 203, 205, 207, 213, 215

Translation, method explained, viii.

Tretil, 291

Trippe de molue, 313

Trout, 110, 124, 129, 139, 193, 351

Truite, 351

Truites, saumonées, 359

Tuberose, 253

Tulip, 253

Turnstones, 129

Tusket, 128, 129, 130, 349

UTRECHT, Treaty of, 279

VACHES Marines, 350

Valleston, 273

Walhtene, Ia, 15, 21, 24, 44

Vanelly, 233

Vas-tu, Viens-tu, 304

Veillée, 397

Vendome, Duc de, 37

Venning, W. H., 359

Verrazano, I

Vice-Admiral, 164

Vignaux, or Vignots, 293

Vieux Logis, 133

Vincens, Mlle., x.

Vine, 203 ; in New France, 254; treat- ment, 255

Vitré, or Vitray, Sieur de, 9, 10, 143

Voyal, 304

Vvak, Isaac, same as Wake

Wak lsaac,-220,.235, 236, 237, 238, 239

Walker, B. E., x.

Wallace River, 192

Walnuts, 120

Walrus, 207, 350

Wampum, 410 ; description, 414

625

Warburton, 350

Washademoac, 121

Washing-box, 292

Water-horse, 291

Watson, T. W., 140)

Weasel, 382, 388

Wedge Island, 157

Wells, H. P., 363

West Ironbound Island, 147

West River, 190

Whale, 356, 357, 403

Wheat in Acadia, 139, 214

Wheelbarrows, 292

Wheeler, G. A., 98

Whelks, 139

Whitbourne, 80

White pine, 379

White whale, 351

Whitman, C. H., 165, 283

Widgeon, 372, 373

Wigwams, construction, 405; 423; place of honour, 408

Wildiesecse, 625) Togs /Ti2, 127, 128. 141, 154, 172, 184, 193, 212, 318, 384, 443; description, 370; habits, 201; hunting, 435

Wild grapes, 120

Wild pigeon. See Pigeon

Willis, 149

Wilson’s thrush, 19

Wine, in Acadia, 252 ; and water, 305, 317

Winsor, J-, 35, 39) 45, 46, 311, 324

Winter, description, 395

Winthrop, J., 116

Wolfe, H. M., 147

Wolverene, description, 382, 385

Wolves Islands, 112

Worship of Indians, 415

Woodcock, 391

Woods of Acadia, 377

Woods fires, 395

Woodpeckers, 392

Wood’s Natural History, 114

Wrong, G. M., x1.

fires,

YARDING of moose, 428 Yarmouth, 128

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