FIELDIANA Anthropology NEW SERIES, NO. 38 Fashioning Tradition: Maya Huipiles in the Field Museum Collections J. Claire Odland April 17,2006 Publication 1538 PUBLISHED BY FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY FIELDIANA Anthropology NEW SERIES, NO. 38 Fashioning Tradition: Maya Huipiles in the Field Museum Collections J. Claire Odland Department of Anthropology Field Museum of Natural History 1400 South Lake Shore Drive Chicago. Illinois 606052496 U.S.A. Accepted 27 July 2005 Published April 17, 2006 Publication 1538 PUBLISHED BY FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY © 2006 Field Museum of Natural History ISSN 0071-4739 PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA Table of Contents List of Figures I. The Field Museum Collection and Its Collectors 2 Introduction 2 Periods of Collection 3 Township Signature Elements 3 Chichicastenango 3 The Cohan area. Alia Verapdz 4 San Juan Comalapa 5 San Antonio Aguas Calientes 6 Santa Maria de Jesiis 7 San Pedro Sacatepequez 7 Quetzaltenango 8 The Flow of Fashion 9 II. The Fashion of TVMy/: 10 Modem Dress and Indigenous Identity 10 Traditional Markers 10 Function 10 Ceremony II Mourning 11 Wealth 11 Age and Youth 12 Sexuality 12 Worldliness 12 III. Components of Traditional HUIPILES 12 Fibers 13 Dyes 14 Shape 14 Color 14 Pattern and Design Motifs 15 Symbolism 15 IV. Technology and Contemporary Markets 16 Backstrap Loom Weaving 16 Types of Weave 16 Brocade Terminology 17 Embroidery, Trims, and Findings 17 Applique 18 Floor Loom Weaving 18 Contemporary Markets 19 V. Women's Traditional Roles and Current Trends 19 Home and Village 19 Women's Roles 19 The Cofradia 20 Economic Pressures 21 Political Security 21 VI. Fashioning Tradition 22 VII. Literature Cited 23 VIII. Figures 25 Appendix 1 . Descriptions OF Figures 25 1. Mountainous landscape near Nebaj 31 2. Linguistic areas of Guatemala 31 3. 2393.190005. huipil from Chichicasten- ango 32 4. 1935.189256. ceremonial huipil from Chichica.stenango 32 5. 3967.191499. huipil from Chichica.sten- ango 33 6. 4164.28, huipil from Chichica.stenango .. 33 7. Market women in Chichicastenango. 1995 34 8. Market women in Coban. 2(X)5 34 9. 1741.103709, /m//;/7 from Cobdn 35 10. 3318.192213, /im//>/7 from Coban 35 11. 2648.242213, unfinished huipil from Coban 36 12. 2648.242213, close-up view of unfin- ished huipil from Cobdn 36 13. 3266.243980, unfinished huipil from Coban 37 14. Market women in Comalapa, 1996 37 15. Dofia Lucia Serech modeling ceremo- nial Comalapa huipil, 1996 38 16. 3523.42812, ceremonial huipil from Comalapa 38 17. 3759.269639, /iM/>?/7 from Comalapa 39 18. 2393.190059, ceremonial huipil from Comalapa 39 19. 2977.190635, ceremonial huipil from Comalapa 40 20. 1820.188540, huipil from San Martin Jilotepeque 40 21. 2393.189967, huipil from San Antonio Aguas Calientes 41 22. 3523.42815, huipil from San Antonio Aguas Calientes 41 23. 3850.167017, in.side of huipil from San Antonio Aguas Calientes 42 24. 3850.167017, huipil from San Antonio Aguas Calientes 42 25. 1820.188547, huipil from Santa Maria de Jesus 43 26. 2977.190639, ceremonial huipil from Santa Maria de Jcsiis 43 27. 2977.190640. huipil from Santa Maria de Jesiis 44 28. 1 2.442, wedding huipil from Santa Maria de Jesiis 44 29. Perraje fabric, author's collection 45 30. 1820.188528, huipil from San Pedro Sacatepequez 45 m 31. 4164.54, saint's huipil from San Pedro Sacatepequez 46 32. 2393.190066, ceremonial huipil from San Pedro Sacatepequez 46 33. 3312.288129, ceremonial huipil from San Pedro Sacatepequez 47 34. Maya Kaqchiquel women from San Pedro Sacatepequez, c.1900 48 Used with permission of CIRMA, see Appendix 1. 35. 162.188862, huipil from Quetzaltenan- go 49 36. 1820.188551, huipil panel from Quet- zaltenango 49 37. 2393.190017, huipil from Quetzalte- nango 50 38. Maya Quiche family from Quetzalte- nango, C.1930 50 Used with permission of CIRMA, see Appendix 1 39. 2393.190013, ceremonial huipil from Quetzaltenango 51 40. Woman in ceremonial huipil from Quetzaltenango, 1935 51 Used with permission of Tulane Uni- versity, see Appendix 1. 41. 3967.191502, huipil from Quetzalten- ango 52 42. Maya women in Holy Week proces- sion, Quetzaltenango, 1995 52 43. 4164.29, huipil from Quetzaltenango 53 44. Examples of two-faced brocade. A, Chichicastenango, and B, Comalapa 53 45. Maya woman carrying wood, Nebaj, 1997 54 46. 3780.167746, huipil from Chichicasten- ango 54 47. Maya girl in Chichicastenango, 1995 .... 55 48. Maya girls in Nauhuala, 1996 55 49. Maya women in Comalapa, 1996 56 50. Natural brown cotton and spindles from Santiago Atitlan, 1996 51. Maya women with loom and spindles, Santiago Atitlan, 1996 52. Maya women prepare thread, Comala- pa, 2004 53. Detail of Coban huipil 3312.288124 showing gauze weave 54. 33 1 2.288 1 24, unfinished huipil from Coban 55. Sample loom with sword, picks, bob- bins, shuttle and backstrap 56. 2401.190085 inside of huipil from San Antonio Aguas Calientes 57. 2401.190085, huipil from San Antonio Aguas Calientes 58. 2393.190048 inside, huipil from San Jose Poaquil, near Comalapa 59. 2393.190048, huipil from San Jose Poaquil, near Comalapa 60. Belts from Comalapa in tapestry weave 61. Maya girl from Comalapa with 2 back- strap looms, Comalapa 62. 2401.190082, huipil from San Pedro Sacatepequez 63. 2401.190082, neck detail on huipil from San Pedro Sacatepequez 64. Woman weaving on treadle loom, Comalapa. 2004 65. Men weaving on draw loom, Comala- pa, 1996 66. Women making tortillas in a kitchen in Comalapa, 1996 67. Huipil stall in the Chichicastenango market, 1995 68. Ladina women in the Good Friday procession. Antigua, 1995 69. Crosses honoring those lost in the vio- lence of 1972-1996. Cotzal, 2001 70. Maya woman in traje. Good Friday, Santiago Atitlan. 2001 Fashioning Tradition: Maya Huipiles in the Field Museum Collections J. Claire Odland Abstract This study analyzes 145 huipiles (Maya women's blouses) stored in the Department of Anthropology at the Field Museum. These blouses were collected during the period 1893- 1995 from seven towns in the Guatemalan Highlands (Coban, Santa Maria de Jesus. San Pedro Sacatepequez. San Antonio Aguas Calientes, Quetzaltenango, Comalapa, and Chichi- castenango). The Imipil, usually elaborately brocaded by hand on a back strap loom, is a traditional garment that continues to be popular and has great social signihcance. Changes in huipil fashion reflect political, economic, and social change in indigenous women's lives. Textiles are analyzed in the context of specific technological and material innovations, as well as social and historical events, relating these to changes in the huipil fashion for each town. Insight into the daily life, family, and gender roles in these communities is illustrated with photographs of huipiles in use and being made. Another important issue is the relation- ship between fashions in huipiles and the economic well being of women. Due to the in- creased political stability brought about by the Peace Accords, greater social mobility and relative prosperity allows Maya women to access huipil styles from other communities and to create nontraditional fashions. Resumen Modas de Costumbres: Huipiles Mayas en la Coleccion del Field Museum Este estudio analiza 145 huipiles (blusas de las mujeres mayas) que se encuentran deposi- tados en el Departamento de Antropologia en el Field Museum. Estas blusas fucron colectadas durante el periodo de 1893 a 1995. en siete diferentes pueblos en el Altiplano Guatcmalteco (Coban. Santa Mari'a de Jesiis. San Pedro Sacatep«5quez (Gta). San Antonio Aguas Calientes, Quetzaltenango, Comalapa y Chichicastenango). El huipil es una vestimenta tradicional que continua siendo muy popular y que tiene un significado social muy importante. Gcneralmente tiene un brocado muy elaborado y esta hecho a mano con un telar de cintura. Los cambios en el discfio del huipil reflejan los cambios politicos, ccon6micos y s(Kiales en la vida de las mujeres indigenas. Los textiles se analizan en el contexto de las innovaciones especfficas de la tecnologia y los materialcs, al igual que los eventos scxialcs e historicos, relacionando e.stos cambios en el di.seno del huipil para cada pueblo. La pcrcepcion de la vida cotidiana. la familia y el papel de los diferentes gdneros estd ilustrada con las fotografias de los huipiles que se usan y que se estdn haciendo. Otro asunto importante es la relaci6n entre diseiios en huipiles y el bienestar economico de las mujeres. Debido a la estabilidad politica reciente, creado por los Acucrdos de Paz. mayor movilidad social y mds prosperidad permite que las mujeres mayas puedan tener acceso a otros estilos de huipiles de otras comunidades, y de crear disenos no tradicionales. FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, N.S., NO. 38, APRIL 17, 2006. PP. 1-68 I. The Field Museum Collection and Its Collectors Introduction Clothing, textiles, cloth production, and person- al adornment have come to be seen as elements that demonstrate the social, economic, and polit- ical continuity and change in a culture. Cloth has an unlimited potential for communication graph- ically and emblematically. It can reveal age, sex, status, or it can state degrees of group member- ship and participation in different systems of be- liefs, concealing individual identities in military uniforms or religious robes. The Maya peoples who inhabit the Guatemalan Highlands are well known for their unique style of dress, called traje. Women's traje consists of a hiiipil (blouse), corte (skirt), faja (sash), and may include a distinctive headdress, shawl, apron, and overblouse as well. Men's traje of pants, belt, shirt, and hat may also include a hip wrap, over- pants, jacket, overtunic, and head wrap, any of them significantly designed and decorated. Be- cause each community has developed its own style, form, pattern, and color that serve as sym- bols of identity and meaning, we can assume that the Maya have practiced their weaving traditions for a long time. The traditions of weaving are so deeply rooted in Maya culture that almost every Maya woman is taught to weave. Little girls play at weaving from an early age, learning from their mothers, aunts and cousins. By their teens, many are ex- perts. Those who excel may make for those who have less talent or time. As a result, it is not un- usual for a woman wearing the traditional huipil blouse to have multiple identities at any given time: she can be fashion designer, maker, market- er, and consumer, all wrapped in one. Changes in fashion have many entangled and interwoven causes, none clear and distinct. Some could be called contagious, where admiration for one dress style provokes imitations or, on the con- trary, fear or distaste leads to a style being shunned. This can, of course, take place on an individual or a group level. Other changes can be precipitated by more external events, such as a rise in price of one material or a failure in the supply of another. Individual options are then de- pendent on the new environment. This monograph will thus reserve the right to return to a topic to discuss the complications of changes and follow wherever they lead. This study is based on museum research ar lyzing 145 huipiles from seven municipaliti* from the Quiche region, Chichicastenango a Quetzaltenango; from the Kaqchiquel region, S Antonio Aguas Calientes, San Juan Comalaj Santa Maria de Jesus, and San Pedro Sacatef quez (Department of Guatemala); and from t Kekchi region, the Coban area of Alta Verap; From 1994 to 2005, the author repeatedly visit the area to work with women's cooperatives San Juan Comalapa and San Antonio Aguas C; ientes. Huipiles from these municipalities held The Textile Museum, Washington, DC, the Ami ican Museum of Natural History, New York, t Maudslay Collection at the Victoria and Albe London, the Ixchel Museum in Guatemala, a the private and extensive DuFlon Collection Antigua, Guatemala, have also been considen The huipil was selected for this study because is a traditional garment still in wide popular d and because its use seems to have great soc significance. Examples both in the Collection a worn on the street today are highly artistic a require great technical skill to produce. The word huipil is taken from the Nahuatl h guage, ^'huipilli/' but is now in common usa throughout Mesoamerica. The huipil worn tod by the indigenous Maya women of Guatemala h not changed substantially since the Conquest. O finds this same tunic or blouse sewn of unc rectangular pieces of cloth, woven to size, p( trayed on ancient Maya and Aztec archeologi( pots and carvings and clay figures of women, a drawings from the Codices of the conquest of W soamerica (Anawalt, 1981). The writings and lustrations of 16th century Spanish chronich such as Bernal Diaz de Castillo and Remesal p( tray men wearing loincloths or tunics with cap and women dressed in wrapped skirts and a \ riety of huipiles (Anawalt, 1990; Deuss, 1981, 24). Pre-Columbian huipiles ranged from t humble maguey fiber to the finest cotton, plain ornamented with gold, silver, and feathers. Following the Conquest, indigenous popu tions were gathered into reducciones (forced i settlements) to work the land and pay taxes a tributes, some in the form of cloth or thread, has been suggested that the uniform, village-sf cific dress found in approximately 150 highla towns was created by the Spanish to identify a control subject populations. Others say that tl standardization developed naturally due to the is lation of the region. The research for this artic does not substantiate the concept of enforce FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOC standardized costumes, rumored to be called *7ru- je de sangre" or clothes of blood. The origin of this term and whether it refers to lineage or to violence would be worthy of a separate study. Be- cause the records from this period do not say, it is ultimately unclear how each village developed its distinctive style of dress. Venturing into the Guatemalan Highlands, one finds steep, rugged hills, volcanic mountain chains, and cloud forests that separate high val- leys and bowls. The Highlands suffer frequent earthquakes, destroying the then-capital of Ciudad Vieja in 1541, and demolishing San Juan Coma- lapa in 1976. Only very recently were paved roads built through the rugged, mountainous ter- rain or the large lowland jungle. Even large towns, such as Comalapa, were still accessible only by dirt roads as late as 1995, and craftsmen and traders of the village specialties were the only effective links between villages. As recently as 1990, it was not unusual to see traders following mountain trails with their goods on a wooden back frame (cacaste). supported by a tumpline (mecapal). Villages are also separated by ethnic diversity. Among the 19 indigenous languages, the four principal are Quiche. Mam. Kaqchiquel, and Kekchi (Figs. 1 and 2). Periods of Collection The Field Museum Collection of Maya Textiles spans a century, containing more than 50() wom- en's garments, including 70 headdresses, 75 belts and sa.shes. 38 skirts, and 15 shawls in addition to the 230 huipiles and other items. The women's sash, skirt, headdress, and man's headdress are also indicators of distinction and worthy of further study. The dates that people were visiting Guatemala and collecting reflect the social climate of the times. Many of the historical textiles at the Field Museum were accessioned following the 1893 Chicago Columbian World's Fair. During the pe- riod of archeological exploration following World War I, J. Eric Sidney Thompson, Assistant Cura- tor of Mexican and South American Archaeology, conducted three Captain Marshal Field Expedi- tions to British Honduras in 1927, 1928-1929, and 1931. Between World Wars I and II, Guate- mala experienced a period of growth and stability, reflected in the number of women traveling and collecting there. Florence D. Bartlett (who later became one of the Founders of the Museum of International Folk Art in Santa Fe, New Mexico), Alice H. Gregory. Mrs. Hedwig Mueller, Cathe- rine McQuarrie, and Mrs. Harold Norman provid- ed the Field Museum with a number of huipiles and other garments collected between 1935 and 1941. No huipiles dating from the years of World War II are found in the Collection. The sequence re- sumes with pieces collected by Caroline Van Ev- era during the years 1947-1949. Nothing in the Museum was collected between the American-led coup of 1954 and the earthquake of 1976, when Kate Marks visited the country. Following the res- toration of civil order in the late 198()s, Carol Hendrickson collected in Tecpan during the early 1990s as part of her fleldwork on textile studies. The author collected huipiles as worn on the street in 1994. William Goldman collected during the 198()s and I99()s and donated his collection in 2002. In 2003, Kate and Tony Marks donated their collection, which dales from 1916 to 1989. Township Signature Elements What are the signature elements in the com- munities studied, and how have they responded to changing conditions? What is the fashion in each of these seven towns? How has the fashion in one town affected another? What are some possible rea.sons for the flow of fashion? Examples of continuity and change are plenti- ful. The continued popularity of the eagle emblem of Chichicastenango may illustrate this commu- nity's successful survival. In Cobdn, technology has been used to translate traditional figured gauze weave into eyelet or machine-made lace. Quetzaltenango and San Pedro Sacatepdque/, like Cobdn, have used improved technology to man- ufacture and supply ptipular styles of huipil to other towns while maintaining their own favored styles and color schemes. Comalapa huipiles have continued to feature their distinctive red shoulder bar The extraordinary bnKade technique of San Antonio Aguas Calientes huipiles displays that town's unusual wealth and prestige and has been widely copied, and Santa Maria de Jesus has pre- served a diversity of styles. Chichica.stenango — The Quiche town of Santo Tomas Chichicastenango has been famous for its markets since the 19.3()s. when a fine hotel was built there. The Mayan Inn, and the good road to it, brought tourism and outside trade to what was already a great market center. Many museum col- ODLAND: FASHIONING TRADITION lections feature numbers of huipiles from Chichi- castenango dating from the 1930s to the present, probably due to the accessible and comfortable, yet exotic, atmosphere. Most of the indigenous population of the rural, outlying areas comes in to town only for markets, holy days, and fiestas. The Field Collection from Chichicastenango spans the years from 1916 to 1995. The traditional huipil 2393.190005 (Fig. 3) is made in three pan- els, with a round neck cut in the center panel. It is made long, to tuck into the skirt, except for the ceremonial huipil (which is left hanging out), and the sides are sewn up to the point of the armholes. Typically, the center panel is brocaded more deep- ly than the sides, and if the garment were laid flat, the brocade design would present a cross. The joining seams on older huipiles usually have a decorative, embroidered ''randa.'' Over the years, this detail has transformed into brocade. The sig- nature "sun" design of applique trim around the neck has remained remarkably unchanged in de- sign. Stitching around this trim was hand-embroi- dered chain stitch in the 1920s, while now it is likely to be done by machine. The "sun" fabric was originally strictly blue taffeta, until black was introduced in the 1960s (Rowe, 1981, p. 86). Now any color neck trim can be seen. Traditionally, the distinctive double-headed ea- gle motif over the breast ipecho) was repeated smaller on the side panels, on a solid-color cotton ground of handspun natural white or natural brown cotton, which has been replaced by com- mercial cotton. In huipil 1935.189256 (Fig. 4), the brocade is single faced, with red or magenta in the continuous supplementary wefts and multi- color accents of discontinuous supplementary wefts. (These techniques are discussed in the sec- tion, Backstrap Loom Weaving.) From 1900 through 1930, brocade threads were usually of cotton, silk, or maroon wool. Magenta silk was especially popular for brocade in the 1930s. The 1940s saw Chichicastenango weavers us- ing even more red with contrasting color accents, and more diamonds and zigzags appeared to sur- round the eagles. In the 1950s, the smaller eagles began to disappear from the side panels, replaced by geometric diamonds or zigzags. Until the 1960s, the area around the central eagle was filled with small multicolor dots or geometric or floral motifs. During the 1960s, brocade so filled the breast area that the central eagle was practically hidden, concealed in the camouflage of an all-over dia- mond pattern. At this time, naturalistic flower de- signs, taken originally from cross-stitch pattern books and popularized by the wealthy weavers of San Antonio Aguas Calientes, became fashion- able. The huipil 3967.191499 (Fig. 5) may be a copy of this San Antonio style, but as we will see later, it is rough in comparison and the brocade is single-faced, not two-faced. Also during the 1960s, a labor-saving technique seen earlier in San Pedro Sacatepequez was adopted, resulting in a new alignment of the tie-down warps. Before this, Rowe (1981, p. 86) points out that warp threads were picked out one by one. "In the new technique, a small extra shed rod is placed under all of the warps between the columns of design, so that all may conveniently be raised at once." This creates a ribbed effect, with a thick, velvety textured brocade. The huipil 4164.28 (Fig. 6) uti- lizes this technique, where a modernist floral de- sign is arranged in the traditional cross layout and appliqued with the traditional sun and moon me- dallions. In comparing the dress of the market women in Chichicastenango and Coban, we find most of the indigenous women in both towns wearing the huipil and the fashionable skirt of the area. Both groups wear their hair long and tied back, and some use a sweater instead of the traditional shawl. The Chichicastenango women (Fig. 7) have tucked in their much heavier huipiles, while the Coban women (Fig. 8) wear their much lighter huipils out, over camisoles or slips, in spite of the cool weather. The Coban Area, Alta Verapaz — Coban, in the relatively remote northern highland state of Alta Verapaz, has had a history unlike the other highland communities. Following the Conquest, Alta Verapaz was somewhat protected from the worst of the Spanish exploitation by Fray Barto- lome de las Casas. According to Gordon (1993, p. 28) this had an effect on the development of dress styles. [T]he indigenous population did not receive treat- ment as brutal as that typical elsewhere. In the 1 870s, the area was settled by German coffee grow- ers, whose relationship with the indigenous people was also comparatively benign. As a result, the In- dians of the region did not build up quite the same kind of ethnic animosity and cultural resistance, and their identification was regional as well as com- munity-based. . . . The same kind of fluidity that made a community-based traje less critical in this region and allowed for a blending of native styles also contributed to a relatively high rate of ladi- noization or acculturation, and a freer mixing of Indian and native customs and ideas. Commercial FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY polyester and lace fabrics were popular at an early date, and even indigenous styles showed distinct Western influence. Thus, women of one town often wore the huip- iles of another, so that, by 1950, it was hard to determine the origins of either a huipil or its wear- er. Community-ba.sed traje may still be worn on ceremonial occasions and for burial (Gordon, 1993, pp. 28-29). Fifteen of the 20 Cobdn huipiles from the Col- lection are completely white. The oldest Coban huipil in the Collection. 1741.103709 (Fig. 9). is brightly colored in red. green, gold, and white with perfectly executed figures. Mo.st of the others are trade pieces unfinished at the neck and arms. All are of three panels, hand joined with a whip- stitch, and, whether backstrap-loomed or treadle- loomed, present fine gauze-weave or plain-weave bands running horizontally. In Coban brocade, we find single-faced supplementary wefts of heavier white thread, creating figures of birds and ani- mals, star-flowers, men on horseback, and small geometric figures. During the 1960s, a new type of huipil emerged, trimmed at the neck with brightly col- ored floral embroidery supported by a commercial cloth backing. This style offers women free reign to exercise their individual taste and imagination. The huipil 3318.192213 (Fig. 10) appears, at first glance, to be backstrap loomed. But at the lower hem. the fabric has been cut and trimmed with commercial lace eyelet fabric, either to hide the tell-tale signs of a back.strap-loom selvedge or to cover the hem of cut commercial yardage. Be- cause backstrap-loomed fabric is so much more costly than floor-loomed fabric, we can conclude that this huipil was probably made on a floor loom. Although older Coban huipiles contained many motifs instilled with myths and legends (discussed in the section on Symbolism), more modern hui- piles have fewer motifs, and those that do appear are unlikely to carry symbolic meaning. The hui- pil 2648.242213 (Figs. 11 and 12) utilizes gauze weave (discussed in the section Types of Weave) and both it and 3266.243980 (Fig. 13) present rows of traditional figures. Because both huipiles are unfinished, they were probably made for com- mercial sale, to be cut. sewn, and trimmed to the wearer's taste. Although huipiles are still worn by a large percentage of the women, they are now typically made of commercial fabric. The brocad- ed motifs are not symbolic but a more generalized style. San Juan Comai.apa — San Juan Comalapa is a typical indigenous town. As recently as 2005, most women here wore traje every day and some traditional ceremonial wear could be seen as well. The town was nearly leveled in 1976 by a tre- mendous earthquake. Hundreds died and most of the homes and the cathedral were destroyed. The need to rebuild and reestablish the identity of the town may have led the residents to express their strength and solidarity by continuing to wear the traditional huipil. Visiting the market in 1996, one would find women wearing the kKal huipil with its bright-red shoulder bar, a virtual "team uni- form." At a thread stall in the Comalapa market (Fig. 14), two women wear matching huipiles with these red shoulder bars as well as similar brocade figures, .square necks, and trimmed arm openings. Although the newer styles worn in Figure 14 are three-panel huipiles, historically the Comalapa huipil is usually made in two panels and has a front slightly more elaborate than the back. Tra- ditionally, the neck opening is left as a slit in the center seam. In design, all the huipiles in the Col- lection contain the signature red shoulder bar, called the creya, and multicolored weft stripes, called separators, that divide and organize rows of brocade figures. Old ceremonial huipiles are made of beautiful, handspun natural brown cotton known as ixccico, brocaded in silk, wool, and cotton. These are so- hrehuipiles, or overblouses, worn without putting the hands through the armholes, as mcxleled by Dona Lucia Serech (Fig. 15). Sohrehuipiles ap- pear only at ceremonies or festivals, when a wom- an need not do much more than carry a ritual object. The sohrehuipil has white weft stripes, multicolored clusters of weft stripes, bands of white br(K"aded designs at lower front garment edge, and other weft stripes created with plied blue and white threads. The huipil 3523.42812 (Fig. 16) has a small, embroidered medallion at the neck and tiny black patches along the lower he in. The Museum is fortunate to possess everyday wear as well as ceremonial. Possibly because they are so much plainer, they were not as interesting to collectors, and thus are scarcer in museum col- lections. Huipiles for daily use are worn tucked into the skirl, necessarily with the arms through the armholes, leaving the hands free for tasks. In ODLAND: FASHIONING TRADITION Comalapa, this style was much simpler in make and materials, made with a white cotton ground, fewer figures, and of course the red shoulder bar. The huipil 3759.269639 (Fig. 17) has a wide, sin- gle-faced brocade wool creya, plied blue and white weft stripes, and brocaded silk and wool animal and geometric figures. The small rhombi, alternating with star-like figures, may be the an- cient symbol, rupan laq or rupan plato. This name refers to the contents of a decorated ceramic dish, ritual offerings of bread and fruit carried to church by members of the cofradia, and later shared. Over time, the red creya gradually became nar- rower, and less silk was used in the figures. Dur- ing the 1930s, the naturalistic forms popularized by San Antonio Aguas Calientes weavers or learned from embroidery pattern books gained popularity, as did geometric figures, and came to replace many of the traditional geometric and an- imal motifs. One unusual piece deserves particular attention. The huipil 2393.190059 (Fig. 18) is distinguished by a rare, three-panel construction and is trimmed with Chichicastenango-style ribbon medallions, but conforms to all the other traditional Comalapa elements and contains only the old-style figures. "This type of sobrehuipiles [sic] was probably worn by the capitanas {cofradia office holders] during the first decades of this century. O'Neale (1945) did not report it in 1936, and none of the older informants remembered it" (Asturias de Barrios, 1985, p. 80). This would suggest a date of manufacture far earlier than the stated collec- tion date of 1935. The huipil 2977.190635 (Fig. 19) is in the tra- ditional style: a horizontal tree of life at the shoul- der, a smaller creya, multicolored weft stripes that largely fill up the body, and a small band of tiny figures at the bottom of the brocade area, showing people harvesting com on one side and small S figures on the other. Both of these have plainly bound neck and armholes, and both are worn. This basic style in either two or three panels was still popular in Comalapa in 2005. San Antonio Aguas Calientes — Tax (1963) described San Antonio Aguas Calientes as a wealthy indigenous town, blessed with good ag- ricultural land, and located close enough to the capital for good transportation but far enough away to allow for autonomy. Today it has the highest indigenous female literacy rate for any such village, and the women of San Antonio Aguas Calientes are long accustomed to hearing themselves rated the best weavers in the country. A work published in 1874 noted that "the school of San Antonio is run by a good writer and expert mathematician for the children's section, and that the teacher is superb at sewing, embroidery and all the arts of the fair sex" (Arriola de Geng, 1991, p. 142). The older huipiles in the Collection illustrate the difficulties of determining the provenance of marketable fashions. Two huipiles attributed to San Antonio Aguas Calientes or nearby Antigua were collected by J. Eric Thompson and acces- sioned in 1929. The huipil 1820.188510 (not shown) is treadle loomed and was probably made in the Totonicapan area. Huipil 1820.188540 (Fig. 20) is backstrap loomed in a simple, single-faced brocade of geometric figures, and was probably made in San Martin Jilotepeque (Schevill et al., 1993, pp. 10-11). In general, San Antonio Aguas Calientes hui- piles collected during the 1930s present a multi- chromatic palette on a dark ground, frequently in- digo. They are made in two panels, with the neck opening left unsewn and the seams at sides and center whipstitched. Frequently, the neck and arms are trimmed in velvet or other commercial cloth. Unfortunately, all but two have had the neck and arm trimmings removed. Because of the beauty and prestige of this community's weav- ings, the huipiles are often purchased by tourists as art and it appears that removing these trims improves their appeal. The huipil 2393.189967 (Fig. 21) displays a wealth of finely detailed bro- cade figures. Contemporary weavers employ the same figures today. Earlier pieces are brocaded only in single face, usually in two colors on a white ground. Later pieces have many colored brocades on a bright ground. They typically have fine and complex silk or cotton brocade patterns of dots, zigzags, lattic- es, and diamonds, and the naturalistic designs tak- en from European-style pattern books. Like the two huipiles mentioned above, huipil 3523.42815 (Fig. 22) was not purchased in the place of its making but in Chichicastenango, probably from a trader in the big market there. Sometime during the 1930s, an extraordinary brocade technique appeared in San Antonio Aguas Calientes. This double-faced brocade dis- plays identical patterns on both sides of the tex- tile. (Details of the technique are described in the section Brocade Terminology). At first, the tech- nique was used in smaller horizontal bands, with the rest of the huipil brocaded in single-face. The FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY popularity of this rich and beautiful brocade in- creased over the years, and huipiles from the 1990s are now often covered in double-faced bro- cade. De Jongh Osborne, oddly enough, makes no mention of this technique, which must have been at least beginning during the time of her fieldwork during the 1930s. O'Neale (1966, pp. 75-76) de- scribes this in terms of soumak or warp wrapping, but found it used only on smaller motifs. Because most of these huipiles are sewn up the sides, it was not possible to show many of the reverse sides. The large floral patterns in huipil 3850.167017 (Figs. 23 and 24) show great exper- tise with this type of brocade. Santa Maria de Jesus — The town of Santa Maria de Jesiis lies on the slopes of the volcano Agua. It is only 10 kilometers from the beautiful colonial ladino city of Antigua via 10 kilometers of mountainous road still unpaved in 1999. Wom- en traders selling to the big Antigua tourist market are well acquainted with the styles of traders from other villages, as well as the styles of the tourists in Antigua. This may be why Santa Maria de Je- sus is home to so many styles of huipiles. There are 10 named styles of huipiles belonging to this village, each in a customary color palette. It is possible that the strong elements of fashion and change that are visible here are an example of the future of Guatemalan indigenous dress. As else- where in Guatemala, huipil styles here indicate the wearer's social rank, economic status, age. ability as a weaver, and sense of fashion. How- ever, because of the wide range of styles, the women of Santa Maria may have been the first to display a cosmopolitan knowledge of other town's styles. Although usually seen in a color scheme of red and white, the huipil 1820.188547 (Fig. 25), pur- chased in Chichicastenango in 1929, is a "clas- sic" Santa Maria style that dates back to the early 1920s, according to Asturias de Barrios (1991. p. 107). These Tenanza huipiles are historically worn by the women of the brotherhotxls called cofradtas (discussed in the section Cofradias). The huipil 2977.190639 (Fig. 26) is typical of this style, done in "the old style." and made in three panels, whipstitched in red (Asturias de Barrios. 1991, pp. 106. 116). It has a ground of unmer- cerized natural white cotton and even pairs of red warp stripes. The center panel is deeply brocaded in two faces, mostly in cotton with accents of silk. Motifs include a horizontal tree of life at the shoulder, linked diamonds, an elaborate zigzag known as kix or kumatz'in (thorn or spine, or ser- pent, respectively) in Kaqchikcl. large birds, fig- ures of men and women, two-headed eagles, and small snakes, ending with open ground. These hu- man figures or dolls (munecos) were said to rep- resent the man and woman united by marriage to form a couple, on which all social values rest (Knoke de Arathcxjn, 2(X)5. pp. 2-3). Also called a nim po 't or big huipil, it was worn over another huipil out. over the skirt. Except for the color scheme and the warp stripes, the figures are very like those in Figure 25. The "piecha" is known locally as "the true huipil of Santa Maria" and is associated with women of the middle class (Asturias de Barrios, 1991. pp. 76. 118). Typically, as in the huipil 2977.190640 (Fig. 27), the btxly is covered from shoulder to waist with interlocked diamonds, edged at the waist with a geometric border Al- though not clearly defined, the diamonds of this pattern are called "center of community" {centra del puehlo in Spanish and ruk'ux taramit in the local Kaqchiquel) (Knoke de Arathcx>n. 2(X)5. pp. 1 1 ). The piecha is usually seen in blue, green, purple, and pink. This style has been popular for 70 years, cited in the 1930s (O'Neale. 1966. in- side cover), in 1988 (Asturias de Barrios, 1991. p. 78), as well as personal observation in 2(X)5. Elements of this style can also be seen in Figures 25 and 26. Often worn as a wedding huipil, the "quetzal" style may have been intrcxluced in the 194()s from Totonicapan (Asturias de Barrios. 1991. p. 115). Rather than brtKaded, it is elaborately embroi- dered from shoulder to waist on both front and back. It is called the quetzal huipil because the design features a pair of resplendent quetzals (the national bird of Guatemala) facing each other in the center, surrounded by flowers and foliage. In the huipil 12.442 (Fig. 28), machine embroidery covers a treadle-loomed huipil extravagantly trimmed in red velvet, yellow braid, and metallic ribbon. Other named styles of huipil are the Comb; the Sampedrano (in the manner of San Pedro Saca- tepequez); the Cobafiero (in the manner of Coh- an), the San Antonio style of naturalistic flowers; the Branch: and the Perraje, which is made of treadle-loomed shawl (perraje) fabric (Fig. 29) of stripes and simple figures, and is worn only by the pot>rest women. San PtiDRo Sacatepequez — San Pedro Sacate- pequez is located in the Department of Guatemala only 22 kilometers from Guatemala City, in what was a cool, forested highlands, and is now a sub- ODLAND: FASHIONING TRADITION urb of the capital. The town, like Comalapa, was devastated in the earthquake of 1976. Houses of adobe and tile have now been replaced by houses of cement block and corrugated roofs. The town became an important textile center in the 1930s, with treadle looms producing yard goods and draw looms creating huipiles richly brocaded in silk. It is still known for the blue fabric to be made into the skirts known as morgas worn throughout the region. The everyday San Pedro huipil is fabricated in two panels, hand whipstitched or embroidered in the center and left open at the sides. It is brocaded predominantly in horizontal bands of purple and red figures throughout the length, with geometric figures, mainly zigzags, across the breast in a sol- id band of brocade and scattered, smaller figures below that. The ground cloth is usually natural, unbleached cotton, often with red and purple sel- vedge warps. The unfinished backstrap-loomed huipil 1820.188528 (Fig. 30) acquired in San Pe- dro was probably made in San Martin Jilotepeque in the style of San Pedro (Schevill, 1993, pp. 10, 11). A tiny huipil in the traditional style, 4164.54 (Fig. 31), was woven to clothe the figure of a saint. Ceremonial styles in the Collection include 2393.190066 (Fig. 32) and 3312.288129 (Fig. 33), which have a tree of life or interlocked two-head- ed eagles across the shoulders. In these older huipiles, the figures are smaller, finely done, and spaced apart on the background. The round neck and the neckline finish were important traditional elements, though the details may be partly ob- scured by a newer applied or embroidered bind- ing. The tree of life (kotz'i'jan in Kaqchiquel) is an ancient and important symbol in the wedding and ritual dress huipil. Like a flowering, fruit-bearing tree, a traditional woman bears children, renewing and regenerating the community. In her work on symbols, Knoke de Arathoon (2005, pp. 13-14) describes the connection the Maya feel between plant and human regeneration. The "tree of the world" represents the origin, end and center of everything, a strong metaphor tightly linking veg- etation, the woman, the cofradia, and the com- munity. En la concepcion maya el drbol de la vida parece representar la regeneracion vegetal y humana, concepto apUcable a la vida y costumbres del pueb- lo. En el caso de la cosmovision atiteca tradicional, la misma idea .se expresa pues el "drbol del mun- do" representa tanto el origen como el final y el centra de todo. Es el axis mundi que renueva y regenera al pueblo y que estd estrechamente vin- culado a la mujer y a la cofradia, entidad en la que se le emplea como una fuerte metdfora (Carl- sen, 1997b, pp. 47-67). Es una metdfora de la ve- getacion, la mujer, la cofradia y el pueblo. In translation, in Maya thought, the tree of life seems to represent plant and human regeneration, a concept applicable to the life and customs of the community. In the case of traditional atiteca (from the town of San Juan Atitlan) cosmovision, the same idea is expressed so that the "tree of the world" represents as much the origin as the end and the center of everything. It is the axis mundi that renews and regenerates the community and is tightly linked to the woman and the cofradia, the essence of which is used as a strong metaphor (Carlsen, 1997b, pp. 47-67). It is a metaphor of plant life, woman, the cofradia, and the commu- nity. Another specialty of San Pedro Sacatepequez is weaving "in the waffled manner called 'porof " (Aguilar, 1983, p. 6). The Collection includes sev- eral examples: 2393.190066 (see Fig. 32) is par- ticularly fine, with a raised, puffy texture to the ground cloth. The use of aquamarine silk dates it to the first two decades of this century (Aguilar, 1983, p. 10). Both it and the huipil 3312.288129 (see Fig. 33) are probably ceremonial huipiles, with the single-faced brocaded motifs extending to the bottom, indicating that they were worn over the skirt instead of tucked in. Sides are unsewn, and the shoulder bands are of interlocked two- headed eagles. The materials, design, quality of work, and perfection of alignment are all of the highest standards. The historical photograph (Fig. 34) by Val- deavellano shows women wearing huipiles similar to Figures 32 and 33, only slightly simpler. They seem to have the same figured shoulder band and arrangement of zigzag stripes, scattered figures, selvedge stripes, round necks and unsewn side seams. The young girl wears a less elaborate hui- pil appropriate to her age. QuETZALTENANGO — The city of Quetzaltenango is frequently known by its Quiche name of Xela. By the 1880s, it had evolved into a major popu- lation center, important, with an array of neo-clas- sical buildings impressive enough to contest the location of the capital of the country. Quetzalten- ango had both rail and road connections, making available the trade goods, communications, and outside influences that most regions lacked. Near- by towns, such as Totonicapan, produced com- FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY mercially floor-loomed huipiles for trade, sold to be finished by the buyer, and Salcaja dyed the jaspe or space-dyed thread widely used in huipiles and in cotton skirt fabric. The oldest huipil in the Collection, 162.188862 (Fig. 35), was a gift of the Government of Gua- temala to the 1893 Chicago Colombian Exposi- tion. Many of the older ethnic textiles in the Field Museum were acquired following this event. This particular huipil appears to have been donated to the Exposition as a superb example of industrial textile production replacing an indigenous meth- txi. probably viewed as quaint or "backward" to contemporary eyes. It is very finely made of com- mercially spun cotton, silk, and wool, in one pan- el, on a treadle loom. Because 162.188862 is such a special case, it cannot be considered the tradi- tional town template. However, it does possess many of the classic features: a purple and gold color scheme; two-faced brocaded figures orga- nized in rows; and a round neck embroidered with flowers. Because an embroidered raiuUi was re- quired by tradition to join the two panels of nar- row, backstrap-loomed cloth, a nonfunctional ran- da was added in silk where this seam would have been. This causes a pucker in the area that would have been tucked into the skirt. All the everyday Quetzaltenango huipiles in the Collection are treadle loomed, with long, lower sections left plain to be tucked into the skirt as a sort of petticoat. This can be seen on the single huipil panel 1820.188551 (Fig. 36). collected in 1927. Until about 1930, everyday huipiles were made in two panels and. after that, in three. The traditional design in the huipil 2393.19(X)17 (Fig. 37) is organized in rows of brocaded figures in the prevalent color combination of purple and yel- low-gold. It is densely brocaded in gold and pur- ple on the breast area of all three panels, in a geometric pattern that typically alternates with black-and-white jaspe or plied weft stripes. The round neck is covered with embroidered flowers and both it and the armholes are bound in com- mercial cloth. Elaborate embroidered ramlas join the panels. In Figure 38, taken by the historical photogra- pher Zanotti around 1930, we see Quiche women in huipiles with patterns like 2393.190017 (see Fig. 37) that could have been sewn and embroi- dered by each wearer to her taste, while the men, even the little boy, wear western clothes. As in other regions, ceremonial huipiles were usually worn draped loosely on top of an every- day huipil. In Quetzaltenango, however, they were worn over the head, with the face framed by the embroidered neck. These long sohrehuipiles were made on treadle looms in three panels of open plain weave, brtKaded in cotton or silk, with elab- orately embroidered neck trims and randas cov- ering or joining the seams. According to some sources, the cofnuli'a huipil was brt)caded in white on a white ground, and the wedding huipil in pur- ple and gold on white. The huipil 2393.19(K)13 (Fig. 39) is treadle loomed, with brcKade threads in silk and cotton, hemmed at the bottom and hand embroidered in cotton at neck and rondo seams. As with the ceremonial huipil of Coma- lapa, wearing this huipil made using the hands nearly impossible (see Fig. 15). As portrayed in this 1935 photograph (Fig. 40), the ceremonial huipil of Quetzaltenango was worn over the head like a veil. The newest huipil in the Collection, 3967.191502 (Fig. 41), is treadle loomed, from the factory "Xelatex," as is marked in pen on the ground area of white cotton hidden by the skirt. At Easter processions in 1995 (Fig. 42), the well- dressed, middle-class indigenous women in Quetzaltenango were photographed wearing this blouse, tucked into a full, gathered indigo-blue or jospe plaid skirt, with a narrow sash over the waistband. This was worn with a long, ruffled apron, sometimes with a bib, decorated with ma- chine embroidery, cut-work, brass rivets, and me- tallic braid. The outfit was completed with a striped perroje (rectangular shawl) with a fringe of big pompoms. Hair was worn in a long pony- tail, and shoes were either low-heeled pumps or dressy sandals. With the exception only of their shoes, the women in Zanotti's 193()s photograph (see Fig. 38) could fit right into this Ea.ster parade 60 years later. The Flow of Fa.shion Copying is nothing new in women's fashions. Individual motifs or trims that may have been at one time exclusive to one region can be widely replicated or reinterpreted. The two-headed eagle was traditionally used as the central figure in the Chichicastenango huipil (see Figs. 3 and 4), as a shoulder bar in the small repeating figures of San Pedro Sacatepequez shoulder bar (see Figs. 32 and 33), and as part of the complicated patterns on Santa Maria de Jesus cofrodia huipiles (see Figs. 25 and 26). Other popular motifs include the com plant of Quetzaltenango (see Fig. 37) and ODLAND: FASHIONING TRADITION Coban (see Figs. 9 and 12). Elements that have not spread from their home domains are the red shoulder bar of San Juan Comalapa, the all-over embroidered quetzal pattern of Santa Maria de Je- sus, and the specific color scheme of yellow and purple of Quetzaltenango. These days, huipil styles may be adopted wholly as purchased fash- ions, such as the lacey white Coban huipil. Smocking and tailoring of huipiles is a new fash- ion, seen on 4164.29 (Fig. 43). European-style cross-stitch patterns have been available in Guatemala since the 1800s, when they were published in color, for use in embroi- dery and needlepoint, and applied to weaving by counting threads. These books of stylized and geometric patterns were taught to girls in convent schools and spread eventually to indigenous vil- lages to add to the existing repertoire of tradition- al motifs. Unlimited variations in color, scale, fineness, tightness, combinations and simplifica- tions attest to the skill and ingenuity of individual weavers. In the 1930s, huipiles from San Antonio Aguas Calientes in museum collections began to display patterns from these cross-stitch books of geomet- ric figures in a band, first placed only on the shoulders. These patterns became more and more elaborate until riotous combinations of floral mo- tifs, fish and birds came to cover almost the entire huipil. This double-faced supplementary weft bro- cade, identical on both sides of the huipil, is called marcador. The process greatly increases the weight, the amount of yam, and the time re- quired. Accordingly, this enhances the value of the piece and the prestige of the weaver and the wearer, making ideal criteria for imitation. This style of naturalistic flora and fauna is much ad- mired and copied across Guatemala, but fine dou- ble-faced technique is not usually done well out- side San Antonio. For example, compare the workmanship in 3850.167017 front and back (see Figs. 23 and 24) with the examples from Coma- lapa and Chichicastenango (Fig. 44). II. The Fashion of Traje Modern Dress and Indigenous Identity Guatemala has two population groups, indige- nous and Laditio. They may have the identical genetic background but profess strikingly differ- ent values. The indigenous Maya have in the past seen themselves as members of their municipality, not their nation. They have traditionally practiced folk Catholicism, although evangelical Protestant- ism is now making great inroads. Living in more remote areas, the indigenous Maya have lacked education and have been limited to work as farm- ers, laborers, artisans, or small traders. If they speak Spanish, it is with outsiders, favoring their birth language among themselves. While the women almost always wear traditional dress, the men likely use it only for ceremonial or official occasions, if then. Rural women wearing traje will carry babies on their backs and their bundles on their heads (Fig. 45). In contrast, Ladinos tend to be literate, better educated, and more integrated with the national economy, no longer seeing themselves primarily as Indians. Ladinos assume an attitude of superi- ority to the indigenous, and the indigenous may respond with deference or resentment. They speak Spanish as their first language, and both men and women wear Western dress. They may reject traje as a symbol of the poverty, illiteracy, and a life they left behind a generation ago. They practice orthodox Catholicism or evangelical Protestant- ism and may follow any profession. There is a tremendous variety of costume among the indigenous highland Maya. Publica- tions have described as many as 150 municipali- ties as having their own identifying style of dress. While many pressures are now blurring the boundaries of these dress styles, Maya women continue to use the huipil. The repetition of design forms in their dress and the celebration of the old ways are vital, reaffirming their membership in their communities and the strength and survival of themselves as a distinct people. Traditional Markers Many factors come into play in creating a re- gional style. From the wearer's apparel, one can deduce age, education, worldliness, financial and social standing, as well as the function — utilitar- ian or festive — of the occasion. Impulses toward change are counterbalanced by the intensity of conservative values and a strong sense of com- munity identity and pride, expressed in traditional dress. Function — Different functions require different styles of huipil. The everyday huipil may be made of completely plain, undecorated cloth for hard or dirty work. A serviceable but traditionally styled 10 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY everyday huipil from Comalapa has the town sig- nature of the red shoulder bar and some simple brocade figures. A woman working at home or doing rough work (see Fig. 45) might also turn her huipil inside out to extend its life by protect- ing the face brocade floats from wear. Ceremony — Ceremonial styles, worn for fes- tive occasions such as weddings or cofradia rit- uals, are likely to be made in more expensive and fragile materials and shapes that make any serious labor impossible. The ceremonial huipil is gen- erally longer and worn over another huipil. fre- quently concealing the hands. The model from Quetzaltenango is woven in an open, lacey-look- ing plain weave and extravagantly brcKaded in silk and cotton, from shoulder to midcalf. It was worn with the neck pulled up over the back of the head in the fashion of a veil. The ceremonial huip- il in Comalapa is executed in expensive, handspun natural brown cotton and brocaded in silk as well as wool and cotton. The style here features tiny, ornamental armholes that the arms are not passed through: the huipil is worn as an armless sort of cape, with only the hands peeking out from the lower hem to carry ritual objects (see Figs. 13 and 40). Mourning — A special color combination of black and lilac is used to designate mourning, called luto. In San Pedro Sacatepequez, this may also include green, according to Aguilar (Aguilar, 1983, p. 9). The unfinished trade piece 1820.188528 (see Fig. 30) in purple and black may be a mourning huipil. Several informants in Comalapa and other villages indicated that this color combination was representative in their lo- cales as well. Wealth — Wealth and prestige are conveyed by the quality and type of fibers used in a weaving; by the amount, type, and quality of brocade and by the condition of wear of the garment. A pro- fusion of brocade on a huipil represents a sub- stantial investment in materials and in time and indicates the wearer to be comfortably well off. It would be interesting to know how much this in- crease in brocade is due to the availability of thread and how much to the change in women's work loads. Recent improvements in water sup- ply, electric light, and the accessibility of corn mills on one hand would ease daily chores and allow for more fancy weaving. However, as fam- ily farms are divided between generations of heirs, they become too small to provide for a fam- ily's needs. Therefore, the increasing need for work outside the home by either men or women would add to a woman's workload and might en- courage the wearing of less lime-consuming gar- ments. Substituting commercially produced huip- iles or western dress may sometimes be practical or neces.sary. Silk was the primary indicator of wealth until World War II. when it became very difficult to obtain. Early huipiles in the Collection, such as the Chichicastenango series from the I92()s and 193()s, are brcK'aded in red or magenta silk. Rayon appears to have been used very little and sporad- ically. As O'Neale, who, apparently disliking the fiber, put it so charmingly, it is "gratifying to note, in 1936, how few inroads had been made by rayon yarns" (O'Neale, 1966. p. 19). Her opinion must have been shared by other collectors, for rayon is largely absent from huipiles in the Field Collection. If a woman chooses not to dress in traje, the decision may be one of economic necessity. Eh- lers estimated that a full outfit in traje would cost between $50 and $1(X) in 1977 — huipil, carte (skirt), faja (sash), camisdn (slip), deUmtal (apron), perraje (shawl with tassels), liston (hair ribbon), and pan ue I o (napkin). This would last 10 years, if the woman had 2 or 3 to alternate. At the same time, a Western dress outfit cost Q20 (Quet- zals) but would la.st only 4 months, or 10 times the cost of the traje. This works out to a daily usage of traditional clothes at Q0.08 versus West- em clothes at Q0.74 per day. However, as Ehlers points out, those requiring traditional clothes would have to save almost 3 years at Ql a day to buy such an outfit (Ehlers, 1990. pp. 117. 129). At this time, the Quetzal was worth one US dollar Gordon (1993, p. 5) observes: Although hand-woven clothing is much more cost effective than Western dress in the long run ... it is expensive, and difficult for a p(X)r person to pro- cure. If every moment of a person's time must be devoted to income (or fmxD-prtxlucing activity (even weaving), it is nearly impossible to find the time to weave garments for personal use. The poorest women may wear a perraje huipil, made of shawl fabric, to retain their .standing in the community. Recycling and patching extend a garment's life. The Collection contains two fa.scinating huipiles from Chichicastenango that have seen long, hard use. Originally, the huipil 3780.167746 (Fig. 46) was richly br(x:aded in the double-headed eagle pattern, using a wealth of scarlet silk. The bro- caded sections have been cut off the original ODLAND: FASHIONING TRADITION 11 ground and reattached to a new ground of flour sack, turned inside out, but with the lettering still quite visible, if that section were not to be tucked into the wearer's skirt. It is at — or even past — the stage of being cut up for little girls' huipiles or even for baby clothes. The huipil 3780.167745 (not shown) was brocaded in silk and wool in the flower pattern, but is now so worn that the ground threads show through the brocade, and there are multiple patches. Clearly, women had strong rea- sons to maintain and wear these faded remnants. Their dates and Chichicastenango provenance hint at stories of loss during the political violence of the 1980s. Age and Youth — In Comalapa, the neck open- ing is indicative of a woman's age. In the 1990s, a simple slit neck was seen to be popular with older women, a squared neck (see Fig. 14) with mature women, a rounded neck with young wom- en, and a V-neck with young girls (see Fig. 61). These styles are typical today and will doubtless change with the fashions of the next generation. A woman may want to show off a little like the girl in the market (Fig. 47), wearing a brand new huipil in the flowery diamond pattern tucked into her tightly wrapped skirt. In the same year in Nau- huala, teen-age girls were mixing their vocabulary of dress, ranging from shorts and T-shirt, to tra- ditional long skirts with T-shirts, to a complete outfit of traje with skirt and huipil (Fig. 48). Sexuality — In other museum collections, one finds older huipiles from Chichicastenango with a small coin or button in the center of the medal- lions or rosette appliques. Later styles reduced this symbol to a small circle of embroidery. Ac- cording to Rodas, these elements were fertility symbols. At this time, huipiles were traditionally woven by women but embroidered by men. A childless woman (for it is the woman who is blamed for childlessness) must wear a plain cloth huipil with no decorations (Rodas et al., 1940, pp. 122-123). The embroidery around the head open- ing in Chichicastenango is said to represent the sun, with long points of appliqued fabric outlined in purple and orange. All the Chichicastenango huipiles in the Collection have this distinctive neck. However, according to Rodas et al., "Until she reaches the age of puberty, the girl ... is not entitled to wear the embroidered sun and the four moons" (Rodas et al., 1940, p. 122). This is prob- ably no longer the case. Two used huipiles bought by the author in the local market in 1994 feature the sun neck in very small sizes, and are appar- ently made for prepubescent girls. Worldliness In very remote villages or farmsteads, it may not occur to a woman that she has a choice of what to wear. If she is very poor, there may be no choice. However, in less isolated areas, options abound: traje or not, local or not, self-made or not, and backstrap-loomed or commercially made. For example, the treadle-loomed huipil 3967.191502 in Figure 41 is unmistakable in terms of the Quetzaltenango community look, with its three-panel construction, color combina- tion of gold and purple, and horizontal bands of candelabra motifs. In 1995, this was the fashion- able huipil worn by the majority of well-to-do in- digenous women in the Quetzaltenango Palm Sunday processions (see Fig. 42). This same hui- pil was available in different color combinations, in markets in Chichicastenango, San Antonio Aguas Calientes, Antigua, and Santa Maria de Je- sus, either ready-to-wear or to be trimmed as de- sired by the purchaser. It is produced commer- cially in Totonicapan. A group of three informants, well-known wom- en artists in Comalapa, wore traje, but only two wore backstrap huipiles in the style of Comalapa, with the red shoulder bar and rows of brocade figures (Fig. 49). The other wore a treadle-loomed huipil from Quetzaltenango. For this woman, the choice of the commercially-made huipil might in- dicate her connection with a world outside the lo- cal village, with its implications of backwardness, or her taste for a "new" style, or her preference for painting, not weaving. Her fashion choice ex- pressed her tie to both the modern world and her indigenous community. In this way, the tradition of wearing a huipil may be preserved while in- corporating a broader view of the world. It can span Guatemala and cut across ethnic boundaries. As Maya medical student Mirella Ixcot put it in "Between Light and Shadow: Maya Women in Transition" (video by Kathryn V. Lipke, Dakota Productions, Belvidere, Vermont, 1997), "I think that as Maya, if we occupy a public position, we must be identified as Maya before the world and with our own people." III. Components of Traditional Huipiles The traditional huipiles of many highland Maya villages may still reveal their local origins. Across 12 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY ^ the Highlands, there is a similar level of skill and vocabulary of motif, although elements can vary substantially due to local custom, individual skill, or preference. Differences are found in fiber, weave structure, length and width of garment, shape of neck opening, color, pattern and design motifs, embroidery, trims, and findings. What are the key components of the huipil in the commu- nities studied, and how have these changed? What history lies behind these traditional and contem- porary design choices? Fibers The primary fiber for all Maya textiles is cot- ton. Cotton {algoddn in Spanish) has been used since prehistoric times. Warps and primary wefts are nearly always cotton. Supplementary wefts are usually cotton, and occasionally silk. wool, rayon, or acrylic. Cotton thread was traditionally handspun us- ing a spindle to draw out and twist the cleaned cotton fibers. The Maya spindle is a stick ap- proximately 42 cm long, pointed on both ends. with a 4-5 cm ball 18 cm from the lower end (Fig. 50). In 1936. O'Neale found that, although every girl was still taught hand spinning, the practice was fast di.sappearing due to the increas- ing availability and decreasing price of commer- cial yams. Some women would respin commer- cial yam to strengthen it or ply together two commercial, single-ply yarns to give the appear- ance of handspun yarn. Natural brown cotton, known as ixcaco. was traditionally used for b<«h warp and weft for the Comalapa ceremonial huipil (see Fig. 18). This cotton was handspun because it has a very short fiber, not suitable for commercial spinning. Hand spinning now is very expensive and very rarely done, so a new ceremonial Comalapa huipil may likely be woven with, at the most, a few featured handspun ixcaco wefts and commercially spun brown-dyed cotton warps, or both warps and wefts of commercial brown cotton. Recently, the Museo Ixchel and Protege have sponsored a re- naissance in production and marketing of not only natural brown but natural green and yellow cot- tons for the tourist or collector market. Some hand spinning is still seen in Santiago Atitldn. where it is done for tourists (Fig. 51). In 1885. American entrepreneurs opened a fac- tory in Cantel near Quetzaltenango. where, for the first time, thread was industrially produced in Guatemala. More than 400 indigenous women and children were employed to work the power machinery that was "brought on the backs of In- dians or mules" (Tisdel, 1910, p. 617). Dyed cot- ton thread was the most popular in the color pur- ple (made to imitate the look of the costly shell- fish dye "purpura patula") and brown, supplant- ing the handspun natural brown cotton. The smwMher. more consistent machine-spun twist of these yams is quite different and easily distin- guished from that of the tightly handspun origi- nals. However, the time saved from spinning, to- gether with the availability of less expensive thread, allowed women to spend more time bro- cading their weavings. and the Field Collections demonstrate a rise in the amounts of briKade pat- terning over the decades. There are many grades of commercial cotton. Single yam is the cheapest; called hilo or hilo flojo (weak yam), it must be twisted or plied to make it strong enough for warp (Fig. 52). Bleached yarn, hilo chino (Chinese yarn) is more expensive. Hilo alemdn (German yarn) is "more expensive and hard to get. an imported yarn that is known for its colorfastness" (Sperlich &. Sper- lich. 1980. p. 8). Two-ply thread (under a brand name such as Mish or Rio Blanco) has more luster and less shrinkage than the single ply and is used for both plain weaving and brocading. Three-ply Mish has the same characteristics as two-ply but is stronger. Merceri/.cd cottons are valued for their sheen but are imported and expensive. Sedalina, a two-ply yam from Colombia and other yams from Spain. Mexico, and Eastern European coun- tries are sold in small quantities and used for bro- cading. Recently, acrylic yams have been popular for their bright colors, used as supplementary wefts, and less frequently for plain weave. When sheep farming and wtx)! prcxluction were intrixluced by the Spanish, women were trained to wash and card wtK>l and men to operate the spinning wheel and the treadle kx)m. Possibly be- cause of its association with the Conquest. w(X)l is found infrequently in highland women's hui- piles except as bnxade or embroidery thread. It is not an indicator of wealth, but may be as.sociated with kKation by climate. In some of the colder regions. w(H)I is used as thick and elaborate em- broidery. The red shoulder band on the Comalapa huipil is frequently briKaded in w(k)I, as are 9 of the 1 1 in the Field Collection. Wool is used for some brocade in the huipil and in the fabric for the traditional man's suit in Chichica-stenango and ODLAND: FASHIONING TRADITION 13 elsewhere and for blankets made in Momosten- ango. Silk is found in approximately half of the hui- piles in the Collection, used primarily as an accent or as embroidery trim, but sometimes filling 100% of the brocade. As the price of silk rose during the years of World War II, weavers grad- ually shifted to the far cheaper cotton with its im- proved mercerized sheen. Rayon is little used ex- cept in the taffeta ribbons and appliques found, for example, in Chichicastenango. Dyes Before the invention of aniline dyes in 1857, the natural dyes used included indigo, cochineal. Brazilwood, logwood, and the snail piipura pa- tula. Shades of blue and green were created with indigo. Lavender and purple were obtained for cottons by squeezing the ocean mollusk called purpura patula onto the prepared cotton yarns. Cochineal, called '''' grana'" or ''cochinilla,'''' is a tiny insect that feeds on the prickly pear cactus. It was cultivated and ground to produce a beau- tiful range of reds, and additional, though fugi- tive, reds were made from Brazilwood and log- wood. The red aniline dye locally known as "rojo alemdn," or German Red (whether or not it was actually German), soon made redundant the local cochineal industry. By the 1930s, the beautiful reds of cochineal dye were long gone. O'Neale found cochineal dye in only one work- shop in 1936 (Schevill et al., 1991, p. 367), and Delgado found none in all of Guatemala in the 1950s. The town of Salcaja is home to a special in- dustry of space-dyeing or tie-dyeing threads for skirts and for huipiles. In this process, known lo- cally as jaspe and more internationally as ikat, commercial thread, either white, natural, or col- ored, is tightly bound into patterns and over-dyed with black or dark blue. When untied, this leaves designs of human, animal, plant or geometric fig- ures. Hanks are then sold to commercial weavers. Examples may be seen in the weft stripes of the huipil in Figure 41 and in the warp stripes of the shawls in Figures 29 and 42. Shape Shape is indicative of not only individual town styles but the event for which the huipil is worn. Traditionally, all Maya huipiles were made of simple rectangles with only the number and size of panels, the shape of the neck opening, and the sewing or embroidery of seams for variation. Whether huipiles are of two or three panels, whether side seams may be sewn or left open and held in place by the belt and whether they are worn tucked into the skirt or worn loose is a mat- ter dictated by the community, not an individual choice. In Coban, huipiles are short, ending at the waist (see Fig. 8). Everyday huipiles elsewhere are usually about knee length, tucked into the skirt as a sort of petticoat. Three-panel huipiles are cus- tomary in Coban, Chichicastenango, Quetzalten- ango, and lately also in Comalapa, while two pan- els are the rule in San Pedro Sacatepequez, Santa Maria de Jesus, and San Antonio Aguas Calientes. Most ceremonial huipiles are longer and are worn over the skirt. Color A huipiFs color may be the first clue to its or- igin, acting like a team uniform or a flag of pride. In this study, all the municipalities surveyed are linked with specific colors. In Comalapa, the huipil is brocaded with the broad red shoulder band called the creya. There is plenty of leeway for individualization, however. Some women choose to weave the creya in plain weave or to brocade it plainly or in a pattern, in wool or cheaper and brighter acrylic. While Comalapa weavers maintained this band in both everyday and ceremonial type, this study found that the old- er the creya, the wider it was. A standardized color scheme is also found in Quetzaltenango, where colors of gold and purple are preferred. Although the seven huipiles from Quetzaltenango were collected by seven different people over the course of a century, all but one is colored purple and/or gold. The traditional lac- ey Coban huipil was nearly always white brocad- ed on white, but now a wide selection of color is available. San Pedro Sacatepequez huipiles have historically been white with red and purple bro- cading. Brocade in the older Chichicastenango huipiles tended to red or magenta on a white or natural brown ground and now feature multichro- matic brocade on a variety of backgrounds. The San Antonio Aguas Calientes huipil is splendid in multicolored floral brocade on a spectrum of solid color grounds. Santa Maria de Jesus has a pre- ferred color combination for each of its many 14 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY styles: the cofradia huipiles in red and while: the piecha in bright blue, green, purple, and pink; and the quetzal bird in emerald green with multicolor surrounding figures. Pattern and Design Motifs Abstract geometric patterns are used every- where but are especially pt>pular in San Antonio Aguas Calientes. According to one master weaver informant, these include the dot (punto): groups of dots {pie de chucho): the wing-like V sideways (ala); the Y sideways (jnilitos): comb (peine); and flag-like chevrons, waves, and zigzags in many forms (handera). Delgado's extensive fieldwork on designs and motifs in 1957 attributes no special meanings to these motifs (Delgado & de Schmidt. 1963). Some forms are ancient, found in archeological artifacts, like the two-headed eagle called koi and the double-ended serpent. However, with artistic license, other creatures can take on whimsical quantities of legs and tails to create the desired rhythm and pattern. The figures of men and wom- en that appear in huipiles from Coban are called munecos (dolls), and are shown standing, waving, and on horseback (see Figs. 1 1 and 12). The tree of life is common to many cultures, ranging across Scandinavia, colonial-era Spain and Italy, and the Islamic Middle East. It is a principal design element in San Pedro Sacate- p^quez on cofradia huipiles, with a corn plant or tree of life rising from a vase (Arriola de Geng. 1991, p. 119) (see Figs. 32 and 33). The tree of life also occurs in various forms in Coban (see Figs. 9 and 10) and Quetzaltenango (see Fig. 39). Other inspiration is drawn from daily life, such as corn plants, flowers, and the pine tree or from the pattern books available in the market. Huip- iles in the Collection show a gradually increasing amount of brocading over the years. Figures have generally become larger, and small geo- metric motifs are frequently added to fill the up- per portion of the huipii. Symbolism Whether or not individual design motifs have meaning is a matter of debate. According to Del- gado. "nowhere were certain designs admitted to have special symbolisms [sic) or restricted us- age." Designs are "dei puehlo" (from the town) and are used "/w)r gusto'' (according to taste) (Delgado & de Schmidt. 1963. p. 115). Infor- mants in this study ttx) knew kxral names for de- sign elements and said that they used them simply as design elements. Knoke de Arathiwn's study of 40 weavers found few who ascribed symbolic meaning to design motifs. Among those who did. it is ptissible that some weavers attached stories to their weavings in order to make them more appealing to tourists — or to anlhropt>logists (Kno- ke de ArathcK)n. 2(K)5. p. 23). Zigzags could rep- resent serpents or thorns in Santa Maria de Jesus or the ups and downs of a woman's life in Tecp^n. With slight variations, a flowery diamond shape could be the centra del puehlo in Santa Maria de Jesiis. a rupan plato ritual offering in Comalapa. or a simple, repeated geometric form. A horizon- tal stripe might mean a cornfield furrow in Chi- chicastenango or merely a colorful band to fill space or to separate rows of more complex fig- ures. However, some specific meanings are suggest- ed by Olga Arriola de Geng (1991. p. 120). When used with a horn or fountain, the dove and the little bird mean life: used with the cross, the same fountain signifies a Christian state of grace or a place for the soul to drink. The eagle, king of birds, represents force and valor. Schevill discuss- es the question of forced usage by the Spanish of the double-headed eagle motif, significant imme- diately after the Conquest under Charles V as the symbol of the Hapsburg Empire. The Maya word kot however "suggests that [the image) predates the Conquest" (Schevill. 1985. p. 22). Gordon (1993, p. 23) describes the symbolism in Chichicastenango ceremonial huipiles illu.strat- ed in Figures 3 and 4: Almost every elcmeni of Ihis type of huipii has symbolic meaning. The whole configuration repre- sents the world, and the head comes from it like the sun. Its rays are embroidered in silk ribbon. The black rosettes represent the four cardinal points, stripes represent (the furrows in) cornfields, the di- aper pattern represents com kernels, and the zig- zags are variously referred to as mountains and ea- gle wings and claws. The two-headed eagle was [perhaps) adapted from European textiles, hut had important l(Kal meaning. It is explained as the du- alistic force; as one head l(K)king to heaven and one to earth or as the conflict between European and Mayan beliefs. The Kichd (sic) Maya were known as 'sons of tlie eagle.' The Cobdn area has not forgotten the old leg- ends behind certain patterns. The woven motifs ODLAND: FASHIONING TRADITION 15 were generally closely associated with ancient stories or myths; in fact, two observers (Alsonso, 1970; Dieseldorff, 1984) refer to these textiles as "one of the last codices" of Maya beliefs. Many images illustrate a complex pre-Columbian legend featuring the sun and the moon. In the "'reenc' style in huipil 3312.288124 (Fig. 53), the gauze ground has crossed warp threads. A pattern of thicker threads meandering back and forth warp- wise, is "possibly a variation of an abstract style that ideographically represents the moon as weav- er" (Gordon, 1993, p. 30). Also according to Gordon, the motifs in Coban huipiles 3312.288124 (see Fig. 53) and 3266.243980 (Fig. 54) may have been drawn from a legend of the Sun and Moon. The Moon tricked her father, the Sun, who then turned himself into a hummingbird that made its way into her heart. When still in his human form, the Sun had been out hunting deer, and this animal also came to stand for him. The figure on horseback originally symbolized a messenger between the human and spiritual worlds. The small figures are "sun-eyes" (Gordon, 1993, p. 30). Taken as a whole, however, a woman dressed in traditional textiles is herself one big symbol. In her, the elements of color, form, and material combine to communicate ethnic identity. ''Asi pues, los simbolos textiles son destellos de la me- moria colectiva may a, caudal de riqueza intan- gible. Estdn entretejidos con el importante yfuer- te papel de la cofradia como reservorio de esta identidad simbolica, sobre todo en el marco de la religion, la mitologia ya la accion rituaV (Knoke de Arathoon, 2005, p. 23). In translation, textile symbols are flashes from the collective Maya memory, a wealth of intangible richness. They are interwoven with the strong and important role of the cofradia as a reservoir of this symbolic iden- tity, above all in the context of religion, mythol- ogy, and ritual action. IV. Technology and Contemporary Markets Backstrap Loom Weaving The indigenous backstrap loom is a wonderful- ly portable thing, an arrangement of simple sticks holding the warp threads in tension between a belt around the weaver's back and any handy post or tree. Most of the sticks can be made from found wood with a little finishing and smoothing. Only the weaver's sword, inserted to part the two layers of the web, requires much shaping. The whole thing can be easily rolled up into a small parcel not over 70 cm wide and 12-15 cm in diameter, including the cloth in work (Fig. 55). As the weaver leans back and forward, tension on the threads is increased and released, changing the shed opening with pressure of the sword on the warps. To create a garment, pieces of cloth are usually woven to the desired size, and a piece may have four selvedges (woven, uncut edges), or pan- els may be cut from one length. A width of 66 cm and a length of 3.5 m seem to be the maxi- mum. The backstrap loom is most efficient at 12- 15 cm wide, a comfortable arm's reach; each cen- timeter after that adds effort and time. Fisher (1984, p. 6) provides a succinct explanation of back-strap weaving: The loom itself is an ingenious machine made of a group of sticks upon which a lengthwise set of threads, the warp, is arranged. The warp is made by wrapping the threads in a figure eight manner on a simple frame called a warping board. When the loom is ready for weaving, one end is tied to a post or tree and the other is attached to the weaver, using a backstrap. A system of smaller sticks and pattern weaving heddles (rods tied with thread loops that encircle individual warps) gives the weaver full control of the warp. Using heddles and a flat smooth stick, the sword or batten, sheds are opened so that the weft, or crosswise yarn, can be interlaced with the warp. Types of Weave In the Highlands, ground cloth is usually weft- faced plain weave, basket weave, or, more rarely, twill weave. Any of these may be stripes, plaids, or solid colors. Variety in spacing of warp, weft, or both can be produced by several methods. One is by beating wefts down tightly to produce weft- faced fabrics; most highland cloth is weft-faced. Another is cording, or bundling together more weft threads than in the surrounding ground (see Fig. 5). Cording is sometimes introduced as a con- trasting woven texture. More often it is found at the ends of a woven panel where there is little room to maneuver a shuttle or sword and it be- comes very difficult to weave. A third method is by setting warps close together or doubling warps to produce more warp-faced cloth. The exception to the highland plain weave is the gauze weave characteristic of Coban, which is done by crossing the warps, either singly or in 16 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY pairs, and securing the crosses by the passage of the weft through them. This can be done by tying up the warps on the loom to manipulate all at once, or. laboriously, one by one, by hand. Simple gauze weave alternating with bands of plain weave as illustrated in Figure 12 may be known as leno (de Jongh Osborne. 1975, p. 78). Brocade Terminoiogy The brocade patterns in the huipiles in this study are produced during weaving, while the tex- tile is still under construction on the loom. The structure of the fabric consists of the tensioned. fixed, lengthwise warps (urdimhre) and the alter- able, horizontal wefts (trama), where the action occurs. On the background of this plainer fabric, nonstructural, supplementary wefts can be intro- duced to create figures in additional colors, ma- terials and textures. Supplementary wefts can be continuous (producing a pattern running from edge to edge of the textile) or discontinuous (oc- curring only in local areas). In either case, the figures on the face of the fabric executed in the supplementary wefts are said to "float" over a certain number of warps (Emery, 1995. p. 141). Since at least the mid 1930s, pattern sticks have been used in the backstrap loom to facilitate the tedious thread counting required by repeating de- signs. The weaver typically ties the warps of a certain interval to an extra heddle. Tying up every fourth odd-numbered warp will generate a longer float (1-7-13-19) than every other odd warp (1-5- 9-13). Using more pattern sticks can make a back- strap into a virtual four-harness loom, while pro- ducing a ribbed effect, by vertically or diagonally aligning the tie-down warps. Work done without pattern sticks may have a variable or less visible alignment of tie-down warps. There are three ways in which brocade threads may be woven so as to be visible on one or two sides of the cloth. In single-faced brocade, the pat- tern is visible on one side only (see Fig. 3). O'Neale and some others refer to this as onlay, inlay, or laid-in brocade (O'Neale, 1966, p. 59). Brocade threads are added while the shed is open, so that they pass over only one set of warps. When the shed closes, the threads are invisible from the back. This method requires less thread than double-face brocade and thus the fabric is lighter and more economical to make. Both sin- gle-face and double-face brocade can be seen in the huipil 2401.190085 (Figs. 56 and 57). Current thinking draws a distinction between double-faced brocade and two-faced brocade, while O'Neale and Osborne did not (O'Neale, 1966. p. 61 ). The pattern in double-faced brtxade (marcador) is the same on both front and back. With the shed closed and thus both sets of warps threads together, the brocade threads in the de- sired pattern are entered, the ground thread is beaten in, and the shed is changed. Duplicate pat- tern brocade threads are then entered from the other side, and the process is repeated, producing a cleanly defined pattern identical on both sides (see Figs. 23 and 56). These are the heaviest and the most expensive textiles because they require the use of the most yam. In two-faced brocade called medio-marcador (hd\{-marcador), the pattern is reversed on the back face of the textile. Brocade threads are added with the shed closed so that they go through both sets of warps, in this example, hiiipil 2393. 190048 (Figs. 58 and 59). Unlike double-faced brocade, the brcKade threads do not duplicate the pattern: the supplementary weft thread proceeds once in the direction of weaving only. The brocade threads float on the back of the cloth and are brought to the front face of the textile only when the weaver desires to show the pattern there. Tapestry weave is not used on huipiles. It is used on indigenous hair ribbons and belts as well as the placemats and table runners produced for the tourist market (Figs. 60 and 61). Tapestry weave is done on backstrap or floor looms with discontinuous wefts, which turn back to produce patterns of solid color alone, with no continuous weft or background structure. This produces a small slit or opening between the colors of dif- ferent figures. Embroidery, Trims, and Findings Whether it involves brocade or tapestry work, weaving inevitably generates angular designs pro- duced by diagonal lines. The finest threads, dense- ly woven, may soften this angularity only incre- mentally. Embroidery in contrast is free to pro- duce curved and rounded shapes and lines (see Figs. 10 and 28). It has been used in most com- munities to join the huipil panels in the decorative seam called the randa, to bind the neck or arm- holes, and to personalize bought cloth. Randas on early everyday huipiles from Quetz- ODLAND: FASHIONING TRADITION 17 altenango were made in straight, multicolor but- tonhole stitch on the everyday huipiles. On the ceremonial huipil 2393.190013 (see Fig. 39), we find extensive patterns of flowers and leaves. On both everyday and festive huipiles, the neck open- ing is also decorated with embroidery. An app- liqued neck trim could always be added to freshen up an old huipil. Thus, the style of neck trim may provide little insight as to date, because it could be frequently changed as required by wear or to fashion. The neck detail traditional in San Pedro Saca- tepequez may be described as a collar of points or triangles of trellis backstitch or punch stitch surrounding the bound neck (Figs. 62 and 63). The points sometimes terminated in crosses and were usually embroidered in highly twisted threads dyed in real or mock-shellfish purple. These are called pachak in Kaqchiquel, and are no longer commonly made (Arriola de Geng, 1991, p. 13). Like those of Quetzaltenango, the huipiles of Chichicastenango require the seams, particularly in the brocaded pecho or breast areas, to be joined with or covered by embroidery. This was tradi- tionally hand done by men in chain stitch and but- tonhole stitch. "After the woman has finished weaving the cloth, she gives it to the man who sews the strips together, hems it, and if it is a huipil, cuts out and embroiders the neck. Not all men are able to embroider, but most can" (Bun- zel, 1959, p. 61). Recently, machine embroidery has become an art in its own right in Quetzalten- ango (see Fig. 41). The white huipiles of Coban in the 60s were trimmed with a cornucopia of flower embroidery at neck and arms. This embroidery may be worked directly on the huipil, or ready-made neck trims may purchased in the marketplace. The quetzal wedding huipil of Santa Maria de Jesus is exuberantly embroidered, emblazoned with a pair of quetzal birds and masses of flowers. Other communities, for example, San Cristobal Totoni- capan, Patziin, Huehuetenango, and San Mateo Ixtatan, traditionally embroidered the yoke of the huipil. Applique Certain trims and findings are popular across broad regions and some have been in vogue for many years. For instance, the 18th century Aus- trian style floral brocaded ribbons noted by O'Neale (1966, p. 23) remain popular today. The dark blue and black taffeta ribbons used for ro- settes in Chichicastenango (see Fig. 4) were noted by Eisen in 1902 (Schevill, 1993), and the sun neck and medallions are still cut from commercial cloth and sewn to the huipil as appliques. Trade cloth, velvet, and ribbon came to be used to pro- tect arm and neck openings and buttons or coins were sometimes placed in the center of Chichi- castenango rosettes. Embroidered neck trims may be purchased ready-made or to order in the mar- ket, and there is a resale market for used neck embroidery trims as well. Other current trims in- clude zippers, metallic thread, commercial lace (see Fig. 10) and crocheted lace. Neck and arm trims of ribbon, velvet, or other commercial cloth are applied to the huipiles of Comalapa and San Antonio Aguas Calientes, and are often removed before sale to collectors. Floor-Loom Weaving As mentioned earlier, the technologies of the floor loom and the spinning wheel were unknown before the Spanish Conquest, when sheep were introduced, men were trained to operate the spin- ning wheel and the treadle loom, and women to wash and card wool. By 1750, indigenous men were being apprenticed to Spanish master weav- ers, and European floor or treadle loom weaving became widespread. Until the 1940s and 1950s, most commercial weaving was done by men, and women used only the backstrap loom. Lately, the development of piecework has begun to appeal to women as small entrepreneurs, who have become adept at the treadle loom. Their output can satisfy either market needs for the regional style huipiles or products for the tourist market (Fig. 64). The floor or foot loom is a fixed framework that holds the warp thread in tension between two beams. The loom may be warped once for much greater lengths and widths of cloth than is possi- ble on the backstrap loom. Treadles lift the warp mechanically. On a draw loom (a treadle loom with additional heddles), patterns may be set up once and then repeated endlessly. The draw loom is usually operated by a seated weaver with a standing assistant to pull up or "draw" the sets of heddles that are arranged to create the patterns (Fig. 65). Huipiles produced on these commercial looms are much faster to make and accordingly cheaper than the labor-intensive backstrap-loomed originals. FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY Once machine-spun yarn became easily avail- able, commercially woven huipiles were also pro- duced and distributed for sale by traveling mer- chants. These huipiles, woven on four-harness treadle looms, came from the big weaving centers of Quetzaltenango, Totonicapan. San Pedro Sa- catep^quez, and San Martin Jilotepcque. Simple, mainly geometric patterns were made for general appeal with brocaded centers done partly by trea- dling and partly by hand. Sometimes more re- gionally specific design motifs were used, includ- ing standardized bands of birds, animals, human figures, geometric figures, and plants. The floor- loomed huipil 162.188862 (see Fig. 35) has mo- tifs of pine trees, ducks, turkeys, chickens, com, the flowering plant, and the tree of life. Contemporary Markets The growth of tourism has had many varied effects. One is that weavers are exposed to new ideas, new materials, and new markets. Another is that these fresh inspirations will undoubtedly influence traditional styles. The marketplace of- fers a selection of tourist souvenirs in varying de- grees of quality, from potholders to valuable an- tique huipiles, and some worry that the low stan- dards of the typical tourist will erode the weaving traditions. However, first and foremost, the weav- ers need to earn a living. Market vendors find that wearing "picturesque" traje or offering craft demonstrations attracts customers (see Fig. 51); others selling to fellow Maya will wear fine qual- ity huipiles to advertise their merchandise. Others offer lessons in backstrap weaving to tourists. During the 30-year civil war, poor women wid- owed by the violence were forced to sell what little they had to feed their families. A famous tale is told of an American woman living in Antigua. Vey Smithers. during the 1970s. She was ap- proached by poor indigenous women trying to .sell their huipiles. As the story goes. Smithers told the women. "If you .sell me your huipil today, you will have money for food today, but next month you will have no money, no food, and no huipil." She began to supply the women with thread, and created Colibri. one of the first organizations to assist indigenous women with product develop- ment and marketing, providing work and su.ste- nance. V. Women^s Traditional Roles and Current Trends Home and Village A brief description of daily life and women's roles can provide insight into the Maya culture. Houses in small towns are likely to be of cement bkxrk. adobe, or stucco, painted white, and may have several rooms with wocxi or tile floors, and tile or sheet-metal roofs (Fig. 66). Those on the main streets may enjoy basic electricity and run- ning water Furnishings may include wotxlen chairs, tables, beds, and simple cabinets or chests. In towns, recent community improvements may bring running water to a shared neighborhood standpipe. Proximity to a com mill can spare a woman from hours of hand grinding com for the family's staple tortillas. In rural areas, homes may be isolated home- steads or located in aldeas (tiny hamlets). These are usually one-room buildings, with packed earth floors and thatch or wooden shingle roofs, fre- quently without electricity. Cooking is done on a hearth with three stones to support a griddle or pot. Smoke rises through the family's stores of com in the rafters and permeates the dwelling, helping to keep pests at bay. Garments may be stored on a clothesline indoors. Fumishings may include a few small wooden chairs or stools and a bed built out from a comer of the wall. In general, women's work in the rural High- lands still depends on preindustrial technology. Typical tasks involve making the early moming fire and preparing a breakfast of coffee, tortillas, beans, and maybe cheese or eggs; caring for chil- dren; caring for smaller animals; grinding com; fetching water; hand-washing and mending the family's clothes; tending a garden plot; and help- ing collect firewood. Whenever time permits, a woman can work on craft articles, such as woven, knitted, or crcKheted goods for the tourist or the indigenous market. Women *s Roles As discussed, traje is the dominant dress in the more remote and traditional villages, where peo- ple may have little interaction with the outside world. But even in communities more integrated with contemporary Guatemala, a preference for traditional dress is due to more than poverty or ignorance of new styles. A woman not wearing ODLAND: FASHIONING TRADITION 19 traje is more of a "free agent," not subject to the full force of the traditional ways of her village. Barry (1992, p. 219) suggests male control of fe- male apparel: It is common for Indian men to adopt Ladino life- styles . . . while insisting that their daughters and wives maintain the traditional culture and all its personal manifestations. The same is true for most Maya nationalists, who look on with horror as In- dian women cut their hair or wear lipstick, but who are not in the least bit critical of men who have by their appearance completely crossed over to Ladino styles. As elsewhere in the world, religious faith, sex- uality, political security, economic realities, and fashion choices all influence a women's dress. Smith (1995, p. 730) postulates that, during the Conquest and the colonial period, both Spanish and indigenous women "became key icons around which a modern nation or culture would be built in cultural, biological, and material terms. And reproductive control over women — i.e. be- cause of their sexuality — became the instrumental means by which economic, political, and cultural dominance of the elite in a new nation was as- sured." Maya women were protected by the com- munity as bearers of future generations, as long as they maintained traditional behavior and local dress. In contrast with this point of view is the recent pan-Maya movement, in which dress may be both aesthetic and/or political. "Indian unity" is a new theme in Guatemalan dress, and although it is still the great exception (affecting about 5% of the in- digenous population) rather than the rule, it is a significant trend. Not surprisingly, it is often younger, better educated, urban individuals who choose to proclaim a generalized "Indian" iden- tity through cross-community borrowing. They "show their worldliness" by incorporating others' stylistic elements into their own huipiles, which they wear as an expression of pride in their great- er ethnicity (Hendrickson, 1991; Gordon, 1993, p. 6). At the Chichicastenango market (Fig. 67), Maya women could choose from a selection of huipil panels to mix and match and trim as de- sired. One young, indigenous informant from San Juan Sacatepequez said she had been raised by her mother to wear the local traje but preferred the huipil of Coban because it was more "ele- gant." This woman worked in the textile museum, Museo Ixchel in Guatemala City, where she must have seen thousands of huipiles from all regions and periods. It was also likely that her job re- quired her to wear traditional dress. In another example, at the Behrhorst Clinic in the big Ladino town of Chimaltenango, virtually all the female staff, except those in lab coats, were wearing in- digenous dress in 2004. The Cofradia During the centuries of isolation in the High- lands, villagers had become accustomed to some degree of self-government through the cofradias. These are local civil religious brotherhoods rooted in 15th-century Spanish guilds that have come to include powerful indigenous elements. In the cof- radias, individuals may achieve status by com- munity service in the local church or municipal governments, which are still often intertwined. Although women do not directly wield political power in the cofradias, they exert influence through their husbands. Men must be married in order to hold cofrade office; wives are required to make the men's ceremonial garments and supply the clothes for the figures of the saints (see Fig. 31). In order to celebrate the holy days, certain rituals must be maintained, with all participants dressed in the approved style of that municipality (see ceremonial huipiles in Figs. 4, 15, 16, 18, 19, 26, 28, 32, 33, 39, and 40). Women's power, in the sense of traditional hi- erarchy and status, is concentrated in the oldest women, who enforce their authority on adult and young women and on outsiders. One informant, a young Peace Corps volunteer living for 2 years in Nebaj, recounted that, after 6 months of service in the community, she came to greatly admire the beautiful huipil of one of her contacts. She com- missioned one like it, and when it was finished, wore it to a wedding celebration. Older women interrogated her as to what right she had to wear this style of huipil, believing that a huipil with so many figures and colors was only earned after years of community service. This was apparently seen as the equivalent of wearing someone else's battle medals of honor. Wisely, the Peace Corps worker never again wore this huipil in Guatemala. Accion Catolica, or Catholic Action, founded in the 1930s, was intended to purge the Catholic church in the Highlands of the syncretic folk Ca- tholicism that had flourished during the years of isolation. During the 1950s and 1960s, the cof- radias and the indigenous communal groups they represented came to be seen as dangerous com- 20 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY munist forces. Under the 1982 Rios Monlt gov- ernment, both Catholic and Protestant evangelical groups were encouraged to proselyti/.e in the Highlands. The power of local traditional govern- ments was taken away from the cojriuiias and giv- en to LiuUnos and secular politicians, at once eroding the base of the cofrcuiias and remosing incentives for membership in them (Barry. 1992. pp. 187-192, 197-198). While members of the cofnulias still give of- ferings to maintain and decorate the church, dress and venerate the saints, and celebrate special holy days, for many rea.sons, ceremonial cofnulia trajc is less visible than in the past. The power of the cofnulias may have been so weakened by govern- ment actions or evangelical missionaries as to make it unsustainable, the members converting to an evangelical or progressive church. For eco- nomic reasons, members may have had to sell their traje or members of the cofmdias may have died and been buried in their best truje. The mem- bers may have changed their traje for the sake of fashion, into something more attention getting and less traditional. The cofradi'a itself may have transformed into a brotherhood wearing Western rather than traditional dress (Arriola de Geng. 1991, p. 42). In Quet/altenango during Holy Week in 1995 (see Fig. 42). indigenous women wore a fresh-looking, everyday huipil in the Palm Sunday processions. In the Ladino town of Anti- gua the same year (Fig. 68). no huipiles were worn. However, the women, wearing Western dresses and suits, performed the same traditional ritual of carrying saints* processions through the streets. Economic Pressures Historically, the family farm, called the milpa, was planted in com. beans, and squash, and the cultivation of corn was celebrated with great rit- ual. As the population increased, the milpa was divided by inheritance into smaller and smaller plots, which became insufficient to support a fam- ily. Survival now usually requires work away from the home village, as seasonal farm workers, day laborers, or domestics, or in the production of arts and crafts. During the early 19th century, Guatemala had great success in raising cash crops of c(x;hineal and indigo, and became a major world supplier of cochineal. This came to an end in the 1860s with the invention and fast distribution of synthetic dyes. The loss of this revenue precipitated a shift to coffee production, with drastic consequences for the previously isolated highland Maya, who tK'cupied these now desirable lands. Since the 188()s, large numbers of indigenous people were made to work on the very coffee plantations to which they had lost their communal land (Barry. 1992, p. 105). The economic development of the Highlands continued, with the eventual construction of better road and railroad systems. Eventually, cheaper and faster village-to-village communication im- proved, to some extent, the economic health of the villages, while exposing them to the influences of 2()th century life and other styles of dress. Paved two-lane roads now connect the capital to Quet/altenango. San Pedro Sacatep6 years, violence affected much of the country. In 1982. the Guatemalan Conference of Catholic Bishops estimated that 1 million (mostly indige- nous) people were displaced by the turmoil. Twenty percent of the entire population lost their homes. It is estimated that l(K),(XK) women were widowed by the violence (Nyrop, 198.^, pp. 43- 46). BBC News and most Western news sources surmised that more than 2()0.(XX) people were killed or disappeared. The greatest violence t(H)k place in Ixil and Quiche (including Chichicasten- ango): people from those municipalities were made obvious targets by their distinctive clothing. In the village church of Cotzal. crosses were placed honoring those lost in the violence of the years between 1972 and 1996 (Fig. 69). The cur- rency of the Quetzal was devalued by half, indig- enous villages depopulated, young men pressed ODLAND: FASHIONING TRADITION 21 into the army, and people forcibly resettled into nontraditional "model" villages designed to de- stroy traditional values by mixing up ethnic and family groups in land remote from their homes. By the late 1980s, the level of violence had declined sufficiently for some tourist travel to re- sume. The army declared a self-amnesty and per- mitted the election of President Arevalo, who ran on a progressive platform. While kidnappings and massacres continued, in general, the violence de- clined. In 1992, the Year of Indigenous People, Rigoberta Menchu, wearing traditional dress, was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, and peace talks began. Although the Peace Accords were signed in 1996, the effectiveness of the peace remains to be seen. During their years as refugees from the vio- lence, thousands of people accustomed to a se- cluded village life were forced to adapt to new surroundings, intense political pressures, and a hard life on the road, hiding in the forests or liv- ing in refugee camps. For years, many were un- able to wear traditional dress. While retaining a loyalty to traditional values, women who under- went such trauma might feel that a return to strict, old-fashioned traje would no longer be appropri- ate. Traje has been used recently for pointed polit- ical statements. Gordon (1993, p. 5) describes a scene during protests in 1992 against the firing of indigenous workers on coastal plantations. . . . individuals put on their best, ceremonial traje — "flying Indian colors" as a sign of solidarity. Many of the people who marched across the Pan Ameri- can Highway on "the Return" from Mexico in Jan- uary were also flying their colors. Those who had been able to save their traje took the garments out of storage and put them on once again. Women in the city may not find it socially ac- ceptable to wear any type of indigenous dress, while women and men fleeing from politically dangerous situations may not find it safe to wear the distinctive dress of their particular village. The process of assimilation and acculturation has been spurred on by the penetration of traditional societies by economic, religious, cultural, political, and military influences. Thus, while a decision to adopt Ladino styles or to drop traditional customs and dress may be personal, the choice occurs in an oppressive environment where indigenous ways are disparaged. When an Indian man or woman de- cides, for example, not to wear traje to avoid at- tracting military attention or to improve his or her chances for landing a job, the choice is hardly a free one (Barry, 1992, p. 219). Anthropologists, textile scholars, and tourists debate the future of traditional Maya dress. As- turias de Barrios has predicted the demise of the Santa Maria de Jesiis sobrehuipil. "When the old women who use it today die, it will disappear from the feminine wardrobe, but it could possibly survive in the cofradias'' (Asturias de Barrios 1985, p. 80). Sweaters have already replaced the shawl for everyday usage, as the shawl replaced the sobrehuipil in the Quetzaltenango Easter pro- cession. This study concludes without such a pre- diction, but instead with the belief that a style of dress so constant for so long must have roots deep within a community's traditional needs. One need look no further than a typical Good Friday pro- cession, where a Maya woman in complete traje waits for the patron saints of her village to be carried past (Fig. 70). Economic and social forces will continue to color all the choices women make in their daily lives. With stability and security, the Maya may long maintain the symbols that repre- sent their culture. VI. Fashioning Tradition There is nothing simple about a woman's choice to preserve or relinquish traditional dress. As we have seen, women may be influenced by many factors other than personal choice: social, cultural, religious, economic, technological, and political forces all come to bear on fashion. Wom- en in very remote, traditional villages may have no option but to make their own garments. Pro- tection, prestige, and participation in village life or membership in a traditional cofradia may re- quire conformity to a sanctioned dress code. Acknowledgments I warmly acknowledge the kind assistance and contributions of many people: Alaka Wall, Anne Underbill, Chap Kusimba. Steve Nash, Dorren Martin-Ross, Nina Cummings, Jane Swezey, Ty- ana Wachter, and Sarah Drasner. Heartfelt thanks are due to Patricia Krause, Vey Smithers, and the late Carroll Behrhorst for their inspirational work with the people of Guatemala. I am also grateful to the Jim Van Stone Fund, Department of An- thropology, for support in publishing this study. 22 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY VII. Literature Cited Aguilar. F 1983. Grass. Mountain, and the Tree-of-life: Introductory Guide to the Exhibit of Weavings from San Pedro Sacatep^quc/. Museo Ixchel. Guatemala City. Anawalt. p. R. 1981 (I99() printing). Indian Clothing. Before Cortes: MesoAmerican Costumes from the Co- dices. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman. Arrioia dk Geng. O. 1991. Los Tejedores en Guatemala y la Influencia E.spanola en Traje Indi'gena. Litografia Modema. Guatemala City. AsTi'RiAS Dk Barrios. L. 1985. Comalapa: Native Dress and Its Significance. Ixchel Museum Publications. The Ixchel Museum of Indian Dress of Guatemala. Gua- temala City. . 1991. Mayan Clothing and Weaving Through the Ages. Ediciones del Museo Ixchel. Museo Ixchel del Traje Indigena de Guatemala. Guatemala City. AsTt'RiAS DE Barrios. L.. I. MufA de Rodas. and R. MiRALBEs de Pcmanco. 1991. Santa Maria dc Jesiis: Costume and Huipiles. Ediciones del Museo Ixchel. Museo Ixchel del Traje Indfgena de Guatemala. Gua- temala City. Barry. T. 1992. Inside Guatemala. The Inter-Hemi- spheric Education Resource Center. Albuquerque. New Mexico. Bi'NZEL. R. 1959. Chichicastenango. A Guatemalan Vil- lage. University of Washington Press, Seattle. Wash- ington. Cabrera Perez- Armisan. M. 1992. Tradicion y Cambio de la Mujer Quiche. Instituto para el Desarollo Econ- 6mico y Social de America Central. Cholsamaj. Gua- temala. DE JoNGH Osborne. L. 1975. Guatemala Textiles. New Orleans. Departineni of Middle American Research, Tulane University. Tulane. Louisiana. Delgado. H. Schmidt de. 1963. Aboriginal Guatemalan Handweaving and Costume. Ph.D. dissertation. Indi- ana University. University Microfilms. Inc.. Ann Ar- bor. Michigan. Delss. K. 1981. Indian Costumes from Guatemala. CTD Printers. Twickenham. England. Ehi-ERS. T I99(). Silent Looms: Women and Prtxiuction in a Guatemalan Town. Westview Press. Boulder. Col- orado. Emery. I. 1995. The Primary Structures of Fabrics. Wat- .son-Guptill Publications. The Textile Museum. Wash- ington, D.C. Fisher. N. 1984. Beyond Boundaries: Highland Maya Dress. Museum of International Folk Art. Santa Fe. New Mexico. GoREWN. B. 1993. Identity in Cloth: Continuity and Sur- vival in Guatemalan Textiles. University of Wisconsin Press. Madison. Wisconsin. Hendrkkson, C. 1995. Weaving Identities: Construction of Dress and Self in Highland Guatemala Town. Uni- versity of Texas Press. Austin. Texas. Knoke de Aratiux)n. B. 2()05. Si'mbolos que Se Siem- bran. Ediciones del Museo Ixchel. Museo Ixchel del Traje Indigena. Guatemala. Nyrop. R.. Ed. 1983. Guatemala: a Country Study. US Government, Department of the Army. O'Neai.e, L. 1935 (1966 printing). Textiles of Highland Guatemala. Carnegie Institution, Washington, D.C. Rodas N. E. O. Rodas C. and L. E Hawkins. 1940. Chichicastenango: The Quichi* Indians. Their History and Culture; Sacred Symbols of their Dress and Tex- tiles. Uni6n Tipogrdfica. Guatemala. RowE. A. 1981. A Century of Change in Guatemalan Textiles. University of Wa.shington Press, Seattle, Washington. ScHEVii.i , M. Bi.i M. 1985. Evolution in Textile Design from the Highlands of Guatemala. University of Washington Press, Seattle, Washington. . 1993. Maya Textiles of Guatemala. University of Texas Press, Austin. Texas. ScHEvii.i.. M. Bi iM. J. C. Beri.o. and E. B. Dwyer. Eds. 1991. Textile Traditions of Mesoamerica and the An- des: an Anthology. University of Texas Press. Austin. Texas. Smith. C. 1995. Race-Class-Gender Ideology in Guate- mala: M(xlem and Anti-Mtxlem Forms. Comparative Studies in StKiety and History. 37(4): 723-749. Si'ERi.KH. N.. AND E. K. SpERi.iCH. 1980. Guatemalan Backstrap Weaving. University of Oklahoma Press. Norman, Oklahoma. Tax. S. 1963. Penny Capitalism. A Guatemalan Indian Economy. The University of Chicago Press. Chicago, Illinois. TisDii., Edine France:s. 1910. Guatemala, the Country of the Future. National Geographic Maga/ine. XXI: 429-460. ODLAND: FASHIONING TRADITION 23 Appendix 1. Descriptions of Figures All photographs are by J. Claire Odiand unless otherwise credited. Fig. 1. The terrain around Nebaj and Chichi- castenango in the Cuchumatanes mountains. Ne- baj, 1997. Fig. 2. Linguistic areas of Guatemala, drawn by Huong Ngo, compiled by Odiand from Fran- cisco Marroqum Linguistic Project. 1986 (Astu- rias de Barrios. 1991. p. 125) and data from Eth- nologue: Languages of the World, 14th edition, http://www.ethnologue.com. Fig. 3. This three-panel fwipil. 2393.19(XK)5. from Chichicastenango is backstrap-loomed in natural white cotton, brocaded on one face in pur- ple silk with gold accents. Both the "sun" detail around the neck and the medallions on the shoul- ders are hand-stitched appliques of black taffeta, outlined in braided silk floss in purple and gold, hand stitched. The three panels and the side seams are hand sewn in black zigzags. Field Museum record: "Huipil Background white; design black stitching on the seams, cerise panel front and back and on shoulders, schematic birds, and geometri- cal designs; colors cerise and accents of orange. Black circles and projections around the neck." Collected by Florence D. Bartlett. 1935. 89 x 67 cm. Fig. 4. The three-panel ceremonial huipil 1935.189256 from Chichicastenango is backstrap- loomed in handspun natural brown cotton, with single-face brocade in red cotton and multicolor silk accents, in a looped pile. Panels are hand sewn in zigzags. Figures include double-headed eagles center front and back, with smaller ones on each side panel. The eagle designs are bordered by tree of life figures at the sides, and small snakes border the brcKade areas at top and bot- tom. The center and shoulder medallions and pointed "sun" neck trimmings in applique of black taffeta are outlined in purple and orange chain stitch. Field Museum record: "Ceremonial huipil. Brown cotton. Down front and across shoulders overlaid with embroidered red design forming cross with spots of purple, orange, and green silk. Four satin rosettes at base of each arm of cross. Star-shaped satin rays around neck." Collected in 1931. 98 (folded) x 16() cm. Fig. 5. The huipil 3967.191499 was made for a little girl in three panels. The center seams on the area of plain ground are whipstitched in bur- gundy mercerized cotton and the sides machine sewn. The brocade pattern of multicolor natural- istic flowers and leaves fills much of the faded dark-brown ground. Typical of Chichicastenango. the center panel is deeper than sides, and has ver- tical half-circle brtKade bt^rders in addition to the multicolor ramias embroidered in buttonhole stitch. The vertical border pattern at the armholes is brocaded rainbow stripes. The round neck has an extra slit at the side, and is bound in plain black cloth, turned and machine stitched, as are the black cloth applique ptiints of the "sun" pat- tern that are outlined in dark brown and red twist- ed cord, also machine stitched. The last 5 cm of the ground is woven with bundled wefts. Used, well worn, and frayed. Purchased by author in 1996 in Chichicastenango market, from local girls. 61 (folded) x 67.5 cm. Fk;. 6. A three-panel huipil from Chichica.ste- nango. 4164.28 is backstrap-kximed. with a ground of while cotton. The brtKade figures of nKxlemistic flowers are executed in purple silk with red. yel- low, and green and geometric figures along the seams. The panels are hand seamed at center and sides, and the black satin pointed applique neck trim and shoulder medallions are outlined in chain stitch. Collected in 1989 and donated by Tony and Kay Marks. 76 (folded) X 81 cm. Fh;. 7. The local produce market in Chichica.s- tenango shows nearly all women wearing huipi- le.s, some with sweaters or shawls, while men wear western style shirts. 1995. Fi<;. 8. Market women in the Coban. Alta Ver- apaz, food market wear the IcKal three-panel hui- pil made of various synthetic commercial fabrics, loose over a slip or camisole. 2(X)5. Fig. 9. Collected in 1927 and probably made in Coban. Alta Verapdz. the backstrap-Uximed huipil 1741.103709 is made of cotton in three panels, of four woven selvedges each. The panels are hand joined without embroidery. In the center, on a lightweight red background of plain weave, raised pile brcKadc creates a lattice of white hex- agonal openings framing star-flowers of greenish- gold, purple, and blue. On the sides, on a light- weight white ground, raised white weft stripes al- ternate with brocaded red. green, and gold, com plants, diamonds, flowery diamonds, and geomet- ric forms. The neck opening is simply cut and turned, and the arm openings bnx;aded in green zigzags. Field Museum record: "So-called "hui- pil' 3 section blouse. Center red collar with white "lace" work in collar leaving diamonds shaped . . . with geometrical designs in green, gold & pur- ple. Arm sections. White background with plant, bird & geometrical designs in red, green & oc- ODLAND: FASHIONING TRADITION 25 casional gold & puqDle. Imported dyes from Ger- many. Purchased in Aguate, British Honduras, whither they are brought by Indians from Coban." 48 (folded) X 101 cm. Fig. 10. The huipil 3318.192213 from Coban is treadle-loomed in white cotton, each of its three panels having two woven and two cut selvedges. The lacey look is achieved by alternating bands of gauze weave and loose plain weave with bro- cade figures in heavier white thread. These in- clude human figures, stars, deer and ducks. The center seams are hand joined in herringbone stitch, and the sides are machine sewn. The lower hem is machine sewn with a trim in commercial eyelet lace. The neck and arms are hand embroi- dered in cotton with leaves and flowers, and bound in buttonhole stitch. Worn. Collected in 1966. 42 (folded) X 93 cm. Fig. 11. The unfinished huipil 2648.242213 from Coban, consisting of three panels, is back- strap loomed in white cotton. Like 3318.192213 (see Fig. 10), bands of gauze weave alternate with bands of open plain weave containing heavier thread brocade figures of corn plants, human fig- ures with horses, and zigzags. The square neck area is left plain, to be cut and finished by the wearer. Panels are hand joined in whipstitch. Col- lected 1936 by Hedwig Mueller, accessioned 1959. 90 X 100 cm. Fig. 12. A close-up view of 2648.242213 (see Fig. 11), unfinished huipil from Coban. Fig. 13. The unfinished huipil 3266.243980 from Coban is made in white cotton in three pan- els of backstrap-loomed plain weave, hand joined in whipstitch. The two side panels are brocaded in a heavier white thread in a geometric or leaf pattern, and the center panel in deer, stars, and zigzags, with an unfinished central neck area. Col- lected 1947-1949 by Caroline Van Evera. 97 X 89 cm. Fig. 14. Women wearing the traditional huipil at thread stall in the Comalapa market, 1996. Fig. 15. Dona Lucia Serech, the well-to-do businesswoman and owner of the kitchen in Fig- ure 66, modeled this ceremonial sobrehuipil and dated it to 1957. She is wearing it over her ev- eryday huipil, skirt and embroidered apron. Com- alapa, 1996. Fig. 16. The ceremonial huipil 3523.42812 was made in Comalapa in two panels, in natural handspun brown cotton with red wool creya shoulder bar, and silk and cotton figures of horses, plants, com, vines, and geometric figures in two- faced brocade. Like 3759.269639 (see Fig. 17), this huipil has the typical multichromatic cotton weft stripes, with some stripes including plied blue and white threads as extra-weft wrapping. The neck slit is left unsewn and is trimmed at the bottom of the front with an embroidered flower. Sides show signs of having previously been trimmed. Worn, patched. Collected 1945 by Mrs. R. Livingston. 115 X 95 cm. Fig. 17. An everyday huipil from Comalapa, 3759.269639 has a white cotton ground, a wide, red wool creya or shoulder bar, and the typical multichromatic cotton weft stripes separating geo- metric and bird and animal brocade figures in silk. The small rhombi, alternating with star-like fig- ures, may be the ancient symbol, rupan laq or rupan plato. Some stripes include plied blue and white threads as extra-weft wrapping. Worn. Col- lected 1937. 61 (folded) X 102 cm. Fig. 18. An unusual ceremonial three-panel so- brehuipil from Comalapa, 2393.190059 is back- strap-loomed in natural handspun brown cotton, with the traditional red shoulder bar or creya and two-faced brocade figures of birds, animals, and geometric figures perfectly aligned and separated by narrow multichromatic weft stripes, worked in silk, wool, and cotton. The round neck opening is hand trimmed with taffeta ribbon and center and shoulder medallions with long loose ribbon tails in pale blue. Collected by Florence D. Bartlett in 1935. 58 (folded) X 117 cm. Fig. 19. A ceremonial huipil from Comalapa, 2977.190635 is backstrap-loomed with a ground of handspun natural brown cotton and figures bro- caded in one and two faces, primarily in silk, also cotton and wool. The two panels are machine joined, leaving a slit neck opening, which is bound in black cotton cloth. The brocade figures are finely woven and include geometric figures, birds, flowers, and leaves in rows, separated by groups of weft stripes, and distinguished at the shoulder by the wide red brocade stripe called the creya. Creases from tucks, now removed, run from shoulder to bottom on each side. Acces- sioned in 1968. 62 (folded) X 99 cm. Fig. 20. J. Eric Thompson collected the huipil 1820.188540 in Antigua during his 1927 expedi- tion and accessioned it in 1929. It is backstrap- loomed, with four woven selvedges for each of the two panels. Like 1820.188528 (see Fig. 30), the ground is natural white cotton and the geo- metric brocade figures are purple cotton and black wool, the mourning color scheme called "/m^o." The brocade is single-faced, with supplementary continuous wefts. The center and side seams are 26 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY whipstitched, leaving very tiny arm and neck holes. Some warp threads are broken, and loopy selvedges indicate an inexperienced weaver. While museum records attribute it to San Antonio Aguas Calientes. it was probably made in San Martin Jilotepeque. 58 (folded) X 73 cm. Fig. 21. The two-panel huipil 2393.189967 is from San Antonio Aguas Calientes. It is back- strap-loomed on indigo cotton ground and cov- ered with geometric silk and cotton figures in one- and two-faced brocade. Contemporary weavers still use the same figures. The center seam is whipstitched, leaving a slit for the neck opening, and the sides are un.sewn. Worn and patched on the inside with print commercial cotton. Collected in 1935 by Florence D. Bartlett. 120 X 78 cm. Fig. 22. The huipil 3523.42815. made in two panels on a dark blue indigo ground, is very finely woven. Precise rows of brocade figures in reflect- ed symmetry include many in the traditional weaving repertoire and is still popular today. The colors in wool and cotton include blue, lavender, red. orange, yellow, green, and white. Neck slit and arm openings are bt)und in pink satin ribbon and decorated with rosettes of the same. While the huipil was purchased in Chichicastenango. it was most likely made in San Antonio Aguas Ca- lientes. Collected 1945 by Mrs. R. Livingston. 62 (folded) X 76 cm. Fig. 23. The inside of 3850.167017 reveals differences in brcKade techniques. Double-face brocade (marcaJor) has prtxluced the central band of flowers nearly identical to the front face. Sin- gle-face brocade has left the decorative supple- mentary wefts on the front face and only small glimpses of them on the back. Two other bands of thread indicate where white supplementary wefts were carried across the back (see Fig. 24). Fig. 24. The huipil 3850.167017 from San An- tonio Aguas Calientes. Sacatepcque/. is back- slrap-loomed in two panels with a red cotton ground and an extensive palette of bright colored geometric and naturalistic floral figures, a style originally inspired by Western embroidery pattern books. Any side seams or neck trim have been removed. Identical figures in marcador or double- faced brocade are visible on the reverse (see Fig. 23). Accessioned 1992. 84 X 106 cm. Fig. 25. Collected in 1927 by J. Eric Thomp- son and accessioned in 1929. the huipil 1820.188547 is from Santa Maria de Jesiis. Sa- catepequez. It is back.strap-loomed, with four sel- vedges on each of the three panels. The ground cloth is natural unbleached cotton, with brocade figures of chickens, double-headed eagles, frogs, and geometric motifs in black wool and yellow, purple, magenta, green, and blue silk accents. The center panels are whipstitched together. It was sold unfinished, with the sides unsewn and the unbriKaded neck area uncut. 136 x 69 cm. Fig. 26. The ceremonial sohrehuipil 2977. 190639 from Santa Maria de Jesiis is made of natural, unmerceri/cd while cotton ground with red warp stripes and red brcKade figures of tree of life, birds, human figures, double-headed ea- gles, and small animals and geometric figures with multichromatic accents, primarily in cotton with some silk. Backstrap-Uwmed in three panels, joined by hand with whipstitch in red. The neck opening is square, hand sewn with pink taffeta ribbon trimmed with a medallion of same ribbon. Closed with hook and eye. Armholes hand stitched with green and yellow. Collected by Eva de Smith. Accessioned in 1%8. 74 (folded) X 94 cm. Fig. 27. The two-panel huipil 2977.190640 from Santa Maria de Jesus is brtxaded in cotton in two faces in an overall pattern of linked dia- monds sometimes known as centra del puehlo fig- ures, primarily in pinks and reds, with some tur- quoise and yellow. It is backstrap-l(M>med. with an indigo cotton ground, hemmed in whipstitch, with machine sewn seams. The square neck is bound in black velvet ribbon. New, collected by Eva de Smith, and accessioned 1968. 68 (folded) X 75 cm. Fk;. 28. The three-panel wedding huipil 12.442 presents several layers of elabt^rate work. The huipil is treadle- Ux)med and joined in ma- chine sewing. It has a white ground with bands of space-dyed yav/^f' wefts in black and white, and purple weft stripes with green, purple, and black geometric brtKade figures. On lop of this lies a riotous display of machine-embroidered flowers, fruits, people, and animals, framing a pair of quet- zal birds, both on ihe front and the back. The neck is square and trimmed with red velvet on top of the embroidered neck applique^ of plants and an- imals. The arms are also trimmed in red velvet and then embroidered in yellow braid and metallic embroidered ribbon appliqud. Collected by Bill Goldman, 1992. 66 (folded) X 64 cm. Fk;. 29. A single width of cotton fabric made for a perraje or shawl, with warp stripes in red, green, orange, yellow, pink, cream, and blue, some warp stripes over-dyed with blue in the tech- nique known as jaspe {ikat or space-dyed threads), and finished with a knotted warp fringe. ODLAND: FASHIONING TRADITION 27 Author's collection. Collected in Zunil, 1996. 65 X 182 cm. Fig. 30. J. Eric Thompson collected the huipil 1820.188528 from San Pedro Sacatepequez (De- partmento de Guatemala) during his 1927 expe- dition and accessioned it in 1929. It is backstrap- loomed, with four woven selvedges for each of the two panels. The ground is natural white cot- ton, and the geometric brocade figures are purple cotton and black wool, the mourning color scheme called "/m/o." Since the tie-down warps are perfectly aligned in columns, we can see that pattern sticks were used. The center seam is whip- stitched together. The sides are unsewn, and the neck opening uncut, indicating that it was proba- bly made for sale, to be finished by its buyer. 90 X 129 cm. Fig. 31. A saint's huipil is a tiny version of an adult's. This model, 4164.54, is made in one piece but has purple and gold warp and weft stripes characteristic of those marking woven selvedges. The ground is white cotton, and the geometric brocade figures in shades of purple, red, pink, and orange are silk and cotton. The sides are open and the neck is embroidered. Accessioned in 2003 and donated by Tony and Kay Marks. 46 X 41 cm. Fig. 32. A two-panel huipil from San Pedro Sacatepequez, 2393.190066 is backstrap-loomed with a ground of white cotton and purple, red, and green warp stripes along the selvedges. Its two- faced brocade figures of birds, a pair of trees of life and double-headed eagles are well aligned in red and purple in cotton and silk. The back pre- sents fewer rows of figures. The center seam is hand sewn and covered with a very fine, tiny pur- ple silk randa, and the sides left open. The neck is hand embroidered in a buttonhole stitch in pur- ple, yellow, and turquoise silk. Because the bro- cade figures extend to the lower selvedges, it is probably, like 3312.288129 (see Fig. 33), a cere- monial huipil. Worn. Collected in 1935 by Flor- ence D. Bartlett. 117 X 64 cm. Fig. 33. The San Pedro Sacatepequez huipil 3312.288129 is elaborately brocaded on the front and less so on the back. It has a ground of white cotton, and figures of two pairs of trees of life, birds, animals, and plants worked in two faces in purple and red. The shoulder band (mano) is a pattern of birds with wings extended. The sel- vedges on bottom and open outer edges are of purple cotton, and purple and red at the center where a fine magenta silk randa is added. Around the neck, newer silk buttonhole stitch embroidery partially obscures the older pointed ''puntitos'' neck embroidery. Because the brocade figures ex- tend to the lower selvedges, it is probably, like 2393.190066 (see Fig. 32), a ceremonial huipil. Worn. Accessioned 1975. 120 X 66 cm. Fig. 34. Maya Kaqchiquel women from San Pedro Sacatepequez, c. 1900. Senoritas maya- kaqchikeles de San Pedro Sacatepequez, c. 1900. By 19th-century ethnographic photographer Al- berto G. Valdeavellano, with permission of Co- leccion Valdeavellano, Fototeca Guatemala, Cen- tro de Investigaciones Regionales de Mesoameri- ca (CIRMA), Antigua, Guatemala. Fig. 35. The Quetzaltenango huipil 162.188862 consists of a single panel of natural white cotton, with two-faced brocade in red cotton, yellow silk, and purple wool made on a floor loom. It is un- hemmed at end, and the side seams are machine sewn. The neck is hand embroidered in silk in chain stitch and the buttonhole stitch at the center covers a nonexistent center seam. Two-faced bro- cade figures include diamonds, other geometric figures, chickens, trees of life, corn plants, tur- keys, and other birds. Field Museum record: ''Huipil of typical Quetzaltenango pattern with birds in profile with angular wings and conven- tionalized trees. Narrow bands embroidered in gold silk, others in red & purple cotton. Around neck & down center band of yellow, red, & purple silk." Gift of Guatemalan Government to 1893 Chicago Columbian Exposition. 92 (folded) X 78 cm. Fig. 36. J. Eric Thompson collected the unfin- ished huipil 1820.188551 panel, floor-loomed of cotton. Said to be from Quetzaltenango, it is more likely from San Martin Jilotepeque, in the "/Mfo" mourning colors of purple and black. Field Mu- seum record: "'Huipil white cotton cloth machine made. Black birds, diamonds and [sigma] on white with little mauve in center of diamonds." 208 X 51 cm. Fig. 37. Like the huipiles worn by the women in Zanotti's photograph (see Fig. 38), this Quetz- altenango huipil 2393.190017 is made in three panels of white cotton, probably floor loomed, and brocaded in silk and cotton geometric figures. The joining seams are covered in silk buttonhole stitch and side seams are sewn. The neck is trimmed with hand-embroidered flowers and it and the armholes are bound in black velvet. Col- lected in 1936 by Florence D. Bartlett. 1 17 X 109 cm. Fig. 38. Early 20th-century photographer To- mas Zanotti, posed this Maya Quiche family group, c. 1930; Familia Maya-K'ichee de Quetz- 28 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY altenango, c. 1930. The women wear huipiles much like 2393.190017 (see Fig. 37). With per- mission of Coleccion Tomds Zanotti. Fototeca Guatemala, Centro de Investigaciones Regionales de Mesoamerica (CIRMA). Antigua. Guatemala. Fig. 39. The three-panel ceremonial huipil 2393.190013 from Quetzaltenango is probably floor-loomed because it is cut and hemmed at the bottom. The ground is white cotton, in an open, plain weave. Bnxade is single face with some looped-pile detailing, in gold, purple, and white cotton com plants. The trim is hand embroidered: at the neck in gold, purple, and white leaves and flowers, and over the joining seams in purple leaves. Worn. Field Museum record: ''Wedding or ceremonial huipil. Background white; design, geometric flowers and 2 strips of realistic brocad- ed (embroidered! leaves down front and back and back, and around neck; colors — purple, orange, and white." Collected by Rorence D. Bartlett in 1935. 100 X 128 cm. Fig. 40. Woman wearing a ceremonial huipil similar to 2393.190013 (see Fig. 39) from Quetz- altenango, 1935. With permission of Middle American Research Institute. Tulane University. Matilda Geddings Gray Collection. Fig. 41. The huipil 3967.191502 from Quetz- altenango is treadle-loomed in three panels of two woven and two cut selvedges each, joined by ma- chine, with the sides un.sewn. It has a white ground with bands of space-dyed jaspe wefts in black and white, and purple and gold weft stripes with multicolor geometric br(Kade figures. The trim of flowers around the round neck is machine embroidered directly on the garment, with a white lamb in the center front. Machine embroidered randas of branching red and pink flowers cover the joining seams. Purchased in Totonicapan mar- ket by the author in 1995. 52.5 (folded) x 75.3 cm. Fig. 42. Maya women in Holy Week proces- sion. Quetzaltenango. 1995. Fig. 43. The three-panel Quetzaltenango huipil 4164.29 has been tailored with smcKking along two of the joining seams in.stead of the traditional embroidered randas over them. Like 3967.191502 (Fig. 41), it has a white ground with bands of jaspe (space-dyed) wefts, in this ca.se in black, magenta and white, and purple and gold weft stripes with geometric brocade figures. The square neck and arms are trimmed in black velvet. Ac- cessioned in 2003 from Tony and Kay Marks. 64 (folded) X 76 cm. Fig. 44. These huipils are brocaded in the nat- uralistic flower style of San Antonio Aguas Cal- ientes; (A) from Chichicastenango and (B) from Comalapa. The details on the insides show that these wea\ ers are not using the technique of dou- ble-face briKade. compared with the examples in Figures 23 and 57. Fk;. 45. Maya woman carrying a load of wood on her back as well as a heavy log on her head. She is wearing her huipil inside out to protect the briKade threads. Due to the violence, many wom- en were widowed and must now do men's work as well as women's. Nebaj. Ixil. 1997. Fk;. 46. Accessioned in 1990 but probably dat- ing from the 196()s. the huipil 3780.167746 from Chichicastenango is backstrap-loomed with a plain natural white cotton ground. The three pan- els, although richly brocaded in silk in a pattern of zigzags and double-headed eagles, are extreme- ly worn and preserved only by refurbishing with a new body of flour sacking. The neckband, very worn and frayed, is decorated with both machine- embroidery tape and hand embroidered flowers. 69 (folded) X 68 cm. Fig. 47. Girl in the market in Chichicastenan- go, wearing huipil of flowery diamond pattern tucked into her tightly wrapped skirt. 1995. Fk;. 48. Girls in Nauhuala. mixing contempo- rary and traditional dress. 1996. Fk;. 49. Three successful artists and business- women from Comalapa, wearing different models of the everyday huipil tucked into the skirt, and embroidered aprons. 1996. Fk;. 50. Natural cotton in white and brown known as i.xcaco, traditionally used for the cere- monial huipil of Comalapa. shown with spindles (approximately 42 cm long, pointed on both ends, with a 4-5 cm ball 18 cm from the lower end). Purchased in San Juan Alitlan in 1996. Fk;. 51. Three generations of women in San- tiago Atitldn. demonstrating the backstrap loom and the hand spinning of (xcaco, or natural brown cotton. 1996. Fk;. 52. Women prepare commercial thread for use on the fl(M)r ltx)m. Comalapa. 2(X)4. Fh;. 53. Detail of Cobdn huipil cloth 3312.288124 showing plain weave with brigade figures in heavier thread alternating with bands of gauze weave (see Fig. 54). Collected in 1940- 1941 by Mrs. Harold Norman. Fk;.54. The Cohan huipil 3312.288124, sold unfinished, to be completed by the wearer, back- strap-l(X)med in white cotton. White brocade fig- ures of animals, humans, plants, and flowers re- peat in rows against a lighter weight open plain ODLAND: FASHIONING TRADITION 29 weave. The area of the square neck is not brocad- ed. The three panels are hand whipstitched to- gether. Collected in 1940-1941 by Mrs. Harold Norman. 90 X 96 cm. Fig. 55. Sample loom with sword, picks, bob- bins, shuttle, and backstrap, from San Antonio Aguas Calientes, 2002. Fig. 56. This detail of huipil 2401.190085 from San Antonio Aguas Calientes shows double- faced and single-faced brocade from the inside (see Fig. 57). Fig. 57. In the huipil 2401.190085 from San Antonio Aguas Calientes, a variety of geometric figures are worked in cotton in single- and double- faced brocade, displayed on a ground of indigo cotton. The colors of red, purple, and green pre- dominate with accents of pink, white, yellow, and blue. The two panels are hand joined in the center, leaving the neck and sides unsewn. Collected by Alice K. Gregory, accessioned in 1947. 59 (fold- ed) X 75 cm. Fig. 58. This detail of huipil 2393.190048 from San Jose Poaquil, near Comalapa, shows two-faced brocade from the inside (see Fig. 59). Fig. 59. The two-panel huipil 2393.190048 from San Jose Poaquil, near Comalapa, is back- strap loomed in natural handspun brown cotton and brocaded in two-faced figures of birds and animals in silk, cotton, and red wool. The center seam is whipstitched, leaving the neck slit un- sewn, and sides are also unsewn. Collected by Florence D. Bartlett in 1935. 100 X 102 cm. Fig. 60. Examples of tapestry-weave belts from Comalapa. Author's collection. Fig. 61. Maya girl, showing the work she has done on her backstrap looms. The narrow loom is for belts and hair ribbons, which may be made in tapestry weave or plain weave, and the wider loom holds nine repeats of a flower pattern to be cut into squares, destined for products for the American market. Comalapa, 1996. Fig. 62. The two-panel huipil 2401.190082 from San Pedro Sacatepequez is backstrap loomed, with two-faced brocade geometric figures in red cotton and silk on a natural white cotton ground. There are multicolor accents and red warp and weft selvedges. The center seam is joined with a plain, narrow purple randa, and the side seams are unsewn. The round neck is bound with purple silk in buttonhole stitch and magenta, tur- quoise, and yellow, with small points. This huipil is very similar to the huipil worn by the woman on the right in the photograph by Valdeavellano, "San Pedranas" (see Fig. 34), from the historical collection at CIRMA, Antigua, Guatemala. Col- lected by Alice K. Gregory, accessioned in 1947. 118 X 64 cm. Fig. 63. Neck detail of huipil 2401.190082 from San Pedro Sacatepequez, showing the old style of embroidered points terminating in cross- es, called pachak in Kaqchiquel (see Fig. 62). Fig. 64. Woman weaving products for the Guatemalan-American not-for-profit MayaWorks, using a treadle loom. The pedals raise sets of threads to facilitate weaving a pattern. Comalapa, 2004. Fig. 65. Men weaving fabric on a draw loom, destined for artisan products for the tourist mar- ket. The man in the foreground is pulling on strings to raise sets of threads in a complicated repeating pattern. Only part of the hand of the seated weaver is visible at the far end of the loom. Comalapa, 1996. Fig. 66. Women making tortillas by hand and baking them over a wood fire in a kitchen in well- to-do home. They are dressed in traditional huip- iles fashionable at this time, skirts and highly dec- orated aprons. Comalapa, 1996. Fig. 67. The backstrap-loomed huipil panels at this market stall in Chichicastenango are available in the naturalistic flower style of San Antonio Aguas Calientes or two local patterns: large flow- ery diamonds or zigzags with double-headed ea- gle, available as panels to mix and match. Shop- pers could also purchase weaving thread in hanks, or embroidery floss. Chichicastenango, 1995. Fig. 68. Lxidina women carrying a figure of the Virgin Mary in the Good Friday procession across a carpet of flowers, colored sawdust, and pine needles. The pattern of the carpet has been dis- turbed by the passage of the Christ figure across it. Antigua, 1995. Fig. 69. Each small ceramic cross on the wall of this church in the small town of Cotzal bears the name and age of a person killed or disap- peared in the violence during the years 1972- 1996. 2001. Fig. 70. This woman wears a complete ensem- ble of traje for Holy Week, while waiting for the patron saints of her town to be carried in the Good Friday procession. Santiago Atitlan, 2001. 30 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY Figures ■•^^ Figure I 1 I«and6n 2 Rz* 3 Mopin 4 JkMmo 5 om 6 KanioM 7 bd 1 KtkcM 9 GariKna 10 mm 11 AgualMO 12 (McM 13 UilMnlMO 14 PooomcM 15 Chorti 11 KiqcMqMl 17 Pocomim 18 TzmuM 19 Xra Figure 2 ODLAND: FASHIONING TRADITION 31 Figure 3 Figure 4 32 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY Figure S Figure 6 ODLAND: FASHIONING TRADITION 33 Figure 7 Figure 8 34 FIELDIANA: ANTTHROPOLOGY ♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦ ♦♦♦♦♦♦♦ ♦ ♦ I ♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦ ♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦ Figure 9 Figure 10 ODLAND: FASHIONING TRADITION 35 tia^m^)(^^^'sm^^'^'^^ ,«??*«CI>/«t;^^^«:,j(^ ODLAND: FASHIONING TRADITION 43 Figure 27 1W Figure 28 44 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY Figure 29 Figure 30 ODLAND: FASHIONING TRADITION 45 l^^^^S^:^^ Figure 31 ..^>.X^>' XT ^Hi ^Rf ^RT jTi #«f<^**»«s*»»#i%^^^'*«? V ■ . . finmii— — Mil .„•<•■••■■ ••■"■Wi Figure 32 46 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY .,j,y<4>x^^ Ui^\JX4X) U >X \/.UX4>M.^ Ui4.\i kx»» .^. %' n^fc mmmw Figure 33 ODLAND: FASHIONING TRADITION 47 Figure 34 48 nELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY imsi0^i^^i^ ■ i,i«g(K««.»n-iiv • > i^- *» ■- w ■ ■ Figure 35 Figure 36 ODLAND: FASHIONING TRADITION 49 Figure 37 Figure 38 50 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY Figure 39 Figure 40 ODLAND: FASHIONING TRADITION gtk. Figure 41 > 'W Figure 42 52 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY c Figure 43 ODLAND: FASHIONING TRADITION 53 Figure 45 Figure 46 54 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY Figure 47 Figure 48 ODLAND: FASHIONING TRADITION 55 Figure 49 Figure 50 56 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY Figure 51 Figure 52 ODLAND: FASHIONING TRADITION 57 Figure 53 Figure 54 58 HELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY A. Cord 1. Cloth Beam B. Warp Beam J. Cord to Backstrap C. Warp Threads K. Backstrap D. Shed Roll or Shed Stick L. Shuttle E. Needle M. Bobbins F. Small Batten N. Pick G. Tenter with Pins 0. Sword H. Woven Cloth Figure 55 ODLAND: FASHIONING TRADITION 59 Figure 56 t^:v«i^*vscyv.war^^^^ PJ^-^p«^^^^<<2^ Figure 57 60 HELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY Figure 58 Figure 59 ODLAND. FASHIONING TRADITION Figure 60 Figure 61 62 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY Figure 62 higure (>3 ODLAND: FASHIONING TRADITION 63 Figure 64 Figure 65 64 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY Figure ()() Figure 67 ODLAND: FASHIONING TRADITION (■>'^ Figure 68 Figure 69 66 HELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY Figure 70 ODLAND: FASHIONING TRADITION Field Museum of Natural History 1400 South Lake Shore Drive Chicago, Illinois 60605-2496 Telephone: (312) 665-7055