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FIUME: tie Only Possible Solution

A LECTURE DELIVERED IN GLASGOW UNDER

THE AUSPICES OF THE WEST OF SCOTLAND

COMMERCIAL COLLEGE

BY

ERNESTO GRILLO, M.A., D.Litt.

1 The Italian war must not cease as long as a single foreign flag waves this side of the Alps, from the mouth of the Var to Fiume."

—M&zzini, 1848

"The Italian war must end only with victory in the Trentino, Venezia, Trieste, and Fiume."— Idem, 1856

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THE INTERNATIONAL BOOK STORE 148 SAUCHIEHALL STRHET, GLASGOW

PRICE ONE SHILLING

PREFACE To MY BRITISH FRIENDS

As you are all lovers and admirers of Latin and Italian culture and civilisation, I hope you will forgive me if I address to you this small booklet, in which you will find condensed the whole of the Fiumian dispute.

Being one of those who made every effort to induce Italy to throw her lot in with the Allies, I feel that it is my bounden duty to give a clear exposition of Italy's point of view at this critical moment.

Whatever the final fate of Fiume may be, please be ;i->mvd that Garibaldi's ideal —

"Britain is <i i/rcat and /toircrful notion, foremost in human progress, enemy to despotism, the only safe refuge for flic c.rilc, friend of tlte oppressed; and if ever she should he so circumstanced as to require the help of an ally, cursed be the Italian who would not step forward in her defence,"

will ever be the ideal of the Italian Nation.

ERNESTO GRILLO. GLASGOW, May, 1919.

2045143

ROBERT ANDERSON, PRINTER, GLASGOW.

FIUME: The Only Possible Solution

LADIES AND GENTLEMEN,— I am neither diplomatist nor politician, and, if I come here to-night to speak about politics, it is by the express desire of the Governors of the West of Scotland Commercial College, who most nobly have taken the initiative to inform the public of what is going on, in order that " the man in the street " may appeal from the badly informed community to the more enlightened one.

Viewing the matter in this light, I hope you will listen to me with the very same benevolence with which you listened to me at the time of the Italian war against the Turks, and at the beginning of the world war, when I explained to you the line of conduct Italy would be bound in honour to follow. Being fully aware, that what I told you on those occasions was perfectly justified by the threads of the events, I trust you will deem me worthy of your attention while I discuss the various aspects of lh is complicated problem.

History of Fiume. — The City of Tarsatica was founded by the Romans during the first century of the Christian era. In the year 800 it was destroyed by Charlemagne, and, soon after its destruction, was rebuilt and renamed Fiume.

From the eleventh century to the middle of the sixteenth century it became, successively, a fief of the Bishops of I'odcna, of the Bishops of Pola, of the Lords of ])uino, and of the Lords of Walsee. In 1530 a decree

of the Emperor Ferdinand rhe First recognised tlie independence of the city, so that Fiume remained an autonomous commune for over two centuries.

In 1752 it came under the Government of Trieste, and, in 1776, a decree of the Empress Maria Theresa annexed it to the Hungarian crown as part of Croatia, but the union of Fiume to Croatia caused a great revolt on the part of the people, and the Queen three years after, recognising the Italian character of the city, withdrew her decree and annexed Fiume to Hungary as a separate body.

In 1848, when the Hungarians and the Italians took up arms against Austria, the Croatians, instead of championing the national liberties of the rising masses, became the tools of the Hapsburg tyranny, and largely contributed to quench in a river of blood the aspirations of both the Italian and Hungarian patriots. For these services the Croats were highly rewarded by the Emperor, who sanctioned the union of Fiume with the banat of Croatia, but Bunjevaz, the Croatian commander of Fiuine, at once acknowledged the Italian nature of the city, and ordered that the use of the Italian language in the schools and municipality should not be abolished.

In 1867 Fiume, at last, was separated from Croatia and once again enjoyed its autonomy under the Hungarian crown. On the 18th of October, 1918, three weeks before the armistice, the people of Fiume, availing themselves of the right of self-determination, through their unani- mously elected deputy in the Hungarian Parliament solemnly declared: " That the City of Fiume, Italian of race, langiiage, and culture, must be reunited to its Motherland."

In accordance with this declaration, the National Council of the city and its territory voted the following proclamation, which wras posted on all the walls of the

city, and. after the Italian victory, was communicated to

all the Powers throughout the world : —

" The Italian National Council of Fiume, assembled to-day in full session, declares that, by reason of that right whereby all the nations have attained independence and liberty, the City of Fiume, which up to now was a 'separate body,' constituting an Italian National Commune, also claims for itself the right of self-determination. Taking its stand on this right, the National Council proclaims Fiume united to its Mother- land, Italy. The Italian National Council considers as provisional the state of things that commenced on October 29th, 1918, and it places its right under the protection of America, the mother of liberty and of universal democracy. And it awaits the sanction of this right at the hands of the Peace Congress."

An Italian City. — Fiume is an Italian city ; the architecture of the houses, of the churches, and of all public buildings is Italian. The streets, the museums, the churches, the theatres, the banks, the cafes bear Italian names.

All the mayors, the deputies, the clergy, the officials, the shipowners, and the people connected with shipping trade have been Italian and want to remain Italian.

From the time of its foundation up to the present they have spoken no other language but Latin and Italian. All the official documents which have been preserved, whet her of princes, kings, and emperors, whether of bishops, archbishops, dukes, archdukes, and even those of the Croatian Government, are all written in Italian; while, even in the reinet erie-. the tombstones and the inscriptions show t hat thrOUghoul t he cent in i<-> t he Italian element has always been predominant.

Indeed, the language of Dante ha- al \\a\- I n used in

the municipality, in the tribunals, in the Chamber of

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Commerce, in the literary societies, in the schools, and in all daily affairs. The inhabitants of Fiume are so much attached to the Italian tongue that they insist that all the people living; in the immediate neighbourhood of the town should learn it. An American writer justly remarked about the inhabitants of the city " that the books they read were Italian, the clergy preached to the people in Italian, the officials addressed their con- stituents in Italian, so that within the walls of the city the Italian spirit and language found a congenial soil."

Population. — The following figures show the real state of affairs regarding the Free City of Fiume and its territory. The total population numbers 46,264 inhabitants; of these, 31,094 live in the municipal district and 15,170 in the sub-communes of Plasso, Cosola, and Dreiiova. You will notice that I have left out the little borough of Susack, situated further south, which is inhabited chiefly by Croats, but even if Susack is included, the compact Italian element would still out- number all the rest of the population formed of Croats, Slovenes, Serbs, Hungarians, Germans, &c., without taking into consideration that the Hungarians, along with the rest of the non-Slav population, prefer an Italian to a Jugo-Slav Fiume.

The following tables will give all the particulars that the public require in order to understand the question of the mixed population : —

I. — POPULATION ACCORDING TO NATIONALITY.

Total. Percentage.

Italians, - 28,911 62-5

Croats, - 9,092 19-6

Slovenes, 1,674 3-6

Serbs, - 161 0-4

Hungarians, - 4,431 9-6

Germans, 1,616 3-5

Others, - ... 379 O8

	Town District.
	Total.	Percentage.
Italians, -	19,684	63-4
Croats, -	5,529	17-8
Slovenes,	919	2-9
Serbs, -	128	0-4
Hungarians,	3,178	102
Germans,	1,353	4-3
Others,	303	1
	Sub-Communes.
	Total.	Percentage.
Italians, -	9,227	60-8
Croats,	3,563	23-5
Slovenes,	755	5
Serbs,	33	0-2
Hungarians,	1,253	8-3
Germans,	263	1-7
Others, -	k . .- - 76	0-5

II. — POPULATION ACCORDING TO AGE AND RESIDENCE. Over 20 years of age and 5 years' residence.

Total. Percentage.

Italians, - 16,597 65-0

Croats, 4,596 17-7

Slovenes, 937 3-7

Serbs, 65 0-3

Hungarians, 2,324 9-1

Germans, 844 3-4

Others, 193 0-8

III. — NATIVE-BORN, OF FIUMIAX PARENTAGE, ACCORDING TO NATIONALITY.

	Town District.
	Total.	Percentage.
Italians, -	9,891	90-0
Croats,	490	4-5
Slovenes,	46	0-4
Serbs,	6	0-1
Hungarians,	324	2-9
Germans,	202	1-9
Others, -	27	0-2

Sub-Communes.

Total. Percentage.

Italians, - 4,303 71'0

Croats, 1,604 26-5

Slovenes, 127 2-1 Serbs,

Hungarians, 14 0'2

Germans, 7 0-1 Others, 60-1

IV. — NATIVE-BORN, OP FIUMIAN PARENTAGE,

AGED OVER 24	YEARS.
	Total. Percentage.
Italians, - *• 7	8,316 85-8
Croats,	1,036 10-7
Slovenes,	62 0-7
Serbs,	4
Hungarians, ...	139 1-4
Germans,	121 1-2
Others,	14 0-2
V.— NATIVE-BORN, OP NON-EIUMIAN PARENTAGE, RESIDENT
SINCE BIRTH AND AGED	OVER 20 YEARS.
	Total. Percentage.
Italians, - V.: V -	9,612 85-5
Croats,	1,294 11-5
Slovenes,	123 1-1
Serbs,	9 0-1
Hungarians,	103 0-9
Germans,	92 0-8
Others, - - ' -	8 0-1

This census,, which was published by " Modern Italy," was taken by order of the Fiumian National Council. It shows that the whole population of Fiurne in November, 1918, consisted of 46,264 inhabitants, while the official Austro-Hungarian census, taken eight years ago, gives the whole population at, roughly, over 41,000, the majority of whom were Italians.

It will be seen that there is a mere difference of four or five thousand between the Fiumiaii and the official Austro-Hungarian census. To an unprejudiced observer

tin's difference, after eight years, will not appear so extra- ordinary when it is considered that we are dealing with u prolific southern race. Even the statistics of the dead from the fifteenth to the twentieth century prove the Italian character of the city; they show that 80 per cent, of the dead were Italians and only 7 per cent Croats.

Significant Incidents. — The mixed population and the hatred which exists between the Croatians and the Italians very often give rise to serious popular outbursts. A very remarkable incident is related by a correspondent of the Westminster Gazette, at which he was present. "I remember," he says, "an extraordinary incident happening in Fiume when I was staying there in 190G, which brought home to me the fierce passions aroused by the racial cross-currents in that city. We were sitting at a restaurant facing the sea, when suddenly a crowd came down the street with shouts of ' Long live Croatian Fiume.' They were immediately answered by defiant cries of ' Long live Italian Fiume,' and in a minute men were at one another's throats, revolver shots rang out, and tables and chairs were overturned. I was told that Hungarians, enraged at the claim that Fiume should belong to any country but Hungary, also joined in the fray. I know that we hastily took refuge in an hotel."

Why Fiume was not included in the Treaty of London. — Much has hitherto been said about Fiume having been omitted from the Treaty of London. Amidst the conflicting explanations which have been brought forward none of them gives the Italian side of the question . Tin- tact that Italy did not insist on the annexation of the city in that Treaty redounds to the credit of the Hal in n statesmen. They never contfin plated <h<> complete disruption of the Austrian Empire, and justly thought that Austria. Hungary, and Cxcdio-Slovakia should not

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be cut off from the sea. Fiume being the only natural outlet for these countries, it was fair that their claims should not be overlooked, when we take into consideration the fact that the Italian population of Fiume enjoyed many privileges and favours under the Austro-Hungarian rule.

At present, however, circumstances have completely changed. There is the self-determination of Fiume to be considered. Croatia is no longer part of the Austro- Hungarian monarchy, but will be united to a greater Serbia, enjoying not only the benefits of the ports of Spalato, Ragusa, Metcovic, Cattaro, but also of the five ports of Buccari, Porto Re, Novi, Segna, Carlopago, just below Fiume, leaving, on the other hand, Hungary, Austria, and Czecho-Slovakia without any outlet what- soever to the Adriatic Sea. We cannot emphasise too much the fact that the Croatian trade through Fiume represents only a very small part of the entire tonnage of the city, and that 93 per cent, of the whole tonnage goes to or comes from Austria and Hungary. We must keep in view the fact that not Croatia but Hungary built, at the expense of nearly 50,000,000 crowns, the harbour, moles, and warehouses; and that, if the ethnic laws were to be dis- regarded, it is Austria-Hungaiy who should have the benefit of the port. Under the changed conditions, would the Croats and the Slovenes allow the neutralisation of two strips of land in the midst of their territory in order to give Austria and Hungary access to the sea?

If Fiume were to change hands and be given to any other nation, it would become evident that the commerce of the hinterland would be far better guaranteed under Italian than under any other rule. It is worth noting that the Ukrainians, the Austrians, and the Hungarians themselves declared they would rather see the port ruled by the Italians than by the Croats.

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Croats' Claims.— The Croats base their claims to the city and its surroundings on economic and commercial more than on national grounds. They assert that, without the port of Fiume, their new state will be unable to exist, because it will find itself cut off from access to the sea.

This argument, however plausible to a superficial on- looker, becomes utterly untenable, not to say ridiculous, to a keener and unprejudiced observer. First, because the commercial reasons which are invoked as decisive do not really exist; the commerce of Croatia only represents a very insignificant percentage of the commercial move- ment of the port, and even the official Austrian statistics show that, hitherto, the Slavs have only made very little use of the port of Fiume. Secondly, because the new kingdom of Croatia, Slavonia, and Serbia (Jugo-Slavia) has been provided with excellent outlets and harbours along the whole Adriatic coast.

Fiume not needed by the Slavs. — The possession of Fiume is not a vital economic necessity for the new State. This statement finds its irrefutable confirmation in the commercial statistics of the port. They show that the great part of the trade of Fiume comes from territories which are not within the political and geographical agglomeration of the people who now constitute Jugo-Slavia. The trade of the new State of Croatia, Slavonia, and Serbia is not directed towards Fiume, for the simple reason that this town is pot in the centre of the country, and is not accessible without great expenditure and a long railway journey.

Professor Civijic, the eminent Serb geographer and politician, in a moment when party politics ;m<l passions had not as much sway as they have to-day, advised Serbia to turn her economic life towards the South, not towards the North. " Southwards will henceforth be

our motto. The bitter economic experiences we have had in the -North separate us from this hated North."

If to the difficulties of the topographical conditions of the port we add the racial antagonism which exists among the mixed nationalities of the place, Italians, Hungarians, Slavs, Germans, &c., we solve the problem why the port should not be handed to the Slavs.

Commercial Statistics. — During the last ten years before the war the commerce of the Slavs through Fiurne only amounted to 7 per cent, of the whole movement. The total tonnage being 2,700,000 tons, it is clear that 7 per cent, represents only 189,000 tons. If we deduct from these figures 160,000 tons of lumber, which is the chief article exported by the Slavs, there remain less than 30,000 tons of other exports. The theory then that Fiume should be given to Croatia on economic grounds is absurd. In 1909 the French Consul-General at Fiume published in the Moniteur Officiel du Commerce a report of the commercial movement of the city, in which he stated " that Croatia and Slavonia have only one important article of export — lumber, of which only a part is shipped to Fiume." It goes on to state that the total tonnage brought to Fiume from Austria, Hungary, Croatia, and Slavonia in 1889 amounted to only 330,679 tons, and that this amount, coming from three different parts of the Austrian Empire, had been considerably reduced in the last ten years. We may note incidentally that this lumber traffic has undergone a continual decline ever since, as the forests, whose products were sent to Fiume, have been largely cut down.

We might be asked, — what about the other forests of Jugo-Slavia? Well, they do exist; but they are situated further south, and their export trade can only be carried on from the Dalmatian ports, some of which have a

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tonnage yearly which surpasses that of many other first- class ports.

Change of Conditions.— But the Jugo-Slavs say :— The conditions are now changed, since before the war the Jugo-Slav countries, being a part of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, turned their trade towards Budapest, Vienna, and Germany, while now they will not be able to trade any longer with Austria and Germany, and must turn towards Italy, France, Great Britain, and America. An Italian writer, to whom this question was put, replied that " if Budapest, Vienna, and Germany found it convenient to buy from and sell to Jugo-Slav countries before the war, there is no reason why they should not continue to buy and sell after the war. Among Western countries Italy is certainly the largest natural buyer of agricultural and woodland products of Jugo-Slavia, and it is there- fore to her interests to favour Jugo-Slav exports through Fiunie as an Italian port."

Have the Jugo-Slavs been denied Access to the Sea? — The treaty concluded in 1915 by Britain, France, Russia, and Italy treated the Jugo-Slavs most generously. It allotted to them nearly a thousand kilo- metres of the eastern coast of the Adriatic Sea, with excellent ports both in the northern and southern Adriatic, all connected with the Balkan hinterland. To Hie norih of Fiume their new possessions on the Croatia 11 coast extend for at least 160 kilometres, on which are the ports of Buccari, Porto Ke, Novi, Segna, Carlopago.

Hue-can, which is connected both with Fiume and with the railway system of the hinterland, enjoys the benefit of a unique position. Mr. Pavicic, the Croatian deputy, himself recognises its importance; he says that Buccari become a strong rival of Fiume; while no less

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an authority than Napoleon wrote that it is the most important military port of the Adriatic. Segna, too, further south, where the sea has a depth of 70 fathoms, is another great natural outlet of Croatia capable of great development.

Similarly, in Dalmatia, Italy, hoping to come to a friendly understanding with the Slavs, under the formidable pressure of Russia, who at the time of the treaty acted as the trustee of the Slavs, reduced her demands to the very minimum. She waived her rights to the whole coast of the Adriatic south of Sebenico, and agreed to give to the Jugo-Slavs the ports of Spalato, Metcovic on the Narenta, Ragusa, and that superb port of Cattaro, which is 13 miles long and 10 miles wide, together with all the -coast from Punta Planca to Spizza near Antivari.

Why did Italy make these Renunciations ? — These renunciations, which meant a great sacrifice on the part of Italy, were made partly because the Jugo- Slavs might have their own outlets to the sea, and partly because Russia pledged herself to conduct the war with the utmost energy, and to maintain a certain number of divisions in the field against Austria to prevent her from throwing her whole might against Italy.

It is well known how Russia kept her pledges, and how Italy had to stand alone against the whole might of the Austrian Empire, often stiffened by many German and Bulgarian divisions.

It is superfluous to enumerate the losses both in men and material that Italy underwent through the treachery of Russia. Three-fourths of the Italian wealth was spent on the war, two-thirds of the Italian mercantile fleet was destroyed, many battleships were blown up, and the invaded country pillaged by those very Croats and

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Slovenes who now call themselves Jugo-Slavs. 494,000 men killed, half a million disabled for life, one million and over three hundred thousand wounded, with- out mentioning those who died through illness contracted in the field or those who perished of starvation.

It is well for our antagonists to know that had pure Italian blood not been freely shed for the common cause, or had Italy accepted the bribes of Germany, to-day there would neither be a Jugo-Slavia nor a conference sitting in Paris to dictate peace to the Huns.

The Pound of Flesh. — Yet on the eve of the final settlement Italy has been likened to Shylock, and the small recompense for her enormous sacrifices to the pound of flesh. What is the situation which has caused such criticism ? It may be summed up under two heads —

First — Italian cities in race, in culture, and in language have asked to be reunited to the Italian Mother- lsmd.

Secondly — Italy asked for strategic security.

The Italian Adriatic coast being flat, low, and deprived of natural harbours from Venice to Brindisi, Italy demands the possession of some strategic strongholds on the opposite coast. Is there any wonder that the Italians are anxious, when we consider that the opposite coast is rocky and full of natural harbours surrounded by innumerable little islands, which admirably succeeded in sheltering the Austrian fleet during the war? Can there really be any wonder at this just demand, when \ve think that the Italian defenceless coast is about four hours' distant by steam in its widest part and two hours in the narrowest? Apart from any other « on- siderat ion, ihe question for Italy i- purely strategic; and, whatever my British friends may say, they are the -aine which entitle Britain to claim ami hold ( i ilti altar, Malta, Sue/, &c.

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As to the pound of flesh, let me remark that great services are always repaid with the utmost generosity. Many pounds of flesh have in the past been paid without a murmur to ensure the national welfare. I may only recall to my friends that little Piedmont in 1859 handed to Napoleon III without the least grudge, not one but two pounds of bleeding Italian flesh in the shape of Savoy and Nice, the one the cradle of the Italian Kings, the other the birthplace of Garibaldi, our national hero. Both were unhesitatingly handed over to France for the generous help she gave us to shake off the Austrian yoke.

President Wilson's Argument. — President Wilson argues that the strategic question does not exist any more, for with the League of Nations all fortresses will be destroyed and all armaments reduced. With due deference to the President, Italy believes in his idealism and in the League of Nations no more than France, Britain, or America herself. We all know that while we are discussing disarmament and League of Nations, numerous formidable weapons of war, including a number of the most powerful battleships in the world, have been launched by Mr. Wilson's own countrymen, and the President, with all his idealism, has done nothing whatever to prevent them from being launched.

Italy demands nothing but strategic security, and the removal of the pistol aimed at her heart; when this has been done, the needs of other people will be met with the greatest sympathy. As it is, we have just emerged from a world war, and we are threatened with another attack by a horde of barbarians, whose thirst for aggrandisement produced not only the two Balkan wars, but was even largely responsible for the world war: the tragedy is not yet over, we are still in the middle of the third act. Under these circumstances we feel

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that, as a recent Swiss writer has said, " those who are urging Italy to renounce her strategic security in order to favour a set of unruly regicides, are not friends, but her enemies, whose only scope is to betray her."

To Ward off a Great Danger. — Italy's attitude must be considered in relation to the present conditions of Europe. We do not know what the North and the North- Eastern groups of nations are going to do, nor what the future has in store for us all.

A Bolshevist Russia and a Republican Germany may come to terms and set themselves up in opposition to the Allies. If ever such a circumstance should arise, what would the small nations do ? Would we not be perturbed by the fear that the Southern Slavs might be attracted to their Northern brethren? In that case who would be able to bar the Germans and the Slavs from the way to the South? Who would, in these circumstances, be able to defend the Adriatic? And what would be the fate of this sea if Italy had not the full control of it? And if the Slavs had this control, or at least a powerful position, who could prevent them from seeking again the way to Constantinople, Mesopotamia, and Egypt?

Those are the facts that superficial observers should bear in mind. I remember that, at the time of the Tripoli campaign, when the whole Press was against Italy, I stood alone in the defence of my country and asked : Had the Turks in the future thrown in their lot with Germany, whom would the British care to see masters of Tripoli ? I hear you, perhaps, saying that we shall have a League of Nations ! Let us not be deceived by the League of Nations. Let us rather ward off the great dangers.

You know you have tested the friendship of Italy, but have you done the same for those little peoples, who Imvr often brought misery and slaughter upon Europe? The lessons learned during the war are surely too recent to be forgotten,

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I feel most strongly that any attempt at weakening Italy's position in the. Adriatic and in the Alps would be a very great mistake on the part of the British and the French statesmen, because it would mean not only the political and military weakening of Italy, but that also of both France and Britain. I must be very adamant on this subject, for Italy cannot accept any com- promise on the question of national security.

In Jugo-Slav circles it is argued that Italy has to yield because she is dependent on America for food and money. True, the Americans have been generous enough to lend us money at 6 per cent, interest, and to sell us food, but let us not forget that this money will have to be repaid with due interest. Our antagonists will make a grave mistake if they think that the mighty dollar will reduce the Italians to subjection. The country which more than any other has experienced hunger and starvation; the land which rejected with scorn and indignation the bribes of Von Billow and of the German Kaiser; that same country will prefer death and annihilation rather than submit itself to the whims of any financial autocrat.

Financial Intrigues. — It has been often and per- sistently asserted that at the back of the Fiume and of the Dalmatian dispute there lies a sordid financial intrigue, which prevents the Peace delegates in Paris from coming to a friendly settlement. Mr. Herron's declaration, published in the Epoca, and reproduced by all the leading European papers, rather lends credit to those rumours. Mr. Herron is a well-known American author and lecturer, besides being a personal friend of President Wilson, and the following is part of his published statement, in which he says " that, being well acquainted with the Italian Jugo-Slav question, he can

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affirm emphatically that two opportunities occurred of reaching an agreement, but were missed on account of certain international financiers who are diplomatically privileged."

To these people Mr. Herron attributes the present crisis, and indeed all the failures, political and moral, of the Peace Conference, and the responsibility for what he describes as " the disaster now threatening the world." " A financial group," he declares, " is now seeking concessions at Fiume and the Dalmatian ports, aiming at the purchase of the Dalmatian shipping lines, thus encompassing the complete commercial ruin of Italy, whose merchant flag would disappear from the Adriatic, and whose commercial and political relations with Rumania and the Balkans generally would be com- pletely broken."

In other passages Mr. Herron says: — "Italy is at present fighting for her existence against international concessionaries. She has no mines or mineral resources to offer these concessionaries, while South-Eastern Europe is ripe for exploitation. Moreover, according to' the Treaty of London, it is only a very small portion of Dalmatia which would be given to Italy. To invoke the principle of self-determination against the Italian claims alone is tantamount to con- spicuous hypocrisy in face of the territorial gains of all the other nations represented at the conference." Mr. Herron says that Jugo-Slavia possesses nine ports, which could well be developed. " Great Britain, France, Poland, and Czecho-Slovakia," he continues, "see their aspirations realised. President Wilson's Fourteen Points were generously applied to all of them. Why apply them very strictly only in the case of Italy, who saved the Entente in the darkest hours, and to whom the Croats and Slovenes owe their independence?"

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We do not know how far we can rely on this remarkable piece of news which comes from an American authoritative source. The fact is that Mr. Wilson's theatrical move, undertaken without finally consulting the British and the French delegates, and at a moment when the Italian com- mission was still discussing with a view to coming to a friendly settlement, is still to be explained. We are, however, gratified to feel that the. heart of France and Britain is at the present moment with Italy; the whole civilised world, openly and secretly, cannot but blame Mr. Wilson, whose appeal to the Italian people over the head of the Peace Conference and of the Italian Government is a very dangerous innovation in modern international politics. Had Mr. Wilson not published his spectacular appeal to Italy, the matter would have been settled with- out much anxiety.

The Only Possible Solution. — Before solving this crucial problem, let us examine the various opinions of the contending parties. Mr. Wilson, in his appeal to the Italian people, declared that the port of Fiume cannot be given to Italy, because it must meet the needs of Hungary, Czecho-Slovakia, Ukrainia, Rumania, Jugo- slavia.

This statement does not definitely say to whom he means to give it. We may assume that he is in favour of handing the Italian city to the Croats. But the port cannot be assigned to the Jugo-Slavs on ethnic grounds, because of its Italian population. It cannot be assigned to them on economic grounds (1) because the commerce of Jugo- slavia only represents 7 per cent, of the whole tonnage of the port; (2) because south of Fiume the commercial needs of Croatia have already been amply met with the ports of Buccari, Porto Re, Novi, Segna, Carlopago; (3) because Italy will never consent to hand the Italian population of Fiume to those very Croats and Slovenes

who, for four years and a-lialf, have been the most cruel and stubborn defenders of the Austrian Empire; (4) because the Fiumians proclaim themselves Wilsonians, and claim the right of self-determination in agreement with his Fourteen Points.

Mr. Wilson's proposal has, therefore, to be abandoned as impracticable. He cannot even impose' his will on Italy on this subject, for the simple reason that his juridical position is not very solid when we consider that he is not the Ally, but a mere associate of Italy. America never sent an army to fight on the Italian front, or a fleet to block the Austrian navy in the Adriatic, her role was confined to loans of several sums of money, which have to be repaid with due interest. Moreover, when he enunciated his Fourteen Points, whose application has been very elastic in the case of France, Poland, Kumania, Czecho-Slovakia, Servia, Japan, and America herself, I understand that Italy and Britain both made their reserve before accepting them implicitly.

Having thus eliminated the principal antagonist, there remain the Franco-British and the Italian points of view. The suggestion of Messrs. Lloyd George and Clemenceau that Fiume should be made into a free and autonomous city, however plausible, will not eliminate the bone of con- tention. A small city like Fiunie left to itself will soon become the prev of the neighbouring states, not excluding the Germans. Lacking the means to develop herself, she will either appeal to her Motherland to annex her, or she will meet with disaster, causing new wars and new blood- shed between the rival parties.

Fiume was really the Hungarian port, as 93 per cent, of its trade up to the outbreak of the war in 1914 was Hungarian. The Hungarians, I may repeat, built the railway connecting the port with the centres of their country, and furnished the

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harbour with moles and warehouses. If the ethnic con- siderations should be overlooked, the only nation which has a definite claim to the city is Hungary, as she has no other access to the sea. But were the Allies willing to consider Hungarian . claims, would the Jugo-Slavs concede or neutralise a strip of land across their territory through which the Hungarians could gain access to the sea? If not, there is no other way to get out of the difficulties than by a compromise.

I think that the Italians would not oppose the plan of making Fiume a free port under the sovereignty of Italy, which would guarantee the management of municipal affairs and full liberty of trading for all the people who live in the hinterland, whatever nation they may be.

Italy's Security. — Such a solution would not only satisfy the people of Italy, but also those who live in the hinterland, so that Austria, Hungary, Czecho-Slovakia, and Croatia would continue their trade through Fiume, just as they did before the war. For Italy the question is not economic, but purely strategic. If only she could feel secure within her natural frontiers, Italy, I am sure, would not be unsympathetic towards the economic claims of the other nations. Sir Gilbert Parker put the question of the Italian security and control of the Adriatic with that unanswerable logic which has gained so much distinction for all his writings: — "Italy," said Sir Gilbert, " came into the war at its most critical period, and by her neutrality alone before she entered it released about half a million French soldiers for service against the Central Governments.

" When she came in she occupied fully a great number of Austrian forces, which otherwise would have been used upon the Western front. In other words, Italy went a long way to winning the war for us, not that we should have given in had Italy not joined, but we should have had the

kind of thing that existed in the war against Napoleon, which extended over a great many years.

"What does Italy ask for? She asks for a secure frontier; that is to say, her natural frontier. When the Congress of Vienna took away from her the Brenner Pass, it opened the gate of Italy to many nations.

" Trieste also is purely Italian, and should belong to Italy, and the Italians are there now. The Fiume people have asked to be united to Italy, and the Italian population of Fiume is greater than that of all the other nationalities combined. Italy has never had any real protection for her navy. The east coast of Italy from Venice down to Brindisi is without naval harbours, but on the opposite shore there are innumerable harbours protected by islands, where the navy of Italy or any other nation could be secure."

Command of the Adriatic. — "The question then is," Sir Gilbert continues, " who shall command the Adriatic? It is a question of great importance to England. Naturally it should be Italy, and naturally it should not be the Jugo-Slavs, who are an unorganised, half barbaric people.

" The Jugo-Slavs, it must be remembered, were in the Austrian Army, and did great service there. Also it must be remembered that Austria gave the Jugo-Slavs their 11:1 vy. It is absolutely essential that the command of the Adriatic should be in the hands of the Italian people.

" Spalato should be Italian. You then would have Italy on both sides of the Adriatic, which would be a security, while the Jugo-Slavs would have many good harlioui •> tor any ships or mivy they possess.

" We \\ill lake over certain (ierinan Colonies, South- We^t Africa, (iermaii Kast Africa. Samoa, anil New (iuinea. &C. It \\e take over I hose Colonies for our territorial safety, \vliy should not Italy take over the territories \vli icli are I la! laii 1"

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Ladies and Gentlemen, we in Italy have always hailed the British. Fleet; we do not forget that we owe to it many debts of eternal gratitude, which include the safe landing of Garibaldi in Sicily; the heroism which it displayed to save the inhabitants of Reggio and Messina from the effects of the earthquake in 1908; and, not the least, the mighty deeds performed in reducing German barbarism to powerlessness. We rejoice at the strength and beauty of your men-of-war, and fully realise that they are necessary for the protection of the British Isles, and for the safety of the world.

Her natural frontiers and a secure position in the Adriatic are to Italy what the British Fleet is to Britain. To obtain our own security we have struggled for many centuries against the common enemy. We sincerely hope that the battles we have lately waged together will be the last, and that, with the same ideals and the same faith, we shall cross the seas and the oceans for the glory of man- kind and the prosperity of our people.

Ladies and Gentlemen, in the name of those heroes who have laid down their lives for their Fatherland; in the name of those who for over four years have fought against barbarism, I ask you to-night most fervently to strengthen more and more the bonds which for many centuries have united the British and the Italian peoples; let us then for ever wave friendly together our glorious flags, which are the symbols of tine liberty and justice.

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