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THE
Fundamental Charter
O F
Presbytery ,
As it has been lately Eftablifhed
Kingdom of S CO TL A N %
Examin'd and Difprov'd,
By the Hillory , Records , and Publick Tranfa&ions of our Nation. -
£Efje S»eaon& CBc
To which is added., a
PRE FACE;
0
Wherein the Vindicator of the Kirk is
freely put in mind of his Habitual Infirmities;
And Contents of the whole.
Never before Printed.
By the Author of the Cypriajafc A
L O N D O N, °
Printed for C. Brome, at tjie Gm^ at the Weft End of St. Paul s Church-yard, 1697.
*
> J* 6 * <\ <l ^
THE
C O N T E NTS.
THE Article Page i.
The Examination comprized in 5 Enqui- ries .2.
Fsrfi Enquiry whither the Church oE Scot- land was Reformed, folely., by Prelby- ters - ;v
Prelates Concurred1 to cur Reformation 4.
Our Reform at} on mofily ,ferfor0edby Laiks 5*.
Second Enquiry > Whither our Reformer^- Presbyterians 8.
Hoe importance of this Enquiry ■ ib.
Four Prefumptions f^f our Reformtrj were not for the Divine Right of 'parity , ejrc. 9.
I Prelumption. No Juab Controverfie agitated
in the Protestant Churches ^ while ours was a Reforming ib.
II Prefump. Our Reformers as little employed about fuchContr over fits as any Reformers 1 4.
III Prefump. None of cur Reformers can be froven to have hen for the Divine Right cf farity, &c. if.
Some didnot indeed much value Holy Orders 16. Tiny declaimed generally againft popijl) B<B» 18. But as mu<;h aga'wfi Presbyters i<v
" • ■*'■ • rk
The Contents.
The Earl of Mu rray no Presbyterian 2 2»
Nor )ohn Knox, largely 24.
IV Prefump. Our Reformation cherijhed prin- cipally {under God) by Englifh influences 3 8.
Scotland naturally difpofed te be influenced from England 39.
How free of Foreign influences in the time of the Reformation 41.
How much K Henry 8th of 'Engl, earneft to have an inter eft in Scottiih affairs 4;,
Particularly to Promote a Reformation in Scot- land yj
How zealous the Papifts were of this 60.
K. E d wa r d purjued the fame iepqn 64 .
Englifh influences in Q^ Mary'* time 6f.
More 'vigorous in Q^ Elizabeth V time 67.
Our chief Reformers enlightned in Engl. 69.
None of them enlightned elfewhere 70.
Our Reformers in Communion with the Church cfEngland 71.
Even Knox. ; 75".
7 he En gl iih allowed of our Communion So.
Both Churches then, of one Confiitution ib.
Evident, from public k Deeds, Treaties, d^o.Si,
From the Scotti/h publick prayers 91.
Such an unity of Religion, then, between the two Nations, that our modern Presbyterian 9 cannot be the fuccejfors of our Reformers 95
Engiifli Liturgy ufed for 7 years in Scot- land 9^
Our Reformers allowed the fame power to the civil Magiftrate in Religious Matters, which the Englilh Reformers allowed 1 o r
Our Reformers agreed 7vith the Englifli Re- finers
The Contents.
formers in the Rule of Reformation 105*
A Recapitulation reprefenting the force of theft four preemptions 106
DireB proofs that our Reformers were for im- parity 107
All their Petitions for Reformation clearly for imparity 108
They eftablifhed a Government which fubffted by imparity amongft Paftors 119
The preheminencies {/Superintendents enunme- rated 120
The "Presbyterian pleas difpatched 140
1 Plea. That Superintendence7 was defin- ed only to be Temporary. Largely dfcujjed ib.
G.YL/s ftrange Divinity confedered 1^6
2 Plea. That Superintendents were not Bi- jhops3 largely dif cuffed 1^7
5 Plea. That Superintendency was never eft abided by Aft ofFarl. (being G. K.*s pleaj difcujjed 1 64
An Hijlorical introduction to the fettlemtnt of Epifcopacy, Anno 1^72 166
The Antient method of preparing ?natters for Scottifh Parliaments 183
The fettlcment of Epifcopacy An. 1 5*72 185-
The Presbyterian pleas againft that Settlement
187
1 Plea. Taken from the incompetency ef the Authority of the AJJembly at Leith, ttifcuf- fed ib.
2 Plea. That the Clergy were under force
the Court 3 largely difcujjed 1 92
3 Plea. The limit ednefs of the Epifcopacy then 'fettled, diffhujjed 199
* z 4 Plea.
The Contents.
4 Plea. That that Epifcopacy was never ap- proven by the Church 3 largely defeated 200
Bifhops^ then confiant Members of AJfemblies
201
That fettle ment approven by fever al AJJemblies
202
Largely purfued : And G. K. corrected 204
A Recapitulation of what hath been fold on thefevlQZS 226
The Rife and Prdgrefs </ Presbyterianifm #2 Scotland 217
Mr. Andrew Melvin ib.
JohnDurer 219
Epifcopacy j£r/£ quarrelled Aug. 6. 157 $■ 220
The Parity-men at that time defeated 221
Petrie expofed 223
Parity- men defeated alfo at the next Aff. hol- der, in April 1576 228
Trcbable, That Morton and {). Elizabeth were on the plot for introducing Presbytery into Scotland 252 257
Second Book of Difcipline when firfc project- ed 242
The Trelatifis very much ignorant, then, of true EceUfiaftical Antiquity ,&c. 245
Evident from the infiance of Adamfone 244
From their not challenging the unlearned pofitions in the zd Book of Difcipline 246
ijNfor the unlearned pofitions inBeza's Book, De Triplici Epifcopatu 247
Presbyterianifw weak at the AJJimbly holden in Octob. 15-76 2fo
Made no direct frogrcfs, in the AJf holden in April 1 $77 2 S3
Nor
The Contents.
Nor in thenext AJJI O&ob. 1 577 2 J j
Got two advantages this year ib.
Morton dimmed the Regency ib.
Beza'z Book brought to Scotland 2? 6
Made confiderable progrefs in the AJJembly, A- pril 24 1578 25*8
More progrefs in June 1^78 260
More, yet, in O&ob. 1578 261
More in July 15*79 265
Presbyteries fir ft heard of in this AJJI ib. Description of a Scottifh Presbytery 264 G. K'j. impudent ignorance expofedjin the Rife of Presbyteries 2.66
The Second Book of Difcipline not [worn to in the Negative Confejjion 270
Epifcopacy condemned in July 15*80 ib. The Acl cf the AJJl condemning it 27 1
A Recapitulation of what hath been f aid on the fecond Enquiry 272
A de?nonfration that Presbyterians are not the SuccefTors of our Reformers 275"
THIRD E N^UIR T whither Prela- cy, &c. a great and unfupportable Grievance, &c. ever fines the Refor- mation 277 Demonfirated that it was not ib. By Reafon ib. ByTefiimonies 278 It was no fuch Grievance for the frft 1 £ years after the Reformation 278 Nerfor 40 after thefe 15 280 No not to Presbyterians then f elves An, 1637 And downward 281
The Contents.
<4 challenge to the Presbyterians to produce any Evidence that Pielacy was fuch a Grie- vance, everfinceth? Reformation 286
G. K. s Jhamelefs ignorance, in his attempt, discovered 292
His ignorant impudence again dif cvered 292,
FOUR TH ENOUIRT, whiiher Pre- lacy, fuch a Grievance.&c. when the Article was formed 29 9
Probably, the Rabbling work, the Fund of the Ajfe rtion in the Article 296
The Author of 'Plain Dealings Arguments, a- bout the inclinations of the people defpifed
200
The Author of the 10 Queftions his Arguments vindicated againfi G. K. 501
The Farther Vindicators Arguments exa- mined 306
The Arguments infified m by the Author of the Third Letter^ vindicated againfi G. K.
310
G.K.'/ ridiculous limitations of the inclinati- ons of the people % 17
The Article reprefentedy with thefe limitations
520
G. K. j Argument for his fide of the Quefiion confidered 321
Some Quefiion s propofed for the clearer demon * (Iration of this Contr over fy 323
FIFTH EN^UIRT whither the
prerrulies in the Article, if true, would
be competent for inferring the Con-
elufion 327
1 Not
The Contents.
Not the firft3 viz,. The inclinations of the pec-
fie ib.
Not the fecond, viz,. That this Church was
Reformed by Tresbyters 331
Their Reafons probably chofen rather for their
popularity than their foUdity 333
Efyecially the latter ' to make the Prelatifts 0-
diousfor defer ting our Reformers ib.
Owned that in fome things 3 they have deferted
them 334
A Specimen of the principles efpoufed by our
Reformers, and rejected by the Epifcopal
Clergy 335-
Tarticularly Knox 338
A Specimen of his Evangelical prayers ib. He was a Frovidentialifi 339
A port apology for our deferting our Reformers in theje pr'mciples 343
TheTresbyterians have mere deferted them 346
I. in Matters o/Faith ib.
II. in Matters of Wor/hip 348 Our Reformers y for Fresbyterians againft Li- turgies ibic1, more particularly, our Mo- dem Presbyterians have deferted our Refer * mers 3^1
In the Prayers of the Church 3 jz
In the Lords prayer 3 5" ?
In the Creed in the ordinary Worfhip ib.
In the Reading of the Scriptures 3 $6
In the. office of public k Praife 3 5" 8
In the decent Circumftances of thefe office*
360 In the adminif ration of Baptifm 3 £ £
In the administration of the Eucharift 36^
Hi w
The Contents.
How ottr Modern Tresbyterians celebrated the
Eucharift ' . *.68
The ScUfmatkal conditions they are bound to
require of Communicants 3 75
A furpr'vung ScUfmatkal meafure taken by the
Vresbytery of Edenburg Anno 1648 &
1 649 37
In the celebration of Marriage 3 °2
In the Burial of the Dead 3°3
In the matter 0/ Ordinations 3 °4
In the way of Ele&ing Paftors l • &*
III. Inthe Divine of the Church 393 Inflames, wherein they have deferted their own
fecondBookcf Difcipline 394
IV. In ^government of the Church j96 In the Chunks making one 0/ tf« lnree in- flates of Varl I . 497.
^ Recapitulation of the Tresbytenan Recefi-
They have receded, in many thing*, Jrcm M other Reformed Churches ' '
The Authors deflgn in infixing fi much <m the* their Receftonsfrom our Reformers 4J4
J with for Peact _ *
The Article lyabh to manyotf$Wffim 4jg
Someinfiances
The Condujion
The
t
1
THE
PREFACE
THis Article, which I have now examined, was no fooner E- ftablifhed, in our Scottifh Claim of Rights than I turn'd ferious to fatis- fy my felf about it. I thought it concerned me as a Scottiflj man toun* derftand, as Well as I could, That which made fuch a Figure in the Or?- ginal Contra^ between King andPo>- ple. I thought I was no lefs concern'd as a Chrijlian^ to be Refolvd about its Merits : I perceiv'd it might rea- dily affeft my pra&ice. And tho I ab- hor, as heartily as any man, all break- ing of the Churches peace, for Rattles or Nutfhels } Yet I could not but reckon of it as a matter of Con* fcience, to me, to Endeavour to be lure that I built neither my Faitft b hoi
The Preface*
nor my Obedience, in a matter of fuch Confequence, as I take the Go- vernment oithe Church to be, on a Deceitful bottom. Perhaps I was bound to be inquifitive by fome o- ther Reduplications, not needful to be Named.
I had not fpentmuch Application about it, when I was fatisfied $ and thought I had Ground to hope, the Wifdcm of the Nation, after more Deliberate Refearches, might find it Reafonable, either to Reftore to the Church, Her Ancient and Jufi Go- vernment, or fettle the New One, on fome (at leaft) more Specious Bafiu But I was Difappointed. For
Three Sejfions of Parliament are now over 5 And the Article is fo far from being either Retraced or Cor- rected. that, on the Contrary, It hath been ftill infifted on, and Deem'd fufficient to fupport very weighty Superftru&ures. Each Sef- fion hath Erefted fome new thing or other, upon it.
This, with the importunity of fome Friends, at laft, Determin'd me to Enquire more fully and minutely
into
The Preface. *
into the value of the Article 5 And the Work hath fwell'd to fuch a bulk as you fee.
I confefs I cannot Apologize fuffici- ently for my adventuring to Expofe fuch ane illCompofureto thepublick views Efpecially Confidering how Nice and Critical, if not Picq't and Humorfome an Age we live in.
I ever thought that much of the Beauty* as well as of the Utility of Books, lay in Good Method, and a diftinft Range of Thoughts : And I cannot promife that I have obferved That, fo punctually, as Clearer Heads might have done.
I have lefs Reafonto be Confident of the Stile. Tis hard for moft Scot- tijh men to arrive at any tolerable Degree of Englifo Purity. Our great- eft Caution cannot prevent the Steal- ing of our own Words and Idioms in- to ourPens,and their dropping thence, into our writings. All things confi- dered, I have as little Reafon to think I have Guarded , or could Guard againft them, as any ScottiJI) man : For not only have mine op- portunities, all my life, been none of b 2 the
i.
J he Preface.
the beft } But, for finding Materials for the following Papers, I was ob- liged to Read fo many Books written in Right Broad Scotch^ and take fo many Citations from them, that 'tis little to be wondered, if my Booka- bounds with Scotticifms. I thought my fclf bound to be faithful in my Citations*: (and I can promife 1 have been thar I could not Reafon from the Authority of thefe Citations y without ufing the Terms andPhrafes which arein them: This, no doubt, makes the Scottkifms "Numerous: And Ifhali not deny that my familiar ac- quaintance with "thefe Books, toge- ther with the prejudices of Educati on, Cuftcm, and Confiant Converfe in the plain Scottifi DiakU^ may have occasioned many more.
Neither fhall I be over Confident, that where I have adventured to Reafon any point, I have done it to every mans Conviction. I may have been (as other men) apt to impofe on my felf, tfnd think I have advanc- ed juft propositions, and drawn fair Confequcnces, when I have not done No doubr, moft men have inch a
Kindnefs
Jht Preface. £
Kindnefs for themfelvcs, a?, too com- monly , inclines them to applaud their own thoughts, and judge their ownReafonings Juft and Solid, when they are but Coarfe enough 5 And b- thers may very eafily difcover where the miftakelies: Yet, this I can fay for my felf, I have done, what I could to Guard againft all fuch prejudice and partial By aft.
Senfible of thefe infirmities, I in- treat the Readers favourable and be- nign Cenfures. This I can tell him ingenuoufly 5 If I could have done better, I iliould not have Grudgd him the pleafure of it.
But, perchance, that which I am more concern d to account for, is, what Afliftances I had for what I have advanced, in the following Sheets, And, here, I muft Confefi, I had not all the Advantages I could havewifh* edi Such are my prefent Circum- ftances, That I could not Rationally propofe to my felf, to have Acceft to the publick Records, either of Church or State } And, no doubt, in this, I was at a Confiderable lofs : For he whoTranfcribes from Authen- b 3 tick
£ The Preface,
j tick Recordsj Doth it more Secure- ly, than he who has things only from Second hands.
Yet, I dont think this Difadvan- tage was fuch, as fhould have intire- ly Difcouraged me from the Attempt I have made: For fome of my Au- thors had Accefsto the publick Regi- fters 5 And I am apt to believe there was not much to be found, there, Relating to the Controverfies I have managed, which they have not pub- liftied 5 So that, tho 'tis poffible, I might have been better, yet I cannot think I was ///provided of Helps .* I cannot think any of my Presbyterian Brethren can be provided rxuch bet- ter, i
The principal Authors from which I have collected my Materials, are thefe 5 Buchanans Hiftory publiftied at Frankfort, Anno 1594 i^e's Hiftory, at Edenburgh, 1675-. K*nS James the Sixth's Works, in Englifh, at London, \6\6. Archbifhop Spotf- wood\ Hiftory of the Reformation of the Church of Scotland , at London, Anno 1655. His Refutatio Libel/i^&Lc, ]Lmd* An, 162c. The True Hiftory of
the
t
The Preface.
the Church of Scotland, &r\ faid to be written by Mr. David Calderwood , pnbHthed An. 1678. Mr. Petries Hi- fk'ory of the Catholicl^Church, fkc.Tom.z. printed at the Hague , Anno i*6?.. Sir James MelviVs Memoirs. The Old Scottifj Liturgy. The Lord Her- berts Hiftory of the Life of King Hen- ry 8 . Doftor Hey lin, and Doftor Bur- net's Hijiories of the Reformation of the Church of England. Calvin's Epi- (lies printed at Geneva^ Anno 161 7. Beza's Epiftles till the year 157 3. AUs and Monuments by Fox, 8cc.
T have likewife confidered our printed A&s of Parliaments. The printed AcJs of the General Affem- blie^ from the year 16^8. And as many Pamphlets as I could find, Re- lating to the Matters on which I in- fift : ' ris needlefs to Name them here „• You may find them named, asOcca- fion required, in my Book. There are two Books which I muft infift on a little.
One is A Manufcript Copy of the
A$s of our Scottijh Ajfemblies from
the year 1560 till the year 1616.
Our Presbyterian Brethren may be
b 4 ready
I he Preface.
ready to rejeft its Authority, if it Militates agamft them .• I give My Reader, therefore, this briet account of it.
It was tranferibed in the year 1638. when the National Covenant was in a flourifhing ftate 9 I or I find, at the end of it, the Transcriber's Name and his Defignation, written with the fame hand by which the whole M S. is written 5 And he fays, " He u began to tranferibe upon the 1 5 th "day of January 16 }8» and com- " pleated his work on the 23d of A- " pril, that fame year. He was fuch a Reader as we have commonly* in Scotland, in Country Parifties.
It is not to be imagined , ' it was tranferibed^ then, for ferving the Interefts of Epifcopacy •> For, as Pe- irie% and the Presbyterians, generally affirm, The Prelates and Prelatifts dreaded nothing more, inthofe days, than that the Old Regifters of the Kirk, (hould come abroad .• And it was about that time, that Mr. Pet tie got his Copy, from which he pub- liihed fo many Acts of our Old Ge- neral Afiemblies-' Nor is it to be
doubted
The Preface, *
doubted but that, asfeveral Copies, then, were, fo particularly, that which I have perufed , was tran- scribed for the Ends of the Good Old Caufe. This I am fure of, the Cove* nant as required, then, to be fub. fcribed, by the Green Tables, isfet down, at full length in the Mam- fiript. Befides,
The Stile and Language teftify that there is no Reafon to doubt, That the Ads of AfTemblies, which it con- tains, have been tranferibed, word for word, at firft, from the Authen- tick Records .• And if Caldemoad s or Petri/s Accounts of thefe A&s, de- ferve any Credit, My MS. cannot be reje&ed, for it hath all they have publifhed} and, for the moft part, in the fame Terms, except, where thefe Authors have altered the Language, fometimes to make it more fafliiona- ble and intelligible 5 fometimes to ferve their Caufe, and the Concerns or their Party.
It hath Chafms^ alfo, and Defe&s, where, they fay, Leaves have been torn from the Original Regifters: And I have not adduced many Afts
from
The Preface. from it, which either one, or both thefe Authors have not like wife men- tioned in their Hiftories.
Calderwood has indeed concealed very many, having intended,it feerns, topublifh nothing but what made for him ? thor I think, even in that, his Judgment hath not Efficiently kept pace with his Inclinations. Nay, , His Supplement , which he hath filbjoyn d to his Hiftory, as well as tbeHiftory it feifisteme, by his own Acknowledgment : For thefe are the \xry firft wTords of it : I have in the preceeding Hijiory only d fuch
A&s, Articles, and Anfwers to g)ue- fiions, as belonged to the Scope of the H/flory, and Form of Church Govern- ment 5 Some few excepted touching Cor* rnptions in the W or flip of God, or the Office and Calling of Minijiers. But becaufe there are other A&s and Arti- cles necejfary to be known , / have S E- LECTED fuch as are of greateji
^fi o PaJfi"& h fuch as were TEM- PORARY, or concerned only T E M- PORARY OFFICES, &c.
Here is a clear Confeffion that he has not given us all the Afts of Af-
femblies :
The Preface. femblies : Nay, that he has not gi- ven all fitch as concerned Temporary Offices^ and, amongft thefe, we (hall find him, in the following Sheets, more confidently than warrantably, reckoning Supertntendency and the Epifcopacy which was agreed to at Leith, Anno 1572.
I have mentioned thefe things, that the World may fee, it cannot be reafonable for our Presbyterian Brethren to infift on either Calder- woods Authority or Ingenuity againft my Mfs. How ingenuous or impartial he has been, you may have oppor- tunity to guefs before you have got through the enfuing Papers.
Petrie hath, indeed, given us a great many more of the Afts of Ge- neral AfTemblies than Calderwoodhzth done 5 as may appear to any who attends to the Margin of my Book : But he, alfo, had the Good Caufe to ferve 5 and therefore, has corrupted fome things, and concealed other things, as I have made appear : How- ever, he has the far greater part of what I have tranfcribed from the Mfs.
Spotfwood
it-
%. The Preface.
Spotfvoood hath fewer than either of the two Presbyterian Hiftorians -y yet fome he hath, which I find alfo in the M S. and which they have both omitted. In (hort,
I have taken but very few from it, which are not to be found in fome One or More of thefe Kiftorjans .• Neither have I adduced fo much as One from it, nor is One in it, which is not highly agreeable to the State and Circumftances of the Church, and the Genius of the times, for which it mentions them ; So that,
Upon the whole matter, I fee no rcafbn to doubt of its being a faithful Tranfcript: And I think I may jjuftly lay of it, as Opt at us {aid of another MS. upon the like occafion, Vetufias Mew bran arum tejli ionium per hi bet , &c. {opt at. Milcv. lib. i. f. 7. edit. Park 1569) It hath all the Marks of Antiquity and Integrity that it pre- tends to 5 and there's nothing about it that renders it fufpicious.
The other Book, which, I faid, required fome farther confideration is, The Hijiory of the Reformation of the Church of Scotland y containing five
Book/}
IK The Preface.
Books, &c. Commonly attributed to John Knox, by our Presbyterian Brethren. That which I have to fay about it is, chiefly, That Mr. Knox was not the Author of it.
A.B. Spotfaood hath proven this by Demonstration, in his Hiftory, ( pag. z6y.^) his Demonftration is, " That the Author, whoever he was, cc talking of one of our Martyrs, re* ct mitteth the Reader for a farther " Declaration of his Sufferings, to the " Afts and Monuments of Mr. Fox, which came not to light till fome twelve years after Knox's Death, Mr. Patricks Hamilton was the Mar- tyr 5 and the Reference is to be leen pag6 4. of that Hiftory I am 'now con- fidering. Befides this, I have obfer- ved a great many more infallible proofs \\\2xKnox was not the Author. I (hall only inftance in fome 3 or 4. Thus
Pag. 447. The Author, having fet down a Copy of the Letter fent by the Church of Scotland to the Church of England, (of which, more, by and by) " Tells how -the Engl/Jf? Noncon- cc formifts wrote to Bczar and Bez*
" to
The Preface.
c€ toGr/Wd/Bifhop of 'London*? which 4C Letter of BezastoGrindal, he fays, " is the Eight in order, amongft Be- " a&^s Epiftles .• And in that fame/? <zge, <c he mentions another of Bezas Let- cc ters to Grindal , calling it the cc Twelfth in Number.- Now, 'tis cer- tain £ez;^s Epiftles were not pub- liftied till the year 1573. *. e. after Knoxs Death.
It may be obferved alfo that he adds farther in that fame page, That The fincerer fort of the Minijiery in England, had not yet ajfaulted the Ju- rifdiSion and Church Government , (which they did not till the year 15724 at which time they publijhed their frjl andfecond Admonitions to the Parlia- ment) hut only had excepted againfh Super 'fiitious Apparel, and fome other faults in the Service Book. From which, befides that 'tis Evident, Knox could not be the Author , we may Learn from the Authors Confeffion, whoever he was, That the Contro- verfies about Parity and Imparity, &c. were riot fo early in Britain as our Presbyterian Brethren are earneftto have the prefent Generation believe. Again Pag,
The Preface. if*
Pag. 449 The Author, Narrating how Henry, Queen Marys Husband, &c was buried. Adds, in Confir- mation of his own Veracity, Thus. If there had been any Solemn Burial, Bu- chanan had wanted Wit, to Relate o^ therwife^ Seeing there would have heenfo many W'itnefjes to tejiijy the Contrary: Therefore, the Contriver of the late Hi* Jlory of ^ueen Mary, wanted Policy , here, to convey a Lie. Thus, I (ay, the Author vouches Buchanans Au- thority 5 And it muft be Buchanans Hiftory that he Refers to 5 For there's not a Syllable, about Henrys Burial, to be found in any of his other wri- tings, Now,
Not to infift on the incrediblenefs of Knox's running for Shelter to Bn* chanans Authority, concerning a matter of Faff fo remarkable in its felf, and which happened in his own time, in that very City in which he lived and was Minifter .• Not to infift on this I fay, Buchanan himfelf in his Dedication of his Hiftory to King James. 6th, Clearly decides the mat- ter.
He
f*
The Preface,
He tells his Majefty there were two Confederations which chiefly put him upon writing his Hiftory* Firft, " He perceived his Majefty had "Read,and Underftood the Hiftories "ofalriioftall other Nations 5 And <c it was incongruous and unaccoun- 41 table that he, who was fo well ac- quainted, with Foreign Affairs , 46 fhould be a Stranger to the Hifto- <c ry of his own Kingdom. Second- ly, He was intrufted with the Kings iC Education : He could not attend "his Majefty in that important Of- ct flee, by Reafon of his OldV^geand cc Multiplying infirmities ? He apply- *c ed himfelf, therefore, to write his " Hiftory , thereby, to Compenfe " the ijefe&sci his Ncn- Attendance,
And from both Reafons it is evi- dent, that Knox was Dead before Buchannan applyed himfelf to the writing of his Hiftory: For Knox dyed Anno 157a. K. jf awes was, then, but Six years of Age .• And is it Credible, that at that Age he had Read and got by heart, the Hiftories ofilmoft all other Nations? Indeed
Buchanan
The Preface*
Buchanan furvived Knox by ten years, And,for a good many of them was able to wait,and a&ually waited on the King 5 So that 'tis clear 'twas towards the end of his days, and af- ter Knoxs Death that he applyed himfelf to his Hiftory. And 'tis very well known, it was never publiftied till the year 1582. But this is not all
The Author of that which is cal- led Knox's Hiftory, adduces Bucha- nans Authority for Convelling the Credit of the Contriver of the Late Hiftory of Queen Mary, which was written, I cannot tell how long, af- ter Buchanan was Dead, as well as Knox. Further,
Fag. 306. The Author difcourfes thus, The Books of Difcipline have beefy of late^ fo often publifoed, that we Jhalt forbear to print them at this time. Now? there were never more than two Books of Difcipline:, and the Second was not fo much as projefted till the year 3576, i.e. 4 years after Knox had departed this life. Once more,
Pag. z$6. We. read thus, Some in France, after the fudden Death of c Francis
?X
fg, 7 be Preface.
Francis the Second , and calling to mind the Death 0/ Charles the Ninth, in Bloody and the Slaughter of Henry the Second, did Remark^the Tragical ends of thefe three Princes who had per- fected Gods Servants fo cruelly. - —
And indeed the following Kings of France, unto thk day% have found this true, by their unfortunate and unexpect- ed Ends. Now
Charles the Ninth died not till the 30th of May, Anno 1574. /. e. 18 Months after Knox. The following Rings of France who made the Un- fortunate and unexpected Ends were Henry the Third, and Henry the Fourth: Henry the Third was not Murthered till the year 1589. Henry the Fourth , not till May 161 c The former 17, the latter 38 years after the Death of Knox.
From this Tafte it is clear, that that Hiftory at leaft, as we now have it, was not written by Knox. All that can be faid with any Shadow of probability, is, that Knox pro- vided fome Materials for it. But Granting this, how (hall we be able to feparate that which is Spnriom in
it
The Preface.
it from that which is Genuine ? All I can fay is this.
Tis plain to every oile that Reads it, That he has been a thorough- paced Presbyterian, who framed it as we have it : By Confequence, its Authority is ftark naught for any thing, in it, that favours Presbytery^ or befpatters Prelacy : And if it ought to have any credit at all, it is only where the Controverfies about Church Government are no ways in- terefted 5 or where it mentions any thing that may be improven to the Advantages of Epifcopacy 3 juft as the Teftimonies of Adverfaries are ufeful for the intereftsof the oppofite party, and not an Are farther .* So that, I had reafon (if any Man can have it) to infift on its Authority, as I have frequently done } But no Presbyte- rian can, in equity, either plead, or be allowed the fame priviledge.
I could give the Reader a furfeit of inftances, which cannot but ap- pear, to any confidering perfon, to be plain and notorious Presbyterian corruptions, in it : But I fhall only reprefent 0//e,as being ofconfiderable c % mpox-
**: The Preface.
importance , in the Controverfie which I have managed in my Second Enquiry f, and, by that, the Reader may make a Judgment of the Authors Candor and Integrity in other things.
The Evglijh Non-conformijls, ZQ2L- lous to be rid of the VejtmmU\ and fome other Farms and Ceremonies re- tained by the Church of England, which they reckoned to befcanda- lous impositions, wrote earneftly (as is known ) to feveral Reformed Churches, and Proteftant Divines, befeeching them to interpofe with the Church of England for an eafe of thefe burdens. It feems they wrote to fome in Scotland zKo--, probably to Mr. Knox : He was of their acquain- tance 5 and they could not but be fecure enough of his inclinations, confidering how warm he had been about thefe matters at Francfort.
However it was, the Church of Scotland did adually interpofe. The General Aflembly, met at Edenburgh, Decern, 27. Anno 1566, ordered John Knox to draw a Letter to the Engliflj Clergy, in favour of thole l\on*conformij}s. This Letter was
fubferibed
The Preface. '
, fubfcribed and fent. Now, confider the Tricks of the Author of the Hi- y?<?rj/ attributed to Knox.
The Infer ipt i on of the Letter, as it is in Spotfwood, Petrie, and the Manu~ fcript Copy of the Ads of the Gene- ral Aflembly's, is this :
The Superintendents, Minijiers and Commifioners of the Church, within the Realm ^Scotland, To their Brethren the BiJ/jops and Pajlors of Fngland, who have renounced the Roman Anti- chrifi, and do profefs, Tilth then/, tie- Lord Jefus in fncerity, wij/j the increaj'e of the Holy Spirit.
. Thus, I fay Spotfwo d hath it 5 (pag. 1 98.) And the M V. and Petrie (Ton/. 1. p. 3 48. , have it in the Tame words 5 only where Spotfwood hath {_rvijh~\ they have [de/tre~] which makes no material Difference. But the fpuri- ous Knox has it thus. (pag. 445. )
Th? Superintendents, with other Mi - nijlers and Commijfioners of the Church of God, in the Kingdom 0/* Scotland, To their Brethren the Bifiops and Pa- Jlors of Gods Church in England, who profefs with us, in Scotland, the Truth of Jefus Chriji.
c 3 How
W.
f,% The Preface.
Now confider if there are not Ma- terial Differences between thefe two Infcriptions. By the Infcription, as it is in Spotfwood, Petrie, and the MS, the Dignity and Superiority of the ScottiJ/j Superintendents^ above the reft of the Clergy, is clearly prefer- ved : By the other account it is fadly obfeured } and they are made (at leaft very much) to ftand on a level with other Minifkers* &c.
By the Infcripion as in Spotfwood^ &c. The Sentiments Our Scottifl) Clergy had, then, about the Englijh Reformation, and Conftiiution, are very plain, genuine and charitable.- They were fatisfied, that the Bifhops and Paftors of *he Church of En- gland had Renounced the Roman Antu ckriji, and that they profeffed the Lord Jefus in SINCERITY 5 And they had for them , fuitably, the Chriftian and Brotherly Charity , which the Orthodox and Sincere Chriftians of one Church, ought to have for the Orthodox and Sincere Chriftians ol another Church : They rpified^ or defired to them, The In- creafe of the Holy Spirit. How highly
this
The Preface. ^%
this was agreeable to the fentiments of the then Proteftants in Scotland, I have made fully appear in the Difcuflion of my Second iinc[mrj% But,
To the Pfettdo-Knox, it feems, it lookt highly feandalous , to own , That the Bifhops and Paftors of England had Renounced the Roman Antichrifi, or that they profeffed the Lord Jefus in fincerity : How could thefe things be faid , fo long as they retained Antichrijis Hierarchy, or had fo many Rontifl) Mixtures > And therefore , to rvifo them the in- creafe of the Holy Sprit , was too bold a prayer 5 It was founded on a falfe hypothecs : It fuppofed they had the Holy Spirit already. How fuitable is all this to the Presbyterian temper and principles ? And , by confe- quence , is it not evident that thefe alterations were not the effefrs of negligence or inadveriencie , but pf the true Spirit of the party? Butthi* is not all.
In the body of the Letter, as recor- ded by the Pfeudo Knox , there are feveral other Corruptions : I (hall c 4 only
vA The Preface,
only point at one , but it is a confi- derable one.
The General AflTembly which fent > the Letter , after a Digreffion con- cerning the care that ought to be had of tender Confciences, &c. Re- fume their main purpofe , thus, We return to our former humble Jupplica- tion^ which k^ that our Brethren 9 who^ amongjlyou^ refufe thefe Romifh Rags , may find of you , who are the PRELATS^ fuch favour as our Head and Majier commandeth every one of hk members to Jhew tot another.
So it is not only in the MS. Spot/* wood and Petrie , word for word , but alfo in a virulent Presbyterian Pamphlet, called Scotidromus , di- rected to all Noble Scots and kind Ca- tholic ks zealous for the RomiJIj Reli- gion 5 written Anno 1638, to caft dirt, at that time, upon Epifcopacy, and render it odious to the People 5 which Pamphlet I have by me, in Manufcript: But
The Suppofititious Knox has it thus , Now again we return to our for- mer Requeji 9 which k , that the Bre- thren , ampngyou , who refufe the Ro- mifh
7 he Preface, 4*
rnifh Rags may find of you (not the PRELATES, but) who USE and URGE them , fuch favour , &c How > unfit was it for the world to know that a Scott ifb General Afleinbly had own'd the Bifhop's of England as PRELATES? It was fcandalous, no doubt, to the Godly: It was expe- dient , therefore , to jalfify a little , and foiji in more ufeful Epithets 5 to call them, not PRELATES , but USERS and URGERS of the Cere- monies.
I have infifted the longer on this Book , becaufe our Presbyterian Bre- thren are fo earned to have the world believe that it was written by Knox: Particularly G. R. I in his iirfk Vin- dication , Sec. in Anfiper to ghiejl. r. $. 8.) where, too, obferve by the way, how extravagantly that Author blun- ders. His words are^Anno 1559/rbe Vrotefiant Minifters and People held a General Affembly at St. Johnftown , faith Knox, Hijl. Lib. 2. p. 137.*] Now there is not fo much as onefyllable of a General Affembly in the Text. Upon the Margin , indeed , there are thefe words [The frfi Affembly at
St.
*&tC The Preface.
St. Johnftown] But no Presbyterian, I think , (unlefs he is one of G. R . s kind) will be fo impudent as to fay- that all that's on the Margin of that Book was written by Knox. And that Meeting which was then at Perth, was nothing like that Court, which we call a General AfTembly .• But enough of this.
To conclude , thoJ I am firmly perfwaded that Knox was not the Author of this Hiftory , yet becaufe it pafles commonly under his name , I have ftill cited it , fo , on my Margin. The Edition I have ufed , is that, in 4*0, publifhed at Edenburg, Anno 1644.
The other Treatifes attributed to Knox (and I know no Reafon to doubt their being his) from which I have cited any thing , are in ane Appendix to the Hiftory.
I have not made it my work to cite Afts of Parliaments, and reprefent the favourable countenance Epifco- pacy hath had from the State, fbmuch, as to confider the fentiments of our Reformers, and thofe who fucceeded them , in their Ecckjiaftkal capacity}
part-
The Preface. .«# &.
partly, becaufe the A&s of Parlia- ment have been diligently colle&ed before 5 Particularly , whofo pleafes may fee a goodly train of them,from the year 1560 till the year 16 17 in the Large Declaration pag. 3 33 , &c. Partly , becaufe our Presbyterian Brethren , are in ufe to infift more on the Books ofDifcipline , and the ASs of General Affeniblies , &c. than on Atts of Parliaments.
One advantage, (amongft many difadvantages) I think, Ihave, it is, that the Authors I have mod frequent- ly cited , were Presbyterians , by confequence, Authors whofe Tefti- mony's can , leaft, be called in Que- ftion by my Presbyterian Brethren.
I do not pretend to have exhaufted the fubjefts I have infifted on .• Any Reader may eafily perceive I have been at a lo(s as to feveral things in Hiftory. Perchance, I havefometimes ftarted fome things Nltv^ and which have not been obferved before,! wifh j may have given occafion to thofe whoarefitter, and better furnifhed with helps, frfuch Enquiries, to con- sider, if they can bring more light to
our
njf . The Preface.
our Hiftory. In the mean time, I think , I have faid enough to con- vince the Reader , that our Presby- terian Brethren have not reafon to be fo confident , as commonly they are, for their fide of the Controver- sies I have managed.
Yet , after all this , I am not fe- cure but that they will endeavour to have my Book Anfwered 5 for all Books mod be Anfwered , that mi- litate againft them 5 and they can ftill find fome G. R. or other who has Zealand confidence enough for fuch attempts.
Upon the fuppofition , therefore, that I muft have ane anfwer , I do, for once , become ane earneft fuiter to my Presbyterian Brethren, that they would imploy fome Perfon of ordinary fcnfe and difcretion , to Anfwer me , and not their common Vindicator of their Kirk, G. jR. for I have got enough of him, and I in- cline not to have any more meddling with him.
Whofo reads the following papers, I think , may find fuch a fample of him 3 fuch ajwatch- pardon the word,
if
The Preface. < V'
if it is not Englifh) of both his H/flo- rical and his Argumentative Skjll (a talent he bewails ? much the want of, in his Adverfaries) as may make it appear juft and reafonable for any man to decline him. But left he is not reprefented \ there , fo fully as he ought to be , fo fully as may jufti- fy my declining of him, I (hall be at fome farther pains , here \ to give the Reader a fuller profpedt of him
To delineate him minutely, might, perchance , be too laborious for me, and too tedious and loathfome to my Reader: I (hall reftrift my felf, therefore to his four Cardinal Virtues^ his Learning , his judgment , his C/- vility, and his Modefly : Or, (becaufe we arc Scottifhmen) to give them their plain Scotch names , his Ignorance , his Non- fence , his Ill-nature > and his Impudence,
Perhaps I fhall not be able to re- i
duce every individual inftance to its proper Species : 'Tis very hard to do that, in matters which have fuch affinity one with another , as there is between Ignorance and Non-fence ,
or
$ p. The Preface.
or between Ill-nature and Impudence • But this I darepromife, if I cannot keep by the Nice Laws of Categories, I (hall be careful to keep by the Strict Laws of Jujiice : I ftiall entitle him to nothing that is not truely his own. So much for Preface * come we next to the Purpefe. And in the
i. Place, lam apt to think, fince ever writing was a Trade , there was never Author furnifhed with a richer ftock of unqueftionable Igno- rance for it. To infift on all the Evidences of this , would fwell this Preface to a Bulk beyond the Book.
I omit, therefore, his making Pres- byterian Ruling Elders . as contra- diftinft from Teaching Elders ) of Di- vine Institution z> his making the SE- NIOR.ES , fometimes mentioned by the Fathers, fuch Ruling Elders $ and his laying ftrefs on the old blun- der about St. Ambrofes teftimony to that purpofe , (vide True Reprefent. of Presbyterian Government prop. 3/) Thefe I omit becaufe not peculiar to him.
I omit even that , which , for any
thing
The Preface. thing I know , may be peculiar to him } viz. That his Ruling Elders are called Bi/hops , and that their ne- ceffary Qualifications are fet down at length in Scrip, e.g. I Tim. 3.2. and Tit. I. 6 {ibid. Prop. 3. 4.)
I omit his Learn'd affirmative > that Patronages were not brought into the Church till the yth or 8th Centurie , or Latere And that t -hey c ante in amongft the latejl Antichr/flian Corruptions and Vfurpations (ibid. 'Anfw. toObjeft. yth)
I omit all fuch Aflertions as thefe, that the mofi and mofi Entinent of the Prelatijis acknowledge that by our Sa- viours appointment , and according to the praBice of thefrji and bejl Ages of the Church , fie ought to be , and was Governed , in Common , by Minijlers A&ing in Parity (ibid. Prop. 12.) That Diocefan Epifcopacy was not fet- tied in St. CyprianV time (Rational Defence of Nonconformity , &c* p. 157) That Diocefan Epifcopacy pre- vailed not for the fir fl three Centuries 9 and that it was not generally in the 4th Centurie (ibid. 158.) That the Bi (hop S, Cyprian all alongft, fpealy of was a
Pres-
* #*• 7k Preface.
Presbyterian Moderator (ibid. 179.) That Cyprian , Aufiine , Athanafius , 8cc. were only.yi^ Moderators ^ibid.
iff ,17$ i*£«:80
I omit his infifting on the Autho- rity of the Decretal Bpi^les attributed to Pope Anacletus , as if they were Genuine f ibid. 202.) And that great Evidence of his skill in the affairs of the Proteftant Churches , viz. That Epijcopacy is .pot to be feen in anyone of them, Except England (ibid. p. 10.)
I omit his nimble and learned Glofs he has put on St. Jerome Toto Orbe Decretum, 8^c. viz. That this Remedy of Schifm , in many places , began , then, (i. e.in St. Jerom 'stime) to be thought on 5 and that it was no wonder that this Corruption began , then^ to creep in 5 it being , then , about the end of the fourth Centurie, when Jerome wrote, Sec. (ibid. 170.)
Neither (hall I infift on his famous Expofition of St. Jerom s guidfacit Epifcopus, &c.becaufe it has been fuf- ficiently expofed , already , in the Hifiorical Relation of the General Aff 1690. Nor on his making Plutarch,
Simo-
The Preface.
Simonides , Chryfoftom\ &c. Every Grecian (peak Latin , when he had the confidence to cite them. Thefe and 50 more fuch furprizing Argu- ments of our Authors Angular learn- ing , I (hall pafs over 5 And (hall in- fift only 9 a little , on two or three inftances , which , to my tafte, feem fuperlatively pleafant. And
1. In that profound Book, which he calls a Rational Defence of Noncon- formity 3 &c. in Anfwer to D. StiU lingfleet's 'Urireafonablenefs of the fe fa- ration from the Church ^/England (pag. 172.) He hath Glotfed St. Chryfoftom^ yet, more ridiculoufly than he did St. Jerom. The paflage as it is in Chryfojiom , is fufficiently famous, and known to all who have enquired into Antiquity , about the Govern- ment of the Church. The Learned Father having Difcourfed concerning the Office and Duties of a Btfiop {Horn. 10. on 1 Tim. 3.) and pro- ceeding , by the Apoftles Method 7 to Difeourfe next of Deacons (Horn. 11.) ftarted this difficulty. How came the Apoftle to prefciibe no Rules about Presbyters > And he fol- d ica
The Prefate.
Ved it thus , oti « #oKv t3 (Atfov AVTay xj $S Zfa'nt'')'7rc»V' Kai yet? )y eti/Toi eP/JW^Aiaw *\<j\v cLVAfi.£iy(3pci Kj *7T(ys-cuJidLV <£ ZMMoias jy
<?«*. 6Y. P^«/ , fays he , dz^/ not in- fift. about Presbyters , becaufe there s n& great difference between them and Bi* JJjops : Presbyters , as we II as Bifiops , have received Power to Teach and Go* vern the Church : And the Rules he i?ave to Bijhops are affo proper for Pres- byters 5 For B /loops excel Presbyters , only , by the Power of Ordination 3 and by this alone they are_ reckoned to have more Power than Presbyters. Vide Edit. Savil. Tom. 4. p. 289.
Now , *tis plain to the moft ordi- nary attention, That in the Holy Father's Dialed: , xh&tovI* fignifies the Tower of conferring Orders , juft as MaffKithU and sr#r*9«* fignify the Pow- ers of Teaching and Governing : Con- iider, now the Critical Skill of G. R,
Bellarmine had adduced this Tefti- mony , it feems, to fhew that there was a Difparity in point of Tower , between Biihops and Presbyters, and had put it in Latin , thus, Inter
w-
The Preface.
Epifcopum atque Presbyternm interest fere nihil $ quippe & Presbyter is Eccle- ji<£ cur a permijfa efl : e^ qua de Epifco- pis dicuntur 9 ea etiam Pre byteris con- grnunt 5 Sola quippe Ordinaiione Supe* riores illi funU So G. R. has it : I know not if he has tranfcribed it faithfully : 'Tis not his cuftom to do (b .' Nor have I Bellarmine at hand , to compare them. Sure I am the Tranjlation doth not fully anfwer the Original : But however that is , go we forward with our Learned Author. Theft are his words.
What he (Bellarmine alledgeth out &f this citation, that a Bifhop may Or- dain , not a Presbyter , the Learned Fathers expreffion will not bear : For Ordination niufi fignify either the Ordi- nation the Bif/jop and Presbyter have , whereby they are put in their Office , to be different , which he doth not aUedge: Or, that the difference between them was only i?i Order or Precedency , not irt Power or Authority : Or 0 that it was by the Ordination or appointment of the Church , not Chrijis Inflitntion : But it can never fgnify the Power of Or~ daining. Are not thefe pretty plea- ds z (ant
The Preface.
fant Criticifws on x^^ovia,} But the beft follows. He gives a Demonftra- tion, that Ordinati n as mentioned by Chryfejlom , can never fignify the Power of Ordaining, For, then, fays he) Chryfoftom (who was fiitficiently a Majier of words) would have faid (mark it beloved , he would have ipoken latin, and faid Potejiate Or- dinandi , not Ordinatione. And have we not our Author, now, a Deep- learn d Glojfator ? I cannot promife a better inftance of his Criti.al Skill : But I hope the next (hall not be much w rfe.
2. Then, in that fame Rational defence, ckc. p. 199. Se£t. 4. He un- dertakes to prove the Divine inftitu- tion of Popular Elections of Minifters. His firft Argument he takes from At7s 14. 23. The word x«e?™-w*m< muft needs do it. Now , 'tis none of my prefent task to prove, that that word cannot do it : Whofoever has consi- dered ho v tis ufed in the New Te~ (lament , may foon perceive that$ and if our Author had but Read the Book called Jvs F ivinum Miniflerii EvangcLJ, written by a Provincial
•Aflera,
The Preface.
AfTembly of his own friends, he might havefeen, that even they were Confident it could not do it. Nay, He himfelf , in that fame 4th Section acknowledges, it cannot do it. 1 de- ny not ( fays he) that this word isfome times u fed figuratively , for potejlative Mijjion, the effetf or confequent of TLleBion^ and that by one Perfon, with- out fujf rages , as Acts io 41. And I think, after this, it was pleafant enough to make it do it , for all that: But, as I faid, Vis none of my prefent bufinefs to debate the force of the word with him .- All I am con- cerned for, is to reprefenthis fuper- fine Skill in Critical learning. For,
He tells us gravely , The word is tnojl commonly ujed in his fence , viz. as it fignifies to chufe by fujfrages : And he proves it , but how ? Thefe two wayes. I. Of all the inftances that Scapula , in his Lexicon , gimth of the ufe of the word , not one ofthettt is to the contrary. Twenty difparate fignifications , you fee , would have imported nothing: And who can doubt but Scapula's Lexicon is anc Incontroverted Standard for the Er- d 3 ch
&
J2. The Preface*
clejiaflval fignifications of words > But our Author proceeds: 2. It cannot be infanced that ever the word is ufed for laying on of hands : Lifting up, and laying them down , being fo oppofite, it is not to be imagined that the onefhould be put for the other. And what needed more after this? Yet , left this was not profound enough , our Author plunges deeper.- He will needs have both the fujfrages of the People, and the Impojition of the Apoftles hands , to be Cgnified by the word x**a>™w<w t«<, in that fame Text Atf. 14. z§. The Apojiles appointed , by Ordination^ Riders for the People , upon their Elect- ing then* by Suffrages. And then , in the clofe of the Seftion , I conclude ^ this being done kat Ijck^si^ in every Church \ the People Refpeftive chufing their Tatfors , and the Apojiles ordain- ing them , it is clear to have been , ge- nerally ^ the practice ofthefe times , and fo thelnfiitutionofChrifi.
I told when I began with him > there might be Inftances, I might have occafion to adduce , which it might be difficult to reduce to their proper Categories 3 And I am affraid
this
The Preface. » ^'
this is one .• The truth is , 'tis very hard to determine whither Ignorance or Non-fenfe dan plead the better Title to it : For my part , let them (hare it between them. I (hall only infift , a little , on one thing more.
3. Then, one of his Advei faries , whom he took to task in his Second Vindication of his Church of Scotland (the Author of the Second letter) had ufed the Phrafe [Chrijiian Phzlofophy] when G. R. thought he fliould have faid [Chrijiian Divinity] but 9 if I miftake not, G. JR. when he wrote his Anfwer, thought it had been for that Authors credit to have foreborn ufing fuch a Phrafe .• For never did Cock crow more keenly over Brother Cock when he had routed him, than G. JR. did, over the Letter-man, on that occafion.
He told him {% Vind. ad Let. 2. \ 2,4. p. 62, 63. Edit. Eden.*) He thought the Commendation of a Minifler had been rather to under {land Chrijiian Divinity, than Chrijiian Philofophy , but we mujl not wonder (fays he J that men jo flrongly inclined to Socinianiirn fpeak, in the Socinian Dtaktl. — For d a indeed
**• The Preface.
indeed that which goeth for Religion , among fome men , is nothing hut Pla- tonick Philofophy/wf into a Chriftian drefs , by exprejfing it in words borrowed (fome of them\ from the Bible : And the Preaching of fome men is fit h Mo- rality as Seneca and other Heathens taught^ only Chriftianized with fome words , &c. In fhort., he purfued the poor Epifiler (as he calls him) fo un- mercifully , that he never left him, till he concluded him ane Ignorant Talker , for ufing that Phrafe. Now* Judicious Reader , was it not, in- deed , a Demonftration of Deep thinking, and a penetrating wit , to make fuch a plain difcovery , of foch a prodigious Spawn , of Herefies 5 crowded into onefingle Phrafe con- fifting of two words, or rather in one Solitary Vocable ? I fay one Vocable , for it was the word \Philofophy\ which was the Lew a : I cannot ihink the word \thrifiian~] was either Art or Part. Socinianifm , Academicifm 5 Stoicifm (confident or iticonfiftent , was all one to our Author) all throngd together in one fo inno- cent like ane expreflion ! Sad enough!
How
7 he Preface, •&*'
How fad had it been for for ryEpi 'filer \ if there had been a greater confluence of fuch — ifms in our Authors learn* ed Noddle when he wrote that Elabo- rate Paragraph? Had they been in it, 'tis very like, they had come out. However , even thefe were enough , efpecially, having, in their Society, the fundamental Herefie o{ Ignorance : And yet after all this ,
I am apt to believe the poor Epi- filer was Orthodox and Catholick in his meaning : I believe he lookt on it as a very harmleis Phrafe , and intended no other thing by it, than that which is commonly called [Chri- fiian Divimty7\ Tis twenty to one , he ufed it , as having found it ufed before him , by very Uonefi men > who were never fufpe&ed of any of thefe Dreadful Herefies : The An- cient Lights (I mean) and Fathers of the Church , who had fcarcely ano- ther Phrafe which they ufed more frequently, or more familiarly. Of this I am fure , If it was not fo , it might have been fo , with him.
My prefent circumftances do not allow me to Cite them fo plentifully,
as
•*\<j% Ike Preface.
as might be done s yet I think, I can adduce the Teftimoniesof half a do- zen, whofe Authority might have flood between the Epifikr and all Hazard, e. g.
Jujiine Martjr in his Excellent Dia- logue with Trypho the Jew , not only aflerts the infufficiency of the Plato- nick , the Peripatetick , the Pythago- rean , the Stoick, Philofophies •', Sec. But, exprefsly, makes the Ancient Prophets who were infpired of God , the only true and infallible Philofa- phers (Juft. Opp Gr£c. fidit. Rob. Steph. Lutet.1551. p. 36.) And having told how he himfelf came to the know- ledge of Chriftianity , he fubjoyns
fp. 37.) Tctvrlw pl'qvIw tHeiMov <pihoao$idMcieQA'
$>©- fc>«. / />#?;£ found Chrijiianity to be the only infallible and ufefrl Philofo- phy , and, on its account, I own my f elf a Philofopher.
Photius in fhis Mv&lq&. Difcourfing of the fame Jnftin , as may be feen at the beginning of Jufiins works , De- fcribes him thus, &t 3 ismophls ^ igpit # n k&V Spit. He was a man of oar (that is, the Chriftian) Philofophy.
Origen^
The Preface. ;>> 4S*
Origen^m his Learned workagainft
Celfus (Edit. Cantab. 1658. p. 9.) tells
him , if it were poffible for all men,
laying afide the cares of this life,
%ohi^iv 7<» $tKo<To<p£v , to apply them f elves
to the Study of true Phzlofophy, what
a bleffing would it be tq the world !
And the very next words Declare
what Philofophy he meant : iv$M<n>rtu
y*f l» 7$ x&rwvw » &c* For there may
be found .fays he") in Christianity ,
mofi Noble and Myfierious difquifitions^
&c. Again ,
Pag. 144. Celfas had alledged that theChriftians took pains toProfelyte none but young People , Ignorants , Xdeots, &c. And Qrigen Replys , it is not true .• They call all men vo^s £ dvoHTitt 9 wife and foolifh^ to the ac- knowledgement of Chrift .• And what evil is there in inftru&ing the Igno- rant? Do not you Heathen Philofo- phers the fame ? h* ijfiy $} 2 &***&
££sS7 fJLH^Kict X} OllQTV.Q>dL<l tfj AVMTiif &\9f0T«
$iKcivfyca7re»s Avrb tp*t7omV $ Or is it allow- able in you 0 Heathens to call young men , and ferv ants \ and ignora?it peo- ple to the Study of Philofophy ? But
we
***
tA &> The Preface.
we Chriflians , when we do the like , mufi be Condemn 'd of * inhumanity} Once more
Pag. 146. Celfus hadobje&ed that the Chriftians taught privately, &c. And Origen Anfwers , they did not refufe to teach publickly, and if peo- ple would come to them, they would fend them -^/Ao^fos , to be taught Philofophy by the Prophets of God , and the Apoftles of Jefus. Whofo pleafes to perufe that Excellent A- pology for Chriftianity , may find much more to the fame purpofe. Nay farther ,
St. chryfoftom^one of G. R\ good ac- quaintances, has this Heretical Phrafe, ane hundred times over .* e. g. In the page immediately preceeding that in which the Teftimony is , which his Learn dnefs Glofs t fo Angularly 5 the Holy Father , zealous againft fuch as were Chriftians in profeffion , only , without a fuitable praftice , Argues thus, what can one fay Zf$v xiltfyyoit
i\K' t* hoyot( $ixoGo<p*vTen nyLcts 9 &C When
he fees 10 , not in works , but in words only, pretending to be Philofophers} Or (for all is one with Chryfoftom) to be Chriftians? In
The Preface. * f &
In his fixth Horn, on St. Matt. He fays , God permitted the Jews , for a time to offer Corporal Sacrifices,^.
v4»iAtf.o dytyy ^/Ao^o^iW, i. e. Thjt by de- grees he might lead them to the Elevated (i.e.theChriftian) Philofophy. And doth not the fame Father in the fame Homilies on Matt, call our Saviours Sermon on the Mount *%&y # 91*0*0?!*;, The Top of all Philofophy}
And in his \th Horn, on 1 Cor. He difcourfes elegantly how Chrift by the Doctrines of the Crofs , and Evangelical Polity, and true Godli- nefs and the future judgment , &c. vrdvrxi iniuvfi <t>tho<?b$x{ , hath made all men , Ruftickj , Ideots , Sec. Philofo- phers.
Neither is this Phrafe lefs frequent with the Latin Fathers: I (hall only inftance in two^ but fuch two as moft men ufe (at lead: ought) to Read,who have a mind to know arty thing of Antiquity. St. Cyprian^ I mean, and Vincentius Lirinenfis.
Sc. Cyprian in ane Epiftle x.o Corne- lius , the 57 in number , (if I re- member right, according to Rigaltius^
Char-
*\
>1& The Preface.
Characterizes Novatianus to this pur- pofe , Magis Durus Secular is Philofo- phz£ pravitate0 quam Philofophi<e Domi- nies Unit ate Pact fens : And in his Excellent Sermon De Patientia, Nos autem 3 Fratres Charijfimi , qui Philo- fiphi non verbis, fed faUk fumus , &c. We Chriftians who are Philofophers, not in words but in deeds , &c, And
Vincentius in the %oth Chapter of his Commonitorium admires the Ccele- fiis Philofophis Dogmata 0 the Doc- trines of the Heavenly ( i. e. the Chri- stian? PhHofophy. Indeed,
Some of thefe primitive Glory's of the Church, give us a Solid Reafbn for both the Orthodoxy and the Propriety of the Phrafe. I cannot tell what notion G. R has of Philofo- phyi But I am pretty fure , accord- ing to S. Jujims and St. Augujiines notion of it, it is a moft proper name for our Holy Religion.
Jujlin (ut fup. p. 33.) tells Trypko ^
thus, &<"/ ><*? T<y ovrt <ptKo<ro$ld. {^byis-ov ktm^o.
# v\iv westrtynK.'Qitf, True Philofophy is the
Richefi
The Preface.
Richefi and moft Honorable pojfejfiott in the fight of God. 'Tis that which brings us near , and commends us to him : And they are all truely holy, who apply themfelves ferionfly and heartily to the praUice of true Philofophy. And (pag. 34. he defines Philofophy thus,
cvS'a,iiuQvict J TtwTns r &foe$y.n< , )£f<T (roipict?
yi&s. Philofophy is the Knowledge of God and the acknowledgment of the Truth (i. e of Chrift , as I take it) and happinefsis the reward of this wifdom and knowledge. And ,
St. Auftin , (with whofe works G.i?.(houldhave been well acquaint- ed, when he adventured to give him the Commendation of being the great Light of the Latin Church , as he doth in that fame 2.4. Sect.) in the firft cap. of his 8th Book De Civitate Dei , Difcourfes thus. Cum Philofophis eji habenda Collatio quorum ipfum No men, fi Latine interpretemur, amoremSapien- ti£ profit etur : Porro, fi Sapientia Deus eji, per quern faUa funt omnia , ficut Divina Authoritas, veritafque nionftra- vit , verus Philofophus eft Amator Deu The word Philofophy (fays he) fignifies
the
^- The Preface.
thelove ofWifdonr.Bnt God is Wifdort^ as himf elf hath faid in his word $ and therefore a true Fhilofopher is a lover of God. And,
In the ninth Chapter of that fame Book Ph/lofophari eji an/are Deum — . Unde Colligitur tunc fore heatum Stu- diofum Sapiential (id enim eji Philofo- phus) Cum frtti Deo Cozperit.i. e. To Philofophize is to love God: One is then a true Philofopher when he legins to en- joy God, &c. Nay ,
Tho G. R. (hould rejeft the Au- thority of thefe and twenty other Fathers, who have ufed and juftified the Phrafe , it were no difficult task to find enough of Modern Writers, who have ufed it , tho* they were neither Stocks, PlatotiiftsnoxSocwi- ans } But t (hall only recommetld to him two who Were his Predecfcflbrs in that fame Chair > which he, now , fo worthily poffefTes. Do&or Leigh- ton I mean, in his Valedi&oryOrat ion, lately publifhed, and MrCohilm his Treatife about Chriftidn Philbfophy. And now ,
Let our Authors Ignorance and his Ill-nature debate it between them ,
to
The Preface.
to whither he was mod obliged when he fo fiercely fcourged the poor Epiji- ler, for talking fo Heretic ally of Chri- fiian Philofophy. By this timej think, the Reader may have got a fufficient Tafte of our Renowned Vindicators Angular Learning. Proceed we now
II. To his next Cardinal Virtue. Profound Learning , fuch as our Au- thors, is a teeming Mother, and com- monly produces Congenial Brood , plentifully. Indeed, never was Au- thor s more Prolifick. His Learning has produced crouds of Myfieries J But fuch Myfteries as plain (peaking people , commonly , call Non-fenfe.
It were Non-fenfe , indeed , to in- fift on all inftances of this nature > which beautify his writings.- Such as his pretty pofition , That all Cere- monies of Gods worjhip are worjhip them- felves (Animadv. on ZX Still, hen. p. 30.) His pleafant Fetch about Cere- monies that Jiand in the place of the Competentes or Catechumeni, ( Ra- tional Defence , 8cc. p. 72.) His Ju- dicious Conclufion , That the Affir- mative part of the Second Command- ment , //, that we ought to worflnpGod
/&• The Preface*
in the %$ay prefcribed in hk Word , {ibid. 125.) His fdblime notion about the 'Unity of the Church in the Cafe of the Lutherans (ibid. 1 48.) We font not out the Lutheran Churches (fays he) from all pojfibility of Union with them? We can have Union with them , as Sifter churches 3 But we cannot fart ake in their inftituted parts of worjhip. His furprizing propofition , viz. That the two Governments (Presbytery and Monarchy ) of church and State , have futed one another , many ages , fince the Nation was Protejlant 2 Vind. §. Ii.jp. 14.
It were to Vie with him for his own Talent , I fay, to infift on all thefe, and many more, fuch, which are to be found in his Matchlefs wri- tings. I {hall , therefore , mention only three or four of his moft Elabo- rate My ft cries. And
i. Our Judicicus Author wrote Anir.adverjions on Do$or Stilling fleet's Iretiicnm, and you may judge of the Metal of the whole by this one Sped- 0rj?if,which you have not far from the beginning.
D. Still, (p. 2.) had laid down this
Foun-
The Preface. &&
Foundation , " that difference of b- " pinion about a point , and proba- C6 ble Arguments brought on both cc fides, by wife and able men, if it " be not a matter of neceffity to fil- " vation , gives men ground to think " that a final decifion of the matter ct in Controverfie was never intended u as a neceffary means for the Peace " and Unity of the Church.
Againft this pofition G. R. Reafons thus (p. 5-.) If any things not necejfary to Salvation, be fo Necejfary to be clear- ly revealed , that we are to look^ upon them as not Chrijis Truth , if there re- main a Controverfie about them , ma- naged with fpecious Arguments, on both fides, among wife and able men, much more , things necejfary to Salvation muft be thus clearly revealed, fo that there is no truth in them , if they be fo Contro- verted*^ but the confecjuent ismoflfa'fe and abfurd. Ergo^ 8cc, Let the Rea° der try his skill on this Myflery, and fathom the defth of it, if he can.
2. The next Myftery I thought to have infifted on , is that grand one about the Decrees of God , (2 Vind*
2 jpo
\tfl. The Preface.
f. 66.*) viz* That God has a Decree that's Prateritum as ant A3- of Sove- raignty , and a Decree that's Pr<edam- natum , tf j* rf#e -43 0/ Juftice. But I am told > this has been Efficiently reprefented already: Arid therefore I fhall fay no more about it , but this, that there is no Reafon to think, it was a Typographical Error .* For , after it was thus Printed in Scotland^ it was Reprinted in England without Alteration or Correction, So that there's all the Reafon in the world to impute it to the Author .• But , if fo , was he not, at beft, a Myfteriou* Theologue} But
3. The next I fhall produce , tho* not founding fodire&ly towards blaf- phemy, is every whit, as good My- ftery* The Story is this.
Doftor Stillingfleet , in his Z)nrea~ fonablenefs of the Separation from the Church of England, forbore tofuftain the Lawfulnefs of Liturgies , &c. Becaufe Doftor Falk'ner had done it {o well before : But our Author had wade fome Collections on the fubjeft (Ratio?/. Defcn.&c. p. xz2.) And it was pity they {hould be ftifled 5 And
there-
The Preface.
therefore they behoved to be publifh- ed. I am not to infift on every f thing that isMyfteriotts in that Learn- ed Difquifition on the fubjeft of-£/- turgies , with which he has blejl the Ijland. One thing (hall f jffice.
In his burning zeal againft Litur- gies or Set forms , he advances this propofition ( among many others ) That it k Unlawful to worjfjip God by a frame of fervice, that is not warrant- ed in the word , both as to its Matter and Manner, (pag. 126. Seft. 8.)
This I prove (^fays he) 1. From Chrijis Condemning the Traditions of men , as vain worfljip, Matt, 15. 9. They taught thefe Tradition sy i.e. (faith Lucas Brugenfis in Locum) they fol- lowed them , and taught others to follow them. The fame Author calleth thefe Mens Traditions, that are fo , of men, that they are not of God , or are devi- fedby man , ibid. So alfo, Vatablus, Erafmus, Maldonate, Tjrinus, Pif- cator , Calvin and Chemnitius , fay , Here is meant whatever is brought into Religion without the word: Now it is Manifeji that a frame of Divine fer- vice not warranted in the word falleth e 3 under
&
&* The Preface.
under thk General 7ead. Thus you Jiave all theie Gentlemen, Tucas Burgenjis^Vatablus, Erafmus^ fkc. (tho* fome of them were Papijis , fome of . them Lutheran 0 and not one of them but own'd and uled 'es ftrong
againft liturgies^ it not direffly , at jeaft by plain confequence. But our Au- thor proceeds.
Secondly , The Lord condemneth all nfiorffjip offered up to him , that he hath not Commanded , Jer. j» 31, (turn to the Text and try if it is not perti- nently adduced) VI here not being com* manded , hut devifed by men ? is made the ground on which that fraJice (thd otherwife evil alfo ) is Condemned : And Jeroboam V Frame and way offervice is Condemned becaufe E)evifed (Heb. Created ) of his own heart* J Kings 12.
33-
Thirdly, Even Reafon feacheth that
God ought to chufe how he will be ho- noured , or worshiped by his Creatures. He be ft knoweth what wiS pleafe him: And his Soveraignty in all things mnfi especially appear in this that himfelfis fo marly concerned in. This is a prin- ciple fo rooted in nature 3 that among
the
The Preface. ' *-**
the Heathens , they that contrived their Liturgies , or ways of worpip , behoved to pretend Revelation from their Gods \ to guide them in this. It was never heard of among the more Religious Hea- thens, that Religion, or the manner of worjhipping their Gods was enjoy ned only by Mans Authority , and divifed t nly by him. Tea , in the fo much magnified Rofary of the Virgin Mary, It is alledg- ed that Saint Dominicus had it re~ pealed by the Virgin her jelf, that thk Form of fervice was mo ft acceptable to her$ And it is added, That fhe was fitteft to chufe what way fhe would be worfhipped. I hope they (the Pa- pifts) and fuch as Jjmbolize with them, (thofe of the Church of England) m
0 rdering of the worfoip of God , will give us leave to fay the fame of her Blef- jed Son.
Fourthly, For the Matter ofworfoip^
1 think* it will not be ^ueflioned, whi- ther that muf be appointed by God , or not', — But even the FRAME, COM- POSVRE and MODE of Divine worjhip Jhould have Divine warrant , otherwife , it is not acceptable to God, 8cc. Now,
e 4 Not
f\.f& The Preface.
Not to make much needlefs work* Confider i. our Authors great bufi- nefs was to prove the Unlawfulnefs of Liturgies, or Set- forms of Prayers, &c. in the publick worftiip. Confi- der x. that he (as his &#, generally,) Is againft ufing the I ords Prayer , the only Prayer I can find of Divine In- ftitution , in the New Teftament , as to the MATTER, FRAME, COMPOSURE and MODE of jt. Confider 3. that our Author would be very angry, and complain . of horrid injuftice done him, if you ihould charge him with ghiakerifm , or praying by immediate infpiration: For who fo great enemies to Quakers^ as Scottijh Presbyterians? Confider 4. if his Arguments can confift any better with Extemporary Prayers, which are not immediately infpired , and , by confequence , cannot be of Divine Inftitution, as to MATTER, FRAME, COMPOSURE, and MODE, than with Set-forms which are not of Divine Institution as to MATTER, FRAME, COM, yOSURE, and MODE. Con- fider 5* in' confequence of thefe , if
we
l]f$ Preface,
we can have any public!? Prayers at all/ And thenconfider 6. and laftly, if our Author , when he wrote this SeUion , had his zeal tempered with common finfe^ and if he was not knuckle- deep in right Myfierious Theo- logy. But as good follows : For
4. Never man fpoke more profound Myjieries , than he hath done , on all occasions, in his furprizing ac- counts of the Church of Scotland. ;He tells us of a Popifh Church of Scotland \ fince the Reformation , and a Protc- fiant Church of Scotland.
He tells us, ( 1 Find. Anfw.to £S>ueft. u$m 10.) Presbyterians do not fay that the Law made by the Reforming Jrarlia* ment , Anno 1576, took, from them (the Popifh Bifhops) the Authority
they had over thePopifl) Church • but
it is Manifefi , that after this Law , they had no Legal Title to Rule the Pro- t eft ant church.
This lame , for once is pleafant enough : The Reforming Parliament, while it defined the Church of Scot- land ^and it defined it fb as to make it but one , as is evident from A£f. 6. which I have tranfcribed word for
word
**y;
**. The Prefae.
word in my Book, allowed of two Churches of Scotland , two National Churches in one Nation. But this is not au :
He hath alfo fubdivided the Pro* tefiant church of Scotland, into tw$ Churches of Scotland: The Presbyterian Church of Scotland , and the Epifcopal Church of Scotland.
He infifts very frequently on the Presbyterian Church of Scotland, Thus, in his Preface to his F?r/? J'/W. of his Church of Scotland , in great ferioufc nefs , he tell* the world that , that which is determined concerning all them that will live Godly in chriji Jefus 9 that they muft fuffer perfecution , is , (and has long been) the lot of the PRES- B TTE R I A N: church of Scotland. And in his Preface to his i Vind. §. 7. ./ have , in a former paper pleaded for the P RESBTTE R IAN church of Scotland, againft ane Adverfary0 8cc. And in Anfwer to the Hift. Relat. of the Gen.Ajf §. 12. his Adverfary had faid y that General Ajfembly was as in* fufficient to reprefent the church of Scot- land , as that of Trent was to repre- fent the Catkoluk Church. And G. R.
readily
The Preface. •**#
readily replys, but he cannot deny that it reprefented the PRESBYTERIAN Church , and was a1] that could he had of a PRESBYTERIAN Affembly.
He is as frank at allowing ane Epifcopal church of Scotland : Thus , fin True Reprefent.o(I?resb.Govewm. in Anfw. to OB. icy) The Minijiers that entered by and under Prelacy 0 nei- ther had , nor have any Right to be Rulers in the PRESBYTERIAN Church — - Whatever they might have in ANOTH E R Governing Church (i. e. the £pifcopal Church) that the State fet up in the Nation, &c. And more exprefsly, in Anjw. to the Hift. Relat. of tlae Gen. Ajf. 1690. $. 3. A* gain (lays he tho* we own them \the Prelatick Presbyters as Lawful Mini- jiers,yet we cannot own them at Minijiers of the PRESBYTERIAN Church: They may have a Right to Govern the EPIS- COPAJL Churchy to which they had be- taken themfelves-, and left the PRES- B YTE R I A N,;. yMthat they have n Right to Rule the PRESBYTERJAN Church , we deny.
By this time, I think , the Reader has got enough of ScottiJI) National
Churches
0*.
The Preface.
Churches , apd their diftinffc Gover- nors and Governments- The Popifh Clergy (even fince the Reformation was eftkblifhed by Law) have Right to Rule the Popifh National church of Scotland : The Proteftant Epifcopal Clergy have Right to Rule the Prote- ftant Epifcopal National Church of Scot- land: The Proteftant Presbyterian Minijlers have only Right to Rule the Proteftant Presbyterian National Church of Scotland. By the way,
May not one wifh, that he and his party had flood here? For if the Epifcopal Clergy have Right to Rule the Epifcopal Churh , and if it was only Right to Rule the Presbyterian Church , which they had not, why was their own Right to Rule them* films taken from them? Are not the Presbyterians unrighteous in taking from them all Right to Rule ; when they have Right to Rule the Epifcopal Church of Scotland} But this (as I faid) only by the way .• That which I am mainly concernd for at prefent, is, that the Reader may confider if there is not a goodly parcel of goodly fenfe in thefe profound Meditations. Yet better follows. After
The Preface. ,<f c tft .
After all this laborious clearing of marches between Scottish National Churches, particularly , the Epifcopal and Presbyterian National Churches of Scotland, He tells you, for all that, they are but one Church of Scotland: But in fuch Depth of My fiery ^ as, per* chance , can fcarcely be parallell'd. Take the worthy fpeculation in his own words. (True Rep. ad OB. 10.) Let it be further Confidered (fays he) that thd we are not willing fo to widen the difference between us and the Prela- tick party , as to look on them and our felves as two difiinB Churches $ Yet , it is evident, that their Clergy and we are two different Reprefentatives, and two different Governing Bodies of the Church 0/ Scotland: And that they , who are members of the one , cannot , at their pleafure go over to the other , unlefs they be received by them. Well !
Has he now Retraced his making them two Churches? You may judge of that by what follows in the very next words. For thus he goes on. Thefe things thus laid down, let us hear what is objeUed againfi this Courfe (the Courfe the Presbyterians were pur- suing
** *4* The Preface.
fuing with Might and Main, when he wrote this Book, viz* That the Go- vernment of the Church, might , pris- ma infiantia , be put in the hands of the known found Presbyterian Miniftersj &c.~) Firjl , this is to fet up Prelacy among Miniffers , evert while it is fo much deer yed*> That a few fhould have Rule of the Churchy and the reft excluded : Anfw. It is not Pre^ lacy, but a making diftin&ion between Mimjiers of one Society , and thofe of another. Tho they be Minijlers , they are not Minijlers of the Presbyterian Church} They have departed from it , we have Continued in the good old way , that they and we profejfed (for who can doubt that all the Scottifh Prelatifts were once Prebbyterians ? ) It is not then unreafonable, that , if they will re- turn to that SOCIETY^ they fhould be admitted by it , &c. Now,
What can be plainer , than it is , hence , that they muft be ftill two Churches? He makes them in exprels terms , twice over , two dijlinff S O- CIET IES: He makes one of thefe Societies^ the Presbyterian church : Of neceffity , therefore , the other
muft
The Preface. $P4>3.
muft be the Epifcopal church: And is not this , unavoidably , to make two Churches ? Yet , neither is this the true yolk of the Myjlery, as I take it .* That lyes here.
That the Epifcopal Clergy and the Presbyterian Clergy are two different Reprefentatlves^ two different Govern* ing Bodies of the one Church of 'Scotland. I remember , our Author in his Ra- tional Defence of Non-Conformity ^ &c. Exercifed Dr. otillingfleet to purpofe for talking of fomething, which , he thought, looktlike two Convocations in England (viz. the Upper and the Lower Houfes) He feems above (fays C. R.) to makefuch Convocations , and Jo there muji be either two Churches of England (and why not , as well as three of Scotland}') Or the one Church <?/England mu(h be Biceps, andfo^ a Monjler.
Thus our Author, there, (p 195.") I fay , and it feems he was mindful of it when he wrote his True Repre- fentation ofPresbyt. Governm. For he was careful , indeed , to avoid the making oi his one Church of Scotland, Biceps , and made it fomething elfe.*
But
***• The Preface.
But what thing} Your pardon fof that : I have neither Latin nor Eng- lijh name fork : I thought once , in- deed , on [Bicorpor] But I found it could not do .• For he makes not his one Church^ Bodies .• What then ? I told you already, I can find no name for it .• But, if I have any Idea of this his one Church, fhe is fucha thing as this 5 A Body Govern d by two different Governing Bodies^ without ane Head.
That (he is a Body , I think , can- not be Controverted , for all Chur- ches are commonly own d to be Bodies.
That fhe is Governd by two diffe- rent Governing Bodies , is clear from the Text : For thus it runs 5 We will not fo widen the difference between us and the Prelatical partie , as to loo\ oft our felves and them , as two diffinB Churches 5 Tet it is evident , that their Clergy and we are two different Repre- fentatives, and two different Governing Bodies of the Church ^/"Scotland.
That fhe is Governd by thefe two different Governing Bodies, without ane Headed likewifeevident,for there
is
The Preface: ,<H ^
is not fo much as one fy liable about ane Head in the Text: And there's all the Reafon in the world for it 5 For, befides the difficulty of joyning one Head , conveniently , with two Bo- dies 3 to what purpofe , am Head for her , when (he is fo well ftored of Governing Bodies ? Are they not received maxims , that , Non funt multiplicanda entia fine necejfitate^ and Deus & natura nihil faciunt frujira ? The Definition, then, is unqueftion- able. Well !
Perhaps the Reader may be curi- ous to know how G. R. came by this fuper-fine Idea of a Church. I have had my conje&ures about it 3 And the mod probable that offered was this.
No doubt he is wondroufly well acquainted with Plato, qtherwife, how could he have made the Angular difcovery, that Socinians and Stoic ks were Platdnifis ? Now Plato, (Conviv. 1p.322.Edit. Lugd. 1590.) as I remem- ber, has a pretty ftory about a cer- tain Species of Rational Animals which were early in the world, and which he calls Aff&yw& , as if you would
f fay
^iC 7 he Preface.
{ay Man-woman , or fo .• This Crea- ture had two Faces, two Nofes, four Hands , &c. in a word , it was a round Body , which contained both Sexes in it , Man and Woman , as it were , united by their backs : It was a vigourous , fturdy kind of Animal, and Jupiter turn'd afraid of it , and therefore , to weaken it , and make it more toward zndfubdueable, he took ane Ax or fome fuch fharp inftru- ment, and clave it from top to bottom^ in the very middle , as if you (hould cleave ane egg into two equal halves 5 And then, being (as you know) a nimble Mountebank^ ^ he drew together the j^5 on each back, in a trice 3 and applyed fbme Sove- raign Medecines} and both backs were made found immediately 5 and the divided parts of the ArJ^w©-, be- ing now *Kvhf and Tw» , Man and Wo- man \ and having the felicity to look one another in the face , they fell in Love with one another : And this was the Original of Love, and Court- ing, and Marriage, and all that. Now, I Tay ,
The moft probable conje&ure I
can
The Preface. .iHk
can make of the way how G. JR. came by his furprizing Idea of 'the one church with the two different Governing Bo~ dies, is, that when he Read this fto- ry in Plato , it made a deep impret fion on his imagination , and he la- bouring to outdo Plato at nimblenefs of defign and invention , fell upon this ftranger and more furprizing Notion of a Church* But however this was,
I think our Author had Reafon to fay (Animad. on hen. p. 51.) That a Church is a Jingular Society, and of ano- ther nature than other Societies , and therefore foe ought to have a Jingular Government. For fure I am , he has given the one Church of Scotland a Government which is Jingular enough. One thing is certain.
At this rate, (he wants not Govern* ment nor Governours^ And, of all the Churches in the world, (he is likeft to have the hefi Canons and the jufteji Meafures prefcribed to her: For if the one Governing Body prefcribes wrong, the other muR. readily prefcribe rights For never were two Governing Bodies of one Society in greater likely* f % hood
The Preface.
hood of contradicting one another, 'Tis true, the Governed Body maybe foipetimes pnzled about its obedience, and reduced to a ftate of Hefitation about the oppofite prefcriptions , whither of them it (hould follow : But that's but a fmall matter 5 Our Authors invention is not yet fofar decayed but that I can promife for him, if he pleafes , he {hall as eafily extricate it out of that difficulty, as he can give ane intelligible account of this his one Chur:h^ with the two- diferent Governing Bodies. Only one thing thing more I add.
Our Learned Author tells us in his Preface to this his Book, in wbicl> he has this Mj/Jierj , that, it was a rcork^ not undertaken at Jirji, of his own private motion , and that (^before it .was publifhed ) it pajfed ane Examen Rigorofum of not a few Brethren. Now, if he fpake tru:h, here, as I am apt to believe he did not) the world may judge of the accuracy of fome mens Rigorofa Examina. And {b much for a Tafte of our Authors fecond Car din d Virtue. Proceed we now
III. The
The Preface,
III. The thirds which (the' it looks as like Ill-nature as ever egg was like another) in complyance with our Authors generous inclinations 9 I am content (hould pafs under the name of his Excejjive Civility: I allow it this name , I lay , becaufe our Au- thor himfelf hath fo Dubb'd it.
For thus he tells us (2 J'ind. Prefi §.' 6.) I have treated the Adverfarics, I deal with) as Brethren 5 Peering rather to EXCEED , than comefiort in CI- VIL ITX and fair dealing with them.
Never was Author more plenti- fully furnifhed with this Ingenuous Quality, than G. R. Take a Specimen of it, from his Second Vindi- ation, Sec. Ed t. Eden. Anno 169 i 5 And confi- der with what Excefs of Civility he treats his Adverfaries.
The Author of the fir ft of the four Letters, that Military Chaplain (p. 14.) that man of a vain mind, (p. 19.) was Guilty of the Height of Difiigenuhy : ( p. 9 ) And it was the higheft Impudence and Sawcincfs for a ft ranger (fuch as. he was) thus to reproach the reprefenta- tive of a Nation, where he was fo ci- villy treated (p. 1 1 .) And yet the f 3 whok
69*
•?>3
r* The Preface-
whole Nation knows, the Gentlemen had afferted nothing but Truths when he met with this civility from our Author.
The Author ohht fecond and third Letters , was blinded with Rage, (p. 22.) Was guilty ofjhameful Hypocrifie twi fled withf Malice, (p. 23.) His words were full of Monjlrou* Hyperbolies y if not plain forgeries, (p. ) He expo fed his own folly, malice and filly credulity. (p. 42.) Was guilty of the highefl efforts of Malice , blinding the mind, and de- praving the apprehenfwn of things, (p. 45 ) His ignorant malice not to be*m- fwered but defpifed. (p. 52.) Judas Ifcariot was his Predecejfor (ibid) He was a Choleric^ Momus , whofe Patron was Rabfhakeh. (5* 6) He Vindicated the Prelatifts Iron being Perfecu- tors , with a confidence in ajferting Falfhoods, and denying Known-truths, beyond any degree, that any fort of men, except Jefaits, have arrived at. (67.) He told things abfurd above meafure. (69*) G. R. can convince the Reader (if the Author of this Letter was the Perfon whom he gueffed) of his moji abfurd and habitual lying , l^own to moji of the
Na~
The Preface.
Nation, even to a Proverb. (71.) But I am apt to think he guelfed wrong 5 But whoever he was , he wrote in fitch a violent and infolent ftile as defer ved ane anfiwer of another nature than a Pa- per-Refutation 5 i. e. the Gallows, as I take it.
The fourth Letter was not inferior to any of the reft in abominable lies and re- proaches', (p. 81.) the moft bitter in- veUives that could be invented , fiVed up this Authors few pages, (ibid.) What he wrote , was not to be refitted more than the words of a mad man , or of om raging in a Feaver. ( ibid.) In a -word, this letter was fib unexaminable, fio fit// of virulent reproaches, andfo void of any thing that was Argumentative , that it was impojjible for any man to Anfiwer it, except his Talent for railing, and his confidence to fay what he would, true or fialfie , waMequal to that of this Gentlemans. ubid.)
The Author of the Cafe of the afi fii&ed Clergy , &c. Jpake rage and fury, (84) was a malicious Calumniator, (89 j a commonliar, ( IOi) moji petulantly re- pro ached the Government. ( 1 10 ) Twen- ty more fuch excejfive Civilities ke pay'dhim. f4 The
f% The Preface.
*%* The Author of the late Letter , I
think, had done well, to have faved himfelf the labour of writing it 5 for, if he got not his (hare of G. jR's ex- cejfive Civilities , G. J?, himfelf was miftaken. This piece was behind none of the reft in ejfronted and bold lies, and to fay this might bz a juft Refutation of of the whole Bookh (1 1 7 ) This Author fpa\e broad- faced lies 3 (ibid. ) Impudent and broad lies^ grofs and malicious liesx, bold Calumnies 3 ( 1 18) foamelefs lies 5 Jlanderous forgeries. ( 1 1 9 ' He mali* cioufly belyed his Nation: (ibid) Spate venome : ( 1 2 1 ) Lying and mifreprefen- tation were familiar to him 5 (i2x) He tnoft impudently obtruded upon peoples credulity 3 ( r x^ ) was perfriftae frontis, (*i6) JSothing, thd never fo certainly atid manifejily falfe, could choak^ his con- fcie nee. (ibid.) He fpued out the mojl fpiic fid venome that $fyuld lodge in ane humane breaft. (136) Forty more ihch Civilities he payed him : And it was reafonable to treat him fo , for, The impudent accufations of this Scrib- bler ^ and the obligation that lay on Per- fens and Churches to necejfary felf de- fence, conftraind G. R. to treat him "this Civilly* ( 1 j 7) The
J he Preface,
The Author of the Memorial (thp* lam apt to think G. J?, knew he was dead before his Second Vindication was publifhed) got Civilities payed him , of the fame ftamp , and out of the fame repofitory : For, the Mc- morial was a print full of bitter and unreasonable inveUives, (137) full of malicious infinuations. (ibid.) 'Twos nothing jhort of the reji for mojl grofs faljhoods^ in matters of ' FaB 9 andmoft injurious reprefentat7ons of the Pre<by- terain way and principles .(ibid.) The Moral Qualities of the Author might be feen^ by his Book , to be none of the bejl. (ibid.) It was a parcel of falfe and malicious Hijlory as ever was written in fo few lines, (ibid.) It began and ended with lies and railing, (ibid.) A man who took I iberty to jlander , at that rate of impudence , deferved rather chaftifementthan aneAnfwerXj. 38)The writer wrasbut a Scribbler. (159) He wrote neither lil^e a chrifiian , nor life ane Hiftorian. (140) He wroteperfeft railing, (ibid.) He accufed the Presbyte- rians , with a bloody mouth , of what hath been a thoufand times refuted as ane horrid lie , viz. That the ScottiJI)
Pres*
fc
** The Preface.
Presbyterians did perfidioufly give up their King to the Englilh, who mur- deredhim. (ibid.) Now, if there was Reafon for being at the expence of fuch ane excejfive Civility, on this oc- cafion , let the world judge .• And, indeed , it is a mod furprizing De- fence G. J?, made for his Scottif/j Pres- byterians in that matter, why? He was the King of the Englifh f for (both) as well as their s^and they could not with- hold him from them. So that the whole matter was no more than if ane En- gli/h Ox had (Irayed or been Jiolen , and falling into the hands of Scottish Presbyterians, they had reftored him, and got fo much tor reward 5 At moft, it was not the Oxes price , it was only blach^meal as we call it. But to pro- ceed , this Author of the Memorial advanced afTertions beyond what Je- fuitical Impudence it f elf hath ever arri- ved at. (142) And, which is worft of all, worfe than any thing that ever proceeded from the mouth of Platonifti Stoic \, Socinian or Jefuit9 He mofi wick§dly reproached the Cove- nant. (146)
The Author of the Annotations on
the
Tk Preface.
ehe Presbyterian Addrefsfkc, Quibbled more like a Buffoon than a Dijputant, (147) and wrote fo pure railing , as ad- mitted of no other Anfwer, but to brand the whole of it with this Motto, that it was void of Truth and Honejly.
(150)
But Cod a Mercy on the miferable
Author of the Hijiorical Relation of the Gen. Ajf. &c. What ane Hetero- geneous piece of the Creation was he ! The mofi ft Refutation of this Pamphlet, were, to write on the margin of every page, LIES and CALUMNIES. (150) This Author (pake broad liesx, Off) Was a delicious Scribbler 5 (156) His fancy was tinUurd with malice andpre- judice'-> (161) He advanced whole Far- dels of lies and malicious reprefentations^ (i6zj He gave no proof of either fenfe or learning in his Book , but many De- monjirations offpite and railing 3(1 65*) His tongue n as fet on fire of Hell — and his kind refpeBs to any man, were in- deed a reproach to him. (166) He had abandoned all Reafon and good nature. (ibid.) Had a brazen forehead, (ibid.) Nothing could efcape the lajh of his vi- rulent Pen. (ibid ) His tongue was no
/lander.
*?#?
The Preface.
/lander. (168) He was nothing but 3 Sciolift 5 (169) A Choleric\ Scribbler. O70) His Paper was loaden with lies. (ibid.) He was not afoamed to tell lies in the face of the Sun (171) He had fo inured himfelf to the fouleft lies and ca- lumnies , that he could hardly fpeak or write truth. (175) He was a Reviler^ (182) A railing Scribbler who Cenfurd 4nd Condem?ted all Presbyterians with- out wit or difcretion. (114) In (hort, He was a fnarling curr, (191 ) and 4 Jpirit of lying hadpojfeji him. {J 9 2)
Thus, I think, IhavegivenaTafte of our Authors excejfwe Civil ties to the Adverfaries, he Anfwered ip his Second Vindication : What a formi- dable Author had he been if he had fuffered himfelf to have Treated his Antagonifts with fuch juji, vnot to fay excef/ive) feverities as they defer- ved! What Authors have thefe been, to whom fuch Treatment was nothing elfe than excejfive Civility > So (Gran- gers might think who were not ac- quainted with G. R.'s nature. His nature^ I fay, for, indeed, it feems to be natural to him, to exceed thus in Civility towards all the Authors he
ever
The Preface. % .#•
ever dealt with 5 at leaft , fo far as?
1 can learn by fuch of his Books as I
have had the lucl^to be Edified vrtth-
al. Thus ,
In his Preface to his firji Vindication ,
he difcharges thus againft the Author
of the Ten ghteftions, &c. Now when
their (the Prelatifts) hands are tyed
that they can no more affliEf her (his
Presbyterian Church oi Scotland) their
Tongues and Pens are let loofe to tear her without mercy, by the mojl vindent inveUives^ and the moji horrid lies and calumnies that their wit can invent. And in Anfw. to gueji. 4. §. 2. He adorns him with the honourable Ti- tle of Controverfal Scribbler. And the fir ft words of his Anfwer to the 6th §lueji. are Angularly complementah It may be obferved from this Authors conduct (fays he) in his Pamphlet, what it is to be flejhedin bold averring of what all the world knoweth to be manifeft un- truths : fome by boldnefs and frequency in telling lies have come at laji to believe them as truths, &c.
I have alio feen two Books written by him, againft D. Stillingfleet 3 One againft his lrenicum , another againft
The Preface.
his TJnreafonablenefs of the Separation? &c. In both G. R. is exceffively Civil to the Dr. after his wonted man- ner.
Jn his Preface to Animad. on Iren. he fays the Dr. expofed himfelfbetween principle and preferment. In the Book, he calls him ane Abettor of Scepticifm. (p. 5) For the mofi part he doth nothing hut magno conatu nihil agere. (18) tie evidently Contradi&s hinifelf, and G.R. wonders to meet with ContradiBi- onsy fo often, in fo Learn d ane Author. (22) ContradiBions are no Rarities in him. (27) It was impudently f aid by the DoBor that our Saviour k$pt the Feaji of the Dedication. (124) His propofitions arefuch RepeBions on Scrip, that any but a Papifl may be afhamed of (132) Thefe and twenty more fuch Regular Civilities he pays him.
He is more Civil to him, yet, in his learned Anfwer to the Do&ors TJn- rcafonablenefs of the Separation^ ike. The Doftor wrote unexpeBed incohe- rences : (p. 4) Ufed wonderful confi- dence. (9) Jeerd the zeal and warmth of Devotion , (16) was blinded with pajfwn. (20) a Tannter. (%i) Advanced
f*Bd~
The Preface. .*■ &
fallacious jf not falfe Hifiory.(^i)Would
have thingsfo^andfo^indefpightofHi-
flory. (50) ifoe to the world if fuch falfb
and partial Hiflory carries the Day I
(52) (Juft the fame upon the matter
with his woe to pojlerity if the lying Jio-
ries which fome have printed, and^ with
hold impudence^ avouched , pafs with
them for Authentick Histories. Pref.to 2 Vind. £. 1. So that the Readers
of that Vindication need not be much • amufed with fuch Cant: It follows of Courfe with our Author.) But to go on with his Civilities to Dr. Still, the Do&or ufed Ratiocinations that would better become Pharijees. (68) Aflerted things fo rafhly andfalfely^ that G. K, had no name for fuch Ajfertions. (69) His prejudices darkned hfc undemand- ing. (85) He made a mad expofttion of the Second Commandment. ,( 1x5-) Stretch- ed and forced Scripture. (12,6) Spak§ things beyond comprehenfion. ( 1 48 ) Made unbecoming Refle&ions on the word of God. (189) Ofedforry ftrifts % &c. (204) Outfaced plain Light. (zc6) Wearied not of writing befide the pur- pofe. (210) Advanced Conceits unwor- thy of a Divine , and only fit for Simon
Ma*
The Preface.
Magus. (2 14) He did not AU the pdlrf of a Difputant^or a Cafuijl, but offome- what elfe> our Author thought fhame to name .(275) Thefe and God knows how many more fuch wonderful Civi- li ties he payed the Doftor.- Particu- larly two, for which, no doubt, G. R. ftretcht his invention. D. Still. had faid fomething concerning the Englifi Ceremonies ('tis no great mat- ter what it was) and G. R. Replys, wittily , 'p. ^)Thk is fo indigefteda notion that it doth not well become the Learning of Doilor Stillingfleet , tho it be good enough for fome to rant wkh^ over a pot of Ale. How many good glafles of Forty -nine (alias^ood Sack) has our Author got for this ! Again, the Doftor had faid that the Crofs in Baptifm was a Ceremony of admitting one into the Church of "England. But Idoult (fays G. R/) it will prove but a Moufe brought forth by the long labour and hard throes of a Mountain. Was not this a pure Flight ! a lofty Para- phrafe on Partnriunt Montes !
Thus we have feen a fample of his excef/ive Civilities to fuch fingle per* fons as had the Honour to be his Ad- versaries
The Preface. ■** "•
verfories. What a pity had it been: if fuch Civilities had been only difc periced to half a dozen of Individuals! Our Author, no doubt , was fenfible of this, and therefore, he has evefr thought fit , when he had occafion to extend them to whole Churches, particularly , the Epifcopal Church of Scotland , and the Church of England. Indeed,
The whole Body of the Epifcopal Clergy of Scotland have got a large (hare of his Civilities : Take this Sped- men^only from his Second Vindication^
8CCc
Presbyterians are all Jacob's^ and Prelatifts, Efaus. (Pref. §. I.) Presby- terians , the feed of the Woman , Pre- lafijis, the feed of the Serpent, (ibidj The Prelatifts are a fpiteful and cla- morous fort of men : ('$. 5.) Me^ c«- r<zge<i by being deprived of the opportu- nity they had to perfecnte their Neigfc* hours. (Book p. t) Their conrfe is Dia- metrically oppofite to Moderation, (p. z) They are men of mean Sfpirits and Mer- cenary fouls : f 4 ) Unfaithful men : (17) Men who ufe Unmanly as -well as TJn- thrijlian Jkifts. (2 5) Moji of them whb e
&>&%. J he Preface.
were put out (i. e. thruft from their habitations and the exercife of their Miniftery , fince the beginning of the late Revolution,) were put out by their own Consciences. (%6) Arminians. (60) Socinians. (61) The contempt of the Mi- ni fiery came from the Atheifm and de- bauches of the Clergy. (64) Their immo- ral men may be counted ly hundreds. (6^) They are generally liars (jo) Men who expofed the Nation to the reproach of Barbarity. (i\) Men of a refilefs temper j embittered in their fpirits by I what inconveniency they are fallen into, from the eafe and dominion over their Brethren *, which they lately had. (^84) Men, jufily loathfome and a burden to the People. (99) In (lead of feeding their Flocks, they worried them. (103 J Inci- ters to and /} bettors ofPerfecution. (126) A FaSion that indulged debauched men in their immoralities. (166) Hundreds of their party guilty of grofs immorali- ties, for one Presbyterian. (166) Their debauchery tempts people to count all Re- ligion a ft am. (173J Generally favourers of Popery, (paffim,) Men who are wifer^ than to comply with the prefent Efiablifty- mevt of the Church, from which , 'tis
like,
The Preface.
lik'er they would have been excluded for their immoralities or errors. (5 ) And God knows how frequently he makes them, generally, Ignorant , or Erro- neous^ or Scandalous^ or Supinely Neg- ligent. This I think may ferve for a Tryal of his excejfive Civilities to the Scottish Clergy. Well!
But is he as Civil to the Church of England*? Take a Proof from his Ra- tional Defence , ike. Thofe of the Church of England , feem wifer than Chrifl and hfc Apojtles, from whom they do wamfejiij and confejjedh differ , in the things Controverted, between them and the Nonconformifts. <j^ 71 J They are either jirangcrs to England , or firangely byafjed , who fee not caufe to complain of the Ignorance^ Idlenefs, and Vicious Converfation of the Englifh Cler-. gy. (40) *Tk the J fir it of the party fill to Create trouble to the church. kG^) They are ane imperious Suverfthious Clergy •, that will be Lords over Gods inherit ancei in defpight of the Apoflle. (80 J And how often doth he call them, Liars, Mifreprej enters , Calumniators , &c.r (vid p. 66, 274, 275-, 276, &c\
Ifhallonly mention one inftance g 2 of
<sz.
?s*
The Preface.
ot the Englijl) Epifcopal Knavery which G. R. refents very highly. You may fee it pag. 276. I have met with another injiance (fays he J of Epifcopal ingenuity , for expofng the Presbyteri- ans among the Foreign churches. It is in a Letter of the famous Bochart , dated Nov. 2 . 160C. in Anfwer to a Letter from Qo£tor Morley , wherein ike Doflror rcprefentcth the Presbyterian principles in three po ft ions , whereof the third ACROSS CALUMNY — The pofition is, Reges pofle vi & ar- mis a fubditis cogi in ordinem , & fi fe prabeant immorigeros , De Soliis Deturbari, in Carcercm Conjici, S.fti in jus, pet Carnificem denique capi- te plefti. i.e. That Presbyterians main- tain^ that SubjcBs may call their Sove- raigns to ane account by Force of Arins, and if they are flub bom , incorrigible Sovcraigns, they may cajl them in Prifon, Judge them Sentence them, and order the Hangman to give them a caji of his craft. And now. kind Reader, judge impartially, was not this a Grofs Ca- lumny} What impudent lying Rogues muft thefe Englijf) Prelates and Pre- lates have been> who fa Grofsly Ca-
him.
The Preface.
l&nmated fuch Eminently Loyal Sybr jects, fuch True Fiiends to -Monar- chy, fuch unqueftionable P ajfne- obe- dience ^ and Non-refijiance-mcn} But, return we to our Author.
One thing may be pleaded in his behalf 5 It is, that this his Rational Defence , &c. (as he fays himfelf: wa> written about the time that K. J. came to the Throne, i. e. fome four years before the late Revolution 5 and at that time it was excufeablein bin to tell his mind freely about the En- glifi Clergy $ Becaufe, he was, then, a Non-conformift in England , and fufFcring under their Yoke : But now that Presbytery is Eftablifhed in ScaU land , and he has got a Poji there, in which he can live to purpofe , his temper is become a little fweetned, and he will not any mere be ane Ene- my to the Engl/J!) Clergy. Nay, has he not pubhfhed fomuch, lately, in his Second Vindication}
T rue ! He has : More, he feems to have pron/ifed , at leaft , profejfed (o much , not only for himfelf, but for his whole party. He has told the world in his Anfwer to the frft of g 3 ' the
The Preface*
the Four Letters , ?. 12. TtoScottifb Presbyterians are far from interpofing hi the Church flfEnglandb djfaip : that they are not bound by the Covenant to Reform England , but to concur., when Lawfully called , to advance JRe- formation. That 'tis far from their Thoughts to go beyond that .Boundary : That tthey wife their Reformation 5 but leave the management of it to themfelves, And in his Anfwer to the Cafe off he Ajfliffed l Clergy , Sec. t. I. he goes a farther length. The Author had (aid That the Church of Epgland. Jhould be- think^ themfelves how to quench the flames in Scotland .> See. And G. R.'s Anfwers, Thus, they fow difcord among Brethren , and animate England to con- cern themfelves in the a: airs of our Church 1 when we do not meddle in their. Matters* Here, you fee, he owns the Englifh Clergy, for no left than {lis Brethren : Are they not Cocl^fure% now, that they (hall never have more pihh exccjj;ve Civilities} Well! Ican- pot tell what may be^ but I can tell fomething of what hath already been.
This fame Loving Brother to 'the
Church
The Preface.
Church of % England publiihed his Ra- tional Defence, &:c. Anno 1689, i, e. fince the beginning of the late Revo- lution : And it is evident, his Preface was written fincedikewife^ For there- in he rfes Rhetorically, How God ', by the late Revolution, hath made its / u w that dream, and do^e ex- ce ■ly.fif.Wo above tp hat ive co::i: thinks out-done our Faith , as was /•- .'A. 18.8, Npwj
In i e Preface , he owns, he
published his : Book, then, becaufehe thought it a fit Seafbn, and it feem'd allowable, if not necellary , that each ■party fljould put in their Claim , and give the bcjlReafons they could for their pretenj/ons. Which, how itconiifted with defigns for the peace of the Church of England, let herfelf con- fider. This I am fure of, if his excef five Cizilities could be helpful fox un- hinging her , (he got them in that Preface, with a witnefs. Take this for a Tafte.
He not only exhorts his Reader- to purge the church ^/England, of Men, ane Ignorant, Scandalous attd unfober Minijiery. V'
g
The Preface.
Difcourfes thus, God will not be at peace with the Church , while fitch are countenanced $ and good vien cannot , with any fiatkfiaBion, behold finch fie an- dais to Religion , andfuch effeUual In- firuments of the mine of Souls continued in the Church: — while fame ejfeUual courfie is not taken to remove them $ The Church is like to have little peace, either with God or in herfelf: Let all then contribute their endeavours to have the unfiavoury fait caji out — if this piece of Reformation be endeavoured^aU ranks mufi put hand to it : The People , by discovering finch, where they are%> And not calling nor countenancing them when they want a guide to their Souls : And Magijirates, by endeavouring the Re- gulating of finch Laws , as do, in any wife, open the door to fitch men to enter* And again, Church Reformation mufi alfo tritely be endeavoured by us , if we would have Church peace. It is no to- ken for good when fin fid evils, images of jealoufie which provoke the Lord to jea- hufie (fuch as Epifcopacy, the Litur- gy , Ceremonies , Holy-days , Sec.) are in the Churchy and yet all agree in kheft ways , vone lament them , nor re»
proys
The Preface, * #
prove them, nor take care to keep their Garments clean from the Corruptions of the time, &c. Now, that all this is direftly intended againft the Church of England, is evident from the whole Contexture of that Preface.
By this time, the Reader, I think* has got enough of G. R's excejjive Ci- vilities to all Per Jons and Churches he has been pleafed to take notice of. Proceed we now to the laft of his Cardinal Virtues, viz.
I V. His lingular Modefly : And here a vaft field opens 5 for , except the aforefaid three, there is fcarcely ano- ther of his Qualities, good or bad, that makes any considerable appear- ance. But fo it is , that generally , the greater lights bbfcure the leffer* Nay fuch ane Awkward Quality is this in our Author, that one would think, It has been at feud with it felf , and had defigns for obfcuring its own £«- fire 5 For you no fooner have found ane inftance which you may be apt to apprehend, is the very brighteji Im- pudence 5 tkan inftantly another cafts up, twenty times more fplendid, and before you have got through them
all,
The Preface. all, you are at a lois again, and you cannot tell which was themoit/ir- prizing. But I fhail only give a Spe- cimen of this Vertue as I have done of the reft.
l.Then,the blot ofampudence might have been charged upon him , tho9 he had faid no more than what he has laid concerning the Prelatical Scrib- blers , (Pref. to l Find.) viz. " That "they ufed a piece of cunning, in *c fpreading their Books in England, cc only , where the things contained " in them could not be known nor " examined , but there was never w one of them to be found in a Book- " fellers fhop in Scotland , where moft " Readers could have difcovered the " falfhood of their Allegations. And his Brother Mr. Meldrum in his Let- ter fubjoyn'd to G. S /s Second Vindi- cation , infifts on the fame ingenious Speculation. And yet both of them could not but know very well , that thefe Prelatick Scribblers might have attempted to have puird a Star from the firmament, as plaufibly, as to have got any thing that made againft the Presbyterians printed in Scotland :
One
The Preface. ^f
One thing I c^:: allure G. J?, of 5 his True Reprc filiation of Presbyterian Government had not feen the light , many days, ;v hen a Licen e was fought for publilhiug ane Anfwer to it 5 But it could not be obtain'd : And how many innocent Pamphlets have been feized by the Government , fince the beginning of the late Revolution? Did not both thefe Gentlemen know this fufficiently? And was it not Im- pudence in them , ef.ecially in G. jR, considering the Pofi he had., to pubr liih fuch a Calumny, as that it was the Conference of the falfhoods were in them, that made his Adverfaries pub- liih their Books in Ettgland }
^.Another inftanceoi his Impudence might be, his fo frequent infilling on the Loyalty of his party : Believe him, and no men can be more Loyal than Sccttifo Presbyterians. Nothing but ma- lice can make any think that Presbytery is ane enemy to Monarchy. (1 Vind.ad Queft. %. i.i^)Our Obedience to Magi* ji rates in a. I their J awful Commands ^ and our peaceful fufferings of unjufi vio- lence are notour to all that can behold us with ane unprejudiced eye. (True Rep.
ad
$JQ* The Preface.
ad Ob. I.) None maintain more Loyal principles towards Kings than Presbyte- rians do. (ibid, ad Ob. 2.) They aU ways abhorred Rebellion^ Vind. p. 63) Yea, it is manifeji^ it is not their prin- ciple to bargain with their Kings about Allegiance, (ibid. p. 99) Our principles are hpown, that we owe Loyalty , and have payed it , even to ane Idolatrous King. (\. e. K. J. ibid. p. 115) Who can deny now that Presbyterians are true Pajjive - obedience and Non - re- jtjlance men? Or rather who knows not that this is Bantering the Common fenfe of all Britain ?
3. There's no lefs Impudence in the large Encomiums he makes on the Harmlefnefs and Innocence of his par- ty : Tistrue, and 'tis much, he ac- knowledges fometimes, They are men^ They have infirmities % They have been guilty of Erccjfes , &c. But try him to the bottom , and you (hall never find him defcending below thefe Ge- nerals : You (hall not find him ac- knowledging that any particular in- ftancc , wherein they exceeded , was not very excufabk. Thus, h^ cannot endure to hear that they were, ever, Perjerutors or Rebels. Not
The Preface. * ajr,
'NotPerfecutorsJoxii they had been Perfecutors, 'tis not to be doubted that the Prelatifts had felt it. But what have they ever felt ? Hear him in his Pref to i Vind. It may be thought firange that the men with whom we have to do, flwuld make fuch Tragical out- cries about their fufferings , when it may be made appear , that , in the late timesy when Presbyterians fuffered from their hands , any one of ma7iy , who may be in/lanced, fuffered more hard/hips and Barbarous Cruelty, than all of them have endured. I muft confefs, thefe men who fuffered fo , have fuffered to purpofe -0 For, I think , it was pretty fevere for one man to fuffer the de- privation of 5 or 600 livelihoods and have 5 or 600 families, perchance 4 or 5000 perfonsto maintain on no- thing. I know not how far our Au- thors skill in Algebra may reach , but, I think, in this, he was hard enough for Common fenfe. But this is not
all*
Hear him again, in that fame Vind. (ad Queft. 3. $>. 1.) All unbyajfed men who know and have obferved the way of the one, and the other, while they AU
terna*
94*
^ • The Preface
tematively had the Afcendant^ will fay y that the little finger of the meanejl Pre- late and his underlings was heavier than the loyns of the great eji Ajfembly of the Presbyterian church. What Sir, no not the Aff 1645, nor 164 8, nor 1649 excepted ? And 2 Vind. p. 23. The fujferings of the Prelatijls are but flea- bites in comparifon of the bloody lafhes that others fuffered. And p. 45. Their fufferings are but fcratches of pins* &c. And you know, even the tendereft nurfes (fuch as oar Presbyterians are to Prelatifts) cannot constantly pre- ferve their deareft nurfelings from fuch accidents. Who can fay, now, that ever Presbyterians were Perfe* cut or s >
Believe him, and they were as lit- tle Rebels. Epifcopacy (indeed) raifed a ^Tumult in K. C. Jfis time which ended in its own mine. (1 Vind. ad Queft. 2. §i 3.) And yet in Anfwer to that fame Queftion <k 5. 3Tis true they (the Prelatifts) raife d no Tumults: For if there is a difference between railing Tumults, and raifing no Tumults, yet it is certain, that they are only Ab- flra&s which raife them, and Concrets
do
The Preface. '* V*
do not raife them. Well ! were the Concrets , the Epifeopalians innocent of Tumultuating ? Confider what fol- lows, They did what they could to raife a war for continuing on the necks of the People, that Toke that they had wreathed- on them , and did effeUuaUy draw on a bloody war , &c. But what did the Presbyterians on that occafion? Why? How far were they from being JRe- be Is ! For, thus faith our Author (2 Vind. p. 1 40) Thefe things (whatever the ' Presbyterians did) were done by the Body of the Nation, met in the moft orderly reprefentative that the time and cafe could permit 5 And I deny not that they were EXTRAORDINARY ACT- INGS. Nothing, in thefe times like Perjury, or Treachery, or Treafon, or Rebellion committed by Presbyteri- ans, you fee 5 All were EXTRAOR- DINARY ACTINGS. Inftiort, Presbyterians arc beyond reproaches in the Conferences of all that \now them , and do not hate them. (2. Vind. p. 37) Now,
Twas none of my defigns to ren- der the Presbyterians peculiarly odi- ous, by adducing thefe inftances : I
know
*ty£ The Preface.
know thefe Crimes are not peculiar to them, T doubt not, many of them are not violently inclined to Perfe- cutionor Rebellion / I doubt as little many of them will be ready to ac- knowledge they are peccable as other men 5 and things have been done by many of their party, which , fuch as are Ingenuous will not offer to Apolo- gize for.- That which I was mainly concern d for* was our Authors Im- pudence : For who ever faw greater Impudence than there is in thefe Ri- diculous Defences he has been plea- fed to publifh in Vindication of his party?
4. Another inftance might be his making his party , fo frequently, the only Proteftants in the Nation } The only men that re lifted , or could refifl, or were willing to reftjl Popery. Thus, the Author of the Ten Queflions had faid f and faid truly) That the Presby* terians accepted and gave thank* for ant Indulgince, notwithjianding that they kjierv that all the Defigns of the Court were for advancing Popery. How our Author Juftifies their Thankful Ad- dreffing to R. J» for fuch a favour ,
(hall
The Preface **J*
(hall be confidered by and by. That which I take notice of at prefent, is? his Apology for their accepting of that Indulgence. It had been afirange thing (fays he, I Vind. adQueft. 8. §. 2.; if they fiould have been backward to Preach and hear the Gofpel when a door was opened for it , becaufe fome men had d defign againfi the Gofpel irt their opening of it. (/The Gofpel, yoii know, was neither Preached nor heard in Scotland before a door was opened for it, by that Indulgences But this by the way.) Surely their fi- Itnce and peevifo refufing on that occa± fjon^ had been much to the hurt tifthe Gofpel 3 ivr, then^ Papijis (who would not fail to ufe the Liberty^ for their part) ffjould have had the fair eji occafion ima- ginable to mifead People without A NX TO OPPOSE THEM: On the 'contrary , their ufing that Liberty was the great mean by which (with the blef- fing of the Lord) fo very few , during that time of Liberty , were perverted to) Popery ,. in the Nation. Now who fhould doubt, after this, that all the Prelatifis were filent Encouragers of Popery > And that the Presbyterians • h were
J he Preface.
were the only People who Preached againft it zealoufly , and oppofed it boldly ? Here is fuch a Mafter-piece of our Authors main talent , as I am confident no other Presbyterian in the nation will offer to extenuate, far lefs, juftify,
He infifts on the fame Theme , in his 2 Vind: p. 91. where he tells, That wife men thought that the befi way to keep out Popery was to make ufe of the Liberty for fitting the People in the right way , 8cc. As if there had been no poflibility of keeping them from turn- ing Papifts^ but by making them Presbyterians.
5. Near of kin to this, is that other Common Head.het fometimes infifts oh , viz. That all are Papijis or Po~ piffity ajje&ed , who were not for the late Revolution. Thus, in his 1 Vmd. ad £jieH. 9. p. 4. in Anfwer to that Allegation , that the Presbyterians denyed the Kings prerogative of ma- king Peace and War, &c. He tells the world, Ifthkhis Argument can cafl any blame on Presbyterians , 'tis this^ that there are Cafes in which they allow the States and Body of the Nation
to
The Preface.
id rejiji the King fofarr as to kinder him to root out the Religion , that is by ; Law Ejiabli(hed among them : And one fijould thinhjhat he might have been^ by this time, convinced that this is not "pe- culiar to Prebyterians^ But that all the Proteftants in Britain are engaged in the fame thing. And in his True Re- prefent. (ad Ob. 2) He has thefe plain words , what was done (in removing K. J. from his Throne) was not by us alone 7 but by all the TRUE PROTE- STANTS in the Nation^ who were in- deed Concerned for the fafety of that Holy Religion, Now,
Tisuoneof my prefent bufinefsto juftify or Apologize for fuch as were, or are , agamft the late Revolution, Lit Jacobitifn be as great ane Here fie as our Author pleafe^ to call it : Let him rank it with Platonifm or Socinu anifm 5 if he will .- Only , I dare be bold to fay that it was ane oddfretch of Impudence to make it Popery.
I mentioned, a little above, hi5 Apologizing for his party's Addrejfing fo thankfully to K. j. for his Tolera- tion. And truly his performances that way may pafs ■
h 7 6, For
»W$f
>*%t**<
The Preface.
6. For another inftance of his ha- ving a good Dofe of Brow, as him- fclf commonly calls his own prime Accomplifhment. For it vvasfuch ane Arratlt mixture of Flattery and Hy- pocrify, efpecially when enlightened by their ilibfequent practice, that no Sophifiry can palliate it, fo, as to make it feem innocent; But it has been fo frequently toiled already that I need not to infill upon it : Far left, am I at leifure to examine all the ridiculous (luff our Author has vented about it. Only one thing I (hall pro- pofe to the world to be farther confi- dcr.ed.
Whofo has Read any of our Au- thors Vindications of his Church of Scotland , cannot but have obferved that, even to loathfomenefs, he was precife in purfuing his Adverfaries, foot for foot, on all occafions, when Impudence it felf could afford him any thing to fay : Yet one thing of very- great confequence, was alledged by the Author of the Second Letter , to which he has Anfwered nothing. What elfe could move our Author to this//);//// and unfeafonable //e/?^, but
the
The Preface,
the Cot?fcien-e, that it was not fit to meddle with it?
The Matter is this/ "The Author "of that Letter, having Difconrfed "'how amazed the Presbyterians " themfelves were at the Difyenfwg " Power r upon the publication of iC " J/sfirft Proclamation iorthcTo'era <c tion 3 How little forward they were, £Gat firft, to accept of it} And how ."they complyed not with its defignsy "'till they got a Second Edition of it, &.. Offered at conjecturing about the Reafons which might havt; in- duced them, afterwards, to embrace it lb thankfully and unanunouily as they did. Amongft the reft f find he infilled on this as one ^ viz. That they had got fecretinfim&ions from Holland, to comply with the Difpe?/Jmg Power in fuhferviency to the enfnitig Revolution .* And he added, that for this, he bjeiv there were very firong Preemptions. Now, G. R. I fay , polled this over % in a profound filence 3 which, tome, feemsaconfiderable preemption that there was fome truth in the matter , and the Epiftler had gueffed right/ But if it was fo, I think the Presbyte- h 3 nan
•*VW.
]0%, The Preface.
rian Addrefs to K. jf. for the Tolera- tion^ may now appear in blacker co- lours than ever.
I am earneft not to be miftaken : I do not Condemn their keeping a Correfp^ndence with the Court at the Hague s on that occafion: Let that have been done dutifully or un- dutifully, as it might .• All I am con- cerned for is this, that. If they kept a Correfpondence there, at that time} if they got encouragement or Advice, thence, to comply with the Tolera-N tion 3 If they were inftrufted to com- ply with it in fubferviency to the en- fuing Revolution^ thefe things were, I fay, then, what a villany was it in them to Addrefs to JC J. in fuch a manner?
If they had known nothing of any Defigns for fetting him befide his Throne 3 If they had been privy to no intrigues againft him} If it had been nothing but a furprize occasion- ed by fuch ane unexpected Liberty, that prevailed with them to Addrefs to him in fuch Terms, as they did on that occafion^ fomething might have been pleaded to extenqate their guilt,
at
The Preface. ' **!•*
at leaft, tho' they had complyed with the Defigns of the Revolution , after- wards, when they faw it prevailing : Their Ignorance of Intrigues, and the Politick Defigns were then oil * foot 5 and the poffibility of their ha- *" ving been fincere when they Addref- yedfo,to him, might have been plead- ed in Alleviation of the Difhonejly of their not performing what they promifed in their Addrefs 5 And it might have palled on with the com- mon croud of infirmities which ufual- ly furprizemenofweak refolution in fiich Critical junftures. But to be on Plots and Intrigues again ft him 5 To fnatch at his Conceffions that they might be in a condition to mine him, and in the mean time , to make fuch proteftations to him $ to flatter and cajole him at fuch a rate, meerly, of Defign to wheedle him into a deep fe- curity, that they might the more ex- peditely and effectually fupplant and mine him, was fuch ane inllance of iniquity, of Antichnftian craft, of rank and vilecheatry, as can fcarcely be parallel I'd in Hiftory. And fo I leave it.
h 4 Thus
x The Preface.
Thus I have given half a dozen of inftances , which might be fufficient, in all reafon for expofing our Authors goodly Impudence : And yet they may |>e reckoned amongft the moft inno- cent of many fcores that might be colle&ed in his writings. But 'tis not my prefent purpofe to purfue him in all his wild careers .• I (hall there- fore , infift only on thre^ or four fhings more, which, as I take it* may be fufficient to give the world a furfeit of him- The things I am to to take notice of, are fome Impudent fhifts he has betaken himfelfto,for ex- tricating himfelf, when, at any time, he or hi* Caufi was put to it , by any prefent difficulty. In fuch Cafes, no Jlule obliges him } no Law binds him, ho Equity bounds him , no Shame bridles him, no lenfe of Reputation pver-aws him. Thus, e.g.
7. Before he (hall be forced to yield in his Argument, or feem to be yon-plus t he (hall not fail to fnr- bifo his Talent^ and make it keen enough for combating the Commoq fenje of the whole Nation: It were gne endlefs work to f race hijn thro
1 he Preface, m\M
41 inftances he has of this Nature. . What pojfejfions have any of the Epifcopal Clergy J) been deprived ofy nnlefs for Crimes again jl the State} (2 Vind. p. 6. now, who knows not that more than ^co who were outed by the Rabble^ were deprived of their Pojfejjlons , and that by ane Aft of Parliament, without fo much as being Charged with any Crime or tryed by any Courts Again,
The Author of the Second Letter had called it K.J.'s Retirement , when he left England,, and w7ent to F ranee : So he Termeth (fays G. R. 2. Vind. p. 23) that which the Parliament called King James's abdicating the Govern- ment, Now his Author was a Scottijb man, and writing upon Scotti/I) Fiy- pothefes, and ab ,ut Scott ijh affairs, fo that, if G. R. fpake fenfe , he fpake of the Scottifo Parliament.- But I am fatisfied, that the world reckpn me as Impudent asG. R. is really, if there is fo much as one fy liable, or any thing that looks like ane intimation of King jf.'s either Abdicating or De- ferring the Government, in any Sot- tijh Declaration ^ or Law % ox Claim of
Right*
# ' • The Preface.
Right $ In any publick Deed done by the Nation. Again
2 Vind. p. 36, Fie fays, That mofl of them who were thru ft out by the Rab- bkj were put out by their own Confidences: But after this, what might he not have faid ? To trace him thro* all fuch inftances , I fay , would be ane endlefs work : I (hall therefore con- fine my felf to two 5 One a Matter of FaB : Another , a Matter of Right 3 or rather a mixt matter , in which both Right and FaB are concerned.
The Matter ofFaJi , (hall be that ftory, he fo frequently infifts on , a- bout my Lord Dundee's 2000 men, &c. in his Second Vindication. About the time the Convention of EJiates was to fit down , a Defign was dificovered (framed by the Vifcount of Dundee and other s^) to furprize and feize the Convention^ and for this end hadfiecret- ly got together ofK. J.V disbanded Soul- diers and others ah out 2 000 fir angers in Edenburgh. (p. 1 1) This Plot did our Author a great many fervices : h occafioned thofie of the Weft to gather as many into Edenburgh to oppofe them andfecuretheConvention. (ibid.j Mark
here,
The Preface.
here, they were thofe of the Weft who Gathered the Rabble into Eden- burgh ^ and this Gathering was only occafwnal , and of their own proper motions Mark thefe things, I fay, and compare them with what follows. Again,
That there was a Vefign to fall on the Minijlers of Edenburgh > is affirmed on no ground , and without any Truth ^ Or that the Colledge of Juftice Armd in their Defence : It was rather on the fame Defign on which the Vifcount of Dundee had gathered forces into the Town , and it was for oppofing of themy and not for Ajfaulting the Minijiers of Edenburgh. Obid. 39) And (p. 40) The thanks the Rabble got was for their zeal in Defending the Convention from that oppofite Rabble , viz. the 2000 men Dundee and others had gathered into Edenburgh, to have feized the Convene tion. Again, (p. 96) That the Weftern Rabble which came to Edenburgh in the time of the Convention were in Arms againji Law, (fays he) is falfe, for they were called by the Authority of the Ejlates as their Guard, when their Ene- mies had gathered & formidable party
into
The Preface.
i nto Edenburgh. And thJ they were to- gether before the Earl of Levin got the command^ yet not before they were called together by the EJiates. (ibid.) And (p. no) He (Dundee) had gathered a formidable party to dejlroy the Convention of EJiates , and they gathered a force for their own fecurity. Now ,
One who is a meer ftranger tQ Scattijh affairs, finding this Plot of Dundee's, fo confidently aliened , fo frequently infifted on, made ufe of to ferve fo many turns , would feem to have Reafon to believe that there was really fuch a Plot \ and that all this was uncontrovertible Matter of Faff. For how is it to be imagined that one who undertook to be the Vindicator of the Kingdom of Scotland^ fhould talk fo boldly of fuch a Recent Matter of Fad, if there was no fuch thing really ? And yet ,
The whole Nation knows , this whole Matter is as Notorious Figment, as Arrant Poejie, as is in all Homer or Ovid's Metamorfhofis : For my part, I never fo much as once heard of it . (and I was at Edenburgh for the moft part, the whole year 1689) till I
found
.•*
The Preface.
found it afierted by G. R. in his Second Vindication , /. e. toward the end of the year 1691. And let the world judge of its Credibility.
Poets themfelves fhould be careful to. feign things Plaufibly : Butitfeems our Author has never Read fo much as the firft ten lines of Horace, De Ar- te Poetica.
That Convocation of the Rabble from the Weft , which was at Eden- burgh when the Convention of Eftates met , would not have amounted to above 6 or 700 men. I faw thera aftaally drawn up between the ToU booth and the Wei gh- hon fj, e of Eden- burgh 0 upon the i8*Aday of March 1689. I am confident they were not 8 oo, yet,tho' they were but a Rabble, raw and nntraind men, they chafed Dundee out oiEdenburgh, tho' he had 2 coo Train d and Difciplind men un- der his command 5 and yet#the lame Dundee with fcrace 2000 Untraind% Undifciplind Highlanders routed near to 4000 Train d and Difciplind men 2xGillichranky: But this is notall.
You may obferve , he fays , it was not to Defend the Minifters of Eden*
burgh ,
The Preface.
burgh, that the Col/edge of Jufiice Arm'd, but in purfuance of that fame Defign with Dundee , viz. the fur- prizing and feizing of the Convention, Wow , be it h^tow to all men , that the Convocation of the Rabble which oc- casioned the Arming of the Colledge of Juftice was quite different from that Convocation which was made when the Eftates met. The iVeflem Rabble met firft at Edenburgh, with a Defign to have infulted the Mini- ftersof that City, about the 24th of January , and their numbers were daily increasing. The Colledge of Juftice Arm'd and kept Guard about the 2 5 or %6th of that month. About the middle of- February , there was a Proclamation over the Crofs of Eden- burgh , Commanding all in Arms except the Garrisons , &c. to Disband. Uport this, the Colledge of Juftice Difarmed immediately. All this while , Dun- dee was fo far frorti haVihg got to- gether 2000 to furprize the Conven- tion, that neither was the Convention fo much asindifted (for the Letters by which it was indi&ed bear date no fooner than Feb. 5, at $t. James\
and
The Preface.' &11U
and fome fix or eight or ten days , I think, were gone, before they were delivered to all perfons concern d in Scotland.) Nor was Dundee as yet come from England to Scotland. Well! Was not the Wefiern Rabble, which was in Edenburgh in the time of the Convention, called by the Meeting of Eftates for Counterplotting Dun* dee's Plot ? Pure Poefte ft ill ! For did not our Author himfelf fay (p. 1 1) That Dundee's having got together 20CO men, 8tc. occafioned thofe in the Weft to gather as many into Edenburgh to
oppofe him } Now if they were only
occafionally Gathered by thofe in the
Weft, how could they be called by
the Authority of the Eftates ? Were
thofe in the Weft^ who Gather e d them,
the Eftates > Befides , I would only
ask G. R. if he can as readily pro- duce the Order of the Eftates for lea- vying thefe men for Defending the
Convention againft Dundee , as I can
produce their Act for returning
thanks to them? Let him fearch all
the Records and try if he can find
fuch ane Order. In (hort,
Who knows not that that Rabble
was
.m tfa.
The Preface.
Was inEdenburgh as e^r/? as the Eftates themfelyes? The Eftates (as all Bri- tain knows) met on the 14th day of March : The Rabble threat ned Dun- dee on the 15 th or 16th : He repre- fented it to the Eftates on Moonda/s morning, being the tith-z He could find ne> fecurity for his perfon : He departed therefore from Edenburgh with (bme 28 or 30 perfonsin his re- tinue, that fame day, and never faw it again. All this was done before Levin got his Commiffion from the Eftates to Command the Babble , or form them into Regular Troop. Be- sides,
Let the world confider if it requi- red not even Poetick, Expedition, to have got that Rabble leaviedby Order of the Meeting oi Eftates. There could not be ane Order of the Eftaites for leavying them, before the Eftates met, as I take it : The Eftates met on Tkurfday 1 \th afternoon: on Moon- day the 18th , Thefe men wefe in Ranfand File^ on the ftreetof Eden* burgh : And many, moft of them lived at 50, 60, 70, miles diftance from the City- This, one would think , was
The Preface. **>VX
ho ordinary Expedition. And now let any man judge if G. i?* was not infpired with a goodly dofe of Poetic^ (tire (hall I call it > Or) Fury, when he laid this foundation of Dundee's Plot , and raifed fo many pretty ftruftures upon it. And (b much, of his modefty in narrating Matter of vieer Fa&. But is he as modeft at mixt Matters where both Right and Facf are concerned ? Confider him but in one inftance, for brevity.
The Author of the Second Letter had given ane Account of Doftor Strachans Defence, when he appeared before the Committee of Eftates, and was Challenged for not praying tor W. and JVi. as K. and <g. of Scotland , &c.This5for fubftance: That theEfiates had found in their Claim of Right , that none could beK. and Q^of Scotland till they hadfworn the Coronation Oath : For this Reafon^ they had Declared that James by Ajjuming the Regal Power , and Atting as King , without having taken the Oath required by Law — had forfeited the Right to the Crown : That all the Efiates had yet done^was only the Nomination ofW. andM. as the Per- i font
* "*• The Preface.
fons to whom the Crown Jhotttd be offered } But they had not yet actually piade the offer : Far lefs had W. and M. accepted of it : It was pojjible they might refit f it : But tho they fwuld not, yet, they coul i not be K. andQ^of 'Scot- land till they had folemnly fworn the Oath. This was not yet done : And therefore he could not fee how he could Pray for them as K. and Q. <v/Scotland 5 nor how the Eftates, in Reafon, or in Confequence to their own principles could require it of him One would think there was fome force in this Defence. Yet,
Our Author had fuch a Force of Impudence as promoted him to offer at confuting it. But how } It is known (fays he) that the Exercife of the Go- vernment had been a long before , ten- dered to the Prince, and that his High- nefs had Accepted and Exercifed it. True 5 It vas tendered to him on the tenth of January i63% andheac cepted of it upon the 14^. But what was this to M. } Was the Exercife of the Government Tendered to Her alio > Or did this Tender made to W. and his Accepting of it make him
King >
The Preface.
King ? Was he King ever after the 14th of January ?
Obferve here, by the way , when our Author had the Rabble to Defend, and the Eftates to juftify for not re- ftoring the Rabbled Minifters (and the Nation knows , hundreds were Rabbled after that \\th of January) He could tell it twenty times over that that wasane Interregnum , a State of Anarchy , &c. So that, if I miftake not, it may try his Reconciling SkjUto make what he fays here, and what he faid on thefe occasions, piece well to- gether. Proceed we now to what he has faid more about Strachans De- fence.
The Nations Reprefentative(fayshe) had then own d him (W.) as their King^ and therefore it was a contempt of the Authority of the Nation for any man to refufe to own him , when called to do fo* Now, what could move our Author to fuch afiretchofKis mainTalent^ as thus to fay that the Reprefentative of the Nation had owned him as their King ? I confefs I am not able to fa- thom. For, how could they own him as TGtfgfolong as he had notta- i % ken
ty.! Iff.
The Preface.
keq the Oath, nor Agreed to the Claim of Right} If they own'd him as King before that , was he not King before that > Rut if he was King before that, where is thez//eof the Oath , or the Claim of Right}
The Eltates, indeed, upon the i \th of April Declared IV. and M. to be the Ferfons to whom they had re- folved to Offer the Crown, uponfuch andfuch Conditions, as is evident from that day's Proclamation : But the fet- ter of the Efiatcs by which they actu- ally made the Offer of the Crown, on thefe Conditions, was not written till April i^. and the return, bearingthat They had Accepted of the Crown , on thefe Conditions , is dated May ij. And was not Doftor Strachan De- prived , even before the Letter of thel dates wrs fent to 1 on don} Were not more than 24Minifters Deprived before their Majcities return came to Edenlmrgh} Relides,
G. R.'s Impudence, as ftnrdy as it is, did not ferve him, it feems, to give a faithful Account of D Strachan s De- fence, and grapple wiih all the force of it,: For the Dodor (if the Author
of
The Preface.
of the Second Letter was ri^ht) made thefuppofition, that TJ\ ar/d M. might refufe to take the Crovcn with fuch Conditions : This was fo far from being ane IiTjpoffible,that it was truly a very Reafonable, a very Equitable, a very Dutiful flippolltion : Now, fuppofe they had done fo, would they have been K. and £K for all that, by vertue of the Declaration of the E- fhtesofthe nth of April} ]f fo , I ask again, what the Coronation Oath, or the Claim of Right fignified ? Or were the Eftates to make them K. and j£i whither they would or not ? If, upon that fuppotition they had not been K. and J^.(as, undoubtedly, they had not been) then , what can be more evident than that the Pro clamation of the I ith of April, did no more than Nominate them to be K. and S^ upon their Agreeing to fuch Conditions ? So that G. R. was even himfelf,when he faidthat the Nations Representative had orrnd them as K. and ^before the 13th of 'April. Iadd further,
What tho' they had orvnd them as
K. and j^ by their Proclamation of
i 3 the
.v
v The Preface-
%ht I ith ^f April > Did not the whole Drift , the whole Defign , the whole Train, the \\Jhole Tei/de//^, the whole Affect , and the whole Circumflanres of the Deliberations , Refolutions and Concisions of the Efiatcs evidently propofe it to the dulleft apprehenfton, that the Gvnvz was not to be granted to them , but on fuch and fuch Con- ditions} ThisQueftionI propofe, for vindicating D.Strachan from the guilt of Contempt of the Authority of the Eftates, with which G. R. charges him : For if the affirmative in the Qucftion be true, (and, I think, G. R. himfelf dares not to fay , 'tis falfe) then, I ask how it could be called a Contempt of the Authrity of the Na- tion to have refufed, then, to own W. and M. as K. and <g\ ? How can he be faid to Contemn the Authority of the Nation, who Reafons upon the Nations Authority } Who Reafons upon the Force of all the Deliberations, Re- folutions and Conclufions of the Repre- fentative Body of the Nation} If do- ing fo, he doth yet Contemn the Au- thority of the Nation , I am apt to tfcink, it cannot be his Fault : He doth
but
The Preface. , *£*tty
but what a man muft needs do », when the Nation makes Repugnant and Con- tradictory Determinations. But after all this , is it not pleafant that G. R. forfooth, (hould fo zealoufly exagge- rate the Crime of Contemning the Au- thority ot the Nation} Good Man! He paid it a wonderful Duiifalnefs all his life ; Far was it ftill from him to treat it with fuch Contempt as Dr. Strachans amounted to. But he has not yet done.
He Anfwers further, that it is a Material mijiake of the words of the Cham of Right : (that was alledged in Strachans Defence) which doth not fay^ none ca?z be King or ghteen, but that none can exercife the Regal Power till they have taken the Coronation Oath: It is certain that on the death of a King, f
his Rightful Succejfor is King 5 and may be prayed for as fuch 5 and fuch praying may be injoined even before taking oft he Oath : The fame may be faid of one Chokn^and Proclaim *d by the Supreme Authority of the Nation , which is the Cafe now in hand.
Here is a piece of as odd fluff 'as one
would wifti to fee : For, if it was a
i 4 Ma-
• W# The Preface.
Material miftake to fay, none can he King or Queen, when it Ihould have been (aid , none can exercife the Regal Power , it feems to me to have been a tni flake made of very Mathematical Matter , not of the folid fenfihle Mat- ter , which can be felt and handled: For my part I cannot forbear think- ing it muft be compounded of Nega- tive Quantities , till I (hall learn how one can be a King, i.t.a Perfon who has Right to Rule and Alt as King) who has, yet, no Right to exercife the Regal Power, or AS as King I know, one may be PhyficaUy incapable of ex- ercifing the Regal Power , and Acting as King, by himfelf, in feveral Cafes, fuchasthat of Infancy, Sec. yet even then, he has Right which is not a Phy- sical but a Moral Quality. Now, I fay, I would fain undeiftand how one can be a King, without this Moral Qua- lity 5 or how he can have this Moral Quality , called Right , and yet be Moraf,y incapable of exercifing it. I (hall own Gv R. is good at Metaphy- fckj , if he can give ane Intelligible Account of thefe things. Well ! But it is certain , that on the death
of
The Preface,
of a King? his Rightful Succeffor is K-ing, andmay be Prayed for , as fuchj and fuch Praying may be injoyned even before taking of the Oath: All this is trues But then I affirm it is as true that that Rightful Succeffor who is King, may and can exercife the Re- gal Power and AS as King before he takes the Oath. So, I am fure, our Scottifl) Monarchs have done: So tke Law allows them to do, fo, of neceffi- ty they muft do. For inftance, they are not bound , by Law to take the Oath but at their Coronation : And (not tofpeak of other things) I think it is truly ane exercilmg of their Regal Power , and ASing as Kings to ap- point the preparations/^, the day, the place, the folemnities, &c. 0/their own Coronations .- For, I think, none other can do it but the King , and, if fo, he muft do it as King^ other- wife , another might do it. But thei>, Tho' I have granted our Author this much,that the Rightful Succeffor is King before he takes the Oath , I think no Reafon can oblige me to grant what followeth, vi%. That the fams may be faid of ONE CHOSEN,
and
*tf 1%U
•W f%ft. The Preface.
4nd Proclaimed by the Supreme Autho- rity of the Nation , which is the CASE NOW IN HAND- For, (not to in- fift on the Liberty our Author hath taken here, to call their Majefties Elective Soveraigns , in oppofition to fuch as are Hereditary , tho.', I think, It was pretty bold in him to talk fo) I think this is one of the moft nota- ble differences, between ane Heredi- tary and ane Eledfive Monarchy, that in the Hereditary, the King never dies , *. e. In that fame inftant that the Reg- nant Kings breath goeth out, the Rightful SuccefTor is King : Whereas in the EleUive Monarchy the King dies with the Man , and there is no King till there is a New Creation. This, I think, makes the Cafes pretty wide: And, I think, they are wider , yet, when he that is to be the Elecled King) is not to be King at all , till he Agrees to fuch and fuch Conditions : Who fees not a vaft difference be* tween the Hereditary and the Elective King in this Cafe > But not to prefs our Author farther, and once for all to end thisControverfie about Strach- &n$ Defence, take what follows for undoubted Truth. Upon
The Preface.
Upon that fame very eleventh of April 1689, on which the Ejiates gave. out their Proclamation, importing that they had Refolved that \V. and Ma (hould be K, and ^, of Scotland, they ena&ed their Declaration containing the Claim of Right, and their Refolu- Hon to Ofjer the O'tfzwz only on the Terms of that Claim 3 and not only fb, but they made this following. A&9 word for word.
Forafmuch as the Ejiates of this King- dom, by their former Acts Declared that they would continue undijfolved until the Government, Laws and Li- berties of the Kingdom fhould be fet- tled and fecured 3 and they having now proceeded to Refolve that W. and M. R. and Q. of England, be, and be Declared K. and Q. ^/Scotland: And confidering that the Nation can- not be without Government until the faid K. and Q. of England accept the Offer of the Crown, accordingtothe Inftrument of Government, and take the Oath required before they en- ter to the Exercife of the Regal Pow- er $ Therefore the faid Ejiates do here- by Declare and Emdi, that they will
con-*
8*1 W- The Preface.
continue in the Government , as for- merly ^ until their Majejlies accept- ance of the Crown, and their taking ofthejaidOath he made kjiown to them. If this Aft doth not make it evident that there was no Material Miftake of the words of the Claim of Right jn Dr. Stracharis Defence^ But that the DolJor pleaded and Re a fond upon the Mani- fest Principles of the Meeting of Eftdtes: If it doth not Demonftrate that the Doftors Plea was Solid and Irrefra- gable, and if it follows not by necef- fary confequence, thatit wasaneun- accoutable proceeding of the Commit- tee of Efl ate s to deprive the Do&or^ and near to thirty more ioxnotpray- ing for W. and M. as K. and <g. of Scotland^ before they were , or could he K and CKof Scotland , let the intelli- gent Reader judge. But if thefe infe- rences are notorioufly juft, then let him judge again, if G. R. by offering to invalidate the Dr.'s Defence^was not guilty of a palpable indifcretion, in refrefhing the memory of fuch an un- accountable proceeding of the Meeu ing of the Committee of Eftates , which had been far better buried in perpe- tual
The Preface.
tual oblivion, and laftly let him judge, if it argued not more than ane ordi- nary Impudence in G. JR. to have at- tempted the Defence of that Proce- dure 5 And if fuch ane attempt was not, witha Fetch of his Talent, pecu- liar to himfelf , to offer violence to Reafon and Law, to Jujiice and Equi- ty, to the Light of Nature, and the Common fenfe of Mankind.
One would think, 'twas Impudence enough in all Confcience , to have made fo bold with common Huma- nity, and particularly, with the Uni- verfal Convi&ions of ones Native Country, as to a plain Matter of Fad : But fuch is our Authors fhare of that Daring Talent, that affifted by it, he could even flee in the face of his Learer Relations, and leave them in the Lurch , rather than appear to have been worfted in his Argument: Thus, e.g.
8. When he was put to it , and could not, otherwife, make his efcape, he never made fcruple to flee in the face of the prefent Civil Government • He tells you, indeed, in his Preface to 2 Vind. \. 6. That one of his De- signs
The Preface.
figns in writing his Book was to Vin- dicate and Juftify the Aftings of the Civil Government. Believe him, on many occafions, and he is a moft du- tiful Subjeft 5 there cannot be a great- er Reverencer of Authority 5 He tells you , Jits a fawcy boldnefs for private per Ions to meddle with the Defighs of Le- gi/lators. (2 Vind. p. 1 12) And God knows how frequently he expofes his Adverfaries to the Refentments of the Civil Government : How zealous is he for flretching necks ', &c? And yet, for all this, as much as he is obliged to it, as great a veneration as he pre- tends for it , it muff not only fhift for it felf , but he muft run through its fides , if he has not another hole to efcape by. I (hall only take notice of two inftances of his behaviour this way.
The frfl is in his z Vind. (p, 12) His Adverfary had laught at the Pres- byterian Addrefs , and their protefta- tion of Loyalty to K ]. But I would fain know (fays G. R.) by what Topick, either of thefe can be Condemned. I think, I have hinted, at leaft, atT}?- pick, enough about that; Go we on ,
now.
The Preface.
now , with our Author : They gatie thanks for rejloring them to their jujl Right: Neither is this the Matter: They Profeffed and praBifed Loyalty to- wards the;r LAWFUL Soveraign, thd of a different Religion from them. Here it is. tor don't you hear him plainly affirming, that K. J, was a LAW- FUL SOVERAIGN? Now what was this lefs than {hiking at the very- root of the prefent Eftabliftiment ? Is it not a direft Contradifting of the Claim of Eighty which Declares that K. J. had forfeited the Right to the Crown by ajfuming the Regal Power , and AU- ing as King , without ever taking the Oath required by Law ? /. e. Manifeftly, fornot being a LAWFUL SOVE- RAIGN.If thustoContradift its very foundation, ftrikes not at the root of the prefent Conftitution , let the world judge. But fo it was, that our Author could not otherwife juftify the Presbyterian Addrefs0 &c. Again, " One of his Adversaries had Ar- <c gued, that Epifcopacy was abolifh- cc ed by the Parliament as being con- cc trary to the Inclinations of the Peo~ " pie , and therefore , if the People
.tr / *x
(C
fliould
The Preface.
" ftiould alter their Inclinations , it " might be rejiored by another Par- " liament.
Ooe would think there was Rea- fon here 5 and it feemsG. R. wasfen- fible of it : And therefore finding no other way to avoid its Dint 9 he ftraight impugns the Power of King and Parliament. Take his own words (2 Vind p. 90 ) But he ffjould have con- fidered (fays he) that whatever Motive the EJlates went upon , it is Declared againfi in the Claim of Right as a Grie- vance^ and therefore, cannot he rejiored without overturning the Foundation of our prefent Civil fettlement. He is at this, again, in other places, upon the like occafions, particularly p. 152. Now, Not to infift on the Irreligion and Godlefsnefs of that wild fetch , viz* That whatfoever the Motives were which induced men to Eftablifh any thing , yet being once Eftablifh't it cannot be altered 5
Not to infift on the notorious un- reafonablenefs of feparating the Con- clufion of the Eftates from their Pre- tniffes, and faying the Conclujion mull: ftand tho' the Premises be reje&ed ,
tho*
The Preface.
tho* they F.ftablifhed the Conclufon oil the ftrength they apprehended was in the Fremijfcs.
Not toinfift onthetheRidiculouf- nefi; of faying,that Epifcopacy cannot be reftored without overturning the Foundation of the prefent civil Settle- ment : Tho nothing can be more Ri- diculous than to fay that the founda- tions of the prefent ci vil Settle went are Subverted, if all Ecclefiaftical Grievan- ces are not Redrefled.
Not to infiffc that our Author fpake very much at Random when he cal- led the Abolition of Epifcopacy, one of the Fundamentals of the prefent Civil Settlement, confidering that the prefent Civil Settlement was not on- ly Founded, but F,nifloed, a good time before the Abolition of Epifcopacy : Not to infift on thefe things, I fay \ However Momentous.
Confider, only, how dire&ly and plainly he Impugns the power of King and Parliament, by faying. They can- not Rejlorc Epifcopacy without Subver- ting the Foundations of the prefent ci- i?l Settlement* What is this lefs than that \ if King and Parliament fhould k Rcjlort
The Preface.
Rejiore Epifcopacy, they fhould brea\ their Original contra&s ? Than that both (hould forfeit their Titles > Than that the King {hould be no wore King, and the Parliament (hould be no more Parliament ?
Is it not clear that, with our Au- thor, the Articles of our prefent Claim of Right are tf//tf/fertf ^Unchangeable Rules both to King and Parliament } Now if this is not to impugn their poverJ know not what can be.In ef- fect it is to Evacuate the ufefulnefs of all Sovereign power : For where lyeth its ufefulnefs i if it is not able to re&i* fy what is f mifs* even in the Conflituti- on } But how can it re&ify what is a- mifs, in the Conjlitution, if the Conflu tution, Right or Wrong/is unalterable.
For my part, I cannot fee but there is ftill that Supreme power in the Na- tion, which was, when the prefent civil Settlement was made : And as it might, while it was a making Settle* ments, have made either another^ or the fa/;/i\ with twenty little varie- ties, fo, it may ftill alter that which is made. I cannot think that it either Disabled or Exhaufted it felf, fo, as
to
77, V t ^ m
l he Frej ace.
to be no more capable of providing farther, or otherwife, for the Good of the Nation, when it (hall find it necef- fary.
In fhort, Is not that fame power ftili in the Nation which eftablithed the Claim of Right ? if it is not, what is become of it ? How can the Nation fubfift without a Supra-Legal, Supra- Original-Contract, Supra claim of Right Power} It had it once, otherwifehow could it ever have had Laws, or Claims of Right, or Original Contra&s ? And miift it not have it ftill > Hasit loft it? Or throv*. n it away > Or has any body taken it from it ? But if it is ftill to the fore 5 If the Nation is |till poffefled of it 5 where is it/ odg- ed, if it is not Lodged in King and Parliament ?
Was there more power in the meet- ing of Eftates than there is, now, in King and Parliament ? How came the meeting ofEjlates by it, then ? Or whether is it vanished iipw ? What is become of it > Especially,
I think, Twas pretty bold to fay
that the fame power is not in the pre-
Cent King and the prefent Parliament $
6 4 Confide ring
.ntt iy*.
The Preface. Considering that the prefent Parlia- ment is that fame very individual thing with the meeting of Efiates by which the claim of Right was Created* Csnnot the fame, the very fame Cre- ators pretend to a power of Altering their o\vnil/-made Creature, and make it Better} Had they more power un- der One name than under Another ? Or have they weakened or loft their power by communicating it to their / w?0 fb that there is not fo much power, Now, in him, and them both together, as there was once in f£e#/ Singly?
And now let the Reader Judge if G. J?, for avoiding a difficulty, has not impudently run himfelf into the Guilt otthe molt Atrocious, themoft Criminal, the moft Treafonable Trea- fon 5 TheTreafon of impugning the power of- King and Parliament. This was odd enough, for one in his cir- cumftances : But yet the next ftep feemsto me a little more Surprizing: For.
9 On feveral occafions, he has not flood on difgracing his own dear, party., the Presbytertans themfelves,
and
The Preface.
and moft undutifully, as well as im- pudently, difcovering their Naked-* nefs. I {hall not infift on all inftan- ces that might be adduced to this purpofe, particularly his Loading the Cameronians with fo much Guilt and fo many hard Names , upon every turn : The Cameronians , I fay, thefe Men of plain principles, thefe avow- ed Covenanters, thefe mod: Orthodox and Honeft Presbyterians in the Na- tion 5 even them tho they are the true Champions of the Caitfe, and were the principal promoters ofthe Presbyterian intereft in the begin- ning of the late Revolution, he has Lailit to purpofe, when his Argument requir'd it 3 as may be feen in every page a 1 moft of his Second vindication. But this I fhall not infift on, I fay , leaving him and them to reckon for it, if they fhall think it fit.
I fhall take notice only of one ve- ry tender Secret of his own Anoma- lous Species of pretended Presbyteri- ans which he has even needle •(sly, and by confequence,very foolifcly and///?- dutijfu/Jy cxpofed.He has, in his Books, made many more inexcufablj o$cu kj
The Preface^
pus Lies, than if he had made One for covering fuch a Mighty Shame of theirs : But 'tis hard for one of his prudence to avoid fuch efcapes, when preffed with a . pungent Argument, The matter is this.
Thq Author of the Cafe of the afflict- ed Clergy had faid, that the Presby- terian Minifters , never preached a- gainft the diforders of the Rabble : Now hear G. R.(x vind p. ^y.)Thu is Falfe0 tho we thought not fit to make that our conflant Theme. Now, that Rabbling work^ was fuch a Barbarous 2nd Unchrifian work, that one would think, it had not misbecome the Presbyterian Minifters thetnfelves to have made it, at leaft, very much their Theme on that occafion. But the Se- cret is not here.
He adds, And if but few did it 5 It wm becaufe theyjvho were the victors in that Scene, little Regarded the preach- ing of the Sober Presbyterians : A great many things may be obferved here : For befides that he owns they were but few who pre a- he d agamft. the Rah- kJing, It might be of ufe to enquire at our Author, what kind ofScene he
took
* The Preface.
took it to be ? Whither was it Tra- gical or Comical } or Both } Tragical to the PrelatiHs, and Comical to the Presbyterians} It were worth enqui- ring likewife, whom he meant, by Sober Presbyterian Preachers ? If there are any fuch in the Nation ? How many? Where do they preach, &c. But Iinfiftnot on theft things , be- caufe the Secret is not arnongft them. Yet
The next thing he produces is worth the Noticing. And they (The Sober Presbyterian Preachers, if they had preached againft Rabblmg the Clergy) Should have loft their SWEET WORDS. Now, here is fubjeft af- forded for feveral weighty Contro- verfies : For it may be made a Que- ftion, Whither it be the duty of &>- her Presbyterian Preachers to pre.ach Righteoufnefs to a Rebellious people , whither they will Hear, or whither they will Forbear} It may be made ano- ther,Whither our Author, here, gave up all the Rabblers to a reprobate Senfe } *Tis poffible he meant fb. For the Sweeteji words, the Sobereft Presbyte- rians can utter in their preachings arc k 4 not
<j?\;xf.
The Preface.
not too precious to be fpent on fiich as are in a ftate ot P eclaimabknefs J&ut that which I tak^ ~o be the moft pro- per Queftion, the Queftion that ari- feth moft: naturally from the Text, is, Whithei I resbyterian Words are not Smeteer than that they fhould be Spent on fuch needkfs purpofes, as the Recommendation and Afiertion of Right eonjnejs, and the Condemnation of Iniquity } Whither it had not been ane unaccountable prodigality in them to have lost their Sweet words , about fuchTrifiwg concernsasthefe?But nei- ther is the Secret here : But it fol- lows now.
Thefe practices of the Rabble were public kly fpoken agamjk by Mimjlers % both before they were Acted, for prevent- ing the;::, a''d lifter^ for Reproving thepti and preventing the like. Here it is, I fay : Has he not, here, difco- yered ane important Secret of his par- ty ? Has he not difcovered that the Rabbling of the Clergy was not the product of Chance or Accident, but 3 Deliberated, a Confulted, ane Ad- yifed pol'/'ck? Has he not difcover- tat even theibber Presbyteriau
Minifters
7 he Preface,
Minifters were privy to the plot of it? Has he not told, that theyfpa^eaT gainji it, before it was Acled , for pre- venting it ? And doth it not follow clearly that they kpew of it before it was Acted: for if they had known no- thing of it, how could they have fpe- ken againft it for preventing it?
But tho they knew of it, that it was to be done, yet, it feems, They Ccnfented not that it ftiould be Done 5 For they fpake againft it for preventing of it. But I am afraid our Author , here, turnd weary of his Sincerity : For who fpake publickly againft thefe practices of the Rabble ? Or where ', or when were they fpoken againft, before they were affed ? I dare challenge him to name one of his moft fober Pres- byterian Minifters who preached pub- lic dy againft them for preventing of them. When I am put to it I can name more than One or Two, who pretend to be of the Firjl Rank of the Sober Presbyterian Minifters, who knew of them indeed, and Confulted private- ly about them } and faid, It was the furefl way j to have the Curates once dif- fofejfed : Becaufe, Once difpojfejfed ,
they
The Preface.
they might find difficulties in being Re* poffejfed : But I never heard of fo much as One who preached againft them before they were Done. I am very confident G. R. cannot name One. Indeed,
Seeing, as our Author Grants, they knew of the Rabbling before it was Acted 5 If they had been fo ferious a- gainft it, as they fhould have been, and as our Author would have us be- lieve they were , how natural and eafy, as well as Chriftian and Dutiful had it been, to have ghren Adver- tifements to the poor men who were to fufFer it, about it ? Was ever any fuch thing done ? But it feems Pres- byterian words were Sweeter to Pres- byterian palates than Common huma.* nity or Ckrijiian Charity : They were too Sweet to be Lojl in fuch Adver- tifements. By this time, the Reader, I think, has got a proof of G. R.'s tendernefs, even, to his own Herd , when the Argument of ane Adverfa- ry pinched him. But this is not the Higheft ftept. For
10. If ane Argument ftraitens him. He never (lands to baffle, andexpofe,
and
The Preface.
and contradift and make a Lier of his own Learned, Senfible, Civil Mo- deft Self. And, here, again, One might write a large volume, but I (hall confine my felf to a Competent number of inftances.
Firft, then, you never faw a Pre- latiji and a Presbyterian Contradict- ing one Another, in more plain, op- posite and peremptory Terms, than he has done himfelf on feveral occa- sions. Take this Tafte
In his Anfwer to D. Stil/ingfleet's Irenicum ^p. 64) He is at great pains to prove that where Epifcopacy is, Presbyters have no power : Particu- larly, he has thefe two profound Ar- guments for it. 1. If Bifhops be fet over Presbyter!, they mufh either be only Prarfides, which if not contrary to Pa- rity 3 or they mufl have Authority above ^ and over their Brethren : And iffo^ They may rule without their Brethren , Seeing they may command them , &c. 2. If Presbyters under a Bifhop have ruling powe)\ either they may Determine without^ or againjl his confent^ or not : tf f°-> The Bifhop is but a Prefident : If not 1 The Presbyters are but Cyphers.
Nov/
•«y. is*
The Preface.
Now who would think that one of G. .R.'s Courage would ever have par- ted with fuch ane important propo- fition, efpecially , having fuch im- pregnable Arguments for it > Yet.
Confider if he has not done it, moft notorioufly in his Anfwer to the Doctors Unreafonablenefs ofthefe- paration^ &c pag. 182. where he has thefe expreis words. He (The Do- ftor) Z)ndertaketh to prove that the Englifh Epifcopacy doth not take away
the whole power of Presbyters we
do not alledge that it taketh away the whole power of Presbyters^ for that were to reduce them into the fame order with the reft of the people 5 but wee fay it ttfurpeth ane undue power over them^ &cl Again,
In his Firjl Vind. of his Church of Scotland^ His caufe led him, in Anfw. to £>uejl. 10. to fay That K. J's.Tol- leration was againji Law : He was preffed with this Argument about the Inclinations of the people^ l That " not fifty Gentlemen, in all Scotland "(out of the Weft.) did. upon the In- cc dulgence , forfake the Churches to ^ frequentMee//>g houfes :And bis An*
fwer
The Preface. fwer was. They clave to the former way (i.e. Continued in the Epifcopal Communion) Becaufe the Law jiood for it. Is it not plain, here, that the Meeting houfes were contrary to Law} Hear him, now, in his 2 vind. (p. 4^ 44« Vajfim^ when he was preft with the Scandal of his party's Complying with the difpenfing/wrer, and ereft- ing Meeting houfes contrary to Law. He affirmed boldly, that the Difpen- fing power was according to Law^ And K. J. was enabled ly Law^ to Grant his Toleration. Again,
In his 2. vind. in Anfw. to Letter 1 * § 9. p. iz. when he had the Meet- ing of Eftates to Apologize for, for fuffering and allowing perfons to fit as Members , who were not Qualified according to Law. He Granted fome fuch Members fate there, buttheyhad been moji nnjuftly Forfeited in the Late Reign. Even Parliamentary Forfei* tures, you fee were moft Unpift For* feitures, and there was no Reafon that they fhould exclude thefe Gen- tlemen from their Jull and Antient Rights and Priviledges. But when he was prelfed by the Author of fhe
Cafe
<****
w**
The Preface.
Cafe of the Afflicted Clergy, &c. with this " That many Minifters Benefices <l were unjuftly and illegally kept from " them 5 he got his Cloak, on the other Shoulder, as we fay, if the Authority of the Nation in the convention or Par- liament have Determined otherwife , I know not where their Legal Right can he founded, (p. 96. # 6.) It was not fo much as Knowable, to our Author, in that Cafe, that there might be mofl ZJnjufi Parliamentary Determina- tions.
It were ane endleis work to ad- duce all fuch little Squabbles as thefe, between himfelf and himfelf .• I fhall Infift, therefore, only on two more, which are a little more Considera- ble. And
Firft, Our Author was not at more pains about any one thing in his Anfw. toD. StiUh lrenicum, than the Infepa- rablenefs that is between the Teaching and Ruling power of Presbyters : He (pent no lefs than 8 or 9 pages about it , Stretching his Invention to find Arguments for it: Whofopleafes to turn to page 79 may fee the whole Dedu&ion
He
The Preface.
He is asearneft about it in hisTrue
Reprefentation% &c. Thefe are his words (prop. 1 3) There being no Difpa- rity of power amongfi Minijiers by Chrijis Grant of power to them^ No man can make this Difparity by fetting One over the refl : Neither can they Devolve their power on one of them- felves : For Chrijl hath given no fuch warrant to men to difpofe of his Ordi- nances, as they fee fit : And power be- ing Delegated to them by him> They can- not fo commit it to Another to Exercife it for them, as to deprive themfelves of it. Alfo, it being not a Licence only, But a Truft, of which they mufi give ane account* They mufi perform the work by themfelves as they will be An- fwerable. Now, it is not poffible for one to contradid himfelf more than he hath done both Indire&ly and Di- rectly in this matter.
He hath Contradi&ed himfelf In* d'ireUly, and by unavoidable Confe- quence, in fo far as he hath owned, or owns himfelf a Presbyterian, and for the Lawfulnefs (not to fay the Necejfity) of Scottifo Presbyterian Ge- neral Aflemblies of the prefent Con-
ftitution,
•\^\ ff**
*¥/#•
The Preface.
ftitudbn. 4/or, are all the Ruling Officers of Chrifts appointment, Both Preaching and Governing Elders al- lowed to be Members of General Af- femblies ? Do they all difcharge their Trtijij and perform their work^ by them- felves , there^ as they will be Anfwcra- ble to him, from whom they got their Trail} Doth not every Presbytery (conGfting of ii, i65 or 20 preachings and as many Ruli?tg Elders) Send on- ly fome Three or Four Preaching El- ders, and only One Ruling Elder to the General Ajfembly ? Do they not .Delegate thefe, and Devolve their pow- er upon them and Conjiitute theiti their Represent saves for the Aflem* bly ? Let their Cemmiffions be Infpefl:- ed? and let it be Tryed, if it is not fo: Now, How is fuch a Delegation Confident with our Authors pofition about the IndevotJbilify or Indelega- bility^ of fuch a power} It were eafy to purfue this farther in its Confequents. Now what an ill thing is it3 for a man , thus, to fap and fubvert all his own Foundations? To Contradifr the fundamental Maximes of his own Scheme by fuch unadvifed propofi-
tions?
-The Preface.
tiohs? But this is not the worft of it. He hath contradicted himfelf moft directly in that fame Individual True Representation, &c. in Anfw. to the loth Objections and in his 2 Vind. p. 154, 155-. For in both places he endeavors to juftify the Taking of all Ruling power out of the hands of the Epifcopal Minijlers, and the putting it9 only, in the hands of the Known found Presbyterians 5 Referving to the Epif- copal Minifters, their Teaching power, only. Tis true, Tis evident that he found himfelf fadly puzled in the Matter, and was forced to bring in his Good Friend Necejjity, and the Old Covenant- DiftinCf ion of Status Ecclef?£ turbatus and paratus, to Lend him a Lift. I have confidered his Friend Necejfity, fufficiently in my Book, and thither I refer the Reader for fatisfaftion about it. But what po do with his Rraefens Eccle/i£ Status, I do not fo well know : Only this I dare fay, granting it to be fo nimble as to break Scot-free through Divine Inftitutions, Yet it can, neither by itfelfinor with Necejjitji to help it, re- cone fie notorious Contradictions*
1 The
v.*
M*
The Preface.
The other Inftance I (hall adduce is in $i very important matter 5 no lefs than the Presbyterian Separation frotn the Epifcopal C hitrch of Scotland. He was put to it, to defend it in both his Vindications of his Church of Scot* land. FnftVind. in An fw. to ghie ft. 4. z Find, in Anfwer to / etterz. § 3. All the Reafons he has for that Separa- tion may be reduced to thefe Three, 1. Epifcopacy. 2. The Epifcopal Mi- ni fters were Ufurpers or Intruders: For 3. They had not the Call of the People 5 and fo the People were not bound to own them as their Minifters. Thefe are his Grounds, I fay, on which he juftifies their Separation from us. Now, hear him in his Ra- tional Defence^ &c. pubhfhed, as. I have told, fincethe beginning of the Late Revolution, by Confequence, after the Scottiflj Schifm wasin its full Maturity : Hear him there, I fay, and you never heard Man rejed: any thing, more fairly, more fully, or more di- redly, than he hath done thefe his own Grounds. Let us try them one by one.
1. For Epifcopacy, turn firft to fag.
95-.
The Preface.
95. And you (hall find thefe, very Words, Whatever fault we find with the Minifiers of the church and the Hie- rarchy^ we do not feparate becaufe of thefe 5 we would joyn with you (the Englifti Church) for all thefe Grie- vances, if you. would but fuffer us to do it, without finning againji God in that which k our perfonal A&io.n.
Turn next to pag. 150. There he offers at enumerating the Caufes that cannot juftify a Separation, and he talks particularly about Epifcopacy* thus } We^ are grieved with Prelatical Government, and takingaway that Pa- rity of Power that Chrifi hath given to the Ordinary Minifiers of his Church* This we cannot approve, and therefore Minifiers ought rather to fujfer Depri- vation of the publicly Exercife of their Minifiry than own it. And People alfo ought not to own that, their Lordly Au- thority that they Exercife 5 Yet, becaufe this is not Required to be acknowledged as a Lawful Power in the Church, by the People, I fee not that we fjould with- draw from the Public^ Ajfemblies, meer- ly becaufe there are Diocefan Biflwpsfet over the Church 3 Except our owning t z them
•V*tf ff *
*totfc
The Preface.
them by fuhwittin^ to their Jurisdiction k Required as one of the Terms of Com- muni oh rvitJ Church. Who fo
pleafcs may find more to the fame purpofe, frag. 157, 2 7?,&c« Nay,
So condescending is he in that Book Q;. 159.) that he can allow Bilhops their Temporal Honours and Digni- ties. We meddle not with their Titles and Revenues (fays he) Thefe are the Magijlrates Gifts, and do not oofs Chrijfs injlitution, whatever\inconveni~ ence may be in them.
7 . As to the Plea of the TJfurpaiion or Intrufion of the Prelatifts, D. Still. had alledged that the Diflenters pleaded, "That moil: of the prefent c Minifters. of the Church of England ic were TJjhrfers, and that from fuch <c the People might lawfully feparate. IVe deny both farts of the Affertion, (fays 0. R. p. 115, 116.) Whatever Ufurpation fome of them may be guilty of we know m 'oil of them have the ^Ta* cite, at IcajV: confeni of the People, a poft fafto 5 and therefore howezer they >Hdj be guilty of IntruGqii in their En- try, in their continuing in their places they are no Ufurpers : Neither do w^
own
The Preface. /-££
own it to be lawful to feparate /rtf/s*
Every Minifler that is ane Ufurper,
Mecrly on the Account of his 'Ufarpation.
And hedifcourfesthe point copioufly^
as the curious Reader may find, ibid.
Neither is he lefs pofitive about the 3. Thing, which , in his ScottiJIy
Management <5f the Plea, he infifts on
as the Great Reafon of the forrr.er, ziz. The Popular Call. cc For D Still. " had adduced D. Owen as averting, " that the depriving of the People of " the Right to choofe their own Pa- c: ftors was a juft Ground of Separar cc tion. And G? R. anfwers, If Do- ctor Owen hath done fo, let it pafs for a part of the Independent Judgment which was a mi flake of that Eminent Servant of God *> Others are not of that Mind. And a little after : The Peo- ple by the Laws of the G of pel have the Right of EleUion of their own Pajlors y But it doth not follow that they- ought not to bear with being hindered the Ex- ercifeofthk Right for the fa h^e of Peace and ZJnity. And p. rjl, Depriving the People of their Right of chuftngtheir own Church Officers, is alfo Matter of Complaint^ but we mufi bear it rather 1 3 than
*M /#>• Jhe Preface.
than feparate for that, from a Church, Andpag. 197. when he came to aflert that Right of the People* He told he didNot make the Depriving of the People of that PowerPC aufe of Separations^ ,
Not once, but very frequently, he lays the whole ftrefs of the Englifh Se« paration, Upon the finful terms of Communion (as he calls them) im- pofed by the Church of England. Let the Church purge her Offices of hu- mane Inventions, Let her lay afide the the Liturgy, the Crofs in Baptifm^ Kneeling at the Receiving of the Eu- ch rifl, and Holy days, &c. and he, and all his Party (hall joyn with her diearfuily, Vide p. 24, 81, 1065 107, 109, 120, 133, 144, 151, &c. Now
Let any Man, even of his own Seft, reconcile thefe things: Lethimfhew why Epifcopacy, Ufurpation, and De- priving the People of their Right to choofe their own Pajiors, (hould be lb everyway fufficient Grounds for Se- parating from the Church of Scotland, and fo no ways fufficient grounds for feparatingftom the Church of England. What could move the Man to ven- ture upon fuch lumpifh, bulkifh Con- tradictions > For my part, I canoot
guefs
The Preface.
guefs at another Motive than that which I have frequently mentioned, viz. Theprefent Argument.
In England he had forae other things to bear the Burden, but no o- ther thing in Scotland 5 and it was ne- ceflary for his Vindicatorfnp to jufiify the Separation : And therefore what could not do it in England, behoved to do it in Scotland.
But perhaps he may endeavour to extricate himfelf by running for (bel- ter to the Old Scottij!) Flea of the Covenant, [or, Is not Prelacy abjurd in Scotland > Is not the Oath of God upon Presbyterians, nay on all the Na- tion, not to own Prelacy ? Are not all the Prelatijls perjurd, &c? And now may not the Presbyterians Se- parate lawfully?
He feems indeed to betake himfelf to this Plea, in his Anfwer to the Hi- jlorical Relation of the General Affem- bly, §2C. p. 189. The fet ting up of Epifcopacy (fays he) was more jinfiulin this Nation (Scotland) than it could be elfhvr:ere, becanfe of the Oath of God that the Nation is under, again it it ; Not in latter times only, but in the times 1 4 if
ts%
The Preface.
cfKing James the Sixth, who caufed the whole Nation fwear the Shorter Con- fejjion of Faith, called the National Covenant^ where it is abjured. Now
Not to infift on fhe wing that, upon thefuppofition, all this were true, it militates only againft Epifcopacy -0 It could conclude it only, but neither the TJfurpation, nor the Depriving the People of their Rights tkc. to be a fuf- ficient Ground for the Separation. Nor yet to infift on the notorious falihood of the fuppofition,w2S. That Epifcopacy was abjured in King James the Sixths time. Not to infift on thefe things, I fay,
If he himfelf is ftrong enough for himfelf himfelf will not fufFer himfelf to make the Abjuration of Epifcopacy in Scotland, a fufficient Ground for^e- parating from the Epifcopal Church of Scotland. For in the 40th page of his Rational Defence, Sec. Attempting to (hew a Difference between comply- ing with the Church of England at the Reformation, and complying with her Now, he opens thus: I might here a Hedge the Obligation of the National Covenant that we are under ^ as they were
not
The T re face,
not to vphom the Doclor would male our Cafe parallel (i. e. thofe who lived at the Reformation) Thol never thought that that Bond made any Sins or Duties that were not fitch Antecedently. Now
(Not to infift on the Pleafantnefs of pretending that he might infift on a Topck-> in which he inftantly ac- knowledges there is no Force }J If Oaths and Covenants make no Duties nor Sins, which were not fuch Antece- dently, I would fain underftand, how the National Covenant, or whatever Covenant has been in Scotland, could make Epifcopacy a fufficient Ground for Separating from the Church of Scotland 5 if it was not a fufficient Ground for fuch Separation Antecedent- ly to thefe Covenants > Thus he him- felf hath cut off himfelf from all hopes of efcaping by the Covenant. Indeed there is no poffibility of Efcape left him : It is not in the power of Na- ture to refcue one who is fo plunged over Head and Ears in fuch a Sink of Contradiftions.
What hath been faid might be fuf- ficient, in all Confcience, for repre- fenting his own Unnatural Unmerci-
fulnefs
•w m*
The Preface.
fulnefs towards himfelf: For what can be more Unmercifully done to one, than to demonftrate him to all the world to be a Manifefl Lier > And who can be a more manifeft Lier than he, who, upon every turn, vo- mits Contradi&ions > Yet this is not all, perhaps it is not the worft.
There is fuch an Intimate Relation between himfelf and his Books writ- ten by himfelf That, I think, 'tisrea- fonabletofay, that whofoever treats his Books with any Degrees of Impu- dence^ is every whit as Impudent to- wards himfelf Now, it is not poffi- ble that Ranker, more Mercylefs, or more Impudent injury can be done to any thing, than himfelf hath done to his Second Vindication of hk Church of Scotland. At leaft, to near three parts ot four of it .- To it, (b far as it Anfwers The Four Letters, The Cafe of the AffliSed Clergy, and tjie Late Let- ter. For he hath engraven on it fuch indelible Charafters of Difingenuity, Partiality, Injuftice, Unfair Dealing, Effrontery, Ridiculoufnefs &c as perhaps never Book was injur d or befpattered with, fince writing of r Books
The Preface.
Books was in faflaion. The Reader may think this is a very ftrange Charge : Ent I can make it good, to a Demonstration, by a very plain and obvious Deduction. Thus,
Some of the Epifcopal Clergy , thought themfelves obliged for their own Vindication, to give-fome fhort Reprefentations of their Circum- ftances, and the Unkindly Treatment they had met with from the Presby- terian Party, An. 1688, 1689, <&c. The whole Nation knows, they were fo far from feigning inftances, or ag- gravating the circumftances of their Sufferings, that they told not the twentieth part of what they fuffered 5 nor reprefented what they told in all its proper Blacknefles : However, fo much was told, as was enough to re- prefent the Presbyterian Temper in no very Lovely Colours. The Party were fenfible of this } And therefore, it was neceflary to try if there was a poffibiltty of Collecting and Conne- cting fome Rags to cover their Shame and Nakednefi. The Expedient they agreed to was, that the Accounts gi- ven by the Epifcopal Clergy (hould be
An-
-<*nw
**A #*
7A? Preface.
Anfwered and Refuted : But then th^ Difficulty was to find ane Author, who had Talents proper for fuch a Task:
It was committed,firft toMr. Alex- ander Pitcairn : But after he had thought fome time about it, it feems, It ftood with his Stomach : He had not fo far abandoned all Principles of Truth, and Honefty, and Ingenuity, as was neceflary for fuch ane Under- taking \ he refign'd the imployment, therefore into the hands of another Gemral Meeting of the Party, and told them, He would have nothing to do with it.
This, no doubt, was a Difcourage- meqt to all others of any Wit or Pro- bity, to undertake it ; For if it was to be done, to any good purpofe at all, Pitcairn was as fit for doing of it as any of the SeS : And if he gave it over, after fo much Deliberation a- bout it, it was to beprefumed, there was Froji in it 5 it was not fafe to *meddle withit. Thus it fell to the fhareofG.if. as he tells himfelf both in his Preface, and in the Beginning of his Book*
Such
The Preface.
Such ane Odd Undertaking did, indeed, require a fuitable Underta- ker 5 and now it had one as oddly qualified for it as the world has heard of. For if we may believe himfelf in his Preface to his Aninu on D. Stilling- fleets henicum (for who but himfelf would have been at pains to write Prefaces to his Books > ) He died a worthy and much lamented Author, An* no 1661. And, fo far as I can learn, he continued thus in the ftate of the dead, till towards the end of the year 1688. i- e. about 26 years. Then, in- deed he returned to Life. Now, it is not to be imagined, his Soul, all this while, was either in the Regions of Eternal Rewards, or Eternal Punifh- ments 5 for, then, how fhould it have returned ? Doubtlefs^ therefore, it was in fome Purgatory : But what Purgatory is not eafy to determine. I am confident, it was not the Ordina- ry Purgatory, in which People are purg-dfrom the Dregs of Corruption they carry out of this world with them } for he came alive again more corrupted and vicious than ever. Pol- fibly, he has been in fome New Pur-
gatory,
• ***' the Preface.
gatory, which the Pope built lately for keeping a Seminary of fuch as he lets out upon Occafion, for Plagues to the Protectant Churches. What- ever Purgatory it was. Our Author came out of it, purged pretty clean of all principles of Senfe, or Shame, or Honefly. And now, who fitter than he to be the Vindicator of the Kirk, of Scotland ? Before his Death he wrote only fuch Books as were little in their own Eyes ( Pref. to Anim. on Irenicunt) but he ventured on writing fuch Books as his Second Vindication^ after his Rejurre&ion.
I have given this Account of our Author, and the Occafion of his wri- ting the Book, for fixing the Rea- ders attention, that he may confider it with the greater Application.
Now, in this Book, (His Second Vindication, I mean) herejefted, by the Bulk, all the Matters of Fad, which were contain din the Four Let ters, becaufe they were not Attefledj as if,forfooth, the Writers of the Let- ters had had opportunity to have had all the particular Cafes, Tried infor- mal Courts,before Indifferent Judges,
2nd
The Preface. *
and with all the Ufual Solemnities of Procefs.- As if it had been their In- tention, by their Letters, to have made formal Purfuits for the Injuries had been done the Clergy. As if the World could not have eafily Difc cerned, That all their purpofe in writing thefe Letters, was not to fue Legally for Redrefs, but to reprefent to their Friends, Matter of Fad, in the common way of Hiftory. Well !
To mend this, however, The Cafe of the affli&ed Clergy gave him Attefta- tions, enough, in all Confidence : But did that fatisfy him ? No more than if he had got none at all, for they were not worth a Button, they were not probative, they were but partial 5 he had reafon to rejed every one of them. Thus,
When the Author of the Cafe, <&>c. cited D. Burnet, G. R. reply'd in thefe words 5 He farther proveth our Perfe- cution by citing fome pajfages out of Do- ctor Burnet, whom, being a party, we are not to admit as a Witnefs againfl us. (85) What? No not D. Burnet} No not the Son of fuch a Mother} No not the Nephew of fuch ane Uncle > No
not
•WW
The Preface.
not the Brother of fuch a Brother ? No ntft the C0#/fe German of fuch a C0///& German > No not the Man who has all alongft advifed the Scottifo Pre- latifts (particularly Mr, Malcome, one of the Minifters of Edenburgh) to re- turn to their Native Country, and fubmit to the Ecclefiaftical Govern- ment Now Eftablifhed 5 Do you re- ject even him as a part y ? But to pro- ceed.
If the perfon who was barbaroufly ufed by the Rabble, gave an Account of his own Ufage, (and who could do it better? ) and fubferibed his name to it 5 This was fuch ane Attejlation, as G. R. thought fit to rejeft with a Fie upon it. It was Tejie Meipfo, (p. 8S.) and fo, not worth ane half-pen- ny .- As if it had been poflible for a Minifter, when the Rabble furprized him, and came upon him unawares, ftill to have had witnefles at hand for Attejling all their Rudenefles} as if it had not been enough for all the de- fign of fuch Accounts^ that ai Man of known Probity and Reputation, fub- feribed his own Narration of a Mat- ter of Fa Qc which fo nearly concerned
himfelf,
The Preface.
himfelf, and thereby declared his Readinefs to make the Matter appear, as fir as he was capable.
If the Rabbled Minifter adduced Witneffes (as was done in the Cafe fee. in feveral Inftances) And they fub- fcribed the Account, was he then fa- tisfied ? Never ane Ace more than before. All of hk Witneffes are the fworn Enemies of Presbyterians^ and in a Combination to defame them^ip. 88. J And again (p. ico.) Hk firfl ColleUi- on k of Accounts that he hath had from hk Complices^ a company of Men avow- ed and malicious Enemies of all Presby- terians and all this at te fled by
themfelves. Nay,
Tho they were dot Epifcopal Mi* nifters, but Laicks who attejied, if it ivas done in favour of Epifcopal Mi- nifters, that was enough to prove them Friends to Epifcopacy, and fo they were no more Boni & Legale s Hcmmes, as he cdXshAsTJnexception.a* ble Wit?ieffes, (p.iuO Thus,
The Account which was fent to
J on don immediately after the Second
Tumult at Glafgow, which happened
th3e f7tK of Feb. Anno \6V-. was
tk fub-
ifh
vm
The Preface.
fubfcribed by James Gibfon , then One of the Magiftrates ot the City 5 John Gillhagie, who had been a Magi- ftrate the year before 5 and Patrick Bell, Son to Sir John Bell, a difcreet young Gentleman, and Merchant in the City.
Thefe three fubfcribed it, that it might make Faith 5 it was dire&ed to Do&or Fall, Principal of the Col- ledge of Glafgow, that he might fhew it to the then P. of 0. and crave,that now, that he had taken upon him the Government of the Kingdom of Scot- land^ he would interpofe his Autho- rity for difcharging fuch Tumults for the future, &c. Do&or Fall aftually addreiled to hisHighnefs, and (hew» ed the Account. All this was done before the Scottifh Eftates met in March. Now confiderG. JS.'s Difcuf- fionof this Accouftt. (p. 94.)
John (he (hould have called him James') Gibfon was a Party, and made a Bailie by the Archbifljop, and all Iqtoxo the Prelates Inclinations towards the frefent Civil Government. Have. ye not here a goodly Specimen ot both our Authors La» and his Logick.
John
The Preface.
John Gillhagie is lookt on by all as a Foolijh and Raf/j Man, who little confi- dereth what he doth. Now what was his Teftimony worth after our Author had given him fucha Charafter?
Patrick Bell andhk Brother werefoon after feized for Treafonable Pra&ices, were long i^Prifon, and are now under Bail. And is not G. R. now a potent Author } How eafily and readily he can rejeft Teftimonies! And thefe three once thus rejefted, There was never fuch a thing as that Presbyte- rian Tumult at Glafgow : No not tho there are Hundreds in Glafgow who can attejl, that every fy liable of the Account was true. Again,
Pag. 109. in Mr. Gellies Cafe, How eafily could he rejeft all the Teftimo- nies that were adduced ? Why ? They that teftify for him are of hk own p arty : And then let them teftify that they faw a Nofe on G. 7?.s own Face, and for any thing I know, he ftiould cut off his own Nofe to have them tiers. And now,
Let the World judge of this way
of difproving Hiftorical Relations and
Atteftationsol Niatters of Faft : Is it
m 2 not
W*X
f*4* The Preface.
not plain that according to this Stan- dard, it is impoflible to Attejl any thing ? For as I take it, the whole Nation is fo divided between Prela- latifts and Presbyterians, or thofe who favour One of the fides, that you (hall not find many Neutrals. Now, who is obliged to take the Testimonies of Presbytemns, in Mat- ters of Fact, more than the Teftimo- nies of Prelatifts? Ha e they any Di- vine, Natural or Municipal Law for the Validity of their Teftimonies be- yond other Men ? If they have not. as I (hall dill be apt to believe till G jR. produces the Law, then I would fain know how Gl R. by his own Standard can allow, That Presbyte- rian Wit neffes fhould appear before any Court Ecclefiaftical or Civil a gainft Epifeopal Minifters. Nay, maj not the Presbyterians themfelves re ject even G. R.* Teftimony ? Nay ] fay they ought to do it : Why? He ffands nearly related to Epifcopacy How? Let it be enquired into anc Lie hold him two to one, if he wa< Baptized at all, he was Baptized ei ther by a Eilhop, or by a Presbytei
that
The Preface.
that fubmitted to Bifhops. But if fo, then good morrow to hisTeftimony : For thus the Argument runs, G. R« was Baptized by a Prelate oraPrela- tift, and all k^ow the Prelates inclina- tions^ Sec.
Why this Reafoning fhould not hold in Gr JR.g Cafe, as well as in James Gibforis Cafe, Idefire to learn of G. R. when he is at Leifure. But this is not all.
As he reje&ed all the Atteftations in that Book, without any {hew of Reafon, fo he did fome in Defpight of the Common Senfe of Mankind, For fetting this in its due Light, it is to be Remembred, that, in that Book, there are Accounts of the Infolencies committed by the Rabble upon fuch and fieh Minifters in the Presbyte- ries of Glafgow, Hamilton^ Irwin g, Air, Paifley, Dumbarton^ &c. Now thefe Accounts were occafioned thus,
When the Rabble was in its fury, and making Havock of all the Clergy in the Weflcrn Diocefs of Glafgow , fome of them met at Glafgow upon the 7 2 of January, i63L to confider what might be proper for them to do for m 3 their
.-►.;<#
:>ct
W** The Preface.
their own Prefervation, and Prote- ction againft the Rage of their Perfe- cutors : And the beft Expedient they could then fall upon, was to fend Do- dor <Sotf Dean oiGlafgovo to London^ to reprefent their Condition to his Highrtefs the P. of 0. who had then aflumed the Government of the Na- tion ^and crave prote&ion according to Law. And that the Dotior might be the better inftrufled, it was re- folved, that particular Accounts of the Violences had been done to the Clergy within the abovenamed Prefr byteries fhould be digefted by fuch Minifters as lived within thefe Pref- byteries, refpeftively .• This was done. The Account of the Violences done to thofe who lived within the Presby- tery of Air0 was digefted and figned by Mr. Alexander Gregory* Mr. Willi- am Irwine, and Mr. Francis Fordyce '•> that for Pa/J/ey^ by Mr. Fullerton, and Mr. Taylour , Minifters at Pai/ley , that for Glafgorp^ by Mr. George^ and Mr. Sage, &c. And that the Truth of thefe Accounts might be the more un- queftionable, the Subfcnbers (in fome of them, at leaftj undertook to make
all
The Preface. ^4. Vfy.
all the particulars appear to be true,
upon the greateft peril, if they (hould
get a fair Hearing. What greater
Evidence of Truth and Ingenuity
could have been expe&ed or required
of People in fuch Circumftances ?
Yet,
Even thefe accounts G. F. rejecred,
as readily and confidently as he did
any other} he reje&ed them I (ay, in-
difcriminately^ and without taking
notice of any difference between
them, and fuch as were not written
upon any fuch Occafion, fuch as were
only vouched Tefie Meipfo. Was this like either the Senfe or the Difcretion
that were proper for the Vindicator of a Church ? I do not iucline, fo much as in theleaft, toiniinuate,that any of the Accounts contained in The Cafe of the affli&ed Clergy, were falfe$ I am fatisfied they were all ve- ry true: All I intend, istoreprefent G. R.s impudent Rafhnefs in rejefting all Accounts with the fame facility : And certainly, vvhofoever confiders this ferioufly, cannot but reckon of his Book as written with as little Wit or Diferetion, as Truth or Ingenuity, m 4 And
*/|& The Preface.
And all this will appear more evident ftill, if it be considered, that,
All this did not content him 3 but he was fuch a Fool, astoftumble up- on the fame Methods, himfelf con- demn d moft , in his Adverfaries , when he had any Matter oi Fact to Attejh
He was very careful, as he tells fre- quently, to have his particular infor- mations from all Corners, concerning all the Inftances of Rabbling which were reprefented in the Vrelatick^ Pamphlets ? But from whom had he thefe Informations, moftly? From the very Rabhlers themfelvcs. It were both tedious and unprofitable to trace him through all inftances : One may be fufficient for ape example. And I fhall choofe the very fir ft that is to be found in his Book, viz. That of Mafter Gabriel Ruffel Minifter at Gove an.
The Author of the Second Letter had given a brief and a juft Account of the Treatment, that poor Gentle- man had met with. And G. R. con- v els it thus, To thk^ Ioppofe, fays he, Ikhe Truth of the Story , as it is at te fled by th^ Sipbfcriptions of Nine Perfons
who
The Preface, who were prefent, i. e. Nine of the Rab- blers 5 for foMr.i?^//e/himfelf afiiired me, repeating over thefe very name* which G.J?, has in his Book. And is not this a pleafant Atteftation ? Is it not pleafant, I fay, to rely upon the Teftimony of fuch barbarous Villains, and take their own wordiov their own Vindication ? Yet there's one thing, a great deal more fleafant yet, in the Story.
The Author of the Second Letter had affirmed, that Mr. Rvjfel was bea- ten by the Rabble 3 But they (the nine whom he adduces) utterly deny\ That any of them did beat him. And 'tis true indeed, none of thefe nine did beat him 3 but 'tis as true that he was beaten/ And one James CoLfuhom was the perfon who did it 5 and there- fore his Name was concealed, and not fet down with the other nine. And now I refer it to the Reader, if it is not probable, that he has got a par- cel of fweet Hiftory from G. R. in his Second Vindication. ' But I go on
As he thus adduced the Rabble witneffing for themfelves 5 fo when he was put to it, he never flood on
adducing
¥?7#'
'*?*&»• The Preface.
adducing the Teftimonies of fingle Presbyterian Minifters, witneffing for the Honefty and Integrity of the Rabblers, or in oppofition to the Pre- latical Relations. Thus,
In Whites Cafe (p. 32.) he adduces five Men, teftify ing that the Accounts of White's Sufferings were falfe, &c. And for the Honefty of thefe five he tells US, They have all their Testimony from their Minister that they are credi- ble and famous Wttnejfes. And
P. 105. He rejects Bullos account, who was Epifcopal Minifter at Stobo, in one word, thus, In thk Narrative are many Lies, which is attejied by Mr. William Ruffel (Presbyterian) Minifter at Stobo. But the beftis,
After he had run down all the Prelatical Accounts by this Upright Dealing of his, and concluded them all mod horrid Liers and Calumniators, and all their Relations moft horrid Lies and Calumnies : He tells you gravely in his Preface, § 6. That the Truth of Matters of Fa3, ajferted in hfc Book n not to be taken from him, but from his Informers. That he pretends to perfonal Knowledge of few of them :
That
J he Preface, *ft '*'•
TA*f therefore, not hk Veracity, but theirs, is fledged for the Truth of the Accounts he has publifhed 5 TAd* // they have deceived him, or been de- ceived themfelves, he fs not to Anfwer for it.
Let the World judge if this was not a fure foot for fupporting fuch Superftru&ures as he rais'd upon it 5 and if his Second Vindication is not a f leaf ant Book,. Was it poflible for him to have Farced it with more bare- faced Iniquities ? What picqu'd the Man, fo, at his own Book, as to pub- lifh it with fo many fair Evidences of Difingenuity, Partiality, Effrontery, and Downright Ridiculoufnefs, about it > What could move him to treat his own Brat with fo little compani- on? Was not this, even in a Literal fenfe Male Natum exponere fxtum } Or rather what meantime by treating himfelf fo unmercifully? For who {ees not that all the infamy termi- nates on the Author, inthe Rebound}
But, perchance, now that he is a profound Philofophick Head of a Col/edge, he may fall on a way to di- ftinguifh between his own and his
Books
•tn\ iy%.
The Preface. Books Credit : Perchance he may think his own Credit fecure enough* whatever hazard his Books may run* Well ! He may try it if he will 5 but I would advifehim not to be rafhin falling out fo with the Book 5 For, as forry a Book as it is, yet, I per- ceive that with the affiftance of a Neighbour Book, it can ferve him a Trick, that may be fufficient to put even his impudent felf a little out of Countenance. Ill be fo kind to him as to let him fee where the Danger lies.
He may remember, That the Au- thor of the Second letter (which, by the moft probable Calculation I can make, was written in December 1689, or January 1690J endeavour- ed to make it appear as probable,That the Leading Men in Government were, then, very much inclined to Juflify the Expuljionoi the Clergy by the Rabble,md fuftain their Churches vacuated by that Expulfion f>and there- by cut off thefe poor Men from all hopes of being reftored to their Churches or Livings, tho they had neither been Convifted of any
Crime,
The Preface.
Crime, nor Deprived by any Sen- tence. Now
There's another Book; called Ane Account of the Late Eft abli foment of Presbyterian Government by the Parlia- ment\ Anno 1690. which gives a full and fair Account, how the thing was aftually Done, how the Expulfion of the Clergy by the Rabble was aftually Juftified by that fame AS of Parlia- ment which eftablifhed Presbyterian Government.
If G. R. has not feen that Book, or is refolved to rejeft its Teftimony becaufe probably written by a Party : I can refer him to the Univerfal Con- viction of the whole Nation, that fuch a thing was Done, by that Aft of Parliament.- Nay I can refer him to the Aft of Parliament it felf
That Book tells alfb afhrewd ftbry concerning a Presbyterian lV4i6iftcr, called Mr. Gilbert Rule, who preached a Sermon before the Parliament oil the 25- of May, being the Sunday %'&. fore the A t was Voted m the Houfe ^ And, before he publifhed it wrote a Preface toit, after the Aft was Voted^ in which he thanked the Houfe very
heartiljr
.vr i»-
■ttt W.
7Z>e Preface.
heartily for Voting fuch ane Aft : And if G. R. diftrufts that Book, I refer him to Mr. Rules printed Preface to his Sermon, where I am confident he may find fatisfa&ion. Nay, I dare appeal to G. R. himfelf, if he knew not all thefe things to be true., before he wrote one Syllable of his Second Vindication: For thefe things were tranfafted, every one of them, before the middle of June 1690, and his Second Vindication came not abroad till more than a year after. Well !
But what of all this ? how can this affift G. Rh Book againft himfelf if it (hould be irritated to ferve him a Trick? Why? turnover to/?. 43, 44, @V. and confider how it difco- vers in him fuch a Brawny Impudence^ as never Ghoft appearing in humane (hape was guilty of, before him. For
Tho the Letter man w7as fully jufti- fied by the Event 5 tho what he faid feenid to be intended by the Govern- ment, appear d undeniably to have been intended by them in the Exe- cution 5 tho they Jujiified the Expul- fion of the Clergy by the Rabble^ as plainly and positively as ane A& of
Parlia-
*t\ w:
The Preface.
Parliament could do it 5 So plainly and pofitively, that the whole Na- tion was fenfible of it, and cried fhame upon it 3 That fome Members, in the very time, relented it highly, calling it ane indelible Reproach up- on the Juftice of the Nation 5 That many Members to this very minute will frankly acknowledge, there was never greater or more notorious ini- quity eftabliihed by a Law. Tho G.J?, knew it fo well, and was fb much pleafed with it , that he thanked the Parliament with all his Soul for it, telling them, He and hk Tarty were filled with Joy, while they beheld the Religious Regard which the High and Honourahle Court of Parliament had Jhewed to the Mountain of the Lords Houfe, above other Mountains $ in the Great Step towards the EJlabliJhing thereof that they had made by their Vote. (Whereof that Juftification of the Rabble was a great part) Tho he prayed, That the Lord would reward them for their good Deeds ("whereof this was one) towards his Houfe. Tho all thefe things were, and are, clear as the Light , and uncontroulable
as
?ttf VT&
The Preface.
as Matter of Fact can be 5 yet
G.R. lafht the Letter-man till he had almoft flead him 3 made him a Railer\ one who ZJnderJiood no Lo- gic^ a Strainer at Silly Quibbles, one who had ane Extraordinary Dofe of Broiv , and whofe Wit was a Wool- gathering, <&c* And all this for telling this plain Truth, That the Govern- ment had a defign to Juftify the Ex- pnliton of the Clergy bv the Rab- ble.
Thus I think, I have made it appear how little tender G.J?. #fcs, even of his own beloved felt, when he was ftraitned in his Argument : I might have eafily adduced more Inftances j but the Truth is5T am now-very wea- ry of him 5 and he himfelf has done himfelf thejriftice.to re^iefent himfelf 'to any Mans Satisfaction, -who fhall rot be fatisffed with the Reprcfenta- tio% I have gtveh of him : For hath&kiriy own d, 'that he iets'himfelf in oppofi-ion jtorthofe \ he .ac-
knowledges to be the Soiereji and J; {fcji of his party. I don*t love to be tmjuft to him k "« He ghe it- you in his own words^sl find them, T Vmd. Anf. to gtieft, 5. $6\ Hfe
The Prefab.
He was complaining of the Perse- cutions his Party hat} met with fat keeping Conventicles $&. And amongft other things, he difcourfes thus, There might have been fome (hadow fir fuchfeverity againji Meeting (at Field- Conventicles) with Arms, tho even that was in fome Cafes neceffary ••> but that was always di fallowed by the Sober eji dndWifeft Presbyterians Now tis plain, there are here thefe two Af- firmatives, i. That Meeting with Arms at Field Conventicles was in fome Cafes neceffary : This is our Authors fentiment. 2. That Meeting with Arms at Field Conventicles, was always difallowed by the Sobereji and Wifefi Presbyterians : This, I {ay, he plainly affirms to have been always the fen- timent of the Soherefl and Wifefi. By Confequence $ are not both thefe Affirmatives joyned together Mwi- pol/ent to this Complexe Propofitiou, Tho the Sober eft and Wifefi Presbyterians did always difallow of Meeting with Arms, &c. let, in my 'judgment, it rcas fometimes neceffary ? And now have you not, from his own Friendly felf, a Fair Demonft ration of his own n Folly
VT&* 7he Preface.
Folly and Futility ? For who but a Futile Fool would have faid, that he differed in his Sentiments from the Sokerefi and fV/fejl ? And now, to bring all home to my Original pur-
pofe.
By this time, I think, I have given Ren ion enough for my refufing to ac- cept of him for ane Anfwerer of my Book. No Man on Earth, I think, would willingly enter the Lifts with one who is fo lingular for four fuch Cardinal Talents. Tho Incureakle Ig- ??orance and Incorrigible Nonfence, may be fomething pitiable, as being the Vices of Nature rather thanCZw/Ve} yet, 'tis no fmall Ferfecution for one to be obliged to grapple with them. What miift it be then to be commit- ted with the other two ? Rank Ht- iiature, I mean, and the moft (lubborn Impudence ?
Some III Natures may be cured: Men may be either cajoVd or cudgel d out of them.- Agelajlus himfelf laugkt once 5 fo did Duke D Alva: Hut what hopes can there be of one whofe Cnmwon Scnfe is fo intrinfecally viti- ated7 that he can avouch the courfejt,
and
The Preface.
and moft Scurrilous Scolding to be Ex- cejjlve Civility > But this is not the vvorft of it .•
If there had been any thing Venujl or tepid, any (hadow of t onciknity or Fejiivitv, of Jollity or Good Eii+ rnor, any thing like Art., or Lrfi\ or Wit) or Salt, in an y One of jR/tk of his Ex.ejjive- Civilities -0 if they had had the Icaft TinUure of the S a tyre, nay, if their Mein had refembled fo niU9h as the Mnrgeons of ane ^/?e, I eould have pardon d him, and let his Talent pafs for Tolerable. There is fomething delightful in MarveUjh^ in well humor d wanionnefs, in lively and judicious Drollery: There may be fome Enormous Strokes of Beauty in a furprizing Banter $ fome irregular Sweetnefs in a well cook't Bittemefs : But who can think on drinking no- thing but Corrupted Vinegar ? What humane patience can be hardy enough for entering the Lifts with pure Bark- ing and Whining ? with Original Villi- nefs} who can think on Arming him- ielf againft the Horns of a Snarl ? or fetting a Match for Mciving with a Melancholy Cat ? But
n 2 What
Ity
1**' The Preface.
What can be faid of his Impudence} Ms Majier-Talent ? Why ? to tell Truth of ir, I am not able to define it, andfol rruft let it alone 5 I know nothing in "Nature like it : Tis too hard for all the Ideas or words I am Matter of. Were I to talk any more of it, I fhould defign it his Undejine- able Attribute. And now
I think our Author may be fenfi- ble, that it is nota^^W thing to caft a bad Copy to the world, left (pme, for Curiofity? try if they can imitate it. For my part I do acknowledge, that I have croiled my temper to make an Experiment, if it was poffi- ble to be Even with him .• To let him fee, that others, as well as he, if they Fet themfelvesfor it, may aim, at leaft, at Arguing the Cafe Cuttingly, as he phrafes it (Pref to a Vind. f- 6.)
One thing I am fure of, I have been faithful in my Citations from his Books: And I am not conlcious that I have, fo much as once forced ane Unnatural fenfe on his words .- For this, I am fatisfied, that what I have faid , be tried with the greateft and mpft impartial Accuracy. But,
if
The Preface.
if he is fuch ane Author as I have truly reprefented him to be I hope the world will allow that I had, and ftill have Reafon to refufe to have a- ny Dealing with him Nay farther,
I think 'tis nothing for the Honour or Reputation of his Party, that he was ever imployed to be the Vindi- cator of their Kirk. If they can im- ploy any civil, difcreet, ingenuous perfon to write for them, I (hall be heartily fatisfied 5 and for his Encou- ragement, I do promife, if he falls to my (hare, I (hall treat him fuitably. Nay
After all, if even G. R. himfelf will lay afide fuch Qualities, as I have de- monftrated adhere to him 3 if he will undertake to write, with that Gravity and Civility ', that Charity and Modefty, that Eonefly and Ingenuity^ which may be thought to become One of his Age and Character? I can as yet admit of him for my Adverfary, (for I think the Party cannot affign me a weaker one) And I do hereby promife him ane Equitable Meeting.
F I N I S,
m
ADVERTISEMENT.
THis Book was defigned for the Prefs December 1693.
(')
The Article.
That Prelacy and the Superio- rity of any Office in the Church above Presbyters, is, and hath been, a great and infuppor table Grievance and Trouble to this Nation, and contrary to the Inclinations of the Generality of the peo- ple^ ever fince the Reforma- tion 3 (they having Reform- ed from Popety by Presby- ters) And therefore ought to be Abolifhed.
THis Arclde was Eflaoliflied in our Claim of Right, April i.|. 168?. By vertue of this Avride PreLry was acidly Abolifhed by Act of Parlia- ment, ?*lj 22. i 685?. Upon the fgor of B this
( s ;
this Article Presbyterian Government was E~ ftablifhed, June 7. Anno 1690. This AEt Eftablifhing Presbyterian iiovernment was Ratified in the whole Heads, Ankles and Clattfes thereof, fmeiz. 169*. It is in- difputable then, That This Article is the Great Foundation of that Great Alteration which hath been made in the Government of the Church of Scotland, fince the Begin- ning of the Late Revolution. Whether, therefore, This is a Solid or a Sandy Foun- dation i cannot but be deem'd a Material Queftion : And, I think, il fhall bid fair for the Determination of this Queftion, if I can give clear and diftindt Satisfaction to thefe following Enquiries,
I. Whether the Church of Scotland vm Reformed folely, by perfons cloath'd with the Charader of Presbyters ?
I I. Whether our Scottijh Reformers , whatever their Characters were, were of the prefent Presbyterian Principles ? Whe- ther they were for the Divine inftiturion of
Parity, and the unlawfulnefs of Prelacy, a-
mongft the Paftors of the Church r
I I I. Whether Prelacy and the fuperio- rky of any Office in the Church, above Presbyters, was a great and infupportable Grievance and trouble to this Nation, and contrary to the inclinations of the genera- lly of the people, ever fince the Refor- mation* IV. Whe-
(3)
IV. Whether it was Such when this Ar- ticle was Eftabliftied in the Claim of Right ?
V. Whether, fuppofing the premises in the Article were True, They would be of fufficient Force to infer the Conclufion,™** That Prelacy* and the Superiority of any Office in the Church, ought to be abo- lifhed?
The Determination of the main Quefti- on, I fay, may competently refnlc from a perfpicuous difcuffion of theft five Enqui- ries : And therefore I (hall attempt it as fairly as I can , leaving to the world to judge, equitably, of my performance : And without further prefacing, I come to
The Firft Enquiry.
Whether the Church of Scotland teas Reformed^ folely^ by perfons cloatKd with the CharaSer of Presbyters >
IF the Framers of the Article meant that it was in thefe words, They having Re- formed from Popery by Presbyters, I think* I am pretty fure they meant amifs: For there is nothing more obvious to one who reads and compares our Hiftories, than That perfons (landing in other fhtions, and cloath'd with other Chara&ers, had a very B z great
(4)
great hand, and were very confiderable In- firuments in carrying on our Reformation. Particularly,
i. There were Prelates who concurred in that work as well as Presbyters. Knox fays there were prefenr in the Parliament holdenin Augu^i^So* (which Parliament gave the firft National Eftablifhment to our Reformation) The Bifhop of Galloway, the
Abbots of Lundoris, Culrofs, St. Colmes-inih, Coldinghamy Saint Mary*ifle, and the Subprior of St, Andrews, Kith* diver fc others : And of al! thefe, he fays, That they had Renounced Papifirie, and openly profejfed JefilS Chrift.
(a) Kr„ (a) Spotfwood reckons up no fewer than
26c. Eight of the Spiritual Eftate, all Proteftants ,
chofen, at rhat time, to be Lords of the (6) Spot. Articles : Namely, (b) the Bifiops of Galloway $4* and Argyle, the Prior of St. Andrews, the Ab-
bots of Aberbrothoil^) Kilwinning , Lundors , Newbottle and Culrofs. Lay thefe two Ac- countstogether, and you (hall have, at lead
3 Rovnd Dozen of Reforming Prelates . 'Tis
Tme Spotfwood ky^The Popifh Prelates fiormed mightily at fitch a Nomination, for the Articles^ alledging that fame of them were weer Laicks. But what if it wasfo? I am ape to think, our Presbyterian Brethren will not be fond to make much advantage cf this : I am apt to think, they will not fay, That all thofe whom they allow to have been Reforming
Pre sifters, were Duely and Canonic ally Or- dained: That they were (olemnly feperated for the Miniftery, by fuch as had Commiffion
and
(5>
and Power to Separate them, and in fiich Manner as had Univerfally obtained, from the Apoftles times in the Separation of Pre f byters for their holy Fundion. The plain truth is,
2. Our Reformation was principally car- ried on by iuch as neither Did, nor CouU pretend to be Canonically promoted to Holy Orders. Knox hirofelf (c) tells us, (/) Kn that when the Reformation began to make 127. its more publick Advances, which was in the Year 1 ? ? 8. there was a great Scarcity of Preachers : At tkht time ("fays he) we had
no publicly Miniflers of the We»d% Only did certain Zealous Aden (among wham were the
Laird of Dun, David Forrefs, Mr. Robert Lockhart, Mr. Robert Hamilton, William
Harlaw, and others) Exhort their firctHre \ according to the Gifts and Graces grantecHia them : Bat fhqrtly after did Gnd fiir trp his Ser- vant Paul iVkchven, &c. Here, we have but a very Diminutive account of them, as to Number; And fuch an Account, as* in
its Very AW and Countenance, feems to oton
they were generally but Lay- Brethren : They
were but Zealous Men, not Canonically or- dained Presbyters \ Ani if we miy believe Lefty, Paul Methven Vr$, by Occupation, a Baker, and William Harlaw a Taylor. (d)W Le(k
The Laird of Dun, that fame very year, was4*'* Provofi of MoHtroft, and, as fach, (tnt to France^ as one reprefer.ting, not the Fir ft cr the Spiritual, but the Third Eft ate of Parlia- ment, the Burrows \ to attend at the Ce!o B 1 bration
( * )
» bration of the Queens Marriage^ With the
(0 Led Dauphine of France : (e) He was indeed a 494. Spot. Gentleman of good Efteem and Quality, <??. and he was afterwards a Superintendent, but
it no where appears that he was ever Re- ceived into Holy Orders. Nay,
3. After the pacification at Leith, which was concluded in July ij6o, when the Minifters were diftributed amongft the fe- veral Towns, we find but a very fmall Number of them. Join Knox was appointed
for Edenburgh, Chriftopher Goodman for St. An- drevps, Adam Herriot for Aberdeen. John Row for Perthy William Chryftifon for Dundee, Da- vid Fergufon lor Dunfermline , "Paul Methven for Jedburgh, and Mr. Davia Lindefay for
Lelth. Befide thefe, -Five were nominated
to be Superintendents 5 Spotfwood for Lothian and //<f '7 , Winram for F//if, ffo LdiW of U//» for // £*« and Mews, Willock, for Gla/gow,
snd Carfervell for ^y* and the //fo. Thefe are all who are reckoned up by Knox and
(fJ Kn. Spot [mod: (f ) And Spot/wood adds, Jfifafr
1*9" ^ A7^ Number was the Plantation of the
Church, at fir ft, undertaken And Can we
think, tho all thefe had been Presbyters duly
crdained, That they were the only men who
carried on the Scottish Reformation ? Far-
theryet,
C g ) ree. 4. p^y/V (g) tells us,that the Firft Gene-
5 ' ?' ralAflembly,which was holden in Dec.i %6o^
confifted of 44 perlons ; and I find exaftly
44 Names Recorded in my Mfs. Extract
of the Afts of the General Aflembly's, as
the
(7)
the Names of the Members of that Aflem- bly : But of all thefe 44> there were not above Nine, at moft, who were called Mi- mfiers ; fo that, at leaft, more than Thirty, were but Lay Hrethren according to the then way of Reckoning : probably, they were ge- nerally fuch, if you fpeak in the Dialed and reckon by the Meafures of the Catho- lick Church in all Ages. In (hort,
$. There is nothing more evident to any who confiders the Hiftoriesof thefe times, than, that they were generally Laymen, who
promoted our Violent and Difordered Reforma- tion, as Spotfwood juftly calls it. (b) And %(*) $^ Reafonable to think, the Senfe of this wa$#a* One Argument, which prevailed with our Reformers to Declare againft the Antim*
Catholicity, and Apoftolick Ceremony of Imf op- tion of Hands in Ordinations \ as is tO be feea in the 4th Head of the Firfi Book of &ifiit$n*%(i} $ (0 and as is generally acknowledged* i^
Thus I think I have fufficiently deduced Matters, as to my Firft Enquiry .• It had been eafy to have infifted longer on it ; boc I had no inclination for it, confidering f hat there is a kind of Piety in Difpatch, when, the longer one infifts on a fubje^ of this Nature, he muft (till the more Expofe the Failures of our Reformation, and the Wtak; netfes of our Reformers, Proceed we now to
B 4 The
(8)
The Second Enquiry.
Whether our Scottifh Reformers, whau ever their Characters were, were of the prefent Presbyterian principles ? Whether they were for the Divine Inftitution of Parity, and the Unlaw- fulnefs of Prelacy anion? ft the Pajiors if the Church.
THis Enquiry, if I miftafce not, is pretry far, in the inter efts of the main Que- ftion : For, the Ankle, as I am apt to take it, aims at this, That our Reformation was carried on, with fucha &ijlik$ CO Prelacy, or the Superiority of any Office in the Church, above Presbyters, as made Prelacy, or fveh a Superi- ority, ever (ince, a great and in fuppo, -table Grie- vance and Trouble to this Nation, &C. But if
this is the Senfe of the Article, what elfe is it, Than that our Reformers were Presbyte- rians ? Bu t whether or not, This was truly intended, (as 'tis truly very hard to know what was intended) in the Article, This is Certain, this Enquiry is material and perti- nent 5 And if it faces not the Article DireBly, Undoub edly, it doth it, by fairConfequence* Tis as certain, our Presbyterian Brethren ufe, with confidence enough, to afTert than ou: Reformers were of their Principles. This .$00* of the Mam Arguments by which
they
(9)
they endeavour, on ail occafions, to influ- ence the Populace, and Gain Profelytes to their Party : And therefore I (hall endea- vour to go as near to the bottom of this Matter as I can, and fet ic in its due Light; And I hope, It (hall appear to be compe- tently Done 5 to all who (hall, attentively and impartially, weigh the following Dedu- ction. And
I. Let it be confidered, That while our Reformation was on the Wheel, and for fome years after its publick Eftablifhment, there was no fuch Controverfy agitated, in
Europe, as this, concerning The Divine InftU tution of Parity or Imparity amongB the Pafiors of the Church.
The Popes pretended univerfal Headship was Called in Queftion, indeed; And, Called in Queftion, it was run down with all imaginable Reafon, fome years, before the Settlement of our Reformation. That Controverfie was One of the Firft, which were accurately ventilated by the Patrons of Reformation. And it was very natural that it (hould have been fo, confidering what firefs was laid Upon it bv the Fontificians.
'Tis likewife true, That the Corruptions oftheEcclefiafticalEftate, were Enquired into , in moft Provinces , every where, where the Truth began to Dawn, and the Reformation was Encouraged : And it was not to be imagined, but in fuch Scrutinies, Bifliops would be taken notice of, for their
general
( io)
igeneral Defection from the Antient Rules andMeafuresoftheEpifcopal Office, and the vaft Diflimilitude between them, and thofe of the fame Order in the primitive times, both as to the Difcharge of their Truft, and their JT^of Living : And who doubts, but in thefe things the Pyifk Biftiops were too generally culpable ?
Tis farther true, That fame Countries, when they reformed Religion, and fepa- rated from the Church of Rome, did fet up New Models of Government in the Churches they erected, as they thought their civil Conftitutions could beft bear them : And having once fet them up, what wonder if they did what they could to juftify them, and maintain their Lawfulnefs ? Thus, for inftance, Mr. Calvin erefted a Model of the
Democratical Size at Geneva, becaufe that
State had then caft it felf into a Democracy,, And the Proteftants in "France, partly for Conveniency, partly in imitation ofCalvins Platform, fell upon a method of governing their Churches without Biihops 5 And fo it fared with feme other Churches, as in Switzerland, &c. while in the mean time other Churches thought it enough for them to Reform theDodtrine and Worfhip, with- out altering the Ancient form of Govern- ment. But then
'Tis as evident as any thing in Hiftory, that all this while, from the firft Dawnings of the Reformation, I mean, till fome years after the publick Eftablifhment of
our
our Reformation, That there was no fuch Controverfie infifted on, by Proteftants, ei- ther in their Debates with the Papifis, or with one another as that, about the Divine
and Vnalterable Inflitution of parity or impari- ty, amongft the Paftors of the Church. And I dare confidently challenge my Presbyte- rian Brethren to produce any One ProteHant ConfeJJion of Faith for their fide of the Que- ftion : Nay more, I dare challenge them to inftance in any One Proieftant Divine, of Note, who, in thefe times, maintained their fide of the Controverfy •-, who main- tained the Vnlawfulnefs of Imparity amongft Chriftian Paftors, before Theodore Beaa did it, if he did it. Sure I am They cannot, without the greateft impudence, pretend that Mr. Calvin (the only Tranfmarine Di- vine, I can find, confulted by our Refor- mers about natters relating to our Refor- mation ) was of their Principles , x For whofo (hall be pleafed to confult his Com- mentaries on the New Teftament, parti- cularly On i Cor* II. 2.5 Or fome Chapters in the beginning of his 4th Book^ of hftitutiens ;
Or his Book about the NeceJJity of Reforming
the Church ; Or his Epiftles, particularly his Epiftle dire&ed to the Protector of England, dated Oblob. 22. IJ48. Or ro Cranmer Arch- w CaJv bifliop of Canterbury^ ( k) To the Bifliop EpiftXoL of London, (I) To Ithavim Bifliop of Via- 134, 135, diflavia^ dated Decern. 1. An. i??8- (m) Or (0 Co1- his Resolution of that Cafe, if a Bifhop or Vf'c 1 Curate joyn hiwfelf to the Church, &c. (») Or c^j col,'
laftly, 4*6.
(12)
(o) Col. laftly, his Epiftle to the King of Poland (o)9 150. wherein he tells him, 1 hat, " It was No- " thing but pride and ambition that intro- duced the Popes Supremacy * That the 4t Ancient Church, had, indee-"'. Patri- archs and Primates, for the Expedition of cc Diicipline, and the Prefervation of Unity : " As if, in the Kingdom of Poland one ■ Archbilhop (hould have the precedency "of the red of the Biihops, not that he " might Tyrannize over them , but for u Orders fake, and for Cheriftiing Unity <c amongft his Colleges and Brethren ; And " next to him there (hould be Provincial, or "City Biflh>ps for keepugall things orderly "in the C inrch. Nature teach* Stent hoc Natura di- '■' i^ (i-vs e) that from every ctat, iroum ex fingulis « c0&ed' One /hould bechofen who
cut pr wipua Cura in- f»°'M have the ™ie) , Management
cambat. lt «/ *$»>*. But, 'Tis another
e< thing for one Man, as the Pope " doth, to arrogate that to himfelf which " exceeds all humane abilities -, namely-The n Ppwer of governing the whole Univerfe. Whofo (hall perpend tbefe writings of Mr. Cafoins, I fay, (hall find that he was very far from maintaining the Vnlawfulnefs of Prelacy. Nay, farther yet, I challenge my Presbyterian Brethren, upon their inge- nuity to tell me, weither it was not a good many years after 1760. that Beza himfelf ("the true founder of their Setl) condemn'd 1 Prelacy } if he did condemn it*
Kay,
I fey, if he did maintain the NeceJJity of Parity y and condemned Prelacy *, For however
he may item, upon feveral occafions, not only to give the preference to Presbyterian Government, and reprefent it as the mod eligible, But to endeavour to found it on Scripture > And reprefent Epifcopacy as an humane invention, yet I have not obferved that, any where, he calls it abfolutelyox fim- ply Unlawful. On the contrary, he fays in exprefs terms, That it Humanus Epffcopa-
is Tolerable when it u duel) Bound* ™sm ^ m a qUi"
. _, J r . dem eflet, Modo ve-
ed> ^ when the pure Canons of the tere$ puri Caoones,
Ancient Church are kept in vigour to impedieadae Oligar-
keep it within its proper Limits. c^x conftituti, in u-
Sure I am, he was not for ft- ^Tad^ S" parating from a Church fas our a Dom.Giam. pro- modern Presbyterians are,) upon poficam. the account of its Governments being Epifcopai, as might be made appear fully from his Letters ; fo that whatever greater Degrees of Blfllke to Epifcopacy he may have difcovered, beyond his Prede- ceflor Mr.Calvin, yet it is not unreafonable to think, that his great aim was no more, than to juftify the Confiituticn of the Church, he lived in*, and recommend it as a pattern to other Churches.
The Scope of this whole Cpnfideration is this That if what I have aflerted is true 5 if there was no fuch Controverfie agitated, all the time our Church was a Reforming, nor for a good many years after ; Then we
have Om fair Prefumptiony that OUr Reformers
were
c n >
were not Presbyterians : It is not likely that they were for the Jndifpenfibility of Parity, that being thejfcfe of a Queftion, which, in thefe times, was not begun to be tojfedAud this Prefumpion will appear, yet, more /w*-
derous, if
II- It be confidered, that we have no reafon to believe, that our Reformers had any peculiar Motives, or Occafions, for adverting to the pretended Evils of Prelacy 5 or any peculiar interefts to determine them for Parity, beyond other Churches 5 or that they were more (harp-fighted to efpy faults in Prelacy, or had opportunities or inclina- tions to fearch more diligently, or enquire more narrowly, into thefe matters than 0- ther Reformers. The truth is
The Controverfies about Doctrine and Worfhip> were the great ones which took up the thoughts of our Reformers, and im- ployed their moft ferious Applications. This is obvious to any who confiders the accounts we have of them ; fo very obvious, that G. R. himfelf fairly confefles it in his Firfi Vind.adgueft. 1. where he tells us, That
the Errors and Idolatry of that way ("meaning Popery) were fogrofs, and of fuch immediate hazard to the Souls of People, That it is no ven- der that our Reformers minded thefe Fir ft- and Mainly, and thought it a great ftej> to get thefe Removed \ fo that they tool^ fame more time to confnlt about the Reforming of the Government of the Church. From which, 'tis plain, he
confefles,
(«s)
Confeffes; the Reformation of the Churches Government was not the fubjeft of their Main Thinking \ which indeed is very true, and cannot but appear to be fo, to any who confiders what zLame Scheme was then drefi up by them. But however this was, 'tis enough to my prefent purpofe, That our Reformers were more imployed in re- forming the D&rine and Wer/bif, than ill thinking about Church Governments. From which, together with the former frefum^ **<w,wbich was,that our prefent Controver- fies were not begun to be agitated in. thefe times , one of two things muft follow unavoidably,^, either i. That if they
were for the Divine and indiff enable Right of
Parity, 'tis: no great matter 5 their Autho-1 rity is not much to be valued in a Queftion about which they had thought fo Little -0 Or 2. That it is to be prefumed, they were not for the Divine Right of Parity, That being the fide of a Queftion, which was not then agitated in any Proteftant Church, and as Little in Scotland, as any. To be ingenuous, I think both inferences good, tho 'tis only the Laft I am concerned for at prefent. But this is not all, For
III. So far as my opportunities would allow me, I have had a fpecial eye on all our Reformers, as I found them in our Hi- ftories. I have noticed their fentiments about Church Government as carefully as I could '7 And I have not found fo much as
ore
onearobngft them, who hath either direttty
or indtretlly, aflerted the Divine and Unalte- rable Right o{ Parity,
By our Reformers, here, I mean fuch as were either i . Martyr s, or z. Confejfors for the Reformed Religion, before it had the Countenance of Civil Authority, or 3. Such as lived when it was publickly eftablifhed, and had a hand in bringing it to that per- fection. Such, I think, and fuch only, deferved the Name of our Reformers : And, here, again I dare be bold to challenge my Presbyterian Brethren, to adduce clear and plain proof that fo much as any one man
of the whole Number of our Reformers, wra$ of the prefent principles of the party.
Seme of them, indeed, feem to have laid no great ftrefs on Holy Orders, and to have been of opinion, That perfonal Gifts and Graces were a fufficient Call to any man to preach the Gofpel ; and undertake the paftoral Office. Thus that excellent perfon
Mr. George Wifhart, who, in moft things,
feems to have jufter notions of the Gofpel Spirit, than moft of our other Reformers, when, at his Tryal, he was charged with
this Article, That every man was a Priest? and that thePi>pe had no more power than another man, anfwered to this puipofe,"That St. John faith
<£ of all Chriflians, He hath made hs Kings and " Priesls And St* Peter, He hath made Hi a
11 Kingly Priefthood. That, therefore, any " man, skill'd in the Word of God, and "tiue Faith of Chrift, had power given
"him
8* him of God ; But he that was unlearned, " and not exercifed in the word of God, "norconftant in the Faith, whatever his €t ft&te or order was, had no power to hind, " or to loofe^ feeing he wanted the word of '? God, which is the lnftrument of binding (p) jrn^ "'uAloopng. (p) And **,
Tis probable, This was a prevailing opi- nion in thofe times, from the too common practice of it. But hath this any relation to
the Divine Right of Parity? Doth it HOC firick, equally againft both Orders, that of Presbyters, as well as that Of Bijhops? Is it
not plainly to fet up the fa Laicorum Sacer- dotak in oppofition to both? And who can fay but this opinion might have been in a Breafl, which entertain'd no fcruples about the Lawfulness of Epifcopa'cy ? No doubt it might; and no doubt it was, a&ually, fo with this fame holy Martyr : For3 he was not only willing that the then Bifhops, tho Popifi, fliould be his Judges 5 He not only gave them ftill their Titles, and payed them
all the Refpett that was Due to their Order
and Char abler (homages infinitely fcandalous with our modern Presbyterians) as is. to be obferved thro all the fteps of his Tryal : Buc in his laft Exhortation to the People, at the very Stake, he befpake them thus!; (q) !($) #& befeech yon Brethren and Sifters, to exhort your 7c Prelates to the Learning of the Word of God 5 that they may be afhamed to do evil, and learn to do good 5 and if they will not convert themfclvet from their wicktf Errors, there (hallhaftily come
( it )
upon thtm, theWrath of God which the) {hail mi tfcherv.
Here you fee the Dying Martyr was ear- neft, that the Popifh Prelates might quit their Errors, not their Prelations. What is there here that looks like a Divine- Right* of Parity wan ? Indeed he was none of that Principle: He had had his Principles from England, as we (hall find hereafter. Only one thing more about him, here ; He was not for ciubdatv Reformations : He was Beither for violent Pofleflions of Churches* nor for propagating the Caufe by Rabbles > if we may ^ believe Kmx\ accounts of him.
Others, again, of our Reformers, De- claim'd loudly againft the Biftiops of thefe times, and condemn'd them feverely, and perhaps too defervedly : But what is this to the Order ? Doth every man condemn the
Office jn\\Q condemns this or that Officer ? If fo, then, fure, the Order of Presbyters was as
bad as the Order of Bifkops, in the judgment of our Reformers; For inftance, hear Walter Milne in his Exhortation to the Peo- ple, at his Martyrdom .* therefore as ye would (r)Spot. (r) efc ape Eternal Death, be no more feduced with the Lies of (whom? of Bifliops only ? No, but of the whole collection of) the
Prie&s, Abbots, Monks, Friars, Priors, Bi- fhopSy and the reft of the Sett of Antichrifi
But 'tis needlefs to adduce the Teftimonies of private perfons : we have the publicb Deeds of the Proteftants of thefe times, very clear to this purpofe. Tt\m$
They
(t9y
They dire&ed a Declaration of their ttijnds iothe Popifh Clergy, under this Title, To the
Generation of Antichrift, the peflUent Prelates md their Shavelings within Scotland, &c (j)(f)j^ And were not Presbyters of the number of 14*. thefe Shavelings ? And vvh at can be more patt to this purpofe than the Supplication which wasprefented by our Reformers to the Parliament, Anno i?6o f There they
tell the EfUteS, That they cannot ceafe u crave cf their Honours, the Redrefs of fuch Enormi* tits, m manifeftlj are, and of a long time have been committed by the Plate-holders of the Mini* fiery, and others of the Clergy They ojfer
evidently to prove, that, in all the R&ble of the Clergy, there is not one Lawful Mini ft er — ~— And therefore they crave, that they may be dc- terned unworthy of Honour y Authority, Charge y tor Caret in the Church of God, &c. (f) Who(b(*) g^ pleafes may fee «nore of their publick Re- 2*0. prefentations, to this effeft, in Knox's Hi- ftory. (*) Now, what can be more clear Mp.rui than that all this work was againft Presby- & i^m ters, as much as againft Bifhops ? and by confequence, againft Both Offices, or againft
neither t as, indeed, it Was againft neither,
as I (hall afterwards demonftrate from this fame Petition* In (hort, nothing can be more evident to ane attentive Reader, than that in all thefe E forts of the Zeal of our Reformers, againft thePopijh Bifhops, it was only the Popery, and, not at all; the Prelacy. that was aim'd at- They never condemned Bifhops as Bifhops, but only as Pepffi Bifheps*
C t i
( 20 )
I have infifted tte more largely 6a fctefe things, becaufe, I know, People are apr ro miftake in this matter, who do not futnciently attend to the Dialetl of thefe times -, Efpecially when they reid the Hi- ftory which is commonly called fohn Knox's. I return now to my purpofe, and repeat my aflertion, viz* That our "Presbyterian
Brethren cannot adduce fo much as one of our
Martyrs, our Confeffors, OX thofe who had
any remarkable hand in the Efiablilhment of our Reformation, in the year i?6o> who was of the Modern Presbyterian Principles.
Three Authors have indeed attempted it 5 The Author of the Pamphlet entituled, The Cottrft of Conformity \ Mr. Calderwood, and Mr. Petrie.
The Author of the Courfe of Conformity in his 4th Chap, reckons Up a full Dozen of fuch as (he fays) gave Evident and full Tefli- mony againft bifhoprie, as fee calls it. But he has not recorded the Teftimony of any One,
except Knox.
All the reft he proves to have been enemies ro Prelacy, by this one Argument : They preached zealoufly againft Popery, And Bi- ftoprie is one of the greatefi Errors and Corrup- tions of that. He neither offers at proving his Subfumption, nor at adducing any other To- pick : And has he not proven the point demonftratively ? Befides, fome of his Dozen were not heard of till feveral' years after the Reformation, and fo, cannot be brought mBan againft my Challenge.
Further,
til)
Further, He has had the ill Luck to name fach for the half of his Dfi&n, as would
havelaught heartily rohave heard therrielves tited as Patrons of (he Divine Right of Parity* Particularly, Mr.tvMock, who lived snd
died Superintendent [of r GlaJ rgow ; Mr, Pont, i\ho dkd Bifhop of Cathnfs ; Mr. Row, who was bile of the Tkree^ who flood for the Lawful. nefs of Epifiopacy, when it wasfirft called in queftion, at the',AfTembl$ in Augttft if7?» (u) Mr. Craig, wfjom Caldcrrtood himfelf^ s.,of cenfjres feverely for his forw#rdnefs ro have 2l^v the brethren fubfcrive, That they- fiould give ca\'d. <??.
obedience to their Ordinary s \ and charges With , leaking bitter inwBives againft the ftnecrer fort, as he calls m&> Non Subfcribers. (v) lqv) Cald. may add Mr. Knox, as (hall be i%ia,de appear, 167. ^ by and by. But I have taken.battoomuch18?-
UOtice of the Courfe of Conformity, which is,
truly, one of the weakeft Pamphlets was ever feen in print : And if that part of it which is againft Epifcopacy. was written bv Kir. fames- Melvil, as Caldermod affirms, (x<) (x)Czld. It is a Demonftration, That whatever his 5 Zeal was againft Prelacy, ic was not accord- .'
ing to much Knowledge*
Mr. Petrie mentions only two of our Re- formers, as Divine Right-of Parity 'Men: The Earl of Murray , who was Regent , and Mr. Knox: Caldervcood infifts on Knox, but • doth not mention Murray.
Petries Evidence about Murray, is, Th&fc*' &** he hath read of him, that by his Letter, he did inform ^een Elizabeth of the Honor ar.d Hap- C 3 pntfi
( u )
jitiefs that M>*M attend her Crown and State] upon the Ejiablifhment of Chrifis Government ; And of the profitable Vfes ^hereunto the Rick. Benefices of Bifbops might be applied. But I.
He tells not in what Author he read this; And none who knows Mr. Petries Byafs, will think it unreafonable to rehire feme pther thing to*?/; on, than his own Ban Authority, z. If we Ihould reft on his Au- thority % and allow that Murray wrote . fo, becaufe Mr. Petne faid it, yet how will it follow, that his Lordflhip was for the Divine Right of Parity f Might not he have been againft the Temporal Dignities, and the rich Benefices of the Englijh Biffcops, with- out being againft Prelacy I How many have been fo ? Indeed 3. There is all the Reafon in the world to believe, That if Murray did write fo to the Englijh Slueen, this was all he aimd at : For, had he been for the Divine Right of Parity, would he ever have fo much countenanced Imparity in the Church of Scotland? Was not he one of the Sub- / } Kn. (cr^m °f t'ie &rft B°°k pf Difcipline? (y) U3. Spot, wherein Imparity was fo formally eftablifoed ?
f 75, Was not he Regent in December ^^67} And
did not he, then, give the Royal Ajfent to fome Ads of Parliament, made clearly in favour of Imparity ? Or did he extend the Royal Ajfent to thefe A&S in Peffigbt of h& Confcience ?
'Tis true, indeed, Time has been, when fome Men have had fuch Duclile Confcience5, *hat pkq\ the one year, for not having fo " ' jpuch
much favour at Court, as they thought they
-deferved, they could boldly ftand up in
Parliaments againft iniauom Laws, and tell
their fellow Members, That fuch Laws re-
fle<3ed on the Jufiicc of the Nation, and
whatnot? And yet, the next year, when
the Court fmiled on them, and gave them
Preferments and Penfions to fatisfy their
Ambition, or their Avarice, they could
retrad all their former Nicenefs, fo much,
that if they had got the management of the
Royal Ajfent, they would have made no fcru-
pie to have Ap plied it for the Ratification, Ap>
probation, and perpetual Confirmation of the
fame Laws, in their whole Heads, Articles
and Claufes, which feemed, to themfelves, fo fcandalous and wicked : But the Earl of Murray, while Regent, had no fuch tempta-. tioS± I believe he had no fuch yielding Con- fcience $ if he had, I don't think his Au- thority was much to be valued. Once more, I think Vis very ftrange that he fliould have been for the Divine Right of Ttrity, and yet fliould never have fpoken fo much out; confidering his occafions, ex- cept in his private Letters to Queen £/;$,
The only perfon now to be conftdered is John Knox ; He was certainly a prime inftru- ment in the Advancement of our Reforma- tion * His Authority was great, and his Sentiments were very influential 5 And it is not to be denied, but it is of fome weight in the prefent queftion, to know what was fcis judgment. I (hall therefore endeavour G 4 to
ft
;o account for his p triples a little more
fully 5 and 1 (lull do it by thefe fteps. 1. 1
fhall (hew the infufficiency of the arguments
that are adduced, by our Brethren, to prove
tumPresbyjerian, z»I (hall adduce theAfgu-
ments which incline me to think he was not.
The great Argument infifted on by the
Author of the Courfe of Conformity , and
(d)C6ur\e Mr. Petrle, (a) is taken from a Letter of
<?/ conform. Knox' s, dire&sd to the General Aflembly,
P-32-^ec-.hplden &i Stirling, in August 1571. Thp
%Th words are thefe. Vnfaithful and Traitors to
the Flocks (hall ye be, before the Lord JefilS, if
that) whhyeur confent, direUly or -indireUly, ye
fuffer unworthy men to be ihruft in within the
"Miniflh of the. Kirk* under what pretence that
ever it be : Remember the fudge before whom ye
mufi make an Recount, and refift that TTz
R A N NT ,' as ye wotild avoid Bell fire , TSo
the Aqthor of thjb Courfe of Conformity, Wull-
gut the lead attempt to.lec .the world fee, \v.here the Argument lay. Mr. Petrie is, indeeda little 'more' difcreet,, He tells us?
Where it lies * " John Knox in hk. Letter to the Jtfewblj, bf 'the word Tyranny #caneth Epif-
copacy : So h<*, but without any fuller de- duiHon. , Andjs not this, a Defooriftration, tfat Knox was.;%sbytenan? Aid yet, after all this,, it is not poflible to make more of theLetter, when It is narrp#fy confiderM . than, "That fo^ de^m'djt ^pernicious 84 and Tyrannical thing, for any perfori or e<perfons whatfoever 'to thru ft unworthy •6 men into the Miniftery of the Church 5
"and
( *S )
"and Minifters who would makeCdhfcir " ence of their Calling and Truft, muft " refift fach encroachments with all poflible ?c concern and courage. No man, I fay, " can make more of the Letter : And who doubts but Mr. Knox was fo far in the right? But then, let any man who looks not through Mr. Paries Spe&acles, tell me what this has to do With Parity or Imparity ? The next argument is infifted on both
hyPetrie and Calderwood: (b) It IS, xhat(b)Fetffl Knox was at $t.Andrews9m ieb. If7f, w}ieUCaId- 3/4-
* Douglas was advanced to. that See ; That V he refufed to inaugurate him 5 Nay that
* in the Audience of many then prefent, *< he denounced Anathew>\o the Giver 9 and
* Anathema, to the Receiver 3 ^Sq if yqu ask ec Caldenvoods Evidence for this, fe; tells " you, He found it 1a a certain Manufcript^ iCthan which what cm be more Apoder " ftick.? To be (hort^tho we had reafon to give credit to Caldcrrveod, and his uncertain CertamManufcript, and to believe that the Matter' of Fa£t is true, and that Knox faid anddidfo; yet, by what confequences will it follow,, that he was for the Divine Right of Parity? To deal frankly, 'tis like enough that Knox faid Co, and 'tis very probable he . * had reafon to fay fo,in that inflance ; For at that time dreadful Invafions were made
Upon the Patrimony of the Church 5 None more deep in that Iniquity than the Earl of Mortony then Chancellor 5 by whofe influence
Douglas waspreferredtothat Archbifioprkk} ' . And
And (b 'tis like enough chat Knox] whdj all his life was Angularly Zealous for the Rights of the Church, upon fufpicion, if not certain knowledge, of fome dirty Bart 4* between Morton and Douglas , exploded fuitable Refentments. But that ir was not from any perfwafion he had of the &»/*»- fukefs of Prelacy is clear, even from what Calderwood and Petrie themfelves have re- fer) Cald. corded, within a pag. or two (c) For both iff. Ct" tel1 U5' rI™c w^en &? next Affembly c >n- * W Cinued Douglas in the Rcttorate of the UW-
verjity of &. Andrews, 3 .&**/«» ^e tad been in before he was raifed to the Archbifhoprickj John Knox Related (hat (o many Ofices were laid on one Old Ma*, which fcarcely to of the beffi gifts ~>r? able to bear. For (as Petrie adds) tie was ww Jrchbifhop, ReStor of the Vmverfity, and Provoft of the New College of St. Andrews. From this, I fay, it is plain. That Kmx did not refeni Douglas his ad- vancement, from any opinion of the Vn~ lawfulnefs of Efifcopacy, for no fuch word, (b much as once mutter'd by him* but from a perfvafion he had,tkar no one man was fit for fuch a Multitude of Offices. And I (hall readily grant, that Knox was not for Large piocefles (fuch as St. Andrews was then) , as we mall learn by and bv, tho I am afraid, little to the comfort of my Presbyterian Brethren. But I have not yet difpatched the whole Arguments Tis (aid, Herefufed
t* inaugurate the Bifhop : Be it fo, but may
Qot the grounds I have laid down already,1
urate
(57>
inake it reafonable for him to have done fo, tho he had no quarrel with imparity ? What ane Argument is this, John Knox, a Presbjter, refufed te confecrate a Bifhop, Ergo he teas 4 Presbyterian} This is upon the luppofition, rhat Caldermod and Mr* Petri* have told us true Matter of Fad ; And yet I muft con- fefs, I fee not the probability of its being true, That Knox was defired to inaugurate him ; For how is it imaginable, that he would be defired to perform that Office, when there was a Bifbop and a Superintwden* at hand to do it, and who actually did it, as both Authors acknowledge? But that is not all;
There is another Argument infifted on by both Authors, (d) viz. That Mr- John (d) CM
Ruther~foordj Provofiiof the Old College alledgedy *^Pet* that Mr* Knox's refining proceeded from Male- 37*# Contentment, And Knox purged himfelf next Sunday , faying I have refufed a greater Bifhop- ric\y than ever it was, -which 1 might have had with the favour of greater men than he hath hie ; J did and do Repine for Difcharge of my Con-
fcience. Now, what more is there in all this than, That Knox his Confcience would not have allowed him to take a Biflhoprick, with fo much prejudice to the Rights of the Church, for any mans feud ox favour, as he fufpefted Douglas had done in compliance with the Earl of Morton} Can the world fee any thing here that lookt like the Divine Right of Par^y} But
Caldervfooi
( a» >
Caldemooi has yet a more wonderful Ar- fO Cald, gutnent 00 to prove Mr. Knox one of his
17% party.* Afr. £*£<*, forfooth, being informed
by Mr\ Knox, as appeareth, of the Intention of the Conn to introduce Bijhops, wrote a Letter to him, wherein he told him, That as Bifbops brought in the Papacy, fo falfe Bifhops* the Re- lief of Popery, would bring in Epicurifm to the World, and therefore prayed him, that Epifcopacy might never be re-admitted into Scotland*' &c. Fetrie indeed mentions the fame Letter, but he had not the courage, it feems, to fay, that it appeared to have been cccafioned by a Letter of Knox's to %tka\ concerning the Intentions of theCo^rt to introduce Epif- copacy-"-'Indeed no fuch thing appeareth. frorrrarfy fentence, phrafe, or fy liable, in all Mp.&ez,as Letter.- .-Hblv it came ta appear, to M r. c alder wood, w hether by fome eertaii:oi uncertain Manuscript I know not ; but however it was, make the fuppofirion, That iimx did write fo to Beza, where is the donfeqoence of the Argument ? And if he wrote not (and 'tis impoffible to make it appear fromMr. Beta's Letter that he did) Why was Calderwood at fuch pains to give she world a citation out of BezSs Letter againft Epifcopacy •? was that a good proof that Knox was Presbyterian, that Bez,a fent
him fuch a Letter ? The truth is, if any thing can be collected from that Letter, concerning Knox's fentiments, it feems rather* that he was for Prelacy. For Beza feems clearly to import, that Knox needed to be
cautwfd
(
Z9 )
"camion A againfl: it : For thus he Sd & iftud,M.Knosi
Writes ; One thing 1 would have you, '? caccrofqifracres ve- m dear Knox, and your Brethren to £ ^^i advert tot as being very obvious^ it ts, obverfacur, ficut E- Thatas Bifhofs brought forth thePa- pifcopi papatum pc- pacy, dec. But if Knox needed this &erf™nt> &c- Be2a Commonitory, I think 'tis no EPift-^.pag. 315, great Argument that he was Presbyterian, fo much,at leaft, as Beza would have had him- But to do Mr.Calderwood juftice,he feems to have laid no great ftrefs on this Argument* and fo 1 leave it.So much for theArguments infifted on to prove, that Mr. Knox was for ParityX come now to the Arguments which incline me to think he was not.
When we are enquiring after ones fenti- ments about a point in controverfie, It is ,J not reafonable to build much onfarfetchc confequences 3 or refine upon incidental fayings, which may be, very frequently, the Refults of Negligence or Inadvertency: It is not proper to feften on indirect pro- pofirions, or (natch at this or that indelibe- rated phrafe or expreffion, which might have dropt unwarily from his tongue or pen. Following fuch meafures, we may eafily ftrain mens words, beyond their meaning 5 and make them fpeak Nonfenfe, or innu- merable Contradictions when we have a mind for ir, The folid meafure is to weigh a mans deliberate and ferious thoughts,if, a- ny where, he has expreft them 3 To confi- der his Reafonings, when he treated direct- ly on the controverted Subjects, or any
thing
thing that ftands fo nearly related to it, that one cannot readily difconrfe the one, with- out reflefting on the other 5 To trace him through his life, if the controverted point is Relative to Pra&ice, and try what was his Behaviour , when he had occafion to declare his mind concerning the matter in queftioru This, as I take it, is the true jiule. Now allowing this Rule to take place, I am very much mlftaken if Knox lhall be found to have been for the Divine Inftitution of Parity, and the Vnlawfuhefs of Prelacy.
Had he been fo perfwaded, how feafo- nable had it been for him to have ffoken out fo much, when he was brought before King if) Life Edwards Council ? ( f) The queftion was of Knox, then pUt t0 hjn^ Whether he thought that m Cald* p.}. chriftian might ferve in the Ecclefiaflical Mini- ftration, according to the Rites and Laws of the Realm of England ? Here was a proper op- portunity for him to have declared himfelf againft Prelacy, if he had been really againft it. How natural had it been for a fincere Parity man, on that occafion, to have told that Council, That no Chriftian could, then, ferve with a fafe Confcience, as a Paftor of the Church of England, becaufe accor- ding to the Laws of that Realm, he beho- ved to ferve as a Member of ane Vnlawfut Hierarchy ? yet he anfwered nothing, but that No Minifter in England had Authority to feparate the Lepers from the whole, which was 4 Chief Part of hU Office ? Plainly founding all
thl
( 31 )
the Vnlawfulnefs of being a Pa/tor of the Church of England, not Oil the Vnlawfulnefs of the Hierarchy, which he fpoke not one
Word about, bur on the Kings Retaining, in
his own hands, the Chief Power of Ecclefi-^. K . aftical Difcipline, as, it \s known, he did. Z^ft
When was it more opportune for him to Kn.' Hift. have exprefled thefe fentiments, if he had Jja- had them, than when he was at Frankfort fSg1" Yet not one word of the Divine Right ofbur'nJiiQ;
Parity, or the Vnlawfulnefs of Prelacy in all Re*; %
thefe controverlies (gj He was warm enough Caid. 3. then, and eager enough , to have found S^'-f^ faults in the Englifi Conftitution ; yet hey^/;J^L never charged her with the horrid guilt of nefs o\sepa*
Prelacy : Not fo much as one word of that ration.
in any Account I have feenof thefe Trou-Pa£ u hta. ***
How fuitable had it been for him to have declared himfelf in this matter, in his Ap- pellation from the cruel, and mofi unjufi fentencey
pronounced againfi him, by the falfe Bifhops and
Clergy of Scotland ; as he calls them, pub- lifhed by himfelf Anno 1^8 ? yet, in all that Appellation, not one fyllable to this pur- pofe : On the contrary, he plainly fuppofes
the Lawfulnefs of the Epifcopal Of ice, all a-
longft, throughout it : He appeals to a Law- ful General Council ; (h) Such a Council, <u (0 pafr » the mofi Ancient Laws and Canons do approve •* And who knows not that the moft Ancient Laws and Canons made Bifhops the Chief \ if not the only Members of fuch Councils > He fays (0 if the Popifa Clergy, his Ad- (,7 p^
yetfaries,
( p )
ferfaries, are for it, Be u content that Mai- lers in Controvert between him and, them, Is determined by the Teflimonies . and Authorities ef Dotlors and Councils, Three things being granted him, whereof thefearetwo, i.That thermft Ancient Councils, nearefi to the Primi- tive Church, in which the Learned md Godly leathers examined all matters by Gods word, may beholden of mo fi Authority* 2. That no Deter- minations ef Councils, nor Men, be admitted a- gainfi the plain verity of Gods word, nor againfi the Determinations of the four chief Councils*
Would he, if he had been Presbyterian, have agreed fo frankly to have flood by the De- termination of thefe 4 Chief Council* ? Could he have expeiSed, they would have favour- ed the Divine Right of Presbyterian Parity} Will any Scottifh Presbyterian, HOW adays, ftand to the Decifion of thefc 4 Councils ? Farther, In that fame Appellation, CO he requires of the Nobility, that the Bifbopsh compelled to ma\e an freer for the neglecting their Office $ which plainly fvppofes the Lawfulnefs of the Office, and charges Guilt only on the
Officers.
When had it been more feafonab!e,than
in his Admonition to the Commonalty of Scot- land, publifhed alto Anno 15:58 ? His great
defign, in ic, was to excite them to a Re- formation, by loading the Papiflkal Clergy with every thing that was abominable : Yet not a Syllable of it here, neither ; nothing but a farther and a clearer Suppofition of the ( k)VA^awfH^efs of Prelacy. You may (fays he (k)
( 33 )
in a peaceable manner , without Sedition, withhold the fruits and profits, which your falfe Bifkopt and Clergy, mo ft unjuftly receive of yon, until fuch time, as they {hall faithfully do their Charge and Duties ', which is, To preach unto you Chrift Jefus truly 5 Rightly to minifter the Sa» craments, according to his Institution ; And fo to watch for pour Souls as is commanded by Chrift, &c \i\k\\%fuppofesv\oi^\tlnnocency of the Epifcopal Office in it felf > I know not what can.
Had he been for the Divine Right of Pa- rity, how unfaithful had he been in his Faith- ftti Admonition to the true Profejfors of the Gofpel of Chrift within the Kingdom of England, writ- ten Anno i$S4? His great work there, was to ennumerate the Caufis, which, in Gods righteous judgment, brought Queen Mary's Perfecutiori on them. But he quite forgot to name the Sin of Prelacy, as one. Aflfu- redly he had not done fo:had he been of the fame fentiments with our Famous General
Afembly 1690. (I) How unfaithfully was it 0) See %
done of him, I fay, thus to conceal one °f^ft-foria
the moft Crimfon Guilts of the Nation ? But foR™ this is not the worft of it : In that fame Admonition he has a aloft fcandJous Expref- fion 5 fure he was not then fufficiently purgd of Popifb Corruption. God gave (fays he) fuch strength to that REVEREND FATHER jN GOD, Thomas Cranmer, to cut the
Knots of Devilifh Sophiftry, &c. (m) Tocaii(w) ?.*zi an Archbijhop a Reverend Father in God, what Wa$ it eife, but the plain Language of the D Se aft?
(34)
Seafi? HOW RankI} did it fmell of tllC Where i
How feafonable had it been, in his Let* ter to the ^ueen Regent of Scotland, written, dnmi<$$6 and published fey himfelf, with Additions, Anno 1^8? He talked very freely about 'he Popifti Riihons ink; but never a Tittle of the Vnlawfulnefs of the Office. It is plain from that Lertei he never dream'd of the Doughy Argument, fo much infifted
On, Roce, a gam It Prelacy, viz- That it u a Branch of Popery, and Bijbcps are Limbs of An"
tichri/l. For havi; g ftated ir as one of the
(n) p 50. Pop'fl9 Arguments, (n) That their Religion was ancient, and it was not pofibley that that Reli- gion could be falfe, which fo long time^ fo many Councils, and fo great a Multitude of Men had authorized and confirmed-. He gives his Snfiver thus : If Antiquity of time jhall be confidered in [uch Cafes, Thenfhall not only the Idolatry of the Gentiles, but alfo the Falfe Religion of Mahon'.et be preferred to the Papifiry ; For both the one, and the other, is more ancient than is the Papi/Iical Religion 5 Tea Mahomet had Eftablifhed his A OOTah before any Pope of Rome was crovrncd with a Triple Crown ^ &C.
Gan any man think, John Knox was fo very unlearned as ro imagine, that Epifcopacy was not much older than Mahomet ? or knowing it ro be older, that yet he could have been fo Ridiculous, as to have thought it a Relitl of Popery, which be himftlf affirmed to be ydxnger than Mahomet i Cm} whoio pleafes may fee more of his fentimen: about the Novelty
of
( 35 )
of Popery in his conference With Queeri JM&jtfCCovded in his Hiftory (o). One other (•) Ko: Teftimony to this purpofe I cannot forbear 3l8> to tranfcribe; All that know any thing of the Hiftory of our Reformation, muft be pre-
fum'd to know, That Superintendency was Eredted by Mr- Knoxs his fpecial advice and counfel. That it was in its very height, Annoi$66, is as indubitable : Now, we are told that Knox wrote the 4th Book^of his Hiftory, that year. Hear him, therefore, in his Introduction to it. (p) We can fpf^k^y K - the Truth, whomfoever we offend \ There is no ^g# Realm that hath the Sacraments in like Purity : Cald. 4^ For all others, how fine ere that ever the Dotlrine be, that by fome is taught , Retain in their Churches, and in the Minifters thereof, (owe Pootfteps of Antichrift and Dregs of Popery* But we {all Praife to God alone) have Nothing with- in our Churches that ever flowed from that Man
tf Sin. Let any man judge, now if Mr« Knox
lookt Upon imparity as a Dreg of Popery.
Thus we have found Knox, when he had the faireft occafions, the ftrongeft tempta- tions, the mod awakening calls, when it was mod feafonable for him, to have de- clared for the Divine Right of Parity*, and the Vnlawfulnefs of Prelacy, ft ill filent in the matter ; or rather, on all occafions, pro- ceeding on fuppofitions, and reafoning from principles fairly allowing the Lawfulnefs of Prelacy. But 5s there no more to be faid ? Yes* More with a witnefs.
D * id
(36)
In his Exhortation to Enghtidfor the fpeedy Embracing of Chrifts Gofpel, dated from Ge- neva j fanuary 12, Ann* iffp. Amongft many Other Reformations, He is for Reforming
their Bifhoprkkj indeed : But how ? By
Alolifhing them ? Nothing like it : How
(2) p no, then ? Take it in his own words, (q) Let no
man be charged in preaching of Chrifl Jeftts above that a man may do : I mean, That your Bifhopricks be fo Divided^ that of every one (as they are now for the moft fart) may be made ten : And fo in every City and Great Town there may be placed* a Godly Learned Man, with fo many joined "with him, for preaching and inftrytt ion, as (hall be thought fufflcient for the Bounds com- mitted to their Charge. So he : And let our
Parity-wen, if they can, give this Teftimony a Gkfs favourable to their^of the ^eftion, without deftroyingthe^**: The Truth is, this Teftimony is fo very niching, that I am apt to apprehend, it might have been for its fake, That this whole Tratlate was left out of the Folio-Edition of K*ox\ Works, printed at London, Anno 1 641. However, the Inquifition^ it feems, has not been iofiricl at Edenburgh ; for, there it efcap'd the Index Bxpargatmns . And yet tho it had not, the GoodCauJe had not been one whit the Se- curer. For Knox\ practice would have fuf- ficiently determined the matter : For, Did not /^compile the Firfi RookofDif- (r) Spot. cWine ? (r) And is not Imparity fairly Efta- 174. ' bliftied there? Did not he write and bear rhe Letter feilt by the Superintendents^ Miniflers
and
r 37 >
dnd CcmmiJJioners of the Church within the Realm of Scotland, to their Brethren, the Bi $VM> (hops and Pafiors in England, Anno l $66} ™*' ^ Did not he, in that fame Title of that fame cald/41! Letter acknowledge , that thefe Brethren, Rn. 44J* Bifkops and Pafiors of England had renounced the Roman Antichrifi, and profejfed the Lord
Jefus infmcerity t And doth not the Letter
all alongft allow of the Epifcopal Power and Authority of thefe Englifh Bifhops ? Did not he publickly and folemnly admit Mr. John
Spotfwood to the Superintendent of Lothian, Anno 1561 ? (t) Did not he Concur, at the , f^r rf^ Coronation of King James the Sixth, with a old Li- Bifhop and two Superintendents, Anno lj^7?turgy.
{w) Was not he, fome time, a Commiffioner O) sP°r* for Vifitation, as they were then called, i. e. £'%IU Temporary Bifhop* And did not he, then, A6l in a Degree of Superiority above the Refi of his Brethren, within the bounds of his Commiffion? Did not he fit, and vote, and concur in many General Aflemblies, where Afts were made for performing
Canonical Obedience to Superintendents ? In fine, doth not Spotfwood tell US (v) That he (v) sp0ta was far from the Dotages, wherein fome, that it 6.. would have been thought his followers , did after- wards fall ? That never man was more obedient to Church Authority than be } That he was al- ways urging the Obedience of Minifttrs to their Superintendents 5 for which he caufed diverfe Atls to be made in the Affemblies of the Church ? And, That he [hewed himfelf fevere to the Tranjgreffors ?
d 3 1
( 38)
I have infilled the longer on this inftanee
of Knox, bec^ufe he made a Singular Figure fcmongft our Reformers. Befides, having fo fully evinced that he (whom our Bre- thren value fo much) was UO Divine- Right- vf Parity Man ; I think it may readily pais for credibley that neither were any of the reft of our Reformers of that opinion* And now, to bring home all this to n y main purpofe, if not fo much as one of our Re- formers, no not Knox himfelf, was for the Divine Right of Parity, I think it may a- mount to an undeniable evidence, at leaft, to a ftrong Preemption, That they were not oftheprefent Presbyterian Principles, and all this will appear ftill farther unqueftiona- ble, when it is confidered in the
IV* place, How much reafon there is to believe, That our Reformers proceeded generally on the fame principles with the Reformers of England 5 where the Govern- ment of the Church, by imparity, was continued, without the leaft oppofition.
This is a Consideration, which, lam afraid, may not reliih well with the lncli- ftations of my Presbyterian Brethren 5 yet, withal, may be of confiderable weight with unprejudiced people 5 and bring light to feveral things about our Reformation,which» even thofe who have read our Hiftories and Monuments, may have pafled over, inadvertently 5 And therefore I (hall take leave to infift upon it fomewhat fully s And I (hall proceed by thefe fteps*
if I
(39)
r. I (hall endeavour to reprefent how, our Reformation, under God, was prin- cipally Cheriftied and Encouraged by £«-
gtifb influences.
2. I (hall endeavour to reprefent how, in Correfpondence to thefe Influences * our Reformers were generally of the lame mind, with the Church of England, in fe- deral momentous infhnces relating to Con- ftitution and Communion, the Govern- ment and Polity of the Church, wherein
Our prefent Vresbyterutn Principles ft and in
direft oppofition and contradiction jlo her, If I an make thefe two things appear,. I think, I (hall make a Confiderable Advance towards the Determination of the Second Enquiry.
fi. I fay, our Reformation, under God,
Was Cherifhed and Btcottraged, principally* by Englifh in faiences. That Scotland, barring
foreign influences, is Naturally difpos'd for receiving EngHJh imprelfions, cannot but be obvious to common fenfe. We not only live in the fame Iflind, feparaeed from all other Neighbourhood 5 we not only breath the fame air, and fpe-:k rhe fame language and obferve the fame cufloms, and have all the opportunities of Recipro- eating all the Offices, which cm refujc from daily Commerces, and familiar acquain- tances , and eafy Correfpondences, and Matrimonial Conjunctions, and innume- rable other fuch Endearing Relations, and AltaSives to Mutual Kindnefsj but alfc\
D 4 Scotland
(4°>
Scotland is the letter, England the larger 5 Scotland the more barren, England the more fertile } Scotland the poorer, England the richer; Scotland the more penurious of peo- ple, England the more populoui; Scotland
every way the weaker, England every way she ftronger Kingdom ; and , by confe- quence, Scotland every way the more ape to receive, and England every way the more apt to give impreflions* And Nature, in this, is fully juftified by Experience : For what Scotttjb man knows not, that, when the late Revolution was a carrying on, as
England caft the Copy to Scotland^ fo it was
ufed and preft, as one of the moft popular and influential Topicks to perfwade the Scots to follow the Copy, That Englandhad done it ; and why fhould Scotland follow a feparate Courfe ? Was not England a pow- erful and a wife Nation f what Defence could Scotland make for it (elf, if England ihould invade it ? And how was it to be imagined, that England would not invade
Scotland, if Scotland did not follow Englands
Meafares ? So that, to (land by K. f. when England had reje&ed him, what was it elfe, than to expofe the Nation to unavoidable Ruine ? Who knows nor, I fay, that this was one of the moft preft, becaufe one of the moft plaafible Arguments, in the be- ginning of the late Revolution ? And who Fees nor that the Force of the Argument lay in Scotland's obnoxioufaefs to England's im- preffions ? Let no true hearted Scottijh man ' " ' imagine.
( ft )
imagine, 'Tis in my thought, to diftionour my Native Country : I have fa id no more than all the world knowsto be true,and what cannot bedenied-If we could contend with them for Virtue,and Integrity $ for Honour and Gallantry 5 for Civility and Loyalty 5 for Glories that are truely manly, 'Twere for the Credit of our Nation 3 And it were our own fault if we were inferiour to them, in fuch Competitions : But 'tis Arrant Va- nity to contend with them for wealth, or Strength, or Multitude. Now, to bring this home to my purpofe.
God had fo ordered, in his wife Provi- dence, that, for many Ages before, Scotland had not been fo free of foreign influence, as a little before, and all the time, our Church was a reforming : The French were the only foreign Influences which were wont to find Entertainment in Scotland: And, in thofe times, the French had treated us very bafely and difhonourably. I fhal I deduce the mat- ter with all convenient brevity.
King Henry the Eighth of England had re- folved upon a War \v\xh France % Anno i?i2. The French King perceiving this, applyed to James the Fourth of Scotland, his old Con- federate, to engage him in ane Alliance a- gainft Henry. His Application wasfuccefs- ful : a private League was made betwixt them in November that year, (a) Two of ^ LeA- the Articles were, That if England fiwld^^ n
invade Scotland, France [hould wage War with
all its might , againji England 3 Scotland
ihould
(Ay)
ffoould do the Iike> if England invaded FranCC And neither of the two fhou/d take Truce with England, without the other gave his Confent, and were comprehended therein, if he pleafed.
In purfuance of this League, fames raifed
a potent Army, invaded England, incurred
the Popes Difpleafure, to the very Sentence
(b) Herb. 0f Excommunication, (b) fought the fatal
(cj Lefl. Battk of Flowdon, Sept. 9- 1 9 1 3, (c) Loft his
,45?. " Life, and the Flower of all the Scottish No*
Herb. 44. bilicy and Gentry, and left behind him,
James the Fifth, ane Infant, expofed, with
his whole State, to the not very tender
Mercies of King Henry. Here was ferving
the French interefts with a witnefs- Well /
How did Lewis requite this ? The next
year, he patcht up a Peace
Fax pa<3a tft,qu* res non with Henry, without compre-
ReL'no S^T Ending Scotland, without tvegno uauia pepenr , „ r ** i • *- • i_ j n
quantam RcgiNotam RefpecT; to his Faith and Pro- inuffit, quod, in ilia per- mife, without Pity ro thofe
cutienda, Seotorum, qui il- wh0 were reduced to fuch
iSSI^Ste *&?** <» h* **»* ;
fafta faerie mentio. Lefl. *f *is was not, what can be 35*5. called, Difobligittg i But this
was not all- The Scots, reduced to thefe difficulties, and fenfible, that it was not poflible for the Nation to fubfift, under ane infant King, with&jc a Regent, became humble Suppli- ants to the French King, that he would fend
them John Duke of Albany, then in the French
Service ; a Man of great Abilities, and next by Blood to the Scottifh Crown, that
he
(43)
he might be their Governour, during their Kings Minority $ But Henrys Threats, for a long time, prevailed more with iht'Frcnch King (d) than Scotland; Neceffities, or his {«J Hcrh Obligations to it 5 For Albany came not to Scotland, till May 1 ? 1 f . (V) fo that, for near ^) Buch, two years, thro the French Coldnefs and 4ss. Indifferency towards Scottifi affairs, the Kingdom had no fetled Government.
The War brake out again betwixt France and England, Amo . . . . . and a new Peace was concluded Anno 1 $ 18. And Albany our Scotti(k Regent was prefent, in perfon, when it was concluded ; but the Englijh Obftinacy, not to comprehend Scotland, was more effe- ctual with Francis the Firfi (who had then got upon the Throne) than all the Inter- ceflions of Albany, or the Merits of our Na- tion, (f) Nay, if we may believe Herbert, / 1\ ^ It was one of the main Articles of that 372. Treaty, that Albany (hould net return to Scotland-, (g) Nor did he return, till Oftob. (g) Herb. * ?2i. (h) And returning then, Henry reck- ^b h oned it a Main Breach of Treaty, nay and ]J6e plain Perjury in Francis, that he gave way to (J J Herb.
it. (0 Thus were we treated,/^, by France, ibid.
Let us now confider, if Henry was at any pains, all this while, to make ane Intereft in Scotland- And if we may believe the unanimous voice of our own Hiftorians, or my Lord Herbert in the Hiftory of his /^ Her^ Life, (k) never was man more earneft for 4?, S9t66, any thing, than he, in that purfuit, and he *u 99. had brave occafions for it -• For not only Paffiai*
were
(44)
were the Scots highly (andjuftly) irritated
by the degenerous and undervaluing flights
France had pur upon them, («ts 1 have juft
now made appear,) But Henry had furprized
them with anc Unexpected and Unaccu-
ftomed Generofity , after the Bmel of
Ilewdon. He had nor pur (bed his Vi&ory*
but had liftned gertly to their Addreffes for
Peace *, and told them that tho he might,
yet he would not, takead-
Henricus, animo raagno Vintage of their circumftan-
%rZlX'jf 225 ces •* He would treat them
fibf cum Scotis pacaris, r , . . r • r
paam, cum belkntibus, fankly ; if they were for
bellura fore. Buch. 48 ?. Peace, fo was he, if for War,
they {hould have it. A Re-
fponfe fo full of true Honour and Gallantry,
as could not but work on their affe&ions.
Befides,
His Sifter Margaret, the Queen of Scots, a Lidy of rare Endowments, was all alongft working to his hand, and making a P irty for him. James the qth by his Tdhmenr, before he went to Ftowdon, had nominated her, Govemefs of the Realm, during her Widowhood. This gave her once the principal hand in affairs. 'Tis true, (he was young and lively, and married within a year after the King s Death, and fo loft her Ti- tle to the Regency. But then (he married the Earl of Angus, the choice of all the Scottifh Nobility, and one who w?s in great (i) Buck Repute with all Ranks of People//) fo that, 4*4> 4*9* however her Marriage annulled her Title, it did not fo much weaken her Intereft, but
that
(45 5
that (he had (till a great Party in the Nati- on -, So great,That tho Albany was advanced to the Regency, (lie was for the moft part able to over-ballance him in point of power and following. In fhort
Such was Henrys and his Sifters influence, That all the time Albany was Regent, the Nation was divided into two Factions 5 The one French, headed by Albany 5 the other "Englifh headed by the £>ueen Dowager ; and hers was generally the more prevalent ; fo much, that tho Albany was perhaps one of the braveft Gentlemen that ever was ho- noured with the Scottijb Regency, he was never able to profecute, to purpofe, any project , he undertook , for the French Service. Thus,
a - f ji2. He raifed ane Army to invade England*, But with what fuccefs ? Why? The Scottifh Nobility waited upon him to the Border indeed, but they would go no further. They told him plainly, they would/ % guch# hazard lives and fortunes in defence of their 487. Country 5 but it was another thing toLefl. 38^ invade E»g/and.(tr) And Lrfly ph inly attributes all this Re fr^orinefs in thefe Nobles to the £*<« ns influence: Nay, *tis evident from the fame Lefly that the Bafenefs and Ingratitude of the French in the forementioned Treuti?s, was one of the principal Ar- guments that moved them to
Regtna etfi abfens, hujus ^men connlii Nobilibus audtoi fuit. Lefl. $%6. Albtnius cum intelicxerac Scotos Nobilcs a belie gerendo abhoTtre, quod non Reip. fuar utiiicate fed Regis Franci volun- tacc, tanquam fufcepium illud puraverinr,in Fran- ciam rranfmitcitj&c.Lcil4 337.
fuch
( ¥ )
fuch Backwardnefs : And Albany was feri- fible of it, and therefore went to France^ and told the Trench King fo much,and asked a (winging Army of Frenchmen, five thou- fand Horfe, and ten thoufand Foot • with fuch a force, he promifed to AH fomething againft England ; bat from the Scots, by themfelves, nothing was to be expe&ed.
And this his abfence was a new opportu- nity to Henry to play his Game in Scotland, j Indeed he neglefred it not ; he ufed all arts imaginable, further, to advance his own, and weaken the French incereft $ he harafled the Borders, without intermiffion, that, in the Miferies and Defolations of War, the Scots might fee the Beauties and Felicities of Peace, on the one HofKs autem Confilium hancj ; refolving, as it were,
eo fpeaabat uc feroees ^ fc j aDe A
fraftos ad pacifcendum Cor«> " HO Other thing COUld
fccum cogerct. Buch. 49?. do it : And on the other
hand, he had his Emiflaries
and Instruments bufie at work i in the
Heart of the Kingdom, and
NecSegniusctiam Scoti, ab0ut the Helm of Affairs,
^iWk!i^I™ imploying all their Skill and
S&STK Inter/ft, all their Wit and
tur, Regina Principe. Rhetorick,all their Eloquence
Buch. ibid. ancj Diligence, to perfwade
the Nation to a perpetual
Amity with England, the Queen being the
Chief A&rix. Neither did this feem fuf-
ficicnr 5 He tent Ambafladors, and wrote
Letters, and ieprefemed things in their
faireft
(47)
faireft Colours , and made . ,
moft charming Overtures,^. ^r^tis1°,,^'m"™ Eft-
_r , j* 11 , ' • cercnt, soiuto cum Lral-
If they would break the & f«der«^c. Bucfoib. League with France, and en- ter into one with England, the world (hould fee, and they (hould find by Experience, that it was not Humour, or Ambition, or Love of Greatnefs, that had moved him to treat them fo, but Love of Concord, and Concern for the Profperity 3nd Happinefs of the Nation ; That he had but one only Child, a Daughter, Mary 5 Her he would give to James in Marriage 5 hereby the Evglijh would become fubjed: to the Scottijk, not the Scottifh to the Englifh Government 5 and a great deal more to this purpofe- Whofo pleafes may fee this whole matter ,> Herb> tranferibed by Herbert (n) from Buchanan. \^ I4^" I go on.
The French King was not at leifure, it feems, to ?fford Albany fuch ailiftances as he required •, fo he was obliged to return without them. And returning, found the French intereft (till weaker and weaker, and the EngUfi ftronger and ftronger, as appears from his Succefs* For,
Having retum'd CO Scotland in September i?i3, (0) He inftantly gave out his Orders, (0 Buch: That the whole force of the Kingdom 4??- (hould meet in Douglas-dale^ againft the middle ofoMer. He found Obedience fo far, indeed, that they met 5 but when he had marched them to Tweed, and they found, he defign'd to invade England, they
would
(4§)
would not move one foot further, Hit founded, aloud, their old Carol. " They " knew by experience what was to be gain'd " by invading England: It was enough for
0>) Buch. ce f°r ^em fliac c^ey were willing to defend
sou J '"their own Country, &e. (p)
Here they flood, I mean, as to their Refa- ctions, not, their Ground ; for they left that, and inftantly return'd within their own Borders 5 fo haftily, and with fuch ftrong inclinations, it feems,to be at home, That, with great difficulty, he got them kept together, fome days, till he (hould fall on fome pretext, which might give a fair colour to his Retreat, and cover it from appearing, downright, dishonourable. 'Tis
(q) Lefl. true his luck was fo good that he found it i
3?o, 3*1. But how ? By the Art and Interefi of the
*'ufe. Englijh FaUion. (cj) Thus,
Queen Margaret, to wait her opportuni- ties had come ro the Border, and lodged not far from the Scottish Camp. The Earl of Surry commanded the Englifh Army,with whom (he kept fecret Correfpondence 5 and it was concerted betwixt them, ic feems, that the Englifh (hould by all means avoid Fighting, and (he (hould be imployed as a Mediatrefs to bring marteis to fome honed accommodation.The Ploc fucceeded ; a Truce was readily parcht up, to the facif- f?<3ion, no doubt, of both Parties. Albany had reafon to be glad of it, for, he could make no better of the Bargain-, and 'twas wich much difficulty he brought IrisExpe-
ditioa
(4>)
dition to fo honourable ane if*i. And 'tis plain, the EngUJh Fatlion had reafon to be as glad, for they had gained two points : They had got Albany to understand the temper of theNation, and the weaknefs of the French interest : And they had treated the Scots, who were fo averfe from Fighting, fo dis- creetly, by (hunning all occafions of En- gaging, and thereby (hewing that they were no Enemies to the Scots, unlefs it was on ihe French account, that they could not have fallen on a more fuccefsful politick forGain- ing King Henry* great purpofe, which was. To difengaee the Scots of the French, as much as he could : And the Succefs was agreeable. For,
After that, Albany $ Authority,^ and the French interefts, decayed fo fenlibly, and the EngUfb Fatlion manag'd their defigns, fo fuccefsfully, that, within a few months, Albany was turn'd out of his Regency 3 and the young King (then but twelve years of age) was perfwaded to take in his own hands, the Government. It was the En- ^ Lefle
glifh VaBion, I fay, that wrought this Revo- 393. lution, as is evident from the Hinc intellect Guberns-
whole thred of the Hiftory : cor feapudquofdamr No- And Left, (r) tells us plainly, gs ™" *RSS*
that Albany was fenfible of it, aqm, folexciiffa i^S",
and was perfwaded, it was in volebant fubire, atque
vain to endeavour any more, nullum beiium ( quod ,
to gain them to the French fide, F^^a> fcl™ T
and therefore he took his fi«)Uum7& vZbJu
leave and departed the Coun> Lefl. 393;
E try.
(5o)
try. This was in the year 1^24?
The King, fo young, all know, was not able to manage the Government by him- felfs but flood in need of Counfellors 5 They were Englljb who had got him thus Early to affucne the Government in his own perfon : 'Ti< obvious to colled, therefore* they were Englijh enough, who were his Counfellors. And fuch they were indeed, For, as Lefy has it, a Parlia- Ica tamen ne quid horum meat was indicted to meet in
Confilio omnino ftatueret February thereafter, wherein,
£ "Ttarquam^ Reg°ni a Comcil WaS nominated for Prfnceps, antea, fua au- affifting the King in the Ad- thoritare non fixeric aut ttiiniftration of the Govem- refixerit. Lefl. 3*7. ment , but fo as that the
SLtiecn Was to have the Sove- raignty, fo far as nothing wras to be done without her fpecial approbation and allow- ance.
Albany, the great Oppofer of his interefts
in Scotland, thus difpatched, King Henrys
whole Soul was divided betwixt Gladnefs
and Kindnefs : He was Glad, almoft to ex-
cefs, that he had got rid of fuch ane eye- fore.
(s) iflcic-(i) He was kjnd to the higheft degree, to
<jibiii qua- his Sifter, and Nephew, and the Scottlfb
tTJtmi. Mobility : He difpatched two Ambafla-
Ltfl. 3*4! d°™> with all Expedition, for Scotland, by
whom he offered to eftablifh a Lading
Peace •, and in the interim , agreed to a
Truce for a year, till a fond for a folid fettle-
LefL ment might be maturely confidered- (0 On
the other hand
Our
Our guecn (without doubt, with her Brothers fore-knowledg and allowance) ha- ving now the Reins in her hands, fends three Ambafladors to England $ The Earl tif Caflils, the Bifhop of Dunkeld, and the
Abbot of Cambuskeneth, to propofe to Hen- ry, in the name of the Scottifh Nation, thac there might be a firm and perpetual Amity eftablifht betwixt the two Crowns 5 and, to this great End, that a Match might be agreed to, betwixt James and Mary. Henrj entertain'd the propofition with all imagi- nable (hews of Satisfa&ion, but demanded
tWT0 things, That the Scots might break, the League with France, and make one of that fame Nature with England ; And, That James
might be educated in England , till ripe for
Marriage. But the Scottifh Ambafladors were not Plenipotentiaries enough for adjuft- ing thefe Matters : Caffils therefore comes home 5 a New Meeting of the States is called j and Caffils is returft'd to England, with Commiffion to tell Henry, That the Scottifh Lords are content to Relinquijh the French , on Condition the Match with the Princefs Mary were fecund, (u) TlS true, (u) $iS
nothing followed upon this Treaty but a for ail this Truce for three years-, for what reafon I Lefl. 394, know not. But from the Decu&ioa I 3*imh ;:. have briefly made, it may fufficiently ap- #I 3' pear how weak the French, and how ftrong the Bnglijh intereft was then in Scotland ; fo very ftrong, as, clearly, to overcome, and, almoft, quite extirpate the other.
E 2 We!! I
51*
t 52 ) .
Well / did Francis nothing to recover the Scottifb amity ? Alas ! at that time, he had greater matters to imploy his thoughts. He loft his Liberty at the Battel of Pavia, Anno 1927, and became the King of Spain's Prj- foner; and was not Reftored to his Free- dom, till Henry interpofed with a powerful Mediation : For which, He entered into another League with Henry 1 £27, without _ .. . a minding the Scots, or being ?r «r^tfSmS? concerrfd for their fecurity.
diliacntia Angli, in liber- —,. . . jn. - J
tacem , ex Wfpsnerum This W3S a third (light put Up
manibusrej5&«tfes,foedus on the «SV<tf/ by the French, in
adco amplum cum lis fe- their Treaties With England*
cic uc multuoi scottco fee- >r\~ tme indeed F^^« did dcri dcroaaretur. *«d>. 11S trUe in?eea' */a"cu dia
fc not enter into this League
with Henry 7 over- awed by his Threats, but conftrain'd by his Kindnefs and Good Offices, in his Liberation from his Spamfb Captivity : But it was all one to the Seots9 for what reafon it was, if they Were Defeated. 'Tis true indeed,
When James came to full age, he had ftrong inclinations for renewing the Old Amity with France ; and no wonder,confide- ring how much he was manag'd by the Clergy, who abhorred Henry, for (baking off the Popes Authority ; and thought them- (elves concern 'd, with all their Might, to guard agaioft Henrys contagious influence as they dedm'd them. But however the king and Clergy were inclined, 'tis evident, the Body of the Nation continued conftant in their (0 frequently provoked Coldnefs to
the
(53)
the French interefts; and in their good Affe&ion towards England, io much, that they would never thereafter, Cat leaft all the time our Reformation was a carrying on) follow either King or Regent to invade
England. Thus,
When James the Fifth, Anno 1 5*4 *. was
very earned for it, the Nobility generally declined it 5 and he was forced to difmifs them : And when, (hortly after that , his Earneftnefs Rex mirum fa mcdum that way, it feems, increafing, cupicbacprariio deceme, e,
U~ j j a adverfa Nobmtace • a
he ordered ane Army to meet quibus id finpetI .a! .e\on at Carlaverock , intending potetat. Bucii. 3 j K L< 9. therewith to enter England $ 43?-
fo foon as 0/;W Sincere was
declared Cfc/V/ Commander, and the Kings in- tentions were made known, all threw away their Arms, and (offered themfelves to be taken Prifoners. (v) And jrvj [^
When the Earl of An an Regent, An^p.
no went with a goodly Army to be- Buch.?2<?.
fiege the Church of Coldingham, which the EngUJh, for the time had fortified, he was forced to run for it, abruptly 5 fearing (as Buchanan fays (w) his friends pretended) (w)Buch. left his Army fhoiild betray him into the 544- hands of the Englifh. And
Anno I$?7, when the Queen Regent {Ma- ry of Lorrah) was moft earned to have had England invaded, thereby to have made a Diverfion, and eafed France of the Englifh Force, which was aflifting Philip the Second 0f«%»tfagainft Henry the Second O'f Prance,
E 3 the
( 54)
the Nobility could by no means be gain'd to do it, as all our Hiftorians tell us- I could have infifted on this Dedu&ion far more largely, but I thinks what I have faid , may ,be fufficient for my purpofe, which was to (hew how much Scot/and was difengaged of Foreign Influences, and by coafequence, how much it was difpofed to receive Englijh impreffions from the very
Dawning of our Reformation, till its Legal Eftablijhwent ijdo.
Let us next try, if according to thefe
Difyoptions, the Englijh influences were Com*
wmicated ; and made fuitable impreffions. And, I think, in the
i ft place, No man can reafonably doubt but that *ris fairly credible, they did .• For no man can deny that the Reformation made a confiderable figure in England, more early, than it did in Scotland: When Light was thus arifing in the Ifle, it was natural for it to overfpreaci botfi Nations : And it was as Natural, that the more and fooner Enlightned Nation fhould be the fountain of Communication; that is, in plain terms, that Scotland (hould derive it, under God, from England 3 EfpecialSy considering, how, at that time, they were mutually difpofed towards one another. Indeed
2. Tis certain, Books deferveto be reck- oned amongft the prime Vehicles of fuch
li^ht as we are now confidering 3 and 'tis
ascertain, That the firft Books which en-
d were brought from England.
Tivdal
( 55 )
Ttndd tranflated the New Teftement into EngUfh, Anno i f 31- And Copies of it were difperfed here in confiderable plenty ; and other ufeful Books were then written alfo in the Vulgar Language, which was common to both Nations j which coming from En- gland, had great fuccefs in Scotland as is evi- dent even from Knox's Hiflory : W ButWKn.38* this is not all. The truth of all this will appear more fully, if,
3- We confider, That King Henry had no fooner begun his Reformation (Tuch as it was) in England, than, he Endeavoured to tranfmit it into Scotland. He (hook off the Popes Supremacy, Anno if 3 4* And he fent the Bifhop of St. Davids to his Nephew James of Scotland, Anno l^ IS- ty) with(Z>) Buch Books written in Englifh, containing the fub- f 20. fiance of Chriftian Religion 5 Earneftly s*oc* 7°- defiring him to read them, and joyn with him in carrying on the Reformation. And
Herbert fays, (c) Henry was vaftly follicitOUS, (V) Herb. To draw James on his fide., m knowing of what $96. Conference it was to \eep his Kingdom fafe on that part ; And therefore Laboured slill to in* duce him to abrogate the Papal Jurifdiclion in his
Dominions : And tho this Embafly of St. Davids had not fuccefs, yet Henry gave not over 5 but continued to write Letrers to James , infifting ftiil upon the fame Requefts. Petrie has tranfcribed one from Fox ( h ) wherein Henry " Premonifhes , ,* p " requires, and moft heartily prays f awes to i7& e" . "confider the Supremacy granted bv the E 4 "Holy
(sO
P Holy Scriptures, to Princes, in Church " matters : To weigh what Gods word "calleth a Church: To confider what ei Superftitions, .Idolatries, and blind abufes, " have crept into all Realms, to the high ct Difpleafure of God 3 and what is to be "underftood by the Cenfures of the " Church, and Excommunication, (for the LiPo$e had then Excommunicated Henry) *c and how no fuch Cenfure can be in the " power of the Bljhop of Rome, or of any "other man, againft him, or any other " Prince, having fo iuft ground to avoid u from the Root, and to abolifh, fuch ane " execrable Authority , as the Bi(hop of C£ Rome hath ufurped, and ufurps upon alt " Princes,to their Great Damage: Requeft- " ing him for thefe Reafons, to ponder, €< of what hazard it might be, to. James <l himfelf, if he agreed to fuch Cenfures, "and, by fuch example, gave upper-hand, " over himfelf, and other Princes, to that
" Vfurper of Rome, to fcourge all who Will " not Kifs and Adore the foot of that Corrupt
*\ Holinefs, which defires nothing but Pride, tf and the univerfal Thrall of Chrifiendom,
Here was Earneftnefs, for Reformation in Scotland, with a witnefs. And can it be imagined that Henry, who was fo ferious with the King of Scots, was at no pains at all with his Subje&s I with the Nobility and Gentry, with fuch as might had in- fluence, either at the Court, or in the
Country ?
r 57)
Country ? No, certainly, as may be evi- dent, if we confider
4. That, when, in the year 1^40 or i J41, Henry was earned for a Congrefs with JWz, to try, no doubt, if meeting face to face, and perfonal and familiar Converfe and Conference might prevail with him ; Ail our Scotti(b Protectants were mighty zealous that the Interview might take effect, and both time and place (which was York) might be F*ffio Sacerdotibus ini-
punftually obferved. Is not <Kft *» Gonatu>. at$
uuuwHflijr wMuivtu. "r1 animivmbus, eo mcu- thiS a Demon(tratlon,a that buerunt, ut Rex tempu's they Underftood Henry S fro- locumque colloquii peri-
)eU, and approved his defigns ? c"m ©biret, Buch. 525-. and that they were in the fame Bottom with him, in purfuanceofa Reformation? Tis true James followed other Counfels, and difappointed the Inter- view 5 and therefore Henry turn d angry, and raifeo War againft him ; But then, 'tis as true, that fames found his Subje&s fo backward (as I (hewed) and was fo un- fuccefsful in the management of that War, that he contra&ed Melancholy, and foon after died. Add to this
j. That after James's Death, Henry per- fitted, in his Concern to advance the Re- formation in Scotland, as well as in England. To this end, He was careful, that thofe of the Scottijh Nobility and Gentry who were taken Prifoners at Sdway-mofs, might be lodged with fuch perfons as could inftruft them in the Reforming Principles. And
To
C58)
fo foon as he heard that James was dead* and had left a Daughter, fome few days old, yet Heirefs of the Crown, He difpatched them for Scotland, to promote his interefts, in the Matter of the Match, he was zea- lous to have made, betwixt his Son Prince Edward, and our Infant Soveraign. Indeed they were as diligent as he could have defi- red : They got it carried in Parliament 5 and that they did it from a profpeft of carrying on the Reformation of Religion, by that conjunction, cannot be doubted, if we may believe Dr Burnet, in his Abridg- ment of the Hiftory of the Reformation of the Church of England: For there (e) he
i zZ not only te!Is> "That CaITlls had &* thefe
79i '' "feeds of Knowledge at Lambeth, under Cran- " mer'i influence /j which produced afterwards tC a Great Harveft in Scotland. But alfo, tl That the other Prifoners were inftru&ed <c to fuch a degree, that they came to have c: very different thoughts of the Changes 11 that had been made in England, from "'what the Scottifb Clergy had poflefled *c them with 5 who had encouraged their " King to engage in the War, by the affii- " ranee of Vidory, fince he fought againft " ane Heretical Prince, &c. And a little after, They were fent home, and went away much pleafed both with the Splendor of the Kings Court, and with the way of Religion which they had feen in England. And that we have reafon to believe this Author in this matter, is evident, becaufe
he
( S9)
he is juftified, herein, by all our Hiftorians,
efpecially Buchanan, as may appear by the fequel. Here was Succefs of the English influences: Seven of the Supreme Order, i*e. Noblemen, and 24 of inferior Quality, confiderable Gentlemen, all enlightned in England, for fo Buchanan numbers them. (/) (0 Buch.J And here, by the way, it will not beamifs *32« to confider the ftrength of the Proteftmt Tarty in Scotland, when in this Parliament, wherein the Match, by the influence of the Englijh Converts, was agreed to, They were fo ftrong, that they carried
the Regency for the Earl of Arran, prompted
thereto, chiefly by the perfwaiion they had of hisaffedion to the Reformation, as is evident from the confentient Accounts of Buchanan % Knox, and Spot [wood, (g) They (g) Buch: carried it for the Match with England in sp. oppofitibn to all the Popijh Party, as I have ^n- £*• , juft now represented. Nay,whichismore, pot* ?u becaufe more immediately concerning the Reformation of Religion, they procured ane
Ad: to be made, That it Jhould be Lawful to every Man, to take the Benefit of the Translation, which they then had cf the Bible, and other Treat ifes containing wholfome Doctrine, &c. (h) /n Kn.38. Indeed, at that time, the Reformation Spot. 72. was fo far advanced, That the Regent kept
his two P rote ft ant Chaplains , Gnillam and Rough, both Church of England men, as We
(hall hear, who preached publickly to the (0_Lc«- Court (i) and declaim'd boldly againft the Kn-V. Roman Corruptions. So far advanced, that it Spoc. 72.
flood
flood fair, within a (hort fpace, to have got the publick eftablifhment, if Arran, the
Regent, to keep the Popes Cover on his Title
to the Succetfwn, wherein, without it, there were a Couple of fad Chafms, and for other worldly ends, had not play'd the Jade, by renouncing his Profeffion, and returning to the Popes Obedience.
Obferve further, by the way, That this firft Parliament of Queen Marys , was holden, in her name, and by her Autho- rity, upon the 13th of March ry4§f as is clear, not only from our Hiftorians, bur, the printed Adts of Parliament; and fhe was not crowned till the zoth of Augufi thereafter, if we may believe both Lefty ft) LelL anc[ Buchanan, fy) And yet there was not lb
" * * againft the Legality of the Parliament 5 no fuch thing was thought on : So that 'tis no new, nor illegal thing, for Scottifh Mo- narchs to hold Parliaments before their Coronations. But this, 3S I (aid, by the way.
Such was the ftrength of the Reforming Party, then, and this ftrength, under God, advanced fofar, principally, by Englifh in- fluences. And all this will appear more convincing ftill,when it is confidered in the
6th place, That all alongft the Popifb Clergy were very fenfible of it, and very much offended with it, and were at all imaginable pains to difappoint it, and op- pofeic.- Thus,
When
( 6\ )
When H*tf>7 fent the #/% of St. Davids (as we have heard,) Anno is 3^ to treac with James about Reforming, the Cfcigj were in a dreadful /wfor, how to keep off the Interview; and ufed all imaginable Arguments with the King, to dilTwade him from liften- Sacerdotes qui pro aris
inPtnif Tel line him it & focis fibi certandum vi-
mgto it, leiung mm, it debaac fremcre . Rcligi.
WOUld rume Religion , and onem hoc congreflu pro-
that would ruine his Soul, his di. Buch. 521. State, his Kingdom,^. Nay
The Pope himfelf was extreamly felici- tous, how to prevent fo great a mifchief, as he deem'd it 3 For, as Lejly tells us (/) HisCO Lt& Holinefs finding that Henry had call off his41** Yoke, and fearing left James fhould tran- fcribe his Uncles Copy, fent his Legates to Scotland to confirm him in the Faith, and fortify him againft Henrys impreffiorjs. And Buchanan (m) fays, He allowed him (m) Buch. the Tenths of all the Benefices within the s n> Kingdom , for three years time , to keep him right. Again,
When Henryy Anno 1^40. infifted the fe- cond time for ane interview, the Clergy were in a whole Sea of troubles; They ufed all arts, and tried Id cum Sacerdotes «fgif- all Methods to impede it. At £% a<?urDr ^ °r£lne laft they fell upon the true ^Sg^fS Knacks (and a true Demon- Buch. 525. vid. Lefl.431, ftration of their Concern, 432- feeing, it was a Knack, that lookt fo unkindly on their Pockets) which was, to promife him Money, largely, no
left
(**)
lefs than 30000 Crowns yearly, fays Buch£ nan\ Knox calls them foooo, out of their Benefices, befides a vaft fum which might arife out of the confifcated Eftates of He- reticks. 50000 Crowns was a good round famrn in thofe days in Scotland, Further,
How were they alarm'd? what fears
were they under ? what fhapes did they
turn themfelves in ? what tricks did they
play, when the Match betwixt Edward and
Mary (Ypoken of before) was
occafio item fuprcm* Po }n Agitation ? The Cardinal
teffcris invadendar, & ce- r j m» • ^ Ki ,
lcritatis egere viia eft, ut 'Olgea a w%u in IPC *J*gs
Captivorum& Exuium, Name, nominating nimielr, ex Anglia , Redicum, the principal, of four Con- praeveniret, nc quid in juna Regents, for managing
approbation fui nonons, f{ e r:nUprnmPnf during the
eis, imearum Relinque- ™e ^Qvemmenc curing me ret, quorum & potennam Queen s Minority : intending,
& Grariam formidabat, thereby, to feCUre the Pofifh
& mencem a fe alienam, interefts, and prevent the
t*Z*^& coming of the Nobility from
#i. vide Kn.3 * Spot.7 1. England , who , he knew ,
would lay out themfelves
with all their Might to oppofe him, being
his Enemies upon the account of Religion,
and advance the Defigns of England. This
not fucceeding, (for the forgery was mani-
feft) His next Care was, that all the Popifi
Party (hould tumultuate, bawl and clamour, .
confound and difturb, the Parliament, all
they could -■> which, indeed, was done fo
focedsfully, that nothing could be done to
(») Buch. pttrpofe, till he was committed toCuftody :
535- (») Neither did this put an end to thefe
practices
pradKces of the Party , but fo foon as the. Parliament (having concluded the Match' was over* and he fet at Liberty, with the Queen Dowagers advice (who was all over French and Papift) He convenes the Clergy, reprefents to them the impoffibi- licy of their (landing, the certain Ruine of the Catholick Religion, every thing that could be frightful to them , unlefs that Confederacy with England were broken 5 obliges them therefore to tax themfelves* and raife great Sums of Money, for Bribing fome of the Nobility, that were not proof againft its Charms and Beauties 5 And to life all their Rhetorick with others, to the \
fame purpofe : And laftly, it was conclu- ded in that Religious Meeting, That the Match and Alliar.ce (hould be preach t againft from the Pulpits ; and that all poffible pains ftiould be taken to excite the Populace to Tumults and Rabbles, and treat the English Ambaflador , with all affrontingTricks andRudentfles.(V)In ihorr, f0) Vide the Faftion never gave over till they had Buch.^. cajol'd the weak Regent into aneAbjuration **4* of Proteftancy (as was told before) and re- poc* 7h conciled him to theFrm^,which,then,in5W- /W,was all one vvith/fe P^/^Interefl.Nay His Holinefs himfelf again interrefted himfelf in this juncture, as Lefly tells us ; (p) ,, , ~ fending Petrm Francifcus Ccntarentu, Patri- ~V- * arch of Venice, his Legate, into Scotland, ro treat with the Regent and the Nobility, in the Popes Name, and promife them large
affiftances
I *4 >
( affiftances againft the EngRfi*
Sradebafc enlm tvere* if they would break the Con-
[fisl]1rJ^rS: «» -J M»jaee betwixt
hcndis, quod fufpicare- Edward and ^/4^; which
tur, per iiiam Conjun- had fo fatal ane afped: aiooem, aliquam fieri towards the Catholick Reli- pomiiie, m Scotia, Reii- b By this Tafte, 'tisea-
gioim everilonera, &c. f ,./ , * ' V ^
Lcfl. 44?. fy to difcern how much the
Foj>i(h Party were perfwaded, of the great influence , England had on Scotland in order to a Reformation of Reli- gion : And laying all together that hath beenfaid, 'tis as eafy to perceive, they wanted not reafon for fuch a perfwafion. Having thus given a brief Deduction of the Srate of our Reformation in King /&«r/scime, and made it apparent, that it was much encouraged and quickened by EngUfh Influences, then, I think, I need not infaft much on the fucceeding Reigns. Briefly then
7.. As Edward the Sixth had the fame reafons for interefting himfelf in our Scottifl? affairs, which his Father Henry had before him, fo we find his Counfels were fuited accordingly. No fooner was Henry dead,
and Somerfet warm'd in his Protebloral Chair , than the Demands abour the Match were renewed. And being reje&ed by the Popiflh Parry, here, who had our weak Regent at their Beck, and were then the governing Party , the Matter ended in a Bloody War. Somerfet raifed a great Army, and entered Scotland ; But before
ie
it came to fighting, he fent a Letter to the Scots (q) written in fuch ane obliging (tile, (0 BucK and containing fo kind, and fo fair, fo equi- £^'. %% . table propofitions, That the Regent, advis'd kDOx. %?\ by fome Pafifts about him, thought fit not to publifti it to his Army, but to give out, that it tended to quite contrary purpofes than it really contained, That it contained Threats that the Englijh were come to car- ry off the Queen by force , and Ruine and Enfiave the Nation, &c. Dreading, no doubt, that if he had dealt candidly, and (hewed the Letter to fuch men of intereft in the Nation* as were there, it would have taken fo with them, that they would have laid afide thoughts of Fighting. In- deed ! this was no groundlefs jealoufie, the matter was above-board : For, zs Buchanan tells us, In the next Convention of Eftates which was holden (hortly
after that fatal . Battel of Erant qui ob Religions* Pinkie* thofe who were for f«H«w. Anglorm ob-
the Reformation, being of £$££2^5
the fame Religion With England, fAmoni favebant omn&
were zealous for the EngHfh Papm. Buch. $66. Spot.
Alliance, and againft fending **
the Queen into France \ and
that they were the Papifts only who were
for fending her thither.
8. When Edward died, and his Sifter Mary afcended the Throne, a heavy Cloud indeed did hang over both Nations, and threatned a dreadful ftorm to the Refor- mation of Religion. flfm% according ro F
(66 )
her furly humour, fell to downright Per- fection in England : And our ^ Dowager having (houldered out Arran% and pofleft herfelfof the Scottijh Regency, in her fubtie way, was as zealous w maintain the Super- ftitions of Popery, ufing left Cruelty, in- deed, than Mary, but more policy, and to
the fame purpofes. And now the purga- tion of Chriftianity, feem'd to be brought to a lamentable (land, in both Kingdoms, and the hopes of thofe to be quite daftit, who were breaching for the profeflion of that Holy Religion in its purity. " Yet ct God, in his kind providence, did other- " wife difpofe of things, and made that a " means to advance Religion amongft us, " which, men thought, (hould have utter- u ly extinguifot ic : For fome of thofe who M fled from Marys perfecution in England, " taking their Refuge into this Kingdom, " did not only help to keep the light which " had begun to fhine, but made the Sun " to break up more clear than before, as (0 Spot. Smt [wood hath it from Knox, (r) For then
92- came into Scotland, William Harlarv, "John
Kn.?9. Willoc\, John Knox, &c of whom more
hereafter. Thus we were ftill deriving
more light 2nd heat from England.
9. Mary died, and Elizabeth fucceeded,
in November 1588. our Queen was then in
Franc* : Ic was morally impoflible to reco- ver her thence : The Englijk influences^ which in Henry and Edwards time, had cherifhed natkm, ( except fo far as God
fens
(*7)
feat US Harlaw, Willoch^ and Knox] by his fpecial providence, as I toldjuft now) were quite cut offall the time of Mar/s Govern- ment. Our Reformers, therefore, to make the befi of a bad hand, were earned to be amongft the foremoft Courtiers with the Queen Regent : They were ready to ferve her defign with ail poflible franknefs : par- ticularly, they were amongft the moft for- ward for carrying on the Match with the Dauptime of France, and voted chearfully that he (hould have the Matrimonial Crown conferred upon him, after the folemnizati- on of the Marriage. In confequence of this their franknefs, the Earl ofArgyk and the Prior of St. Andrews, two firft-rate Prote- ftants, were the perfons nominated to pafs into France, to honour the Batiphine with that complement \ And they undertook it cordially.
But, in the very inflant, almoft, they were informed that Mary of England was dead,and Elizabeth on the Throne,and withal profefling Proteftancy. This altered their whole Scheme : They prefently confidered. The Englijh Influences, fo long ft opt in their Courfes, might now begin to Drop again : And there were hopes of Afliftance from that Female Soveraign : So, thefe two Lords (no doubt, with the advice of the reft of the fraternity) save over thoughts of their French Voyage : The Bauphine might purchafc a Crown for himfelf, or wait till his Fathv dyed, if he could not do better : They re-* F i Mvcd
(SB)
folved t6 Carry him no Matrimonial Croons
from Scotland. Indeed their hopes of Af- fiftance from England to carry on the Re- formation of Religion, were better ground- ed then than ever. For,
Upon the Death of Queen Mary of En- gland, by French advice, our J2»een, zsNex.i Heir to that Cro^n, had aflumed thzEngHJh Titles. 'Tis not to be thought Elizabeth lik'd this well ; and refolving to continue gtuee* of England, (he had no reafon : For who knows not that her Title was j^eftio*
fjabte t But our Queens Defcent was Vncon- troverted* What WOnder then if Elizabeth
thought herfelf concerned to fecure herfelf as well as {"he could ? And what more fea- fible and proper way for her fecurity, than to have the AfcBions, and by confequence the Power of Scotland on her fide ? And what meafure fo natural for obtaining that% as to cherifh the Reformation of Religion in Scotland, and weaken the Pofifh, and by confequence, the French interefts there, and get the Rule of that Kingdom put in the hands of Proteflants ? The politick was obvioufly folid % all the work was to fet it a going : Euc that difficulty was foon over; for no fooner did (he employ (bene private inftruments, to try the Scottifb pulfes, than they [melt the matter, and relifkt it imme- diately- The leaft intimation that (he was fo inclined, was to them as a fpark of fire amoigft Gun-powder, it kindled them in a thought : They addreft her, quickly
beg'd
(■**)
beg'd her protection., and plighted their Faith that they would depend upon her, and ftand by her, and to the outmoft of their power, fecare her interefls 3 if (lie would grant them fuitable affiftances. Thus the bargain was readily agreed to on both fides ; and both performed their parts fuc- cefsfully. For who knows not that our Reformation was carried on by Elizabeth* Aufpiccs t by EngHjh Arms, and Counfels, and Money in the year i?6o ? And who knows not, that by the Treaty at Leith in f*(y, that fame year, after the French were expelled Scotland, when our Reformers, by her help, had got the upper hand, her Crown was fecured, as far as the Scottish Proteftants could fecure it I Who knows not, I fay, that it was one of the Articles of that treaty, That the Queen of Scotland
and King of France, fhould not, thereafter, u- furp the Titles of England and Ireland, and fhould delete the Arms of England and Ireland out of their Scutchions .? and whole Houfhold-
ft»P (0 By this time, I think, it may, } s competently appear, how much our Scottifh\^9% y Reformation, under God, depended on
Englifh influences. But I have tWO things
more to add
10. Then,It is confiderable that fomeof
Our Chief Luminaries, of thofe, who had a
principal hand in preaching and planting the Gofpel in Purity among us, had drunk in thefe principles in England, and brought them, thence, to Scotland with them* Thus F 3 the
( 7° )
the excellent Martyr Mr. George Wi/kart] (of whom in part before) as Spotfwood tells (t) Spot. us> fy ^d fpent his time mCambridge, and y. ' retum'd to his own Country to promote the Truth in it, Anno 1J44. And Mr. John Spot/mod, that worthy man who was fo long Superintendent of Lothian after our Refor- mation, was one of Grangers Difciples, as you may fee in the beginning of the Lift of Archbijkop Spot/mod his Son, and alfo in his («) Spot. Hiftory* (tt) And f */;# Wllloc\ and William c544. Harlar* had both lived in England, before they preacht in Scotland, as 1 have already accounted 5 and perhaps a ftrift Enquiry might difcover fome others.
11. and laftly, On the other hand, (ex- cept fo far as John Knox was Calvinifi, and a
Lover of the Forms of Geneva, for which,
perhaps, I (hall account hereafter,) none of our Hiftorians give fo much as one particu- lar inftance, of a Scettijh Reformer who had his Education in any other foreign Church, except Mr. Patrick Hamilton, who, I think, cannot be proven to have been a Presbyte- o-lant, and tho it could be done, it could amount to no more than the Authority of a very young man, confidering he was but 2, 3 years of age when he died. Neither do they mention any Foreigner^ who came here to Scotland, to aflift us inour Reformation! ( . req. Le&> (v) indeed, fays, that the Scottijh Proteftants fent Letters and Meflengers to
Germany, to call thtnce Sccramentarian Mi-
afters, ss being very dexterous at foftering
Sedition,
492
(7i r
Sedition, and fubverting Religion 5 but no other Hiftorian fays fo ; and he himfelf fays not that ever any fuch came to Scotland. Thus, I think, I have accounted compe- tently for the fir ft thing propofed , viz. That our Reformation, under God, was principally Cherifhed and Encouraged by
Englifh Influences, I proceed to the
2. Which was, That> in Correspondence
to thefe Influences, our Reformers were generally of the fame Mind with the Church oi England, in feveral momentous inftances relating to the Conftitution and Communi- on, the Government and Polity of the Church, wherein, our prefent Vresbyterian principles ftand in dired oppofition and contradi&ion to her.
That our Reformers agreed with thofe of the Church of England, in the Common
Articles of the Chriftian Faith , in their
Creed, was never called in Queftion- But it is not my prefent purpofe to confider the fentiments of our Reformers in relation to
the Church as it is a Sett, but as it is a Society,
neither (hall I be curious to amufe many particulars \ I (hall content my felf with two or three of confiderable weight and impor- tance.. And-
1. Our Reformers, generally, or rather* ananimoufly , lookt on the Church of England, as a Church fo well conflicted,
that her Communion was a Lawful Communion.
For this we have two as good Evidences as
the nature of the thing is capable of, *«.
F4 The
( 72 )
Theconftant and uniform practice of our (ormers joining in the Communion of the C rch of England- when they had occa- fioii, a s thofe of the Church of England did, \vith the Church of Scotland % and their open p'ofej in their publick, deeds that they
rflCU^ I, Lawful*
i. I fay it was the constant praUke of our Reformers to jojn in the Communion of the Church o$ England^ when they had occafion, as thofe of the Church of England, did, with the Church of Scotland^ Thus, we find all fuch of our Reformers, as, in times of
PerfeCUtion, fled into England, ftill joyning
With the Church of England \ e.g. Enar
U) Spot, Alexander Seaton^ (a) when he W3S forced
|5, to flee, in King fames the fth's time, went to England, and became the Duke of Suffolk Chaplain, and died in that fervice. Alex- ander Alefs was iti great favour with King
(by Spot. Henry, and called she King's Schollar. (&)
$*. He was a Member of the Englifh Convocation,
and difputed againft Stokefly Bilhop of Lon- don, and maineain'd there were but two Sacraments, Baptlfm and the Eucharifi, Anno
(c) Bur- ISlf^ or37: (c) And he ic was that firft
het ad An. turn'd the Englifh Liturgy into Latin, for Bncers ufe, y4«#<? 1 949, as both Heylin and Burnet, in their Hiitories of the Englifh
(i) Bum. Reformation, tell us- (d) John Fife, and
ad Ann. one At Bowdal flayed as long in England as Heylin. p. Ale[s <Jid (e) An(j >t[s not £0 fce doubted
?e)"spot ^ac r^ey were °^ c^e ^ame Principles-. \e, ' JohnM' Bse during his abode mEn£iand,\vz$
liberally
?7?)
liberally entertained by Nicol Saxton Biftiop
of Salisbury, who made much account of
him, (f) which is no argument, I think, ( /) Ibid
that he Was a Presbyterian* Sir John Borth-
wick, Was charged With Herejie, Anno 1640,
for maintaining, That the Herepes, commonly
called the Hereftes of England, and their New
Liturgy, TV m Commendable, and to be embraced
of all Chriflians : And, That the Church of
Scotland ought to be govern d, after the manner
of the Church of England, (g) i. e. under the ^ Spor#
King, and not the Pope, as Supreme Go- 70.
vernor. Friar Thomas Guillam,the firft pub- -Pet. 180.
lick Preacher of the Reformed Religion, in
Scotland, He, by whofe Sermons John Knox
got the firft lively imfrejfions of the Truth (h), (h) Life
ThhGuillam, I fay, afrer Arran, the Re- <f Knox.
genr, Apostatized, withdrew, and went into
England, (i) and we hear no more of him ; q) spQtm
From which 'tis reafonable to conclude, 73,
That he kept the Common Courfe with
the other Reformers, there.
John Rough was the Regents other Chaplain, while he was Proteftant ; He likewife fled to England, tho fometime after Guillam : He preached fome years in the Towns of Car- life, Bermck^and Newcaftle \ and was after- wards provided to a Benefice by the Arch- bifhop of York, where he lived till the Death of King Edward. When Mary% Perfec- tion turn d warm, he fled, and lived fome time in Free/land. He came to London, a- bout fome bufinefs, Anno is si' wras sp-? prehended , and brought before Bonner ;
Queflioned
( 74 )
Queftioned if he had preached any, fince he came to England? Anfwered he had preach- ed none : Bat in fome places where godly people were Affembled, He had read the
Prayers of the Communion Book^ fet ftrth in
the Reign of KingEd. VI. Queftion'd again, what his Judgment was of that Book^? An- fvvered, He approved ity as agreeing in all foints with the word of God 5 And fo differed
Martyrdom. I think this man was neither *■ for Parity, nor againfl; Liturgies. But to proceed.
The excellent Mr. Wifhan , as he had fpent fome time in England (as was told before) fo, it feems, he returned to Scot- land, of Englifh ( lam confident, not of
Preshyterian) Principles : For, he was not Only for the Lawfulnefs of Private Commu- nion, as appeared by his practice 5 but Knox
0 1 Ko: (Q gives us fair intimations, that he mini- wm. *9. ^;ed if by a Sefmformu 1 y,now King Edj
war<£% Liturgy was not then compofed : But it is not to be imagined, That the Re- formers in England,in tvifhart's time admini- flred theSacrament without a Set-firm. The
Extemporary Spirit was HOt,then*in vogue: And
why, elfe,could Sir John Borthmck^ have been
charged with the Great Hersfy of Commending
the Englifh Liturgy} However, I (hall not be peremptory, becaufe I have not the opportunity of enquiring, at prefent, what
Forms the Englifh Reformers had, then. All
I ihall fay, is, if they had a Liturgy, 'tis very probable, wifhan ufed its For, as
Knox
( 75 )
Knox tells us; when he celebrated the Eu* charift, before his Execution, " After he " had blefled the Bread and wine, he took " the Bread and Brake it, and gave to every <e one of it.bidding each of them, Remember u that Chrifl had died for them, and feed on it
" formally 5 fo taking the Cup, he bade *' them Remember that Chrisis Blood was fhed u for them, &c. So Knox, word for word, which account, I think, feems fairly to intimate, that Wifban ufed a Form, but if he did, what other could it be than fitch as he had learned in England}
I have accounted already how John Wil- locl^ and William Harlaw. had ferved in the
Englifh Church, before they Came to Scot- land, (I) I might perhaps make a fuller (0 Spot. Collection : But what needs more ? 93-
Even Knox himfelf lived in Communion
with the Church of 'England, all the time he was in that Kingdom: He went not thereto keep Conventicles, to ere<ft Altar againft Altar, to gather Churches out of the
Church of England, to fet up feparate and fchifmatical Churches, as fome of our pre- fenc Parity- men have fometimes done: No, he preached in the publick Churches, and, in fubordination to the Bifhops ; and he preached before King Edward himfelf, as
he himfelf tell US, in his Admonition to the Profejfors of the Truth in England 5 (m) («) p. 52-
which, it is very improbable, he would have been allowed to have done, if he had Condemned the Communion of the Church
of
(70
of England, as it was then eftablifhed : For who jftiows not, that, in King Edwards time,' all Schifm and Non-Conformity were fufficiently difcouraged ? And, through that whole Admonition, he, ftill> fpeaks of himfelf as One of the Miniflers of the Church of England. Nay
If it be Reafonable to Colletl mens Senti- ments from their Reafonings , I am fure, in that (ame Admonition I have enough for my purpofe ; For, he reafons upon fuppofitions, and from Principles, which, clearly, con- demned Separation from the Church of England, as then eftablifhed. For, when he gives his thoughts of that fatal Difcord which happened between the two great men (Somerfet, and the Admiral, as I take
it) He difcourfes thus; God compelled my tongue ("fays he) openly to declare, That the Devil and his Minifters (the Papiffa) Intended only the Subverpon of Gods true Religion, by that Afortal Hatred among ft thofe who ought to have leeny mo ft ajfuredly, Knit together by Chriftian
Charity And efpecially that the wicked
and envioHS Papifts (by that ungodly Breach of Charity) diligently minded the overthrow of him fSomerfet) that, to his own Deftrutlion, pro- cured the Death »f his innocent friend (and Brotherj— All this trouble was devifed, by the Devil and his inftruments, to flop and lett Chrift's Difciples and their poor Boat (i. e. the
Church.) What can be more plain (I fay) than, that Knox, here, proceeds on fuppo- fitions, and reafons from Principles, which
con-
( n )
condemned Separation from the Church of England, as then eftablifhed ? Doth he not fuppofe, that the Church of England, a$ then eftablifhed, was Chrift's Boat, his Church ? And that the Sou of the Church of England were Chrift's Difiiples ? Doth he not fuppofe, that thefe two Brothers, as Setoff the Church of England, ought tb have been afuredly knit together, by Chriflian Charity ? That the Breach between them was ane
ungodly Breach of that Charity, by which*
Members of that fame Church ought to have
been affuredly knit together I And that it Was
a contrivance of the wicked and envious Pa-
pifts, thereby, to Ruine the Church of En*
gland? Doth he not fuppofe all thefe as un- undoubted Truths, 1 fay. Or rather, doth he not pofitively or exprefly aflertthem? And now, if Separation from the Church of England, and condemning her Communion as ane
T^w^/Communion can confift with thefe principles and fuppofitions ; or, if he who reafons on thefe fuppofitions,and from thefe principles, can be deem'd,at the fame time, to have been for the Vnlawfulnefs of the
Commnnion of the Church of England, I muft
confefs I know not what it is to colletl mens fentiments from their Principles and Rea- fonings,
Whofo pleafes may find more of Knox's fentiments to this purpofe, in his Exhorta- tion to England for the fpeedy receiving cfChrifls Gofpel; Dated from Geneva^ anuary 1 2. i f f 9.
For, there, he calls England happy, In that,
Go$
C 73 )
God by the power of his verity , of late year's (i.e. in King Edwards time)W broken and de- fir oyed the intolerable yoke of her fpir it ml Cap- tivity, and brought her forth, as it had been, from the bottom of Hell) and from the Thraldom of Satan (in which {he had been holden blinded by Idolatry and Superstition) to the feUowfhip of his Angels, and the poffeffion of that rich Inheri- tance, prepared to his Deareft Children with
Chrift feftss his Son. And a little after, he fays of the Church of England, that in that fame King Edward's days, fhe -was a VeleBa- (0) p 102 M* Garden planted by the Lords own hand. (0) ' And in his Letter to Secretary Cecil, from . Diep, April 10, « 9^9, he tells him, He ex- pects that fame favour from him, which, it be* cometh one Member of Chrifts Body to have for another- (p) And in his Letter to «g. Eliza * WiftTti heth from Edenburgkz^ July iS 59- H' refers 4* thanks unfeignedly to God, Tfrat it hath pleafea him of his eternal Goodnefs, to exalt her Head to the Manifeflation of his Glory, and the Extirpa- {fiib.iii rton of IdoUtry. (q) Is this like the Clamour
which has been ordinary with oar Presbyte- rians, about the Idolatry of the Church of En- gland ? And in the conclufion of that Letter,
lie prays, that the Spirit of the Lord lefts may fo rule her, in all her Atlions, and Enterprises, that, in her, God may be Glorified, his Kirk Edified,and fhe , as a lively Member of the fame, may be ane Example of Virtue and Godlinefs of Life, to all others. Are thefe like the fayings of one, who, in the mean time, judged the Communion of the Church of England, ane Unlawful Communion* *&
ff*" »p
( 79 )
'Tis true, indeed, John Knox was dif- pleafed with fome things in the Englijh Li- turgy : He thought (he had fome Modes and
Ceremonies there, which were fcandalous, as fymbolfcing too much with the ?*/>/.#/ ; and it cannot be denied, that he difturbed the peace of the Englifl? Church at Francfort 2 But, if I miftake not, he did (o, not thac he thought the terms of her Communion truly fitful 5 but, that he Judged his own, (or ra- ther the Genevian) Model, purer 5 For, 'tis
reasonable to think, he proceeded on the fame principles, and was of the fame fen- timents with his Matter, Calvin : And no- thing can be clearer, than, that Calvin did not condemn the things firupled ar, as im- plow or unlawful, but as not agreeable to his
Standard of Purity, as appears
from the Citation on the In Angifcana Ecclefa ; Margin, and might eafiiy be ^SS&SSSl made appear more fully, if epcias. His duobus verbis
One Were put to it ; but 'tis ex primo, non fuifle earn needlefs, now, COnfidering Puritatem, qusoptanda
that all, I aim at, is, that it £X&2T?'i Pri" cannot be inferred from what p0terant viria^mfiuK Knox did at Francfort, That LA SUBESSET MA« he judged the Communion of NIFESTA IMPIE-' the Church of England, ane J^,cSjn5n*diteFPUS Vnlawful Communion, tho, I cofo^. inter Epift. Col" mult confefs in making thefe 213. ftirs, he proceeded, not ac- cording to the true Catholic}^ Principles of Chrislian Communion. But enough of him UC
prefent, To proceed.
As
( So)
As our Reformers thus generally lookc
Upon the Church of England,^ a true Churchy and her Communion, as a Lawful Communion, fo, after our Reformation was eftabliihed, rhofeoftheCWf/? of England, had the fame fentiments of the Church of Scotland : The
Ambaffadors, who, at any time, for many years, came from England to the Scottifb Court, made no fcruple to live in the Com-
mmion of the Church of Scotland, and joyn in \\txpublick tTorfbip. Thus the Earl of Bed-
Hift. 440/*^ W who came to affift at the Solemni- ' zation of the Princes (afterwards K. James the Sixth's) Baptifm,Anno i$66. wrent daily to Sermon, i. e. ( by a Synecdoche very familiar in Scotland) to the jwW/V& fVorfhip .Neither did I ever obferve the leaft intimation, in any monument of thefe times, I have feen, of
thefe two Churches having oppefite Communions,
till many years after the Reformation. But I have infifted long enough on this Confi- deration. The fum whereof is, briefly, this : Our Reformers fo far as can appear from their private fentiments and pra&ices, lookc upon the Church of England as a true Chri- fiian Church : They lived in her Communion when they had creation to be within her
Bounds 5 not one of them condemned her Com- munion as ane Unlawful Communion 5 not one of them fet xxp Conventicles in England, when they wTere there,T\0V tieSttifeparate Churches,
&c From all which, it feems to follow, at leaft, very probably, That they reform- ed, generally, Upon the fame Principles $
intirely
(M)
itltirely, Upon tbe fame , as to Church Com'*
Tttumon. The reafon why I have infilled fo long on this argument, is, that it fmooths the way for the next, which is 2. That our Reformers, in their public^
deeds, openly and folemnly profesJ that they Were of one Religion, one Communion, with the
Church of England. This, as I take it) is a point of considerable importance , and therefore I (hall endeavour to fet h,at leaft, in a competent Light* I. Then, Unity of Religion (and by good
Confequence, I think, Onenefs of Commu- nion) between the Scottifh and the Englifh Proteftants, was the great Argument infix- ed on by the Scots, in their Addrejfes to En- gland for Affiftance to turn out the Trench, and eftablifh the Reformation in Scotland,
Anno I J $9; And it was one of the main Grounds, on which all that great Revolution
was tranfacted', that year, and the next, viz.. 1 $6o> Take the account, as I have it from that which is commonly called Knox hi*
Hiftory.
When the Lords of the CongregatiortfoUTid
it would be neceffary for them to implore foreign Alfiftance for driving out the French* then, the great Obftacles to the Reforma- tion 3 They refolved, in the: firft place, to apply to England, and the Reafon, given for this Refolution was, That ENGLAND WAS OF THE SAME RELIGION. Or, if ye pleafe take it in the Authors own (a) && Words (a) We thought good to fccl\ aid, and t7©.
(82)
fttppon, of all Chriftian Princes, again/} her f (the Queen RegentsJ Tyranny, in cafe -we
(hould be more fharply perfued , AND BE- CAUSE THAT ENGLAND WAS OF THE SAME RELIGION, and lay
next unto ux, it was thought expedient firft t*
prove I hem, &C.
It was rational enough to try, there, firft, indeed, confidering what I have al- ready obferved concerning Queen Eliza* ffeth; And, Tryedlt was, and /*#*</ fuccefs- ral 5 For Secretary Cecil, no fooner heard of their intention, than he ftnt them word,
That their Enterprise mifliked not the Englifh
(j>) Ka. Council (£). Upon the fight of this great *l8- Mini fters Letter, which brought them fo
comfortable news, they inftantly returned
ane Anfwer: Knox has it word for word .'5 (0 Kn, ib.(c) I (hall only take ane Abftraft of what
is proper for my prefent purpofe. In (horc
then 5 " They perceive their Meffenger, Ma-
" fter Kircaldie of Grange, hath found Cecil ane unfeigned favourer of Chrifi's true Reli-
H gion : As touching the Affurance of a
iK perpetual Amity to ftand betwixt the two u Realms, as no earthly thing is more defired " by them, fo, they crave of God to be " made the lnftruments, by which, the '" Unnatural Debate which hath fo long "continued between the Nations may be
li COinpofed, To the PraifeofGods Namejtld, " the Comfort of the Faithful in both Realms : 41 If the Engtijb filfdom can forefee and devife
4< how
(H)
<c how the fame may be brought to paft> tc they may perfwade themfelves not only
" Of the Scottijh Confent and Ajfiflance, but " of their Conftancy, as Men can promife, to cC their lives end \ And of Charge and Com- " mandment to be left by them to their pofterity,
" thatihe ^wiV^ between the Nations (IN " GOD) contra&ed and began, may be, ct by themy kept inviolate for £w : Their <c Confederacy, Amity and Lwgtf* (hall not be
" like the pactions made by ww/^/7 w^, for C| worldly profit, but, as they Require it, FOR
" GODS CAUSE, fo, they will call up-
" on his i\fo*»* for the Obfervation of if : As " this their Confederacy requires Secrefy, foB "they doubt nor, the Englifh Wifdom will ce communicate it only to /w6 as they know 41 to be favourers of fuch A GODLY
" CONJUNCTION 5 And, in their opi-
" nion, it would 0?/*^ help, if the Preachers *c both in perfwafion, and in />#£/*V£ />r^<rr/ <( (as theirs in Scotland do) would commend
4t the fame unto the people. And thus, u after their mod humble Commendation " to the Queen's Majefty, (whofe Reign u they wifh maybe profperow and long, to the
u Glory of GW and Comfort of his Church)
tf they heartily commit him to the Prote- u dion of the Omnipotent. Given at Eden-
" burgh, July 1 7. Anno If 79.
Eefore I proceed further, I muft tell my
Reader, that all our Hiftorians are extream-
ly defe&ive as to this great Tranfa&ion
between Scotland and England, I am now
G 2 accounting
accounting for. None of them (neither
Buchanan, nor Lefty ^ nor Spotfwood) hath this Letter except Knox, and he calls it, the firfi Letter to Sir William Cecil from the Lords of
the Congregation, which imports there were
more, as no doubt there were many, and
. - yet he hath not fo much as a fecond. Befides,
I find by Knox* Buchanan and Spot/wood (d) (<0 Kn. ^£9 in November 15 J 9, Secretary Mail land Spot. 14c. was fent by the Z>^ 0/ the Congregation, to Buch.<fo4. treat with the Queen of England. I find likewife that he managed the matter fo3and brought it to fuch maturity, that, imme- diately upon his return, the League between
the Queen of England, and the Scottijh Lords
was tranfadted and finifoed ; aud yet I an, no where, find, what Commifion he had, nofwhat Tnftruttiws ; how hem3nag'd his hufiiiefi, nor upon r.vhat terms the «£W« of England q$d He came to an Agreement ; and fevera! othei fuch lamentable defers I find, fo that it is not poffible for me to give fo cxaB zDcdxttion of fuch ane important Matter as were to b?mjbed. Tho, I doubt not, if itfod been clearly and fully deduced, it mi, die Iuvq brought great Light to many t-lvngs about our Reformation, which, now, fa 1 ir as I know, are buried in Obfcurity. Any man may readily imagine how fenfi- ble one, that would perform my prefent task, muft m^ds be, of fo great a difad- vantage : However, when we cannot have \vhu we would, wemuft fatisfy our felves the befl way we can. And fo I return to my
purpoff,
IM)
purpofe, which, tho I cannot difpptch Co punttuaUy as might be defired, yet I hope to do it Jufficiently, and to the fat uf aft ion of all fiber, tho not, nicely critical Enquirers. To go on then. By the aforementioned Letter, you fee,
The Lords of the Congregation, referr'd it to the Wifdom of the Enghfh Council, to forefee dnd devife the Means and Affurances) they are the very words of the Letter) how ane effectual Confederacy might be made, be- tween them, for Gods Caufe. Now let us reafon a little upon the common principks
0$ prudence, where Matter of Fatl is (o de- fective*
What was more natural for the EngUfh Council to Require, than, that (now that the Englijh Reformation was perfected and legally eftabliftied, and the Scottish was only in forming) the Scots fliould engage to tranferibe the E?g///fc Copy, and eftablifh their Reformation upon that fame footy i. ei receive the Dotlrine, Worfbip, Rites and Government of the Church of England, (o that there might be no difference between the *»* Churches, but both might be of the fame Conftitution, fo far as the neceflary di- ftindttonof the tm States would allow? The point in Agitation was a Confederacy in opposition to Popery, and for the fecurity of the Reformed Religion in both Kingdoms. It was obvious, therefore, to forefee, that it would be the ftronger, and, every way, the better fuited to that great End , if both
G 3 Churches
(26)
Churches flood on one bottom : For who fees not thar Different Conftit utions are apt to be attended with Different Cuftoms, which in
procefs of time may introduce Different Sen- timents and Inclinations ? Who fees not that
the (mailed Differences are apt to create jea- lofffiesy divifionSy cr oft inter efts ? And that
there's nothing more neceflary than Unifor- mity for prefer ving Vnity ? Be fides,
Queen Elizabeth was, peculiarly, con- cerned to crave this. There's nothing more neceflary to Support a State, efpecially a Mo- narchy, than Vnity of Religion. It was for the Support of her State, the Security of her Monarchy, that (he was to enter into this Confederacy. She was affraid of the Queen of Scotland pretentions to the Crown of
England 5 For this caufe (he was confederating
with theQaeen of Scotland^ Subje&s, that (he might have them of her fide. It was her concern, therefore, to have them as much fecured to her interefts as poflibly (he could: they were, then, at a great Bay without /w fuccour 3 and had referred it to her and her
Council, to forefce and devife the terms on
which (he would grant it. And now laying all thefe things together, what was more natural, I fay, than that (he fhould demand, that they fhould be of the fame Religion, and
their Church of the fame Conflitution^ with the Church of England*
This politick was fo very obvious, that 'tis not to be imagined, fhe and her wife Council could overlook it *, And tho it had
been
(«7>
been no where upon Record , that (he craved ir, yec the common fenfe of man- kind WOUld (land for its Credibility 5 what fhall we fay then, if we find it recorded by ane Hiftorian, whofe Honefty is doc to be queftioned in this matter? And fuch ane^*we have, even Buchanan himfelf, tho he mifplaces ic, and narrates it, along time after it was done, and as ic were only by the by.
The occafion on which he records this, is, when in the year 1569. (the tenth year after this Confederacy between the Scots and the Englifb was concerted, as I take it) the Earl of Murray, then Regent, had gone to the Northern parts of the Kingdom to fettle matters there, Accounts were brought to him of the Duke of Norfolk Confpiracy, which was fo well compacted, and fo deep laid, that it was judged morally impofTible to difjppoint it 5 and Murray's friends were earned with him to retreat in time, and difengage himfelf of the oppofite party, with whom he had hitherto fided* and fo when Buchanan comes to give the Hiftory of this juncture, he, to find a juft rife for his Nar- ration, returns no lefs than ten years back- ward, difcourfing thus The State of Englilh affairs oblige me to loo\ bac\ a little ; becaufe, in thefe times, the interefls cf both Kingdoms mere fo twifiedt that the concerns of the one cannot be reprefented without the other .* The Scots, feme years before, being delivtred
from r/^Gallican Slavery by fMEnglifo affift-
G 4 ancc*
(88)
feeatusRe*^, had fubfcribed to the Religious Worfhlf J*mAn$:a»d Rites of the Church of England ; and that.
CAYUYft, 0.1C, _ . • , . jrr • / » r . /•
nos pau- furprtZwg change, in Affairs, jeem d to promt fe9 lum divt'r-rt? Britain, quietnefs, and reft from all inteftina tere cogic, Commotions^ and Fatlions, &C quod, co
tempore adeo' utriufq*, Regni profpera & adverfa, conjunfta erant, ur, altera fine alcerls explicari nequirent: Scott, ante aliquot Annos, Anglorum auxiliis, e Servitute Gallica, Liberatf, RELIGIONIS CULTUl ET RITBUS CUM AN- GUS COMMUNIBUS SUBSCRIPSERUNT: Ea jfubita rerum mutatio fpondere videbatur Brittaniam univerfam abomni Domeftico cumultu cono^uieturam. E continenti vero, &c. Buch. 714.
Here, you fee, the thing is plainly and undeniably averted .• Yet, fo carelefs (to fay no worfe) have all our Hiftorians been, that not one of them mentions it, but he, and be does no more than mention it * and, to this minute, we are, generally, in the dark, when, how, by whom, and with w ha: Solemnities it was done. Buchanans words would feem to import that it was done after, that our Delivrance (as he calls ir) was accomplifht. But not one word of it in the Treaty concluded at Leith, and prodaim'd %th 8th, is 60. which fucceed- ed immediately upon the back of that Ifc- Hverance^ not one word of it (I fay) in that Treaty, as it is either in Buchanan, Knox or Spotfrood, or any other Hiftorian, I have had occaiion to fee ; neither have we any other
(e) Buch. publkk Transition or Deed that mentions it.
Kp4\84. Ifiad ic cold by f-veral Hiftorians (*) fear, i|'!s that the Earls of Morton and Glencarne were
lent
if**)
fent to England^ after that our Deliverance, to return thanks to Queen Elizabeth for her afliftance : Tis poflible ic might have been done then; for, is Spotfmod has it, "After " the Profeffors heard of the cold Enter- " tainment that Sir James Sandilands, who <c went to France to give ane account of the " Treaty, had got at that Court, their minds were greatly troubled 5 for, they were €i fecfible of their own weaknefs, and <c doubtful of Support from England, if * France (hould again invade, becaufe of " the Lofs the EngUJh had received in the " late Expedition ; Neither, (fays he) had " the Earls of Morton and Glencarne, who " upon breaking up of the Parliament , *' were fent into England, to render thanks <c to the Queen, and to entreat the Conti- *' nuance of her Favour, given anyadver- " tifement of their acceptance. If, upon this occafion, Commiflion was fent to thefe twro Earls, to fub[cribey in name of the reft of the Proteftants, to fuch ane Vnlon in Religion, it exa&ly anf^ers Buchanan's Ac- count 5 but no fuch thing is fo much as in- sinuated to have been done on that occafion. For my part, I humbly offer it to be confi- dered, whither it is not poflible, that Bu- chanan intended not to lay any fuch ftrefs upon the word [LIBERAT1 j as thereby to import, that it was after the Accom- pliihment of our Deliverance, that the Scots fubferibed : But, bringing in the whole mat- ter, occafmaUy, where he mentions it, and
intending
( 9o )
intending to difpatch it in as few words a* he could 5 he did nor (tend nicely upon the wording of it. And if tls holds, the mod Rational and Natural Account will be, that Secretary Maitland, and Sir Robert Melvil, who were fentby the Scottijb Lords, in the beginning of November i??9- to implore the gueen of England** Affiftance, were hxi- powered to a^reej in name of tht whole
body, to this Union of Religion, if it (hould
be demanded. That the Secretary had power to treat, and agree toy and fign Articles, is certain ; for,amongft the Inftru&ions given to the Commiffioners for concluding the
Treaty &t Berwick, dated at Glafgow, Feb. 10,
(f ) Kn. i jg. I finc] thls 5S one> (f)
2^6- Item, If it [hall be de fired of you to confirm,
for us, and in our Name, the things paft and granted$by our former Commiffioner^ the young Laird of Lethington, ye (hall, in aH points, for U4^ and in our Name, confirm the fame, fo far as it (hall make either for the WELL and CONJUNCTION of the two Realms, or /^PRESENT CAUSE, *r yet, f*r the
(g) Kn. fecurity of our part for fulfilling of the fame (£)•
*4** This, I fay, is one of the Articles of
thefe inftrudfcions -, from which it is evi- dent, that Lethington had figned Articles in England 5 tho we are no where told what they were- And may it notpafs for a pro- bable conjefture, that that concerning Unity
in Religious Worfhip and Ceremonies was One of them ? But whenfoever, or by whomfoever it was done, is not the Critical Hinge of the
Con-
( 9i )
Controverfie. We have Buchanans word for it, that it was done \ and I hope, my Presbyterian Brethren will not haftily rejed his Authority 5 especially confidering, that his Veracity, in this matter is fo much aflift- ed and made credible by the ftrain of the Letter directed tO Secretary Cecil, on which
we have already infifted. Neither is this all, For
2. The pub lick. Thanks/giving, and Prayers made with great Solemnity, in St. Gila's Church in Edenburgh, (h) after the Pacifica- (bj Kn. tion at Leith, in July x $6o, amount to no ?5?, &c. lefs than a fair Demonftration of ane intire J.J^ Sc9t*
Vnion between the two Nations as to Church % ^
Matters, and Religion •, for on that occafion it was thus addrejfed to Almighty God, with
the common Con fent, and as Z publick Deedof OUr Scottifh Reformers.
Seeing that nothing is more odious in thy frefence (O Lord) than is Ingratitude and Vio- lation of ane Oath and Covenant made in thy Name 3 and feeing thou haft made our Confe- derates in England, the Inftruments by whom •we are now fet at this Liberty, and, to whom
in thy Name, we have promifed mutual
Faith again ; Let us never fall to that Vnkind- nefs (O Lord) that either we declare our fe Ives unthankful unto them, or Prophaners of thy
holy Name. Confound thou the Counfel of thofe that • go about to brea\ THAT l^IOST
GOGLY LEAGUE CONTRACTED
IN THY NAME; And retain thou us Jo
firmly together, by the power of thy holy Spirit,
That
(92 )
That Satan have never power to fet us again at Variance nor Difcord Give us thy Grace to live in that Chriftian Charity, which, thy Son cur Lord Jefus Chrift hath fo earnefiiy com- manded to all the Members of his Body 5 that other Nations provoked by our Example, may fet a/tde all Ungodly War, Contention and Strife, and fiudy to live in Tranquillity and Peace, as it becometh the Sheep of thy pafture, and the People that dayly loo\ for our final Deliverance by the coming again of our Lord Jefus, &c* Thus it was prayed, I fay, in great Solem- nity; at that time 5 and every Petition, is a Confirmation of Buchanans Fidelity and my
Ajfertion. Farther yer,
3* In the OldScottifh Liturgy compiled in thefe times, and afterwards ufed publickly in all the Churches, There is a Thankfgiving
unto God, after our Deliverance from the Ty- ranny of the Frenchmen, with Prayers made for the Continuance of the Peace betwixt the
Realms of Scotland and England, wherein we have thefe Petitions offered.
Grant unto us, O Lord, that with fttch Reverence we may remember thy Benefits received^ that, after this, in our Default, we never enter into Hoftility again ft the Realm and Nation of England. Suffer us never, O Lord, to fall, to that Ingratitude and deteflable Vnthanhfulnefs, that we fhould fee\ the DeftruBion and Death of thofe whom thou haft made infiruments to Deli- ver us from the Tyranny of Mercilefs Strangers : Dijfipate thou the Counfeh of/uch as Deceitfully travtltoftir the hearts of the inhabitants of ei- ther
(93)
ther Realm a&ainfi the other : Let their malicious f radices be their own conf upon 5 and grant thon of thj Mercy, that Love, Concord and Tranquil* lit) may continue and increafe amongfi the Inhabi- tants of thi* Ifle, even to the coming of our Lord JefllS Chrift, by vohofe glorious Gofpel, thou, of thy Mercy dojr CALL US BOTH TO UNITY, PEACE AND CHRISTIAN CONCORD, the full PERFECTION
whereof we {hall potfefs in the fullnefs of thy King* dorn, &c.
Here is a fet of Demonjlrations to the fame purpofe alfo .- And now, let any man lay all thefe things together ? The Letter to
Cecily The Confederacy betwixt Scotland and England 5 Buchanan's Teftimony ; and thefe lhan\fgivings and Prayers, and then let him judge impartially whither or nor, there is reafon to believe, that, in thofe days, there was a good Agreement between the Scottifb
and Englifh 'Proteflants, as to Religion and Church Matters.
Thus, I think, I have fufficiently cleared that our Reformers, Generally, if not tynani- mouflj, logkt upon the Church of England, as io well conftituted, that they acknow- ledged her Communion to be a Lawful Com- wunien. But before I proceed toother things I muft try, if I can make any more ad- vantage of what has been faid : And I rea- fon thus,
Was there not here truely and really, a Confederacy, ane Oath, A Solemn League an& Covenant, betwixt the Scottifb and the
Englifi
(n)
Engli/b Proreftants ? Were not thefe Englifh Proteftants, then, united in that <fraV*?,whicb, at that time, was, and, ever fince, hath
been called The Church of England ? And
was not the Church of England of that fame very cooftitution, then, that it was of in King Charles the Fir ft his time, for example, Anno 1 641 ? But if fo, then, I ask again,
was not this Solemn League and Cwenant, made, thus, by our Reformers with their Brethren in England, as much defigned for the Security, the Defence, the Maintain- ance, of the Church of England, as then by Law eftablifhed, as for the Eftablifhment of our Reformation ? Did not our Reformers promt fe Mutual Faith to the Englijh, as well as the Englifh promifed to them ? Would it
have been confident with the mutual bonds and obligations of this Confederacy, this
Solemn League and Covenant ; for the Scottifb
Reformers, to have raifed ane Army, at that time, againft Queen Elizabeth to invade her Dominions, in order to ruineiht Church of EngUxd'Y I cannot imagine, any fober perfon an grudge to grant me this much alfo. But if this be granted, then I ask in the third place, Did not that Solemn League and Co* veriant, made by our Reformers, with tkofe of the Church of England, run in a direct op- pofition to the Solemn League and Covenant^ made by our Scottifb Presbyterians with a Factious Party in England, for deftroyhg the Church of England , in King Charles the Firft's time? Nay did nat Cur Scotti/b Presbyterians
in
in that King's time, by entering into that Solemn League and Covenant, diredtly, and effrontedly, break through the Charge and Commandment, which otir Reformers left to their Pofterity, That the Amity betwixt the Nations, in God contracted and begun, might by them, be heft inviolate for ever ? Nay, fur- ther yet, did not our Reformers folemnly fray againft thofe who made the Solemn
League and Covenant in the days of King Charles the Firft ? Did they not addrefs to
God, that he would dijfipate their Counfels, and let their Malicious Practices be their own
Conhfton} And now, let the world judge what rational pretences thefe Presbyterians^ in that Holy Martyrs time, and, by confe-
quence, OUf prefettt Presbyterians, can make for their being the only true and genuine Sue- cejfors oiour Firfl Reformers ? Expe&ing folid
and ferious Anfwers to rhefe Queftions,
I fhall now advance in ihe prosecu- tion of my main undertaking on this Head , ;: which was to (hew , how our Reformers agreed with the Church of En- gland in feveral momentous matters Relative to the Conftitution and Communion, the Government and Polity of the Church, &c But becaufe I have infifted fo long on this general one, which I have juft now taken leave of, I (hall only inftance in two or three more^nd difpatch them as fpeedily as I can.
2. Then, it is evident, and undeniable, that our Scotti/h Proteftants, for fome years,
uled
(s<0
wfed the Liturgy of the Church of England in their public^ Devotions. Indeed, The very firft publick ftep, towards our
Reformation, made by the Lords of the Con- gregation, was to appoint this Liturgy to be ufed : It was ordered upon the third day of
December, 1597. as both Knox and Calder-
(a) Kn. W0°A have it, 00 Take the Ordinance in
112. Knox his words: The Lords and Barons pro-
Cald. 7. feeing Cbrift Jefus conveened frequently in Coun- cel,in the which, t hefe Heads were concluded^ixH-, It is thought expedient, advifed and ordained, That in all Parishes of this Realm, the Common Prayer be read, weekly, on Sunday, and other Fefilval days, publicly, in the Parifh Churches , with the LeflbnS of the Old and New Tefiament, conformable to the Book, of Common Prayers : And if the Curates of the Pari fies be qualified, that they read the fame 5 And if they be not, or if they refufe, that the moft qualified in the Parifh uje
(b) Kn. ib. an^ rea^ the fame, &C- (jb) Spotfwood and
Spot. 117- Petrie give the fame account- But fuch is
P«. 192. the Genius of Mr- Calderwood, ; that you are
to expe6t few things, which may make a-
gaiolt the Presbyterian Intereft, candidly and
fincerely repreiented by him. For inftance, in his overly account of this matter, he quite omits the mention of other Holy dap,
befidss Sundays.
Thefe confident Teftimonies of all thofe four Hiftorians, are fo full and plain a De- monftrarion of the Matter of Fa6t, that I cannot forefee fo much as one Obje&ioa that can be rxtfde, or one Evafion that can
be
(97)
he thought on, unlefs it be, Thitit is not faid by any of them, that it was the Book of the Common Prayers of the Church of Ert- glmd&ut this difficulty is foon removed.For I . It was either the Book of the Common Prayers of the Church of England, or the Ge*
nevian Liturgy : For we no where read of a Third, ever pretended to have been nfed, in thofe times; in Scotland: Now that it Was not the Liturgy of Geneva, is plain ; for befides that it is utterly incredible, that there could have been fo many Copies, of the Genevian Form in the vulvar Language, then, in Scotland, as might ferve Co many Parijh Churches 5 Nay, that 'tis highly pro- bable, there was not fo much as one* Be- fides this, I fay, in the Genevian Forwt which was afterwards u fed in Scotland, there is no Order for, no footfiep of, the obferva- tion of other Hvty days, beficfes Sunday: Nei- ther is there any Order in ic for Reading of Lejfons of the Old and New Teftament, except in thzTreatifc of Failing, which was not com- piled till the year i$&s- There, indeed, Lejfons are appointed, fuch and fuch Pfalm, and foch and fuch Wftories, in the Old, biic not fo much as one Tittle of the New Tt ment : In all the reft of the Booh a deep Si- lence about Lejfons •, than which there cannot be a clearer Demonflration, that t appointed to be ufed in December 1 yp, 1 not that of Geneva. Indeed
2. Nbfle of our Presbyterian Hiftcti neither Petrie, nor CaLhrwood, h.
H eonfid<
. ( *s ;
confidence to pretend, nay to infinuate the poifibiiity of its being the Common Order of Geneva ; which, 'tis very probable, they would have done, if they had had the fmalleft hopes of making it feafible. On the contrary, Calderwood feems fairly to ac- knowledge, that it was the Englifh Liturgy 5 but then this acknowledgement lies at fuch ft'dift&nce from the year 1^57. that, no doubt, he thought himfelf pretty fecure, thar few Readers would reflect upon it as ane acknowledgment; he doth not make ic till he comes to the year 1623, when he bVd occafion to tell how the ufe of the £»- gjijh Liturgy was brought into the New Col- leave f St- Andrews. Take it in his own (c) Cald. WOrd CO Upon the i^th of Jmmty, Master 800. Ro e t Ho vie, Principal of the New College
of St. Andrews, Doctor Wedderburn, and
Doctor Mclvin, were directed by a Letter from Doctor Young, in the Kings Name, to ufe the Engl i(l 1 Liturgy, Morning and Evening, in. the New College, where all the Students were prefent at Adorning and Evening Prayers: Which was prefent ly put in execution 5 notwithft anding they wanted the warrant of any General Affembly, or of any CONTINVED PR AC- T ICE O F THE FORM in time, by- pa ft, fince the Reformation. Where, you fee,
he tavs the ftrefs of his Argument againft ir, on its nor having had a continued Practice, fince the Reformation, which is a clear con- ceffion that at the Reformation, it was in
practice, tho that' practice Was not continued,
Euc
( 99)
But whither he acknowledged this or rioil is no great matter * we have fufficient Evi- dence for the poinr in hand,withoiu it : For
3. Buchanan's Teftimony , which was adduced before about the Scots fnbfcriving to thf tTorfiip and Rites of the Church of En- gland, is unexceptionable; And yet it is not all. For
4. The Order, as you fee it appointed by the Lords of the Congregation, Decern. $d* 1^7. is, That the Bool^ there autborifed, be ufed in all Churches from that very date :
but we find by the Fir ft Boo^of Difcipline (d)(d) Spot*
That the Order of Geneva was only coming m 1 $3* to be ufed, then, in/one of the Churches, ue. 1 ftfo.And it had nothing like a public Efta- blifhmenr/ill the General Aflembly holder!
at Edenburgh, Dec.z^ 16^2. For then,atld not till thenr It was concluded^ hat ane Vniforrh Order fhould be kept in the Mini ft -ration of the Sa- craments, Solemnization of Marriages^ and Bu- rial of the Dead , according to the Kirk^ of Ge- neva. So it is in the Mfs. and fo Petrie hath it ; (e) But Nature works again wifh#)Pet.2jj: Calderwoods For he has no more but this, It was ordained that ane Uniform Order be kept in the Miniftration of the Sacraments^ accord- ing to the Boo{ of Geneva; (/) Omitting ff ) Cajd Marriage^ and the Btirial of the Dead 5 Mar- 32, riagey I believe, to bear the other Company % for the Burial of the Dead, was the Dead Flee: Why? The Book, of Geneva allowed of Funeral Sermons, as he himfelf acknow-
lcdgeth; (g) A mighty Superftition ! in^^^ H z the
( ioo )
the opinion of Pierbyterians 5 fo that it
Would have been offcnfive to the ftncerer forty
as he commonly calls thofe of his own Gang, and inconfiftent with the Exigences of" the Good Cat: fe to have let the world
know, that A General Ajfewbly hzd ratified the Order of that Book, about Burials, and thereby had juftified the Super ft ition q{ Funeral Sermons* Nay
5. It teems this Ad of the General Af- fembly, Decern. if6z.' has not been ftrong enough for turning out the Engiifh Liturgy, and introducing the form o(Geneva: For if (/;) ib. 39* we may believe Caldenvoodhimklf, (h) The General A ffembly holden at Edenburgh, Decern. 25 > 156^.. found t'hemfelves concerned to make another A<5t, ordaining Every Mini-
fter, Exhorter, and Reader to have one of the Pfalm books, lately printed at Edenburgh,
and ufe the Order contained therein, in Prayers , Marriage,andAdmmftration of the Sacraments.
Where obfei ve further, that Prayers, not mentioned in the Aft, 1 *6i. are now pat in ; from which it may be probably con- jectured, that, as much as Knox wasagainft the Englifh Liturgy, he found many difficul- ties to get it laid afide ; fo many that, it has not only been nfed by fome (few or many, I cannot tell) in the Miniftration of the Sacraments, &c< after the Ad 1962, But the Clergy have not found thenvfelvcs obliged to forbear the ufe of it, in the pub- lick prayers 3 fo that it was needful, in this AflTembly 1 564$, to raakea NcwAtl.xe-
drifting
( ioi ;
ftriding them both as to Prayers and other, Minifirations, to the Order of Geneva* And if this hole's- we have the EngU(h Liturgy, at leaft, /even Years in continued practice in Scotland. But it is enough for my mainpur- pofe, that it was once universally in ufe, which I think cannot be denied by any who impartially confidcrs what hath beep (aid : And now
6. May not I adduce one Ttftimony more ? *Tis true it is of a latter date : But it is very plain and pofitive, and what, I have adduced already is fecurity enough for its Credibility; It is theTefticnony of the Compilers of our Scottljb Liturgy^ which made the great Stir in the y ear Jt 637. And was made one of the main pretences for the firfl: Eruptions of that execrable Rebellion which enfued ; The Compilers of that Litur- gy, I fay, in their Preface to it, tell us, That
it was then, known, that diver fe years after the Reformation we had no other Order for Common Prayer, but the Englifh Liturgy, A
Third Principle wherein our Reformers agreed with the Church of England, and which ftands in direel contrsdidion to the Principles of our Presbyterians, is, that
they QWn'd, the Church had a great Depen- dance on the State ; That it belong d to the Civil Magi fir ate to reform the Church ; That People might appeal from the Church, to the Civil Ma- gifirate^ &C.
I am not now to enter into the Contra? Verfie Concerning the Dependence or lndepetp
H 3
( ft? )
ifcw* of the Church upon the Stsii, that falls not withi i rhe compafs of my prefent Un- dertaking : Neither will I fay that our Presbvrr-uns are in the wrong, as to the true fubflamialMmer agitated in that Con- trovert. All I am concerned for ar pre- fenr, is that, in thefe times, thofe of the
Church of England OWn'd a s^reat Dependence
of the Church upon the State, and that our Reformer* agreed with them in that Prin- ciple ^ and I think I may make ihort work of k: For
That rh3t was the Principle of the Church of Engiavd in thefe times, I think no man can readily deny, who knows any thing a- bout her, at, and a good many years after, her Reformation* All my bufinefs is to fliew, that our Reformers were of that fame Principle. And I think that (hall be eafily made to appear : For
As to the Civil Magistrates power to re- form the Church what can be more clear, than the Petition prefented to the Queen Re- gent, in November if $8? -There our Re- ft K0-1?0' formers te]l her Majefty, 0) that Knowing no Woto n^ Order placed in this Realm, but her Majefly and her grave Council, fet, to amend, as well, the Diforder Ecclepafiical, as the Defaults in the Temporal Regiment, they do most humbly pr oft rate them/elves, before her Feet, asking Justice, and her Graciom Help againft fuch a4 falfely traduced and accufed them as Heretic^
md Schifmaticks, &c- In which Addrefs, we have thefs two things very clear ancj
evident.
( io5 )
evident, I. That they own'd,that the Civil
Magistrate, had power to amend Ecckfuftical
Diforders, as well as Temporal. 2. That, in
confequence of this, they applied to the
Civil Magiftrate for protection againft the
furfuits of the Church. And in their Prote-
fiation given in to the PiHhment aboac
that fame time, "They moft humbly befeech the
" facred Authority to thinly of them as faithful
and obedient Subjects, and take them into its
<c Protection, keeping that Jndifferencf, which
becometh Gods Lieutenants to ufe, towards thofe,
who j in his Name, do tall for Defence againft
cc Cruel 'Oppress, &c. Meaning the then Church-men (O Indeed, (£) Kiox.
None clearer for this than Knox himfelf, *$*• as is to be feen fully in his Appellation from^oul1^
the cruel and mo ft unjuft Sentence, pronounced Againft him by the Valfe B if hops and Clergy of
Scotland, (as he himfelf 'names it) For there
(I) He lays down and endeavours to provt(0 Kn.Ap.
this AfRrtion, That it is lawful to Gods Pro- *• phets, and to Preachers of Chrift fefus to appeal from the Sentence and Judgment of the vifible Church, to the Knowledge of the temporal Magi* fir 'ate \ who, by Gods Law, is bound to hear their Caufesstnd to defend them from Tyranny. And
in that fame Appellation, (m) he largely (w) p. r?, aflertsand maintains the Dependanceoi the H,iy,i*,
Church upon the State t The Ordering and Re- &c. formation of Religion, with the inftrubtion of Subjects (he fays,) doth appertain efpecially to the Civil Magiftrate. For why ? " Mofis had
"great power in the Matters of Religion : H 4 "God
( io4 )
"God revealed nothing particularly to " Aaron (the Church-man) but commanded to depend from the Mouth of Mo[es 2 Civil Magiftrate): Mofes was itri- fi pcnvf-ed to Separate Aaron and his Sons fox u the Priefthpod : Aaron and his Sons'weii 1 ■ fubjeft to Afo/f/. A/*/^ was fo far pre- cc ferred to ^ro», that the o»<? commanded, "the «*fer obeyed. The kings of I/KW " were commanded to read the Book of the " Law all the dayscf thek Lives, not only <e for their own private Edification, but for <c the publick prefervation of Religion ; f >
" David, Solomon, A/a, Jehofophat, Hezekiah,
" fofiab underftood it, and interefted them- " felves in the Matters of the Cbui ch, ac- " cordingly. From which it is evident, (faith he) That the Reformation of Religion, in
ail points , together with the Vunifhment of falfe Teachers, doth appertain to the power of, the Civil
'Irate : For what God required of thsmr his jxft ice mu ft require 6f others, having the like Charge a>:d Authority 5 what he did approve in them he cannot but approve in all other s, who Tffit h / : nd Sir.cerx ty do enterprizj to purge
?ds Temple and Sanctuary. Thus Knox
(I fay) in filiation. I do not concern
my fel the truth or fahliood of his
pofirions; neither am I to juftify or con- demn his Arguments : Ail I am to make of ■it is, to ask my Presbyterian Brethren, whi- cherthefe Principles o[ Knox's Cult well with declining the Civil Magiftrate as ?ne incm-
:al matters? with refuting
( i<>5 )
refufing to appear before him prima InflantU
for the tryal of Doctrines preacht in -the ? ni- pt ? with the famous diftindion of the Kings having power about Church matters Cumulative but not Frivative ? &c% I am
affraid it (hall be hard enough to reconcile them.
I (hall only inftance in one principle more, which feems to have been common
to our, and the Engllfh Reformers, but it is
one of very weighty confequer.ee and im- portance to my main defign: It is
Fourthly, That Excellent Rule ofReforma- tion,viZ. That it be done according to the word of God, interpreted by the Monuments and Wri- tings of the Primitive Church. That antient,
folid, approven Rule : That Rule fo much
commended by that excellent
Writer Vincentius Lirinenfs: Aliccr namque illam (fori-
That Rule which the common . SSi?S5 fenle of mankind cannot but &c. exponir; Atqui idcirco
juftifyi when it is COnfidered mukum needle etf,propter
foberly and ferioufly, without tan'0So ta^ varij erroris partiality or prejudice. A in^^ftl^%™*
V, , . j j i • l i j r & Apoitolicse mcei preta-
Rulet indeed, which, had the tionis Iinea s fCCundum
Reformers of the feveral Ecclcfiaftici & Catholici Churches , followed unitedly fenfus Normam dirigatur. and confeientioufly , in thofe Vin.Ur.Commonitcap.a.
times, when the Churches in the tVeflem parts of Europe were a Reform- ing ; we had not had fo ma<iy different Faiths , fo many different Modes ofWorfbip ; fo many
different Governments , and Disciplines, as, Alas ! this day,^W«? the Protefiam Churches,
and
and by confcquence, weaken the Protect Intereft : A Rule, which had the pretenders to Reformed Religion, in Scotland, ftili flood by, we had not, poffibly, had fo ma- ny horrid Rebellions, fo many unchrifiian 2)*- vifions, fo many unaccountable Revolutions, both in Church and State, as, to our fad Experience, have, in the Refult, fo unhingd
all the Principles of natural ' jufiice and honefly, and difabled, nay, eaten out the principles of
Chriflianity amongft us, that now we are not iifpofed fo much for any thing as downright Atheifm. But were our Reformers, indeed, for this Rule ? That (hall be demonftrated by and by, when we (hall have occafion to bring it in again as naturally, to which op- portunity I now refer it : in the mean time, let us briefly fum tip all that hath been hi- therto faid, and try to what it amounts*
I have, I think, made it appear, that, while our Reformation was a carrying on, and when it was eftablifhed Anno i*6q, there was no fuch Controverfie agitated, in the Churches, as that concerning the indif-
penjible neceffity of Presbytery, and the Vnlavo- fttlnefs of Prelacy, concerning the Divine Right of Parity, or the Vn allow ablenefs of
imparity amongft the Governors of the Church. I have faid enough to make it credible, that our Scottifh Reformers had no peculiar occafions, opportunities, provo- cations, abilities, for falling on that Con- troverfie, or determining of if, more than the Reformers of other Churches : In con- ^
fequence j
( 107 )
fequence of this,! have further (hewed,that, from all the monuments of jrhefe times; 1 have feen, not (o much as One of our Re- formers can he adduced, as ailerting the Presbyterian fide of this Controverfie. Laft- ly, I have, I think, made it evident, thac our Reformers went very much upon the fme Principles, on which the Englifh Re- formers went, w7ho ftill continued Epifi*-
ficj'j unqueftionably, 0X\ many Principles of
great weight and importance, as to the Con- stitution and Communion , the Govern- ment and Polity of the Church, which (laid in dire<S oppofition and contradi<5ti- on to the Principles of our prefent Presbyte- rians. And now, let any judicious and impartial perf m lay thefe things together, and then let him ingenuoufly determine, whether it be not highly incredible, that our Reformers were for the divine inftitutio*
m&indifpe&fible Right of Parity, and the Vn~
lawfulness of Prelacy, which is the Principle,
fit leaft, the Profefflon of our prefent Presby- terians. Yet after all this,
I muft tell my Reader, that I have infift- ed on thefe things, fo much as I have done, principally for fmoothing the way for the Evidences I am yet to produce for the cer- tainty oi my fide of the Second Enquiry. And I am contenr, that thefe things I have al- rQidy difcourfed, (hould pafs for no more inm Rational Preemptions > till I have tried if more strength can be added to them, and they can be rendered more cogent and concluding
by
( io8 )
by a fucceflfion of plain, pofitlve, diredl* and formal proofs of my Aflertion : And* to engage my Readers attention, I dare adventure to promife him that, to as high a degree as the nature of the thing is capa- ble of, at leaft, can reafonably bear. And lb, without farther addreis, I thus pro- ceed.
Before our Reformation was efhblifhed by Law, o ters addrefcu to the
Govermr-eii I Petitions^ |hat Reli-
gion ar be reformed. I
iball take n c fk pertinent to
my pprpofe. them is no where
(tlu: down at length 5 the
othe t o I i ICnox hfs Hiftory,
That xnatlength,
is V abridged ia Buchanan, Lejly,
(^)Buch. and Spot/wood, (a) but with fome little va- L?fl 04. "at^rti '' T Bvcnanzn bas> given that Article, Spot. u*. which I am ac preieat concerned about, ac- cord! y in general terms ; Thus,
ZJt Afiniflrorum Eleftio, juxta antiquamEcclefi<e confuetudinem% penes popultim ejfeti Spotfivood has
txdxShtzdBuchanans wTordsfaithfuily enough , in this matter, as he doth in many other things} butLefly gives it a litc'e more diftin<3> ]yxlmVt E?lSCOPId(incep,& PASTORES, ifli, Dominornm ac Nobilium CHJufcunque DlOl- CESIS% hi, PAROCHORVM affenfions ac volmtate. aa BENEFICIA cooptentur. Til at this Petition thus abridged by thefe three Hiftorians was a Petition different from that .which we have publifhed at length in Kmxy
ieems
( lop )
feems unqueftionable ; for that which is in Knox, has not one fyllable about the Election
of Minifters , and befide, Buchanan fairly
insinuates, that there was another, diflintl from that which he had abridged, tho not much different : For thus he difcourfes (b) „x Buch Papani, Edinburgh a<& eadem FERE peflulata ^7# qua per Nobilitatem ad earn (Reginam prcrtgem) funt delatay FENE paribus ufi fum Refponjis,
Now if it had been the fame Petition, why
Would he have faid, ad eadem FERE poftti- lata, and PENS paribus Refponpsf
This I take notice of, that my Presbyte- rian Brethren may not have occafion to cavil, at the Article as it is in Left, as if it were not genuine, becaufe it is not in the Petition recorded by Knox, and, from him (moft imperfe&ly) abridged by Catderwood, their two great and authentic^ Hiftori'ans. For, as for Mr< Petrie, he was fo wife, as noc to trouble himfelf with either of thefe
Petitions "5 perceiving, belike, that neither of
them was favourable to his belpved Parity* To proceed, now, with the Article as it is in Le(h.
If he has fet it down faithfully, I think we have a fair account of the fentifsents of our' Reformers, concerning Mother Parity 5 (c) fo very fair, that he who runs may read^ sjanri it. The Queftion then is, whither Le/tjBssbor. has faithfully tranfmitted this Article to us ? l6°- And for the affirmative, I offer thefeRea-f^^?
r- ' the Mower
*ons» cfCcrfftcn,
i. There*
( no )
I. There's no reafon to doubt of his fifi tegrity in this matter ; he was a zealous Papift, and a £//2^ to boot : And it is evident, as he was either of thefe, it was
not his interefh to make OUr Reformers fuch friends to Epifcopacy9 if chey were not fuch, really : For if they had not made that DiftinBion between Bifbops and Presbyters, if they had profeffed the Divine Right of Parity, he had had good ground for accufing them of receding from the undoubted princi- ples, and unherfal practice of the Catholic^ Church, in all times, and in all places, in a point of fo great weight and confequence
in the Government of the Church : Ane OCca-
fion which one of his Zed for his party would not probably have negle&edro take hold of $ far lefs would he have lied fo pal- pably to five the Reputation of his Adver« fortes,
z. As he had no temptation to fal/Tfy id this m j tier, fo, he had all other Qualifica- tions of a credible Witnefs. He lived in thefe times ; he himfelf was a Clergyman, then ; probably3 he was a Member of that fame Convocation to which the Petition was offered 5 and i rhink no man will doubt of his Abili- ties to comprehend fuch a matter. In- deed
3. If he forged this Article, he was™#-
culoufly impudent at Forging 5 for as he did it
without any imaginable neceflity, without any ihadow of a degree of fubferviency to hisCaufe, fo he put himfelf upon a necef-
fif?
( III )
" efpecially in the il Queens Nonage -
De Epifcopis quoque ac Paftoribus eligendis , x~ quum imprimis effe, ut, quae jure canonico caven- tur, ea Sarta te&amane- ant,neque novi quid, abro- gate veteribus, ullo mo- do furrogetur, id quoque prudentur ad jecerunt,curn prxlatorum Bledtio , in Rcgia poteftate, fuffra- gance fummo pontifice,c& fet,de ea, in cenella Regi- nse aetate,,contra,quifquam ftaturi/me aperta temeri- tatis nora, ae Regie po- teftads imminutione,nuHo
fity of forging more, even, a good long Anfwer, which, he fays, was retum'd to that
Article by the Convocation, viz. ,v That it was not reafonable, they "jkould alter the Method of "Elecling BiJhopsandPresbyters, " prefcribed by the Canon Law, time of the Her Prero- <c gative was interefied in the " matter ; She with the Popes <c Confent had power to nominate <c the Prelates •, and to take that
a Power out of her hands without n^do poffe, Lefl. 504. " her Confent , or before [he came " to per feci Agey was notorioujly, as well as un- cl dutifully to invade her Royalty. Ane Anffi'er,
indeed/exaclly fitted for the Article, as he hath tranfmitted it. But the truth i?, 4. That he neither forged ^the Article,
nor the Convocations Anfwer to it, We have
further undoubted Evidence 5 for I have fenane Old Manufcript ScottifhHiftory( 'which
I can produce if I am put to it) which ex- a&ly agrees with Lefty, as to the Article ; for
thus it hath it, The Election of the Bifhofs and Kirkmet?> t0 tafs* fy ^e ^mfGra^ Lords, and People , of their Dioceses and Pari floes. And,
Buchanan, upon the matter, gives that fame
account of the Convocations Arflwer , af- f^\™^
us, ad earn partem, qua: erat de Miniftrorum Eledtione ; in hocgenere Qujeitionum, aut juris Canonici, aut Concilii Tfi1 denrini Decrecis ftandum, Buch. 5*7*
firming,
( 112)
firming> that, As to the E/ettion of Minifters they anfwercd, That fuch Adatters were to be regulated by the Canon Law, or the Decrees of the Council of Treaf.
5*. Neither will it he found of any force, to fay, that Buchanan has not the Article ; nor Sfotdvood, whofe interefl it was to have had it, if fuch a thing had been, confider- ing his Principles, and what was one of his principal defigns in writing his Hiftory. This is of no force, I fay, for ift as for Buchanan, it is evident from the whole traYl of his tiiflory, That he aimdy princi- pally, at Matters of State , bringing in Church Matters only by the by, as we fay, fo that iris no wonder, if he did not record them accurately, and with all the precifenefs of Nicety : And yet, even as he fumms up
» Petition, he has fomething in it which plainly imports , the Petitioners had no. thought to interrupt the Continuation of Imparity, for .thus he par's the hft Article,
lf9 by the Negligence of former Si per fuperiorum tem- times, ignorant or wicked men porum Negligenciam, in- ]md yeen advanced to Ecdefi-
dofti W**" **+ 2fti:al Dignities, r% might
res obrepliiknc, uc us a . ,° , » y % .
Mir;iii?rii< Eccle&cremo- be removed, and others fitbfti-
tis,alii fuiccfektiir. Buch. tutedin their Offices. In which
words, 'tis plain, th,2t as there
been HON ORES,
Ecclefiaftical Dignities, and M I N I S T E-
R I A, different Offices amongft rflC Clergy
before; fo now, there was nothing like abrogating any cf them. But
( it? )
that thefe Dignities might be better iefto#tJ>
and thefe Offices better provided : The Dig- nities and Offices were tO continue, no Change to be »*<fc but of the Dignitaries and 0/- ficers. ^. As for Spot/mod, as, I grant, it had been very proper for his purpofe to have taken notice of the Article as it is in L*fly\ fo, that he took no notice of it, is no argument that Leflj was in the wrongs for, befides that there is no colour of reafoa for difcrediting one Hiftorians accounts* becaufe another is filent abour their. ; the truth is, whofoever reads spotfwocds Hifto- ry, and compares it with the reft of our Hiftories, will find a very great many fuch Defetls : And we {hall have a very clear, as well as a very confiderable inftance by and by, when we come to the next Petition- In the mean time, let me add another Irre- fragable Evidence (To I think,) of Le flies
integrity, as to this Article. It is
6- That when our Reformers had carried the day, and fo came to eftablilh the Go- vernment of the Church 5 they exa&ty reduced to pratliee, that which they had fe- titioned for in the Article, in the EleUtM of
Superintendents 5 as is clear both. from the
First Boot of Difcipline, afld the Form if Ele fl- ing Superintended s . as \t is to be feen both in the Old Scott :fh Liturgy , and in Knox his Hiflory.
In the Fifth Head of the Jfe-Jr
Difcipline, it was appointed (J) That the (jfy : Council Jhould nominate the Superintendents, xj^ I #
( *?4 )
or give CommiJJion to men of befi Knowledge and Tvho had the fear of God, to do it ; the Gentle- men and Burgcjfes of Towns, within the Dio- cejfes, being always made privy to the Election*
And
In the Order for Elecling Superintendents, as 'tis both in the Old Liturgy, and Knox's Hi- (<>) Kn. ftorj (') we are told, that the Council having 289. given charge and power to the Churches of Lo- thian, to choofe Adafler John Spotfwood, Superintendent, fufficient warning was made, by publicly Editt, to the Churches of Edenburgh, Linlithgow, Sterling, Trenent, Hading- town and Dumbar 5 as alfo to Earls, Lordsy Barons, Gentlemen, or others that had, or might claim to have, Voice in EleUion, to be prefent,
&c This was done in rhe beginning of the year if6i. Now
Lay thefe two things together, and what istheRefuk? whatelfe, than giving power
to the Nobility and Gentry of the Diocefs to eleEb their Bifhop, according to the Article^ as Lejly hath it in his Breviate of the Petition ? Thus we have found Lefty honeft,and his account jufi and genuine $ and thereby (as X take it,) this propoiit ion fairly demonstrated, that our Reformers were (o far from being Pref- byterian, fo far from being for the divine
inftitution, and indifpenfable right of Parity, that, on the contrary, they were clear for Imparity, for Epifcopacj. But this IS not
all.
The Second Petition which I mentioned, and which is fet down in full form in Knox's
Hiftory,
( "5 )
Hiftory, tho k doth not name Bifhops, U every whit as plain and decretory, that the fentiments of our Reformers were no ways inimicoui to Prelacy (if I may make ufe of a word made fafhionable, by a Nobleman of the fajhiov.) But, on the contrary, that they were plainly for it. This I take to be fo fully and fairly expreft in the fifth and laft Article of that Petition, that I will here tranfcrine it word for word, (f) (f) Ib.ijrJ
tC Laftly, we require mo ft humbly, that the ic wicked, flanderous and detefiable Life of Pre- " lates, and of the State Ecclefiafticali may be u reformed, that the people, by them, have not " occajion (as of' many days they have had) to a contemn their Miniflery, and the preaching " whereof they fhould be Meffengers. And if €t they fufpefh, that -we rather envy their Ho- <c novrs, or covet their Riches and Pojfejf/ons, rt than zealoufly dejire their Amendment and 6t Salvation, we are content, that not only the €< Rules and Precepts of the New Teflament, but el alfo THE WRITINGS of the ANCIENT "FATHERS, and the GODLY and A?+ " PROVED LAWS of JUSTINIAN the te EMPEROR, decide the Controvert betwixt ^ n* and them \ And if it (hall be found, that) "either malevolently, or ignorant ly, we ajkjnorej '* than thefe fore-named have required and con- <( tinuaUy do require, of able and true Hint fieri j 4e in Chrifis Church, we r.efufe not Correction, at *' your Majeftf, with right Judgment, (hull think* u meet : But if all the fore-named fh all condemn , THAT which we condemn \ and approzej
I a "THAt
€<
titsl
%r'THA*t which we require % then we mofi earneft/y befeech your Majefy, that, notwith- <e ftanding the long Caftan which they have had iC to live at their luft, they be compelled either to u defifl from Ecc'efiaftical Adminiflration^ or <c to di (charge their Duties ', as become th True u Mittifters. So that, the GRAVE and GOD- " LT FACE of the PRIMITIVE CHVRCB " being REDVCED^ Ignorance may be expelled^ " true Doctrine and good Manners \ may ones Ci again appear in the Church of this Realm.
Here oar Reformers lay down a complexe
'Rule, according CO which they crave the
Church, and fhe Ecrlefi.tftical State may be
Reformed : This complexe Rule , is made Up of the Rules and Precepts of the New Teftament* the Writings of the Antient Fathers, and the Godly and Approved Laws of the Emperor
JtlSTI NI AN. This is that find, orthodox,
proper, and adequate Rule of Reformation ,
which I mentioned before; as Vincemnu Lirinenfts his /'*/<?, and the Rule wherein cur BzronvQrs agreed with the E^///^ Re- formers : By this £*/*,. our Reformers are
cement , that <?# the C:ntroverfies beSWlXt them and th$ Papifts, be decided 5 they «?/#/£ tiptCorreBton% if they ask more than this !?»/<? requires ; they condemn no «wr<? than this /&//<? condemns : This i?«/* approves all they are
^Yg. In fhort, they r^wY? no w<?r* than chat according to this Rule, the grave and
£0d!/y F<*f<? cf the Primitive Church may be
reftored, 2s it was in JUSTIJSIAN's time 5
Lee the Ecckfiaftical State be reduced to that
Trams
(ill)
Frame and Conflitutkn, and the Clergy live,
and rule,znd difcharge their Trufij and Offices,
as the Clergy did /&**, and they are fatufied : And now, if thefe Reformers who thm peti- tioned, and, in their Petition, thm reafoned and agreed to fuch a Rule of Reformation,
were for the divine inflitution of Prfmjf, and the facred Rights of Presbytery 5 nay if they
were not, not only for the Larfulnefs, but
the Continuance of Prelacy 5 I muft COnfels my ignorance to be Very grofs, and fo I refufe not Correction,
For this Evidence, as I faid we are be- holden to jRTwat, and to Knox only : 'Tis true indeed, Caldermod (g) gives us lhe/*)fGri#s
Abflrafb of this Petition, but he conceals and fuppreffes the whole />*>& and marrow of this Article, fumming it up in thefe few *^-ft>?»-
flexion d words, Tto the flanderous anddeteft- able life of the Prelates, and the State Ecclefi* afiicalmay be reformed \ which, at firft view, one would imagin, lookt kindly towards Presbytery 3 but I am not furprized to find him thus at his Tricks 3 'tis but according to his Cufiom: To have fet down the full Ar- ticle, or to have abridged it fo as that its force and purpofe might have been/***, had been to differve his Caufe, and do ane ill Office to his Idol, Parity. And Petrk (as I
have faid) wasfow//^, as not to touch it at
all, left it had burnt his Fingers: but that Archbithop Spotfaood fhould have overlwk* it both in his Hiftory, and in his Refutatio Libelli> &c* feems very ftrange. For my I 3 part
part I (hould rather think we have not his Hiftory mire, and as he defign'd it for the Prefs (for which, I have heard other very pregnant preemptions J than that fo great a man was guilty of fo great ane Ofcitancj. But whatever be of this, Knox has it, and that is enough $ and Calderwood has abridged it, and that's more than enough for my Pref- bytman Brethren.
The Third Petition which I promifed to adduce, is that which was presented to the Parliament which eftablifhed the Reforma- tion Anno 15-60. for which -we are obliged to A* Kn# Knox alone alfo ; at leaft, fo far as the pre- 2.4i. fei)t Argument is concerned, (h) For cho ft) spot, both Spot [wood mi Petrie (7) make mention |/®' of the Petition or Supplication, yet neither f^'zl9' of them has recorded that which I take notice of °, and Calderwood is fo accurate ane Hirtorian, as to take no notice of the Pe- tition. That which I tzke notice of in it, aut is in Knox, is, That when our Re merscame to crave the Reformation of t\ii Ecclefiaftical State -, they befpoke the Parlia^ menc thus. And left that your Honours JboulJ. dotibt in any of the premises (they had affirmed before, That the Do&rine of the Roman Church contained many peftiferqus errors ^ that the Sacraments of Jefus Chrift wert mod [hamefully abufed andpofaned by the Roman Harlot -5 that the true Difcipline of the antient Church, amongft that Se&, was orterly extinguiftit 5 and that the Clergy, of 111 men w tthia the Realm, were moft cor^
rups
ruptin life and manners, &c.) we offer our
[elves evidently to prove that in all the Rabble of the Clergy, there is not one Lawful Mlnlfler9 IF GODS WORD, THE PRACTICES OF THE APOSTLES, THE SINCERITY OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH, AND THEIR OWN ANCIENT LAWS SHALL fVDGE OF THE ELECTION Here, I fay, out Reformers infift on chat fame very Rule, for finding if there be Corruptions in, and by confluence for reforming of, the Church, on which they infifted, in the aforementioned Petition •-, from which, 'tis evident, they perfifted of the fame fenti- ments, and 'tis eafy to draw the fame in- ferences.
Such were the fentiments of onr Seottlfh Reformers, before the Reformed Religion had the countenance of the Civil Govern- ment, and A<fts of Parliament on its fide, and was made the National Religion. Let us try next what kind of Government they did eftablifh, when they had got Law for them ? Whither they eftablh'hed a Govern- ment that was to be managed by Minifters ailing m Parity ) or in Imparity} And, here, I think, the Controyerfy might veryfoon be brought to a very fair iflue- The Firfi BooJ^of DifcipHne, the A£is of. many General Aflemhlies, the Ads of many Parliaments, Both,without interruption ; the unanimous Content of Historians, and the Lincontro- verted Practice of the Church for many years -7 all concurring to this Aflertioa I 4 That
( 120 )
That the firft Eftablilhment was of a Go- vernment, which was to be managed by
Superintendents , and Parochial Minifters , Elders and Deacons, a&ing in Subordination, OOt in a State of Parity with, but in a State of inferiority in Power and furifditlion to thefe
Superintendents, This Eftablifhment, I lay, is fo clear and undoubted from all thefe fountains, That no more needed be faid upon the whole Argument* But becaufe our Presbyterian Hiftorians and Antiquaries „ tho they cannot deny the thing, do yet endeavor With all their Might and Cunning to intricate
it, and ohfcure it ; I (hall, further, undertake two thing.
I. I {hall give the world a fair profpeft
Of the power of Superintendents, as they Were,
then, eftabliftied, and of the Difparities be- twixt them and Pari/b Jlfinifters.
II. I (hall endeavour to diffipate thefe r.M/fr, whereby our Presbyterian Brethren are fo very earned to involve and darken this Matter. As for the
I. The world may competently fee, that
Superintendents as eftablifhed in Scotland, at
the Reformation, had a confiderable ftoc\ of Prerogatives, or Preheminencies (call them as ye will) which raifed them far a- fcove other Churchmen, far above the al- lowances of that Parity, our Presbyteriaq Brethren contend for fo eagerly, from the following Enumeration,
x. They
if 121 )
t. They had DlftriUs or Diocefes of far larger extent than other Churchmen ; Pri- vate Minifters had only their private Pa- rifhes,and might have been as many as there were Churches in the Kingdom : But ac- cording to the Scheme laid down by our Reformers in the Ftrfi Boo\ of Difcipline, Head9), (a) only ten or twelve Superin- (*) spot, tendents were defign'd to have the Chief iy8. Care (as it is worded in the Prayer at the Admiffionofa Superintendent) of all the Churches within the Kingdom : Indeed ten are only, there, defign'd, but it was becaufe of the fcarcity of qualified men, as we (hall learn hereafter.
2. As thsy had larger Diflritts than Pa- ri(h Mipifters, fo, there were correfpon- dent Specialities in their Eleftion. Parifh Minifters were to enter to fuch Churches as had Benefice?, by frefentatim from the Patron, and Cottmion from the Superintendent,
as is evident from Aft 7. Far I 1. Jam* 6. and many AUs of AffembHes, as fhall be fully proven afterward. If they were to ferve where the Benefice was a£tu3lly pof- (efled by a Papift, they were to be chofen by the People of the Congregation, by the appointment of the Firft Book of Difcipline,
Head 4. (b) But the Ele&ion of s^erint^n' (y\\utli -
dents was quite different 5 they were to be^ 4*
nominated by the Council, and eletled by the Nobility and Gentry, &C within their Dio- eefis, as hath been already confidered.
3. There
( 122 )
3. There was as great a difference in the matter of Depofition, if they deferred it-
Parijb Minifters by the Fir ft Book of DifcU
- (c)lb.\t%.fl*)le> &ead8. (0 were depofable by the <SW-
perintendent of the Diocefs, and I MS of
the Parifhes, where they were Minifters ; (</)Ib.i*o.but of this more hereafter. (ft) But by that
fame Firfi Boo\ of DifcipUne, the Superinten- dent was to be judged by the Aiinfters and EU ders of his whole Province, over which he was appointed $ and if the Minifters and Qlders of the Province were negligent in correcting him-, one or two other Superintendents, with their Mini- fters and Elders were to conveen him' providing it were within his own Province, or Chief Town, and inflict the Cenfit, his OffjMe defer-
ved. Of the Reafopablenefs of this after- ward.
4. There was as remarkable a difference
in point of Ordination, which in the thefts Scottifh ft He was called AdmijfiwA^Piivaxt Minifters were to be admitted by their Superintendents, as we (hall find afterwards-
Bat by the Firft Book of DifcipUne, Head 5. (e)Ib.i$£.(^ Superintendents were to be admitted by the Superintendents vex; adjacent, with the Minifters of the Province
s. In the cafe otTranflation, the General
Aflembly holdetl St Edinburgh, Decern. 2 f . 1962. Gives power to every Superintendent ^with- in his own bounds, in his \ rjembly, with confent of the mo ft part of the Elders and Mini- fters of Kirks, to tranflate Minifters from one Kirk to another^ they jhall conftder the Necejfity $
Chargiug
( }n )
Charging the Mimfier fo tranflated to obey the Voice and Commandment of the Superintendent t
(f) But according to the Firfi Book of Difti- (/) Mfs.
pline, Head 5. (g) No Superintendent might be ,^' £& tranjlated at the pleafure or request of any one l€%% Province, without the Council of the whole Church, and that for grave Caufes andCdnfide- rations*
6. A fpecial care was to be taken of his Qualifications and Abilities for fuch ane important office, for thus it is appointed by
the Firfi Book^of Bifcipline,Head f. (h) That Q>) Ibid;
after the Church (hall be eftablijhed, and three years are"pafi, no man fhall be called to the Office of a Superintendent , who hath not, two years, at leafi, given a proof of his faithful La- bours in the Minifiry* A Caution (imply On-
'applyabfe to Parifb Minifters-
7. He had a living provided for him by
the Firfi Book of Vifcipline, Head f . (i) about (/)Ib. 157*
five times as much, yearly, as was^alotted for any private Mnifier. And it is to be obferved, that this was in a time when tha Popifli Bifhops ftill brooked their Bene- *
fices. But when the Refolution was, Anno 1 96% to deprive all the fccpifh Clergy 5 it was agreed to, in the General Aflembly, by the Churchmen on the one hand, and the Lords and Barons on the other, That Superintendents (hould fucceed in their places, as both the Mfs. and Spotfwood have it ex-
Pre^- W , r t ft;ib.2i0;
8. Superintendents , by vertue 01 their Art. xu Office, were conftant Members of the General
Ajfewblies :
( m )
'Affemblies : Therefore the General Affembl) hoiden at Perth, funezs* 1^63. ftarured,
That ever) Superintendent be prefint the jtrfi daJ
cf the Affembly under the fidm of 4c /
given to the poor without Remijjion. So it IS in
the Mfs. bur Petrie has ir bnrely, That they
CO Pet. flwllconvcen on the fir ft day of every Affembly fl)
237. ' And it feems, becaufe that putiiihrnenc had not fufficient influence an chem, ir was, again ordained by the G. slff. at EJenburgh,
March 6. Ij73- That they (hall be pre fent in the Affembly, the firft day, before noon, under the fain of loftng one half of their fiipendfor a year, {m) Ik &c. So both the Mfs. and Pe trie, (m) But $79- as we (hall find afterwards, fuch pre feme of Parl/h Minifters was not allowed, far lefs
tieceffary.
9. It belonged to them to try thofe who
flood Candidates for the Miniftery, thus,
(») Spot. *• B. cf Difc. Head 4. (w) Such a* take upon
157. them the Office of Preachers, who fhall not be
found qualified therefore, by the Superintendent,
are by him to bs placed Readers* And again,
(o)Ib.i**« Head j. (o) fl nor perfon within the
age of z 1 years, may be admitted to the Office of
a Reader % but fuch wttfi be chofen and admitted
ly the Superintendent, a* for their Gravity and
Difcretion may grace the Function that they are
called unto. And the Afl- at Edenburgh, Dec
I J. 1 5-62. Ordains, That Inhibition be made
dgainft all fuch Miniflers a* have not been pre*
fented by the people, or a part thereof, to the
Superintendent, and he, after Examination and
Tryaly has not appointed them to their Charges.
So
( 125 5
So the Mfs« and fo Verne •, (?) and Spotfwood(p) Fee. cites another Act of the General Affembly a33- at Edinburgh 1^64. to the fame puipofe. (#,)(?) Spot:
10. As appears by that A& of the .^/m- i*o. £/), D^m 2 r. 1 562. juft now cited, and the j <v? p^r/. 1 jfar. 6. cited before 5 al- fo ii the power of granting
CofL ti prefcnt&ont. And the Aflem-
b:* ' 1 Perth, frolden in jfe<? 15:63. appoints, 7$** when any Benefice chances to vaik^, or id now vric*ntt rLit a qualified perfon be prefent ed to the Superintendent of that Province where the Bene" fice lyeth, and that he being found J ufficient be
admitted, &c. So I find it cited by the Author of Epifcopacy not abjured in Scotland* 1 1 • A Superintendent had power to plant
Minifters in Churches, where the people were negligent to prefent timeoufly 5 and indeed that power devolved much focner into his hands by the Firfi Bool^ of Dfciptine, Head 4. (r) than k did afterwards into thewlb* iy* hands of either Bijhop or Presbytery ; for there
it is ordered, That if the people be found negli- gent in electing a Minifter> the jpace of forty days, the Superintendent with his Counfel way prefent unto them a man whom they judge apt to
feed the-floc^ &c And as he had thus the power -ii trying and collating Minifters, and planting Churches in the cafe of a fus Devo-
lutum. So
it, B.C had the power of OrJination9whichi
as I faid, was then called Admiffjon, as is evident from the Firfi EqoJ^ of Bifclpline , (cap. f.) and fevcralASsof Afiemblies already eked. 13- All
13. All Presbyters or Parifli Minifters, once admitted to Churches, were bound to
pay Canonical Obedience to their Superinten- dents* Thus in the Aflembly at Edenburgh, J me 30. if 61. It was concluded by the whole Minifters atfembled, that all Minifters fkould be fubjetl to the Superintendents in all lawful admo- nitions', as is prescribed, as well in the Book^ of Difcipline, as in the Eleftion of Superintendents .
So the Mfs- And by that aforecited A& of
the Aflembly at Edenburgh, Decern. 2J.1 $62.
Minifters translated from one Church to another l are commanded to obey the Voice and Command- ment of the Superintendent. Indeed, it Was
part or ane Article prefented by the Church to the Council, May 27. i$6i. That ane
All jhould be made appointing a (civil) Punifb- mentfor fuch as difobeyed or contemned the Super- is) Kn. intendents in their TunUion. (s) 25,7. 14. He had power to vifoaW the Churches
Pet. 223. within his Diocefs/and in that Vifitation (they
are the words of the Firft BooJ^ of Diftipline9
(t) Soot. Hea~d S- (0 T° try the Life, Diligence and
i*2% Behaviour of the Minifters, the Order of their
Churches, the Manners of their People, how the
Poor are provided^ and how the Youth are inftruff-
ed, &c. And further,
In thefe ViStations he had power, parti- cularly, to take account of what Boohs every Mi - nifter had, and how he profited from time to time by them. By Aft of Atfem* at Edenburgh, fune 29. 5 ^62. So 'tis in the Mfs.
if. He had power to depofe Minifters that deferred it 5 as appears from the Firft Book^
4
( i27 )
of Dlfdpllne, Head 8. already cited. And/
by the J few. al Edinburgh, March 6. I £73. It is ftatUted that* if d»? Minister reflde not at the Church where his Charge is, he Jhall be fummoned before his Superintendent, or Commif poner of the Province, to whom the Afembly gives power to dtpofe him, &C. So the Mjs. and Peirie. (w) * (n>) pet.
16. He hud power to tr An fate Mitlifters 372.
from one Church to another, as appears from the AB already cited, Num. 4. and by ane A El of the Jjfembly at Edenburgh, June 2f« 1)^4. & # concluded, that a Minifter, being once placed, may not leave that Congregation without the Knowledge of the Flock^ , and Conjent of the Superintendent, or whole Church : (i. e» Z
General AflemblyJ So the Mfs. and fo Pet. (v) Thefe are all powers, mechinks,^j Ib fcarcely reconcileable with ane opinion of 340. the Divine Right of Parky? but there are more, and perhaps, more confiderable, as yet to follow. For
17. He had power to nominate Minifters
tO be Members of the General Affembly, This
is clearly aflerted by the A<Ss of two Ge- neral Aflemblies : The firft at Edenburgh, in fune 1 $62. where it was ordained, 7 hat no
Minifter leave his Floc^ for . coming to the Ajfembly, except he have complaints to makf, or be complained of. cr at leaf be warned thereto by the Superintendent. So 'tis in the Mfs. and Spotfwood cites it in his Refutaiio Libelli, &Co
The other AEl was made by the Ariembly holded at feienburgh, jntyh 1563. which
I find
( i28 ;
I find thus worded in the Mfs. fairly agreed
(x) Spot, ingwith Spot f wood, (x) Anent the Order here-
up, a^ter t0 be ft Jed in General AJfemblies They
all voted and concluded as followeth^ viz. That if the Order already received, pleafes not, By reajcn of the Plurality of Voices, it be reformed in this manner.
Firft, That nfine have place to vote, except Superintendents, Commijfioners appointed for vifit- ing the Kirks, and Minijlers brought with them, prefented as perjons able to reafon, and having knowledge to judge 5 with the aforenamed Jhall be joyned Commijfioners of Burghs and Shires, toge* ther with Commijfioners of Vniverftties. Secondly, JMinifters and Commijfioners {hall be chofen at the Synodal Convention of the Diocefs, by Confent of the reft of the Minifters and Gentlemen, that Jhall conveen at the f aid Synodal Convention,, drc. from which it is plain, that the Superinten- dent or Cemmiffioner (who Was Z temporary Superintendent) nominated the Minifters they brought with them to the Aflembly ; and that the reft of the Minifters, &c had
Only Z power of confent ing-j and ft) it Wa$,
Poll Reformat Reli- thereafter, pradifed unque-
gionem Confuetudine re- fhonably. And if there were
ceprumeft,ut Epifcop«',& need of more Light, it might
exMiniftrisPaiioiibusac be copioufly received from
5Si ** Lf- Gla™ h5s ieT to
in locum conveniant,cum Mr. Beta. Anno I 576- wnere- prscipuis Baronibus ac ia he tells him, that it had Nobiiibus, Religioneni been the Cuftom, everfince 22bL£Sfift££ fe Reformation, that the quiiituri. Superintendents, or Bilhops,
ft'ill
( 122 )
/till nominated the Minifters, who met in the General AfTemblies, than which, no- thing can be more dieting and plain. And this Teftimony is the more considerable, that it was not Glamis his own private deed> bat that which was the Refultofa confidera- ble Confute 5 as we (ball learn hereafter-
This was fuch a Branch of Epifcopal power as mightily offended our Presbyterian Hiftotians, it feems, for they have endea- voured to obfcure.it as much as they could i Neither Calderwood nor Petrie mentions the firtt of thefe cwo A6ts ; they mention the /^w^,indeed,buthow?C4/^rwo^)huddIes O) Cal&
it up thus, It was thought meet, for efchewing^' of Confufion^ that this Order be followed- — - That none have place, nor power to vote, except Su- perintendent SyComwifioners appointed for vifiting of Kirks, Ministers, Commiffi oners of Burghs and Shires, together with the Commjjioners of Vniverjities. Minifters and Commiffioners of Shires (ball be chofen at the Synodal Convention of the DiocejfeSi with confent of the reft of the Ministers and Gentlemen, &c. Leaving OUC intirely thefe words [brought with them (i e. with the Superintendents and Comroiflio- ners of Kirks) prefented as ferfons able to teafin, and having knowledge td judge~\ w hereby the power of the Superintendents and Commif- fioners for vifiting of Kirks, is quite ftifleJ, and the whole fcnfe of the A& perverted 5 for what fenfe is it, Iprav5 to fay that the Minifters were to be chofen by confent of the reft of the Minifters* when you tell a K
( i3° )
mho was to choofe, or who they were, to
whofe Choice or Nomination the reft of the
Minifters were to give that cwfent ? But ic is no ftrange thing with this Author to lee fenfc (liift for it ielf, if the good Cat: ft cannot be otherwife ferved. Neither is Petrie iefs Unfaithful, for, he not only draws the Cur- tain over the whole Power of the Superinten- dent, &c. (o that you cannot have the lead Glhnpfe of it from his account 5 But he intermixes lies to boor ; only he Bumbles Ci) Pet. not on Nimfinf*. He accounts thus, (sj
3 5> Becaufe heretofore all Minifters, that would
come, were admitted to vote 5 (not one word of this, in the Narrative of the Act, as it is in the Mfi. or any other Hiftorian 5 and it is dire&ly contrary to the Aft 156*. al- ready mentioned.; fo that 'tis plain it is a figment of his own) And now the Number is increafed , and i toners of Shires were
chofen in the S her iff '-Court (no Other Hiftorian,
or Record I have feen, has one fyllable of this either, tho 'tis probable enough it was fo) This Affembly makes ane AEb of three parts, con. ?e Admlffion opMember.sl I. That
none (hall have place to vcte, but Superintendent s0 Commiffioners for viftting Churches, Minifters I Commiffioners of Shires and Burghs, chofen as follows \ together with Commiffioners of Vn.tm verfities. 2. Alinifters and Commiffioners of Shires fh all be chofen at the Synod of the Bounds y by the Minifters and Gentlemen conveening there 7 &C. Not,' with the confent of the reft of the Minifters, &C. you fef > HS Calderwood ridi*
culoufly
Oiloufly had it, bur, chofen by the Mnifters,
&c without the lead fyllable that might
import the Superintendents having any (and
far lefs the principal) power in that Election. This is dean work of it. Thus, I fay,thefe two Hiftorians of the Party treat this notable branch of the power which our Reformers thought reafonable to confer on Superin- tendents -, but we (ball not want occafions enough, for admiring their ingenuity. Return we now to our rask-
i8t They had power to hold Biocefan Sy- nods: Ordains further ("they are the worcs of ane A<S of the Aff holden in Decern. 1 962. as 'tis both in the Mfs. and Pet. {a) )^ i^f:
That the Superintendents appoint Synodal Conven- tions twice in the year, viz. in the months of April and O&ober, on fuch days of the faid months as the Superintendents fhall think good.
Whereby two things appear, i.Th?t he had the fole appointment of the day of meeting. 2. That he alone was Prafes. of the meet- ing 5 indeed they are frequently, or rather conftantly, called hu Synods.
19. Superintendents had power, within their Own bounds , to appoint Biocefan Fafts,
granted to them, by ane A& of the Aflem- bly holden at Edinburgh, March 5:. 19700 For there it is ena&ed, That all Superinten- dents and Commiffioners to plant Kirks y in their firfi Synodal Conventions , hereafter following, with the' advice of their Minifters, (ball reafou and appoint publick Fading, if it {bad be thought rnajfar). So the Mfs- mdPetrie. (£) * (b)lh -
K 2C„
( i32 )
to, Another considerable inftance of die
fowe r of Superintendents, was that o{mcdifyh7g Or affigninglQ Parifh MinifierS, their Stipends
or tilings. This is clear ficm ane ^tl of the General Aflembly, holden at Edinburgh on the feventh oijuly 1569. as it is both in (0Ib.$^5- the A*/}, and Pe/r;> (r) wherein, 7k JOV^ freyently cotrveeped fcund it mojt needful and ex- pedient that all Superintendents, Minifl ers, Ex- horttrs and Readers, fhottld have their own par' ticular Affignathns (out of the Thirds of Benefices, as (hall be more fully difcourfed
hereafter ) appointed them, to be received from the hands of the Labourers refpe£tive5 or others addebtcd in payment of the Thirds. And there- fore the Kirk in one voice by this their At?, gave their full power and commijfion to every Superin- tendent and Commfioner , within their own bounds, with Advice and Confc'nt of their Synodal Conventions^ to give to every Minifter, Ex- horter and Reader, particular ajfignations ad vkattt, as they fhould find the fame expedient, under the Superintendents Subscription, and Minifters of or ef aid, with all Claufes needful and expedient thereto 1 which /ball be as {efficient, as fame were fped by the General Affembly of Kirl^ ; and as concerning the Superintendents and Cowmifjioners of Kirks, their Provifion and Affignation to be made by the General Aflembly.
2 r. Appeals were to be made to them from
inferior Judicatories. Thus, by the Aflfembly (d) M&. at Ferth in June i ? 63. GO Concerning the Order Per; 2 3 7. of Appellation, it is fiatuted and ordained^ that, Cald. 33. if anyperfon find him fe If hurt, by any Sentence,
giver;
( 133 )
fivtn by any Minifer, Elders or Tie Atoms (i. e. ►y any Kir(SeJfion, as we call them) It fl?M be lawful for the psrfon fo hurt, to appeal to the Superintendent of the Diocefs, and lot* Sjnodal Convention, within ten days, next after 5 and the faid Superintendent fhall take Cognition, whether it was well appealed or not, and give his fentence
thereupon. 'Tis true indeed, (and it was reafonable) by the fame Act, the perfon,
if he thought himfelf injured, by the Super- intendents fentence, might appeal to the Ge- neral Ajfemblj. Nay,
22. If the Superintendent found it Male Afpeffatum, he had power of Fining s thus it is ordered by the ftme Aflembiy, If the
appellant jt/fiifies net his Appellation, before the Superintendent and his Convention aforefaid 5 then the Superintendent fhall impute a pain upon the faid Appellant, as he fhall thinly gdod, be fide theexpence of the party. That he had t~ is
power is all I am concerned for 5 let others ;e whether it was purely Ecdefiafvlcal.
And TiS the Superintendent had this power of receiving Appeals made from inferior Courts, fo agreeably
23- He had the power, with the advice of his Synod, or fuch of the Miniftsrs of his Diocefs as he fhould choofe for that purpofe,
to determine intricate Cafes of Co-fcience or Go- vernment. Thus, by the Aflembiy at Eden- burgh, Decern. z$. 1)64. (e) It is ordained., , * that no J^uefiions be proponed by any BrctherjM ^f \ the affairs of the Kirk? and the Ordtr thereof be firft trea'ed and ended; and thereafter . if cry K 3 Brother
t*34>
Brother have a fHueftion, Worthy to be proponed, that the fame be prefented in writ ; and if the fame requires hafty Refolution, it fh all be decided in the prefent Ajfembly before the end thereof $ c- therwlfc, the Decifion of the fame (ball be re- ferred to every one of the Superintendents, within whole bounds the Queslion is proponed \ and they, and every one of them, with a certain number of Miniflers, as they (hall think meet to appoint, for affi 'fling, fhall hear the Reafonings of the a f ore/aid JQueftions, and thereafter prefect the Reafons in writ affirmative, er negative, which every one cf them full report to the next jfjfembly. Again, by the Aflembly holden at Eden, in July
ft) Mft *f68, (f) It is flatuted and ordained jhat Mini- Pet. x 60. flers\ Exhorters, Readers, or other perfons, here- Spot. 21 9. after, trouble not, nor molefl , the General Ajfembly, with fuch things as Superintendents mayy and ought to decide in their Synodal Con- ventions 5 and if any chance to do hereafter, in the contrary , their Letters fhall be rejefhed.
Which A6t, as is obvious, extends both to Cafes of Right and of Fatl ; and extend- ing to Cafes of Fatl, it clears a little further, the former Head of Appeals, intimating fairly, that they were not to be made per faltum, neither yet Delations \ but both in their proper Gradation, were to be brought,
firfi, before the Superintendent, and by him,
only, if he thought it needful, to be ad- vanced, before the General Aflembly ; Euc moft home to the prefent point, is the Ad: fe) Mfs. °f ^e Affembly March f..if7i. (g) by Fee 3*p. which it is ftatllted. That ajl glueftionsbe firft
v profontc}
; ( i35 )
profaned to ^ Superintendents, or Cowmiffi 'oners, in
their Synodal Conventions, and, there, receive Solution^ and if they thinly them too hard, that thej bring them to the General Affembly ', but that no private Miniflcrs bring Queftions to the Aj]emm
bly prima inftantia.
24. It belonged to the Superintendent s%
particularly, to judge of Divorces •, a point
of great intricacy, 3? well 25 importance :
Thus, I find, the Aflembly at Edenburght Decern. 27. 1 962. (?s it is in the Mfs.) or- dains, That no Minifters, nor others bearing Office in the IO'ri>^ take in hand to cognofce or decide in the Actions of Divorcement, except the Superintendents, and they, to whom they jhall give fpi'cial Commifpon,
1 S- It W2S a branch of their power alfo to injoyn Pentiance to greater Criminals : So the
General Affcmbly holden at Edenburgh , June 27. 1 > <H- Us it is in the Mfs.) where
it is thdS, Touching fuch as relapfe the third time in any kind of crime, fuch as Fornication or Drtsnkennefs, it is fiatuted and ordained, that no particular Mini [ft er admit fuch per fons to Re- pentance, but that they fend them to the Super- intendent of the Diocefs, where the crimes are committed^ with information 5 -who fball give them fuch injunctions, as they think may make the offence, to be holden in horror 5 but chiefly that they compel the Offender to fatisfy where the Of- fences were made, more days than one, as the Superintendent fhatl think good. And by the Gen. Ajf. at Eden. March $. 1 _c 71. (h) It is (h) $fft, ordained that Adulterers, and other fuch fcan- Per. ^, K 4 dalotu
( 13* )
daloiid perfons, (hall hereafter he called by the Superintendent or Commiffioner of the Province ', to compear before their Synodal Convention, and there receive their injunctions. And accordingly
we find the Cuftoiu of the Church in thofe times, particularly, in the Cafe of the Coumefs of Argyle, Anno I $67. She had been guilty of a mighty fcandal in being piefetlt at the Chriftening of the Prince, f af- terwards "fames the Sixth) which was per- formed after the Pcpifi manner ; (he behoved therefore to give fatisfa&ion to the Church : An 1 was ordered to do it, by the General Aflembiy, in fuch manner, and at fuch
time, as the Superintendent of Lothian, (with- in whole bcuncs the Scandal was com- mitted ) ihould appoint. So both Spot, and
(0 Spot. Pa. (i)
214* 26. Another branch, was, torpor* Cri-
?ec- 35^ minals to the Exercifes of their Offices^ if they had any dependance on the Church, after they had performed their Pennance, and
received Abfoiutio*. Thus Thomas Duncanfon,
Reader at Sterling, had fallen in the Sin of Fornication ; for this he was filenced : He
had performed bis Pennance^vA was abfolveL
Th^n the Queftion was put to the General Aff. metat Eden* Decern. *J. 15:63. Whi- ther having made publick' Repentance, he might be reHored to his Office ? And th& Aflembiy determined, He might noty till the
(£) Mfs. Church of Stirling faould make Re%xefi to the
J^tc. 242. Superintendent for him> (k,)
*7- To
ri37)
17. To the Superintendents was referved
the power of Excommunication, in Ca fe$ of
Contumacy, &c. Thus it is ftatuted by the
Gen* Af£ at Eden, fuly I. 1562. That in Cafes of Contumacy the Mini ft er give notice to the Superintendent , with rvhofe advice Excommu- nication is to be pronounced- So. theMfs. and both the Mfs. and Petrie have another long Ad of the Aflembly holden at JEden. Sept. 15. 156$. to the fame purpofe. (7) (0 PeL
28. It belonged alfo to them to delate 34* Atrocious Criminals to the Civil Magi Urate, that condign corporal punifhrnents might be inflifted on them. To this purpofe, I find it enadted by ^Convention of the.Ki>\ (as it is called in the Mfs.) met at Eden.Decem. If. 1567. jo wait on the motions of the Par- liament, That Minifiers, Elders an<\ Deacons wake fearch within their bounds, if the crimes ef Inccft or Adultery were committed, and to fignify the fame to the Superintendent, that he way noti" fye it to the Civil Magistrate, Such was the
power of Superintendents in the Govern- ment of the Church, and her Difcipline. But becaufe, feveral things may have rela- tion to the Church, tho not formally and
direBly, yet reduElively, and by way of Ana- logical Subordination, their power extended even to thefe things alfo,I (hall only inft<?nce in two.
a 9. Then, becaufe Vnlver ftties, Colleges and Schools, are the Seminaries of Learning, and by confequence Nurferies for the Mini- (try 3 the power of Superintendents over thetn,
was
was very confiderable. Thas by the Firfi
(m) Spor. ^oo\of Difcipline, Uead$. (m) if, e.g. The 1 01. Principal, or Head of any College within the Univerfity of Sc Andrews fad, the Mem- bers of the College, being fwom to follow their Confciences, were to nominate three of the mod fufficient men within the Uni- verfity : This done, the Superintendent of Fife, by himfelf, or his fpecial Procurators, With the Rellor and the refi of the Princi- pals, were to choofe one of thefe three, and conftitute him Principal. And when the
Retlor was chofen, he was to be confirmed (»)Ib.i6*$.by the Superintendent, (n) by that fame (o) Ibid. Books And again, by that famcBoo!^ (o) The , Money collected in every College for up- holding the Fabric!*, was to be counted and
employed at the fight of the Superintendent.
Farther, the Gen. Aff conveened at Eden. J<zn.r$.\$6s, preftnted this Article in a Petition to the Slaeen, That none might be per* Pfitted to have charge of Schools, Colleges^ or Vniverfities, &C. but fuch as fhould be tryed by the Superintendent sSo 'tis in the Mjs.'Tis true it was not granted at that time-, but it (hews the inclinations of pur Reformers, as much as if it had been granted. And becaufe it was not granted then, it was propofed a- gain in the Aff. in July i J67. and confented tofey the Nobility and Gentry, and rati- fied by tfie Eleventh Att of the Firfi Parlia- ment of King James the Sixth, in December, thac fame year. And accordingly we find the Laird of Dun. Superintendent of Angus
and
(139)
and Mearns, in July 156$. holding a Fiji' tefioHoftheUniverlityot' Aberdeen, and by formal fentence turning out all the Popifk Members. The very air and ftlle of the Sentence, as Petrie hath it (p) is a notable ^ petw Evidence of the paramount power of Super- ^62% intendents 5 for thus it runs, /, John Areskin,
Superintendent of AngUS and Mearns, having Commiffion of the Church to vifit the Sheriffdoms
of Aberdeen and Bamf, h the Advice, Coun-
fel, and Confent of the Minifhm's, Elders and Commiffioners of the Churchy prefent, decern, con- clude, and for final Sentence pronounce,, That
Mafler Alexander Anderfon, &c*
30. Becaufe bad Principles may be diffe**
minated by bad Booty, and thereby both the
Purity and Peace of the Church may be en- dangered 5 the Reviflng and Licenfing of Books was committed to the Care of the Superintendent s>
by the General AfT holden in June 15:63. whereby ir is ordained, That No work^ be fet
forth in Print, neither yet published in Writ, touching Religion or DoUrine, until fuch time as it {hall be prefented to the Superintendent of the Diocefs, andadvifed and approven by him, or by fuch as he {ball call, of the mofl learned within his bounds, &C (q) ■' (^ MfSo
Thus I have colle&ed no fewer than pet. 337*
Thirty, Disparities betwixt Superintendents, as they were eftablilhed in Scotland, by our Reformers, and private Parifh Mnifiers% each of them a Demonflration of inequality either of power or figure 5 perchance a more and accurate Enquirer may find out
more :
( no )
more : Bat methinks thefe may be fufficient for my purpofe, which was to give the
WOrtd a fairprofped of the Preheminence of Superintendent s^X\c\ of the Differences betwixt them and other Churchmen. And having thus performed thefirftpartofmy Undertaking, it is obvious to all who can pretend to be of the thinking part of mankind, that the fecond part is needlefs- For if thefe 30 Difparities amount not to ane invincible proof, that out Church, at the Reforma- tion, was not govern'd by Minifters atling in parity, I may juftly defpair of ever pro- ving any thing. Yet becaufe I know many fimple and lefs thinking people, are im- pofed on by the Noije and Dufi our Presby- terian Brethren have raifed about this mat- ter 5 I fhall proceed to the next thing I undertook, which was
II. To diffipate thefe Mifis, wherewith ouxParitj-men are fo very earned to involve
and darken this Prelatical power of Superinten- dents* They may be reduced to thefe Three.
1. The EftabliftimentS of Superintendents
was only temporary, and for the then Neceffi- tiesof the Church ; Superintendent was not intended to be a perpetual /landing Office.
2. It was not the fame with Epifcopacy*
3. It was never eftab!i(hed by A£t of Parliament.
1. 'Tis pleaded that Superintendency was
only defigtfd to be a temporary , not a perpe- tual
tual ftandiog office in the Church. Thus Calderwood (a) fpeaking of the Fir ft Book c/WCalaj; Difcipline,we may fafely fay ( fay S lie) the whole was recommended to be perpetually cbferved, ex- cept fome few things^ as the Office of Superin- tendents*~~ whereunto they were forced, as they
thought, by r.ecefflty, &c. And in his Breviate ofthefirftbookofDifcipline (b) he offers (0 lb. i': at a Reafon why it was fo. They make a
Difference, at this time among Minifters, fome to be Superintendents, fome to be ordinary Mini* flers ; not becaufe Superintendents were of divint inflituttMy as ant Order to be observed perpetw ally in the Kirk , but becaufe they were forced only, AT THIS TIME, to make the Diffe- rence, left, if all Mini flers fhould be appointed to make continual Refidence in fever al places , when there was fo great Rarity of Preachers , the greateft part of the Realm fhould be dcjlitute of the preaching of the word. And G. R* in his fir ft Vindication of the Church of Scotland , printed at Edenburgh 1 69 r. in anfwer to the firsl of the ten JgucjHoiss, following Calder-
wW exactly, (as, indeed, he doth all alongft ; and it feems he has never read another of our Hiftorians, fo that he had fome reafon to call him, THE HISTORIAN, Hid.) delivers it thus : rTis true the Proteftant Church of Scotland dldfet up Superintendents, but this was truly, (and declared fo to be) from the Force of Neceffity, and defignd only for that prefent Exigency of the Church, &C. And more pointedly in his true Rcprefentation of Presby- terian Government ;printed at Edenburgh 1 690:
trotm
( r42 )
prop. 1 8. where lie Jays it down as ane un*
doubted truth, That Superintendency -was only efiablifhed through nece/fity, when a qualified Minifier could fear c sly be had in a Province, &c*
And Petrie feems to aim at the fame way of (c) Pet. Reafoning. Now (c) 218. i« Suppofing all this true, what ground
have they gained by it ? Do they not fairly
acknowledge, that the Prelacy of Superin- tendents waseftablifhed at the Reformation ? And is not that all I am concerned for ? For
theQueftion is not whither Superintendency was defign'd to be perpetual or temporary} but
whither it was a Prelacy ? And if it wras a Prelacy, the Church of Scotland was not, then9 govern'd by Minifters acting in parity. The Perpetuity, Or Temporarinefs of it doth HOC affebl iis nature : If it was a Prelacy at all, it was as really a Prelacy, tho it had lafted but for a Day j as it had been, tho it had lafted till the Day of Judgment. Juft as our PreC- by terian Brethren were as really Addreflers to K. ?• by addreffing once, as they fhould have been, tho they had continued addref- fing to him till this very minute. This alone, in all confeience, might be enough for difcuffing this Plea. Yet, that I may not offend the Party, by feeming to think to meanly of this mighty argument 5 I (bail infift a little longer, and confider
2* If they have any fufficient Fund, in the Records of thefe times, for this pre- tence.? And
3. What
( *43 )
3. What Force or Solidity is in the reafon infifted on to make this pretence feem pkufible .? As to the firft, viz. Whi- ther there is any Efficient Pmi in the Re- cords of thefe times for this pretence f AH I have obferved infifted on for this, is only one phrafe in the fifth Head of the Firft "' Book of Difcipline , AT THIS TIME. Take the whole period as it is in Petrie ; for he cenfures Spot/wood for curtailing it. As
Petrie has it, it runs thus. If the Minifiers •whom God hath endued with his lingular Graces, among us7 {hosdd be appointed to fever al places, there to make their continual Rejidencejhe greateft part of the Realm fbonld be defiitute of all Do- Urine ; which fhould not only be the occajion of great Murmur ', but alfo dangerous to the Salva~ tion of many if and therefore we have thought it a thing expedient AT THIS TIME, 7 hat from the whole number of Godly and Learned Men, now, prefsntly, in this Realm, be feletled
Ten er Twelve (fir in fo many Provinces
we have divided the whole) to whom Charge and Commandment fiotild be given to plant and erect Kirks, to fety order, and appoint Minifiers to the Countries, that fball be appointed to their care, where none are now. (d) This is the whole , .* , , foundation of the Plea, for the Temporarinefs ^ ' *W* Of Sitperintcndency , but, if I miftake not,
the true Glofs of this period, will amount to no more than this, "That becaufe there " were, then, fo few men qualified for the u Office of Superintendency, tho Ten or Twelve
Z were, by far, too fmall a number for the
<c whole
( H4 )
" whole Kingdom, yet, at that time, they 15 thought itexpedient toeftablifo no more? " And tho, when the Church (liould be u fufficiently provided with Minifters, it " would be highly reafonable, that the S*% " ferintendms fhould have places appointed "them, for their continual Refidence 5 yec, ccin that jun&ure, ic was neceffiry thac <4 they (hould be conftantly travelling thro *' their Difiritts. to preach and plant 4< Churches, &c That the period will bear this Glofs is obvious to any who confi- ders it impartially. And that tku% and not the Presbyterian, is the true Glofs, I hope,
may competently appear, if thefe things be coafidered.
r. It is notorious, that the Compilers of
that Fir ft Book, of Di[cifllne% were generally,
to their dying day, of Prelatical Principles, «Kn.»8 j. They were fiXf as Krt$x tejjs us . W Mr qohn
Winrame* who died Superintendent of Stra-
them 5 John Spot/wood, who was many years a Superintendent r and a conftant Enemy to parity, as appears from his Sons account of
(f) Spot. ^im' (f) J°^n hillock, who died Superin-
344. ' Undent of the Weft, fohn Dovpgla4> who died Archbifhop of St. Andrews- John Row, who
was *w, of the three that defended the Law* fulnefs of Epifcopacyy at the Conference ap- pointed by the General Aflembly i$7S'j and John Knox, of whom we have (aid enough already. Now, I ask, is it credible, that thefe men, all, fo much for Prelacy, all their Lives,without any conftraincon them
(As
( 145 )
(As 'tis certain, there was none) flhoulc^ while digefting a Modeloi Policy, have beeii only for a Prelacy that was to be laid afide, within, God knows, how fhort a times fo fooft as the Parifh Churches could be planted with Minifters? I know nothing can be faid here, unlefs it be, that Kmx was not fo prelatical as the reft, and he would have ic fo, and the reft have yielded : But there's no ground for this. For
2. Even Knox himfelF, if he was the Author of the Hiftory which bears his Name, amongft: our Presbyterian Brethren, afligns a quite other reafon than the then Necefities of the Church, for the E(tabli(h- menc of Superintendence : Superintendents and Overfeers were nominated ( fays ht) (g) that (g) && all things in the Church , might be carried with 260.
order, and -well. A Reafon, which, as ic held fince the Apoftles times* will continue to hold fo long as the Church continues. And is it not told again in that fame Hi- ftory, (h) That, at the Admijfion of Spotf q^ ib0ts#
wood to the Superintended) of Lothian, John Knox in his Sermon aflerted, the Neceffity of Superintendents or Overfeers, as well as Minh
fters I The Neceffity, I fay, and not the
bare Expediency, in that pnllure. Further,
now that I have Knox on the Stage , | (hall repeat over again, a Teftimony of his, which I have once tranfcribed already from his Exhortation to England for the fpeedy em- bracing ofChrifts Go/peL Let no man be charged in preaching of Chrift J ejus (fayshe(0 above (0 P- "•« L " that
( i4« )
that which a man may do : 1 mean, that your Bifhopricks be fo divided, that of every one, (a* they are now for the mofi part) may be made ten 3 avdfo in every City, and great Tuwn, there may be placed a godly learned Man% with fo many joyned with him, for preaching and inftruffion, a* fhallbe thought fufficient for the bounds commit ed
to their Charge. Than which teftimony, it is not p*iflib!e to find a better Comment upon
thK period of the Firfi Boo^ of Difcipline9
(penned alio by Knox himfelO which is the fubjeft of our prefenc Controverfie 5 and it agrees exadtly with my Glofs : For, from this Teftimony it is clear, that he was for a great number of Bilhops, and little Diocejfes y and that in ai Church fufficiencly provided with Minitfers, the Blftjop {liould not be obliged co travel from place to place, for preaching ; but might ftay at the Chief City or Town of his Diocefs. What I have faid, might be fufficient for preferring Mine, to the Presbyterian Glofs : But I have more tO
fay.* For
3. This fenfe of the period accords ex- actly with the whole tenour of the Firfi Boo^ of DifcipUne 5 in which, there's not ano- ther iyllahle, the mod partial Reader can fay, favours the miftafcen Conceipt about
the Icmporarincfs of Superlntendfincy , but
much to the contrary. Thus
In the Head of the Eletlion of Superinten- dents (k) the very firft words are, Such is the (kj Spot* prefent Neceffity, that the Examination and Ad- ***' mijfion of Superintendents cannot be fo ftritl as
afterwards
( 147 )
dftsrmrh it mufi. Clearly importing, that, asNeceffity forced them to eftablifti a fmalt toamber at firft, fo alfo, to take them as they could have them 5 but that a iiri&er accuracy in their tryal would be needful, when the number of qualified men (hould increafe, which runs quite counter to the whole defign of the Presbyterian Gloft.
Again, (/) If fo many able men cannot be (t) Ibid: found at prefent, as JSleceffity requireth, it is better that thefe Provinces wait till God provide, than that men unable to edify and govern the Church be fuddenly placed in the Charge, &C.
Another Demonftration, why, at that time, they eftabli(hed (ofew Superintendents.
Again > (m) If any Superintendent (ball de-(m)tb{& part this life, or happen to be depofed, Rules are
laid down for fupplying the Vacancy. But to what purpofe, if Superintendency was to be of (bjkort continuance ?
Farther yet, W After the Church fi^ll ^ rn)\^ti^Qi efiablifbed, and three years are paft, no man /hall be called to the Office of a Superintendent, who hath not, two years, at leafl, given a proof of his faithful Labours in the Miniftery of fome
Church. What could more plainly import,
that the Office was to be durable ?
Once more, (0) When this BookofDifci-(o)lbj^2, pline comes tothebufinefs of the Vniverfi- uy.
ties, it fuppofes that Superintendents and Colleges were to be of equal continuance ; for
the Superintendent was (till to be at the choo*
fing and inftallment of Principals and Re&orsz
and the Montis collSed for upholding the F*<«
L £ brh (
04s)
tricks were to be counted yearly upon the
I^thday of November, in the- pre fence of the Superintendent of the bouncls, and imployed with his advice, &c Neither is this all yer \ For
4. The Form and Order of the EUUion of th Superintendent , to be found both in xs Hiftory, (j>) and the Old Scottijh Li- *29>&<:> turgy, is every way as pan for the continu- ance of the Office, as the Firft Book of Difcipline. For the firft thing we meet with there, (as ! have already obferved) is, The Necffty rf Mimfters] and Superintendents or Overfeiri without any Exception or Speci- ality about the one more than the other. And as our Reformers had petitioned the Go- vernment for the fcfhblifliment of a Me- thod, to be obferved in 'the EkBion of Bi~ (hops and Pr«^(f**\r, "without any intimatipns
of the Temporarinefs of either Office j 3S W6
have flhewed before i fo, here we find it ■put in practice (as harh likewife, before, been obferved) without fo much as one fy!- lable, favouring the Presbyterian fide of the prefent Controverfie 5 but on the contrary, all abngft for mine. Thus
The People are asked',' V they mil obey and honour him as Chrifls Mini Her, and com- fort and affift him in every thing pertaining to his Charge} And their Anfweris, They will, and they promife him fuch Obedience, as becometh Sheep to give unto their P aft or, (vsOr. fo long as the prefent Neceffity forceth, or, the prefent Exigence reavireth, but) fo long as he remaineth
faithful
( H9 )
faithful w hv Charge. In (horr, the Order
Or Form for admitting a Superintendent , and a
Parifb Afim'fier, was all one% and there was nothing in it importing the one Office to be temporary, more man the other. And, how- ever Caldermod thought fit to affirm, That Superintendents were not, then, eftablifhed as of Divine Infiitutkn 5 yet, in all rhis Form the
divine Inftitution of their Office, is as much to be found as the divine Inftitution of Ordinary Minifters. The People, as we had if jnft now, were asked, if they would obey him asChriftsMinifter ? And he hi; -
felf was asked, If he knew that the Excellency cf this Office, to the which GOD CALLED HIM did require that h^ Converjation jhould
be Wreprehenfikle ? And again it was asked the People, tffiii ye not acknowledge this your Brother for the Minifter of Chrift Jefa% ? Tour Overfeer and ¥ aft or ? Will ye not main- tain and comfort him in his Ministry and Watch- ing over you, againft all fuch a! wickedly would rebel againfr God, and HIS HOLY OR- DINANCE f And. in the Prayer after his
Jn/lalment, we have this petition, Send unta this our Brother, whom, IN THY NAME, we have charged with THE CHIEF CARE of thy Church within the bounds of Lothian, &C%
Thus our Reformers thought of Supertm dency when they compofed thh Form. Now,
if they lookt Upon it as Gods Ordinance, &C-
wirh what reafon can it be faid, they de-
fign'd it meerly to be temporary, 3rd for the, then. Neceffities cf the Church. I think \l
L j
( 15° ;
be hard to prove, that it was the Divinity of thefe times, that men might difpenfe with divine hftitutions $ but of this more after- wards. In the mean time, proceed we to a further , and indeed , ane irrefragable Topick for confirming my fide of the pre- fent Controverfie 5 and that is
$\ That, as the Firfl Book^ of DifcipUm, and
the Form of admit ting Superintendents ', do both
fairly import, that our Reformers intended
nothing lefs than the Temporarineft of Super- intendents, fo 'tis as clear from a vaft num- ber of A<3s of General Aflemblies.
Moft of thefe Acts I have already ad- duced for (hewing the Difparities between Superintendents and Ordinary Minifters, when they are ferioufly confidered, will be found uncontrovertibly to this purpofe: But there are many more ; for example confider thefe following. (a) Kfl« The Afiembly May 27,1 $6 1 .(a) addrefl^d
i$>7- to the Council, That fpecial and certain provi-
rec. 213. jj01l might fe made f0Y the Maintenance of the • Superintendents, Minijlers, Bxhorters and Rea-
ders ; and that Superintendents and Ministers might be planted where none were.
The Aflerably at Eden. Decern. %<>- 1562* ("as the Mfs. has irj enaded, That, mtmth*
ftanding the proponing ana nominating of the Super- intendents for Aberdeen, Bamf, Jedburgh* and Dumfries, appointed before in the Third SeJJlpn : and the days appointed for the Election if the fame 5 the further Advifement andNomi- pat inn tf the per fens (houlc{ be remitted to the
Lords
( 'St )
Lords of the fecret Council \ providing, always, that the days appointed for their Eletlion be not prolonged. Obferve here that Aberdeen and
Bamf were now defign'd, each to have their Superintendent, whereas both were to be under one by the firfl Nomination, in the
Book, of Difcipline*
One of the Articles ordered by the Affembly at Eden. Deceffi. if. If 64. to be prefented to the Queen, was, 7# require
that Superintendents might be placed in the Realm, •where none were, viz. in the MerS, Teviotdale,
Foreft Twedale, and the reft of the Dales, in ■: M
the South, not provided ; with Aberdeen, and \ T
the other parts of the North, likewife deftitutel
So it is in the Mfs. Tetrie (b) has ft only Q>) Per,
in fhorf, That Superintendents be placed where 541*
none are. But as it is in the Mfs. it (hews
plainly that, now that the Church was of
four years ftanding, and the number of
qualified men was increasing, the Affembly
were for increafing, proportionably, the
number of Superintendents : As is demon-
ftrated thus •, by the Eftablifhment in the
Firft Bool^ of Difciplinet the Superintendent of Lothians Vhcefs comprehended the Sheriff- doms of Lothian , Stirling, Mers, Lauder dale9
and Twedale. (c) Spotfwood was kt over this Diocefs in March \$6\. He was ft ill alive, (0 Spot, and in the Exercife of his Office ; and yet I5** here, now, the Affembly craves that Super- intendents may be placed in the Mers and Twedale, and the reft of the Bales. From which it follows, that that which was but
L 4 one
( isi )
me piocefs? Anno 1 960. when qualified men were few, was defign'd by the Aflembly, Anno I j 64. when the number of qualified men was fomewhat increafed, to be divi- ded, at leaft, into three or four. Exa&ly agreeable to what I have all along aflerted. In the Aflembly at Eden. July 20. Annq 1567. That famous Aflembly, whereof
Buchanan was Moderator, and which tum- bled Qpeen Mary from her Throne, it was agreed, by the Nobility and Barons on the one tund, and the Church on the other,
That all the Popifb Clergy fhould be difpojfejfed, and that Superintendents, Adinifters and other
NEEDFUL MEMBERS */ *fc Kirk ,
floould be planted in their places. So it is in the
(i)Ib.2io. Mfs. and (oSpotfwoodhzth it : (d) But both Calderwood and Petri** tho they mention the thing, yet, labour to obfeure it 3 for they do not fo much as name Superintendents, far left, take notice that, they are reckoned amongft the Neceffary Members, or were to
i ^ P^r facecd the Popifh Bifhops. (e)
% jFarther,by the Aflat Eden.July t, ijdS.
Cald. 42. it is refolved> To advije with wy Lord Regent his Grace and Council, that in the Rowrns and Countreys where no Superintendents are, they
{f ) Pec way be placed. So the Mfs. and Pet. {{)
|*o. N:<y
Doth not Caldermod himfelf tell us, that, the Aff. holden at Eden. March 1. 1570* when it appointed the Order to be obfeived thereafter, in handling affairs brought be- fore General Aflemhlies, ordained, in the
fixth
OS3)
fix th place, That the Complaints ef Ccuntreys for want of Superintendents fhould he heard and.
provided for, &c. (g) Fureher, doth not the /g)o&4*. fame Calderrvood record, that, when in the year 1^74. the Superintendents of Angus* Lothian, and Strathem, would have dimitted their Office, the Aflembly would not ad- mit of their Dimiffion, but ordered them to conrinue in their Function? (Jo) For*' ** what reafon they offered to demit, perhaps, we (hall le^rn hereafter. All I am con- cerned for at prefent is; that the Aflembly would needs continue them in their Office now , fourteen years after the firft legal Eftablifliment of the Reformation. The truth is, this Aflembly was holden in Maxh, and Mafter Andrew Mehil, the Tmopuft Presbyterian in Scotland, came not to the Kingdom, till July thereafter-
By this time, I think, I have made it appear, that our Reformers intended no- thing lefs than to make Superintendence only temporary, and fubfervient to the then pre- tended Neceffities of the Church. And like- Wife 1 have fufficiently made it appear, that it was merely forfcarcity of qualified meo,
that (o few Superintendents were at firft de-
fign'd, by thz Firfi Bootof Difa'pline ; which was the one half of my Glofs upon the con- troverted period in that Book.
The other half, which was, that when once the Church was competently provided
With Pari/h Minifters , the Superintendents
were no longer obliged to their Evangellfihal
way
( 154 )
way of travelling conftantly through their Dhcejfesy to preach, &c. is plain from what both Petrle and Spot [wood agree in, as con- tained in the Book., viz. That they were to follow that method no longer than their Kirks were provided of Minifters, or, at (0 Pet. leaft, of Readers. (I) Thus I have dif- »i*. patched the firft thing which was propofed Sp^M^-fobg enquired into, viz,. Whither there was any fufficient fund in the Records of thefe times, for believing that our Reform mers intended, that Super Intendency fliould only be temporary. It remains now that we fhould confider the
2. viz,. What Force or Solidity is in the teafon infifted on by our Presbyterian Bre- thren, to make this pretence feem plaufible £ The reafon infifted on, by them, is, The
Force of Necejjtty , there being fo few wen^ ' 4 then, qualified for the Miniftery 5 fcarcely one
in a Province, &c. Now who fees not that this fo often repeated reafon is intirely naught and inconfequential ? For, what tho, in thefe times, there were few quali- fied men for the Miniftery ? How follows it, that therefore it was necefTary to raife «p Superintendents , and fet them above their Brethren? If the principles of parity had, then, been the modify principles, could not thefe few, who were qualified, have governed the Church, fuitably to thefe prin- ciples? Suppofe.we7«v»f7, Thirty, Forty men, in the Kingdom, qualified for the Office of the Miniftery 5 could not thefe
20,
C 155 )
*°, or 30, or 40, have divided the King- dom into a proportionable number of large Parifhes ? And, (till, as more men turn'd qualified, could they not have leflened thefe greater Parifhes, till they had multiplied them ro as great a number as they pleafed, or was convenient ? It was eafy to have donefo; fo very obvious, as well as eafy, that, it is not to be doubted, they would have done fo, if they had been of thefe principles. Why might not they have done (o, as well as our Presbyterian Bre- thren, now adays, mite Presbyteries where they have a fcarcity of Minifters of their Perfwafion ? Where lies the impoflibility
of Vniting Parifhes, more than uniting Pref-
bjteries ? Indeed
This way of reafoning is more dangerous than it feems our Presbyterian Brethren are aware of, for it quite cuts the finews of Parity, and demonftrates irrefragably, that it cannot be the Model, our blefled Lord inftitmedht the Government of his Church. For who can believe he would kiftitute a Model 01 Government for his Church,which could not anfwer the ends of its institution ? And is it not plain, that Parity cannot an- fwer the ends for which Church Govern- ment was instituted, if the Church can be reduced to that State, that the Governors thereof, forced by Necejfiy, muft lay it afide, and, for a time, eftablilli a Prelacy ? Befides,
What ftrange Divinity is it to maintain, that Parity is of divine Inftitution, and yet,
may
may be laid afide in Cafes of Nece/fity ? >Ti$
true G. R* in his True Reprefentation ofPref- byterian Government, cited before, is bold to publifh to the world, fuch Divinity : Bat let him talk what he will of the Cafe of Ne-
ceftity, the Force of Neceftity, the Law of Necef-
fty, let him put it in as many Languages as he pleafes, as well as he hath done in Latin, telling, that NeceftitJs quicquid coegit, defen-
Jit: (tho, I mutt confefs, I have (een few Authors more unhappy at Lath $ ) And all that (hall never perfwade me, ought never perfwade any Chriftian, that any Neceffity can oblige Chriftians to forfalp, far lefs, to crojs Chrifts inftitucions ; for if it can ob- lige to do fo in one Cafe, why not in all Cafes i Indeed to talk of crofting Chrifts inftitucions, when forced to it by the Laws of Neceftity, what is it elfe, than to open a Door to Gnofticifm, to Infidelity, to dfofiacy, to all imaginable kinds of Antichriflian Per- fidy and Villany ? But enough of this at pre- fers
That which I am concerned for, is only this, that, being it was fo very obvious and eafy for our Reformers to have caft the very firft Scheme of the Government of the
Church, according to the Rules and Exi- gencies of Parity, if they had believed the divine and hdifpenfable inftitution of it ; and
being that they did it not, we have all the reafonin the world to believe, that they believed no fuch principle. For my part, I am fo far from thinking it reafonable, that
Prelacy
( 157 )
PreUcy (hould be only needful, where there is a fcarcity of men qualified to be Minifters 5 that on the contrary I do profefs, I am of opinion, that Prelacy feems to be every whit as needful and expedient, if not more, (Tuppofing we had it in our power to cut and carve (as we fay,) on Chrifts inftitu- tions) where there are many, as where there zxtfew Minifters. Sure I am, Experience hath taught fo, and teaches fo daily : and as fure lam, it can, with great reafon, be accounted for, why it (hould be fo 5 but if it is fo, I think, it is only help at a dead Lift (as we fay) to fay, that Superintendency was eftablifhed at our Reformation, only, be- caufe of the Scarcity of men qualified to be
Minifters. And fo I proceed to our Bre-1 threns next Plea, which is,
SECONDLY", That Superintendency tv as not the fame with Epifcopacy. Calderwood affigns feven or eight differences between
Superintendents and Bifhops 5 (a) and hlSf*) Cald, faithful Difciple G. R. mhh Firfi Vindication^^ a7» in anfwer to the firfi Jfyeftion, refurues the fame Plea, and infifts moftly on the fame Differences. Calderrvood reckons thus,
!• In the Eletlim, Examination and Ad* miffion of Ministers, the Superintendents were bound to the Order prefcribed in the 4th Head of the Firfi Book^ of Difcipline% which is jar diffe* rent from the Order obferved by Prelates*
2. Superintendents kept not the bounds^ nor the limits of the eld Dioceffeh
J. Stiptrhntr dents
( 158 )
%l Superintendents might not remain above twenty days in any place, till they had paffed through the whole bounds ; mufi preach, at leaft^ thrice in the week ; muft flay no longer in the Chief Town of their Charge, than three or four Months at ntoft, but muft re-enter in Vifitation of the reft of the Kirks in their bounds. Bifhops thinks preaching the lea ft of their Charge*
4. The Election, Examination, and Admif- fion of the Superintendent, is fet down far diffe- rent from the Eletlion, Examination and Admif* fion of Bifhops now adays, &C-
5 . Superintendents were admitted without other Ceremonies than (harp Examination, &C» To the Inauguration of a Bifhop is required the Metro* politans Con fecrat ions,
6' There were no degrees of fuperior and in- ferior^ provincial and general Superintendents I It is otherwife in the Hierarchy of the Prelates, &C
I have fee down thefe tixhuge Differences, without ever offering to confider them particularly ; are they not huge Differences ? Behold them, examine them carefully ; is not each of them as effentialmd'fpecifick. as another ?
Think not, courteous Reader, it was 'Malice or ill -mil to Epifcopacy, made our Author mufter up thefe Differences ; Thefe make but a fmall number ; if he had been a&ed by paffion or vicious Byafs, if his Malice had been vigorous and earneft to difcharge it felf that way ; he could have eafily reckoned fix hundred, every whit as confi-
derabte
( *55> )
derable Differences : He might have told them, that Bi(hops wore Black, Hats, and Superintendents Blue Bonnets ; that Biftiops wore Silk*, and Superintendents Tartan 5 that Biftiops wore Gowns and Caffocks, and Superiatendents Trews and flajht Doublets 5 and God knows, how many fuch differences he might have readily colleded.^ And if he had adduced fuch notable differences as thefe, he had done every way as Philofophi- cally, and as like a good Difference-maker*
But in the meao time what is all this to Parity or Imparity amongft the Governors of the Church ? Do thefe differences, he has adduced, diftinguifk between Biftiops and Superintendents as to preheminence of power, and the eflentials of Prelacy ? Do they prove that Superintendents had no Prerogative, no Authority, no Jurifdiftion, over Parifh Minifters ? I have treated him thus courfly, becaufe I know no other way of treatment Authors deferve , who will needs (peak Nonfenfe rather than fpeak nothing- Tis true indeed :
One difference he has mentioned, which feems fomething material, and therefore I (hall endeavor to account for it with fome more ferioufnefs. It is that by the Confix tut;ion, as we have it, both in the Firfi Bno\ of Difcipline, and the Form and Order of tkUing Superintendents , Superintendents were wade obnoxious to the Tryal and Cenfures of the Minifters within their own Dioceffes. This I
acknowledge to be true ; and I acknowledge
further,
further* that, herein, there was a confi* derihie difference between them and Bifoops$ as Birhops flood eminenced above Presby- ters in the primitive times, and as they ought to ibnd eminenced above them in all wellconfticoted Churches. But then I have theie thing* to fey,
1. 1 Ihall not fcruple to acknowledge that, herein, our Reformers were in the wrong $ and that this was a great Error in theCon- ftkarior. I do avowedly profefe, I don't think my felf bound to juftify every thing that was done by our Reformers : If that fails to any mansihare, it falls ro theirs who eftablifhed this Article in the Claim of Right, which gave oca (Ion to this whole Enquiry. That our Reformers, herein, were in the wrong, I fay, I make no fcruple to acknow- ledge \\ and I think it cannot but be obvious to all, who have fpent but a few thoughts abouc matters of Policy and Government. In- deed, to snake Governours fubjeft to the Cenfures and Sentences of their Subjects, what is it e!fe than to fubvert Government, to confound Relations, to (ap the Founda- tions of all Order and politick Eftablifh- meotf It is (as King fames the fixth has ic in his Difcourfe about the true Law of Free (*KJ. h* Monarchies, (b) and I cannot give it better) MforfiS, p. to invert the Order of all Law and Reafon ; to 2.0 z. wake the commanded, command the Commander %
the judged^ judge their Judge ; and them who are governed to govern, their time about, their Lord and Governour. In (hort, CO give a juft
account
(Irfr)
account of fuch a Conftitution, it isvei^ near of Kin, to that bantering Quefticn I have fometimes heard propofed to Children Or IdeotS, If you were above me, and I, abov$ you, which of hs [hould be uppermoft ? I add further
2. That, as I take it, our Reformers put this in the Conftitution, that they might appear confequential to a principle, then efpoufed and put in pra&ice by them, about Civil Government 5 which was, that the King was fuperior to his Subjects in their distributive, but inferior to them in their colle&ive Capacity, f This principle, I fay, j. $jajor * in thofe days was in great Credit : Knox Singulis, had learned it from the Bemocratians at Ge- nsfnor iini-
mva 5 his Authority was great, aridhe was verfis* very fond of this principle, and difleminated it with a lingular zeal and confidence. Be- fides, our Reformers were, then, obnoxious to the civil Government •, the (landing Laws were againft them, and the Soveraigns per- fwafion, .in matters of Religion, jumpt with the Laws. This Principle, therefore, (had it been a good one) came to them moft feafonably 5 and coming to them in fuch a nick, and withal, meeting, .in them, with Scotch Mettaly \ they put it in pra&ice ; t Prarfet- and being put in practice, God fuffered it *idum to be fuccefsful 5 and the fuccefs was a new j^°c°j^ Endearment, and fo it came to be a Prin- ciple of Credit and Reputation. Indeed, they had been very unthankful to it, and inconfequemial to boot, if they had not H adopted
( 1*2 ;
adopted it into their Ecclefiaflical, as well as their Civil Syfteme ; and the Superinten- dents, having had a main hand in reducing it to pra&ice againft the Prince, could not take it ill if it was made a Law to them- felves* it was but their own meafure. This, I fay, I take to be the natural Hiftory of this part of the Conftitution. Nay,
?. So fond, it feems, they were of this principle, that they extended it further, fo far, as even to make Minifters accountable to their own Elderfhips- So 'tis exprefly eftablifhed by the Firfi Boo\ of Difcipline, (c) Spot. Head 8» (c) The Eiders ought alfo to take heed 1 6 7. *° the Efe, Manners, Diligence and Study of
their Alinifier : And if he be rnrthy of Admo- nition, they muH admonifh him ; if of Correction, they muft corretl him , and if he be worthy of Deposition, they, with the Confent of the Church and Superintendent, may depofe him. Here Was a pitch of Democracy which, I think, our Presbyterian Brethren themfelves, as felf denied as they are, would not take with, to very kindly. And yet I am apt to be- lieve, the Compilers of the Book,, never thought on putting thefe Elders in a ftate of parity with their Minifters 5 tho this is a Demonft ration, that they have not been the greateft Matters at Drawing Schemes of Policy. But to let this pafs.
4. Tho this unpolitical ftroke (to call it no worfe) was made part of the Confti- tution by that Book, as I have'granted 5 yet I have no where fouod, that ever it was put
in
iil pra&ice. I have no where found, thai:
De Faclo a Superintendent, was judged by his Own Synod 5 whether ic was, that they be- haved fo exa&l)', as that they were never cenfureable, or that their Synods had not the infolence to reduce a Conftitution fo very abfurd, and unreafonable, to praSice, I (hall not be anxious to determine. But ic feems probable it has been as much, if not more, upon the latter account than the for- mer ; for I find Superintendents frequently tried, and fometimes cenfured by General Aflemblies ; and there was reafon for it, fuppofing that General Aflemblies, as then conftituted, were fit to be the fupreme Judicatories of the National Church .- For there was no reafon that Superintendents fhould have been Popes^ i.e. abfolute and unaccountable ; fo that, if I am not mi- ftaken, our Brethren raife Dufi, to little purpofe, when they make {o much noife about the Accountablenefs of Superinten- dents to General Aflemblies, as if thae made a difference between them and Bi- (hops: For I know no man that makes' BiQiops unaccountable , efpecialiy when they are confederated in a National Church, But this by the way : Thnt which I take notice of is, That feeing we find they were fo frequently tried by General Affemblies* without the leaft intimation of their being, at any time, tried by their own Synodsr ic feems reasonable to conclude, that it has been thought fit to tec that unreafonable M' * Stretch
( i*4)
Stretch in the fir ft Conftitution fall into DiJJtuetude i But however this was, 1 have all iafe enough. For
f. Such a Conftitution infers no fuch thing as parity amongft the Officers of the Chitfch. Thofe who maintain, that the King is inferiour to his Subjefts, in their CoUcftifmjLxt not yet fo extravagant as to fay, he is not {juperior to every one of them in their Difrribntion : They acknowledge he is M. dts j and there's not a perfon in
the Kingdom, who Will be.fo unmannerly as to fay, that he ftands upon the fame Level with his Soveraign. But what needs more ? Thefe fame very Presbyterian Authors, who ufe this Argument, even while, they ufe it, confefs, That Superintendents, and ordinary
Parijh Mimfiers, did not atl ill parity ', and
btcaufe they cannot deny it, but mufi confefs it, whether they will or not , they cannot forbear raifing all the Duit they can about it, that unthinking People any. not fee clearly ttar they do confefs it. Apd had it not been for this reafop, I am apt to think, the world had never been plagued with fuch pitiful jangle , as fuch Arguments a- mounc to. Neither is the next any better, which is,
3» That Superintendence was never eftablifhed by Atl of "Parliament* This is G. tf.'s Argu- ment in"his learned Anfwer tothefirftof the ten Queftions* for there he tells us, That Sxperintendency, was neither brought in, r.or caft out, by All of Parliament. And what
then t
•
( i*5 )
then ? Doth he love it the worfe that It was eftabliihed, purely, by Ecxlefiafiical Authority ? How long fince he turn'd/W of Parliamentary Eltabliihments? I w
he was not affraid of the Scandal of Era(lia- nifm. But to the point : 'Ti true io it was not brought in by A r em ;
but then, I think, he himfelf cannot deny, that it was countenanced , allowed and approven, by more than half a Dov Acts of Parliaments ; which, if our Author under/hnds :.ny thing t v» or Lo-
&c\, hem:ifta!'o a r lea ft, e
Um to a P itary In- bribing, I have
thefeA&sin
ihill be pjt to ir ; But I think his own which be ci":d (eho moft ridiculoofly, as (hail be made appear afcerwa : ) i.:i the aa:ely preeeedin , may be
good enough far him* For, '£ fife cone' <; it as evi Jurifdi
"over the P-o e ^Tmed by
" Law in the Parliament i f6j. becaufe it
(tis, there, tba:ute and ordained, that no other u Jurifdi el- ion Eccleftafiical be at,
within this Realm^ than that which if> and ct fhafl be, within ihu fame Kirk , eftablijbed tl prefently, or which floweth therefrom, boncern- <C yn& preaching the Word, cor reding of Manner /? <c ddmtmftration of Sacraments *7 ar.d Prelati- ci cal Jurif was not then in Sea
So he reafons. Now I d refer it to his* own 'judgment will nor, by the fame way , M 3
( \€6 )
wi and be as evident, that the jwf>
diction cf Superintendents was allowed of, by fame Ati, ieeing he himfelf cannot Iiaye the Brow to deny, that it was, then, saitS vigor, and daily exercifed? I think if his is Argument good enough, ad hommem; Buti as I faid, we foall have more of this Aft of Parliament hereafter.
Thus I have difpelled fome of thefe clouds our Presbyterian Brethrea ufe to raife about the Prelacy of Superintendents 5 perhaps there may be more of them, but, confidering the weaknefs of thefe, which, certainly, are the ftrongeft, it is eafy to conjecture what the reft may be, if there are any more of them. And thus, I think, Ihsve fairly accounted for the Sentiments of our Reformers, in relation to Parity or Imparity amongft the Governors of the Church, during the Firfi Scheme into which fhey caft the Government of the Church.
BEFORE I proceed to the next, J muft go back a little, and give a brief De- duction of fome things which may afford confiderable Light, both to what I am now to infift on, and what I have infilled on already.
Tho I am mod unwilling to rake info the Miflakes or WeaknejTes of our Refor- mers, yet I cannot but fay, that our Refor- mation was carried on, and, at firft efls- blifhed upon fome principles,very difadvan- sageous to the Church, both as to her Polity and P.wimny. There were Miftakes in
the
( i*7)
the Miniflers on the one hand, and finifler and worldly defigns amongft the Laity, on the other : and both concurred unhappily, to produce Great Evils in the Refult.
There was a principle had, then, got too much footing amongft fome Proteftant Di- vines, viz. That the bed way to reform a Church, was to recede as far from the Pa- pifts as they could; to have nothing in common with them, but the Eflentials ; the necefTary and indifpenfable Articles and Parts of Chriftian Religion ; whatever was, in its nature indifferent, and not pofitively and exprefly commanded in the Scriptures, if it was in fafhion in the Popiih Churches, was therefore :o be laid afide, and avoided as a Corruption ; as having been abufed, 2nd made fubfervient to Superftition and Idolatry.
This principle John Knox was fond of, and maintained zealoufly^ and the reft of our reforming Preachers were much a&ed by his Influences. In purfuance of this principle, therefore, when they compiled the Firft Book of Difcipline, they would not reform the Old Polity, and purge it of fuch Corruptions as had crept into it, keep- ing (till by the main Draughts artd Linea- ments of it 5 which undoubtedly had been the wifer, the fafer, and every way the better courfe, as they were then admoniftit, even by fome of the Fopiflj Clergy : M But,,) s u they laid it quite afide, and inftead thereof ,744 hammered* ©ut a New Scheme, keeping at as M 4 great
( i6B )
great a diftance from the old one, as they could, and as the Eflentials of Polity would allow them ; eftabliming no fuch thing, however, as Panty, as 1 have fully proven. And no wonder •- for as Imparity has, obvi- Oufly, more of Order, Beauty and Vfefulnefs in ir Afped, fo it had never, fo much as by Dreaming, entered their Thoughts, 'that
ir was a Limb of Antkhrift^ Or a Relique of
Popery.
That our Reformers had the aforefaid principle in their view, all alongft, while they digefted the Fir ft Boo\ of Difcipline, is plain to every one that reads ir. Thus
In the Fir ft Head, they Condemn Binding \Men and Women t& a fever al and difguifcd Ap- parel 5 to the fuperftitiom ebferving of Fafiing Days — • Keeping of holy days of certain Saint /, commanded by Man^ fuch as be allthefe THE TAP1STS HAVU INVENTED, at the Feafts of the Apoftles, Martyrs, Chrift-
a*ib K? nias' &c' ^ *n r^e Second ^eac^' The
* v ' Croft in Baptifm and Kneeling at the Reception of the Symbols, in the Emharift. In the Third Head, they require not only Idolatry, but all its Monuments and Places to be fup-
prejfed; and amongft the reft, Chappels,
Cathedral Churches, and Colleges , /. e* as I take
it, Collegiate Churches. And many other fuch inftances might be adduced 5 particu- larly, as to our prefent purpofe : They would not call thofe, whom they truly and really, flared in a Prelacy above their Bre- thren, Prelates or Bifbops, but Superintendents ;
They
( i69)
They would not allow pf Impofiuen of hands in Ordinations : They made Superintendents fubjedt to the Cenfures of their is-,
they changed the bounded the Dioccjfes$
they WOUld not allow the Superintendents the
fame Revenues which Prelates had had be- fore: They would not iuflfcr EcckfiaBkal
Benefices to ftand diflingui/hed as they had
been formerly •, but they were for carting them all, for once, into one heap* and ma- king a new Divifion uf ihe Churches Pa- trimony, and parcelling it cut in Compe- tencies, as they thought it mod expedient. In ftiort,
A notable inftance of the prevalency of this principle we have, even in the year if?*- after the Reftauration of the Old Po- lity was agreed to. For, then, by many in the General Aflembly, Exceptions were
taken at the Titles of Archbffiop, Dean, Arch- Deacon, Chancellor, Chapter, &C as being Popijh Titles, and offenfiveto the Ears of good Chriftians 3 (c) As all.Hiftorians agree.Bat(c) spot, then, 260.
As they were for thefe and the likealte-^^- rations, in purfuance of this principle ; foCaW* t8j they were zealous for, and bad no mind to
part with , the Patrimony of the Church.
Whatever had been dedicated to Religious Ufess whatever, under the notion of ei- ther Spirituality or Temporality^ had belonged to either Seculars or Regulars, before, they were pofitive, fhould ftill continue in the Churches hands , and be applied to her
Maintainance
( *7° )
Maintenance and Advantages $ condemn- ing all Dilapidations, Alienations, Impro- priations, and Laicfc Usurpations, and PoflTefHonsof Church Revenues, &c ^ as is to be feen fully in the Sixth Head of the' (4) Spot. Book, (d) Thus, I fay, our Reformers had 1*4' digefted a New Scheme of Polity, JO the Firfi
Book^of Difcipline, laying afide the Old one, becaufe they thought it too much Popifh. And now that we have this B*d( .under cpri- fideration, it will not be unofefol (nay it will be needful for a full understanding of what follows) to fix the time when it was written.
Knox (and Caldertvood follows him.) fays,
fe)Ka.i83.W it was wrirten after the Diflblution of
Cald. 24. the Parliament, which fate in Augufi 1 $60.
and gave the legal EftabliGiment to the
CO Pet. Ref°rmati°n- But Petrie (f) fays, it is
As. * exprefly affirmed in the beginning of the
Book, it felf that the Commiffion was granted
for compiling it on the 19th of April, 1 jtfo.
2nd that they brought it to a Conclusion,
as they could for the time, before the 20th of May (a (liort enough time, I think, for a work of fuch importance J So Petrie affirms, I fay, and it is apparent he is in the right ; for, his account agrees exadtly with the
Firfi Nomination of Superintendent /, which
both Knox and Spotfwood affirm to have been f*)Ka. m3Ldein?uly, that year, (g) And, befides, 259, 260. it falls in naturally with the Series of the Spor. i4?.Hiftory5 for the Nobility and Gentry's
having feen the Book and confidered it be- fore
(i7i )
tore the Parliament fate, according to this account, makes it fairly intelligible, how it wasimirely negle&ed, or rather tejedled, not only, fofar, as that it was never al- lowed of nor approven by them, as we fhall learn by and by; but, fofar, that, in that Parliament no provifion, at all, was made for the Maincainance and Subfiftence of the Reformed Minifters. For under- Handing this more fully, yet , .
It is to be confidered, that there had beep Difceptations and Controverts the year before, viz,. 1 5^9. about the Difpofal of the Patrimony of the Church* This I learn from a Letter of Knox's to Calvin, (dated dugafi 28. 1 j 59. to be feen smongft Calvin $ Epiftks, Col. 441 J wherein he asks his fentimenrs about this queft ion, Whither the yearly Revenues wight be fayed to fuch as had been Monks and Pofifh Priejls, even tho they fhotdd confefs their former errors, considering that they neither ferved the Church, nor were capable to do it ? And tells him frankly, that he had main- H.*c> quia nego, plus *- rained the negative,for which f&$?2^F*£% non
11 1° r a tolls Papilticls, vcrum
he was called too fevere, not etiam ab ijs qui m v«i- only by the Papifts, but even tads patroni videntur. by many Protectants. From which 'tis plain, not only that there were, then, Controverfies about the Difpofal of the Patrimony of the Church, as I have faid, but alfo, that Knox ('and by very probable confequence, the Froteftant Prea- chers, generally) was clear, that the Eccle-
fiafticaJ
( ?7* )
fiaftical Revenues had been primarily defti- nated to the Church for the ends of Reli- gion , and therefore whatever perfon could not ferve chefe ends* could have no juft Title to thcfe Revenues : By which way of reafoning, not only ignorant Priefts and Monks, hut all Lay men whatfoever, were excluded from having any Title to the Pa- trimony of the Church. Now,
While this Contrcverfie was in agitation, astft point of Right, the Gaife was going againft Knox's fide of it, as to matter of Fad : For, in the mean time, many Abbeys and Monafieries were thrown down, and the Nobility and Gentry were daily poffef- fing themfelves of the Eftaes that had be- longed to them ; and fo before the Firfi Boo\of Difcipline, (which was Knox's per- formance, and fo, no doubt, contain d his principle) was compiled, they were finding that there was fomething faeet in facrilege^ and were by no means willing to part with what they had got, fo fortunately, us they thought, in their Fingers. Befides, They forefaw, if Knox's projeft took place, feve- ral other, which they judged considerable, inconvenients would follow ; If the Monks and Priefts,&c. who acknowledged their former errors, fhould be fo treated, what might they exoeft, who perjtfied in their ad- herence to the Romifb Faith and Interefis ? Tho they were blinded with Superftition and Error, yet they were Men, they were Scotti[b men •, nay they were generally of their
own
( 173 )
own Blood, and their very near Kinfmen - And would it not be very hard to deprive them intirely of their Livings, and reduce them, who had their Effaces fettled upon them by Law, and had lived fo plentifully and fo hofpitably, to fuch ane Hopelefs State
of MiferyZTld Arrant Beggary} Further, by
this Scheme; as they behoved to part with what they had already^n/W, fo their Hopes of ever having opportunity to profit them- felvesof the Revenues of the Chutch,there- after, were more effectually difcouraged, than they had been even in the times of
Pope ry : The Poftijh Clergy, by their Rules t were bound to live Jingle, they could not marry, nor, by confequence, have lawful Children to provide for. The reformed, as the Law of God allowed them, and their Inclinations prompted them,induiged them- felves the Solaces of Wedloc^, and begot Children , and had Families to maintain and provide for 3 there were- no fuch Ex- plications, therefore, of eafy Leafes, and rich Gifts, and hidden Legacies, &c. from them, as from the Popijh Clergy. Add to this, the Poplfh Clergy forefaw the Rumeol the Komlfh Interefts 5 they faw no likelihood ofSucceffors, of their own Stamp and Prin-. ciples. They had a mighty fpite at the Re- formation. It was not likely, therefore, that they would be anxious what became of-the Patrimony of the Church, after they were gone. It was to be hoped they might fquander it away, dilapidate, 'alienate, &c.
without
without difficulty ; (as indeed they did) And who but tbemfelves (the Laity) (hould have all this gain?
Upon thefe and the like Considerations, I fay, the Nobility and Gentry had no li- king to the Fir ft- Book^ ofDifeiplwei And be- ing once out of Love with it, it was eafy to get Arguments enough againft it : The
Novelties, and the numerous needle fs Recef-
fions from the Old Polity, which were in it5 furniihed thcfe both obvioufly and abun- dantly. So it was not only not eftablifhed, but, it feems, the Nobility and Gentry, who have ever the principal fvvayin Scottifh Parliaments, to let the Minifters find how much they had difpleafed them, by fueh a
Draught, refolved to ferve them a Trick* In- deed they ferved them a monftrom one *, for
tho in the Parliament, if 60. they efta- blilhed the Reformation, as to DoElrine and Worjhip, &c. and by a Legal Definition, made the Proteftant the National Church, yet they fettled not fo much as a Groat cf the Churches Revenues upon its Minifters, but
continued the Vopi(b Clergy, during their Lives, in their poffeffions.
*Tis true, indeed, thro the importunity of?. Knox, and fome others of the Preach- ers, fome Noblemen and Gentlemen fub- (b) Kn. fa&ed die Book M January 1 $ 6f . (h) BliC as 282, 283. they were not/mW, as Knox intimates, fo, Spot. 17 s* they did it with this expre/s provi/ion (appa- rently levelled againft one of the main de- signs of the Book) That the Bijhops, Abbot s%
Priori^
( »75 )
Priori, and other Prelates, and Beneficed Men% who had already joyned themfelves to the Religion^ fhould enjoy the Rents of their Benefices, during their hives, they fu ft awing the Minifters for
their parts, &c. But it was never generally received 5 on the contrary it was treated in Ridicule, and called a DEFOVT IMA- GINATION, which offended Knox ex- ceedingly. Q) Nay, itfeems5theMinifter$(0Kn.fb. themfelves were not generally pleafed with Spot. 174^ it, after, fecond thoughts, or, The Laity have been more numerous in the General AJfembly holden in December 1561. For (as Knox himfelf tells us (k) ) when it was fys K , moved, there, that the Book fhould be ™ offered to the Queen, and her Majefty 5 "' (hould be fiipplicated to ratify it, the Motion was rejJ|ed.
The Reformation thus eftabli(hed, and through the Badnefs, or, at leaft, the Difa- greeablemfs of the Scheme laid down in the Book^on the one hand, and the Selfifh and Sacrilegious Ends of the Laity on the other, no provifion made for the Minifters ; it was unavoidable that they (hould be flncht. And fmcht they were, indeed, to purpofe 5
For, for full Eighteen or Nineteen Months,
after the Reformation was eftablifhed by Law, they had nothing to live by, but Shift or Charity *, and, which heightned the Mifery, all this time of Want, they had little or no profped of the end of it : Foe when a Parliament, lb much Proteftant, as in the Queens abfence , to eftablifo the
Purity
( 17* )
Pmty of Dottrine, &c. had treated them fo unkindly, what was to be expected, now thztfhe vvas at home, every inch Popi(h,and zealcufly fuch ? Tho a Parliament (hould now incline to pity them, yet how could it meet ? Or what could it do without the Soveraigns Allowance ? And what ground had they to hope that (he would befriend them ? Indeed, nothing was to be attempt- ed that way 5 it was not to be expe&ed that the Vofifh Clergy (hould be difpoflefled cfthe Revenues of the Church, and the Reformed entiruled to them, by Ad: of Parliament. Another ?rojetl was to be fallen upon.
The Project fallen upon was, That the Council, then, intirely Pzo+eftant, (hould deal with 'he gueen towlige the Pofijh Clergy, Poffcffors of the Benefices, to re- fign 'he Third* of them, into her Maiefties hands, that they might be a fond for the
tainance of the Protefiant Mmifiers.
The Nation was, then, generally Protectant, and that Interefl was too ftrong for the ^«, fo that they were nor to be too much ?ro- vokt: Befides, one Argument was ufed which prevailed much with her Majsfty. The Revenues of the Queen were, then, very low, and (he loved to fpend 5 and pains were taken to perfwade her that, befide what would be fubfiftence enough for the Minifters, (he would be fure to have what might coniiderably relieve her own Necefli- ties- This was a taking propofition, fo,
the
( »77 )
ihe projeft fucceeded. The Popifh Clergy were put to it, and refign'd the thirds. (I) (0 Kt*: Colle&ors were appointed to bring them ***' z*** in to the Exchequer : The Minifters, were, 3 *«,'&& * thence t to receive their Allowances. Well / fuS
Were they well enough provided now ? Alas ! Poor Men / It was but little that was pretended to be provided for them ; the Thirds of thefe Benefices which the Laity had not already [wallowed: And yet far lefs was their real portion. They found by fad experience that it was not for nothing, that the Thirds were ordered to be brought into the ^<?«/Treafury. For when they came to be divided, how mean were their Allot- ments ? Ane hundred Merks Scott ifb, I e. about */. 11/& Bnglifh, to ane ordinary Minifter in the Country. Three hundred (faith Knox (w)J was the higheft that was (m)p.ii& , appointed to any, except the Superintendent s% and a few others.
Ail this, the Minifters, indeed, refented highly. John Kmx(n) faid publickly in his ,n< j& Sermon, lfm that Order for maintaining the J Minifters ended well, his judgment failed him -— for he faw two parts freely given to the Devilt (the Popilh Clergy) and the third rftufl be di- vided betwixt God aid the Devil, ie. betwixt the Protectant Minifters, and the Popifh Queen.
And, nq doubt, her Share was truely con^ (iderable. But neither did the MJfery end here : As poor as thefe fmall Pittances were, they could not have them either [eafonably* ox fully paid. TheTfoV' came in but jlti N arid
( i78)
and the Queens NeceJftUs behoved to be firft ferved; by which means, the Minifters w§re forced to wait, many times, very long, for their Money : And, fometimes, to take tittle, rather than want all: In fliortj their renfe of the treatment they met with was fo lively, that this turn'd to a
Proverb, amon;.' ; ' Tm Good Laird of
Pittaro was *ne Earnefi Profeffor of Chrift ;
(o) Ibid, fat the Great Devil receive the Controller, (o)
Thus, poor Mea ! they were hardly treated : they had great Charges, and a weighty Task; and they were ///provided, and
rvorfe paid-
This bred them much work in their Gen. Ailemblies : For, fcarcely did they ever meet, but a great part of their time was (pent in forming Petitions, and impor- tuning the Government for Relief of their N^ceiluies* but all in vain, they were never the better, no not fo much as heard, aimoft, tilljfa/y 1^7. Then, theNobi* lity and Gentry, refolved to lay afide the Queen from the Government, and finding it neceffary to have the Minifters of their fide, began to befpeak them a little more kindly. Then, indeed, it was made the
Second Article of that League, into which they enteted, That the At~i already made (by the QiJieen and Counci\)concerning the Thirds of the Benefices within this Realm, principally, for fuflaining the Minifters, fhmld be duely put hi Execution* according t c%he Order of the Book, the Appointment of A^mfters Stipends, as
well
well of them that are to be appointed, as of them who are already placed , and that the Miniflers fhould be firfl duely anfweredy and fufficifntlj fuftained, of the fame, to the Relief of their pre- fent Neceflity, ay and while a perfeSi Order might be ta'ne, andeftablifhed, towards the fall Diflribution of the Patrimony of the Kirk^ ac- cording to Gods word, &C
So I read in the Mfs. and Spotfmod (p) ,, « has the fame upon the matter; But this/0^p ' Was not all, Burnt Bairns Fire dread. The Minifters fenfible, it feems, of the mean and uncertain way of Living, they had had before, refolved now to make the beft advantage they conld of that opportunity 5 and fo they obtain d this likewife for ano- ther Article of that Confederacy, and the Nobility promifed, That how foon a lawful Parliament might be had, or that the Occafion might otherwife jufi/y firve, they fhould labour at their uttermofl, that the Faithful Kirk^ of feftts Chrifi, profeffed within this Realm : might be put in full Liberty (L e. poffeffioo) of the Patri- mony of the Kir\, according to the BooJ^ of GodT and the Order and Pratlice of the Primitive Kirk, and that nothing [Joould pafs in Parliament, till the A 'fairs of the Kirk were firfl confidered, approved and eflablifhed ; and alf, that they fhould reform t hem fe Ives, in the Matters of the Church, for their own parti ; Ordaining the Contraveeners and Refufers of the fame to be fecluded from the Bofom of the Kirk,, &G So
the Mfs. and spotfwood alfo. (q) ,
Ibid*
N % "fee
( i8o J
Here were fair promifes indeed/ Were •not the Minifters well enough fecured now ?
Was not the Patrimony of the Church,now,
run in VS Right Channel} Alas / AH pro-
rr.ifes are not performed. No fooner had
thefe Nobles and Barons carried their main
point, which was the dethroning of the
S^een, (to which alfo the Miniiiers were
forward enough) than they quite forgot
their promifes. For, tho the Parliament
men in December, thereafter, and tho the
, RtftitUtion of the Patrimony of the Church
was promiied to be the fi<ft thing that fhould
be done in Parliament, yet nothing like
performance 1 Nay , tho ane A& was
made for 'putting the Ankles about the
Thirds in Execution \ yet, the Minifters
were forced to wait long enough, before
they found the eifeds o(ir. In fhort, they
ccr.nnued in the fame (traits they had been
in before, for full two years thereafter,
that is, till July x $69. at which time, I find
(r) Per. ft? the Mfs.zx\& Mr.Petrk (r) the Church
3^3. was put i on of the Thirds; for
which their NtcefTi'ies made them very
thankful, as appears (om the Narrative of
afte Act of their AfTerr:bly at that time,
wi thus, as I nod ft in the Mfs.
'BzrajrAuch as this long time by gone, the Mini- fters yave been umytrfally defrauded and foft- fyned cf their Stipends, and, now, at la ft, it b pleafed God to wove the hearts cf the fupe- tlour power , and the Eft ate s of this Realm, &C
^Narrative, which, it is probable, they
would
( i8i )
would not have ufed when the Thirds «#re, at firft, projected for their Maintainancr ; Sure, lam, of a quite different ftrain from Knox's Refentmenc , which I mentioned before. But by this time, Experience had taught them to thanl^God for little ; »nd that it was even Good to be •getting fometkirg. How-
ever,
All this while they continu^ ftill to have the fame fentiments c tng the
Patrimony of the Church -7 that, unlefs God by immediate Revolution, frnuld AfeP with her Right, h belong to her unatienar bly? that it was abominable Sacri ledge to de- fraud her of it 3 and that neither Church nor State could be happy, fo long as it was fo much in the hands of Laicks. And as they had ftill thefe fentiments, ( and no wonder, fo long as they had any fenfe of Religion) fo, they were ftill ufing their bed endeavours, trying all experiments, and watching all opportunities to bring the Nobility and Gentry to a reafonable Temper •, and toput the Church in pofleffion of her undoubred Revenues; but all in vain. On the con- trary, thefe Leeches having once tafied of her Bloody were thirfling ftill for more, and daily making farther Encroachment?. For
A Parliament met m^Anguffl i??*, and madeane " A6t, obliging all the Subje&s, " who in former times , had held their u Land and PofTlffions of Priors, PriorefTes, " Convents of Friers and Nuns, &% there- " after to hold them of the Crown. This N 3 " was
( l82 )
u wt&ane awakening, a'ne allaruming Aft. -c Thefe who , heretofore , had poflefi -c themfelves of the Churches Patrimony, "had done it by force, or by connivance $ fi without Law, and without Title 5 fo, there were ftiil hopes of recovering what was poffeft fo illegally. But this was to give shem Law on their fide ; As things flood then, it mpuld be eafy to obtain 67/r.r,now, that the King was made immediate Supe- rior; and then, there was no recovering of what was thus colour ably poffefled. So, I fay it was ane awakening Aft of Parliament 5 and indeed it routed the Spirits of the Cler- gy, and put them in a quicker motion. Now they began to fee the Error of Drawing the
New Scheme of Polity in the Fir ft Book^ of Dis- cipline , and receding from the Old one : Now they perceived fenfibly that, that making of a Newone^ had unhinged all the Churches Inter efts, and expofed her Patrimony, and made it a Prey to the Ravenow Laity 5
and that it was therefore, time, high time,
for them to bethink themfelves, and try
their ftrength and skill, if poffibly a flop
(*) Vide could be put to fuch notorious Robbery, (j)
Spot. ajB. And fo 1 am fairly introduced to
THE SECOND MODEL into which the Government of the Chprch was caft, after thepublickEftablifament of the
Reformation. For
The Veneral A$embly of the Church, jesting at Stirling in that fame month of
Juguft i f jfl €i Gave Commiflion to cer- " tain Brethren, to go to the Lord Regent ''his Grace, and to the Parliament, humbly "torequeftand defire, in Name of the " Kirk, the granting of fuch Heads and u Articles, and redreis of fuch Complaints, cc as (hould be given to them by the Kirk, &c. So it is in the Mfs. and fo Spotfwood and Vetrie have it. (0 Before I proceed, (t) Spot. there is one feeming difficulty which muft 2^8, be removed ; ic is, that this General J few- Pec- Vu blj met before the Parliament. How then could it be that! Aft of Parliament which fo awakened them ? But the Solution is eafy. In thofe times, Parliaments did not fit fo long as they are in ufe to do now 5 but all things were prepared, and in readinefs, before the Parliament met. u Proclama- " tion was made a month, or fo, before the " Parliament was to meet , requiring all " Bills to be given in to the Regi/ler, which u were to be prefented in the fucceeding a Seflion of Parliament, that they might be tc brought to the King, or Regent, to be per- u ufed and confidered by them, and only " fuch as they allowed were to be put into " the Chancellors hands to be proponed to the " Parliament, and none other, &c* Wholb pleafes may fee this account given by King James the Sixth of Scotland, and Firfi of England, to his Englifh Parliament, in his Speech dated 1607. Indeed the thing is no- torious, and Calderwood himfelf gives a re- markable inftance of this method, (u) for(») om, N 4 he 7;:^
( 184 )
he tells how, in the end of April, or begin- ning of May 1 621. A Charge was publifhed bf Proclamation, commanding all that had Suits, Article s.7 or Petitions to propone to the Par Ha- Went, to give inem into the Clerk, of the Regifier before the twentieth day of May, that by him they might be prefent&dto fo many of the Council, roho vcre appointed by his Mijefiy to meet, feme days before the Parliament , and to confider the faid Bills, Petitions and A,. ' .la with Certifica- tion, that the fame fhould not be received, ready nor voted in Parliament, except they were paffed
under hU Bighnefs hand. And yet the fame c Mb.7^4. C"^«™W tells us, {v) That the Parliament \?i ' ■ was not appointed to meet till the Twentieth aM Third of July ; fo that here were two full months between the giving in of the Bills, &c and the Meeting of the Parlia- ment. This being the Cdftom in thofe times, it is eafy to confider how the Gene- ral AfTembly, tho it met fome days before the Parliament , might know very well what was to be done in Parliament ; for if this Bill was allowed by the then Regent to be prefented, there was no doubt of its pafling. And that it was very well known what the Parliament was to do in that matter, may be further evident from j^&* K»cx*$ Letter direfted, at that time, to the General Aflembly, wherein he is earned
With them , that with all Vprightnefs and
Strength in God, they gainfland the mercylefs
Devourers of the Patrimony of the Church, telling
.:■*, that if Men will Jpoil, let them do it to
their
C i«5 )
their own-Peril and Damnation ', but it wad their
Duty to beware of communicating with their fins,
but by publick proteftation to ma^e it known to the
world, That they were innocent of Robbery , which
wot/Id, e*re long, provoke Gods Vengeance upon
the Committers, &c. From which nothing
can be clearer, than thar he had a fpecial
eye to that v\ hich was then in agitation,
and to be dene by the Parliament. (*y Forth*
Having thus removed this feeming difficul-*?'^* ■
ty, I return to my purpoie. and* *
The Earl of Lennox was, then, Regent :pet. 37©* He was murthered in the time of the Par- liament : So, at that time, things were in confufion, and thefe Commiflloners from the General Aflembly could do nothing in their bufinefs. The Earl of Mar fuc- cttdm in the Regency \ Application was made to him. It was agreed to between his Grace, and the Clergy who applied to him, that a Meeting (hould be kept be- tween fo many for the Church, and fo many for the State^ fir adjufting matters. For this'end, ane Aflembly was kept at Leith, on the 1 2 of January i $% By this Aflem- bly, Six were delegated to meer, with as many to be nominated by xheCouwl to treat, reafon and conclude, concerning the Settlement of the Polity cf the Church. After diverfe Meetings, and long Deliberation, (as Spotfwcod has it, W ) they came to an Agreement, which r^\^pQtc
v/as, in efFed, That the Old Polity ihou!da*o. ' revive, and take place 5 only with fame little alterations, which feemed neceflary
from
( *** )
from the Change that had been made in
Religion. Whofo pleafes may fee it more
(*) cald. largely in Calderwood, (x) (who teils us, that
50, #v- the whole Scheme is Regiftred in the Books of
Council) more briefly, in Spotfwood and Pe-
0) Spot. **& ()) In (horn
**o. It was a Conftitution, much the fame
Pet. 273. with that, which we have, ever fince,had,
in the times of Epifcopacy* For by this
Agreement, thofe who were to have the
OldVreUtical pwer, were alfo to have the
Old Prelatical Names and Titles, of Archbijbops and Bi/bops •, the Old Divifan of the Diocefes
was to take place 5 the Patrimony of the
Church was to run, much, in the 0/^ Chan* »<?/; particularly , exprefs provifion was
made Concerning Chapters, Abbots, Priors*
&c- That they fliould be continued, and enjoy fheir Old Rights and Priviledges, as Churchmen-, and, generally, things wrere put in a regular Courfe.
This Was the Second Model (not Zntvt
one,) of 'Polity, eftabliihed, in the Church of Scotland, after the Reformation ; at a pretty good diftance, I think, from the Rules and Exigencies of Parity. The truth is, both Calderwood and Petrie acknowledge, it was Imparity, with a witnefs. The thing was fo manifeft, they had not the brow to deny it ; all their Endeavours are only to im- pugne the Authority of this Conftitution, or raife Clouds about ir, or find Weak- ness in it. So far as I can colled, no man ever affirmed, that, at thistime,the (?ww
C 187)
went of the Church of Scotland was Presby- terian, except G. Rt who is truly Angular for his skill in thefe matters : But we (hall have, fome time or other, cccafion to confider him. In the, mean time lee us confider Calderwood's and Petries Pleas againft this Eftablilhment. They may be reduced to thefe four.
1 . The Incompetency of the Authority of the
Meeting at Leith, in January 1 sih
2. The Force which was, at that time, put upon the Minifters by the Court, which would needs have that EsJablifhment take place.
5- The Limit ednefs of the power \ thenar anted to Bifhops.
4. The ReluBancies which the fubfequent 'AJfemblies di (covered again fi that Efiabli/h- rnenu
Thefe are the moft material Pleas ■, they tnfift on, and I (ball confider, how far they may hold. The
1. Plea is , the Incompetency of the Authority of the Meeting at Leith, fan. 1 2, 1972. which gave Commiffion td theS/*for agreeing with the State to fuch aneEftablifli-
ment. " It is not called ane Ajfembly, but " a Convention, in the Regifier. The Ordinary
* Aflembly was not appointed to be holden " till the 6th of March thereafter. (a) As it 60Ca!.4i?; ct was only a Convention, fo it was in very Pet- 37*. C£ great hafte, it feems, and took not time *• to confider things of fuch importance, fo " deliberately, as they ought to have been ,^Ca] " confidered. (b) It was a corrupt Con- We. 57$, '
!! vention,374«
i
(«88 )
tlvention, for it allowed Mafter Robert u Pont, a Minifter, to be a Lord of the OCal.$o.iCSeffion. (c) Thefe are the Reafons they cc 375. infift on to prove the Authority of that Meeting incompetent. And now toexamine them briefly.
When I confider thefe Arguments, and for what end they are adduced, I muft declare, I cannot but admire the Force of
prejudice and partiality, how much they blind
mens Eyes, 3nd diftort their Reafons, and byafs them to the moft ridiculous Under- takings. For,
What tho the next ordinary Aflembly was not appointed to meet till March there- after? Do not even the Presbyterians themfelves maintain the Lawfulnefs, yea, the Necejfitj of calling General Aflemblies ex- traordinarily, upon extraordinary occafions ? fro re nata (as they call it) ? How many,1 fuch, have been called fince the Reforma- tion ? How much did they infift on this pretence Anno 1638? And,
What tho the Regifter calls this Meeting a Convention ? was it therefore no Affembly ?. Is there fuch an oppofition between the
Words, Convention and Affembly, that both cannot poffibly fignify the fame thing ? Doth not Calderwood acknowledge, that they voted themfelves ane Aflembly, in their fecond Seflion ? Doth he not acknowledge, that all the ordinary Members were there, which ufed to conftirute Aflemblies f Bug what if it can be found that ane undoubted,
uncon-
uncontrovertedAflembiy>own d it as aneAf- fembly 5 and its Aothority,as the Authority of ane Aflembly .? What is become of this fine Argument then ? But can this be done indeed ? Yes, it can 5 and thefe fame very Authors have given it in thefe fame very Hiftories (d) , in which rhey ufe this as ane(/)CaI.?7. Argument, and not very far from the fame Pet. 3*7*. very pages. Both of tberrt (I fay) tell, that the General Aflembly holden atPertk, in ^^immediately thereafter, made ane
Act which began thus, Forafmuch as the
Aflembly holden in Leith, in January Uft> &c. But if it was ane Aflembly, yet, it was in too great hafte\ it did not things deliberately. Why fo ? No Reafon is.adduced, noRea- fon can be adduced, for faying fo. The Subjeft they were to treat of was no new one 5 it was a Subject that had imployed all their Heads for feveral months before : Their great bufinefs, at that time, was to give a Commiffion to fome Members to meet wkh the Delegates of the State, to adjuft matters about the Polity and Patrimony of the Church* This Con&piffion was not given
till the Third Sefflon, as Calderwood hiinfelf
acknowledges, (e) Where then, was theCOGal.^ great hdfle ? Lay it in doing a thing in their Third Seflion, which might have been dona inthe.F/r/??
But were not thefe Commiffioners in too great hafte to come to ane Agreement when they met with the Delegates of the State ? Yes, if we may believe Petrie^ for he fays,
(0 That
( *9° ) -
(0 pet. (/) That the fame day (viz. January 16.) the
353* CommiJJioners conveened andconclued, &c; But
he may fay, with that fame integrity,what- ever he pleafes. For, not to infift on spotf-
( ) Spot w s accounr» to w^° **ays' *c was after
2jQi " diverfe Meetings and long Deliberation, that
they came to their Conclufion ; not to infift oa his authority, I fay, becaufe he may be fufpe&ed as partial 5 doth not Calderwood
f^Calso. (h) exprefly acknowledge, that they began their Conference upon the Sixteenth of Ja-
(0 Ib- ^ wary, and (0 that matters were not finally concluded and ended till the Firfi of Febru- ary t
But was it not a corrupt Convention ? Did it not allow Pont, a Minifter, to be a Lord of the Sefflon ? A mighty Demonftra- tion, fure, of its Corruption 1 Well I Sup- pofe it was a Corruption, was it fuch a plaguy one as infe&ed all the other Ads of that Convention ? Is one corrupt A& of ane Aflembly enough to reprobate all the reft of its Ads? Iffo, I think, it will fare ill with a good many Aflemblies. Whither was it a Corruption in ane Jjfembly to ^//g* men to do pennance for tfWtfg their Duty I to declare againft the Kings Negative Voice in Parlia- ment, and fo to Unking him, &c. }. But to go on, why (hould this Aflembly bear the .whole Blame of this Corruption, if it was one ? ' was it not ratified by a fubfequent Aflem- faly > And (hould not it bear its iliare ? Both Authors knew this very well, for both of
(HjCaUi. them record it : (k) It was the Affembly
Pec 37^. hoWea
( *?l )
holder* at Bien. March 6. 1 £73. The Regent craved fome learned Men of the Mini fiery (they %l£~Caldsrwoo£$ 0WI1 words J to be f laced Se- nators of the College of Juftice. The Affembly, after reafoning, at It <:gth, voted, that none Wm Me to bear the [aid two Charges, and therefore inhibited any Minifier to take upon him to be a Senator cf the College of Juftice, Ma&er Ro- bert Pont only excepced, who was already placed with advice and consent of the Kirk* Petrie
gives the fame account, only he ends it thus* By Advice, &c. He thought it expedient, ic ieetns, to conceal the mention made of the Kir\- And no doubt he did wifely, i.e. fuita- bly to his purpofe^for Calderwood added it but foolifhly, confidering that there could not be a clearer Acknowledgement of the
Authority of the Convention at Leith, than giving it thus the name of The Klr{ 3 but what needs more ? if this was a Cqrr#}}jori,$
it was one, even in the times of Presbytery,
after the year * 980, For did not Pont, even then continue to be a Lord of the Seffion I Or will our Brethren fay, that'tisa fault to
introduce a Corruption, but it IS none to con- time it when it is introduced? All this is faid upon the fuppofition that it was a Corrup- tion ; tho I am not yet convinced that ic was one, at lead fo great a one as might have given ground for all thisftir about it. I doubt, if the Members of this Aflembly at Leith, had been through paced Parity- wen, vigorous for the Good Cattfe, it fhould, do more have been a Corruption in them
to
( I>2 )
to have allowed Pont to fit as a Lord of Sef> font than it was in the Kirk, once upon a
day, to allow Mr. Alexander Henderfon to fit
as a Member of a Committee, you know for what. And To much for the firft Plea, proceed we to the
2. The Force, the Court, at that time, put upon the Clergy, to accept of that Eftablifhmenu Calderwood is mighty on this Pica* The Su- perintendent of Angm (who had a principal hand in the x^greement at Leith) a man too
tradable, might eaftly be induced, by his Chief \ the Earl of Mar, Regent, for the time, to con- dt fiend to the Heads and Articles of this Book,
fi)Csi\ ?*« ^ And, I* rfas eafy t0 ^e C°Hrt t0 obtain the Corf cm of many Minifters to this fort of Epifco- pacy- — Some being poor, fome being covetous and ambitious, fome not taking up thegrofs Corruption of the Office, fome having a Carnal Refpech to
(m)lb.)6.fome Noblemen their Friends, (in) And how often doth he impute it all to the Earl of Morton ? And Calderwood faithful Follower
G. R. in his Firft Vindication, &C. tells US that the Convention of Churchmen met at Leith ■was too much influenced by the Court, (n) Now
Q*J P-7. for an{\ver to all this, in the firft place, what if one (hould allow all that is alledged? will it follow from that allowance thatfV*- lacy was not, then, agreed to? The Que- ftion is not how it was done ? but if it was done? For if it was done it is ane argument that rhe Clergy, then, thought little on the indifpenfibility of Parity ; or that they were very bad men, who, tho they believed
that
i m )
that indifpenfibility, did yet agree rto Pre- Jacy. 'Tis true, indeed, Calderwood makes them, here, every whit as bad as that could amount to :
He makes them a pac\ of poor, cove- tous, ambitipus, ignorant, Carnal Rogues, who were thus Court- ridden. But behold the Difference between Merc at days, as we
fays the fanie Author, when he comes, afterward, to tell who were appointed to compile the Second Book of Difcipline, (a task agreeable to his temper J gives the fame Men, who were Commiflioners , at the Agreement ar Leith, (Tor they were gene- rally nominated for that work) a far diffe- rent Character : Our Kirk hath not had Wor- thier men , fince, nor of better Gifts, (o) This (0)Cal.7?!
might be enough 5 yet I will proceed fur- ther, becaufe what I have to fay may be ufeful for coming by a juft ferife of the {late of affairs in thefe times. I fay therefore,
That all this Flea is meergroundlefs A^ and Fi&ioH. The Court had no imaginable reafon for preffing this Eft ablifhmenr, which was not as proper for the Clergy to have Inflfted on ; aad the Clergy had one Rea- fon more thad the Court could , pretend to-
The great Reafons the Court could, iM9 infift on, what elfe could they be, than that Epifcopacj ftood (till eftablifhed by Law} That according to the fundamental Confti- tucion, which had obtained time out, of ttfind, the Ecclefiafticks had mtede one of O
( *h)
the Three Eftates of Parliament ? That fach aneEflential Alteration, in the civil Con- stitution, as behoved neceffarily to refulc from the want of that Eftate? being the &rft of the Three, was infinitely dangerous at any time, as tending to turn the whole Constitution loofe,and (hake the very Foun- dations of the Government ? That it tended ro the Subverfion of the High Court of Parliament- and naturally, and neceflarily, inferred Eflential Nullities in all the Meet- ings, the other two Eflates could have, and all the Afts they could make? That it was more dangerous, at that time, during the Kings Minority, to have the Conftitution fo disjoynted, than on other occafions? That whofoever was Regent, or whofoever were his Councilors, might be called to ane account for it, when the King came to perfect. Age ? And it was obvious that it Alight eafily be found High Treafin in them, char they had (offered fuch Alterations ? Th3t the heft way to prefer ve the Rights of the Church, and put her> and keep her in her Pofleffon of her Patrimony, was to freferve that Eftate > , That the beft way to preferve Euates was to continue it in the old, tryed, wifely digefted, and long approven Gonfutution of it f What other arguments, 1 fay. than thefe, or fuch as wTere like them, can v^e conceive, the Court could then make ufe to perfwade the Clergy to agree to the Old Polity Z Is it to be imagined they turn'd fheolfigms% and endeavoured to in- doctrinate
do&rinate the Clergy, and convince them from Scripture, and Antiquity, andEccle- fiaftical Hiftory, f&c. that Epifcopacy was of divine Institution, or the bed, or a lawful Government of the Church f If 4 miftake not, fuch Topicks, in thefe times were not much thought on, by our Statef- Men. But if they were fuch Arguments as I have given a Specimen of, which they in- fifted on, as no doubt they were, if they infifted on any, then i would fain know, which of them it was that might not have been as readily infifted on by the Ckr$% as by the State/men ? Nay, confidering that there were no Scruples of Conscience then, concerning the Lmfulnefs'ol fuch a Consti- tution 5 how reafonable is it to think, that the Clergy might be as forward as the Statef- wen could be, to infift on thefe Arguments i Efpecially if it be further confidered, that, Befides thefe and the like Arguments, the Clergy had one very confiderable Ar- gument to move them for the Re-eftablifli- ment of the Old Conftitutlon, which was, that they had found by Experience, that the New Scheme fallen upon in the Firfi Boo^ of Difdpline had done much hurt to the Church, as I have already obferved 5 that by forfaking the Old Constitution , the Church had fuffered too much already 3 and that it was high time, for them, now, td return to their Old Fend; confidering at what lofles they had been fince they had dcfcrted it. And all this will appear more O i mfomblt
( t9* )
re«fonable and credible ftill, if two things more be duely confidered* The
Firft is, That the Six Clergymen who were commiffioned by the Aflembly, on this occafion, to treat with the State, were all fenfible mens men who under flood the Conflitution both of Church arid State, had Beads to comprehend the conferences of things, and were very far from being Parity- men. The
Second is, The Oddnefs, (to call it no wot k) of the Reafon, which our Authors feign to have been the Motive which made the Court, at that time, fo earned for fuch ane Eftablifhment 5 namely, that thereby,
They might gripe at the Commodity, (as Calder- '(p)C&l$$. wood (p) words it) That is, poflefs them* feives of the Churches Patrimony. What ? Had the Clergy fo fuddenly fallen from their daily, their conftant, their continual Claim to the Revenues of the Church? Mad they in ane inftant, altered their fen- timents about Sacrilege, and things confe- crated to Holy ufes ? Were they now wil- ling to part with the Churches Patrimony ? Did that which moved them to be fo ear- nert for this Meeting with the State, mira- culoufly flip out of their Minds, fo that they inconcernedly quate their pretentions, i betrayed their own interefts ? Were they all fdA afleep when they were at the Conference ? So much afleep, or fenfelefs, that ould not perceive rhe Court in-
tended them fuch a Trick ? On the other h|Ki, if
( i>7 )
If the Court had fuch a deilgn as is pre- tended, Imuftconfefs, I do not fee how it was ufeful for them to fall on fuch a mid project for accompKfhing their purpofes. Why be at all this pains to re-eftablifh the Old Polity, if the only purpofe was to rob the Church of her Patrimony ? Might not that have been done without, as well as, with it } Could they have wifhed the Church in weaker circumftances for avert- ing her own Rights than (he was in, before jhis Agreement t Was it not as eafy to nave pofleft themfelves of a Biftioprick, ane Abbacy, a Priory, &c when there were no Bifliops, nor Abbots, nor Priors, as when there were ? What a pitiful poli- tick, or rather what ane infolent wicked- nefs was it, as it were, to take a Coat which was no mans, and put on one, and poflefs him of it, and call it his Coat, that they might rob him of it ? Or, making the un- charitable fuppofition, that they could have ventured on fuch a needlefs, fuch a wad {etch of iniquity, were all the Clergy ib ftiort- fighted, that they could not penetrate into fuch a palpable, fuch a ^/r piece of Cheatry ? But what needs more ?
Tis certain that by that Agreement, the Churches Patrimony was fairly fecurcd to her, and (he was put in far better condi- tion than (he was ever in before, fince the Reformation. Let any man read over
Calderwoods account of the Agreement, i
he muft confefs it : And yet perhaps the O 3 account
account may be more full and clear, in the Books of Cornell, if they be extant.
Tis true, indeed, the Cornier* , after- wards, played their Tricks -mirobb'd the Church ; and it cannot be denied, chat they got fome bad Clergyman, who were fub- fer vient to their purpofes : But this was fo far from being pretended to be aimd at, by thefe Courtiers, while the Agreement was a making 5 It was (0 far from thefe Clergy- mens minds, who adjufted matters at that time with the Laity, (thefe Courtkrs) to give them the fmalleft advantages that way, to allow them the leaft Scope for fuch En- croachments 3 That, on the contrary, when* afterwards, they found the Nobility were taking fuch Methods, and plundering the Churchy they complained mightily of it, as a imnifeft breach of the Agreement, and &ne horrid iniquity.
But whatever Truth is in all this Rea- foning, I have fpent on this point, is not much material to my mainpurpofe: For, whither, st that time, Epifcopacy was im- pofed upon the Church or not 5 or, if Impofed, whither it wasoutofabaddefign Or not; affefenot, in the leaft, the prin- cipal Controverfie. For however it was, *ris certain the Church accepted of it, at that time, which we are bound, in Chari- ty, to think, afufficient Argument that toe was hot then of Jntiprelatical principles; , |he had no fuch Article in her Creed, as the wn$ Right of Pmtj 5 which is the great
point
( W )
point I am concerned for in all this tedious Controverfie.
3. The Third Pleat i$, The LimiteAnefs of the Power which was, then, granted to Bijhops.
They had no more Power granted them by this Eftablifhment, than Superintendents had enjoyed before. This all irr Authors infift upon with great Earneftaeis (?) A id (?)ca!.*r, Iconfefs it is very true : This whs provided si: r*,W. for both by the Agreement at Zeith, and by Fer- 3 74> ane Ad: of the Aflembly holden at. Eden. ^-^ r March 6. >. $74. But then 1. If they had theriii. p. 8. fame power which Superintendents had .be- fore, ( think they had truly Prelatk Pon they did not aft in Parity with other-Mini- fters. z* Tho chey had no more power, yen it is certain they had more Privilege : Trrey were not anfwerable to their own Synods,
but Only to General Affemblies, as IS clear,
even from Calderwoodf own account of the agreement at Leith* (r) In that point, the ^ Cal $ , # abfurd Conftitution in the Firfi Book cf\ Difiipline was altered. 3- One thing more ' I cannot but obferve , here , concerning Mr. Calderwood. This judicious Hiftorian, when he was concerned to raifi Dufi about
the Prelacy of Superintendents, found eafily 7 Or 8 huge Differences between Superintendents
and Bijhops. And now, that Ijp is concern'd
to raife Dufi about the Prelacy of Bifhops, he thinks he has gain d a great point if he makes it the fame with the Prelacy of Super- intendents. What a mercy was it th?r ever poor Prelacy out- lived the Dint of fuch
, O 4 doughty
( 200 )
'doughty Onfets I But it feems it muft be 3
tough-lived thing, and cannot be eafily ci!w/M
out of its Nature There is another confiderable Thruft
made at it by Calderwood, and his Difciple rs\ ca\.6i.G- & (s) which may come in as a Succeda- O. R. t neum to the former Argument; What isitf l7»</.7« It is even, that in the Gen. Aflembly at
Bden. March 6. i?73- David Fergafon »w
rfrc/*» Moderator* who wot neither Bijhop nor Superintendent. Al\C fo down falls Prelacy! But fo Was honelt Cfw£* Buchanan, in the Aflembly holden in July 1567. who was
neither Superintendent^ Bijhop, nor Presbyter,
and fo Down falls Presbytery !, Nay Down falls the whole Miniftery lis not this a hard Lock,, Prelacy is brought to, that it (hall not be it felf, fo long as one wrong ftep can be found to have been made by a Scotch General
Affembly ?
I have adduced and difcufled all thefe Pleas, not that I thought my Caufe in any hazard by them ; but to let the World fee, what a party one has to deal, with in this Controverae : Whatever it be, ,Senfe or Nonfenfe, if their Cauie requires it"; they muft not want an Argument. But to go on. But
4. The Fourth, and greateft Plea, is, That
6*)Cal.<o. this Epifcopacy was never owned by the Church : Pet 389. Jt was never allowed by the General AJJembly* (a) G. R. 1 jt was on\j tolerated for three or four years. (£) ^/■IL'.7' It was protefled againfi as a Corruption, (c) As (c) Cai.j $jhefe Articles were concluded without the Know- Ci.R. 7. " ledge
{ 201 )
\ leJge of the Ajfembly, fo the -whole Affembly op- f ofed them earnefl/y. (d) They were obtruded /* pef7 upon the Church, again ft her Will, (e) The 37£. Church from the beginning of the Reformation 00p'383» oppofed that kind of Bifhops. (f) The Church (f) p. 387. dj.d only, for a time, yield to Civil Authority^ yet fo that fie would endeavour to be free of thefe Articles, (g) Cg)p.37*.
Thefe and many more fuch things are boldly and confidently aflerted by Calder-
wood, Petrie, and the ftrenuom Vindicator of the Church of Scotland, vvho feldom mifles of faying what Calderwood had faid before him ; and I (hall grant they are all faid to purpofe, if they are true : But how far they are from being that may Efficiently ap- pear, I hope, if I caa make thefe things evident*
i.That the Agreement at Leith was fairly and frequently allowed, approven, and ia- (ifted en, by many fubfequent Aflemblies.
2. That after Epifcopacy was queftioned, and a Party appeared againft it, it coft them much ftrugling, and much time,before they could get it abolifhed.
1. I fay, The Agreement at Leith was
fairly and frequently allowed, approven, and infifted on, by many fubfequent Aflem- blies. This Aflertion cannot but appear . true to any unbyafled Judgment, that (hall confiderbut thefe two things.
1. That, in Every Affembly, for feveral years, after that Eftabliihment, or Agree- ment, or Settlement at Leith^ Bi(hops were
prefent,
( 202 )
prefent, and fate, and voted as fuch ; and, as fuch, were obliged to be prefent, and fie, and vote, &c As both Calderwood and Pe- trie acknowledge, and (hall be made appear by and by.
z. That thefe two Authors have been at fpecial pains, to let the world know, how pun&ually they were tryed, and fometimes rebuked and cenfured for not difcharging rheir Offices* as they ought to have done. Both Authors, I fay, have been very intent and careful to represent this in their accounts ef the fubfequent Aflemblies. I know their purpofe, herein, was to expofe the Bilhops, and call all the Dirt, they could, upon Epifiopacj. But then, as I take it, their pain?, that way, have luckily furniflied me with a plain Demonstration of the falfe- hood of all they have faid, in this Plea, I am now confidering : For
Would thefe Aflemblies havefuffered them to be prefent, and fit, and vote as Bl-
ihops ? Would they have tryed and cenfured
them as BlJhops> Would they have put them to their Duty as Blfhops, if they had not ownd them for Bidiops f And was there any other JWfor owning them for Billiops, at that time, except the Agreement at Lelth ? This alone might be fufficienr, I fay, for dispatching this whole Plea. Yet
3. To put this matter beyond all poffibi- lity of ever being, with the leaft colour of probability, controverted hereafter ; I re- commend to the Readers confederation, the
following
( 2°3 )
following Series of A<3s made by fubfe- quent Anemblies.
The Agreement at Leith, as was obferved before, was concluded, on the Fir ft day of February, Anno i ? ?|. The Ordinary Af- fembly met at &«'»* Andrews, on the &#** of ii^ir^ thereafter : 7fo Anhblfhu? of St. Andrews (newly advanced to that See, by the Lelth Agreement) was prefect, and
the firfl perfon named (as Calderwood himfclf
hath it, (h) ) to be of the Committee that wa*(b)Gal&
appointed for Revipng the Articles agreed upon
at Lcith: And ane Afir was made in that Affembly, fas it is both in the Mfs. and
Petrie(i) ) Ordaining the Superintendent of Fife /a p^ to fife his own furifditlkn^ before, in the Pro 37^ vinces not fubjetl to the Archbifkop of St. An* drews 5 and requeuing him to concur with the faid Archbifhop, in his Viptatims, or otherwife, when he required him, until the next Ajfembly — And in like manner, the Superintendents of Ao- gUS and Lothian, without prejudice of the faid Archbifhop, except by Vertue of his Commiflion*
By rhe Affembly holden at Perth, An* guft u. 1 J71. this Ad was imde; Forafmuck m in the ASSEMBLY (not the Con* vention) of the Church holden at Leith, in January lafl, Certain Commiffioners were ap« pointed to deal with the 'Nobility, and their Com- mijfioners, to r&ttfm and conclude upon diver fe Articles and Heads', thought good, then, to be conferred upon 1 according to which Commiffion^ they have proceeded in f unary Conventions,, (is
this confident with Petriis aflertioo, that,
the
( 204 )
the fame day, they met and concluded?)
and have concluded for that time, upon the Heads and Articles as the fame produced jn thisAjfembly, froport : In which, being confidered, are found
certain Names , as Archbifhop, Dean, Arch- deacon, Chancellor, Chapter, which Names are thought flanderous and ofenjive in the Ears tf many of the Brethren, appearing to (bund towards Papiftry; Therefore, the whole Ajfem- hly in one voice, as well they who .w.m iin Com* wiffton at Leith, as others, folemnly proteft, that tkey mean not, by ufing fuch Names, to ratify^ tonfent, or agree to any kind of Papiftrie or Su- per ft ition 5 wifbing rather the faid Names to be changed into, other Names , that are mp fcandalous and offend ve $ and, in like, man- ner, they proteft, That ih faid Heads and Articles agreed upon, be only received as ane In- terim, until farther, and more perfect Order be obtained, at the hands of the Kings Afajejlies Regent and Nobility : Tor the which, they will frefs, as occafion fhall ferve* Vnto the which PrOteftation the whole Affembly, in one voice, ft) Spot, adhere. So the Affs. Spot. Cald. Pet. ($
260. This is the A£t> on which, Calderwood,
Cald. s7- petrie , and G. R. found their aflertion , Pet. 37^ That Epifcopacy, as agreed to at Leith was froteffied againft, and earneftly oppofed, by a General Affembiy ; but with what Sha- dow of Reafon, let any Manconfider .• For, what can be more plain, than, that they receive the fubftance of the Articles, and ot&y proteft againft the Scandaloufnefs of the Names ufed in them ? What reafon they
had
r 205 5
bad for that, befides the over- zealous Prin- ciple I mentioned before, let the curious enquire: That's none of ray prefent bufinefs.
But, They proteft that they receive thefe Ar* tidies only for ane Interim : True 5 But how doth it appear that they received them only for ane Interim, out of a Diflike to Epifco- pacy ? Had they believed the Divine Right of
Parity, how could they have received them fo much as,for ane Interim ? How could they have received them at rf/#TheTruth is,there were many things in the Articles which requi- red amendment,even tho the Gen. All had believed the Divine Right of Efifcopacy. And that they did not receive them, for ane In- terim, upon the account of any Diflike they had to Epifcopacy, (hall be made evident, by and by. In the mean time, we have gained
One point, even, That they were received by this Ajfembly 5 unlefs receiving for an Interim be not receiving : But if they were received, I hope it is not true, that they were never allowed by a General A$emhly> And lfEpifco- facy was not protefied againft at all, and if there was no fuch word or phrafe in the Ad, as had the lead Tendency to import that they judged it a Corruption, I hope, it may confift well enough with the Laws of Civi- lity, to fay that G. R. was talking without
Book, when he faid, It was protefied againft
as a Corruption, by this General Aflembly. I doubt, if he had found any of the Pre- latifts talking with fo much Confidence, where they had fo little ground, he would
have
t
( 206 )
have been at his beloved Lies and Calumnies, But enough of this, proceed we in our
Series,
Sy the Vniverfal Order (fo it IS worded in the Mfs~) of the General Aff, hoMtn at Eden* March 6. IC7*« It was St atuted and Ordained, that all Bifhops, Superintendents ^ &C. frefent t hem fe Ives in every Gen- Ajf. that hereafter /ball be hotdenjhe firft day of the Affembly before Noon, I) Mfs. &C. (/) Again, It is thought most reafonable &S.379. and expedient, That Bij (hops7 &C« fur chafe Ge- neral Letters ', without any delay, commanding all Men to frequent Preaching and Prayers according (m) Mdm to the Order received in the Congregations ,&C.0»)
Fee. ibid. In ^e Aff. holden at Eden. Aug. 6. 1 5-73. The Vifuation Books of Bifhops^ &c were pro- duced, and certain Minifters appointed to examin («) Mfc. th'tr Diligence in Vifitation* (n) In that fame Fee. ibid. Aflembly, Patoun, Bifhop of Dunkeld, was accufed that he had accepted the Name, but
had not exercifed the Office of a Bifhops not
having proceeded againft Papifts, within his bounds. He was d\io fufpetled of Simony and Perjury, in that, contrary to his Oath, at the receiving of the Biftioprick, he gave Acquittances, and the Earl of Argyle received
Co') Pet 'b t'ie Profits- W If thefe things were true, w ' l ' he was a holifh, as well as a bad Bifhop* But then it was evident, that this Aflembly fairly ownd Epifcopacy. Further, that by the Agreement at Leith, exprefs provifions were made againft Simony and Dilapidation of Benefices 3 and that Bifhops (hould (wear to ifwt purpofe, &c. which, I think, is not
well
( 2o; )
well confident with the Plea infifted on* before, viz. That the Agreement at Lelth was forced, on the Clergy, by the Courts out of a *fe/jg», *> had, upon the Revenues of the
Church.
I find thefe further A&s made by this Aflembly, in the Mfs.
Touching them that receive Excommunicates* the -whole Kirkj prefentlj affembled, ordains aU Bifhops, &C. to proceed to Excommunication a- gainfi all Receivers of Excommunicate perfons^ if after due Admonition the Receivers rebel and bs difobedient.
The Kirk^ ordains all Bifhops < &C. in their Synodal Conventions , to take a Lift of the Names of the Excommunicates, within their furifditti- ons 5 and bring them to the General Ajfemblies, to be publifhed, to other Bifhops and Superinten- dents, &C. That they, by their Ministers, in their Provinces, may divulgate the fame, in the whole Countries , where Excommunicates haunt.
The Kirk, prefentlj affembled, ordains all Bi- Jhops and Superintendents, &C. to conveen before them, allfuch perfons as [hall be found fufpefied of confulting with Witches 5 and finding them guilty, to caufe them make publick Repentance, &C
That Vniformity may be obferved in procefes of Excommunication, It is ordained that Bi(hops% and Superintendent s7 &C. (hall diretl their Let- ters to Minifters, where the perfons that are to be Excommunicated dwell ; commanding the faid Miniftcrs to admonifo accordingly, and in Cafe of Difobedience , to proceed to Excommunication,
and
( m )
tod prsnounce the Sentence thereof \upon a Sunda), in time of Preaching 5 and, thereafter, the Miniflers to indorfe the [aid Letters, making mention of the days of their Admonitions, and Excommunication , for Difobedience afore faid, dnd to report to the /aid Bifhops, &C according to the Direction contained in the J aid Letters.
CrtlMo^ Petrie (?) has the fubftance of mod of thefe A&s, but has been at pains to obfcure them. And no wonder 5 for here are fo many Branches of true Epifcopal power , efta- biifhed in the perfons of thefe Biftops, that it could not but have appeared very ftrange, that a General Affembly fhould have con- ferred them on them, if there Was fuch ane averfion then, to the Order y as he and his Fellows are willing to have the world be- lieve, there was* But
Honeft Calderwod was wifer , for he hath nor fo much as ane intimation of an^ one of them. And Calderwood having thus concealed them, nay, generally, all alongft, whatever might make againft his Caufe, as much as he could h what wonder if G. A: who knows nothing in the matte!', but what Caldertvood told him, (tumbled upon fuch a notable piece of Ignorance, in his firft Vindication, as to tell the world, That Nothing was refiored at Leith but the Image of Prelacy ? That thefe Tulchan Bifhops had only the Name of Bifbops , while Noblemen and others had the Revenue, and the Church all the power ?
Nay, That, notwithstanding of all, was done £t Leithi The real Exercife of Preslytery, fa
all
( 20$ )
all its Meetings leffer and greater^ continued and
was. allowed ? But of this more hereafter. The Aflembly, holden at Uden. March 6,
IS 74' Concluded concerning the Jurifdiflion of Bifhops, in their Ecclefiafiical Funtlion, that it fhould not exceed the furifdiclion of Superinten- dents, which, heretofore, they have had, and pre- fently have : And that they fhould be fubjeb! to the Difcipline of the General AJf. as Members thereof, as Superintendents had been heretofore , in all forts. And again, This Aflembly Or- dains, That no Bijhop give Collation of any Bene- fice within the bounds of Superintendents within his Diocefs, without their Confent and Testimo- nials, fubfcribed with their hands : And that Bifhops, within their Diocejfes vifit by themfehes, where no Superintendent is 5 and give no Colla- tion of Benefices without the Confent of three well qnalified Minifiers.
Here indeed both Calderwoodand Petrie (?) (f ) Cald. appear briskly, and tranfcrifce the Mfs.ff- word for word : Here was fomething like 1 ct* 3 3a limiting the power of the Bifhops 5 and that was ane opportunity not to be omit- ted. But, as I take it, there was no very great reafon for this Triumph, if the true reafon of thefe A<5ts be considered, as it may be collected from Spotfwood and Petrie (r) which was this, 0>Spo*.
The Earl of Morton, then Regent, and 27z. fordidly covetous, had flattered the Church Pet. 3^ out of their Pofleffion of the Thirds of the Benefices 5 the only fure Stock, they could as yet Mm, by any Law, made fince the P Rei
( 210 )
Reformation of Religion ; promifing, in- ftead the* eof, to fettle local d Stipends upon the Minifters 5 but having once obtaio'd his end, which was to have the Thirds at his Difpofal, he forgot "his promife ; and the Minifters found themfelves miferably trickt. Three or four Churches were caft together, and committed to the Care of one Minifter ; and a Farthing, to live by, could not be got, without vaft attendance, trouble and importunity. Befides , the Superintendents, who had had a principal hand in the Reformation, and were Men of great Repute, and had fpent liberally of their own Eftates in the Service of the Church, were as ill treated as any body : For when they fought their wonted allow- ances, they were told, there was no more life for them ; Bilhops were now reftored 5 it wjstheir Rrovince to govern the Church: Superincendehts were now fuperflaous and tfnneceflary. The Superintendents thus Mai treated, what wonder was it if they had their own Refentmeots of it ? So, when the General Aflembly met, Areshin, Spot/wood andtviwam, three cf them (and, by that time; 'tis probable, there were no more of them alive) came w the Aflem- bly, offered to'dimit their Offices, and were earneft that the Kirk would accept of their Di million : They were now turn'd nfelefs Members of the Ecclefiaftical body; their Office was evacuated ; they could fcrve no longer. The whole Aflembly
could
fan)
could not butknow the matter 5 and asthey knew for what reafons thefe ancient and venerable perfons were fo much irritated, fo their own concern, in the fame common intereft, could not but prompt them to a fellow-feeling 5 they knew not how foon the next Mortonian Experiment might be tryed upon themfelves ; they, therefore, unanimoufly, refufe to accept of the Dimif- fion, and whither the Superintendents will
or not, they continue them in their Offices ; and not only fo, but they thought it expe- dient to renew that Article of the Agreement at Leitht VIZ. " That Bijhops and Superintend
"dents flood on the fame Level, had the "fame Power, the fame Ecclefiaftical " Jurifdi&ion -, and were to be regulated by "the fame Canons: Importing thereby, that both were ufeful in the Church at fuch a juncture 5 and that the Church had not received Bifhops to the Exauttoration of the few furviving Superintendents 3 and now, in their old age, rendring them contempti- ble. And who could condemn the Aflem- bly for taking a courfe that was both fo natural and fo obvious ? Nay, it was even the Bijhops intereft, as much as any other Affembly-mens to agree tti this concluficti ; For the great bulinefs in hand, was not
about Extent of Power, or Point of Dignity 5 had no Incentive to Jealoufte or Emulation in it ; but it was about the Revenues of the Church: To fecure thefe againft the xnfa; liable Avarice of a Griping Lord Regent. A P I ffiltiX
( 212 )
point the Biftiops were as nearly concerned in as any Men : For if thefe three Superin- tendents, who had fo long born the heat of the day, and done fuch eminent and extra- ordinary fervices to the Church, fliould be once facrificed to Mortons Covetoufnefs, how eafy might it be for him to make what farther Encroachments he pleafed? How eafy, to carry on his projed againft other men, who perhaps , had no fuch Merit, no fuch Repute, no fuch Intereft in the Affe&ions of the People ? This, I %, was the Reafon for which thefe two Adfa were maie in this Aflembly ; and not that the AflemblV were turning weary of Bifhops, or were become, any way, difafft&ed to them* So that Calderwood and Petrie had but little reafon to be fo boaftfd for thefe two Alls,
That it was not out of any DIJlike to Epifcopacf, that thefe two Afts were made, is clear, as Light, from the next Aflembly, which met in Augufl 1^74. For therein the Clergy manifeftly continuing of the fame Principles, and proceeding on the fame Reafons, order a Petition cogfifting of Nine Articles, to be drawn, and prefented to the Regent. Calderwood, indeed, doth not mention this Petition* But it is in the (s) Pet, ^A- snd Petrle (/) talks of it, butdifinge- 384. nuoufly 5 for he mentions jk only Overly,
telling, That fame Articles were fent unto the Lord Regent; and he fets down but two, whereases I (aid, there are Nine in the Atfi.
and
(**3 )
and moft of_them looking the Regents Sa- crilegious inclinations even Staringjy in the Face. I (hall only Tranfcribe tuch of thern as cannot, when perpended, but be ac- knowledged to have tended that way. They are thefe :
I . That Stipends he granted to Superintend dents, in all time coming, in all Count reys defli- iuie thereof ; whither it be where there is no Bi- jhop, or where there are Bifhops, who cannot dij charge their Office, Oi the Si/hops of St. An- drews and Glafgow ; who had too large rDiocefles. This Article Petrie hath but Mined: Indeed it is a very confiderabie one ; For here you iee5 i. That, in contradiction to the Regents purpofes, the Afiemblyoww and flands by the Superintendents : They ate
fo far from being fatisfied to part with the Three, they had 5 that, on the contrary, they crave to have more, and to have pro- vifions for them •, and that, in all Coun- tries, where Bifhops either ^re not ; or are, but have too large Diocejfes. z: They crave thefe things For all times comings a Claufe of fuch importance to the main Queftion, that Petrie has, unfaithfully , left it OUt : And truly, I muft confefs, if it were lawful for Mea to be Vnfaithful, when it might ferye that which they conceived to be a Good End, he had great Reafon, to try it, intfiis inftance: For this Claufe, when f not con* cealed, but) brought above board, gives a fatal Overthrow, to all thefe popular Piejs of Epifcopacy's being then obtruded on P 1 the
( 2I4 )
the Church; forced upon her againfl: her Will 5 tolerated only for a time, &c For, from this Claufe, it is as clear, asa CUufe can make it, that this Aflemblyentertain'd no fuch i imaginations. They fuppofed Epif-
Copacy was to Continue for all time coming,
Vox, for all time Coming, they petition that provi Hon may be made for Superintendents,
where no Bi/hops are* or where their Diocejfes are too large] or them.
z. The Second Article is, That in all
Burghs i where the Minifiers are di [placed, and Jerve at other Kirks, thefe Minifiers be reftored to wait on their C fires , and be not obliged to ferve at other Churches, &C- Dire&ly ftriking a- gainft the Regents politic^ of Uniting three
or four Churches under the Care of one Mi- miter. The
4. C Which Petrie alfo hath,) is, That in ail Churches defiitute of Minifiers , fuch perfons may be planted as the Bi/hops, Superintendents and Commijfioners fhall name 5 and that Stipends
be ajjigned to them. Ane Article, vilibly, levell'd as the former.
f. That Doctors may be placed in Vniverfi* ties , and Stipends granted them ^ whereby, not cnly they who are prefently placed may have occa- fion to be diligent in their Cure 5 but other learned Men may have Occafion to feeh places in Colleges,
Still to the fame purpofe, tffe, the finding reasonable Ufes for the Patrimony of the Church,
6. That his Grace would take a General Order with the poor, ef[cciattj in the Abbeys , fuch as
*r*
(si5)
are AberbrOthoick^r Conform to the Agree- ment at Leith. Here, not only the Ldth+ Agreement infifted on 5 but farther potts Vfe for the Churches Patrimony
9. That his Grace would cattfe the Books of the Affixation of the KirJ^ be delivered to the Clerk of the General Affembly. Thefe Books
of Aflignation, as they call them, w ere the Books, vi herein the Names of the Mini- fters, and their feveral proportions of the Thirds were Recorded : It feems they were earneft to be repoflefled of their Thirds^ feeing the Regent had not kept promife to them* But
The Eighth Article, which, (by a par- donable inverfion, I hope) I have referved ro the laft place, is, of all, the mod confi- derable. It is, That his Grace would provide Qualified perfons for Vacant Bifhtyrlcks, Let the candid Reader judge, now, if Bpfco-
f>acy7 by the Leith- Articles Was forced upon the Church againft her Inclinations f If it was
never approven (when Biihops were thus petitioned for) by a General Aflembly ? If it be likely that the Aflembly in Auguft 1 f 72. protefted againft it ss a Corruption ? If the Ads of the laft Aflembly, declaring Biftiops to have no more power than Super- intendents had, and making them account- able to the General Aflembly, proceeded from any Diflik? of Episcopacy ? If this Aflembly, petitioning thus for Biftiops,
believed the divine and indifpenfible infiitttthn of Parity ? If both Caldermgd and Petrie a&qd
P 4 riot
(2lO
not as became Cautious Pretbyterian Hiftort~
arts 5 the One, by giving us None, the other, by giving us only a Minced account of this Petition? Well!,
By this time* 1 think, I have not intirely diiappointed ray Reader.* I think, I have made it competently appear, That the Agreement at Leith w as fairly and frequently allowed, approven, and infifted on, by net a few lubfequent General Aflemblies. I could adduce iome Ads more of the next
AflL which met at Eden. March 7. I^f*
But, I think, I have already made good my Undertaking, and therefore I (hall in- fill no further on this point : Only One thing I muft add further 5 It is this.
After the mod impartial, narrow, and attentive Search, I could make, I have not found, all this while, viz,* from the firft publick Efiablifhment of the Reformed Religion in Scotland, Anno i$6o. fo much as One Indication of either publick or private DWJks to Prelacy ; But that it, conftantly, and uninterruptedly , prevailed , and all perfons, chearfully as well as quietly fub- #nittedtoit, till the year 1575:. when it was firft called in Queftion* And here I might fairly (but up this long, and perhaps naufeous Difcourfe, upon the Second En- quiry which I propoled ; For, whatever Men our Reformers were, whatever their other principles might be 5 I think I have made it plain, that they were not for the : of Parity, or the Vnlwfttlnefc
( 2i7 )
of the Superiority of any Of ice in the Churchy a* hove Presbyters : No fuch principle Vr>< pro-
fefled? or infifted on, or offered to be re- duced to practice, by them* Before, At, or fall fifteen years After the publick Eftablifti- ment of the Reformation : And if this may vot pafs for fufficient proof of the truth of my Refolmion of the Enquiry, I know not what may. However, becaufe
THE SECOND thing I promifed to (hew, tho not precifely neceffary to my main defign, may yet be fo far ufeful, as to bring confiderably more of Light to it 5 and withal, give the world a profped of
the Rife and Progrefs of Presbytery in Scotland, I (hall endeavour to make good my Under- taking 5 which was, that, after Epifcopacy was queftion'd, it was not eafly overturn'd 5 Its Adverfaries met with much Refiftance, and Oppofition, in their Endeavors to fub- vert it. I (hall ftudy brevity as much as the weight of the matter will allow me. In fhortthen* take it thus- Mafter Andrew Melvil, after fome years
fpent ztGeveva, returned to Scotland in July 1 974. He had lived, in that City, under the influences of Theodore Bcza, the true parent p{ Presbytery. He Was a Man, by
Nature, fierce and fiery, confident and peremptory , peevi(h and ungovernable : Education, in him, had not fweetned Na- ture, but Nature had fowred Education ; and both confpiring together, had trickt hicq up into a true Original 3 a piece com- pounded
( *i8)
pounded of pride and petulance, of jeer and jangle, of Satyr and Sarcafm 5 of venoroe and vehemence ; He hated the Crown as much as the Mitre , the Scepter as much as the Cro/ter , and could have made as bold
(a) Cald. with the Purple (a) as with the Rochet : (I) 1 2\iu i His prime Talent was Lampooning and Wri- (6)Ib.448.£jng 4nti.t4mi_Cami'Categoriass* \n a word,
He was the very Archetypal Bitter Beard
Of the Party.
This Man thus accoutred , was fcarcely warm at home , when he began todiffemi- nate his fentiments , infinuate them into others , and make a party againft Prelacy , and for the Genevian Model. For this I need not depend on spot/woods Authority, tho he
(c) Spot a^rts lt plainly : (c) I have a more Amhen- y5. " tick. Author for it , if more Authentick can
be ; I have Mefoil himfelf for it , in a Let- ter to Beza dated Novem. 1 3. 1 $79. (to be
(d) Pet. f°und ^oth in Petrie(d) and in the Pamphlet 4o£. called VindicU Philadelphi , from which Pe-
trie had it ) of which Letter , the very firft
words are , we have not ceafed thefe five years to fight againfl Pfeudepifcopacy , &c* Now rec- kon five years backward , from Novem. I S 79' and you ftand at November 15:74. whereby we find that within three or four Months, after his arrival , the Plot was begun , tho* it was near to a year thereafter , before it came above board*
Having thx& projected his work, and form- ed his party , the next care was to get one to Table it fairly : He himfelf was but late- ly
ly come home 5 he was much a Stranger in the Country,having been ten years abroad: He had been but ac very few General Affemblies, if at any 5 his influence was but green and budding ; his Authority but young and tender: It was not fit for him, amongft his Firit Appearances, to propofe fo great ane Innovation. And, it feems, the Thinking Men of his Party, however refolutely they might promife to back; the Motion, when, once, fairly Tabled, were yet a little /£/ to be thep-yf Propofers : So, it fell to the (hare of one, who, at that time, was none of the greateft State/men.
John Duriey one of the MinifterS of Eden- burgh, was the perfon ; as Spotfwood defcribes him, (e) A found hearted Man, far from all (c) Spot;
Diffimulation, open, prof effing what he thought >+S7* earnefl and zealous in his Caufe, whatever it wot 5 but too too credukus, and eafily to be ins-
pofed on. However, ("that I may do him as much juftice , as Spotfwood has done him before mej A Man he was, who thought no Shame to acknowledge his Error, when he was convinced of it. For fo it was, that, when, after many years Experience, he had fatisfied himfelf , that Parity had truly proved the Parent of Confufion, and difap- pointed all his Expectations 5 and when, through Age and Sicknefs, he was not able* in perfon, to attend the General Aflembly, Anno i6co. he gave Commiflion to fome Brethren to tell them, as from him, That there was a Neceffity of reftoring the Ancient
Government
y\
( 220 )
Government of the Church, &C. Such Was the
Man, I fay, to whofe (hare it fell to be the firfi, who, publickly, queftioned the Law- fulnefs of Prelacy in Scotland ; which was HOC done till the Sixth day of August if7j.asl faid before, no lefs than full fifteen years after the firft legal Eftablithment of our Scottifh Reformation. And fo I come to my purpofe.
On this Sixth of Augnft if7r. the Gen.
'AS. met at Edenburgh, according to the
Order, then, obferved in General Aflem-
blies 5 the Firft thing done, after the Af-
fembly was conftitated, was, the Tryalof
the Do&rine, Diligence, Lives, &c of
theBiftiops and other conftatu Members:
So, while this was a doing, John Durie
flood up and protefted, That the Tryal of the
Bifhops wight not prejudge the Opinions and Rea-
$ons, which he And other Brethren of hU Mind,
had, to propofe again ft the Office and Name of a
(f) Mfs. B*fi°P- (D Thus was the fatal Controverfie
Pet. 385. let on footy which, fince, hath brought fuch
Spot. 275-Miferies and Calamities on the Church and
Cald. 6%. Kingdom of Scotland.
The Hare th\XS fiarted, MelvlU the Ori- ginal Huntfoan, ftrait purfued her; He prefently began a long, and, no dodbt, premeditated Harangue 5 commended Du- ne's Zeal , enlarged upon the flourifhing State of the Church of Geneva, infifted on the Sentiments of Calvin and Beza concern- ing Church Government ; and, at laft affirmed, That -none ought to be Office-bearers in theChurch,
whofe
( 221 )
ivhofe Titles were not found in the Book of God s Thto the the Title of Bifbops yeas found in Scri- pture, yet, it was not to be under flood in the Senfe, then, current : That Jefus Christ, the only Lord of his Church, allowed no Superiority amongst the Minivers, but had infiituted them all, in the fame Degree, and had endued them with equal power : Concluding, That the Cor" ruptions, which had crept into the Efiate of Bifhops were fo great, as, unlefs the fame were removed, it could not go well with the Church, nor could Religion be long preferved in Purity. { g) (g) Spot.
The Controverfie thus plainly ftated,^-
Mr. David Lindefay, Majler George Hay, and Pcr# 38r* Mafter fohn Row, three Epifcopalians, were
appointed to confer and reafon upon the
Queftion proponed With Mr. Andrew MeU vilf MnJamesLawfon, Zn&Mr. JohnCra'ig\ two Presbyterians, and one, much indiffe- rent for both fides. After diverfe Meetings, and long Difceptaiion faith Spotfwood, Qo) after (k) Snor. two days, faith Petrie, (i) they preferred *7 f. thefe Conclufions to the Aflembly, whkh,W Pet- at that time, theyhad agreed upon. 38**
1. They thinks it not expedient, pre[ently, to anfwer, diretlly, to the Firfl fgueftibn. But if any Bifhop fhall be chofen, who hath not fuch Qualities as the word of God requires, let him be tryed by the General Jjfembly De Novo, and fo depofedt
2. The Name Bifhop is common to all them who have particular Flocks, over which they have particular Charges, to preach the Word, admi- nister the Sacraments , &C.
J. OHty
( 222 )
J. Out of this Number may be chofenfome to have power to Over fee and Vifit fuch reafonable Bounds, b e fide his own Flock, as the General KtrJ^/hall appoint ; and, in thefe bounds , to ap- point MinifierS) with Confcnt of the Miniflers of that Province^ and of the Flock towhom they fhall be appointed- Alfo, to appoint Elders and Deacons in every principal Congregation, where there are none ^ with Consent of the People thereof "5 and to fufpend Miniflers, for reafonable Caufes, -with Confent of the Miniflers aforefaid. So the ft) Spoc. Mfs. Spot. Pet. Call (()
*7$. Tis true, here are fome things, which*
Pec. 38^. perhaps, wnen thoroughly examined, will caw. 69. not be founcj fQ ex3£iy agreeable to the
Sentiments and Pra&ice of the Primitive Church* However, us evident, for this Bouty the Imparity-men carried the day 5 and it feems the Parity-men have not yet been fo
Well fixed for the Divine and indifpenjible Right of it, as our Modern Parity-men would
think needful •, otherwife, how came they to confent to fuch Conclufions? How came they to yield that it was not expedient, at that time, to anfwer dire&ly to the firft Qaeftion, which was concerning the Law- fulnels of Epifcopacy ? Were they of the Modern Principles, G. R\ Principles ? Did they think that Divine inflitutiohs might be difpenfcd with , crojfed, according to the
Exigencies of Expediency or Inexpediency f What an:? Honour is it to the Party if their firft Hero's were fuch Cafui&s ? Befides, is apt the Lawfulnefs of imparity clearly im- ported
( 223 )
Ported in the Third Conclufion} Indeed both CaUerwooA and "Petri* acknowledge fo much.
Calderwood (I) faith, It feemeth that by(i)CiU& Reafon of the Regents Authority, who was bent upon the Courfe (i. e» EpifcOpacy ) whereof he was the chief Inftrument, that they anfwered not diretlly, at this timey to the Que ft ion* Here,
you fee, he owns that nothing, at this time was concluded againft the Courfi% as he calls its whither he had reafon, to fay, Itfeemed to be upon fuch ane account, (hall be con- fidered afterward.
Petri* (m) acknowledges it too ; but in («) Pec f\ich a pajfion, it feems, as quite mattered ^7* his Prudence, when he did it $ for thefe are
his Words- Howbeit in thefe Conclufions they exprefs not the Negative, becaufe they would not plainly oppofe the particular inter eft of the Council, feeding fecttrity of the Poffejfions^ by the Title of Bijhops ; yet thefe Affirmatives take away the pretended office. Now let the world confider the Wifdom of this Author in advancing this fine period. They did not exprefs the Nega- tive, (they did not condemn Epifcopacy) becaufe they would not plainly oppofe the particular intereft of the Council, feeking Security of the Pofleflions, &c. Now lee us enquire who were thefe, They, who would not, for this reafon condemn Epif- copacy, at that time? It muft either belong to the Six Collocutors who drew
the Concufions ? or to the whole Affembly : If tO the Collocutors , 'tis plain , Three of them, viz* Row \ Hay , and Lindefaj
( 224 )
were innocent; they were perfwaded in their Minds of the Expediency (to fay no further) as well as the Lawfulnefs of Epifco- pacy, and I think that was reafon enough
Tor them not to condemn it. The Presbyterian
Brethren, then, if any, were the perfons who were moved not to condemn it, be-
cattfe they would not plainly oppofe the particular interefi of the Council, &C. But if fo, hath
nor Matter Petrie made them very brave fellows ? Hath he not fairly made them fuch friends to Sacrilege, that they would rather baulk, a divine hflitution, than interrupt its Courfit and offend its Votaries ? If by the word, They, he meant the General Aflem- bly ; if the whole Aflembly were they, who
Would not exprefs the Negative, becaufe they Would not oppofe, &G I think, Mr. Petrie,
were he alive, would have enough to do, to prove that that was the Reafon they were determined by. What ? Had the whole Church quate all their pretentions, they infifted on fo much, on every Occafion ? Had they now given over their Claim to the 'Revenues of the Church \ Shall I declare my poor opinion in this matter ? I am ape to believe that it was one of the great Ar- guments infifted on by the Three Epifcopa- lian Collocutors, at that time, "That if " Epifcopacy fhould be concluded unlawful, "and, by confequence , overturned, the " Patrimony of the Church would undoubt- edly go to wrecks The hungry Courtiers *! would prefently poflefs themfelves of the
" Revenues
( 225 )
* Revenues belonging to the Birtiops 5 Sure I am , as things then flood , there was all the Reafon in the world for infift- ing on this Argument : But to pafs this. Petrie it feems was not content with giving the quite contrary of that , which in all pro- bability, was the true Reafon , at lead one of the true Reafons , for not overturning Epifcoparyatthattimes But he behoved to add fomething more Extravagant .* He behoved to add. That the Affirmatives in the
aforefaid COnclufions too\ away the pretended
Office of Epifcopacy. What might he not have Taid , after this ? It feems , that in this Authors opinion, all is one thing, to aflerc the Lawfulnefs of ahe Office , and
thereupon to continue it , and to take it away*
But perhaps I may be blamed for caking fo much notice of ane angry mans Excefles , For no doubt it was anger that fuch conclu- fions ftiould have been made , that hiirried him upon fuch Extravagances ; and there- fore I (hall leave him , and return to my threed.
By what I have told , it may be eafy to judge, hovv cold the firft Entertainment was j which Parity got when it was pro- pofed to the General Aflembly • 2nd fo' much the more , if it be further confidered that , by this fame Aflembly , fome 8 or 9 Articles were ordered to be prefented to My Lord Regents Grace^ihtltoi the Firfi ( as I find it in the MS. and in Petrie himfelf (n) Ffcfc (n ) tho" neither fo fully nor fo fairly) was 38?°
this* Q, Jwqrfav,:,
( 22<?)
Imprimis, for planting and preaching the word, thro the whole Realm , It is Defiredy that fo many Mini ft en at way be had , who are yet unplaced , may be received} as well in the Qoun- trey, to relieve the charge of them who have many Kirks j a* otherwife, throughout the whole Realm, with Superintendents or Commijfioners within thefe Bonnds where Bifbops are not , and to help fuch Bifoops as have too great Charges : And that Livings be appointed to the aforefaid Per fens : and alfo payment to them who have travelled before , as Commifptoners , in the years of God I J 73. and 1 574. and [0 forth, in time coming , without which , the travels of fuch Men willceafe.
This I fay is the Firft of many Articles ordered by this Aflembly for the Regent From which it is Evident, not only, that Mr. Melvils Proje&made little, or no pro- grefs, at this time, but alfo that the Aflem. bly continued firm and ftedfaft in the fame very intentions , and of the fame very Principles, which had prevailed in former Aflemblies,™'*. to ftop the uniting of Chur- ches ; to multiply the number of perfons cloathed with PreLithk power; To continue that power in the Church 5 and by all means to fecure her Patrimony and guard againft , and Exclude all alienations of ic.
Melvil and his Partifans , thus fuccefslefs in their firft attempt , but withal , once engaged and refolved not to give over , began, it feems, againft the next Aflembly to reflect on what they had done, and perceive that they had miftaken their mea-
fures :
( Hj. )
fares : And indeed it was a little jtaecipi- tancly done > at the very firft , to ftace the Queftion fimplyand abfolurely upon
the Lawfulnefs or Vnlatofulnefs of Epifcopacy,
in the General, as they had ftated it. It was a new Queftion which had never been fta- ted in the Church of Scotland before : And ifcould not but be fur prizing to thegreateft part of the Aflembly. Thus to call in Queftion the Lawfulness of ane Off ce which
had been (o early , (b univerfally , fo ujefully^ fo incentefiedly , received by the Catholick Church. This was a point of great impor- tance : For , to Declare that Office Vnlaw- fnl , what was it elfe than to condemn all thefe Churches , in the primitive times , which had own'd it and flouriuYt under it? What elfe than to condemn the Scotti(h
Reformation and Reformers , who had never
Queftion d it , but , on the contrary , had proceeded all, alongft, on principles which, clearly fuppofed its Lawfulnefs , if not its Neceffltj ? Nay , was it not to condemn , particularly , all thefe General Aflemblies which , immediately before , had fo much Authorized and confirm'd it? Befides , as •hath been already obfeived , to Declare Epifcopacy Vhlawful was , unavoidably ? to ftifle all thefe projefts , they had been fo induftrioufly forming for recovering the Churches Patrimony : And not only fo ; but to expofe it more and more to be devoured by the voracious Laity. It wa$ plain j it could no fooner be declared Vn-
Q, Z Uwfdiy
( 228 )
larful, than it behoved to be parted with *
and turn out the Bifhops , once , and what would become of the Bifhoprick* ? Nay, to turn them
out, what was itelfe, than, to undo the whole Agreement at Leith , which was the greattft fecurity , the Church , then , had for her Patrimony ? For thefe and the like reafons , I fay , laying afide the impiety^ and infifting only on the imprudence of the
Melvilian Project , it was , no doubt , pre-
cipitantly done, at the very firft , to make that thtStateof the Jguefiion: And it was no wonder if the Afembly was unanimous in agreeing to the conclusions which had been laid before them by the fix Collocutors: Nay, it was no wonder if Melvll and his Party , fenfible of their errour , and willing to cover it, thebeftway they could , yielded, for that time, to the other Three, who had* fo vifibly, the advantage of them, at leaft , in the point of the Churches interefi : And therefore,
At the next Afiembly, which was h olden
at Edenburgh, April 14. ! 5-76. they altered
the State of the JUveftion , as Spotfmod ob-
jV Spot. ferves/o)and made it this,whether Bifhops, as
276 they were then in Scotland , had their Fmftitm
warranted by the v or d of God? But even thus
flared , at that time , it avail'd them no- thing: For , ("as it is in the MS,) The whole
Jlffembly , for the moft part, after Reafoning and long Deputation upon every Article of the Bre- thren! ( viz. the fix Collocutors ) opinion and advice 7 rcfolntel) approved and affirmed the fame ,
and
( 22P >
and every Article thereof ', as the fame ^.u given in by them. And then the Articles are Repeated.
Caldermodznd Petrle do both fhuffl? over the ftate of the Queftion , (?) but , upon 0) CaW, the matter, they give the fame account of J*, the Affembly's Refolution: However, llct3s?- thought fittotakeit in the words of the MS. the m try ftiie importing that they ase the nsoft Authentic^ And in this Refolution we may obferve thefe three things.
I, That whatever the MelvilUn Party might then be, They were but thz fmaller Party .° The whole Affembiyfor the mo ft fart 9
that is , as I take it , the far greater part of the Affembly was againft them.
2- That the whole Ajfembly fer the moft part feem to have been feriouily perfwaded they . were in the right , and did not approve and
affirm thefe Articles either indeliberately or faint Ijfior it was after Reafoning and long £>if tutationjhzt they approved and affirmed them,
and they were fufficiently Keen in the matter, for they did it Refolutelj*
3. The Mehilian Party were over vote dy even as the Queftion was , then , Stated : The whole Affemblyfor the moft part , flood for Epifcopacy as it was then eftablifhed in Scotland, and would not declare it Unlawful. From all which , I leave to the world to judge , if Presbyterian parity did not meet with oppofition, with very great opposition, at itsfirft appearances in Scotland : Neither was this all.
Q.3 A*
( 23® )
As this General AfTembly did thus fland its ground, and appeared for Impurity , fo ic continued of the fame fentiments and Re- solutions with former Aflemblies , in the Muter of the Churches Patrimony 5 For , By it , it was refolved alfo , That they might
proceed againfi unjufi pojfeffors of the Patrimony ef the Church , in refpecr of the Notoriopa Scan- dal , not only by Dotlrine and Admonition , but with the Cen fares of the Ctaurch , and that the Patrimony of the Church, whereupon the Churchy the Poor and the Schools fhould be maintained ,
wiu ex jure divino. So 'tis in the MS. and (0 Per. f0 Petri* hath it: (s) Well i Did the Parity
kft? men gaio no ground in this Aflembly ? Yes, they did : Two things they obtained, which were very ufefulfor them afterwards- They obtained
1. And Aft to be made That the Bifhops
fhould be obliged to take the charge of particular
Congregations . Tis true, the Aflembly could not get this refufed afrer they had approved and affirmed the above-mentioned Articles. For, it • was fairly deduceable both from the fecond and third : But then, it is plain, this A<a did militate nothing againft the EJfentials of Epifcopacy : It was highly ctonfiftent with Imparity amongft the Go vernours of the Church : and the Articles evidently import as much: However, as % faid , this proved very.fervkeable to the Melvilian Party , afterwards , as we (hall hear. But this was not the worft of it : for
2. The
( 231 )
2. The Earl of Morton , then , Regent
(whatever the Presbyterian Hiftorians taik of his being fo much for EpifcopacyJ mace a very ill-favoured , as well as a very fafal ftep in the time of this Aflembly : Take it in Spot [woods WOrds,(0^ Regent hearing how 0Spot the Church had proceeded , and taking ill the *7°« Deception of Mafler James Patton Bifhep of Dunkeld , who was , in the former Aflembly , deprived for Dilapidation of hk benefice , fent to
require of them (this Aflembly met in April 1576) whether they would ft and to the Policy agreed unto at Leifh ? And if not , to deftre them to fettle upon fomeform of Government at which they "would abide.
The Champions for Parity had fairly met with a fecond repulfe from this Aflembly , as I have difcourfed , and if all concerned had ailed their parts , as they might and ought to have done , and as the caufe required , 'tis highly credible , that Mother of confufion might have been quit crufh't and ftifled for ever: But that was not done; The Prelates themfelves were negligent and un- active, as Spotfwood intimates, (u) and here, («) Spot. the Regent made this proportion. A pro* *7*. pofition , than which, none could be made more (urprizingly obliging and acceptable to the Presbyterian Party. All things confi- dered , it was the very thing, the common principles of condud might have taught ' them to have askt , next , if they had had things for the asking ; For what can fall out more luckily for thofe who have a mind to Q 4 innovate,
( 232 )
innovate , than to have the old foundations
jhaken , and leave allowed to ered new Mo- del?} So ill— favoured (I fay,) was this ftep, jwhich, at this time, was made by Morton,
who , by the exigencies of his fiat ion , was
bound to have guarded againft all innova- tions , efpecially fuch as had fo natural a tendency to difturb the publick peace$and therefore I muft ask my Readers allowance to make a little digreffion,ifit may be called adigreflion, and difcourfe this Queftion, Whether it may not be thought probable
that Morton made this proportion Delibe- rately , and from ane Intention to Cherijb the Presbyterian Party, and encourage their humor for innovating , and confounding thz Peace
Of the Church}
This , perhaps , at firft fight , may feem a boldQueftion, as not only ^ being Nw, but apparently Crofmg the received accounts of our Presbyterian Hiftorians ; But if I can make the affirmative very probable (if not evident) I am apt to think, it may bring no fmall acceflions of light to theprefenc fubjeft I am infifting on , wfc. how Pres- byterianifm was firft introduced into Scot- land ? I will therefore lay down my Reafons for it, that the world may judge of them ; and
i. That which I have already defcourfed, feems to be a very fair Argument that
Mprton made this propofidon , intentionally 6
%o give fiope and flackened Reins to the Pres- byterian Party $ For if he had not nude it*
if
( 233 5
if he had refolved to (land by the Agreement at Leith •, if he had been ferious for the Eftablifhed Government and Peace of the Church 5 It had been eafy for him to have fuppreft all Mehih Projcfts for innovation. He had vifibly , the major part of this Aflembly, of his fide, if that had beenhis Alm\ No appearance that the Body of the People was theninfe&ed with the principles of Parity. The Nobility were generally for the old conftitution , as is evident from no lefs Authority than Melvlh own , in his Letter to Beza cited before , in which he tells him, He and his Party had many of the Peers againfi them$ (v) where,then,was there (v) Per, the leaft difficulty of Crujbing the Coccatrice 401. in the Egg , if he had had a mind for it ? Befides , how inconfiftent was the making of this proposition with the Integrity and Honefty of a Regent ? The King was, then, a Minor ; The Nation had but juft , then , emerged out of a vaft Ocean of civil broy Is and troubles , which had long harafled it , and kept it in confufion * nothing more improper for it than to be involved again , inftantly , in jarrs and difcords ; So that if he had no fuch Plot , as I am endeavouring to make probable he had , he was , cer- tainly , very unfortunate in granting fuch a Liberty ; For, confidering all things,it looks fo very like a Plot , that it cannot but be very hard to perfwade a thinking man that there was none. Efpecially if it be confi- dered
*>That
( 234 )
*'. That he was a Man, who had latitude enough , to do ill things , if he thought them fubfervient to his inure ft. He was wretchedly Covetous, as all Hiftorians agree : And cbat vice alone difpofes a Man for the worft things. He hath obferved little of the affairs of the world, and the extrava- gances of Mankind , who has not obferved Avarice and a fordid temper to have put Men on the moft abominable courfes: who hath not obferved , who hath not feen , that Men have fold Religion , Honour , Con- fidence, Loyalty, Faith, Friendfhip, every thing that's facred , for Money ? Now by making this proposition , He projected a very fair opportunity for gratifying this his predomining appetite. He had fo anxioufly coveted the Emoluments of the Arch-Bi(ho$- rkk^ of St* Andrews in the year 1 971 (as Sir M Mel. James Melvil tells US in his Memoirs (w) that ^m* meeting with a repiJfe , he forfook the Court, and was fo much difcontented, that he would not return to it , till Randolf the Engli[h Ambafladour perfvaded Lennox , then Regent, to give it to him 5 Promifing that the £>ueen of England Ihould recom- pence it to him with greater advantaged How much of that Bifhoprkl^ he had conti- nued ftill to poflefs , after the Agreement at Lehh , and Douglass advancement to that Arch-Bijhojfrkkz I cannot tell 5 But it is not to be doubted , whatever it was, it (harp- ened his ftomack for more of the Chur- ches Revenues; and now, the iun&ure
made
( 235 )
made wonderfully for him; For, as he had found by experience , and many Adls of Aflemblies, &c. That the Church, careful of her interefts , and watchful over her Patrimony, was po ways inclined tojit ftill and fuffer her felf to be cheated , and plun- dered, according to his hungry inclinations; but was making , and like to continue to make vigorous oppofition to all fuch facri- legious purpofes , fo long as flie continued United , and fettled on the foot on which (he then flood ; So he found , that , now, Contention was arifing within her own Bowels , and a Party was appearing zealous for innovations , and her peace and unani- mity were like to be broken and divided 5 and what more proper for him , in thefe circumftances, than to lay the reins onxheir
necks , and caft a further bone of Contention
amongft them ? He knew full well what in
was to fifl) in troubled waters , as Sir fames
Mehil obferves of him,0O and fo 'tis more VM T- than probable he would not negled fuch fcemibid ane opportunity , ftill 0 much the more , ' ' if it be coniidered,
3. That whatever profeffions he might have made , in former times , of good af- fedtioh to Epifcopal Government, yet there is little reafon to think that his Confcience was interefted in the matter ; For befides that covetous, felfilh, fubtle men, fuch as he was , ufe not to allow themfelves to ftand too precifely upon all the Dictates of a Nice and tender Confcience ; The Divine
Right
( *3* >
Right of Epifcopacy , (the true^W for ma* king 'it matter of ConfcienceJ in thefe times was not much aflerted or thought on; That was not, till feveral years afterwards, when the Controverfies about the Govern- ment of the Church came to be lifted more narrowly.- It is commonly acknowledged that the main Argument which prevailed with him to appear for Epifcopacy , was its aptitude for being part of a fund for a good
Correfpondence with England. Spot [wood tells
ft) Spot, us, (y) that one of the Injunctions which 27*. he got when he was made Regent, was,
That he fhould be careful to entertain the Amity contracted with the Queen of England. And ft)CaId. C alder wood faith thus exprefsly of "him, (V) *<>• His great intention was to bring in conformity with
England , in the Church Government , without which, hf thought^ he could not Govern the Coun- trey to his Fantajie , or, thaty Agreement could ft and long between the tWQ Countreys. And a- (<t) Cald. gain,W He puffed his own injunctions and Con- to. formity with England. Now this being the great motive that made him (o much in- clined , at any time, for Epifcopal Govern* ment ; It is to be confidered,
4. That , however prevalent this might be with him, when, firft, he was advanced to the Regency , civil Diflentions raging then , and the Party, of which he was the Head , being unable to fubfift , unlefs fup- ported by England ^ Yet now, that all thefe Diflentions were ended , and the Countrey quieted, and things brought to fome appea- rance
( 237 )
ranee of a durable fettlement -7 His Deperr* dance on England might prompt him to alter \ his fcheme , and incline him to give fcope to the Presbyterian mid-fire in Scotland. To fee this preemption in its due light , Two things are to be a little further enquired into.
i. If it is probable that Queen Elizabeth was Willing that the Presbyterian humor (hould be Encouraged in Scotland ?
2. If Morton depended fo much on her, as to make it feafible that he might be fubfer- vient to her Defigns , in this Politick? As I for the
Firft, this is certain , it was ftill one of Queen Elizabeth's great cares to Encourage confufions in Scotland. She knew her own Title was jQueftionable , as I have obferve J before 5 and tho' that had not been , yet , without Queftion the Scottijh blood had the' next befi Title to the Englijb Crown : and as 'tis Natural to moft People to worfhip the rifing Sun , efpecially when he looks Bright and Glorious; when he has no Clouds about him 5 I mean , the Apparent Heir of a Throne , when he is in a profperous and flourifhing condition 3 So, 'tis as Natural for the Regnant Prince to be ]ealoui of him* Therefore , I fay Queen Elizabeth , for her own fecuricy , did ftill what (lie could to Kindle wildfire in Scotland^ and keep it burning, when it was Kindled* Thus , in the year x ?6o.She affifted the Scottijh fubje&s againft their Native Soveraign Cher jealoufed Com-
petitrix)
( 23s ;
petitrix) both with Men and Money , as t have told before: And Anno i?6y. She countenanced the Scottifh Lords who began to raife tumults about the Scottifh Queens Marriage with the Lord DarnlejShe f urnifat them with money ,and harbour'd them when they were forced to flee for it. And how long did She foment our Civil wars after they brake out Anno i J67 ? What dubious Refponfes did She give , all the time She
Vmpird it , between the Queen of Scotland
and chofe who appeared for her Son t And is it not very well known that She had ane hand in the Road oiRuthven 1582, and in all
OUr Scottifh feditions , Generally? Sir James
Melvilxw his Memoirs gives us enough of her Pra&ices that way: He lived in thefe times, and was acquainted with intrigues 5 and he
00 Mel. tells US, W " That Randolf came With Lennox Mem. « ('when he Came to Scotland , to be Regent,
1 3 s • " after Murray $ death)to ftay here as Englijh <c Re f dent : That this Randolfs great imploy- " ment was to fofter difcords , and increafe ic Divifions among the Scots , particularly ,
(0 Ibid. " That he ufed Craft -with the Minifiers, (c) 109; IC offering Gold tofuch of them as he thought could
cc be prevailed with to accept his offer : 'Tis true " he adds , But fuch as were honefi refufed "his gifts: But this fays not that none took * them 3 and who knows but the mod Fiery " might have beenforemofl at receiving ? It " hath been fo , fince ; Even when it was
(^ Ibid, "the Price ofthebefi blood in Britain. But
*s* "to go on 5 Sir James tells further 00 that
" Morton
( *39 )
" Morton and Randolf contrived the Plot of u keeping the Parliament at Stirling i $71. to " forefault all the Queens Lords , thereby
11 to Crufh all hopes of Agreement : That he
" was (b much hated in Scotland for being cc fuch ane Incendiary , that he was forced to
ct return tO England 3 Mr. Henry Kellegrew fuc*
11 ceeding in his ftead , in Scotland ; (e) that (?) ibii. "this Killegrew 9 at a private meeting told * 15. <c himfelf plainly, (0 that he was come to (/) ibid. " Scotland with a Commiffion , contrary to 1 1*. iC his inclinations , which was to encourage " FaElion , &c Thus pra&iced Queen EU- 1 zjibeth , and fuch were her Arts and influ- ences in Scotland, before (he had the oppor- tunity o{ improving the Presbyterian humour to her purpofes: And can it be imagined (he would not encourage it when once it got footing ? Certainly (lie underftood it, bet- ter than fo : The Sett had fet Up a Presbytery ZtWandfxvorth in Surrey in the year if72 ,
four years before Morton made this Propofi- tion , feven years before a Presbytery was (0 much as heard of in Scotland $ No doubt (he knew the- Spirit well enough , and how apt and well iuiced , iyvas for keeping a State in diforder and trouble. Nay, 1 have heard from knowing Perfons , that , to this very day , the Treafury Books of England (if I remember right , (lire I am , Tome Englifh record or other) bear the Names of (uch
Scottijb Noblemen and A'finijiers, as were that
Queens Penfionefs^ and what allowances they got for their Services, in foftering and che-
rifnicg
( 24® )
tiftring feditions and confuflons in their Na- tive Countrey $ From this fample , I think, ic is eafy to colled at leaft , that it is highly probable that Queen Elizabeth was very willing that the Piesbyterian humour fhould be encouraged in Scotland. Let us try
2, If Morton depended fo much On her, as may make it credible that he was fubfer- vient to her Defigos in this Politick ? And here the work is eafy; For he was her very Creat#re:he ftood by her, and he flood for her.' (z) Ibid. Ran^olf^- be were ftill in one bottom, (g ) no. The ™bc!e Countre) was abufed by Randolf and
Mo 'ton* Morton and Randolf contrived the Par'
liament if yu Mentioned before. When Lennox the Regent was killed , Randolf was (K\ \K(\ earneft t0 ^ave Morton fucceed him, (h) Randolf 115. l ' ^d no Credit but with Morton, (i) KillegreVV (i) Ibid, told Sir James Melvil at the Private Meeting , (£)p. 1 16. mentioned before, ($ That the Queen of Eng- land and her Council built their courfe , neither en the late Regent Lennox \ nor the prefent Mar, but intirely on the Earl of Alorton , as only true to their interefls. Aiorton after Mars death was made Regent , England Ixlping it with aH
t£\ ih'H *^e*r Might. (I) And again in that fame page, 1 18. ^IV James ce^s ^at fhofe who were in the Caftleof Edenburgh, and ftood for Queen Marys Title,were fo fenfible of all this,thac when Morton fent the fame Sir James to propofe ane accommodation ro them , He found it very hard to bring on ane Agree- ment between them and Morton , for the evil opinion that was then conceived of him , and the
hurtfii
( Hi )
hurtful marks theyfuppofed by proofs and appeal varices , thai he would [hoot at, being by Nature Covetous , and too great with England And CO
make all this plainer , yei, Sir James tells us that Morton tntertaind a Secret Grudge againft his Pupil , the Young King He was ever jealous that the King would be his Ruine.(m)On) M* And , England gave greater Ajfifianccs to^emi1' M rton , than to an) former Regents , for they believed he airndat the fame mar^ with them- felves , viz* to intricate rhe Kings affairs , out of old jealouftes between the Stuarts and the Douglafes. («) Now , 0) Ibid.
Let ail chefe things be laid together, and 123- then let the jftdiciom confider if it is not more than probable, That as England had a main hand in the advancement of our Reforma- tion , fo it was nnt wanting to contribute for the encouragement of Presbytery alfo$ and that Morton playing England! same, which was fo much inrerwc ven witTi his own,made
this ill favoured Propnfiticn to thisGen. AlTBuC
however this was , v hether he had fuch a Plot or not 5 It i* clear th^t his making this propofirior . had all the effects he could have projected by being on fuch a Plot. For No (odnerfi lade this Proportion
than it - lily enterrain'd $ It Ani ver-
ed the "Mehilian wi(hes ; md. it was eafy for them to find coloi ropicks for
^obtaining '-he confent of the 1 he Af-
rfemb!y; For mod part of fhem were ready > to acknowledge that there were Defeats' * Land things to be mended in the d&feewt
R at
at Leith : And it had been received by the General Aflernbly in Augufl 15-72, for ane
Ti'w.only ; Therevifing of that Agreement, mig.hr end feme Con t rover fies ; and the Regent having made this Propofition , it
s not to be d<?ubred , but he would Ra- tify what rhey fhculd Unanimoufly agree to , &c. Thefe and the like Arguments , I fay 3 might , ('tis clear, fome Arguments did,), prevail with the Aflembly to entertain the Proportion ; For
A cdmmi*fion was forthwith drawn to nineteen or twenty Perfons , to Compofe a
(c) MS? Second Boo\.of Difdpline 5 (0) a ftep by which
Cald.j}. at that time the Presbyterian got a wonder- Fc:. ?«7- ful advantage over- the other Party 5 For
80i only were Me hi I and Lawfon the two rft Rate Presbyterians nominated amongft thefe Cornmhlioners $ But they had their bufinefs much premeditat&hThe? had (pent much thinking about it *, and it is not to be fibred , they had Mr. Beza belpoken to provide them with all the Afliftance, he and his Colleagues , at Geneva, could afford them : Whereas the reft were Generally very ignorant in Controversies of that Na- ture : They had all alongft, before that, ifnployed themfelves mainly in the Popijh Cpntroverfifes ; and had not troubled their ids much about the Niceties of Government', Thay had taken the Ancient Government , (0 far , at lead , - as it fubfifted by imparity, upon rruft , as they found, it had been Practiced in all ages of the Church 3 percei- ving
( H3 )
Ving a great deal of Order and Beauty in it I and nothing that naturally tended to have a bad influence, on either the principles or the life of ferious Chriftianity: And with that they were fatisfied : Indeed even the beft of them feem to have had very little skill in the true fountains whence the folid fubfiftence of the Epifcopat Order was to be derived •, The Scriptures I mean , not as
Glojfed by the Private Sprit of every Modern
Novelist, but as interpreted and underftood by the Fir ft ages 5 asfenfed by the conftanc anduniverfal pra&ice, of Genuine, Pri^ mitive and Catholick Antiquity.
This charge of Ignorance , in the Con- troverfies about the Government of the Church , which I have brought againft the Scottijb Clergy, in thefe times, will certainly leave a blot upon my felf, if I cannot prove it : But if I can prove it , it is clear, it is of confiderable importance in the prefent dif- quifition , and helps much for coming , by a juft comprehenfion , to underftand how
Presbytery was introduced into Scotland*
And therefore I muft again beg my Readers patience , till I adduce fome evidences for it. And
Firfi. , The truth of this charge may be obvioufly cojle&ed from the whole train of their proceedings , and management, about the Government of the Church , from the very firft Eftablifhment of the Reformation? For however they Eilab!i(hed a Govern- ment which clearly fubfifted by imparity , as R t I have
( 244 )
I have fully proven , and which was all I ftill aim'd at, yet, it is eafy to Difcover they were very far from keeping Ckfelj by the Principles and Meafures of the pri- mitive coaftitution of Church- Govern- ment. This is fo very apparent to any who Reads the Hiftories of thefe times , and is, fo vifible in the Deduftion I have made / that I (hall infill no longeron it.
Secondly , The truth of my charge may further appe.ir, from the Infiance of Adam- f<m> advanced, this year 15*76, to the Arch*. bljboprick^ of St* Andrews. That Nature had furnished him with a good (lock , and he was a fipart Man , and cultivated beyond the ordinary Size , by many parts of good literature , is not denyed by the Presbyte- rian Hiftorians themfelves ; They never at- tempt to reprefenc hitpas a fWor a Dunce, tfio* they are very eager to have him a Man Of Trick/1 and- L'kitMef9^ Wow this Prelates ignorance In true Antiquity is Remarkably vifible in his fubfcribing to thefe Propor- tions (/Pnno 1 5:80, if we may believe C alder-
fp) Cald. " wood/p) The Power and Authority of all Paftors
91.91' e is equal , and alike great , amongft themfelves*
" The Name , Bijfap , is Relative to the Floc\,
l< and not to the Elder [hip 5 For he is Bifkop of his
II Flock* *wd not of other P aft or sjr fellow Elders ; *' As for the Vreheminence that one beareth over H the reft , it is the Invention of Man, and not the " hftitntion of Holy Writ. That the ordaining and appointing of Pastors which is alfo called the . ijing on of hands, appertained not te one mfhop
(245 )
only j fo being , Lawful E left ion pafs before ^ bpt* to tkofe of the fame Province or Presbytery , and r with the like furifditlionand Authority \Aiim ift ler at their Kirks, That in the Council of Nice for ef chewing of private ordaining of Minifters , it j ftatuted, that no P aft or jhould be appointed 'thout theconfent of him, -who dwelt or remained in the Chief and Principal City of the Province. , which they called the Metropolitan City* That after \ in the Utter Councils, it was ft at t4t eel, (that things might proceed more folemnly and with grea- ter Authority) that the laying on of hands upon Pa- ft or s, after Lawful Election , fhould be by the Me- tropolitan ^orBifhop of the Chief and principal Town, the reft of the Bifhops of the Province voting there- to -j In which thingfhere was no other Prerogative^ but only that of the Town, which, for that cauf'e, -was thought mo ft meet both for the conveening of the Council, and Ordaining of PaBors with com' mqn Confent and Authority, That the Eft ate of the Church was corrupt , when the name, Bijhop, which before , was common to the reft of the Pa-> ft or s of the Province , began , without the Au* thority of Gods Word and 'ancient Cuftome of the Kh\tobe attributed to one- That the power of appointing and ordaining Aiiniftets , and R . of Kirks with the whole procuration of Ecclefafti- cal Difcipline , was , now , only, devolved to one Aietrcpolitan j The other PaBors no ways a lenging their Right and Privilege therein, of vtery jlothfulnefs , on the one part } And the Devil , on the other , going about , craftily , to lay the ground of the Papiftical Supremacy.
From chefe and iuch other Propofition; ? R 3 fignM
( n* )
figtfd by him, at that time, it may be judg- ed , I fay , if this Prelate 6\\ not bewray a very profound ignorance in ciue Ecclefia-
fiical Antiquity t Ane Arrant Presbyterian
could not have [aid, could not have»*/W more. Indeed , *tis more than probable (as perchance may appear by and by) that thefe Prop; fitions were taken out , feither formally , or by colle&ion) of Mr. Be&a's
Book DeTriplici Epifcopatu. Now if Adam/on
was fo little feen infuch matters, what may we judge of the reft ? But this is not all,For Thirdly , There cannot be a greater Evi- dence of the deplorable unskilfulnefs of the Clergy , in thefe times , in the ancient records of the Church , than their fuffering Mefoil and his Party to obtrude upon then*,
The Second ttoo\ of Difcipline ; A fplit new
Democratical Sylteme 5 a very Farce of No- velties never heard of before in theChriftian Church. For inftance; 'What elfe is the
confounding of the Offices of Bijhops and Presby- (j) Cap, ters ? (q) The making Dottors or Profejfors of a. §• 9* Divinity in Colledges and ZJniverfities a di flint} (r) Ib'd. Office , and, of Divine Inftitution ^ (r)Thefet- &Cap. f. ting up of Lay- Elders 9 a* Governours of the per. toe. Church , Jure Divino ? Making them Judges
of mens Qualifications te be admitted to the Sa- (/) Gap. t. crament ? Vifiters of the Sic^&C- (f) Making the per oc. Q0HeggS 0j presbyters ', in Cities^ in the primitive (0 Cap. 7. tmes ? Lay E'^yfa'p p (t) Prohibiting Appeals
from ScQttifh General Affemblies to any Judge (v) Can. Civil or Ecclejiaftick ? (v) and by confequence to
i*. % s. Oecttmsnick Councils', Are not thefe Ancient
and
( H7)
and Catholick Aflertions t Whatfootfteps of thefe things in true Antiquity ■ ? How eafy had it been for men skilled m theCon- ftitution.Governmentand Difaplmeor the Primitive Church to have laid open , to the Conviition of all fober Men , the noveky, the vanity, the inexpediency, "he impoliticalnefs , the uncathohcalne s of Soft , if not all , of thefe Propofitions ? If Z fur her doubt could remam concerning the little skill, the Clergy of Scotland, m Sefe times, had, in thefe matters it might be further Demonftated.
Fonnhl, , from this plain matter of Fact, vU. that that Second Book of Difciphne, id many points , is taken word for word f,om ffiL's M**' to the Sstfim ptopofed to him, by The Lord Gldmu, then Ch^fr oilotlJ. A fait Evidence that our Cler- gy , at that time, have not been very weU feen in Ecclefiaftical Politicks, O'herv
it is not to be thought they would have been fo mpofed on, by a (ingle (hanger Divine, who vifibly aimed at the propagation of SL , which by chance, ^d gotfoo u,g in the Church where he lived. His TraUate D rriflici EfiW* written oiporpofe ' for the advancement of Presbytenamfm n slZd , carries viftbly in its whole train that its defign was to draw our Ctay from off the Anckm Polity of the Cnurto , and hS Anfwers to the Si, ^ flics propo- fedtohim, (asllaid>by Gl*m> conra.nd the Ner* Scheme, headvifedthemto. Nov, R 4
( 24»)
let us tafle a little or his skill in the Con- ftituAan and Government of the Ancient Church, or, if you pieaie, of hk accounts of her Policy. I take his Book as I find it amongft Saravia's works.
He is Pofitive for the Divine Right of
00 p. 8. Ruling Elders.(a) He affirms that Bifhops arro- gated to themfelvesjhe power of 'Ordination , with-
(b) p. i$. out Gods allow ance. {b) That the Chief found** tion of all Ecclefiafiical EunBions , is , Popular Election % That this Eletlionyand not ,Or din at ion, or' Jmpoftion of hands makes Pafiors or Bi/hops: Thai Imposition of hands does no more, than put them in poffefjion of their Minifry , (in the exerdfe of it , as I take it J the power whereof they have from that EleEiion 5 That, by confequence , tis more proper to fay that the Fathers of the Church are Created by the Holy Ghosl , and the faffrages of their Children y than by the Bif hops*
CO P* *0' (c) That Saint Paul in hisfirslEpi/lleto the Corinthians,^ which he exprej rsly writes againfi y and condemns the Schifm which then prevailed re , as fore feeing that Epifcopacy might readily be deemd a remedy againfi fb great ane eviljoynd Softhenes with himfelf in the Infer iption of the JEpifile , that by his own example he might teach how much that Princelhefs was to be avoided in Ecclffiaftical Conventions , feeing the Apoftlcs themfelves, who arc owned to have been , next to Chrifl, f?ft, «n order, a-,zd fupremc , in degree , did yet Exercife their power by the Rules of Parity,
(<0 p. 40 U) Who will not, at firit fight, think this a pretty oca fetch ? Bat to go on , he fur- ther affirm?;, (e) Ihat'Epifcepaey u fo far from
(OlM3<
( H9 )
being a proper remedy againfl Scbifm , that it has produced many Grievous Schifms^which had never been J?ut for that Humane lnvention.That the Pa- pacy was the fruit of Epifcopacy. ( f) That the(f) p. 46*
Council 0/- Nice by making that Canon about the
AfX*'* ^rt » *^at ^e ^Ylcient cuflomes fiould
continue .&C cleared the way for the Roman Pa-
facy , which was then advancing apace 5 And
founded a Throne for that Whore that fits upon the
feven Mountains. (g)That the Primitive Chur-(g)p. j8.
ches were in a flourifhing condition fo long as their
Govermurs continued to Ah~t in Parity -0 And had
not yeilded to Prelacy, (h) And yet he had fib) p. 71;
granted before , (i) That humane Epifcopacy, Q) p. 45. as he calls it , was in vogue , in Ignatius his time , &c So that I think they could not fiounfh much , having fo fliort a time to fmrifh in.
Thefe -few, of many fuch learned Propo- rtions , J have collededout of that Book , which was fo fuccefsful , at that time , in furthering and advancing the Presbyterian Principles, in Scotland 5 And could they be a learned Clergy? Could they be great Mafters at Antiquity and EcclefiafticalHi- ftory, who (wallowed down thefe Propo- rtions , or were impofed on , by the Book that contain'd them ? 'Tis true this Book came not to Scotland till the end of the year i*77j or the beginning of 1^78. But I thought it pardonable to anticipate fo far , as , now , to give this account of it , con- sidering how proper it was for my prefent purpofe* We (hall have occafion to take further notice of it afterward* Thus,
( ^50 )
Thus , I think , I have made it appear how advantageous Mortons Propofition was ro the Presbyterian party : They had oc- casion , by it, to fall upon forming a New Scheme of Church Government and Policy 5 They were as well prepared , as they could be for fuch a nick 3 and they had a fet of people to deal with , who might eafily be worfted in thefe Controverfies* However it feems, the common principles of Politicks, which God and Nature have made , if not infeparable parts, at lead , ordinary conco- mitants of found and folid reafon, did fome- times make their appearances amongft them 5 For , that there have been Difputa- tions and Contefts, and that fome, at leaft, of the many proportions , contained in the Second Book^of Difciptine, have been debated and tofled, is evident from the many Con- ferences , were about it, and the long time was fpent before it was perfected and got its finifhing ftroke from a General Aflem- bly, as we (hall find , in our progtefs. Pro- ceed we now in our dedu&ion.
Tho* the Presbyterian Faction had gain'd this advantage in the Aflembly is76, that they had allowance to draw a new Scheme of Polity , to which they could not but apply themfelves very chearfully ; yet, it feems , they were fo much humbled by the Repulfes they had got, as to the main Que- ftion, wt. the Lawfulm ft of Epifcopacy, that they thought it not expedient to try the aexc Aflembly with it , directly , as they
had
C 251 )
had done, unfuccefsfully, twice before 5 But to wait a little , till their party fhould be ftronger 5 and , in the mean time to content themfelves with fuch indired blows as they could conveniently give it ; fuch , I fay , their deliberations feem to have been, at the next Aflembly which was holden at EdenbMgh.Otiob* 24. 1 p6. For not fo much as one word , in that Aflembly concerning
the Lawfulnejs or Unlawfulnefs of Prelacy ,
either, Simply, and in it felf 3 Or, Complexely, as, then j in ufe in Scotland. 'Tis true ,
Certain Brethren , fays the MS, fome Bre- thren , fays Calderwood ; fome , fays Petrie , {k) (without Queftion, the Meivilians) pro-^y Cald. pofed that, now, that Mr. Patrick^ Adamfonjq.
was nominated for the ArMifhopric^oi 5?. Pet- 3**. Andrews , He might be tryed as to his iuf- ficiency for fuch a llation, according to ane A&, made in March 1775-. But it feems the major pan of the Aflembly have not been for it , for it was not done, as we (hall find afterward. Nay, another Aflr was fairjy difpenced with by this Aflembly, in favour of Boyd, ArMifiop of GldJgov>: For, being required to give his anfwer , if he would take thzCharge of a particular F/w£,according to the A3 made in April before? He An-
fwefed , That he had entered to his Bifhopricl^ according to the Agreement at Leith , which was to /land in force , during the Kings Mino- rity, or till a Parliament fhould determine other- . wife : That he had given his Oath to the Kings Majefty in things appertaining to his Highnefs :
That
( 252 )
That he Was affraid he might incur the Gtiilt cf Petjftry , and be calledin quejilon , by the K?tJ£9 for changing a member of ft ate, if he jhoiila change any thing belonging to the Order , Manner , Pn- vi ledges, or Power of his Bifboprick : ere~
fore he could not bind him [elf to a p^nculax Flock 7 nor prejudge xhepovfcr cf ::on,
which he had received with his Bifboprici^, &C»
•Thus he a^fwered , I fay, and the Altera- bly, at that time, fatisned themfelves , fo far, with this anlwer , that chey prefled him no farther , but referred the matter to the next Aflembly, as even both CMerwooi (Q'Cald. anc* Petr[e acknowledge. (/) A fair evidence, 74." '■'. that in this Aflembly, the PrefbjterUn party F^r. 38^. was the weaker. However ,
One indired ftep they gain'd in this Aflembly alfo. By the Brfl Bookof Difcipline, (w)Spot. "Head 9- W It was appointed chat the 17°- a Country Ministers and Readers (hould 11 meet, upon a certain day of the week in d fuch Towns , within fix miles diftance , u as had Schools , and to which there was " repair of Learned men , to exercife them- " felves in the Interpretacion of "Scripture 3 " in imitation of the practice in ufe among '• the -Corinthians , mentioned I Cor. 14. l< 29. Thefe Meetings , it feems , had been much negie&ed and disfreqaented in moft places. It was therefore enacted by this
Aflembly , that all Minifiers within eight ( ^ MS m^es * ^C' foould re fort to the place of exercife , Cald. 76. each day of exercife, &C. This , (n) I fay ,
Pet 388. was ufeful for the Presbyterian defigns;
For
( 253 )
For thefe Meetings were afterwards turn'd inr> Presbyteries, as we mail find when we come tatheyear is79» And fo 'lis very like , the motion , for reviving them, was made by thofi o{ the Faction ; For no man can deny that they have full had enough of
Draught in their Politicks.
next Ailanbly washolden April i* "AnKo 1577. No direft progrefs made, now, neither , as to the main Queftion : And only thefe indirect ones: 1 The Archbifhop of Glafgow was obliged to take the charge of a particular Flock'? if WC may believe Cal- . derwood, (0) but tieither the MS. nor "P*mV(o)Cald. " hath it. 2. The Archbifhopof St. Andrews?6- " being abfent; full power was given to cl M.Robert Pont) M. James Law [on , David " Fergnfcn , and the Superintendent of Lo~ cc thian , conjunctly --, To cite him before "them, againft fuch day or days as they " fhould think good 5 to try and examine <c his entry and proceeding, &c. with power
ct alfo to fummon the Chapter of St. Andrews,
" orfo many of that Chapter as they (hould ec judge expedient , and the Ordamers or " inaugurersdi thefaid Archbifhop (obferve " here j the Bifhops , in thefe times were
€i Ordained or Inaugurated) 35 they (hould
c< find good , for the better tryal of the pre- ec mifies: And in the mean time , to dif- cc charge him of further vifitation , till " he (hould be admitted by the Church., x MP
Cald 76
Here, indeed, the Melvillws obtain'd pct. '$90\
in
( 254 )
in both Inftances , chat which was refufed thein by the laft Aflembly : However, no- thing done Directly (as I faid) againft the Epifeopal Office : On the contrary , Adam* fon^ it feems , might excrcc it, when ad- mitted by the Aflembly.
May I not reckon the Fafi appointed by this Aflcmbly, as a third itep gained by cur
Parity-men ? A fuccefsful Eft ablifhment of perfect Order and Polity in the Kirl^ , was one of the
(?)MS. reafons for it. (q) And ever fince it hath
p« -i" ''een one °^^e Politicks of the Sett to be e m*9 ' Mighty for Fafis , when they had extraor- dinary projects in then heads •, and then , if thefe Projetls (however wicked , nay tho' the very mckednefs which the Scripture makes as bad as witchcraft) fucceeded ; To entitle them to Gods Grace , and make the
fuccefs, the Comfortable Return of their
pi '-is Humiliations , and fincere Devo- tions*
I find alio that Commiffioners were fent
by this Alfemblv to the Earl of Morton to
acquaint hi m that they w at bufy about the matter and argument of the Polity 3 and that his Grace fhould receive Advertife- mtrtt of their farther proceedings % and that thefe Gommiflioriers, having returned from him , to the Aflembly , reported , That
His Grace likei well of their travels and labours,
\i th.it mattery and required expedition and
haste ; Promifing , that when the particulars
r \ r-]A Jhcvld be given in to him , they fhould receive a
77. ' K0^ Anfmr. (/) So Caldenvood and the MS.
From
( 255 )
From which, two things may be obferved : the Firfi , is, a further Confirmation of the fufpicion I infifted on before , viz,. That Morton was truly a Friend to the Innova- tors. Thefecond, that the Second Book^of
Difciplirte had hitherto gone on but very (lowly.* Why elfe would his Grace have fo earneftly required Expedition and hafy
Ofitred (as the MS. words-it , h c. Difpatcb)
and promifed them a good anfwer when the particulars fhould be given in to him? The truth is * there was one good reafon for their proceeding fo leifurely in the matter of the Bock: Bezas Anfwer to G/amis his Let- ter was not yet returned.
Thus two General Affemblies pafled , without fo much as offering at a plain , a direfit Irnfl againft Imparity : Nay, it feems matters were not come to a fufficient Ma- turity for that, even againft the next Af- fembly.
Ic washolden at Eienbttrgh , Otlob. 2$. i?77« And not fo much as one word ia the MS. Colder-wood or Petrie, relating either dire&ly or indirectly to the main Queftion. But two things happened a little after this Aflembly , which animated Melvil and his Forty to purpofe.
One was , Mortons quitting the Regency :
For , whatever fervices he had done them, he was (o obfcttre and i^c^inhismeafures, and fo little to be trufted , that they could not rely much upon him : And now that he had demitted , they had a fair profpeft
of
( 25* )
of playing their game to better purpofe than ever : They were in pcffeffionsof the Allow- ance he had granted them to draw a New Scheme of Policy 5 They had a Young King who had hot yet arrived at the twelfth year of his Age, to deal with 5 By coofe- quence they were like to have a divided Court and a taBiom Nobility 5 and they needed not doubt, if there were two Fatlions in the Kingdom, that one of them would be fure to Court them , and undertake to pro- mote their Interefis.
The other encouragement * which did them every whit as good fervice,was Beta's
Book , De Triplici Epifiopatu , Divino , Bw mano , & Satanico , with his Anfwers TO the Lord Glamis his gueflions , which about this
time was brought to Scotland .- as is clear
(s) Cald: frpm Calderwcod* (s) Beza , it feems , put
7* to it , to Defend the Conftitution of the
Church of Geneva had imployed his wic and parts (which, certainly were not con- temptible) in patching together fuch a Scheme of prinxiples, as , he thought, might be de- fended : That's a method moft men take too frequently , Firft > to refolve upon a ConchtQon , and then , to ftretch their in- ventions and fpend their pains for finding Colours and plaufibilities to fet it off with. Beza , therefore , I fay , having been thus at pains to digeft his thoughts the beft way he could on this fubjed * and withal being poflibly , not a little elevated , That the Lord High Chancellor of a Tord?n Kingdom ,
fhould
( *57 )
fhould Confulc him , and ask his Advice concerning a point of fo great importance as the confHrurion of the Government of a National Church ; Thought it not enough, it feems , to return an Anfwer to his Lord- fliips Queftions, and therein give him a Scheme ; which war- very eafy for him to do, (pnfidering , he needed be at little more pains , than to tranfcribe the Genevian Efta- blifhment 5 But he applied himfelf to the main Controverfie which had been ftarted by his Difciple, Melvil, in 6V<*W, (and 'tis fcarcely to be doubted that it was done at his inftigation) and wrote this his Book, wherein , tho' he aflerted not the abfolute Vnlarvfuhefs of that which he called Humane Efifcofacy (b& had nor brow enough for that, as we have feen already,), (t) yet he made if (*) In the wonderoufly dangerous 3 as being fo natu- Pa8e of_ rally apt to Degenerate into the Devilifh /^^ the«SWrftf/<WEpifcopacy This Book, 1 fay,per came to Scotland, about this time, vi&> either in the end of 1*77- or the beginning of 1 978. and (tho* I have already given a %- cimen of it) who now ctfuldhbld up his head to plead for FretacyfHeie was 2 Book written by the Famous Mr. Zta6*,the Succeffcr of the great Mr. Calvin ; the prefent great Lumi- nary of the Church of Geneva 5 our Elder Sifter Church 5 the Befl Reformed Church in Chriftendom 5 Who would riot be con- vinced now that Parity ought to be Efta- bli(hed and Popffi Prelacy abolifhed ? And , indted , it feems , this Book came , feafona- S bly^
( *58)
frly , to help the good new caufe (Tor it be- hoved to take fome time before it could merit the name of the good old one) for, we have already feen how flowly and weakly ic advanced before the Book came: But now we (hall find it gathering ftrength apace, and advancing with a witneft. Nay, at the very next Aflembly it was in a pretty flourifhing condition.
This next AfC mer, Apr* 24. Anno I J78. And Mr- Andrew Me foil was chofefl Modera- tor', the Prince of the Scfit had the happinefs to be the Prats of the Ajfem&ly9and prefent- lv the work was fet a going. Amongft the fir ft things done,in this Aff , it wasena&ed,
Thut Bifiops and all others bearing Ecclefiafiical
Funttion ^jhould be called by their own names, or
(it) M S. Brethrenjn all time coming, (u) No more Lord
o*H. 81. gj(]10pS 1 an(j jc was 5UC ccnfequential to the
ec'394' great Argument,which was, then, and, ever
iince, Bath been in the mouths of all the
patty , The Lords ofth: Gentiles , &C Matt, zo. 2?. Luke 27. 2$. This was a ftep wor* 1 thy of Mr. Andrews Humility , which was not like other mens HumMty\ confiding in Tumbling themfelves, but of a new fades of its own , confiding in Humbling of his Supe- riors. Indeed , after this , he ftill treated his pvyn Ordinary the ArMi/bop of Glafgow> in publlck , according to this Canon ; Tho' when he was at his Graces table, where he got better entertainment than his own Com- mons Cfor he was , then , in the College of GUfyw) he could give him all his Titles
of
5f Dignity and Honour, (v) But J (v)Spot
Another more important Aft was made,*0*' by this Affembly ; Take it, Word for word from Cdderwood who agrees exa&ly with
both the MS. and Pet. (w) Forafmuch as there (w) Caldo is great corruption in the State of Bifhops , as*1' they are prefently fet up , in this Realm, where- Pet# ^^ unto the Afiembly would provide fome flay, in time coming, fo far as they may, to theeffetl that far' ther corruption may be bridled', The Affemb/j hath concluded, that no Bifhop fiall be Elecled or Admitted before the next General Affembly .5 Dis- charging all Minifters and Chapters to proceed) dny ways , to the Election of the [aid Bifhop sy in the mean time , under the pain of perpetual De- privation; And that this matter 9 beproponei firft in the next Affembly , to be consulted -what farther Order fhall be taken therein*
Here was ground gain'd indeed; How- ever , this was but preparatory ftil! ; No- thing, yet, concluded concerning the Vnlaw« fulnefs of the Office 5 It was confident with this t\di that Epifcopacy (hould have con- tinued, its corruptions being removed. Neither are we, as yet, told whatchefe corruptions were 5 It feems, even the Presbyterians themfelves^ho* in a fair con- dition , now , to be the prevailing party I had not ye. agreed about them. Indeed another Affembly muft be over , before we can come by them. Leaving them , there- foi c till vs e co-DG at them 5 proceed we with thisprefenr 4#: nbly.
Another Fafi was appointed by it ; Thd S * • Natiofo
( 26o )
Nation , it feems , was not yet fufficiently dipofed for Presbytery : Rubs and difficul- ties were (till cart in the way ; and the good caufe was deplorably retarded. So 'tis fairly imported in the Aft for this Faft.-7fo
corruption of all Eflates: Coldnefs in a great part of the Profejfors : That God would put it in the Kingi heart and the hearts of the Efiates of Par* liament. to Eflablifh Juch a Policy and 'Difcipline in the Kirk^j as is craved in the word of God ^
See. Thefe are amorigft the prime Reafons
in the narrative of this Aft for Farting.
(x) MS. W Indeed, all this time the Book of Dif-
Pet. 394* cipline was only informing; It had not
Laid, 8 1. yet got .|Jie Afifembjles Approbation.
The next General Aflembly met it Stir- lingffune ii. this fame year,about fix weeks or fc * after the Diflolution of the former : But the Parliament was to fit; and it was needful the Aflembly fhould fit, before , to order Ecclefiaftick bufinefs for it. And,pow, it feems there was little ftruggiing $ Fox the ( y) MS. Aflembly , all in one voice (as it is in MS. Cald.81. Calderwood and Petrie , (j) concluded, That 1'eb 395. the Aft of the laB Ajfembly > dif charging the Eletlion of Bifhops, &C. fhould be extended to all time coming : And here Petrie ftops 3 But the A4S. and Calderwood add , ay and while , the corruptions of the Eflate of Bifbops, be-all utterly \ tjjten away. And they ordained, That all Bi- (hops already EleEled fhould fubmit them] elves to the Gen. Aff. Concerning the Reformation of the Corruptions of that Eflate of Bifhopsjn their Per- fects', Which%ifthey refufed to do, after Admonition,
ihat
that theyfhouldbe proceeded again ft t$ Excommu-
M?Ation.Thh A(E met,as I faid on the 1 1 ih of
June , and indeed it feems the weather has been warm enough : Yec neither, now, did they adventure again upon the Main Sue- ftion, nor ennumerate the Corruptions of the Efiate of Bifhops.
By this Aflembly , a Commiffion v as alfo granted to certain Perfons to attend the Parliament, and Petition that the Boc\ of Difcipline might be Ratified ; ThoJ all the Articles were not , as yet , agreed to. A pretty Odd overture , to defire the Par- liament to Ratify what they themfelves had
not perfeftly Concerted.
The next Aftembly met at Edenburgh.OElob.
24. of that fame year iS7%- And it was but reafonable to have three Afiembiies in fix Months , when the Church was fo Ug with Presbytery. And , now , the Corrup- tions 5 fo frequently talk' t of before, were ennutt)erated-,and the Bifhops were required to Reform them in their Perfons- They
were required , I- To be Ministers or Tailors of one Flock* 2. To ufurp no Criminal Jurif- diftion. 3, Not to vote in Parliament in Name of the Kirk3 without Commiffion from the General Affembly. 4. Not to take up 3 for maintaining their Ambition and Kiotoufnefs , the Emoluments of the Kirk , which ought to fuflain many Payors > the Schools , and the Poor ; But to be content with reafonable livings, according to their Office* f . Not to claim the Titles of Temporal Lords, nor ufurp Civil Jarifditlion , whereby , they might be S 3 Ab*
( 2^2 )
rjibftr acted from their Office. 6. Not to Empty?
it over particular Elder fhips , but be fubjetl to
the fame : So the MS. Calderwood and Petrie
ft) MS. have it , tho' Spotfwood has the word , Pref-
Caid.g^. hyterier-, (z.) Which I take notice of , be-
S-»ot ?o? cau^e e unwar>T Reader, whea he reads,
■ * ' s°s- Presbyteries, in Spotfwood , may take them for
thefe Ecclefiartical judicatories which now
are fo denominated , whereas there were
none fuch as yet in the Nation, 7. Not to
yfurp the Power of the Paflors (fays the MS.) nor take upn them to vijit any Bounds not com- mitted to them by the Church. 8. And laftly, If any more Corruptions fhould , afterward , be found in the Eft ate of Bifbops^ to confent to have %hem Reformed. Thefe were the Corruptions :
and particularly at that fame very time, the
two Archbifh&ps were required to Reform them in their Perfons.
What ddamfen, Archbifhop of St. Andrews did , or faid , on this occanon , I know not; But , it feems he fubmitted not; For 1 find him, again , required to do it by the next Aflembly. And that it was particu- larly laid to his charge that he had oppofed ^Ratification of the Bcokin Parliament. Bur, 2?^Archhiihopof(7/^?B> $d certainly behave at this AfTembly like 2 Perfon of great worth and a Man of Courage, fuitable to his Character , giving a brave and refolute f»$pot' Anfwer: You may fee it in Spot. Caid. and 30?. Pet. (a) I have not leifure to tranfcribe it i <fiakl^ But it pleafed not the, now, too much 7V'A9$' Presbyterian Aflembly 3 aad no wonder.
for
(263)
for he fpake truely like a Biflbop;
The next Aflembly was holden at Eden* burgh , in fitly , Anno i 579. lC The King 81 fent a Letter to them , whereby he figni- " fied his diflike of their former proceedings, " and fairiy advifed them to fhey? more "temper, and proceed more deliberately,
Calderwood calls it ane Harjh Letter : It is CO
be feen , word for word , both in him and Petrie. (b) But what had they to do wkh(&) CaR the Kings of this World, efpecially fuch Babie 26. Kings as King James was , then 5 they , 1 Pct* 3**« fay , who had now the Government of Chrifts Kingdom to fettle } However,no more was done againft Prelacy, at this time, than had been ordered formerly. Indeed there was little more to be done , but to declare the Office abolifhed •, But that, it feems they were not yet Ripe for ; Per- chance the Corruptions mentioned before had proved a little Choaking , and peoples fto- machs could not be , fo foon , difpofed , for another dijh of fuch ftrong meat in ane inftant \ fo , that was referved till the next Aflembly. Neverthelefs ,
In the mean time take we Notice of one thing which we never heard of before 5 which ftarted up in this Aflembly ; and which muft not be forgotten* It was pro- pofed by the Synod of Lothian (faith Calderwood, (c) That a General Order might be taken for s^q^ ~ Eretling of Presbyteries in places where publicb 88. exercife was ufed , until the Polity of the Church might be Eftabli/bed by Law. And it was An-
S 4 fvvered
g
fwered by the ' Aflembly , That the exercifi d) MS. was a Vrefbytery , (d) Said. 88. A Presbytery turned afterwards , and , Pec.^oo. n0Wj jSi one of the moft fpecifick, eflen- tial and indifpenfible parts of the Presbyte- rian COnftitUtion. Provincial Synods can fit only twice in the year -, General Ajfemblies , only once , according to the Confticution. 'Tis true , 'tis allowed to the King to Con- vocate one extraordinarily , & pro re nata as they call it: And the KW\ claims to have (bch a power too , as/ta fees occalion. But then 'tis as true , that Kings have been fo difgufted at fuch meetings that they have hindred General ^AfiTesviblies to meet for many years \ So that their meetings are un- certain ; and in innumerable cafes , there fhould be too long a Surceafe of Ecclefiaflical Juftice, if Caufes (hould wait, either on them , or Provincial Synods, The Commiffion of the General Ajfembl), as they Call it, is but
ane accidental thing : The -fuddain diffolu- tion of a General Aflembly caadifappoint its very being 5 as juft now there is none, nor has been , fince the laft Aflembly , which was fo furprizingly diffol ved in i7^- brnary 1692. When there is fuch a Court, it commonly fits but once in three Months 5 and it meddles not with every matter ; Be- fides , many of themfelves do not love it % and look upon it as ane error in the Cuflome 4)f the Kirk, for it was never made^r* of the ConftitutUn by any Canon of the Kirk nor M of Parliament, But
APref
( 2*5 )
A Presbytery is a Con ft ant Current Court ;
They may meet when they will ; Sit while they will 3 adjourn whither , when , how long , how flhort time foever , they will. They have all the fubltantial Power of Go- vernment and Difcipline ; They have really a Legijlative Power 5 They can make Atts to bind themfelves and all thofe , who live within their Jurifdi&ion ; and they have a very large Dofeoi Executive power 3 They
Can Examine , Ordain , Admit , Sufpend , De» fofty Minifters ; They can Cite, Judge , Ab- folve , Condemn , Excommunicate whatfoever Criminals, The Supreme power of the Church, Under Chrift is Radically and Origina/iy in
them ; It is in General Ajfemblies, themfelves,
Derivatively , only, and as they Reprefer.t all
the Presbyteries in the Nation ; and , if I miftake not, if a General AfTembly ihould Enadl any thing , and the greater part of the
Presbyteries of the Nation , (hould Reprobate
it , it would not be binding 3 and yet how neceflary , how ufeful , how powerful fo ever,thefe Courts ait, tho' they are eflential parts of the conftirution % tho' they may be really faid to be that which Specifies Presby- terian Government^ This Ttme,ihis feventh or
eighth pr tenth offuly , Anno I $79. , was the
fir ft time they were heard of, in Scotland. That which was called the Exercife be- fore, was nothing like a Courts had no imaginable JurifdiUion ; Could neither fajcyn
Pennance to the fmallest Offender , nor A b folve
him from it s It coald exert no A6ts of Au- thority:
( 266 )
thority: It had not fo much Power as the meaneft Kirkcfeffion : Ir was nothing like a Presbytery : and , however it was (aid , in this Aflembly, That the Exercife was a Pref- bytery , yet , that faying (as omnipotent as a
Presbyterian Aflembly is) did not make it flw.Thac was not iPattivc propofition.There were no Presbyteries erected at this time.* The Fir ft that was ere&ed , was the Presbyr
tery. of Edenburg : And if we may believe
(e) Cald. Calderwcod himlelf , (e) That Presbytery was
ll6' not ere&ed till the thirtieth day of May i j8 1. more time was run before the reft were erected : They were not^ agreed to by the King till the year 1585. They were not Ratified by Parliament till this year 15:92. And now let the Impartial Reader judge if it is probable that our Reformers, whorie- ver thought on Presbyteries , were of the
frefent Presbyterian principles f Were they Presbyterians who never underftood, never thought of , never dream d of that, which is (6 Ejfentiaito the conftitution of a Church, by Bhine hflitmion , according to the pre- sent Presbyterian principles ?
But doth not G. R. in his Firfl Vindication of the Church of Scotland , in Anfwer to the Firfi guefticn , f. 8. tell US that the Real Exercife of Presbytery in all its meetings > lejfer and greater , continued and was allowed in the year i<tfu &c. True, he faith fo : But no Man but himfelf ever faid fo : But I know the Natural Hiflory of this Ignorant blunder; His Hiftorian Calderwcod had faid that the
Kirk,
( 2*7 )
KVV^ of Scotland everfince the beginning , had
jour [arts of Affemblies , (/ ) and this wastf)^'
enough for G. r. For what other could z9' tjiefe four forts of Affemblies be, than
Kir\-Seffions , Presbyteries , Provincial Synods , and General Affemblies \ But if he had, with the leaft degree of any thing like attention read four or five lines further , he might have feen that Calderwood himfelf was far
from having the brow to aflert that Presbyte- ries were , then, in being: For h ving (aid there were four forts of Affemblies from the beginning , he goes on to particularize them , thus , <l National, which were com- 4C monly called General Affemblies; Provincials " which were commonly called by the Ge-
" neral Name of Synods ; Weekly Meetings of
" Minifters and Readers for interpretation " of the Scriprure , whereunto fucceeded
lt Presbyteries , that is , Meetings of many Mi- *' nifters and Elders for the Exercife of Difci- 11 pline $ and the Elder/hip of every Parifk , <e which others call a Ptesbytery. In which account , it is evident , that he doth not call thefe weekly Meetings for interpretation of the Scriptures, Presbyteries ; But fays, that
Presbyteries fucceeded to thefe weekly Meetings 5
3od he gives quite different Defcriptions of
thefe weekly Meetings and Presbyteries \ making the weekly Meetings to have been of Miniflers and Elders for the interpretation of Script fire 5
and Presbyteries to have been fas they ft ill
are,) Meetings of many Minislers and Elders , for the Exercife of Difcipline* 'TlS true, he
might
( 268 )
might have, as well, faid ,- that Tresbyterie*
fncceeded CO the Meeting of the Four KingS
againft the Five , or of the Five againft the Four , mentioned in the i+th Chapter of the
Bookot Gcnefis \ For the Meetings of thefe Kings were before our Presbyteries , I think ,
in order of time : And thefe Meetings of thefe Kings were as much like our prefent Presbyteries, as thofe Meetings were, which were appointed at the Reformation for the interpretation of Scriptures So that even Caldermod himfelf was but trifling when he faid fo : Em trifling is one thing , and impu- dent founding of falfe Hifiory upon another Mans trifling , is another. But enough of this Author at prefent 5 we lliall have far- mer occafions of meeting with him.
This Aflembly was alfo earned with the
King that the Booksf Policy might be farther
considered ; and that farther Conference
might be hsd about it 5 That the Heads ,
not agreed about , might be compromifed,
fe)MS. fome way or other, (g) But the King, it
Pet. 3** feems , liftned not; For they were at it
CakK 87 , again , in their next Aflembly. And now
that I have fo frequently mentioned this
Second Boo^of Difcipline , and (hall not have
occafion to proceed much further in this
weariibrne Deduction 5 Before I leave it ,
I fliall only fay this much more about if.*
As much ftrefs as the Presbyterian party
laid on it , afterwards, and continue , (till, to lay on it 5 as if it were fo very exaft a Sjftemeoi Ecclefiaftical Polity 3 yet, at the
begin-
( 2*9 )
beginning , the Compilers of it , had no fuch Confident fentiments about it 5 For , if we may believe Spotfwood, (h) (and here- (k) Spot: in he is not contradicted by any Presbyte- 277« rian Hiftorian,) when Mafter David Lindefay, Mr. James Lawfonmd Mr. Robert Pont, were fent by the Affembly to prefenc it to the Regent , Morton , in the end of the year
1 $ 17 5 They intreated his Grace to receive the Articles prefented to him , and if any of them did feem not agreeable to reafontto vouch fafe Audience to the Brethren , whom the Affembly had named to attend. Not , that they thought it a work^ complete , to which nothing might be added , or from which nothing might be dimini/hed 5 for , as God fhould reveal further unto themy theyfhonld be willing to help and renew the fame. Now , upon this Teftimony,! found this Queftioi Whither the Compilers of the SecoSl Boo\ of Difcipline , could, in reafon , have been earned that this Book , which they ac- knowledged not to be a work fo complete , as that nothing could be added to it or ta- ken from it , lhould have been confirmed by ane Oath , and fwom to , as ane Unalte- rable Rule of Policy} Are they not injurious to them who make them capable of fuch a barefaced abfurdity ? Indeed whatever our prelent Presbyterians fay , and with how great affurance foever , they talk to this purpofe, this is a Demonftration , that the compilers of it, never intended , nay could not intend, that it (hould btfworn to in the Negative Confeffion, That it was not fwom
\ to
( 270 )
to In that Confefllon , I think, I could prove with as much evidence as the nature of the thing is capable of, if it were needful to my prefent purpofe : But not being that , I (hall only give this further Demonstration , which comes in here naturally enough, now , that we have mentioned this Book,(6
often. The Negative Confeffton was fvoorn to
and fubfcribed by the King and his Council
(i\ Cald, UP0D r^e 28< °* 7amaV x?8^ 0) Upon
96. " rhe fico id of March thereafter the King gavtf out a Proclamation , ordering al| the fubje&s ft) Call t0 fabfcribe it. (k) Eut the King had never «?/. approven , never owned , but oil the con-
trary , had conftandy rejected the Second
Boo{ of Difcipline 5 Nay it was not Ratified , got not its Hnifhing ftroke from the General
<4ffembly it (elf, till towards the end ofdpril in thar year 1 5 8 1 . By neceiTary confequence, I think , it was not fwom to in the Negative Confefficn. And thus I leave it. Proceed we now to the next Aflembly.
It met at Dundee upon the twelfth of July ij8o. full twenty years after the Reforma- tion; For the Parliament which Eftabliihed the Reformation , fas the Presbyterian Hi- ftorians are earneft to have it) had its firfl Meeting on the tenth of July i>'6o. This, this was the Aflembly, which, after foma- nj fencings and flrugglings , gave the deadly 0) Cald Thry.ft to Efifcofacy. I (hall tranfcribe its 20. a " Aft word for word from Caiderwood, who Spor. 31 r. has ex-iCtiy enough taken it from the MS. Pet.4e2. and both spot/weed and Fctrie agree /(/) It is 'this, Far-
( *?1 )
Forafmuch as the Office of a Bifhop , as it us now fifed and commonly taken within this Realm , hath no fur e Warrant ^Authority nor good Ground sut of the Book and Scriptures of God , but is brought in by the Folly and Corruptions of mens invention, to the great overthrow of the true Kir\ of God , The whole Affembly , in one voice , after Liberty given to all men to Reafon in the matter , none opponing themfelves in defence of the f aid pre- tended Offce^Findeth and DecUreth the famefre~ tended Office , Vfed and Termed as is above f aid , Unlawful™ the (elf , as having neither Funda- ment, Ground nor Warrant in the word of God '5 AndOrdaineth , that all fuch Verfons as broody or hereafter [hall brookjhe J aid Office ', be charged fimpliciter to dimit , quite , and leave off , the Samine\as ane Office whereunto they are not called by God; andficklik^e to dt fish and ceafe from preach- ing, Mhifiration of the Sacraments , orufing, any way , the Office of Paftors , while they re- ceive y de nOVO , Admiffion from the General Affembly , under the pain of Excommunication to be ufed again ft- them 5 Wherein , if they be found Dif obedient^ or Ccntraveen this AEi in any pointy The fentence of Excommunication, after due admo- nitionjo be execute againfi the?n.Th\S is the All. Perhaps it were no very great difficulty to impugn the Infallibility of this true blue
Aflembly , and to expofe the boldnefs , the folly , the iniquity , the prepofterous zeal , which are confpicious in this Aft ; -Nay , yet , after all this, to (hew, that the Zealots for Pamy had not arrived at that height of Effrontery, as to Condemn Prelacy , as [imply
and
( 272 )
and in it felf Unlawful: But, by this time* I think, I have performed my promife, and made it appear that it was no eafy task to AboKJh Epifcopacy and Introduce Presbytery; to turn down Prelacy , and fet up Parity in the Government of the Church , when it was firft attempted, in Scotland i And therefore I (hall flop here , and bring this long Difquifition upon the Second Enquiry to a Conclanon ; after I have Recapitulated and reprefented in one intueview , what I have at fo great length deduced.
I have made it appear, I think, That no fuch Article was believed , profeffed or maintained by the body of any Reformed or Reforming Church, or by any Eminent and Famous Divine in any Reformed or Reforming Church , while our Church was a Reforming 5 No fuch Article , I (ay , as
that , of the Divine and indifonfible hftitu- tion of Parity , and the Vnlawfulnefs of Pre- lacy or Imparity amongft the Governours of the Church : I have made it appear that there is no reafon to believe that our Re- formers were more frying in fuch matters than the Reformers of other Churches : I have made it appear that there is not fo much as a fyllable , a (hew , a (hadow of ane Indication , That any of thofe who
Merited the Name of our Reformers , enter- tain'd any fuch Principle, or maintain'd any fuch Article : I have made it appear that our Reformation was carry ed on ,• much , very much, by the Influences , and upon the
frineifUt
( *n )
principles of the Englijh Reformers > amongft
whom that principle of parity had no imagi- nable footing: Thefe are, at leaft, great jprefumptions of the Credibility of this, That our Reformers maintain d no fuch principle.
Agreeably to thefe preemptions , I have made k appear that our Reformers pro< ced- ed de ' Fafto upon the principles of Imparity: They formed their petitions for the Refor- tmarion of our Church , according to thefe principles ; The firft Scheme of Church Go- vernment, they ereded, was EtUblifhed
Upon thefe principles - Our Superintendents , were notoriously and undeniably Prelates : The next Eftablifriment , in which the Prelates refumed the old Names and Titles of Archbifhops and Blfhops , was. the fame for fubftance, with ihsfirfi : At leaft, they did Mot differ as to the point of Imparity : I
have made it appear that this fecond Ella- Blifhment was agreed to , by the Church t unanimoufly , and fubmitted to calml? and peaceably •, and that it was received as ane EftabliLhment which was intended to continue in the Church: At leaft , no Ob- jections made againft ir , no appearances ,: \V\ OpppSClOd to it , no indications of its being
accepted , on'v for ane Interim upon the account of Imparity's being In its constitution:: I have made it appear that Imparity was received , pradifed , owned and fubmitte4 to, and that Prelates were fuitably honoured and dutifully obeyed , without retaffaffcy , T aM
( 274 )
and without interruption , for full fifteen years after the Reformation^ and I have made it appear , that, after it was called inQueftion, its Ad verftries found many Repulfes, and mighty difficulties, and fpent much travel , and much time , no lefs than Ml five years , before they could get it A- bolifheds and if the Deduction I have made puts not this beyond all doubt , it may be farther confirmed by the Teftimonies of trvo very intelligent Authors 5 Thesis that ingenious and judicious Author who wrote the accurate piece, called Epifcopacy
not Abjured in Scotland^ publifhed Anno 1 640.
(m) p. $7. Who affirms positively, (m) " That it was " by Reafon of oppofition made to the tc Presbyterians, by many wife, learned and " Godly Brethren , who flood i firmly for "the Ancient Difcipline of the Church, u that Fpifcopacy was fo long a condemn- " ing. It appears from his Elaborate work that he was ane ingenuous as well as ane /»• ^mwPeifon, and living then, and having been at fo much pains to inform himfelf concerning not only the Tran[atiions> but the intrigues of former times , it is to be pit famed , he did not affirm fuch a propo- rtion without fufficient ground : But what- ever dufi may be raifed about hxs Credit and Aucho;iry ; Sure I am , my other witnefs i< unexceptionable. He is King James the Sixth of Scotland, and the Firfi of England ; Tills Qieat and Wife Prince lived in thefe times in which Presbytery was firfi inrro-
duced 3
( 275 )
(faced 5 and I think it is fcarcely to be Queftioned, That he underftood, and could give a juft account of , what pafled, chena as well as any man , then , living •, and hfc in his Bafilion Dor on , {n) affirms plainly i Cn) p.t^i That the Learned , Grave and Hone ft Men of 0f his the Miniftery , were ever afhamed bf , and of Works fended with , the Temerity and Prtfumption 0f Panted at
the Democratical and Presbyterian ;party. ,™, ™ All theie things , I fay , I think , I have made appear fufficiently ; and fo I am not affraid to leave it to the world to judge, Whither our Reformers were of the prefent Pref- byterian principles }
Only one thing more 5 before I proceed to the next Enquiry. Our Presbyterian Erethren , Calderwood , Petrie and G. r. (as I have already obferved) are very earnefl' and careful to have their Readers advert * that when Epifcopacy was Etfteblifhed by the Agreement at Leiih,Anno 1)7** the Bifhops
were to have no more Power , than the Superintendents had before ; and, indeed ic is true , they had no more , as I have al- ready acknowledged 5 But I would advife our Brethren to be more Cautious in in- fitting on fuch a dangerous point , or Glory- ing in fuch a Difiovery , hereafter *, For thus I Argue,
The Epifcopacy Agreed ta at Leith , A *)7*» as to its Effentials , its Power and
Authority, was the fame with the SuperU- tendency Eftablifhed at the Refommicn , Anm xc6o» But the General Aflembfy
T * hekten
( 27*)
holder! at Dundee, Anno I f 80. Condemned the Power and Authority of the Epifcopacy, Agreed to at £«'/& , -^»*0 i S72- £rg° they condemnd the /Wwand Authority of the Superintendence
Eftablilhed by oar Reformers , ^fow ij6o. Ergo, the Affembly i?8o, not only/or/^,
but Condemned the principles ofottr Reformers :
But if this Reafoning holds-, I think our prefent Presbyterian Brethren have no Reafon
to Claim the Title of Succejfors to our Refor- mers : They mult not afcend fo high as the year 1560, They muft fiand at the year is 805 For, if I miftakenot, the Laws of Heraldry will not allow them to call them- felve- the True Pofterity ofthofe whom they Condemn, and whofe principles they Declare
Erroneous. In fuch Moral Cognations , I take Onenefs .of principle to be the foundation of the Relation , as Onenefs of 2?W , is in
Vhyfical Cognations. Let them not, therefore, go farther up than the year i;8o. Let them date the Reformation from this Affembly
at Dundee , and Own Matter Andrew Melvil and John Durie, &c. for their Fir ft Parents.
When they have fixed there , I ihall, per- chince , allow them to affirm that th^ Church of Scotland was Reformed fin their fence of Reformation) by Presbyters , that is Presbyterians. Proceed WC ROW to
The
# (277)
The Third Enquiry.
Whether Prelacy , and the Superiority of any Office , in the Church , above Presbyters , ti>as a great and infup- por table Grievance , and trouble to this Nation , and contrary to the in- clinations of the Generality of the Feople , EV ERfincethe Reforma- tion }
Confidering what hath been Difcourfed , fo fully on the former Enquhy , this may be very foon ; difpatched : For , If
Prelacy 5 and the Superiority of other Officers in the Church , above Presbyters , wa£ fo unani.
moufly confented to, and Eftablifhed at the Reformation ; If it continued ro be Owned , Revered , and Submitted to , by Paftors and People , without interruption , without being ever called in Quettion for full fifteen years after the Reformation 5 If, after it was called in Slueftion , its Adverfa- ries found it fo hard a task ro fubvert it , that they fpent five years more , before they could get it fubverted and declared
Vnlawful, even, as it was, then, in Scotland ;
If thefe things are true , CI fay) I think it
is not very Credible , that it was a great and infupportable Grievance and trouble to thtslSlation% and contrary to the Inclinations of the Generality
T 3 4
( *?8 ) .
of the People EVER [wee the Reformation. This Collection I take ro be as clear a De- nionftration as the iubjeft is capable of* But befide this, we have the clear and confentient Teftuxonks of Hiftorians to thicpnrpofe. (<f)Pct. ad Pet>ie (a) delivers it rh\}$, Mercy andTrutht An 1576. Jtightebttfnefs and Peace, had never , bnce ^:^ Chifls coming %n the Tlefh , a more Glarjou4
-fyieetivi^ and Amubk Fmbrac^n^ , on Earth % Even jo , that thtChv>ch 0/ Scotland jnfily ob- tain d. a Name amo:^ /? the Chief Churches and Kingdoms of the world - The hottefi Perfections haa not greater Parity \ Themofi Haicyou times had not more Profperity 'and Peace 5 The befi Rejormed Churches , in other places , fcarccly Parakctd their Liberty and Unity. ( S) Spot. Spot [woods W thus, The Superintendents. ad Anno ysere in fuch Refpefl with all Men , as , notwith*
1 $7 1. pag«_/? anding the Dijjenfionsthat were in the Country ,
2 $R» no Exception wot taken at their proceedings , by
any of the parties 5 But all concurred in the Maintainance of Religion \ And in the Treaties of Peace made, That was ever one of the Articles; fach a Reverence was 3 in thofe times , carried to the Church ; The very form of Government purchafing them Refpett*
I might alfo cite Beza himfelf to this purpofe3 in his Letter to John Knox, dated, Geneva , April 12. I j 72: wherein he Con- gratulates heartily the happy and Vnited ftate of the Church of Scotland. Perhaps it might be no difficult task to adduce more Teftimomes .* But the truth is, no man can
Read
{ 2J9)
Read the Hiftories and Monuments of thefe times without being convinced that this is trues and that there cannot be a falfer proposition , than , That Prelacy wo* fuch a Grievance , then , or , fo contrary to the Inclinations of the Generality of the People.
Further , even in fucceeding times , even after it was Condemnd by that Aflembly if 80, it cannot be proven that it was fuch a Grievance to the Nation. 'Tis true indeed, fome Hot-headed Presbyterian Preachers en- deavoured ,. all they could , to poflefs the
People with ane Opinion of its Antichrifiiamfm,
forfootb, and that it was a Brat of the Whore , a Limb of Popery, and what not? But all this time , no account of the Inclinations
ef the Generality of the People againft it. On
the contrary , nothing more evident , in Hiftory , even Calderwoods Hiftory , than that there was no fuch thing. Is k not ob- vioufly obfervable , even in that Hiftory , that, after the Civil Government took fome 12 or 14 of the moil forward of thefe Brethren , who kept the pretended Aflem- bly, at Aberdeen, Anno 160 J a little Roundly to Task., and fome 6 or 8 more were cal- led by the King , to attend his will , at Lon- don, all things went very peaceably in Scot- land } Was not Epifcopacy reftored by the General Aflembly at Glafgow, Anno 1 6io , with very great Unanimity} Of more than ane hundred and feventy voices, there were only five Negative and /even, Non liquet. Nay Cal»
Acrmod himfelf hath recorded that even T 4 thefe
( 2%0)
tfiefe Miniftcrs, who went to London after their return , iubmitted peaceably to the, then , Eftdblijhed Prelacy- And there are few things more obfervable in his Book , than his Grudge , that there fhould have beeri
filch a General Defetlion from the good Qaufe*
Indeed I have not obferved » rip not in his Hiftory,that there were fix in all the King- dom , who , from the Eftabli(hment of Epifcopacy , Anno i6io. did not attend , at Synods , and fubmit to their Ordinaries 5 I
donot remember any except two3Calderwood himfelf,and one Johnfion at Ancrum^nd even thefe two pretended other Reafons than Scruple of Conference for their withdrawing. It is further obfervable that the Stirs \yMch were made, after the Aflembly , at '£erthyAnno 1 61 8; were not pretended to be upon the account of Epifcopacy 5 Thofe of the Oaugj could not prevail, it feems, with
the Generality of the People to tumultuate on
that account. AH that was pretended were the Perth Ankles : Neither did the Hum&ttr againft thefe Articles prevail much; or far, all the tine King James lived , nor for the firft twelve years of King Charles, his Son and Succeffor 5 It fell afleep, as it were , till the Clamours againft the Liturgy and Book of Ca- rsons \ awakened it Anno 1 637 : And all that time , I meart , from the year 1610 , that E| ifcopacy was reftdred , till the year 1 637,
that the Covenanting work was ftt On foot , Prelacy was fo far from beings great and in- ftt finable Grievance and Trouble to ihitNation*,
and
( 28i)
4nd contrary to the Inclinations of the Generality of the People 5 that , on the contrary, it was not only Generally fubmitted to , but , in very good efteem. Indeed, it is certain, the Nation had never more Peace , more con- cord » more plenty , more profound quiet and profperity , than in that Interval. Let no man reckon of thefe things as naked AG- fertions : I can prove them ; And hereby I undertake (with Gods allowance and affi- ftance) to prove all I have faid , and more, if I (hall be put to it. But I think my caufe requires not that it fhduld be done at pre* fent. Nay further yet ,
I don't think it were ane infuperable task, if I fhould . undertake ro maintain , that,
When the Covenanting Politic^ was fee pa foot , Anno 1637. Prelacy was no fuch GriV
vance to the Nation. This I am fure of , it was not the Contrariety of the Generality of the Peoples Inclinations to Prelacy that firft gave life and motion to that Monftrout Confederation. Sure I am , it was pretty far
advanced , before the Leading Confederates
offered to fix on Prelacy , as one of their Reafonsforit : So very fure, that it is eafy to make it appear, that they were affraid of nothing more , than that the Generality of the People (hould/*»<?/Z it out, that they had defigns to overturn Epifcopacy. How often did
they Protefi to the Marquis of Hamilton ,
then , the Kings Commiflioner, that their (0 Se* meaning was not to Abolifh Epifcopal Go-J^f ,,c" vernment? (c) How frank were they toII$*.
tell
( 282 )
tell thofe , whom they were earneft to Ca- jole into their Covenant , that they might very well [wear it , without prejudice to (A) ibid. Epifcopacy ? (J) Nay how forward were the
*9>&i71- Presbyterian Minifies themfelves to propagate this pretence ?. When the Dottors of Aberdeen
told the Three, who were fent to thatCiVj to procure fubfcriptions , that they could
not fvvear the Covenant becaufe Epifcopacy was abjured in it. Are not thefe Henderfons
and Dickons very words , in their Anfmr to the fourth Reply , You will have all the Covenan- ters , againfl their intention , and whither they mil or not , to dij f allow and condemn the Articles of Perth* and Epifc opal Government $ — But it is known , to many hundreds , that the words wefe purpofely conceived , for fatisj "attion of fuch AC were of your fugment , that we might all )nyn in one Heart and Covenant ? Many more things might be readily adduced to prove this .more fully : But 'tis needlefs , for what can be more fairly colligible from any thing, than it is from this Specimen , that it was their fear , that they might mfs of their mark^ , and not get the people to joyn w ith them , in their Covenant , if it diould be fo foon difcovered, that they tintdzt the over- throw of Epifcopacy.
Tis true indeed , after they had, by fuch difingenuous and Jefuitifb Fetches , gain'd numbers to their party , and got many well- meaning Minifters and People engaged in their Rebellion and Schifmatical Confederacy ,
they took off the Mask^\ and condemned
Efif
( 283 )
gpifcopacy in their packet Ajfembly, Anno 1638J Declaring with more than fefuitifb impudence, that, (notwithftanding of their proteftations fo frequently and publickly made to the Contrary) it was abjured in their Covenant. And yet I dare advance thi< Paradox , that,
even then , it was not ane lnfupportable Grie- vance to the Presbyterians themfelves » far left to the whole Nation. I own this to be a Paradox , and therefore I muft ask my Keades. allowance to give my Reafon for which I have dared to advance it. It is this.
Confideringhow much Prelacy afetls the Church as a Society ; Of how great confe- quence it is in the Concerns of the Church 5 whatever it is in itfelf , it cannot , in Rea- fon , be called ane lnfupportable Grievance to /uchaszxtfatisfied, they can live fafciy and without/**, in the Communion of that Church, where it prevails. If fuch can call it a Grie- vance at all , I think they cannot juftly call it more than a Supportable Grievance : I think ir cannot be juftly called ane lnfupportable Grievance , till it can fufiify, and, by confe-
quence , Necejfitate a Separation from that Church which has it in its Conftitution. How can that be called ane lnfupportable Grievance , efpecially in Church matters , where Grievance and Corruption , Of I take them right, muft be terms very much equi- valent) to thofe who can fafely fupport it? *. em Live under it without fin , and wih afafe Conscience, continue in the Churches Communion
while
( 284 )
while It IS in the Churches Government ? How
can that be called intertable , which isnoc of fuch Malignity in a Church as to make her Communion finful? How can that be called infuppor table in Ecclefia/lkal concerns or Religious matters , to thole who are per- fwaded they may bear it , or with it , with- out difturbing their inward Peace , or ehdan. gering their Eternal Interests } Now , fuch , in thefe times, were all the Presbyterians, at leaft , Generally , in the Nation 5 They
did not think upon Breaking the Communion of the Church'tUpon feparating from the folemt* Atfemblies under Prelacy, and fettingiUp Pres- byterian Altars in oppofirion to the Epifcopal Altars : They (till kepi: up one Communion in
the Nation : They did; not refufe to joyn
in the Puhlick Ordinance^ , the Solemn horjhip of God and the Sqcxaments, with their Pre* latic\ Brethren ; all this is Co well, known , that none, I think, will call itinQueftion. Indeed that Height ofAntipathy CO Prelacy had
not prevailed amongft the party, no not when Epifcopacy had its fetters (truck off, Anno 1 66z, for then , and for fome years after , the Presbyterians generally , both Paftors and People kept the Vnity of the
Church, and joyned With the Conformifis in the
publick Ordinances : And I believe there are hundreds of thoufands in Scotland who remember very well how fliort a time it is fince they betook themfelves to Conventicles , and tUrn'd avowed Schifaa-
I Con-
( 285 )
I Confers the reafoning I have juft now infifted on cannot militate Co patly againft fuch: For if they had reafon to feparate', they had the fame Reafon to call. Prelacy ane
in/portable Grievance 5 No more and no other : But I cannot fee how the Force of it can be well avoided by them, in refpedt of their Predeceflbrs , who had not the Boldneft to fefarate upon the account ol Prelacy.
But it may be faid that thofe Presbyte- rians who lived Anno 1 637. and downward, Shook off Prelacy , and would bear it no lon- ger j and was it not, then, ane infu^ortablc Grievance to them ? True , indeed , for re- moving the pretended Corruptions of Prelacy, they, then, ventured upon the; really, horrid fin of Rebellion againft their Prince; they embroyled three Famous and flourifh- ing Kingdoms', They brake down the Beau- tiful and Ancient Structures of Government both in Church and State 5 They (hed O- ceans ofChriftian blood, and made the Nations welter in gore ; They gave up themfelves to all the wildnefles of rage and fury , They gloried in Treafon and Treache- ry , in Oppreflion and Murther , in Fierce- nefs and Unbridled Tyranny 5 they drench'c innumerable mifs-led fouls , in the Crimfon guilt, ofSchifmand Sedition, of Rebel- lion and Faction, of Perfidy and Perjury t In (hort , they opened the way to fuch ane inundation of Hypocrifie, and Irreligion, of Confufions , and Calamities, as cannot
eafily
( 2S6 )
eafily be Parallelled, in Hiftory; And for all
thefe things they pretended their Antipathies
to Prelay ; and yet , after all this , I am where I was ; Considering their aforefaid principles and practices as to the Vnitj of the Church , they could not call it ane
Infupportable Grievance 5 They did not truly
find it fab 5 Had they really and fincerely > in true Chriflian fimplkity and fobriety, found or felt it Inch, chey would , no doubt ,
have lookt on it , as a forcible ground , for feparating from the Communion , in which it prevailed", as the Prorcftants, in Germany ± found their Centum Gravamina, for feparating
from the Church of Rome . To have made it that, indeed, and, then, to have fttffered patiently , if they had been perfected for it , Withour turning to the Antichriftian cottrfe of
Armed Refinance, had had fome colour of ane Argumenr that they deem'd it ane infuppor- table Grievance ; But the Fiercest fighting
againft it , fo long as they could allow themfelves to live in the Communion which ownd it,can never infer that it was, to them, ane infupportable Grievance } at moft,if it was* it wab , to wanton humour and wildfire ,
only , and not to Confidence , and real Chri- flian Convittiono And fo I leave this Argu- ment.
I could eafily infift more largely on this Enquiry, but, to avoid tedioufnefs , I (hall advance only one thing more 5 It is a Challenge to my Presbyterian Brethren , to produce but one public^ deed » one foiema or confide-
rable
(«87)
rableAppearance of the-Nation,taken either
Colletlively or Reprefentatively , which by any
tolerable conftru&ion or interpretation, can import that Prelacy or the fuperiority of any Office in the Church above Presbyters , was 4 great and infupfortable Grievance and trouble fa this Nation , and contrary to the Inclinations of the Generality of the People , for full thirty
years after the Reformation.
The Learned G- R. thought he had found one , indeed , it feems , for he introduced
it very briskly , in his fir Ft Vindication of the Church 6f Scotland , in Anfwer tOthe firfi
Jfytefiion, 5*. 9. hear him. It is Evident f fays
he) that Epifcopal Jurifditlion over the Prote- fiants was condemned by Law, in that fame Par- liament , 1567, wherein the Proteftant Religion
was Eftablifbed. What t No lefs than E- vident ! Let us try this Parliamentary con- demnation. It is there Statute and Ordain d , That no other furifdiclion Eccleftaftical be ac- knowledged within this Rcalmjhan that which is, and fhallbe, within this fame Kirl^ EFtablifhed prefently , or which fioweth therefrom , concern- ing Preaching the word , Correcting of manners f adminifir ation of Sacraments. So he : No
Man who knows this Author and his way of writing will readily think it was ill man- ners to examine whither he cited right; I turn'd over , therefore i all the Ads of that Parliament which are in Print (and I think his citation (hall fcarcely be found amongft the unprinted ones) but could n$t find this citation of our Author's. WhatSvas next
to
( 288 )
to be done ? I knew that full well 5 1 turn'd
to the 43. page of his Hiftorian , Calderwood,
and there I found it word for word* Well ! But is there no fuch Period to be found in the Afts of that Parliament ? Not one , indeed. *Tis true , there is ane Aft , the fixth in
number 5 Intituled , Anent the true and Holy Kirh^y and of them that are declared to be of the
fame } which Aft I find infifted oh by the Covenanters , Anno i6l$> in their Anfwer t6 the Maranis of Hamilton* Declaration , at Edenburgh , in December , that year > (as is 0)P' 3^»t0 ^e ^een *n fhe l*rge Declaration,) (e) as
condemning Epifcopacy. 'Tis very proba- ble this might be the Aft Ca!derwood thought he abridged in thefe words , bor- rowed from him b| G. R. I (hall fet it down , word for word , that the world may judge if Epifcopacy is Condemned by ic.
Forafmuch as the Miniflers of the bleffed Evangel of Jtfus Chrifi , whom God of his mercy hath now raifsd up amongfi us , or hereafter fhall raife , Agreeing with them who now live , in Doilrine , and Adminiftration of the Sacrament sy (as ? in the Reformed Kirks of this Realm , they are publicity Adminifirate) according to the Con- feffion of Faith 5 Otir Sovereign Lord, with ad- vice of My Lord Regent , and three Eflates of this prefent Parliament , has declared , and de- clares , the aforefaid Per fans , to be the only truey and Holj Kir^ of Jeftis Chrifi , within this Realm 5 And Decerns and Declares , that All
and
and fundrie% who , either , galnfa) the word of the Evangel , received and approved , as the Heads of the Confejfion of Faith Profejfed in Par- liament , before ,in the year of Cod l$ 60. years 5 As alfo fpecified in the Ads of this Parliament^ more particularly doth exprefs , and now Ratified and approve din this pre Cent Parliament % Or that reftifes the Participation of the Holy Sacraments f as they are now Mini/Irate , to be no Members of the faid Kirk within this Realm , prefently Profcffed , fo long as they keep themfelves , fo divided, from the Society of Cbrifls Body.
This is the All : No w , here , not one
Word of Ecclepaftical JurifdtUion , either Foreign or Dmeftlcl^; Not one word of any furifdiSlion within this Realm, or in the Kir\ within this Realm , or that (hould ever flow from the faid fCirk ; Not one word
of CorfeSting .of Manners : From which it IS
evident that , if this was the All , Calder* wood aim'd at , he gave the world a very odd abridgement of it .- And G. R. (hould con- fider things , a little better , and not take them upon truft , to found Arguments on them fo Ridiculoufly.
But doth not this Ad condemn Epifcopa- cy? Let the world judge if it doth; what can be mote plain , than that all this A<ft aims at is only to Define that Church , which , then , was to have the legal Eftablfhment, and the countenance of the Civil Authori- ty ? This Church , it Defines to be , that Society of Paftors and People which pro fefTed the Doctrine of the Evangel , &ti U according
( 2*0 )
according to the Confeflion of Faith then Eftablithed: 3Tis plain , I fay , this is all , that Aft aims at : Not one word of Jnrif- ditlion or Difciplinc , of Government or Polity , of Epifcopacy or Presbytery , of Prelacy or /Vir/- #, of Equality or Inequality amongft the Go-
vernours of the Church : Whatever the Porm of Government was , then , in the Church , or whatever it might be , after- wards , was all one to this Adt , fo long as
Paflors (whither A&ing lb Parity OX Imparity) and People , kept by the fame Rule of Faith , and the fame manner of adminiftting the Sacraments. What is there here like a
Condemnation of Epifcopal furifdittion ? Is this the way of Parliamentary Condemnations ,
to Condemn ane Office , or ane Order , or a JurifdiCtion , (call it as you wilU without ehher naming it, or dfcfcribing it , in terms fo circumitantiated as the world might un- derftand , by them , that it was meant ? To Condemn a thing , efpeciallv a thing of fo great importance , without fo much as repealing any one , of many Acts which Eftablithed or Ratifyed it, before ? Surely, if this A6t Condemned Epiicopacy, this Parliament happened upon a New Stile , a Singular Stile, a Stile, never ufed before , ne- ver ufedyw*. Befides ,
If this was the Aft G. R. intended, I would earneftly defirehim to name but any one Man , who lived in thefe times , and Underltood Epifcopacy to have been Condemned
by this Act. How blind was Matter Andrew
Mtlvil f
( 2pl )
Melvll} How blind was all the Presbyterian
Fraternity, that, all the five years , they were
fighting againft Prelacy , could never hit on this All , and prove that it ought to be no longer tolerated , feeing it was againft ane Aft of Parliament ? Were they fo little care- ful of Alls of Parliamaot, that they would not have been at pains to cite them for their purpofe ? Mr. Andrew Melvil in his fo often mentioned Letter to Bez,a , dated Novemb. 1 3- * ^79. Writes thus : We have not ceafed , thefe five years , to fight againft Pfiudepifcopacj (many of the Nobility refilling tu) and to prefs the feverity of Difcipline — We have many of the Peers againft us : For they allege if Pfeudepifco- pAcy be taken away , one of the Estates is pulled
down , &c. Now , how eafy had it been for him to have ftopt the mouths of thek Peers , by telling them that it was taken away already by this Ad of Parliament Z What a dunce was the L. Glamis Chancellor of Scotland, ("by confequence , one, obliged by his ftation , to underftand fomething , I think, of the Laws of the Nation) and all thofe whom he confulted about the Letter he wrote to the fame Beza , that neither he, nor they knew any thing of this A& of Parli3ment,but told the Gentleman bluntly, that Epifcopacy fubfified by Law 5 That the Pre- Leges Re
gni longo ufu & inveterata confuetudine Recepta? , ut quortes de rebus ad Reipublicae falutem pertinentibus in ptablicis Regni Comf- ills agitur , nihil fine Epifcopis conftitui poteft , quum ipfi tertium Ordinem 8c Regni Statum efliciant t[uem a ut mutate , aut prorfus tollerc , Reipublica: admodum tffee periculofurs^ Y\ t IktU
( 25>2 )
Utes made one of the three Eftates 5 that nothing could be done , in Parliament without them •? and that the Legal Eftablijhment of the Order , and its lying fo very near the foundation of the Civil Con ft it ution , made it extremely dangerous to ah tcr it , far 'more to abolifh it ? But what needs
more i Let the Reader caft back his eyes on the Articles agreed on betwixt the Church and the Nobility and Barons in July is67, that fame year.* by which it was provided that all the Popifh BilThops fhould be deprived, and that Superinten- dents (hould fucceed in their places. And then let him confider if it be probable that Epifcopacy was Condemned by this Ad of Parliament.
But G. R. continues : I hope (fays he.) none will affirm that Prelaticalfurifdiclion then, was, or was foon after , Eftablifhed in the Proteftant Church of Scotland: Was not OUr Author
pretty forward at hoping} Will none affirm it ? I do affirm it: and I do affirm that if our Author had but lookt to the very next Ad of that Parliament , thefevmh in num- ber , nay if he had but caft his eye fome ten lines upward in that fame 43, page of CaU derwoods Riftory , he would have feen the
Prelacy of Superintendents , exprefsly ownd ,
and fuppofed in being by ane A<3 of that fame Parliament , in the matter of granting
Collations Upon Prefentations : And now I
leave it to the world to judge , if G. R. has not been very happy at citing Ads of Par- liaments againft Prelacy. But ,
Being
ncui
( 2^3)
Being thus engagedwith him about A#s of Parliament , I hope it will be a pardona- ble digreffion , tho' I give the world ano- ther inftance of his skill and confidence that way.
The Author of the ten ^ueflions had faicf
(in his Difcuffion of the fir it Queftion) That
the Popl/b Bifloops fate , in the Parliament which
^ fettled the Reformation : A matter of Faff fo
diftioctly delivered by Knox , Spotfxrood and
Petrie , (but pafled over by Calderwood) that
nothing could be more unqueftionable : Nay even Leflie himfeif has it , for he tells us
that the three Estates Conveened s (O and I /y\ jt think , in thofe days the E'cclefiafiical Efiate re Augu* wis one, the firft 9 of thee three: I think ,fto,Edin- alfo, That Efiate was Generally Poplfh, Yet,b,u,gum however plain and lndilpuraole this matter ti funt of Fail was , our learned Author could con- trcs Regni cradidt it: Take his Arifwer in his ownOrdines.
% Words 5 To what he faith ofthePopifhBifhops^^- *2# fitting in a Reforming Parliament , 1 oppofe rvh.it Leflie Bifhop of Roffe a Papifi hath , de Geft. Scotorum lib. 10. pag. J 36. that Concilium a Sella Nob Hi bus cum Begin a habit um nullo Ecclet* (iastico admiffo , ubi Sancitum , ne quis quod ad Religionem aitinet , quicquam novi Moiiretur ; Ex hac lege (inquit) omne five H&refeos , Jive inimicitiarum , five feditionis malum , tanquam
ex fonte fiuxiu Now , in the fir ft place, I think it might be made a Queftion , for what Reafon our Author changed Lefties words ? Might he not have given us the Citation juft as ic was ? Leflie has it thus,
. \X 3 Conve-
( *?4 )
Convenientibus Interim undique SeEta NobiUbw, Concilium , nulla Ecclefiaftico viro admijfo, E- dinburgi, initur. In eo Concilio in primis San- tit um efi , ne qttis , quod ad Religionem attineret, quicquam novi moliretur : Sed res in eo dun- taxat Statu quo erant , cum Regina ipfa. in Sco- flam primum appulij]et , Integra manerent. Ex hac Lege , tanquam fonte , omne five harefebs , five inimicitiarum , five Seditionis malum in
Scotia no fir a fluxit. Becauie Lejlie was a Pa- pift, muft his very Latins be Reformed? If
this was it, if>l miftake not, a further Re» formation may be needful-, for i[ Lejlie was wrong in faying , in eo Concilio, I think our Author has mended it but firrilj , by put- ting , ubiy in its ftead 5 *'• e. by making ane Adverb of place the Relative to Concilium 5
And let the Griticks judge whither G.R's. <#-
tinet or Le flies > attineret , was moft proper :
But perhaps the true Reafon was, that there was fomething dark in thefe words , Sed
Res in eo duntaxat Statu quo erant y cum Regina ipfa in Scotiam primum appulijfet , Integra ma* verent. 'Tis true , indeed this Sentence quite fubverts our Authors purpofe $ for it im- ports that there had been fome certain fort of Eftabli(hment of Religion before the Queen came to Scotland , which was not judged fit then to be altered. Now that this Learned man may be no more puttied with fuch ane obfiure piece of Hiftory , I will endeavour to help him with a Clue> Be it known to all men therefore , and particu- larly to G> R. the Learned and renowned
Vindi-
( 2^5 )
Vindicator of the Church of Scotland , That the Parliament which Eftablifhed the Re- formation , and in which the Popijh Bifhops fate , was holden in Augufl \ $60 ; That Slyeeti Mary returned not to Scotland till Au- gufl 1 f 61. Thar this Council , which Leslie fpeaks of, met after the Queens return , as is evident from Leflies words ; and that it was, at mo(t , but a Privy Council; and nothing like a Parliament. Have we not G, R. now , a very accurate Hiftorian ? And fo I leave him for a little, and proceed to the
Fourth Enquiry.
Whither Prelacy, and the Superiority of any Office , in the Church , above Tresbyters , was a great and infup* portable Grievance, and Trouble to this Nation , and contrary to the In- clinations of the Generality of the People , when this Article was Ejia- llifoed in the Claim of Right}
THisEnquiry is about a very recent mat- ter of Fa6t ; the fubjeft will not allow of Mecaphyfical Arguments-, It is not old enough to be determined by the Teftirno- ntes of Hiftorians 5 it cannot be decided by thepublick records or Deeds of the Nation ; For, if I miftake not , there was nev'er U 4 publick
(296)
publick deed , before , founded , mainly , arid in exprefs terms , upon the Inclinations of the Generality of the People t, and I do not think it necefiary , by the Laws of Difpu- tation , that I (bould be bound by the Authority of a public^ deed, which I make the main thing in fgueftion. The Method , therefore, which I (hall take for difcuffing this Enquiry , iball be to give a plain Hifto- rical narranon of the Rife and Progress of this Controverfie , and confider the Argu- ments made ufe of , on both fides, leaving k to the Reader to judge whither/^ can pretend to the greater probability* The Controverfie as I take it had its Rife, thus;
The Scottifh Presbyterians , feafopably
forewarned of the, then , P. of 0.'s defigns to pofiefs himfelf of the Crowns otGreat Britain and Ireland, againft his coming, had adjufted their Methods for advancing their interefts , in fuch a iundure i and getting their beloved Parity Eftablilhed in the Church *, They were no fooner aflured that he was in fucfcefsful circumftances, than they refolved on putting their projects in execu- tion : The firft ftep was , in ane hurry to raife the Rabble , in the Weftem Counties , againft the Epifecpal Clergy, thereby, 'to
Confound , and^ put, all things , in Diforder ;
The next, itfeems, amidft fuchconfufion, to endeavour, by all means, to have them- selves elected members for the Meeting of gftates, which was to be at Edenbmgh, upon ;. ■ .the
i 257 )
the 14^ of March i68f . In both fteps the fuccefs anfvvered their wifhes ; and it hap- pened that they got, indeed, the prevailing fway in the Meeting : and in gratitude tq the 'Rabble which had done them fo furpt&tiig fervice , they tefolved not only to fet up Presbytery , but to fet it up on thisjW, That Prelacy was a great and infupportable Grievance and Trouble to the Nation , and contrary to the Inclinations of the Generality of the Peo- pie.
If this was not, to, that determined them to fet up their Government on this foot 5 I proteft I cannot ccnje&ure what it might be ,' that did it. Sure I am , there was no other thing done, then, that, with the leaft Ihew of probability could be called ane
Indication of the Inclinations of the People* They
could not colled: it from any clamours made , at that time , againft Prelacy , by
the Generality of the People $ There were DO
fuch clamours in the mouths of the twentieth fart o{ the People* They could not colled it from the Peoples feparation from the Epis- copal Clergy , during the time of K. f\s to- leration ; The t-enthpart of the Nation had not feparated. They could not colled it , from any Covetous iijpoption , they could reafona-
t)ly imagine, was, in the Generality of the
People, to make themfelves Rich by pofleffing
themfelves of the Revenues of Bijhopric\s\ They could not but know that 6 or 7000 U fter. was a forry moriel for fo many ap- petites 5 and they coitfd net bat know,
that
( 2*8 )
that when Prelacy (hould be aboliflied, few, and but a very few , could find advantage that way. They could not colleft it from any-fufpicions , the People could poflibly en- tertain that the Bi/hopso: the Epifcopal Clergy were inclining to turn Papifis 5 They could not but know that fmh had very far outdone the PresbyterianPreachers in their appearances
againft Popery. The Members of that Meet- ing of Efkates had received no inftru&ions frond their RefteUive Eletlors , either in Coun- ties or Burghs to turn down Prelacy zudfet up Presbytery ; I could name more than one or two, who , if they did not break their trufi , did, at leaft, very much Sfappoint their Electors , by doing fo. There were no Pe-
titions,x\0 Addrejfes prefented to the Meeting,
by the People, craving the Everfion of Prelacy, or the Eretthn of Presbytery- They never fo much as once offered at Polling the People about it. Shall I add further ? After it was done , they never received thanks from the
Generality of the People , for doing it. There
was never yet any thing like ane Vniverfal
Rejoycing amongft the People , that it was
done. They durft never yet adventure to
require from the Generality of the People , their Approbation of it. And now ,
If the Article was thus Eftabliftied , at
firft, intirely upon t\\Z foot of Rabbling the £- pifcopal Clergy in the West , I think 1 might reafonably fuperceed all further labour about thisControverfie ; For, not to mention that they were but the Rafcally fcum of thefe
Counties ,
0 *99 )
Counties, where the Rabbling was, who per- forata it 3 and that even in thefe Counties there are great numbers of "People, who ne- ver reckoned Prelacy a great and infupportable Grievance and Trouble 3 b'JC lived , and Could
have jftiH, lived , peaceably, and contented- ly under it , particularly the mod part of the Gentry. Not to infift on thefe things, I fay, but granting that all the People m thefe Counties had been inclined , as is affirmed in the Article ; yet , what were they to the -whole Nation ? Is it reafonable to judge of a
whole Kingdom by a corner of it ? To Call thefe
the fenriments of all the Kingdom , which were only the fentiments of four or five Counties ? But left I have miftafcen , in fixing on the Performances of the Wefiem Rabble, as the true foot of this part of rhe Article 3 I (hall proceed further , as I promifed.
The Article (however founded) thus fram'd and publifhed , furprized the Genera- lity of the People 5 It was thought very odd , Dot only that Prelacy (hould have been Abo- lifhed upon fuch j*^Reafons ; But that the
Inclinations of the Generality of the People (hould
have been pretended , at all , againft ic 5 Confidering how fenfible , all People were , that they had never been, fo much as once9 asked how they flood inclined in the matter. It came , therefore , to be; very much the fubjecl: of common difcourfe , if it really reaifo ? And many, who pretended to know the Nation, pretty well, were very con- fident
( 3<>o )
fident , it was not fo ; And began to admire the wifdom of the 'Meeting of Estates ^ that they (hould have aflerced a propofition , fo very Pefitively , which was fo very Queftiona- ble. In (hort, the noife turn'd fo great about it , that it could not be confined within the Kingdom , bur it pafled the Bor- ders y and fpread it (elf in England, particu- larly at London. This being perceived , one
of the Presbyterian Agents , there , (\ know
not who he was) fell prefencly on writing a Book , which he Entituled Plain Dealing ,
Or , A Moderate General Review of the Scott ijb Prelatical Clergy9 s , Proceedings in the Latter Reigns. Which was published in Augud , I thiok, or September 1 68 9 ; wherein, having faid what he pleafed , fehfe or nonfenfe , truth or falfhood , as he found it moft ex- pedient, for coming at his Conclufion, toward the end he gave his Arguments for his fide of our prefent Controverfic They were thefe two : Take them in his own words.
I- "There being 31 Shires or Counties , and two Stewar tries (comprehending the whole body of the Nation) that fend their Commijjioners or Re- preventatives to Parliaments , and all General Meetings of the Efiates or Conventions : Of thefe 34 Di ft rifts or Divifions of the Kingdom , there 4re 1 7 entirely Presbyterians 5 So that where you will find one 9 there, Epif cop ally inclined you'll find I jo Presbyterians : And the other 17 Di- vifions , where there is one Epifcopally inclined » :, ere are two Presbyterians*
2. Make
2i Ma\e but a calculation of the valued Rent of Scotland, computing it to be lefs or more , or computed, argumentandi gratia to be three Millions , and you mil find the Presbyterian He- ritors , whither of the Nobility or Gentry 3 to be proprietors and pojjejfors of two Millions and more% fo that thofe .that are Epifcopally inclined cannot have a third of that Kingdom : And as for the Citizens or Burgeffes and Commonalty of Scot- land , they are all Generally inclined to the Pres- byterian Government , except Papifis and fome Remote wild and Barbarous Highlanders , &C- And all this (he faith,) is fo true that it can be made appear to a Demonftration.
I am not at leifure to take fo much impu- dent trafh to task,: Only , he himfelf, if he knew any thing of Scotland , could not but know that , with the fame Moderation , he might have aflerted that all Scottifb Men
were Mongers > and all Scottifh Women , at
every Birth produced Soutrihins : And in- deed , as he had the hap to [tumble on two fuch Demonftrations , fo I believe , to this minute , he may have the happinefs to claim them as his property ; For I have never heard that any other of his Party ( no not G. R. himfelf) had the hardinefs to ufe them after him« However , fo far as I have learned , He was the firfi Author , whopublifhed any thing about this Controverfie.
The Presbyterian party having this adven- tured to Exercife the Prefs with it, one who intended to undeceive the world concern- ing fome Controverfics between the Epifio-
paliafii
( 302 5
patians and the Presbyterians in Scotland, di- gefted his Book into ten Queftions % and made the tenth concerning our prefent iubjed:
vi&* Whither Scottifl? Presbyterywa* agreeable to the General Inclinations of the People} Arguing
to this purpofe , for the Negative : " That " the Nobility of the Kingdom (a very few, u not above a dozen excepted,) had all fworn ° the Oath commonly called the Te& , " wherein all Fanatical principles, and Cove- htnam Obligations, were renounced and abju- tc red ; That not one of 40 of the Gentry but u had [worn it alfo; And not ?o in all Scot- u land ( out of the Weft ) did , upon the
"indulgence (granted by King J antes •, Anno
"1587.) forfake their Parifh Churches to " frequent Meeting-houfes 5 That the Gene- urality of the Commons live in Cities and Mar-
u cat Towns-, That all who could be of the
C( Common Council in filch Corporations , or U Were able to follow any ingenious trade ,
were obliged ro take the Tttt (and had generally done it) Thac the Clergy flood all for Epifcopacy 5 There being of about a
thou/and , fcarCely twenty Trimmers betwixt u the Bifhop and the Presbyterian Moderator 5 " which twenty together , with all the Pres-
€l byterian Preachers , could not make up the
"fifth part of fuch a number as the other fide €t amounted to : That in all the Vnher/it.ies, " there were not four Mafters , Heads or •c Fellows , inclined to Presbytery : That the
u Colleges of Juftice and Phyfic^, at Idenburgh
!! were fo averfe from it , that the Generality
( 3°3 )
" of them were ready , laft Summer (vU. " 1 689) to take Arms in defence of their* " Epifcopal Minifters , &c. This Boo\ was publiftied , I think , in the beginning of the year .-1*90.
What greater Demonflration could any Man defire of the truth of the Negative , if all here alleged was true? And what greater Argument > of the truth of every one " of the Allegations , than the Confeffion of a right uncourteous Adverfary ? G. R. I mean, who in Anfwer to this Book wrote his firjt Vindication of the Church of Scotland , as it is now by Law Eftabliftied, as he calls -it 5 Published at London , about the end of the year 1690 , and Reprinted at Edenburgh in the beginning of 1 69 1. But did he indeed acknowledge the truth of all the Allegations i Yes , he did it Notorioufly.
He yielded to his Adverfary all the gang
of the Clergy except a few 5 The Vniverfities, and the College of Jufiice , atleaft, as lately fiat^d:
He was not (6fran{ to part with the Phyfi- cians , indeed , becaufe, if we may take his word for it , There are not a few worthy Men of that faculty who are far from Inclinations to- -wards Prelacy : But he durft BOt fay , it feems , that either the major part or any thing near the half was for him. He alfo
yielded the Generlity of the Burgeffes.
All the dufi , he raifed , was about the
Nobility and Gentry 1 But what nafly dufi it
was , let any fennble man confider : As for the Nobility , he granted theje were only ,
afew
( 334 )
a few who too\ not the Tefi : But then , fie Had three things to fay , for them who took it.
I. They who took the Oaths , did not , by that , fhew their inclination fo much , 04 what they thought fa to comply with rather thanfuffer: But whacwtre they to fuffer if they took not the Oaths ? The lofs ef their vote in Parlia- ment , and a [matt fine , which was feldom , if at any time, exa&ed: But if they were to fuffer no more, could their Fears of
(nchf offerings , force them tO take Oaths fo contrary to their inclinations ? AbftradHng from
the impiety of mocking God, and the wretch- ednefs of cr offing ones %fo , which are con- fpicuousj infwearing againft mens perfwa-
IlODS, COUld fuch firings as thefe incline
any man to fwear to fupport ane intereft
which he lookt on &S fo great and infup porta- ble a Grievance and Trouble to the Nation ? But this is not all}, for he added : 2. How many of thefe 1 now, when there is* no force on them, fhew , that it was not choice but neeeffity that
led them that way} I know he meant, that many of thefe Nobles have now broken through chefe Oaths : Let them Anfwer for that : But what had he to do , in this cafe/ with his old friend Neeeffity ? What Neeeffi- ty can force a man to do ane ill thing ? Befides, can he prove that it was Choice^nd not that fame kind of Neeeffity , that led them in the way they have lately followed ? That men can be for this thing to day > and the con- trary to morrow , is a great preemption shat they do not much regard either ; Buc
I think
( 3°5 )
t think it will be a little hard to draw from it , that they look upon the one as a great and infuppor table Grievance more than the other* But the beft follows; 3. Many who feem U make Confcience ofthefe Bonds , yet (hew no in- clination to the thing they are bound to , except by the conflraint that they brought themfelves un- der. After this , what may not our Author make ane Argument , that Prelacy is fuch ane Hl-H^t thing, as he would have it f See- ing he has get even them to hate it , who are Confcientioufly for it ?
Neither is he lefs pleafant about tbeG*»- try; He acknowledges, they, as generally, took the Te'ft 5 which was enough for his Adverfary , as hath appeared. But how treats he the other Topick 5 about their not going to the Presbyterian Meetings , when they had King James his Toleration for it? Why? A filly Argument \ Why fo ? Ma± nydidgo 5 But did his Adverfary Uegroffehox. calumniate , when he faid, that not s° Gen~ tlemen in all the Kingdom fout of the Weft) forfook their Pari(h Churches and wene to Conventicles ? Our Vindicator durft not fay he did 5 And has he not made it evi- dent that it was a filly Argument* But, Moft other clave to the former way (he means the Epifcopal Communion, ) Becaufe the Law flood fork , and the Meeting- houfes fcem'd to be of uncertain continuance. But would they
have cleaved to the former w^ if they had
thought it a great and infupport able Grievance and 7ronbk} Would they have fo irotfed\h&t
tncl
Inclinations &% to have Adhered to theCom- munion of the Epifcopal Church , when it was evident the (ting was taken out of the Law , and it was not to be put in Execu- tion ? Were they fo fend or fo afraid of a lifelefs Law Of t may fo call it,) that they would needs conform to it , tho' they had no inclination for fuch conformity > Tho' what they conform'd with , in obedience
to that Law , was a great and infutfortable
Grievance to them ? Did our Author and his Party reckon upon thefe Gentlemen , then , as Presbyterians f And what tho' the Meetings feemd to be of uncertain continuance* Ho A7 many of the Presbyterian Party faid, in
thofe days , that they thought themfelves
bound to take fhe Benefit of the Toleration , tho' it fhould be but Qtfhort continuance} And
that they could return to the Church, when it (liould be retraced ? Might not all men have laid and done fo , if they had been as much Presbyterians? Tis true our Author has farce other things on this fubjeft in that firft Vindication : But I (hall confider them afterwards. This was G. R;$ firft Ejfay on this Controverlie. Another Parity man finding, belike, that
neither the Plain Dealer nor the Vindicator had gained much credit by their perfor- in ipees, thought it not inconvenient for the f his Sell to publifh a Book , End-
tilled", A further Vindication of the prefent Go~ ijernment of the Church of Scotland; And there-
o produce his Arguments for Determin- ing
( 307 )
ing this Controverfie: It was Printed in September , I think , in the year 1691. Tis true he wrote fomething like a Gentleman , and (pake difcreedy of the Epifcopal Clergy 5 He had no folding in his Book , and was infinitely far from G. R?s flat Railmfery : And I think my felf obliged to thank him for his civility. But after all this , when he came to his Arguments for proving the
point about the Inclinations of the People , I
did not think that he much helped the mat- ter. They were thefe two , (a) (*).$.*&
1. Tho the Bifhops were introduced in the year \66z> and did continue till the year 1 689. During which time , the far great eft part of all the Miniftery in Scotland was brought in , by themf elves , and tho they had obtained a Natio- nal Synod formed for their own interest , yet they durft never adventure to call it together , [0 diffi- dent were they even of thefe Minifters. And can there be a greater Demonftration (TayS he,) of the General inclination cf this Nation againft
Prelacy I But who fees not how many things are wanting , here , to make a proba- ble Argument , much more, a Demonftration} For who knows not that it was not in the Power of the Bifhops , but of the King , to Convocate a National Synod ? And who knOWS not , that Presbytsrian National Synods , had committed foch extravagances , as might have tempted any King , almoft , to have
little kindnefs for National Synods ? Again,
(nppofing the Bifhps might: have obtain 'icne?'
£? had been for it , buc would not ask
Xi Hi
( 3o8 ;
it , was there no other imaginable Reafon for their forbearing to ask one , but their Diffidence of the Minifters ? One living 24 or 18 years sgone might poffibly have (lift into fuch a miBakp ; Bat for one who wrote only in the year 1^9 1 , after it was vifible , nay fig^b remarkable , that of near to a thonfand Presbyters, not above fBwtfj had fal- len from the Epifcopal principles 5 But all had fo generally continued to Profefs them , and not only fo , bat to Profefs rhem amidft fo
many difcouragements , to Profefs them and /of- fer for them 5 After this. I fay,for any man
to found a Demon jlration for proving that /V*- /^<ry // contrary to the inclinations of the People , On the Bifliops averfenefs to a National Synod 5 and to found that averfenefs , on thediffidence
they had of the Presbyters, as if they had
dreaded, or had^mW !0 dread that the Pr*?/- ^r/ would hd.vefnbvertedthtir order if they
had got a National Synod, feems to me a very lingular undertaking. Sure I am , if there is any Demonftration here at all , it is that there was no great fiore of Demonftrations to be had for our Authors main Conclafion. Neither was his other Argument any (Iron- ger, which is this 5
-. This National Aver (ton is yet further De- monflrated from this , that albeit Prelacy had all the Statures that the Bifhops could dejtre on their behalf , and had them put in Execution with the txttmoft feverity , yet there was ever found, a r.eceffjy to keep up a /landing Army to uphold them , and to fuppre/s the Averfion of the People 5
And
And notwithftanding thereof there were frequent Infurrettions and Rebellions Now who lees DOC the rveakyefs of this Demonftration ? For who
knows not that a fmall part of a Nation by their notorious Vngovemabknefs , and their habitual Propenftties to Rebel , may oblige the Government to keep op a tittle /landing Ar- my, fuch as ours in Scotland wa% for fuppref- fing them, if, at any time, they (hould break, out into a Rebellion ? The party, I think, can have but little credit from fuch Demon ft ra- tions : For this Demonftration muft either fup- pofe ihzXnone in the Nation are apt to Rebels except Presbyterians, and tkeyf tOO, only upon th$ head Of Church Government •-, Or it C2n
conclude nothing ; For if Presbyterians can Rebel upon other Reafons, tho' they make this the main, the fpecious,the clamourous Pre- text , as, I doubt not, their Democratic at principles may incline them to do , upon oc- cafion ; Or, if others thm facere Presbyte- rians Can venture On the horrid fin of Rebellion*
there is ftill Reafon for the ftanding Army. Befides , v/lmgaM they by thefe their ft-
qttent Infttrrefl ions and Rebellions ? Were tf.ey not eafily and readily cmftit by the reft of the Nation ? But if fo , I think , j£ there is any Argument here at all, it concludes ano- ther way than our Author defignM ir. But ic is not worth the while to. iafift longer on this Argument. Only ,
If it is a good one , The Biflbops and
their Adherents have Reafon to thank our
Author for (hewing them the way, how
' X i ' they
( 3*o )
ihcy may have their Government reftored \ For by this way ofreafoi^ing they have no ftioreco do but fall upon the Knack of rai- ling frequent Injurretlions and Rebellions ,
againft the prefenc Government 5 And then their work is done : For thus a Vemonft ra- tion (hall befriend them ; this , when there is
2 necefjlty of keeping up a ftanding Army to
fitpport Presbytery , becaufe of frequent /»-
(urreUions and Rebellions , r^ifed on its ac- count 5 It IS a 'Demonstration that it is a great and infuppor table Grievance and Trouble to the Nation > and contrary to the inclinations of the Generality of the People , and therefore if ought U be Abolifhed. The truth is ,'fudl reafon- in^s ate not only Sophiftical , but dangerous 3
They are founded upon the principles of Re- . bellion *, and they tend diredily and natu- rally towards Rebellion ; And they ought to be noticed by every wife Government: And fo I leave this Author.
The next Paper-combat I Qiall take notice of, was between the Author of the third
Letter in the Pamphlet , called ane Account of the prefent Perfection of the Church in Scotland, i&c. publifhed Anno 1690. And G. R. in his Second Vindication publifhed towards the end of the year 1 691.
The Epiftler, as <7. R. is fometimes plea- fed to call him , had craved a Poll, deem- ing it , it feems , the only proper method for coming at a fure account of the inclina- tions of the generality of the People $ and I think "
ht had Reafon ; For if matters muftgoby
• - ' ■ the
f'?l"lj
the inclinations of the People °\t Isjftfi to ask the Peopleabotit their inclinations.But would G.R.
allow him this Demand,which had fo much of plain equity in it? No, His talk (fays he)
of putting the Matter to the poll 1 neglect as ane impracticable fancy, (b) But who fees not(b) %d.
that this was plain Tear to put it upon fuch Viud. sd ane Ijfue \ What imaginable impoffibility , k«t. h or abfurdity, or difficulty , or inconvenien- ' s' cy could make polling., upon this account,
Impracticable f Was it not found practicable enough, in the days of the Covenant, when the veriefl child , if he Could write his own Name, was put to it to fubfcribe it ? What
ftiould make it more impracticable to foil the
Kingdom, for finding the Peoples inclinations, about Epijcopacy and Presbytery, than it W3S to levy Hearth-money from the whole King- dom ? Is it not as practicable to pel! the King- dom about Church Government , as to pott it, for railing the prefent fubfidy , which is iai- pofed by poll? I am apt to believe/^ inclina- tions of the Generality of the People WOttld have been as much fatisfiedtf polling had beenredu* ced to practice on the one accounts the other. That fame Epifller , in that fame Epiftle, adduced another Argument which was to this porpofe : " That in the years 1687 and ' 1688 , when the Schifm was in its Eleva- cc tion, there were but tome three or four il Presbyterian Meeting- houfes ere&ed on the " North fide of the Tay , if. e. in the greater "half of the Kingdom 5 And thefe too, "very little frequented or encouraged; and X 4 %t that
( 3™ )
P that on the South fide of that River (except
efc in the five dffociateh Shires in the Weft) the c' *JWman was never engaged in the Schifm. This was Matter olFaft : And if true , a {olid Demonftranon that Prelacy and the S*-
periority of any Office in the Church , above Pres- byters wa* nor , then , 4 £r^ #«^ infuppor -table Grievance and Trouble to the Nation and contra" ry to the inclinations of the gent rdlitj of the People:
bee I . wis t it .ginable when there Ample Toleration
fuch ane Abjoiua an Liberty>nay
fo much notorious encouraj ivenby
the, then, Government to feparan ....
the Epijcopal Communion , that io /<?w fliould
have done ic ? Whofo pleafed might, then, have, fafely, and without the leaft profpeft of worldly hazard,joyn'd the Presbyterians : yet fcarcely a fifth or a fixth part of the Na- tion did it. I am not fure that the nature of the thing was capable of a clearer evi- dence, Unlefs it had be^n put to (he impralli-
cable Fancy* Let us next confider G. £/s An* jwers, and judge, by them, if the Epi filer was wrong as to the matter of i^tf.Hehath fome iwo or three : we (hall try them feverally. The Krfit to the purpofe , is, If there
he many in the Northern parts , who are not for presbytery \ there are m few for the prefent fettle-
fient of the State. To what purpofe is the prefent fettlement of the* State forced in here? Was the Controverfie between him and his Adverfary concerned in it, in the leaft ? ^Vhat impertinent Anfwering is this ? is
there
- (r 3*3 )
there fo much as onefyliabie here that Contra-
dills the Epiftlers pofition ? But
z. We affirm (Tays G. R. ) and can make it appear not only that there are many in the North , who appeared z>ealoufly for Presbytery y as was evident by the Members of Parliament , wh* came pom thefe parts : Very few of them were other wife inclined , and they made a great figure in the Parliament for fettling both the State and
the church. If one were put to it to examine this Anfwer particularly and minutely , I think he might eafily make even G'. R. him- felf wi(h that he had never meddled with it: It were no hard task to give a juft account how it only happened that there wasfo much as one Northern member (who was not fuch
by birth) of the Presbyterian perfwafion , in
the Meeting of Efiates : It were as eafy to reprefent what Figures fome of them made , Or can readily make, Vncouth Figures , truly : All this were very eafy, I fay , if one were put to ic : But as it is not feafonable, fo it is not needful: For 'tis plain,ndthing,here,con- tradifts the Epifllers pofitioa-Tho' the North- em members,of the Presbyterian perfwafion, had been twice as many as they were > and tho' they had made greater figures than can be precer*ded-,yet,itmay be very true that there were fo few feparatifis in the Northern Coun- ties , as the Epiftler affirmed there were. And for the refpedl G.R. owes to his North-
srn Friends and Figure-makers , I would ad-
vife him never again toiafift on fuch a ten- der point ; And fo I leave it , and proceed to what follows. 3. There
( 3i4')
$• There are very many Allmfiers in the. North (and People that own them) who , tho they fsrved under Epifcopacy , a' t willing to joy n with the Presbyterians \and whom the Presbyterians are ready to receive when occafion (hall be given , and ihofe of the beft Qualified among them. How
fuch Minifters as have joyn'd, or are ready to joyn with the Presbyterians,can be called the beft Qualified amongft the Epifcopal
Clergy, fo long as integrity of life> conflancy itl adhering to true Catholic^ Principles , ane hearty abhorrence of Schiftn , Cotfcievce of the Religion of ' Oaths , Self- deny at > taking up the
Crofs patiently and chearfully , and prefer- ring Chriftian Honour and innocence CO worldly
conveniences , can be (aid to be amongft the hft Qualifications of a Chriftian Minifter, I cannot underftand. I vinderftand as little what ground our Author h3d , for talking fo confidently about thefe Northern Mini- fters •• Sure lam, he had no fure ground to fay fo 5 And I think the tranfa&ions of the laft General Amenably , and theunfuccefs- fulnefs of Mr. Meldrums Expedition to the North , this Summer , aA^e Demonftrations that he had no ground at all to fay fo ; But whatever be of thefe things , I defire the Reader to confider , impartially , whither (fuppofing all were uncontroverted truth , our Author afferts fo confidently , here , ) this Anfwer convells the Matter of Fall aflerted by the Author of the Letter} What is there here that looks like proving that the SMfm was greater in the North , than was
aflerted
( 315 )
aflertsd by the Epi filer ? Or what is there here that can by any colour of confequence infer that Prelacy in thefe Northern parts
Was a great and infupportable 'trouble andGrie- v an ce, and contrary to the Inclinations of the Gene- rality of the People ? Doth not our Author acknowledge that thefe Minifters ferved under Epifcepacy , and that their People own'd them , without any Reluttancies cf
Conference ?
But the Eptfiler had faid there were not above 3 or 4 Presbyterian Meeting- houfes on the
North fide of the Tay , and the Vindicator fays
they far exceeded that number. How eafy had
it been for the Vindicator to have given as the Definite number of Presbyterian Meeting- houfes , in thefe parts , during the time of the above-mentioned Toleration ?. He who was fo very exaft to have his informations from all corners , might, one would think, have readily fatisfied himfelf in this inftance, and fairly fixt one tie on the Epiftler : And is it not a great preemption that the Epifi- ler was in the Right, and that the Vindicator , who was fo anxious to have all his Adver- saries Liers, was hardly put to it in this Matter ? When he could do no more thaa oppofe ane Indefinite number to the Epifikrs Definite one ? For my part I think it not worth the while to be pofitive about the precife number 5 But I can fay this without Hefitation, that all who feparated from their Pariflh Churches , on that fide the River % would not have filled four ordinary Meetings houfes. From
( lii )
From what hath? been faid , I think 'tis clear , the Epifiler was honeft enough in his reckoning for the North fide of the Tay. Can all be made as fafe on the South fide ? The Epifiler had faid , that (except in the
Wefi) the third Man was never engaged in the Schifrn : G. R. Anfwers , We know no Schifm hut what was made by his party : But that the plurality did not fuffer under the horrid perfec- tion raifed by the Bijhops , Doth not prove that they were not inclined to Presbytery ; But either that many Presbyterians had freedom to hear Epif- copal Minifters , or that all were not refolute enough to fufferfor their principle \ So that this is no Rational way of judging of the Peoples inclina- tions* I will neither engage , at prefent , with him , in the Queftion , who is the Scottifh Schifmatick) Nor digrefs to the point of the horrid Perfection raifed by the Bifhops : Another occafion may be as pro- per for them -• Bur I defire the Reader again, to confider this Anfwer , and judge , if it keeps not a pretty good diftance from the Efiftlers pofition ? Is any thing (aid , here , that contradids, that looks like contradict- ing the Matter of F*#? What new falhion of Anfwering , is this , to talk whatever comes in ones head, without ever offering to attack the ftrength of the reafoning he undertakes to difcufs?
By this Tafte the judicious Reader may competently judge which is the right fide of the prefent Controverfie ; and withal, if I miftakenot, he mayguefsif the Presbyteri- an
r 317)
an £Hin Scotland was not well provided when ic got G. R. for its Vindicator. Shall he furni(h thee , O patient Reader , with any more divertifement 5 If thou canft pro- mife for wyt*ki'ence\ can promife for G.R. This Learned Gentleman found himfelf to puzzled , ic feems, about this part of the Article , that he was forced to put on the Fools-cap, and turn Ridiculous to mankind : However , it was even better to be that than to yeild info weighty a Controverfie; than to part with the Inclinations of the People, that Artictilus Stantis & Cadentis Eeclefiez
But is there a Play to fucceed worthy of all this Prologue ? Confider and judge.
He has fo limited and reftri&ed the Ge- nerality of the People , to make his caufe fome way defenfible , that * for any thing I know , he has confin'd them all within his own doublet : At leaft , he may do it , before he (hall need to yeild any more , in his Argument: He is at this trade of limit- ing in both his Vindications* (a) I (hall Caft 00 1. them together , that the world may confider Xin£ ad
1. There are many ten thoufands who are in- Anfwer to concerned about Religion , both in the greater and Letter 3. the lejfer truths of it t, And it is woft irrationals 4.
to confider them in this ^ueftion.
2. There are not a few who are of opinion , that Church-Government, as to the fpecies of it, is indifferent : Thefe ought not to be brought into the reckoning*
?, There
C 318 ;
3. There are not a few , whofe light and con- fcience do not incline them to Epifcopacy , who are yet zealous for it , and againft Presbytery 5 Be- caufe , under the one , they are not centered, for their immoralities , as under the other , Thefe ought to be excluded alfo. So ought all
4. Who had a D even dance on the Courts
And
5. All who had a Depeniance on the Pre" lates*
6. All Popi fiily Ajfecled, and who are but Proteflants in Mafquerade.
7. All Enemies to K. W- and the prefeni Government,
I am juft to him 5 all thefe Exclufions out of the reckoning he has, if he hasuot more$ And give him thefe , and he dares affirm ,
That they who are Confcientioufly for Prelacy , are (0 few in Scotland, that not one of many hun- dreds or Thoufands is to be found 5 I Vind» They who are for Epifcopacy are not one of a Thoufand in Scot land $ 2. Vind. Now , not to fall On
examining his Limitations fingly , becaufe that were to be lick of his own difeafe*
In the firft place , one would think , if he had been allowed his Limitations , he might , in all Confcience , have fatisfied himfelf without beggingthej^veftion to boot 5 Yet , even that he has molt covetoufly done 5 For , I think the j2#efiio* was not , who were Confcientioufly for Prelacy or inclined for Epifcopacy ? But , whither Prelacy and
the Superiority of any Office in the Church above Predytcrs was a great and infit portable Grie- vance
( 3*9 )
vance and Trouble to the Nation , and contrary to tfce inclinations of the Generality of the People ?
And there is fome difference , as I take it , between thefe £>ueftions. But let him take the State of the gueftion ; if he muft needs have it, I can (pare it to him : Nay , if it can do him fervice , I can grant him yec more : When the Matter comes to be tryed by this his Standard, I (hall 6e fatisfied that it fall to his (hare to be judge •, He (hould underftand his own Rule beft 5 and Co may be fitteft for fuch Nice Decifions , as a point fo tender muft needs require 5 Tho', I think. He may take the flwt cut , as we fay , and give his own judgment without more ado 5 For thither it muft recur at laft ; Only I cannot guefs why he excluded all Peftfhly affetled, &C- Was it to let a friend go with a fee ? I think he might have learned from Hiftory , ""if not , from Experience , that Papiftshave been amongft the btR fiends to his Interefts 5 and very ready to do his party fervice upon occafion , which , it is not to be thought they would have done fox nothing* But however this is ,
Having granted him fomuch, I think, he is bound to grant me one little thing ; I Ask^it of him only for peace \ I can force it from him , if I pleafe : It is , that all his Limitations , ReftriblionS) Exclufionsy Caftings-
out', Settings- a fide , or what ever he pleafes to call them , were adduced by him for fetting the Article in its Native and proper light , and as it ought to be understood 5
Bat,
( 320 )
But , if fo , I cannot think he himfelf can repute it unfair dealing , to give the world a fair view of the Article as thus explained and enlightened : And fo digefted , it muft run to this purpofe , as 1 take it.
That Prelacy and the Superiority of any Office in the Church above Presbyters js, and hath beeny a great and infupportable Grievance, and Trouble to thu Nation, and contrary to the inclinations of the Generality of the People ; Excluding from this Generality of the People , i . All thefe many ten thoufands of the People , who are Unconcerned about Religion both in the greater and lejfer truths of it- 2. All thefe many of the People who are of opinion that Church-Government , as to the fpecies cf it , is indifferent* 3. All thefe other many of the People yvhofe Light and Confcience do not incline them to Epifcopacy , who are yet z-ea- lorn for it , and againfi Presbytery , becaufe , under the one , they are not cenfnredfor their im- moralities , as under the other* 4. All fuch of the People as had any dependance on the Court. %. Or on the Prelates. 6. Or are Popifbly affell- ed7 and Protestants only in Mafquerade. Arid 7. All fuch as are Enemies foICW. and the prefent Civil Government 5 Ever fince the Refor- mation : (They, i. e. fuch of the People , as are not excluded , from the Generality of the People , by any of the aforefaid Exceptions ^having Reform- ed from Popery by Presbyters) and therefore it ought to be Abolifbed.
So the Article muft run , I fay , when duely Enlightned by our Authors Gkffes 5 and when a New Meeting of Eftates (hall fettle
another
( 32i )
SftOther New Government , aod put fuch aflC Article in another New Claim of Right , I do
hereby give my word, I fhall fitit be the frft that lhall move Controverfles about it: But til] that is done , G. R. muft allow me the ufe of a certain fort of Liberty I have ,
of Thinking , at leaft , that his wits were a •wool-gathering (to ufe him as mannerly as Can
be done by one of his own Complements) when he (pent fo many of hkfweet words (another of his Phrafes) fo very pleafant- lh
Thus did G* R. defend this part of the Article againft die Arguments of his Adver- faries; But did he produce ^none , for his own fide of the Controverfie ? Yes , one , and only one, fo far as I can remember. It Is«in h'is Anfwer to the firft of the four Let- ters, $. 7. The Letter written by the A67i- tary chaplain, as he was pleafed to call him.
This Military Chaplain had faid , That the Church Party was Predominant in this Nation both for Number and Quality. That it is not [0 (fays G. R. ) is evident fi'om the Constitution of
cur Parliament : This is the Argument. Now, not to enter upon dangerous orundatiful Queftions about Parliaments $ I fhall fay no more at prefent but this •, When G. R, (hall make it appear that all the Ads and Deeds of the prefent Parliament have been, all alongft , agreeable to the lnclinatiom
of the Generality of the People^ or when he
(ball fecure the other part of the Article
Y againft
( 322 )
againft the Dint of this his own good Argu- ment ; I mean , when he (hall make it ap- pear that fuch reafoning is firm and folid > in the prefent cafe , and withal, (hall make it appear , that the Deeds and AEls of twenty
[even Parliaments (he knOWS Well enough
who numbred them to him) Ratifying and confirming Epifcopacy , cannot , or ought not to amount to as good ane Argument
for the Inclinations of the Generality of the Teo»
fk in former times : When he (hall make thefe things appear , I fay , I {hall , then x thmk a little more about his Argument. This I think is enough for him. At prefent I (ball confider it no more $ Only , now that he hath brought the prefent Parliament up- on ihe ftage, I will take occafion to propofe fome few Queftions , which the minding of it fuggefts to me : and I ferioufly defire ( not G< R. but ) fome truly fenfible , ingenious , and fober perfon of the Presby- terian perfwafion * Some perfon who had opportunity to know how matters went, and fc head to comprehend them , and who has Candour and Conference to relate things as they truly were , or are ; To gjve plain , frank, dired and pertinent anfwers to them, fpeaking the fenfe of his heart , openly, and diftin&ly , without mincing , and without tergiversation. My Queftions (hall not , in the leaft touch the Dignity or Authority of the Parliament: All I defign them for, is 10 bring Light to the prefent Controverfie. And I ask >
1. Whi-
( 3^3)
i. Whither the Presbyterian party did not exert and concenter , all their Wic and Force , all their Counfel andjCunning, all their Art and Application , all their Skill and Conduct in Politicks , both before and in the beginning of the jlate Revolution , for getting a Meeting ofEfiates formed for their purpofes ?
iu Whither the Univerfal Vnhinging of ail things, then, and the general Surprize, Confufion and Irrefolution of the reft of the Nation , occafioned thereby , did not contribute extraordinarily for furthering the Presbyterian Defigns and Projects .?
B. Whkher, notwithftanding all this, when the Eftates firft met , they had not both great , and well-grounded fears that their Projects might mifcarry, and they might be outvoted 'in the Meeting*.
4. Whither very many , very confide- rable Members had not deferted the Honfe before it was thought feafonable to offer at putting the Article about Church Government in the Claim of Right ?
5- Whither , tho' they got this Article thrufi into the Claim of Right, and made pare of the Original Contratt between King and People, in the Month of April 1689. They were not, to their great grief, difappoint- ed of the Eftablifliment of their Form of Church- Government mth& fir ft Seflion of Parliament holden in June 3 &c that fame year-
4 Whither in the beginning of the next Y 2 Seflion
( ?24 ) .
Seffion (which was in April I rfpoj" they were not under very dreadful apprehenfions of another difappointment f And whither they would not have been very near to , if not in , a ftate of Defpair , if all the. Anti- Presbyterian Members had unanimoufly cop- veen'd , and fate in Parliament ?
7. After they had recovered from thefe fears , and when they had the courage to propofe the Eftablifhment of their Govern- ment , and it came to be voted m the Houfc t ask , if it was any thing like a full Houfe ? Plainly , if a third part of thofe who might have f <te as Members , were pre< fent ?
8. Whither all thofe Members who voted for it at that time, can be faid to have done
it from a Principle of Confidence , or a firm perfwafiOn, they had, that Prelacy was a great and infuppor table Grievance and Trouble to the Nation , and contrary to the Inclinations of the Generality of the People? Or whither it may be faid without Breach of Charity 3 that not a few (of the few) voted fo mainly from other principles, fuch as Complyance with fome
Leading Statesmen ? &c.
9. Whither thofe of the Presbyterian perfwafion , after they found that they had prevailed in the Parliament, did not pro- ceed to make the A<3,obligingali Perfons in ptiblick Stations to fign the Declaration cal- led the A$urance , as much , if not more , for fecuring the Government in their own bands, and keeping OUt Ami Presbyterians ,
than
(3*5 )
than for ftrengthning K. Wh iaterefls ?
io. Whither they had not in their prof- ped, the great difficulty of getting Presby- terian Minifters planted in Churches, if Patronages (hould continue, when they made the Ad depriving Patrons ofthefe their Rights ? And whither they had not in their profped the as great difficulties of get- ting fuch Minifters planted , if (according to the true Presbyterian principles , at leaf? pretentions) the calling of a Minifter, (hould have depended upon tbe .plurality of voices in the Parifb , when they confented to fuch a Model for calling of Minifters as was Eftablilhed in that fame Seffion of Parlia- ment ?
ii. Notwithftanding that Ad of Parlia- ment which Abolifhed Patronages did noto- rioufly encroach upon the Peoples power , Le» gatedto them by Chrift , in his TTeftament, according to the Genuine Presbyterian prin- ciples , by putting the Real power of calling Minifters in the hands of the Prefhytery , for thegreaterExpedkiooand fecurity of getting Presbyterian Minifters planted in Churches; notwithftanding all this , I fay , I ask , whither they did not meet with many dif- ficulties , and much impediment and oppo- fition in the plantation of fuch Minifters iq very many Parithes ? In confequence of this; I ask ,
12. Whither it was not the fenfe of thefe difficulties and oppoiitions which fo fre- quently encumbred them 5 that made the
. Y 3 Pns
( 3** )
Presbyterian Mimflers , fo notorioufly, betray
their trufi which they pretend to have , as
Confervators of the Liberties and Privileges of
Chrifis Kingdom and P«pfc, when they con- tented , that , in the last Seffion of Parlia- ment, Chrtffls Legacy (hould be fo clogg'd and limited , as that none (hall have Power of giving zwV<? in the calling of Minifters , till they ihaJI fir ft [wear the Oath of Allegiance and Jign the Jtfurance.
13. Andlaftly, I ask, whither our Pres- byterian Brethren would be content that all that has been done in reference to Church Matters , fince the beginning of the late Revolution, (hould be lookt upon as undone ; and that the (ettkment of the Church (hould, again , depend upon a new , free , uncloggd ,
nnfrelimitei) mover- awed Meeting of Eft ate si
I am very much per f waded, that a plain, candid , impartial , and ingenuous Refolu- tion , of thefefew Queftions, might go , very far, in the Decifion of this prelent Controverfie .- And yet after all this labour fpent about it, I muft confefs, I do not reckon, it was, in true value, worth three* teen fentences : As^perchance may appear , in part , within a little. And fo I proceed to
The
(327)
The Fifth Enquiry. *
Whither , fuppofing the Affirmatives in the proceeding Enquiries had been true , they would have been of Juffi- cient force , to infer the t onclufion advanced in the Articles , viz. that Prelacy 0 &c. ought to be Abolifbed ?
THe Affirmatives are thefe two ; »« That Prelacy wo* a great and Infupportahle Grie- vance , &c. 2. That this Church was Reformed by Presbyters: The purpofe of this Enquiry is to try if phefe were good Reafons for the Abolition of Prelacy? without further Addrefs, I think they were not 5 Not the
Fir ft , VIZ. Prelacy's being a great and infup- portable Grievance and Trouble to 'this Nation , and contrary to the Inclinations of the Generality
of the People, Sure I ara ,
1. Our Presbyterian Brethren had not this way of Reafoning from our Reformers^ For , I remember John Knox , in his Letter
to the Queen Regent of Scotland , (a) rejected (a) Kn- it with fufficient appearances of Keennefs and Ap. 9* Contempt $ He called it a Fetch of the Devils, to blind Peoples eyes, with fuch aSopbifm$
To make them look On that Religion as rnoft perfetl , which the Multitude , by wrong cufiom, have embraced , or to ID (inflate, that it is impoffibk that that Religion (bould be fatftv
Y 4 Vfh-
( 3*8 )
which fo long time , fo many Councils , and fo gnat a Multitude of men have Authorised and confirmed* &C For (Tays he) if the opinion of the Multitude ought ah ays to be preferred, then did God injury to the Original world 5 For they were all of one mind, to wit , conjured against God, except Noah and his family. And I have
fhewed already that the Body oi owe Refor- mers , in all tneir Petitions for Reformation , made the word of God , the Pra&ices of the Apoftles, the Cathqlick Sentiments and Principles of the Primitive Church , &c and not the inclinations of the People , the Rule of Reformation. Nay ,
2. G* R. himfelf is not pleafed with this Standard 5 He not only tells the world, That
Presbyterians wifhed and endeavoured that that (b) 2. Phrafe might not have been ufed as it was 5 (b) Vind. in Bathe ridicules it in his firft Vindication, io Anfw. to Anfwer to the tenth ggeftion , tho* he made
Lect. B-§- himfelf ridiculous by doing it, as he did it. V The Matter is this : The Author of the ten
£>ueftions finding that this Topic^the incli- nations of the People , was iofifted on in the Article as ane Argumeat for Abolifhing Prelacy , undertook to Democftrate that , tho' it were a good Argument , it would not be found to conclude as the Formers of the Article intended ; Aiming, unqueftionably, at no more, than that it was not true , thac
Prelacy wasfuch a great and infupportable Grie- vance , &c and to make good his under- taking ; He formed his Demonftration, as J have already accounted. Now hear
G, Ra
( 3*9 )
G. R* It is a new Topick^ (Tays he) not often u/ed before , that fuch a re ay of Religion is left , be- caufe , &C. This his Difiourfe will equally prove that Popery is preferable to Proteflantifm ; For
in France, Italy, Spain, &c. not the Multi- tude only , but all the Churchmen , &C. are of that way. Thus , I fay , G. R- ridiculed the
Argument , tho3 he moft ridicuhufty fancied , he was ridiculing his Adverfary , who never dream'd that it was a good Arguments But could have been as ready to ridicule it, as another: However, I muftconfefs G. r. did indeed treat the Argument juftly ; For
B- Suppofing the Argument good , I cannot fee how any Church could ever have Reformed from Popery: For I think, when
Luther began in Germany , or Mr. Patrick. Ha- milton in Scotland fx Zuinglitu or Oecolompadim or Calvin , &c. in their refpe&ive Coun- treys and Churches, they had the inclinations of the People generally againft'them : Nay, if I miftake not, our Saviour and his Apoftles found it fo too, when they at firft undertook to propagate our Holy Religion ; and per- chance , tho' the Chriftian Religion is now Generally Profefled in moft Nations in Europe. , fome of them , might befoon Rid of it, if this Standard were allowed to take place.
I have heard of fome who have not been well pleafed with Saint Paul for having the word, Bifhep, fo frequently in his Language; and 1 remember to have been told that one 9
(not
( 330 )
(not ane Zfrlearnd one,) in a Conference , being preft with a Teftimony of Irenes (in his 3 Cap. 3 Lib. Advcrfus Her.) for ane uninterrupted Succeffion of Bifhops in the Church ofRome , from the Apoftles times atfirft, denyed confidently that any fuch thing was to be found in lrenaus ; and when the Book was produced , and he was convinced by ane ocular Demonftra- tion that Irenaus had the Teftimony which was alleged, he delivered himfelf to this
pUrpofe, I fie it is there , Brother, but would to God it had not been there ! Now , had thefe
People , who were thus offended with S;. Paul and Irenaus , been at the writing of their Books, is it probable , we (hould have had them (with their Imprimatur) as ive have them l Indeed, for my part I (hall never confent that the Bible , efpecially the New Teftament , be Reformed according to (ome Peoples inclinations : For if that fhould be allowed , I (hould be very much affraid, there would be ftrange cutting and carving : I (hould be very much aftraid , that the
Jhtlrine of f elf- prefer vation (hould juftlc OUt , the Dollrine of the Crofs ; That Artght {\\Ou\d
find more favour than Right , that the Force and Tower {hould poflefs themfelves of the places, of the Faith Odd Patience of the Saints, and that (befide many other places,) we might foon fee our laft, of (at leaft) the firfi
fevtn verfes of the 1 yh Chapter to the Romans.
I (hall only add one thing more , which C.R\ naming of France gave me occafion to
think
( 33* )
think on : It is that the French King and \A% Ministers , as much as fome People calk of their Abilities , muft , for all that , be, but of the ordinary Size of Mankind 5 For , if they had been as wife and thinking men , as fome of their Neighbours, they might have eafily ftopt all the mouths that were opened againft them fome years ago , for their P<?r- fecming the Proteftants in that Kingdom ; For if they had but narrated in ane EStt ,
that the Religion cf the Hugonots , was , and had flill been a great and in fuppor table Grievance and 'Trouble to their Nation, and contrary to the Inclinations of the Generality of the 'People , ever fince it was Profejfed among ft them, their work
was done. I believe G. /?. himfelf would not have called the Truth of the Preoption in Queftion.
How eafy were it to dwell longer on this fubjedt ? But I am affraid , I have no- ticed it too much already 5 To conclude then 5 What is this Standard , elfe , than
the Fundamental principle of Hobbifm , that Holy Scheme for Brutalizing Mankind , and making Religion., Re3fon , Revelation , every thing that aims at making men Man- ly , to yeild unto , at leaft , to depend on , the Frisks oiFlefh and Blood , or , which is all one, Arrant fenfe and ungovernable Pafflon ? And fo I leave it. But is the Second Reafin any better ? If this Church had been Reformed by Presbyters , would that have been a good Ar- gument for Abolifking Prelacy ? Who fees not
that it is much about the fame Size with the
former ?
( 33* )
former ? Indeed I am apt to think, had the feveral Churches in the world erefted their Governments , by this Rule , we fhould have had fome pretty odd Conftitutions 5 Thus , the Church colle&ed > of old , amongft the Indians , by Frumentius and v£defas, fhould have been Govern d ftill by Laicks ; For Frumentius ar\d<Aidefius were no more thanE*/^/ when they firft convert- ed them. Thus all Xaverius\ Converts and their Succeflbrs fhould have been al- ways Govern'd by Jefmtsy For 'tis paft Controverfie Xaverius was a Jefuit. Thus the Churches of Iberia and Moravia fhould have been Govern'd by Women ; For if we may believe Hiftorians, the Gofpel got firft footing in thefe parts , by the Miniftery of Females. Indeed , if the Argument has any ftrengthatall , it feems ftronger for thefe
Conftitutions , than for Preshtery , in Scot-
&W,inafmuch as it is more toConvert Infidels, than only to Reform a Church, which, tho* Corrupt 9 is allowed to be Chriflian. Nay ,
which is more and WOrfe , more contrary to the Inclinations of Scotch Presbyterians , and worfe for Scotch Presbytery.
By this way of Reafoning , Epifiopacy ought ftill , hitherto , to have continued , and hereafter , to continue the Government of the Church of England ; Becaufe, that Church was Reformed , by her Bi/hops. But, if fo , what can be faid for the Solemn League and Covenant} How (hall we defend our lorty-three-wen and all the Covenanting work.
of
( 333 )
of Reformation , in that Glorious Period > And if it muft continue there , what con- ftant Perils muft our Kirk needs be in, efpe- cially fo long as both Kingdoms are under one
Monarch ?
.What I have faid , I think , might be enough , in all Confcience , for this Fifth Enquiry 3 But becaufe it is obvious to the mod overly Obfervation , that the Framers of the Article have not been fo much con- cerned for the firength and folidity of the Reafons , they choofed for fupporting their Conclufion, as for their Colour and Aptitude to catch the vulgar , and influence the po- pulace ; and becaufe our Presbyterian Brethren have of a long time been , and dill are, in ufe, to make zealous Declamations and huge noifes about Succefliorr to our Reformers ; Becaufe the clamour , on all occafions, that thofe who ftand for Epifco- pacy have fo much forfaken the principles
and maximes of the Reformation , that they Pay our Reformers fo little Refpetl and De- ference •, That they have Secret Grudges , at the Reformation 5 That they would willingly return to Popery ; And what not > Whereas,
they themfelves have a Mighty Veneration for thofe who Reformed the Church of Scotland*,
They are their, only, true, and Genuine Succejfors ; They are the only Men who ftand on the foot of the Reformation , the onlyy/»- cere and Wf-Proteftants , the only Real Enemies to Antichrifl , &c. For thefe Rea^ fons, I fay , I (hall beg the Readers pa- tience
( 334 )
tience tiii I have difcourfed this point i little farther And to deal frankly and plainly ,
In the firft place , I own , thofe of the Epifcopal perfwafion in Scotland, do not chink themfelves bound to maintain all the
principles , or embrace all the fentiments , or justify all the Practices of OUr Reformers. ?Tis true , I fpeak only from my felf 5 I have no Commifliion from other men to tell their fentiments ; Yet I think the Generality of my Fathers and Brethren will notbe offend- ed , tho* I fpeak in the Plural number , and take them into the reckoning. And there- fore , I think , I may fafely fay,
Thorpe think, our Reformers, confideriflg
their Education and all their difadvantages, were very confiderable men , and made very confiderable progrefs in Reforming the Church , yet we do not believe , they had ane immediate allowance from Heaven for all they faid , or did : We believe they were not endued with the Gifts of infalli- bility, inerrability or impeccability : We believe (and they believed fo themfelves) that they had no Commiflion,noAuthority, to Eftablifh new Articles of Faith, or make new Conditions of Salvation ; We believe they had no Power , pretended to none , for receding from the Original and immo- vable Standard of Chriftian Religion. In confequence of this ,
We believe and are confident , that where they miffed (and being Fallible, "n was
very
( 335 )
very poffible for them to do it) of Conformity to that Standard , we are at Liberty to think otherwife , than they thought 5 to Profefs otherwife than they profeffed 5 We are not bound to follow them. To inftance in a few of many things.
We own we cannot allow of the prin- ciple of Popular Reformations , as it was af- fertedand praftifed by our Reformers. We own , Indeed , 'tis not only Lawful, but NJ?«
cejfary, for every Man to Reform himfelf both
as to Principles and Praftice , when there is Corruption in either 5 And that, not only without , but againfl publick Authority , whither Civil or Ecclepafiical Farther , we own , 'tis not only Lawful , but plain and
Indifpenjible Duty in the Governours of the Church, to Reform her, A&ing in their own Sphere, even againft humane Laws , in direii oppofition to a thoufand Alls of a thoufand Parliaments', I fay, Ailing and keeping within their own Sphere, i. e. ft) far as their Spiritual Power can go,but no farther ; Keeping within thefe their own bounds, they may and fhouti condemn Herefies , purge the publick worfhip
of Corruptions, continue a Succejfton of Ortho- dox Paftors , &c. In a word , do every thing, which is needful to be done, {or put-
ting and preferving the Church, committed to their Of , in that State of Orthodoxy , Purity and Vnity, which jtyw Chrift , fioht
-whom they have their Commiffion , and ro WW* , they muft be Anfwerable , has Re- quired by his holy Inftitution. JSut we cannot
allow
(33* )
allow them to move Excentrkally^o turn£#* orbitant, to ftir without their own Vortex. We cannot allow them to ufe any other , than Spiritual means $ or to mafte any other than
Spiritual Defences: We think, they (hould (till perform all dutiful fubmiffion to the Civil Powers -j Never Refift- by Material Arms', ne- ver abfclve fubjedis from their Allegiance to their Civil Sovereign ; Never Preach the Damnable Doftrine of Depofing Kin&s for
tierejie \ never attempt to make thofe whom they (hould make^WChriftians, ^^ Sub- je<5ts : But to teach them the great and fun- damental Do&rine of the Crofs , and Exem- plify it to them, in their Practice when they are Called to it. This we Profefs : And we do nor think it Popery. But our Reformers taught a quite diferent Do&rine. Their Doctrine was that it belong'd to the Rabble to Reform Religion publickly , to Reform it by force 5 To Reform the State if it would not Reform the Church ; To Extirpate zWfalfe
Religion by their Authority •, To affume to themfelves a Power , to overturn the Powers that are Ordain d of 'God •, To depofe them ,
and fet up new Powers in their (lead , Powers that would /Vcr<?#, that , which they judged to be the fofi Religion : Whofo pleafes may fee this Do&rine fully taught by Knox, 0)p« 22, ;n bis Appellation , (a) and he may fee the *3,Z4) fame principle infifted on by Mr. Henderfone
i'n l/is Debates with K. C /. And who mows not that our Reformation was but too much founded on this Principle* Herein , I
fay*
( 337 )
fay, We OWn we have forfa\en our Reformers : And lee our Presbyterian Brethren , if they
Can , Convicl US , in this , of Herejie.
In fbort , our Reformers maintain'd that the Doftrine oiDefenfive Arms was Necejfa- rj : That Pa (five Obedience or Non-reji fiance
w&sjinful 3 when People had means for Re-
Jifiance. (b) That Daniel and his Fellows did (b) Kn. not Re/ifi , by the Sword> Becaufe God had hot Hift. 38*.' given them the Power and the means, (c) That ^6m App"
the Primitive Chriftians aflifted their Preach- pairing7" ers, even *£*/»/? the Rulers and Magistrates, («?) ibid. and fuppreiled idolatry , wherefoever God 3*7- gave them Force* C^jThey maintain'd thatW ^* the Judicial Laws of Mofes (tho* not adopted S9S' into the Chriftian Syfteme) in many confi- derable inftances, continued ftill obligatory; Particularly that the Laws punching Adul- tery , Murther , Idolatry with Death , were binding -, That in obedience to thefe Laws , that Sentence was to be executed not only
On Subjects, but on Sovereigns -7 (e) That (0 Ibid.
whofoever executes Gods Law , on (uchCri-39h 3*2>
minals , is not Only innocent, but in his Duty^Jh
tho' he have no Commijfion from Man for it. That Samuefs flaying Agag the fat and delicate King of Amale^ and EUasS killing Baal's Priefis 5. and fefabefsfalfe Prophets 5 and Phin- eas's ftriking Zimri and Cosbi , in the very A*l of filthy fornication, were allowable Patterns for private men to imitate* if) /a j^.
That all thefe and more fuch Orangey, 3^ Do&rines were Common and Current amongft them , I am able to prove at full Z length,
(338)
length,if I (hall be put to it.Befides,they had many other Principles relating to other pur- pofes , which I am perfwaded , were not founded on Scripture, had no Countenance from Catholick Antiquity , were not ag- greeable to found and folid Reafon , which we*>wr,we are fo far from maintaining, that we think our felves bound , both to Profefs and Praftice the contrary. And how eafy were it to Confute as well as Reprefenc fome of Matter Knox's principles v* hich per- haps were peculiar to him f He fairly and plainly condemned St. Paul
and St. James , the fir fi Bijhop of Jerufalem> (0 Ibid, for their pra&ice , Alh 1 1 . 1 8 , 1 9, 0? . (g) so*. He efteern'd every thing that was done in Spot. 9S- Gods fervice , without the exprefs com- mand of his word , vain Religion and Ido- Q>) App.i. latry. (h) He affirmed that all Papifis were infUtls , both in publick and private ; (i) Kn. (0 I cannot think he was right in thefe Hift. 3^3- things.
He had , fometimes, Prayers , which do not feem to me to Savour any thing of a
Chriftian Spirit : Thus in His Admonition to the Profefors of the Truth in England , after he had infifted on the Perfections in ®ueen ;r. Marys time , he had this Prayer, {fyGod App. 68. for his great Mercies fake ftir up fome Phineas, Elias or Jehu that the blood of abominable Idola- ters may Pacify Gods wrath , that it confume not the whole Multitude , Amen. I muft COnfefs it was not without fome honour that I put his own Amen to fuch a petition. In that
fame
( 339 )
fame Exhortation he prays, alfo, thus, Re-
prefs the pride of thefe blood- thirdly Tyrants 5 Confume them in thine anger 3 according to the Reproach which they have laid againfl thy Holy Name. Pour forth thy vengeance upon them % and let our eyes behold the blood of the Saints re- quired of their hands : Delay not thy vengeance ■> O Lord, but let death devour them in hafle ; Let the Earth fwallow them up , and let them go down quicks to the hels 5 For there is no hope of their Amendment 5 The Fear and Reverence of thy Holy Name is quite banifhed from their hearts 5 And therefore , yet , again , O Lord, confume them 5 Confume them in thine Anger* (l) (/) ^pp.
Let the world judge if fuch Prayers Sa- 73. vour of a Gofpel-fpirir. Was this loving our
Enemies , or Blefjing them that Curfe us , or Praying for them who dejpitefuliy fife tu , or Per* fecute hs} Was this like forgiving others their - irejpajfes as we would wifh our own trefpajfes to be forgiven ? Was this like Father forgive them fir they know not what they do* Or Lord lay not this pn to their charge} Did Matter Knox COnfider Or know what manner of jpirit he
was of y when he offered up fuch peti- tions ?
I (hall only give one other Specimen of Matter Knox's Divinity, and hecaufe 'cis about a point which of late has been fo much agitated , I (hall not grudge to give his fentiments fomewhat fully: Becaufe, perchance , he may come to have feme cre- dit by it-, He may chance to be honoured as a Father by &&Provide*iialifts. The Story is this, Z % He
( 340 )
He wrote a Book againft the Regiment of Women , as he called it ; His aim was princi- pally againft Mary Queen of England : When Queen Elizabeth, was raifed to the Throne, feme body having told her that he had written fuch a Book, (lie refented it fo, that flie would not allow him to fet his foot on Engtifh ground, when he was returning from
Geneva to Scotland, Anno I£J9» This grated
him not a little : However , he could not endure to think upon retracing the Pofitions in his Book 5 having once averted them, he deem'd it point of Honour, it feems to ad- here to them-, for thus he told Secretary Cecil (m) Kn. *n a LeCter ffcm Diepe, April 1 o. I $<> <)%{m)He Hift. n*- doubted no more of the Truth of his Propofition , than he did, that it was the voice of God, which, firfi , did pronounce this Penalty againft Women. In dolour (knit thou bear thy Children. And in
a Conference with Mary Queen of Scotland, Anno 1 ) 61. He told her , that , to that hour , he thought himfe If alone more able to fuftain the things affirmed in that Book. > than any ten Men, (n) Ibid, in Europe, could be, to confute them, (n) But
jif- for all this, Queen Elizabeth fas I faidj was raifed to the Throne of England ; and it was needful her Majefty fhould not continue to have quarrels with him : Her Kindnefs and Countenance, at that time to him and his Projects , were worth little lefsthan a Deanry 5 Some Kndckjxzs, therefore, to be devifed for making a Reconcilement between his Bookmi her Regiment ; Well ! what was it he fix't on ? Why .? The Providential Right
fervd
(34i) .
ferv'd him to a Miracle: For thus he wrote, in his aforementioned Letter to Cecil 5 //
any Aian thinly me either Enemy to the Perfon , qr yet to the Regiment of her , whom God hath now promoted , they are utterly deceived in me 5 For the MIRACULOUS work of God , com- forting his afflitled by ane infirm Vejfel , / do acknowledge : And 1 will Obey the Power of his mofi potent hand (Rai/ing up whom befl pleafeth his Majefiy to fupprefs [uch as fight againfi his Glory) Albeit that both NATURE and
GODS MOST PERFECT OR- DINANCE REPUGNED
Regiment. More plainly to /peat\: if Queen
FJizabethyW/CWi/i that the EXTRAOR- DINARY DISPENSATION of Gods great Merry mdees that LAWFUL into
HtR, which both NATURE and GODS LAW do DENY unto all Women , Then fhall none in England be more willing to m tinr tain her Lawful Authority than I fhall be :
But if (GODS WONDROUS WORK
fet a fide) She ground (as God j or bid) the ;* fi- nefs of her Title upon Con fue rude , La
Ordinances of Men , then I am a/fured , that, as finch foolifh prefiumption doth highly offend Gods Supreme Majefiy , fo , / greatly fear , that her Ingratitude fball not long lac*\ puni foment*
This was pretty fair , buc it was not enough.
He thought it proper to write to that Queen her felf , and give her a Difh of that , . K fame DoBrine. His Letter is dated at Eden- \fc& \ , , burg , Jul) 19. 1 559. (0) Iq which having 232.' Z 3 told
( 34* )
told her , He never intended , by his Book to aflert any thing that might be prejudicial to her fuft Regiment , providing (he were not found Unfaithful to God , he befpeaks
her thus * Ingrate you will be found in the pre- fence of his Throne , if you transfer the Glory of that Honour in which you now ft and to any other thing than the DISPENSATION of his Mercy, which ONLY maketh that Lawful to your Majefty which NATURE and LAW denyeth to all Women , to command and bear
Rule over Men In Confcience I am compelled
to fay that neither the confcnt of People , the Procefs of time, nor Multitude of Men can Efta- bli(h a Law which God [hall approve , but what- foever he approveth 5 by his Eternal word that Jhall be approved, and ft ay Conftantty firm : And •whatfcever he Condemneth fljall be Condemned , tho all Men on Earth Jhould travel for the jufti- fication of the fame I And therefore, Madam, "the only way to retain *nd hep the Benefits of God, abundantly of late days , poured upon you, and your Realm, is , mfeigr.edly , to render unto God y to his Mercy and undeferved Grace , the ivhole Glory of all this your Exaltation: Forget your BIRTH and all TITLE which thereupon doth hang — It pertaineth to you to ground the JUS- TICE of your Authority , not on that LAW •which from year to year doth change , but upon the
ETERNAL PROVIDENCE*/ him, who CONTRARY to the ORDINARY tmtfl
■jf NATURE , and without your deferving , hath exalted yo ur Head. If thus in Gods pre fence, you humble your felf , 1 willa with Tongue and
Pen,
( 343 )
Pen , juBify your Authority and Regiment , as the Holy Ghoft hath juflified the fame in De- borah , that Bkjfed Mother in Ifrael : But if you negleU (as God forbid) thefe things, andfball begin to Brag of your Birth , and to Build your Authority and your Regiment ^on your own Law , flatter you who fo lifieth , your Felicity
fhaU be fhon , &c* Let Contentious People put what Gloffes they pleafe on Bifliop Over- ah Convocation Book, fate I am , here is the Providential Right fo plainly taught that no Ghffes can obfcure it. Here it is maintain^, in plain terms , and Refolutely , in oppofi- irion , to all the Laws , not only of Men , but of God and Nature.
Thus 1 have given a taflc of fuch princi- ples as the Prelatifts , in Scotland, profefs they difirvn , tho' maintain'd by our Refor- mers ; It had been eafy to have inftanced in many more 5 But thefe may be fuflficienc for my purpofe, which was not in the leaft,
tO throw dirt on our Reformers (to whom I
am as willing as any man to pay a due re- verence,) but to flop the mouth of imperti- nent clamour , and let the world have occa- fion to confider if it is fuch a fcandalous thing , to think otherwife , than our Refor- mers thought , as our Brethren endeavour on all occaiions , to perfvvade the populace .* For thefe principles of our Reformers which I have mentioned in Relation to Civil Go- vernments , are the principles in which we have mod forfaken them : And let the world judge , which fet of principles ha< Z 4 mQft
( 344 )
moft of Scandal in it: Let the world judge, I fay , whither their principles or ours parti- cipate mod of the Faith , the Patience , the Self-denyal , &c of Chriftians : Whither principles have leaft of the love of the world , and mod of the image of Chrift ip them: Whither* principles have greateft affinity with the principles and practices of the Apoftles, and their immediate fuc- ceffors, in the mod afflitled, and , by confe- quence , the most ^corrupted times of Chri- ftianicy •' Whither principles have a more natural tendency towards the fecurity of Governments and the peace of Societies , and feem moft effe&ual for advancing the power of Godlinefs , and propagating the Profeifion and the life of Chriftianity. I further , fabjoynthefe two things.
1. 1 challenge our Presbyterian Brethren to coovift us of the Scandal of receding from oar Reformers in any one principle which they maintain'd , in Common, with the Pri- mitive Church 5 the Univerfal Church of Chrift, before (lie was tainted with the Corruptions of Popery : And if we have not done it , (as I am Confident our Brethren (hall never be able to prove , we have, ) our receding from our Reformers , as I take it, ought to be no prejudice againft us. I think the Authority of the CatholickChurch , in the days of her indifputed Purity and Orthodoxy , ought, in all Reafon to be deem'd prefer abU
to the Authority §{ our Reformers } efpecially
considering that they themfelves profeffed
to
( 345 >
to own the Sentiments of the Primitive Church, as a parr, at leaft, of the Complexe Rule of Reformation, as I have already proved.
2. I challenge our Presbyterian Brethren to inftance in fo much as one principle , in
which We have Deferted OUr Reformers ,
wherein , our De[ening them can , by any Reafonable,by any Colourable conftrudion, be interpreted ane abroach towards Popery* I think, no Man whq underftands any thing of the Popijfb Controversies can readily allow himfelf the Impudence to fay 5 that , to dif-
tike Tumultuary Reformations , and depofing Sovereign Princes , and fubverting Civil Go- vernments , &c upon the fc§re of Religion, is , to be for Popery ? Or that the Dodrine of Submiffion to Civil Authority , the Dec- trine of Pafftve Obedience or Non-refiftance9 or (which 1 take to be much about one , in the prefent cafe J the Dodrine of the Crofs, are Popifk Dodrines ; Or that to Condemn
the Traiterous Difiintlion between the Per fori and the Authority of 'the Civil Magi fir ate , as
it is commonly made ufe of, by fome Peo- ple ,' and as it is Condemned by the Lam oiboth Kingdoms, is , to turn either Papifti- caloxJefuiticaU Let our Brethren, if they can , Purge their own Doctrines , in thefe matters, of all Confanguinity with Popery.
And now, after all this,
3. I would defire my Readers to remem- ber, that this Artifice of Prejudicating againft principles, becaufe different from , or inconjt-
ftewt
( 34* )
font with , the principles of OUr Reformers ]
is none of our Contrivances Our Presby- terian Brethren , not we , were the Firft , who fet on foot this Popular , tho' very pitiful way of Arguing ; By all the Analogies^ then,
of equitable and juft Rea/omssg, they Ought tO endure the Try at of their own Tefti And this brings me to Enquire whither they have (lack fo nrecifely by the principles of our Reformers, that they are in Bona Fide to iofiftonfucha Tooi.k? And I think they will not be found to be fo , if I can make it appear that they have Notorioufly deferred ihe principles of our Reformers.
I. In the Faith.
II. In the Worfhip.
III. In the Difcipline. And
IV. In the Government of the Church.
1. 1 fay they have forfaken our Reformers as to the Faith of the Church. Our Re- formers digefted a Confeffion of Faith , Anna 100. They got it Ratify ed in Parliament
that fame year ; It was again Ratifyed, Anno 1567. and in many fubfequent Parliaments- It continued ftill to be the publick , Autho- rized Standard of the Faith of this National Church , for more than eighty years. Our Reformers defign'd it to be a perpetual and unalterable Standard of the Faith of this Na- tional Church , for ever. When the Barons and Mini for s gave in their Petition , to the Parliament , for ane Eftablifhment of the
Refer-
C 347 )
Reformation , Anno I $60. They were catted
upon and Commandment given unto them , to draw into plain and [everal Heads , the fum of that Dotlrine , which they would maintain , and would defire the Parliament to Eflabli[b , as
wholefome , true , and only neceflary to be
believed , and to be received within the Realm : And, they willingly accepted the Comma* d> and, within four days, presented the Confeffion, which
was Ratified, (a) and that its Eftablifhment («) Kn. might pafs with the greater folemnity and J/ z- formality of Law , The Earl Marfhalpro- rct' 22°4 tefted that it might never be altered. &)(&)Kn« Yet, now, 27$.
Our Presbyterian Brethren have fet up
a quite different Standard of Faith , namely , the Weftminfier Confeffion , and have got it ,
now , Ratifyed by this current Parliament , Anno 1690. (it was never , before , Ratified by A& of Parliament) I call it a quite diffe- rent Standard of Faith : Indeed , whofoever diligently compares both Confejfwns , (hall readily find it fuch 5 He (hall not only find
many things \ept out of the Wefiminfter Con- feffion> which are in the Confejfion 01 our Re- formers 5 and many things put in the Weft- minfttr Confejfion , which were not in the Con- feffion of our Reformers ; and many things » nicely, minutely, precifely and peremptori- ly determined , and that in the moft My-
fterioUS matters, in the Weftminfter Con- feffion , which our Reformers thought fit (as was indeed proper) to exprefsin very Gene- ral and Accommodable Terms r But he (hall
meet
( 343 )
meet with not a few plain , evident and
irreconcileable Contraditlisns ; And now, by this prefent Parliament, in its Lafi Seffion, particularly, upon the twelfth day of June, Anno 1 69$ , it is ftatuted and or- dained , That no Per/on be Emitted , or con- tinned , for hereafter , to be a Minjfter or Preacher, within this Church, unlefs he fubfcribe the Weftminfter Confeffion , declaring it to be the Confeffion of his Faith 5 and that he owns the DoUrine therein contained to be the true Dottrine, to which he will con ft ant ly adhere. And by unavoidable confequence , he is bound to fubfcribe to, and own , God knows how , many propofitions , not only not required nor profefled by our Reformers;
but dire&ly contrary to their Faith and prin- ciples : And now , let the world judge if our Presbyterian Brethren are the Succeffors
Of our Reformers in point of Faith.
II- They have for faken them, yet more, in the point of worfhip : and here a vaft field opens 5 For to this head I reduce (ar tifielally or inarrifirially, is no great matter, if I adduce nothing but wherein our Bre- thren have defected our Reformers)the pub-
lick Prayers, thepublick Praifes, the publick
Preaching of the word , the administration of the Sacraments , &c with all their Cere- monies,Solemnitiesand Circumftances, &c. Generally , whatever ufes to be compre- hended in Liturgies,
1. In the General , our Reformers were far from Condemning Liturgies, or Set-
Forms
( 34* )
Forms in the publick Offices of the Church. There's nothing more plain,than that they preferred p Mick Compofures to thefe that were private : Compofures digefted by the publick Spirit of the Church , to Compo- fures digefted by the private Spirit of parti- cular Minifters 5 and Premeditated and Well
digefted Compofures, tho' performed by pr#- v<if* perfons-, to the, too frequently, Rafk, indigefted,incompofed performances of the Ex- temporary Gift. They preferred Offices which were the produ&ions of grave, fedate, well pondered thoughts , to offices which were moftly the productions of Animal Heat, and
warmth of Fancy.
John Knox himfelf (one who had as much Fire in his temper, and was as much inclined
to have given fcope to the Extemporary Spirit,
I am apt to think, as any of our Reformers) had even a/fr/^wofGr^^orThankfgiving after meat , (c) he had afetform of Prayer ( for the public^ after Sermon, (d) and he had ^
fet- forms of Prayers read, every day inhl5(i)Kn. Family, (e) 384.
In conformity to this principle, ouiCOSpot. Reformers for feven years , together , ufed 266' the Liturgy of the Church of England , as I have fully proven.
When (by the importunity and perfwa- fionsof John Knox, principally, I am fure, if not only) they refolved to part with the Englifh Liturgy , they continued ftill as far as ever from Condemning Liturgies. They did not lay it afide to uke up none ; They
choofed
( 35i )
choofed another to fucceed ic 5 they choofed that which went , then generally , under
the name of the Order of Geneva , or the Boo^
of Common Order 5 Since 3 under the name
of Knox's Liturgie, Or the Old Scottifh Liturgie:
This Liturgie continued in ufe, not only, all • the time , the Government of the Church fubfifted by Imparity, after the Reformation; But even, for many Dec ads of years,after the Presbyterian Spirit andParty turn'd prevalent. It was fo univerfally received and ufed , and in fo good efteem , that , when it was moved by fome in the AfTembly holden at Burnt - Ifland , in March , Anno \6oi* That there were fundry Prayers in it , which were not convenient for thefe times , and a change was
defirable , the Aflembly rejected the
motion , and Thought good , that the Prayers , already , contained in the Boo\ , fhould neither be altered nor deleted 5 But if any Brother would have any other Prayers , added , as more proper for the times , they fhould firft prefent them to be trjed , and allowed , by the General Ajfemblj.
00 MS. (4) Here , indeed , was caution and concern ill ///'about the publick worfhip worthy of a General rct'"s' AJfemty. Nay,
The Firfi-Rate Presbyterians themfelves ufed the Book , as punftually , as any other People. W hen Mr. Robert Bruce (of whofe zeal for the good caufe , no Man, I think, can doubt) was relegated to Innemefs , Anno
1 60 f . He remained there four years , Teaching every Sabbath , before noon , and every Wednef- dty^ And exercifed at the Reading of the Prayers
every
(352 )
every ether night, (e) And Matter jMw(e)Cald. Strimgeour (another prime Champion for the W6* caufe) when he appeared before the High Commitfion, March I. Anno 1620, and was challenged for not putting in pra&ice the five Articles of Perth; Particularly for not Miniftering the Eucharifi to the People on their knees , anlwered , there is no warranta- ble form directed or approven by the Kirk^ bejides that which is extant in Print , before the Pfalm Book^, 0- e. the old Liturgy ) according to which, as 1 have always done , fo now , J Mi- nifier that Sacrament. (/ ) In fhort , (/) Cald*
It continued to be in ufe even after the US- beginning of the Horrid Revolution , in the days of King Charles the &>#,and many old People, yet alive, remember well, to have feen it ufed indifferently , both by Presbyte- rians and Prelatifis. But it is not fo now. Our Modern Presbyterians do not only
Condemn thz Lit urgie o{ the. Church of Eng- land (ufed as I fay by our Reformers,) calling
it a Dry , lifelefs fervice , a jpiritlefs, power lefs fervice 5 ane unwarrantable fervice 5 ane ill- mumbled mafs 5 a farce of Pcpifh Dregs ?nd Reliquest, a Rag of Romifh Superfiition and
Idolatry 5 and God knows how many ill
things : But they Generally Condemn all Li- turgies , all fet- forms of public^ worfhip and
devotion 5 They will admit of none: All to them are alike odious and intolerable.
Herein , I think , there is a palpable Recefficn from the principles of Our Reformers ,
about
( B5* )
about the publick and folemn worfhipof the Church 5 and that in a moft weighty and material inftance : But this is not all -, They have not only deferted our Reformers , and Condemn'd them as to forms 5 But they have made very confiderable and important Receffions from them , as to the matter ,
both in the fubftance and circumftances of
Liturgical offices 3 and here I muft defcend to particulars.
1. Then,our prefent Presbyterians obferve noforms in their publick^Prayers£\thzx before, or after Sermon ; For the moft part , they obferve no Rules; They Tray by no Standard^ Nay they do not flicks by their own Diretlorj: All muft be Extemporary works and the newer, the odder, the more furprizing both as to matter and manner , the better. If any Brother has not that fire in his temper , that heat in his blood, that warmth in his Animal" fpirits , that Jprightlynefs and fervour in his fancy , or that readme fs of elocution ,
&c If he wants any one or two of thefe many Graces, which muft concur for accomplifh- mgone with the ready Gift, and (hall adven- ture to digeft bis thought, and provide him- felf with a PremeditatedForm of his own mak- ing ; Be (hall be concerned likewife to be (o wife and wary, as to provide himfelf,
either with a variety of fuch Forms , OX many difguifes for his one form, or he fhall run the hazard of the fuccefsof his Miniftery , and his Reputation to boot •, He is a Gone-man if the Zealots of the gang fmell it out , chat he
Prayed
( 353 ).
frayed by Premiditation. Fore- thought Prayers
are litcle lefs Criminal , than fore-thought Felony ; He wants the /pirit, and deferves to be ranked amongit the Anti-Chriftian Crue of Forwalifls. Nay , fo much are they againft fet forms , that 'tis Popery , for any thing I know , to fay the Lords Prayer.
Our Reformers never met forpublick worfhip, but they ufed it once oxoftner^ And they ufed it as in obedience to our Sa- viours Commandment. Take , for a iafte, thefe inftances, which I have colleded from
the old Liturgy.
1 'he Prayer for the whole Eft ate cfChrifis
Church , appointed to be faid after Sermon,
is Concluded thus, In whoft 'nape we make pur humble petitions unto thee , even as hf hath tMgbt HS , Joying , Our ftt'tfe, 0$£g) (g)$cot.
Another Prayer to be (aid after Sermon, Liturgy has the Lords Praysr in the V&yto/om of it.PaSe *7° (h) '(«3*
The Prayer to be nfed when God threatens his Judgements , Concludes thus, — Praying unto thee with all humility and fubmjjion of minds , as we are taught and commanded to Pray, faying. Our Father , &c. (i) (!) p. 53,
lloe Prayer to be ufed in time of /Ifftiffion \ thus, Our only Saviour and Mediator, in whofe name we Pray unto thee as we are taught, faying,
Our Father, &c. (k)^ .(*) P-**-
The Prayer at the ' Admjfion of a Superi*
tendentOtZ Minifter, thus— Of whom the perpetual increafe of thy Grace , we crave , as by s thee 'our Lord , King , and only Bifhop , we A a
(3S4)
(Op- 74. are taught to Pray, Our Father i &el (7)
The Prayer for the Obfiinate (in the Order
for Excommunication) thus , — Thcfe thy Graces , O Heavenly Father , and farther , 4; f&w knoweft to be expedient for us , <?»</ /ir thy Church Vniverfal, we call for, unto thee , even as ree are , taught , by our Lord and Mafter
(*)p. *°4. CAr^. ?*/&/ , faying , Our Father , &c. (m)
The laft Prayer before Excommunication , thus , — This we as\ of thee , O Heavenly Fa- ther , in the boldnefs of our Head and Mediator fefus Chrifi , praying as he hath taught uf9 Our
00 p. 105. Father ; &c- (n)
Th<? Confeffionofjins , &c. in time of pub-
lick iafis , thus , ^— We flee to the obedievce and perfect fufiice of J (fas Chrifi our only Me* diaL.r-^ Praying as me hath taught us , faying 7
(0)170. Our Father, &c>(o)
The Prayer of Confecration in* Baptifm ? thus, — - May be brought as a lively Member of his Body , unto the full fruition of thy joys , in the Heavens , where thy Son , our Saviour Chrifi Reigneth , world without end ; In whofi name , we Pray, as he hath taught us , faying , Our
0) p. x8p. Father', &*>(?)
So many of the Prayers ufed by our Re- formers , were concluded with the Lords Prayer*. And it is obvious to any body that foinerimes 3 or 4 of them were to be faid at one Affembiy : And {till when the Lords Prayer is brought in, you fee , 'tis plainly in
Obedience to our Saviours Command , from
which , 'cis clear our Reformers lcokt on the ufiog it, as , not only Lawful, but, Ne-
cejfary.
( 355 )
ceffky. Om prefent Presbyterians will not
only , not ufe it , but they Condemn and writ agninft the ufing of it. Indeed,
They have not retained fo much as one Form , except that of Blejfed ufcd by Saint Paul, tCor. 13. 14. This indeed they com- monly fay ftho' I am not fure they fay it iri rhe Form of a. Rlejfmg) before the Diflblu- tionofthe Affembly: But why they have kept this and reje&ed all other Forms ; or , how they can reconcile the retaining of this 9
with the rejetlion of all other Forms , I COn-
fefs I am not able to tell ; Let themfelves anfwer for that , as well as for retaining feu forms of Praife while they Condemn fet forms Of Prayer.
1. Our Reformers* in their publick Aflemblies , never omitted to make a folemn and publick Confeffjon of their Faith 7 by rehearfing that which is commonly called
the Afoflles Creed: It was faid after the Prayer for the whole Eflate of Chrifts Church , and it
was introduced thus, Almighty and Everliving
God , vouchfafe we befeech thee, to grant us per- feci continuance in thy lively Faith , augmenting
the fame in us dayly , till we grow to the full me a- fure ef our ferfeblion in Chrifl, whereof we make
our Confeffion , faying , I believe in God the
Father, &c Herein they are intirely
deferted by our prefent Presbyterians alfo*
3. The Preaching of the word may be
• performed two ways ; By the fublick Reading
of the Scriptures 5 and by Sermons, &ca
founded on the Scriptures ; Our prefent hz * Pres-
( 35*)
Presbyterians , in both thefe , have Reeded from our Reformers.
I . As for the Reading of the Scriptures , .
our Reformers deliveied themfelves thus,
(q) Spot, in the Firfi Boo1^ of Difcipline, Head 9. ( q) 1 70, We thinly met (fury -that every Church have a Bible
in Enghjh , and that the People conveen to hear the Scriptures Read and Interpreted^ thai b) fre- extent Reading and hearing the grofs ignorance of t->e People may. , he removed \ And we judge it mo ft expedient t that the Scriptures be read in order , that is} that fume one Bool^ of the Old and New Te (lament be begun and followed forth to the
*r.l For a good m.iny years after the Re- formation the^e was ane order of men, called Readers , who fupplyed the want of Minifters in msny Parifaes : Thdr Office was to Read the .Scriptures and the Common Prayers: The Scriptures continued to be
Read in Churches for more than eighty years, after the Reformation : In many Pariihes , the old Bibles are (till extant , from which the Scriptures were Read : Even the D/- ■nClory it felf, introduced, not before the year I 64J. appointed the Scriptures to be Read publicity in Churches , one Chapter out of each Te- fiament, at leaft^ every Sunday before Sermon , as bein* part of the public\ worjhip of God , ana one fafans Santtified by him for the Edifying of his
People. Yet , now , what a Scandal would ic.be to have the Scriptures Read in the Pres- byteiim Churches ? The laft days Sermons , taken from the mouth of the powerful Preacher , by the infpired fingers of Godly
George
( 357 )
George or Gracious Barbara , in fome Chur- ches of no mean Note , have been De-mA more Edifying than the Divine Oracles. The Scriptures muft not be touched but by the Man of God. who can interpret them ; And he muft Read no more chan he is , juft then, to j?*f<?r- /w : What (ball I fay .? Let Proreftam Di- vines Cam as they pleafe about the Perfjn- cuity of the Scriptures, 'tis a dangerous thing to have them Read publickly without
Orthodox Glcjfes, TO keep them clofe and true
to the principles of the Godly .* And who knows but ic might be expedient to wrap them up again in the unknown tongue? But enough of this.
2. As for Sermons , (£r. The F/Vjfl &s
Difcipline gives us the fenti:ment of cur Re- formers , thus , 7&? Sunday , in till Towns , muft preclfely be cbferved\ before an A afti r man \ before noon, the word muft be Preached , Sacra- ments Adminiftred , &C. After noon, the Cate- chijm muft be taught , and the young Children examined thereupon, in audience of all the People* (VJThis continued thtmamer of the C huich *r\ ^ . ef Scotland , for full twenty ye3r^ , after the ids. Reformation: For I find no mention of afternoons Sermons, till the year 1 *8o, th.U it was enafted (by that fan eGeneri! Afl&m- bly which Condemned Epifcopa W
all Paftors or Minifters fhould Diligently tr* "with their Flocks to conveen unto Sermon . a^er noon , on Sunday ; Both they that are in Land- ward , and in Burgh , as thty will anfwer unto
God. (j) The whole Kingdom knotvf?/,)M& A a ? Letlkres *\
( 358 )
Li&ttres before the forenoons Sermon, were not introduced , till the days of the Cove- nant and Directory ; Yet , now , a mighty firefs is laid upon them, and I my felf have been told, that they were one good Reafon
for forfakjng the Epifcopal Communion ', where they were not ufed,and going over to the Pres- hterians, where they were to be had. I am not to condemn a diligent inftru&ion of the People : But to ipeak freely,I am very much perfwaded the Method of our Reformers , an having but one Sermon, and Catechifing. af- ter noon, was every way as effe&ual For in- ftru&ing the People in the fubftantial know- ledge of our Holy Religion, and prefling the pradiice of it, as any method has been in ufe fince 5 Much more might be faid on this fub- jecS 5 But from what I have faid , 'tis plain there is a great DiJ/Imilitude between our Mo- dem Presbyterian and our Reformers even in this point;and that is enough for my purpofe* 4-They have as little ftuck by the Pattern of our Reformers in the Office of Praife : Our Reformers , befide the Pfalms of David had , and ufed, feveral other Hymns in Me- tre: They had the Ten Commandments , the Lords Prayer , the Creed , Veni Creator, the humble fuit of a finner , the Lamentation of a finner , the Complaint of a finner , the Magni- ficat , the Nunc Dimittis , &c. They ne- ver ufed to conclude their Pfalms without
fome Chriflian Doxology : The Gloria Patri
was moft generally ufed : In the old Pfalm
y Book, , it is turtfd into all the different kinds
• of
cm)
of Meafures , Into which the Pfalms of Da- vid are put , that it might (till fucceed , in the conclufion, wirhout changing the Tune: It was fo generally ufed, that , fas Do&or Burnet in his Second, Conference , (t) rells w) /a ^j[tm even a Presbyterian General took^ it in very iU Glafg. p. fart 7 when it begun to be difufed: Yet, DOW, 181.
nothing in ufe , with our prefent Presby- terians but the Pfalms of David ', and thefe too , for the iroft pare , without Difcrimi- vation. The Gloria Patri , recovered from
Defuetude, at the la(t Restitution of Epifiopacy,
and generally ufed in the Epifcopal Aflem- blies , thefe thirty years paft, was a Mighty Scandal to them ; So great , that even fuch as came to Church , hangd their Heads and titeflent , generally , when it came to that fan of the Office.
Having mentioned Doftor Burnet's Con*
ferences , I will tranfaibe his whole Period,
becaufe forne other things than the Gloria
Patri are Concerned in it. When fome De/igners Tfays he) for popularity in the Weftem Parts
of that Kirk did begin to difufe the Lord Prayer
in worfhip , and the finging the conclufion or Doxologie after the Pfalm, and the Minifters kneeling for Private Devotion, when he entered the Pulpit, the General Ajfembly tookjhis in very ill part 5 And , in the Letter they wrote to the Presbyteries , complained fadly of a Spirit of Innovation was beginning to get into the Kirk , and to throw thefe Laudible pra&ices out of it, mentioning the three I named which are com- manded ftill to be practiced , and fuch as refuftb A 3 4 Obedience*
(3*Q )
Obedience , are Appointed to be conferred with , in order to the giving of them fatufatlion f And if they continued unir aft: able ythe Presbyteries were to proceed againft them as they [hould be anfrvera- ble to the next General djfembly. Thus he '?
and this Letter, hefaid, he could produce,
Authentically Attefted : 1 doubt not, he found
it amongft his Uncle Wariftowns Papers , who was Scribe to the Rampant Afleroblies from the year 1658, and downward. I wiih the Doclor had been at pains to have published more of them •, If he had imploy- ed himfelf that way , I am apt to think he had done his Native Countrey bette. fer- vice, than he has done h^r Sifter Kingdom by publiihing Paftoral Letters to be ufed , he knows how 5 But even from wlnt he has given us* We may lee hew much the 'difufwg of the Lords Prayer , and the Doxologie IS a late Innovation, as well as a Reccffion from the Pattern of our Reformers. And as for
the decent and Laudable Cuftom of kneeling
for private Devotion ,.ufed by the Minifter when he entered the Pulpit ; It may be reckoned
S- Another Presbyterian late Recejfion. It is certain it was ufed by our Reformers*, It is as certain, it continued in uie , till after
both Covenants were fvvorn ; The National I mean, aad the Solemn League and Covenant^ It was not turned Authoritatively (I intend no more than the Equivocal Authority which Schifmatical ; Afiemblies pretend to) into dif- ofe till the General Affembly 164?. Even ,
then,
1
< 3*1 )
then, it was not Condemned as either fit* perfikiom or indecent 5 It was laid afide, only, in complyance with the Engliflj Presbyteri- ans- By that AftembJy, a Committee was appointed , to give their opinion , about
keeping a greater Vniformity in this Kir^ in the praElice and obfervation of the Directory , in fime points of public^ worfliip : And the fourth
Article to which they Agreed , was this , word for word , It is alfo the Judgment of the Committee , that the Ministers bowing in the Pulpit * tho a Lawful Cuftome in this Kirk , be, hereafter , laid afide , for fatisfatlion of the defires of the Reverend Divines in the Synod cf England , and Vniformity with that Kirk fo
much endeared to w. And then followed? rhe Afiembiy's approbation of ail the Articles digefted by the Committee. Here , 'tis evident this Affembly owri*d it to be a Lawful Cuftome : A former Affembly called it Laudible. And yet it is Scandalotu if not
Superfthions to our prefent Presbyterians* Let me add as ane Appendage to this,
6. Another (in my opinion) very decern , and commendable Cuftome, which obtain'd in Scotland , generally , till the latter times of Presbytery. This, when People entered the Church, they commonly uncovered their Heads , as entering into the Hmfe of God 5 And general!^ they put up a (hort Prayer to God (feme kneeling , fome (landing , as their conveniency allowed them,) deeming it ve- ry becoming to do fo , when they came thus into the place ofGods /pedal preface and
his
( *** )
his fubTuk mrfhip. This cuftom was fo uni- versal , that the vefiiges of it may be, even vet, obferved amongft old People, educated before the Donatifm of the Covenant , who continue to retain it 5 Now adays , 'tis plain Snferfthhn to a Presbyterian , not to enter the Church , with his Head covered. Mas John himfelf doth it as mannerh as the courfeft Gabbler in the Parifli. In he fteps , uncovers not till in the Pulpit, claps {freight onhis Breech , and within a little falls to Work as the Spirit moves him. All the Con- gregation muft fit clofe in the time of Prayer; Clap on their Bonnets in the time of Sermon,
&c. This is the way ; and it brings me in mind of ane obferve , ane old Gentleman has frequently repeated to me , which was,
that he found it impoffible to perform Divine worfhip witheui Ceremonies \ For ((aid he) the Presbyterians t hem/ elves , who pretend to be again]} all Ceremonies , fcem , even to Super fit- tion , precife , in observing the Ceremonies of the Breech, &C. But— -
Thus I have reprefented , in fome in- ftances , how our Presbyterian Brethren have defertedour Reformers in the ordinary fitted parts o{pMic\ rvorfhip. I proceed now
10 the Sacraments.
7. Then , our Reformers bad not only a fet form for Adminiflring the Sacrament of Baptifm ; But , befide the Father of the
Child, they allowed of Sureties or Sponfors.
This is plain from the conclufion of the dif- courfe concerning the nature and neceflity
of
( 3*3 )
of Baptifm , in the )ld Liturgy ; For, the Minifter, there, addreffed to the Father and
the Sponfors , thl3$ 5 Finally to the htent that we may be ajfured that you the Father and the Sureties » confent to the performance hereof (of
the conditioiis mentioned before) Declare ,
here , before the Face of this Congregation , the fum of that Faith wherein you believe , and will inftruB this Child. After this there is this Rubrick 5 Then the Father? or, in his abfence,
the God-Father , (ball rehear fe the Articles of
bis Faith , which done , the Minifler expoundeth the fameasfolloweth. That which followeth is , a large explanation of the Affiles Creeds &-c. Thus it was appointed in the old Litur- gie 5 and thus it was latticed Univerfally for fome [cores of years.
But our Modem Presbyterians do not only abhor all Sec-forms , as I have faid ,
but, tQftetne Sponfors OV Godfathers, to them is to incur the Scandal of PoperySXht Apoflles
Creed is no agreeable Standard of the Chri-
fiian Faith , into which one is initiated by
Baptifm. They cannot endure to hear of it, in this Office. Whofo prefents a Child to them to be Baptized , muft promife to bring up the Child in the Faith , as it is
Contained in the Wefiminster ConfeJJion , and the larger and fhcrter CatechifmsJTh'iS they Re- quire Generally : Not a few Require that the Child be educated in theF^ofthe
Solemn League and Covenant-
7- About the Sacrament of the Lords Supper ,1 find many confiderable alterations. Take thefe for a Talk. 1 . It
( 3*4)
i. It was Adminiftred by our Refor- mers , by a fet-form , contained in the Old Liturgie : It continued to be fo Adminiftred for more than 60 years , by Presbyterians themfelves , as I have obferved already in
the inftance of Scrmgeour.
^. As for the frequency of this moft Cbri-
ftian Office ; The Fir ft Book of Difcipline , (v) Spot. Head 9th, (v) Determined thus : four times \6$y 17 o. in the year , we thinly fufficient, for Adminiftra- tion of the Lords Table—' Albeit we deny not > but every Church for Reafonable caufes9 may change the time , and Mini fter the fame , oftner.
The General Aflembly ho\$en<n Ede*h*rght
Decemb, if. I $62 , Ordained , the Communion
to he Mini fired four times in the year in Burghs y
(») MS. #%d twice , in Landward , (w) The Fir ft Ru-
Per.233. bricl^ in the Office for the Lords Suffer , in
the Old Liturgy , intimates it was oftner ad* miniftred , for thus it ruus-y Vpon the day that the Lords Supper is Mintfrred , which com* rmnly is ufed once a Month 7 or as often as the Congregation f hall thlnhx expedient , &C«
3. Our Reformers had no preparation Ser- mons on the Saturdays immediately before the Adminftration ofrhe Sacrament: No veftige of any fitch Sermons in the Old Liturgy, nor m the Atts of the Old AlTemblies , nor m any of our Hiftories. It is plain , fuch Sermons were not required by the Authority of any (even PresbyterianJ Aflemblytil] the year 1647. Then ,. indeed, amongft the Articles prepared by the Commit tee wentlon- ed before , I find this the fiventh Branch
of
f 3*5)
of the Third Article , which was about the
Lords Supper , That there be one Sermon of Pre- faction , delivered in the ordinary place of pub- lick, worjhip, upon the day immediately preceeding.
And it is clear from tne (We of thefe Arti- cles ihzz this \x^new\ and had not been pra&iced, at lekft generally, before.
4. Our Reformers thought as litrle on Thdnksgivin? Sernms on th< diately
fbeceeding Moondays. Indeed' fuch were not required, no not by that Innovating Afjemblj, 164^. All it h3S about Thanksgiving Ser- mons, is in the Zth Branch 0$ the aforefaid Article , which IS this , That before the /cr- ying of the Tables there be only one Sermon deli- vered to thofe who are to Communicate , and , that , in the Kirk , where the fervice is to be performed : And that , in the fame Kirk. , there be one Sermon of Thanksgiving , after the Corn* muni on. is ended.
f . No Veflige of Aft flant Miniflers at the
Adminiftration of this Sacrament , in the practice of our Reformers $ So far as lean learn , it was that fame Affembly 164* which firft allowed this , alfo , in the Sixth Branch of the aforefaid Article , which is this ; That when the Communion is to be Cele- brated in a Parijih, one Minifler may be imployed for aft fling the Minifler of the Parifh^ or at the
moft two. Indeed, as our Reformers digefted the matter, there was no ufe for any ; The Minifter of the Parifti, was fufticient, alone, for ail the work ; for they were careful that it might be no infupportable task ; as, fore,
ic
( 35* )
Presbyterians , in both thefe > have Receded ftorn our Reformers.
I . As for the Reading of the Scriptures , J
our Reformers dehveied therrfelves thus ,
(2) Spot, if 1 the Fir ft Book^of Difcipline, Head 9. ( q) I * 70. We thinly ncct (fury -that every Church have a Bible
iif Englijh , una that the People conveen to hear the Scriptures Read and Interpreted^ that b) fre- quent Reading and Hearings the grofs ignorance oj t'>e People may be removed \ And vee judge it mo ft expedient t that the Scriptures be read in order , that is, that fume one Book^ of the Old and Neve Te (lament be begun and followed forth to the
tTil For a good imny years after the Re- formation the$e was ane order of men , called Readers , who fupplyed the want of Minifters in m;my Parifhes : Their Office was to Read the Scriptures and the Common Prayers: The Scriptures continued to be
Read in Churches for more than eighty years, after the Reformation : In many Parifhes , the old Bibles are (till extant , from which the Scriptures were Pvead : Even the D/-
nuoryii felf, introduced , not before the y . r i 64 ) . appointed the Scriptures to be Read publicity in Churches, one Chapter cut of each le- ftament, at leaft^ every Sunday before Sermon , as bcin^ part of the public^ worjbip of God , ana one mtans Sanftified by him for the Edifyhg of his
People. Yet , now , what a Scandal would ic be to have the Scriptures Read in the Pres- bytcsiin Churches ? The laft days Sermons , taken from the mouth of the powerful Preacher , by the infpired fingers of Godly
George
( 357 >
George OX Gracious Barbara , in fome Gfilir-
chts of no mean Note , have been De*mk more Edifying thin the Divine Oracles. The Scriptures muft HOC be touched bat by the Man of God. who can interpret them •, And he muft Read no more than he is , jilft then, to inter- pret : What (ball I fay .? Let Proreftanr Di- vines Cam as they pleafe about the /Vrjfa'- c*## of the Scriptures, 'tis a dangerous thing to have them Read publickly without Orthodox Glcjfes, to keep them clofe aiid cw* to the principles of the Godly : And who knows but it might be expedient to mfaf them up again in the unknown tongue ? hut enough of (his.
2. As for Sermons , &c The F/Vjp Bi Difcip/ine gives us the feari:nent of our Re- formers , thus , The Sunday , in all Ta?ii ,
muft precisely be cbferved\ before and afti * m before noon, the word muft be Preached , Sacra- ments Adminiftred , &C. After noon, the Cate- chijm muft be taught , and the young Children examined thereupon , in audience of all the People*
(VJThis continued the manner of the C hutch (r* s
of Scotland , for full twenty year^ , after the 168, Reformation: For I find no mention of - afternoons Sermons , till the year 1 s8o, th,H it was enabled (by that fan eGererii Afl£m~ bly which Condemned Epifcop Thtf
all Paftors or Minifters fhould Diligently travel with their Flocks to conveen unto Sexwoh , *f:tr noon , on Sunday ; Both they that are in Jt ward , and in Burgh , as they will anfwer unto God. Q) The whole Kingdom knotv$4
A a $ Lectures l>e: .
(3*8 )
Thus the Euclutrijl was Celebrated by our Reformers -, and thus, it was Innovated by the Pjesbyterian General Aflembly , An- M-i&tf* Well] what is the Method of our frefent Presbyterians ? Whether do they keep by the Meafures of our Reformers, or 'their own Aflembly 1641? Or have they receded from both ? I (hall give ane account of their Method , as juft and faith- ful as I cm , and let the world judge.
The Practice of our prefent Presbyterians is this; In many places, particularly in the Weft , a Fafi is kept on fome day of the week, before the Sacrament is Celebrated : The Congregation Meets ) A Letlure, and
tmhng Semens are Preached : Long enough ,
Good enough ; But if thty are not long , they are frood for nothing. In all Parilhes , on Saturday, afternoon, another long Sermon in the Church , and , in moft places , a long one too i in the Churchyard , Preached by fome Neighbour- Prother.
Or* Sunday (the day oh which the Com- mnni^n is given,)/**, (even, eighty ten or twelvs Miiuflersjleaving their own Churches emp- ty \ that day, and without Divine Service, conveen at the Church where the Sacra- ment is to be Adminiftred : The People of their Pai ifhes , deprived of the putyick wo (hip, at home, refort thither, frequently a!(o. If the Minifter who gives the Sacra- ment, is a Gracious Man, a man of renowned teal for the good Cattfe 5 mo(t of the Firfi- Rate zealots ; both Mafctdine and Feminine ,
efpecially,
( 3*9 )
gfpeciaily, the Females of the firfl Magnitude! the Ladies 3 who live within 6, io, 16, 20, 30 miles difhnce , muft be there alfo.
In the morning, pretty early, fome two or three hours fooner than ordinary , they fall to work. The Minifter of the Parifh himfelf, commonly Preaches a long long Ser- mon in the Church 5 After fome two hours and ane half, fometimes three full hours ^ fpent in hard labour (too hard fox fides that are not very fubflamial) He defcends from
the Pulpit , to the Communion Table, there he has another long Difcourfe , before he Con- fecrates the Elements \ That done, heO>- fecrates , not by a form , that were highly
(candalous and twfpiritual , but , as the ready
Gift ferves him. After that, ane Exhortation >> which wants nothing but the formality of having a Text Read , to make it a pretty long Sermon. Then the Elements are deftri- buted to thofe who are fet about the Table* and that is called , the Firfl Table. Thefe, having participated , arife and remove 5 Others plant themfelves about the Table : Sometimes the Par ilh- Minifter ferves this Second Table alfo •, But if he does not , a frejh Brother fucceeds , with another long Exhortation •, and (o onward, fo long as there are People who have not fate down, at every table (and fometimes there may be 10, 12, 14 Tables, more or fewer, as ic happens) there is a new long Exhortation , before the Deftribution of the Elements r, and fhorter ones*
in the time the Communicants (who re- ft b ceivfl
( 3?o )
ceive not from the Minifter , but from one another, fitting ^,60,70, 80, &c. about the Table) are eating and drinking- After all the TMes are ferved the Minifter of the Parilh afcends the ? til fit , again declaims another long Harangue, then Prays , &c. and all this, without Papers, from the Magazine
is Memory , unlefs it be fometimes fup- plyed from the flores of the Extemporary Spi- rit. But this is not all.
All ibis time , the Sermons are thundering in ih^ Church-yard , fometimes by pairs to- gether , if the Confluence is great : Brother
Succeeds after Brother, and there is Sermon upon Sermon , indeficient Sermoning , till the Congregation within the Church isdif- iolved, which is*not, for the moil: part, till much of the day is fpent, indeed cannot readily be , confidering what work there is of it.
The Congregation diflblved , there is a little breathing time % Then the Bell rings again , and 'the work is renewed -: Some other Brother than the Parilh Minifter monrus the Pulpit in the Church, in the afternoon; and Preaches a Thank/giving Strmt; and the reft are as bufy in the
Church yard a$'iver* And then en Moon&iys
ig the Preaching work is fallen to a fi eih and purfaed vigoroufly, one Preach- ing in the Church, another in the Church yard, as formerly.* I am fure I am juft in all this it 5 I could prove it by many infl , if it were needful , but I (hall only thus, Laft
( 37* )
Laft year when this Sacrament was Cele- brated at Su Cmhberts, where the renown'd Mr. David Willi amfone Exercifes, on the three da yes 3 w*, Saturday , Sunday and Moonday ,
in the CW and Church-yard , there were no fewer than i z or 1 3 formal. Sermons a be- iides all the Incidental Harrangues, and all the Exhortations at the Tables , &c And when
the Sacrament was given in the New Church in the Canon- gate in September , or the begin- ning of October 1 692, there was much about the fame number. I my felf overheard parts of fome three ox four which werePreached in the Churchyard: And that which made me have the deeper imprejfwns of the unaccount- ablenefs of this their Method , was , that all who were in the Church-yard 3 on Sunday t
at lead , and four times as many , might , that day , have had room enough in the
Churches of Edenburgh , which were at no
great diftance : But, it feems> the folemnity
of Churchyard Sermons , is HOW become
neceflary on fuchoccafions.
I have narrated nothing in this ftrange account (I fay) but what is Notorious Matter- of Fatt : All this Parade they have, ordinari- ly , even in the Countrey 5 and tho' there are but fome fiores , or, at moft , but fome
hundreds to Communicate, yet the Communion is not Solemn enough, there's a Cloud upon the Minifters reputation , fomething or other is wrong, if there are not feme thoufanfool
Spectators.
\ doubt not, when flrangers Read this Bb * ac-
I 372 »
account, they will think it a very'furprizing one: And no wonder, for, not to infift how much they have receded, not only from
the 'Rules and Practices of our Reformers, bllC
even from the Determinations of their own Genera! Aflembly i^4T^ not only receded from them , but, almoft, in every particu- lar, run opite Counter to therifc not to infift on what decafions , may be given to much fcandal , and many wickedneffe , by fuch iodigefted, disorderly, confufed , and mixc ConvocationsrFor who knows not that hun- dreds, generally , firmer* to one another , who have no fenfe of, no concern for , no ore about (erious Religion, may meet, on fuch occa (ions, for Novelty, forCuriofity, for Intrigues not to be named, for a thoufand fuch finifter ends ? Not to infift on thefe things , I fay , tho' they are of no fmall confluence : What a vaft difference is there between fuch Communions , and the Orderly and Devout Communions of the Primitive Church ? What would the Ancient Lights and Guides of the Christian Church , who would fuffer none today in the Church but fuch as were to Participate, fay, if chey faw fjch fromifcuoiu Routs aflembled •» and rnoftly , for no other end , than making a
fyeclatic of fuch a Venerable Myftery ? Is not
fuch unaccountable Parade much liker to the Popjh Procefftons , than the Devout Per for- mances of the purer times of Genuine Cbrifki&ni- ty ? H )w impolfible were it , at this rate » to Celebr ate the Saaamem % once a Month
(373)
in every Parifh Church ? How much more impoffible to reftore it to its due and proper frequency ? How far is this from I )king on this Holy Sacrament , as ane ordinary , tho' a very fignal pare of Divine rvorfhip ? Or rather
is it not to make a Ptodigie of this Divine
Mystery } Certainly , when People obferve how feldome, and withal, with what ftrange Pomp , with what , ordinarily, im- practicable folemnity fuch ane holy ordi- nance is gone about , it cannot but work differently upon their different difpqfitions , It ttznds fair to be a Scare crow to the \vea\ Chriftian , He dares not approach , where there is fo much frightening Addrefs ; It ftauds as fair for being a fcandal to the ftrong and underftanding Chriftian , when he fees fo
much vain (hew , 1 J much nee die fs oflcntationy fo much odd , external tricking , about it *,
And the Hypocrite can hardly wifk any thing more ufeful for him •, For who fhould doubt
of his being a Saint , when he approaches ,
amidft fo much folemnity ? Beddes,
Every body mayeafily fee what is aim'd at by all this 5 It is, as they think, a proper
Method for catching the Populace \ It is to make them admire the Devotion, the Religion, the Abilities of the Party. How Glorious and August are their Communions ! SNhlt fingular preparations have they / How many Powerful Prayers I How many Soul- fe arching Sermons !
Who can compare with them for fervour
and Z,eal , for Graces and Gifts , for fpecial warks of Gods peculiar favour and a"iH\ivee \
6 b 3 Mu'ft
( 374 )
Muft not their way be Gods way I Mujft not
thofe of their way be the truefht onlyPeople of
God ! I ask God and my Presbyterian Bre- thren pardon , ' if this is not at the bottom of the Matter ; But if it is, I wifh they would confider from what principles it pro- ceeds 5 How eafy is it to difcern in fuch Arts and Methods^ the clear Symptoms , the - lively Signatures , of a Schifmatical temper?
How eafy to perceive the plain features of Fattion, and the Lineaments of a prepofterous Tcndnefs to have their way and party had in Admiration? How eafy were it, more fully to expofe fuch dangerous and dreadful Me- . thods ? But I am affraid I have digreiled too much already. There is
8. Another very confiderable inftanceof their Deferring the principles of our Refor- mers in the Matter of this Sacrament ; Such ane inftance as may make another ftrange Figure , when ferioufly confidered.
Our Reformers , having once Eftabliflied
the Coyifeffion of Faith , as the Standard for
this National Church , required no more for qualifying private Perfons for the Sacrament of the Eucharist, than, that they could fay the Lords Prayer , the Articles of the Belief , and the fumm of the Law , and underftand the ufe and Vertue of this Holy Sacrament ; So it is ex-
prefsly delivered in the ninth Head of the
(x)SpOt* Fir ft Book of Difcipline. (x) Suppofing the
Perfon free from fcandal, this was certainly
a Genuine Mesfure , and agreeable to the
tnd principles oiCatkollch Unity. For
How-
( 375 )
However expedient it may be, upon fome Emergent Occafions, or Neceffkits, to require fuitable Obligations of Office-bearers in the Church , yet , no man, I think, who loves
Christian Simplicity and Vnity , but Will ac- knowledge , 'tis proper and prudent , tO make the terms of Communion a< Catholic!^ and Com- prehenfive , as C&r//?/ institutions will, allow
them to be made, Now , not to infift on
our Brethrens/^4'r#f/ag, from the Communi- on of thofe , who keep by the ffrw/ of Com- munion required by our Reformers, whereby they exprefsly Condemn the Communion of our Reformers : not to infift on this , I fay, tho' it might be more than enough, to prove their Recefflon froai the principles of our Reformers , in this Matter : Our Presbyterian Brethren are bound by
ane Exprefs AEb of the General A$embly
1648, not to give the Sacrament of the Lords Supper to any who do nor, firft, [mar the Solemn League and Covenant. The OCCafion was this.
In the beginning of that year 1648, mod part of the Nobility and Gentry of Scotland having come to a fenfe of the Mi- feries and Calamities , the Kingdomes had been involved in , by the horrid Rebellion , which had v then , prevail'd, too long, and too fuccefsfully 5 and willing to acquit themfelves , for once , as dutiful fubjeds , for the relief of their fuffering Sovereign, at thit time , moft fadly opprefYd and kept in prifon , by a prevailing p irty of his B b 4
C 37* )
moft undutiful fubje&s, entered into a moft
Dutiful Confederacy , commonly called Duke
Hamiluns Engagement-^ by the Presbyterians,
the VnUwfttl Engagement : And in purfuance
thereof, made fuitable preparations, pro- vided Arms , levied men , &c to form an Army. The Presbyterian Preachers were generally againft it 5 Preached and Prayed
"Damnation and Ruine to the nndertakers. Con*
demn'd the undertaking as Unlawful and Perjurious, as Traiterous to the Caufe of God, and a Breach of Solemn League and Cove*
nant , and what not ? Particularly,
The Presbytery of Edexburg , the leading
Presbytery, the Preshymy which fate upon the Watch-Tower , of the Nation , (hewed , I muft (ay , Remarkable , tho* I cannot fay,
Good Example to the Reft of the Presbyteries^
in the Months of May and June; They rack't their inventions for falling on methods to crufli and diiappoint the Defigns of the Engagers* For inftance, they let on foot this Politick in the Retpe&ive Pariflies 5 within their Diflritl , that the Mmfters and Kirk- Sej/ions ft)0u!d form /applications againft die Engagement , and give them in tO the Presby- tery , who were to give them in to the Com- mittee ofEftates , and thereby, to reprefent to them how much their undertaking was
contrary to the Inclinations cf the Generality of
the People. The Device took effed in fome
Parifhes: The Kirk^Sefions of Edinburgh , Holy-Rude-ehou/e , Ditddingftown , Liber ton , Rvthp , Curry , Cramond , gave in their fup-
plications*
( 377 )
plications, declaring that they could not be fatiifyedin their Confciences about the Lawful- nefs of the Engagement* I have inftanced in
the forwardnefs of the Presbytery of Eden- burgh , to give my Reader a Tafte of the humour of thefe times ; nor is it to be ima- gined that others were afleep , while they tyere fo diligent.
The General Aflembly met on the twelfth of July , they juftifyed the endeavours and diligence ufed before,agaioft the Engagement, with a wimefs : They approved all the De- clarations, Remonftrances, Representations, Petitions , &c againft it , which had been made by the Commijfton of the Kirk : They Declared there was no poilibility of fecur- ing Religion, fo long as this Unlawful En- gagement was carried on- Theymade Atts
and Declarations againft AEls of Parliament 5 and Threatned ail who ihould Obey them, with the wrath of God and the Cenfures of the Kirk^: They gave out their publick warn- ings againft it, and wrote to their Covenanted Brethren in England, (hewing their utter ab- horrence of it : They made their A& De- claring filence about itj a Crime, and requir- ing all MiiUfters to make the main current *f t^eir Applications in Sermons againft it, under the pain of being Cenfured by their Presbyteries*
And to (hew their (incerity and real zeal in all this, and for preventing all fuch ungodly Engagements , for the time to come , &c.
They made this Aft , That hereafter all Per- fins, whatfiever 3 (konld take the Covenant, at
th&r
( 378 )
their flrfi Receiving of the Lords Suffer ', requir- ing Provincial Affembl/s and Presbyteries to be careful , that this AB fhould be obferved , and account thereof taken, in the vi/itation of particu- lar Kirks , and the tryal of Presbyteries. If this
was not to ftreighten Chriftian Commu- nionjf this was not to impofe flrange terms, on all who defired this Holy Sacrament, let rhe world judge; And it is very well known that for feme years thereafter this Ad; was obferved. Perhaps it were no difficult task to give ane account of many ftrange things which happened in purfuanceof this Aft: But I (hall content my fclf at prefehc with one inftance-
In purfuance of the Politick , of the Pres- bytery of Edenburg > mention'd before , the Minifters of South Leith , propofed, to that KirkzSeffion , the overture of fupplicating i againft the Engagement. The Plurality of the Elders rejeded it .- This was in May or June$ The .Engagement , as every body knows , was unfuccefsful ; The Army was Routed at Preflon , &c and the Kirk, had op- portunity to be avenged of Malignants. The Presbytery of Edenburgh % therefore, en the fixth of 'December , that fame year , kept a Vipution at the Church oi South Leith 5 they made diligent Enquiry , who of the Elders, refuted to fupplicate againft the Engagement 5 They Depofed them from their Office , and they ordered the Minifters to go about ane Election of a New Scffion. But this was not all
Upon
C 379 )
Upork the 8th of December , they met again , to digeft a Method for Renewing the Covenant , in obedience to the Affemblies Aft 5 and particularly , they Ordained that
fuch Seducers as difj waded others from petitioning again ft the Engagement [hottld be debarred from
rfc COVENANT. Nay upon the. 24^ of January 1 6^1 it was ordered, particularly,
That tho/e in South Leith who had acceffion to the Paper drawn in Captain Ramfey's houje, (which Paper, fo far as one can Conjedtire, from theDepofitionsof the Witnefies about it , was nothing but ane Apologetick , for their not fupplicating) as alfo tho/e who were Cent from the Corporations ('the Town, as I
think , is divided into four Corporations,)
to the Minifters and Se/fion , to de/tre them to forbear (upplicating , againft the Engagement , fkould make publick acknowledgement of their Offence , be/ore they floould have permijjion to taty
the Covenant : So thatatlaft, as is obvious, the matter refulted in this? The Elders of South Leith , and tho/e who came from the
Corporations to the Se/fion to Diffwade from /upplicating , could not have the Sacrament without tirft taking the Covenant ; and they
Could not have the Benefit of the Covenant
(as it was then Deem'd) till they (hould make pub/ick acknowledgement of the Heinous Guilt of not fupplicating , and , as Seducers , Diffrvading others from /upplicating , againft the Unlawful Engagement, For the Truth of this I Appeal to the Faith of the publick Regifter of that Presbytery.
I know,
( 3S0 )
I know , our S^resbyterian Brethren will be ready to fay , that this was only a Deed
of the particular Presbytery of Edenburgh , fo
that , if there was any thing amifs in it , it ought not to be imputed to the whole party.* If this befaid, I have thefe things to reply ', i. What did the Presbytery here- in that was not in purfuance of the public^ Spirit of the times , and the A&s of the General Aflembly ? But then 2. as extrava- gant as the Presbytery of Edenburgh was in
this matter , Thty came not up , it feems ,
to the full Meafures of ' Rlgiditie , which the Spirit of the Affembly, required; For whofo pleafes to turn over , in the Regijler, to the 31^ of January 164I , (hall find that the
Commiffion of the Kirl^(t\\Q Authentic^ Vehicle
of the publkh Spirit of the Kir\ , doring the Interval between Aifemblies) wrote a Let- ter to the Presbytery 7 Requiring.gr eater accuracy in the Tryal of Malignsmts , a^id admitting Peo- ple to the Renovation cf the Covenant , prohibit- ing Kirl^Sefflons to meddle in fuck Mattdfs, and Ordering all to be done by the Presbyteries them- f elves 5 Except very difficult Cafes , which were to be referrd to the Commiffion of the Kirk- AncJ
to fecure this fide alio , let him turn over to the Atls of the General Ajfembly, Anno 1649, and he (hall find FirB Aft Intituled , Appro- bation of the proceedings of the Commissioners of the General Affembly\ by which A6t that
Aflembly (A&ed by thx fame Spirit, with the former) found that the Commiffioners appointed, Anno 1648. had been zealous ,
iUfgent
\
diligent and faithful in the difcharge of the tfufi committed to them, and therefore did unanimously Approve and Ratify the whale Proceedings, Atls, and Conclufion i of the fdd Ccmmiffion 5 dp point- ing Mr. John Bell , Moderator pro tempore, to retttrn them hearty thanks , in the name of the Affembly , for their great pains , travel , and fidelity*
If it be faid , farthers that our prefent Presbyterians require not, now , that condi- tion of taking the Covenant of thofe , they admit to the Sacrament : I reply, 1 . do noc
the Cameronians , who , in all true Logic\y
are to be reputed the Trueft Presbyterians obferve it punctually ?
2. How can our prefent Regnant Presby- terians juftify their Omiffion of it ? By their own principles the Ad binds them 5 for it ftands as yet unrepealed by any fubfequent General Aflembly: By the common prin- ciples of Reafon they are bound , either to obey that Ad or Reprobate the Aflembly which made it. This I am fure of, they can neither plead the Diffuetude of that Ad, nor any Peculiarity in the Reafon of it, for their negleding it , more, than many other Ads which they own ftill to be in vigour : But I am affraid my Reader has too much of this.
Thus I have (hewed, in parr, how much our Presbyterian Brethren have Deferted the Rules and Rites of our Reformers about the Sacraments , proceed we now to other
-■■gicat Offices.
8. Then,
( 382 )
8. Theaour Reformers not only appoint- ed a form for the Celebration of Marriage , ("to be feen in the Old Liturgy) but in that form Come things agree word for word with
the EngHJb Form 5 Particularly , the charge to the Perfons to be Marryed to Declare if they know any impediment , &C A Solemn Blefjing was
alfo appointed > to be pronounced on the Married Perfons 5 and afcer that the 128 Pfalm to be fung , &c Befides it was ex- prefsly appointed, by the Firfi Book^ of Disci- pline , that Marriages fhould be only Solemnized on Sunday , in the forenoon , after Sermon , Cap.
9-0) And this was fo Unirafally obferved, that the Introdu&ion of Marrying, on other days , is remarkable r For it was propofed to the General Aflembly , holden at Eden-
burg, July 7. Anno 15,79 > as a doubt, whither it was Lawful to Marry on week days, afufficient number being prefsnt ,and']oynlng Preaching there- unto} and the General Aflembly Refolved It was Lawful (z.) But
Our prefent Presbyterians, if I miftake not , make it rather a Doubt, whither it-be Lawful to Marry on Sunday : Sure I am , it is inconfiftent with their principles to do it by a Form : As fure 1 am , tho* they were for a Form they could not well digeft the Form of our Reformers', which fmeltd fo rankfj of the Englijh Corruptions : I know not if they ufe , folemnly , to Blefs the Married Pair: If they do it not , I know they have Deferted their owcr Second Bool^of Difcipline.
I think they will not deny but the fingingof
the
( 383 )
tlie 12.8 Pfalm in the Church , immediately after the perfons are Married > is out of faftiion , with them.
9. They have alfo forfaken our Refor- mers in the Burial of the Bead : "lis true , indeed , the Firfi Boo{of Difdpline feems to be againft Funeral Sermons , neither doth it frankly allow of Reading fuitable portions of Scripture , and finging Pfalms at Burials 5 Yet it was far from Condemning thefe Of- fices ; We are not fo precife in this (Tay the Compilers) but that we are content that parti' cular Churches , with Confent of the Miniflcr , do that , which they /hall find mo ft fitting, as they willAnfwer to God 3 and the Affembly of the VniverfalChunh , within this Realm, {a) But 00 Spot'
the Old Liturgy , which was Authorized by1 ? 3-
two General djfemblies (which the Firfi Book
of Difdpline could never pretend toj has not only a Form for vifiting the Sick ftiot obferved, I am fure , by our prefent Presbyterians) but exprefsly allows of Funeral Sermons* Thefe are its very words about Burial* The
Corps (ball be Reverently brought to the Grave , accompanyed with the Congregation , without any further Ceremonies 5 which being Buried , the Mini ft er , if he be prefent, and required , goeth to the Church, if it be not too far off, and maketh fome Comfortable Exhortation to the People , touching Death , and the RefurrcHion 3 Then Blejfeth the People , and difmijfeth them* To
our prefent Presbyterians , Funeral Sermons are as the worshipping of Reliqnes ^ They are every whit as ill as Praying for the Dead, and
the
(3S4)
the Do&rine of Purgatory. One thing more I (hall take notice of in the Old Liturgy, It is
I o. The Form and Order of the Eletlion of the Superintendent , which may ferve^ in Election
of all other Mtmflers. I (hail not repeat what I have already obferved as to this point , concerning our Presbyterians Condemning the Office of Superintendents $ and their forfaking cur Reformers , as to the Cere- mony of impo/ition of hands , in Ordinations ; a point wherein our Reformers , I confefs , were fomewhat unaccountable. That which I take notice of now , is , that that Form continued , st leaft , for fixty years » to be ufed in Ordinations : Particularly it was in
Ufe , even With the Parity men , Anno 1 6 1 8,
(b) Cali as is evident from Calderwood 3 (b) and it 711. was infifted on by them , then , as a Form, which was to be reputed fo Venerable , and of fuch weight , that any Receffion from it , was ane intollerable innovation : And yet I re- fer it to onr prefent Presbyterians them- selves, if they can fay that they have not intirely Deferred it. Becaufe the Defigna- tion of the Perfon to be Ordained is Prior in order of nature to his Ordination 5 1 (hall add as ane Appendage to this Head , the Difcrcpance between our Reformers and our
prefent Presbyterians , about Patronagei and
Popular Elections of Minifters.
Our prefent Presbyterians, every body knows , 3 re zealous for the Divine Right of Popular EUtlions: The Power of Choofing
their
( 3*5 )
their own Minifters , The Perfons who are i& have the charge of their Souls , is a Priviledge which Chnfi , by his Teftament9 hath Be* queathed to his People : ft IS his Legacy to them 5 ant unalienable part of their Spiritual
Property 5 It cannot be taken from them
Without a Direct croffmg of Chrifts inftitution ,
and the horrid fin of Robbing his People of their indictable Priviledge. Patronages are
3ne Intollerable Grievance , and YoaJ{ of Bondage on the Church : They have been always the caufe of Pefiering the Church with a bad Minister) 5 They came in among ft the late ft Anti-Chriftiatt Corruptions and Vfurpaticns , &c. This IS
their Do&rine , tho' , 'tis cbious to all the world, they put ftrange Commer.ts on it by their Pra&ice : Well ! What were the fentiments of oar Reformers in this Matter } The Firft BookofDifciplwe/indttd, affirms
(Head 4 J That it appertained to the People and to every fever al Congregation to Eleil their own
Minifter : But it has not fo much as one fy liable of iheDivine inftitution of fuch a Pri*
viledge : On the contrary, in that fame very
breath , it adds, and in cafe they be found neg- ligent therein , the Jp ace of 40 days , the Super" intendent with his Council may prefent a A4an ,
&c. If this Man after tryal is found quali- fied , and the Church can juftly reprehend nothing in his Life, Docirine or Utterance, then , we judge (fay our Reformers,) the
Church, which, before^ wa6 deftitute , unrea- sonable , if they refufe him , whom the Church
C c Mi
( 3*6 )
doth offer ; And that they fhould be compeUed} by the Cenfureof the Council , and Church , to re- ceive the Perfon appointed and approved by the Judgment of the Godly and Learned $ unlefs that the fame Church hath prefented a, Man better , or us -well , Qualified , to Examination , before that the aforefaid tryal was taken of the Perfon^ prefented by the Council of the whole Church. As for Example, the Council of the Church pre fents a Man unto a Church to be their Minifler , not knowing that they are otherwife provided 5 In the mean time , the Church hath another fuffcient , in their judgement , for that charge , whom they prefent to the Learned Minifters y and next Re- formed Church to be examined : la this cafe , the freftntation of the People to whom hefhouldbe ap- pointed P aft or , muft be preferred to the prefenta- tion of the Council or greater Church , unlefs the Perfon prefented by the inferiour Church be judged unable for the Regiment , by the Learned. For this is always to be avoided, that To man be in" truded or thrufi in upon any Congregation. But this Liberty , with all care, muft be referved for every feveral Church , to have their voices and ■ fuffrages in RleElion of their Minifler s ; Yet we do not call that violent intrufion , when the Coun- cil of the Church , in the fear of God , regarding only the falvation of the People^ offer eth unto them, a man f efficient to inftruft; them, whom they fb all not be forced to admit before juft Examination.
So chat Book. Add to this , this confide- ration , That at that time the Popifh Clergy were in pofleflion of all the Benefices ; the Reformed Clergy had not, then , (0 much
as
('3*7)
as the profped of the Thirds , which 1 have difcourfed of, before : Thefe things laid together, 'tis obvious to perceive, r. That it was only from Prudential Confederations ; our Reformers were inclined to give the Pea* pie fo much Power at that time 5 It was much for the Conveniency of the Minifters, who were to live by the Benevolence of the Parifli, &c. They did not grant them this Power , as of Divine Right •, No fuch thing fo much as once insinuated , as I have faid ; 'Twas plainly nothing but a Liberty. And no in- jury , no violence was done to a Parith, even in thefe circumftances of the Church, when the Council of the Church gave them a Mini- fter without their own Eletlion. Tis as plain, 2. that (fo far as can be colle&ed from the whole Period above) our Reformers (the Compilers of the Book I mean) abftra&ing from the , then , circumftances of the Church were more inclined,that the Election of Minifters fhould be in the hands of the Clergy , than of the People 5 Which I am much inclined to think was not only, then, but a long time after, the prevailing fenti- riient 5 And all the world fees , I am fure ; it wasa fentiment utterly inconfiftent with the opinion cf the Divine Right of Popular Elections*
I have been at pains to fer the Firfi Book. tfDifcifline , thus in ics due light , that our Brethren may not corrplain, it was negiefl- ed , not that my Caufe required it •, For that Book, was never Law , either Civil of Cc * Bet
( 388 )
EccUfiaSkal , and fo I might fairly have omitted it. Let us try next what were truly
the pub lick, and Authoritative fentiments of our Refornters,
The firft which I find of that nature , is the fentiment of the General Affembly^olcltri in September If6f. The General Affemhly holden in June immediately before , had Complained , that fome vacant Benefices had been be ft owed by the Queen , on fome Noblemen
0MS. and barons, (c) The Queen anfwered, She
Fet/342. thought it not Reafenable to deprive her of the Patronages belonging to her : And this General
Adembly in September anfwer thus; Our
mind is not that her ALi]eftyy or any other Perfon, fhould be defrauded of their jjtft Patronages , but ■pee mean , whensoever her Alajefty , or any other Patron , do prefent any Perfon , unto a Benefice^ that the Perfon prejented fhould be tryed and exa- mined , by the judgement of Learned Men of the Churchy Such as are , for the prefent , the Superintendents : And as the prefent at ion of the Benefice belongs to the Patron , fo the Collation , (d) MS. by Law and Keafon, btlongeth to the Church, (d) Per. 344- Agreeably , we find , by the 7 Aft 1 Pari, Spot. i9*fMC:tt Anno 1S67. (The Parliament holden by Murray Regent,) It was ena&ed (in pur- fuanct (no doubr) of the Agreement between the Nooility and Barons , and the Clergy in the General Aflfernbly , holden in July that year ) That the Patron fhould prefent a qua- lified Perfon , within fix Months , to the Super- thefe parts , where the Benefice lyes, &G And by the Agreement at Lcitk , Anno
1572,
K72, the Right of Patronages was referved
to the Refpetlive Patrons. {/) And by the 0) CaH. General Ajfembly holden in March i J74 , it 5Z- Was enabled f W collations upon prefect ations to Benefices fhould not be given without confent of three qualified Miniflers , &C (f) The General (f) Cald.
Affembly in ^*g#/? that fame year , fuppli **•
Cated the Regeot that Bifhops might beprefent-
ed to vacant Bijhoprkks 9 as I have obferved before. By the General Affembly holden in
Otlober 1S78, It was em&ed , that pre fen- t ations to benefices be directed to the Commijfion- firs of the Countreys where the Bene(ice lyes,
(z) 1 a) ms.
Tis true, indeed , the Second Book^of Dlf- k-c. :: 6.
cipline, Cap, I2.£. 10. Condemns Patronages, d^**^ as having no ground in the word of God ; as con- trary to the fame 5 and as contrary to the Liberty of Election of Paftors , and that which ought not to have place in the Light of Reformation, (h) (h)MS. But then 'tis as true; 1. That that fame Spor. 30 r.
General Affembly, holden in April I?8i ,Cald. 114. which filft Ratified this Second Bock, of Difci-
pline , Statuted and Ordained , That Laick
Patronages fhould remain whole unjoynted , and undivided , unlefs with confent cf the Patron.
(i) So that , let them , who can, reconcile (*; MS. the A&s of this Presbyterian Aflembly. P«.4i<* For to my skill f which I confefs is not very Cald*^' great) it feems , as we ufe to fay , to have both burnt and blown Patronages 5 blown them by this Aft,and burnt them by Ratify- ing the Bool{ which Condemn d them.But v* hat- ever is of this, that which I obferve a- is Cc 3 far
( 390 )
far more confiderable ; For tho' the Boo\ Condemned Patronages, yet our Presbyterian Brethren, ofthv Modern Cut, have no great advantage by it , for it had nothing lei's in its profped: , than to Condemn them, for making way for Popular Elections. Indeed it gave no countenance to fuch Elections , Far lefs did it fuppofe or aflert them to be of Divine Right. This is its Determination in the 9th | of that 12. Cap. The Liberty of j&letling Perfons to Ecclefafiical FunElions , ob- ferved without interruptions , fo long as the Church was not corrupted by Anti- Chrift, we dejtre to be refiored and retained within this Realm 5 So as nions be intruded upon any Congregation , either i>v the Prince , or any other inferior Perfbn,
WITHOUT LAWFUL ELECTION, mi THE ASSENT OF THE PEOPLE,
vver whom the Per [on is placed , according to the Pratt ice of the ApoftolicJ^and Primitive Church.
Now 3 1. confidering that it was the com- mon talk , of the Presbyterians , of thefe
times , that Antichriftian Corruptions , began
tojejhr the Church, fo foon as Epifiopacy was introduced, It is clear, that that which
they Call the Uninterrupted Practice' of the
church , muft have defcended , according to themfelves but for a very few years: and I (hall own my felf their humble fervant , if bur prefentPresbyterians ftiall prove that /V
fular EleSions were in Vn'vvsrfal uninterrupted
brattice * during that interval, of their own
making \ the interval , I mean which they
ake between the Agoftles times3 and the
Srff
( 3P1 )
firft Introduction of Epifcopacy. Indeed , r 2. the Bco^ plainly aiflingmfhes between LAWFUL ELECTION, and THE AS SENT OF THE PEOPLE, and all the world knows they are naturally diftingui/h- , die; and whofoever knows any thing of the Monuments of thefe Primitive times , knows they were actually difiingmjhed^ and that all the Peoples Priviledge was to AS- SENT, nor, to ELECT 5 They were not iaufe of Ejecting, if I miftake not, till to- wards the end of the third Century : So that, if we can believe the Compilers of the Booh^ if they were for reftoring the Primitive Pra- ttler, 'tiseafy tounderftand that they meant no fuch thing as to reftore Popular Elections. Efpecially, if 3. it be confidered that we have one very Authentick Explication of this 9tb Article of the 1 %. Cap. of the Second Book of Dlfcipline , handed down to us by Calderwood himfelf. (JQ The ftory is this. ^ CaW#
King James the Sixth , continually vext 383. with the Turbulency of the Presbyterian temper , caufed publiih j>'$ JZpefttons , and propofed them to btfified, thinking that clear and diftind: Refblutions of them , might contribute much for ending many Controverfies , agitated, in thofe times * between the Kir^ and the Crown. They
Were publifiied in February , or January
i$9r. They are to be fepg both in Spotf
woods Q) and Calderwoods Hiftories. 1 am m $pot/
only concerned , at prefent , for the third 4^.
J^eftion , which was this , Is not the Confent Cald. j8i CC 4 •/
5&S-
(35? 2 )
of the mofl part of the Flock , and alfo of the Pa- trons neceffari in the Eletlion of Pafiors ? Now, Calderwood lays , that there were brethren dele- gtiteafrotn every Presbytery of Fife , who met at Sir. Andrews upon the 21. of February,^,
having toffed the Kings f^uefiions , fundrie days%
gave Anfwers to every one of them, parti- cularly, tothef^VJ, this was their Anfwer, Tie Election of Pafiors (hould be made by thofe , who ay e Pafiors , and Dotlors Lawfully called , and rv ho can try the Gifts , necejjarily belonging U Pafiors , by the word of God : And to fuch as are fo chofen, the Flock, and Patron [hould give '} 0 ^M. their Confent and Protection, (m) Now this, I
f> , is a very Authentic^ Explication of the words of the Bookj for thefe Delegates Meet- ing at St. Andrews , it is not to be doubted, but Mr. Andrew Mehil , at that time, prin- cipal of the New College, was with them, pro- bably they met , in that City, that he might be with them 5 for fure I am , it Was not otherwife the moft convenient place of the County for their Meeting: And having him with them ? they had one, than whom , none on earth was capable of giving a more
Authentic^ Senfe of the words of the Book.
It were very eafy to adduce more A<3s of General Aflemblies to this purpofe .- But I am affraid I have infifted too much on this fubjeft already ; In](hort then, the Groundicfs
Fancy of the Divine Right of Popular Eleclions9
. is more properly ane Independent than a Pres-
hytexian principle. The Englifh Presbyterians
of the Provincial Aflembly oi London, wrote
tealoufly
(393)
ZQaloufly againft it , in their Jus Dlvlmm
Minifterii Evangelici : It is truly inconfift-
ehc with the Old Presbyterian Scheme, It obtained not generally amongft our Scottljh Presbyterians till feme years after 1638. It was not adopted into their Scheme till the General Affembly 1 649. Patronages were ne- ver taken away by AEt of Parliament till of late , u e. in the year 1 690. Tis true G. R.
in \\\%Trve Rreprefentation of Presbyterian Go- vernment, (n) fays, they were taken away b)(n)$» if* Law , meaning, no doubt, by the Aft of the prerended Parliament , Anno 16^ But he had juft as much Reafon for calling that Rout , a Parliament , or its Atls , Laws , as he had for making thefuppreffing of Popular Elections of MinifterS , Zjujr Caufe for fepA-
rating from the Communion of a Church. Thus I have infifted on the Recefflons of our prefent Presbyterisn Brethren from thefen- timents of our Reformers about the public^ worfhif of the Church and feme of its ^p- pendages ; Perchance I have done it too te- diouuy ; if fo, I (hall endeavour to difpatch what remains , more curtly.
'III. They have alfo Deferted our Refor- mers in the Difcipline of the Church; The particulars are too numerous to be infifted on 5 Let any man compare the two Books of Difcipiine ; The Firfi compiled by our Re- formers, Anno 19605 The Second , by the Presbyterians of the fir ft Edition , and Ratified by Aft of the General Affembly , holden in
April 1581, and he ifaall find no fcarcity of
diffe-
( 3H )
differences* He (hall find Alterations , In- novations , Oppofitions , Contradidions , &c. Lee him compare the Ads of Affem- blies after the year 1 580 , with the Ads of Aflemblies, before, and he (hall find many more. Indeed ,
Our prefent Presbyterians have made not a few notorious Receffions from the Second, The Presbyterian Boo\ of Difcipiine* To in- ftance in a few»
The Third Chapter of the Second Book of Difcipline is thus Intituled , How the Perfons that bear Ecclejiaftical Function , are admitted
to their offices This Chap, treats of fuch Per- fons in the general 5 The particular Orders of Paftors , Doctors'; Elders, &c are par- ticularly treated of, in fubfequent Chapters. This7t; . Chapter treating, thus, ofEccle- fiaftical Officers in the genera!, makes two things neceffiry to the outward call, Election and Ordination , $ 6. It defines ordination £0 be the feparation and [anllifying of the Per [on appointed by God , and his Church, after that he is well tryed and found qualified. It ennumerates Faftwg, Prayer , and impojiti&n of hands of the Blderfhip , SS the Ceremonies of Ordination, $
ii, 12, Now the whole Nation knows , no fuch thing as either Tryal , Fafting , or impofition of hands,are ufed by our prefent Presbyterians in the Ordination of Ruling El- ders.
The Sixth Chapter is particularly concern- ing Ruling Elders , as contra- diftind from Paftors or Teaching Elders. And it determines
thus,
( 395 )
thus^oncernillg them, £• 3- Elders once Law* fully called to the Office \ and having Gifts of God fittoexercife the fame , may not leave it again.:
Yet nothing more ordinary with our ptefent Presbyterians , than laying afide Ruling Elders, and reducing them to a ftateof Lakks ; So that , Sure I am , if ever they were Presbyters , they come under tertuUi- ans CtvXuxt (De Prtfcrip.) Hodie Presbyter ;, qui eras Laicm* A Presbyter to day, and a Porter to morrow.
By the gth $. of that fame Chapter, It per- tains to them (thefe Ruling Elders) to affiftthe Taftor in examining thtfe that come to the Lords J able , and in vijiting the Sick,. This CanOtl
is not much in ufe , I think , as to the laft part of it * as to the firft , it is intirely in- defuetude. Indeed fome of them would be wondroufly qualified for fuch ane Of- fice.
The Seventh Chapter is about Elderfbips and djfemblies. By £ 2. Ajfemblies are of four forts , viz. either of a particular Congregation , or of a Province , or a whole Nation , or all Chrifiian Nations. Now of all thefe indefi- nitely it is affirmed, £. $\ In all Affemblies a Moderator fhotild be chofen by common confent of the whole Brethren conveened 5 Yet HO filch
thing obferved in our Kirkr'Sejfions , which
are the Congregational Affemblies fpoken of £
2. But Mas John takes the Chair without Election 5 and would not be a little grated if the beft Laird in the Pariflh fhould be his Competitor* Crawford himfelf a the firft
Earl
( 396 )
Earl of theKingdome , had never the Ho- nour to be Moderator in the KirkSeJfton of Ceres,
The 14th Canon , ill the fame 1th Chapter IS this , When we Jpeal^ of Elders of particular Congregations, we mean not that every particular Farifh Church can , or AiAY have their parti» cular Elderfhips , ejpecially to Landward , but •we thir\three or four , more , or fewer particH' lar Churches may have a common Elderfbip to them all f to judge their Ecclefiafiical Caufes* And Chapter 1 2. Canon <r- As to Elders , there would be in every Congregation , one , or more , Appointed for cenfuring of manners , but not ane Affembly of Elders , except in Towns and Famous F laces -, where men of Judgement and Ability may be had : And thefe to have a common Elderfhip placed amongjl them , to treat of all things that concern the Congregations of whom they have the Overjight- But as the world goes now, every Pari(h , even in the Country , muft have its own Elderfhip, and this Elderfhip muft confift of fuch a number of the Sincerer fort, as may be able to out- vote all the Malignant Heritors , upon occafion $ as when a Mi- nifter is to be chofen , &c So long as there is a precife Plough- man, ot a well-affeftedWebfier, or a covenanted Cobbler , or fo , to be found
in the Parifh , fuch a number muft not be wanting. The (landing of the Set! is the Supreme Law : The good caufemnd not fuffer,
tho* all the Canons of the i&V^iliauid be put to fkift for rhemfelves, IV. The laft thing I named , as that,
wherein
( 397)
wherein our prefem Presbyterians have for- Taken the principles and fentiments of our Reformers, , Was the Government of the Church:
But I have treated fo fully of this , already, that 'tis needlefs to purfue it any farther. I (hall only therefore, as ane Appendage to this , reprefent one very confiderable Right of rhe Church, adhered to by our Reformers, but difclaim'd by our prefent Presbyterians. It is, her being the Firfi of the three Efiates of Parliament, and having vote in ihzt great Council of the Nation.
It is evident from the moft Ancient Re- cords , and all the Authentick Monuments of the Nation , That the Church made (till the Firfi , of the Three Efiates , in Scottijh Parliaments , fince there were Parliaments in Scotland. This had obtained , time out of mind , and was lookt upon as Fundamen- tal , in the Conftitution of Parliaments, in the days of the Reformation. Our Refor- mers never fo much as once dream'd , that
this was a Popifb Corruption : What Sophiftry
can make it fiwh} They dream'd as little of its being unfeemly or fcandalous , or in- congruous , or inconvenient , or whatever, .now adays , men are pleas'd to call ir. On the contrary , they were clear for its con- tinuance 9 as a very important Right of the
Church. The Firfi Boo{ of Di/cipline , Head 2th, allowed Clergy- men toAffifithe Parlia- ment when the- fame is called. 'Tis true CaU derwood both Corrupts the Text , here, and gives it a falfe Ghfu Inftead of thefe words
\jvhen
C 398)
[when the fame Is called, ] he puts thefe {if he (0) Spot, be c ailed f] (0) and his Glofs is, Meaning with 168. advice , (fays he) not by Voice , or fitting as a
Gald.aS, Member of [that Court. I fay this is a falfc Glofs. Indeed , it runs quite counter to all the principles and pra&ices of thefe times : For not only did the Ecclefiaftical Eftate fit , actually > in the Reforming Parliament , Anno i960, and all Parliaments, thereafter, for very many years 5 But fuch firefs , in thefe times , was laid on this Eftate , that it was generally thought , that nothing of publick concern could be Legally done without it* The Counfel of the Ecclefi- aftick Peers was judged neceffary in all mat- ters of National Importance. Thus
Anno 1 07- when the Match was on foot, between the Queen and Bothwell , that it might feem to be concluded with the grea- ter Authority , pains were taken to get the confent of the principal Nobility , by their fubfcriptions. But this was not all ; that all might be made as fure as
Polfridie, quod in Urbe CQ^ be , All the Bt/hops , who fait Epifcoporum Con- . fe Q vtr§ aifi Cm_
vocatur in Aulam , ut 5c , / ] . r , / . .
ipfi, quidem, fubfcribe- located, and their fuhfcrtpttons rent. Buch. 667. required^ as Buchanan tells US.
And Anno 156S. when the Accufation was intented againft the Queen of Scotland * before the Queen of England** Arbitrators , that it might be done with the greater ap- pearance of the Confent of the Nation ; That it might have the greater femblance
of
( 399 )
of a National Deed , as being a matter wherein all Eftates were concerned, the Bijhep of 'Orkney , and the Abbot of Dunferm- line were appointed to reprefent the Spiritual Eftate. (p) Again , (p) Buch.
Anno i s7i. when the two Counter Par- 69b. liaments were holden at Edenburg, thoie of^P°c« 2l9* the Querns Faction, as/«*as they were, had the Votes qutxo Bifhops in their Sejfion hol- den July 1 2, as is clear from Buchanan and Spotfmod compared together, (q) (q) Buch.
In their next Sejfion , which was holden 7S6* at Edenburg, Augufi 22, that fame year ,5P°C* 25«9 tho' they were , m all , but yb<? Members , yet *»w of them were Bifhops, as spot [wood tells. (V) But Buchanans account is more(,)Sp0ta confiderable. (s) For he fays, om ofthefei56. two was there unwillingly , fo that it.feemsWBucfa* he was forced by the reft to be there , out7^°' of a fenfe they had of the Neceffity of the EccleJiafticaLEftate. Now 'tis to beRemem- bred that tjpte who appeared for the Queen, were Pr is well as thefe who were
for her Son*
No Man , I think , will deny but the fubfiftence of the Eccleftaftical Eftate , and their Vote in Parliament was continued and
continued by the Agreement of Leitb , Anno 1572. Indeed ,
' When the Project for Parky amongft the Officers of the Church was fet on Foot by Mehit, Anno ij7j , and fome of rhe Clergy were gained to his fide , and they were ufing their utmoft endeavours to have
Epifcopacy
( 4oo )
Epifcopacy overturned , it feems this was a wain difficulty to them, a difficulty which did very much entangle and retard their purpofe* This, I fay, that the overturning Prelacy, was the overturning one of the three Efiates of Parliament. This is evident not only from Boyd , Arch Bijhop of Glafgow , his Difcourfe , to the General Aflembly , Anno i $76. mentioned before,but alfo from the two Letters I have often named which were written to Mr. Beza : the one by the
Lord Glamis, Anno 1 5:76, or 15*77, the other by Mr. Melvll , Anno 1 J79. Becaufe they contribute fo much light to thfe matter in hand , I fhall once more refume them.
Glamis was then Chancellor of Scotland ; It is
manifeft he wrote not indeliberately , or without advice: Undoubtedly he ftated the Queftion , according to thtfenfe , the Generality of People had, thefl, of it ; Now ht ftates it thus. Seeing every Church hath its own Paftor and the Power of Paftors in the Church of Chrift feems to be equals The ^ueftion is whither the Office of Bishops be Neceffary in the Church , for convocatirg thefe Paftors , when there is need *y for Ordaining Paftors , and for Depofing them for jaft Caufes ? Or whither it be better » that the Paftors AEttng in Parity , and fubjetl to no Super iour Bifhopyjhould choofe Qua- lified Men y for the Mimftery , with confent of the Patron , and the People '-, and Cenfure , and Vepofe , &C. ? For Retaining Bifhops we have thefe two Motives 5 One is , the ftubbornenfs and ungevernablenefs of th§ People, which/cannot pof*
fibH
( 4»' )
fitly he kept within Bounds' f if they are not over* t Qjji vix awed by the Authority of thefe Bifhops , in their ac "e v** vifitatioHs. The other is , that fuch is the con- oJggf^ ftittttion of the Monarchy * which hath obtain d conctoeri time out of mindy that as often as the Parliament poteft. meets , for confuting about things pertaining to * Leges the fafety of the Republic^ , nothing can be deter- ^|Jj ^ mined without the Bifhops , who make the Third & invete- Eftate of the Kingdom , which 9 to change errata con- fubvert, would be extremely perilous to the King" fretudine
dom. So he , from which we may learn RecePt3?a two things: TheKr/ is , a farther confir- mation of what I have before aflerted to have been the feritiment of thefe times con- cerning the Elettion of PaBors , namely thac it was , that they Ihould be EletJed by the Clergy , and that the People fhould have no
Other Power than that of Confenting : The
other is pat in Relation to our prefent bufi- nefs , namely , that the EccUfiafiical Eftate
was judged Necejfary , by the tonftitution of
the Monarchy^ It could not be wanting in Parliaments i It was to run the hazard of fubverting the conflitution, to think of
altering it or turning it OUt of doors. And
Melvih Letter is clearly to the fame pur-
pofe : We have not ceafed thefe five years to fight againfi Pfeudepifcopacy (many of the Nobi- lity refifiing us) and to prefs the feverity of Difci- pline : iVe have prefent ed unto his Royal Ma)efiyy and three Eftatesof the Realm , both before , and now, in this Parliament , the form of Difcipliuej to be infert amongfi the Alls , and to be confirm- ed by public^ Authority: We have the King: D d frind
( 402 )
mind bhfded towards us , f tpo far faid , I 3m
fore , if we may take that Kings own word
f<5r it ) bnt many of the Peers again (t us : For they a/ledge , if Pfeudepifcopacy be taken away , orie of the Eftates is pulled down : If Presbyteries be creeled, the Royal Maje-fty Is dimini(hed,C^T.
"lis. true, Melvil himfelf, here, (hews no great kiqdnefs for the third EfiatexBut that's no great matter; It was Lis humor to be fwgiiLr-, All I am concerned for? is the pitblick femiment of the Nation; efpecial- ly rhe Mobility , which we have fo plain , for the NeceJJlty of the Ecclefiafiical Efiate,
-Sing can be plainer. Nay , So ibdifputable was it, then , that this EccleimflicjtlEftate was abfolutely neceffary by thtconfiltyjion, that the Jtebyterians them- fefves never called it in Qaeftion , never offered to advance facn a Paradox as that , it might" be abolifhed ; After they had abo- liflied Epifcopacy by their Afi^rnbly if So, the King fent feyeral times to them, teiiing them , ' rle could not want one of his three * Eftates: How would they provide him " with are Ecclefaftical E&ate , now that " they had aboUlhed Biihops?Whofopleafes to Read Caldcrwcod himfelf (hall find this poiar. frequently infilled on. What returns gave they ? Did they ever in the leafi offer to return that the having ane Eccle/tafiical
Eflate in Parliament was a Popifh Corruption ?
That it was ane unwarrantable conftitution ? That it was not Neceffary ? Or that the con- futation might bzmire enough without it ?
No
( 4°3 )
Nofuch thing entered their thoughts 5 On the contrary, they wereftill clear for main- taining it; They hadno inclination to part with ftich a valuable Right of the Church 5 Their Anfwer to the Kings Demands was
ft ill , one and the fame 3 They -were not again fi Churchmen* having vote in Parliament 5 But none ought to vote in name of the Church without Commiffion from the Church. And this their fentiment they put in the very Second Boo^ of Difciptine , for chefe are word for word
the f event eenth and eighteenth Articles of the eleventh Chapter.
?7« We deny not in the mean time that Mi- niters MAT and SHOVLD affifi their Princes when they are required , in all things agreeable to the word of God, whither it be in Councilor Parliament, or out of Council ; Providing always they neither neglect their own charges , nor , through flattery of Princes , hurt the publichJE.fi at » of the Kirk*
\ 8. But generally we fay , that no Pafior under whatfoever Title of the Kirl^, and fpeci ally the abufed Titles in Popery, of Prelates, Chapters and Convents t ought to attempt any thing , in the Churches name , either in Parliament , or out of Council^ without the Commiffion , of the Reformed Kirk^ within this Realm* (t) And(A$p0fj
It was concluded in the Affembly holdenip*?. 2t Dundee , March 7. 1 59$. That it was iVZs-Cald. *&* CESS ART and EXPEDIENT for the well of the Kirl{ , that the Mini fiery as the third EfiateW ^5* , of this Realm, in name of the Church, have vote «f0"t*?** ':i in Parliament, (rt) So indubitable was it incaR J.9I Ddx thefe
( 404 )
thefe times , that the EccUfiafiical Efiate was necefTary, and that it could not be wanting without the notorious fubverfion of the confutation of Parliaments. Indeed , It was not only the fentiment of General Aflemblies , whatever fide , whither the PreUtkal or the Preibjterian prevailed, but ic was Hkewife the ientiment of all Par- liaments : h were eafy to atmfs a great many A£ts of a great many Parliaments to this purp'ofe : 1 (hall only inftance in a few. Thus
The eight AtlParl. i. Jfc 6. holdeft in Decemb. 1^67, appoints the Coronation Oath to befwcm by the king : And it is one
of the Articles of that Oath, That he [ball Rule the Pebble committed to his Charge— according to the loveable Laws and Confiitutions received in this Realm, no wife repugnant to the word of the ■Eternal God. Now, I think, this Parliament made no Queftion , but that the Fundamen- tal Law of the Constitution of Parliaments , Was one of thf fe Loveable Laws and Constitu- tions, received in this Realm , no wife re- pugnant to the word of the Eternal God* Iqdeed
The 24th All of that fame Parliament is this , word for word $ Our Soveraign Lord, with advice and confent of his Regent , and the three Efiates of Parliament , has Ratified , and Ratifies , all Civil Privi ledges granted and given by our Soveraign Lords Predecejfors to the Spiritual E fiat e of 'this Realm in all point j, after the form and tenor thereof. Than which there
cannot
(4°5 )
cannot be a more Authentic!? Commentary, for finding the true fenfe and meaning of the Coronation Oath , in Relation to our pre- fentpurpofe; I (hall only adduce two more, but they are fuch two as are as good as two thoufand.
The 130^ Aft Pari. 8. Jac. 6- Anna 1 j 84, is this word for word-, The Kings Aiajefty confidering the Honour and the Authority of his Supreme Court of Parliament , continued , paft all memory of Man , unto the/e days , as conftitute upon the fi-e e votes of the three Eftates of this Ancient Kingdom ; By whom the fkmet , under God, has, ever, been uphoiden ^ Rebellious *nd Traiterous Subjects funifhed ; the good and faithful prefervtd , and maintained', and the Laws and Acts of Parliament (by which all men are Govern d) made and Efiablifhed^ and finding the Power , Dignity , and Authority of the faid Court of Parliament, of late years, called in fome
doubt , at leaft- , fome (Tuch as Mr« Andrew
Melvil, &c.) curiou fly travelling to have intro- duced fome Innovations thereanent 5 His Aiaje- files firm will and mind , always being , at it is yet 5 that the Honour , Authority and Digtfty of his faids three Eftates fhall ft and and continue in their own integrity, according to the Ancient ana. Loveable cufiome bygone , without any alteration or diminution : THEREFGRE , it is Statuted and Ordained by our Sovereign Lord , and hit faid three Efiates , in this prefent Parliament , that none of his Leiges and Subjects , pre fume or take upon hand to impugne the Pignity , and the Authority of the faid three Eftates 5 or to feck of
Dd 3
v«~
(4oO
procure the Innovation or Diminution, of the Power and Authority of the fame three Efiates y cr any of them , in time coming 5 under the fain
of Treafon. Here I think the neceffity of the three Eftat^s, whereof, the Ecclefiafikal was ever reckoned the firft>h aflerted pretty fairly. Neither is this Aft, fo far as I know, formally repealed by any fubfeqaenc Aft: And whofoever knows any thing of the Hiftory of thefe times, cannot but know that.it was to cruih the Defigns fet on foot , then , by fome , for innovating about the Spiritual Eftate, that this All was 'formed.
The other which I promifed , is , Atl 2. fart iS.Jac. 6. holden Anno 1 606. Inti- tuled AEl anent the Restitution of theEfiate of Bifbops* In the Preamble of which Aft we 2re told > That of late , during his Majefiies young years , and unfetled Eft ate , the Ancient and FUNDAMENTAL Policy , confifiing in the Maintenance of the THREE E- STATES of Parliament ., has been greatly aired , and almofi fubverted 5 Specially by W*k Indirect Abolifhing of theEfiate of Bifihops , ijthe Atl of Annexation of the Temporality of Benefices, to the Crown — • That the f aid Bftate of Bifhops is a Neceffary Eftate of the Parliament , &C.
Such were the Sentiments ofcthefe times: So. Eflential was the Ecckfiaftkal Ettate deem'd in the Con flit ution oiScottifih Parlia- ments. And no wonder : For no man can doubt 3 but i£ was as early , as pofitsvely ,
as
(4°7 )
as inconteftedly , as fundamentally and un- alterably in the conftitution , as either the Eftate of Nobles , or the Eftate or Borrow* There is no Queftion , I think , about the Burrows : As for the Eftate of Nobles , 'tis certain all Barons were (till reckoned of Noble fs : The lejfer Barons in Ancient times, were dill reckoned a part of the<foW,never a diftintt Eftate of Parliament ; and they mutt quit all pretentions to be of the A^- hlefs, when they fee up for a diftiiuft Eftate: Setting up for fuch , they are no more of the Nobility , than 'the Burrows. And then,
Htwo Eftatescan vote out one , and make a Parliament without it 5 If they can fpiic one into two , and fo make up the three fi- liates .- Why may not: one fpljt it felfas well into three } Why Say not the two parts of the, fplit,ted Eftate joyo together and vote cut the Eftate of Burrows? Why may noc
the Nobility cf the Firsl Magnitude j$yn with the Burrows to vote out the [malUr Barons ?
Why may not the /mailer Barons and th~
Burrows vote out the greater Nobility ? A I two have voted out one , why Lllay not one ,
the more numerous , vote out the other, the lefs numerous? When the Parliament is re- duced to one Eftate why may not that one divide and one ktjfvotQ out the other ? And then fMivide and vote cat, till the whole Parliament (hall confift of the Com- miffioner for Ruthergkn, or the Laird of or the Earl of Crwfori ? Nay why may Dd 4 nor
not that one vote out himfelf and leave the King without a Parliament ? What a dan- gerous thing is it to ihake Foundations? How doth it unhinge all things ? How plainly doth it pave the way for that which our Brethren pretend to abhor fo much , viz. a Dejpotkk Power , ane Abfolute ,
2nd unlimited Monarchy ? But enough of this.
To conclude this point * there's nothing more notorious than that the Spiritual E- fiate was ftill judged Fundamental in the Conflitution of Parliaments , was (till called to Parliaments , did ftill Sit , Deliberate , and Vote in Parliaments till the year 1640, that it was turned out by the, then, Pres- byterians : And our prefent Presbyterians following their footfteps , have not only freely parted with , but forward ly re jedted, that Ancient and* valuable Right of the Church : Nay, they have not only rejected it , but they declaim conftantly againft it as a Limb of Antkhrifi and what not > And have they not, herein, manifeftly Deferted the undoubted principles and fentiments of our Reformers ?
It had been eafy to have ennumerated a great many more of their notorious Recef- lions from the principles of the Reforma- tion: e. g* I might have infifted on their Deferting the principles and praftices of our Reformers about the Conflitution of Gene- ral Alfembiies ; about Communion with the Church of England •, about the Civil
Ma*
( 4°P )
Magiftrates Power in Church Matters (juftly or unjuftly is not the prefent Qae- ftton) and many more things of confiderable importance. Nay, which at firft: fight may feem a little ftrange , as much as they may feem to have fwallowed down the princi- ples of Rebellion and Arm'd Refinances againft Lawful Soveraign Princes, main- tain'd by our Reformers , yet even herein, there is difference; Confiderable diffe- rence.
Our Reformers, as much as they were inclined to Rebel againft Kings, did yet maintain £hat they held their Crowns imme- diately of God. John Knox in his Sermon preached on the t$tb of AuguB if 6? , and afterwards publifhed , hath this plain pofi-
tion, That it is neither birth 4 Influence of Stars, ELECTION OF PEOPLE, Force of Arms,
nor, finally , whatfoever can be comprehended under the Power of nature , that maketh the difiinclion between the Superiour Tower, and the Inferior , or that doth Efiablifh the Royal Throne of Kings 5 But it is the only and perfect Ordinance of God , who willeth his Terror , Power and Adajeftp , in a fart , to [hine in the Thrones of Kings and in the Faces of Judges ,
&c. Neither was this only his private fea- timent.
The 24th Article of the Confeffton of Faith,
compiled by our Reformers , and Ratified by A& of Parliament, is every whit as plain and Decretory ♦, For there , They Profefs to believe that Empires , Kingdoms , Dominions
and
( 4ro )
#nd Cities are Diftintted and Ordained by God i That the Powers and Authorities therein.areGods Holy Ordinance \ That Per/ons placed in Autho- rity are to be Loved , Honoured , Feared , and holden in most 'Reverend Eft im at ion , becaufe , they are Gods Lieutenants , in whofe Sejjion God fits , as fudge ; to whom , by God , is given the Sword , &G That therefore whofoever deny unto Kings , their Aid , Counfel , or Comfort , while they vigilantly , travel in the executing of their Office , they deny their help , fupport and Counfel to God , who , by the pre fence of his Lieutenant , craveth it of them. So it was profefled by our Reformers ; How this principle could confift with their pradices , is none of my prefent concerns- That is no more than to (hew how our Presbyterian Brethren have defer ted them in this mat- ter : Now
Our Presbyterian Brethren make Kings , zsfuch , not Gods , but the Peoples aeatures, by confequence , not Gods , but the Peoples Lieutenants ; The People lets them on their Thrones •, They have their Power from
the People-? They are the Peoples Truftees^
They are accountable to the People •, So that
•whofoever dev)s his Aid , Counfel or Comfort to them , "while they vigilantly travel in executing their Office / in true Logick can be faid to deny them only to the People. Even here then there is this great difference , our Re- formers maintain done good principle in Rela- tion to Soveraign Powers: Our prefenc Presbyterians have even reje&eH that one
good
(4" )
good principle. Tis true indeed , our Re- formers feem to have been inconsequential in fubftituting Rebellious practices in the retinue *of ane Orthodox principle -, And our Presbyterian Brethren feem to be confe- quential in having their principle and their pradice of k piece 5 But doth this mend the matter ? Nothing, as I take it 5 for all ends here, That our Reformers believed Right, tho they practiced Wrong. But our Presby- terian Brethren are altogether Wrong; They neither believe, nor practice Right*
Thus ,1 fay , it had been no difficult task to have inftanced in many more of our FresbjterUn Innovations 5 But the tafte I have given , I think , is fufficient for my purpofe 5 For laying together fo many unde- viable Innovations , fo many palpable and notorious Receffions from the principles and practices of our Reformers , as I have ad- duced ; and thefe in fo weighty and impor- tant matters , as the Dotlrine, Wor/hif, Dlf- cipline, Government , and Rights of the Church, I may fairly leave it to the world, to judge, if our Brethren have juft reafon to infift fo much upon the principles of our Reforma- tion , or to entitle themfelves (as, on all .occafions they are fofollicitous and forward to do) the only Real and Genuine Succejfors of our Reformers.
Neither is this all that may juftly finch them. They have not only Receded from our Seottijh Reformers , but from all ether Reformed Churches* What Reformed Church
in
( 412 )
mChrlfiendom maintains aH the Articles of
the Weftminfter Confeffion ? What Reformed Church requires the profeffion of fo many Articles , not mainly for Peace and Vnity 7 but as a Teft of Orthodoxy ? What Reformed
Church, except our Kirk# maintains the £>/- vine Inftitution of Parity among the Paftors of the Church , fo, as to make ail kind of Pre- lacy (imply unlawful I What Reformed Church,
except the Scottifh , wants a Liturgy} Whac Tart) in Europe that affumes the name of a
National Church , Condemns Liturgies , fee
Forms of Prayer , &c* zsVnlawful, except
Scottifh Presbyterians? What Tranfmarine Reformed Church, that IS not Lutheran, Con- demns the Communion of the Church o£ Eng- land ? What Reformed church maintains the
Divine inftitution and the lndifpenfible Neceffity of £#//*g £/^rj in contradiitin&ion to Pa- ftors} What Reformed Church maintains the
Divine inftitution and the unalienable Right of Popular Elections of Paftors? What Reformed Church e^er offered to maintain ehat the
Government of the Church , by Bifhofs f or a
publick Liturgy , or ^*»* of Ruling Elders, diftin<5t from Paftors 5 or <r/w>/&s£ Paftors , other wife , than by the voices of the People , or tifing iome innocent and unforbidden Cere- monies, as circumftances or Appendages of Divine worlhip, or ebferving fome *k/.f befides Sundays, were fuffkient grounds for breaking the P**r* of a Church, and dividittg her UW$ , and fetcing up ^flter againft ^Z- ter ? What Reformed Church was ever #?**<<
by
( 4»3)
by her Rules and Canons to require of all fuch as (he admitted to the participation of
the Lords Sfipper , the Subfcription of fuch terms as dte Contained in the Solemn League and Covenant ? What Reformed Church doth
not fitisfy her felf with the Profeflionof the Faith COntain'd in the ApoHles Creed at Baptifm? What Reformed Church requires the Profeffion of fuch a vaft , fuch a num- berlefs number of Articles and Propofitions as are contained in the Wejlminjler Confeffion% and the larger and Jborter Catechifms , of all
thofe , whom they receive into the Catholkk Church ? What is this lefs , than to make all thefe Propofitions Neceffary terms of their Communion } And how impoflible is it , ac this Rate, ever to think of a Cathslick^Com- munion among Chriftians ? Is not this , needlefsly, and , by COftfequence , very Cri- minally and Vnchriftianly , to lay a Fund for
unavoidable , unextingui(hable and ever- lafting Schifms ? Neither yet is this all the Mifery: For
Confidering the Meafures our Brethren #^rby, there is little ground to hope that they (hall ever turn weary of Innovating. The firft Brood of Presbyterians , the old Melvitians, inverted fas I have told) almoft the whole Scheme of our Reformers: The next Birth, the thirty eight-men , made in- numerable Receffions from their Progenitors, the Melvilians : The prefent Production have
forfaken mofl of the Meafures of the thirty
<ight* mm And what hopes of their fixing?
When
( 4*4 )
When (hall it be proper for them to fay 5 we have done innovating ? Hitherto we have
innovated , but we will innovate no farther t
How dreadful a thing is it for men to give
loofe Reins to the Spirit of Innovation ! But
I (hall not purfue this farther : I know the temper of our Brethren*,'tis but too too pro- bable , they may impute it to Malice or
Revenge , or ane imbittereh Spirit , to fome
ill thing or another , that I have purfued this matter fo far ; But if they (hall, I pray, God forgive them , for they are injurious to me. The principle which prompted me to reprefent thefe things, was truly , that
Of Fraternal Correption. My main Defigti
was to [often , not irritate them ; not to exafperate them , but to bring them to a more Manageable and Considering tempers For
I cm , and do * fincerely , proteft , that it is daily the earned defire of my Sou^tbat
all men may be faved and come to the knowledge of the Truth. I wiftiall Men Christians, and I Wiih all Chrifiians , Chriftians Indeed 3 In 2
fpechl manner I wiih our Presbyterian Brethren , and we , may, yet, be fo much Honoured and bleffed of God , that in the:
fncerity of Brotherly kindnefs , We may be all Vnited in one Holy Communion. I wi(h We
may all earneftly contend , with all Chriftian
forbearance , feUorV'feeling , and Charity , as
becometh the members of the one Church, whereof Cbrift Jefm is the Head 9 to have the poor , divided defolated Church of Scotland
reftored
( 4*5 ;
reftored to that Peace, Purity and Unity, That Order , Government and Stability » which our Blejfed Mafter hath inftituted and
commanded. May Almighty God injpire US all wirh the Spirit of his Son , that our hearts being purified by ane Humble and a Lively Faith , the Faith that rvorketh by Love , ana our Lives Reformed according to the Laws
and great ffurpofes of our Holy Religion , we may be all unanimeujly and dutifully difpofedt
for fo Great , fo Glorious , foDefireable a
Mercy. And with this I end this Fifth En- quiry. And now,
I think , I have competently anfwered the ends of my undertaking , which was to Examine this Article of our new Claim of
Right , and try its firmnefs and folidity. I think , I have comprized , in thefe jfo* En- quiries , every thing that is material in it , considered, either in it felf, or as it fupports the great alterations have been, lately, made in the Church of Scotland. It might have been more narrowly lifted 5 and fifted more narrowly it might have been found lyable to many more exceptions. For inftance,
1, It may feem fomewhat furprizing that .fuch ane Article (hould have been put into a Scottish Claim of Right -, That it (hould have been made fo feemingly Fundamental , at leaft , in the Conftitution of the Scottish Monarchy , which is fo famous and has been fo much renowned for its Antiquity. Was ever fuch ane Article in a Scottifh Claim of Right before ? No Man, I think , will fay
ic
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it was in the Original ComraSt: made with Fergm the Er& fif any Original Contrad was made with him) for if he was , he was advanced to the Throne, 330 years before our Saviours Birth, if we may belfeve our Hiftorians : And, I think , it was not ane Article in the Original Contract , then
that the Chriftian Church (hould be fo or fo Governed. Few men, I think, will
fey, it was part of the Original Contrail
made with any Scottifh King before the Re- formation. No man can produce any fuch Article in any Original Contrail , Jttade with King James the Sixth,K\ng Charles the Firft, or King Charles the Second , unlefs it was the Sdlemn League and Covenant , or the AH: of the mft Kir% It cannot be faid that it was in any Original Contrail: , made with King James the Seventh, for all the Nation knows it was Declared by the Meeting of E- fiates , that he forfeited his Right to the Crown
for having made no Original Contracts. Thefe are all the real or pretended Kings we have had fince the Reformation , till the late Revolution. Is not this Article, therefor^, a New Fundamental , added to the Conftitu- tion of the Ancient Scottifh Monarch) ? ThiS is all upon the fuppofition that it is , truly , a fart of our new Claim of Right. Tho' in- deed,
2. It may bermdea Qaeftion, whither it can be juftly called a fart of the Claim of Right ? It is very poffible for one thing to be in another without being part of thac
othef*
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other. And one would think , this Article lookt very unlike a part of a Claim of Right: It feems not to run in the flile that is proper for CUim of Right : 'Tis certain , it runs not in the ftile of the reft of the Articles- All
the reft of the Articles tell us either what is contrary to Law ? or what are the undoubted Rights olxhe People: This Article imports nothing like either the one or the other. It Only Declares Prelacy to be a Grievance, &c*
This doth not fay that it was contrary to Law :.Yor Laws themfelves may be , and
actually were Declared to be Grievances by the Meeting of Eslates , in another paper ; And the Articles Declaring that Prelacy ought to be Abolijbed, is ane Argument that it fub fished by Law , and it was aboliflied as fubfijting by Law 5 for the AEl which abo- lifhed it Repealed the Laws by which it fab- ftfled. Neither is Prelacy declared by the
Article to be contrary to the Rights, but only to the Inclinations of the People \ and I think, it requires no Depth of Metaphyseal precifion to diftinguifli between Rights and Incline tions. Indeed, it feems obvious to any body that this Article had had its Situation more properly and naturally amongft the Grievan- ces, which were digefted in another paper ; and therefore ,1 fay , being only prater- naturally , and by apparent force , thruft into the Claim of Right , it may be made a Queftion, whither its being, /<?, there , be enough to make it part of the Claim of Right ? Or whither its nature (hould riot be regarded E e ratfie?
( 4*8 )
rather than its/^/?. And , it fhould be con- ftruflcd to have no more weight than if ic had been Regularly ranked in its own Cate- gory ? But iuch Queftions are too hard for me , and more proper for Lawyers to de- termine. Neither foall I meddle
3. With many other obvious difficulties which muft necefiarily refute from this Ar- ticle, being made truly a part of the Origi- nal Contrast , between King and People;
Such as its making the fettkment of the Crown to depend , not on Right of Inheritance \ or Proximity of Blood, or any fuch Ancient, Le- gal, Solid , Hereditary Title , but on the,
every d3y, changeable Inclinations of the Peo- ple , for thefeare the main /)W of the Ar- ticle , and by the fuppofition , the Article
is intrin fecal and fundamental to the prcfent
fettkment. This , I fay , (and many more fuch , which might be eafily named) feems a very confiderabie difficulty that might be urged on iuch a fuppofition : But I fhall not infift on them. Farther ,
4. Befidesall thefe Awkward exceptions, whither it is, or is not , a part of the Claim of Right , the flile of it might deferve to be confidered : Particularly , - that Phrafe , of
Prelacy's being a great and infupportablc Grie- vance and Trouble to the Nation, 'Tis true I have in my Third Enquiry , gueffed at its meaning $ But I do fincerely acknowledge it was but guejprig 5 and even yet, I can do no more but guefs about it- Doth it not , at fiift fight , appear a little too big and
[■welling} Is it not hard to find , fork, a certain and determined found > To call a
thing a great and infupport able Grievance and trouble, feemsa little tooflafry and fanciful.
Is it not iiker to the flights of the Rhetori- cians defign'd for popular amufement, than to the plain, folid fignificanty?//* which is pro- per for the Grand Council of a Nation ?
For Original- Contract 7 and Claim* of Right- makers ?
J. Seeing, 'tis plain, the Article was formed for the abolition of Prelacy \ and the Introdu&ion of Presbytery , it feems a little ftrange , that fuch ane important Revolu- tion , in the Church , fhouW have been
founded on fuch Vntheological Reafons. It
feems to lye at the bottom of this Article ,
that tht Government q{ the Church is Ambu- latory and Indifferent ; That there is nothing pf Divine Inftitation about it} that the State
may alter it when it pleafes ; and , as it thinks expedient , fet up , Alternatively , either Prelacy or Parity t or neither., but plain Eraflianifm, if it has a mind for it. Thefe are fuppofitions , which , I think , ought not to be very relifhing even to our Presbyterian Brethren : Tho hitherto they only have got advantage by the Article ,
yet it feems not honourable for their Govern- ment , to ftand on fuch a foot , nor can they be fecure but that it may be very foon turn'd down again* Tho* , inconsequence of this,
6? By G. R3$ Meafures , the Frameft of Ee 2 the
(42°)
the Article , were incapable of Voting abouf the Eftabliflhment of any Form of Govern- ment in the Church : For they proceeded invotingthis Article y clearly upon the pri** A Vind. ct^es °^ ^n^ff€rench But according to him ad Let.*3.asIhavealreadyobferved, fuch, tho'they §. 4. may be perfons both Religious and Learned, are not to be brought into the Reclining , with thofe who have Right to vote about Church-Government. Indeed according to his Scheme , the Nation, by this Article, is brought to a very lamentable (late. For thus ane Article is impofed on it , by fuch as had no Right, 1)0 Tower to impofe it,becaufe they have fairly declared themfelves to be for the indifferency of particular forms: of
Church Government. And yet by another
proportion , in his Scheme, this Article cannot ht altered: For this is one of his pofitlons , that the Deed of a Meeting of Eftates is to be
interpreted the Deed of the whole Nation : From which it follows by unavoidable confequence, that the whole Nation^ hereaf- ter mud be excluded from voting about the Government of the Church.* For the whole Nation (even Presbyterians themfelves not excepted) by Eftablidiing this Article have declared themfelves indifferent , as to the Species of Church Government. Now as I faid , is not this a Lamentable ftate to which the Nation is reduced? It lyes under the burden of ane ill- contrived Article, impofed by fuch as were not Competent , had iio Rights id impofe it; and yet' it mu'ft iye,
Remt-
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Remedilefsly , under this burden, beaufe thofe who impofed it , by impofing it , whifc they vvere not Competent nor JZgatified for impofing it , have rendred the flw/« Nation incompetent , and unqualified for altering if, or freeing it felfoffucha £W<?». Was ever Nation fo miferably intricated? But enough of CM*. Thefe,l fay,and feveral other things,m?ghc have been farther conndered and infilled on: But having already anfwered the ends of my undertaking, I (hall proceed no farther : I conclude with this.
If thefe Papers (hall have the Fortune to come to the hand of any Scottifb Noblemen or Gentlemen, and if they (hall think ir worth their while to pmifethem , I earn- eftly beg one piece of Juflice from them : It is, that they would not apprehend, I had the leaft intention or inclination to caft difgrace on fuch of them as concurred either to the framing or the voting of this Article.
I love my native Country.- I honour all Perfons of true honour in it : I have no where impugned the Authority of thofe who Eftablilhed this Article; I had no fuchpur- pofe5 My undertaking requhed no fuch performance \ All I designed was to do fer- vice to my Countrey, according to my poor abilities: I cannot think any Ingenuous perfon , any perfon of true honour , can . deny , that it is goodfervice done to man- kind to tell them truth Civilly 9 and endea- vour Dutifully to recover them from mif-
takes,
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takes , if they labour under any. We arc aU fallible , ahdcapable of taking things by the wrong handle -, and a very mean Perfon ■/ be fomecimes a feafonable Afomtor. If I have faid^ny thing /^ or amifs , I crave all men pardon : Bat if I have advanced nothing but Truth , if I have done nothinr but Jufiice to this Ankle ("and I proteft (e- rioufly , I think , I have done no more) I cannot think it will be fufl or Generous , in any Man, -to harbour Vieques againft me , for doing what I have done 5 The Genuine ofe (I am fure it is Genuine) I wifh , my Coimtrey-men , of whatever Station or Char raMer , may make of my Examination of this Article , is, to fuffer themfelves to be jvk to chinking by it , and Enquiring whi- ther there may not be fome other Articles , every whir, of as great importance to the Nnion , in our new Claim of Right > as *'#- * >M as this 5 And if any fuch are found , to contribute their joynt endeavours , as
becometh true Scottijhmen and good Chriftiant
to have all Righted.
FINIS.
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