' Wa ex GEORGIUS AGRICOLA 2 DE RE METALLICA TRANSLATED FROM THE FIRST LATIN EDITION OF 1556 with Biographical Introduction, Annotations and Appendices upon the Development of Mining Methods, Metallurgical Processes, Geology, Mineralogy & Mining Law from the earliest times to the 16th Century BY HERBERT CLARK HOOVER A. B. Stanford University, Member American Institute of Mining Engineers, Mining and Metallurgical Society of America, Société des Ingéniéurs Civils de France, American Institute of Civil Engineers, Fellow Royal Geographical Society, etc., etc. AND LOU HENRY HOOVER A. B. Stanford University, Member American Association for the Advancement of Science, The National Geographical Society, Royal Scottish Geographical Society, etc., etc. Published for the Translators by | THE MINING MAGAZINE SALISBURY HOUSE, LONDON, E.C. 1912 TRANSLATORS’ PREFACE. HERE are three objectives in translation of works of this character: to give a faithful, literal trans- lation of the author’s statements ; to give these in a manner which will interest the reader ; and to preserve, so far as is possible, the style of the original text. The task has been doubly difficult in this work because, in using Latin, the author availed himself of a medium which had ceased to - } expand a thousand years before his subject had in many , particulars come into being; in consequence he was in difficulties with a large number of ideas for which there were no corresponding words in the vocabulary at his command, and instead of adopting into.the text his native German terms, he coined several hundred Latin expressions to answer his needs. It is upon this rock that most former attempts at translation have been wrecked. Except for a very small number, we believe we have been able to discover the intended meaning of such expressions from a study of the context, assisted by a very incomplete glossary prepared by the author himself, and by an exhaustive investigation into the literature of these subjects during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. That discovery in this particular has been only gradual and obtained after much labour, may be indicated by the fact that the entire text has been re-typewritten three times ‘since the original, and some parts more often ; and further, that the printer’s proof has been thrice revised. We have found some English equivalent, more or less satisfactory, for practically all such terms, except those of weights, the varieties of veins, and a few minerals. In the matter of weights we have introduced the original Latin, because it is impossible to give true equivalents and avoid the fractions of reduction ; and further, as explained in the Appendix on Weights it is impossible to say in many cases what scale the Author had in mind. The English nomenclature to be adopted has given great difficulty, for various reasons ; among them, that many methods and processes described have never been practised in English-speaking mining communities, and so had no representatives in our vocabulary, and we considered the introduction of German terms undesirable; other methods and processes have become obsolete and their descriptive terms with them, yet we wished to avoid the introduction of obsolete or unusual English; but of the greatest importance of all has been the necessity to avoid rigorously such modern technical terms as would imply a greater scientific understanding than the period possessed. Agricola’s Latin, ae mostly free from medieval corruption, is some- what tainted with German construction. Moreover some portions have not ii. TRANSLATORS’ PREFACE. the continuous flow of sustained thought which others display, but the fact that the writing of the work extended over a period of twenty years, suffic- iently explains the considerable variation in style. The technical descriptions in the later books often take the form of House-that-Jack-built sentences which have had to be at least partially broken up and the subject occasionally re-introduced. Ambiguities were also sometimes found which it was necessary to carry on into the translation. Despite these criticisms we must, however, emphasize that Agricola was infinitely clearer in his style than his contemporaries upon such subjects, or for that matter than his successors in almost any language for a couple of centuries. All of the illustrations and display letters of the original have been reproduced and the type as closely approximates to the original as the printers have been able to find in a modern font. There are no footnotes in the original text, and Mr. Hoover is responsible for them all. He has attempted in them to give not only such comment as would tend to clarify the text, but also such information as we have been able to discover with regard to the previous history of the subjects mentioned. We have confined the historical notes to the time prior to Agricola, because to have carried them down to date in the briefest manner would have demanded very much more space than could be allowed. In the examination of such technical and historical material one is appalled at the flood of mis-information with regard to ancient arts and sciences which has been let loose upon the world by the hands of non-technical translators and commentators. At an early stage we considered that we must justify any divergence of view from such authorities, but to limit the already alarming volume of this work, we later felt compelled to eliminate most of such dis- cussion. When the half-dozen most important of the ancient works bearing upon science have been translated by those of some scientific experience, such questions will, no doubt, be properly settled. We need make no apologies for De Re Metallica. During 180 years it was not superseded as the text-book and guide to miners and metallurgists, for until Schliiter’s great work on metallurgy in 1738 it had no equal. That it passed through some ten editions in three languages at a period when the printing of such a volume was no ordinary undertaking, is in itself sufficient evidence of the importance in which it was held, and is a record that no other volume upon the same subjects has equalled since. A large proportion of the technical data given by Agricola was either entirely new, or had not been given previously with sufficient detail and explanation to have enabled a worker in these arts himself to perform the operations without further guid- ance. Practically the whole of it must have been given from personal ex- perience and observation, for the scant library at his service can be appreci- ated from his own Preface. Considering the part which the metallic arts have played in human history, the paucity of their literature down to Agricola’s time is amazing. No doubt the arts were jealously guarded by their practitioners as a sort of stock-in-trade, and’it is also probable that those who had knowledge were not usually of a literary turn of mind; and, — TRANSLATORS’ PREFACE. iii. on the other hand, the small army of writers prior to his time were not much interested in the description of industrial pursuits. Moreover, in those thousands of years prior to printing, the tedious and expensive transcription of manuscripts by hand was mostly applied to matters of more general interest, and therefore many writings may have been lost in consequence. In fact, such was the fate of the works of Theophrastus and Strato on these subjects. We have prepared a short sketch of Agricola’s life and times, not only to give some indication of his learning and character, but also of his considerable position in the community in which he lived. As no appreciation of Agricola’s stature among the founders of science can be gained without consideration of the advance which his works display over those of his predecessors, we therefore devote some attention to the state of knowledge of these subjects at the time by giving in the Appendix a short review of the literature then extant and a summary of Agricola’s other writings. To serve the bibliophile we present such data as we have been able to collect it with regard to the various editions of his works. The full titles of the works quoted in the footnotes under simply authors’ names will be found in this Appendix. We feel that it is scarcely doing Agricola justice to publish De Re Metallica only. While it is of the most general interest of all of his works, yet, from the point of view of pure science, De Natura Fosstlium and De Ortu et Causis are works which deserve an equally important place. It is unfortunate that Agricola’s own countrymen have not given to the world competent translations into German, as his work has too often been judged by the German translations, the infidelity of which appears in nearly every paragraph. We do not present De Re Metallica as a work of “ practical” value. The methods and processes have long since been superseded ; yet surely such a milestone on the road of development of one of the two most basic of human industrial activities is more worthy of preservation than the thousands of volumes devoted to records of human destruction. To those interested in the history of their own profession we need make no apologies, except for the long delay in publication. For this we put forward the necessity of active endeavour in many directions ; as this book could be but a labour of love, it has had to find the moments for its execution in night hours, week- ends, and holidays, in all extending over a period of about five years. If the work serves to strengthen the traditions of one of the most important and least recognized of the world’s professions we shall be amply repaid. It is our pleasure to acknowledge our obligations to Professor H. R. Fairclough, of Stanford University, for perusal of and suggestions upon the first chapter; and to those whom we have engaged from time to time for one service or another, chiefly bibliographical work and collateral translation. We are also sensibly obligated to the printers, Messrs. Frost & Sons, for their patience and interest, and for their willingness to bend some of the canons of modern printing, to meet the demands of the 16th Century. Tue Rep Hovse, July 1, 1912. HORNTON STREET, Lonpon. ARS OK Se ORK a OKO INTRODUCTION. BIOGRAPHY. ] EORGIUS AGRICOLA was born at Glauchau, in } Saxony, on March 24th, 1494, and therefore entered the world when it was still upon the threshold of the Renaissance ; Gutenberg’s first book had been print- ed but forty years before ; the Humanists had but begun that stimulating criticism which awoke the Reformation; Erasmus, of Rotterdam, who was sub- sequently to become Agricola’s friend and patron, was just completing his student days. The Refor- mation itself was yet to come, but it was not long delayed, for Luther was born the year before Agricola, and through him Agricola’s home- land became the cradle of the great movement ; nor did Agricola escape being drawn into the conflict. Italy, already awake with the new classical revival, was still a busy workshop of antiquarian research, translation, study, and publication, and through her the Greek and Latin Classics were only now available for wide distribution. Students from the rest of Europe, among them at a later time Agricola himself, flocked to the Italian Universities, and on their return infected their native cities with the newly- awakened learning. At Agricola’s birth Columbus had just returned from his great discovery, and it was only three years later that Vasco Da Gama rounded Cape Good Hope. Thus these two foremost explorers had only initiated that greatest period of geographical expansion in the world’s history. A few dates will recall how far this exploration extended during Agricola’s lifetime. Balboa first saw the Pacific in 1513 ; Cortes entered the City of Mexico in 1520; Magellan entered the Pacific in the same year; Pizarro penetrated into Peru in 1528; De Soto landed in Florida in 1539, and Potosi was dis- covered in 1546. Omitting the sporadic settlement on the St. Lawrence by Cartier in 1541, the settlement of North America did not begin for a quarter of a century after Agricola’s death. Thus the revival of learning, with its train of Humanism, the Reformation, its stimulation of exploration and the re-awakening of the arts and sciences, was still in its infancy with Agricola. We know practically nothing of Agricola’s antecedents or his youth. His real name was Georg Bauer (“‘ peasant’), and it was probably Latinized by his teachers, as was the custom of the time. His own brother, in receipts a ‘. *For the biographical information here set out we have relied principally upon the following works :—Petrus Albinus, Meissnische Land Und Berg Chronica, Dresden, 1590 ; Adam Daniel Richter, Umstdndliche. . . . Chronica der Stadt Chemnitz, Leipzig, 1754; Johann Gottfried Weller, Altes Aus Allen Theilen Der Geschichte, Chemnitz, 1766; Freidrich August Schmid, Georg Agrikola’s Bermannus, Freiberg, 1806; Georg Heinrich Jacobi, Der Mineralog Georgius Agricola, Zwickau, 1881 ; Dr. Reinhold Hofmann, Dr. Georg Agricola, Gotha, 1905. The last is an exhaustive biographical sketch, to which we refer those who are interested. vi. INTRODUCTION. preserved in the archives of the Zwickau Town Council, calls himself “Bauer,” and in them refers to his brother ‘‘ Agricola.” He entered the University of Leipsic at the age of twenty, and after about three and one-half years’ attendance there gained the degree of Baccalaureus Artium. In 1518 he became Vice- Principal of the Municipal School at Zwickau, where he taught Greek and Latin. In 1520 he became Principal, and among his assistants was Johannes Forster, better known as Luther’s collaborator in the translation of the Bible. During this time our author prepared and published a small Latin Grammar?. In 1522 he removed to Leipsic to become a lecturer in the University under his friend, Petrus Mosellanus, at whose death in 1524 he went to Italy for the further study of Philosophy, Medicine, and the Natural Sciences. Here he remained for nearly three years, from 1524 to 1526. He visited the Universities of Bologna, Venice, and probably Padua, and at these institutions received his first inspiration to work in the sciences, for in a letter? from Leonardus Casibrotius to Erasmus we learn that he was engaged upon a revision of Galen. It was about this time that he made the acquaintance of Erasmus, who had settled at Basel as Editor for Froben’s press. In 1526 Agricola returned to Zwickau, and in 1527 he was chosen town physician at Joachimsthal. This little city in Bohemia is located on the eastern slope of the Erzgebirge, in the midst of the then most prolific metal- mining district of Central Europe. Thence to Freiberg is but fifty miles, and the same radius from that city would include most of the mining towns so frequently mentioned in De Re Metallica—Schneeberg, Geyer, Annaberg and Altenberg—and not far away were Marienberg, Gottesgab, and Platten. Joachimsthal was a booming mining camp, founded but eleven years before Agricola’s arrival, and already having several thousand inhabitants. Accord- ing to Agricola’s own statement‘, he spent all the time not required for his medical duties in visiting the mines and smelters, in reading up in the Greek and Latin authors all references to mining, and in association with the most learned among the mining folk. Among these was one Lorenz Berman, whom Agricola afterward set up as the “learned miner ” in his dialogue Bermannus. This book was first published by Froben at Basel in 1530, and was a sort of catechism on mineralogy, mining terms, and mining lore. The book was apparently first submitted to the great Erasmus, and the publication arranged by him, a warm letter of approval by him appearing at the beginning of the book®. In 1533 he published De Mensuris et Ponderibus, through Froben, this being a discussion of Roman and Greek weights and measures. At about this time he began De Re Metallica—not to be published for twenty-five years. *Georgit Agricolae Glaucit Libellus de Prima ac Simplict Institutione Grammatica, printed by Melchior Lotther, Leipzig, 1520 Petrus Mosellanus refers to this work (without giving title) in a letter to Agricola, June, 1520. ’Briefe an Desiderius Erasmus von Rotterdam. Published by Joseph Férstemann and Otto Giinther. xxv. Betheft zum Zentralblatt fiir Bibliothekswesen, Leipzig, 1904. — 4De Veteribus et Novis Metallis. Preface. 5A summary of this and of Agricola’s other works is given in the Appendix A. INTRODUCTION. vii. Agricola did not confine his interest entirely to medicine and mining, for during this period he composed a pamphlet upon the Turks, urging their extermination by the European powers. This work was no doubt inspired by the Turkish siege of Vienna in 1529. It appeared first in German in 1531, and in Latin—in which it was originally written—in 1538, and passed through many subsequent editions. At this time, too, he became interested in the God’s Gift mine at Albertham, which was discovered in 1530. Writing in 1545, he says®: “We, as a shareholder, through the goodness of God, have enjoyed the “proceeds of this God’s Gift since the very time when the mine began first “to bestow such riches.” Agricola seems to have resigned his position at Joachimsthal in about 1530, and to have devoted the next two or three years to travel and study among the mines. About 1533 he became city physician of Chemnitz, in Saxony, and here he resided until his death in 1555. There is but little record of his activities during the first eight or nine years of his residence in this city. He must have been engaged upon the study of his subjects and the preparation of his books, for they came on with great rapidity soon after. He was frequently consulted on matters of mining engineering, as, for instance, we learn, from a letter written by a certain Johannes Hordeborch’, that Duke Henry of Brunswick applied to him with regard to the method for working mines in the Upper Harz. In 1543 he married Anna, widow of Matthias Meyner, a petty tithe official ; there is some reason to believe from a letter published by Schmid,* that Anna was his second wife, and that he was married the first time at Joachimsthal. He seems to have had several children, for he commends his young children to the care of the Town Council during his absence at the war in 1547. In addition to these, we know that a son, Theodor, was born in 1550; a daughter, Anna, in 1552; another daughter, Irene, was buried at Chemnitz in 1555; and in 1580 his widow and three children—Anna, Valerius, and Lucretia—were still living. In 1544 began the publication of the series of books to which Agricola owes his position. The first volume comprised five works and was finally issued in 1546 ; it was subsequently considerably revised, and re-issued in 1558, These works were: De Ortu et Causis Subterraneorum, in five “ books,” the first work on physical geology ; De Natura Eorum quae Effluunt ex Terra, in four ‘‘ books,’”’ on subterranean waters and gases; De Natura Fosstlium, in ten “books,” the first systematic mineralogy ; De Veteribus et Novis Metallis, in two “ books,’’ devoted largely to the history of metals and topographical mineralogy ; a new edition of Bermannus was included; and finally Rerum Metallicarum Interpretatio, a glossary of Latin and German mineralogical and metallurgical terms. Another work, De Animantibus Subterraneis, usually published with De Re Metallica, is dated 1548 in the preface. It *De Veteribus et Novis Metallis, Book I. “Op Git in vs A Schmid’s Georg Agrikola’s Bermannus, p 14, Freiberg, 1806. it., p. 8. viii. INTRODUCTION. is devoted to animals which live underground, at least part of the time, but is not a very effective basis of either geologic or zoologic classi- fication. Despite many public activities, Agricola apparently completed De Re Metallica in 1550, but did not send it to the press until 1553; nor did it appear until a year after his death in 1555. But we give further details on the preparation of this work on p. xv. During this period he found time to prepare a small medical work, De Peste, and certain historical studies, details of which appear in the Appendix. There are other works by Agricola re- ferred to by sixteenth century writers, but so far we have not been able to find them although they may exist. Such data as we have, is given in the appendix. As a young man, Agricola seems to have had some tendencies toward liberalism in religious matters, for while at Zwickau he composed some anti- Popish Epigrams ; but after his return to Leipsic he apparently never wavered, and steadily refused to accept the Lutheran Reformation. To many even liberal scholars of the day, Luther’s doctrines appeared wild and demagogic. Luther was not a scholarly man ; his addresses were to the masses ; his Latin was execrable. Nor did the bitter dissensions over hair-splitting theology in the Lutheran Church after Luther’s death tend to increase respect for the movement among the learned. Agricola was a scholar of wide attainments, a deep-thinking, religious man, and he remained to the end a staunch Catholic, despite the general change of sentiment among his countrymen. His leanings were toward such men as his friend the humanist, Erasmus. That he had the courage of his convictions is shown in the dedication of De Natura Eorum, where he addresses to his friend, Duke Maurice, the pious advice that the dissensions of the Germans should be composed, and that the Dukeshould return to the bosom of the Church those who had been torn from her, and adds: “‘ Yet “T do not wish to become confused by these turbulent waters, and be led to “offend anyone. It is more advisable to check my utterances.’’ As he became older he may have become less tolerant in religious matters, for he did not seem to show as much patience in the discussion of ecclesiastical topics as he must have possessed earlier, yet he maintained to the end the respect and friendship of such great Protestants as Melanchthon, Camerarius, Fabricius, and many others. In 1546, when he was at the age of 52, began Agricola’s activity in public life, for in that year he was elected a Burgher of Chemnitz ; and in the . same year Duke Maurice appointed him Burgomaster—an office which he held for four terms. Before one can gain an insight into his political services, and incidentally into the character of the man, it is necessary to understand the politics of the time and his part therein, and to bear in mind always that he was a staunch Catholic under a Protestant Sovereign in a State seething with militant Protestantism. Saxony had been divided in 1485 between the Princes Ernest and Albert, the former taking the Electoral dignity and the major portion of the Princi- pality. Albert the Brave, the younger brother and Duke of Saxony, obtained the subordinate portion, embracing Meissen, but subject to the Elector. The Elector Ernest was succeeded in 1486 by Frederick the Wise, and under INTRODUCTION. ix. his support Luther made Saxony the cradle of the Reformation. This Elector was succeeded in 1525 by his brother John, who was in turn succeeded by his son John Frederick in 1532. Of more immediate interest to this subject is the Albertian line of Saxon Dukes who ruled Meissen, for in that Princi- pality Agricola was born and lived, and his political fortunes were associated with this branch of the Saxon House. Albert was succeeded in 1505 by his son George, “ The Bearded,” and he in turn by his brother Henry, the last of the Catholics, in 1539, who ruled until 1541. Henry was succeeded in 1541 by his Protestant son Maurice, who was the Patron of Agricola. At about this time Saxony was drawn into the storms which rose from the long-standing rivalry between Francis I., King of France, and Charles V. of Spain. These two potentates came to the throne in the same year (1515), and both were candidates for Emperor of that loose Confederation known as the Holy Roman Empire. Charles was elected, and intermittent wars between these two Princes arose—first in one part of Europe, and then in another. Francis finally formed an alliance with the Schmalkalden League of German Protestant Princes, and with the Sultan of Turkey, against Charles. In 1546 Maurice of Meissen, although a Protestant, saw his best interest in a secret league with Charles against the other Protestant Princes, and pro- ceeded (the Schmalkalden War) to invade the domains of his superior and cousin, the Elector Frederick. The Emperor Charles proved successful in this war, and Maurice was rewarded, at the Capitulation of Wittenberg in 1547, by being made Elector of Saxony in the place of his cousin. Later on, the Elector Maurice found the association with Catholic Charles unpalatable, and joined in leading the other Protestant princes in war upon him, and on the defeat of the Catholic party and the peace of Passau, Maurice became acknowledged as the champion of German national and religious freedom. He was succeeded by his brother Augustus in 1553. Agricola was much favoured by the Saxon Electors, Maurice and Augustus. He dedicates most of his works to them, and shows much gratitude for many favours conferred upon him. Duke Maurice presented to him a house and plot in Chemnitz, and in a letter dated June 14th, 1543,° in con- nection therewith, says: “ . . . . that he may enjoy his life-long a “freehold house unburdened by all burgher rights and other municipal ser- “vice, to be used by him and inhabited as a free dwelling, and that he may “also, for the necessities of his household and of his wife and servants, brew “his own beer free, and that he may likewise purvey for himself and his “household foreign beer and also wine for use, and yet he shall not sell any “such beer. . . . We have taken the said Doctor under our especial “ protection and care for our life-long, and he shall not be summoned before “any Court of Justice, but only before us and our Councillor. . . .” Agricola was made Burgomaster of Chemnitz in 1546. A letter!® from Fabricius to Meurer, dated May roth, 1546, says that Agricola had been a ies 38, Chemnitz ee umgarten-Crusius. Georgii Fabricit Chemnicensis Epistolae ad W. Meurerum et Alios Aequales, Leipzig, 1845, p. 26. x. INTRODUCTION. made Burgomaster by the command of the Prince. This would be Maurice, and it is all the more a tribute to the high respect with which Agricola was held, for, as said before, he was a consistent Catholic, and Maurice a Protestant Prince. In this same year the Schmalkalden War broke out, and Agricola was called to personal attendance upon the Duke Maurice in a diplomatic and advisory capacity. In 1546 also he was a member of the Diet of Freiberg, and was summoned to Council in Dresden. The next year he continued, by the Duke’s command, Burgomaster at Chemnitz, although he seems to have been away upon Ducal matters most of the time. The Duke addresses! the Chemnitz Council in March, 1547: ‘‘ We hereby make known to you “that we are in urgent need of your Burgomaster, Dr. Georgius Agricola, “with us. It is, therefore, our will that you should yield him up and forward “him that he should with the utmost haste set forth to us here near Freiberg.”’ He was sent on various missions from the Duke to the Emperor Charles, to King Ferdinand of Austria, and to other Princes in matters connected with the war—the fact that he was a Catholic probably entering into his appointment to such missions. Chemnitz was occupied by the troops of first one side, then the other, despite the great efforts of Agricola to have his own town specially defended. In April, 1547, the war came to an end in the Battle of Miihlberg, but Agricola was apparently not relieved of his Burgomastership until the succeeding year, for he wrote his friend Wolfgang Meurer, in April, 1548, that he “‘ was now relieved.”” His public duties did not end, however, for he attended the Diet of Leipzig in 1547 and in 1549, and was at the Diet at Torgau in 1550. In 1551 he was again installed as Burgomaster ; and in 1553, for the fourth time, he became head of the Municipality, and during this year had again to attend the Diets at Leipzig and Dresden, representing his city. He apparently now had a short relief from public duties, for it is not until 1555, shortly before his death, that we find him again attending a Diet at Torgau. Agricola died on November 2tst, 1555. A letter! from his life-long friend, Fabricius, to Melanchthon, announcing this event, states: ‘‘ We lost, on “November 21st, that distinguished ornament of our Fatherland, Georgius “ Agricola, a man of eminent intellect, of culture and of judgment. He “ attained the age of 62. He who since the days of childhood had enjoyed “robust health was carried off by a four-days’ fever. He had previously “ suffered from no disease except inflammation of the eyes, which he brought “upon himself by untiring study and insatiable reading. . . I know that * you loved the soul of this man, although in many of his opinions, more “ especially in religious and spiritual welfare, he differed in many points from “our own. For he despised our Churches, and would not be with us in the “Communion of the Blood of Christ. Therefore, after his death, at the “command of the Prince, which was given to the Church inspectors and “ carried out by Tettelbach as a loyal servant, burial was refused him, and not “Hofmann, Op. cit., p. 99. Weber, Virorum Clarorum Saeculi xvt. et Xvtt. Epistolae Selectae, Leipzig, 1894, p. 8. 1%Baumgarten-Crusius. Op. cit., p. 139. 1 q 4 oe ee, a eee = INTRODUCTION. xi. ‘‘ until the fourth day was he borne away to Zeitz and interred in the Cathedral. « | |. . [have always admired the genius of this man, so distinguished ‘in our sciences and in the whole realm of Philosophy—yet I wonder at his ‘religious views, which were compatible with reason, it is true, and were “dazzling, but were by no means compatible with truth. . . . He “ would not tolerate with patience that anyone should discuss ecclesiastical “ matters with him.” This action of the authorities in denying burial to one of their most honored citizens, who had been ever assiduous in furthering the welfare of the community, seems strangely out of joint. Further, the Elector Augustus, although a Protestant Prince, was Agricola’s warm friend, as evidenced by his letter of but a few months before (see p. xv). However, Catholics were then few in number at Chemnitz, and the feeling ran high at the time, so possibly the Prince was afraid of public disturbances. Hofmann" explains this occurrence in the following words :—‘‘ The feelings of Chemnitz “ citizens, who were almost exclusively Protestant, must certainly be taken “into account. They may have raised objections to the solemn interment of “a Catholic in the Protestant Cathedral Church of St. Jacob, which had, “perhaps, been demanded by his relatives, and to which, according to the “custom of the time, he would have been entitled as Burgomaster.. The “refusal to sanction the interment aroused, more especially in the Catholic “‘ world, a painful sensation.” A brass memorial plate hung in the Cathedral at Zeitz had already disappeared in 1686, nor have the cities of his birth or residence ever shown any appreciation of this man, whose work more deserves their gratitude than does that of the multitude of soldiers whose monuments decorate every village and city square. It is true that in 1822 a marble tablet was placed behind the altar in the Church of St. Jacob in Chemnitz, but even this was removed to the Historical Museum later on. He left a modest estate, which was the subject of considerable litigation by his descendants, due to the mismanagement of the guardian. Hofmann has succeeded in tracing the descendants for two generations, down to 1609, but the line is finally lost among the multitude of other Agricolas. To deduce Georgius Agricola’s character we need not search beyond the discovery of his steadfast adherence to the religion of his fathers amid the bitter storm of Protestantism around him, and need but to remember at the same time that for twenty-five years he was entrusted with elective positions of an increasingly important character in this same community. No man could have thus held the respect of his countrymen unless he were devoid of bigotry and possessed of the highest sense of integrity, justice, humanity, and patriotism. M4Hofmann, Op. cit., p. 123. xii. AGRICOLA’S INTELLECTUAL ATTAINMENTS AND POSITION IN SCIENCE. Agricola’s education was the most thorough that his times afforded in the classics, philosophy, medicine, and sciences generally. Further, his writings disclose a most exhaustive knowledge not only of an extraordinary range of classical literature, but also of obscure manuscripts buried in the public libraries of Europe. That his general learning was held to be of a high order is amply evidenced from the correspondence of the other scholars of his time—Erasmus, Melanchthon, Meurer, Fabricius, and others. , Our more immediate concern, however, is with theadvances which were due to him in the sciences of Geology, Mineralogy, and Mining Engineering. No appreciation of these attainments can be conveyed to the reader unless he has some understanding of the dearth of knowledge in these sciences prior to Agricola’s time. We have in Appendix B given a brief review of the literature extant at this period on these subjects. Furthermore, no appreciation of Agricola’s contribution to science can be gained without a study of De Ortu et Causts and De Natura Fosstlium, for while De Re Metallica is of much more general interest, it contains but incidental reference to Geology and Mineralogy. Apart from the book of Genesis, the only attempts at funda- mental explanation of natural phenomena were those of the Greek Philosophers and the Alchemists. Orthodox beliefs Agricola scarcely mentions ; with the Alchemists he had no patience. There can be no doubt, however, that his views are greatly coloured by his deep classical learning. He was in fine toa certain distance a follower of Aristotle, Theophrastus, Strato, and other leaders of the Peripatetic school. For that matter, except for the muddy current which the alchemists had introduced into this already troubled stream, the whole thought of the learned world still flowed from the Greeks. Had he not, however, radically departed from the teachings of the Peripatetic school, his work would have been no contribution to the development of science. Certain of their teachings he repudiated with great vigour, and his laboured and detailed arguments in their refutation form the first battle in science over the results of observation versus inductive speculation. To use his own words: “ Those things which we see with our eyes and understand “by means of our senses are more clearly to be demonstrated than if learned “by means of reasoning.”!5 The bigoted scholasticism of his times necessi- tated as much care and detail in refutation of such deep-rooted beliefs, as would be demanded to-day by an attempt at a refutation of the theory of evolution, and in consequence his works are often but dry reading to any but those interested in the development of fundamental scientific theory. In giving an appreciation of Agricola’s views here and throughout the footnotes, we do not wish to convey to the reader that he was in all things free from error and from the spirit of his times, or that his theories, constructed long before the atomic theory, are of the clear-cut order which that basic hypothesis has rendered possible to later scientific speculation in these branches. His statements are sometimes much confused, but we reiterate that 15De Ortu et Causis, Book III. INTRODUCTION, xiii. their clarity is as crystal to mud in comparison with those of his predecessors— and of most of his successors for over two hundred years. As an indication of . his grasp of some of the wider aspects of geological phenomena we reproduce, in Appendix A, a passage from De Ortu et Causis, which we believe to be the first adequate declaration of the part played by erosion in mountain sculpture. But of all of Agricola’s theoretical views those are of the greatest interest which relate to the origin of ore deposits, for in these matters he had the greatest opportunities of observation and the most experience. We have on page 108 reproduced and discussed his theory at considerable length, but we may repeat here, that in his propositions as to the circulation of ground waters, that ore channels are a subsequent creation to the contained rocks, and that they were filled by deposition from circulating solutions, he enunciated the founda- tions of our modern theory, and in so doing took a step in advance greater than that of any single subsequent authority. In his contention that ore channels were created by erosion of subterranean waters he was wrong, except for special cases, and it was not until two centuries later that a further step in advance was taken by the recognition by Van Oppel of the part played by fissuring in these phenomena. Nor was it until about the same time that the filling of ore channels in the main by deposition from solutions was generally accepted. While Werner, two hundred and fifty years after Agricola, is generally revered as the inspirer of the modern theory by those whose reading has taken them no farther back, we have no hesitation in asserting that of the propositions of each author, Agricola’s were very much more nearly in accord with modern views. Moreover, the main result of the new ideas brought forward by Werner was to stop the march of progress for half a century, instead of speeding it forward as did those of Agricola. In mineralogy Agricola made the first attempt at systematic treatment of the subject. His system could not be otherwise than wrongly based, as he could scarcely see forward two or three centuries to the atomic theory and our vast fund of chemical knowledge. However, based as it is upon such properties as solubility and homogeneity, and upon external character- istics such as colour, hardness, &c., it makes a most creditable advance upon Theophrastus, Dioscorides, and Albertus Magnus—his only predecessors. He is the first to assert that bismuth and antimony are true primary metals ; and to some sixty actual mineral species described previous to his time he added some twenty more, and laments that there are scores unnamed. As to Agricola’s contribution to the sciences of mining and metal- lurgy, De Re Metallica speaks for itself. While he describes, for the first time, scores of methods and processes, no one would contend that they were discoveries or inventions of hisown. They represent the accumulation of generations of experience and knowledge ; but by him they were, for the first time, to receive detailed and intelligent exposition. Until Schliiter’s work nearly two centuries later, it was not excelled. There is no measure by which we may gauge the value of such a work to the men who followed in this profession during centuries, nor the benefits enjoyed by humanity through them. 2 xiv. INTRODUCTION. That Agricola occupied a very considerable place in the great awakening of learning will be disputed by none except by those who place the development of science in rank far below religion, politics, literature, and art. Of wider importance than the details of his achievements in the mere confines of the particular science to which he applied himself, is the fact that he was the first to found any of the natural sciences upon research and observation, as opposed to previous fruitless speculation. The wider interest of the members of the medical profession in the development of their science than that of geologists in theirs, has led to the aggrandizement of Paracelsus, a contem- porary of Agricola, as the first in deductive science. Yet no comparative study of the unparalleled egotistical ravings of this half-genius, half-alchemist, with the modest sober logic and real research and observation of Agricola, can leave a moment’s doubt as to the incomparably greater position which should be attributed to the latter as the pioneer in building the foundation of science by deduction from observed phenomena. Science is the base upon which is reared the civilization of to-day, and while we give daily credit to all those who toil in the superstructure, let none forget those men who laid its first foundation stones. One of the greatest of these was Georgius Agricola. ie MM SRR ee. ROT son RRS a DE RE METALLICA. Agricola seems to have been engaged in the preparation of De Re Metallica for a period of over twenty years, for we first hear of the book in a letter from Petrus Plateanus, a schoolmaster at Joachimsthal, to the great humanist, Erasmus,’* in September, 1529. He says: ‘ The scientific world “ will be still more indebted to Agricola when he brings to light the books “ De Re Metallica and other matters which he has on hand.”’ In the dedication of De Mensuris et Ponderibus (in 1533) Agricola states that he means to publish twelve books De Re Metallica, if he lives. That the appearance of this work was eagerly anticipated is evidenced by a letter from George Fabricius to Valentine Hertel: 17 ‘ With great excitement the books De Re Metallica “are being, awaited. If he treats the material at hand with his usual zeal, “he will win for himself glory such as no one in any of the fields of literature “has attained for the last thousand years.” According to the dedication of De Veteribus et Novis Metallis, Agricola in 1546 already looked forward to its early publication. The work was apparently finished in 1550, for the dedication to the Dukes Maurice and August of Saxony is dated in December of that year. The eulogistic poem by his friend, George Fabricius, is dated in 1551. ie The publication was apparently long delayed by the preparation of the woodcuts ; and, according to Mathesius,® many sketches for them were prepared by Basilius Wefring. In the preface of De Re Metallica, Agricola does not mention who prepared the sketches, but does say: “I have hired “illustrators to delineate their forms, lest descriptions which are conveyed “by words should either not be understood by men of our own times, or “should cause difficulty to posterity.” In 1553 the completed book was sent to Froben for publication, for a letter 1* from Fabricius to Meurer in March, 1553, announces its dispatch to the printer. An interesting letter®® from the Elector Augustus to Agricola, dated January 18, 1555, reads: “ Most learned, dear and faithful subject, whereas you have sent to the Press “a Latin book of which the title is said to be De Rebus Metallicis, which has “been praised to us and we should like to know the contents, it is our gracious “command that you should get the book translated when you have the “ opportunity into German, and not let it be copied more than once or be “ printed, but keep it by you and send us a copy. If you should need a “writer for this purpose, we will provide one. Thus you will fulfil our ““ gracious behest.’” The German translation was prepared by Philip Bechius, a Basel University Professor of Medicine and Philosophy. It is a wretched work, by one who knew nothing of the science, and who more especially had no appreciation of the peculiar Latin terms coined by Agricola, most of which ‘Briefe an Desiderius Erasmus von Rotterdam. Published by J Férstemann & Otto Giinther. xxvut. Betheft zum Zentralblatt fir Bibliothekswesen, Leipzig, 1904, p. 125. 1Petrus Albinus, Meissnische Land und Berg Chronica, Dresden, 1590, p. 353- 18This statement is contained under “1556” in a sort of chronicle bound up with Mathesius’s Sarepia, Nuremberg, 1562. ‘*Baumgarten-Crusius, p. 85, letter No. 93. *°Principal State Archives, Dresden, Cop. 259, folio roz. xvi. INTRODUCTION. he rendered literally. It is a sad commentary on his countrymen that no correct German translation exists. The Italian translation is by Michelangelo Florio, and is by him dedicated to Elizabeth, Queen of England. The title page of the first edition is reproduced later on, and the full titles of other editions are given in the Appendix, together with the author’s other works. The following are the short titles of the various editions of De Re Metallica, together with the name and place of the publisher :— LaTIN EDITIONS. De Re Metallica, Froben .. .. Basel Folio 1556. jo filys i ‘is si a Re cao 1561. berths s, Ludwig Kénig Ca Pad 1621. Tar a Emanuel K6nig PEM 1657. In addition to these, Leupold,*! Schmid,®* and others mention an octavo edition, without illustrations, Schweinfurt, 1607. We have not been ableto find a copy of this edition, and are not certain of its existence. The same catalogues also mention an octavo edition of De Re Metallica, Wittenberg, 1612 or 1614, with notes by Joanne Sigfrido; but we believe this to be a confusion with Agricola’s subsidiary works, which were published at this time and place, with such notes. GERMAN EDITIONS. Vom Bergkwerck, Froben, Folio, 1557. Bergwerck Buch, Sigmundi Feyrabendt, Frankfort-on-Main, folio, 1580. i , Ludwig Kénig, Basel, folio, 162r. There are other editions than these, mentioned by bibliographers, but we have been unable to confirm them in any library. The most reliable of such bibliographies, that of John Ferguson,” gives in addition to the above ; Bergwerkbuch, Basel, 1657, folio, and Schweinfurt, 1687, octavo. ITALIAN EDITION. L’ Arte de Metalli, Froben, Basel, folio, 1563. OTHER LANGUAGES. So far as we know, De Re Metallica was never actually published in other than Latin, German, and Italian. However, a portion of the accounts of the firm of Froben were published in 18814, and therein is an entry under March, 1560, of a sum to one Leodigaris Grymaldo for some other work, and also for ‘correction of Agricola’s De Re Metallica in French.” This may ~ of course, be an error for the Italian edition, which appeared a little later. There is also mention®® that a manuscript of De Re Metallica in Spanish was *1Jacob Leupold, Prodromus Bibliothecae Metallicae, 1732, p. It. #F. A. Schmid, Georg Agrikola’s Bermannus, Freiberg, 1806, p. 34. * Bibliotheca Chemica, Glasgow, 1906, p. 10. **Rechnungsbuch der Froben und Episcopius Buchdrucker und Buchhéndler zu Basel, 1557-1564, published by R. Wackernagle, Basel, 1881, p. 20. *5Colecion del Sr Monoz t. 93, fol. 255 En la Acad. de la Hist, Madrid. INTRODUCTION. xvii. seen in the library of the town of Bejar. An interesting note appears in the glossary given by Sir John Pettus in his translation of Lazarus Erckern’s work on assaying. He says** ‘‘ but I cannot enlarge my observations upon any more words, because the printer calls for what I did write of a metallick dictionary, after I first proposed the printing of Erckern, but intending within the compass of a year to publish Georgius Agricola, De Re Metallica (being fully translated) in English, and also to add a dictionary to it, I shall reserve my remaining essays (if what I have done hitherto be approved) till then, and so I proceed in the dictionary.” The translation was never published and extensive inquiry in various libraries and among the family of Pettus has failed to yield any trace of the manuscript. *Sir John Pettus, Fleta Minor, The Laws of Art and Nature, &c., London, 1636, p. 121. XY CRS i OM ae KKK $69 ¢ Go — IO Vc XO S 9, XY SOS OY ( KS SOR GEORGI AGRICOLAE ETALLICALIBRIXII> QVIzs go po ifhgor Malate Machin ,ac omnia denis ad Metallis cam fpectantia, non modo luculentiffime defcribuntur , fed & per effigies, fuis locis infertas , adiunctis Latinis, dearer asi lationibus ita ob oculds ponuntur, ut clarius tradi non poffint, 2.8.4.0: & DE ANIMANTIBVS Sb oltehabees pectrigeet 00 Ge cognitus:cum Indicibus diuerfis, quicquid in opere tractatum igre pulchré demonftrantibus, BASILEAE M> D> LVI> Cum Priuilegio Imperatorisinannos v. & Galliarum Regis ad Sexennium, GEORGIVS FABRICIVS IN LI« bros Metallicos GEORGIt AGRICOLABphie lofophi preftantiflimi, AD LECTORE MM, S iuuat ignita cognofcere fronte Chimzram, Semicanem nympham,femibouemg uirum: Sicentum copltinch Tiessiera ttn ferentem Sublimem manibus tela cruenta Gygen: Siiuuat Ztneum penetrare Cyclopis in antrum, Atque alios, Vates quos peperere,metus: Nunc placeat mecum do¢tos euoluere libros, Ingenium AGRICOLAE quos deditacre tibi. Norhic uana tenet fufpenfam fabula mentem: Sed precium,utilitas multa,legentis erit. Quidquid terra finu,gremiog recondiditimo, Omne tibi multis eruit ante libris: Siue fluens fuperas ultro nitatur in oras, Inueniat facilem feu magis arte uiam. Perpetui proprys manant de fontibus amnes, ft prauis Albunezx {ponte Mephitis odor. Lethales funt fponte fcrobes Diczarchidis orx, Et micat é media conditus ignis humo. Plana Narifcorum cum tellus arfitin agro, Ter curuanondum falce refecta Ceres, Nec dedit hoc damnum paftor,riec luppiterigne: Vulcani per feruperat ira folum. Terrifico aura foras erumpens,incita motu, Szpe facit montes,anteé ubi plana uia eft, Hecabftrufa oe ed incognita fundo, Cognita natura feepefuere duce, Artehominum,inlucem ueniunt quog multa, manug Terrz multiplices effodiuntur opes. Lydia ficnitrum profert,Istandia fulfur, * Acmods Tyrrhenus mittit alumen ager. Succina,qué trifido fubit equor Viftula cornu, Pifcantur Codano corpora feruafinu. Quid memorem regum preciofa infignia gemmas, Marmorat ssiottt ftructa fub aftra iugis ¢ Nil lapides,nil {axa moror:funt pulchra metalla, Creefetuis opibus clara, Mydag tuis, Quzy acer Macedo RauCrencike fodit, Nominepermutans nomina prifca fuo. Atnuncnonullis cedit GER MANIA terris, a 4. Terra Xxii. Terra ferax hominum, terrag diues opum. Hic auriin uenis locupletibus aurarefulget, Nonalio meffis carior ullaloco, Auricomum extulerit felix Campania ramum, Nec fructu nobis deficiente cadit, Eruit argenti folidas hoc tempore maflas Foffor,de proprijsarmag miles agris, Ignotum Graijs eftHefperijsqs metallum, Quod Bifemutum lingua paterna uocat, Candidius nigro,fed plumbo nigriusalbo, Noftra quog hoc uena dinite fundit humus, Funditur in tormenta,corus cum imitantia fulmen, Zis,ing hoftiles ferrea mafla domos. Scribuntur plumbo libri:quis credidit ante Quam mirandam artem Teutonis ora dedit? Nectamen hoc alijs,aut illa petuntur ab oris, Eruta Germano cunéta metallafolo. Sed quid. ego hecrepeto,monumentis tradita claris AGRIC OLAE, que nunc docta per ora uolant? Hic cauffis ortus,& formas uiribus addit, Et querenda quibus fint melioralocis. Quz fi mente prius legifti candidus equa: Da reliquis qu oF nunctempora pauca libris, Viilitas fequitur cultorem:crede,uoluptas Noniucunda minor,rara legentis,erit. ludiciog prius ne quis malé damnetiniquo, Quz funtaudcoris munera mira Dei: Eripit ipfe fuis primunrtela hoftibus,ings Mirtentis torquet {picula rapta caput. Fertur equo latro,uehitur pirata triremi: Ergo necandus equus,nec fabricanda ratis¢ Vifceribus terre lateant abftrufa metalla, Viti opibus nefcit qudd mala turba fuis? Quifquis es,aut doctis pareto monentibus,aut te Inter habere bonos ne fateare locum. Senonin prerupta metallicus abijcit audax, » Vequondam immiffo Curtius acer equo: Sed prius edifcit,qua funtnofcenda perito, Quod g facit,multa doctus ab arte facit. Vc gubernator feruat cum fidere uentos: ’ Sicminime dubjjs utitur ille notis. lafides nauim,currusregit arte Metifcus: Foffor opus peragit nec minus arte fuum, Indagat uenz {pacium,numerumcg,moduma, Siue obliqua fuum,rectauie tendat iter. Paftor - ee ee xxi. Paftor ut explorat gquz terra fitapta colenti, Quz bene lanigeras,quz male pafcat oues, En terrz intentus, quid uincula linea tendit ¢ Fungitur officio iam Ptolemze tuo, Vtg fen inuenit menfuram iuracp uene, In uarios opetas diuidit ind euiros, od obftat, Iam< us Opus,uiden’ utmouet omne quod o Athéea atu tftrenuus arma manu ¢ Ne tibifurdefeant ferritinnitibus avres, Ad grauiora ideo confpicienda ueni. Inftruit ecce fuis nunc artibus ille minores: Sedulitas nulli non operofa loco, Metiri docet hic uenz {paciumé modumg, Vt regat pofitis finibus arua lapis, Ne quis transmiffo uiolentus limite pergens, on fibi conceflas,in fua uertat,opes. Hic docetinftrumenta,quibus Piutoniaregna Tutus adit,faxi permeat atc uias. Quanra(uides) folidas expugnet machina terras? Machina non ullotempore uifa prius. Cede nouis,nulla non inclytalaudeuetuftas, Pofteritas meritis eft quocg grata tuis. Tum quia Germano funt hxc inuenta fub axe, Si quis es,inuidiz contrahe uela tux. Aufonis ora tu.nct bellis,terra Attica cultu, Germanum infractus tollitad aftra labor, Nectamen ingenio folet infeliciter uti, Mite gerat Phoebi,feu graue Martis opus. Tempus adeft, ftructis uenarum montibus,igne Explorare,ufum quem fibi tena ferat, Non labor ingenio catet hi¢,non copia fru€u, Eftadaperta bonz prima feneftra fpei. 3%, 2 inftat porrd grauiores ferre labores, ntentas operi nec remouere manus, Vrere fiue locus pofcat,feu tundere uemas, Siue lauarelacu preter euntis aque, Seu flammis iterum modicis torrere néceffe eft, Excoquere aut faftis ignibus omnemalum, Cum fluit xs riuis,auri argenticg metallum, Spes animo foffor uix capit ipfe fuas, —— cupidus fuluo fecernitab auro, t plumbilentam demit utricg moram. Separat argentum,lucri ftudiofus,ab ere, Seruatis,linquens deteriora, bonis. Quz XXiv. Que ficuncta uelim tenui percurrere uerfu, Antealium reuchat Viemnonis oxta diem,’ Poftremus labor eft,concretos difcerefuccos, Quos fertinnumeris Teutona terralocis, Quo fal,quo nitrum,quo pacto fiat alumen, V fibus artificis cum paratilla manus: Necnon chalcantum,fulfur,fluidumeg bitumen, Maflag quo uitrilenta dolanda modo, Sufcipit hac hominum mirandos cura labores, Pauperiem ufqgadeo ferre famem¢g graue eft, Tantus amor uictum paruis extundere natis, Et patria ciuem non dare uelle malum, Nec manet in terrz fofforis merfalatebris Mens, fed fert domino uota preces¢p Deo, Munifice expedtat,{fpe plenus,munera dextre, Extollens animum letus ad aftrafuum, Diuitias c wR 15 T vs dat noticiamg fruendi, Cui memori grates pectore femper vc Hoc quoque laudati quondam fecere Philippi, Quiuirtutis habent cum pietate decus, Huc oculos,huc flecte animum, fuauiffime Lector, Auctoremg pia nofcito mente Deum. AG RICOLAE hinc optans operofo faufta labori, Laudibus eximij candidus efto uiri. Iilé fuum extollit patriz cum nomine nomen, Et uir in ore frequens pofteritatis erit, Cuncta caduntletho,ftudij monumenta uigebunt, Purpurei doneclumina folis erunt. Mifenz m, v. 11, éludo illuftri. For completeness’ sake we reproduce in the original Latin the laudation of Agricola by his friend, Georgius Fabricius, a leading scholar of his time. value for it is not poetry of a very high order, and to make it acceptable English would require certain improvements, for which only poets have license. A “ free” translation of the last few lines indicates its complimentary character :— “He doth raise his country’s fame with his own ‘‘ And in the mouths of nations yet unborn “His praises shall be sung; Death comes to all “ But great achievements raise a monument ‘““ Which shall endure until the sun grows cold.” It has but little intrinsic TO THE: MOST ILLUSTRIOUS AND MOST MIGHTY DUKES OF Saxony, Landgraves of Thuringia, Margraves of Meissen, Imperial Overlords of Saxony, Burgraves of Altenberg and Magdeburg, Counts of Brena, Lords of Pleissnerland, To maurice Grand Marshall and Elector of the Holy Roman Empire and to his brother aucusrus, GEORGE AGRICOLA Ss. D, JOST illustrious Princes, often have I considered the metallic arts as a whole, as Moderatus Columella* i considered the agricultural arts, just as if I had been considering the whole of the human 4 body; and when I had perceived the various parts | of the subject, like so many members of the body, 1 I became afraid that I might die before I should | understand its full extent, much less before I ——— a ie could immortalise it in writing. This book itself indicates the length and breadth of the subject, and the number and importance of the sciences of which at least some little knowledge is necessary to miners. Indeed, the subject of mining is a very exten- sive one, and one very difficult to explain; no part of it is fully dealt with by the Greek and Latin authors whose works survive; and since the art is one of the most ancient, the most necessary and the most profitable to mankind, I considered that I ought not to neglect it. Without doubt, none of the arts is older than agriculture, but that of the metals is not less ancient ; in fact they are at least equal and coeval, for no mortal man ever tilled a field without implements. In truth, in all the works of agricul- ture, as in the other arts, implements are used which are made from metals, or which could not be made without the use of metals; for this reason the metals are of the greatest necessity to man. When an art is so poor that it lacks metals, it is not of much importance, for nothing is made without tools. Besides, of all ways whereby great wealth is acquired by good and honest means, none is more advantageous than mining; for although from fields which are well tilled (not to mention other things) we derive rich yields, yet we obtain richer products from mines ; in fact, one mine is often much more beneficial to us than many fields. For this reason we learn from the history of nearly all ages that very many men have been made rich by the 1For Agricola’s relations with these princes see p. ix. *Lucius Junius Moderatus Columella was a Roman, a native of Cadiz, and lived during the rst Century. He was the author of De Re Rustica in 12 books. It was first printed in 1472, and some fifteen or sixteen editions had been printed before Agricola’s death. XXVi. PREFACE mines, and the fortunes of many kings have been much amplified there- by. But I will. not now speak more of these matters, because I have dealt with these subjects partly in the first book of this work, and partly in the other work entitled De Veteribus et Novis Metallis, where I have refuted the charges which have been made against metals and against miners. Now, though the art of husbandry, which I willingly rank with the art of mining, appears to be divided into many branches, yet it is not separated into so many as this art of ours, nor can I teach the principles of this as easily as Columella did of that. He had at hand many writers upon hus- bandry whom he could follow,—in fact, there are more than fifty Greek authors whom Marcus Varro enumerates, and more than ten Latin ones, whom Columella himself mentions. I have only one whom I can follow; that is C. Plinius Secundus,? and he expounds only a very few methods of digging ores and of making metals. Far from the whole of the art having been treated by any one writer, those who have written occasionally on any one or another of its branches have not even dealt completely with a single one of them. Moreover, there is a great scarcity even of these, since alone of all the Greeks, Strato of Lampsacus,* the successor of Theophrastus,® wrote a book on the subject, De Machinis Metallicis ; except, perhaps a work by the poet Philo, a small part of which embraced to some degree the occupation of mining.* Pherecrates seems to have introduced into his comedy, which was similar in title, miners as slaves or as persons condemned to serve in the mines. Of the Latin writers, Pliny, as I have already said, has described a few methods of working. Also among the authors I must include the modern writers, whosoever they are, for no one should escape just condemnation who fails to award due recognition to persons whose writings he uses, even very slightly. Two books have been written in our tongue ; the one on the assaying of mineral substances and metals, somewhat confused, whose author is unknown’; the other “On Veins,” of which Pandulfus Anglus ® is also said to have written, although the German book was written by Calbus of Freiberg, a well-known doctor]; but neither of them accomplished the task %We give a short review of Pliny’s Naturalis Historia in the Appendix B. ‘This work is not extant, as Agricola duly notes later on. Strato succeeded Thee- phrastus as president of the Lyceum, 288 B.c. 5For note on Theophrastus see Appendix B. ®It appears that the poet Philo did write a work on mining which is not extant. So far as we know the only reference to this work is in Athenzus’ (200 A.D.) Deipnosophistae. The passage as it appears in C. D. Yonge’s Translation (Bohn’s Library, London, 1854, Vol. 1, Book vir, p. 506) is: ‘‘ And there is a similar fish produced in the Red Sea which “is called Stromateus ; it has gold-coloured lines running along the whole of his body, as “Philo tells us in his book on Mines.” There is a fragment of a poem of Pherecrates, entitled ‘‘ Miners,” but it seems to have little to do with mining. "The title given by Agricola De Materiae Metallicae et Metallorum Experimento is difficult to identify. It seems likely to be the little Probier Buchlein, numbers of which were published in German in the first half of the 16th Century. We discuss this work at some length in the Appendix B on Ancient Authors. *Pandulfus, “the Englishman,” is mentioned by various 15th and 16th Century writers, and in the preface of Mathias Farinator’s Liber Moralitatum .. . Rerum Naturalium, etc., printed in Augsburg, 1477, there is a list of books among which appears a reference to a work by Pandulfus on veins and minerals. We have not been able to find the book. PREFACE xxvii. he had begun.® Recently Vannucci Biringuccio, of Sienna, a wise man experienced in many matters, wrote in vernacular Italian on _ the subject of the melting, separating, and alloying of metals.'° He touched briefly.on the methods of smelting certain ores, and explained more fully the methods of making certain juices; by reading his directions, I have refreshed my memory of those things which I myself saw in Italy ; as for many matters on which I write, he did not touch upon them at all, or touched but lightly. This book was given me by Franciscus Badoarius, a Patrician of Venice, and a man of wisdom and of repute ; this he had promised that he would do, when in the previous year he was at Marienberg, having been sent by the Venetians as an Ambassador to King Ferdinand. Beyond these books I do not find any writings on the metallic arts. For that reason, even if the book of Strato existed, from all these sources not one-half of the whole body of the science of mining could be pieced together. Seeing that there have been so few who have written on the subject of the metals, it appears to me all the more wonderful that so many alchemists have arisen who would compound metals artificially, and who would change one into another. Hermolaus Barbarus,“ a man of high rank and station, and distinguished in all kinds of learning, has mentioned the names of many in his writings; and I will proffer more, but only famous ones, for I will limit myself to a few. Thus Osthanes has written on xvpevrwa ; and there are Hermes; Chanes ; Zosimus, the Alexandrian, to his sister Theosebia ; Olympiodorus, also an Alexandrian; Agathodemon; Democritus, not the one of Abdera, but some other whom I know not ; Orus Chrysorichites, Pebichius, Comerius, Joannes, Apulejus, Petasius, Pelagius, Africanus, Theophilus, Synesius, Stephanus to Heracleus Cesar, Heliodorus to Theodosius, Geber, Callides Rachaidibus, Veradianus, Rodianus, Canides, Merlin, Raymond Lully, Arnold de Villa Nova, and Augustinus Pantheus of Venice ; and three women, Cleopatra, the maiden Taphnutia, and Maria the Jewess.™ All these alchemists employ obscure language, and Johanes Aurelius Augurellus of Rimini, alone has used the language of poetry. There are many other books on *Jacobi (Der Mineralog Georgius Agricola, Zwickau, 1881, p. 47) says: “‘ Calbus “* Freibergius, so called by Agricola himself, is certainly no other than the Freiberg Doctor “ Riihlein von Kalbe; he was, according to Méller, a doctor and burgomaster at Freiberg “at the end of the 15th and the beginning of the 16th Centuries. . . . The chronicler “describes him as a fine mathematician, who helped to survey and design the mining towns “ of Annaberg in 1497 and Marienberg in 1521.” We would call attention to the statement of Calbus’ views, quoted at the end of Book III, De Re Metallica (p. 75), which are astonishingly similar to statements in the Niizlich Bergbiichlin, and leave little doubt that this “ Calbus ” was the author of that anonymous book on veins. For further discussion see Appendix B. 1°For discussion of Biringuccio see Appendix B. The proper title is De La Pirotechnia (Venice, 1540). “Hermolaus Barbarus, according to Watt (Bibliotheca Britannica, London, 1824), was a lecturer on Philosophy in Padua. He was born in 1454, died in 1493, and was the author of a number of works on medicine, natural history, etc., with commentaries on the older authors. The debt which humanity does owe to these self-styled philosophers must not be overlooked, for the science of Chemistry comes from three sources—Alchemy, Medicine and Metallurgy. However polluted the former of these may be, still the vast advance which it made by the discovery of the principal acids, alkalis, and the more common of their salts, should be constantly mccgemek. 1k is obviously impossible, within the space of a footnote, to XXViii. PREFACE this subject, but all are difficult to follow, because the writers upon these things use strange names, which do not properly belong to the metals, and because some of them employ now one name and now another, invented by themselves, though the thing itself changes not. These masters teach their disciples that the base metals, when smelted, are broken up ; also they teach the methods by which they reduce them to the primary parts and remove whatever is superfluous in them, and by supplying what is wanted make out of them the precious metals—that is, gold and silver,— all of which they carry out in a crucible. Whether they can do these things or not I cannot decide; but, seeing that so many writers assure us with all earnestness that they have reached that goal for which they aimed, it would seem that faith might be placed in them; yet also seeing that we do not read of any of them ever having become rich by this art, nor do we now see them growing rich, although so many nations everywhere have produced, and are producing, alchemists, and all of them are straining every nerve night and day to the end that they may heap a great quantity of gold and silver, I should say the matter is dubious. But although it may be due to the carelessness of the writers that they have not transmitted to us the names of the masters who acquired great wealth through this occupation, certainly it is clear that their disciples either do not understand their precepts or, if they do under- stand them, do not follow them ; for if they do comprehend them, seeing that these disciples have been and are so numerous, they would have by to-day filled give anything but the most casual notes as to the personages here mentioned and their writings. Aside from the classics and religious works, the libraries of the Middle Ages teemed with more material on Alchemy than on any other one subject, and since that date a never- ending stream of historical, critical, and discursive volumes and tracts devoted to the old Alchemists and their writings has been poured upon the world. A collection recently sold in London, relating to Paracelsus alone, embraced over seven hundred volumes. Of many of the Alchemists mentioned by Agricola little is really known, and no two critics agree as to the commonest details regarding many of them; in fact, an endless confusion springs from the negligent habit of the lesser Alchemists of ae author- ship of their writings to more esteemed members of their ownilk, such as Hermes, Osthanes, etc., not to mention the palpable spuriousness of works under the names of the real philosophers, such as Aristotle, Plato, or Moses, and even of Jesus Christ. Knowledge of many of the authors mentioned by Agricola does not extend beyond the fact that the names mentioned are appended to various writings, in some instances to MSS yet unpublished. The pos have been actual persons, or they may not. Agricola undoubtedly had panasatt manuscripts and books in some leading library, as the quotation from Boerhaave given later shows. Shaw (A New Method of Chemistry, etc., London, 1753. Vol. I, p. 25) considers that the large number of such manuscripts in the European libraries at this time were composed or transcribed by monks and others living in Constantinople, Alexandria, and Athens, who fled westward before the Turkish invasion, bringing their works with them. For purposes of this summary we group the names mentioned by Agricola, the first class being of those who are known only as names appended to MSS or not identifiable at all. Possibly a more devoted student of the history of Alchemy would assign fewer names to this department of oblivion. They are Maria the Jewess, Chrysorichites, Chanes, Petasius, Pebichius, Theophilus, Callides, Veradianus, Rodianus, Canides, the maiden thy yeskenst Johannes, Augustinus, and Africanus. The last three are names so common as not to be possible of identification without more particulars, though Johannes may be the Johannes Rupeseissa (1375), an alchemist of some note. Many of these names can be found pei the Bishops and Prelates of the early Christian Church, but we doubt if their owners woul ever be identified with such indiscretions as open, avowed alchemy. The Theophilus mentioned might be the metal-working monk of the r2th Century, who is further discussed in Appendix B on Ancient Authors. be In the next group fall certain names such as Osthanes, Hermes, Zosimus, Agathodaemon, _ and Democritus, which have been the watchwords of authority to Alchemists of all ages. — These certainly possessed the great secrets, either the philosopher’s stone or the elixir. PREFACE xxix. whole towns with gold and silver. Even their books proclaim their vanity, for they inscribe in them the names of Plato and Aristotle and other philosophers, in order that such high-sounding inscriptions may impose upon simple people and pass for learning. There is another class of alchemists who do not change the substance of base metals, but colour them to represent gold or silver, so that they appear to be that which they are not, and when this appearance is taken from them by the fire, as if it were a garment foreign to them, they return to their own character. These alchemists, since they deceive people, are not only held in the greatest odium, but their frauds are a capital offence. No less a fraud, warranting capital punishment, is committed by a third sort of alchemists ; these throw into a crucible a small piece of gold or silver hidden in a coal, and after mixing therewith fluxes which have the power of extracting it, pretend to be making gold from orpiment, or silver from tin and like substances. But concerning the art of alchemy, if it be an art, I will speak further elsewhere. I will now return to the art of mining. Since no authors have written of this art in its entirety, and since foreign nations and races do not understand our tongue, and, if they did understand it, would be able to learn only a small part of the art through the works of those authors whom we do possess, I have written these twelve books De Re Metallica. Of these, the first book contains the arguments which may be used against this art, and against metals and the mines, and what can be said in their favour. The second book describes the miner, and branches into Hermes Trismegistos was a legendary tian personage supposed to have flourished before 1,500 B.c., and by some considered to be a corruption of the god Thoth. He is supposed to have written a number of works, but those extant have been demonstrated to date not ove to the second Century; he is referred to by the later Greek Alchemists, and was ieved to have possessed the secret of transmutation. Osthanes was also a very shadowy capper ty and was considered by some Alchemists to have been an Egyptian prior to Hermes, y others to have been the teacher of Zoroaster. Pliny mentions a magician of this name who accompanied Xerxes’ mney, Later there are psec: espe of this name, and the most probable ation is that this was a favourite ym for ancient magicians ;_ there is a very old work, of no great interest, in MSS in Latin and Greek, in the Munich, Gotha, Vienna, and other libraries, by one of this name. Agathodaemon was still another shado character referred to by the older Alchemists. There are MSS in the Florence, Paris, Escurial, and Munich libraries bearing his name, but nothing tangible is known as to whether he was an actual man or if these writings are not of a much later period than claimed. To the next group belong the Greek Alchemists, who flourished during the rise and decline of Alexandria, from 200 B.c. to 700 A.D., and we give them in order of their dates. Comerius was considered by his later fellow professionals to have been the teacher of the art to Cleopatra (1st Century B.c.), and a MSS with a title to that effect exists in the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris. The celebrated peo og seems to have stood very high in the estimation of the Alchemists ; her doubtful character found a response among them ; there are various works extant in attributed to her, but nothing can be known as to their authenticity. Lucius Apulejus or Apuleius was born in Numidia about the 2nd Century ; he was a Roman Platonic Philosopher, and was the author of aromance, ‘‘ The Metamorphosis, or the Golden Ass.” Synesius was a Greek, but of unknown period ; there is a MSS treatise on the Philosopher’s Stone in the library at Leyden under his name, and various printed works are attributed to him; he mentions “ water of saltpetre,” and has, therefore, been hazarded to be the earliest recorder of nitric acid. The work here referred to as ‘‘ Heliodorus to Theodosius ’’ was probably the MSS in the Libraries at Paris, Vienna, Munich, etc., under the title of ‘‘ Heli the Philosopher’s Poem to the Emperor Theodosius the Great on the Mystic Art of the Philosophers, etc.”” His period would, therefore, be about the 4th Century. The Alexandrian Zosimus is more generally known as Zosimus the Panopolite, from Panopolis, an ancient town on the Nile; he flourished in the 5th Century, and belonged to the Alexandrian School of Alchemists ; he should not be confused with the Roman historian of the same name and period. The following statement is by Boerhaave (Elementa Chemiae, Paris, 1724, Chap. I.) :—‘‘ The name Chemistry written in Greek, or Chemia, is so ancient 3 XXX. PREFACE a discourse on the finding of veins. The third book deals with veins and stringers, and seams in the rocks. The fourth book explains the method of delimiting veins, and also describes the functions of the mining officials. The fifth book describes the digging of ore and the surveyor’s art. The sixth book describes the miners’ tools and machines. The seventh book is on the assaying of ore. The eighth book lays down the rules for the work of roasting, crushing, and washing the ore. The ninth book explains the methods of smelting ores. The tenth book instructs those who are studious of the metallic arts in the work of separating silver from gold, and lead from gold and silver. The eleventh book shows the way of separating silver from copper. The twelfth book gives us rules for manufacturing salt, soda, alum, vitriol, sulphur, bitumen, and glass. Although I have not fulfilled the task which I have undertaken, on account of the great magnitude of the subject, I have, at all events, endeavoured to fulfil it, for I have devoted much labour and care, and have even gone to some expense upon it ; for with regard to the veins, tools, vessels, sluices, machines, and furnaces, I have not only described them, but have also hired illustrators to delineate their forms, lest descriptions which are conveyed by words should either not be understood by men of our own times, or should cause difficulty to posterity, in the same way as to us difficulty is often caused by many names which the Ancients (because such words were familiar to all of them) have handed down to us without any explanation. I have omitted all those things which I have not myself seen, or have “as perhaps to have been used in the antediluvian age. Of this opinion was Zosimus the “‘ Panopolite, whose Greek writings, though known as long as before the Pie 1550 to George “Agricola, and afterwards perused . . . . by Jas. Scaliger and Olaus Borrichius, ‘* still remain unpublished in the King of France’s library. In one of these, entitled, ‘ The “Instruction of Zosimus the Panopolite and Philosopher, out of those written to Theosebeia, “etc. ...’ Olympiodorus was an Alexandrian of the 5th Century, whose writings were largely commentaries on Plato and Aristotle; he is sometimes accredited with res the first to describe white arsenic (arsenical oxide). The full title of the work styled “Stephanus to Heracleus Caesar,’”’ as published in Latin at Padua in 1573, was ‘‘ Stephan of Alexandria, the ‘‘ Universal Philosopher and Master, his nine processes on the great art of making gold and ss —— addressed to the Emperor Heraclius.” He, therefore, if authentic, dates in the 7th Century. To the next class belong those of the Middle Ages, which we give in order of date. The works attributed to Geber play such an important part in the history of Chemistry and Metallurgy that we discuss his book at length in j po B. Late criticism indicates that this work was not the production of an 8th Century Arab, but a compilation of some Latin scholar of the 12th or 13th Centuries. Arnold de Villa Nova, born about 1240, died in 1313 was celebrated as a physician, philosopher, and chemist; his first works were published in Lyons in 1504; many of them have apparently never been printed, for references may be found to some 18 different works. Raymond Lully, a Spaniard, born in 1235, who was a disciple of Arnold de Villa Nova, was stoned to death in Africa in 1315. There are extant over 100 works attributed to this author, although again the habit of disciples of writing under the master’s name may be responsible for most of these. John Aurelio Augurello was an Italian Classicist, born in Rimini about 1453. Thework referred to, Chrysopoeia et Gerontica is a poem on the art of making gold, etc., published in Venice, 1515, and re-published frequently thereafter ; it is much quoted by Alchemists. With regard to Merlin, as satis-— factory an account as any of this truly English magician may be found in Mark Twain’s ‘Yankee at the Court of King Arthur.” It is of some interest to note that Agricola omits — from his list Avicenna (980-1037 a.D.), Roger Bacon (1214-1294), Albertus Magnus (1193- 1280), Basil Valentine (end 15th century ?), and Paracelsus, a contqmporary of his own. In De Ortu et Causis he expends much thought on refutation of theories advanced by Avicenna and Albertus, but of the others we have found no mention, although their work is, froma chemical point of view, of considerable importance. saga PREFACE xxxi. not read or heard of from persons upon whom I can rely. That which I have neither seen, nor carefully considered after reading or hearing of, I have not written about. The same rule must be understood with regard to all my in- struction, whether I enjoin things which ought to be done, or describe things which are usual, or condemn things which are done. Since the art of mining does not lend itself to elegant language, these books of mine are correspond- ingly lacking in refinement of style. The things dealt with in this art of metals sometimes lack names, either because they are new, or because, even if they are old, the record of the names by which they were formerly known has been lost. For this reason I have been forced by a necessity, for which I must be pardoned, to describe some of them by a number of words combined, and to distinguish others by new names,—to which latter class belong Ingestor, Discretor, Lotor, and Excoctor.* Other things, again, I have alluded to by old names, such as the Cistwm; for when Nonius Marcellus wrote,* this was the name of a two-wheeled vehicle, but I have adopted it for a small vehicle which has only one wheel; and if anyone does not approve of these names, ‘let him either find more appropriate ones for these things, or discover the words used in the writings of the Ancients. These books, most illustrious Princes, are dedicated to you for many reasons, and, above all others, because metals have proved of the greatest value to you ; for though your ancestors drew rich profits from the revenues of their vast and wealthy territories, and likewise from the taxes which were paid by the foreigners by way of toll and by the natives by way of tithes, yet they drew far richer profits from the mines. Because of the mines not a few towns have risen into eminence, such as Freiberg, Annaberg, Marienberg, Schneeberg, Geyer, and Altenberg, not to mention others. Nay, if I under- stand anything, greater wealth now lies hidden beneath the ground in the mountainous parts of your territory than is visible and apparent above ground. Farewell. Chemnitz, Saxony, December First, 1550. 13] ngestor,—Carrier ; Discretor,—Sorter ; Lotor,—Washer ; Excoctor,—Smelter. “4Nonius Marcellus was a Roman grammarian of the 4th Century B.c. His extant treatise is entitled, De Compendiosa Doctrina per Litteras ad Filium. QO Mans: So ota qe... BOOK I. 3) ANY persons hold the opinion that the metal indus- tries are fortuitous and that the occupation is one of sordid toil, and altogether a kind of business | requiring not so much skill as labour. But as for myself, when I reflect carefully upon its special points one by one, it appears to be far otherwise. For a miner must have the greatest skill in his | work, that he may know first of all what mountain — eS or hill, what valley or plain, can be prospected most profitably, or what he should leave alone; moreover, he must understand the veins, stringers! and seams in the rocks*. Then he must be thoroughly familiar with the many and varied species of earths, juices*, gems, stones, marbles, rocks, metals, and compounds‘. He must also have a 1Fibrae—" fibres.” See Note 6, p. 70. *Commissurae saxorum—“ rock joints,” “ seams,” or “ cracks.’ Agricola and all of the old authors laid a wholly unwarranted geologic value on these phenomena. See descrip- tion and footnotes, Book III., pages 43 and 72. *Succi—" juice,” or succs concreti—" solidified juice.’ Ger. Trans., safffe. The old En translators and mineralogists often use the word juices in the same sense, and we have adopted it. The words “ solutions ” and “ salts ” convey a chemical significance not warranted by the state of knowledge in Agricola’s time. Instances of the former use of this word may be seen in Barba’s ‘‘ First Book of the Art of Metals,”’ (Trans.’Earl Sandwich, London, 1674, p. 2, etc.,) and in Pryce’s Mineralogia Cornubiensis (London, 1778, p. 25, 32). *In order that the reader should be able to p the author’s point of view as to his divisions of the Mineral Kingdom, we introduce i his own statement from De Natura Fossilium, (p. 180). It is also desirable to read the footnote on his theory of ore-deposits on pages 43 to 53, and the review of De Natura Fosstlium given in the Appendix. “‘ The subterranean inanimate bodies are divided into two classes, one of which, because “it is a fluid or an exhalation, is called by those names, and the other class is called the “minerals. Mineral bodies are solidified from particles of the same substance, such as pure “gold, each particle of which is gold, or they are of different substances such aslumps which “consist of earth, stone, and metal; these latter may be separated into earth, stone and ‘metal, and therefore the first is not a mixture while the last is called a mixture. The first “are again divided into simple and compound minerals. The simple minerals are of four “classes, namely earths, solidified juices, stones and metals, while the mineral compounds “‘ are of many sorts, as I shall explain later.” “‘ Earth is a simple mineral body which may be kneaded in the hands when moistened, “or from which lute is made when it has been wetted. Earth, properly so called, is found “enclosed in veins or veinlets, or frequently on the surface in fields and meadows. This “* definition is a general one. The harder earth, although moistened by water, does not at “ once become lute, but does turn into lute if it remains in water for some time. There are “ many fen of earths, some of which have names but others are unnamed.” “* Solidified juices are dry and somewhat hard (swbdurus) mineral bodies which when “‘ moistened with water do not soften but liquefy instead; or if they do soften, they differ “‘ greatly from the earths by their unctuousness (pingue) or by the material of which they “consist. Although occasionally they have the hardness of stone, yet because they preserve “ the form and nature which they had when less hard, they can easily be distinguished from “the stones. The juices are divided into ‘meagre’ and unctuous (macer et pingwis). The ““‘meagre’ juices, since they originate from three different substances, are of three species. “They are formed from a liquid mixed with earth, or with metal, or with a “mineral compound. To the first species belong salt and Nifrum (soda); to the second, “ chrysocolla, verdigris, iron-rust, and azure ; to the third, vitriol, alum, and an acrid juice “which is unnamed. The first two of these latter are obtained from pyrites, which is “numbered amongst the compound minerals. The third of these comes Cadmia (in “this case the cobalt-zinc-arsenic minerals ; the acrid juice is probably zinc sulphate). @To “the unctuous juices belong these species : sulphur, bitumen, realgar and orpiment. Vitriol “and alum, although they are somewhat unctuous yet do not burn, and they differ in “ their origin from the unctuous juices, for the latter are forced out from the earth by heat, ‘‘ whereas the former are produced when pyrites is softened by moisture.” 2 BOOK I. complete knowledge of the method of making all underground works. Lastly, there are the various systems of assaying® substances and of preparing them for smelting; and here again there are many altogether diverse methods. For there is one method for gold and silver, another for copper, another for quicksilver, another for iron, another for lead, and “Stone is a dry and hard mineral body which may either be softened by remaining “for a long time in water and be reduced to powder by a fierce fire; or else it does not “soften with water but the heat of a great fire liquefies it. To the first species belong “those stones which have been solidified by heat, to the second those solidified (literally ** congealed’) by cold. These two species of stones are constituted from their own material. “« However, writers on natural subjects who take into consideration the quantity and quality “« of stones and their value, divide them into four classes. The first of these has no name of ‘its own but is called in common parlance ‘stone’ : to this class belong loadstone, jasper (or “‘ bloodstone) and Aefites (geodes ?). The second class comprises hard stones, either pellucid ‘or ornamental, with very beautiful and varied colours which sparkle marvellously ; they “are called gems. The third comprises stones which are only brilliant after they have been “polished, and are usually called marble. The fourth are called rocks ; they are found in “‘ quarries, from which they are hewn out for use in building, and they are cut into various ‘shapes. None of the rocks show colour or take a polish. Few of the stones sparkle ; fewer “still are transparent. Marble is sometimes only distinguishable from opaque gems by its “ volume ; rock is always distinguishable from stones properly so-called by its volume. th “the stones and the gems are usually to be found in veins and veinlets which traverse the “rocks and marble. These four classes, as I have already stated, are divided into many “ species, which I will explain in their proper place.” “* Metal is a mineral body, by nature either liquid or somewhat hard. The latter may “ be melted by the heat of the fire, but when it has cooled down again and lost all heat, it “becomes hard again and resumes its proper form. In this respect it differs from the “stone which melts in the fire, for although the latter regain its hardness, yet it loses ‘its pristine form and properties. Traditionally there are six different kinds of metals, — “namely gold, silver, copper, iron, tin and lead. There are really others, for quicksilver is a “ metal, although the Alchemists di with us on this subject, and bismuth is also. The “ancient Greek writers seem to have been ignorant of bismuth, wherefore Ammonius rightly ‘“states that there are many species of ant animals, and plants which are unknown to us. “« Stibium when smelted in the crucible and refined has as much right to be regarded as a “ proper metal as is accorded to lead by writers. If when smelted, a certain portion be “ added to tin, a bookseller’s alloy is produced from which the type is made that is used by “those who print books on paper. Each metal has its own form which it preserves when “separated from those metals which were mixed with it. Therefore neither electrum nor ‘« Stannum is of itself a real metal, but rather an alloy of two metals. Electrum is an alloy “of gold and silver, Stannum of lead and silver (see note 33 p 473). And yet if silver be “ parted from the electrum, then gold remains and not electrum ; if silver be taken away “from Stannum, then lead remains and not Stannum. Whether brass, however, is found as" “‘a native metal or not, cannot be ascertained with any surety. We only know of the “ artificial brass, which consists of copper tinted with the colour of the mineral calamine. — “ And yet if any should be dug up, it would be a proper metal. Black and white ‘seem to be different from the red kind. Metal, therefore, is by nature either solid, as I “have stated, or fluid, as in the unique case of quicksilver. But enough now concerning the “ simple kinds.” “IT will now speak of the compounds which are composed of the simple minerals “cemented together by nature, and under the word ‘compound’ I now discuss those ~ ‘mineral bodies which consist of two or three simple minerals. They are likewise mineral “substances, but so thoroughly mixed and alloyed that even in the smallest part there is “not wanting any substance that is contained in the whole. Only by the force of the fire “is it possible to separate one of the simple mineral substances from another ; either the “third from the other two, or two from the third, if there were three in the same compound, ‘‘ These two, three or more bodies are so completely mixed into one new species that the “pristine form/f none of these is recognisable.” “The ‘mixed’ minerals, which are composed of those same simple minerals, differ “from the ‘compounds,’ in that the simple minerals each preserves its own form so that ‘ they can be separated one from the other not only by fire but sometimes by water and “sometimes by hand. As these two classes differ so greatly from one another I usually use “two different words in order to distinguish one from the other. I am well aware that ‘Experiendae—" a trial.” That actual assaying in its technical sense is meant, is sufficiently evident from Book VII. Ee a a ey eT al ial alae a eT Se ee ee ey ee ee ne BOOK I. 3 even tin and bismuth® are treated differently from lead. Although the evaporation of juices is an art apparently quite distinct from metallurgy, yet they ought not to be considered separately, inasmuch as these juices are also often dug out of the ground solidified, or they are produced from certain kinds of earth and stones which the miners dig up, and some of the juices are not themselves devoid of metals. Again, their treatment is not simple, since there is one method for common salt, another for soda’, another for alum, another for vitriol*, another for sulphur, and another for bitumen. Furthermore, there are many arts and sciences of which a miner should not beignorant. First there is Philosophy, that he may discern the origin, cause, and nature of subterranean things; for then he will be able to dig out the veins easily and advantageously, and to obtain more abundant results from his mining. Secondly, there is Medicine, that he may be able to look after his diggers and other workmen, that they do not meet with those ‘Galen calls the metallic earth a compound which is really a mixture, but he who wishes to “instruct others should bestow upon each separate thing a definite name.’ - For convenience of reference we may reduce the above to a diagram as follows : 1. Fluids and gases. Earths (a) Simple | Solidified juices eee) ee a ous bodies (b) Compound | Being homogenous mixtures minerals | of (a) B. Mixtures. Being heterogeneous mixtures of (a) ¢ plumbum ryck? candidum ac cinereum vel nigrum. “ Lead . . . white, or ash-coloured, or black.” Agricola himself coined the term plumbum cinereum for bismuth, no doubt following the Roman term for tin—plumbum candidum. The following passage from Bermannus (p. 439) is of interest, for it t orbucklen the first description of bismuth, although mention of it occurs in the Naelich (see Appendix B). “ Bermannus : I will show you another kind of mineral which is pico eee ars to me to have been unknown to the Ancients; we call it . “ bisemutum. Naevius : in your opinion there are more kinds of metals than the “seven commonly believed ? Bermannus : More, I consider; for this which just now I “said we called uéum, cannot correctly be called plumbum candidum (tin), nor nigrum (lead), but is different from both and is a third one. Plumbum candidum is whiter and “ plumbum nigrum is darker, as you see. Naevius: We see that this is of the colour of ‘galena, Ancon: How then can bisemutum, as you call it, be distinguished from galena ? “ Bermannus : Easily ; when you take it in your hands it stains them with black, unless “it is quite hard. The hard kind is not friable like galena, but can be cut. It is “blacker than the kind of rudis silver which we say is almost the colour of lead, and thus “is different from both. Indeed, it not rarely contains some silver. It generally indicates “that there is silver ver beneath the place where it is found, and because of this our miners aa Mg aprons Na lgos Rhye i aha They are wont to roast this mineral, and “ from better make me m the poorer they make a pigment of a ‘kind not reggae enous Nitrum. The Ancients comprised many salts under this head, but Agricola in the main uses it for soda, although sometimes he Sects potash. He usually, however, refers to potash as Lixivium or salt therefrom, and by other pages os terms. For description of method of manufacture and discussion, see Book XIL., ®Atramentum sutorium—‘ Shoemaker’s blacking ce p- 572 for description of method of manufacture and historical footnote. In + gen oy main Agricola means | vitriol, but he does describe three main varieties, green, blue, and white (De Natura F. jum, p.219). The blue GE UE calade copper enipheia, ai and it is fairly certain that the white was zinc vitriol. 4 BOOK I. diseases to which they are more liable than workmen in other occupations, or if they do meet with them, that he himself may be able to heal them or may see that the doctors doso. Thirdly follows Astronomy, that he may know the divisions of the heavens and from them judge the direction of the veins. Fourthly, there is the science of Surveying that he may be able to estimate how deep a shaft should be sunk to reach the tunnel which is being driven to it, and to determine the limits and boundaries in these workings, especially in depth. Fifthly, his knowledge of Arithmetical Science should be such that he may calculate the cost to be incurred in the machinery and the working of the mine. Sixthly, his learning must comprise Architecture, that he himself may construct the various machines and timber work required underground, or that he may be able to explain the method of the construction to others. Next, he must have knowledge of Drawing, that he can draw plans of his machinery. Lastly, there is the Law, especially that dealing with metals, that he may claim his own rights, that he may undertake the duty of giving others his opinion on legal matters, that he may not take another man’s property and so make trouble for himself, and that he may fulfil his obligations to others according to the law. It is therefore necessary that those who take an interest in the methods and precepts of mining and metallurgy should read these and others of our books studiously and diligently ; or on every point they should consult expert mining people, though they will discover few who are skilled in the whole art. As a rule one man understands only the methods of mining, another possesses the knowledge of washing®, another is experienced in the art of smelting, another has a knowledge of measuring the hidden parts of the earth, another is skilful in the art of making machines, and finally, another is learned in mining law. But as for us, though we may not have perfected the whole art of the discovery and preparation of metals, at least we can be of great assistance to persons studious in its acquisition. But let us now approach the subject we have undertaken. Since there has always been the greatest disagreement amongst men concerning metals and mining, some praising, others utterly condemning them, therefore I have decided that before imparting my instruction, I should carefully weigh the facts with a view to discovering the truth in this matter. So I may begin with the question of utility, which is a two-fold one, for either it may be asked whether the art of mining is really profitable or not to those who are engaged in it, or whether it is useful or not to the rest of mankind. Those who think mining of no advantage to the men who follow the occupation assert, first, that scarcely one in a hundred who dig metals or other such things derive profit therefrom; and again, that miners, because they entrust their certain and well-established wealth to dubious and slippery fortune, generally deceive themselves, and as a result, impoverished by *Lavandi— Washing.” By this term the author includes all the operations of sluicing, buddling, and wet concentration generally. There is no English equivalent of such wide application, and there is some difficulty in interpretation without going further than the author intends. Book VIII. is devoted to the subject. BOOK I. 5 expenses and losses, in the end spend the most bitter and most miserable of lives. But persons who hold these views do not perceive how much a learned and experienced miner differs from one ignorant and unskilled in the art. The latter digs out the ore without any careful discrimination, while the former first assays and proves it, and when he finds the veins either too narrow and hard, or too wide and soft, he infers therefrom that these cannot be mined profitably, and so works only the approved ones. What wonder then if we find the incompetent miner suffers:loss, while the competent one is rewarded by an abundant return from his mining? The same thing applies to husbandmen. For those who cultivate land which is alike arid, heavy, and barren, and in which they sow seeds, do not make so great a harvest as those who cultivate a fertile and mellow soil and sow their grain in that. And since by far the greater number of miners are unskilled rather than skilled in the art, it follows that mining is a profitable occupation to very few men, and a source of loss to many more. Therefore the mass of miners who are quite unskilled and ignorant in the knowledge of veins not infrequently lose both time and trouble!®. Such men are accustomed for the most part to take to mining, either when through being weighted with the fetters of large and heavy debts, they have abandoned a business, or desiring to change their occupation, have left the reaping-hook and plough; and so if at any time such a man discovers rich veins or other abounding mining produce, this occurs more by good luck than through any knowledge on his part. We learn from history that mining has brought wealth to many, for from old writings it is well known that prosperous Republics, not a few kings, and many private persons, have made fortunes through mines and their produce. This subject, by the use of many clear and illustrious examples, I have dilated upon and explained in the first Book of my work entitled ‘“‘ De Veteribus et Novis Metallis,” from which it is evident that mining is very profitable to those who give it care and attention. Again, those who condemn the mining industry say that it is not in the least stable, and they glorify agriculture beyond measure. But I do not see how they can say this with truth, for the silver-mines at Freiberg in Meissen remain still unexhausted after 400 years, and the lead mines of Goslar after 600 years. The proof of this can be found in the monuments of history. The gold and silver mines belonging to the communities of Schemnitz and Cremnitz have been worked for 800 years, and these latter are said to be the most ancient privileges of the inhabitants. Some then say the profit from an individual mine is unstable, as if forsooth, the miner is, or ought to be dependent on only one mine, and as if many men do not bear in common © their expenses in mining, or as if one experienced in his art does not dig another vein, if fortune does not amply respond to his prayers in the first case. The New Schonberg at Freiberg has remained stable beyond the memory of man", 100 peram et oleum perdit—“ loss of labour and oil.” “In Veteribus et Novis Metallis, and Bermannus, Agricola states that the mines of Schemnitz were worked 800 years before that time (1530), or about 750 A.D., and, further, 6 BOOK I. It is not my intention to detract anything from the dignity of agri- culture, and that the profits of mining are less stable I will always and readily admit, for the veins do in time cease to yield metals, whereas the fields bring forth fruits every year. But though the business of mining may be less reliable it is more productive, so that in reckoning up, what is wanting in stability is found to be made up by productiveness. Indeed, the yearly profit of a lead mine in comparison with the fruitfulness of the best fields, is three times or at least twice as great. How much does the profit from gold or silver mines exceed that earned from agriculture ? Wherefore truly and shrewdly does Xenophon! write about the Athenian silver mines: “There is land of such a nature that if you sow, it does not yield crops, but if you dig, it nourishes many more than if it had borne fruit.’”’ So let the farmers have for themselves the fruitful fields and cultivate the fertile hills for the sake of their produce ; but let them leave to miners the gloomy valleys and sterile mountains, that they may draw forth from these, gems d metals which can buy, not only the crops, but all things that are sold. The critics say further that mining is a perilous occupation to pursue, because the miners are sometimes killed by the pestilential air which they breathe ; sometimes their lungs rot away ; sometimes the men perish by being crushed in masses of rock; sometimes, falling from the ladders into the shafts, they break their arms, legs, or necks; and it is added there is no com- pensation which should be thought great enough to equalize the extreme dangers to safety and life. These occurrences, I confess, are of exceeding gravity, and moreover, fraught with terror and peril, so that I should con- sider that the metals should not be dug up at all, if such things were to happen very frequently to the miners, or if they could not safely guard against such risks by any means. Who would not prefer to live rather than to possess all things, even the metals? For he who thus perishes possesses nothing, but relinquishes all to his heirs. But since things like this rarely happen, and only in so far.as workmen are careless, they do not deter miners from carrying on their trade any more than it would deter a carpenter from his, because one of his mates has acted incautiously and lost his life by falling from a high building. I have thus answered each argument which critics are wont to put before me when they assert that mining is an undesirable occupa- tion, because it involves expense with uncertainty of return, because it is changeable, and because it is dangerous to those engaged in it. Now I come to those critics who say that mining is not useful to the rest of mankind because forsooth, gems, metals, and other mineral products are worthless in themselves. This admission they try to extort from us, partly by arguments and examples, partly by misrepresentations and abuse of us. First, they make use of this argument: “‘ The earth does not conceal and remove from our eyes those things which are useful and necessary to that the lead mines of Goslar in the Hartz were worked by Otho the Great (93' 3), and that the silver mines at Freiberg were discovered during the rule of Prince Otho (a 1170). To continue the argument to-day we could add about 360 years more of life to the mines of Goslar and Freiberg. See also Note 16, p. 36, and note 109, p. 37. 12Xenophon. Essay on the Revenues of Athens, I., 5. BOOK I. 7 mankind, but on the contrary, like a beneficent and kindly mother she yields be i in large abundance from her bounty and brings into the light of day the herbs, vegetables, grains, and fruits, and the trees. The minerals on the other hand she buries far beneath in the depth of the ground; therefore, they should not be sought. But they are dug out by wicked men who, as the poets say, are the products of the Iron Age.”’ Ovid censures their audacity in the following lines :— “ And not only was the rich soil required to furnish corn and due sustenance, but men even descended into the entrails of the earth, and they dug up riches, those incentives to vice, which the earth had hidden and had removed to the Stygian shades. Then destructive iron came forth, and gold, more destructive than iron ; then war came forth.” * Another of their arguments is this: Metals offer to men no advantages, therefore we ought not to search them out. For whereas man is composed Fling Bioleits. c _ ie” ae of soul and body, neither is in want of minerals. The sweetest food of the /,. 2 soul is the contemplation of nature, a knowledge of the finest arts and sciences, an understanding of virtue ; and if he interests his mind in excellent things, if he exercise his body, he will be satisfied with this feast of noble thoughts and knowledge, and have no desire for other things. Now although the human body may be content with necessary food and clothing, yet the fruits of the earth and the animals of different kinds supply him in wonderful abundance with food and drink, from which the body may be suitably nourished and strengthened and life prolonged to old age. Flax, wool, and the skins of many animals provide plentiful clothing low in price ; while a luxurious kind, not hard to procure—that is the so called seric material, is furnished by the down of trees and the webs of the silk worm. So that the body has absolutely no need of the metals, so hidden in the depths of the earth and for the greater part very expensive. Wherefore it is said that this maxim of Euripides is approved in assemblies of learned men, and with good reason was always on the lips of Socrates : “ Works of silver and purple are of use, not for human life, but rather for Tragedians.’’!4 These critics praise also this saying from Timocreon of Rhodes : “O Unseeing Plutus, would that thou hadst never appeared in the earth or in the sea or on the land, but that thou didst have thy habita- tion in Tartarus and Acheron, for out of thee arise all evil things which overtake mankind ”’}5. They greatly extol these lines from Phocylides : “Gold and silver are injurious to mortals ; gold is the source of crime, the plague of life, and the ruin of all things. Would that thou were not such an attractive scourge! because of thee arise robberies, B3Ovid, Metamorphoses, 1., 137 to 143. 14Piogenes Laertius, m., 5. The lines are assigned, however, to Philemon, not Euripides. (Kock, Comicorum Atticorum Fragmenta ., 512). 15We have not considered it of sufficient interest to cite the references to all of the minor poets and those whose preserved works are but fragmentary. The translations from the Greek into Latin are not literal and suffer again by rendering into English ; we have how- ever considered it our duty to translate Agricola’s view of the meaning. 8 BOOK I. homicides, warfare, brothers are maddened against brothers, and children against parents.” This. from Naumachius also pleases them : “Gold and silver are but dust, like the stones that lie scattered on the pebbly beach, or on the margins of the rivers.” On the other hand, they censure these verses of Euripides : “‘ Plutus is the god for wise men ; all else is mere folly and at the same time a deception in words.” So in like manner these lines from Theognis : “‘O Plutus, thou most beautiful and placid god! whilst I have thee, however bad I am, I can be regarded as good.” They also blame Aristodemus, the Spartan, for these words : “Money makes the man; no one who is poor is either good or honoured.” And they rebuke these songs of Timocles : “Money is the life and soul of mortal men. He who has not heaped up riches for himself wanders like a dead man amongst the living.” Finally, they blame Menander when he wrote : “Epicharmus asserts that the gods are water, wind, fire, earth, sun, and stars. But I am of opinion that the gods of any use to us are silver and gold ; for if thou wilt set these up in thy house thou mayest seek whatever thou wilt. All things will fall to thy lot; land, houses, slaves, silver-work ; moreover friends, judges, and witnesses. Only give freely, for thus thou hast the gods to serve thee.” But besides this, the strongest argument of the detractors is that the fields are devastated by mining operations, for which reason formerly Italians were warned by law that no one should dig the earth for metals and so injure their very fertile fields, their vineyards, and their olive groves. Also they argue that the woods and groves are cut down, for there is need of an endless amount of wood for timbers, machines, and the smelting of metals. And when the woods and groves are felled, then are exterminated the beasts and birds, very many of which furnish a pleasant and agreeable food for man. Further, when the ores are washed, the water which has been used poisons the brooks and streams, and either destroys the fish or drives them away. Therefore the inhabitants of these regions, on account of the devastation of their fields, woods, groves, brooks and rivers, find great difficulty in procuring the necessaries of life, and by reason of the destruction of the timber they are forced to greater expense in erecting buildings. Thus it is said, it is clear to all that there is greater detriment from mining than the value of the metals which the mining produces. So in fierce contention they clamour, showing by such examples as follow that every great man has been content with virtue, and despised metals. They praise Bias because he esteemed the metals merely as fortune’s playthings, not as his real wealth. When his enemies had captured his native Priene, and his fellow-citizens laden with precious things BOOK I. 9 had betaken themselves to flight, he was asked by one, why he carried away none of his goods with him, and he replied, “ I carry all my possessions with me.” And it is said that Socrates, having received twenty minae sent to him by Aristippus, a grateful disciple, refused them and sent them back to him by the command of his conscience. Aristippus, following his example in this matter, despised gold and regarded it as of no value. And once when he was making a journey with his slaves, and they, laden with the gold, went too slowly, he ordered them to keep only as much of it as they could carry without distress and to throw away the remainder*®. Moreover, Anacreon of Teos, an ancient and noble poet, because he had been troubled about them for two nights, returned five talents which had been given him by Polycrates, saying that they were not worth the anxiety which he had gone through on their account. In like manner celebrated and exceedingly powerful princes have imitated the philosophers in their scorn and contempt for gold and silver. There was for example, Phocion, the Athenian, who was appointed general of the army so many times, and who, when a large sum of gold was sent to him as a gift by Alexander, King of Macedon, deemed it trifling and scorned it. And Marcus Curius ordered the gold to be carried back to the Samnites, as did also Fabricius Luscinus with regard to the silver and copper. And certain Republics have forbidden their citizens the use and employment of gold and silver by law and ordinance ; the Lacedaemonians, by the decrees and ordinances of Lycurgus, used diligently to enquire among their citizens whether they possessed any of these things or not, and the possessor, when he was caught, was punished according to law and justice. The inhabitants of a town on the Tigris, called Babytace, buried their gold in the ground so that no one should use it. The Scythians condemned the use of gold and silver so that they might not become avaricious. Further are the metals reviled; in the first place people wantonly abuse gold and silver and call them deadly and nefarious pests of the human race, because those who possess them are in the greatest peril, for those who have none lay snares for the possessors of wealth, and thus again and again the metals have been the cause of destruction and ruin. For example, Polymnestor, King of Thrace, to obtain possession of his gold, killed Polydorus, his noble guest and the son of Priam, his father-in-law, and old friend. Pygmalion, the King of Tyre, in order that he might seize treasures of gold and silver, killed his sister’s husband, a priest, taking no account of either kinship or religion. For love of gold Eriphyle betrayed her husband Amphiaraus to his enemy. Likewise Lasthenes betrayed the city of Olynthus to Philip of Macedon. The daughter of Spurius Tarpeius, having been bribed with gold, admitted the Sabines into the citadel of Rome. Claudius Curio sold his country for gold to Cesar, the Dictator. Gold, too, was the cause of the downfall of Aesculapius, the great physician, who it was believed was the son of Apollo. Similarly Marcus Crassus, through his eager desire for the gold of the Parthians, was completely overcome together with his son and eleven legions, and became the jest of his enemies ; for they 16Diogenes Laertius, 11. Io BOOK I. poured liquid gold into the gaping mouth of the slain Crassus, saying: “Thou hast thirsted for gold, therefore drink gold.”’ But why need I cite here these many examples from history ??? It is almost our daily experience to learn that, for the sake of obtaining gold and silver, doors are burst open, walls are pierced, wretched travellers are struck down by rapacious and cruel men born to theft, sacrilege, invasion, and robbery. We see thieves seized and strung up before us, sacrilegious persons burnt alive, the limbs of robbers broken on the wheel, wars waged for the same reason, which are not only destructive to those against whom they are waged, but to those also who carry them on. Nay, but they say that the precious metals foster all manner of vice, such as the seduction of women, adultery, and unchastity, in short, crimes of violence against the person. Therefore the Poets, when they represent Jove transformed into a golden shower and falling into the lap of Danae, merely mean that he had found for himself a safe road by the use of gold, by which he might enter the tower for the purpose of violating the maiden. Moreover, the fidelity of many men is overthrown by the love of gold and silver, judicial sentences are bought, and innumerable crimes are perpetrated. For truly, as Propertius says : “This is indeed the Golden Age. The greatest rewards come from gold ; by gold love is won ; by gold is faith destroyed ; by gold is justice bought ; the law follows the track of gold, while modesty will soon follow it when law is gone.” Diphilus says: “I consider that nothing is more powerful than gold. By it all things are torn asunder ; all things are accomplished.”’ Therefore, all the noblest and best despise these riches, deservedly and with justice, and esteem them as nothing. And this is said by the old man in Plautus : “T hate gold. It has often impelled many people to many wrong acts.”” In this country too, the poets inveigh with stinging reproaches against money coined from gold and silver. And especially did Juvenal : ; “Since the majesty of wealth is the most sacred thing among us; although, O pernicious money, thou dost not yet inhabit a temple, nor have we erected altars to money.” And in another place : “Demoralising money first introduced foreign customs, and voluptuous wealth weakened our race with disgraceful luxury.’’!® And very many vehemently praise the barter system which men used before money was devised, and which even now obtains among certain simple peoples. And next they raise a great outcry against other metals, as iron, than 47An inspection of the historical incidents mentioned here and further on, indicates that Agricola relied for such information on Diogenes Laertius, Plutarch, Livy, Valerius Maximus, Pliny, and often enough on Homer, Horace, and Virgil. 18Juvenal. Satires 1., 1. 112, and v1., 1. 298. BOOK I. II which they say nothing more pernicious could have been brought into the life of man. For it is employed in making swords, javelins, spears, pikes, arrows—weapons by which men are wounded, and which cause slaughter, robbery, and wars. These things so moved the wrath of Pliny that he wrote: “Tron is used not only in hand to hand fighting, but also to form the winged missiles of war, sometimes for hurling engines, sometimes for lances, some- times even for arrows. I look upon it as the most deadly fruit of human ingenuity. For to bring Death to men more quickly we have given wings to iron and taught it to fly."?® The spear, the arrow from the bow, or the bolt from the catapult and other engines can be driven into the body of only one man, while the iron cannon-ball fired through the air, can go through the bodies of many men, and there is no marble or stone object so hard that it cannot be shattered by the force and shock. Therefore it levels the highest towers to the ground, shatters and destroys the strongest walls. Certainly the ballistas which throw stones, the battering rams and other ancient war engines for making breaches in walls of fortresses and hurling down strong- holds, seem to have little power in comparison with our present cannon. These emit horrible sounds and noises, not less than thunder, flashes of fire burst from them like the lightning, striking, crushing, and shatter- ing buildings, belching forth flames and kindling fires even as lightning flashes. So that with more justice could it be said of the impious men of our age than of Salmoneus of ancient days, that they had snatched lightning from Jupiter and wrested it from his hands. Nay, rather there has been sent from the infernal regions to the earth this force for the destruction of men, so that Death may snatch to himself as many as possible by one stroke. But because muskets are nowadays rarely made of iron, and the large ones never, but of a certain mixture of copper and tin, they confer more maledictions on copper and tin than on iron. In this connection too, they mention the brazen bull of Phalaris, the brazen ox of the people of Per- gamus, racks in the shape of an iron dog or a horse, manacles, shackles, wedges, hooks, and red-hot plates. Cruelly racked by such instruments, people are driven to confess crimes and misdeeds which they have never committed, and innocent men are miserably tortured to death by every conceivable kind of torment. It is claimed too, that lead is a pestilential and noxious metal, for men are punished by means of molten lead, as Horace describes in the ode addressed to the Goddess Fortune: “ Cruel Necessity ever goes before thee bearing in her brazen hand the spikes and wedges, while the awful hook and molten lead are also not lacking.”*° In their desire to excite greater odium for this metal, they are not silent about the leaden balls of muskets, and they find in it the cause of wounds and death. They contend that, inasmuch as Nature has concealed metals far within the depths of the earth, and because they are not necessary to human life, they are therefore despised and repudiated by the noblest, and should not be 1°Pliny, XXXIV., 39. 2°Horace. Odes, 1., 35, ll., 17-20. 12 BOOK I. mined, and seeing that when brought to light they have always proved the cause of very great evils, it follows that mining is not useful to mankind, but on the contrary harmfuland destructive. Several good men have been so perturbed by these tragedies that they conceive an intensely bitter hatred toward metals, and they wish absolutely that metals had never been created, or being created, that no one had ever dug them out. The more I commend the singular honesty, innocence, and goodness of such men, the more anxious shall I be to remove utterly and eradicate all error from their minds and to reveal the sound view, which is that the metals are most useful to mankind. In the first place then, those who speak ill of the metals and refuse to make use of them, do not see that they accuse and condemn as wicked the Creator Himself, when they assert that He fashioned some things vainly and without good cause, and thus they regard Him as the Author of evils, which opinion is certainly not worthy of pious and sensible men. In the next place, the earth does not conceal metals in her depths because she does not wish that men should dig them out, but because provident and sagacious Nature has appointed for each thing its place. She generates them in the veins, stringers, and seams in the rocks, as though in special vessels and receptacles for such material. The metals cannot be produced in the other elements because the materials for their formation are wanting. For if they were generated in the air, a thing that rarely happens, they could not find a firm resting-place, but by their own force and weight would settle down on to the ground. Seeing then that metals have their proper abiding place in the bowels of the earth, who does not see that these men do not reach their conclusions by good logic ? They say, ‘‘ Although metals are in the earth, each located in its own proper place where it originated, yet because they lie thus enclosed and hidden from sight, they should not be taken out.”’ But, in refutation of these attacks, which are so annoying, I will on behalf of the metals instance the fish, which we catch, hidden and concealed though they be in the water, even in the sea. Indeed, it is far stranger that man, a terrestrial animal, should search the interior of the sea than the bowels of the earth. For as birds are born to fly freely through the air, so are fishes born to swim through the waters, while to other creatures Nature has given the earth that they might live in it, and particularly to man that he might cultivate it and draw out of its caverns metals and other mineral products. On the other hand, they say that we eat fish, but neither hunger nor thirst is dispelled by minerals, _ nor are they useful in clothing the body, which is another argument by which these people strive to prove that metals should not be taken out. But man without metals cannot provide those things which he needs for food and clothing. For, though the produce of the land furnishes the greatest abundance of food for the nourishment of our bodies, no labour can be carried on and completed without tools. The ground itself is turned up with ploughshares and harrows, tough stalks and the tops of the roots are broken off and dug up with a mattock, the sown seed is harrowed, the corn BOOK I. 13 field is hoed and weeded ; the ripe grain with part of the stalk is cut down by scythes and threshed on the floor, or its ears are cut off and stored in the barn and later beaten with flails and winnowed with fans, until finally the pure grain is stored in the granary, whence it is brought forth again when occasion demands or necessity arises. Again, if we wish to procure better and more productive fruits from trees and bushes, we must resort to cultivating, pruning, and grafting, which cannot be done without tools. Even as without vessels we cannot keep or hold liquids, such as milk, honey, wine, or oil, neither could so many living things be cared for without buildings to protect them from long-continued rain and intolerable cold. Most of the rustic instruments are made of iron, as ploughshares, share- beams, mattocks, the prongs of harrows, hoes, planes, hay-forks, straw cutters, pruning shears, pruning hooks, spades, lances, forks, and weed cutters. Vessels are also made of copper or lead. Neither wooden instruments or vessels made without iron. Wine cellars, oil- , Stables, or any other part of a farm building could not be built without iron tools. Then if the bull, the wether, the goat, or any other domestic animal is led away from the pasture to the butcher, or if the poulterer brings from the farm a chicken, a hen, or a capon for the cook, could any of these animals be cut up and divided without axes and knives? I need say nothing here about bronze and copper pots for cooking, because for these purposes one could make use of earthen vessels, but even these in turn could not be made and fashioned by the potter without tools, for no instruments can be made out of wood alone, without the use of iron. Furthermore, hunting, fowling, and fishing supply man with food, but when the stag has been ensnared does not the hunter transfix him with his spear? As he stands or runs, does he not pierce him with an arrow? Or pierce him with a bullet? Does not the fowler in the same way kill the moor-fowl or pheasant with an arrow? Or does he not discharge into its body the ball from the musket? I will not speak of the snares and other instruments with which the woodcock, wood- pecker, and other wild birds are caught, lest I pursue unseasonably and too minutely single instances. Lastly, with his fish-hook and net does not the fisherman catch the fish in the sea, in the lakes, in fish-ponds, or in rivers ? But the hook is of iron, and sometimes we see lead or iron weights attached to the net. And most fish that are caught are afterward cut up and dis- embowelled with knives and axes. But, more than enough has been said on the matter of food. Now I will speak of clothing, which is made out of wool, flax, feathers, hair, fur, or leather. First the sheep are sheared, then the wool is combed. Next the threads are drawn out, while later the warp is suspended in the shuttle under which passes the wool. This being struck by the comb, at length cloth is formed either from threads alone or from threads and hair. Flax, when gathered, is first pulled by hooks. Then it is dipped in water and afterward dried, beaten into tow with a heavy mallet, and carded, then drawn out into threads, and finally woven into cloth. But has the artisan or weaver of the cloth any instrument not made of iron? Can one be made 4 ‘ 14 BOOK I. of wood without the aid of iron? The cloth or web must be cut into lengths for the tailor. Can this be done without knife or scissors? Can the tailor sew together any garments without a needle ? Even peoples dwelling beyond the seas cannot make a covering for their bodies, fashioned of feathers, without these same implements. Neither can the furriers do without them in sewing together the pelts of any kind of animals. The shoemaker needs a knife to cut the leather, another to scrape it, and an awl to perforate it before he can make shoes. These coverings for the body are either woven or stitched. Buildings too, which protect the same body from rain, wind, cold, and heat, are not constructed without axes, saws, and augers. But what need of more words? If we remove metals from the service of man, all methods of protecting and sustaining health and more care- fully preserving the course of life are done away with. If there were no metals, would pass a horrible and wretched existence in the midst of wild beasts", they would return to the acorns and fruits and berries of the forest. They would feed upon the herbs and roots which they plucked up with their nails. They would dig out caves in which to lie down at night, and by day they would rove in the woods and plains at random like beasts, and inasmuch as this condition is utterly unworthy of humanity, with its splendid and glorious natural endowment, will anyone be so foolish or obstinate as not to allow that metals are necessary for food and clothing and that they tend to preserve life ? Moreover, as the miners dig almost exclusively in mountains otherwise unproductive, and in valleys invested in gloom, they do either slight damage to the fields or none at all. Lastly, where woods and glades are cut down, they may be sown with grain after they have been cleared from the roots of shrubs and trees. These new fields soon produce rich crops, so that they repair the losses which the inhabitants suffer from increased cost of timber. More- over, with the metals which are melted from the ore, birds without number, edible beasts and fish can be purchased elsewhere and brought to these mountainous regions. I will pass to the illustrations I have mentioned. Bias of Priene, when his country was taken, carried away out of the city none of his valuables. So strong a man with such a reputation for wisdom had no need to fear personal danger from the enemy, but this in truth cannot be said of him because he hastily took to flight ; the throwing away of his goods does not seem to me so great a matter, for he had lost his house, his estates, and even his country, than which nothing is more precious. Nay, I should be convinced of Bias’s contempt and scorn for possessions of this kind, if before his country was captured he had bestowed them freely on relations and friends, or had distributed them to the very poor, for this he could have done freely and without question. Whereas his conduct, which the Greeks admire so greatly, was due, it would seem, to his being driven out by the enemy and stricken with fear. Socrates in truth did not despise gold, but would not accept money for his teaching. As for Aristippus of Cyrene, if he had gath- ered and saved the gold which he ordered his slaves to throw away, he might | ot ea ee ae BOOK I. 15 have bought the things which he needed for the necessaries of life, and he would not, by reason of his poverty, have then been obliged to flatter the tyrant Dionysius, nor would he ever have been called by him a King’s dog. For this reason Horace, speaking of Damasippus when reviling Staberus for valuing riches very highly, says : “‘ What resemblance has the Grecian Aristippus to this fellow ? He who commanded his slaves to throw away the gold in the midst of Libya because they went too slowly, impeded by the weight of their burden—which of these two men is the more insane ? ’’*4 Insane indeed is he who makes more of riches than of virtue. Insane also is he who rejects them and considers them as worth nothing, instead of using them with reason. Yet as to the gold which Aristippus on another occasion flung into the sea from a boat, this he did with a wise and prudent mind. For learning that it was a pirate boat in which he was sailing, and fearing for his life, he counted his gold and then throwing it of his own will into the sea, he groaned as if he had done it unwillingly. But afterward, when he escaped the peril, he said: ‘ It is better that this gold itself should be lost than that I should have perished because of it.” Let it be granted that some philosophers, as well as Anacreon of Teos, despised gold and silver. Anaxagoras of Clazomenae also gave up his sheep-farms and became a shepherd. Crates the Theban too, being annoyed that his estate and other kinds of wealth caused him worry, and that in his con- templations his mind was thereby distracted, resigned a property valued at ten talents, and taking a cloak and wallet, in poverty devoted all his thought and efforts to philosophy. Is it true that because these philo- sophers despised money, all others declined wealth in cattle? Did they refuse to cultivate lands or to dwell in houses? There were certainly many, on the other hand, who, though affluent, became famous in the pursuit of learning and in the knowledge of divine and human laws, such as Aristotle, Cicero, and Seneca. As for Phocion, he did not deem it honest to accept the gold sent to him by Alexander. For if he had consented to use it, the king as much as himself would have incurred the hatred and aversion of the Athenians, and these very people were afterward so ungrateful toward this excellent man that they compelled him to drink hemlock. For what would have been less becoming to Marcus Curius and Fabricius Luscinus than to accept gold from their enemies, who hoped that by these means those leaders could be corrupted or would become odious to their fellow citizens, their purpose being to cause dissentions among the Romans and destroy the Republic utterly. Lycurgus, however, ought to have given instructions to the Spartans as to the use of gold and silver, instead of abolishing things good in themselves. As to the Babytacenses, who does not see that they were senseless and envious? For with their gold they might have bought things of which"they were in need, or even given it to neigh- bouring peoples to bind them more closely to themselves with gifts and favours. Finally, the Scythians, by condemning the use of gold and silver Horace. Satires, 11., 3, ll., 99-102. 16 BOOK I. # alone, did not free themselves utterly from avarice, because although he is not enjoying them, one who can possess other forms of property may also become avaricious. Now let us reply to the attacks hurled against the products of mines. In the first place, they call gold and silver the scourge of mankind because they are the cause of destruction and ruin to their possessors. But in this ° manner, might not anything that we possess be called a scourge to human kind,—whether it be a horse, or a garment, or anything else ? For, whether one rides a splendid horse, or journeys well clad, he would give occasion to a robber to kill him. Are we then not to ride on horses, but to journey on foot, because a robber has once committed a murder in order that he may steal a horse? Or are we not to possess clothing, because a vagabond with a sword has taken a traveller’s life that he may rob him of his garment? The possession of gold and silver is similar. Seeing then that men cannot conveniently do all these things, we should be on our guard against robbers, and because we cannot always protect ourselves from their hands, it is the special duty of the magistrate to seize wicked and villainous men for torture, and, if need be, for execution. Again, the products of the mines are not themselves the cause of war. Thus, for example, when a tyrant, inflamed with passion for a woman of great beauty, makes war on the inhabitants of her city, the fault lies in the unbridled lust of the tyrant and not in the beauty of the woman. Likewise, when another man, blinded by a passion for gold and silver, makes war upon a wealthy people, we ought not to blame the metals but transfer all blame to avarice. For frenzied deeds and disgraceful actions, which are wont to weaken and dishonour natural and civil laws, originate from our own vices. Wherefore Tibullus is wrong in laying the blame for war on gold, when he says: “‘ This is the fault of a rich man’s gold; there were no wars when beech goblets were used at banquets.”” But Virgil, speaking of Polymnestor, says that the crime of the murderer rests on avarice : “He breaks all law; he murders Polydorus, and obtains gold by violence. To what wilt thou not drive mortal hearts, thou accursed hunger for gold ?” And again, justly, he says, speaking of Pygmalion, who killed Sichaeus : “ And blinded with the love of gold, he slew him unawares with stealthy sword.’”’2? For lust and eagerness after gold and other things make men blind, and this wicked greed for money, all men in all times and places have considered dishonourable and criminal. Moreover, those who have been so addicted to avarice as to be its slaves have always been regarded as mean and sordid. Similarly, too, if by means of gold and silver and gems men can overcome the chastity of women, corrupt the honour of many people, bribe the course of justice and commit innumerable wickednesses, it is not the metals which are to be blamed, but the evil passions of men which become inflamed and ignited ; or it is due to the blind and impious desires of their minds. But "Virgil. neid, ut., 1. 55, and 1, 1. 349. BOOK I. 17 although these attacks against gold and silver may be directed especially against money, yet inasmuch as the Poets one after another condemn it, their criticism must be met, and this can be done by one argument alone. Money is good for those who use it well ; it brings loss and evil to those who use it ill. Hence, very rightly, Horace says: “Dost thou not know the value of money ; and what uses it serves ? It buys bread, vegetables, and a pint of wine.” And again in another place : “Wealth hoarded up is the master or slave of each possessor; it should follow rather than lead, the ‘ twisted rope.’ ’’*8 When ingenious and clever men considered carefully the system of barter, which ignorant men of old employed and which even to-day is used by certain uncivilised and barbarous races, it appeared to them so troublesome and laborious that they invented money. Indeed, nothing more useful could have been devised, because a small amount of gold and silver is of as great value as things cumbrous and heavy ; and so peoples far distant from one another can, by the use of money, trade very easily in those things which civilised life can scarcely do without. The curses which are uttered against iron, copper, and lead have no weight with prudent and sensible men, because if these metals were done away with, men, as their anger swelled and their fury became unbridled, would assuredly fight like wild beasts with fists, heels, nails, and teeth. They would strike each other with sticks, hit one another with stones, or dash their foes to the ground. Moreover, a man does not kill another with iron alone, but slays by means of poison, starvation, or thirst. He may seize him by the throat and strangle him; he may bury him alive in the ground; he may immerse him in water and suffocate him; he may burn or hang him ; so that he can make every element a participant in the death of men. Or, finally, a man may be thrown to the wild beasts. Another may be sewn up wholly except his head in a sack, and thus be left to be devoured by worms; or he may be immersed in water until he is torn to pieces by sea-serpents. A man may be boiled in oil; he may be greased, tied with ropes, and left exposed to be stung by flies and hornets; he may be put to death by scourging with rods or beating with cudgels, or struck down by stoning, or flung from a high place. Furthermore, a man may be tortured in more ways than one without the use of metals ; as when the executioner burns the groins and armpits of his victim with hot wax ; or places a cloth in his mouth gradually, so that when in breathing he draws it slowly into his gullet, the executioner draws it back suddenly and violently ; or the victim’s hands are fastened behind his back, and he is drawn up little by little with a rope and then let down suddenly. Or similarly, he may be tied to a beam and a heavy stone fastened by a cord to his feet, or finally his limbs may be torn asunder. From these examples we see that it is not metals that are to be condemned, but our vices, such as anger, cruelty, discord, passion for power, avarice, and lust. *Horace. Satires, 1., 1. 73 ; and Epistle, 1., 10, 1. 47. 18 BOOK I. The question next arises, whether we ought to count metals amongst the number of good things or class them amongst the bad. The Peripatetics regarded all wealth as a good thing, and merely spoke of externals as having to do with neither the mind nor the body. Well, let riches be an external thing. And, as they said, many other things may be classed as good if it is in one’s power to use them either well or ill. For good men employ them for good, and to them they are useful. The wicked use them badly, and to them they are harmful. There is a saying of Socrates, that just as wine is influenced by the cask, so the character of riches is like their possessors. The Stoics, whose custom it is to argue subtly and acutely, though they did not put wealth in the category of good things, they did not count it amongst the evil ones, but placed it in that class which they term neutral. For to them virtue alone is good, and vice alone evil. The whole of what remains is indifferent. Thus, in their conviction, it matters not whether one be in good health or seriously ill; whether one be handsome or deformed. In short : “Whether, sprung from Inachus of old, and thus hast lived beneath the sun in wealth, or hast been poor and despised among men, it matters not.” For my part, I see no reason why anything that is in itself of use should not be placed in the class of good things. At all events, metals are a creation of Nature, and they supply many varied and necessary needs of the human race, to say nothing about their uses in adornment, which are so wonderfully blended with utility. Therefore, it is not right to degrade them from the place they hold among the good things. In truth, if there is a bad use made of them, should they on that account be rightly called evils ? For of what good things can we not make an equally bad or good use? Let me give examples from both classes of what we term good. Wine, by far the best drink, if drunk in moderation, aids the digestion of food, helps to produce blood, and promotes the juices in all parts of the body. It is of use in nourishing not only the body but the mind as well, for it disperses our dark and gloomy thoughts, frees us from cares and anxiety, and restores our confidence. If drunk in excess, however, it injures and prostrates the body with serious disease. An intoxicated man keeps nothing to himself ; he raves and rants, and commits many wicked and infamous acts. On this subject Theognis wrote some very clever lines, which we may render thus : “Wine is harmful if taken with greedy lips, but if drunk in moderation it is wholesome.’’*® But I linger too long over extraneous matters. I must pass on to the gifts of body and mind, amongst which strength, beauty, and genius occur to me. If then a man, relying on his strength, toils hard to maintain himself and his family in an honest and respectable manner, he uses the gift aright, but if he makes a living out of murder and robbery, he uses it wrongly. Likewise, too, if a lovely woman is anxious to please her husband **Theognis. Maxims, t., l. 210. - BOOK I, 19 alone she uses her beauty aright, but if she lives wantonly and is a victim of passion, she misuses her beauty. In like manner, a youth who devotes himself to learning and cultivates the liberal arts, uses his genius rightly. But he who dissembles, lies, cheats, and deceives by fraud and dishonesty, misuses his abilities. Now, the man who, because they are abused, denies that wine, strength, beauty, or genius are good things, is unjust and blasphemous towards the Most High God, Creator of the World ; so he who would remove metals from the class of blessings also acts unjustly and blasphemously against Him. Very true, therefore, are the words which certain Greek poets have written, as Pindar: “Money glistens, adorned with virtue; it supplies the means by which thou mayest act well in whatever circumstances fate may have in store for thee.’’*¢ And Sappho: “Without the love of virtue gold is a dangerous and harmful guest, but when it is associated with virtue, it becomes the source and height of good.” And Callimachus : “Riches do not make men great without virtue ; neither do virtues themselves make men great without some weal And Antiphanes : ’ “ Now, by the gods, why is it necessary for a man to grow rich? Why does he desire to possess much money unless that he may, as much as possible, help his friends, and sow the seeds of a harvest of gratitude, sweetest of the goddesses.’’?? . Having thus refuted the arguments and contentions of adversaries, let us sum up the advantages of the metals. In the)first place, they are useful to the physician, for they furnish liberally the ingredients for medi- cines, by which wounds and ulcers are cured, and even plagues; so that certainly if there were no other reasons why we should explore the depths of the earth, we should for the sake of medicine alone dig in the mines. Again, the metals are of use to painters, because they yield certain pigments which, when united with the painter’s slip, are injured less than others by the moisture from without. Further, mining is useful to the architects, for thus is found marble, which is suitable not only for strengthening large buildings, but also for decoration. It is, moreover, helpful to those whose ambition urges them toward immortal glory, because it yields metals from which are made coins, statues, and other monuments, which, next to literary records, give men inasense immortality. The metals are useful to merchants with very great cause, for, as I have stated elsewhere, the use of money which is made from metals is much more convenient to mankind than the old system of exchange of commodi- ties. In short, towhom are the metals not ofuse ? In very truth, even the works of art, elegant, embellished, elaborate, useful, are fashioned in various shapes by the artist from the metals gold, silver, brass, lead, and iron. How few artists Olymp. u1., 58-60. her 4. 20 BOOK I. could make anything that is beautiful and perfect without using metals ? Even if tools of iron or brass were not used, we could not make tools of wood and stone without the help of metal. From all these examples are evident the benefits and advantages derived from metals. We should not have had these at all unless the science of mining and metallurgy had been discovered and handed down to us. Who then does not understand how highly useful they are, nay rather, how necessary to the human race? In a word, man could not do without the mining industry, nor did Divine Providence will that he should. Further, it has been asked whether to work in metals is honourable employment for respectable people or whether it is not degrading and dishonourable. We ourselves count it amongst the honourable arts. For that art, the pursuit of which is unquestionably not impious, nor offensive, nor mean, we may esteem honourable. That this is the nature of the mining profession, inasmuch as it promotes wealth by good and honest methods, we shall show presently. With justice, therefore, we may class it amongst honourable employments. In the first place, the occupation of the miner, which I must be allowed to compare with other methods of acquiring great wealth, is just as noble as that of agriculture; for, as the farmer, sowing his seed in his fields injures no one, however profitable they may prove to him, so the miner digging for his metals, albeit he draws forth great heaps of gold or silver, hurts thereby no mortal man. Certainly these two modes of increasing wealth are in the highest degree both noble and honourable. The booty of the soldier, however, is frequently impious, because in the fury of the fighting he seizes all goods, sacred as well as profane. The most just king may have to declare war on cruel tyrants, but in the course of it wicked men cannot lose their wealth and possessions without dragging into the same calamity innocent and poor people, old men, matrons, maidens, and orphans. But the miner is able to accumu- late great riches in a short time, without using any violence, fraud, or malice. That old saying is, therefore, not always true that ‘‘ Every rich man is either wicked himself, or is the heir to wickedness.’’ Some, however, who contend against us, censure and attack miners by saying that they and their children must needs fall into penury after a short time, because they have heaped up riches by improper means. According to them nothing is truer than the saying of the poet Naevius : ‘‘ Til gotten gains in ill fashion slip away.” The following are some of the wicked and sinful methods by which they say men obtain riches from mining. When a prospect of obtaining metals shows itself in a mine, either the ruler or magistrate drives out the rightful owners of the mines from possession, or a shrewd and cunning neighbour perhaps brings a law-suit against the old possessors in order to rob them of some part of their property. Or the mine superintendent imposes on the owners such a heavy contribution on shares, that if they cannot pay, or will not, they lose their rights of possession ; while the superintendent, contrary to all that is right, seizes upon all that they have lost. Or, eS i Os eS ee BOOK I. 21 finally, the mine foreman may conceal the vein by plastering over with clay that part where the metal abounds, or by covering it with earth, stones, stakes, or poles, in the hope that after several years the pro- prietors, thinking the mine exhausted, will abandon it, and the foreman can then excavate that remainder of the ore and keep it for himself. They even state that the scum of the miners exist wholly by fraud, deceit, and lying. For to speak of nothing else, but only of those deceits which are practised in buying and selling, it is said they either advertise the veins with false and imaginary praises, so that they can sell the shares in the mines at one-half more than they are worth, or on the contrary, they sometimes detract from the estimate of them so that they can buy shares for a small price. By exposing such frauds our critics suppose all good opinion of miners is lost. Now, all wealth, whether it has been gained by good or evil means, is liable by some adverse chance to vanish away. It decays and is dissipated by the fault and care- lessness of the owner, since he loses it through laziness and neglect, or wastes and squanders it in luxuries, or he consumes and exhausts it in gifts, or he dissipates and throws it away in gambling : *« Just as though money sprouted up again, renewed from an exhausted coffer, and was always to be obtained from a full heap.”’ It is therefore not to be wondered at if miners do not keep in mind the counsel given by King Agathocles: ‘‘ Unexpected fortune should be held in reverence,” for by not doing so they fall into penury; and particularly when the miners are not content with moderate riches, they not rarely spend on new mines what they have accumulated from others. But no just ruler or magistrate deprives owners of their possessions ; that, however, may be done by a tyrant, who may cruelly rob his subjects not only of their goods honestly obtained, but even of life itself. And yet whenever I have inquired into the complaints which are in common vogue, I always find that the owners who are abused have the best of reasons for driving the men from the mines ; while those who abuse the owners have no reason to complain about them. Take the case of those who, not having paid their contributions, have lost the right of possession, or those who have been expelled by the magis- trate out of another man’s mine: for some wicked men, mining the small veins branching from the veins rich in metal, are wont to invade the property of another person. So the magistrate expels these men accused of wrong, and drives them from the mine. They then very frequently spread unpleasant rumours concerning this amongst the populace. Or, to take another case: when, as often happens, a dispute arises between neighbours, arbitrators appointed by the magistrate settle it, or the regular judges investigate and give judgment. Consequently, when the judgment is given, inasmuch as each party has consented to submit to it, neither side should complain of injustice ; and when the controversy is adjudged, inasmuch as the decision is in accordance with the laws concerning mining, one of the parties cannot be injured by the law. I do not vigorously contest the point, that at times a mine superintendent may exact a larger contribution 22 BOOK I. from the owners than necessity demands. Nay, I will admit that a fore- man may plaster over, or hide with a structure, a vein where it is rich in metals. Is the wickedness of one or two to brand the many honest with fraud and trickery ? What body is supposed to be more pious and virtuous in the Republic than the Senate? Yet some Senators have been detected in peculations, and have been punished. Is this any reason that so honour- able a house should lose its good name and fame? The superintendent cannot exact contributions from the owners without the knowledge and permission of the Bergmeister or the deputies; for this reason decep- tion of this kind is impossible. Should the foremen be convicted of fraud, they are beaten with rods; or of theft, they are hanged. It is complained that some sellers and buyers of the shares in mines are fraudulent. I concede it. But can they deceive anyone except a stupid, careless man, unskilled in mining matters? Indeed, a wise and prudent man, skilled in this art, if he doubts the trustworthiness of a seller or buyer, goes at once to the mine that he may for himself examine the vein which has been so greatly praised or disparaged, and may consider whether he will buy or sell the shares or not. But people say, though such an one can be on his guard against fraud, yet a simple man and one who is easily credulous, is deceived. But we frequently see a man who is trying to mislead another in this way deceive himself, and deservedly become a laughing- stock for everyone; or very often the defrauder as well as the dupe is entirely ignorant of mining. If, for instance, a vein has been found to be abundant in ore, contrary to the idea of the would-be deceiver, then he who was to have been cheated gets a profit, and he who has been the deceiver loses. Nevertheless, the miners themselves rarely buy or sell shares, but generally they have jurati venditores*® who buy and sell at such prices as they have been instructed to give or accept. Seeing therefore, that magistrates decide disputes on fair and just principles, that honest men deceive nobody, while a dishonest one cannot deceive easily, or if he does he cannot do so with impunity, the criticism of those who. wish to disparage the honesty of miners has therefore no force or weight. In the next place, the occupation of the miner is objectionable to nobody. For who, unless he be naturally malevolent and envious, will hate the man who gains wealth as it were from heaven? Or who will hate a man who to amplify his fortune, adopts a method which is free from reproach ? A moneylender, if he demands an excessive interest, incurs the hatred of men. If he demands a moderate and lawful rate, so that he is not injurious to the public generally and does not impoverish them, he fails to become very rich from his business. Further, the gain derived from mining is not sordid, for how can it be such, seeing that it is so great, so plentiful, and of so innocent a nature. A merchant’s profits are mean and base when he sells counterfeit and spurious merchandise, or puts far too high a price on goods that he has purchased for little; for this reason the merchant 28Jurati Vendttores—‘‘ Sworn brokers.” (?) BOOK I. 23 would be held in no less odium amongst good men than is the usurer, did they not take account of the risk he runs to secure his merchandise. In truth, those who on this point speak abusively of mining for the sake of detracting from its merits, say that in former days men convicted of crimes and misdeeds were sentenced to the mines and were worked as slaves. But to-day the miners receive pay, and are engaged like other workmen in the common trades. Certainly, if mining is a shameful and discreditable employment for a gentleman because slaves once worked mines, then agriculture also will not be a very creditable employment, because slaves once cultivated the fields, and even to-day do so among the Turks; nor will architecture be considered honest, because some slaves have been found skilful in that profession ; nor medicine, because not a few doctors have been slaves; nor will any other worthy craft, because men captured by force of arms have practised it. Yet agriculture, architecture, and medicine are none the less counted amongst the number of honourable professions; therefore, mining ought not for this reason to be excluded from them. But suppose we grant that the hired miners have a sordid employment. We do not mean by miners only the diggers and other workmen, but also those skilled in the mining arts, and those who invest money in mines. Amongst them can be counted kings, princes, republics, and from these last the most esteemed citizens. And finally, we include amongst the overseers of mines the noble Thucydides, the historian, whom the Athenians placed in charge of the mines of Thasos.*® And it would not be unseemly for the owners themselves to work with their own hands on the works or ore, especially if they them- selves have contributed to the cost of the mines. Just as it is not undignified for great men to cultivate their own land. Otherwise the Roman Senate would not have created Dictator L. Quintius Cincinnatus, as he was at work in the fields, nor would it have summoned to the Senate House the chief men of the State from their country villas. Similarly, in our day, Maximilian Cesar would not have enrolled Conrad in the ranks of the nobles known as Counts ; Conrad was really very poor when he served in the mines of Schneeberg, and for that reason he was nicknamed the “‘ poor man”’ ; but **There is no doubt that Thucydides had some connection with gold mines ; he himself is the authority for the statement that he worked mines in Thrace. Agricola seems to have obtained his idea that Thucydides held an appointment from the Athenians in charge of mines in Thasos, from Marcellinus (Vita, Thucydides, 30), who also says that Thucydides obtained possession of mines in Thrace through his marriage with a Thracian woman, and that it was while residing on the mines at Scapte-Hyle that he wrote his history. Later scholars, however, find little warrant for these assertions. The gold mines of an island off the mainland of Thrace—are uently mentioned by the ancient authors. Herodotus, vi., 46-47, says :—‘‘ Their (the ians’) revenue was derived partly from “their possessions upon the mainland, partly from the mines which they owned. They “were masters of the gold mines of Scapte-Hyle, the yearly produce of which amounted to “eighty talents. Their mines in Thasos yi less, but still were so prolific that besides “being entirely free from land-tax they had a surplus of income derived from the two “sources of their territory on the mainland and their mines, in common years two hundred “and in best years three hundred talents. I myself have seen the mines in question. By “far the most curious of them are those which the Phoenicians discovered at the time “when they went with Thasos and colonized the island, which took its name from him. 24 BOOK I. not many years after, he attained wealth from the mines of Fiirst, which is a city in Lorraine, and took his name from ‘“ Luck.’°® Nor would King Vladislaus have restored to the Assembly of Barons, Tursius, a citizen of Cracow, who became rich through the mines in that part of the kingdom of Hungary which was formerly called Dacia.*! Nay, not even the common worker in the mines is vile and abject. For, trained to vigilance and work by night and day, he has great powers of endurance when occasion demands, and easily sustains the fatigues and duties of a soldier, for he is accustomed to keep long vigils at night, to wield iron tools, to dig trenches, to drive tunnels, to make machines, and to carry burdens. Therefore, experts in military affairs prefer the miner, not only to a commoner from the town, but even to the rustic. But to bring this discussion to an end, inasmuch as the chief callings are those of the moneylender, the soldier, the merchant, the farmer, and the miner, I say, inasmuch as usury is odious, while the spoil cruelly captured from the possessions of the people innocent of wrong is wicked in the sight of God and man, and inasmuch as the calling of the miner excels in honour and dignity that of the merchant trading for lucre, while it is not less noble though far more profitable than agriculture, who can fail to realize that mining is a calling of peculiar dignity ? Certainly, though it is but one of ten important and excellent methods of acquiring wealth in an honourable way, a careful and diligent man can attain this result in no easier way than by mining. “These Phoenician workings are in Thasos itself, between Coenyra and a place called “Aenyra over against Samothrace; a high mountain has been turned upside down in “the search for ores.’’ (Rawlinson’s Trans.). The occasion of this statement of Herodotus was the relations of the Thasians with Darius (521-486 B.c.). The date of the Phoenician colonization of Thasos is highly nebular—anywhere from 1200 to 900 B.c. S°Agricola, De Veteribus et Novis Metallis, Book 1., p. 392, says :—‘‘ Conrad, whose “nickname in former years was ‘ pauper,’ suddenly became rich from the silver mines of ‘‘Mount Jura, known as the Firstwm.’’ He was ennobled with the title of Graf Cuntz von Gliick by the Emperor Maximilian (who was Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, 1493-1519). Conrad was originally a working miner at Schneeberg where he was known as Armer Cuntz (poor Cuntz or Conrad) and grew wealthy from the mines of Fiirst in Leberthal. This district is located in the Vosges Mountains on the borders of Lorraine and Upper Alsace. The story of Cuntz or Conrad von Gliick is mentioned by Albinus (Metssmische Land und Berg Chronica, Dresden, 1589, p. 116), Mathesius (Sarepia, Nurem- berg, 1578, fol. xvi.), and by others. *1Vladislaus III. was King of Poland, 1434-44, and also became King of Hungary in 1440. Tursius seems to be a Latinized name and cannot be identified. END OF BOOK I. 1 ' ee a a ae ea ee a ee BOOK. II. PRE ~~ JUALITIES which the perfect miner should possess and the arguments which are urged for and against the arts of mining and metallurgy, as well jas the people occupied in the industry, I | have sufficiently discussed in the first Book. Now I have determined to give more ample information | concerning the miners. In the first place, it is indispensable that they . SS) should worship God with reverence, and that they understand the matters of which I am going to speak, and that they take good care that each individual performs his duties efficiently and diligently. It is decreed by Divine Providence that those who know what they ought to do and then take care to do it properly, for the most part meet with good fortune in all they undertake; on the other hand, misfortune overtakes the indolent and those who are careless in their work. No person indeed can, without great and sustained effort and labour, store in his mind the knowledge of every portion of the metallic arts which are involved in operating mines. If a man has the means of paying the necessary expense, he hires as many men as he needs, and sends them to the various works. Thus formerly Sosias, the Thracian, sent into the silver mines a thousand slaves whom he had hired from the Athenian Nicias, the son of Niceratus’. But if a man cannot afford the expenditure he chooses of the various kinds of mining that work which he himself can most easily and efficiently do. Of these kinds, the two most important are the making prospect trenches and the washing of the sands of rivers, for out of these sands are often collected gold dust, or certain black stones from which tin is smelted, or even gems are sometimes found in them ; the trenching occasionally lays bare at the grass-roots veins which are found rich in metals. If therefore by skill or by luck, such sands or veins shall fall into his hands, he will be able to establish his fortune without expenditure, and from poverty rise to wealth. If on the contrary, his hopes are not realised, then he can desist from washing or digging. When anyone, in an endeavour to increase his fortune, meets the expenditure of a mine alone, it is of great importance that he should attend to his works and personally superintend everything that he has ordered to be done. For this reason, he should either have his dwelling at the mine, 1Xenophon. Essay on the Revenues of Athens, Iv., 14. “ But we cannot but feel surprised that the State, when it sees many private individuals “enriching themselves from its resources, does not imitate their proceedings ; for we heard ‘long ago, indeed, at least such of us as attended to these matters, that Nicias the son of “Niceratus kept a thousand men employed in the silver mines, whom he let on hire to * Sosias of Thrace on condition that he should give him for each an obolus a day, free of all “charges; and this number he always supplied undiminished.” (See also Note 6). An obolus a day each, would be about 23 oz. Troy of silver per day for the whole number. In modern value this would, of course, be but about 50s. per day, but in purchasing power the value would probably be 100 to 1 (see Note on p 28). Nicias was estimated to have a fortune of 100 talents—about 83,700 Troy ounces of silver, and was one of the wealthiest of the Athenians. (Plutarch, Life of Nicias). 26 BOOK II. where he may always be in sight of the workmen and always take care that none neglect their duties, or else he should live in the neighbourhood, so that he may frequently inspect his mining works. Then he may send word by a messenger to the workmen that he is coming more frequently than he really intends to come, and so either by his arrival or by the intimation of it, he so frightens the workmen that none of them perform their duties otherwise than diligently. When he inspects the mines he should praise the diligent workmen and occasionally give them rewards, that they and the others may become more zealous in their duties; on the other hand, he should rebuke the idle and discharge some of them from the mines and substitute industrious men in their places. Indeed, the owner should frequently remain for days and nights in the mine, which, in truth, is no habitation for the idle and luxurious; it is important that the owner who is diligent in increasing his wealth, should frequently himself descend into the mine, and devote some time to the study of the nature of the veins and stringers, and should observe and consider all the methods of working, both inside and outside the mine. Nor is this all he ought to do, for sometimes he should undertake actual labour, not thereby demeaning himself, but in order to encourage his workmen by his own diligence, and to teach them their art; for that mine is well conducted in which not only the foreman, but also the owner himself, gives instruction as to what ought to be done. A certain barbarian, according to Xenophon, rightly remarked to the King of Persia that ‘‘ the eye of the master feeds the horse,’’* for the master’s watchfulness in all things is of the utmost importance. When several share together the expenditure on a mine, it is convenient and useful to elect from amongst their own number a mine captain, and also a foreman. For, since men often look after their own interests but neglect those of others, they cannot in this case take care of their own without at the same time looking after the interests of the others, neither can they neglect the interests of the others without neglecting their own. But if no man amongst them be willing or able to undertake and sustain the bur- dens of these offices, it will be to the common interest to place them in the hands of most diligent men. Formerly indeed, these things were looked after by the mining prefect®, because the owners were kings, as Priam, who owned the gold mines round Abydos, or as Midas, who was the owner of those situated in®?Mount Bermius, or as Gyges, or as Alyattes, or as Croesus, who was the owner of those mines near a deserted town between Atarnea and Pergamum‘; sometimes the mines belonged to a Republic, as, for Xenophon. Occonomicus xu., 20. ‘‘‘I approve,’ said Ischomachus, ‘of the bar- “barian’s answer to the King who found a good horse, and, wishing to fatten it as soun as ‘possible, asked a man with a good reputation for horsemanship what would do it?’ The “‘man’s reply was: ‘Its master’s eye.’ ”’ 8Praefecius Metallorum. In Saxony this official was styled the Berghaupimann. For further information see page 94 and note on page 78. ‘This statement is either based upon Apollodorus, whom Agricola does not mention among his authorities, or on Strabo, whom he does so include. The former in his work on Mythology makes such a statement, for which Strabo (xIv., 5, 28) takes him to task as follows : ‘‘ With this vain intention they collected the stories related by the Scepsian a Ee ee ee ee BOOK II. 27 instance, the prosperous silver mines in Spain which belonged to Carthage? ; sometimes they were the property of great and illustrious families, as were the Athenian mines in Mount Laurion®. When a man owns mines but is ignorant of the art of mining, then it is advisable that he should share in common with others the expenses, not of one only, but of several mines. When one man alone meets the expense for a long time of a whole mine, if good fortune bestows on him a vein abundant in metals, or in other products, he becomes very wealthy ; if, on the contrary, the mine is poor and barren, in time he will lose everything which he has expended on it. But the man who, in common with others, has laid out his money on several mines in a region renowned for its wealth of metals, rarely spends it in vain, for fortune usually responds to his hopes in part. For when out of twelve veins in which he has a joint interest ‘‘ (Demetrius), and taken from Callisthenes and other writers, who did not clear them from “false notions respecting the Halizones; for example, that the wealth of Tantalus and of the “ Pelopidae was derived, it is said, from the mines about Phrygia and Sipylus; that of Cadmus “from the mines of Thrace and Mount Pangaeum ; that of Priam from the gold mines of “ Astyra, near Abydos (of which at present there are small remains, yet there is a large “quantity of matter ejected, and the excavations are proofs of former workings); that of “Midas from the mines about Mount Bermium ; that of Gyges, Alyattes, and Croesus, from “the mines in Lydia and the small deserted city between Atarneus and Pergamum, where “are the sites of exhausted mines.” (Hamilton’s Trans., Vol. 11., p. 66). In adopting this view, icola apparently applied a wonderful realism to some Greek mythology—for instance, in the legend of Midas, which tells of that king being rewarded by the god Dionysus, who ted his request that all he touched might turn to gold; but the inconvenience of the gift drove him to pray for relief, which he obtained by bathing in the Pactolus, the sands of which thereupon became highly auriferous. Priam was, of course, King of Troy, but Homer does not exhibit him as a mine-owner. Gyges, Alyattes, and Croesus were successively Kings of Lydia, from to 546 B.c., and were no doubt possessed of great treasure in gold. Some few years ago we had occasion to inquire into extensive old workings locally reputed to be Croesus’ mines, at a place some distance north of Smyrna, which would correspond very closely to the locality here mentioned. 'There can be no doubt that the Carthaginians worked the mines of Spain on an extensive scale for a very long > asia anterior to their conquest by the Romans, but whether the mines were worked by the Government or not we are unable to find any evidence. *The silver mines of Mt. Laurion formed the economic mainstay of Athens for the three centuries during which the State had the ascendency in Greece, and there can be no doubt that the dominance of Athens and its position as a sea-power were directly due to the revenues from the mines. The first working of the mines is shrouded in mystery. The scarcity of silver in the time of Solon (638-598 B.c.) would not indicate any very considerable output at that time. According to Xenophon (Essay on Revenue of Athens, Iv., 2), written about 355 B.c., ‘‘ they were wrought in very ancient times.” The first definite discussion of the mines in Greek record begins about 500 B.c., for about that time the royalties began to figure in the Athenian Budget (Aristotle, Constitution of Athens, 47). There can be no doubt that the mines reached great prosperity prior to the Persian invasion. In the year 484 B.c. the mines returned roo Talents (about sips oz. Troy) to the Treasury, and this, on the advice of Themistocles, was devoted to the construction of the fleet which conquered the Persians at Salamis (480 B.c.). The mines were much interfered with by the Spartan invasions from 431 to 425 B.c., and again by their occupation in 413 B.c.; and by 355 B.c., when Xenophon wrote the “ Revenues,” exploitation had fallen to a low ebb, for which he proposes the remedies noted by Agricola on p. 28. By the end of the 4th Century, B.c., the mines had again reached considerable prosperity, as is evidenced by Demosthenes’ orations against Pantaenetus and inst Phaenippus, and by L ’ prosecution of ilos for ing the supporting pillars. The domination of ians under Philip and Alexander at end of the 4th and beginning of the 3rd Centuries B.c., however, so flooded Greece with money from the mines of Thrace, that this probably interfered with Laurion, at this time, in any event, began the ‘decadence of these mines. Synchronous also was the decadence of iy Bh and, but for fitful displays, the State was not able to main- tain even its own independence, not to mention its position as a dominant State. Finally, Strabo, writing about 30 B.c. gives the epitaph of every mining district—reworking the dumps. He says (1x., I, 23): “ The silver mines in Attica were at first of importance, but 28 BOOK. II. one yields an abundance of metals, it not only gives back to the owner the money he has spent, but also gives a profit besides ; certainly there will be for him rich and profitable mining, if of the whole number, three, or four, or more veins should yield metal. Very similar to this is the advice which Xenophon gave to the Athenians when they wished to prospect for new veins of silver without suffering loss. ‘‘ There are,” he said, “‘ ten tribes of Athenians; if, therefore, the State assigned an equal number of slaves to each tribe, and the tribes participated equally in all the new veins, undoubtedly by this method, if a rich vein of silver were found by one tribe, whatever profit were made from it would assuredly be shared by the whole number. And if two, three, or four tribes, or even half the whole number find veins, their works would then become more profitable ; and it is not “probable that the work of all the tribes will be disappointing ’’’. Although this advice of Xenophon is full of prudence, there is no opportunity for it except in free and wealthy States; for those people who are under the authority of kings and princes, or are kept in subjection by tyranny, do not dare, without permission, to incur such expenditure ; those who are endowed with little wealth and resources cannot do so on account of insufficient funds. Moreover, amongst our race it is not customary for Republics to have slaves whom they can hire out for the benefit of the people®; but, instead, now- adays those who are in authority administer the funds for mining in the name of the State, not unlike private individuals. “are now exhausted. The workmen, when the mines yielded a bad return to their labour, “committed to the furnace the old refuse and scoria, and hence obtained very pure silver, ‘for the former workmen had carried on the process in the furnace unskilfully.” Since 1860, the mines have been worked with some success by a French Company, thus carrying the mining history of this district over a period of twenty-seven centuries. The most excellent of many memoirs upon the mines at Laurion, not only for its critical, historical, and archeological value, but also because of its author’s great insight into mining and metallurgy, is that of Edouard Ardaillon (Les Mines du Laurion dans l Antiquité. Paris, 1897). We have relied considerably upon this careful study for the following notes, and would refer others to it for a short bibliography on the subject. We would mention in passing that Augustus Boeckh’s “ Silver Mines of Laurion,”’ which is incorporated with his ‘‘ Public Economy of Athens” (English Translation by Lewis, London, 1842) has been too much relied upon by English students. It is no doubt the product of one acquainted with written — history, but without any special knowledge of the industry and it is b on no antiquarian re- search. The Mt. Laurion mining district is located near the southern end of the Attic Peninsula. The deposits are silver-lead, and they occur along the contact between approximately hori- zontal limestones and slates. There are two principal beds of each, thus forming three principal contacts. The most metalliferous of these contacts are those at the base of the slates, the lowest contact of the series being the richest. The ore-bodies were most irregular, varying greatly in size, from a thin seam between schist planes, to very large bodies containing as much as 200,000 cubic metres. The ores are argentiferous galena, accompanied by con- siderable amounts of blende and pyrites, all oxidized near the surface. The ores worked by the Ancients appear to have been fairly rich in lead, for the discards worked in recent years by the French Company, and the pillars left behind, ran 8% to 10% lead. The ratio of silver was from 40 to go ounces per ton of lead. The upper contacts were exposed by erosion and could be entered by tunnels, but the lowest and most prolific contact line was only to be reached by shafts. The shafts were ordinarily from four to six feet square, and were undoubtedly cut by hammer and chisel; they were as much as 380 feet deep. In some cases long inclines for travelling roads join the vertical shafts in depth. The drives, whether tunnels or from shafts, were not level, but followed every caprice of the sinuous contact. They were from two to two and a half feet wide, often driven in parallels with cross-cuts between, in order to exploit every corner of the contact. The stoping of ore-bodies discovered was undertaken quite systematically, the methods depending in the main on the shape of the ore-body. If the body was large, its dimensions were first determined by drives, crosscuts, rises, and y ea ee ee ee eS ee ee ee, BOOK. II. 29 Some owners prefer to buy shares? in mines abounding in metals, rather than to be troubled themselves to search for the veins; these men employ an easier and less uncertain method of increasing their property. Although their hopes in the shares of one or another mine may be frustrated, the buyers of shares should not abandon the rest of the mines, for all the money expended will be recovered with interest from some other mine. They should not buy only high priced shares in those mines producing metals, nor should they buy too many in neighbouring mines where metal has not yet been found, lest, should fortune not respond, they may be exhausted by their losses and have nothing with which they may meet their expenses or buy other shares which may replace their losses. This calamity over- takes those who wish to grow suddenly rich from mines, and instead, they become very much poorer than before. So then, in the buying of shares, as in other matters, there should be a certain limit of expenditure which miners should set themselves, lest blinded by the desire for excessive wealth, they throw all their money away. Moreover, a prudent owner, before he buys shares, ought to go to the mine and carefully examine the nature of the vein, for it is very important that he should be on his guard lest fraudulent sellers of shares should deceive him. Investors in shares may perhaps become less wealthy, but they are more certain of some gain than those who mine for metals at their own expense, as they are more cautious in trusting to fortune. Neither ought miners to be altogether distrustful of fortune, as we see some are, who as soon as the shares of any mine begin to go up in winzes, as the case might require. If the ore was mainly overhead it was overhand-stoped, and the stopes filled as work progressed, inclined winzes being occasionally driven from the stopes to the original entry drives. If the ore was mainl ow, it was underhand-stoped, being left if n —such pillars in some cases Lett bere feet high. They also employed timber and artificial pillars. The mines were practically dry. There is little sevice of breaking by fire. The ore was hand-sorted underground and carried out by the slaves, and in some cases apparently the windlass was used. It was treated by grinding in mills and concentrating upon a sort of buddle. These concentrates—mostly galena—were smelted in low furnaces and the lead was subsequently cupelled. Further details of metallurgical methods will be found in Notes on p. 391 and p. 465, on metallurgical subjects. The mines were worked by slaves. Even the overseers were at times apparently slaves, for we find (Xenophon, Memorabilia, u.,5) that Nicias paid a whole talent for a good overseer. A talent would be about 837 Troy ounces of silver. As wages of skilled labour were about two and one half pennyweights of silver 7 diem, and a family income of 100 ounces of silver per annum was affluence, the ratio of purchasing power of Attic coinage to modern would be about roo tor. Therefore this mine manager was worth in modern value roughly le The mines were the ne ing of the State. The areas were defined by vertical boundaries, and were let on lease for definite periods for a fixed annual rent. More or discussion of the law will be found on p. 83. enophon. (Essay on The Revenues, tv., 30). “I think, however, that I am ‘able to give some advice with regard to this difficulty also (the risk of opening new mines), “and to show how new igcorg may be conducted with the greatest safety. ere are ten “tribes at Athens, and if to each of these the State should assign an equal number of slaves, “and the tribes should all make new cuttings, sharing their fortunes in common, then if but “one tribe should make any useful discovery it would point out something profitable to the “ whole ; but if two, three, or four, or half the number should make some discovery, it is “plain that the works would be more profitable in proportion, and that they should all fail “is contrary to all experience in past times.” (Watson’s Trans. p. 258). : 2 *Agricola here refers to the proposal of Xenophon for the State to collect slaves and hire them to work the mines of Laurion. There is’no evidence that this recommendation was ever carried out. a, 'Partes. Agricola, p. 89-91, describes in detail the ization and management of these share companies. See Note 8, p. go. re zd 5 ~ 30 BOOK Ii. value, sell them, on which account they seldom obtain even moderate wealth. There are some people who wash over the dumps from exhausted and abandoned mines, and those dumps which are derived from the drains of tunnels ; and others who smelt the old slags ; from all of which they make an ample return. Now a miner, before he begins to mine the veins, must consider seven things, namely :—the situation, the conditions, the water, the roads, the climate, the right of ownership, and the neighbours. There are four kinds of situations—mountain, hill, valley, and plain. Of these four, the first two are the most easily mined, because in them tunnels can be driven to drain off the water, which often makes mining operations very laborious, if it does not stop them altogether. The last two kinds of ground are more troublesome, especially because tunnels cannot be driven in such places. Nevertheless, a prudent miner considers all these four sorts of localities in the region in which he happens to be, and he searches for veins in those places where some torrent or other agency has removed and swept the soil away ; yet he need not prospect everywhere, but since there is a great variety, both in mountains and in the three other kinds of localities, he always selects from them those which will give him the best chance of obtaining wealth. In the first place, mountains differ greatly in position, some being situated in even and level plains, while others are found in broken and. elevated regions, and others again seem to be piled up, one mountain upon’ another. The wise miner does not mine in mountains which are situated on open plains, neither does he dig in those which are placed on the summits of mountainous regions, unless by some chance the veins in those mountains have been denuded of their surface covering, and abounding in metals and other products, are exposed plainly to his notice,—for with regard to what I have already said more than once, and though I never repeat it again, I wish to emphasize this exception as to the localities which should not be selected. All districts do not possess a great number of mountains ~ crowded together ; some have but one, others two, others three, or perhaps a few more. In some places there are plains lying between them ; in others the mountains are joined together or separated only by narrow valleys. The miner should not dig in those solitary mountains, dispersed through the plains and open regions, but only in those which are connected and joined with others. Then again, since mountains differ in size, some being very large, others of medium height, and others more like hills than mountains, the miner rarely digs in the largest or the smallest of them, but generally only in those of medium size. Moreover, mountains have a great variety of shapes; for with some the slopes rise gradually, while others, on the contrary, are all precipitous ; in some others the slopes are gradual on one side, and on the other sides precipitous ; some are drawn out in length; some are gently curved; others assume different shapes. But the miner may dig in all parts of them, except where there are precipices, and he should not neglect even these latter if metallic veins BOOK. II. 31 are exposed before his eyes. There are just as great differences in hills as there are in mountains, yet the miner does not dig except in those situated in mountainous districts, and even very rarely in those. It is however very little to be wondered at that the hill in the Island of Lemnos was excavated, for the whole is of a reddish-yellow colour, which furnishes for the inhabit- ants that valuable clay so especially beneficial to mankind!®. In like manner, other hills are excavated if chalk or other varieties of earth are exposed, but these are not prospected for. There are likewise many varieties of valleys and plains. One kind is enclosed on the sides with its outlet and entrance open; another has either its entrance or its outlet open and the rest of it is closed in; both of these are properly called valleys. There is a third variety which is surrounded on all sides by mountains, and these are called convalles. Some valleys again, have recesses, and others have none; one is wide, another narrow; one is long, another short ; yet another kind is not higher than the neighbouring plain, and others are lower than the surrounding flat country. But the miner does not dig in those surrounded on all sides by mountains, nor in those that are open, unless there be a low plain close at hand, or unless a vein of metal descending from the mountains should extend into the valley. Plains differ from one another, one being situated at low elevation, and others higher, one being level and another with a slight incline. The miner should never excavate the low-lying plain, nor one which is perfectly level, unless it be in some mountain, and rarely should he mine in the other kinds of plains. With regard to the conditions of the locality the miner should not contemplate mining without considering whether the place be covered with trees or is bare. If it be a wooded place, he who digs there has this advantage, besides others, that there will be an abundant supply of wood for his underground timbering, his machinery, buildings, smelting, and other necessities. If there is no forest he should not mine there unless there is a river near, by which he can carry down the timber. Yet wherever there is a hope that pure gold or gems may be found, the ground can be turned up, even though there is no forest, because the gems need only to be polished and the gold to be purified. Therefore the inhabitants of hot regions obtain these substances from rough and sandy places, where sometimes there are not even shrubs, much less woods. The miner should next consider the locality, as to whether it has a perpetual supply of running water, or whether it is always devoid of water except when a torrent supplied by rains flows down from the summits of the mountains. The place that Nature has provided with a river or stream can 1°This island in the northern A2gean Sea has produced this “earth” from before Theophrastus’ time (372-287 B.c.) down to the present day. According to Dana (System of poeeci of 689), it is cimolite, a hydrous silicate of aluminium. The Ancients distinguished two kinds,—one sort used as a pigment, and the other for medicinal purposes. This latter was dug with great ceremony at a certain time of the year, moulded into cubes, and stamped with a goat,—the symbol of Diana. It thus became known as éerra sigillata, and was an article of apothecary commerce down to the last century. _It is described by Galen (xu1., 12), Dioscorides (v., 63), and Pliny (xxxv., 14), as a remedy for ulcers and snake bites. 42 BOOK II. be made serviceable for many things; for water will never be wanting and can be carried through wooden pipes to baths in dwelling-houses; it may be carried to the works, where the metals are smelted; and finally, if the conditions of the place will allow it, the water can be diverted into the tunnels, so that it may turn the underground machinery. Yet on the other hand, to convey a constant supply of water by artificial means to mines where Nature has denied it access, or to convey the ore to the stream, increases the expense greatly, in proportion to the distance the mines are away from the river. The miner also should consider whether the roads from the neighbouring regions to the mines are good or bad, short or long. For since a region which is abundant in mining products very often yields no agricultural produce, and the necessaries of life for the workmen and others must all be imported, a bad and long road occasions much loss and trouble with porters and carriers, and this increases the cost of goods brought in, which, therefore, must be sold at high prices. This injures not so much the work- men as the masters ; since on account of the high price of goods, the work- men are not content with the wages customary for their labour, nor can they be, and they ask higher pay from the owners. And if the owners refuse, the men will not work any longer in the mines but will go elsewhere. Although districts which yield metals and other mineral products are generally healthy, because, being often situated on high and lofty ground, — they are fanned by every wind, yet sometimes they are unhealthy, as has been related in my other book, which is called “ De Natura Eorum Quae Effiuunt ex Terra.” Therefore, a wise miner does not mine in such places, even if they are very productive, when he perceives unmistakable signs of pestilence. For if a man mines in an unhealthy region he may be alive one hour and dead the next. Then, the miner should make careful and thorough investigation con- cerning the lord of the locality, whether he be a just and good man or a tyrant, for the latter oppresses men by force of his authority, and seizes their possessions for himself; but the former governs justly and lawfully and serves the common good. The miner should not start mining opera- tions in a district which is oppressed by a tyrant, but should carefully consider if in the vicinity there is any other locality suitable for mining and make up his mind if the overlord there be friendly or inimical. If he be inimical the mine will be rendered unsafe through hostile attacks, in one of which all of the gold or silver, or other mineral products, laboriously col- lected with much cost, will be taken away from the owner and his workmen will be struck with terror ; overcome by fear, they will hastily fly, to free themselves from the danger to which they are exposed. In this case, not only are the fortunes of the miner in the greatest peril but his very life is in jeopardy, for which reason he should not mine in such places. Since several miners usually come to mine the veins in one locality, a settlement generally springs up, for the miner who began first cannot keep it exclusively for himself. The Bergmetster gives permits to some to mine © ee BOOK II. 33 the superior and some the inferior parts of the veins; to some he gives the cross veins, to others the inclined veins. If the man who first starts work finds the yein to be metal-bearing or yielding other mining products, it will not be to his advantage to cease work because the neighbourhood may be evil, but he will guard and defend his rights both by arms and by the law. When the sia ies delimits the boundaries of each owner, it is the duty of a good miner to keep within his bounds, and of a prudent one to repel encroachments of his neighbours by the help of the law. But this is enough about the neighbourhood. The miner should try to obtain a mine, to which access is not difficult, in a mountainous region, gently sloping, wooded, healthy, safe, and notyfar distant from a river or stream by means of which he may convey mining products to be washed and smelted. This indeed, is the best position. As for the others, the nearer they approximate to this position the better they are; the further removed, the worse. Now I will discuss that kind of minerals for which it is not necessary to dig, because the force of water carries them out of the veins. Of these there are two kinds, minerals—and their fragments'*—and juices. When there are springs at the outcrop of the veins from which, as I have already said, the above-mentioned products are emitted, the miner should consider these first, to see whether there are metals or gems mixed with the sand, or whether the waters discharged are filled with juices. In case metals or gems have settled in the pool of the spring, not only should the sand from it be washed, but also that from the streams which flow from these springs, and even from the river itself into which they again discharge. If the springs dis- charge water containing some juice, this also should be collected ; the further such a stream has flowed from the source, the more it receives plain water and the more diluted does it become, and so much the more deficient in strength. If the stream receives no water of another kind, or scarcely any, not only the rivers, but likewise the lakes which receive these waters, are of the same nature as the springs, and serve the same uses ; of this kind is the lake which the Hebrews call the Dead Sea, and which is quite full of bituminous fluids'*. But I must return to the subject of the sands. Springs may discharge their waters into a sea, a lake, a marsh, a river, or astream ; but the sand of the sea-shore is rarely washed, for although the water flowing down from the springs into the sea carries some metals or gems with it, yet these substances can scarcely ever be reclaimed, because they are dispersed through the immense body of waters and mixed up with UMagister Metallorum. See Note 1, p. 78, for the reasons of the adoption of the term Bergmeister and page 95 for details of his duties. -12Ramenia. ‘‘ Particles.’ The author uses this term indifferently for fragments, particles of mineral, concentrates, gold dust, black tin, etc., in all cases the result of either natural or artificial concentration. As in technical English we have no general term for both natural and artificial ‘‘ concentrates,’’ we have rendered it as the context seemed to demand. 478A certain amount of bitumen does float ashore in the Dead Sea ; the origin of it is, however, uncertain. Strabo (xvi., 2, 42), Pliny (v., 15 and 16), and Josephus (rv., 8), all mention this fact. The lake for this reason is often referred to by the ancient writers by the name Asphaltites. ¥ ve 34 BOOK. Ii. other sand, and scattered far and wide in different directions, or they sink down into the depths of the sea. For the same reasons, the sands of lakes can very rarely be washed successfully, even though the streams rising from the mountains pour their whole volume of water into them. The particles of metals and gems from the springs are very rarely carried into the marshes, which are generally in level and open places. Therefore, the miner, in the first place, washes the sand of the spring, then of the stream which flows from it, then finally, that of the river into which the stream discharges. It is not worth the trouble to wash the sands of a large river which is on a level plain at a distance from the mountains. Where several springs carrying metals discharge their waters into one river, there is more hope of productive results from washing. The miner does not neglect even the sands of the streams in which excavated ores have been washed. The waters of springs taste according to the juice they contain, and they differ greatly in this respect. There are six kinds of these tastes which the worker! especially observes and examines; there is the salty kind, which shows that salt may be obtained by evaporation ; the nitrous, which indicates soda; the aluminous kind, which indicates alum; the vitrioline, which indicates vitriol; the sulphurous kind, which indicates sulphur ; and as for the bituminous juice, out of which bitumen is melted down, the colour itself proclaims it to the worker who is evaporating it. The sea- water however, is similar to that of salt springs, and may be drawn into low-lying pits, and, evaporated by the heat of the sun, changes of itself into salt ; similarly the water of some salt-lakes turns to salt when dried by the heat of summer. Therefore an industrious and diligent man observes and makes use of these things and thus contributes something to the common welfare. The strength of the sea condenses the liquid bitumen which flows into it from hidden springs, into amber and jet, as I have described already in my books “ De Subterraneorum Ortu et Causis’®. The sea, with certain 14E-xcoctor,—literally, ‘‘ Smelter” or ‘‘ Metallurgist.” ; 16This reference should be to the De Natura Fossilium (p. 230), although there is a short reference to the matter in De Ortu et Causis (p. 59). Agricola maintained that not only were jet and amber varieties of bitumen, but also coal and camphor and obsidian. As jet (gagates) is but a compact variety of coal, the ancient knowledge of this substance has more interest than would otherwise attach to the gem, especially as some materials described in this connection were no doubt coal. The Greeks often refer to a series of substances which burned, contained earth, and which no doubt comprised coal. Such substances are mentioned by Aristotle (De Mirabilibus. 33, 41, 125), Nicander (Theriaca. 37), and others, previous to the 2nd Century B.c., but the most ample description is that of Theophrastus (23-28) : “Some “‘ of the more brittle stones there also are, which become as it were burning coals when put into “a fire, and continue so a long time ; of this kind are those about Bena, found in mines and ‘washed down by the torrents, for they will take fire on burning coals being thrown on them, ‘and will continue burning as long as anyone blows them ; afterward they will deaden, and “may after that be made to burn again. They are therefore of long continuance, but their “smell is troublesome and disagreeable. That also which is called the spinus, is found in “mines. This stone, cut in pieces and thrown together in a heap, exposed to the sun, burns ; “and that the more, if it be moistened or sprinkled with water (a bites