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IHotljrr HJ. Sorotl|pa, Ph. D. Tllnivcrsitis of Toronto

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GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

BY

DR. RICHARD LOEWE

TRANSLATED AND EDITED BY

J. D. JONES, Ph.D. (Berlin), B.A.(Lond.)

LECTURER IN ENGLISH IN THE UNIVERSITY OF SHErFIELD

LONDON

GEORGE ALLEN & COMPANY, LTD.

44 & 45 RATHBONE PLACE

CONTENTS

PART I. INTRODUCTION

I. Extent and Problems of Germanic Philology

II. The Indo-Germanic Languages and the Ger MANIC Dialects . ...

III. Linguistic Changes and their Causes

IV. The Place of Germanic among the Indo-Ger

manic Languages . . . .

V. The Classification of the Germanic Languages

PAGE

I

7

12

PART II. PHONOLOGY
I. Accentuation ....	. 25
I. Sentence-accent ....	• 25
2. Word-accent . . . .	. 26
3. Syllabic accent . ...	28
I. Vowels .....	. 30
I. Spontaneous sound-development A. Simple syllabic vowels B. Diphthongs C. Syllabic liquids and nasals	30 30 33 36
2. Combinative sound-development A. Umlaut . . . . B. Influence of following consonants	37 37 41
3. Ablaut ..... A. Qualitative Ablaut . . . . B. Quantitative Ablaut . . . .	42 43 44

VUl

CONTENTS

III. Consonants

1. The I ndo- Germanic consonantal system

2. The consonants which did not change in Germanic

3. The sound-shiftings and grammatical change

A. First shifting operation

B. Second and third shifting operations .

C. Last shifting operation .

4. Changes in the place of production .

A. The labiovelars in Primitive Germanic

B. The labiovelars in the separate dialects

5. Assimilation of consonants

A. Total assimilation

B. Partial assimilation .

- 6. Lengthening of consonants

A. Primitive Germanic lengthening

B. West Germanic lengthening

IV. Laws of Final Sounds

1. Laws of final consonants

2. Laws of final vowels

A. Long vowels

B. Diphthongs

C. Short vowels

3. Chronology

PART III. ACCIDENCE

1. Nouns .

A. Vocalic or strong declension

B. Consonantal declension

2. Pronouns

A. Personal pronouns

B. Pronouns with genders

3. Adjectives

A. Declension .

B. Comparison

C. Formation of adverbs

	CONTENTS	ix
Part III. 4-	Accidence— (confd.) page Numerals . . . . . 122
	A. Cardinals . B. Ordinals .	122 126
	Verbs .	127
I.	Forms .	127
2.	Formation of tenses A. Present B. Preterite .	128 128 141
3-	Moods and verbal substantives A. Optative B. Imperative . C. Participles . D. Infinitive .	154 155 158 159 162
4-	Personal endings A. Active B. Middle	163 163 169

LIST OF BOOKS USED

K. Brugmann und B. Delbruck, "Grundriss der vergleichenden Grammatik der Indogermanischen Sprachen," 5 Bande, Strassburg, 1886- 1900. 2 Auflage, Band I von Brugmann, 1897.

K. Brugmann, " Kurze vergleichende Grammatik der Indogerman- ischen Sprachen," 3 Bande, Strassburg, 1902-1904.

F. Dieter, " Laut- und Formenlehre der altgermanischen Dialekte," Leipzig, 1900 (darin die Teile iiber Urgermanisch von R. Bethge).

W. Streitberg, " Urgermanische Grammatik," Heidelberg, 1896.

F. Kluge, " Vorgeschichte der altgermanischen Dialekte." In H. Paul, " Grundriss der germanischen Philologie," 2 Auflage, I Band, Strassburg, 1901. Auch separat.

A. Noreen, "Abriss der urgermanischen Lautlehre," Strassburg 1894.

W. Wilmans, "Deutsche Grammatik. Gotisch, Alt-Mittel- und Neuhochdeutsch," 2 Bande, 2 Auflage, Strassburg, 1 897-1 899.

XI

ABBREVIATIONS

Germ. = Germanic or Teutonic.

Gk. = Greek.

Goth. = Gothic.

Ind.-Germ. = Indo-Germanic or Indo-European.

Lat. = Latin.

Lett. = Lettic.

Lith. = Lithuanian.

M.H.G. = Middle High German.

M.L.G. = Middle Low German.

N.H.G. = Modern High German.

N.L.G. = Modern Low German (Plattdeutsch).

Nor. = Norse or Scandinavian.

O.Bct. = 01d Bactrian.

O.Bg. = Old Bulgarian.

O.E. = 01d English or Anglo-Saxon.

O.Fris. = 01d Frisian.

O.H.G. = 01d High German.

O.Ind. = 01d Indian or Sanskrit.

O.Ir. = 01d Irish.

O.M.G. = 01d Middle German.

O.N. = Old Norse or Old Icelandic.

O.S. = Old Saxon.

O. Upper G. = 01d Upper German.

P.Germ. = Primitive Germanic or Teutonic.

Prim. Nor. or Prim. O.N. = Primitive Norse or Scandinavian.

W.Germ. = West Germanic.

SIGNS

)?=*th' in English 'think.'

^ = 'th' in English 'they.'

3 = a front continuant like 'y' in Engl. *yes.'

'z' = (exc. in High German in which it has either the value of * s ' or of ' ts ') ' s ' in ' rose ' or ' z ' in ' freeze.'

O.N. 'v' = Engl. 'w.'

O.Bg. *s' = Engl. 'sh.'

O.Ind. * s ' and ' s ' are variations of ' sh.*

O.Ind. *j ' = 'j' in Engl, 'judge.'

O.Ind. 'c' = 'ch' in Engl, 'child.'

O.Ind. 'y' = 'y' in Engl, 'year.'

Goth. 'ei' = 'i' in Engl, 'machine.'

O.E. '£e' = 'a' in Engl, 'man.'

The sign ' generally denotes the syllable bearing the chief accent ; in O.E., O.N., O.Norw., however, it marks a long vowel, which is denoted by - in the other languages.

Other signs of pronunciation will be explained in the text itself, especially in the sections on sound-shifting.

* Prefixed to any word means that it is a hypothetical form.

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

Part I INTRODUCTION

L THE EXTENT AND THE PROBLEMS OF GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

Germanic philology is the explanation of all the phenomena of the Germanic languages, i.e. of German and of those languages, such as English and Icelandic, which are most closely related to it. According to the evidence of their literatures, the Germanic languages have changed in the course of time ; they once stood much nearer to one another than they do to-day. From this the conclusion has been drawn that formerly they in fact constituted a uniform language which has even been reconstructed and named * Primitive Germanic* The Germanic languages, however, stand in a distant relationship to most European and to several Asiatic languages, all of which it is the custom to embrace under the term ' Indo-Germanic' By comparison of the in- dividual Indo-Germ. languages, which, like P.Germ. itself, have been partly inferred from the younger speeches, even the original Indo-Germ. speech has been reconstructed.

As the business of tracing the development of the

2 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

individual Germanic languages belongs to special pro- vinces, the task of Germanic philology in the narrower sense of the term consists in the reconstruction and elucidation of P.Germ. For this it will be necessary to compare the individual Germanic languages, on the one hand, with each other in their oldest transmitted form, and, on the other hand, with the rest of the Indo-Germ. branches in tkeir oldest dialects.

II. INDO-GERMANIC LANGUAGES AND THE GERMANIC DIALECTS

The Indo-Germ. branches are: Aryan, Armenian, Greek, Albanian, Italic, Keltic, Germanic, Baltic-Sla- vonic. Aryan embraces, amongst others, Indian and Iranian ; of the former, Old Indian (Sanskrit), and of the latter. Old Bactrian are alone taken into consideration here. The Italic family consists of Latin, Umbrian, and Oscan ; the Keltic of Old Irish and Cymric. The Baltic-Slavonic group is divided into the Baltic (Lithua- nian, Lettic, and Old Prussian) and the Slavonic, of which Old Bulgarian appears in the most ancient form.

The better known dialects of Germanic are : —

1. Gothic. Almost the only remains that we possess

of this are parts of the translation of the Bible by Ulfilas (c. A.D. 350). It ceased to exist with the Gothic people.

2. The Northern, Norse, or North Germanic, i.e. the

language of Scandinavia, Denmark, and Iceland. Until about A.D. 700 this is represented only in runes, of which the earliest dates from A.D. 300 ; the language in this period is known as Primitive Norse. From 700 to 1 5 30 (i.e. until the Reforma-

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 3

tion) the several Northern dialects are included under the term Old Norse, and from 1530 on- wards Modern Norse. The different branches of Old Norse are known as Old Icelandic, Old Nor- wegian, Old Swedish, Old Danish, the decendants of these as Modern Icelandic, etc.

3. English, which has been known since about A.D. 600.

Until c, 1 1 50 it is known as Anglo-Saxon or Old English; from 11 50 to 1500 as Middle English, and from 1500 onwards as Modern English.

4. Frisian, which has been known since the thirteenth

century ; it is called Old Frisian till about 1600, and from 1600, Modern Frisian.

5. Low German (Low Saxon), which from about 800

to 1 100 is known as Old Saxon; from iioo to 1600 (i.e. until the end of Low German litera- ture) as Middle Low German, and from 1600 onwards as Modern Low German or Platt- deutsch.

6. Dutch, which from about 800 to 1200 is known

as Old Low Franconian, from 1200 to 1500 as Middle Dutch, and from 1500 onwards as Modern Dutch.

7. High German, which from 740 to iioo is known

as Old High German, from iioo to about 1500 (i.e. to the time of the Reformation) as Middle High German, and from 1500 onwards as Modern High German.

Amongst the Germanic languages which had litera- tures of their own are to be reckoned some of which only single words (mostly Proper names) have come

4 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

down through Latin and Greek. These are Lango- bardian, Burgundian, and Wandalian ; i.e. the languages of people who disappeared early. On the other hand, Crimean Gothic (in the South-West of the Crimea) only vanished in modern times ; the Fleming Busbeck noted about eighty words of it in 1560.

III. LINGUISTIC CHANGES AND THEIR CAUSES

Changes in languages occur partly in sound-forms and partly in the meaning of their words. If the meaning does not undergo a change along with the sound-form, we speak of a sound-change ; if it does, we speak of a form-change ; when only the meaning undergoes alteration, we speak of a change in meaning.

There has been, for example, form-change when we say 'wir sprangen,' 'wir halfen,' in N.H.G. for M.H.G. ' wir sprungen,' * wir hulfen,' as generally M.H.G. * u ' has been replaced by * a ' only in the preterite ; in other cases 'u' has remained, e.g. in 'uns,' 'ulme,' 'butter.' The forms 'halfen,' 'sprangen,' were formed because 'half,' ' sprang,' had ' a ' in the singular and other preterites, e.g. 'ich rief,' 'wir riefen,' had the same vowel in the singular and plural already in M.H.G. The reverse has been the case with 'a' in O.H.G., e.g. ' magum ' (we can), which was already in the O.H.G. period re- placed by ' mugum ' because verbs which were inflected in the singular like ' mag ' (e.g. ' darf,' ' darft,' ' darf,' like ' mag.' ' maht,' ' mag ') formed their plural with ' u,' e.g. ' durfum.' This commonest kind of form-change is called analogy-formation.

Sound-change, on the other hand, is illustrated by the following: Every M.H.G. *uo' has become 'u' in

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 6

N.H.G., thus 'buoch' has become *buch' and *wir truogen,' 'wir trugen.' When the sound-change, as in these instances, is not conditional on other sounds in the immediate neighbourhood, the change is said to be spontaneous. But if a sound only undergoes a definite change when it is in the neighbourhood of, or combined with, fixed other sounds, we speak of a combinative sound-change. Thus, e.g. M.H.G. 's' has in general remained 's' in N.H.G., as in *sinken,' *hase,' 'nest'; but it has become 'sch' when it was initial and followed by M/ * m,' * n,' or ' w.' Therefore ' slafen ' became ' sch- lafen ' ; * smelzen,' * schmelzen ' ; ' sne,' ' schnee ' ; ' swarz,'

* schwarz.*

The most essential cause of linguistic changes lies in hereditary transmission from generation to generation. The child learning to speak includes in a word it has acquired things similar to what this word denotes : thus it comes to call ' a cap,' * a hat ' ; or * a chair,' ' a bench.' If, therefore, several children in mutual intercourse accidentally agreed on certain ways of conveying their meaning, they can preserve these into a later generation, and even bring them into use among other people.

From the child-speech arise all analogy-formations in the case of common words. A child that forms

* gedenkt ' on the analogy of * geliebt ' (loved) from Mieben' (love) or 'gemacht' (made) from 'machen' (make), etc., uses this form alone for a long time, until it has learnt 'gedacht' (thought), while a grown-up person only in isolated cases at most makes a slip and says 'gedenkt' for 'gedacht' When, therefore, 'gedenkt' is to-day used for ' gedacht ' in Swabian, the explanation is to be sought in the fact that some children became agreed in this extremely common analogy-formation in

6 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

German child-speech, clung to it, and handed it on to others.

Finally, as regards sound-change, it has been ob- served in certain districts that all the young people up to a certain age pronounce certain sounds and com- binations of sounds differently from their elders. There- fore sound-change arises in the child-speech just as change in meaning and form. It is to a certain extent an accident what sound-changes, heard already in the child-speech, form themselves into a sound-law in a dialect. Although all the many variations in sound in the child-speech do not become sound-changes in the fixed language, still some of them do, as, e.g. the sub- stitution of * s ' for * s ' (' sch ').

The frequent sound-changes in the language of children, moreover, sometimes give rise to the assimilation of consonants with other consonants not in their immediate neighbourhood. Thus, e.g. has arisen the O.N. 'ulfalde' (camel) from *'ulfande' (cf. Goth, 'ulbandus,' O.E. 'olfend,' M.H.G. 'olbente'). These sound-changes in the child-speech still oftener give rise to metathesis of neighbouring and non-neighbouring consonants, as, e.g. O.E. ' seps ' from * sesp ' (' aspen '), O.E. 'weler' (lip) from *'werer (Goth, 'wairilo'). While children very often regularly use such forms instead of those which have been handed down to them, these occur only in isolated cases among adults as slips. Other sound-variations among children only persist now and then in those cases in which, in addition to the difficulties which have caused the variations, others came into play. Thus the very common substitution of ' t ' for ' k ' in child-speech occurs hardly anywhere in the fixed speeches ; still,

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 7

even in these *k' has been sometimes replaced by

* t/ when the difficulty was increased by a second * k ' or a kindred ' g' in the same word : thus in Italian, 'otriculi' from Latin 'ocriculum'; Italian 'stinco' (ham) from O.H.G. ' skinko' ; O.N. ''tyggva' (chew) from *' kyggva.'

IV. THE PLACE OF GERMANIC AMONG THE INDO-GERMANIC LANGUAGES

The home of the Indo-Germ. mother speech and' of the people who spoke it has not hitherto been definitely located ; still it cannot have been situated very far from Babylon, as the Indo-Germ. decadal system of counting bears obvious traces of the influence of the sexagesimal system of the Babylonians.

The Indo-Germ. languages fall into two groups, which are distinguished as the ' centum '-languages (' c ' to be pronounced ' k ') and the ' satem '-languages. The first group includes Greek, Italic, Keltic and Germanic ; the second Aryan, Armenian, Albanian and Baltic-Slavonic. The second group diverged from the first in that it introduced two innovations; (i) it changed the palatal stop ' k ' (front ' k ' sound as in English * kin ') into a hiss-sound (* s '), and (2) dropped the lip-rounding in the lip-velar stop (i.e. the back ' k '-sounds as in English ' cook,' which were combined with lip-rounding). Thus Indo-Germ. ** kmtom ' (* k ' = front ' k ') = * hundred,' Gk. ' e-Karov/ Lat. ' centum,' O.Ir.

* c^t ' C c ' - ' k '), Goth. ' hund ' (Germanic ' h ' from * k '), but O.Ind. 'satdm,' O.Bct * satem,' Lith. 'sziintas.' To the Indo-Germ. interrogative stem *'k^o-,' *'k^a-,* ♦ ' kn-' (' k^' = lip-velar ' k ') belong Gk. ' Tro-Oei/' = ' whence ' (the lip-sound ' p ' can have sprung only from a ' k ' with

8 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

lip-rounding), Lat. 'qui'; Welsh 'pwy/ = who, what, Goth. ' hr as ' = who (* Kr ' is ' h ' with lip-rounding); but O.Ind. *kd-s' = who, Alb. 'k6' = whom, Lith. 'ka-s' = who, O.Bg. 'ku-to' = who.

If Greek is taken as a starting-point, it will be seen that the ' centum '-languages are spoken in West Europe and the * satem '-ones in East Europe and Asia. The fact that the ' satem '-languages have for the most part been neighbours in historical times, fits in with their assumed prehistoric relations, as common innovations could naturally only spread over a connected area. If the West-European languages along with Greek have not shared either the one or the other innovation of the East-European and Asiatic, it is obvious that they were separated from these by a boundary : it may have been either a somewhat sharp political boundary (possibly also one fixed by nature) such as existed among the East- European-Asiatic peoples themselves, or perhaps non- Indo-Germanic tribes had here forced themselves between the West-European and East-European- Asiatic peoples. The latter could have been brought about by the migration of a part of the Indo-Germans from their original home into West Europe. The tribes who spoke the * satem '-tongues may, on the other hand, have spread more gradually.

The only innovation which has affected all the

* centum '-languages and distinguishes them from the

* satem '-group is the fusion of the palatal stops with the velar, i.e. with the back 'k '-sounds without lip- rounding, which were even in the 'centum-' as little changed as in the 'satem '-languages. Certain members of the ' centum '-group, however, show further points of agreement with one another. If in this respect we

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 9

take the Germanic and Italic groups into consideration, we find that the number of words common to them is much greater than that which is common to either of these and anyone of the ' satem '-group ; in fact, greater than that which the Germanic and Greek share ; while the words specially common to Germanic and Keltic form, as we shall see, a peculiar case. Now it cannot well have been a mere accident that the Germanic and Italic tribes have preserved the words under considera- tion, rather does it seem that there must once have existed between them a close intercourse based on proximity of abode, perhaps even on political unity. As, among the words common to the Germanic and Italic, the number of the verbs is especially large [e.g. Goth. ' ]?ahan ' = Lat. 'tacere,' Goth. *ana-silan' = Lat. ' silere,' Goth. ' tiuhan ' = Lat. 'ducere,' O.N. 'berja' = Lat. 'ferire,' O.H.G. 'watan' = Lat. 'vadere,' O.H.G. ' sinnan ' = Lat. ' sentlre,' O.H.G. ' hlamon ' ( = ' roar, rage ') = Lat. ' clamare '], there can be here, for the most part, no question of borrowing, but chiefly only of a common preservation of an old and common creation of words. In addition to this, there are two points of agreement in word-building : the formation of distribu- tives by affixing '-no-' to numeral adverbs (e.g. Lat. * binl ' from *'bis-nl' from **duis-no-i' = O.N. 'tuenner' for *'tuenne' from *'twiznai' from *'duis-no-i'), and the formation of adverbs denoting the direction "whence" by adding '-ne' (whence Lat. *-ne,' as in 'superne' = from above, Goth. *-na,' as in ' innana ' = from within). There is not even a trace of this preserved in other Ind.-Germ. languages.

The Italic also shows striking and specific points of agreement with the Keltic Especially to be men-

10 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

tioned are the formation of (i) the passive voice and deponent verbs with 'r '-suffix (e.g. Lat. *sequitur' = O.Ir. ' sechedar ' = he follows), (2) the future by combina- tion with forms of the root 'bheu ' (Lat. 'ama-bo/ O.Ir. * no charub ' = shall love), and (3) the genitive singular of the 'o-' stems in '-i' (Lat. 'horti/ O.Ir. *maqi' = of the son). The linguistic middle position which Italic holds between Keltic and Germanic may best be explained on geographical grounds, since the innovations which arose in the Keltic can have penetrated to the frontier of intercourse between the Italic and Germanic, and those arising in the Germanic to that between the Italic and Keltic.

Finally, Italic exhibits innovations in common especi- ally with Greek. Among these are in particular (i) the formation of the genitive plural of the 'a'- declension, in a pronominal manner, in * -asom * instead of in *-om' (hence Gr. Oedoov, Lat. Mearum,' Oscan *egmazum' = of quarrels); (2) the transference of the feminine gender to a number of * 0- ' stems, especially names of trees, e.g. Gr. 0>?yo9 = Lat. *fagus.'

Only one innovation, the change of * t^t,' which had arisen in Ind.-Germ. from the collision of two 't '-sounds (e.g. 'd ' and *t') into *ss' is shared by the Italic conjointly with two ' centum '-languages, viz. Germanic and Keltic, as contrasted with all the other Indg. languages, so far as these can be checked. Indian has here * tt,' Greek, Baltic-Slavonic and Iranian ' st.' Thus the Lat. ' obses- sus' is related to O.Ind. 'sattas' (placed) from *'sett6s' from *'sed-t6s' (O.Bg. 'hasta) ; O.Ir. *fiss' (knowledge) from *'uid-' + *'tu' and O.H.G. 'giwisso' (certain) to O.Ind. 'vittds' (found, recognised) from *'uid-t6s' and Gk. aib-To? (unknown) from *a/t^T09 ; O.Ind, ' atti ' (he eats)

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 11

from *et^ti from *ed-ti corresponds to Lith. *esti,' O.Bg. * jastT.' A change from ' ft' to ' st ' was so natural that it may have occurred in Greek independently of the *satem '-languages, as e.g. even in O.S. *tst' could dia- lectically become ' st,' e.g. * lasto ' (the last) from * lazto,' where 'z' stands for ' ts.' On the other hand, the transi- tion of ' t^t ' into ' ss ' is so peculiar that it could scarcely have independently arisen in three or even in two different Ind.-Germ. branches.

Innovations only affecting and common to Germanic and Keltic or Germanic and Greek or Keltic and Greek are not known. Probably, therefore, Italic lay in the middle among the * centum '-tongues with Germanic, Keltic and Greek on its respective sides, without these languages coming into geographical contact with one another. It thus becomes conceivable that a change which affected, in addition to Italic, two branches neighbouring it on different sides did not reach the third branch ; still even at that time Greek may have been far from the neighbourhood of Italic. The latter possibility agrees very well with the supposition that the Greeks broke away from the 'centum '-speeches at an early date and, forcing their way through the territories of the ' satem '-tongues, at least, the Albanian, settled in the South-East of Europe. If Germanic, as is prob- able, was originally spoken only in Scandinavia and on the Danish Islands, Italic may perhaps in the earliest times have covered Jutland and the north-western part of Germany, with Greek south-east and Keltic west or south-west.

The large number of words which the Kelts and Germans have in common is to be explained by the fact that these peoples lived as neighbours at a

12 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

later period. Among these words are only a few verbs ; the substantives, according to their meaning, belong for the most part to definite provinces of civilisation, such as the state and law, religion and warfare. From this we may conclude that these words were first borrowed by the Germans from the Kelts, in so far as the former received their rules and models of state and law, their religious views and usages of war, from the more highly civilised Kelts. In the field of sound-change, inflection, word-building and syntax, changes common to Keltic and Germanic were probably not made. Thus at the time when the Kelts and the Germans were neighbours, their languages seem to have been so far removed from one another that notwithstanding the liveliest intercourse, they did not undergo common changes. This would very well agree with the hypothesis that they were pre- viously long separated from one another by the Italic. Indeed, the common linguistic changes of the North and West Germans ceased in a corresponding manner when the division of the latter living nearest to the former left their home, i.e. when the Anglo-Saxons abandoned Schleswig-Holstein and settled in Britain.

V. THE CLASSIFICATION OF THE GERMANIC LANGUAGES

From the first century after Christ we have somewhat more accurate knowledge of the abode of the Teutons from historical sources. According to these they then spread from Scandinavia to Middle Germany. Of those Teutonic tribes who were then settled in Germany and from whom numerous linguistic monuments of a later date have come down, the Goths lived on the Lower

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 13

Vistula, the Angles and Saxons, the ancestors of the English, in Schleswig-Holstein ; the Frisians were already in Friesland, but south and south-east of the Saxons in Hoi stein and the Frisians dwelt the tribes from whom the Germans sprang later. Of the dialects of these tribes those of the Anglo-Saxons, Frisians and Germans, as contrasted with Gothic and Northern or Scandinavian are so nearly related that they appear as one group. It is usual to call them West Germanic. The special characteristic innovation of West Germanic is the lengthening of its consonants before certain other consonants, especially before i^ (j).

That the West Germanic dialects are more closely united to one another than to Scandinavian follows naturally from the fact that between them and the latter the sea formed a natural boundary and in con- sequence a barrier to intercourse. As regards the separation of West Germanic and Gothic, this may have been perhaps partly due to a sharp political cleavage between the Western and the Eastern tribes in Germany. Still, we should expect this to be a smaller barrier to intercourse than the Baltic Sea, which, indeed, separated the Goths as well as the West Germanic peoples from the North Germans or Scandinavians. Gothic and West Germanic have in fact deviated from Scandinavian and brought about certain common changes. Among these is to be especially mentioned the formation of the abstract suffix-' assus,' which appears only in a somewhat changed form in West Germanic, e.g. in Goth, we have 'ibnassus' (evenness, equality), in O.E. *emness' from **efness,' O.S. 'ebnissi,' connected with Goth. ' ibns ' (even), O.E. ' efn,' O.S. * etan ' ; an extended form is ' -inassus ' as in Goth. ' blotinassus ' (divine

14 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

service), from 'bl5tan' (sacrifice), O.E. 'ehtness' (per- secution) from ehtan (persecute), O.S. 'testornissi' (des- truction) from 'testorian' (destroy), O.H.G. 'gihornissi' (hearing) from 'h5rian' (hear). Another innovation is the power to form genitive and dative, according to the * i '-declension, of the numerals 4-19.

However, West Germanic strangely enough shares with Scandinavian a large number of common innova- tions of which there is no trace in Gothic. Among these is the formation of the pronoun ' this ' by adding ' -si,' * -se ' to the old demonstrative forms : while it is only ' sa ' in Goth. We have * sa-si ' in Prim. Nor. * ]?es-se ' in O.N., ' 'Se-s ' in O.E., ' the-se ' in O.S., ' de-se ' in O.H.G. (later ' deser '). Among sound-changes especially to be noticed is the transition of * z ' into an * r '-sound, e.g. cf. O.N. 'meire' (more), O.E. 'mdra,' O.H.G. *mero' with Goth, 'maiza,' also that of initial 'J?r into 'fl,' cf O.N. 'Rfja.' (flee), O.H.G. 'fliohan' with Goth. '}?liuhan.' If such changes succeeded in making their way over the sea, they would have also reached Gothic, if it was still spoken south of the Baltic at the time they came about. The North and West Germanic changes can only have taken place after the Goths had already migrated to the Black Sea, which first happened between A.D. 1 50 and 200. And if the substantive 'hid ' in O.E. ( = rank, state, character), 'hed' in O.S., 'heit' in O.H.G. as in, e.g. O.E. 'msedenhad' (maidenhood), O.S. 'maga'Shed,' O.H.G. 'magetheit,' as well as in 'kintheit' (childhood), ' manheit ' (manhood) was used as an abstract suffix in West Germanic, we may conclude that the development of the word as a suffix began likewise only after the Goths had departed from the Baltic Sea, since, in fact, West Germanic has, in common with Gothic, formed

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 16

no other substantives into abstract suffixes, but several in common with Norse or Scandinavian, thus, e.g. Goth, has only *doms' (judgment), but in O.N. we find also ' konungdomr ' (royalty), O.E. ' cynedom,' O.S.

* kuningdom.*

Thirdly, there are those innovations shared by Gothic and Scandinavian, but absent from West Germanic. Among these is especially the peculiar transition of P.Germ. * ww ' and ' jj ' to ' ggw ' and ' ggj ' respectively; the latter further developed in Goth, into ' ddj.' Gothic and Scandinavian differ also from West Germanic in the following innovation : viz. that inchoative verbs, originally formed only from verbs, could also be derived from adjectives : thus on the model of inchoa- tives, such as Goth. ' )?aursnan ' (become dry) = O.N. 'l?orna' from Goth. 'J?airsan' (wither) and O.N. * J?erra' respectively, because the word could be connected with the 'Goth. *>aursus' (dry) and O.N. '}?urr,' the Goth.

* fullnan ' (become full) = O.N. * follna ' were formed from the Goth, 'fulls' and O.N. 'fullr' respectively. Innova- tions of this kind must have arisen at a time when West Germanic was separate from Gothic and Scandi- navian the neighbour of Goth. The memory of such a time had been preserved in the Gothic lays mentioned by the historian Jordanes. According to these the Goths had first come to the Vistula districts from Scandinavia. It is most probable that from the Gothic spoken in Scandinavia the other dialects used there were not yet separated as a distinct and relatively uniform tongue.

Taking the oldest relations as a starting-point, Ger- manic has been divided into Gothic-Scandinavian and West Germanic ; but it is obvious that in a thorough

16 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

investigation of Germanic, the later relations, modified by the wandering of the Goths, must always be taken into consideration also.

Besides Gothic, there were originally spoken in East Germany the dialects Skirish, Burgundian, and Wan- dalian, but remains of them are so few and, moreover, only preserved in foreign languages, that we cannot say which of them shared the innovations common to Scandinavian and Gothic, and to what extent. We are, therefore, quite unable to classify them. If Wan- dalian, in agreement with later Gothic, changed the P.Germ. ' e ' into ' I,' e.g. ' Vitarit ' = Goth. ' Wita-re>s,' it follows it had come into the neighbourhood of Gothic in East Europe, just as inversely the change of P.Germ. ' e ' into ' a ' in Burgundian, e.g. in ' Gundomarus ' = Goth. *' Gun>a-mers,' is to be explained by the later proximity of Wandalian to West Germanic on the Middle Rhine and in Southern Gaul.

We know a little more of Crimean Gothic. As Crim. Goth. * ada' (egg) from *' addi ' shows, this dialect had, like Gothic-Scandinavian, changed *jj' into *ggj,' as in O.N. 'egg,' from *'aggi' from *'aggjom' from *'ajjom,' and then further like Gothic into 'ddj.' Still Crimean Gothic can have been no real Gothic dialect,as it did not undergo the different changes common to East and West Gothic, especially, e.g. the change of P.Germ. * e ' into ' i,' and the return of ' o,' umlaut of ' u,' into * u.' On the other hand, it has made certain changes in common with West Germanic which are absent from Gothic, in particular the dropping of final ' -z,' except in a stressed syllable, i.e. in monosyllabic pronominal forms: cf e.g. Crim. Goth, 'tag' (day) = O.E. 'daeg,' O.S. 'dag,' O.H.G. 'tag' with Goth, 'dags' ('-s' from

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 17

'-z'), O.N. Magr' ('-r' from *-z'); but Crim. Goth. * ies ' ( = that, he, with * -s ' from * -z ' as in Goth. * is ') like O. H.G. ' er ' (* -r ' from ' -z '). Crimean Gothic therefore, originally in Scandinavia (or on one of the Danish isles), changed * jj ' into ' ggj ' and, when it had like Gothic crossed over to Germany, developed * ggj ' into *ddj' just as Gothic did; but as a near neighbour of West Germanic, Crim. Goth, carried through, in common with this, more innovations than Gothic did. Ethno- logical considerations make it extremely probable that it was the language of the Heruli, who before their migration to the Crimea were probably settled in Mecklenburg.

Norse or Scandinavian since about A.D. 700 falls into two branches — East Norse and West Norse ; the former is further divided into Swedish and Danish, and the latter into Norwegian and Icelandic. Iceland was colon- ised from Norway in the ninth century, and remained in close continuous intercourse with the mother-country. On the other hand, Danemark was colonised by people from Sweden centuries before the division of Norse into dialects, and when it later shared a common develop- ment, more with Swedish than with Norwegian, it must have been at that time also bound by closer inter- course with Sweden. The Swedish districts Halland and Schonen belonged politically to Denmark until modern times. An innovation common to both branches of West Norse, and distinguishing them from East Norse, is, among others, the transition of * e,' *!,' 'y' before a vowel into consonantal 'i' ('j,' written 'i') e.g. in 'sid' (monosyllabic and = see) as opposed to East Norse 'sea' (disyllabic). As a peculiarity distinguishing East Norse from West Norse, we may mention the displacing c

18 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

of the * r '-preterites by the weak preterite ; e.g. cf. E.N. *sa>e' (he sowed) with W.N. 'sere.' That there is no division into dialects yet perceptible in Primitive Norse, i.e. before A.D. 700, is partly due to the small range of inscriptions from this period, for at least one fact points to an already older difference in Norse. P.Germ. *u' before a vowel became in Goth, and E.N. an 'o-' sound; but in W.N.,as in W.Germ.,it remained *u' ; thus O.Ind. *dbhut,' Gk. '^d; Lat. 'fui,' O.H.G. and O.S. 'buan' (dwell), O.E. 'buan,' W.N. 'bua'; but E.N. 'boa,' Goth. ' bauan,' in which ' au ' is to be spoken as an open ' o,' as in

* Trauada ' for l!pwa<s. For the view that the Goths did not come from Norway, the following reasons may be advanced : first, their abode was in the Vistula country; second, the name ' Gauts,' which is related to the word

* Goth,' is found in Sweden ; third, the name of the in- habitants of the island Gotland was identical with

* Goth.' The change, however, was most probably already complete when the Goths were still in Sweden.

Within West Germanic also, there are two groups to be distinguished — the Anglo -Frisian and the German. After the migration of the Angles and Saxons from Schleswig-Holstcin to Britain about A.D. 450, the intercourse previously carried on between these tribes and the Frisians would be continued with difficulty, and it is, therefore, very probable that the numerous changes which the whole of the Anglo- Frisian group has undergone in contrast with German belong throughout to the time before A.D. 450. The fact that a far closer intercourse existed between the Jutes, Angles, Saxons and Frisians than between them and the more southerly tribes of the West Teutons is explained by a federation among the former, for the

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 19

Jutes, Angles and Saxons conquered Britain together, and, according to the Greek historian Procopius, the Frisians also took part in the conquest. These tribes perhaps had a common cult with a sanctuary as centre, and still earlier formed one single nation. Among Anglo-Frisian innovations may be named the raising of * a ' in a closed syllable to an ' e-' sound : O.E. ' ae/ 'e'; O.Fr. 'e'; cf. e.g. O.E. 'saet' (sat); O.Fr. ^set/ with O.S., O.N., Goth, 'sat,' O.H.G. 'saz,' and the change of a nasalised ' a ' before ' ht ' into nasalised ' o ' ; cf. e.g. O.E. *J?6hte' (thought), O.Fris. 'thochte' (from *'thohte'), with O.S., O.H.G. *thahta,' Goth. *}?ahta/ O.N. * >atta.'

As Anglo-Frisian subdivisions are to be noted Anglo- Saxon or Old English and Frisian, whose chief difference lies in their treatment of the Germanic * ai ' and * au ' ; P.Germ. *ai' becomes regularly *d' in O.E.; in O.Fris., on the other hand, either 'a' or *e' according to neigh- bouring sounds; P.Germ. *au' becomes 'ea' in O.E. and *a' in O.Fris.: thus O.E. 'mara' (more) = Goth. *maiza,' O.Fris. 'mara'; but O.E. 'stan' (stone) = Goth, •stains,' O.Fris. 'sten'; O.E, 'hleapan' (leap) = Goth, 'hlaupan,' O.Fris. *hlapa.'

Old English is divided, according to the division of the people into Saxons, Angles and Jutes, into Saxon in the south, Anglian north of this and Kentish in the extreme south-east. The character of Saxon is most clearly defined in West Saxon (in Wessex, i.e. West Saxons); among the Anglian dialects a distinction must be drawn between Mercian in Middle England and Northumbrian in North England.

Frisian consists of West Frisian, between Fli and Lauwers, East Frisian — North Frisian [of these East

20 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

Frisian lay between Lauwers and Weser, North Frisian on the West coast of Schleswig and on the Halligen] and of Island-Frisian on Heligoland Amrum, Fohr and Sild. North Friesland was probably first colonised by the East Frisians in the ninth century A.D. Island- Frisian seems to have formed the transition to West Saxon.

The German dialects differ from the Anglo-Frisian in that they have carried through a common innova- tion, viz. the change of final ' -a' from Ind.-Germ. '-o' to '-0,' as the nom. sing, of weak masculines shows : cf. e.g. O.H.G. and O.S. 'hano' (cock) with O.K. 'bona/ O.Fris. ' kempa ' (champion). That German also originally had *-a' in this case is clearly shown by the Suevic name

* Nasua ' in Caesar and the Batavian * Chariovalda ' of the year A.D. i6. The German tribes, however, did not, like the Anglo-Frisians, form a uniform federation, and it is only due to the relative exclusiveness of the latter that an innovation spreading from another point in the West Germanic territory did not make its way over their frontiers.

German is divided according to the tribes that were formed in Germany after the third century A.D. They are the Saxons, Thuringians, Franconians, Alemanni (Swabians) and Bavarians. In the case of the Fran- conians, it is impossible to speak of a uniform dialect on account of their peculiar geographical distribution. Through the High German sound-shifting which took place about a.d. 600, and changed the West Germanic

* p,' * t,' * k,' * d ' into other sounds, Franconian lost its uniformity. The sound-shifting was most thoroughly carried out in South Germany, in Alemannic and Bavarian (which are also known as Upper German).

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 21

Then followed East Franconian with its chief centres Fulda, Wiirzburg, Bamberg ; then Thuringian, next Rhenish-Franconian, the dialect of the old province *Francia Rhinensis' and separated from East Fran- conian by Vogelsberg and Spessart ; its chief centres were Mainz, Frankfort, Worms, Speier, and Weissen- burg ; Hessian to the west of Thuringian also belonged to it. Then came Middle Franconian stretching from the Mosel country to a line drawn from Dusseldorf to Aachen (Aix-la-Chapelle). The dialects between East and Middle Franconian are called Middle German. Low Franconian, which bordered Middle Franconian on the north, was not generally affected by the High German sound- shifting. The same is also true of Saxon, which is, therefore, along with Low Franconian, included in Low German ; but it is also variously named. Upper and Middle German are together called High German.

The boundary of the dukedom of Saxony ran north of Hessen and Thuringia in a somewhat easterly direc- tion, but at the south-eastern spur of the Harz it bent sharply to the south and continued to Merseburg. The High German sound-shifting reached right up to this peculiarly formed political boundary, but the whole district east of the line drawn from the south-east corner of the Harz to Merseburg remained unaffected by it, which is the more striking, as it otherwise faded away not only towards the north but also towards the west. Rhenish-Franconian, which mostly lay to the south-west of Thuringian, did not shift W.Germ. ' d ' and initial * p ' to ' t ' and ' pf ' respectively.

Within the politically united Franconian the sound- shifting continued, west of Saxon, in a diminished degree northwards in Middle Franconian ; here, how-

22 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

ever, it soon grew weaker, as it could no longer make its way in its earlier easterly breadth. As there was here, however, no such sharp political boundary, at least *k' was shifted to 'ch,' e.g. 'ich' (I) from *ik,' in the extreme south-eastern district of Low Franconian.

The relations of Saxon and Low Franconian as members of German must indeed have been so far limited, as these dialects show traces of Anglo-Frisian also. In most of the Old Saxon monuments there are scattered Anglo-Frisian forms, thus, e.g. frequently words with * e ' for * a ' in a closed syllable. This is to be explained in this way : an Anglo-Frisian nobility had spread over the German- Saxon country, from whose language the majority of the people were able to adopt a few words. This nobility belonged preponderantly to the Saxon branch of the Anglo-Frisians, which had extended its territory from Holstein far over North Germany, and given the name of Saxons to the tribes united under its sway. That Frisians allied with the Saxons also came is shown by the Frisian dialect of Merseburg in the Old Saxon period. This Frisian exhibits no mixture of German : clearly the conquerors themselves built and occupied the fortress of Merseburg on the extreme south-east point of the conquered country against the Thuringians and Slavs. Several peculiari- ties of Anglo-Frisian, however, directly penetrated into Old Saxon, and they are still seen in Modern Low German. This is clearly seen in, e.g. M. and N.L.G. 'gps' (goose) = 0.E. 'gos,' which can only have arisen in **gons' from 'gans,' as the Anglo-Frisian nasals were dropped before the spirants *s,* *}>,* *f' with lengthening of the preceding vowel ; ' an ' therefore became 'on,' e.g. in O.K. and O.Fris. 'lond.' In O.S.

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 23

(and in M.L.G. and N.L.G.) there are, to be sure, words with loss of the nasal before a spirant and lengthening of the preceding vowel, e.g. *fif' (five) = O.E. ' fif as opposed to Goth, and O.H.G. * fimf,' but there is never a change of * an ' to * on,' except when * on ' before a spirant was changed into ' 6,' as in * gos ' and in O.S. *6thar' (other), cf. *ander.' Therefore the German- Saxons borrowed *g6s' and * fif,' and in Westphalia *us' (us) from Anglo-Frisian; Eastphalian *uns' beside *gos' (or its derivative *gaus') likewise supports the view that here we have only to do with the borrowing of single words : these words were readily taken over because they were striking in their strong divergence from the German forms. The constant likeness, in O.S., of the three persons of the plural of verbs agrees with Anglo-Frisian, and comes under this head. This levelling of persons, to judge from M.L.G. and N.L.G., penetrated everywhere as far as the boundary towards the Thuringians and Franconians, thus as far as the Anglo-Frisian Saxons had extended their territory. Old Saxon also agrees with Anglo- Frisian, in that the accus. sing, of the pronoun of the first and second person could assume the form of the dative; in M.L.G. this so developed that either the accus. preserved the form of the dat. throughout, or inversely the dat. that of the accus. As the likeness of the two cases pene- trated everywhere right up to the High German boundary, it also is to be ascribed to the victorious Anglo-Frisians.

The last phenomenon and the loss of nasals before spirants, with vowel-lengthening in isolated words, appear also in Low Franconian ; the Anglo-Frisians must therefore have penetrated here also. But they could

^4 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

not have been so numerous or powerful as in the Saxon country, as the three persons of the plural of verbs pre- served their different forms ; ' gaus ' (as well as * fif/ 'us') is also found in Middle Dutch.

To the German dialects belongs also Lango- bardian, which likewise developed ' -a ' to * -o,' e.g. in 'sporo' (spur) = O.H.G. * sporo/ in the nom. sing, of weak masculines. It was originally spoken on the Lower Elbe, but was already in the third century A.D. transplanted far towards the south-east ; its preserved remains show hardly anything to reveal its old origin. On the other hand, having been taken to Italy in the sixth century A.D., it carried out the sound-shifting in common with Upper German, to which it was now neighbour, cf. e.g. 'ih' (I), O.H.G. Mh' with Goth. O.S. 'ik,' 'sculdhais' (mayor), O.H.G. 'scultheizo' with M.L.G. ' schulthete,' O.E. ' sculdhabta.'

Of the Germanic dialects only the most characteristic types — Gothic, Old Norse, Old English (West Saxon), Old Saxon, and Old High German — will in general be considered in the following sections.

Part II

PHONOLOGY

I. ACCENTUATION

I. Sentence-accent

Accent in individual words in the sentence is regu- lated by the sentence-accent. Already in Indo-Ger- manic, accent must have been musical [pitch-accent], i.e. graded according as the pitch was high or low in so far as it characterised the sentence as a statement, a question, an expression of a wish, etc. On the other hand, it was, with regard to the logical relation of the words to one another, expiratory [stress-accent], i.e. differing in strength and weakness, according as natur- ally the more important words were more strongly spoken and the less important more weakly. Thus certain words, in themselves unimportant, especially different particles, were always spoken with a weak stress, whereby they generally leant on the preceding word, to which they related, and were hence called enclitics. To this class belongs the particle **ge,' which leant on forms of the personal pronouns and appears in the Gk. efii-ye and Goth, 'mi-k,' in which latter the *e' of *'ke' from **ge' could not have been lost if it had borne an independent strong accent. Other little words were again followed by the word on

25

26 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

which they in their accent leant, and therefore called proclitic ; to these belonged the prepositions, as Ind.- Germ. *' en ' (in) ; cf. Gk. eV ' Mrivais and Mod. Eng. ' in Athens.' The Ind.-Germ. sentence-accent has generally remained unchanged in Germanic.

2. Word-accent

The accents of the individual syllables in the word are ruled by the word-accent As regards the Ind.-Germ. parent speech, we may infer that a syllable was spoken in a higher or a lower pitch, according as the energy of the air-stream with which it was produced was greater or less, i.e. that the musical and expiratory accents coincided. This is, on the whole, the most frequent kind of word-accent ; it predominates in Modern Low German and in the North German pronunciation of High German.

A comparison of the Ind.-Germ. languages, especially of Old Indian and Greek, has shown that the word- accent was freer, i.e. that the place of the chief accent was independent of the arrangement of the syllables and of their number and quantity. The chief accent could equally well be on the root-syllable, a stem- formative suffix or a case- or personal ending. Thus, e.g. of the word 'father,' the vocative in O.Ind. was * pi-tar,' Gk. ' Tra-rep,' with stress on the root-syllable ; accusative in O.Ind. 'pi-tdr-am,' Gk. ' ira-rep-a,' with the accent on the stem-formative suffix ; the genitive in Gk. ^Tra-Tp-oV with the stress on the case-ending; the latter stress is also borne by other genitives, e.g. O.Ind. 'pad-as' (of the foot), Gk. ' tto^-oV

In Germanic the chief accent was everywhere moved back to the initial syllable, as the metre of the Old

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 27

Germanic dialects, the sound-losses of the other syllables and the pronunciation of the living Germanic tongues prove. In this way the root-syllable has in most cases preserved the chief accent ; where, however, there was a reduplicated syllable present, it attracted the accent to itself This is the case in the original perfect, which in Ind.-Germ. (as still in O.Ind.) bore the chief accent on its root-syllable, e.g. O.N. 'rcra' (I rowed) from *'rer5,' with shortening of the root-syllable in consequence of its being unaccented.

An apparent exception is formed by verbal com- pounds ; in these the first syllable of the verbal com- ponent, not that of the preposition standing at the beginning of the compound, received the chief accent. It was due to the fact that, at the time when the accent was moved back, the preposition and verb had not yet been blended into one word, for they could still be separated in Gothic by enclitical particles, e.g. in * ubuhwopida ' (and cried out) ' uh ' = and, * usnugibi]?' (give now) *nu' = now. In this way only is it to be explained why the Gothic preposition * and ' (along, con- trary to) still appears in its older form * * anda' in nounal compounds, e.g. in * andawaurd ' (answer), but in verbal compounds only as 'and-,' e.g. in 'andwaurdjan' (answer): *-a' in Gothic was only dropped when final, not when medial. As it was in this case, so was it in other nounal compounds which had already become uniform words in the Ind.-Germ. parent speech : the accent was always moved back to the first syllable of the first component. This difference of accentuation in nounal and verbal compounds also led in O.H.G. to differences of sound, in that the vowels of the syllables before the chief accent were changed, while those of the syllables bearing the

28 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

chief accent remained unchanged; hence, cf.e.g/intlazan' (let go) with 'antlaz' (release), and again N.H.G. 'erteilen' (impart) from O.H.G. 'irteilen' with N.H.G. *urteir (judgment, opinion) from O.H.G. 'urteil.'

The syllables not bearing the chief accent are divided into medium-accented and unaccented syllables : thus in the N.H.G. * iibermut ' the second syllable is unaccented and the third medium-accented. Medium-accented syllables are further to be divided into strong and weak medium-accented, which syllables bear a strong medium- accent and which a weak medium-accent can partly be gathered from metre : thus in O.E. a long medial syllable which followed a long root-syllable bore the strong medium-accent, e.g. in * seresta ' (first) ; a short syllable, however, which followed a long one bore a weak medium-accent, e.g. in * fundode' (set out). In Germanic every syllable is long in which the vowel is followed by two consonants,

3. Syllabic Accent

The accent of the individual sounds or sound-parts of a syllable is ruled by the syllabic accent. The most strongly spoken sound in a syllable is said to be syllabic, the rest non-syllabic. " Syllabic pitch " is also used for the strongest sound or sound-parts of a syllable.

Generally it is a vowel that is most strongly spoken in syllable ; sometimes, however, it is a liquid ('r,' '1'), or a nasal (' m,' ' n ') as, e.g. ' 1 ' and * n,' in the second syllable of the N.H.G. 'wandelt' and 'laden' respectively, in which the vowel is only orthographic. The syllabic liquids and nasals are denoted as follows * r,' ' 1,' * m,' ' a'

On the other hand, a vowel can also become non- syllabic. If we pronounce the N.H.G. Milie,' e.g. as two

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 29

syllables, the second * i ' is non-syllabic. The English

* w * is generally no spirant * w,' but only a non-syllabic ' u.' Non-syllabic are ' i ' and ' u ' as second components of the diphthongs * ei,' ' ai/ * oi/ ' eu,' ' au/ * ou ' in which only the 'e,' * a/ 'o' form the "syllabic pitch." The non-syllabic vowels are also called half-vowels, and are denoted thus ' i,' ' u.'

We speak of syllables as having one accent-point when they contain one sound or sound-part towards which the force of the air-stream increases or from which it declines, or in which both of these things happen ; on the other hand, such syllables as con- tain two such sounds or sound-parts are said to be " slurred," or to have two accent-points [marked with -]. In the latter case there is thus between the two syllabic points a more weakly stressed syllabic part ; also the two syllabic points are spoken with different stress. With the two accent-points of a syllable there are generally bound variations in their pitch. Syllables with two accent-points are naturally always long ; mostly even longer than a long syllable with one accent-point.

As most languages have as a rule only syllables with one accent-point, most syllables with two accent-points are derived from those with one accent-point. Syllables with two accent-points can arise from vowel-contrac- tions, e.g. in Gk. TrXef from TrXee, but also from the loss of the vowel of a following syllable, e.g. in Modem Middle Franconian, cf. ' hus ' (to the house), from

* huse,' * hus ' (the house) : sometimes also from the spontaneous lengthening of the vowel, as in the case of certain vowels in Modern Middle Franconian, in which, e.g. every M.H.G. a has become 5, thus *rat' (advice),

* r5t/

so GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

Of the Ind.-Germ. languages, Greek and Lithuanian distinguish syllables with two accent-points in their writing. As, among other instances, the Gk. nom. 6ea, gen. Oeag, Lith. * gera,' in compounds, 'gero-ji' ( = Lat. bona, fem.), gen. 'gcrSs'^ show, the difference between one and two accent-point stress was already present in Ind.-Germ. That it still existed in O.Ind. is proved by the custom in the oldest Indian hymns to read certain long syllables as monosyllabic, certain others as monosyllabic or disyllabic ; as, e.g. to the former belongs the ' -a ' of the nom. ' asva ' (mare) to the latter the ' a ' of the gen. * dsvas,' there is, therefore, a parallel with the Gk. Oea, Oeag and *ger6ji,' 'gerSs,' and '-as' in 'asvas' is to be read " slurred." Germanic also still preserved the difference between one and two accent-point stress in the first centuries of our era, for its shortening of final sylla- bles which took place during this period is partly determined by this difference.

II. VOWELS

I. Spontaneous Sound-development

(A) Simple Syllabic Vowels

Ind.-Germ. possessed the following simple syllabic vowels (i.e. vowels which bore the accent-stress) : ' i,' * i,' * u,' ' u,' ' e,' ' e,' ' o,' ' 5,' ' a,' * a," o ' (the last a very short vowel of obscure quality). These were represented in Germanic as follows : —

(i) 'i' remains in chief- accented syllables: Lat. 'piscis' (fish), Goth, 'fisks/ O.N. 'fiskr,' O.S. 'fisc/

^ Ind.-Germ. 'a' becomes *o' in Lith. ; this o in the case of an accent-point is shortened to ' a ' in final syllables. Long accent-point in Lith. is denoted by ', the short by ^.

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY SI

O.H.G. *fisk.' Likewise in syllables not bearing the chief accent: Lat. 'mare' (from *'mari/ as the nom. ace. plu. shows), Prim. O.E. and O.S. 'meri' (sea), O.H.G. *meri/ Goth, only in 'marisaiws' (lit. sea-sea).

(2) 'i' remains in chief - accented syllables: Lat. 'suinus' (derived from swine), Goth. *swein,' O.N. •suin,' O.E. 'swin/ O.S. and O.H.G. * swin.' Likewise in syllabes not bearing the chief accent : Lat. ' velimus/ Goth. ' wileima ' (we will, lit. we may will).

(3) *u' remains in chief-accented syllables: O.Ind. 'bubudhimd' (we perceived), Goth, 'ana-budum' fwe sent for), O.N. ' bu^om ' (we bade), O.E. ' budon,' O.S. *budun,' O.H.G. * butum.' Likewise in syllables not bearing the chief accent: O.Ind. 'sunus' (son), Lith. 'sunus,' Goth, 'sunus,' Prim. O.N. 'sunuR,' O.E., O.S., O.H.G. 'sunu.'

(4) * u ' remains in chief-accented syllables : O.Ind. *mus' (mouse), Lat. *mus,' O.N., O.E. 'mus,' M.L.G., O.H.G. * mus.' There are no examples of it in syllables not bearing the chief accent.

(5) 'e' remains in chief-accented syllables: it be- comes 'i' only in Goth., Gk. '4SoiJ.aiy Lat. 'ederc,' O.N. 'eta' (eat), O.E., O.S. 'etan,' O.H.G. ' ezzan,' but Goth. *itan.' In syllables not bearing the chief stress, *e' becomes 'i' already in P.Germ.: Gk. Qvyarpeg, Prim. O.N. 'dohtriR' (daughters); Gk. wkivrj, O.H.G. 'elina' (ell).

(6) 'e' remains in chief- accented syllables in Goth., becomes ' a ' in Nor. and W.Germ., but returns to ' e ' in Anglo-Frisian (W.S. t^)-. Gk. 'iS-nSa, Lat. 'edi,' Goth. • fr-et ' (ate), O.N. ' at,' W.S. ' ^t,' Anglian ' dt,' O.S. * at,' O.H.G. 'az.' In syllables not bearing the chief accent,

32 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

it also remains in O.H.G., cf. e.g. 'habemes' (we have) with Lat. * habemus,' and becomes a short * e ' in O.N. and O.E., Goth. * habaides ' (thou hadst), O.N. 'haf>er,' O.K. ' haefdes.'

(7) ' o ' becomes * a ' in chief-accented syllables : Lat. *molere' (grind), Goth., O.S., O.H.G. *malan'; Lat. *porcus,' O.H.G. 'farh' (swine, young pig), O.K. 'fearh' (in O.K. * a ' becomes ' se ' in a close syllable, and * ae ' becomes *ea' before *rh'). Likewise in syllables not bearing the chief accent : Doric (pepovri (they carry), Goth, 'bairand,' O.N. 'bera,' O.K., O.S. 'bera'S,' O.H.G. ' berant.'

(8) ' 0 ' remains in chief-accented syllables (in O.H.G., later ' oa/ then ' ua,' and finally * uo ') : Gk. Ocoimog (heap, really "placing," related to rlOrnjn), Goth. *doms' (judgment), O.N. 'domr,' O.K. ' d6m,' O.S. 'dom,' O.H.G. 'tuom.' Likewise in syllables not bearing the chief accent : Gk. gen. plu. fem. rdcoi/ (from *Td(rwv)i Goth, (corresponding exactly only in the ending) ' Yizb ' (this).

(9) * a ' remains in chief-accented syllables : Gk. ay/oo?, Lat. ' ager,' Goth. ' akrs ' (field), O.N. ' akr,' O.S. * akkar,' O.H.G. ' ackar,' O.E. ' secer ' (* a ' becomes 'ae' before 'e' of the following syllable) ; Gk. ayo^ (guilt), cf O.E. ' acan ' (ache). For ' a ' in other syllables there are no examples.

(10) *a' in chief-accented syllables becomes '5' (in O.H.G. later ' oa,' ' ua,' ' uo ') : Gk. cppdrcop, Lat. ' frater,' Goth. 'bro>ar' (brother), O.N. * br6^er,' O.E. 'bro^or,' O.S. 'brother,' O.H.G. 'bruoder.' Likewise in syllables not bearing the chief accent : thus in the gen. sing, of

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 3S

the ' a-' declension as in the Gk. Oe-a<s, Lat. ' pater famili- as/ Goth. ' gib-OS ' (of the gift).

(ii) * 3' in chief-accented syllables becomes *a/ as in the other Ind.-Germ. languages, except in Aryan, in which it develops into 'i': O.Ind. 'pita' (father), Gk. irarnp, Lat. 'pater,' Goth, 'fadar,' O.N. 'fa^er,' O.E. 'faeder,' O.S. 'fader,' O.H.G. 'fater.' In syllables not bearing the chief accent, ' o ' becomes ' u ' ; and ' u ' here varies with ' i,' e.g. in O.H.G. 'kranuh' and * kranih,' as does Ind.-Germ. *e' (from which comes unaccented P.Germ. i) with 9.

(B) Diphthongs

Ind.-Germ. could combine 'e,' 'e,' 'o,' '6,' *a,' ' a/ ' 9 ' as accent-points with a following ' i ' or ' u,' and form diph- thongs. If the first component is short we have normal diphthongs, if long, long diphthongs.

(a) Normal Diphthongs

The normal diphthongs, with the exception of ' ei,' change exactly like their components ; they then under- go different change^ in the Germanic dialects. ' 9i ' and ' 9u,' which everywhere fall together with ' ai ' and ' au,' may be omitted here.

(i) 'ei' becomes 'i': Gk. (rreixeiv (go), Goth, 'steigan' (ascend), O.N. 'stfga,' O.E. 'stfgan,' O.S., O.H.G. 'stigan.'

(2) 'eu' becomes in Goth, 'iu,' O.N. 'io' (*j6'), O.E. 'eo,' O.S., O.H.G. 'iu': Gk. yeva-oimat, Goth, 'kiusa' (I choose), O.E. 'ceose,' O.S., O.H.G. 'kiusu,' O.N. (infin.) 'ki6sa' (choose). In Prim. O.N. 'eu' is still present

D

U GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

(hence in Prim. Germ, also): *leubaR' (dear), Goth/liubs,' O.E. 'leof.'

(3) ' oi ' becomes * ai ' and remains ' ai ' in Goth, but becomes in O.N. 'ei,' O.K. 'a,' O.S. 'e/ O.H.G. *ei': Gk. o'lvt] (the ace at dice), O.Lat. * oinos ' (one), Goth. * ains,* O.N. *einn,' O.K. 'dn,' O.S. * en,' O.H.G. 'ein.'

(4) ' ou ' becomes ' au ' and remains ' au ' in Goth, and O.N., but becomes in O.K. *6a,' O.S. '5/ O.H.G. 'ou': Ind.-Germ. *'roudho-s,' Umbrian ace. plu. *rofu' (red), Lat. 'rufus,' Lith. 'raiidas,' Goth. 'rau>s,' O.N. 'rau^r,' O.K. *read,' O.S. *r5d.' Also a perfect like eiXrjXovOa (ov in an earlier period was spoken ' ou'), beside eXevo-ojuLai may be compared with a Germanic perfect such as O.N. 'flaug' (flew), O.K. 'fl^ag,' O.S. 'flog,' O.H.G. 'floug,' along with presents with Ind.-Germ. *eu' as O.K. *fl(^oge,' O.H.G. 'fliugu.'

(5) 'ai' remains 'ai,' but changes later like the 'ai' from 'oi': Gk. aWco (shine), Lat. ' aedes,' O.K. 'dd' (funeral pile), O.H.G. ' eit ' ; Lat. ' aes,' Goth. ' aiz ' (ore), O.N. ' eir; O.K. ' an'

(6) ' au ' remains ' au,' but changes later like the ' au ' from ' ou ' : Gk. avico, Lat. ' augeo,' Goth. ' aukan ' (increase), O.N. ' auka,' O.K. ' eacen ' (great, lit. increased), O.S. 'giocan' (impregnated), O.H.G. 'ouhhon' (in- crease).

When Prim. Germ. ' ai ' stood in a syllable not bearing the chief accent, it remained in Goth., but became in Nor. and W.Germ. ' e,' and in O.N., O.K. and O.S. further developed into ' e ' : Gk. (pepoi^, Goth. * bairais ' (thou mayest carry), O.H.G. 'beres,' O.N. 'berer,' O.K. 'bere/ O.S. 'beres.'

P.Germ. 'au' under similar conditions likewise re-

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 35

mained in Goth., but further developed in Nor. and W. Germ, into ' o' which became * a ' already in Prim. O.N. and in O.E. : Lith. ' sunaus ' (of the son), Goth. * sunaus/ O.H.G. *sun5; Prim. O.N. 'sunaR,' O.E. 'suna.'

(b) Lon^ Diphthongs

The first components of the Ind.-Germ. long diph- thongs were shortened in Germanic. The normal diph- thongs thus produced developed like the old normal diphthongs.

(i) '6i' becomes *ai': O.Lat. 'ploirume' (mostly: with *or from *oi,' which appears as ' ar in O.Ind * prayas ' = more), O.N. 'fleire' (more).

(2) 6u becomes au : O.Ind. nom. dual. masc. *dvau' (two) from **du6u' (whence also Lat. 'duo') O.N. nom. dual neut. * tvau.'

(3) *au' becomes 'au': Cret. a/eX^o? (sun) from *' sauelios,' Goth. ' sauil.'

There are no certain examples of the remaining long diphthongs in chief accented syllables. We seem to have examples of only 'ei' which has developed in another way. The close * e ' (called * e^ ') of Germanic is traced back to * ei ' ; it was preserved everywhere and only in O.H.G. did it later develop into 'ea,' then *ia' and finally *ie,' The 'e^' appears only in a few words and mostly in those which have *i' or 'i' in cognate forms with which Ind.-Germ. * ei ' could change. So beside Goth, and O.S. 'her,' O.N. and O.E. 'her,' O.H.G. 'hear* (here) we have Goth, 'hidre' (hither), O.S. ' hir ' (here). As the Lat. * e ' was close, ' e^ ' is also found in Germanic in loan-words with'e' from Latin. Vul. Lat. ' mesa ' (table), Goth. ' mes,' O.H.G. 'meas.'

36 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

(C) Syllabic Liquids and Nasals

It has also been inferred that syllabic liquids and nasals existed in Ind.-Germ., although only in one lan- guage, O.Ind., is a trace of them preserved, viz. *r' as the representative of Ind.-Germ. *r' and ' 1' ; in Gk. '^' is represented by ap and pa, and * 1 ' by aX and Xa ; in Lat. r by ' or ' and 1 by * ol ' ; for m and n we have in O.Ind. *a,' Gk. a, Lat. *em,' 'en.'

In Germanic r, 1, m, n are mostly represented by ' ur,' *ul,' 'um,"un,' O.Ind. trsus (parched), Gk. rapaog (dry), O.N. 'J?urr,' O.S. 'thurri/ 6.H.G. 'durri'; O.Ind. 'v'-kas' (wolf), Goth, 'wulfs,' O.N. 'ulfr,' O.E. and O.S. 'wulf; O.Ind. 'gdtis' (going) from Ind.-Germ. 'g'^mti-s,' Lat. 'in-

_ * o

ventio' from *'-gvemtio' (related to O.Ind. *gamati' = goes, Goth, 'qimi]?' = comes), Goth. *ga-qum]?s' (meeting), O.H.G. 'kumft'; O.Ind. 'matds' (thought, p.p.), Gk. avTo-fjLaTOi (lit. self-thinking), Lat. 'com-mentus' (de- vised), Goth, 'ga-munds' (remembrance), O.H.G. *gi- munt.' Sometimes for Ind.-Germ. 'r,' '1,' ' m,' *n' we have in Germanic *ru,' ' lu,' ' mu,' ' nu ' : Gk. aSpo^ (ripe) from *' sndros,' Goth. ' snutrs ' (prudent). The cause of this difference is not sufficiently clear: it is certainly due partly to the co-operation of related forms, especi- ally in the plu. perf, hence, e.g. cf in O.H.G. 'fluhtum' (we plaited) with infin. 'flehtan,' but 'hulfum' (we helped) with * helfan.'

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 37

II. COMBINATIVE SOUND-DEVELOPMENT

A. Umlaut

Umlaut is the assimilation of the vowels of the chief- accented syllables to those of the following syllables which do not bear a chief accent. The similar changes brought about by vowels produced in the middle posi- tion in the mouth are embraced under * a-' umlaut.

(a) ' a- umlaut

(i) P.Germ. * i ' becomes 'e' before 'a/ *a/ 'o,' 'o,' 'e': Lat. ' vir ' from Ind.-Germ. ' uiros/ O.N. * verr ' (man), O.E., O.S., O.H.G. * wer ' ; Gk.Vr/xo? (row, line), O.H.G. *stec* (path), cf. also Lett. ' stiga,' O.H.G. 'stega,'

* steg5n ' (steps, n.), but ' stigum ' (we ascended).

(2) P.Germ. ' u ' becomes * o ' before ' a,' 'a,' 'o,' * 6/ 'e' : Lat. 'iugum' from Ind.-Germ. *'iugom' (cf. Gk. fi/yoV), O.N. 'ok' from **jok,' O.H.G. 'joh* (yoke). So *o' occurs regularly for * u ' in the past. part, of verbs with 'eu' in the root-syllable, as O.S. *biudu' (bid), O.H.G. 'biutu,' while in the plu. pret. *u' is preserved before

* u ' : thus, cf O.S. ' budum ' (we bade), O.H.G. ' butum ' with O.S. 'gibodan' (bidden), O.H.G. 'gibotan.' In this way are also to be explained the differences be- tween cognate words like O.H.G. 'wolla' (wool) and ' wullln ' (woollen), O.H.G. 'gold,' from *' gul^6m' (gold) and * guldin ' (golden).

* a-' umlaut of the simple vowels appears in W.Germ., O.N. and Crim.-Goth., but not in Goth. Thus cf O.H.G. and O.S. 'regan' (rain), O.K. and O.N. 'regn,' Crim.- Goth. ' reghen ' with Goth. * rign,' cog. with Lat. * rigare,' and O.H.G., O.S. and O.E. ' gold,' O.N. ' goll,' Crim.-Goth.

38 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

' goltz ' with Goth. ' gulj?.' As the Goths cannot have migrated to the Black Sea earlier than the Crimean- Goths, ' a-' umlaut must have already become operative when the Goths lived on the Vistula. If it crossed over the sea from Norse to W.Germ. and Crim.-Goth., or in the reverse direction, it probably reached Gothic, which was separated from the other dialects only through Germanic territories, and again disappeared from it by the ' o ' changing back into ' u ' and ' e ' into ' i.'

(3) In O.S. and O.H.G. *iu' from 'eu' becomes *eo' (later * io ') before * a * while it is retained before ' i ' and 'u': O.S. 'beodan,' 'biodan' (bid), O.H.G. 'beotan,' 'biotan,' but O.S. 'biudu' (I bid), O.H.G. * biutu,' O.S. 'biudis' (thou biddest), O.H.G. 'biutis.'

(b) * t' umlaut

(i) P.Germ. *e' becomes *i' before 'i,' *i,' and *i': Gk. eVr/, Goth., O.S., O.H.G. ' ist,' O.E., O.S." is ' ; Lat. 'medius,' Goth, 'midjis' (middle), O.N. 'mi=Sr,' O.E. ' midd,' O.S. ' middi,' O.H.G. ' mitti ' ; Lat. ' veils,' Goth.

* wileis ' (thou wilt, or wishest) ; Prim. O.N. ' wiliR,' O.N. 'vilV O.E. 'wile,' O.S. and O.H.G. 'wili.' Like- wise are to be explained the differences between O.H.G. 'erda' (earth), (cf Gk. e>afe = on the earth) and

* irdin ' (earthen).

(2) 'a' (O.E. *ae'), *a' and the back vowels were later in all the Germanic dialects except Goth, and Crim.- Goth. assimilated to a following M,' *j,' and '1.' Prob- ably during the period in which the several dialects, except Goth, and Crim.-Goth., were still associated (i.e. about A.D. 2CX)-450), the consonants preceding M,' *i,'

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 39

and *i' were palatalised or fronted, and then in the period of isolated dialects influenced the vowels pre- ceding them.

Thus 'a' becomes *e' in O.N.: 'ketell' (kettle), Goth, 'katils'; 'a' from. P.Germ. 'e' becomes 'ab': 'Isfetr' (lets), Goth. Metis'; '6' becomes ' 0' (8): *s0kia' (seek), Goth, 'sokjan'; 'u' becomes 'y' (u): 'fylla' (fill), Goth. *fulljan'; *u' becomes ^ ('ii'): *hysi' (I house, or shelter) from * hus ' (house). Diphthongs were also like- wise fronted, e.g. * au ' becomes * 0y' later * ey ' : * hl0ypr,' *hleypr' (thou leapest), Goth, 'hlaupis,' but 'hlaupa' (leap), Goth. ' hlaupan.'

O.E. *ae' becomes *e' : 'settan' (set) from *'saetjan,' Goth, 'satjan' (cf. 'sset' = sat, Goth. *sat'); 'a,' from P.Germ. *ai' or 'e,' becomes 'zb': hcelan (heal), Goth, 'hailjan/ but *hdr (healthy), Goth, 'hails'; M^ce' (physician, leech), Goth. ' lekeis ' ; ' 6 ' becomes * e ' : * secan ' (seek), Goth. * sokjan ' ; * u ' becomes * y ' (ii) : * wyllen ' (woollen), O.H.G. * wullin,' but ' wull ' (wool) ; * u ' becomes ' y ' (ii) : 'ontynan' (open) from ^'on-tun-jan,' cf 'tun' (enclosure);

* ea ' from ' au ' becomes ' le ' : ' hiehst ' (highest), Goth.

* hauhists,' but 'heah' (high), Goth, 'hauhs'; ' eo ' becomes 'fe': 'Ifehtan (give light), Goth, 'liuhtjan,' but Meoht' (light), Goth. ' liuhaj?.'

In O.S. and O.H.G. only *a' at first was affected by 'i-' umlaut, and it became 'e.' Although this 'e' coincided with the old ' e ' in writing, it must, however, have been a higher vowel than the latter already in O.H.G., for they do not rime together in M.H.G., and are still kept apart in High German dialects. We denote this ' e ' by 'e,' e.g, in O.H.G. 'sezzan' (set), cf O.S. 'settian,' Goth. ' satjan.' This umlaut also took place in the eighth gentury. An umlaut of * u,' written ' iu ' and pronounce^

40 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

' ii,' appears in O.H.G. only in the tenth century, e.g. in * hiute ' (hides) from ' huti ' : all other instances of ' i-* umlaut only appear in M.L.G. and M.H.G. This slow spreading of the process makes it probable that the palatalisation of the intervening consonants which caused the umlaut made its way into German from Anglo-Frisian. Another circumstance points to this conclusion, viz. the fact that 'i,' which disappeared in W.Germ. after a long chief-accented syllable, had pre- viously caused umlaut in O.K., but not in German, cf. e.g. O.K. 'bryd' (bride) from *'brudiz' (borrowed in Latin as 'brutis') with O.S. 'brud,' M.L.G. and M.H.G. 'brut' Finally in favour of the view that the pala- talisation advanced from the coast of the North Sea is the fact that the power of umlaut declines generally towards the south. While as a rule only 'h' + cons. before 'i,' *i/M,' prevented the umlaut of 'a' to 'e' in German [e.g. in O.S., O.Mid. and O. Upper G. 'mahtig' (mighty)], because 'h' + cons. had escaped the palatalisation, this was in O. Upper G. also the case with ' T + cons, [cf e.g. ' haltis ' (thou boldest) with O. Mid. G, 'heltis,' 'heldis,' O.S. 'heldis'] and generally with *r' + cons.

(c) * U' umlaut

The most important * u-' umlaut is that in O.Icel. of ' a ' to ' p ' and * a ' to ' p ' : * o ' and ' 6 ' are open vowels and nearer to ' a ' and ' a ' than are ' o ' and * 6.' Cf. O.Norw. 'kallum' (we call), O.Icel. 'kpllom'; O.H.G. *atum' (we eat), O.Norw. 'dtom/ O.Icel. ''dtom.'

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 41

B. Influence of Following Consonants

(a) Positive Influence

(i) Before nasal + cons. P.Germ. *e' becomes *i': Lat. ' ventus/ Goth. ' winds ' (wind), O.N. ' vindr,' O.E. and O.S. 'wind,' O.H.G, * wint'

(2) In Goth. ' i' before 'r' and *h' becomes 'e' (written <ai,' in modern times 'ai'), *u' becomes 'o' (written

* au,' in modern times ' au '), from which we cannot say whether ' i ' and * u ' are old or only come from * e ' and *o': O.N. 'verpa' (throw), O.H.G. 'werfan,' Goth. *wafrpan'; O.S., O.H.G. 'reht' (right), Goth, 'raihts'; O.E. *burh' (city), O.S., O.H.G. * burg/ Goth, 'baurgs'; O.E. ' dohtor,' Goth. ' dauhtar.'

(3) Before certain consonants in O.E. *e' is broken into the short diphthong 'eo' and 'ae' (from *a') into *ea'; this happens always before 'r' + cons. O.H.G. *werfan,' O.E. 'weorpan'; Goth, 'arms' (poor), O.E. ' earm.'

(4) In O.H.G. *ai* before *h,' 'r,'*w' becomes *e': Goth, 'aihts' (possession), O.H.G. *eht'; Goth. *air' (sooner), O.H.G. *er'; Goth, 'aiws' (eternity), O.H.G.

* ewa.'

(5) In O.H.G. *au' before 'h' and all dentals ('d/ ' >,' ' t,' ' z,' * s,' * n,' ' r,' ' 1 ') becomes ' o ' : Goth. ' hauhs ' (high), O.H.G. 'hoh'; Goth. *dau>us' (death), O.H.G.

* tod '; Goth. * audags ' (fortunate), O.H.G. ' otag ' (rich) ; Goth, 'stautan' (push), O.H.G. 'stozan'; Goth. Maus' (empty), O.N. Mauss' (free, loose), O.H.G. 'los' (free); Goth. Maun' (reward), O.H.G. 'Ion'; Goth, 'hausjan' (hear), O.H.G. 'horen'; O.N, 'haull' (hernia), O.H.G. 'Jiola/

42 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

(b) Negative Influence

(i) The Germ. *a-' umlaut does not take place, if there is a nasal + cons, or ' j ' before * a/ ' a/ * o/ * 5/ * e ' : O.N. 'svina' (subside, abate), O.H.G. 'swinan' (decrease); also O.E. 'swindan' (waste away), O.H.G. 'swintan'; cf. O.S. *gibundan* (bound), O.H.G. *gibun- tan ' with ' gibodan,' * gibotan,' and O.S. * buggian ' (buy) with ' giboht ' (bought) [Ind.-Germ. ending * -t6s '].

(2) In O.N. *iu' before the gutturals 'g' *k' and the labials * p * ' f ' does not become * io ' (* jo '), but only ' iu ' (*ju'). Hence, e.g. 'fliuga' (fly), Goth, 'fliugan,' O.S. and O.H.G. 'fleogan' as opposed to *ki6sa' (choose), Goth. ' kiusan,' O.S. and O.H.G. 'keosan.'

(3) In O. Upper G. the *a-* umlaut of *eu' to *eo' does not take place before gutturals and labials, e.g. not in 'fliuga* (fly) as contrasted with O. Mid.- G. 'flioga.' This phenomenon, like that just men- tioned in the case of O.N., is due to the fact that guttural and labial consonants are nearer to *u' than to*o.'

(4) In O.S. and O.H.G. the * i-' umlaut of * a ' does not take place before certain combinations (cf. p. 40).

III. ABLAUT

Certain vowel-changes, called " ablaut," which run through the conjugation of verbs and word-building in Germanic are to be traced to sound-variations in the original Ind.-Germ. speech ; these are still present in the living Germ, languages, e.g. in N.H.G. 'ich binde' (I bind), *ich band' (I bound), 'gebunden' (bound), 'diQ

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 45

binde ' (the band), * das band ' (ribbon), * das bund ' (band, league). The sound-variations which formed the basis of these consisted not only of changes in the character of the vowels (qualitative ablaut), but also of the shortening and lengthening of them (quantitative ablaut). Ind.- Germ. shortened syllables are known as vanishing grade ^ lengthened as lengthened grade and quantitatively un- changed disfidl grade syllables.

A. Qualitative Ablaut

Qualitative ablaut in Ind.-Germ. mainly affected the

* e ' and * e ' which could become * o ' and * o ' respectively. Thus we have, e.g. Gk. \ey« (I speak) and Xoyo? (speech), aprjyo) (I help) and apwyo? (helper). The conditions governing the change are not sufficiently known. Only so much is clear, that the innovation in certain form- categories took place regularly, especially in the root- syllable of the sing. perf. act. in contrast with the present and future. Hence we have in Gk., e.g. KiKXo<pa beside /cXeTrrw, SeSopKa beside SepKOfxai, yeyova beside yeviia-ojuLat. As Ind.-Germ. *e' remains in Germ., while

* o ' becomes * a,' we have ' e ' (Goth. ' i ') in the pres. and

* a ' in the sing. perf. beside each other : hence, e.g. Goth. 'stilan' (steal), O.N. 'stela,' O.E., O.S. and O.H.G. 'stelan,' Goth., O.N., O.S. and O.H.G. ' stal,' O.E. 'stsel' (stole); similarly Goth, 'hlifan' (steal) corresponds etymologically to Gk. KXeTrreiv and ' hlaf ' to K€K\o<^a.

Where Ind.-Germ. 'e* formed the first part of a diph- thong, an * o ' likewise took its place as ablaut, while the second part of the diphthong remained unchanged. Thus just as Ace/cXo^a belongs to nXeirTWy so does XiXonra to XeiVo) and eiXrjiKouOa to iXevo-ojuLai (ov was in older

44 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

Greek a real diphthong o + u). In Germ, there is the same interchange between the * i ' of the present, from Ind.-Germ. 'ei,' and the 'ai' of the sing, perf., from Ind.-Germ. 'oi/ e.g. Goth, 'greipan' (gripe), 'graip' (griped), and similarly between *eu' (Goth, 'iu') and

* au,' from Ind.-Germ. * ou ' ; e.g. Goth. * biudan * (bid), 'bau>' (bade).

The changes of * e ' and * 5 ' are parallel to those of 'e' and 'o': Gk. ^^yvv^xi, e^wya, Goth. Meta' (let), ' laMot ' (let, pret.).

As the Gk. o and w interchange with e and t] respec- tively, so does the Germ. ' a ' with ' e ' and * o ' with * e ' (O.E. re) in word-building : cf Goth. * bafran * (carry, bear), O.N. 'bera,' O.E., O.S. and O.H.G. 'beran' with Goth., O.N., O.S. and O.H.G. 'barn' (child), O.E.

* beam ' ; O.E. 'blsbd ' (flower) with ' blostm ' (blossom), Goth, 'bloma,' O.N. *bl6me,' O.S. 'blomo,' O.H.G.

* bluomo.*

B. Quantitative Ablaut (a) Shortening

Shortening as well as total abolition of vowels occurred in unaccented syllables. The vowel-reduction is most frequently to be observed in such syllables as are immediately followed by a chief-accented syllable.

The short vowels ' e,' ' o,' ' a ' were generally dropped altogether. Thus in Gk. beside the present TreT-earOai (fly) there is the aor. Trr-eorOai ; in O.Ind. beside *pa-pat-a' (has flown) [a from Ind.-Germ. o] 'pa-pt- imd ' (we have flown) ; in Gk. beside Trarep-a, O.H.G.

* fater-,' TraTp-o?, Goth. * fadr-s ' ; beside Gk. ay-eiv (lead), O.N. *aka' (drive, go), O.Ind. *j-mdn' (road). Ind.- Germ. 'g' becomes in this case ' j ' in O.Ind.

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 46

If, in the syllable to be shortened, M' or 'u' stood before or after a short vowel, the ' i ' or ' u ' assumed syllabic function through the dropping of the vowel, i.e.

* i ' arose from * ei^,' * oi^,' ' a^,' Me,' 'io,' '^a ' and ' u ' from

* eu,' * ou,' * au,' * ue,' * uo,' ' ua.' Thus we have in Gk. in the pres. Xelir-ea-Qai, like Trer'ecrOai, in the aor. XfTr- ea-OaL like 7rT-€crOai ; in the pres. ^eJy-efi/ like \elir-eiv, in the aor. (puy-elv like Xt7r-eTi/. And as in O.Ind., the plu. perf ' pa-pt-ima ' corresponds to the sing. perf. * pa- pat-a,' so does ' di-dis-ima ' (have exhibited) to *di-des-a,' (Ind.-Germ. ' oV becomes *e' in O.Ind.), and *bu-budh- imd,' (have noted) to ' bu-b5dh-a,' (Ind.-Germ. ' ou ' be- comes 'o' in O.Ind). To the difference between *did- esa ' and * didisima ' corresponds that in Goth, between 'graip' (I griped) and 'gripum' (we griped); to that between * bubodha ' and ' bubudhimd ' that in Goth, be- tween *bau]?' (I bade) and ' budum ' (we bade). Un- accented Ind.-Germ. *ai' became *i' in Gk., cf. lOapo^ (clear) with alOeiv (shine) ; unaccented Ind.-Germ. ' au ' became ' u ' in O.Ind., cf. ' ugras ' (strong) with Lat.

* augere,' Gk. av^eiv, Goth. ' aukan.'

If, in the syllable to be shortened, * r,' * 1,' * m ' or ' n ' stood before or after a short vowel, the liquid or nasal became syllabic (for examples v. p. 36). Hence to the relation of the presents XeLir-eiv, XeiTr-ea-Oai to the aorists Xiirehy Xnr-ea-Qai corresponds that of the presents SepK-€cr6ai, rpeTr-eaOai, t6/j,-v€iv to the aorists SpaK-eiv^ TpaTT-ea-Oaiy rajui-eiv ] to the relation of O.Ind. *bubhod-a' to ' bubudh-ima ' that of O.Ind. ' cakar-a ' (has made) to *cakr-ma,' as well as the relation of O.H.G. 'warf (I threw) to * wurf-um ' (we threw), Goth. ' halp ' (helped) to ' hulpum,' Gk. yeyova to yeya-jmev (with changed verbal

46 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

accent), Gk. jmejULov-a (I remember, lit. I have remembered) [ = Goth. 'man'] to lULeima-iuiev [ = Goth. *mun-um'] and Goth. * tramp ' (stepped) to * trump-um.'

The long vowels * e,' '5,' 'a,' unaccented, were commonly shortened to *9,' rarely quite dropped. Thus with Dor. 'l-a-Ta-jULi (I stand), Att. a-nj-Xr) from *<rTa-Xa, Lat. *sta-re,' cf. the perf. part. pass. O.Ind. * sthi-tds,' Gk. a-Ta-rog Lat. ' sta-tus ' ; with Gk. SlSco-iuli. Soo'pov, Lat. *do-num,' cf. the part. Lat. 'da-tus,' Gk. Sa-vo9 (the gift). Likewise to the Goth, 'letan' (let) belongs Mat-s' (idle), O.N. Mat-r,' O.E. 'laet,' M.L.G. Mat,' O.H.G. Maz' from Ind.-Germ. *M3-d6s,' Lat. 'lassus' from Ind.-Germ. *'bd-t6s': the adjectives in '-o-s' had almost always end-accent in Ind.-Germ.

If, in the syllable to be shortened, a long vowel stood before or after i or u, the ' 9 ' which remained from the former was contracted with the following or preceding *i' or 'u,' which had become syllabic, into i or il. Thus, cf O.Ind. * jya-jams' (superior) with * ji-td ' (over- powered) ; O.Lat. s-ies (thou be), Gk. e'ltjg from *eG--iri'S with the plu. ' s-i-mus,' ef/xei/ from * e(r-~i-iuL€v (the chief accent lay here in Ind.-Germ. on the personal ending in the plural).

(b) Lengthening

The short vowels 'e,' *a,' *o' were often lengthened in Ind.-Germ. ; the reason for this has not been with certainty ascertained. Cf O.Bg. *zena' (wife), O.S., O.H.G. 'quena,' Goth. *qino,' and Goth. *qens' (wife), O.N. 'kv.nen' O.E. 'cwen;' O.Ind. *janis' (Ind.-Germ. *e' becomes *a* in O.Ind.), Lat. *cano,' and Goth, •hano' (cock, lit. a singer), O.N. 'hane,' O.S., O.H.G. *hano' and O.S. 'hon,' O.H.G. *huon' (cock, hen) from Ind.-Germ. *'kanom.'

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

47

As *e' can also become *o' and *o' further develop into '5'; 'e,' 'e/ *o,' '6' can interchange with one another in the same word. Thus we have beside one another Lat. 'pedem/ 'pes,' Gk. iroSa, Dor. tto)?, Goth. • fotus ' (foot), O.N. 'fotr,' O.E. ' fot,' O.S. 'fot,' O.H.G. ' fuoz,' and in addition to these O.N. * fet ' (footstep).

III. CONSONANTS I. The Indo.-Germanic Consonant-System

	Stops.			1		■»3
Voiceless (tenues).	VOICBD (mediae).	Spirants.
V 1	■1	1	V •1	>	i
Labials	P	ph	b	bh			jj	m
Dentals	t	th	d	dh	s	^		n	r,l
Palatals	k	kh	g	gh		j	i	n
Velars	k	kh	g	gh				D
Labiovelars	k^'	k-h	g^	g^h

On palatals, velars and labiovelars, cf p. 7 ff. Of the nasals only * n ' and * m ' could appear in every position, while *n' occurred only before palatals, *d' only before velar and labiovelar stops ; the latter corre- sponded to our ' n ' before k, as in danky trunk,

* Z ' arose from 's' only when near voiced consonants.

48 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

2. The Consonants which were not changed in germanic

The following Ind.-Germ. sounds are preserved in Germ. : —

(i) The liquids 'r,' 'V: O.Ind. *rudhiras' (red), Gk. epvOpo^y Lat. 'ruber/ Goth. *raujjs/ O.N. *rau«r,' O.E. 'read; O.S. 'rod,' O.H.G. 'rot'; Gk. tt^Xo? (a foal or young animal), Lat. 'pullus' (young animal or fowl), Goth. ' fula ' (foal), O.N. ' fole,' O.E. ' fola,' M.L.G. ' vole,' O.H.G. 'folo.'

(2) The nasals ' m,' ' n,' ' d ' : Gk. jmea-o^, Lat. * medius,' Goth. *midjis,' O.N. *mi«r,' O.E. 'midd,' O.S. ' middi,' O.H.G. 'mitti' ; Gk. ,/Jf, Lat. 'nox,' Goth. ' nahts,' O.N. 'nott,' O.E. 'neaht,' O.S. and O.H.G. 'naht'; Lat. 'longus,' Goth, 'laggs' (long), O.N. 'langr,' O.E. 'long,' O.S. and O.H.G. 'lang' (in Norse and W.Germ. as well as in Lat. d is expressed by ' n ' : in Gk. and Goth.

by'g').

(3) 'i' and 'j,' i in O.Bct. ' yare ' (year), O.Bg. ' jarii' (the spring), Goth, 'jer' (year), O.E. 's^ar' (3 is the symbol for 'i'), O.S. and O.H.G. 'jar'; *j' in O.Ind. 'yugam' (yoke), Lat. 'jugum,' Goth, 'juk,' O.E. *3eoc,' O.H.G. *joh.' Only Gk. [in which 'h' stands for Ind.- Germ. *i,' e.g. in wpa (season, spring, year) and f for Ind.-Germ. j, e.g. in ^vyov (yoke)] on the whole necessi- tates a separation of the two sounds for Ind.-Germ. That these had fallen together in Germ, appears very probable from O.N., in which both sounds have dis- appeared initially, e.g. in ' dr ' (year) and ' ok ' (yoke).

(4) 'u' (w, written v in O.N.) : O.Ind. * veda ' (I know), Gk. foiSa, Goth, 'wait,' O.N. 'veit,' O.E. 'wdt,' O.S. wet' O.H.G. 'weiz.'

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 49

(5) *s': Lat. 'septem/ O.Bg. *sedmi; Goth, 'sibun/ O.N. 'siau/ O.E. 'siofon,' O.S. 'sibun/ O.H.G. *sibun.'

3. The Consonantal Shiftings and Grammatical Change

In Germ, all Ind.-Germ. stops have undergone changes in the manner of their production. Following the ex- ample of Jacob Grimm, scholars call these changes " the first sound-shifting " ; one of them which affects the Ind.-Germ. * s/ Grimm also called " grammatical change." As " second sound-shifting " Grimm denoted changes of a similar nature which the consonants affected by the first shifting passed through about A.D. 600 in German, mainly in High German only. According to the evidence of Germanic words in Latin writers, the first shifting was already completed before the Christian era.

The following arrangement gives the facts of the first shifting in their chronological sequence, but at the same time takes these facts into consideration in their relation to the later sound-changes which took place in the Old Germanic dialects.

(A) First Shifting Operation

(a) Rule

The Ind.-Germ. simple and aspirate voiceless stops (tenues) become voiceless spirants.

(a) Simple Voiceless Stops

(i) Ind.-Germ. *p' becomes *f': Gk. TreXXa (hide leather), Lat. * pellis,' Goth. ' Jjruts-fiir (scab), O.N 'ber-fiair (bear-skin), O.E. 'fell' (hide), M.L.G. 'vel,'

50 GERIVIANIC PHILOLOGY

O.H.G. * fel' ; O.Ind. * napat-' (descendant), Lat. * nepos (nephew, descendant), O.N. ' nefa,' (relative, nephew), O.E. *nefa/ O.H.G. 'nefo.'

(2) Ind.-Germ. *t' becomes *]?' (a voiceless inter- dental spirant). For this Goth, and O.N. have ' ]>,' O.E. "S; more rarely *>,' O.S. 'th' or *«,' O.H.G. 'th/ more rarely 'dh.' In Prim. O.N. ']?' further develops after vowels and *r' into the voiced interdental spirant 'US': Goth. * bro]?ar ' (brother), O.N. *br6=Scr ' ; Goth. ' wair>an ' (become), O.N. * ver'Sa.' In German ' J? ' generally de- velops further into ' d ' ; this change which began in Bavarian about A.D. 750 made its way northwards very slowly, so that the Thuringian Psalms after 11 30 and the Bremer statutes in 1303 still write ' th.' Still, we may regard * d ' as the normal writing in O.H.G. : O.-Ind. 'trayas' (three), Gk. rpei^, Lat. 'tres,' Goth. *J?reis,' O.N. ')?rir,' O.E. ')?riV O.S. ^thrie,' O.H.G. 'drl'; Lat. ' mentum ' (chin), Goth. * mun]?s ' (mouth), O.N. * muSr,' O.E. 'mu^,' O.S. mu«, O.H.G. 'mund.'

(3) Ind.-Germ. *k' becomes in Germ, by way of * k,' ' h ' (a velar spirant, like 'ch' in N.H.G. 'ach' ; however, in the Germ, dialects it soon developed in most positions into a mere breath-sound): O.Ind. * sva ' (hound), gen. sunas, Gk. Kum, gen. Kvvog, Goth, 'hunds,' O.N. 'hundr,' O.E. and O.S. *hund,' O.H.G. 'hunt'; O.Ind. dis'dti (he shows), Gk. SetKvv/uLt, Lat. *dico,' Goth. *ga-teihan' (announce), O.S. 'tihan' (accuse), O.H.G. 'zlhan.'

(4) Ind.-Germ. * k ' becomes ' h ' (like k) : Lettic 'kars ' (desirous), Lat. * carus ' (dear), Goth. * hors ' (lover), O.N. •horr,' O.E. 'h6re' (whore), O.H.G. 'huora'; O. Ind. *roka' (light), Gk. XevKos, Lat. ' lucere,' Goth, 'liuhaj?' (light), O.E. Meoht,' O.S. and O.H.G. Mioht'

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 61

(5) Ind.-Germ.*k^' becomes 'hr,' which is represented by the undivided sign 0 in Goth., and seems to have still been a velar spirant with lip-rounding : Lith. ' kas' (who), Gk. TTO'Oev (whence), Tro-cre (whither), Lat. ' quo-d,' Goth. * h;as ' (who).

(/3) Aspirate Voiceless Stops

(i) Ind.-Germ. 'ph' becomes *f': O.Ind. 'phenas' (foam), O.E. 'fdm,' O.H.G. 'feim.'

(2) Ind.-Germ. 'th' becomes *>': Gk. Opiiofxai (I shall run), Goth. *J>ragjan' (run), O.N. 'J^rsell' (slave), O.H.G. 'drigil.'

(3) Ind.-Germ. 'kh' becomes 'h': Albanian *kham' from *'khabmi' (I have), Lat. 'habere,' Goth, 'haban' (have), O.N. *hafa,' O.K. 'habban,' O.S. 'habbian,' O.H.G. 'haben.'

For Ind.-Germ. ' kh ' and * k^h ' there are no certain examples.

(b) Exceptions

After voiceless spirants, the tenues do not change into these, no matter whether the spirant is inherited from Ind.-Germ. ('s'), or is only shifted from a stop C f ' and * p," h ' and ' k,' both come before * t ')•

(a) Simple Voiceless Stops

(i) Ind.-Germ. *sp' remains: Lat, *spernere' (des- pise), O.N. 'sporna' (strike the foot against), O.K. 'spornan,' O.H.G. 'spornon.'

(2) Ind.-Germ. *st' remains: Lat. 'hostis' (lit. a stranger), O.Bg. * gosti ' (guest), Goth. * gasts ' (stranger, guest), O.N. 'gestr,' O.E. 'giest,' O.S., O.H.G. 'gast/

62 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

(3) Ind.-Germ. 'sk' appears as *sk' : Lith. 'maiszyti' (mix), Lat. ' miscere/ O.E. * miscian/ O.H.G. * miskan.'

(4) Ind.-Germ. 'sk' remains: O.Ind. 'kavis' ['k' for initial *sk' already in Ind.-Germ.] (prudent), Gk. Quo- cTKoog (the sacrificing priest), Goth. *us-skawjan' (refl. awake), O.N. ' skygna'(spy), O.E. * sceawian' (scrutinise), O.S. 'skauwon,' O.H.G. 'scouwon.'

(5) For Ind.-Germ. *sk^* there are no certain ex- amples.

(6) Ind.-Germ. * pt' becomes * ft' : Gk. KXeTrTtjg, Goth. * hliftus.'

(7) Ind.-Germ. 'kt' becomes ' ht ' : O.Ind. ' rju- ' (straight, right), Gk. opcKTog, Lat. ' rectus,' Goth. * rafhts ' (right), O.E. *rfht,' O.S., O.H.G. 'reht'

(8) Ind.-Germ. 'kt' becomes *ht': O.Ind. 'naktis' (night), Lat. *nox,' gen. 'noctis,' Goth, 'nahts,' O.E. *neaht,' C.S., O.H.G., *naht.'

(9) Ind.-Germ. ' k^t ' becomes * ht ' : to the Lat. * sequi * (follow), Goth. ' saiRran ' ( = see, really = follow with the eyes) are related O.S. and O.H.G. 'gisiht' (sight) formed with the very common Ind.-Germ. abstract-suffix '-ti-.'

(^) Aspirate Voiceless Stops

The Ind.-Germ. aspirate voiceless stops appear in Germ, after spirants as simple voiceless stops.

(i) Ind.-Germ. *sph' becomes *sp': O.Ind. 'sphyds' (wedge), Gk. o-^t/i^, O.N. 'sponn' (chip), O.E. *sp6n/ O.H.G. 'span.'

(2) Ind.-Germ. 'sth' becomes *st': O.Ind. 'prsthdm ' (back, point) O.E. and O.H.G. 'first' (ridge of a roof).

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 53

(3) Ind.-Germ. *skh* becomes *sk': Lith. 'skedziu' (I divide), Gk. ax^^o^ (I split), O.N. 'skita' (cacare),O.E. 'scftan' O.H.G. 'sclzan.'

(4) Ind.-Germ. 'pth' becomes 'ft': cf. Goth, 'hlifan' (steal, cf. Lat. *clep-ere,' Gk. /cXeV-rcii/) with 2 sing, perf indie, 'hlaft' in which the 't' represents the Ind.-Germ. ending '-tha ' (O.Ind. '-tha,' Gk. -Oa),

(5) Ind.-Germ. *kth' becomes 'ht,' cf. Goth. * slahan ' (strike) with ' h ' from * k ' with 2 sing. perf. * sloht.' For the rest there are no certain examples.

B. Second and Third Shifting Operations

The second and third shifting operations are so far in agreement that their results are voiced spirants. The latter partly come from the Ind.-Germ. aspirate voiced stops (mediae) and partly from the voiceless spirants (which for the most part arose in P.Germ. only through the first shifting operation). Which of the two shiftings took place first or whether both came about simultaneously cannot be established.

The voiced spirants ' b,' ' ^S,' * 3 * that had thus arisen passed through, partly already in P.Germ. and partly in the Germ, dialects, a series of further changes which are given here so that the examples of the operations of sound-shifting may be better understood.

(a) Later Changes of the Voiced Spirants

(a) Prim, Germanic

In P.Germ. ' b,' *^/ ' 5 ' became after nasals the simple- voiced stops (mediae) ' b,' * d,' * g * ; * b ' and * % ' also became * b ' and * d ' initially. In the case of the labials

54 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

and dentals these differences are also seen in the writing of most dialects :

(i) In Goth, the sounds 'b' and 'b,"«' and 'd/ fall together in writing as ' b ' and * d * respectively, but ' b ' finally and before 's' is changed into 'f and *d ' after vowels into * >,' but not after ' m ' or ' n.' Thus beside *graban' (dig) we have 'grof (dug), beside 'hlaibos' (loaves), * hlaifs ' (bread), but beside ' lambis ' (of the sheep), ' lamb ' (the sheep), beside ' dumba ' (the dumb), 'dumbs' (dumb), as well as beside 'biudan' (bid),

* bau> ' (bade), beside * stadis ' (of the place), ' sta>s ' (the place), but beside ' hundis ' (of the hound), ' hund ' (the hound, ace), ' hunds ' (nom.) : only voiced spirants, not stops, could be changed into the voiceless spirants ' f,' *)?.* That *b' was also initially a stop in Goth, is proved by the constant * b ' representing it initially in Gothic names in Latin writers : e.g. ' Berig,' * Brandila,'

* Butila,' while * v ' as a rule represents it medially after vowels, as in ' Erilieva,' * Gevica.' Initial ' d ' is by analogy to be taken as a stop.

(2) O.N. writing also distinguishes between *b' initi- ally and after ' m,' between * f ' (for the voiced aspirant, no longer bilabial but labiodental) after vowels,

* r ' or * 1,' as well as between ' d ' initially and after * n ' and between ''S' after vowels or *r': *bera' (carry, bear), *kambr' (comb), 'grafa' (dig), *arfr' (heir), 'sjalfr' (self); 'dagr' (day), 'hundr' (hound), ' bjo^a ' (bid), * gar'Sr ' (enclosure).

(3) O.K. makes a distinction in the case of a labial, like O.N. ' beran,' * comb,' gen. ' combes,' * grafan,' ' yrfe,'

* sylf,' gen. ' sylfes.'

(4) O.S. only writes * b ' for the voiced labial stop : ' u * * V ' as well as * b ' for the voiced spirant ' b.'

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 55

Thus we have always * beran,' ' umbi ' (about), but 'heban' (heaven), *ouer' (over), 'gilovian' (believe), as well as ' gilobestu ' (believest thou), ' hwerban/ * hweruan ' (walk), as well as * umbitherbi ' (useless), ' selbo ' (self), ' oluundeon ' (camel), as well as * olben- deon.' Finally the voiced spirant becomes ' f,' the voiced stop remains * b': 'grof (dug), * hwarf (walked), 'self (self), but Mamb.'

(5) Of the O.H.G. dialects Mid-Franconian dis- tinguishes between initial stop and medial spirant after a vowel : * beran ' (bear), but * gevan ' (give) ; hence *gaf' (gave).

The P. Germ, voiced guttural spirant is written * g ' in Goth., O.N., O.S. and O.M.G., mostly '3' in O.K., more rarely ' g,' without any analogous difference being made as in the case of the corresponding labials and dentals. For 'g,' '5' after 'd' [e.g. in Goth, 'laggs' (long), O.N. 'langr,' O.E. Mong,' O.S., O.H.G. Mang'], we have, however, on account of the pronunciation in the living dialects and the analogy of * mb ' and * nd,' to assume a stop; on the other hand, '3,' 'g' initially was still a spirant in O.E. and O.S., as it had the same value as initial * j ' in alliterative poetry.

(/3) Individual Dialects

(i) In Goth, and O.N. (hence perhaps already in Goth.-Norse) initial * 3 ' becomes ' g.' This, as regards Goth., is inferred from Goth, names, in Latin works, with ' c ' ( = ' k ') beside * g,' as * Caina ' beside * Gaina ' and 'Commundus' for *' Gummundus* ; as regards O.N. it is inferred from the living dialects.

(2) In Goth. ' b ' becomes ' b ' even after liquids, and *^,' 'd,' as again the writing, finally and before 's,'

56 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

shows (cf. p. 54): *swairban' (wipe), 'swarb' (wiped); 'halba' (half), 'halbs' (half, adj.), 'gardis' (of the house), * gards ' (the house) ; * haldan ' (hold), * haihald ' (held).

(3) In O.N. '«' after '1' becomes 'd': *halda' (hold).

(4) In W.Germ. * 'S ' in every position becomes * d ' ; later, on account of the second sound-shifting, it further changes in O.H.G. (Upper German, East Franconian and Thuringian) into *t' : O.E. 'dsg' (day), O.S., Mid.- and Rhenish-Franconian ' dag,' otherwise * tag ' in O.H.G. ; O.E. 'b6odan' (bid), O.S., Mid.- and Rhenish- Franconian, * biodan,' otherwise ' biotan ' in O.H.G.; O.E. 'geard' (garden), O.H.G. *gart' (district).

(5) In O. Upper G. 'b' becomes a stop every- where, as its writing as 'b,' in O.Bavarian even as 'p,' shows : * geban ' (give), * gab ' (gave), O.Bav. : ' gepan,' 'gap.' In East and Rhenish-Franconian also the O.H.G. * b ' is written in this case ; but perhaps it is not a stop that is meant here, but a soft spirant that is still heard in Middle Germany.

(6) '3' generally becomes a stop in O. Upper G., and is written * k ' and ' g ' : cf. * kip ' and * gib ' (give). How far in O.M.G., in which only 'g' prevails, is the spirant or stop to be accepted, is not clear.

(7) Where 'h' and *3' (before*!' and *n') are lengthened in W.Germ., they become long stops, which are ex- pressed in writing by doubling. This appears first in the spelling *bb' in O.E. and O.S. and 'eg' in O.E., and secondly in the shifting of 'bb' to 'pp' in O.H.G. and of 'gg' to ' kk ' (ck) in at least O. Upper G. : Goth, 'sibja' (kindred), O.E. 'sibb,' O.S. 'sibbia,'

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 67

O.H.G. * sippea/ * sippa,' N.H.G. ' sippe ' ; Goth. * lagjan ' (lay), O.E. 'lecgan/ O.S. Meggian/ O.M.G. 'leggen/ O. Upper G. * leckan.'

(b) The Ind.-Germ. Aspirate Voiced Stops {mediae)

(i) * bh ' : O.Ind. * bhdrami ' (I carry), Gk. (jyepeiVy Lat. *ferre; Goth. ' bairan,' O.N. 'bera/ O.E., O.S., O.H.G. *beran ;' O.Ind. 'nabhas' (mist), Gk. t/e^o?, »/60e%;, Lat. * nebula,' O.N. 'niflheimr' (mist- world), O.E. 'nifol' (dark), O.S. 'nebal' (mist), O.H.G. 'nebul.'

(2) 'dh': O.Ind. * vdsu-dhitis' (treasury), Gk. Oetri's (position, site), Goth, 'ga-deds' (deed), O.N. 'd6=S,' O.E. ' dabd,' O.S. ' dad; O.H.G. ' tat ; ' O.Ind. ' rudhirks ' (red), Gk epvOpog, Goth. dat. sing. fem. * raudai,' O.N. * rau'Sr,' O.E. 'read,' O.S. 'rod,' O.H.G. 'rot.'

(3) 'gh': O.Ind. 'hasas' (wild goose), Lith. 'zasls' (goose), Gk. xn^y Lat. 'anser,' from *'hanser' from *'ghanser,'O.N.'g6s,'O.E.'g6s,' O.H.G. 'gans'; O.Ind. ' vdhami' (I travel), O.Bg. 'veza,' Lat. ' veho,' Goth, 'ga- wigan' (move), Q.N. ' vega,'^ O.E. 'wegan' (carry), O.H.G. 'wegan.'

(4) ' gh ' : O.Bg. * gosti ' (guest), Lat. * hostis ' (enemy, really stranger), Goth. ' gasts ' (guest), O.N. ' gestr,' O.E. 'giest,' O.S. and O.H.G. 'gast;' O.Ind. 'stighno'mi' (I spring up), Gk. crrelxoo (I step), Lettish ' stiga' (a path), Lat. ' ve-stigium ' (footstep), Goth. ' steigan ' (mount), O.N. 'stiga,' O.E. 'stigan,' O.S. and O.H.G. 'stigan.'

(5) 'g^h': Gk. oV^i from 'song^ia' (voice), Goth, 'siggwij?' (he sings), O.N. *syngr,' from *'siDgwiR.'

58 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

(c) The Ind.'Germ. Voiceless Spirants

The voiceless spirants * f,' * J?/ ' h,' * s ' become medially and finally the voiced ' t/ ' ^,' * 3,' * z/ unless, according to Ind.-Germ. accentuation, the immediately preceding vowel bore the chief accent (Verner's Law).

The ^ z ' is preserved medially only in Goth. : in W.Germ. it becomes 'r,' in Norse 'r' (palatal *r') which in Prim. O.N. was separated from the common

* r/ e.g. in ' Hlewa-gastiR ' [ = Goth, '-gasts ' (guest), with

* s ' for final * z '] and ' swestar,' [ = Goth. * swistar ' (sister) ] ; but R and r fall together in O.N., hence *gestr' and * syster.'

(i) Ind.-Germ. *p.': O.Ind. 'sapta' (seven), Gk. eTrra, Goth/sibun,' O.E. 'siofon,' O.S. * si^un,' O.H.G. 'sibun.'

(2) Ind.-Germ. *t': O.Ind. *ketus' (image, form), Goth, 'haidus' (sort), O.E. ' had,' O.H.G. ' heit'

(3) Ind.-Germ. ' k ' : O.Ind. svasrus (mother-in-law), Gk. kKvpa, O.E. *sweger,' O.H.G. 'swigar.'

(4) Ind.-Germ. * k' : O.Ind. ' aukas ' (neck), Goth. * hals- agga ' (nape).

(5) Ind.-Germ. *s': O.Ind. 'rdjas' (darkness), Gk. l/oe/?o9, Goth. gen. *riqiz-is,' O.N. 'r0kkr.'

(d) Grammatical Change

As in Ind.-Germ. forms which were related had very frequently different accents, voiceless spirants inter- change in Germ, with voiced ones in a great many of these forms. This phenomenon, known as grammatical change, occurs especially in the following cases : —

(i) In the most extensive class of verbs in Ind.-Germ.

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 69

the chief accent was borne by the root syllable in the pres. and in the sing. ind. perf. act. but by the personal ending in the plu. ind. perf. act. and the sufifix in past part. mid. Cf. O.Ind. bodhami (I note), 'bubodha' (I have noted), bubudhima (we have noted), bubudhands (noted, part). Corresponding to this, voiceless spirants which are final in a root are preserved in Germ, in the pres. and sing. perf. ind., but in the plu. perf. and past, part, they have become voiced. Gothic alone has every- where re-established the voiceless sounds by analogy, while the other dialects have only in the case of some forms disturbed the phonological relation through forma- tions by analogy. In O.N. the distinction among the *t-* sounds was removed by every medial and final *)?' becoming '^,' e.g. 'br6^er' (brother), Goth. 'bro)?ar,' O.S. 'brothar.' In the following table the forms due to analogy are in brackets.

	Pres.	Sing. perf.	Plu. perf.	Part. perf.
Goth.	lei>an (go).	lai>.	(li>um).	(li]?ans).
O.N.	li«a.	lei«.	li^om.	h^enn.
O.E.	li^an.	la^.	lidon.	Hden.
O.S.	lithan.	leth.	lidun.	gilidan.
O.H.G.	, lidan.	laid.	litum.	gilitan.
Goth.	slahan (strike).	sloh.	(slohum). (slahans).
O.N.	sla ) from slean ) * slahan,	slo < *sloh.	sl6gom.	slegenn.
O.E.	. (sl6g).	sl6gon.	slegen.
O.S.	slahan.	(sl6g).	slogon.	gislagan.
O.H.G,	. slahan.	sluoh.	sluogum.	gislagan.
Goth.	kiusan (choose).	kaus.	(kusum).	(kusans).
O.N.	ki6sa.	kaus.	k0rom.	k0renn.
O.E.	ceosan.	ceas.	curon.	coren.
O.S.	keosan.	kOs.	kurun.	gikoran.
O.H.G	. kiosan.	kos.	kurum.	gikoran.

60	GERMANIC PHILOLOGY
	Pres. Sing. perf.	Plu. perf.	Part. past.
Goth.	hafjan (heave). hof.	(hofum).	(hafans).
O.E.	(hebban). h6f.	h6fon.	hafen.
O.S.	heffian (hebbian). hof.	hobun.	of-haban.
O.H.G	. heffen. (huob.)	huobum.	ir-haban.

The interchange between *f' and 'lb' which is the least clearly preserved in conjugation, is found in the Goth. *}7arf' plu. 'J?aurbum/ since this perf. with present meaning has not undergone the general levelling of those with pret. meaning.

(2) In Ind.-Germ. the causatives, formed from verbs accented on the root-syllable, had their accent on the first suffix-vowel : O.Ind. sv^pami (I sleep), * svapayami' (I cause to sleep). This is also reflected in Germ, in the interchange of spirants : Goth. ' leij^an ' (go), O.E. Mi^an,' O.S. Mithan,' O.H.G. 'lidan,' but O.E. *labdan' from **laidjan' (cause to go, lead), O.S. ' ledian,' O.H.G. ' leiten ' : Goth. ' ganah ' (it is sufficient), O.E. 'geneah,' O.H.G. 'ginah': O.N. 'gn0gja' (satisfy) O.H.G. ' ginuogen.' Goth. * ganisan ' (recover, be saved), O.E. 'genesan,' O.S., O.H.G. 'ginesan,' but O.E. 'nerigan' (save), O.S. 'nerian,' O.H.G. 'nerien.'

(3) In other verbal derivatives there appear only scattered traces of the change, as analogy-formations have made greater inroads here. Still there is, e.g. in Goth, beside ' fahe]?s ' (joy), ' faginon ' (enjoy), formed with Ind.-Germ. -na- like O.Ind. *mrnati' (he crushes), and beside Goth. ' wisan ' (be), * wizon ' (live, feast), extended with Ind.-Germ. *-a-' like Dor. rX-dvai (to suffer), hence the vanishing grade of the root.

(4) Such remains are also found in substantive deriva- tives. The Ind.-Germ. adjectives were generally ac-

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 61

cented on the suffix in the positive and on the root- syllable in the comparative: O.Ind. 'svadus' (sweet), Gk. rjSv^y O.Ind. 'svadiyas-' (sweeter), Gk. neut. riSiov. Hence Goth. ' juggs' (young) [O.Ind. 'yuvasds'], *juhiza' from **jur)hiza' (younger); also O.H.G. 'elthiron' (parents, lit. the older ones) has preserved the difference from * alt ' (old), while * altiro ' (older) has been assimi- lated to the positive.

(5) There was also in Ind.-Germ. an interchange of accent among the several cases, since sometimes the root-syllable, sometimes the stem-forming suffix or case- ending was accented : Gk. Tra-reyo, Tra-rrip, ira-rep-a, ira-Tp-6^. The sound-change produced by this in Germ, has been almost everywhere removed by analogy- formation, still in such a way that often in the same word both the voiceless and the voiced sounds have persisted : thus forms with the same meaning have arisen for all the cases, and these have generally spread among the different dialects, but sometimes they have di- verged in their meaning: O.H.G. 'grano,' 'grabio' (count); Goth. * dauK gen. ' dau>is ' (dead), O.E. ' dead,' O.S. *d6d,' O.H.G. 'tot' ; Goth, 'hauhs' (high), O.E. 'heah,' O.S., O.H.G. 'hoh,' O.N. *haugr' (hill), M.H.G. 'houc,' gen. ' houges ' ; Goth. * asans ' (harvest), O.H.G. * aran.'

(e) Exceptions to Verner's Law If a voiceless spirant stands before another voiceless sound, the latter prevents the former from becoming voiced. *ft,' 'hs,' *ht,' *sp,' 'st,' 'sk' are therefore unaffected by Verner's Law.' O.Ind. 'astau' (eight), Gk. o/cTco, Goth, 'ahtau; O.E. 'eahta,' 6.S., O.H.G. *ahto.' Past part. O.E. 'borsten,' O.H.G. 'gibrostan' of O.E. ' berstan ' (to burst), O.H.G. * brestan.'

62 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

Long * s ' (*ss ') never becomes voiced : Goth. *un-wiss' (uncertain), O.N. 'viss' (certain), O.H.G. *gewis' (Adv. 'giwisso') from **uit-t6-s,' past part, of Goth. *witan' (know).

(C) Last Shifting Operation

The Ind.-Germ. voiced stops (mediae) * b,' * d,' * g/ ' g^ ' become voiceless (tenues) * p/ ' t,' * k,' * k\'

The sounds that have thus arisen undergo later in O.H.G. the second sound-shifting. They are changed initially, after consonants and when they are long, into affricatae (i.e. tenues + spirants), after vowels into long spirants, which, however, are shortened finally. The shifting to affricatae was completely carried out only in O. Upper G. ; in O.M.G. it is variously graduated.

(i) Ind.-Germ. *b' becomes 'p* in Germ., which is shifted to *pf,' * ff,' or 'V in O.H.G. (in Thuringian Germ. 'pp' and 'mp' remain unshifted, in Rhenish-Fran- conian also initial *p,' in Mid-Franconian 'rp' and Mp'): Thracian ^aiTn (shepherd's coat), Goth. ' paida ' (coat), O.K. 'pdd,' O.S. 'peda,' O.H.G. 'pfeit'; Lat 'labium,' 'labrum,' O.S. ' lepor ' (lip), O.H.G. Mefifur' ; Lith. 'dubus' (deep, hollow), Goth, 'diups' (deep), O.N. *diupr,' O.E. * d^op,' O.S. ' diop,' O.H.G. ' tiof.'

(2) Ind.-Germ. 'd' becomes *t' in Germ., which is shifted in O.H.G. to the affricata z (ts) or to the long spirant ' zz ' or to the short spirant * z.' The spirant * z ' was a voiceless ' s-' sound, different from the ordinary voiceless 's,' and the affricata which was hardly ever separated from it in writing, consisted of a * t ' and this * s-' sound (only the Rhenish-Franc. Isidor in the eighth century

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 6S

distinguishes orthographically between * z ' as affricata [for Germ. * tt ' even ' tz '] and ' zss ' as long, and * zs' as short spirant) : Gk. SeKQj Lat. ' decern/ Goth. ' taihun/ O.N. 'tfo/ O.E. *tfen/ O.S. 'tehan/ O.H.G. 'zehan'; Gk. K\aSo9 (branch), O.Bg. ' klada ' (timber), O.N., O.E. 'holt' (wood, thicket), O.H.G. 'holz'; Gk. '^SojuLai, Lat. *edere,' Goth, 'itan' (eat), O.N. * eta,' O.E., O.S. 'etan/ O.H.G. 'ezzan': O.N. *dt' (ate), O.E. 'set,' O.S. 'at/ O.H.G. 'az/

(3) Ind.-Germ. *g' passes over 'g' to 'k/ which is shifted in O.H.G. to the affricata 'kh' ('k' + 'ch' in N.H.G. 'ach/ generally written 'ch') or to the long spirant * hh ' (long ' ach- ' sound, also written ' ch ' later) or to the short spirant * h ' (short ' ach- ' sound) : the affricata exists, however, only in O. Upper G. ; in O.M.G. it is represented by *k': O.Ind. *janu' (knee), Gk. yovv, Lat. 'genu/ Goth. ' kniu/ O.N. 'kne/ O.E. * cn^o/ O.S. ' knio,' O.M.G. ' kniu/ O. Upper G. ' chniu ' ; O.Ind. *mrjami'(I strike off), Gk. a/xeXyw (I milk), Lat. 'mulgeo/ b.N. 'molka' (milk), O.E. ' melcan/ M.L.G. *melken/ O.M.G. 'melkan/ O. Upper G. 'melchan'; O.Ind. 'djras' (pasture), Gk. aypoq (field), Lat. 'ager/ Goth, 'akrs/ O.N. 'akr/ O.E. 'aecer/ O.H.G. 'ahhar.'

(4) Ind.-Germ. 'g' becomes 'k/ which is naturally shifted in O.H.G. like the 'k' from 'g' : Lith. 'garnys' (stork), Gk. ykpavo^ (crane), O.E. * cran/ O.S. 'crano/ O. Upper G. * chranuh ' ; O.Ind. ' yu-gdm ' (yoke), O.Bg. 'igo/ Gk. fiyyoV, Lat. 'jugum/ Goth, 'juk/ O.N. 'ok/ O.E. 'geoc/ O.H.G. 'joh/ gen. 'johhes.'

(5) Ind.-Germ. ' g^ ' becomes ' k^' which is represented in Goth, by ' k ' with simultaneous lip-rounding marked by the sign U and written *q' by us: O.Ind. 'jivas'

64 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

(living), Lith. * g^vas,' Lat. 'vivus/ O.Ir. *biu/ Goth. *qius'; O.Ind. 'rajas' (darkness), Gk. epe^osy Goth.

* riqis.'

(4) Changes in the Place of Production

Under this comes the falling together of the palatals and velars in the cenfum-lsLngmges. More complicated are the changes of the labiovelars.

(A) Labiovelars in P.Germanic

(a) The labiovelars become simple velars in the following cases (in these therefore, as the velars also ex- perienced sound-shifting, ' k'^ ' is represented according to Verner's Law by 'h' or *3/ 'g^^' by 'k,"g^h' by '5') :

(i) before, 'u,' 'u': O.Ind. 'ku' (where), Cret. '6-ttvi, Umbrian 'pue,' Lat. 'ali-cubi,' O.E., O.Franc, O.Norw. •hu' (how); O.Ind. 'gurus' (heavy), Gk. 8a/)J?, Goth.

* kaurus.'

(2) before all consonants initially, and also before most medially: O.Ind. ' krp-,' Lat. ' corpus,' O.Ir. * cruth ' (form), Welsh ' pryd ' (species) [the labial ' p ' points to Ind.-Germ. k^], O.K. 'hrif (womb), O.H.G. 'href; Lat. ' inseque ' (announce), Gk. eWeTre, Lith. sakyti (say), O.N. 'segia' (this i is i, hence a consonant).

(3) Ind.-Germ. 'g^h' always initial: O.Ind. 'hanmi* (I strike), Gk. Oe/i/o), ^ovo^, O.N. 'gunnr' (fight), O.K. 'gu^S,' O.H.G. 'gund.'

(b) Germ. '5^' (from Ind.-Germ. 'g^h' and 'kV according to Verner's Law) becomes 'w,' if the preceding vowel is still unaccented according to the Ind.-Germ. system of accentuation : Gk. aX/cucoi/, from *' sualk'^'on ' (halcyon), O.K. 'swealwe' (swallow), O.H.G. 'swalawa.'

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

6$

(B) The Labiovelars in the Individual Dialects

(i) In Nor. and W.Germ. the labiovelars are re- solved into velars and labials, thus ' k^ ' into * kw/ ' hr ' into 'hw/ *3^' into *3w': Goth, 'qifan' (say), O.N.

* kve^a,' O.E. ' cwe^an,' O.S. * quethan,' O.H.G. • quedan.' Goth. *h-waiteis' (wheat), O.N. 'hveite,' O.E. 'hwccte/ O.S. 'hweti,' O.H.G. 'hweizi.'

(2) * 3^ ' or ' g^ ' is resolved in Goth, into * 3W ' or ' gw ' : Goth. ' siggwan ' (sing), O.N. ' syngua.'

(3) In W.Germ. 3VV becomes 3 ; O.E. ^singan,' O.H.G.

* singan.'

(4) In Nor. and W.Germ. * ' between two vowels becomes 'h,' which later, like every intervocalic *h,' dis- appears in O.N. and O.E. : Goth. * sai an ' (see), O.S., O.H.G. 'sehan/ O.N. 'sia,' O.E. 'seon.'

As 3^ becomes * w ' only after a preceding unaccented syllable, there occurs grammatical change between 'h' and *w' in W.Germ. where k^ stood in Ind.-Germ. (In Nor. there is no difference present, as *w' dis- appeared in it as well as ' h ' in the positions in ques- tion.) Hence, e.g. :

	Pres.	Sing. perf.	Plu. perf.	Part. past.
Goth.	sahran.	sahr.	(seK um).	(saiix^ans).
O.E.	seon.	seah.	sawon.	sewen.
O.S.	sehan.	sah.	sawun.	gisewan.
O.H.G.	sehan.	sah.	(sahum).	gisewan.

The analogy-forms are in brackets.

66 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

5. Assimilation of Consonants

In P.Germ. various assimilations, both total and partial, of consonants to neighbouring consonants have taken place. In the case of total assimilation the place of two consonants is taken by a single one lengthened, which is denoted in writing by doubling ; in the case of partial assimilation the sound of one consonant only approaches that of another. According as a sound is assimilated to a following or a preceding one, assimila- tion is called progressive or regressive ; partial assimila- tion in P.Germ. is only progressive.

(A) Total Assimilation (a) Progressive

(i) The dental voiced spirant, i.e. both the post- dental ' z ' and the interdental * % ' (which arose through the sound-shifting) assimilate with a following ' 1' ; in the former case *s' first became voiced before '1,' be- cause * 1 ' itself is a voiced sound ; that is to say, partial assimilation took place. Gk. /cpJo9 (frost) from *Kpv(T09 (cf. /f/ouV-TaXXo? = ice), O.N. *hrj6sa' (shudder), 'hrolla' (tremble) from *' hrozl- ' from *' hrosl- ' ; O.Ind. * sthdt- ram' (stand), O.E. ' sta^Sol' (barn), O.H.G. 'stadal' from *'sta>lo-,' O.N. 'stalk' (stall, stable), O.E. ' steall,' O.H.G. *stal,' gen. 'stalles' aus 'sta^l6-.'

(2) z assimilates also with a following * m,' after it had developed from * s ' before this voiced sound : O.Ind. 'tdsmai' (to the or that), 'asmai,' Umbrian * esmei ' (to this), Goth. ' >amma ' (to the, that).

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 67

(b) Regressive

(i) u assimilates with a preceding 'n': O.Ind.'rin- vami' (let flow), Goth., O.S., O.H.G. 'rinnan' (run, flow).

(2) *n' assimilates with a preceding *1.' O.Ind. urna (wool), Lith. *vilna,' O.Bg. 'vluna,' Goth, 'wulla/ O.N. ' uir ; O.E. ' wuli; M.L.G. ' wulle/ O.H.G. ' wolla.'

(3) Already before the last shifting operation, ' n ' assimilated with preceding ' b,' ' d,' ' g,' when it, accord- ing to Ind.-Germ. accentuation, stood before the chief- accented vowel. The ' bb,' ' dd,' ' gg ' which thus arose were shifted to ' pp,' ' tt,' * kk ' at the time when ' b/ * d/ *g' passed into *p,' ' t,' ' k.'

' n ' in a similar position assimilated with preceding ' b,' ' «," 3 ' (from Ind.-Germ. ' bh,' * dh,' ' gh,' ' gh,' or ' p,' ' t,' ' k,' ' k,' according to Verner's Law) : the ' bb,' ' 'S^,' ' 33 ' which thus arose passed into * bb,' ' dd,' * gg ' before the last Germanic shifting operation and then developed through this into ' pp,' ' tt,' ' kk.'

Later the High German sound-shifting developed from ' pp,' ' tt,' ' kk * affricatae with a long tenuis ' ppf,' *tz,' *cch' (i.e. long k + *ach-' sound), but *pf,' *ch,' are generally written for ' ppf and ' cch ' respectively. ' tz ' as the affricata with a short tenuis is distinguished from *z' almost only in Isidor (cf. pp. 62, 63). Further, the shift- ing of * kk ' extends only over Upper German ; that of ' pp ' only over Upper German and East Franconian.

Cf Lith. ' dubus ' (deep, hollow), Goth. ' diups ' (deep), with O.E. 'doppa' (diving bird), M.L.G. *dop,' 'doppe' (concave curve), O.H.G. 'topf (pot) — Ind.-Germ. *' dub- n6s'; O.Bg. 'kypeti' (hop) with O.N. 'hoppa/ O.E.

68 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

'hoppian,' M.H.G. ' hopfen' (Ind.-Germ. *'kup-n'); Lith. 'kQdas' (top), O.E. *h6d' (hat), O.H.G. 'huot' with O.N. 'hottr' (hat), O.E. 'hsett' (Ind.-Germ. *kadh-n6-); Gk. \vyo9 (osier) with Lith. Mugnas' (pliable), O.N. Mokkr' (curl), O.E. ' locc,' O.H.G. *loc' gen. O.M.G.

* lockes,' O. Upper G. ' locches ' ; Goth. * bi-laigon ' (lick) with Gk. Xixveveiv, O.E. Miccian,' O.S., O.M.G. 'leccon,' O.Upper G. Mecchon' [according to the evi- dence of O.Ind., the chief accent in Ind.-Germ. lay on the ' n-' suffixes of the presents].

If the chief accent lay on the syllable preceding * n,' this did not assimilate: O.Ind. 'svapnas' (sleep), Gk. ihrvog, O.E. ' swefn.'

(B) Partial Assimilation

(i) A nasal assimilates with a following stop in regard to the place of production. Thus especially the labial

* m ' before the dental ' d ' has become the dental * n ' : Gk. afxa^o^ (sand) from *oraVa^o?> N.H.G., Bav. * sampt,' from *' samet,' but O.N. * sandr,' O.E. ' sond,' O.S. ' sand,' O.H.G. 'sant'

(2) Where an Ind.-Germ. * z ' was followed by a voiced stop (media), the 'z' itself became voiceless (viz. s) at the shifting of the media : Lat. ' nidus ' (nest), Lith. 'llzdas' (Ind.-Germ. **nizdo-s') O.E., O.H.G. 'nest'.

6. Consonant Lengthening (A) Prim. Germanic Lengthening

The semi- vowels \ (j) and u (w) are lengthened into the double sounds 'H'CJj') and 'uu' ('ww') after a short chief-accented vowel in Germanic. In W.Germ. the first * i ' or * u ' is fused with a preceding vowel into

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 69

a diphthong, if the vowel is of a different character in sound ; if the vowel has the same character the result is a long vowel. In Goth.-Nor. there develops both from 'T before 'V and from u before u a long *g' C gg')> which then before *i' in East Germ, passes into a long 'd' Odd'): O.Ind. 'dvdyos' (of two), O.H.G. (in Isidor) * zweiio,' O.N. 'tveggja/ Goth, 'twaddje'; O.Ind. *priyi' (beloved), O.H.G. * Frija' (consort of the highest god), O.E. 'Frig,' O.N. 'Frigg,' gen. 'Friggjar'; Lith. 'kau-ju' (I strike, forge), O.Bg. 'kova' (I forge), O.H.G. 'houwan' (hew), O.S. 'hauwan,' O.E. 'heawan,' O.N. * hoggva' ; Gk. Ovo-a-Koog (sacrificing priest) from ^a-KoJ^o^t O.H.G. 'scouwon' (look), O.S. 'skauwon,' O.E. *scea- wian,' besides the vanishing grade Goth. * skuggwa ' (mirror), O.N. 'skugg-sid' (mirror), 'skugge' (shadow) ['w' has disappeared here], O.E. 'scuwa' (shadow), O.H.G. 'scuwo.'

Frequently the lengthening does not take place, for reasons unknown. Thus we have beside O.H.G. 'Frija,' Goth, 'frijon' (love), O.N. 'frja,' Goth, 'frijonds' (friend), O.S. 'friund,' O.H.G. 'friunt'; beside O.N. ' hoggva,' Goth. * hawi ' (hay), O.H.G. ' hewL'

(B) West Germanic Lengthening

Consonant-lengthening has taken place in W.Germ. before various sounds. The * pp,' * tt,' ' kk,' thus pro- duced, were naturally affected by the High Germ, sound-shifting exactly like the 'pp,' 'tt,' 'kk' which arose in P.Germ.

(i) Before 'i^' ('j') every consonant is lengthened. The * i ' itself is generally preserved only in O.S. and in O.H.G. only in the oldest period ; in O.E. it had dis-

70 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

appeared before the time of any remains that have come down to us : Goth. * kunjis ' (of the race), O.N. 'kyns/ O.E. ' cynnes/ O.S. ' kunnies,' O.H.G. *kunnes'; Goth, 'hlahjan' (laugh), O.N. 'hlnfeja,' O.E. 'hliehhan,' O.S. 'hlahhian,' O.H.G. 'hlahhen'; Goth, 'skapjan' (make, create), O.N. ' skepja,' O.E. ' scieppan/ O.S. * scep- pian,' O.H.G. * scepfen.' This lengthening is also known as gemination.

* r ' is the only consonant not lengthened : no matter whether it is an old ' r ' or one developed from ' z ' : Goth, 'harjis' (of the army), O.E. 'herges' Cg ' = *!'), O.H.G. *heries'; Goth, 'hazjan' (to praise), O.E. 'herian.'

(2) Before *n ' all consonants are lengthened. Almost all examples under this head are taken from the weak declension in which the * n ' in the gen. and dat. plu. fell together with the end of the stem. Thus beside the nom. sing. *'dropo' (drop), gen. sing. *'dropenes,' etc., were the gen. plu. *'droppnom' and dat. plu. *'dropp- numiz.' In analogy with * * droppnom,' * ' droppnumiz,' * ' droppo,' * * droppenes ' were formed, and in analogy with * * dropo,' *' dropenes,' * ' dropn'om,' * ' dropnumiz ' were renewed. Hence we have O.H.G. 'tropfo,' beside O.E. ' drope,' O.S. ' dropo,' O.H.G. ' troffo.' Forms with long consonants are almost exclusively found in O.H.G. Still O.E. 'mucga' (heap) and 'muga' (O.N. *muge') show that the change was general in W.Germ. Thus is also explained O.H.G. ' rappo,' whence M.H.G. rafife (raven) beside 'rabe'; O.H.G. 'chnappo' (boy) beside

* chnabo,' O.E. * cnafa.' In N.H.G. * rappe ' (black horse),

* knappe ' (esquire, shield-bearer) only exist with trans- ferred meaning.

(3) The Germanic voiceless stops (tenues) *p,' *t,' <k' are lengthened before liquids. The 'r' and '1' in

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 71

different cases had here become syllabic especially in the nom. sing, (but they did not fall together with Ind.- Germ. ' r ' and ' 1/ as these had earlier passed into ' ur ' and ' ul ') and appear thus in Goth, and O.N. In W. Germ, vowels of a different character arose between them and the preceding consonant ; before the vowel no lengthening could phonologically take place, but it came about through the analogy of kindred forms : Goth, 'snutrs' (prudent), O.N. 'snotr,' O.E. 'snottor' O.S., O.H.G. 'snottar' (through analogy with the gen. 'snottres,' etc.); Goth. ' akrs ' (field), O.N. 'akr,' O.E. 'aecer,' O.H.G. 'ahhar,' beside O.S., O.M.G. 'akkar' (from ' akkres '), O. Upper G. ' acchar ' (from ' acchares ') ; O.N. 'kitta' (tickle), M.L.G. ' ketteln,' O.H.G. *kizi- lon,' M.H.G. and N.H.G. 'kitzeln' ('tz' can only come from 'tt'); O.N. 'eple' (apple), O.H.G. 'afful' as well as ' affoltra ' (apple-tree), O.E. ' apuldr,' but O.E. * seppel,' M.L.G. 'appel,' O.H.G. 'apful,' (from sepples, etc.).

IV. LAWS OF FINAL SOUNDS

As in other branches of Ind.-Germanic, final syllables have also in Germanic lost particular sounds. As a rule, it was the consonants that were first affected by these laws, then came the turn of the vowels, for they, being followed by consonants which were dropped according to the three laws given below, were shortened or discarded ; but consonants after which vowels had been dropped were not affected.

72 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

I. Laws of Final Consonants

(i) In Germ, final '-m' becomes *-n': Lat. *quum,' Goth. * hjan ' (when).

(2) A final nasal in P.Germ. in an unaccented syllable or in a long accented syllable blends with the preceding vowel and forms with it a nasal vowel. The supposition that the nasal did not disappear without leaving a trace behind it is necessary, because when the vowels which were final in Ind.-Germ. were lost, those which were followed by a nasal (hence the nasal vowels) continued to exist. Thus we have in Prim. O.N., e.g. in the i sing. perf. *un-nam' from **-nam-a' (cf. Gk.XeXof7ra),but in ace. sing, 'staina' from **stainam' (cf. Lat. ' equom '). The nasal remains after a short accented vowel: Goth. *hran.' It blends, on the other hand, with a preceding long accented vowel and forms a nasal vowel: O.Ind. ace. fem. sing, 'tam' (this), Goth. *J?o.'

(3) Final dental stops disappear in P.Germ. in an unaccented syllable: O.Ind. 'bhdret' (he may carry), Goth, 'bafrai,' O.N., O.E., O.S., O.H.G. 'here'; O.Ind. * adharad ' (from below), Goth. * undaro.' That these dentals were dropped after the rise of the nasal vowels is proved by the fact that the * n ' is preserved before an original dental in Goth. ' berun ' (they carried), O.K. *bjferon,' O.S., O.H.G. 'barun,' with the same personal ending as Lat. * ferebant.' The dental remains after a short accented syllable : Lat. * quod,' O.N. ' huat,' O.E. ' hwset,' O.S. * hwat,' O.H.G. ' hwaz.'

(4) A final '-z' (which arose through Verner's Law) in an unaccented syllable disappears in W.Germ., while

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 73

in Goth, it becomes *-s,' in Prim. O.N., like every *-z/ it becomes * R,' and in O.N. ' r ' : Goth. ' dags ' (day), Prim. O.N. 'DagaR' (proper name), O.N. 'dagr' (day), O.E. *dseg,' O.S. *dag,' O.H.G. 'tac': all from *'da3az.' After a short accented vowel * -z ' remains in W.Germ. also, and develops further like every *z' into *r' : Goth.

* mis ' (to me), O.N. ' mer,' O.H.G. ' mir.'

(5) In Nor. and W.Germ '-ns' disappears : Goth. ace. plu. 'gastins' (guest), O.N. 'geste,' O.S. 'gesti,' O.H.G.

* gesti,' Goth. ace. plu. * sununs ' (sons), O.N. ' suno ' or *sunu,' O.E. 'sunu' or 'suna,' O.H.G. 'situ' (customs).

2. Laws of Final Vowels

The laws of final vowels only affect unaccented syl- lables.

(A) Long Vowels

The final " slur-" accented and nasalised long vowels remain long in Goth., but become short in Nor. and W.Germ. ; the unnasalised " sharp-" accented long vowels become short in Goth. also. Here the different kinds of ' 6 ' come mainly into consideration.

To the Ind.-Germ. *o' point the Lith. pronominal genitives of ' o- ' stems such as * to ' (of the same) which have come from ablatives and correspond to O.Ind. *tad' (from the same) Ind.-Germ. *'tod.' Even the Goth. * undaro ' (below) has come from an ablative, as it corresponds to the O.Ind. abl. 'adharad,' and the ablative meaning is still very clearly shown in the Goth, adverbs in ' -\xb ' as ' alja]?ro ' (from elsewhere) * h al?r6 ' (whence), etc. From ablatives sprang also the Ger- manic adverbs in * -6/ such as Goth. * galeiko ' (likewise),

74 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

O.N. ' glika,' O.S. * gilico/ ' gillhho/ as well as those in -iT)go -ur)g6, like Goth. * unweniggo ' (unhoped for), O.E. 'weninga' (perhaps), O.S. 'wissungo' (certainly). Also the nom. sing, of the masc. ' n- ' stems exhibit the same vowel-shades in W.Germ. as O.E. 'guma' (man), O.S. *giimo,' O.H.G. 'gorno,' to which O.Lith. 'zmu' from Ind.-Germ. *'ghmo' corresponds, while Goth, has here substituted a 'guma' for **gumo' in analogy with the ace. sing, in '-an.'

Also ' 6" ' (i.e. a nasalised 6) of the gen. plu. is repre- sented as ' 6 ' in the different Germanic dialects ; the gen. plu., according to the evidence of O.Ind. 'padam' (of the feet), Gk. iroSoov, Oewvy Lith. devu, ended already in Ind.-Germ. in all classes of stems in ' -om ' : cf Goth. ' tuggond ' (of the tongues), O.N. * tungna,' O.E. ' tun- gena,' O.S. 'tungono,' O.H.G. 'zungono'; Goth. *gibo' (of the gifts), O.N. 'giafa,' O.E. 'giefa/ O.S. 'gebo'; O.N., O.E. ' f6ta ' (of the feet) ; O.S., O.H.G. ' nahto ' (of the nights).

Vowels of another shade have their source in P.Germ. * o" ' ; thus in the nom. sing, of the feminine ' n- ' stems, such as Goth. ' tuggo ' (tongue), O.N. ' tunga,' O.E. 'tunge,' O.S. 'tunga,' O.H.G. 'zunga' (cf Gk. arjSwv), but also in the nom. of the neuter n-stems as Goth. ' augo ' (eye), O.N. ' auga,' O.E. ' eage,' O.S. ' oga/ O.H.G. 'ouga': that in this case feminines and neuters agree in Goth, as well as in O.N. and W.Germ. is proved by their agreement already in P.Germ. The same vowel- shades appear in O.N. and W.Germ. in the first pers. sing. ind. of the weak preterites where the source is P.Germ. '6"' from '5™': O.E. ' nerede ' (I saved), O.S. ' nerida,' O.H.G. * nerita,' O.N. ' fd^a ' (I scratched), Prim. O.N. still 'faihi^o,' while Goth, 'nasida' for **nasido' has been transferred from the third person.

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 75

P.Germ. ' o ' is shortened to '-a ' in Goth., to '-u ' in Nor. and W.Germ. In Prim. O.N. this *-u' is still pre- served, but disappears in O.N. after it has produced umlaut ; in W.Germ. it remains after a short and dis- appears after a long syllable. Here belongs the nom. sing, of the 'a-' stems in Ind.-Germ. '-a': Gk. Oed, Lith. *ger6-ji' (the good one, fem.) [cf. p. 30]. In Goth, the Ind.-Germ. 'a' is still preserved as *o' in the chief-accented *s6' (this)= O.Ind. *sa,' Doric li, Attic 7;, but shortened in ' giba ' (gift), Prim. O.N. *gibu,' O.N. 'giof,' O.E. 'giefu,' but 'for' (journey), O.H.G. 'thisu' (this), but 'hwil' (a while). Under the Ind.-Germ. *6' the i sing. pres. ind. act. is here ranged : Gk. 0epa), Lith. ' suku ' (I twist), in the compound ' sukii-s ' (Lith. ' u ' from Ind.-Germ. * 5 '), Goth. * baira ' (I carry), O.N. *ber' (the *-u' is still preserved as *-o' in those cases in which through appending a word it had become medial, e.g. 'bero-mk' = I am carried, lit. I carry myself), Merc, 'beoru,' O.S., O.H.G. ' biru,' and, with a reinstated *-u ' by analogy even after a long syllable, ' bindu ' (I bind).

An example for another vowel is the Ind.-Germ. *-i' in the nom. sing, of the *je-' stems: O.Ind. *brhati' (the great one, f.), Goth. * bandi ' (fetter).

A slurred long vowel is also preserved in W.Germ. before *-s' and original '-z,' whereby *o' is unrounded to 'a,' thus in the nom. plu. of the 'a-' stems: O.Ind. 'dsvas' (mares), Goth, 'gibos' (gifts), O.H.G. *geba'; the short in O.S. *geba,* O.E. 'giefa,' apparently also O.N. ' giafar,' are of later origin. But a sharp long vowel in this position is shortened contrary to the case in Goth. ; Lat. ' velis,' Goth. ' wileis' (thou wilt or wishest),

76 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

O.H.G. like, O.S. 'wili/ O.E. 'wile,' where the "sharp" accent is to be assumed, because a "slurred" accent only arose through contraction or sound-losses.

"Sharp-" accented vowels are everywhere shortened in Germanic before *-r': Gk. irarr'jp, Goth, 'fadar,' O.N. 'fa=Ser,' O.E. 'faeder,' O.S. 'fader,' O.H.G. ' fater.'

(B) Diphthongs

Final normal diphthongs retain the " slur-" accent in Goth.: thus Germ. *-ai' in pres. opt.: Lith. *te-suke' (he may twist) [-e from Ind.-Germ. -oi], Goth. * bafrai ' (he may carry). W.Germ. has here shortened final e (for ' ai ' in an unaccented syllable) but retained it long before *s': O.H.G. 'here,' but 'beres' (thou mayest carry) = Goth, 'bairais'; the 'e' in O.S. 'beres' and apparently also in O.N. * berer ' is of a later date. We find a corresponding relation in the case of 'aii,' between Lith. 'sunaus' (of the son), Goth, 'sunaus,' O.H.G. ' frido ' (of peace = Goth. * ' fri>aus '), O.E. ' suna.'

*-ai' with a "sharp" accent is shortened to *a' in Goth. : Gk. (peperm (the accent on the antepenultima proves that the last syllable was "sharp-" accented), Goth. * bafrada.' In W.Germ. the shortening only takes place here after the contraction of ' ai ' to ' e ' : the only example is O.E ' hatte ' = Goth, 'haitada' (he is named).

The long diphthongs ' ei,' ' eu,' * oi,' ' ou,' when final, shortened their first vowel in Goth, to ' a,' e.g. ' anstai ' [from *'-ei'] (to favour, dat), 'sunau' [from **-eu'] (to the son), ' gibai ' [from * ' -oi '] (to the gift), 'ahtau' [from *'-ou'; cf O.Ind. * astau '] (eight). In O.N. and W.Germ. '-ei' becomes 'ei,' and further changes in O.N. into 'e' ['brii^e' (bride) = Goth.

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 77

'brudai'], in W.Germ. into '-i'[O.S. 'ansti/ O.H.G. *ensti']; '-eu' changes into *-iu' [Prim. O.N. dat. ' Kunimudiu,' O.H.G. 'suniu'] ; '-oi' into '-e/ in O.E. into '-e ' (* giefe ') ; *-6u ' into '-5/ which is afterwards treated exactly like the other *-6': O.N. 'atta/ O.E. 'eahta/ O.S., O.H.G. *ahto.' The contraction to '3' is ex- plained on this ground that, as the long diphthongs were longer than the normal, so were the "slurred" long diphthongs longer than the " sharp."

(C) Short Vowels (i) In Goth, '-a' and *-i' are dropped when final or before -s (chiefly from *-z'), *a°' and *-i^' are also dropped when final, while ' -u ' and * -u" ' remain every- where: O.Ind. 've'da' (I know), Gk. '/oT^a,' Goth, 'wait'; Prim. O.N. ' stainaR * (stone) from * ' stainaz,' Goth. ' stains,' Prim. O.N. ' staina ' (ace.) from ' staina" ' [cf. Lat.

* equom ' with * equos '] Goth. * stain ' ; Gk. irarpi, Goth.

* fadr ' ; Lat. * hostis,' Goth. ' gasts ' (guest), ' gast ' (ace.) from * ' gasti" ' from *' gastim ' like * sitim ' from ' sitis ' ; Gk.TToXv, Goth. ' filu,' O.Ind. ' sunus ' (son), Goth. * sunus.' O.Ind. 'sunum' (ace), Goth, 'sunu.'

(2) In Prim. O.N. '-a' has been lost, but *-aR' and *-a"' are preserved ; in O.N. -a also in *-aR' and ' -a"' is dropped : Gk. i sing. perf. XeXozTra, Prim. O.N. ' un- nam' (I undertook), O.N. 'nam'; Goth, 'dags' (day), stains (stone), Prim. O.N. ' dagaR,' ' stainaR,' O.N. 'dagr,' 'steinn'; Goth, 'stain' (ace). Prim. O.N. 'staina,' O.N. ' stein.'

In Prim. O.N. '-i' in the third syllable is lost in •wita^a-h^laiban' (to the employer, master) from * ' hlaibani.' There is no other example of ' -i * in Prim. O.N. and it has disappeared in O.N. : Gk. Trarpl:

78 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

O.N. 'fe'Sr.' *-i' remains (before '-R') in Prim. O.N. * Hlewa-gastiR/ ' Sali-gastiR,' but vanishes already in the Prim. O.N. period after a long and remains after a short syllable: 'barutR' (breaks), 'sitiR' (sits) ; in O.N. *-i' is also dropped after a short syllable : *sitr' as well as 'brytr'; likewise 'gest' (guest, ace). Prim. O.N. has no example.

There are no examples in O.N. of Ind.-Germ. *-u.' After a short syllable * u ' before * -R ' is still extant in Prim. O.N. 'sunuR' (son), 'karuR' (ready) for *'garuR,' but it disappears in this case also in O.N. after pro- ducing umlaut in the vowels subject to this change : 'sunr' ['sun'], * gorr.' *-u"' disappears in Prim. O.N. after a long syllable and remains after a short one: hence ace. ' Asmunt ' beside ' sunu ' on the Solvesborg Stone (eighth century). In O.N. it disappears also after a short syllable after it has caused umlaut : ' sun ' (son, ace.) ' mog ' (son, ace.) for Prim. O.N. ' magu.'

(3) In W.Germ. neither * a,' final or before an original *-z,' nor '-a"' is retained anywhere: O.E. 'nom' (I took), O.S., O.H.G. 'nam'; O.E. 'daeg,' O.S. 'dag,' O.H.G. 'tac' (day, nom. and ace).

In W.Germ. 'i ' and ' u,' final or before an original *-z,' as well as ' -i"^ ' and ' -u",' disappear after a long syllable, but remain after a short one: O.E. 'fet' (from *'foti') (foot, dat), cf. Gk. ttoSI; 'hnyte' (nut) from *'hnuti.' O.E. ' giest,' O.S., O.H.G. * gast ' (guest, nom. and ace.) ; Prim. O.E., O.S., O.H.G. ' wini' (friend, nom. and ace). Nom. ace. sing. neu. Goth, 'hardu' (hard J, O.E. 'heard,' O.S. 'hard,' O.H.G. 'hart'; Goth, 'filu' (much), O.E. 'feolu,' O.S., O.H.G. ' filu ' ; Goth. nom. ' handus ' (hand) ace. 'handu,' W.Germ. nom. ace. O.E. 'hond,' O.S. 'hand,' O.H.G. 'hant' ; O.E., O.S., O.H.G. 'sunu' (son, nom. ace).

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 79

3. Chronology

We are obliged on internal grounds to place the three first laws of final consonants before all laws governing final vowels ; this is in complete harmony with the fact that the former cover all Germanic and must have operated during the time when Gothic and the other Germanic dialects were geographically connected. But most of the other laws, especially those to which vowels are subject, are common to Nor. and W.Germ. as distinct from Gothic, and must have operated at a time after the Goths had migrated from the Vistula- country, and when there existed a close intercourse between Nor. and W.Germ. Of the laws of final con- sonants, the dropping of -ns belongs to this period ; of the laws governing final vowels the following : (i) the shortening of " slurred " long vowels, (2) the rounding of the " sharp-" accented '-o ' to '-u,' (3) the similar shorten- ing of the long diphthongs, (4) the dropping of ' i ' and ' u ' especially after a long syllable.

As the Nor. and W.Germ. *-u,' which arose from *-o,' obeyed the same law as the original '-u,' the dropping of the latter naturally took place after the shortening of the " sharp-" accented '-o.'

Part III ACCIDENCE

I. NOUNS

In Ind.-Germ. there were three numbers : singular, dual and plural ; three genders : masculine, feminine and neuter ; and eight cases : nominative, vocative, accusative, genitive, dative, ablative, locative and in- strumental. Germanic has lost the dual number, but has preserved the three genders. Of the cases, the ablative which existed in Ind.-Germ. in the singular alone and only in the stems in '-o' disappeared from the Germ, declensions ; the vocative which in Ind.- Germ. differed from the nominative only in the singular is preserved in Goth., while in O.N. it has adopted the form of the nominative, and in W.Germ. has phono- logically coincided with this case. In the plural Germ, has also lost both dative and locative, as the instru- mental took over their functions, and is in consequence called dative in Germ. The dative has also been dis- placed in many cases in the singular by the locative, which no longer occurs as an independent case, and sometimes by the instrumental which still exists as such in certain classes of stems. In Ind.-Germ. the neuter diverged from the masculine only in the nomina- tive and accusative of the different numbers, which continued to be the case also in Germ.

Declensions differed in Ind.-Germ. according to what

80

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 81

stem-forming suffix was added to the root. There were also stems which only consisted of the root. The end- ings of one and the same case in the several classes of stems were only rarely different originally ; still diver- gences arose, especially from the fact that stem-forming suffixes, which ended in a vowel, were. contracted with case-endings whose initial sound was a vowel. A dis- tinction is therefore made between vocalic and con- sonantal declensions; the former is called the strong declension in Germ. The most widely spread were the stems in *-e-' which was changed in most cases into *-o-,' hence the class is generally known as the *o-' declension and contains masculine and neuter nouns. The extensive 'a-' and ie- classes contained only feminine nouns in Ind.-Germ. On the other hand, nouns of all the three genders belonged to the *i-' and 'u-' classes. That was also the case in the consonantal declensions. Of the latter the n- class became the most extensive in Germ., and is known especially as the weak declension. Only small groups of the other consonantal classes have been preserved in Germ. : they are really root- stems, nouns of relationship in *-r,' participles in Ind.- Germ. '-nt,' used as nouns, and *es-' stems.

In explaining the individual cases, the changes which have been treated under the laws of final syllables will not receive special notice.

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

A. The Vocalic or Strong Declension

(a) ' 0- Declension

[This is also called the * a- ' declension]

(a) Masculine

Sing.

O.E. earm. earm. earm. earmes. earme. earme.

Plu.

	Goth.	O.N.
Nom.	arms (arm).	armr.
Voc.	arm.	armr.
Ace.	arm.	arm.
Gen.	armis.	arms.
Dat.	arma.	arme.
Instr.
Nom.	armos.	armar.
Ace.	armans.	arma.
Gen.	arme.	arma.
Dat.	armam.	ormom.

O.S.	A.H.G.
arm.	arm.
arm.	arm.
arm.	arm.
armes, -as.	armes.
arme.	arme.
armu.	armu.
armos.	arma.
armos.	arma.
armo.	armo.
armum.	armum.

Sing,

(i) In the nom. * -s ' was added to * -o- ' in Ind.-Germ. : tTTTTo-?, O.Lat. 'equo-s.' According to the position of the accent ' -os ' became * -as ' or ' -az ' in Germ. ; ' -az,' however, became general, hence Prim. O.N. 'stainaR' (stone), O.E. 'earm,' etc.

(2) In the 'o-' stems in Ind.-Germ. the gen. had the pronominal ending *-sio' : Gk. tWofo from ^'liriro-a-io^ O.Ind. * dsva-sya ' ('a' for Ind.-Germ. * o '). The secondary form '-so' (cf. O.Bg. ' ceso ' = whose) is to be taken as the basis for Germ. Ind.-Germ. * -o-so ' became *-asa,' '-as' in Germ., and is so found in Prim. O.N. ' Asugisalas,* Northumb. 'heofnas' (of heaven).

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 83

Old W.S. 'earmaes' (whence '-es'), O.S. ' armas.' *-e-so ' stands in ablaut relation as '-is ' in Goth. ' armis.* As Ind.-Germ. *e/ when unaccented, becomes *i' in Germ., *-es ' in O.S., O.H.G. * armes ' cannot have directly come from Ind.-Germ. '-e-so': *i' has rather returned to *e' through the influence of the secondary form in '-as,' since *a' and 'i' are fused into the intermediate ' e.' Similar processes operate in living dialects : thus in Soest the * i-' umlaut of * a,' lengthened under the accent, has become an M-' diphthong ; but in every case in which there was a cognate form with * a ' or * a ' along- side of it, an *e- ' diphthong has sprung up ; hence, e.g.

* iazl ' (ass), Goth. * asilus,' but ' feata ' (casks), because

* fat ' (cask) existed beside it.

(3) The dat. in Ind.-Germ. was formed in ' -ai,' which with '-0-' was contracted into *-6i': Gk. Trora/ua), O.Lat. ' populoi.' From this arose the Nor. and W. Germ, '-ai,' which unaccented passed into ' -e,' and further into '-e' (in early O.E. still '-se'). In Goth, the dat. has been replaced by the instr. which was formed in Ind.- Germ. by the mere lengthening of the final * -e-' of the stem : the Goth. ']?e' (thereby) still has an instrumental meaning. In unaccented syllables in Goth, "sharp-" accented *-e' (like *-6') becomes '-a.*

(4) In Ind.-Germ. an '-m' was added to '-0-' in the acc. : O.Ind. 'dsvam,' Gk. Ittttov, Lat. 'equom.' Hence Prim. O.N. * staina ' (stone, acc), etc.

(5) In the voc. in Ind.-Germ. the pure stem in *-e' appeared : Gk. XJ/ce, Lat. ' vulpe,' Lith. * vilke.' Hence Goth. ' arm,' O.E. ' earm,' etc.

(6) The stem appeared in the instr. in Ind.-Germ., but with lengthening of the '-o ' into a "sharp-" accented

84 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

*-o,' from which arose Lith. *u' as in *geru-ju': hence O.S., O.H.G. 'hofu' (by the court) and, by restoring *-u' after a long syllable, also 'armu.' O.E. *-e' (early O.K. *-i') has its source in 'i' from Ind.-Germ. '-ei' which was a contraction of *-e-' in the final stem and the locative ending *-i' (cf Gk. oi'/cet).

Plu,

(i) In the nom. in Ind.-Germ. the ending '-es' was contracted with the '-o' of the stem into '-os': O.Ind. 'vfkas' (wolves) [Ind.-Germ. '6' becomes 'a' in O.Ind.]. To this *-os,' '-es' could be again added as in O.Ind. ' vfkasas ' ; if the root was accented, Germ, showed '-oziz,' to which alone dialectical O.Fris. '-ar,' e.g. in 'fiskar' (fishes), can be traced ; but Goth. *6s' and O.N. *-ar' may also be explained in the same way, while O.E. '-as' and O.S. '-os' can have arisen in '-oziz' from Ind.-Germ. *-6s-es,' as it is possible that the ending which arose from the *o-' stems with accented suffix was made general. In O.H.G. '-a' has come from the ace.

(2) In Ind.-Germ. the gen. ended in '-6m,' contracted from the final '-o' of the stem and the ending *-om': Gk, iTorajxm, O.Ind. * vfkam.' Hence O.N., O.E. '-a/ O.S., O.H.G. '-0.' Goth, '-e' is to be traced back to Ind.-Germ. '-em/ which could be derived from '-e-om' by contraction.

(3) The instr. had the ending '-mis' in Ind.-Germ. (cf Lith. 'rankomis'= with hands), but not in 'o-' stems (cf O.Ind. 'dsvais'=with horses), Gk. iTTTroi? : in Germ, '-mis' has been transferred to 'o-' stems also. This *-mis' appears as '-ms' in W.Germ. datives of names,

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 85

such as 'Aflims/ in Latin inscriptions of Germanic soldiers with the Romans : that an * i ' has been dropped in the third syllable here is proved by the O.E. ' twa:m ' (by two) from *'twaimiz' (Goth, 'twaim') with 'i-' umlaut of 'd' from 'ai.' The *-s' in unaccented syl- lables had become *-z' (to be so taken in 'Aflims'), which necessarily disappeared later in W.Germ. In O.N. it is only after a chief-stressed syllable that '-R' from *-z' has not been assimilated to a preceding *m,' e.g. in 'J?rimr' (by three), 'tveimr' (by two); in other cases we find *-m' from '-mm ' from *-mR.' The final *-o-* of a stem appears in Goth, as '-a-' in *-am/ but it has been preserved in Nor. and W.Germ. before the labial *m' as a labial or round vowel in *-om' and *-um.'

(4) The ace. ended in *-ns' in Ind.-Germ. : Cret. XvKovg. Hence Goth, '-ans/ O.N., O.H.G. *-a.' O.E. *-as/ O.S. '-as,' *-os,' comes from the nom.

(/3) Neuter

(i) The nom. ace. sing, were in Ind.-Germ. the same as ace. sing. masc. : O.Ind. 'yugdm' (yoke), Gk. fi/yoV, Lat. 'iugum,' Goth, 'juk'; Prim. O.N. 'horna' (horn), O.N. 'horn'; O.S., O.H.G., Goth., O.N. 'barn' (child), O.E. ' beam.'

(2) Nom. ace. plu. : O.Ind. 'yuga,' Lat. 'iuga,' O.Bg. 'iga* (-a from -a). In Goth, '-a' is still retained as '-0' under the chief accent in ' J>o ' (these). But, cf. Goth. ' barna (children), O.N. ' born,' O.E. ' beam,' O.S., O.H.G. 'barn with O.E. ' grafu ' (graves), O.S. ' grabu.'

86 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

(b) ^ io-' Declension

The 'io-' is only an offshoot of the 'o-' declension, and the following points are to be especially noted :

(i) As may be seen from O.Ind. and O.Bct. 'i' in Ind.-Germ. became 'i' before a vowel, when a short syllable preceded it. This continues to be the case in Goth., in so far as * io- ' stems with a short root-syllable have '-jis' in the gen. sing., while those with a long stem-syllable have '-eis' (from *-i-is'): e.g. 'harjis' (of the army), ' hairdeis ' (of the shepherd).

(2) In the nom. sing. *-ios' of masculines with a long stem was contracted to *-is ' in Germ. : Goth, 'hafrdeis' (shepherd). As the nom. here became like the gen. it also assumed the same form as the latter in the case of the masculines with short stems : 'harjis' (the army).

(c) ^ a- Declension Sing.

Goth. O.N. O.E. O.S. O.H.G.

Nom. giba (gift), giof. giefu. geba. geba.

Ace. giba. giof. giefe. geba. geba.

Gen. gibos. giafar. giefe. geba. geba.

Dat. gibai. giof. giefe. gebu. gebu.

Plu.

Nom.-acc. gibos. giafar. giefa. geba. geba.

Gen. gibo. giafa. giefa, -ena. gebo, -one. gebono.

Dat. gibom. giofom. giefum. gebum. gebom.

Sing. (i) In Ind.-Germ. the nom. had no ending in this declension : O.Ind. 'dsva' (mare), Gk. Oea. This *a' is

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 87

kept as *-o' in Goth, in the chief-accented 'so' (this, f.) and in those cases in which it has appeared medially, as in ' ni ainohun ' (no one, f.) [related to * aina,' " one," f. as 'ni ainshun' "no one," m. to *ains' "one," m.]. From '-0,' are to be explained Goth/giba,' Prim. O.N. 'gibu,' O.N. * giof ' (with * u-umlaut '), O.E. ' giefu.' In addition to the O.E. '-u' of the nouns with short stems there is the form without an ending of nouns with long stems such as *f6r' (journey). O.S., O.H.G. '-a' has been taken from the ace.

(2) The ending of the gen. was here, as in all the following classes, '-es ' from '-os,' by ablaut, which with *-a' was contracted to *-as': O.lnd. 'asvas,' Gk. Oea^, Lith. ' mergos ' (of a maiden) ; ' as ' became, in Germ, through accenting the root, '-6z,' whence Goth, '-os,' O.N. '-ar,' O.S. '-a,' O.H.G. '-a'; O.E. '-e' seems to have been taken over from the dat.

(3) In the dat. Ind.-Germ. '-ai' was contracted with *-a' into '-ai': O.lnd. 'tasyai' (to this, f.), Gk. Oea : hence Goth, '-ai,' O.E. '-e.' The '-u ' of O.N. * ' giafu,' whence 'giof,' O.S. ' getu,' O.H.G. 'gebu,' is to be traced back to '-o' from Ind.-Germ. '-a' of the instr.

r

(cf. '-u' from '-o' in the instr. of the 'o-' stems); the '-u' has been in O.S., O.H.G. also restored to the words with long stems : e.g. to ' eru ' (to the honour).

(4) The ace. added '-m ' to '-a-' in Ind.-Germ. : O.lnd. 'dsvam,' Gk. Oedi/. From 'am' arose Germ, '-om/ whence '-5^ whence O.E. '-e,' O.S., O.H.G. '-a,' also O.N. '-a' which, however, only exists in the adj., e.g. 'spaka' from 'spakr' (prudent). In the case of the noun the ace. took the form of the nom. in Goth.-Nor., in this the adj. followed suit.

88 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

Plu.

(i) In the Ind.-Germ. nom. *-a-es* was contracted to '-as,' O.Ind. 'asvas.' The Germ, forms are phonologic- ally developed: Prim. O.N. * runoR ' for O.N. *runaR' (runes).

(2) In the gen. in Ind.-Germ. the '-6m' of the 'o-' stems was transferred to the *a-' class as it was to all classes : Lith. 'ranku' (of hands), O.Bg. 'rakii' as Lith. 'vilkii' (of wolves), O.Bg. 'vluku.' Besides that, there existed here '-a-nom': O.Ind. * asvanam.' Both forma- tions are preserved in Germ.: thus in Prim. O.N. *runo,'

* runono.'

(3) The Ind.-Germ. instr. ended in *-a-mis': Lith.

* ranko-mis.' Whence the Germ. dat.

(4) The Ind.-Germ. ace, like the nom., ended in *-as/ which probably in this case, however, came from '-a-ns': O.Ind. 'dsvas,' Lith. 'aszwos,* Goth, 'gibos/ etc.

(d) */<?-' Declension

The *ie-' stems have been frequently replaced in the Ind.-Germ. languages by Ma-' stems, which are inflected like 'a-' stems (cf. Lat. 'materia' with 'materies'). Only the nom. and ace. sing, in Germ, show forms deviating from the 'ia-' stems.

(i) In the nom. sing. '-1' could stand as a vanish- ing grade of '-i^e' without a case-ending : O.Ind. ' brhati' (the great one, f.). Lith. 'vezanti' ['-i' from '-i'] (the travelling one, f.). Likewise Goth. ' bandi ' (band), gen. ' bandjos,' O.S. ' rethi ' (speech). In O.E. ' bend ' (band), '-i' has phonologically disappeared after a long syllable, in O.H.G. 'kuningin' (queen) after many syllables; in

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

89

O.N. 'hei^r' (heath) the case-ending 'r' has also been added. But '-^e' could also stand in Ind.-Germ. : Lith. *zeme' (earth) ['i' disappears in Lith. before a front vowel) ; Lat. with a nom. ending * materie-s.' Likewise Goth, 'sunja' (truth) from 'sntie' (cf O.Ind. nom. sing, fern. ' sati ' (being).

(2) In the ace. sing, '-e' arose from '-^e-m' (cf. Lat. *materiem') in O.N. 'hei^e/ '-a' from *-[a-m' (cf Lat. ' materiam ') in O.S. ' rethia/ O.H.G. ' kuninginna ' ; O.E. 'bende' admits of both explanations. Goth. *bandja' is modelled on ' giba.'

Goth. Nom. gasts (guest). Ace. gast. Gen. gastis. Dat. gasta. Instr.

Nom. gasteis Ace. gastins. Gen. gaste. Dat. gastim.

(e) * /-' Declension (a) Masculine Sing. O.N. gestr.

gest.

gests.

gest.

O.E.

giest.

giestes.

gieste.

Plu.

O.S. gast. gast. gastes. gaste. gastiu.

gester. giestas.

geste. giestas.

gesta. giesta.

gestom. giestum. gestion.

gesti. gesti. gestio.

O.H.G.

gast.

gastes.

gaste.

gastiu.

gesti. gesti. gesteo. gestim.

Sing,

(i) In the Ind.-Germ. nom. '-s' was added to *-ei-', which was originally the ending of the stem, but became *-i-' because it was unaccented : O.Ind. * g^tis ' (way), Gk. )8a(7f9, Prim. O.N. * SaligastiR,' etc. '-i' disappeared in

90 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

W.Germ. only after a long syllable : it was retained after a short syllable : Early O.E., O.S., O.H.G. ' wini ' (friend), O.K. * wine.'

(2) In the gen. the form of the *o-' declension was taken over in P. Germ.

(3) Probably the O.N. dat. 'gest' from *'gasti' was originally an instr. in Ind.-Germ. '-1/ corresponding to the *-o' of the 'o-' stems. The same formation is also found in O.S. in the case of words with short stems, e.g. in * hugi ' (to the mind) ; for those with long stems we should expect in O.S. a form without an ending. As these, however, only occur otherwise in the nom. and ace. sing., a dat. in '-e ' was here formed on the model of the gen. in *-es.' This formation of the dat. from the gen. is general in Goth., O.K. and O.H.G.

(4) *-i-m ' in the ace. had arisen already in Ind.-Germ. (cf. nom.): O.Ind. *gatim,' Gk. pd(ni>, Lat. ' sitim.' In the Germ, dialects the ace. came to coincide phonologic- ally with the nom.: hence in early O.K., O.S., O.H.G. 'wini,' O.K. 'wine.'

(5) In the instr. in O.S. and O.H.G. '-u,' regarded as an instr. ending, was taken from the '-o' stems and added to the '-i' of the stem.

Flu.

(i) In Ind.-Germ. the nom. ended in '-ei-es': O.Ind. ' agndyas ' (the fires), ' trdyas ' (three), Cret. rpeeg from *'treies.' From this came Germ, '-ijiz,' later *-iz.' Hence Goth, '-eis,' O.N. '-er,' O.S. '-i'; '-e' only seldom in O.E., as in ' wine ' (friends) ; generally because of the other plural cases the ending of the 'o-' stems ('-as') has been adopted. O.H.G. '-i' comes from the ace.

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 91

(2) The gen. ended in Ind.-Germ. in '-i6m': rpicoVf Lat. 'turrium.' Hence O.S. '-io/ O.H.G. '-eo.' In the Northern Germ, dialects (Nor., Goth., O.E.) the gen. plu., following the example of the gen. sing., adopted the form of the 'o-' declension; only in O.E. are found isolated 'winiga' (for *-ia') ' Deniga.'

(3) The instr. ended in '-i-mis' in Ind.-Germ.: Lith. * naktimis ' (by means of nights). Hence in the dat. in Goth. O.H.G. *-im.' O.N. '-om,' O.E. *-um ' have been taken over from the 'o-' declension because of the gen. plu. in *-a' ; O.S. '-ion' is from the 'io-' declension be- cause of the gen. plu. in *-io.'

(4) The ace. ended in '-i-ns' in Ind.-Germ.: Cret TToXivg. The Germ, forms are phonologically developed; in O.E., however, *-as' has generally taken the place of '-e* as in the nom. plu.

(/3) Feminine

The feminine 'i-' stems have in the sing, in O.N. gone over to other classes, esp. to the 'a-' class (e.g. *tf«' " time," ' tf«ar,' 'tf«,"ti«') and have on the model of these levelled the ace. and nom. plu., e.g. 'tf^er.' In the other dialects they have not, on account of their gender, adopted the innovations which arose from the '0-' stems : only in the Goth. gen. plu., *-e' is borrowed from the masc. 'i-' stems. They thus form in O.S., O.H.G. no instr. sing., and preserve in O.E. the nom. and ace. plu. in *-e' and have different forms for the gen. and dat. sing.

(i) In the gen. sing. *-oi-es' was contracted to *-6is': Lith. * naktes ' (of the night), Goth. * anstais ' (of favour). In W.Germ. the dat. has made its way into the gen.: O.E. '^ste; O.S. 'ansti,' O.H.G. 'ensti.'

92 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

(2) The dat. sing, was replaced by the loc. which had been formed in Ind.-Germ. by lengthening the final *-ei' of the stem to '-ei': Gk. iroKn, Oscan 'Fuutrei' (genetrici), Goth. ' anstai/ O.E. ' este,' O.S. * ansti,' O.H.G.

* ensti.'

(y) Neuter

Only remains are found in W.Germ.

(i) In the nom. ace. sing, there was a vanishing grade '-i-' without ending in Ind.-Germ. : O.Ind. ' suci ' (clean), Gk. "i^pi (skilled), Lat. 'leve' from *Mevi,' *mare' from ** marl ' = O.H.G. *mari' (sea), O.S. 'halsmeni' (neck- ornaments), O.E. 'spere' from **speri' (spear).

(2) In the nom. ace. plu. assimilation with the 'o-' declension instead of the old formation (still in O.Ind.

* tri ' = three) took place dialectically in Ind.-Germ.: Gk. Tp'ia, Lat. 'tria,' Goth. '>rija,' O.E. *=Sreo,' O.S. 'thriu,' O.H.G. *driu.' 'Speru' is modelled in O.E. on the neuters * o-' stems (* grafa,' * grafum ' : * spera,' ' sperum' = ' grafu ' : * spcru ').

(f) *u-' Declension

(a) Masculine and Feminine

Sing.

	Goth.	O.N.		O.E.	O.S.	O.H.G.
Nom.	sunus (son).	vpttr (gl	ova).	sunu.	sunu.	sunu.
Voc.	sunu, -au.	vottr.		sunu.	sunu.	sunu.
Ace.	sunu.	vott.		sunu.	sunu.	sunu.
Gen.	sunaus.	vattar.		suna.	sunies.	sunes.
Dat.	sunau.	vette.		suna.	suno.	suniu.
Instr.			Plu.			suniu.
Nom.	sunjus.	vetter.		suna, -u.	suni.	suni.
Ace.	sununs.	votto.		suna, -u.	suni.	suni.
Gen.	suniwe.	vatta.		suna.	sunio.	suneo.
Dat.	sunum.	vpttom.		sunum.	sunion.	sunim.

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 9S

Sing,

(i) The nom. of this true 'eu-' class showed in Ind.- Germ. a vanishing grade '-u- + s': O.Ind. 'sunus' (son), Lith. *sunus/ Goth. *sunus,' O.Swed. *sunuR.' O.N. *vottr* from ** vattuR,' still as the loan-word 'vantus' in Finnish. *-u' has disappeared in W.Germ. after a long syllable: Goth, 'handus' (hand), O.E. *hond,' O.S. •hand,'O.H.G. 'hant'

(2) In the gen. 'ou-es' was contracted to '-6us ' already in Ind.-Germ.: O.Ind. 'sunos,' Lith. 'sunaus,' Goth, 'sunaus,' O.N. '-ar,' O.E. '-a.' In O.H.G. the phonological form in '-6' is only rare ('fridoo' = of peace) ; generally '-es' is found in analogy with 'i-' stems, because in the nom. plu. *-i' of *suni' had coincided with that of 'gesti.' O.S. *-ies' is in analogy with the adjectival 'u-' stems which in most cases in Germ, had passed over to the Mo-' declension.

(3) The Germ. dat. is a loc. in Ind.-Germ. with a lengthened grade '-eu' without an ending: O.Ind. *sunau.' Hence Goth. *-au,' Prim. O.N. *-iu,' ('magiu' = to the son), whence in O.N. '-i,' *-e' produces umlaut. In the oldest stages of O.H.G. 'suniu' still exists, but generally * sune,' modelled on the ' i-' declension through the nom. plu. 'suni,' has replaced it. In O.E. '-a' has encroached from the gen. The O.S. '-o ' has apparently its source in *-au' and this in '-ou,' which may have been in ablaut relation to Ind.-Germ. '-eu' ; O.S.* sunie' is formed in analogy with ' sunies,' and * suni ' with the 'i-' declension.

(4) The Ind.-Germ. ace. ended in *-u-m': O.Ind. 'suo.um,' Goth, 'sunu,' etc. In W.Germ. *-u^' also dis-

94 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

appeared after a long syllable : O.E. * hond/ O.S. 'hand/ O.H.G. 'hant;

(5) The Ind.-Germ. voc. showed an 'o-' grade without an ending as in OJnd. *sun5, Lith. 'sunavi' or a vanishing grade as in Gk. Trfjxv ' both forms, * sunau ' and * sunu ' are in Goth., only the latter in W.Germ.

(6) The O.H.G. instr. 'suniu' stands to *suni' as ' gastiu ' to * gasti ' (gesti).

P/u.

(i) The Ind.-Germ. nom. ended in '-6u-es': O.Ind. 'sundvas,' Gk. iriix^eg, from *7rrix^f^^. Whence Germ, *-iuiz,' whose second 'i' was dropped already in P.Germ. because it stood in a third syllable ; through this the * u ' became vocalic before *z.' In Goth. *i' then became a consonant before *u': 'sunjus.' In Nor. and W.Germ. *u' disappeared from **suniuz' in a third syllable: hence Prim. O.N. *-ir' ('suniR'), O.N. '-er,' O.S., O.H.G. '-i.' O.E. '-a' is presumably traceable to *-auz,' which stands in ablaut relation to Ind.-Germ. *-ou-es'; O.E. '-u' comes from the ace.

(2) In the gen. the 'e-' grade stood in some of the Ind.-Germ. speeches, thus *-eu-6m': Gk. Trrixecov from * TTvx^/ft)!/. For Goth, * suniwo ' was substituted * suniwe ' formed in analogy with * o-' stems ; in Nor. and W.Germ. the gen. on account of the nom. plu. everywhere adopted the form of the * i-' stems.

(3) The Goth, and O.E. 'sunum,' O.N. *vottom' corre- spond to the Lith. 'sunumis.' In O.H.G. *sunim' is formed in analogy with the *i-' stems because of the nom. plu.; hence also O.S. *sunion' from *'suniun' through the influence of the adjectival u- stems (cf. gen. sing.).

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 95

(4) The Ind.-Germ. ace. ended in '-u-ns': Cret vivp^, Goth, '-uns/ O.N. '-0/ O.E. '-u': in O.H.G. sporadic *situ' (customs). O.E. '-a/ O.S., O.H.G. '-i' from nom.

(B) Consonantal Declension (a) Root-stems

		(a) Feminine
		Sing.
	Goth.	O.N. O.E.	O.S.	O.H.G.
Nom.	badrgs (city).	mork (mark, burg. a weight).	burg.	burg.
Ace.	badrg.	mprk. burg.	burg.	burg.
Gen.	baurgs.	merkr. byrg.	burges.	burg.
Dat.	badrg.	mork. byrg.	burg.	burg.

Plu.

Nom. badrgs. merkr. byrg. burgi. burg.

Ace. badrgs. merkr. byrg. burgi. burg.

Gen. baurge. marka. burga. burgo. burgo.

Dat. badrgim. morkom. burgum. burgun. burgum.

Sing.

(i) The nom. was formed in Ind.-Germ. in *-s' : Gk. j/J^, Lat. 'nox.' In Germ, the nom. '-s' was always supplanted by *-z/ which had arisen in disyllabic, root- accented nominatives. As the nom. in O.E. had become like the ace. in the case of long root-syllables, *-u' of the ace. of short root-syllables was adopted by the nom., e.g. 'hnutu' (nut). In O.N. 'mork' from the ace. because of the levelling of both cases in the *a-' class.

(2) The Ind.-Germ. ending of the gen. was '-es,' in ablaut relation to *-6s': Gk. vvkto^ (Lat. 'noctis' from *-es'). Even before the operation of Verner's Law, the

96 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

accent was moved back in Germ.: hence '-es' became '-iz/ and thus Goth. ' baurgs,' O.N. ' merkr,' O.E. ' byrg/ O.H.G. ' burg.' O.S. ' burges ' rests on assimilation with masc. root-stems. In O.E. in the case of short root- syllables assimilation with the 'a-' class took place: ' hnute ' (because of nom. ' hnutu ' like * giefu ').

(3) The Germ, datis an Ind.-Germ. loc. in '-i': O.Ind. 'vacf; Gk. pvktl: hence Goth. * baurg/ O.E. 'byrg/ O.S., O.H.G. 'burg'; in W.Germ. *-i' after a short syllable is preserved as O.E. *-e ' : ' hnyte.' O.N. * mork,' is modelled on the 'a-' class through nom. ace.

(4) The Ind.-Germ. ace. had '-m': Gk. vvKra, Lat. 'noctem.' Hence Germ, '-um/ later *-uV which is kept as *-u' in W.Germ. after short syllables, e.g. in O.E. ' hnutu,' but has disappeared after long syllables. O.N. ' mork ' from * ' marku.' Goth. ' baurg ' stands to * anst ' as nom. ' baurgs ' to * ansts.'

PIu.

(i) The nom. ended in *-es' in Ind.-Germ.: i/J/cre?. *-es' became '-iz ' in Germ.: Goth. * baurgs,' O.N. ' merkr,' O.E. 'byrg,' O.H.G. 'burg' ; in W.Germ. *-i' is retained after a short syllable as O.E. *-e': 'hnyte.' In O.S. 'burgi' is to 'burg' as 'ansti' to 'anst'; but 'naht' (nights) is phonological.

(2) The gen. ended in '-6m' in Ind.-Germ.: wktwv. Hence the case in Germ, is as in the 'o-' stems, from which '-e' in Goth, is taken.

(3) In Ind.-Germ. instr. '-mis' after consonants be- came '-amis ' ; hence the dat. in Germ, has '-um ' ; Goth. ' baurgim ' is modelled on ' anstim ' as ' baurge ' on ' anste.'

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

97

(4) The ace. ended in *-ns' in Ind.-Germ. : Gk. j/J/cra?. In P.Germ. it was levelled with the nom. on the model of the 'a-' stems.

(/3) Masculine

As the number of masculines was very small, forma- tions by analogy with other classes have taken place more frequently than in the case of the feminines from which the masculines never diverged in Ind.-Germ. Thus Goth. * reiks ' (ruler) has still ' reik ' as dat. but already * reikis ' as gen. just as the O.E. ' fot ' (foot) has dat. * fet/ gen. 'fotes.' In O.N. the transition to other declen- sions, especially to the ' u-' class, has taken place everywhere, thus 'f6tr,' * fot,' 'fotar,' 'f0te'; the con- sonantal declension is here only perceptible in the nom.

ace. plu. * f0tr.'

(y) Neuter

Remains of this declension are only found in O.E.

(i) The nom. ace. sing, had no ending in Ind.-Germ.: O.Ind. 'hrd' (heart), Lat. 'cor.' Just as the final 'd' was dropped in 'cor '(gen. 'cordis') so was J? in O.E. ' ealu ' (beer), gen. dat. ' ealoS ' : ' d ' has been restored in ' scrud ' (garment) in analogy with other cases.

(2) The nom. ace. plu. had '9' in Ind.-Germ.: O.Ind. 'bh^ranti,' Gk. cjiepovra. Hence O.E. 'scrud' (ef. dat. sing. ' scryd ' from * ' scrudi ').

(b) ' n-' Stems ( Weak Declension)

	(a)	Masculine Sing.
	Goth. O.N.	O.E.	O.S.	O.H.G.
Nom	. hana (cock), hane.	hona.	hano.	hano.
Ace.	hanan. hana.	honan.	hanon.	hanon, -un,
Gen.	hanins. hana.	honan.	hanen.	hanen.
Dat.	hanin. hana. H	honan.	(hanon).	(hanin).

98

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

			Plu.
	Goth.	O.N.	O.E.	O.S.	O.H.G.
Nom,	. hanans.	hanar.	honan.	hanon.	hanon, -un.
Ace.	hanans.	hana.	honan.	hanon.	hanon, -un,
Gen.	hanane.	hana.	honena.	hanono.	hanono.
Dat.	hanam.	honpm.	honum.	hanon.	hanom.

In the nom. sing, the stem had no ending in Ind.- Germ., but it had a lengthened grade ; along with '-on * (Gk. aKjuLoov) and *-en' (Gk. iroifxriv) there was also *-6* (Lith. 'akrnu'; *u' from Ind.-Germ. 'o'). '-6' is the basis for W.Germ. and *-en' for O.N. For Prim. O.N. *Wiwila,' * HarirT)a,' etc., *-a"' slightly raised towards

* e ' is to be assumed. In Goth. * hanan ' has been made the ace. of 'hana' in analogy with the fem. 'n-' stems in which the nom. is * tuggo ' and ace. * tuggon ' : the remodelling proceeded from the weak adj. in which

* blindon ' is ace. fem. to ' blindan.'

The other cases have in this as in all the following classes the same endings as the root-stems ; the '-i' of the dat. sing, must have disappeared early in a third syllable without leaving a trace behind it.

Of the forms of the stem-building suffix, Ind.-Germ. had *-en' (Germ, '-in') in the gen. and dat. sing., '-on' (Germ, '-an ') or '-n ' (Germ, '-un ') in the ace. sing, and nom. plu. : this is still the case in two languages, Goth, and O.H.G., which were never neighbours. In O.N. and its neighbour O.E. '-an' has penetrated into the gen. and dat. also, then in O.N. '-n' after a vowel not bearing the chief stress (as in 'bera' carry = Goth, 'bairan') was dropped. In O.H.G. '-in' and '-un' are O. Upper G, '-en' and '-on' O.M.G.; the character of the vowels in the latter agrees with the neighbouring

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 99

O.S. In O.M.G. and O.S., as in their southern neigh- bour O. Upper G., there must once have been, along with *-in' in the gen. and dat. sing, and '-un' in the ace. sing, and nom. plu., an ending *-an' in all these cases as in their once northern neighbour O.E. ; a mixture of ' a ' and * i ' in the gen. and dat. sing, must have produced the intermediate ' e' and a mixture of 'a* and *u' m the ace. sing, and nom. plu. the intermediate *o' (cf. p. 83). But the '-on' in O.S. like the '-an' in O.E. was able to penetrate also into the gen. and dat. sing.

The gen. plu. had a vanishing grade in Ind.-Germ. : O.Ind. * raj nam' (of the kings). Likewise in Germ, in a few words : Goth. *auhsne' (of the oxen), O.N. ' yxna,' '0xna' (for the phonological *'oxna'), O.E. *oxna.' 'a' in the Goth. *-ane' has come from the nom. plu.; in W.Germ. the ending of the fem. 'n-' stems has become predominant.

The instr. plu. ended in Ind.-Germ. is *-n-mis'; this developed in Germ, into *-un-mis,' '-ummiz,' *-umm,' •-um': whence O.N. *-om,' O.E. 'um.' O.H.G. *-om' is formed in analogy with the gen. '-ono' and O.S. *-on* with *-ono.' The *a' of Goth. *-am' comes from the nom. plu.

The ace. plu. also took in this class in Germ, the form of the nom. plu. In O.N. *'hanan' necessarily developed into *hana,' which looked like an ace. plu. of the o- declension ('arma'), and therefore produced a nom. plu. * hanar ' and a gen. plu. ' hana,' especially as ' honom ' and ' ormom ' were also similar.

c c

100

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

Goth. Nom. tuggo (tongue). Ace. tuggon. Gen. tuggons. Dat. tuggon.

(/3) Feminine Sing.

O.N.

tunga. tungo. tungo. tungo.

O.E.

tunge.

tungan.

O.S.

tunga.

tungun.

O.H.G.

zunga. zungun. zungun. zungun.

Plu.

Nom. tuggons. tungor. tungan. tungun. zungun.

Ace. tuggons. tungor. tungan. tungun. zungun.

Gen. tuggono. tungna. tungena. tungono. zungono.

Dat. tuggom. tungom. tungum. tungon. zung5m.

The nom. sing, goes back to Ind.-Germ. '-on' (Gk. ariSwv). The O.N. '-o' in the ace. gen. dat. sing, is derived from '-on' (as '-a' of the mase. is from *-an'); in the nom. plu. the '-r ' which had in the other classes become general in this case was added to this *-o,' then the ace. plu. took the form of the nom. plu. as in the case of all feminines.

In Goth. *-6-/ as in Lat. ' ratio,' was inserted by analogy in all the cases, and in O.H.G. (and probably also in O.S. in which dialect marks of quantity have nowhere been handed down) through the influence of the *a-' declension in the gen. and dat. plu. at least.

In O.N. the vanishing grade '-un,' whence '-on, -o' (like '-an, -a' in the case of the mase.) made its way from the ace. to the gen. and dat. sing., like O.E. '-an.' In O.H.G. and O.S. '-un' spread in a similar manner, but in O.H.G. (perhaps in O.S. also) it got mixed with '-on,' which was likewise extending its province, and

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 101

produced *-un ' : the * u ' of "-un " combined the character of ' u ' with the long quantity of ' o.'

A subdivision of the feminines in *-6n' are those in *-in,' which is really a vanishing grade to '-ion/ *-ien': in these the 'i' (as in Gk. ^eX0r'?, SeXcptuoi) has been introduced into all the cases. They are mainly abstract nouns formed from adjectives, as Goth, 'hauhei' (height) from 'hauhs' (high). The Goth, inflexion is similar to that of ' tuggo ' : ' hauhei/ ' hauhein,' ' hau- heins,' etc. The levelling of the several cases was increased outside Goth, through the disappearance of the final '-n' in (i) O.N. after a vowel which did not bear the chief accent, and (ii) W.Germ. after *-i' which did not bear the chief accent. Hence in O.H.G. through- out the sing, and in the nom. and ace. plu. * hohi ' (gen. plu. 'hohino,' dat. 'hohim'). As these words form no plu. in O.N., they appear with their '-e,' from '-i' (e.g. *elle' = age), quite indeclinable. In O.E. this *-e' of the ace. gen. dat. sing, brought about the formation of the nom. sing, in '-u,' in analogy with the *a-' class (e.g. ' ieldu ' = age) ; as '-u' and *-e' then stood side by side in the nom. this led to *-u' being used in the other cases also. But in the nom. only the ' u-' forms per- sisted : the origin of the class, however, is still revealed by the 'i-' umlaut.

(y) Neuter

(i) The basis of the Germ. nom. ace. sing, as of the nom. fem. is the Ind.-Germ. *-6n': Goth, 'augo' (eye), O.N. *auga,' O.E. '^age,' O.S. *oga,' O.H.G. *ouga.'

(2) The nom. ace. plu. in Ind.-Germ. added *-a' either to '-on' (hence Goth. ' augona,' O.E. ' eagan ') or to '-an ' (hence O.N. 'augo,' O.S. *6gon"-un,' O.H.G. 'ougun');

102 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

*-u' from '-5' from '-a' disappeared here early in Nor. and W.Germ. in a third syllable, then in O.N. final *-n' also.

(c) Nouns of Relationship : Stems in ^-r'

The nouns of relationship in *-r' embrace masculines as Goth. ' fadar ' (father), O.N. * fa^er,' O.E. ' faeder,' O.S. 'fader,' O.H.G. 'fater,' and feminines as Goth, 'swistar' (sister), O.N. 'syster,' O.E. 'sweoster,' O.S., O.H.G. *s wester.'

The nom. sing, in Ind.-Germ. had lengthening of the vowel before '-r' instead of the case-ending: Gk. ttq- Tr]p cjyparToop. In Germ, the vowel has again become short.

The contrast between strong cases, in which the Ind.- Germ. root or stem-forming suffix was accented, and weak cases in which the case-ending was accented is still seen in the Goth. ace. sing, 'fadar' from Ind.-Germ. *'p9tdr-m,' Gk. Trarepa and the gen. sing. * fadrs,' Gk. Trarpo^j dat. sing. * fadr,' Gk. irarpL The ace. plu. also could be a weak case in Ind.-Germ. : thus Lat. * patres ' has de- veloped by way of *'patrens' from **patr-ns' to which Goth. *fadruns' corresponds. To this 'fadrjus' was formed as nom. plu. on the analogy of 'sunjus' to *sununs.' In Nor. the weak forms have also spread to the nom. plu.: thus in O.N. 'fe^r' from *'fa=Sr-iz' as opposed to O.Ind. 'pitaras,' Gk. irarepeg and Prim. O.N. 'dohtriR' (daughters) like Homeric Ovyarpeg con- trasted with Attic. Ovyarepeg. On the other hand, *-er-' has not only been preserved in the nom. plu. (whose form has been taken over by the ace. plu.) in most nouns of relationship in W.Germ., but it has also been reinstated in the gen. and dat. sing., so that in O.H.G., e.g. 'muoter' appears indeclinable up to the gen. plu. ' muotero ' and dat. plu. * muoterum,'

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 103

(d) Participial stems in Ind.-Germ. '-nt^

Of the present participles in Ind.-Germ. '-nt' (cf. Lat. 'amant-is' Gk. \vovT-oi), Germ, '-nd,' a few like Goth, 'frijonds' (friend, lit the loving one), O.E. ' fr^ond,' O.S. 'friund,' O.H.G. 'friunt,' have become masc. nouns, and have, in consequence, not shared in the transition when these participles went over to other classes; but in O.N., in which the participles joined the *n-' declen- sion, at least the sing, of participial nouns shared in the transition, cf. e.g. Goth, 'gibands' (giver) with O.N. ' gefande,' gen. * gefanda.' Further, these nouns have in the other languages assumed endings of the * o-' declen- sion in isolated cases: thus already in Goth, and W.Germ. the gen. sing, is Goth, 'frijondis,' O.E. 'freondes,' O.S. 'friundes,' O.H.G. ' friuntes.' But the nom. plu., on the other hand, everywhere shows consonantal inflexion : in Goth, 'frijonds,' 0,E. 'friend,' O.S. ^friund,' O.H.G. ' friunt,' O.N. * gefendr.'

(e) Stems in '-es*

It is the 'o-' declension principally that has in Germ, supplanted the consonantal declension of neuter nouns in '-es,' *-os ' (cf. Gk. yeVo9, yeVeo? from *yeW(709, Lat. 'genus,' * generis ' from * * genesis'). A relic of the old inflexion is still seen in the Goth. Miatis' (of hatred) as well as 'hatizis' from 'hatis' and in the O.E. dat. without ending of words in *-or' like d6gor (to the day) as well as * d6gore ' ; the *-or ' goes back by way of '-uz-' to the vanishing grade *-9s-.' In W.Germ. *-az' from Ind.- Germ. *-os' was dropped in the nom. sing. : in the case of a few words such as 'lamb' from *'lambaz' the whole sing, was declined like an 'o-' stem, but the old

104 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

inflexion remained in the plural: thus O.H.G. sing. ' lamb/ ' lambes/ * lambe/ plu. ' lembir/ * lembiro/ ' lem- birum.' 'Lomb' was similarly inflected in O.E., but with this difference that it adopts the vanishing instead of the 'e-' grade in the plural and in the nom. and ace. plu. adds -u taken from the short-stemmed neuters of the 'o-' declension 'lombru/ 'lombra/ 'lombrum.'

2. PRONOUNS

A. Personal Pronouns Ind.-Germ. showed no difference of gender in the personal pronouns, and their declension was totally different from that of substantives. To the personal pronouns belongs the reflexive which has the same forms forthe singular,dual and plural. The dual of the pronouns of the first and second persons is preserved in Germ.

(a) First Person Sing. (i) Nom. O.Ind. *ah-am,' Gk. ey-wi/, Lat. 'eg-o': cf. Prim. O.N. *-eka' in 'haiteka' (I name). Lett, 'es/ Pruss. *es' from Ind.-Germ. *'eg/ whence Goth. *ik' un- accented, *ek' accented; O.S., however, uses 'ec' and

* ic ' without distinction, O.N. only * ek,' O.E. 'ic,' O.H.G. *ih.'

(2) Gen. Goth, 'meina,' O.N., O.E. 'min,' O.S., O.H.G.

* min ' has sprung from a form of the possessive, Goth.

* meins,' that does not admit of further explanation.

(3) Dat. To the Ind.-Germ. *'me' (me) *-s' has been added in Germ. : from * ' mes ' (to me) arose the unaccented * ' miz,' which, however, was transferred to the accented position : hence Goth. * mis,' Prim. O.N, ' miR,' O.N. *m^r.' In W.Germ. *-z' persisted, where

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 105

*miz' was again accented: in O.H.G. *mir' that had so arisen was made general, as was unaccented ' me ' in O.E. which, however, when accented, was lengthened to ' me' ; in O.S. ' mi,' which arose in the same manner as ' me,' became general — * me ' which was used along with it was taken from O.E.

(4) Ace. Ind.-Germ. * ' me ' (Gk. jme, ejuLe) which could be strengthened by *-ge,' as in Gk. e/xeye. P. Germ.

* mek,' whence always Goth. ' mik,* accented in O.E. as *mec,' unaccented in O.N. and O.S. as *mik,' in O.H.G. as *mih' became general. In O.E. the dat. 'me' and hence *mi' and 'me' in O.S. also assumed accusative functions.

Flu.

(i) Nom. The Ind.-Germ. * * uei,' inferred from O.Ind.

* vay-dm ' (we) and ' ah-dm ' (I) was furnished in Germ. with the plu. mark *-s': Goth. *weis,' Prim. O.N. *wiR,' O.S. 'wi,' O.H.G. 'win' O.N. 'ver,' O.E. 'we,' 'we,' O.S. 'we' (with 'e^') are probably derived from *'ueis.' The relation of the forms with and without ' r ' to one another is as in the dat. sing.

(2) Gen. Goth, 'unsara,' O.E., O.S. 'user,' O.H.G. 'unser,' O.N. 'var' are forms of the possessive, Goth, 'unsar,' O.E., O.S. 'user,' O.H.G. 'unser,' O.N. 'varr.' The possessives are formed from the acc.-dat. ' uns ' (us) with the Ind.-Germ. comparative suffix '-ero-,' like the Lat. 'noster' (from nos) with the comparative suffix *-tero-'; only the O.N. 'vdr-r' presupposes instead of 'uns' a *'ue,' which recurs in O.Bg. 've' (we two). The 'e' of O.H.G. 'unser' is due to a late influence of the nom. sing. masc. of the possessive ' unser,' which itself adopted its 'e' from the similar form of the adjective, e.g. in ' blinter man ' (a blind man).

106 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

(3) Dat. Goth, and O.H.G. 'uns/ corresponding to O.N. * oss/ O.E. ' us/ O.S. ' us,' is derived from Ind.- Germ. **-ns' (in O.Ind. 'as-man,' us, ace.) and is a vanishing grade of Ind.-Germ. *'nes' (O.Ind. *nas,' ace. gen. dat.). Goth, 'unsis' beside *uns' is due to ' mis.'

(4) Ace. has the same form as the dat. : Goth. ' uns,' O.N. 'OSS,' O.E. *us,' O.S. 'us.' O.H.G. 'unsih' is due to ' mih,' O.E. ' lisic,' by the side of ' us,' due to * ' mic ' (beside * mec '). As Goth, had * unsis ' as well as * uns ' in the dat. the former assumed the functions of the ace.

Dual

(i) Nom. Goth, 'wit' from **wet' still seen in O.Norw. 'vet'; from unaccented **wet* came also O.E., O.S. ' wit,' O.N. ' vit.' P.Germ. * ' uet,' Ind.-Germ. * ' ye-d/ is connected with Lith. ' ve,' ' vedu ' (we two), and also with Goth. ' weis,' etc.

(2) Gen. Goth, 'ugkara,' O.N. 'okkar,' O.E. 'uncer' is the same form of the possessive as Goth. ' meina,' etc. ; in O.S. * uncero ' there is assimilation with the gen. plu. 'bethero' (of both). The Goth, possessive ' ugkar,' etc., is a parallel formation to ' unsar.'

(3) Dat The original form is O.E., O.S. ' unc ' from Ind.-Germ. * * n-ge ' with the same * '-ge ' as in Gk. e^ieye, Goth. 'mik'; the lengthened grade for the vanish- ing grade 'n' is contained in the Gk. vw, O.Ind. 'nau' (ace. gen. dat); to the same 'n' a plural '-s' has been added in O.Ind. 'nas,' Goth. 'uns.' In Goth.-Nor. the influence of the dat sing, is perceptible here : Goth. ' ugkis,' O.N. ' okkr.'

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 107

(4) Ace. In O.E. and O.S. like dat; in O.K. also ' uncit ' in analogy with nom. ' wit.* In Goth.-Nor. the dat. was also transferred to the ace. : hence Goth. ' ugkis,' O.N. *okkr,' but in Goth, also *ugk.'

(b) Second Person

As far as formation and remodelling are the same in the second as in the first person, they will not be further discussed.

Sing.

(i) Nom. O.Ind. ' tu,' Lat. ' tu ' : Goth. * J?u,' O.N. ' )?u,' O.E. '=Su; O.S. 'tho; O.H.G. 'du^du' (thou).

(2) Gen. Goth. '>eina/ O.N. 'Jjin/ O.E. '«in/ O.S. 'thin/ O.H.G.* din.'

(3) Dat. O.N. « \ix: O.E. * ^e,' O.S. ' thi,' O.H.G. ' dir.' Goth. * J?us/ in analogy with ' )?u.'

(4) Ace. O.N. * >ik; O.E. ' «ec,' ' «e/ O.S. * thic/ * thi/ O.H.G. ' dih.' Goth. ♦ }?uk,' in analogy with ' }?u.'

Plu,

(i) Nom. To*'iu' (cf. O.Ind. 'yu-ydm') plural '-s' could be added in Ind.-Germ. : O.Bct. 'yus/ Lith. 'jus/ Goth, 'jus.' In Nor. and W.Germ. assimilation with the vowel of the first pers. has taken place : O.N. * ix ' from *'jer/ O.E. 'ge/ O.S. 'gi/ *ge'; in O.H.G. *ir/ the *j' has been dropped through the influence of the other cases.

(2) Gen. Goth, 'izwara/ O.N. 'y=Suar/ O.E. '^ower/ O.S. 'euwar/ 'iuwer/ O.H.G. 'iuwer.'

(3) Dat. The W.Germ. forms have sprung from Ind.- Germ. ace. and dat. **ues' (O.Ind. *vas') with the pre-

108 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

fixed particle ' e ' (cf. Gk. e-Kci, Lat. ' i-ste ') : O.E. * eow/ O.S. ' eu; ' iu/ ' iuu,' O.H.G. ' iu.' By the side of *'ues' in Ind.-Germ. there was *'sues' (O.Ir. 'si/ Cymric *chwi'), before Goth.-Nor. *e' was likewise added: Goth, 'izwis.' In Prim. O.N. *'izwiz' became *'iRwiR/ which by dissimilation of the two 'R's' be- came *'i'SwiR,' whence O.N. 'y^r.'

(4) Ace. is like the dat, but O.H.G, has 'iuwih' and O.E. ' ^owic'

Dual

(i) Nom. From **iu,' which remains in O.Ind. *yuv- dm/ Lith. ^ju-du/ is derived Germ. *'jut'; the form is not found in Goth. In Nor. and W.Germ. assimilation with * wit' took place; O.N. 'it/ O.E. * git/ O.S. 'git.'

(2) Gen. Goth. *igqara/ O.N. 'ykkar/ O.E. 'incer' (not found in O.S.).

(3) Dat. Goth. Mgqis/ O.N. *ykkr/ O.E., O.S. 'inc.' Origin unknown.

(4) Ace. is like the dat., but also ' incit' in O.E. modelled on ' git/

(c) Reflexive

The cases of the reflexive are formed from a stem *'se' (cf. Lat. 'se'), like the singular cases of the real personal pronouns. Thus gen. Goth. ' seina/ O.N. ' sin/ O.H.G. 'sin'; dat. Goth, 'sis/ O.N. 'sdr'; ace. Goth., O.N. ' sik/ O.H.G. ' sih.' The dat. is wanting in O.H.G., and the whole reflexive in O.E. and O.S.

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 109

B. Pronouns with Genders

(a) The Stems

(a) Demonstrative

(i) In Ind.-Germ. the two stems *'so' and *'to' supplemented each other in such a way that the nom. sing. masc. and fern, were formed from **so/ and all the other cases from **to.' Hence O.Ind. *sa,' Gk. 6, Goth, 'sa' (this, m.), O.Ind. 'si; Gk. ^ (Dor. a), Goth. *s5' (this, f.), but O.Ind. 'tad,' Gk. ro, Goth. *J?ata' (this, n.).

(2) In Ind.-Germ. **sio, *sia' could also stand for *'so' and *'sa,' and **tio-' and ♦'tia-' for **to-' and *' ta-' : O.Ind. nom. masc. ' syd,' fern. * sya,' neut. * tydd,' O.H.G. nom. sing. fem. 'siu' (she), nom. ace. plu. neut. *diu.'

(3) Ind.-Germ. *'kho-' remains in Lat. 'hl-c,' *hae-c,' •h5-c; O.S. 'he' (he), O.M.G. 'her.'

(4) Ind.-Germ. *'ei-' (vanishing grade *'i-') was the anaphoristic pronoun " he," " the same" ; hence Lat. ' is,' Goth. ' is,' O.H.G. ' er ' ; Lat. ' ea,' Goth. * ija ' (only ace.) ; Lat. ' id,' Goth. ' ita,' O.S. ' it,' O.H.G. ' iz.'

(y8) Interrogative and Indefinite

(i) Ind.-Germ. *' k^o,' *' k'^a' : nom. sing. masc. O.Ind. *kas,' Lith. 'kas,' Goth. 4vas,' O.E. 'hwa,' O.S. 'hwe'; fem. O.Ind. 'ki,' Goth. *hr6'; neut. Lat. 'quod,' Goth. ' Iva,' O.N. ' huat,' O.K. 'hwaet,' O.S. ' hwat,' O.H.G. 'hwaz.'

(2) Ind.-Germ. *'kV Gk. r/?, r/, Lat. 'quis,' 'quid'; in Goth. ' h;i-leiks' (what sort of) which corresponds to O.E. 'hwilc,' O.S. 'hwilic' (which); also in O.H.G. * hwer ' (who).

110 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

(b) Declension Paradigm of the Stems ' so/ * to ' (sio, tio)

			(a) Masculine
			Sing,
	Goth.	O.N.	O.E.	O.S.	O.H.G.
Norn.	sa.	sa.	se, se.	se, the, thie.	der.
Ace.	)7ana.	fann.	Sone.	rthena, thana I then.	''den.
Gen.	>is.	fess.	Saes.	thes.	des.
Dat.	]?amma.	J?eim.	Ssem.	themu.	demu, demo.
Instr.			Sy. Plu.	thiu.
Norn.	}?ai.	Jjeir.	Sa.	the, thea.	de, die.
Ace.	)?ans.	>d.	Sd.	the, thea.	de, die.
Gen.	J?ize.	]?eira.	Sara.	there.	dero.
Dat.	J^aim.	J?eim.	Ssem.	then.	dem.

Sing,

(i) Nom. Ind.-Germ. *'so' had either no ending as in O.Ind. *sa,' Gk. o, Goth. *sa,' O.N. *sd,' or '-i' as Lith. 'tasai' from "^'tas-sai' (of. O.Lat. *qo-i/ whence ' qui '), Goth. * sai ' (see ! lo !), O.E. * s6,' * se ' (through con- traction in an unaccented position), O.S. ' se,' as well as 'the' with 'th' from the other cases, whence *thie.* The noms. of the other pronouns received * -s * : Lat. •is/Goth. 'is,' O.H.G. 'er.'

To a different levelling of the various accented forms are due the differences of O.M.G. 'her' (he) and O.S. 'he,' O.H.G. 'hwer' (who, intern) and O.S. 'hwe.' The * r ' of O.H.G. ' er,' ' her,' ' hwer ' was transferred to *'the ': 'der' arose from unaccented *'ther.'

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 111

(2) Gen. Ind.-Germ. with the ending '-so' (cf. 'o-' stems) : ** te-so.'

(3) Dat. The final vowel of Goth. * hramma ' (to whom, intern), parallel to ' J?amma,' is medially preserved before an added ' h ' in * hrammeh ' (to each) : afterwards the case was an instr. (cf p. 83); as well as *-e' there is '-o' in ablaut relation, which is the origin of W.Germ. '-u' in O.S. 'themu,' O.H.G. 'demu ' ; the 'e' of these changes by ablaut to 'a' (Ind.-Germ. *o') in *J?amma.' The *mm,' which was shortened to 'm,' when unaccented, in O.S. and O.H.G. has come from Ind.-Germ. *sm,' which is found in O.Ind. dat. *tas- mai ' and abl. ' td-smad ' : the O.H.G. ' demo ' with *-o ' from '-o' corresponds to the latter. O.N. *j7eim,' O.E. '«cnem' are like O.Bg. instr. 'temi' (Ind.-Germ. *'toi- mi.')

(4) Ace. Ind.-Germ. ** to-m ' as in nouns: O.Ind. * tdm,' Gk. ToV, Lat. 'is-tum,' O.N. '>ann'; in O.S. 'then,' O.H.G. 'den,' 'e' is due to the influence of the other cases. The particle *'om' can also be added to the form; it is seen in the Gk. ey-wv and O.Ind. 'ah- am ' : Goth. >ana, O.E. '^one,' O.S. ' thana ' from *'>an6,' as well as Goth. ' K^ana ' (whom, ace. intern) from * hran5 ' (still in ' Ivanoh ' (" each," ace).

(5) Instr. O.E. "Sy, ' to which the interrogative 'hwy,' 'hwi' corresponds, goes back over *'J?i' to the Ind.-Germ. loc. *'te-i' formed like in nouns (cf Gk. rei-Se). A true nounally formed instr. from the stem *'tio-' is O.S. 'thiu.'

Plu, The 'o-' stems form their plu. from a stem in '-oi.' (i) Nom. in Ind.-Germ. without ending : Gk. to/, Lat.

112 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

'is-ti/ O.Ind. *t§/ Goth. *]?ai/ etc.; in the O.N. 'J^eir' the plu. *-r' from '-z' from *-s' has been added.

(2) Gen. in Ind.-Germ. *'toi-s5m': O.Ind. 'tesam/ Pruss. *s-teison/ O.Bg. 'techu/ O.N. ' j^eira/ O.E. 'J?ira.' Goth. '>ize; O.S. 'thero/ O.H.G. 'dero' have their 'e' (Goth. ' i ') from the gen. sing.

(3) Dat. was Ind.-Germ. instr. *'toi-mis ' : O.Bg. 'temlf/ O.K. *Saem' (with *i-' umlaut), etc.

(4) Ace. in Ind.-Germ. like a noun from 'o-' stem: Cret. TOPS, Goth. * Jjans,' etc.

			(fi) Feminine
			Sing.
	Goth.	O.N.	O.E.	O.S.	O.H.G.
Nom.	so.	Sli.	sec.	thiu.	diu.
Ace.	1^0.	>a.	%L	thia.	dea, dia.
Gen.	)?izos.	l^eirar.	=S^re.	thera.	dera.
Dat.	Yizai.	]?eire.	'Sara, ^aere. Plu.	theru.	deru.
Nom.	IpOS.	>3er.	«a.	the, thea.	dec, die.
Ace.	]70S.	Jjser.	«a.	. the, thea.	dec, die.
Gen.	>izo.	]?eira.	'Sara.	there.	dero.
Dat.	]?aim.	J?eim.	"Ssem.	them.	dem.

Sing.

(i) Nom. Ind.-Germ. *'sa': O.Ind. *si,' Dor. i, Goth. *s6.' In O.N. unaccented *s6' was shortened to **su/ which was transferred to the accented form and lengthened to 'sii.' Ind.-Germ. had also **sia,' which when unaccented became *'siu' in W.Germ, whence O.E. 'seo'; O.S. 'thiu/ O.H.G'! 'diu' have taken their ' th ' (d) from the other cases.

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 113

(2) Gen. Ind.-Germ. *'te-sas' (beside * 'te-sias/ O.Ind. 'tdsyas'): Goth. '>iz5s,' O.S. 'thera/ O.RG 'dera.' O.N. *}?eirar,' O.S. '^sbre' have taken Germ, 'ai' from the gen. plu.

(3) Dat. Ind.-Germ. * *te-sai ' (beside * ' te-siai/ O.Ind.

* tdsyai ') : Goth. ' >izai.' O.N. * Jjeire,' O.E. ' «are ' have taken their ' ai ' from the gen. sing. ; the later O.E.

* Sabre ' shows further assimilation with this. O.S. 'theru/ O.H.G. *deru' have taken their *-u' from the noun.

(4) Ace. is, like all accusatives in Ind.-Germ., formed as in nouns : O.Ind. 'tarn,' Gk. rav. Goth. 'f>o' is from the accented form, O.N. *J?^,' O.E. *Sd' are derived from the unaccented form which was lengthened in a position to which accent was restored. O.S. * thia,' O.H.G. * dea/ ' dia ' are derived from the unaccented Ind.-Germ. **tiam.*

Plu,

(i) Nom. ace. nounal in Ind.-Germ.: O.Ind. 'tas,' Lith. *t6s,' Goth. ']7os.' In Nor. unaccented **l?6s' became * ' J>ar,' which when accented was lengthened to •J?ar' (as still in East Nor.), whence O.N. 'J?sfer' ('ae' from 'i' before *R'). O.E. 'J?d' corresponds to '}?ar.' Beside Ind.-Germ. *'tas' stood *tias whence Germ. *'J?i6z' from which came O.H.G. 'deo,' 'dio.' In this the unshortened form, together with the *o-' colouring as in the O.H.G. 'zwo' = Goth. 'twos' (fern, of *twai' = two), had persisted in an accented position, in con- tradistinction to ' geba ' in which a kind of shortening of *-6' to '-a' in an unaccented syllable has taken place. In O.S. 'the,' *thea' made their way from the masc. because the other plu. eases were like the masc.

114 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

(2) Gen. and dat. as in the masc. ; but in Goth, there is a difference between *J?ize' (m.) and '>izo' (f.) similar to that in the noun.

(y) Neuter

In O.N. the dat. sing, has a special form. The instr. sing, is found in all the Germ, languages.

(i) Nom.acc.sing. ending in Ind.-Germ.was'-d':O.Ind. 'tad,' Gk. TO from "^ t6^, Lat. ' is-tud,' O.N. 'j^at/ O.E. '=Saet; O.S. 'that; O.H.G. 'daz.' In Goth. '>ata/ as * Krarjatoh ' (each, neut.) shows, the same * '-6m ' has been added as in '}»ana.'

(2) Dat. sing. O.N. '\V is strictly a loc, like the O.E. instr. ' )?y.'

(3) Instr. sing. Goth. '>e,' O.N. '>u6' (modelled on the interrog. pron. 'hue') show nounal formation and ablaut relation with *'-6' (O.S., O.H.G. '-u') of the instr. O.E. ' ^y ' and O.S. ' thiu ' are used for the masc. and neut. : O.H.G. ' diu ' only for the neut.

(4) Nom. ace. plu. nounal formation : Goth. ' J70.' From the stem 'tio-,' O.S. 'thiu,' O.H.G. 'diu.' The O.E. "<Sd' has taken the form of the masc. and fem. O.N. 'Jjau' is really nom. ace. masc. dual (O.Ind. 'tau ').

3. ADJECTIVES

(A) Declension

In Ind.-Germ. there were also in the case of adjectives vocalic and consonantal stems which were declined like nouns, as we see in Greek and Latin. The consonantal adjectives have died out in Germ., so that we only distinguish 'o-/'i-/and 'u-' stems. Germ, adjectives are inflected in a new and indeed in a double manner ;

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 116

first, pronominally (strong declension) and, secondly, as *n-' stems (weak declension).

(a) Strong Declension

Adjectives which were in their meaning near the pronouns had already in Ind.-Germ. taken pronominal inflexions; e.g. O.Ind. 'anyas' (other), ' sarvas ' (all) are declined almost exactly like pronouns ; also Gk. aWo^ and Lat. * alius ' form their neuters aWoy *aliud'; and Lat. 'alius,' 'totus' form their gen. 'alius,' ' totius ' and dat. ' alii,' toti like ' eius,' ' ei.' In Germ, the pronominal inflexions extended first over all the adjec- tival 'o-' stems which had three genders like the pro- nominal 'o-' stems and formed their feminine like* a-' stems. Hence, e.g. Goth. ' blinds ' (blind) has ' blindana * in the ace. sing. masc. and 'blindamma' in the dat. sing. masc. and neut. In several cases, as, e.g. in the nom. sing. masc. (Goth. * blinds ') and gen. sing, masc. (* blindis '), the nounal and pronominal inflexions were in agreement in Ind.-Germ. Isolated forms of the nounal declension are still preserved in Germ., such as the nom. ace. sing. neut. 'blind' in Goth, as well as 'blindata,' 'blint' in O.H.G. as well as 'blintaz,' but only 'blind' in O.E. and O.S.; in O.N., on the other hand, 'blint' from *'blind-t.' In the dat. sing. O.N. has the pronominal instr. ' blindum ' in the masc. and the nounal ' blindu ' in the neut., while Goth, and W.Germ. are in this case pronominally in- flected. Goth, has also preserved the nounal dat. sing, fern. ' blindai ' ; on the other hand, O.N. has ' blindri,' O.E. ' blindre,' O.S. ' blindaro,' O.H.G. 'blinteru.'

The cases, which had a ' z * (' r '), were assimilated in the vowel which stood before this. Hence in Goth.

116 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

gen. sing. fern, 'blindaizos' (beside *J?izos') in analogy with gen. plu. fern. ' blindaizo/ while in Nor. and W.Germ. the gen. plu. of all three genders has modelled itself on the gen. and dat. sing, fern.: O.N. *blindra' on ' blindrar/ ' blindri/ O.E. ' blindra ' on ' blindre,' ' blindre' (*e' before *r' phonologically dropped), O.S. 'blindaro' on 'blindara/ 'blindaro/ O.H.G. 'blintero' on 'blintera,' blinteru.' In O.H.G. the presence in the nom. ace. sing. neut. of

* blint ' and ' blintaz ' as well as * daz ' brought about a renewed dependence on the pronoun, while in the nom. sing. masc. beside ' blint ' a form * blinter ' was created in analogy with ** ther ' (whence ' der '), and in the nom. sing. fem. and nom. ace. plu. neut. beside * blint ' (from *'blintu') a form 'blintiu' in analogy with 'diu.' The form ' blint,' which had no ending and which generally had with it in the nom. a form with an ending, was now transferred to the nom. plu. masc, and fem. where otherwise 'blinte' and 'blinto' (in analogy with *deo,'

* dio ') were respectively used ; this use was only pre- dicative, and in consequence ' blint ' was also in the nom. plu. neut. limited to the predicate (thus only ' blintiu barn,' " blind children," but ' diu barn sint blint ' as well as ' blintiu ').

The Ind.-Germ. ' i-' stems had exactly the same forms for the masc. and fem., and separate forms only for the neut. and in the nom. ace. sing, and plu. only: Gk. 'ISptg, tSpi, Lat. Mevis,' Meve' (from *Mevi'). In Germ, the pronominal declension of the *o-' class attracted the inflexions of the *i-' class, but the latter adopted in particular the forms of the *io-' stems. The reason for this was, as Goth, shows (e.g. in ' bruks,' " useful," from ** brukiz ') that the * i-' class and the so-called participles

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 117

of necessity, which belonged to the 'io-* stems (as O.Ind. 'ydj-ya-s,' " venerable " = Gk. a'y-fo-?, "holy"), had in common the nom. sing, in '-i-s,' which also appears in other Ind.-Germ. languages as a vanishing grade in isolated *io-' stems, e.g. in O.Lat. 'alis' for * alius.' Hence of the Goth. ' hrains ' (clean), the ace. sing. masc. is 'hrainjana' and the dat. sing. masc. and neut. * hrainjamma.' Old forms, however, lived on, where the pronominal inflexions did not diverge from the nounal ; hence Goth. nom. sing. masc. fem. * hrains,' nom. ace. sing. neut. *hrain,' gen. sing. masc. fem. ' hrainis.' But there has been here also a going over to the *io-* declension: thus ace. plu. masc. 'hrainjans* nom. ace. plu. neut. *hrainja,' and uniformity, except in nom. sing., has been established in the bulk of adjec- tives by the formation of a fem. in *-ia' (e.g. in ace. sing, 'hrainja.' In O.N. and W.Germ. the *i-' stems have completely coincided with the 'io-' stems.

The *u-' stems vacillated in Ind.-Germ. between a form which agreed with the masc. and one in *-ie,' *i/ which changed with '-ia': cf O.Ind. 'tanii-s' (thin), fem. 'tanu-s' and *tanv-i,' Gk. 0^\v-9y fem. OrjXv-g and OrjXeia from * OrjXef-ia. Corresponding to this is probably the fact that the fem. of the Goth. ' hardus ' (hard) in the nom. sing, is 'hardus,' but shows 'j-' forms in the other cases. From a P.Germ. form, however, like the ace. plu. fem. ** har^u-ioz,' arose *' har^iSz,' because * u ' disappears between a consonant and 'i' (cf. O.Ind. 'pitr-vyas,' "paternal uncle," O.H.G. 'fatureo' with *e' for *i'). When the'u-' stems were also attracted by the pronominally inflected *o-' stems, *io-' forms ap- peared everywhere in the masc. and fem., but with omission of the preceding ' u,' e.g. Goth. ace. sing. masc.

118 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

'hardjana,' nom. ace. sing. neut. 'hardjata' as well as 'hardu.' Since O.N. 'u' in *-uR* has always dis- appeared, and W.Germ. '-u' generally (especially after a long syllable), the adjectival *u-' declension has on the whole left but few clear traces behind it in O.E. (* cucu ' = alive, ' wlacu ' = lukewarm). As the oblique cases of the class were formed with *i,' there is frequent fluctuation between the 'o-' and *io-' declensions: thus for O.N. 'glpggr' (distinct) = Goth, 'glaggwus,' we generally find gl0ggr with *i-' umlaut in analogy with the oblique cases : in O.H.G. for ' hart ' = Goth. * hardus * * herti ' is also found.

(b) Weak Declension

In Ind.-Germ. adjectives could be enlarged by the addition of *-en,' '-on ' and made into nouns : Gk. o-rpa^og (squinting), a-Tpa/Bwv (squinter), Lat. ' multibibus ' (much- drinking), * bibo -onis ' (drinker). As the article readily attaches itself to the substantive there was formed in P.Germ. by the side of a form like *'blindoz' (blind) another *'so blinds,' gen. *-en-es' (the blind one, masc). To a combination like the latter a noun in apposition could be added, e.g. *'so blinds manno,' lit. " the blind one, namely the man," which, however, soon came to mean " the blind man." From such combina- tions there arose the feeling that the ' n-' stem belonged altogether to the article, and so between the article and the original adjectival stem a separation came about, with the result that the *n-' stem was regularly used with the substantive wM the article and the other with the substantive withotit the article, e.g. in Goth, 'sa blinda manna' (the blind man), * blinds manna' (a blind man). The consequence of this was that a feminine

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 119

and a neuter were added to the masc. adjectival *n-' stem : the declension of the adjectival ' n-' stems was brought into harmony with that of the substantival : Goth. nom. sing. * blinda/ ' blindo/ ' blindo/ gen. 'blindins/ *blindons/ * blindins.' The weak declen- sion of the adjectival 'i-' and *u-' stems was formed from their * io-' forms : Goth. * hrainja,' ' hrainjo/ ' hrainjo'; * hardja/ * hard jo/ * hardjo.'

B. Comparison

(a) Comparative

The comparative was formed in Ind.-Germ. by means of *-i^s-,' '-ios/ which appeared as a lengthened grade *-ios' in nom. sing., e.g. in Lat. 'maior' from *'mai6s/ like * honor ' from ' honos ' and as a vanishing grade *-is/ e.g. in Lat. * mag-is.' In some of the Ind.-Germ. languages the comparative stem was enlarged by ' -en-/

* -on-/ as Gk. iJ^fW from * y]^-lct-(av, e.g. shows : in Germ. also the comparative is formed by means of *-izen-.* The comparative suffix was added in Ind.-Germ. to the root, not to the positive stem: Lat. *alt-ior' comp. of ' alt-u-s,' Gk. ^S-Lcov of ^S-v-g, aiarx-toov of aiarx-po-^' In Germ. *-izen-' is substituted for an '-o-/ '-io-/ '-i-,' *-u-' of the positive : Goth. * hauhs ' (' o-' stem, " high "), 'hauhiza/ O.N. h^re (with ' i-' umlaut), O.E. 'hiehra' (with M-' umlaut), O.H.G. 'hahiro'; O.S. Mang' ('o-' stem, "long"), ' langiro'; Goth. ' al}?eis ' ('io-' stem, "old")

* al>iza/ O.N. ' ellre/ O.E. ' ieldra/ O.H.G. ' altiro ' ; Goth.

* suts ' (* i-' stem, " sweet ") : ' sutiza ' ; Goth. * hardus ' (hard); 'hardiza/ O.H.G. 'hartiro.'

In addition to *-izen-/ *-ozen-' is also found in Germ. ; in Goth, and O.H.G. it is almost entirely confined to

120 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

* 0-' stems, e.g. Goth. ' swings ' (strong), ' swin]?oza/ O.H.G. *hoh' (high) 'hohoro.' This ending arose through the influence of the *io-' stems, in which the ' i ' was identified with that of their comparative suffix *-ios-,' since, e.g. *'niu-io-s' (Goth. *niu-jis/ new) *' niu- ios-on-' (newer) were divided into *'niui-o-s,' *'niui- os-on-,' in consequence a form * ' swin]?-oz-on-* was formed from **swin]7-o-s.'

The comparative in Ind.-Germ. formed its fem. by Me,-' vanishing grade '-i-' : O.Bg. 'dobrejisi' (better). The assimilation to the weak declension of the masc. led to the nom. sing, in *-! ' going over to the '-in-' class in Goth.-Nor. and to the common weak fem. in W.Germ. : Goth. ' hauhizei,' O.N. * h0re,' O.E. ' hfehre,' O.S. ' lengira,' O.H.G. 'h5hira.'

(b) Superlative

The superlative was formed in Ind.-Germ. by the addition of *-to-' to the vanishing grade of the com- parative suffix, '-is-'; Gk. rtS-ia-To^, ai(7X-ia--T09' *-isto-' remained in Germ.: Goth. ' hauhisto,' O.N. 'h0str,* O.E. 'hfehsta,' O.S., O.H.G. 'hohisto.' But '-5sto-,' corre- sponding to the comparative is also found ; in Goth, and O.H.G. it is almost entirely confined to *o-' stems: Goth, 'armosto' (poorest), O.H.G. also 'hohdsto.'

The superlative is inflected strong or weak in Goth. and O.N. according to its syntactical position ; in W.Germ. only weak after the manner of the com- parative.

(C) Formation of Adverbs

The adverbs formed from adjectives came from the 'o-' stems in P.Germ., since a nounally formed abl. sing, neut. in *-od' like *'gallk6d' (lit. from the like) was

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 121

made into a noun and became an independent word : Goth, 'galeiko; O.N. 'glfka,' O.S. 'gilico,' O.H.G. 'gilihho.' The * io-' stems tlierefore formed their adverbs in '-i5d/ which is still seen in the Goth, 'gahahjo' (coherent, continuous). On the other hand, the ' i-' and *u-' stems, after the manner of the 'o-' stems, took *-od,' which was added directly to the root, since adverbs, as well as adjectives, were independent like com- paratives. Cf. O.H.G. *sc6no' with 'sconi' (beautiful), Goth, 'skauns'; O.H.G. 'harto' with 'herti' (hard), Goth, 'hardus'; Goth, 'glaggwo' with 'glaggwus' (clear).

In general use is *'5d' only in O.H.G. (as *-o'). In O.E. it is only sporadic (as *-a'), e.g. in 'singala' von 'singal' (lasting); it is more frequent here in compounds of '-inga,' '-unga,' whose stem-forming component 'ing-' (cf. e.g. * Hre=Sling' = Hre^el's son) indicates its origin and thus strengthens its ablative meaning ; so are 'eallinga,' 'eallunga' formed from 'eall' (entirely). The O.E. adverbs, however, have usually the ending ' -e ' whose basis * ' -ed ' stands in ablaut relation to *'-6d ' and, in the same way as this, has been transferred to *i-' and 'u-' stems: hence ' gelice ' from gelic (like) and *sw6te' (with no *i-' umlaut) from 'swete' (sweet) from ** swoti ' ; 'io-' stem for an earlier 'u-' stem : O.Ind. 'svadu-s,' Gk. ^Sv-g, like O.H.G. ' harto'Vrom 'herti.'

In O.N. '-a' from *'-6d' is regular only in the case of adjectives in '-ligr,' e.g. in 'varliga' (cautious); in others it is only sporadically preserved. In other cases the ace. sing. neut. in *-t' has become an adverb, e.g. *miukt' from 'miukr' (soft).

In Goth, also adverbs in '-o' are sporadic only. Usually the adverb is formed in * -ba ' which is added

122 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

to all stems: *bairhtaba' (brightly), 'sunjaba' (truly), *arni-ba' (surely), 'harduba' (hardly, severely). The source of this '-ba' is probably an Ind.-Germ. instru- mental suffix '-bho' whose secondary form *-bho ' is seen in the Gallic '-^o' and in the plural in the Lat. '-bus' from * '-bos ' in ' hominibus/ etc.

4. NUMERALS (A) Cardinals (a) 1-4 1-4 were inflected in the three genders in Ind.-Germ.

1. Ind.-Germ. **oinos,' O.Lat. *oinos,' Goth, 'ains/ O.N. *einn,' O.E. 'dn/ O.S. 'en,' O.H.G. 'ein.'

2. Ind.-Germ. dual : Gk. ^vo (Svco), Svotv. In Germ, the plural inflexion has been added : Goth. nom. masc. ' twai/ fcm. ' twos,' neut. ' twa.' Dual forms are nom. masc. O.E. * tii ' from * ' tuo,' nom. neut. O.E. ' twa/ O.S. *twe' from *'tuai' (O.Ind. Mvl'), O.N. ' tvau' = O.Ind. * dvau,' masc.

3. Ind.-Germ. nom. masc. *'trei-es': O.Ind. 'trdyas/ Cret. rpeeg, Goth. *'Keis' (ace. ^ins), O.N. '^rir/ O.E. ' ^ri.' Germ, like Gk. and Lat. has levelled the fem. (O.Ind. 'tisrds,' O.Ir. 'teoir') with the masc. after the fashion of the substantival ' i-' stems (Goth. ace. * grins'). But Nor. and W.Germ. have formed a new nom. ace. fem. on the model of the 'a-* declension: O.N. ']?ridr/ O.E. '^r^o,' O.S. 'threa,' O.H.G. 'drio.' On the other hand, the dat. fem. is as in masc. neut: O.N. ' f>rimr,' etc.

4. Ind.-Germ. nom. masc. * * k^etyor-es ' : O.Ind. 'catvaras,' Dor. reropeg. The consonantal declension seems to have been supplanted in O.N. masc. 'fiorer,'

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 123

fern. ' fi6rar,' neut. * fiogor' by the ' o-' declension, but with stem-differences. In Goth, and W.Germ. 4-19 have be- come indeclinable (but v. p. 124): Goth. *fidwor/ O.E. 'feower/ O.S. *fiu- war/ O.H.G. 'feor'; as Goth, shows, the basis is nom. ace. neut. (O.Ind. 'catvari'). The initial * f ' is due to assimilation with * fimf.'

5. Ind.-Germ. *'penk^e,' Gk. TreVre, Lat. *quinque,' Goth., O.H.G. 'fimf,' O.N. 'fimm,' O.E. *fff,' O.S. 'fif.' The second * f ' is due to assimilation with the first.

6. Ind.-Germ. *' seks,' Gk. e'^, Lat. * sex,' Goth, 'safhs,' O.N. * sex,' O.E. 'siex,' O.S., O.H.G. 'sehs.'

7. Ind.-Germ. *'septm,' Gk. eTrra, Lat. *septem.' In Germ, the ordinal *'septm-t6-' became *' sepmt6-' through dissimilation of the two * t's ' : hence also the cardinal *'sepm': Goth. 'sibun,' O.N. *siau,' O.E. 'seofon,' O.S. 'sibun,' O.H.G. 'sibun.'

8. Ind.-Germ. *'okto' (Gk. oktco, Lat. *oct5') and **okt6u' (O.Ind. 'astau'): the latter became in Goth. *ahtau,' O.N. 'dtta,' O.E. 'eahta,' O.S., O.H.G. 'ahto.'

9. Ind.-Germ. *'neun': O.Ind. 'ndva,* Lat. 'novem,' Goth., O.H.G. 'niun,^O.N. *nio,' O.E. 'nigon/ O.S. ' nigun.'

10. Ind.-Germ. *'dekm': Gk. ^e/ca, Lat. 'decem,' Goth, 'taihun,' O.N. 'tio/ O.E. 'tien.' O.S. 'tehan,' O.H.jG. 'zehan' presuppose an "ablauting" Ind.-Germ.

*'dekom.'		(c) 11-12
Goth.	O.N.	O.E.	O.S.	O.H.G.
II. ainlif.	ellefo.	endleofan.	ellevan.	einlif.
12. twalif.	tolf.	twelf.	twelif.	zwelif.

124 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

The second component belongs to the root *'leik^' (leave), Gk.Xe/7rft), Lat. ' linquo/ Lith. ' leku*; its 'k- sound has been preserved in this case only in O.Norw. ' oellugu' (ii): the meaning is "(ten) leaving one, two over," "(ten and) one, two left over." Besides Germ, this element enters into ii and 12 only in Lith., in which, however, it has penetrated as far as 19 ('dvylika' 12, trylika 13, etc.) ; on the other hand, cf. Gk. SwSeKa, Lat. * duodecim,' etc.

(d) 13-19

Germ, has here also compounds of 10, e.g. Goth, 'fimftaihun' (15), O.N. ' fimtan,' etc.

5 to 19 are indeclinable in Germ, as in Ind.-Germ., but Goth, and W.Germ. have adopted secondary forms for them (as also for 4) on the model of 3 in the gen. and dat. and followed the 'i-' declension, thus Goth. *twalibe,' 'twalibim,' O.H.G. *zwelfeo,' 'zwelfim.' In W.Germ. the nom. ace. have followed suit : thus in O.H.G. masc. fem. 'zwelfi,' neut. 'zwelfiu.'

(e) 20-60

Instead of the old expressions like Gk. rpiaKovra, Lat. ' triginta,' there appeared in Germ, for the multiples of ten up to 60 formations with the noun **te3u-s' (decade), which is related to the Goth. ' taihun.' Thus, e.g. 40: Goth, 'fidwor tigjus,' O.N. 'fi6rer tiger,' O.E. 'f^owertig,' O.S. * fiwartig,' O.H.G. 'fiorzug' (indeclin- able in W.Germ.).

20 in O.N. is still 'tottogo' from *'to-tu3u' (two decades) : the nom. dual has become indeclinable. In Goth, and W.Germ. the plu. also encroached here, in W.Germ. with the dat. of 2 in the instrumental sense :

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 125

O.E. 'twabntig/ O.S. 'tvventig,' O.H.G. 'zweinzug' (the tens with 2); in Goth, only the dat. of 20, 'twaim tigum/ is found.

(/) 70-120

	Goth.	O.N.	O.E.
70	sibuntehund.	siau tiger.	hundseofontig.
80	ahtautehund.	atta tiger.	hundeahtatig.
90	niuntehund.	nio tiger.	hundnigontig.
100	taihuntehund.	tfo tiger.	hundteontig.
no		ellefo tigei	hundendleofantig.
120		hundraS.	hundtwelftig.
		O.S.	O.H.G.
	70	antsibunta.	sibunzo.
	80	antahtoda.	ahtozo.
	90	nigonda.
	100	hund.	zehanzo.

The forms have not been explained. That O.N., like all the other Germ, dialects, originally had the break after 60 is evident from the contrast of ' tuit0gr ' (20 years old), ' sext0gr ' (60 years old), and * siaur0^r ' (70 years old), *tolfr05r' (120 years old). The basis of the difference is that the Ind.-Germ. decimal system has been influenced by the Babylonian sexagesimal system. Hence O.N. ' hundraS ' without addition means 120 ( = 2x60), on the other hand, O.E. 'hundred,' O.S. 'hunderod' as well as 'hund' ( = Lat. 'centum,' Gk. cKarov) 100: the latter is in O.N. ' tio tiger' or * hundraS tir0tt ' (decimal hundred). ' Long hundred * and ' grosshundert ' are still used in English and German respectively for 120. As 120= 12x10 and 110=11x10, Germ, had also created special unit-expressions for 12 and II.

126 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

(g) 200-1200

300 to 900 were formed in Ind.-Germ. by prefixing the unit before the plu. of the neuter substantive " 100." Thus 300 O.Ind. 'trini satani,' O.Bg. *tri suta,' Goth. ')7rija hunda,' O.E. '5reo hund,' O.H.G. 'driu hunt' For the dual 200, O.Ind. 'dve sate/ O.Bg. *duve sute,' the plu. also was used in Germ. : Goth. * twa hunda,' etc. In O.N. 'tvau hundroS' means 240, *]?riu hundroS' 360, etc.

1000 is a substantive in Germ. : Goth. * >usundi,' fern., O.E. 'Susend; neut., O.H.G. 'dusunt,' fem. neut. It corresponds to O.Bg. 'tysesta/ fem., from Ind.-Germ. * * tus-kmtie ' (lit. power-hundredship) corresponding to O.Ind 'tavas' (power, neut.) and *'kmt-' (100). In O.N. 'fusund,' fem., generally means 1200: in* >ushund,* ' ]?ushundra?5 ' 120 (100) is again made use of. (B) Ordinals

1st, Goth, 'fruma,' O.E. 'forma,' O.S. 'formo': formed with the superlative suffix *-mo- ' and connected with the Goth. *faura,' O.E. 'fore,' O.S. 'fora' (before). The ordinary superlative suffix is found in O.N. ' fyrstr,' O.E. 'fyrest,' O.S., O.H.G. 'furisto' and O.E. 'serest,' O.S. 'crista,' O.H.G. 'eristo/ related to Goth, 'air' (early).

2nd, Goth, 'anj^ar,' O.N. 'annarr,' O.E. '6Ser,' O.S. ' othar,' O.H.G. 'ander': it corresponds to O.Ind. ' dn- taras' (different from), and is a comparative in '-tero-' like Gk. Seu-repog and yXvKv-repo^.

3rd, formed in Ind.-Germ. from 3 with *-tio-*: Lat. 'ter-tius,' O.Bg. 'tre-tiji': Goth. 'J>ridja,' O.N. 'ki9e/ O.E. 'Sridda/ O.S. 'Sriddio,' O.H.G. ' dritto.'

From 4th onwards, the ordinals were formed by

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 127

means of *-to-' in Ind.-Germ. : Lat. 'quartus,' 'quintus/ Gk. Teraprog, Tre/xTrro?, etc. Hence, e.g. Goth. 6th 'safhsta/ 8th *ahtuda/ loth ' taihunda.'

VERBS I. Forms

The forms of the Ind.-Germ. verb have only been imperfectly preserved in Germ. There are still found in Germ. :

(i) Two tenses : present and preterite. The latter has partly come from an Ind.-Germ. perfect (strong pret.) and partly been formed through a periphrasis with an aorist (weak pret.). Otherwise the Ind.-Germ. aorist has been lost with the exception of one definite form and a few sporadic remains. The Ind.-Germ. imperfect, pluperfect and future have completely dis- appeared.

(2) Three moods : indicative, optative and imperative. The Ind.-Germ. subjunctive is lost, but in certain classes of verbs it has replaced the optative.

(3) Two voices : active and middle ; the latter was reflexive in Ind.-Germ., but became passive in Germ. It is preserved in Goth, alone, and only in the pres.

(4) Three numbers : singular, dual and plural. The dual is only preserved in Goth., and even here the 3 person has been supplanted by the 3 plural, as the dual of the verbs was only kept when connected with that of the personal pronoun ; of the latter only i and 2 persons exist. The dual has entirely disappeared from the passive.

(5) Three persons : but in the Goth, passive, the 3 sing, has replaced the i sing., and the 3 plu. the i and

128 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

2 plu. ; the latter has also taken place in O.E. and O.S. in the active. This is due to the fact that the i and 2 persons are generally replaced in the child-speech by the 3 person. As the different persons become thoroughly mixed in this way, the 3 person also (though seldom) can be supplanted ; in O.N., e.g. the 3 person has been supplanted by the 2 in the sing. pres. indie.

(6) One verbal noun (infinitive) and two verbal ad- jectives (participles). The infinitive only arose in the separate Ind.-Germ. languages from other words ; the participles existed already in Ind.-Germ. itself. In Germ, there are : a present infinitive active, a present participle active and past participle passive. As a preterite passive no longer existed, the past participle could not be connected with it. The participle was combined with auxiliary verbs to form a periphrastic equivalent of the preterite passive, thus in Goth. ' baurans was' or ' war]?' (he was carried).

In Ind.-Germ. only tense and mood were, as a rule, distinguished by independent suffixes : voice and number were only expressed in the personal endings ; this is partly true of tense and mood also.

2. TENSE-FORMATION

A. Present

Only in a few presents, such as **es-mi' (I am), O.Ind. * ds-mi,' Gk. ei-juLi, Goth. ' i-m,' were the personal endings added directly to the root in Ind.-Germ.: the verbs in which this took place are called " athematic." In the great majority of presents an element — the thematic vowel — was added between the root and the personal ending, which distinguished the particular nature of the

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

129

action. But, apart from certain classes of verbs, only traces of this special meaning have been preserved in the individual Ind.-Germ. languages.

The presents were variously inflected in Ind.-Germ. according as the present stem ended in the so-called thematic vowel '-e' (ablaut *-o') or in another vowel. In the former case we speak of thematic presents, in the latter of athematic, to which the root-presents also belong. Both the thematic and athematic presents are further arranged into a number of subdivisions. Here only the classes of Ind.-Germ. presents which can still be recognised in Germ, will be treated in separate sections.

(a) Thematic Presents (a) *^-f?-' Class

Goth.

1. baira (I carry).

2. bairis. ^

3. bairi]?. j

O.N. bar.

berr.

Sing.

O.E. here, hires. bireS.

O.S. biru. biris. biriS.

O.H.G.

biru. biris. birit.

1. bairos.

2. bairats.

1. bairam.

2. bai'rij?.

3. bairand.

Dual

Plu.

berom.

beret).

bera.

■berati.

beraS.

berames.

beret.

berant.

In Ind.-Germ. only '-e-' was added to the root, which became '-o-' by ablaut in the i pers. of all numbers and in the 3 plu. Thus Gk. ^epe-t?, Goth, 'bairi-s' (Lat.

K

ISO GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

*tegi-s'); Gk. <pepe-i; Goth. 'bairi->' (Lat. 'tegi-t'); Gk. (pepe-re, Goth, 'bairi-)?' (Lat. 'tegi-tis'), but Gk. ^epco, Lat. * fero,' Goth. * baira ' ; Gk. ^epo-jmev, Goth.

* baira-m ' ; Doric (pipo-vri, Lat. ' feru-nt/ Goth. ' balra- nd.'

Goth, has introduced ' a ' (from * o ') into 2 pers. dual :

* bafra-ts,' but ^e/je-roi/. Likewise Alemanic into the 2 pers. plu. : 'berat' If the rest of O.H.G. shows 'beret' here, it is to be attributed to a mixing of this

* berat ' with *' birit ' which we might expect (cf. p. 83) ; in O.N. * bereS' the * e ' is a phonological back-formation from 'i; as in O.K. ' hires/ *bireS' (Early O.K. still *biris/ 'biri(5'). In W.S. this *e' has penetrated into the I pers. sing, also; In. Angl. *-u' is still found for it.

In Ind.-Germ. this class fell into two sub-divisions according as the accent was on the root-syllable or on the thematic vowel. In the former case, as in O.Ind.

* bharati ' (carries), Ind.-Germ. * ' bhereti,' the root- syllable must have had the full grade ; in the latter, as in O.Ind. 'tuddti' (pushes), Ind.Germ. *'tude-ti' from

* * teude-ti,' the vanishing grade.

In most presents in Germ. i.e. in those with a radical *e' the vanishing grade has been almost completely replaced by the full grade which preponderated already in Ind.-Germ. Connected with this is the fact that, after the perfect-reduplication had for the most part been lost, ablaut became for the linguistic instinct the chief means of distinguishing the tenses. According to the vowel-interchange in the pres., pret. sing., pret. plu. and past part., which varies according to the sounds following the ' e,' verbs with a radical ' e ' are, as a rule, arranged in Germ, in five divisions which are known

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 131

as the first five ablaut-series. In the root-syllable and also in the full grade-present there may be :

(i) Ind.-Germ. 'ei/ whence Germ, 'i': Gk. arrelxeiv (mount), Goth. ' steigan/ O.N. ' stiga/ O.E. ' stigan/ O.S., O.H.G. 'stigan.'

(2) Ind.-Germ. *eu/ whence Goth. *iu': Gk. yeuea-Oai, from * yevarea-Oai (taste), Goth. ' kiusan ' (choose), O.N. 'ki6sa,' O.E. 'ceosan,' O.S. ' keosan,' O.H.G. ' kiosan.'

(3) Ind.-Germ.* e' + liq. or nas. + cons: O.Ind. *vart- ati ' (turns), Lat. ' vertit,' Goth. ' wair>an ' (become), O.N. 'versa,' O.E. 'weorSan,' O.S. 'werthan,' O.H.G. * werdan.'

(4) Ind.-Germ. * e ' + liq. or nas. (no second consonant) : Gk. (f>6p-eiv (carry), Goth. * bairan,' O.N. 'bera' O.E., O.S., O.H.G. 'beran.'

(5) Ind.-Germ. *e'+ spirant or stop (no second con- sonant) : Gk. imeS-ea-Oai (consider, measure), Goth, 'mitan' (measure), O.E., O.S. * metan,' O.H.G. ' mez- zan,' O.N. 'meta' (tax, value).

A case of retained vanishing grade in the present of the first series is the Angl. ' riopan ' ( = reap, ' io ' can only come from *i' through u- and o/a- umlaut), and in that of the third series is O.N. 'holfa' (another form : 'hualfa' = be vaulted) from *'hulfan.' Verbs which are spread throughout all Germ, and originally had a vanishing grade-present show this, as a rule, only in the separate dialects : thus in the fifth series, Goth. * tru- dan' (tread), O.N. 'troSa,' but O.E., O.S. ' tredan,' O.H.G. 'tretan': the W.Germ. transition was carried through in the proportion * mat ' (measured) : ' trad ' (trod) = ' metan ' : ' tredan.'

132 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

In the case also of radical 'e/ the full grade generally preponderates in the pres. in Germ. : thus in Goth, 'letan' (let), O.N. 'Uta,' O.E. Mafetan,' O.S. Matan/ O.H.G. ' lazzan.' Here, too, the vanishing grade-present * * takan ' ( = touch, O.N. ' taka ' = take) has been replaced by the full grade ' tekan ' (' lailot,' let : * taitok,' touched = Metan' : 'tekan.')

In the case of radical *a,' the full grade is likewise regularly found in the Germ, present : Lat. ' alere,' Goth., O.E. 'alan' (grow, nourish in O.K.), O.N. *ala' (nourish).

Likewise with radical ' 6 ' : Att. 7rX?i<T<ra) from * irKaara-vo (I strike), Lat. 'plaga' (blow); the vanishing grade to these appears in Gk. irXay-rjvai and Lat. ' pla-n-g-ere ' (strike, complain) : Goth. *' flokan ' (complain), pret. ' fai- flok,' O.H.G. *'fluohhan' (to be so considered because of * farfluohhan ' = depraved, bad).

In the case of a radical long diphthong a vanishing grade-present must have had 'u'; thus O.Fris. 'sluta' (shut), M.L.G. 'sluten' from the Ind.-Germ. root ** sklau,' with the secondary form *' klau ' in Lat. * clau- is,' Dor. Kkai9 from *K\af-is (key). As the full grade *au' became 'au' in the perf., assimilation with the second ablaut-series took place here: hence also in O.H.G. pres. * sliozan.' That the ' u ' has been preserved in O.Fris. and O.S. is due to the resemblance of the first ablaut-series : * stigan ' : ' staig ' = *' slutan ' : *' slaut.' If there is on the whole in Germ, a somewhat large number of presents with ' u ' in the second series (e.g. O.E. 'sucan,' 'sugan' = suck, O.N. 'suga,' M.L.G. 'sugen,' O.H.G. *sugan,' cog. with Lat. 'sOgere') most of them have probably taken the place of original full grade-presents from ' eu-' stems ; this has certainly been

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 133

the case with the O.E. ' bugan ' (bend), which is represented in Goth, by 'biugan,' O.H.G. 'beogan/ and in Gk. by cpevyw] cf. e^vyovy O.Ind. bhugnas (bent).

All other thematic presents, which had a consonant or a consonant-group before the 'e-o' in their stem, possessed, with the exception of most ie- presents, the same gradation of the thematic vowel as the pure ' e-' class. The result was that with few exceptions they went over to this class in Germ. So also all the ' te-to ' presents. As, e.g. Gk. TrXe/c-w (I plait) shows, the * t ' of Lat. 'plecto' belongs to the present suffix (cf. also pXaTT-TO) with e-^Xap-riv) : in Germ., however, it has been drawn into the verbal stem, as the pret. 'flaht,' ' fluhtum ' of O.H.G. ' flehtan ' proves. ' Flaht,' * fluhtum,' is to * warf,' ' wurfum,' as ' flehtan ' to ' werfan.'

(/3) ' ne-' * no^' Class

The * ne-' * no-* class has also for the most part gone over to the * C-0-' class in Germ. : Lat. ' sper-no ' (I despise, lit. push away), 'spre-vi,' O.N. 'sporna' (push, tread), O.E., O.S., O.H.G. * spurnan,' pret. O.N., O.S., O.H.G. * sparn,' O.E. * spearn.'

To the few exceptions belongs Goth, 'fraihnan' (ask), pret. sing. * frah,' plu. ' frehum,' past part. ' fraihans,' O.N. 'fregna,* 'frd,' 'fr6gom,' ' fregenn.* In. W.Germ. the * n ' has been added to the stem : O.E. * frignan,' 'fraegn,' 'frugnon,' 'frugen,' O.S. 'fregnan,' 'gi-fragn,' * frugnum.'

(y) Nasal Infix- Class

The nasal could in Ind.-Germ. be inserted as an infix in the root and *-e-' ('-6-') only added as a suffix: Cf Lat. *pu-n-g-o,' *pu-pug-V Lith. ' ru-n-k-u ' (I become wrinkled), inf ' ruk-ti.'

134. GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

In Germ. ' n ' has been preserved as a present-infix only in Goth., O.S. 'standan' (stand), O.N. 'standa,' O.E. * stondan/ of which the prets. are Goth. * sto)?,' O.N.

* st65,' O.E., O.S. ' stod ' ; the past part, also in O.N. is 'staSenn,' in O.E., on the other hand, 'stonden,' O.S. 'standen,' O.H.G. 'gistantan'; also the pret. in O.H.G. is * stuont.'

All other verbs with nasal infix have either abandoned this in the present or introduced it throughout into their other forms. But in regard to this the different dialects have often gone along different ways. Thus in O.H.G. a present 'slihhan' has been formed on the model of 'slaih' (I crept), plu. 'slihhum,' past part, 'gislihhan,' with which O.E. 'slincan' (creep) may be contrasted. But for ' slincan ' a pret. sing. ' slonc,' plu.

* sluncon,' past part. ' sluncen,' in analogy with ' bindan,' ' bond,' * bundon,' ' bunden,' have been created: the word has thus been taken from the first into the third ablaut- series.

(S) 'ie-"io'' Class Paradigms : Goth. ' tamja ' (I tame), O.N. * tem ' ; Goth. *sokja' (I seek), O.N. *s0ke'; O.E. 'fremme' (I do), O.S. 'fremmiu,' O.H.G. 'frummiu' (I further).

Sing. Goth. O.N.

1. tamja. s5kja. tem. s0ke.

2. tamjis. sokeis.

3. tamji]?. sdkei]?.

temr. \ s0ker.

O.E. O.S. O.H.G.

1. fremme. fremmiu. frummiu.

2. frames. fremis. frumis.

3. freme(5. fremiS, frumit.

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

135

Plu.

Goth.

O.N.

I.	tamjam.	sole jam.	temiom. s0kom.
2.	tamji]?.	sokei(5.	temeS. s0ka(5.
3-	tamjand.	sokjand.	temia. s0ka.
	O.E. O.S.	O.H.G.
	I.	1	frummemes.
	2. .fremma(5. j^fremmiad. frumet.
	3- ]	J	frumment.

In Ind.-Germ. there were fixed *ie-' formations, in which only * ie ' and ' io ' interchanged, and graded formations in which, as in Lat. 'capio,' 'capis,' the vanishing grade *i' occurred. As in Ind.-Germ. 'ie,'

* io * stood only after a short syllable and ' ie,' ' io ' after a long syllable (cf. p. S6), and as the vanishing grade became I, e.g. Lat. * farcio,' ' farcis,* the result was two further subdivisions.

The graded class with a short syllable has penetrated everywhere in W.Germ. Hence, 'i' is here found in the 2 and 3 sing, which, on the evidence of Lat. ' capis,' 'capit,' 'farcis,' 'farcit,' were formed with a vanishing grade ; Lat. ' capio,' ' capiunt,' ' farcio,' ' farciunt,' on the other hand, correspond to Ind.-Germ. ' io ' in the i sing, and 3 plu. Hence before 'i' in the 2 and 3 sing. W.Germ. is without the consonant-lengthening which took place before 'i' in the i sing, and 3 plu. Un- accented ' ia ' became ' e ' in O.H.G. Cf. Goth. ' sokjan ' (seek), O.S. * sokian,' O.H.G. 'suohhen'; hence O.H.G.

* frumment ' corresponds to the O.S. 3 plu.' fremmiaS' (from *'-ian(5'); the 'e' of 'frumment' has penetrated into the other O.H.G. plu. forms which, on the evi-

136 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

dence of Lat. 'capimus,' * capitis/ 'farclmus,' 'farcltis,' had the vanishing grade.

In Goth.-Nor. at least short- and long-stem formations are kept separate. In the case of long-stem, fixed verbs, * ie ' passed through ' ii ' to * I,' since unaccented * e ' is raised in Germ, to * i.' Thus the long-stem, fixed presents and the long-stem, graded ones fell together not only in the * io ' of the i sing, and ' io ' of the 3 plu. but also in the ' I' of the 2 and 3 sing, and 3 plu. The divergence in the i plu. was removed by * io ' of the fixed formations penetrating everywhere. As the i and 3 plu. agree in the case of the thematic verbs in showing * o,' ' io ' also made its way through the graded *io-' presents, even as did 'ie' in the 2 and 3 sing, and 2 plu.

By the side of the real *ie-' formations were found in Ind.-Germ. the causatives formed from other verbs by means of '-eie-' (cf. p. 60). Since unaccented *e* became 'i' in Germ., '-eiesi' of the 2 sing, could only produce *-Is' (cf. Goth, 'gasteis,' p. 90) and *-eieti' of the 3 sing, only '-!]?.' As the long- stem causatives and the real long-stem *ie-' forma- tions fell thus together, the short-stem causatives adopted the inflexions of the real short-stem 'ie-' formations.

{b) A thematic Presents

(a) 'a-' Class

Sing.

Goth. O.N. O.E. O.S. O.H.G.

1. Salbo (anoint), kalla (call), sealfie. salbon. salbom.

2. Salbcs. -y sealfas. salbos. salbos.

3. Salbo>. jkallar. ^^^^^^^ ^^^^^^^ ^^^^^^^

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

137

Plu.

I. Salbom.	kollom.		salbomes
2. Salbo>.	kalleO.	sealfiac5. salboc5.	salbot.
3. Salbond.	kalla.		salbont.

In Ind.-Germ. the *a-' class consisted only to a small extent of primary, i.e. of such verbs as had been directly formed from the root, e.g. O.Ind. * dr-a-ti ' (runs) from the root * * der ' ; the class mostly consisted of denominative verbs, as Lat. ' planta-s ' from ' planta ' (plant). In the case of the latter an extension could be made in Ind.-Germ. by means of ' ie,' ' io ' ; as Att. TifJLOL'fa (from * rijuid-ioo) as well as Aeol. rifxa-iuLi (plu.

TL fJLOrlJLev) show.

In Germ, the thematic suffix has been preserved in the pres. indie, only in O.E. and in those cases alone in which the thematic verbs show * o,' viz. in the i sing, and 3 plu. In the forms in which the ' o-' verbs had * e ' in the 2 and 3 sing, and the * io-' verbs * ie ' or * i,' the athematic forms in consequence of the resemblance became predominant. The primary and the denomina- tive verbs therefore fell together: cf. the primary O.E. 'borie' (I bore, perforate), O.H.G. 'borom' (Lat. forare) with O.E. ' sealfie,' O.H.G. * salbom * from * salba ' (salve, ointment) = Gk. oXirri (oil-flask).

'o' in Goth, and O.H.G. 3 plu. where it had been shortened before 'n' + cons. was restored in analogy with the other endings.

The O.N. shortening of *o' to *a' throughout the sing, and to ' o ' before ' m ' in the i plu. is later ; * kalleS ' has been formed in analogy with ' bere5 ' because of the resemblance of the other plural forms.

138 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

(8) ^ ndi- Class

The * nai-' class, whose * ai ' became * a ' already in Ind.- Germ., shows*-na-'onlyin the sing, act., because *-nai-' here bore the chief accent, but the vanishing grade *-nI-' only in the end-accented forms, i.e. in the dual and plu. act. and throughout the middle: O.Ind. 'mrnami' (I crush), I plu. 'mrnimas.'

To this class in Germ, belong especially the inchoative intransitive verbs such as Goth. ' ga]?aursnan ' (become dry), O.N. * J'orna,' therewith cf. * J>airsan ' (dry up, wither), O.N. *]?erra.' The meaning of this class, which marked the starting point of an action, developed from a terminative function, which belonged generally to the nasal-presents in Ind.-Germ., i.e. developed from the fact that these for- mations could embrace the starting as well as the final point of an action: Gk. opvvjx^v (we let loose), O.Ind. ' ja-nati ' (he recognises). The verbs may still be clearly recognised as original *na-' presents from the Goth, preterite ending '-noda,' as in ')?aursnoda' ; in O.N. they are inflected exactly like the * a-' presents. In the 3 plu. of Goth., as in ' ga>aursnand,' the '-and,' which arose from *-ond,' was preserved and produced by confluence with the '-and ' of the thematic verbs a complete transition into their inflections : ' ga]?aursna,' ' ga]?aursnis,' etc. In W. Germ., on the contrary, the * na-' presents in agree- ment with the ' a-' presents assimilated the 3 plu. with the other persons as, e.g. O.H.G. 'hlinont' (they lean, cog. with Lat. 'inclinare') shows. In O.E. the *io-' in- flections have partially gone over to these verbs: 'hlinie,' 'hliniaS.' Thus from an inchoative: '^acnie' (I grow), ' 6acniaS ' (cog. with Goth. * auka ' = I increase, and O.E, * eacie ' = I add).

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

139

	(y) VV-' Class
	Sing.
Goth.	O.N. O.E.
I. haba (I have). hef, hefe. haebbe.
2. habais. 3. habai(5.	■	hefr,	, ^ hafas. h^^^^- hafaS.
	o.s.	O.H.G.
I.	hebbiu.	habem.
2.	habes, habas.	habes.
3.	habeS, haba5. Plu.	habet.
Goth.	O.N.	O.E.
I. habam.	hpfom.	'
2. habais.	hafe3.	■habbaS.
3. haband	hafa.	.
	O.S.	O.H.G.
I.	hebbiat		habemes.

2.

jhabbiat.

habent.

In Ind.-Germ. already the 'ei' of these verbs became *-e ' except before ' s.' To this class belong primary verbs mostly, such as Goth. *haba' (I have), Lat. 'habere,* Goth. *ana-sila' (I am silent), Lat. 'silere.'

The '-and ' of Goth. ' haband ' comes from ' -end ' as that of ' ga]?aursnand ' from '-ond,' and in analogy with this inflexion, * haba,' * habam ' have been formed from 'haband.' The 'ai' of 'habais' goes back to Ind.- Germ, ' ei ' before ' s ' ; as the 3 sing, and 2 plu. have elsewhere always the same vowel as the 2 sing., they have likewise preserved the ' ai.'

140 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

O.N. 'hafa' corresponds to the Goth, 'haband' as O.N. * bera ' to Goth. ' berand ' ; on the model of ' hafa * beside 'bera,' 'h9fom/ 'hafeS' were formed beside ' berom/ ' bereS.' ' Hef/ ' hefe ' seem to be different dialectical variations for P.Germ. *'habio' from *' habeo ' from *' habeo ' : ' hefr ' and ' hefer ' are formed from *hef' and 'hefe.'

Most probably O.S. 'hebbiu' and O.E. 'haebbe' go back to this *'habio' (the *bb' in 'haebbe' is proof of an earlier presence of * i ') ; through the resemblance with 'fremmiu' arose in the 3 plu. O.S. 'hebbiat/ O.E. 'habbaS.' O.S. 'hat>es,' *hat)e3' correspond to Goth. *habais,' 'habai>'; in O.E. 'hafas,' 'hafaS' (which seem to have been taken over into O.S.) we perhaps see the influence of the ' a-' class (' sealfie ' : ' haebbe ' = ' sealfas ' : 'hafas').

O.H.G. 'habem,' *-emes' have preserved the Ind.- Germ. 'e'; O.H.G. 'habes,' 'habet,' 'habet' correspond to the Goth, 'habais,' 'habai>,' ' habai]?'; O.H.G. 'habent ' for *'habant' is due to analogy (cf. 'salbont').

(S) Root- Class

The presents, which in Ind.-Germ. added the personal endings directly to the root, accented the latter only in the sing., the former, on the other hand, in the dual and plu. ; hence the sing, appears as a full grade, the dual and plu. as vanishing grades. Thus from the root 'es': O.Ind. 'ds-ti' (is), 's-tas' (both are), 's-anti' (they are).

The full grade of the verb " to be " is pre- served in the sing, in Germ. : Goth. ' im, is, it,' O.N. 'em,' 'es,' 'es,' O.E. 'eom,' 3 sing, 'is,' O.S. 3 sing, 'is/ 'ist,' 0,H,G. 'ist/ The vanishing grade is

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 141

still seen in the 3 plu. Goth., O.E., O.S., O.H.G. 'sind'; in O.N. 'ero' as in Gk. elarh from *€cr-vTi, the full grade has penetrated ; likewise into the i plu. * erom/ hence also 2 plu. ' eroc5.' Goth, i and 2 plu. ' sijum ' and ' siju>' are due to the influence of the subjunctive forms * sijaima/ ' sijai>.'

B. Preterite

(a) Strong Preterite

The thematic verbs, with the exception of the majority of the * io-' class, formed a strong preterite in Germ.

(a) Strong Preterites in Prim, Germanic

The basis of the strong preterite was the Ind-Germ. perfect which was formed by means of reduplication, i.e. by prefixing to the root a syllable made up of the first cons, of the root + *e,' while the personal endings were added immediately to the root. In the sing, the chief accent lay on the root-syllable, as is seen from the agreement of O.Ind. accentuation, e.g. in 'jajana' (has become), with that which may be inferred from grammatical change for P.Germ. (cf. Goth. ' safzlep ' with *slepan' = sleep, O.N. 'sera' with *sa' = sow). The root-syllable had *o-' grade, as, e.g. Gk. yeyoi^e = O.Ind. 'jajana' (whose *a' apparently goes back to *o,' but not to ' e ') from the root ' gen ' shows. The plu. and dual had the accent on the personal ending, and hence had the vanishing grade: O.Ind. 'jajfiima' = Gk. ykyafxev.

Already in Ind.-Germ. a few verbs of the * e-' series had lost in the dual and plu. the initial consonant of the unaccented root-syllable, through dissimilation with that of the reduplication-syllable. As, in the case of

142 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

the complete disappearance of the ' e,' the word could not be pronounced, because of too great an accumula- tion of consonants, the * e ' became * a ' in the root- syllable; this '9' developed in Aryan into 'i' (cf. p. 33), which contracted with the 'e' of the re- duplication-syllable into *ei' and later in O.Ind. pro- duced 'e/ while in Lat. and Germ, 'e' + 's' directly became 'e': hence O.Ind. 'sedima' (we have sat), Lat. 'sedimus,' Goth. * setum.' In Germ, this formation, apparently without reduplication, was carried out in all verbs in which the radical * e ' was followed by a single consonant only.

If the root-syllable bore the chief accent in Ind.- Germ. it retained its initial consonant: O.Ind. 'sasada' (has sat) from Ind.-Germ. * ' sesoda.' While the Lat. ' sedl ' however has been remodelled on the analogy of 'sedimus,' Goth, 'sat' still shows the vowel of *' sesoda,' though with the loss of reduplication. As, on the analogy of ' setum,' only **set' could have arisen, especially as in Goth, 'et; 'etum' = O.N. *at/ 'atom,' etc. = Lat. *edi,' *edimus/ Gk. eS-tjSa, eS-ijSa/uLev, there was a model for ' e,' ' sat ' therefore along with all perfects similarly formed, must have had a different source. Here, when the chief accent was still on the root, took place what is called haplology, by which a syllable not bearing chief stress may be dropped, when the one following it begins with the same consonant as it does: e.g. O.H.G. •swibogo' (arch-way) from *'swibibogo' (lit. suspended arch). That initial syllables can be lost in this way is also shown by the Mod. Gk. Sda-KaXog from O.Gk. SiSdcTKaXo^, Provencal ' paver '^ from Lat. * papaver,' Ital.

^ ' paver ' is not known to exist ; v. Levy, Provenzal : Supplement- Worterbuch: 24 Heft (1909).

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

143

' vaccio ' (hasty) from Lat. ** vivacius.' Such haplology has regularly taken place in Mod. Gk. perf. part. pass, (the only one left from the O.Gk. perf.), e.g. ^XajULjULevo^ from fieBXajUL/uievog, imaOrjimeuog from /uLejULaOrjiuevog.

In Germ, haplology has taken place in all verbs with a radical 'e,' and indeed everywhere in the dual and plu. where these, unlike Goth. ' setum,' no longer showed syllable-repetition. After the dual and plu. in the three first ablaut-series (cf. p. 131) had thus lost their re- duplication, they no longer differed in their parts before the endings from the past part, which likewise had a vanishing grade. But in the fourth and fifth series a difference arose from the fact that the forms with ' e ' had not penetrated into these. We thus have in Goth, the following scheme :

	Pres.	Sing. Pret.	Plu. Pret.	Past. Part.
I.	steiga (mount).	staig.	Stigum.	stigans.
2.	biuda (bid).	bau>.	budum.	budans.
3a.	binda (bind).	band.	bundum.	bundans.
3b.	wairj^a (become).	war]?.	waur]?um.	waiir]?ans,
4a.	nima (take).	nam.	nemum.	numans.
4b.	baira (bear).	bar.	berum.	baurans.
5-	lisa (choose).	las.	lesum.	lisans.

As the older forms continued in the first instance to

exist by the side of those which arose through haplology,

they could also under certain circumstances supplant the

latter. This has happened in Germ, in the case of the

verbs with radical ' a ' followed by either ' i ' or ' u ' or

f nasal "\

-j -. ._. V + cons., thus in the three subdivisions which

are parallel to the first three ablaut-series. The reason

144 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

of this is that the same vowel, viz. * a,' stood in the pres. as well as in the sing. pret. and ablaut could not here be distinguished as a mark of tense. The further result was that ablaut was abolished in the plu. pret. also. Hence we have in Goth, the scheme :

	Pres.	Sing. Pret.	Plu. Pret.	Past. Part.
I.	haita (call).	haihait.	haihaitum.	haitans.
2.	auka (increase).	aiauk.	aiaukum.	aukans.
3-	halda (hold).	haihald.	haihaldum.	haldans.

Forms with vanishing grade are also sporadically preserved in the plu. pret. of this class ; in these, as in O.N. 'hlupom ' (we ran), the form without reduplication was preferred, because ablaut was sufficient to distin- guish the tense.

In the subdivisions in which a single consonant followed the *a,' the resemblance with the *e-' series in the plu. pret. had already at an earlier period produced unreduplicated forms with * a,' i.e. in analogy with the relation of P.Germ. *'nem5' (I take) to **nemumen* (we took), * ' farumen ' (we lead), whence * forum,' arose in analogy with *'faro' (I travel). As there were several verbs with an initial vowel in this class, which formed their whole perfect from the remotest times by lengthening *a' instead of by reduplication, e.g. Gk. rjXOL from ^axcL perf. of ayft> = O.N. * 6k' from *'aka' pret. of ' aka ' (drive), so was ' a ' (later * 5 ') introduced also into the sing, in the case of the verbs with an initial consonant. In the past part, of these verbs 'a' is found before all sounds through the suppression by analogy of old differences. Thus two more of the 4 and 5 ablaut series appear as similar, but they appear

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 145

as mutually similar sub-series of the ' a-' series ; these are in Goth.

Pres. Sing. Pret.	Plu. Pret.	Past. Part.
4. fara (travel). f(5r.	forum.	farans.
5. skaba (shave), skof.	skobum.	skabans.

As these series made the impression of an old ablaut, they have been added as a sixth to the five ablaut-series which constituted the old * e-' series.

In the 'e-' series loss of reduplication should really be expected, as the "ablauting" *o' sufficiently dis- tinguished the sing. pret. Forms like ' lot ' (let, pret.), cog. with Goth. * leta ' (I let, pres.) are only found in East Nor. Goth, has here preserved reduplication, and the forms of the other Germ, languages are explained on the assumption of its retention in a similar manner. The reason why reduplication has been preserved here is apparently the influence of the cognate 'a-' series, in which the Germ. *o' necessarily appeared in the pres. and sing. pret. The ' o ' of the sing. pret. has penetrated in both series into the plu. also ; the * e ' or * o ' of the pres. into the past part. Thus we have in Goth.:

Pres. Sing. Pret. Plu. Pret. Past Pret.

leta (let). lailot. lailotum. letans.

hropa (boast). h;aih;op. hjafhropum. hjopans.

146 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

(l3) The Strong Preterites in Nor. and W.Germ.

The preterites which had lost their reduplication in P.Germ. were generally as little affected in Nor. and W.Germ. as in Goth, by other changes than those usually occurring according to operating sound-laws. Hence we have :

	O.N.	O.E.	O.S.	O.H.G.
I.	steig, stigom.	stig, stigon.	steg, stigun.	steig, stigum.
2.	bau*, bu<5om.	bdad, budon.	bod, budun.	bot, butum.
3-	varS, vurXom.	wear*, wurdon.	warth, wurdun.	ward, wurtum.
4.	bar, bprom.	basr, bieron.	bar, barun.	bar, barum.
5.	las, 16som.	lass, l^son.	las, lasun.	las, larum.
6.	fdr, forom.	for, foron.	for, forun.	fuor, fuorum.

On the other hand, the preterites which still redupli- cated in P.Germ. underwent a thorough remodelling in Nor. and W.Germ. First, * e ' was introduced into the pret. of the verbs of the ' e-' series, which had a root ending in a consonant, when *' lelet,' e.g. was formed for **lelot' in analogy with 'slepan' (sleep) whose pret., on the evidence of Goth. ' saizlep,' ' saislep,' had already in P.Germ. adopted the *e' of the pres. Further, after the chief accent was moved back to the initial syllable, unaccented * ai ' became *e' (e.g. *'hehait'>*'hehet'), 'au' became 'o' (e.g. **eauk' > *'^ok '). But in all verbs which had an initial single cons, this was dropped in the root-syllable by dissimilation with the initial cons, of the whole word, so that, e.g. *'leet' arose from *Melet,' *'heow' from *'hehow' (I hewed). Similar cases of dissimilation are Gk. ayrjoxo. from *ay^/yoxa, XeXlrjjULai from ^XeXlXtjiuai, Armen. 'orkor' (throat) from *'kor-kor,' Mod.Bg. * agnea-ta ' (lambs) from O.Bg.

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 147

'agneta-ta'; in O.Ir. the cons, of the reduplicated syl- lable regularly disappeared in this way, if a preposition before the particle * ro ' preceded it ; cf. e.g. ' ro reblang ' (I sprang) with * fo-roiblang.' As contraction followed in the last case of dissimilation, so also in Nor. and W.Germ. 'e + e' as well as 'e + a' were contracted into *eV and *^ + o' into *eo*; the same contraction naturally took place in the verbs with an initial vowel. Before double consonants, i.e. where * e^ ' had arisen from 'e + a,' it was generally shortened to * e.' Hence the following correspond :

Goth. O.N. O.E. O.S. O.H.G.

haihait (called).	hdt.	hit.	hiet.	hiaz, hiez.
lailot (let, pret).	Idt.	\6t.	let, liet.	lez, leaz, liaz
*faifang (caught).	fekk.	feng.	feng.	fenc, fiang.
*haihau (hewed).	hid	hdow.	heu.	hio, hill.
^waiwop (cried).		wdop.	wiop, wiep.	wiof, wiuf.
saiso (sowed).	sera.^	sdow.	seu.

In O.E. ' e ' before * 1,' as in * meolcan ' (milk) = O.H.G. * melkan,' became ' eo ' : hence * weolc ' (faded) from *' welc ' (like ' feng '), pret. of ' wealcan ' from *' walcan.' As *a' before 'I' + cons. (by way of *ae') was generally broken into * ea,' e.g. ' healdan ' (hold) = Goth. ' haldan,' so in all verbs in * al' + cons. ' eo ' was introduced into the pret., e.g. ' heold ' from ' healdan.' That several verbs here modelled themselves on a single rare verb was due to the fact that thus an analogy with the verbs which had * ea ' (from Germ. * au ') in the present was formed : ' heawan ' : * heow ' = * healdan ' : * heold.' The 'o' in O.E. 'gongan' (go), Goth, 'gangan,'

^ ' sera ' is from *' sezo ' (v. p. 14) whose 2 different * s-' sounds could not be dissimilated.

148 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

*bonnan' (summon), O.H.G. 'bannan,' into which *a' had changed before 'n' + cons. was introduced into the pret. : hence ' geong ' for ' geng,' ' beonn ' for **benn.'

The verbs which had double consonants initially were treated after the manner of those with an initial single consonant or an initial vowel: hence, e.g. from O.H.G. 'blasan' (blow), 'blias' (in analogy with Mazan' = let), from 'hlaufan,' Moufan' (run), Miof,' *liuf' (in analogy with ' houwan ' = hew).

Dissimilation took place before vowels only. Hence there are reduplicated forms still preserved in Anglian in the 'e-' series in which the vanishing grade had persisted in the plu. with complete loss of vowels: 'reordon' (advised, pret. of 'rEdan') from *'re-rd-un,' whence also sing. ' reord.' On account of the Anglian levelling of the singular of the * e-' and * ai-' series (cf. W.S. ' r^d ' and * het '), plural forms were formed in the latter without any root- vowel, e.g. ' hehton ' (for *'hehi- tun ') whence singulars like * heht.'

(b) Weak Preterite

The athematic verbs in Germ., as well as the great majority of verbs in the * io-' class, had a weak preterite. This was formed by means of a periphrasis with a preterite form of the Ind.-Germ. root *dhe' (set, do); in fact, with that which is still found in O.E. *dyde' (did), O.S. 'deda,' O.H.G. 'teta,' as is shown by the agreement between the Goth. plu. endings, e.g. in *salbo- dedum' (we anointed) and O.S. 'dedun,' *dadun' (did), O.H.G. ' tatum.' O.E. ' dyde,' etc., probably corresponds to O.lnd. reduplicated aorist 'adadham,' whose augment

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 149

'a-' (Gk. e-) could exist also as a really independent word.

This manner of formation was adopted because most verbs of the * io-' and ' a-' classes had first been derived from nouns or other verbs ; the derived verbs, however, had originally only a present. When the need of a past tense was felt, periphrasis by means of an auxiliary verb was resorted to. An auxiliary verb can really be added only to a verbal noun, which in our case (as in French ' j'aimcrai,' " I shall love," really ' j'aimer ai,' " I have to love ") could only be an infinitive (we anointed = we did anoint). But as there was yet no infinitive in Ind.-Germ. that part of the verb was used for it which regularly occurred in all the present forms, and hence was regarded as a stem. This also happened later in the Ind.-Germ. languages in the case of peri- phrastic tenses formed at an early period, e.g. in Lat. ' ama-bam,' ' ama-bo.' The forms in '-i ' appeared thus as stems in the * io- presents, those in '-a ' in the ' a-' presents : Goth. * soki-dedum ' (we sought), ' salbo- dedum ' (we anointed). As the causatives ran with the pure ' io- stems and the inchoatives with the ' a-' stems, the former likewise formed their pret. with '-i-,' and the latter with *-a-' (whence ' o ') : Goth. * nasi- dedum ' (we saved), * fullno-dedum ' (we became full).

In analogy with the weak pret. of derived verbs, is also formed that of the primary verbs of the ' a-' class. Further, all or the great majority of the primary verbs of the ' ei-' class also formed their pret. in this way, because of the greater similarity of their present in- flexions to those of the * a-' class than to those of the 'o-' class. In verbs which come under this head, such as O.K. 'haefde' (had), O.S. 'habda,' the pure root is

150 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

the stem. Clearly these verbs took their place in the

* a-' class only when they had shortened ' e ' before * i * and 'n' + cons. to 'a/ consequently only the pure root recurred uniformly in all the present forms, 'e* in O.H.G., in which it had been established anew through- out the pres., again penetrated into the pret. : ' habeta.' In Goth, 'habaida' was formed in an approximate analogy with ' habais,' * habai]? ' as * nasida ' with ' nasjis/

* nasji]?' and * sokida' with * sokeis/ * sokei]?.'

In the P.Germ. sing, in *'-t5e(5oV etc., the short re- duplicated syllable was dropped through haplology, while in the dual and plu. the long in *'5eSumeV etc., persisted, as is seen in Goth, in, e.g. 'salboda,' *salbo- dedum.' After the '>' from Ind.-Germ. 't' (cf. O.Ind.

* sthi-tas,' Gk. crra-rog, Lat. * status ') had become * 5 ' after a vowel in the past part. pass, according to Verner's Law, and had thus fallen with the 'S' from the Ind.-Germ. *dh' of the weak pret., the two '5's' were associated by the linguistic instinct. The 'S' was now introduced into the ' ei-' class in which Germ. * 5 ' from Ind.-Germ. ' t ' could never arise after a cons, in the part. : hence, e.g. O.E. * gehaefd,' O.S. * behabd.' On the other hand, the small number of the ' to-' participles which as well as the *io-' presents had been formed directly from the root and whose ' t ' after a cons, had been retained in Germ., supplied the model for the pret. forms : hence, e.g. beside Goth, 'waurhts' (worked) from *waurkja' we have Svaurhta,' ' waurhtedum.' After Goth, had separated from Nor. and W.Germ. the two latter, in a not mathematically exact proportion created on the model of the simple *'6e(5oV *'Se3ume^' a form **nazi(5ume"' (O.E. ' neredon,' O.S. 'neridun,' O.H.G. 'neritum') to 'nazido^' (O.E. 'nerede,' O.S.

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 151

*nerida; O.H.G. 'nerita'), *' worhtume"' (O.N. 'ortom,' O.E. 'worhton; O.H.G. Vorhtum'), *'warhtume"' (O.S. 'warhtun') to **worhto"' (O.N. * orta,' O.E. 'worhte/ O.H.G. 'worhta'), and *'warhto»' (O.S. 'warhta'): a concurrent influence here was apparently the disHke to long endings, which alone in French produced ' nous aimerons ' for *' nous aimer-avons.' But in Crim.-Goth., on the other hand, *'warthe(5a' (whence 'warthata') was formed for *'warthe5um' on the analogy of *'(5eSa' for * ' 5et5um.'

The vowels of the final syllable of the weak pret. are most clearly kept apart in Nor. In O.N. the sing. e.g. is : I * orta,' 2 ' orter,' 3 * orte ' : to the '-a ' corresponds Prim. O.N. '-o ' in 'worahto,' to the *-e' Prim. O.N. '-e' in ' wurte.' In the other dialects, the i and 3 sing, have the same vowel ; in O.E. ' worhte ' there is phono- logical fusion of two sounds: (a) in i sing. *-o"' has become '-e' as in 'tunge' (tongue) and (/3) in 3 sing. *-et ' has become *-e,' while the Goth, i sing. ' waurhta ' has taken the form of the 3 sing., and the form of the O.S. and O.H.G. 3 sing., O.S. ' warhta,' O.H.G. 'worhta' that of the i sing. To the O.N. 'orter' (from *-ez') corresponds Goth. *waurhtes,' also O.E. 'worhtes' in the vowel, while 'warhtos' predominates in O.S. and *worht6s' in O.H.G. In the plu. vanishing grade is found everywhere : Goth. ' waurhtedum,' -uj?,' ' -un ' ; O.N. ' ortom,' '-0%; '-o ' ; O.E. ' worhton,' O.S. ' warhtun,' O.H.G. 'worhtum,' *-ut,' '-un.' Only Alem. has *o' here : ' worhtom,' *-ot,' *-6n.'

152 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

(c) Preterite- Presents

There were already in Ind.-Germ. so-called preterite- presents, i.e. perfects which had assumed present mean- ing; thus *'uoida' (I know, lit. I have seen) cog. with Lat

* video,' Gk. el^ov from * t-Fi^ov, and preserved in O.Ind. *vida,' Gk. foUa, olSa, Goth. * wait,' O.N. 'veit,'>O.E. *wat,' O.S. 'wet,' O.H.G. 'weiz.' Apart from the fact that * * uoida ' had no reduplication, its inflexions and stem-gradation were entirely those of a perfect: O.Ind. *vidma' (we know), Gk. 'iS,u€P, Goth, 'witum,' O.N.

* vitom,' O.E. * witon,' O.S. ' witun,' O.H.G. * wizzum.' On the other hand, reduplication also existed in Ind.-Germ., e.g. Gk. juiejuiova (I remember), Lat. *meminl,' but it was lost in these words in Germ, through the same hap- lology as in the perf. with preteritive meaning : Goth., O.N., O.E., O.S. 'man.' As is shown in the plu. of the word in Germ., Goth. ' munum,' O.N. ' munom,' O.K.

* munon,' O.S. ' munun,' the pret.-presents have avoided the analogy of introducing * e ' before a single cons, in the perf. plu. because of their variant meaning.

The same loss of syllables is also to be assumed for the pret.-presents which are distributed among all the six ablaut-series : thus in Goth, to the first belongs ' wait,'

* witum,' to the second, ' daug ' (it is good for), to the third, ' kann ' (I know) ' kunnum,' to the fourth, * skal ' (I shall, owe) 'skulum,' to the fifth, 'mag' (I can) ' magum,' to the sixth, 'ga-mot' (I find room) *'ga- motum.' In this there is agreement in the other dialects which possess forms which are wanting in Goth, such as O.H.G. 'toug,' plu. 'tugun,' O.E. 'geneah,' plu. 'genugon.'

Being formally strong preterites, the pret.-presents could only form weak prets. In their case also levelling

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with the * t6-' participles took place everywhere. Thus 'wait' had an original *t6-' part, which, however, was handed down and lived on as an adj.: O.N. *viss' (certain, lit. seen), O.E. 'gewiss,' O.H.G. 'gewis' (cf. p. lo) ; in analogy with this Goth., O.S., O.H.G. 'wissa' (knew), O.N. 'vissa,' O.E. 'wisse' were formed. Thus also in Goth. ' kun|?a ' and the original past part. 'kun]?s' (known) on the one hand stand side by side, and on the other * munda ' (I thought) and * munds.'

(d) An Aorist Form in the Strong Preterite

In the 2 sing, indie, of the strong pret. W.Germ. replaced the perfect form by one of the true aorist. It therefore came about that '-tha' of the 2 sing. perf. indie, had very often changed the preceding root-consonant, so that this form fell out of the perfect system (cf. Goth, 'baust' "thou didst bid," from * biudan,' ' qast,' " thou didst say," from ' qi}>an '), while in the true aorist here as in the other perfect forms the unchanged root- consonant was followed by a vowel : Gk. eXiireg, ecpvyeg. Proof of the fact that there is here a genuine aorist form is furnished by the pret.-presents which have preserved the form in *-t ' (O.E. 'wast,' "thou knowest," O.S. 'west,' O.H.G. 'weist' as well as Goth, 'waist,' O.N. ' veist ') : the pres. meaning prevented an aorist form from penetrating here. The aor. had no augment in Germ, as sometimes was the case in O.Ind. and Gk. (cf. Homer, (jjvyov with ecpvyov) and its root-form agreed, as vanishing grade in the first three ablaut-series, with the plu. indie, and the whole perf opt. ; in fact, the adoption of one of its forms by the perf. only took place after the perf., through the disappearance of re-

154 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

duplication, drew nearer to it in sound. The 2 sing. of the aor., in which the thematic vowel *-e-' was followed by an '-s ' as a personal ending (cf. Gk. ^uye?), changed this *-s' in Germ, into '-z' which disappeared after unaccented ' e ' had become * i ' finally. Thus are to be explained O.H.G. 'stigi' (didst mount), *bugi' (didst bend), 'bundi' (didst bind), O.E. 'stige,' 'huge/ * bunde.' As these forms agreed in the vowels of the root-syllable with the plu. indie, and the whole perf. opt, a new 2 sing, indie, was formed, in the 4, 5 and 6 ablaut-series whose plu. indie, and whole perf. opt. had long vowels, by adding '-i ' to the root-forms containing these vowels: O.S., O.H.G. 'bari' (didst carry); O.S. *lasi' (didst read), O.H.G. Mari'; O.S., O.H.G. 'fori' (didst go); O.E. *babre,' Msese,' 'fore.' Finally the '-i ' made its way through the P. Germ, reduplicated per- fects: O.S. 'heti' (didst call), O.H.G. 'hiazi,' O.E. 'hete.' All these forms were created for the first time, or created anew after the W.Germ. M ' had disappeared after a long syllable.

3. The Moods, the Participles, and the Infinitive

Of the Ind. -Germ, moods the indie, possessed no special distinguishing mark, the imperative only in certain forms. The subjunctive was only distinguished from the indie. by the nature of its personal endings ; but besides this there was a true subj. such as is still found in Gk. (l>epodiJLev, <p€pr]Tey Lat. ' feramus,' 'feratis.' The Ind.- Germ. opt. was always distinguished by '-ie-,' vanishing grade '-I-,' which stood before the personal ending.

As the subj. and opt. were near to each other in meaning — the former denoted mainly willing, the

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 155

latter either a desire or a mild assertion — they have been fused in Germ, (as in Lat.) into one mood. As in the case of most verbs the Ind.-Germ. opt. is the basis of the Germ, mixed mood, this is generally called optative.

A. Optative (a) Opt. Pres.

In the pres. opt. of the thematic verbs, the thematic vowel appeared in Ind.-Germ. throughout as 'o,' the opt. suffix as a vanishing grade 'i,' whence by con- traction ' oi ' resulted : Gk. ^eJyof 9, ^eJyof. This '-01-' became *-ai-' in Germ, and is so preserved in Goth., but in Nor. and W.Germ. in an unaccented syllable it went further into *e,' and sometimes this was shortened to '-e-': Goth, 'bairais' (thou mayest carry), O.N. 'berer,' O.E. 'here,' O.S. 'beres,' O.H.G. * beres.' An excep- tion is shown only in Goth.-Nor. where i sing, has an unexplained *-au ' (whence Nor. *-a ') instead of the '-ai': Goth, 'bairau,' O.N. 'bera,' but O.K., O.S., O.H.G. 'here.'

In the ' ei-' verbs, the opt. '-I-' was added to the shortened stem in *-e '; in the ' nai-' verbs similarly to the stem in '-na.' As * ei ' and ' ai ' (the latter through ' 01 ') must become * ai ' in Germ., the opts, of the * ei-' class always agree, also those of the * ai-' class in Goth.-Nor. with the opts, of the thematic verbs : Goth. * habais,' ' wak- nais,' O.N. ' hafer,' * vakner,' O.K. ' h^bbe,' O.S. ' hebbies,' O.H.G. 'habes.' The i sing, here also is formed in Goth.-Nor. in '-au ' : Goth. * habau,' 'waknau,' O.N. ' hafa,' ' vakna.'

In the * a-' verbs which the ' nai-' verbs have joined in

156 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

W.Germ., the Ind.-Germ. 'a' + 'I' would have, through ' ai ' and ' 61/ to produce ' ai ' in Germ. But the mark- vowel of this class, ' o,' which had penetrated everywhere else, was absent from these forms. As the opt. had now taken over the subjunctive function, and as the subj., however, cannot have disappeared at one stroke, they were for a period used side by side in certain applications : but the result of this could only be that where the subj. fitted into the verbal system better than the opt. the former and not the latter became pre- dominant: hence Goth., O.H.G. 'salbos' (thou mayest anoint), O.S. *salbos.' Goth, has here in the i sing, not '-au' but '-o,' e.g. *salb5' = O.S. 'salto,' O.H.G.

* salbo/ while the i and 3 plu. (' salboma,' * salbona ') are distinguished by the special Goth. opt. endings '-ma,' *-na.' This form in ' -o ' is probably to be regarded as indie, just as O.Ind. 'pra-s' (thou mayest fill) is related to ' d-pra-t ' (he filled).

As the ' a-' class had lost its uniform mark-vowel in O.N.,a stricter division of moods was enforced: in analogy with the relation of the plu. indie. * berom,' ' bereS,' * bera ' to the plu. indie. ' kallom,' ' kalleS,' * kalla ' a plu. opt.

* kallem,' * kalleS,' * kalle ' was formed to correspond to the plu. opt. ' berem,' ' bereS,' • here,' as well as a sing. ' kalla,' ' kaller,' ' kalle ' in analogy with ' bera,' 'berer,' 'here.' But in O. Upper G. the 'e' which had become a general mark of the opt. was added to the mark-vowel ' o ' : ' salboe,' and in Alem. especially, it was added to * e ' of the * ei-' verbs : ' habee.'

In the *a-' class in O.E. this has been transferred from the indie, forms with '-io-' to the opt. : *'sealfoie,' ♦'sealfoien,' whence 'sealfie,' ' sealfien.' The O.E. end- ings have gone over into O.S. also (cf. p. 21 ff.), in which

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 157

'salt)oie/ 'salboien' are found with 'salbo,' ^salbon.' In the root-class in Ind.-Germ. the opt. suffix must have been accented in the sing, and the personal ending in the plu., since the former had ' ie ' and the latter ' I ' : O.Lat. * sies ' (thou mayest be), but 'simus' (we may- be). In Germ, the vanishing grade of the opt. suffix made its way into the sing. : hence O.E., O.S., O.H.G. ' SI ' (I may be) in analogy with * sin ' (we may be). In Goth, the inflexions which are only found in the pres. opt. were transferred to the thematic class by adding their endings to the opt. stem * si-,' whereby the ' i ' was resolved into ' ii ' before a vowel : * sijau/ ' sijais/ etc.

(b) PreL Opt.

The Ind.-Germ. perf. opt. had in the sing, -ie-/ in the dual and plu. in which the accent was on the personal ending, '-I-' as a mark of mood ; the root-form was a vanishing grade. The *-!-' penetrated into the sing, in Germ. : Goth. ' bundeis ' (thou mightest bind), O.N. 'bynder,' O.E. 'bunde,' O.S. ' bundis/ O.H.G. 'bundis' and Goth, 'bundeima' (we might bind), O.N. 'byndem,' O.E. 'bunden,' O.S. ' bundin,' O.H.G. 'bun- tlm.' The Goth.-Nor. *-au* was taken over from i sing, pres. by the i sing, of this tense, but in such a way that the opt. ' I ' was preserved as ' i ' before it : cf Goth, 'bundjau,' O.N. 'bynda' with O.E."*bunde,' O.S. 'bundi,' O.H.G. 'bunti.'

As the opt. shared the vanishing grade of the root with the plu. indie, it passed through all the changes of the latter : hence, e.g. Goth. ' berjau,' * bereima,' like ' berum ' and likewise in the weak verbs also : Goth. * salbodedjau,' 'salbodedeima' like 'salbodedum,' O.H.G. ' salboti,' ' salbotim ' like * salbotum.'

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B. Imperative

1

The Ind.-Germ. imper. was composed of different forms.

(i) The pure stem acted as 2 sing, in the thematic verbs, e.g. in O.Ind. 'bhara,' Gk. 0e/oe, Lat. 'lege/ and also in the athematic verbs, e.g. in Gk. 'IcrTrj, Lat. *!/

* planta,' ' habe.'

In Germ, an immediately final *e' was dropped, before the unaccented 'e' became M,' for as such it would have had to be retained in W.Germ. after a short syllable ; hence the change of the radical ' e ' to

* i ' is not found in the imper. of the thematic verbs in Nor. and W.Germ.: Goth, 'bafr,' O.N., O.E., O.S. *ber'; O.H.G. 'bir' is due to 'biris' (thou dost carry).

In the short-stem 'io-' verbs O.K. has *-e,' e.g. in ' freme ' ; in the long-stem verbs it has no ending, e.g. in ' sec ' (seek) : thus there was here in W.Germ. a final M,' the vanishing grade of * ie ' as in * fremes,' * fremeS ' (cf. p. 134 f) ; in O.S. and O.H.G. M' has been every- where introduced here: O.S. 'fremi,' 'soki,' O.H.G. 'frumi,' ' suohhi.' In O.N. the form without an ending has been generally adopted: 'tem,' ' s0k.' In Goth. *-ei' has become general, which apparently can only have arisen through '-iie ' from '-eie ' of the causatives.

The athematic verbs in Germ, agree with the rest of Ind.-Germ.: thus Goth, 'salbo' with 'o' restored by analogy.

(2) For the 2 dual and i and 2 plu. Ind.-Germ. employed indie, forms : hence the imper. in Germ, is here like the indie. In Early O.E. the i plu. which was re- placed in the indie, by the 3 plu. is retained in its old form : ' beran ' (let us carry) as well as ' beraS/

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(3) The 3 sing, and plu. could also be formed in Ind.- Germ. by adding '-au/ vanishing grade '-u,' to the indie, forms. The '-u' is preserved in the O.Ind. active forms ('bharatu,' 'bharantu') the '-au' in a few Goth, active forms which, however, seem to have arisen from middle forms, for the middle endings in '-ai ' correspond to the act. personal endings in M' in the pres. indie. Thus in Goth. ' atsteigadau ' (he is to descend), * liugandau ' (he is to marry).

C. Participles

(a) Pres. Part, Act,

In Ind.-Germ. the pres. part. act. was formed in *-nt-,' which was added to '-o-' in thematic verbs : Gk. ^cpwi/, (pepo-vT'O?. To this correspond Goth. ' bairands,' O.N. 'berande,' O.E. * berende,' O.S. ' berandi,' O.H.G. ' beranti.' In the 'a-' stems there arose in Ind.-Germ. '-ant-,' whence Germ, '-ond-,' later *-and': O.N. 'kallande.' The ' o ' is restored in Goth, 'salbonds,' O.S., 'saltondi,' and O.H.G. 'salbonti'; in O.E. the ' io-' form ' sealfiende ' stands here. In the case of the inchoatives Goth, has preserved * a ' : ' waknands.' In the * ei- class Ind.-Germ. '-ent-' has become '-and-' in Germ.: Goth, 'habands,' O.N. 'hafandi.' In O.E. 'hsebbende' the consonant-lengthening points to the ' io-' suffix of the i sing. pres. indie. ; O.S. ' libbiandi ' (living) from the same class is to be likewise explained. In O.H.G. 'habenti' the 'e' has been restored by analogy : on the other hand, * flant ' (enemy, lit. the hating one) has preserved the phonological form, because it was no longer felt to be a form from ' f len ' (hate).

160 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

The Ind.-Germ. pres. part, formed its fern, in '-ie* vanishing grade '-!': O.Ind. nom. sing. masc. 'bhdran,' (ace. ' bharantam '), fern. ' bhdrantl.' In Goth, '-i ' was enlarged to *-in/ and in accordance with that a weak masc. and fem. formed : Goth. masc. * bafranda/ fern, 'bafrandei/ neut. 'bairando' (in the nom. sing. masc. there is still a form * bafrands ' also, cf. ' fijands,' enemy), O.N. * berande,' * berande,' * beranda.' In W.Germ. '-i^ ' took the place of *-ie ' (cf. p. 88), whereby masc. and fem. adopted *-io' : O.E. *berende,' 'berendu,' 'berende,' O.S. ' berandi/^ * berandi/ 'berandi' O.H.G. 'beranter/ * berantiu,' * berantaz ' (uninflected form ' beranti').

(b) Past Part Pass,

Germ, inherited from Ind.-Germ. two different endings for the past part. pass. : '-on6-' ('-eno-') and '-to-.' The former is found in O.Ind., e.g. in 'vavrtands' (twisted) as well as in O.Bg. 'nesenia' (carried); the latter in O.Ind., Gk., Lat. : O.Ind. ' syutas' (sewed), Gk. ayairnroSi Lat. * amatus.' After Ind.-Germ. '-to-' had become '-36-' in Germ., it was associated with the '5' of the weak pret. in such a way that parts, in '-So-' were only formed for weak prets. and parts, in '-ono-' only for strong prets. That strong verbs also originally had parts, in '-to-' is shown by forms separated from the verbal system, such as the Goth, adverb ' un-sahta-ba ' (uncontested) from ' sakan ' (strive, contest).

Strong verbs have '-dno' only in Nor. (Prim. O.Nor. 'haitinaR' = called, O.N. 'heitenn') and O.E. ('haten'), elsewhere " ablauting " '-on6-' (Goth. ' haitans,' O.S. 'gihetan,' O.H.G. ' giheizzan ').

The root-syllable of the parts, in '-ono ' had a vanish-

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 161

ing grade in Ind.-Germ. as O.Ind. 'vavrtanas' shows, in which, however, there was apparently reduplication originally. When a short vowel stood between a spirant and a stop, it could not wholly disappear but had to become '9* (cf. the origin of the Goth, 'setum,' p. 142). After the root as initial syllable had received the chief accent in Germ., this * a * became ' a ' and fell together with 'a' of the present in the *a-' series: Goth.

* skabans ' in analogy with * skaba.' Thence it was transferred to all verbs with * a ' in the pres. : Goth.

* fara,' * farans ' ; ' haita/ * haitans ' ; * auka,' * aukans ' ; 'halda,' 'haldans.' In the last three classes the pret. co-operated with it. The 'e-' and 'o- series joined the sixth ablaut-series ('skaba,' 'fara') in levelling the past part, with the pres., because they shared with it the likeness of the root-vowel in the sing, and plu. pret. : Goth. * leta,' * letans ' ; * Kropa,' * hropans.'

In the *e-' series the four first ablaut-series show regular forms with vanishing grade: Goth, i 'stigans' (ascended), 2 ' budans ' (bidden), 3 * bundans ' (bound), *waur>ans' (become), 4*stulans' (stolen), * baurans ' (borne). The last two forms are to be explained by Ind.-Germ. **stllon6s,' *'bhrron6s.'

When, on the other hand, a radical *e' between a spirant and a stop had changed through Ind.-Germ. 'a' into * a ' in Germ., this * a ' quite dropped out of the system of the ' e-' series, and thus the vowel of the pres. was also here introduced into the past part, after the example of the ' e-' series especially : Goth. ' giba,' ' gibans ' (from ** geba,' *' gebans '; cf. O.H.G. ' gebames ' " we gave," * gigeban '). Less adapted for the system (that of the ' e-' series) were parts, with roots which had liquids or nasals before and spirants or stops after the

M

162 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

' e ' and in which therefore * ul/ * ur/ ' um,' * un ' had to develop by the side of ' le,' * re,' ' me,' ' ne,' hence they also received the * e ' of the pres. : Goth. ' lisa ' (I gather),

* lisans ' (O.H.G. ' lesames,* ' gilesan ').

The other dialects have the forms corresponding to Goth. ; in these * u,' except before nas. + cons., suffered 'a-' umlaut: thus O.H.G. 'gibotan,' *wor- tan,' ' giboran,' but * gibundan.' '-in-' from '-eno-' (cf. Prim. O.N. 'haitinaR,' and forms with *i-' umlaut like O.E. ' cymen ') was weakened as a suffix in O.K. and O.N. to '-en-' and spread everywhere, but *-ono-' which interchanged in declension with '-eno-' carried out '-a-' umlaut : O.N. ' boSenn,' ' vorSenn,'

* borenn,' O.E. ' boden,' ' worden,' ' boren.' On the other hand, the ' a-' umlaut of ' i ' has never taken place in the ' ei-' series in consequence of the forms with '-in-' : O.H.G. 'gistigan,' O.S. 'stigan,' as well as O.E. 'stigen,' O.N. 'stigenn.'

D. Infinitive

In the individual languages infinitives arose in those cases in which certain cases of certain verbal substan- tives took over the government of their verb. Germ, only knew a pres. in fin. act. which sprang from an ace. sing, of a neut. in '-no-.' Thus to the O.Ind. ' bhdranam ' (the carrying) correspond Goth. ' bairan ' (carry, carry- ing), O.N. ' bera,' O.E., O.S., O.H.G. ' beran ' (Ind.-Germ. * ' bhero-no-m ').

As 'beran' shows, the thematic verbs added '-no-' to the thematic vowel '-o-.' The 'a-' class added it to 'a-': Goth., O.H.G. ' salb5n,' O.N. ' kalla.' O.E. has'-io' here: 'sealfian' from * ' sealfoian,' which explains O.S. ' salboian ' by the side of ' salbon.' Goth.

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 163

has replaced '-on ' by '-an ' in the case of the inchoa- tives : ' waknan ' in analogy with * waknand,' * wak- nands.' The '-ei-' verbs regularly show '-e-n ' in O.H.G. e.g. ' haben,' while Goth. * haban ' again shows connection with ' haband,' ' habands.' O.E. ' habban' for * 'hebban' from **hebbian' as well as O.S. 'hebbian' show the * io-' suffix which has here spread over the similar forms as in the 'a-' class. O.N. 'hafa' has preserved the general infin. ending * -a ' for '-e ' from * -en.'

4. PERSONAL ENDINGS

Both in the act. and in the middle voices there were two kinds of endings in Ind.-Germ., primary and secondary, the former of which as compared with the latter were variously characterised by a final *-i.' Of the forms retained in Germ, only the pres. indie, had primary endings ; while only the aor. indie, the indie, as subj., the whole opt. and the dual and plu. of the perf. indie, had secondary endings. The sing. perf. indie, act. had its own endings.

A. Active

(a) Singular

(a) First Person

In the pres. indie, in Ind.-Gcrm. only theathematic verbs had here the primary ending '-mi'; the thematic verbs had no ending, but they lengthened the thematic vowel ' o ' instead : Gk. elfxi, but 0epa>. This corresponds to the relation of Goth, 'im,' O.N. 'em,' O.E. 'eom,' O.S.

164 OERMANIC PHILOLOGY

'bium,' O.H.G. 'bim' (with 'b-* from the Ind.-Germ. root ** bheu ' = become) to Goth, 'baira,' O.N. 'ber,' Angl. 'beoru/ O.S., O.H.G. 'beru.' '-mi' is also the source of the '-m' in the athematic verbs of O.H.G. such as 'habe-m' and *salbo-m' and of *-n' in O.S. ' salto-n.'

The aor. indie, in particular was formed in Ind.- Germ. by means of the secondary ending '-m' : O.Ind. 'd-bhara-m '=Gk. €-<pepo'v. This '-m' has disappeared in O.E. ' dyde ' (I did), O.S. ' deda,' O.H.G. ' teta ' ; also in the weak pret.

The perf indie, had * -a' : O.Ind. 'rireca ' - Gk. XeXoiTra. In Germ, '-a' was dropped: Goth., O.N., O.H.G. 'bar' (I bore, carried), O.E. ' baer.*

(j8) Second Person

The Ind.-Germ. primary ending was *-si ' : Gk. eV-o-/. If the accent lay on the root-syllable, *-z ' was produced in Germ. ; but if the accent lay on the thematic vowel or on the present suffix ('-a-,' '-ei,' *-nai- '), s remained. In W. Germ. '-s' has been established throughout, in Prim. O.N. '-z': in Goth, '-s' is ambiguous : O.E. * hires * (thou bearest, earnest), O.S., O.H.G. ' biris,' O.N. *berr,' Goth. ' bafris.'

The Ind.-Germ. secondary endingwas *-s': Gk. e-^vye-?. In Germ. *-s' and '-z' are not distributed according to the Ind.-Germ. system of accentuation. Probably *-s ' and '-Z ' were first indiscriminately used in the pres. opt. where *-z ' would necessarily arise in the root-accented thematic verbs and *-s ' in those accented on the thematic vowel ; this double use was then extended to the 2 pers. everywhere and levelled after this in different

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 165

ways. As *-s ' and *-z ' in Goth, fell together as '-s,' all Goth, forms are ambiguous. In the pres. opt. the *-z* gained the ascendancy in O.N. and O.E. and the *-s' in O.S. and O.H.G.: Goth, ^bairais/ O.N. 'berer/ O.E. *bere,' O.S. 'beres,' O.H.G. 'beres.' It is certain that to influence from that source is due the fact that the pret. opt., which should always have *-s,' shows like dialectical distribution : Goth. * bereis,' O.N. * baerer/ O.E. * bc-ere,' O.S. ' baris,' O.H.G. ' barls.' Nearly corre- sponding to the geographical distribution of these forms and similar to that in the pres. indie, is the fact that O.N. shows *-z' in the indie, of the weak pret. and that only W.Germ. has the ' -s,' that should be expected : Goth, 'salbades/ O.N. 'kallaSer/ O.E. 'sealfodes,' O.S. 'salbodos/ O.H.G. 'salbotos.' Also in the W.Germ. pret. indie, of strong verbs • z ' for * s ' is presumably to be explained in the case of O.E. 'bsere' by geo- graphical distribution, but in the case of O.S., O.H.G. * bari ' perhaps by a certain influence of the pret. presents, where in the opt. *-s ' stood from the earliest period ; in the *-t ' in the indie, however, there was at all events a difference from the opt.

The perf. had '-tha' in Ind.-Germ. : O.Ind. 'rirecitha/ Gk. olcT^a, In Germ. *-tha' became 't' after 's,' *h,' 'f: O.E. *dears-t' (darest), O.H.G. 'gitarst'; Goth. ' last ' (didst gather) ; O.N. * mdtt ' from *' maht ' (canst), O.E. *meaht,'O.S., O.H.G. * maht '; Goth., O.N. 'J?arft' (needest), O.E. 'Searft,' O.S. 'tharft,' O.H.G. 'darft.' From these '-t' became general in P. Germ. : Goth., O.N. 'skalt' (shalt), O.E. * scealt,' O.S., O.H.G. 'scalt.' Germ. 'Y from Ind.-Germ. 'th' is only preserved in the O.E. pret. pres. *ear5' (art), which had become connected with forms from another root ('b6o' = am,

166 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

*biS' = is) and had thus gone further from the other pret. presents ; still * eart ' is also found here.

(y) Third Person

The Ind.-Germ. primary ending was '-ti': O.Ind. *as-ti,' Gk. k(T-TL. * -S ' was produced in Germ, when the root- syllable was accented, '-Y when the accent was on the thematic vowel or present suffix ; the ' 3 ' was estab- lished throughout in Goth, where it had to be '-}>' finally, but later it was written 'd' as well as in O.H.G., where it passed into *t' through 'd'; the '>' (written '5'), on the other hand, remained in O.E. ; in O.S. '-d,' *-t' from *-S' is found, but also 'V from '->': Goth. 'bairi>' (carries), O.E. 'bireS,' O.S. 'birid' ('-t,' '-3'), O.H.G. *birit.'

The Ind.-Germ. secondary ending was '-t': Lat. 'era-t,' O.Lat. 'sie-t' (he may be) = O.Ind. 'sy£-t.' In Germ. *-t ' necessarily disappeared : pres. opt. Goth, 'bairai,' O.N., O.E., O.S., O.H.G. 'here'; perf. opt. Goth, 'beri,' O.N., O.E. ' b^fere,' O.S., O.H.G. 'bari.'

In the Ind.-Germ. perf the ending was '-e': O.Ind. 'rireca,' Gk. XeXotTre. In Germ, the *-e' when directly final disappeared at a time before unaccented *e' be- came * i.' Hence always like i sing. : Goth. O.N., O.S., O.H.G. 'bar,' O.E. 'baer.'

(b) Dual

(a) First Person

The Ind.-Germ. primary ending was '-ues': O.Ind. ' bharavas ' (we two carry). From Ind.-Germ. *-o-ues' (beside '-o-ues') arose Germ. * -o-uiz'>'-ouz'>'-oz'> Goth. '-OS ' : ' bairos.'

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 167

The Ind.-Germ. secondary ending was*-iie': O.Ind. 'dbharava' (we two carried). The '-uc ' became '-u ' in Germ. : Goth. ' magu ' (we two can), a pret. pres. By the side of this was the lengthened grade '-ue/ whence Goth. *-wa ' in the opt. : * sitaiwa ' (we two may sit).

(/3) Second Person

The Ind.-Germ. primary ending was'-thes': O.Ind. ' bhara-thas ' (you two carry). In Goth, '-ts ' appears for this: 'baf rats.' Also as secondary ending there is only *-ts': 'gasehruts' (you two saw), 'wileits,' really opt. (you two will). The '-U-' of *-uts ' is due to assimilation with the perf. plu. (Goth, '-um,' '-uK' '-un '). The ' th ' of *-thes ' became ' t ' after * s,' labials and gutturals (thus in ' st,' 'ft,* ' ht') and then penetrated everywhere (cf. p. 165).

(c) Plural (a) First Person

The Ind.-Germ. primary ending was '-mes': O.Ind. ' bhdramas ' (we carry), Dor. (pepojme^. In Germ, '-s ' be- came *-z,' and * e ' disappeared, then *-mz' produced '-mm,' '-m ' (as in the dat. plu.) : Goth. ' bairam,' O.N. ' berom.' Also Ind.-Germ. '-mesi': O.Ind. 'bharamasi'; the form in the lengthened grade '-mes' appears in O.H.G. ' berames,' in which the '-s ' is to be explained from the accent being on the plu. personal ending in the athe- matic verbs.

The Ind.-Germ. secondary ending was *-men ' : Gk. €(p€poiuL€v. In Germ, '-men ' became '-m ' through '-mn. Thus in the pret. : Goth. ' berum,' O.N. ' b6rom/ O.H.G.

168 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

* barum.* Also Ind.-Germ. '-me ' : Lith. * suko-me-s ' (we turned or twisted ourselves) as well as * sukome ' (we turned or twisted). This is the basis of the Goth. opt. *-ma ' : pres. ' bairaima,' pret. ' bereima.' O.N. and O.H.G. also have '-m' here: O.N. *berem,' 'bserem/ O.H.G. 'berem/ 'barlm.'

(j8) Second Person

The Ind.-Germ. primary ending '-the' (O.Ir^ 'bharatha/ "you carry") and secondary *-te' (O.Ind.

* abharata ' = Gk. efpepere) fell together in Germ, as '-J^e,' which developed into *-(5e ' when the root was accented. The *-(5' which thus arose has penetrated everywhere: Goth. ' bairij? ' (you carry), * bafrai> ' (you may carry), 'beru>' (you carried), 'berei]?' (you might carry), 'salbo)? ' (you anoint) ; that '-J? ' in these cases stands for *-S ' only is proved by such forms as ' qi>id-uh ' (you say yes) ; similarly is 't' always found in O.H.G. For this reason O.N. '-5' in this case is also to be taken as Germ. *5.'

(y) Third Person

The Ind.-Germ. primary ending was '-nti ': O.Ind. ' bhdr- anti ' (they carry), Dor. (l>kpovTi> From this '-nSi ' was produced in Germ., when the root-syllable was accented, and *-n]?i' when the accent was on the thematic vowel or present suffix ; *-n(5i ' is preserved in Goth. ' bairand,' O.H.G. 'berant'; '-n>i'in O.K., O.S. 'beraS,' wherein 'n' has disappeared before *>' (cf. Goth. 'mun]?s,' "mouth," O.K. 'muS,' O.S. *mu9'). In Nor. the *-i ' of **beran5i' or * * beran>i ' was dropped very early, being in a third syllable, the spirant after the * n ' then followed, so that

GERMANIC PHILOLOGY 169

*'beran' arose already in Prim. O.N., whence O.N.

* bera ' (cf. infin. ' bera * = Goth. * bairan ').

The Ind.-Germ. secondary ending was '-nt' : Lat. * fere- bant.' The '-t ' was dropped in P.Germ. ; '-n ' stands after a vowel, thus in the pres. opt. O.E., O.S./ beren/O.H.G.

* beren,' O.N. ' here' (from** beren ') and in the pret. opt. O. E. 'bsferen/ O.S. 'barin/ O.H.G. 'barln/ O.N. ^bd^re' (from

* '-baeren '). Goth, has added an *-a ' to this *-n ' in analogy with the I plu. *-ma ' : ' bairaina,' * bereina.' After a cons. Ind.-Germ.'-nt' necessarily became *-nt,' which developed into ' -un ' in Germ. : hence in the pret. indie. Goth. ' berun,' O.N. ' bpro/ O.K. * b.-^^ron/ O.S., O.H.G. * barun.' (This is also the explanation of the * u ' in '-um ' in i plu. ; that in *-u}>' in the 2 plu. is due to analogy.)

B. Middle

In Goth, only those middle personal endings are pre- served which originated in the Ind.-Germ. primary ending in '-ai ' and secondary in '-o,' and which, however, resembled one another in their consonants. Thus 2 sing. Ind.-Germ. primary *-sai ' (Gk. (pepeai from * (pepecrai, O.-Ind. 'bharase'), secondary '-so' (Gk. ecpepeo from * €(pep€a'o, O.Bct. ' barae-sa '), 3 sing, primary '-tai ' (Gk. (peperaiy O.Ind. * bharate '), secondary '-to' ( Gk. e^epero, O.Ind. ' abhara-ta '), 3 plu. primary '-ntai ' (Gk. cpepovrai, O.Ind. 'bharante'), secondary '-nto' (Gk. ecpepovrOf O.Ind. 'abharanta'). The Germ, endings presuppose an accented root-syllable everywhere. In the opt. ' au ' has taken the place of Ind.-Germ. *-o ' through the influence of the origi- nal middle imperative forms in *-au' (cf. p. 159). 3 sing. ' bairaidau,' 3 plu. ' bafraindau ' and in analogy with it also 2 sing. * bairaizau.' In the indie, '-ai ' necessarily

170 GERMANIC PHILOLOGY

became '-a ' in a third syllable : hence 3 plu. ' bairanda/ In the 2 and 3 sing, we should expect 'i' in Goth., (Ind.-Germ. 'e') as thematic vowel, but as there was an exact resemblance between the middle forms of the indie, and opt. up to this vowel, and as the thematic vowel 'a,' which was retained throughout in the opt., already stood in the plu. indie, it was introduced into the sing, also : hence 2 sing. * bairaza,' 3 * bairada.'

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