MSM
^w
A Hind let loofe:
OH, AN Historical Representation of the
TESTIMONIES
O F T H E
Church of Scotland) for the Intereft of Christ;
With the true State thereof in all its Periods : TOGETHER V.ITH ♦
A Vindication of the prefent Testimony againlt the Popifh, Prelatical, and malignant Enemies of that Church, as it is now ftated, for the Prerogatives of Christ, Privileges of the Church, and Liberties of Mankind, and fealed by the Sufferings of a reproached Remnant of Presbyterians there, witnefiing againft the Corruptions of the Time ;
WHEREIN
Several Controverfies of greater!: Confluence are en- quired into, and infbme meafure cleared; concerning hearing of the Curates, owning of the prefent Ty- ranny, taking of enfharing Oaths and Bonds, fre- quenting of Field-meetings, defenfive Refiftence of tyrannical Violence, with feveral other fubordinare Queftions ufeful for thefe Times.
By Mr. Alexander Shij:ls, Minifier of the Gofpel in St. Andrews.
Pfal. xciv. 2Q. Shall the throne of iniquity have felhwfbip . with theey which frameth rhifchief by a Law ? Prov. xxviii. 15. As a roring lion , and a ranging bear i
fo is a wicked ruler over the PQ$jjB/tij& v
Hof viii. 4. They have fet up&agi o$.fy me : they
have made princes , and I'&new it r Revel, xii. II. And they overcame him h Vvcd of $e
Lamb , and by the word of their 1 ■.y\ and they
loved not their lives unto the death.
{Edinburgh^ Re p rimed by R.DrummonI and Company, and fold by William Gray Bookbinder in the Grafs- wwht) an4 fevera! others* &c% MDCCXLIV,
j&rfj
4C^ #1611
THE
PREFACE to the Reader.
Chriftian Header,
P Refuming it is thy defire, to anfwcr the holy and honourable defignation'laccpft thee with* I (hall take the confidence to affure thee, it is my defigri to anfwcr, in fgrne meafure, the expecta- tion, which the title of this treatifc would offer; in the hope that, wherein I come fliort (as I indeed confefs not only my jealous fears, but my fcnfiblc convi&ion of ray infufliciency for fuch a great undertaking) thy Chriftiafj tendernefs will impute it to my wealcncfs, and not to^ any want of worth in the caufe I manage; which* is truly worthy, weighty, noble, and honourable, in the eftcem of all the Lovers of Chrift, that have zeal, for his honour, in exercife : and therefore as it gives me all the encou- ragement I have, in dependence on his furniture, whole caufe it isy to make fuch an eilay ; fb it animates my ambition, albeit I cannot manage it with any proportion to its merit, yet to move the Chriftian reader to make enquiry about if ; and then fure I am he will find it is truth I plead for, though my plea be weak. All I fluli further fay by Way of Preface, is to declare the reafon of the title, and the defign of the work.
Though Books ufc not to be required to fender a rea* fon of their names, which often are arbitrarily impofed, more for the author's fancy, and the times fafhion, thaa for the readers inftru&ion: yet, feeing the times injuries do oblige the author to conceal his name, the title will iiot obfeurely notify it to fome, for whofcfatisfa&ionthis is mainly intended, and fignify alio the fcope of the fub- jeel ; which aims at gh'wg goodly words, not fugiretf with
rarafitick fwectnefs, ner painted with a fFccted pedantry, ut fairly brought forth in an unhampered freedom, for the beauty of the bleffing of human and Chriftian liber- ty, in its due and true boundaries, This was the fubjeft
As of
iv The Preface to the Reader.
of a difcourfi, as fome may remember, on that text .whence this title is taken. Gen. xlix, 21. Naphtali is a hind let iocfe. In profecuting of which, the Speaker, with ieveral others, falling at the fame time into the hands of the hunters ^(to learn the worth of that interrupted fubjett from the experience of the want of it ) an occafion was given, and interpreted by the author to be a call,to ftudy more the precioufnefs of that privilege predicated of Naphtali> which is the right and property of the wreft- Img tribe of Ifrael, the perfecuted witneffes of Chrift now every where preyed upon. And now, Providence having opened a door, for delivering himfelf as a roe from the hand of the hunter , he thought it his duty, and asnecefTa- ry a piece of ferv ice as he could do to the generation, to Bring to light his lucubrations thereupon : with an en- deavour to difcover to all that are free-born, and are not contented flaves, mancipated to a flupid fubje&ion to ty- rants abfolutenefs ; that this character of Naphtali, fatis- fied with favour and full with the blejjing of the Lord, that he is a hind let toofe from the yoke of tyrannical fla- very, is far preferable, in the account of all that under- Itand to be Cbriftians or men, to that infamous ftigma of Jjfachar (the iin,fhame, and mifcry of this age ) to be a fivong afsy couching under two hur dens', and he f aw that rejl was good, and the land that it was pleafant> a%J bowed his fioulder to bear, and became a fervant unto tribute. But to all, that are not altogether Grangers in our Ifrael, it will appear, that this title is not ineptly applied to thefubjecl: and defign of this treatife. The party, whofe cafe and caufe, and contendings are here treated of, being known to have the fame fituation of refidence in Scotland, that Naphtali had in Ifrael, viz. the weft and the fouth (peut. xxxiii. 23.) will be found, among all our tribes, more ap- pofitely to tear the flgnaturc of Naphtali, who, in their wveftlings for the intereft of Chrift and the liberties of his Ifrael, have moOiy jeoparded their lives in the high places of the fields', and chiefly to deferve his elogy, being a hind (called wild by nickname in the fcorn of them that are at cafe, but) truly weak in their prcfent wiidernefs condition, to wreftle againft the force and fiaud of their cruel and cunning hiMter$> who c«afe not ( when they
have*
*The Preface to the Reader. v
tiave now got the reit of the roes and hinds of the field made faff afleep, under the bondage of the lions dens and mountains of leopards, by a pretence of a falfely fo called liberty of confaence) tofeek and purfue the chace of them for a prey ; yet, really they are let loofe, and not only fut- fered to run loofe, as a prey to the hunters, by the un- watchfulnefs of their keepers, but made to efcape loofe, by the mercy of the Mighty ope of Jacob, from the nets of the hunters, and fnares of the fowlers, and from the yoke of the bondage of thefc beafts of prey, to whofe authority they will not own a willing fubjedtion: and be- ing fuch hinds, fo let loofe, they make it their work, to give goodly words, for the worth and honour, and roy- alties of their princely Matter, and for the precious liber- ties wherewith he hath endoted and entrultcd his Spoufe and Children, and to keep the goodly words of his pati- ence, until he return as a roe or a young hart upon the mountains of Bether. This being the party, who are re~ prelentcd as the wild folk of Scotland, the delign of this treatife is to hold forth the hiltory of their manifold cha- ces, the craft, keenefs, and cruelty of their hu?:ters, and the goodlinefs of the words of their teflimony : which, by reafon of the likenefs of the teftimony of former periods with the prefent, and that the latter may be vindicated by the former, is refumed from the beginning of the Church of Scotland's wreftlings againft the enemies of Chriff, and deduced through all :he moft fignal fteps of this long propagated and hereditary War. And, left my words fhould not be goodly enough, nor my norions grate- ful to the criticks of this age,"who caft every thing ai new and nice, which is fomeway lingular and not fuited to their fentiments; that it may appear the caufe here cleared and vindicated is not of yefterday, but older thin their grandfathers who oppofe it, I dare avouch, with- out vanity, there is nothing here, but what is confirmed by authors of greateft note and repute in our church, both ancient and modern, namely; Buchanan, Knox, Cal- derwood, Acls of General Ajfembhes, Caufe s of Wrath, Lex Rex, Apologetical Relation, Naphtali, Jus Populi, Hifiory ef the Indulgence, Banders disbanded, Rettius inpYitendum, and fome other authors much refye&cd ; whofe authori-
A 3 cy
vi The Preface to the Reader.
ty, more always repelled by rage, than ever yet rec- ited by reafon, chough I value more, than all (he vain ©blatrations of che oppofers of this tcftimony, and think It fuflicient to confute all imputations of its novelty, and Co counterbalance the weight that may be laid on the; contradictions of the greateit that treat on this fubjec-t: yet I do not lay fo much ftrefs on the reafon of their au- thority, as on the authority of their reafon ; which is here rcprefentcd with that capdour and care, that, left a- ny (hould cavil, that they are wrefted or wronged, when made to (peak fo patly to the prcfent controversies, I have cholen rather^to transcribe their words, than to borrow their matter drefled up in my own ; except where the prolixity and multiplicity of their arguments, as clearly demonstrating that which I adduce them for, as thac for which they were primarily intended, did impofe the; ueceffity of abridging them; which yet is inoftly in their own words, though reduced into a lyiiogiftical form. But this obloquy of novelty being anticipated, when I arcfleel on the helps I have colle&cd from fo many hands, I am rather afraid, the trucks here delivered be con- temned as obfolete and antiquate, thap caft at for new Speculations. However, I am content, ycsLy it is my ambition, that nothing here be looked upon as mine, hut that it may appear this is an old plea ; and that the party here pleaded for, who are ftigmati?ed with many Jingularities, area people, who ask the old paths, and the gaod <way> that they may walk therein : and though their paths be not now much paved, by the frequency of pat fengcrs, and multitude of Profeflbrs walking therein ; and albeit it muft indeed be confefled, the word of their teftimony is ibmeway fingular, that the fame things •were never the word qf ChrifVs patience, ftatcd as heads of fufFering before ; yet they are not untrodden paths, but the (arae way of truth, which hath been main- tained by the witocfles of Chrift in all the periods of our Church, and aflerted by the greateft ConfcflTors, tho* never before fealed by Martyrs. As for the arguments I bring to clear and confirm them, whether they be ac- counted mine, or borrowed from others, I am very in- different, if fhey prove the ooinc they are, brought for,
which
— /
The Preface to the Reader, vii
which I hope they will be found to do : but of this I am confident, there is nothing here can be condemned, until feme one or more of thofc grave authors be confuted ; and, when that is done, (which will be Never, or againft the 30th of February ), there is fome thing bo- lides here, which will challenge con fi deration.
The defign then of this work is of great importance : even no lefs than to eflay the difcufling the difficulties of all our conflicts with open enemies, about the prefenc ftate of the teftimony; the vindicating of all the heads of fufFcrings fuftained thereupon thefe twenty fevea years paft ; t'ie propofing of the right ftate of the tefti- mony for the interelt of Chrift, not only of this, but of all former periods ; with an account of the propagation and profecution of the witneflings, wreftlings, and fuf- ferings for it from time to time ; to the end it may ap- pear, not only how great the furferings have been, fincc this fatal cataftrophe and overturning of the covenapted reformation, and unhappy reftauration of tyranny and prelacy; but that the grounds, upon which they have been ftated, are not niceties and novelties, (as they arc reproached and reputed by many), but worthy and weighty truths of great value and validity, and of near affinity unto, and conformity with the continued ferics and fucceflion of the teftimonies in all former periods. So that in this little treatife muft be contained a com- pendious hiftory of the Church of Scotland^ her teftimony in all ages, a vindication of the prelent ftate of it ; yea, in effe&, a fhort epitome of the fubftance of thofe fa- mous forecited authors, as far as we need to confuit them, concerning the controverfies o£ the prelent time with adverfaries: which is much, and perhaps too much, to be undertaken in fo fmall a volume. But considering, that many who are concerned in this caufe, yea the moft part, who concern themfelves about it, are fuch who have neither accefs, nor time, nor capacity to revolve the voluminous labours of thefe learned men, for light in this cafe ; I have done my beft to bring them into one body of a portable bulk, with as great brevity as could confift well with any meafure of perfpicuity ; not med- liog with any thing but what I thought might fome
way
Wtti ¥hi Preface to the Reader.
way conduce to clear iome part of the prefeot tertfmony« Every undertaking, of this nature, caonot but be liable to fcveral difadvantages that arc unavoidable; this hath many difcouraging and difficult. One is, that it lhall ht expofed to the common fate of fuch reprefentatiens, to be ftigmatized as a feditious libel, and io may be fent to the flames to be confuted ; and, to inflame the fury of thefe firebrands, already 'hell-hot, into the ut- moft extremity of rage againft the author, that ever cruelty itfelf, at its fulleft freedom5 did exert, againft truth and reafon arraigned, and cafe for fedition and treafon : the only fao&uary in fuch a cafe, is, in profpeft of this, to have the greater care that nothing be fooken, but what the fpeaker may dare to affirm in the face of cruelty itfelf* A fecond common difad vantage is obvi-> ous from the confideration of the humour of the age ; wherein fancy hath greater force than faith, and nothing is pleafing but what is paralitica!, or attempered to the palate of the greater!, not of the beft; and naked truth* without the fairdings of flattery, or paintings of that pakinefi which is commonly applauded as prudence now adays, is either boggled ar, or expofed to icorn and contempt; and reafon, if roundly written, except it meet with an honeft heart, is commonly read with -a hammering mouth, which puts a T before ity and then it is Humbled at as Treafon. This effay does expeft no entertainment from any, but fuch who re(blve to har- fcour truth, be the hazard what will, even when the world raifes the Hue and Cry after it, and from fuch who are really groaning, either by fuffering or fympathy, under the fame grievances here reprefented. There is a third) which makes it not a little difficult, the quality, quantity, and intricacy of the matter, here to be confi- ned to fuch a compend. All which, together conf lder> cd, do infer a fourth difficulty, that hardly can it get a pafs through the Prefs ; which is blocked up againit all fuch books that may offer a mamfeftation of the inno- cency of that people, and the itljuftice and inhumanity of their enemies ; which is their only hope of preventing the world's knowledge and condemnation of their aft- %8jfi Yea, there is a fifth that wants not its own dif- ficulty;
The Preface to the Reader, . he
Uculty ; that though the Prefs were patent, yet an empty purfe, from a poor impovenfhed people, will as reauily preclude all accefs to it, as if it were locked up by law ; but both together make it hard. But there is a fixth difedvantage yet more ditcouraging, that the man, as well as the money, is wanting to manage the bufinefs: and this needs no other proof/ than the neceflity of my poor pen to undertake it, inftcad of a better. It muft needs be very low with that people, that ftand in need of fuch a pitiful patrociny as mine is. Our perfecuted brethren, clfe where, have this advantage of us, that they have champions to cfpoufe their quarrel, which we have not ; but only lueh, who, as they are reputed in the world, fo, in their own fenfe, own themfelves to be very unaccomplifhed for fuch work ; and under this invincible difadvantagc alfb, that, being forced to a wandering and unfertlcd life, they have no conveniens cy, nor can be accommodated with time, nor helps to perform it ; and fb circumftantiated, that either ic muft be done at this time, and in this manner, or not at all. In the feventh place, we are at a greater lofi than any fuffering people ; in that, among all other bitter ingre- dients, we have this gall alfo in our cup, that they that fuffer molt among us, have not the comfort and benefit of the fy mpathy of others, that fufferers ufe to have from good people. The reafbn of this makes an eighth &i£ couragement, befides what is fa id above; that not only is the cafe and caufe of that poor perfecuted and wafted witnefling remnant, obfeure in itfelf, and not known in the world, nay, not fb much as in the very neighbour- ing churches of England and Ireland, but alfb more ob- jured by the malice of enemies, traducing, calumnia- ting, and reproaching that righteous remnant whom they intend to ruin; not indeed as hereticks (which is the cafe of other fuffering churches, wherein they have the advantage of us alfb , that though the name be more o- dious, yet it makes the notion of their caufc, and the nature of their enemies, more notour, and is more ef- fectual to conciliate fy mpathy from all that know that Proteitants are perfecuted by Papilrs under the notion of hereticks *. but we are at a lofs in this, that our perfecu-
ters%
ie The Pre/ace to the Reader*
ten, at leaft the molt part of the executioners of the peN iecution, will not as yet avouch that Protcftanifm is he- jr efy, though we want not this nick-name like wife from the chief of them that arcprofefled Papifts) but asScbif* maticks, Seditious, Rebels* Traitors, Murderers, Holding prin- giples inconjljlent with Government, (to wit, their tyranny), and the peace of \huftian fociety, (to wit, their aflbciatioa againft religion and liberty), and therefore to be exter- minated out of the world. And this impofture, covering ill their mifchiefs, hath prevailed fo far with the blind* *d world, that under this brand the confideration of their cafe and caufe is buried, without farther inquiry. This were yet more tolerable from open enemies, if there were Hot another more prefling difcouragement, in the ninth place, peculiar to them in Scotland', that having to do with treacherous as well as truculent enemies, as they have been much deftroyed by open force, fo much more by frai*d ; while, by enfnaridg favours, fome have been flattered from the teftimony, others difdaining and fu- fpe&ing, as well as deprived of, and fecluded from, thefe favours, have (tuck to it; hertce defection brought on di- vifion, and divifion coofufiof), which hath reduced the Reformation to a ruinous hfcip. Jn the next place, as the confequentof the former, while the purer remnant have been refolutely profecuting the teftimony, and not only keeping thernfelvcs free of, and landing at the fartheft diftance from, all degrees of complyance, but alfo wit- xieffing againft their brethren involved in them, and thinking it their duty to difcountenancc them in thefc corruptions and backflidings ; they have been therefore reproached and mifreprefented very induftrioufly, as ig-* nor ant, Impudent \ Tranfported with blind zeal, Extravagant^ Wild Separattfis, Efpoujing new and nice notions > Rejefters of the, Miniftry, Impofers on the Miniftry, Denier s of all Govern^ menty Ufurpers of an imaginary Government of their owny That died as fools, and as guilty of their own blood. By which odious and invidious obloquies, they have eafiiy prevailed with many^ both at home and abroad, that are more credulous than confiderate, to believe thefe things of them: hence, with prejudicate people, a con- trary reprefentation will find difficult acceptance, Hovw
ever,
The Preface to the Reader. $3
trtty this moreover is another great difadvantage, and renders an efTay to vindicate their fufferings very l neafy m9 that they are thruft at, and toffed on both hands, by e- remies and profeffed friends : and by enemies that are pot all Pafifis, but profeiTed Proteft ants, owning the lame fundamentals in opinion, though in practice not holding the fame head : and by friends, that not only are Prote- fiants> but Presbyterians, under the bonds of the fame fo~ icmn and facred covenants, the obligation whereof rhey ftill own ; and not only fo, but fuch, whofe piety and godlinefs cannot be doubted. This is a gravamen grie- vous to bear, and greatly aggravates the difficulty. Ft* pally, the greateft of all is, that not only their caufc is rendered odious, but muft be confefled truly to be odd and ibme way fingufar ; and therefore will feem ftrange and ftrprifing to Grangers, to hear an account of extraordi- nary fufferings for and upon extraordinary caufes, which never were formerly ftated as beads offufFering. For now it is the dragon's chiefeft flratagem with us, like to be the mod fubtile, enfnaring, and fuccefsful of any, that ever he fct on work fince ever he began this war with the Lamb, (which yet I hope will prove as fatal 'to his intereft as the former), to bring the fufferings of Chrift's witneffes to fuch a ftate, that may feem to fpe&ators lit- tle or nothing relative to religion, that fo he may de« (troy both them and their tefUmony unlamentcd, and by that trick divert others from concerting that fame necef- fary witnefs in the feafon thereof. And, for this end, he will change both matter and manner, in managing the War. He will not now perfecute for the old controvert- ed heads of Popery, with fire and faggot, as formerly, for refilling to worprp our Lady, or the blejfed Sacrament cf the Altar. Thefc weapons and engines are fo worn put of ufe, that they will not work now as they did be- fore. And that old bawd of Babylon is become fo ugly, and out of date ; that he docs not believe her beauty can be Co bewitching, except fhe put on a new busk : but her cldeft daughter, the Prelatical Church, of the fame com- plexion with herfelf, except that fhe is coloured with Protefiant paint, is fitter for his fervice, to allure our land ioto farniutioo ; and who will not be enticed,
muft
Xii The Preface to the Reader.
mud be forced to communion with her, by finings, con* finings, exactions, extortions, and iinpoGtions of oaths, &V. Religion mult be little concerned here ; for there is preaching enough, and of Proteltant do&rmetoo, and without the monky-tricks, and montebank-fhows, and fopperies of Englip-PopiJb-ceremoniesy and liturgical fer- vices : What would they be at ? Is it not better to*yield to this, than to fall intothe hand of the Scottiflj~SpamJb-in~ quifithn> that will rack the purfe, the body, and conlci- ence, and all 1 This is one complex head offufFcring, and thought a very fmall one by many. But now, find- ing this would net do his bufinefs yet, it looked too like religion ftill : he hath therefore invented a new machine : he will not now perfecute, nor force the confeience at ail (Co good natured is the Devil and his Lieutenant grown, in their old age) for matters of mere religion. Nay, (if we may believe him, who, when he fpcaketh a lie, fpeaketh it of his own) he hath not done it this long time, but only, in all the violent courses exercifed a- gainft thefe fufferers, he hath been magiftratically cha- ftifing the difobedience and rebellion of a few turbulent traitors, who would not own the government. And thus, under the notion of rebellion, and difowning au- thority, he hath had accefs and fuccefs to deftroy almoft an innumerable number of honeft and innocent, faithful and fruitful, lovers of Chrift; who, though indeed they have had their fufTerings (rated upon thofe points, yet I doubt not fhall be found among the followers of the Lamb, and Confeflbrs and Martyrs of Chrift, who have overcome by the blood of the Lamb, and the word of their teftimony, not loving their lives unto the death, whofe blood is crying for vengeance againft the fhedders thereof; and he will make inquifition for it, when he comes to overturn, overturn, and take his own right, for which they have been contending. Neverthelefs this is a prejudice too prevalent with many, to mifregard the cafe and caufe of thefe contenders, or any thing that can fce laid to reprefent them favourably. And all thefe difc advantages, difficulties, and difcouragements, together conildered, would loon cool my courage, and, at firft biufb, make me leave off before I begin, yvere I not per-
fuadcd>
The Preface to the Reader* xlit
luadcd, that it is the caufe of Chrift thefc reproached people are#fuffering for ; and that their great fufferings and reproaches are both alike unjuft ; from both which the Lord will vindicate them, and bring forth their righteoufnefs as the light, and their judgment as the noon-day, in his own time. In confidence of which, depending on his conduct, I fhall undertake, as briefly as is poffible for me, to reprefent their cafe, and clear the caufe, fo far at leaft as concerns their conteft with their perfecuting enemies, with whom I only deal at prefent; it not being my purpofe to defcend particularly into their neceflitated contendings with complying bre- thren; partly becaufe they would make the volume to excrefee unto too great a bulk, and becaufe they are to be feen eifewhere ; yet, in effect, thefe alfo are not only here narratively deduced, but whatever is odious in them is vindicated, and what is difficult in fome meafure enodated. But it may be expected and defiderated, that I fhould give a diftinft deduction of all the fteps of this woful defection, againft which a great part of the teftimony hath been (rated: but I would have the reader advertifc ed, I touch only that part of the Teftimony which hath been fealed by fevere fufferings from enemies. It were a task tranfeending my Capacity, and a theme wherein I have no pleafure, befides that it is inconfiftent with my Leifure, to inlarge upon fuch a fad and fhameful fubject : though the world indeed is at a lofs, that they that would do it, cannot, and they that would and ihould do it, will not ; and it is a greater lofs, not on- ly to Scotland, but alfo to the whole Chriftian world, that what hath been done in this kind already cannot fee the light, or rather that the Church of Chrift is depri- ved of its light, which through the injury of the times, and the difingenuous prudence of fome, who fuffer them- lelves to be impofed upon by the patrons of defection, is embezelled and fuppreffed. I mean that excellent and faithful Hifiovy of Defection, the pofthumous work of the famous Mr. M'Ward, whofe praife is in the churches : which if they that have it in keeping, would do them- felves the honour, and the world the happineft of pu- blifhing it, there would be no more need to difcover,
from
xi V* The Preface to the Readetl
from whence, to what, and how, that church hath fal- len and degenerate ; nor (6 great difficulty in that indift putable and indifpenfablc duty that fuch a day calls forf in fcarching and trying our ways* to the end we may turn again to the Lord ; nor any ncceflity for my poor effay, to invite and incite the people of the Lord to take cognizance and compaffion of poor perifhing Scotland* I wifh that they who have it, may confult more their own duty and credit, and what they owe to the memo- ry of the dead, the Church's edification, the day's tefti- mony, and the honour of Chrift, than to continue rob* bing the World of fuch a trcafure; which I doubt not to call treafbn againft Chrift, and Sacrilege aeainft the Church, and ftick not to tell them, if they vyifl not pu- blifh it, the world muft know there Was fuch a thing «lone. But it not being my defign now, to detect or re* Heft upon all the defections of that declining, and by declenfions dividcdy and by divifions almoft (only not) deftroyed Church ; I fhall meddle with them no fur* ther, than what is necefTary to clear the caufc ; refer- ring the knowledge and account of them, either to\the) Notoriety of the groflcft of them, or to the more parti- cular cnarration of them, to be found in papers emitted and publiflied by the contenders againft them : Of which one is of this fame year's edition, entituled, The infor- matory vindication of a poor, *wafied> mifrefrefented rem* riant, &c. In which may be evident, that notwithftand- ing of all this darknefi and diftrefs, defection and divi- fion, under which the Church of Scotland hath been fd long, and is ftill labouring, there is yet a poor wafted, Wounded, rent, and almoft ruined, but ftill wreftling and witnefling remnant of Profcflbrs and ConfefTors of Chrift there, who though they have not only had their fouls exceedingly filled with the fcorning of thofe that areateafe, and with the contempt of the proud; but their bodies al(b killed all day long, and counted a$ (heep for the flaughter, have yet through grace endea- voured to overcome by the blood of the Lamb, and the word of their teftimony, and have not loved their lives dear unto the death, and have continued to this day con- tending both againft profeffed enemies, and alfo de- clining
The Preface to the Reader. x*
ctlniftg friends, fuftaining from both the utmoft of rage and reproach. And fince that little book gives an ac- count, what their contendings have been againft their backdrawing brethren c« the rieht and left hand, I (hallfpare labour to offer a diKuffion of them, only endeavour to make it not difficult to decide and deter- mine, on whofc fide truth lies, by what is here hinted. I (hall conclude, with advertifing the reader of one thing further ; that, as this reproached people^ for whofe teftimony I am pleading, is now the only party that is perfecuted in Scotland, ( fbmc few excepted, who are exempted from the pretended favour of the current Indemnities ) and their perfecution ftill continues, not- withftanding of the impudent, as well as infnaring de- clarations of univerfal liberty to all DifTenters, which they look upon as their honour and happinefs, to be thought incapable of tyrannical and antichriftian fa- vours ; fo their paft and prefent oppreflions and fuffcr- ings are only here in general aggregated, defcribed as to their kinds, and vindicated as to their caufes : the par- ticular deduction of their number, weight, and mca- fcre, of their names that have been martyred and nur- dered, both by formality of law, and without all for- mality of law, by fea and land, city and country, on fiaffolds, and in the fields ; of the manner of their fuf- ferings ; and of the form of their trials and tefti'monies, being intended fhortly ( if the Lord will ) to be emit- ted and publifhed in a book by it felf ; which will dis- cover to the world as rare inftances of the injuftice, ille- gality, and inhumanity of the Scott'tfb inquifition, and of the innocency, zeal, ingenuity, and patience of the wit- tiefTes of Chrift, as readily can be ioftanced in thefe lat- ter ages. Only here is a tafte till more come : which if the Lord fhall blefs for its defigned end, the glory of God, the vindication of truth, the information and fa- tisfaclion of all ferious fympathifcrs with Zions for- rows, and the conviction or confutation of reproachers, fo far, at leaft, as to make them furceafe from their in- vidious charge of things whereof the innocency is here vindicated, I have obtained all my defign, and fball dc- firc to give tbc Lord the prajfe.
It
It will not be unprofitable lot the reader, to caft his eye u- pon thefe fentences of great Authors, which relate to fome heads of the following di£ courfe.
Tranjlated from their Originals*
Erafmus. A S a Woodcock, otherwife loud, being XjL taken, becomes dumb ; fo Jlavery ren- ders fome men fpeechlefs, who, if they were free, would tell their minds freely.
Nazianzen. Diftord is better for the advantage of piety%< than dijfembled concord.
Bernard. But if fcandal arife for the truth, it is letter to fuffer fcandal, than relinquijb the truth.
BradtoD. He is a king who rightly governs, a tyrant whe eppreffes his people.
Cicero. He lofes all right to government, who, by that government, over- turns the common-weal.
Ariftotle. He who obeys the law, obeys both God and the law, who obeys the king, a man and a beaft.
Suetort. They are not bound to be loyal to a wicked kingt under the pain of perjury.
Ambrofe. He that does not keep off injury from his Neigh- bour, if he can do it, is as much in the fault, as he whe does iu
Chamier. But all fubjefts have right of refifting tyrants^ who by open force acquire dominion.
Barclay. Againft contenders for Monarchy. Alt anti- quity agrees, that tyrants can, mofi juftly, be attacked, andjlain, as publick enemies, not only by the publickj tut alfo by individual perfom*
AN
'7
A N
Hiftorical Reprefentation
O F T H E
TESTIMONIES
O F T H E
Church of Scotland,
With the true ftate of the fame in all the Periods thereof.
WITH
A Vindication of the prefent Teftimony.
HE Church of Chrift, in the imprefliof* of all that have the leaft fpark of the day's fpirit, is now brought to fuch a doleful and dreadful cafe and crifis, that, if it may not be reckoned the hil- ling of the witnejfes't yet all that have or defire the knowledge of the times* will judge it no impeachment to the prophecy to fay, Ic is either very like, or near unto it. When now the De- vil is come down in great wrath, as knowing his time is but (hort; and therefore exerting all the energy of the venom and violence, craft and cruelty of the Dra- gon, and Antichrifl, alias Pope, his Captain general, is
B oow
1 8 An Hiftorical Reprefentatiorii
now univerfally prevailing, and plying all his hellifh engines, to batter -down, and bury under the rubbifh of everlafting darknefs, what is left to be deftroyed of the work of Reformation : and the crowned heads, ox* horns of the beaft, the Tyrants, alias Kings, of Europe> his council of war, are advancing their prerogatives u- pon the ruins of the Nations and Churches privileges, td fuch a pitch of abfolutenefs, and improving, and em- ploying their power, for promoving their matters (the Devil and Antichrifts ) interests, to whom they have gif- ted the Churches, mancipated their own, and facrificed the Nations intereft ; and that with fuch combination o£ couafels, and countenance of providential fuccefs, that ail the powers of hell, the principalities of earth, and the Providence of heaven, over-ruling all things for the accomplifhment of the divine purpofe, and purchafe, and prediction, feem to confpire to produce that prodigious period, and la ft attempt of the Church's enemy. And the commencement is fo far advanced, that, now in all the Churches Qi Europe, either the Witnefles of ChrifVarc a killing, or the Witncfs for Chrift is in a great mea- fure killed; either the followers of the Lamb, who are called, and chofen, and faithful, are killed for their te- ftimony, or fainting in their zeal, and falling from their flrft love ; they are cooled or cajoled from their teftimo- ivy. Some are indulging thcmfelves in their eafe, fet- tling on their lecsy and fleeping in a ftupid fecurity ; and, while the Lord is roaring from above, and his, and their enemies, raging about them, and defigning to raze them after they have ruined their neighbours, they are rotting away under the deftruftive dfcftejppers of dereltable neutrality, loathfome lukewarmoefs, de- clining, and decaying in corruptions, defections, divi- flons, diftradions, confufions ; and fb judicially infatu- ated with darknefs and delufions, that they forget and forego the necefTary teftimony of the day. Others again, outwearied with the length and weight; of the trial, un- der the temptation of Antichrift's formidable ftrength on the one hand, and a deceitful profpeft of an infnaring liberty on the other, are overcome either to be heftored, or flattered from their teftimony. And ib, in thefe
Churches,
Of the Tejiimonies of the Church of Scot \ and. 19 Churches, comprehend trig all that arc free from r exe- cution at this time, the Witnefs for Chrift is in a great meafrfre killed. Other Churches, which are keeping and contending for the word ofChriit's patience, arefo waft- ed, and almoft worn out, with perfections, afflictions, and calamities, that, after they have been, and are ( fo much) daily killed for the word of God, and the tefti- niony of Jefus, it may well be /aid, there hath been, and isy a great flaughter of the WitnciTes. And it were hard to determine, which of them can give the largeft and moil lamentable account of their fufFerings ; or which of them have had the greater! and moil grievous expe- riences cf the treachery and truculency, violence ano! villany of Atheiltical and Papifucal enemies: whether the reformed Church of Vravce, howling under the paw of that devouring lion, the Trench Tyrant ; or the Pro- teftants of Hungary ', under the tearing claws of tha; ra- venous eagle the Tyrant of Aujlvia', or thofc of Vledmcnty under the graiTant tyranny of that little Tyger of Savoy* The accounts they ^\vc in print, the reports they bring with them in their flight from their refpeclive countries, and the little hint we nave in Gazettes, and News Letters, muft needs enforce a convidion, if not extort a compaf- fion of the greatnefi of their prefTures; and that with fuch a parity, that it is doubtful which preponderates. I fhall not make comparifons, nor aggravate, nor ex- tenuate the fufferings of any of the Churches of Chrift, beyond or below their due meafures : but will prefumc to plead, that Scotland, another ancient, and fbmetimes famour reformed Church, be inrolled in the catalogue of fjfFering Churches, befides thefe mentioned , and crave, that fhe may have a fhare of that charity and fympathy, which is the demand and defire of afflicted Churches of Chrift, from all the follow members of that fame Body z and fo much the rather is this her due ; that, whereas, among all the reft of the Churches, Chrift's Witnefles arc killed in fome particular refpedr, and each of them have their own proper complaint of it ; fbme upon the account of persecution, fome of defection, divifion, &c. of this it may be faid, in all refpe&s, both the WirnefTes of Chrift, and a Witaefs for Chrift, arc killed with a wit-
8 2 mcfr
20 An Hiftorical Reprefentation, &c.
nefs. This is the cafe of the fbmetimes renouned, fa- mous, faithful, and fruitful, reformed, covenanted Church oV Scotland, famous for unity, faithful for verity, fruit- ful in the purity of doclrinc, worfhip, difcipline, and government; which now, for theic 27 years pa ft, un- der the domination of the late Tyrant, and prefent Ufur* per of Britain, hath been fb wafted with oppreflion, wounded with perfecution, rent with divifion, ruined with defedion, that now (he is as much defpifed, as fhe was before admired : and her witnefs and teftimony for Reformation, is now as far deprefled, and fuppreffed, in obfeurity, as it was formerly declared and depredicated in glory and honour. And ycty which fhould move the greater commiferation, her witneffings and wreftlings, trials and temptations, have not been inferior, in man- ner or meafure, quality or continuance, to any of the fore-mentioned Churches, though in extent not 10 great ; becaufe her precincft is not fo large, whereby the num- ber of her oppreifed and murdered children could not be fo multiplied, though her Martyrs be more, and the nftnner of their murder more illegal, than can be in- ftanced in any of them, during that time, * particular enumeration or enarration whereof, cannot be here ex- hibited, but is referred and referved to a peculiar trcatife of that fubje£r, which ere long the world may fee. On- ly I (hall give a compendious account 6f the kinds and caufes, grounds and heads of their fufFerings, w7ho have been moft flighted, and leaft fympathifed with, though they have fuftained the greateft feverities of any ; and, in end, endeavour to vindicate the merit of their caufe, in the moft principal heads, upon which their fufierings have been ftated : whereby h will appear to impartial men, that will not be impofed upon, there hath been, and vet is, a great and grievous, and fbme way unpa- rallelled, perfecution in Scotland) at leaft inferior to none: which hath not hitherto been duly confidered, with any proportion to the importance thereof.
But tho* this be the fcope, it is not the ium of what is intended in this difcourfe. The method I have propof- ed to profecute it withal, will difcover it: which is, pfii To give a brief an4 furamary account of the ieries
and
The Tejiimony of the firjl Period, %x
and fucceflion, fucccis and rcfulc of the feveral contend- ings of the WitnefTes of Chrift, againft his enemies in Scotland from time to time ; that it may appear, whether or not the prefent fufferings, as now ftated, can be con- demned, if the former be approven. 2, To rehearfe fome of the chief means, methods and meafures, that the P6- pifh, Prelaticai and Malignant faction have managed, for che ruin of this witneffing remnant, and fome of the moft ijgnal fleps of fufFer in gsfu Rained by and from thefe with- in thefe 27 years ; by which it will appear, that the per- secution in Scotland hath been very remarkable (though little regarded) both in refpeft of the injuftice, illegality and inhumanity of the perfecutors, and in re /peel of the innocency, zeal and ingenuity of the perfecuted. 5. To clear the ftate, and vindicate the merit of the caufe of their fufferings, as to the moft material heads of it, that are moft controverted at this time . In thefrfl of thefe, I muftftudy all compendious brevity,as may confift with the clearing of my fcope; which is not to enlarge an hi- ftorical deduction of the rife and refult,progrefs and pro- secution, occafion and continuation of every controverfy the Church hath had with her feveral adverfaries in fe- vera! periods ;but only to hint at the chief heads of their contendings, with a defign to make it appear, that the moft material heads of fufierings that are now condem- ned, as new and nice notions, have been tranfmitted from age to age, from the beginning even to this prefent time, tkiough all the periods of this Church.
PERIOD 1.
Comprehending the Tejiimony of the Culdees,
|"T is not without reafon reckoned among the peculiar \^ prerogatives of the renowned Church of Scotland, that Chrift's concjueft in the converiion of that nation, is one of the moft eminent accomplishments of Scripture pro- phecies, of the propagation of his kingdom in the New Teftamciv difpenfation; not only becaufc it was, when
B 3 calfe«|
%i the Testimony of the.firft Period*-
called out of Gentile Pagamfm, among the rudeft of i&#- then nations, and in the acknowledgment of all, among the utter moji parts of the earthy which were given toChrift for his inheritance and poffeflioa; w hereunto he had, and hath ftill undoubted right, by his Father's grant, and by his own purchafe; and took infeofment of it by a glorious conqueft of that land, which the Roman arms*could never fubdue> and erected his vi&onous trophies there, whi- ther their triumphs could never penetrate ; obtaining and thereby, accomplifhing that predicted fong of praife, Trom the uttermoji -parts of the earth have ive heard fongs9 even glory to the righteous. Which gives us ground to ex- pect, that however Chrift's Intereft there be now very low, and like to be loft as a prey in the Dragon's mouth, yetChrift, having fuch undoubted and manifold right to it, will not fo eafily quit or forego hispofTeffion ; but ai- fo, becaufe he hath fo conftantly continued his pofTeffion, and maintained his title, by a long courfc of contendings, l>y the teftimonies of his YVitncfTes, againft the Invaders; thereof, through all the periods of the Ghurch, from the very infancy of this new Difpenfatioh ; and becaufe,&;<tf- fo^'sconverfion unto the Chriftian Faith was among the jfirit fruits of the Gentiles, of the oldeft date, that any ftandingChurch holding the head Chrift this day can de- duce its original from* For it is clear from ancient re- cords, the Chriftian Faith was embraced here a few years after the afcenfion of our Saviour, being taught by the difciples of John the Apoftle ; and received afterwards great increment from the Britons flying to Scotlandy to efcape the perfecution of the Emperor Domitian> and was long promoted by the anciept CuldeeSy or ( JVorpippers of God ) men, whofe memory is ftill fragrant for piety and purity of faith and life, who continued fbme hundreds of years, under various viciffitudes of Providence, before either Prelacy or Popery was known in Scotland. They were firft univerfally encouraged by King Cratilinthy in 1 the time of the laft perfecution under Bioclejlany which brought many of Chrift's Witneffes hither for fhelter, who were very helpfulfor the fettling of Truth, and the total extirpation of the Idolatry of the Drwdes> the hea- then priefts, whereby the pure doctrine^ worfhip and
govern*
The Tejlimony of the firjl "Period. . 2 j
government ano oi uhrijt's iniucuiion, was eftablifhed and continued many years, while thefe WitnciTes of Chrift had no orher emulation bur of well-doings and to advance piety. In this period,, thefe ancient, and firft Confeifors and Wirnc/Tcs of Chrift, did wreitle itrenu- oufly, according to their ftrength and light, for the Truths and Words of Chrift's patience, controverted in their day, both againft profefled enemies, Pagan Perfe- cutors and Priefts, and pretended friends, corrupters of the Faith. Their Teftimony was ftated, in a peculiar manner, for the verity, value and virtue of Chnit's Na- tures and Offices, in afierting his truths relative to ci- ther, againft the Malignants and Sectaries of their time; particularly for the concerns of his Prophetical Office* And though we be at a lofi, that for the moft part thetr witnefs is buried in oblivion, through the darknefs of the times fucceeding; yet the fcrapes and fragments that are left, do furnifh us with thefe few remarks.
I. They maintained the verity of the Chriftian doc- trine, againft both Pagan Pcrfccutors and heretical per- verters; and the purity of his inftitutcd worfhip, with- out the vanity of human inventions, orconformity with, either the Druides on the one hand, or the Hereticks on the other, with which, fometime before the end of thac period, they were mfeftcd ; chiefly the Pelagians, with whom the faithful wTould have no communion, out ab- (Traded themfelves in a monaftical life, living and excrci- fing their religion in Cells, from whence many places in the country yet retain the name, as Kilmarnock, Kilpa- tricky &c. that is the Cells of thefe eminent men among the Culdees. And their government alfo was that of the primitive order, without Bijbops, with little vanity, hue great fimpliciry and holinefs. Many authors do tcftify, that near about 400 years, the Church of Scotland knew nothing of the Epi-fcopal Hierarchy, until Palladius brought it in, and not without great opposition.
II. In thefe recefTes, they had the advantage, both of outward peace, when others were in trouble, and of in- ward peace of confeience, when others were deb.iu.be J with manv conjurations and abjurations, combination and confederacies, impofed and exacled by them that
prevailed
-24 The TeJKmny of the firji Period.
prevailed for the time, whereby they might both keep thcmfelvcs free of enfnaring oathsy perfidious complian- ces, and affectations with the wicked, and alfo entertain* and encourage the opprefled for equity, who fled unto their fanctuary for fafety. We find they retufed to enter into league with malignant enemies. One memorable paflage I (hall infert (though ftridtiy it belong not to this feriody as I diftinguifh it, yet falling out, within 80 years thereafter, in the time of the Culdeesy it will not obfeure- !y evidence xhe truth of this ) Gov anus the 45th king of Scots -y earneftly diiTuaded Lothus king of PiBs to entertain the league with the Saxonsy not only becaufe' they were -treacherous and cruel, but becaufe they were enemies to the country and to the religion they profe fled, concluding thus: Homini vero Chrifliano id longe omnium videriy &c. But to a Chrifiian nothing muftfeem more grievous, than to confent to fuch a covenant , as will extinguifb the Chrifiian religion, and reduce the profane cuftoms of the heathen, and arm wicked tyrants, the enemies of all humanity and piety y Againft God and his laws- Whereupon Lothus was per- fwaded to rehncjuifh the SaxonSy Buchan* Hijlor. Rer. Scotic,
III. Though thev were not for partaking in wicked tmneceflary wars, without authority, or againft it ; yet we have ground to conclude, they were for war, and did maintain the principle of refitting Tyranny ; fince there was never more of the practice of it, nor more happy re- finances in any age, than in that ; where we find, that, as their anceftors had frequently done before, fo they al- fo followed their footfteps, in refifting, reducing to order, repreffing, and bringing to condign punifhment Tyrants and Ufurpers; and thought thofe aftions, which their fa- thers did by the light of nature and dictates of reafbn, worthy of imitation, when they *had the advantage of the light of revelation and dictates of faith ; the one be- ing indeed moderate and directed, but noways contradi- cted by the other. Therefore we read, that, as their pre- dece/Tors had done with Thereus the 8th king of Scotland^ whom they banifhed in the year before Chrift's incarna- tion 173; with Durfius the I ith king, whom they flew in battle in the year before Chrift 107; Evenus the 3d,
who
The Tejlimony of the fecond Period. 25
who was imprifoned, and died there, in the year before Chrift 12; Dardanus the 20th king, who was taken in battle, beheaded by his own fubje&s, his head expofed to mockage, and his body cait into a link, in the year of Chrift 72 ; Lu&atus the 22d king, who was flain for his leachery and Tyranny in the year no; Mogaldus the 23d king, flain in the year 113; Conarus the 24th king, a lea- cherous Tyrant, died in prifon in the year 140, ; Satrael the 26th king hanged in the year 1 50. So, afcer the Chri ftian faith was publickly profefTed, they purfued Athirco the 29th king, when degenerate into Tyranny, who was forced to kilt himfelf in the year 231. They flew Nathan- locus the 30th king, and caft him into a privy in the year 241. They beheaded RomAchus the 36th king, and car- ried about his head for a (how in the year 348. As they did with many others afterwards, as witne/Teth Buchar nariy book 4th, Scottifi hiftory.
IV. Whence it is evident, that as they attained, even in thefe primitive times, and maintained the purity and freedom of their Miniftry, independent on Pope, Prelate, or any human fupremacy (that Antichriftian Hierarchy and Eraftian blafphemy not being known in thofe days) fo they contended for the order and boundaries of the Magiftracy, according to God's appointment,and the fun- damental conftitutions of their government; and thought it their duty to fhake off the yoke, and difown the au- thority of thefe Tyrants that deftroyed the fame. Yea, we find, that even for incapacity, ftupidity and follv, they difowned the relation of a Magiftrate, and difpofed of the government another way, as they did with E- thodius the 2d, whole authority they did own, but only to the title. Sec Buchanan in the before cited place.
PERIOD II.
Comprehending the Teftimony of the fame Culdees, with that of the Lollards.
THE following period w<-\s that fital one, that brought in univerfal darknefs on the face of the
whole
&6 The Tejlimony of the fecond Period.
whole Church ot Chnit, and on Scotland with the firft of them ; which, as it received very early Chriftianity, fd itwas with the firft corrupted with Antkhriitianifm for that My fiery of iniquity that had, been long working, till he who letted was taken out of the way, found Scotland i-ipc for it when it came ; which, while the Dragon did pei fecute the Woman in the wildernefs, did valiantly re- pel his aflaults ; but when the Beait did arifc, to whom he gave tus power, he prevailed more by his fubtilty^ than his rampant predeceiTor coulct do by his rage. Scot- land could reiiit the Roman legions , while heathenifh, but not theRoman locufiS) when Antichriitian. At his very firft appearance in the world, under the character of Anti- chrifr, his harbinger Palladius brought in Prelacy to Scot* land, and by that conveyance the contagion of Popery ; which hath always been, as every where, fo efpecially in Scotland, both the mother and daughter, caufe and e£. fe£t> occalion and confequence of Popery* Thefc rofe, flood, and lived together, and fbmetimes did alfo fall together ; and we have ground to hope, that they (hall fall again ; and their final and fatal fall is not far off. Whatever difficulty authors do make, in calculating the Epocha of the 42 monthzof Antichrift's duration in the world, becaufe of the obfeurity of his firft rife; yet there needs not be much perplexity in finding out that Epocha in Scotland) nor fo muchdifcouragement from the fancied permanency of that kingdom of wickednefs. For ific be certain, as it will not be much difputed, that Po- pery and Prelacy came in by PalladiuS) fent legate oy Pope Celeftine> about the year 450; then if we add 42 months) or 1260 prophetical daysy that is, years, we may have a comfortable profpecl: of their tragical conclufioni And though both clafhings and combinations, oppofitions and conjunctions, this day may feem to have a terrible afpect, portending a darker hour before the dawning ; yet all thefe reelings and revolutions, though they be fy m ptom s of wrath incumbent upon us for our fins, they may be looked upon, through a Proipect of faith, as pre- fages and prognofticks of mercy impendent for his name's fake, encouraging us, when we fee thefe dreadful things come topafs in our day, to lift up our head s> for the clay
of
The Tejlimony of the fecond Period* . fy ©F our redemption draweth nigh. Tim dark period con- tinued nigh about noo years, in which, though WitnefTes were very few, yec he hadfomc Witnciiingand prophefying in fackcloth ail the while. Their teltimony was the fame with that of the Walder.fes and Albtgenje^ Rated upon the grounds of their feceffion, or rather ab- ftra&ion from that Myjlery Babylon, mother of hat lots. Po- pery and Prelacy, for their corruption in doctrine, wor- ship, discipline and government. And did more particu- larly relate to the concerns of Chrift's Pneitly office, which w^LS tranfrnitted from the Culdees to the lollards9 and by them handed down to theinitruments o*f Refor- mation, in the following period. Their testimony indeed was not a&ive> by way of forcible relifbnce againit the fovereign powers ; but pajjive, by way of confeffion and martyrdom, and fufFerings and verbal contending*, and witneffings againit the prevailing corruptions of the time* And no wonder it fhould beio, and in this fomeway different from ours, becaule that was a d fpenfanon of fuffering, when Antichrilt was on the afcendant, and they had no call or capacity to oppofe him any other way, and were new lpirited for this paffive teftimony, in which circumftances they are an excellent pattern for i- mitation, but not an example for confutation of that principle of defenuVe refinance, which they never contra- dicted, and had never occafion toconfiim by their pra- fiice. But, as in their managing their teftimony, their manner was fbmeway different from ours on thisrefpect ; lb they had by far the advantage of us, that their caufc wa$ fo clearly Hated upon the greater! heads of fufFerings, having thecleareft connexion wich the fundamentals of religion; yet we fhall find in this period our heads of fuffering fbmeway homologated, if we confider,
I. Tfiat as they did faithfully keep and contend for the word of Chrift's patience underthac difpenfati^n, in aflerting and ma opining both the verity of Chrift's do- clrine, and the purity of his worfnip, by certifying a- gainft the corruption*, errors, idolatries and fuperftitions of Popery ; fo they did conftantly bear witnefs aqainft the Usurpation and Tyrannical Domination of the An- sijhriftian Prelates. And as the Culdees did vigoroufl y
oppofe
%% The Teftimony of the fecund Period*
oppofe their fir ft incrodu&ion, and after-afpiring domi- nation, as well as the corruptions of their dodtrine, as we have the contendings of eminent witneffes recorded from age to age ; in the fourth and fifth age, Columbe> Libthacy Ethernan, Kintegern or Mungo ; m the flxth and feventh age, Colmanus, Clemens and Samfon *with others ; in the eighth and ninth age, Alcuin, Rabanus Maurus, frames Scotus Uurigena, are noted in hiftory. And the Lollards, by their examinations and teftimonies, are found to have witne/Icd againft the exercife of their power, and fometimes againft the very nature of their power it- fclf : fb in their practice, they condemned Prelacy as well as Popery, in that their minifters did in much painful- nefs, poverty, fimplicity, humility and equality, obferve the inftitution of our Lord. And fo far as their light ferved, and had occafion to enquire into this point, they acknowledged no officer in the houfe of God fuperior t« a preaching minifter, and according to this ftandard,they rcje&ed and craved reformation of exorbitant Prelacy. And it is plain, that they were frequently difcovered, by difcountenaocing and withdrawing from their fuper- ftitious and idolatrous worfhip: for all which, when they could not efcape nor repel their violence, they cheer- fully embraced and endured the flames.
II. That their adverfaries did manage their cruel craft, and crafty cruelty, in murdering thofe (ervants of God, much after the' fame methods that ours do ; except that they are many ftages outdone by their fucceiTors, as much as perfect artifts do outftrip the rude beginnings of apprentices. But, on the other hand, the fufferers in our day, that would follow the example of thofe wor- thies under Popery, would be much condemned by this generation, even by them that commend the matter of their Teftimony, tho* they will not allow the manner of it to be imitated in this day. The adverfaries of Chrift, in this and that generation, are more like than hisCon- feiTors and Witnefles are. The adverfaries then, when conftrained by diverfions of the time's troubles, or when their defions were not ripe, prerended more moderation and averfation from feverity ; but no fooner got they op- portunity, (which always thev fo^g^O) DUt & ^oon tne7 renewed the battel againft jefus Chrift ; fo now : when
they
The Tejiimony of the fecond Period. 29 they had fcvcn abominations in their hearts, and many curled defigns in their heads, they always (poke fairelt ; fo now : when they had a mind to execute their cruelty, they would refolvc before-hand whom to pitch upon be- fore conviction; fb now: and when fo refolved, the leaft pretence of a fault, obnoxious to their wicked law, would ferve their defigo • fo now: they ufed then to forge articles, and falfely mifreprefenr their anfwers, and declarations of their principles; fo now. Yet, on the other hand, if now poor fufFerers fhould glory in that they are counted worthy to fuffer fhame for the name of Chrift, as they did then ; if now they fhould fuffer with as great cheerfulnefs, for the fmalleft points as for the greateft heads, as they did then, who endured the flames as gallantly, for eating agoofe upon Friday, as others did for the doftrine of juftification, or purgatory, or indul- gences, or worfhipping of images and faints ; if now they fhould fpeak for every truth in <jueftion, with all flmplicity and plainnefs, without referves or fhifts decli- ning a teftimony, as they did; if they fhould fuperftde from all application to their enemies for favour, and not meddle with either petitioning or bonding with them, as they did ; nay, not accepting deliverance, that they might obtain a better refurre&ion : then they might ex- pec! the fevere cenfure of ignorant and preciie fools, as the moft part who fuffer now arc counted.
III. That they flood aloof from every appearance of a bafe complyance with them ; not fo much as to give them an interpretative fign of it; which, in their mean- ing, might be thought a recantation, though, abftra&ly confidered, it might be capable of a more favourable con- ftru&ion ; as the required burning of their bill was; which might have been thought a condemning of their accufations : but becauft that was not their adverfarics fenfe of it, they durft not do it. Not like many now a- days, who will not be filicitous to confult that. Nei- ther would they take any of their oaths, nor pay any of their ecclefiaftical exactions, as we find in the articles brought in againft the Lollards of Kyle, Knox's Hifiory of Reformation, Theft things areeafily complied with now: and fuch as will fuffer upon fuch things arc condemned.
IV. That
£d The Tejlimony of the fecund Period.
IV. That while the iove of God, and his blciTcd trutti, and the precepts, promife, and prefence of out Lord jefus Chrifi, did enaole them unto ail patience with joy, in a paffive teflimony, being by the call of a cleaf and neceiTary providence lent and fet forth to be his witnefles; they did not indeed endeavour any refiftancc: yet we iinu they never refigned nor abandoned that firft and moil jult privilege of refiftance, nay, nor bringing publick beafts of prey to condign punifhmeot, in an ex* traordmary way of vindictive juftice, for the murder of the faints. As, upon the murder of Mr. George fVifehearty was done with Cardinal Beaton, who wTas flam in the Tower of St. Andrew j bynames Melvin : who, percei- ving his conforts in the interprife, moved with paffion, withdrew them, and faid, This work and judgment of Cody although it be fecret, ought to be done with greater gravity. And, prefcming the point of the fword to the Cardinal, faid, Repent thee of thy former wicked life, but efpecially of the fbedding cf the blood of that notable inftru- tnent of God, Mr. George Wifehearf, which albeit the flame *f fire confumed before men, yet it cries for vengeance upon thee, and we from God are fent to revenge it ; for here, be- fore my God , Iprotejl. that neither the hatred of thy, per/on, the love of thy riches, nor the fear of any trouble thou couldfi Joave done me in particular ', moved or moveth me to ftrike thee, but only becaufe thou haft been and remaineft an ob* fiinaie enemy againft Chrift Jefus, and his holy gofpeh Of which fad, the famous and faithful hiftorian Mr. Knox fpeaks very honourably, and was fo far from condemn^ ing it, that while, after the flaughter, they* kept out the ca^ile, h$, with other godly men, went to them, and ftay'd with them, till they were together carried Captives to France. Yet now fuch a faft, committed up- on fuch another bloody and treacherous beaft, the Car- dinal Prelate of Scotland, eight years ago, is generally condemned as horrid murder.
V. However, though in this dark period there be no noted inftancei of thefe Witneilcs reufting the fuperiot powers, for reafons above hinted : yet, in this period, we find many indances of noble and virtuous patriots, their aot only refilling, but alfo revenging to the utmoft
of
The Tejlimony of the fecond Period. 31
*f feverity, rigorous and raging Tyrant*: as Ai^y be iecn in hiftoncs. For, before che corruption of Aft chnit came to its height, we find Ferchardus iii, the 52aK.ng, was drawn to judgment againft his will, great crimes were laid to his charge, and among others the Pelagian ■ herefy, and contempt of Baptifm, for which he was caft into prifon, where he killed himfelf, in the year 636 ; £«- genius Sth,the 626. King, degenerating into wickedneft, and rejecting the admonitions of his friends, and efpe* daily of the Minifters, was killed in a convention ot nU Nobles, with the confent ot all, in the year 765; Donaldus 7th was imprifoned, where he killed himfelf, in the year S$9'i Ethus,{urna.mcdAIipes, the -j-zd King, was apprehen- cd, and his wicked life laid out before the people, and then compelled to refign the government, and died in prifon, in the year 875. Afterwards, when the government was tranfmitted to the Stewarts, James the 2d, the 103d King, who killed William Earl of Douglas in the cafile of Stirling, moll treacheroufly, after he had pretended a civil treatment, was publickly defied by the Earl's friends; who took the King's pu^lick writ and fubfeription made to the fafd Earl, and tied it to a horfe tail, dragging it through the flreets ; and, when they came to the mar- ket-place, they proclaimed both King and Nobles perjured covenant-breakers : and thereafter, when Earl fames his brother was defired to fubmit, he anfwered, Be would never put himfelf in then reverence, who had no regard to fbame\ nor to the laws of God or man, and who hadfoper- fdioufly and treacheroufly killed his brother and his coujins. fames 3d, the 104th King, for his treachery and tyran- ny, was oppofed and purfued by arms by his own fubjec*b; who, finding himfelf under difadvantages, lent to the rebels (as he thought them, and called them) an offer of peace, and received this anfwer ; cc That, feeing <c the King did nothing honeftly, a certain war feemed "better to them then a peace not to be trufted, that c< there was no other hope of agreement but one, that u he fhould quit the government, otherwifc it was to c no purpofe to trouble themfelves with treaties " Thereafter, in a battel, he was flain at Banncckbttr7i by Gray> Ker, and Bortkwick. The fame King,
32 The Tejlimony of the third Period.* was 3H0 constrained, by the valour of Archibald Dougldi Earl of Anqus, called Bell the Cat, to reform the court, and put away fbme wicked fycophants from his counfel, and give way, though againft his will, to the execution of judgment upon others : which was the occafion of that forefaid agnomen to the Earl : for he, with other Nobles, in a meeting at Lazvder, confulting how to re- form and reprefi the in{blency of the court, had the apologue of the mice laid out before them ; that the mice fell upon deliberating how to be rid of the cat, and con- cluded the belt way was to put a bell about her neck; but when it came to be put in execution, never a moufc durft undertake it : the Earl quickly made application, laying, I will bell the cat; and forthwith went out, ancj meeting Cochran, one of thefe wicked councilors, took hold of him, and hangeS him with a horfe-halter over the bridge of Latvder', and, rufhinginto the King's pre- fcnee, proceeded to fnatch Ram/ay, another of the coun- try's enemies, out of the King's arms ; but that he yields ed at length to the King's earneft entreaties to fpare him. How ever we fee how generoufly zealous thefe noble patriots were for the country's good, againft Tyranny, though they were ignorant of religion : yet this all a- long was frill the character of the Scots in thefe days, none more terrible toTyrants, none more loyal to Kings than they.
PERIOD III.
Containing the Tejlimony of the Reformation from Popery.
AS in the former, the teftimony was moftly pajpvel fo, in the following period, when they were in- creafed in number and ftrength that embraced the gofpel, the Lord called, and fpirited to an aSive teftimony, for thefe two twins, Religion and Liberty, that were then fought to be ftifled in the birth, and are now defignetf more declaredly to be 4cftroycdj after they have grown
up
The Teftimony of the third Period. gj
tip to fome maturity : which, as it renders the cruelty of theprefent dcltroycrs the more graftant and grievous, io it rubs the more indelible infamy, on the fnameful fe- curity and afs-like ftupidity of this generation, that have received fuch an excellent teftimony deposited to their truft, tranfmittcd to them through a •ontinued tratt of the witneffings and wreftlings of their worthy anceftors> and now let it flip and Aide through their feeble fingers; and does the more juftify, yea magnify, the poor endea-~ voursof the prefenrfufferers, who, atleaft,when they can* not react thefe mighty works in defending religion and liberty, do chufc rather to die than to refign the teftimo- ny, or quit the leaft privilege that their progenitors poflefled them of: and though they be fupercilioufly de- ipifed, as little infignificant nothings, in the eyes of the bulk of the big boafters of this blind age ; yet, if thefe valiant heroes, who did fuch exploits for their God, in commencing and carrying on the work of Reformation, Avere now to fee the dull dotages of this dreaming gene- ration, (not only fuffering and contenting to, but congra- tulating and applauding, the introduction and re-efta- blifhment of Idolatry and Tyranny, Popery and Slavery* upon the ruins of the work they built with fb great ex- fence) ; and were to read the pitiful Petitions, and airy and empty > flattering and fawning Addrejfes, f this An- tichriftian Tyrant, for the Toleration of that religion and liberty, under the odious notion of a Crime, which they had conveyed to them under the fecurity of a fundamen- tal Law , they, if any, would be acknowledged as their children who difdain and difowo fuch dishonourably and daftardly yielding*, and are therefore mbft defpi- fed with difdain and defpight. A brief rehearfal of their contendings will clear the cafe.
While the Queen Dowager Regent reigned by thecurfe of God, and employed all her power and policy to fup* prefs the gofpel in Scotland', God fo counteracted her* that the blood of the Martyrs, fhe caufed to be murdered* proved the feed of the Church ', and the endeavours of his fervants had fuch fuocefs, that no fmall part of the Ba- rons and Gentlemen, as well as Commons, began to ab- hor the tyranny of the Bifhops : yea, men aim oft uni-
C verfaiiy
34 The Teftimmy of the third Perhct. veriVlly began to doubt, whether they could without flfl give their bodily prefence " to the Mafs, or offer their ** children to the Papiftical Baptifm? Whether thefe, that 4t were in any publick truit, could with fafe confciencc <c ferve the higher powers, in maintaining of Idolatry, t£ perfecuting their brethren, and fuppreffing Chrift*s iC truth? Or whether they might fufFer their brethren iC to be murdered in their prefence, without any declara- *s tion that fuch Tyranny difpieaied them ?" And, from the Scriptures, they were refolved, That a lively Faith requires a plain confeffion, when Chrift*s truth is impugned. \ and that not only they be guilty that do evil, but alfo they that confent to evil, and this they fiould do, if feeing fuch things openly committed, they fiould be (ilent, and fo allow whatfoever was done. From doubts they came to deter- minations, to endeavour that Chrift Jefu% His glorious Go* fpel fbouldbe preached. His holy Sacraments truly miniftredy Super ftitionf, Idolatry, and Tyranny fiould be fupprejfed in this realm ; and that both as to the Worfiip, Difcipliney and Government, the Reverend face of the firft primitive and Apoftolick Church fiould be reduced again to the eyes and knowledge of men. And in this they never fainted till the work was finifhed. To accomplifb this, famous and faithful Mr. Knox j and other fervants of the Lord, did preach diligently in private Meetings. And for that, when they were fiimmoned before the Queen ; feveral Zealous and bold men repaired to her, and plainly in the hearing of the Prelates, did charge them with the cruel device intended, and told her with a vow, They fiould make a day of it, becaufe they oppreffed them and their te- nanism for feeding of their idle bellies, they troubled the Treacher s- and would murder all'. Should theyfuffer this any longer ? No ; it fiould not be. Thereafter, the more ef^ fedtually to profecute the Reformation begun, they enter- ed into Covenants, to maintain and advance that work of "Reformation, and to ft and to the Defence thereof', and of 4>ne another, again ft all wicked power, that might intend Tyranny or trouble againft them, and to refent any injury done to any of their Bre hren, upon the account of the Com~ monCaufe, as done to all Of which covenants they enter- ed into many very folemnly ; one was at Edinburgh in the
year
The Tejllmony of the third Period* 35
&M0 1557; another at Perth I 5 59 , another at Stirling 1559, binding, that none fhould have any correfpon- dence with the Queen, without notifying it to one an- other; and that nothing fhould proceed therein, without common Confent of them all. Another at LeHby in the year 1 560 ; another at Air> in the year I 562, of the fame tenor. By which covenants, as their conjunction was the more firm among themfelves, fo was it the more fearful to their AaVerfaries ; when, according to the tenor of them, they kept their conventions, and held counfels with fuch gravity and clofsnef-, that the enemies trem- bled. I mention thefe things more particularly, becaufe thefe fame very things commended in our Fathers, arc now condemned in a poor handful, that would aim at imitating their example, in renewing and reiterating fuch covenants of the fame nature and tenor, and bind- iwg to the fame very duties, and profecute in the fame methods of keeping general Meetings for correfpondence, and confutation abbut common mutual duties in common danger ; whereunto they have not only prefenc necefiity to urge them, but alfo preterite examples of thefe worthies to encourage them, and their experience of comfort and tranquillity they reaped, by thefe Chriftian Jiffemblies and Godly Conferences y as oft as any danger ap- peared to any member o* members of their bods. Thefe be- ginnings, the zealous covenanted Reformers left no means uncffayed to promote, by Proteftations to the Parliament^ and petitions, and many reiterated addreiTcs to the Queen Dowager : from whom they received many renewed fair promifes ; which fhe had never mind to keep, and want- ed not the impudence, wThen challenged for breaking them, to declare, It becomes ret Subjects to burden their Princes with -promifes, farther than it pleafed them to keep the fame: and, at another time, that /be was bound to keep no Faith to Hereticks : and a°ain, that Princes mufi r.ot be flri&Iy bound to keep their promifes \ and that her f elf would make little Conference to take from all that fort their lives and inheritance, if fhe might do it with an honefi eje- cufe. Wherein fhe fpoke not only the venome of her own heart, but the very foul and fenfe, principle and project, of all Popifh Princes i whereby we may fee what fecurity We have for religion and liberty this 6zv>
C a chough
36 The Tejilmony of the third Period.
though the moft part make fuch a pretence a pillow *& fleep on. But, after many difcoveries in this kind of the Queen's treachery, at length they would no more be bribed by promifes, blinded by pretences, norboafted by her proclamations, (flandering their enterprife, as if it pertained nothing to religion), from their endeavours to'profecute the fame : but finding rhemfelves compelled to take the fword of juft defence, againft all that fhould purfue them for the matter of religion, they firft fignificd unto her; u that they would notify to the King of France, <c and all Chriftian Princes, that her cruel, unjuft, and <c moft tyrannical murder intended againft towns and <c multitudes, was and is the only cau/e of thcir*rcvoit <c from their accuftomed obedience, which they owned <c ahdpromifed to their Sovereign; provided they might " live in peace and liberty, and enjoy ChriiVs gofpel, <c without which they firmly purpofe never to be fubjeB to <c mortal man', and that better it wTcre to expofe their <c bodies to a thoufand deaths, than to deny Chrift ; c< which thing not only do they, who commit open tdo- *c latry, but alfo all fuch, as, feeing their Brethren pur- <c fucd for the Caufc of Religion, and having fumcient Kt means to comfort and affift them, do nevmhelefs with- <c draw frorri them their dutiful fupport " And there- after, they publifhcd a Declaration to the generation of Antichrift, the peftilent Prelates^ and their Shavelings within Scotland. "'That they -fliould not be abufed, ,€< thinking to efcape juft punifhment, after that they, in *c their blind fury, had caufed the blood of many to be cc fhed ; but if they proceeded in this their malicious <c cruelty, they fhould be dealt with all, wherefoever <£ they fr/ould be apprehended, as Murderers, and open <c enemiejs to God and to mankind. And that with the' cc the fame meafure they had meafureel, and intended to ** meafure to others, it fhould be meafured to them ; cc — ■- that is, they fhould, with all force and power <c they had, execute juft vengeance and punlfhmeat upon <c them ; yea begin that fame war which God com- <c mandeth Ifrael to execute againft the Canaanites ; that li is, Contract of Peace fhould never be made, till they *c defift from theft open Idolatry and cruel Perfection
The Tejiimony of the third Period. ' 37
c< of God's Children." 1 rehearfe this declaration the more exprefly ; becaufe in our day Declarations of this ftile anct ltrain, and aiming at the fame fcope, is hide- oufly hilled and houted at as unheard of novelties. Fi- nally, when by all their Letters, Warnings, Admoniti- ons and Protections, they could obtain no redrefs, out rathersan mcreafe of infupportable violence ; they propo- ned the quelhon in a general meeting : Whether fie, whofe •pretences threatened the bondage of the whole Commonwealth, cught to be fufferedfo Tyrannically to domineer over them ? Unto which the Mimiters, being required to give their judgment, anfwered, That fhe ought Rot. And accord- ingly they declared her depofed from all government o- ver them ; " becaufe of her perfecuting the ProfciTors of <c the true religion, and oppreffing the liberties of the u true lieges, never being called nor convinced of any <c crime; becaufe of her intrufion of Magistrates againft <{ all order of eiecliocr, becaufe of her bringing in itran- " gers to fupprefs the liberty of the country, and placing a them in greater! offices or credit ; becaufe of her alter- a ing and fubverting the old laws of the realm, &c" Which I mention becaufe hence we may fee what things, our Fathers judged, did diUolvc the relation between the people and their Rulers: and, when applied to our cafe, will juftify their reafons that have renounced the prefene Tyranny. This was done at 'Edinburgh in the year 1559. And thereafter, while they vindicated themfelves, and went on with the work of Reformation, throwing dowa all monuments of Idolatry, and propagating the reform- ed religion ;*God fo bleilcd their endeavours, that, their Confeffion of faith, and all articles of the Proteilant reli- gion, was read and ratified by the three Eitares of Par- liament, at Edinburgh, July 1 560. And the fame year the book of difcipline, containing the form and order of Presbytenal government, was fubferibed by a great pare of the Nobility. Thus, through the wifdom and power of God alone, even by the weaknefs pfvery mean inftru- ments, againll the rage and fury of Ae Devil, and of all the powers of Hell, was this work of Reformation advanced and effectuated; and came to the c'iab'ifh- mcncofalaW; which did not only ratify and conftvm
the
*j§ The Tejlimony of the third Period,
the Protectant religion, but abolifh Antichriftian Popery, and appoint punifhment for the Profeffars and promoters thereof. Which law, often confirmed and ratified after- wards, though it be now called and refunded by the Pre- rogative of the prefent Tyrant; becaufe it annuls and invalidates his pretence to fucceffion in the government, (it^bcing expreCIy enaded afterwards, by a Parliament at Edinburgh 1567, confirming this,- that all Princes and Kings hereafter, before their coronation, fhall take oath to maintain the true religion then profeffed, and fiip- prefs all things contrary to it), yet is ftili in force in the the hearts of all honeft mttuy that will not proftitutc re- ligion, law and liberty to the lufts of Tyrants ; and will be accounted a better bottom to build the hope of enjoying religion upon, than the perfidious promifes of a Popifh Ufurper, pretending a liberty to differ- ing ProteRants, by taking away the Penal Statutes, the legal bulwark againft Popery: all which yet, to the reproach of all ProteRants, fome are applaud- ing and congratulating in this time by their addref- fes and petitions, to this deRroyer of law and religi- on* I wifh they would look back to fee what the build- ing of this 'bulwark coft our Fathers, before they fell it at den a rate: and compare the prefent addrefles, courting and carreffing the PapiRs, with the addrefles cf thefe worthy builders of what they are dcRroying. There is one dated, Edinburgh) May 27. I 561, prefented to the Council, (hewing, that honefly craved them, and conference moved them, to make the fecrets of their heart patent, which was; "That, before ever thefe Ty- *c rants and dumb Dogs empire over them profe^ing *c Chrift jefus within this realm, they were fully deter- vt mined to hazard life, aorct wbatfoever they had re~
*' ceived of Gpd in temporal things. -And let thefe e-
<c nemies f God allure themfelveSj that if their Couri- *c cil put not order unto them, that they fhould fhortly r t^hc fuch order, that they (hall neither be able to do *c what they lift, ne ther yet to live upon the fweat of " the .brow* of fuch k$ are no debters to them.*' And \vhen the mifchievous Mary, the daughter of the degra- ded Qneeo> returning from France, ict up the Mafs b»t in %r own family, the Godly at that time gave plain
TheT*fti?nony if the third Period. 39
fignification, that they could not abide, that " the land, " which God by his power had purged from Idolatry, <c fhould in their tyts be polluted again. Shall thac I- " dol (lay they) be differed again tp take^place within " this realm ? It fhall not." The idolatrous Vriefts fhould die the death according to God's Law, And a Proclamation being iflued to protect the Queen's domeftick fervants, that were Papifts ; there was a proteftation given forth prefcntly, " That if any of her Servants (hall commit I- *< dolatry, fay Mafs, participate therewith, or take the <c defence thereof, in that cafe this Proclamation was not <c extended to them in that behalf, r.or to be a fafeg uard cc to them in that behalf, no more than if they commie €i murder ; feeing the one is much more abominable in " the fight of God than the other ; but that it may be c< lawful to inflict upon them, the pains contained in <c God's word, againft Idolaters, wherever they may be cc apprehended, without favour." The word% of fohn Knox upon the following cabbuh may be added, That owe Mafs was more fearful unto kim, than if ten thou/and armed enemies were landed in any -part of the realm, of purpofe to fupprefs the whole Religion: for (/ aid he) in our Cod there is firength to reflfi and confound multitudes, if we unfeignedly depend upon him ', but when we join Hands with Idolatry, it is no douty, hut both God's amiable pre- fence and comfortable defence will leave us, and what fhall then become of us ? Yea, when it was voted in the Gene- ral Ailembly, whether they might take the Qiieen's Mafs from her? Many frankly affirmed, " That as the Mafs " is abominable, fo it is jult and right, that it fhould be <c fupprefled : and that in fo doing, men did no more " hurt to the Queen's Ma jerry, than they that fhould by " force take from her a poif >ned cup, when fhe were " §om£ to drink it." Thus we have fome fpecimen of the zeal of our fathers againft Idolatry. But in a little time, Court-favours blunted it in many ; and then had the Servants of God a double battle, fighting on the one hand againft Idolatry, and the reft of the abominations maintained by the court. And upon the other hand, a- gainftthc un»aithfulnefs of falfe brethren, and treachery of fycophants, who informed rhe Court againft the Mi- mfters;for their free and faithful Preaching and' warnings
on
'4® Tbe Tejlimonyoftfa third Period.
on all occatioqs ; yetthcy fuftained the brunt of allthefSs ailaults, and came off with honour. At length, to \?e fhort, in procefs of time, this Mary, a woman of a proud and crafty wit, and an indured heart againft God and h\% Truth, in lifted in tfrefame fteps of Tyranny and Trea- chery ( but with greater aggravations) that her Mother walked in, and was ferved according to her defert. Foe after that her Darling Davie Ri zio, the Italian Fidler ( whom xno.ft men then fuppofed, and do ftill fufpeft to) be the Father of King James, this man's Grandfather ; and fomc do think it not unlikely, that his SucceiTors hav£ derived from this ftock the Italian complexion and con- ititution, both of body and mind, fpare and fwarthy, cruel and crafty) received his due rewards in her pre- ience, by the King's confent and counfel ; (he conceived fcch contempt of, and indignation againft the poor uxo- rious young King, Henry of Darnely, thatfhe never reftcd, till flie and Bothwel contrived and executed his murder^ and then (he married that murdering Adulterer, thefaid Earl of Bothwel : whereupon the Proteftant Noblemen puyfuing the murder, took her, and fent her prifbner to Lochlevtn, where they made her refign the government tq ber Son James, then an infant, and afterwards , the was beheaded by Elizabeth Queen of England. We fee now hy this deduction, what was the Teftimony of this Pe- riod, and how in many things it confirms the heads of the prefent Sufferings^ which ^ve may particularly re- mark,
I. The Reformation of Scotland bad this common with all other Protejiant Churches, that it was carried on by refitting the oppofing powers ; but it had this pe- culiar advantage above all, tfjat at once, and from the beginning, both do&rine and worfhip, difcipline and government were reformed: as Mr. Knox vvitnefleth, that there was no realm upon the face of the earth ac fhat time, that had Religion in greater Purity. Tea, lays he, we muji fpeak tie Truth, whomf&ever we offend, there is no Realm that hath the like Purity \ for all others fowJi?2cere foever the Dpclrhe he, retain in their Churches and the Minifiry thereof, fome footjleps of Antichrift, and dregs of Popery', hut we (praife to God alone) have nothing in our Churches > that tver flowed from that Klan of sin.
"The
4( CC
<c
"The Tejtimony of the third Period. 41
The Do&rine was purely reformed, according to the Rule of Chrift, both as to matter and manner of deli- very. As to the Matter of it, what it was, the Con- feffion of Faith ratified in Parliament in the year 1560 doth witnefs. In the Manner of it, they ftudied not the (mooth and pawky prudence, that is now fo much ap- plauded, for notobferving which, fuch as would fain be honeft in this duty, are lo much condemned; but they cried aloud againif, and did not fpare the fins of the time, with application to every degree of men ; as wc have it published and vindicated in Mr. Knox his Hifto- ry. They cried, " that the fame God who plagued Pbaraoby repulfcd Sennacherib, (truck Herod with worms, and made the bellies of dogs the grave and fepulchre of the fpiteful Jezebel, will not ipare milled princes, <c who authorize the Murderers of Chrift's Members in <c this our time. Many now a-days will have no other <c Religion than the gueen ', the Queen no other thaa <c the Cardinal ; the Cardinal no other than the Pope ; <c the Pope no other than the Devil: let men therefore cc conflder what danger they ftand in, if their Salvation " fhali depend upon the Queen's faith." And they ufed to defend iuch manner of free dealing, from the examples of the Prophets reproving Kings pcrfonaliy. " Now, " if the like and greater corruptions be in the world this iC day, who dare cnterprize, to put to lilencc the Spirit <c of God, which will not be fubjeft to the appetites of <c milled Princes." Mr. Knox his defence before the Queen, when rebuked for fpeaking of her Marriage in the pulpit, was : " The Evangel, faith he, hath two " points, Repentance and Faith ; in preaching Reeen- <c tance, of neceiTity it is, that the fins of men may be cc noted, that they may know wherein they offend/' And in his difpute with Lethingtoun, requiring where any of the Prophets did fo ufe Kings and Failcrs ; he gave the example of Ehas, cc reproving Ahab and Jezebel, thar " dogs pall lick the blood of Ahab, and eat the flefi of)c* c zebel ; which was not whifpered in their ears, but " fo as the people understood well enough, for fo wit- c ncfled fehu after the accomplifhment." Ehzeus re- proved Jehorqm, faying, " Wh.zt have I to do wit fbees
« if
42 The Teftitnony of the third Period*
44 if it were not for J ehofliaphar, I would not have looked <c toward thee', though a iubjeft, yet he gave little reve- rence to the King." Thefe were their arguments for faithfulnefs then, which are now exploded with con- tempt. Their Worpip was alfo reformed from ail dregs of Popery, and fopperies of human Ceremonies, retained in many other Churches, elpccially inEngland; to whole Biflbops, in Queen Elizabeth's time, the AflTembly wrote; " That if twrplue. Corner Cap, Tippet, &c. have been " the badges of Idolaters in the very aft of Idolatry, <c what have Preachers to do with the dregs of that Ro* <4 mifo Bcaft ? Yea, what is he that ought not to fear to 44 take, either in his hand or forehead, the mark of that <c odious Beaft?— — We think you fhould boldly op- <c pofe yourfelves to all power, that will dare extol iticlf cc againft God, and againft all fuch as do burden the- *4 Conference of the faithful, further than God hath bur- 44 dened them by his own Word." The Discipline and Government was from the beginning Preshyterial, even be- fore the cftablifhment : both in Practice, among the per- fected Minifters, who kept their private Meetings ', and in their Doffrine. This was one of Mr. Knox's Articles he fuftained at St, Andrews, upon his firft entry unto the Miniftry. Art. 8. There is no Bi/hop, except he preach even ly himfelf, without any fuhfiitute. But fb foon as they attained any fettlement. they aflembled in their firft Na- tional Synod in the year 1560, by virtue of that intrin- iick Power granted by the Lord to his Church ; nor did they (b much as petition for the Indulgence"of the ther$ Authority ; but upon Chrift's warrant, they kept and held their Courts in the name of the Lord Jefus Chrift only; and in his fole Authority, by dire&ion of his word and Spirit, "concluded all their Counfels, Votes and A6\s. And as they knew nothing of an Exotick Supve~ wacy, fo they puc out and held out Prelacy, and kept a perfed Parity ', which was nothing infringed by th£-ex- traordinary fmployments and Commiffions delegated to fame Superintendents, upon the account of the particular exigence of thefe times."
II. Next we find in the Pra ft ice of theCe renowned JUiorjuen, many tfemoaftratioiu of pure zeal, worthy^
of
The Tejlimony of the third Period. 42
ef all imitation ; which 1 remark the rather, becauie poor Sufferers that would now imitate it, are condemned as blind and ignorant zealots. But why are not the Re- formers condemned for the fame things? We find in the firft place, that they were fo far from complying with, or conniving at, or countenancing publick fins, that they could not contain themielves from declaring their De- reflation of the light of them; yea the very boys did a- bominate ir, as at the Reformation of St. Johnfloun? a boy cried with a bold voice, This is intolerable, that 'when God by his Word hath plainly condemned Idolatry , we pall fiand and fee it ufed in defpight. Whereupon he and o- thers threw down all the monuments of Idolatry in the place. Bnt if now any fhould enterprize fuch a thing, when the Idol of the Mafs is &t up in every C ty, they might expedt JerubbaaVs cenfure of the Abiezrites', tho* it is true they might have the fame encouragement, be- caufe they have the fame Command as he had, to wit, the perpetual precept of throwing down idolatrous Al- tars. Next, they were fo far from complying with the Enemies, in keeping the peace with them, that they thought ir a great fin not to oppoie them, when their brethren were forced to take the fword of fe If- defence, being per- fvvaded by thefe arguments : u That by their fainting," " and abltra ding their fupporr, the Enemies would be <c encouraged ; and thereby they fhould declare them- a felves both Traitors to the Truth once profe/Ted, an J <c Murderers of their Brethren, whom their prefence and cc concurrence might prcferve ; and that if they fhould <c deny their Brethren fufferingfer his Name's fake,they <c fhould alfo deny Chrift, and be denied of him ; and " that God hath often puniihed fubje&s wuh their cc Princes, for winking at, and not reufting their mani- <f feft iniquity : and therefore, as he is immutable in Na- <c ture, fo would he not pardon them in that which he <c hath pun;(hed in others, &>&*' Which Argumentspre- vailed with the noble Earl of Glencaim> in zeal to burft forth in thefe words: Albeit never man JboM accom- pany me, yet I mil go to my Brethren, and if it raicre but a Pike upon my (toulder^ I had rather die with that company , than live after them. But now ProtclLrs cannot only fi?
at
44 tt* Teftimmy of the third Period.
at home in t^cir fliops and cicled houfes, when the Lordfs people are purfued and murdered in the fields, but alfo can hire their Murderers, and ftrengthen their hands, by paying them Cejfes and Localities^ and what they require lor help to do their work, and maintaining them in their iniquity. Which famous Mr. Knox dil- provcth very much in his day, arguing, " That if peo- ** pie thought they were innocent, becaufc they were " Got the aftprs of fuch iniquity, they were utterly de- <c ceived; for God doth not only punifh the chief offen- cc ders, but the Confentcrs to fuch iniquity ; and all arc ?c judged toconfent, who give not Teitimony againft it ; 't as the Rulers and Bifhops are criminal of all the innocenc <c blood that's fhed for the Teftimony of Chrift's Truth ; cC fo arc all who afllft aud maintain them in their blind c< rage, and give no declaration, that their Tyranny di£ «c pleafeth them. This doftrine is ftrange to the blind <c world, but the verity of it hath been declared in all <c notable punjfhments from the beginning. When the <c old world was deftroyed by water, Sodom and Je- <c ntfalem were deftroyed, Were all alike wicked ? ° Yet all penfhed : Why? All kept filence, or did <6 not re lilt j by which all approved iniquity, and <c joined hands with the Tyrants, as it had been in c* one Battle againft the Omnipotent/* Which words, if impartially applied, will condemn and confute the dull Daubings of the prefent Compliances, in maintaining Tyrants and their EmiiTaries, by Emoluments which they require and exacl> and that profefTedly, for pro- moting their accurfed projeds; and will juitify confci- entious fuftercrs, for refilling to pay thefe impofitions. And this will the more appear, if we add fome more of his pithy expreffions in the fame place, clearing the fub- jecTheis upon, and anfwering an objection, what poor people might do, when compelled to give obedience to all their Pollers demanded ? Ye may, faith that Author, without fedition, " Withhold the fruits and profits, <c which your falfe Bifhops and Clergy mod unjuftly re- u ceived of you : Upon which he fiibjoins the preceed- c5 ing Arguments"; Yet now a days thefe have no weight, bm fuch as refufc either to pay Oppveflbrs e.xr
aftiens^
27;* Tejlimony of the third Period. 45
aflions, or Curates ftipends, are condemned for giddy fools. Again we find, that when rhey were challenged for duty, they would never decline a declaration of its righteoufnefs, nor do any thing dire&iy or indirectly., which might feem a condemning of it. And therefore they W9uld receive no Pardons for thefe things which they could not confefs to be offences. John Knox, chal- lenged for offending the Queen, had her promife, that if he would confefs an offence, his ^reateft punifhment fhould be, but to go within the Caftle of Edinburgh, and immediately to return to his own houfe ; he refus- ed abfolucely. But now, if our Pardon-mongers, and pru- dent men had been Co circumftantiate, furcly they could have helped themfelves wirh their diftinctions, they anight eonfefs and be pardoned for offending the Queen, tho* not confefs it to be a fault in their Confcience : But Mr. Knox had not learned that then. When they were purfuing the murder of King Henry ofDarnely, the Queen finding her felf not ftrong enough, offers to forgive and pardon that infurre&ion : The Earl of Morton, in name of all the reft, did not only refute a CefTation, but told her they would not ask a pardon. But now fufferers, for refusing of thefe bafe and unmanly, as well as un- chriftian Compliances, arc much condemned. Finally, Becaufe this ftric'tnefs, efpeciaily in their feverity againft their Enemies, may be accufed of Je wife Rigidity, incon- iiftent with a Gofpel Spirit of Lenity , which alio is im- puted to the much condemned fuiferers of Scotland at this time, for their Teftimonies againft Toleration, arid Li- berty of Confcience : Let us hear what Knox fays, " what- cc foever God required of the civil Magiftrate in Ifrael <c or Judah, concerning the obfervation of true Religion <c during the time of the Law, the fame doth he re- €i cjuire of lawful Ma^iftrates, profefling Chrift Jefus, <c in the Time of the 6ofpel : And cites a large Tefti- <c mony out of Augtifiine to this purpofe". And after- ward objecting to himfelf the pradlice of the Apoftle?, who did not punifh the idolatrous Gentiles : He anfwers, <c That the Gentiles, being never avowed to be God's cc people before, had never received his Law, and there«- ' fore were not to be punched according to the rieour
*< of
46 The Tejlimony of the third Period*
Cc of it, to which they were never fubjeel, being ftrangefS <c from the Common-wealth ofjfrael; but if any think, f? after the Gentiles were received in the number of A* <c braharns children, and lb made one people with the ft Jews believing ; then they were not bound to the *c fame obedience of ifraeVs Covenant, the fame ikons <c to make Chrifi inferior to Mofesy and contrary to the "Law of his heavenly Father; for if the contempt and cc tranfgreffion of Mofess Law was worthy of death, <c what judge we the contempt of Chrift's ordinance to Cc be ? And if Chrift be not come to diflblve, but to ful- c: fil the Law of his heavenly Father, (hall the Liber* cc ty of his Gofpel be an occafion that the fpecial glory <c of his Father be troden under foot, and regarded of cc no man ? God forbid; and therefore I fear not to "affirm, that the Gentiles be bound by the fame Cove- <c nant that God made with his people ifrael, in thefe cc words, Beware that thou make not any Covenant with cc the inhabitants of the Land> but thou jbalt dejlroy their <c Altars > &c When therefore the Lord putteth the u fword in the hand of a people, they are no lefs bound <c to purge their cities and countries from Idolatry, than <c were the Ifraelites, what time they received the pot <c feffion of the Land of Canaan."
III. For the head of Reflfiance of fuperior powers, we have no clearer inftances in any Period than in this, whereof the- above-mentioned hints give fome account, to which their fentiments and arguments may be here: fuhjoined* They prized and improved this principle fo much, that they put it in their Confejjlon of faith Art. 14. To fave the Lives of Innocents , to reprefs Tyranny, to defend the opprejfedy are among the good works of the feeond Table, which are moft pleaHng and acceptable to God, as thefe works are commanded by himfelf ; and tofuffet innocent Blood to be pedy if *we may withfiand it, is af- firmed to be fin, by which God's hot Difpleafure is kindled againft the proud and unthankful world. And if there were no more to render the late Tefi of 'Scotland deteftable. that condemns all refiftence of Kings upon any pretence whatioever, this may make all Chrifrians, and ail Men, abhor the contrivance of it; that that fame
Tefi
The Tejlimony of the third Periods /ft
Teft that confirms this Thefis> doth alio impofe the Anti- theft i upon Confidence, ic obliges to this Confeffion in the iirit pare of ic, and to deny it in the latter. Bur no wonder, chat men of feared Conferences can receive any thing, rho' never fo contradictory to ic felf , and that men who deny fenfe, and that principle radicated in human narurc, may alio deny Confcience, and make a tool of it in fbldering Contradi&ories. Bur nor only did our Reformers afTert this nuth, for which now their children adhering Co their Teftimony, fufFer borh rage and reproach ; bur alfo gave their reafons for ir. As (i) Mr. Knox, in bis Hrft conference with the Queen, argues thus, " There is neither greater honour nor obedience ro *c be given ro Princes rhan Parents; but fo ic is, that ' the Father may be ftrkken with a phrenfy, in the which he would flay his own children ; now if the children arife, take his weapon from him, bind his hands, do the children any wrong 7 Ic is even fo with <c Princes, that would murder the children of G*id fub- <c jed to them, their blind zeal is nothing but a very <( mad phreniy ; and therefore to take the fword from <c them, and caft them inro prifbn till they be brought <c to a more fober mind, is no difobedience againft Prin- <c ces." (2) In his Conference with Lethingtoun^ he proves the fame point, from rhe confiderarion of the juftice of God, punifhing the people for not refitting the Prince. The Scripture of God teacheth me (faith he) <c Jerufalem an&Judah were punifhed for rhe fins of Ma- cc naffeh ; if you alledge they were punifhed, becaufe " they were wicked, and not becaufe the King was <c wicked ; the Scripture fays exprefly, for the fins of Ma- <c najfeh; yet will I not abfblve the people, I will grant <c the whole people offended with their Kin?, but how ? cc To affirm that Mjudah committed the aftsof his irxi* <c piety, hath no certainty; who can think, that all Je- <c rufalem fhould turn Idolaters immediately after Heze- cc kiahs notable Reformation ? One pan: rherefore willing- ly followed him in his Idolarry, rhe other fuffered c him, and fo were criminal oF!<is fin ; even as Scot" c land is guilty of the Queen's Idolatry this day." la the fameDifcourfe he makes ic plain, thac all are guiltv
of
<c
<c
r$ The Tejlimony of the third Period.
of innocents murder who do not oppofe it, from peri* tnies words in his defence before the Princes. ■ -
Know- ye for certain, if ye put me to death, ye (hall furely bring innocent blood upon your f elves, and upon the City, and upon the Inhabitants thereof: Now, if the Princes, and the whole.people fhould have been guilty of the Pro- phets blood ; how fhall others be judged innocent before God, if they fuffer the blood of innocents to be fhed^ when, they may fave it ? (3) ibid. He argues from the diftinction between the perlon placed in Authority, and the ordinance of God, the one may be refifted, the o- ther cannot. The plain words of the Apoftlc makes the) difference, " The ordinance is of God, for prefervatioa of mankind, punifhment of vice, which is holy and conftant : Perfons commonly are profane and unjuft; he that refifteth the power there, is only meant of the* " juft power wherewith God hath armed his Magi- " ftrates, which whofo refifts, refifts God's ordinance ; <c but ffmen, in the fear of God, oppofe themfelves to <c the fury of Princes, they then refift not God, but tbef €< Devil, who abufes the fword and Authority of God : ** It is evident the people refifted Saul> when he had <c fworn Jonathan fhould die, whom they delivered : cc The Spirit of God accufes them not of any crime, but " praifes them, and condemns the King : This fame <c Saul again commanded the Priefts of the Lord to be <c flain, his guard would not obey, but Doeg put the ** King's cruelty in execution ; I will not ask, whether <c the King's fervants, not obeying, refifted the ordi- <c nance of God ; or whether Doeg's murdering gave o- cc bedience to juft Authority ? The fpirit of God con- <€ demns that fad, Pfal. lii. that God would not only " punifh the Commander, but alio the mercilefs executer; "therefore they who gainftood his command, refifted fC not the ordinance of God. (4) ibid. He argues from <c examples, not only of re lifting, but of punifhing Ty- <c rants ; chiefly the example of Uzziah is pertinent to cc this purpofe, 2Chron. xxvi. who after his ufurping thef <c Prieft's office, was put out of the Temple.'* When it was replied, that they were the Priefts that withftood the King, not Ample people: He anfwered, " The
" Priefts
The %/litnony of the third Periods • 4.9 a Priefts were fubjecls, as Abiathar was depofed by So* u lomori) &c. yet they made him go out of the Temple <c for his Leprofy, and the people put him from chc <c Kingdom." It is noced alfo, That Mr. Knox, in that difcourfe, adduces examples of thofe, who ufc to be brought in as objections againft defenlive Arms, even the p'imhive ChriJlianS) before that PafTage laft cited: u what " precepts, lays he, the Apoitle gave, I will not afBrm ; <c but I find two things the faithful did, the one was " they aflifted their Preachers even againft the rulers^ <c the other was they fupprefled Idolatry wherefoevef <c God gave unto them force, asking no leave of the Em- cc peror^ nor of his deputies: Read the Ecckfiafiical Hi- lc flories, and ye fhall find examples fufHcient."
IV. In the next place, we may enquire into the judg- ment of thefe Reformers, concerning that cjueftion that is now fo puzzling to many; which indeed was never ftarted before this time, as a head of fuffering ; but now, when it is frarted, we may gather from our Anceftors adrings and determinations about ir, how if ought to ke anfwered. They were indeed in capacity, and accord- ingly did improve it^ for difowning the Authority of both the Queens ; but their capacity was not the thing that made it duty^ if it had not been fo before. Capacity- makes a thing pofllble, but not lawful : It does indeed make a duty feafbnable, and clears the call to it, and regulates the timing of affirmative duties, but the wane of it can never difpenfe with negative Precepts : and a duty, negative efpeciaily, may become nece/Iary, when it hath not the advantage of feafbnablcnefs or capaci- ty ; certainly it were duty to depofe the Pope from his ufurped authority, and to difown it even in Rome it (e\f9 but there it would not be thought very feafible or fea- fonable, for twenty or thirty people to avouch fuch x thing there; yet, at all times, it is a duty never to own it. It is thought uofeafonable and unfeafable to difowrt the Tyrants authority ; but it is made neceffary, when urged, never to own ir. And for this we have the grounds of our Anceftors, fbewing who may be difbwn- ed, and muft not be owned. I fhall firft infert here jfohti Knox's proportions^ profecuted in hisfecond Blaft*
D cxtaat
50 The Tejlimony of .the third Period.
extant at the end of Anton. Gilbies Admonition to Eng» land and Scotland- I. It is not birth only, nor propinquity of bloody that maketh a King lawfully to reign over a peo- ple prof effing Chriji yefus and his eternal verity ', but, in bis Election, the ordinance which God hath eftablijbed in the eleUion of inferior judges, nmfi be obferved. 2. No man fa fefi Idolater^ nor notorious tranfgrejfor of God's holy precepts, ought to be promoted to any publick regiment , honour , or dig* mtyh in any realm, Province, or City, that hath fub jetted the mf elves to Chnfi fefus, and his bleffed Evangel 3. Nefa ther can Oath, or Promife, bind any fuch people 'to obey and maintain Tyrants, againft God and his Truth known* 4* But ifraply they have promoted any manifefh wicked per* fon, or yet ignorantly have chofen fuch an one, as after de* clareih him f elf unworthy ofrtgiment above the people ofGody {and fuch be all Idolaters and cruel Prefecuters ) mofl jufi* iy may the fame men depofe andpunifh him, that unadvif* edly before they did nominate, appoint and eleB. Accord* ingly this was done in depofing both the Queens ; which is fully vindicated by the Earl of Morton, in his difcourfe to the Queen of England, as Buchanan relates it, Book 20* Pag. 746. " The deed it felf, neither the Cuftom of *c our Anceftors of taking a Courfc with their Go- <c vemors, will fuffer it to be accounted new, nor the <c moderation of the puniflbment to be odious; for it <c were not needful to recount fo many Kings punifhed cc by death, ^onds, and exile by our Progenitors. For c< the Seottifb Nation, being from the beginning always <ff free, hath created Kings upon thefe conditions, that <c the Government entrufted to them by the peoples fuf- " frages, might be alfb (if the matter required) rcmov- <c cd by the feme fuffrages : of which Law there are iC many footfteps remaining even to our day; for both <c in the Iiles about, and in many places of the conti- " nent, in which the old Language and inftitutions have *c any abode, this Cuftom is kept, in creating their Go- " vemors oidanns : And the Ceremonies, ufed at the *c entering into Government, do yet retain the expreft *c reprelentation of this Law. Whence it is evident, that u the Government is nothing elfe but a mutual ftipulati- €t on between King* and people; Which further ap-
" pears,
The Tejllmony of the third Period. £r
xc pears, from the inviolated tenor of the ancient Law* cc lince the beginning of the Scottifb Government, refer- <c ved even unto our memory, without the leait efTay <c either to abrogate it, or difable, or diminifh it. Yea, <c even when our fathers have depofed, banifhed, and cc more feverely punifhed fo many Kings, yet never was <( any mention or motion made of relaxing the rigour of cc that Law : and not without reafon, feeing it was not <c of that kind of Conftitutions, that change with the <c times, but of thofe which are engraven in the minds of <c men from the firft original, and approved by thamu- <c tual confent of all Nations, and by nature's Sanction cc continued inviolable and perpetual, which, being fub- cc je& to no other Laws, do command and rule all* c< This, which in every action doth offer itlelf to our cc eyes and minds, and whether we will or not, abides u in our breafts, our Predeceflbrs followed; being al- <c ways armed againft violence, and ready to fupprefs
<c Tyrants, — And now for the prefent, what have
<c we done, but infifting in the footfteps of fo many <c Kingdoms and free Nations, fuppreffed Tyrannical €c Licentioufnefs, extolling it feif above all order of Laws, <c not indeed fo feverely as our PredecefTors in like cafes ; <c if we had imitated them, not only would we have c< been far from allfear of danger, butalfb have efcapeo! <c the trouble of Calumnies. -What would our Ad-
cc verfaries be at ? Is it that we fhould arm with Au- <c thoriry Tyrants convicted of grievous Crimes, main- <c tained by the fpoils of the fubjects, having hands cm- cc brued in loyal blood, and hearts gaping for the op- cc preffion of all good men ? And fhall we put them up- iC on our head, who arc infamoufly fufpected of Parri- <c cide, both projected and perpetrated 1 " To which we may add, a foreign conclufion indeed, but adduced and maintained by Mr. Craig, in the AfTcmbiy, in the t'jftfSL which had been determined by learned men in Bononia9 All Rulers, be they fupreme or fubordinate, may and ought to he reformed, or bridled ( to /peak moderately ) by them, by whom- they are chofen, confirmed, or admitted to their Of- fice ; fo oft as they break that promife made by Oath to theh jubjeftS) becattfe Princes are no lefs bomd by Oath to their
Da f«b<
52 The Tejilmony of the third Period.
fubjeffsy than are the fubjeBs to their Princes: and there- fore ought it to be kept and performed equally y according to Law and condition of the Oath that is made of either Party, By comparing which two Teftimonies together, we may lee the reafons, why neither of the two Royal Brothersy that have ruled in our day* could be confcientioufly own- ed as Magiftratcs, in the Cafe they have been in for fe- veral years paft : The firft Teftimony is for the fecond Brother, the latter is for the firft that's gone. But, as for Mr. Knox's opinion, it is evident he had written a book againft the Government of women \ which though lie did not intend it particularly againft Mary of Scotland^ yet it did invalidate her authority as well as other wo- men*. This book he owns and maintains, in his firft conference with her5 andconfequently could not own her authority as of the Lord, though he gave her common refped, as the title of Majefty, &c. yet when he was particularly urged by the Queen's cjueftion, you thinks fiid fhe, That lhave nojufi Authority ; he would not an- fwer in the affirmative, but fhifted it, by telling her ; c That learned men, in all ages, have had their judg-
* ment free, and moft commonly difigreeing from the
* common judgment of the world. And tho', he fays, € He could live under tier Government (fb may, and
* would the greateft difowners of Tyranny, if they be € not troubled with queftions about owning it) yet he c affirms that with the Teftimony of a good Confcicnce, c he had communicate his judgment to the world, and € that if the realm found no inconvenienctes in her Go- € vernment, he would no further difallow than within € his own breaft." Certainly then, in his Confcience, lie did not, and could not own her, as the Magiftrate of God; and that though many things which before were lioldcn ftable, had been called in doubt, yet neither Pro- reftant nor Papift: could prove, that any fuch queftion was, at any time, moved in publick or private. Neither could ever fuch a queftion be moved, if the .Conscience ■Were not poftd ; and then, when it muft fpeak, it muft of ncceffity be unpleafant to Tyrants. Thus we have lieard both the pofitions and fcruples of this Witnefs ; let
M$ alfo hear his argwings^ that people may puniih Prince*
for
The Tefllmmy of the third Period. ■ 53' for their Idolatry and minder, &>c. And therefore much, more may difown them : And therefore again much) more may they forbear to own them, when called ; for can a dead man, by Law, be owned to be a Magiffrate, and Keeper of the Law, Idolatry ( faith he, in his con- ference with Lethington ) c Ought not only to be fuppreP fed, but the Idolater ought to die the death ; but by whom ? By the people of God, for the Commandment was given to Ifrael ', yea, a Command, that if it be heard that Idolatry is committed in any one City, that then the whole body of the people arife and deftroy that City, fparing neither man, woman, nor child. But fhall the King alfo be punifhed ? If he be an Ido- later, I find no privilege granted unto Kings more thao unto people, to offend God's Ma jetty. But the people may not be Judges to their King. . -God is the univcrfal judge; fo that what his word commaads to be punifhed in the one, is not to be abfolvcd in the other; and that the people, yc^y or a part of the peo- ple, may not execute God's judgments againft their King, heing an offender; I am fure you have no other warrant, except your own imaginations, and the opi- nion of fuch as more fear to offend their Princes than God.* In the fame Conference we have the inftance of Jehu adduced to prove that Subjects may execute God's judgments upon their Princes. It was objedted3 Jehu was a King before he executed judgment upon Ahahs houfe, and the facl: was extraordinary, and not to be imitated. He anfwered, He was a mere fubjedt;
* No doubt Jezahel both thought and fa id he was a
* Traitor, and fo did many others in Ifrael and Samaria. 4 And whereas it was fa id, That the fatt was extraor-
* dinary ; I {^y^ It had the ground of God's ordinary c judgment, which commandeth the [dolater to die the
* death; and therefore I yet again affirm, it istobeimi- c tated of all thofe that prefer the true honour of the true
* Worfhip and Glory of God, to the affection of flefh c and wicked Princes. We arc not bound, faid Lething- ' forty to follow extraordinary examples, unlefs we have 1 the like Commandment and AiTurance. I grant, faid
* the other, if the example repugnc to the Law, but
i where
54 The Tejiimony of the third Period*
c where the example agrees with the Law, and is, as it c were, the execution of God's judgment expreffed with*
* in the fame ; I lay, That the example approved of God,
* {rands to us in place of a Commandment ; for as God, c in his Nature, is conftant and immutable, fo cannot c he condemn, in the ages fubfequent, that which he € hath approved in his fervants before us. * Then he brings another Argument from Amaziah who lied to Zachipy but the people fent thither and flew him there. Zeihington doubted whether they did well or not: He anfwered, c Where I find execution according to God's
* Law, and God himfelf not accufe the doers, I dare € not doubt of the equity of their Caufe : And it ap*
* pears, God gave them fufficicnt evidence of his approve € ing the fad, for he blefled them with peace and pro- c fberity, But profperity does not always prove thai
* God approves the fad : Yes, when the acts of men a- c gree with the Law, and are rewarded according to>
* the promifc in that Law, then the profperity fucceed-
* ing the fad is a moil infallible afTurance that God hath
* approved it ; but fo it isy that there is a promife of ^ lengthening out profperity to them that deftroy Idola-
* try, And again, concluding Uzziahs example, he fays
* there, The people ought to execute God's Law, even
* againft their Princes, when that their open crimes, by
* God's Law, deferve punifhment \ cfpccially when. e they are fiich as may infe£t the reft of the multitude.*
V. There is another thing for which people have fufc fered much in our day of blasphemy, rebuke and trou-e ble, which yet we find was notfb odious in our Reform- ers eyes as this dull and degenerate age would reprefent it. That in fbme cafes it is lawful and laudable for pri- vate perfbns, touched with the zeal of God and love to their country, and refpeft to juftice trampled upon by Ty^ rants, to put forth their hand to execute righteous judgment aupon the enemies of God and mankind, intolerable Trai- tors, Murderers, Idolaters; when the ruin of the Country, ^deftrudion of religion and liberty, and the wrath of God is threatened, in and for the impunity of that ver- min of villains, and may be averted by their deftrucrion, always fuppofed, that thefe, whofe office it is to do if,
decline
The TeJIimony of the third Period. 55
decline their duty. The mind cf our Reformers as to this is manifefr, both in their practice and opinion. We heard before of the {laughter of Cardinal Beaton, and of the fidler Rizio : we fhall find both commended by Mr, Knox* giving account how theic that were carried cap- tives to France for this caufe from St. Andrew s were de- livered. " This (faith he) we write, to let the pofteri- <c ty to come to underftand, how potently God wrought cc in prefcrving and delivering of thofe that had but a cc fmall knowledge of his truth, and for the love of the <c fame hazarded all ; that if w?c in our days, or our po- <c Aerify that fhall follow, fhall fee a difperfion of fuch " as oppo(e themielvesto impiety, or take upon them to punifh the fame otherwife than laws of men will per- mit, if fuch fhall be left of men, yea as it were defpifed and punifhed of God: yec let us not damn the perfons <c that punifh vice, (and that for juft cauie), nor yet de- u fpair, but that thefame God that dejects will raife up a- <c gain the perfons dejected, to his glory and their com u fort: and to let the world understand in plain terms what <c we mean; that great abufers of this Commonwealth, u that Pultron and vile Knave Davie was juftly punifhed, cc March 9. 156), by the Counfcl and hands of fames lc Douglas Earl of Morton, Patrick Lord Lir?dfayy &c. <c who, for their juft acl, and mod worthy of all praife, <c are now unworthily left of all their Brethren." This is not only commended by the Author alone, but we find it concluded by all the Brethren ar that time, when the Queen brought in the Idol of the Mais again, and the proud Papifts began to avow it: then let it be marked that, " The Brethren univerfally offended, and " efpying that the Queen by Proclamation did but de- Ci lude them, determined to put to their own hands, <c and to punifh for example of others; and fo fona<* <c Priefts in the Wefi Land were apprehenced, Intimation <c was made to others, as to the Abbot of 'Cofragne! , the <c Parfon of Sanquhar, andTuch> that they fhouid nei- u ther complain to the Queen nor Council, bqt fhouid " execute the punifhment that God has appointed to I- c< dolaters in his Law, by fuch means as thev might, " wherc-evcr they fhouid be apprehended." Upon this
the
j 6 The Tejlimony of the third Period.
the Q^ccn lent lor Mr. Knox> and dealt with him ea»- Deiilyy that he would be the inftrument to perfuade the people not to put hand to punifh. He perceiving her craft, willed her Majelt'y to punifh malefactors according to law, and he durit promife quictnefs, upon the part of all them that profeficd Ghrift within Scotland', but if her Majcfty thought to delude the laws, he feared fome would let the Papifts understand, that without punifhment they fhould ndt be fuffered fo manifeftly to offend God's Ma- jefty. Will ye (quoth fhe) allow they fhall take ray fword in their hand 1 iC The Sword of Juftice (faid hej *c Madam, is God's, and is given to iVfnccs and Rulers *c for one end ; which, if they tranfgrefs, fparing the *c wicked, and oppreffing the innocents, they that in the ^c fear of God execute judgment, where God hath com- fc manded, offend not God, although Kings do it not: <c the examples are evident, for Samuel f pared not to cc flay Agag the fat and delicate King of Amalek, whom fcC King Saul had faved ; neither fpared Elias fezahefs *c falfe Prophets, and Baal's Pricfts, alteit that King A- €i hab was prefent ; Phweas was no Magistrate, and yet *c feared he net to Strike zimri ; and Cozbt in the very aft *£ of filthy fornication; and fb, Madam, your Majefty <c may fee that others than Magistrates may lawfully pu- <c niib, and have punifbed the vice and crimes that God <i commands to bepunifhed.-* He proved it alfo at more Ci length in his Appellation , from DeuU 13. if thy ^Brother jolicite thee fecretly> faying^ Lei us go f ewe other Cods y con-* fent not to him, let not thine eye /pare him> hut kill him ', let thy hand be fir ft upon him> and afterward the hand of the whole people. Of thefe words of Mofes, two things ap- pertaining to our purpofe are to be rioted: a The firft is^ ft< that fucfy as fblicitate only to Idolatry ought to be pi- *.? nifhed to death, without favour or refpeft of perfon ; fC for he that will not fuffer man to fpar* his fon, wife, K< &c. will not wink at the Idolatry of others, of what €C irate or condition focver they be : it is not unknown <c that the Prophets had Revelations of God, which 5C were not common to the people; now, if any man ?c might have claimed any privilege from the rigour of* # the Jaw, or might have justified his fa ft, it fhoufd 1 "" ' "havs
The Teftimony of the third Period. . 57
4* have been the Prophet, but God commands, that the " Prophet that (hall io folicicace the people to ferve *c ftrange gods, fhall die the death, notwithstanding * that he alledge for himfelf, dream, vifion, or Revc- 5* lation, becaufe he teacheth Apoftafy from God : here- c< by it may be feen, that none, provoking the people to <c Idolatry, ought to be exempted from the punifhmenc <c of death. Evident it is, that no ftate, condition, nor M honour can exempt the Idolater from the hands of God, " when he (hall call him to an account : how fhall it then <x excufe the people, that they, according to God's com- <c mand, punifh not to death fuch as fhall folicitate or u violently draw the people to Idolatry VThefecond is, W that the punifhment of fuch crimes, as Idolatry, Blaf- €i phemy, and others that touch the Majefty of God, <c doth not appertain to Kings and chief Rulers only, *c but alio to the whole body of the people, and to every iC Member of the fame, according to the vocation of e- <c very man, and according to that poflibility and occaGon *l which God doth minifter, to revenge the injury done *• againft his Glory : and that doth Mofes more plainly <c fpeak in thefe words of the fame chapter, If in any th #c ty which the Lord thy God giveth thee , thou fi alt hear this
" bruits there are fome men [on s of Belial. Plain ic
<c is, that M<?/bfpeaks nor^ nor giyeth charge to Kings, u Rulers, and Judges only ; but he commands the whole c' body of the people, yea and every member of the t( fame^ according to their poflibility. And who dare <v be fo impudent as to deny this to be moft reafonabls iC and juft ? For feeing God had delivered the whole <c body from bondage, and to the whole multitude had f* given hi* Law, and to the twelve Tribes had diftribu- " ted the Land of Canaan ', was not the whole and every iC member addebted to confefs the benefits of God , and <s to ftudy to keep the pofTeflion received ? which they " could not do, except they kept the Religion eftablifh- " cd, and put out iniquity from amongft them. To the " carnal man this may feem to be a rigorous and fevere :c judgment, that even the Infants there fhould be ap- c pointed to the cruel death : and as concerning the Ci- cc ty, an4 fpoil of the fame, man's reafon cannot think
" but
5$ The Tejllmony of the fourth Period. " fC but that it might have been better beftowed, than to <c be confumed. But in fuch cafes, let all creatures ftoop, 'c and, defift from reafoning, when Commandment i$ cc given to execute his judgment. I will fearch no o- *' ther reafons, than the Holy Ghoft hath affigned ; firft, u That all Ifraelfhouldfear to commit the like ahominatu u on\ and, fecondly, that the Lord might turn from the €C fury of his anger : which plainly doth fignify, that, by €C the defection and Idolatry of a few, God's wrath is cc kindled againft the whole, which is never quenched, «c till fuch punifhment be taken upon the offenders, that <c whatsoever ferved them in their Idolatry be brought €C to deftru&ion, &c. I have inlarged fo far upon this cc Period, that it may appear, there is nothing now in controverfy, between the fuffering and reproached party now in Scotland, and either their friends or enemies, which could fall under our Reformers inquiry ; but they have declared themfclves of the fame fentiments that are now fo much oppofed : and therefore none can condemn the prefent heads *of fuffering, except alfb they condemn the Reformers judgment ; and confequently the imputa* tion of novelty muft fall.
p E RIOD IV.
Containing the Te/iimony of the firji Contenders '<?■« gain/} Prelacy and Supremacy ', from the Year 1570, to 1638.
H.
Itherto the Conflict was for the Concerns of ChrirVs Prophetical and Prieftly Office, againft Paganifm and Popery. But from the Year 157©, and downward, the Teftimony is ftated, and gradually profecuted for the Rights, Privileges and Prerogatives of Chrift's Kingly Office; which hath been the peculiar Glory of the Church of Scotland^ above all the Churches in the Earth, that this hath been given to her as the word of her Teftimo^ ny ; and not only confequentially and reductively, as all ©ther Churches may challenge a part of this dignity, but
for^
The Tejlimony of the fourth Period. 59
formally and expiickely to contend for this very Head, The Head(bip and Kingptp of Jefus Chrift, the Prince of the Kings of the Barth, and his Mediatory Supremacy over his own Kingdom of Grace, both vifibie and invi- iible. This is ChrifVs Supremacy, a fpeciai radianc Jewel of his imperial Crown, which, as it hath been as ' cxplicitely encroached upon in Scotland, by his infolene Enemies, as ever by any that enter' d in opposition to him ; fo it hath been more exprefly witnefTed and wreft- led for, by his fuffcring Servants in that Land, than in any place of the world. This was in a particular man-* ner the Tcftimony of that Period, during the Reign of King James the 6th ; as it hath been in a great mea- fure in our day, iince the year 1660. Which as it is the moft important caufe, of the grcateft confluence that mortals can contend for ; fo it hath this peculiar glory in it, that it is not only for the truth of Chrifr, of greater value than the ftanding of Heaven and Earth, but alfo it is the very Truth for which Chrift himfelf died, coofidered as a Martyr \ and which concerns him to vin- dicate and maintain as a Monarch, The Witnefles of that day made fuch an high account of it, that they en- couraged one another to fufTer for it, as the grcateft con- cern; {( being a Witnefs for Chrift's glorious and free if Monarchy, which, as it is the end of the other two ff offices, fo the Teftimony is more glorious to God, " more honourable to his Son, and more comfortable to €c them, than the Teftimony either for his Prophetical' « office, or for his Priefthood, becaufe his Kingdom ff was fpecially impugned at the time;" as Mr. Forbes and Mr.tlVehh wrote in a Letrer to the Mini Tiers at Court. The corruptions and ufurpations wronging this Truth, that they contended againft, were Prelacy and the King's Supremacy in Ecclefiaftical matters; which will be ufeful to hint a little., how they profecuted the Conflict. When Satan (whofe kingdom* was then de- clining) by feveral infiruments and means, both by force and fraud, did endeavour to put a flop to the Refor- mation, byre-introducing the Antichriflian Hierarchy of Prelacy, when he could not re-cftahlrfli the Anrichri- ftian doftrinc of Popery ; he left no nuans uneiTaved to
effectuate
6o The Teftimony of the fourth Period, crfe&uate ir. And flrit he began to bring the name B/- jbop in reejueft, that was now growing obiblete and odi- ous, by reafon of theabufe of it (as it ought to be (till; for though the name be found in'thc Scriptures, yet nei- ther is that Cacechreftical application of it to Prelates to be found, nor was there any other reafon for the trans- lation of it after that manner, except it were to pleafe Princes; feeing the native iignification of it is an Over- feer> proper and common to all faithful Paftors). And indeed his hrft eflay reached little further than the bare namc,ibr they were to be rejected to, and tried byAfTcm- felies,and hardly had fo much power as Superintendents be-, fore. But it was a fineCoujt-juggle for Noblemen to get the Church-revenues into their hands, by reftoring the Ec^ cleliaftical Titles, afpd obtaining from the Titulars either temporal Lands, or Penfions to their Dependers ; io, they were only Tplchan Bifhops, a Calf-skin to caufe the Cow ^ivt milk- Ye£, though this in our day would have been thoughr tolerable ; the faithful Servants of Chrift d\4 zealoufly oppofe it. Mr. Knox denounced Anathema to the Giver, and Anathema to the Receiver. And the following Affembiy condemned the office itfelf,^ as hav- a ing no fure warrant, authority, nor ground in the c, Book of God, but brought in by the folly and corrup- cc tion of mens invention, to the overthrow of the << Church ; and ordained all that bruiked the office, to <c demit fimpliciter^ and to defiff and ceafe from preach- <c ing, while they received de novo admiffion from the u General Affembiy, under the pain of excommunication.*' Hereby they were awakned and animated to a more vi- gorous Profecution of the eftablifhment of the Houfe of God in its due Government. In purfuance whereof, the AiTemblies from that timeruntil the year 15S1, did with much painfulnefs and fa.ithfuinefs attend the work ; un- til, by perfecting of the Second Book of Dzfcipline> theyv Compleated their work, in the exaft Model of iPresbyte- rial Government y in all its Courts and Officers ; which was confirmed and covenanted to be kept inviolate, in the National Covenant > fubferibed that year by the King, his Court and Council ; and afterwards by all ranks of People in the Land. Whence it may be doubted; whe- ther,
The Tejlimony of the fourth Period. , 6z tncr the impudence of the fucceeding Prelates, that de- nied this, or their perjury in breaking of it, be greater. This was but the hrft brufh. A brisker a/fault follows ; wherein, for the better eftablifhment of Prelacy, that what it wants of Divine Right, might be fupplicd by che acceifion of human Prerogative, and not only Diocefan but alfo Irafiian Prelacy might be fet up, co deftroy Chrift's Kingdom, and advance Satan's; the Earl of Ar- yan, and his wicked Complices move the King, contrary both to the Word and Oath of God, to ufurp the Prero- gative of Jefus Chrift, and aflume to himfelf a blafphe- mous Monfler of Supremacy, over all Pet fins , and in aH Caufesy as well Ecclejsaftical as Civil. But this alfo the faithful Servants of God did worthily and valiantly re- Cft; and at the very firft appearance of it, gave in a Grievance to the King in the year I 582, " That he had taken upon him a fpirituai Power, which properly belongs to Chrift, as only King and Head of the Church; the Miniftry and Execution whereof is only given to fuch as bear office in theEctlefiafiical Govern- ment in the lame : fo that in the King's Perfon, iome <c men prefs to ereft a new Popedom , as though he could <c not be full King of this Commonwealth, unlefs as <€ well the fpirituai ^s temporal Sword be put in his <c hand, unlefs Chrifr. be reft of his Authority, and the <c two Jurifdiftions confounded, which God hath di- <c vided, which direftly tendeth to the wreck of all true <c Religion." Which being prcfented by the Commit fioners of the General AfTemblyj the Earl of Arran asked with a frowning Countenance; Who dare fubferibe thefe treafonable Articles ? Mr. Andrew Melvin anfwer- cd, we dare, and will fubferibe, and render our Lives intheCaufe. And afterward, that fame AfTembly pre- fented Articles, fhewing, c That feeing the fpirituai Ju- « riiHidion of the Church is granted by Chrift, and
* given only to them, that by preaching, teaching, and ( ovcrfeeing, bear Office within the fame, to be exer-
* cifed, not by the injunctions of men, bur by the only c Rule of God's word. ■ Hereafter, no other of whar-
< ioever degree, or under whatfoever pretence, have any
< colour to afcribe^or to cake upoa them any part thereof
* either
€l The Tejtimony of the fourth Period.
* either in placing or diiplacing of Miniftcrs, without
* the Church's Admiffion, or in flopping the mouths of € Preachers, or putting them to iilence, or take upsn € them the judgment of trial of Doctrine, &c" But in contempt and contradiction to this, and to profecute and exert this new ufurped i'ower, Mr. Andrew Mehin was fummoned before the fecret Council, for a Sermon of his, applying his doctrine to the Times Corruptions ; where- upon he gave in his declinature againft them, as incom- petent Judges, and told them, c They were too bold, in € a conftitute Chriftian Church,' to pafs by the Paftors, c Prophets and Doctors, and to take upon them to judge
* the Doctrine, and to controuktfhe AmbafTadors of a c Greater than was there, which they neither ought nor c can do. There are( faith he, looting a little Hebrew
* Bible from his girdle) my Inftructions and Warrant: € fee if any of you can controul me, that I have paft my c injunctions." For this he was decerned to be warded in the Caftle of Edinburgh', but he being informed, that if he enter'd in ward, he would not be releafed, unlefs it were for the Scaffold, he conveyed himfelf iecretly out of the Country. Hereafter when the Parliament 1 584 had enacted this Supremacy, and fubmiflion to Prelacy^ to be fublcribed by all Minilters; the faithful firft dire- cted Mr. David Lindfay to the King, defiring, that no- thing be done in Parliament prejudicial to the Church's liberty, who got the Prifbn of Blacknefs for his pains. And then when they could not get acccft for fhut doors to proteft before the Parliament ; yet when the Acts were proclaimed at the Crofs of Edinburgh, they took publick Documents in name of the Church of Scotland (though they were but two) that they protefted againft the (aid. Acts, and fled to England^ leaving behind them reafbns that moved them to do fb* And Mr. James Melvin wrote againft the fubferibers at that time very pertinently; proving firft, c That they had not only fee
* up a new Popey and fb become Traitors to Chrift ; and
* condefcen^ed to that chief error of Papifiry, whereupon
* all the reft depend; but further, in fb doing, they < had granted more to the King, than ever the Popes of
* &ome peaceably obtained, &c!% And in the end> as
for
The Tejimony of the fourth Period. 6£ for thofc that lamented their own weakneft and feeble nefs, he advifeth them, co remove the pubiick fia.nder, " by going boldly to the King and Lords,and (hew them
* how they had fallen through weaknefi, but by God's
* power are rifen again ; and there by pubiick note and
* witnefi taken, free themfelves from that fubfeription^
* and to will the lame to be delete, renouncing and dc- c teftiog it pUinly* and thereafter publickly in their Ser- c mons ; and by their Declaration and Retractation in writ, 4 prefented to the faithful, manifeft the fame, let them 1 do with ftipend, benefice, and Life itfelf, what they c lift." This I infert, becaufe this Counfel is now con- demned ; and when po^r people, offended with Mini- fters fubferiptions of Bonds and other Compliances, dc~ fire acknowledgments of the offence, they reject it as an impertinent impofition, and plead they are not obliged to manifeft any retractation but to an Ecclefia§ical Judi- catory. To which I fhall fay nothing here, but this is no novelty. After this, it is known what bickerings the faithful Witneffes of Chrift had, in their Conflicts with this Supremacy, upon the account of Mr. David Black's Declinature, which they both advifed him to, and ap- proved when he gave it in, againft the King and Coun- cil, as J udges or his Doctrine. And the Commiffioners of the General AfTembly ordained all, to deal mightily with the power of the Word, againft the Council's en- croachments ; for which they were charged to depart forth of Edinburgh. After which he added a fecond De- clinature: * Declaring, there are two Jurifdictions ia
* this Realm; the one Spiritual, the other Civil ; the ' one refpecting the Conlciencc, the other externals, &c*
« Therefore, in fo far as he was one of the fpiri-
€ tual Office-bearers, and had difcharged his fpirituai
* Calling in fome meafure of grace and fmcerity, fhould c not, nor could not be lawfully judged for preaching and
* applying the word, by any Civil Power; he being an
* AmbafiadorandMeflengerof the Lord Jcfus, having [ hisCommiffion from the King of Kings, and all his € inftructions fet down and limited in the Book of God,
* that cannot be extended, abridged, or altered by any f mortal Wight, KiDgor Emperor; and feeing he was
<fenc
6$ Tfa Tejflwtoy of the fourth Pmo£
* fent to all Sorts, his Commiffion and Difcharge of it
* fhould not, nor cannot be lawfully judged by them to ? whom he was fent ; they being Sheep, and not Paftors,
* to be judged by the Word, and not to be Judges there- in of in a judicial way/ The Interlocutor being paft a- gainft him for this, the Brethren thought it duty, that r he Doctrine of the Preachers fhould be directed againft the faid Interlocutory as againft a ftrongand .mighty hold ict up againft the Lord- Jefus, and the freedom of the: Gofpel; and praifed God for the force and unity of the Spirit that was among themfelves. And being charged to depart out of Town^ they leave a faithful Declara- tion at large, (hewing how the Juiberties of the Church were invaded and robbed. But all this was nothing, in comparifon of their wreftlings for the Royalties of their Princely Mafter, and .Privileges of his Kingdom, againft that Tyr^t's Infolencies, after he obtained the Crown of England', for then be would not fuflfer the Church to jndift her own AfTemblies. And when the faithful thought themfelves obliged to counteract his Encroach- ments, and therefore conveened in an Aflembly at Aber- deen in the year 1605, they were forced to diflblve , and thereafter, the moft eminent of the Minifters there afc fembled were tranfported Prifoners to Blacknefs: whence being cited before the Council, they decline their Judi- catory. And one of their Brethren, Mr. Robert Tomgfony who had formerly fuccumbed, being moved in Confer- ence, returned; and when the reft were ftanding before the Council, defired to be heard, and acknowledged his fault ; and therefore, howbeit not fummoned by the Lords, was charged by the living God, and compelled to fompear that day v to juftify that Aflembly, to the great aftonifhment of the Lords, and comfort of his Brethren ; lie (ubferibed the Declinature with the reft : and for this they were arraigned, and condemned, as guilty of Trea- son, and banifhed. Before the execution of which fen- tence, Mr. Welch wrote to the Lady Fleming, to this ef- fect : f What ami, that he fhould firft have called me^
* and then conftituted me a Minifter of glad things of the I Gofpel of Salvation, thefe fifteen years already, and I now laft of all to be a fufferer for hi* Caufe atfd King-
* dora 1
T%e Tefilmony of the fourth Period. 65
r dom ? To wicnefs that good jConfciHoD> that Jefus c Chrift is the King of Saints, and that his Church is a
* moft free Kingdom ; yea, as free as any Kingdom un-
* der Heaven, not only to convocate, hold and keep her c Meetings, Conventions and Affemblies; but alfb to
* judge of all her affairs in all her Meetings and Conven-
* tions among his Members and Subjects. Thefe two 4 points, (1.) That Chrift is the Head of his Church.
* (2.) That fhe is free in her Government from all other
* jurifdidion except Chrift's, are the fpeciai Caufe of our 1 imprifonment, being now convict as Traitors, for 1 maintaining thereof. We have now been waiting with
* joyful nefs to give tfee laft Teftimony of our blood in c confirmation thereof, if it would pieafe our God to be
c fo favourable, as to honour us with that dignity.' After < this, the King refolving by Parliament to advance the eftate of Bifhops again, as in the time of Popery, with- out Cautions as before ; and further to eftablifh not only that Antichriftian Hierarchy, but an Eraftian Suprema- ty : the faithful Minifters of Chrift thought themfelves bourid in Conference to proteft; and accordingly they of- fered a faithful Protection to the Parliament y#/y-— 1606, obtefting, c That they would referve into the
* Lord's own Hands, that Glory which he will commu- c nicate neither writh Man nor Angel, to wit, to prefcribe
* from his holy Mountain a lively pattern, according to € which his own Tabernacle fhould be formed: remem-
* bring always, that there isnoabfolute and undoubted 1 Authority iri this world, except the fovereign Authori-
* ty o£ Chrift the King ; to whom it belongeth as pro-
* periy to rule the Church, according to the good plea-
* fare of his own will, ^s it belongeth to him to fave his c Church by the Merit of his own Sufferings : All other c authority is fo intrenched within the marches of Divine
* Command, that the leaft overpaying of the bounds, fee
* by God himfelf, bring men under the fearful expe&a-
* tion of temporal and eternal judgment. If ye (houltf
* authorize Bifhops, ye fhould bring into the Church the c ordinance of man, which experience hath found to have
* been the ground of that Antichriftian Hierarchy, which
* mounted up on the fleps of Bifhops pre-eminence, un-
£ til
66 The Tejlimony of the fourth Period.
£ til that man of fin came forth, as the ripe fruit ofmaftV
* wifdom, whom God (hall confume with the breath of € his own Mouth, Let the fword of God pierce that c belly, which brought forth fuch a monftcr; and let the
* ftaffof God crufh that Egg, which hath hatched fuch a
* Cockatrice : and let not only that Roman Ancichrift be
* thrown down fro 115 the high bench of his ufurped au-
* thority, but alio' let all thefteps, whereby he mounted
* up to that unlawful pre-eminence, be cut down and ut*
* terly abolifhed in this Land : and beware to ftrive a-
* gainfl God with an open dilplayed banner, by building 1 UP again the walls of Jericho, which the Lord hath not c only caft down, but alfo hath laid them under an hor*
* rible interdiction and execration ; fo that the building ? of them again muft needs irand to greater charges to € the builders, than the re-edifying of Jericho, to Hiel the € Bethelite in the days of Ahab*. Yet notwithstanding of all oppofition, Prelacy was again reftorcd in Parliament* And to bring aU to a Compliance with the fame, Pres- byteries and Synods univerfally charged, under higheft pains, to admit a confiant Moderator without change ; which many refufed refolutely, as being the firft ftep of Prelacy. Upon this followed a great Perfecution of the faithful, for their Non-conformity, managed by that mon- grel and monftrous kind of Court, made up of Clergymen and Statefmen, called The High CommiJJion Court, ereclcd in the year 1610, whereby many honeft men were put violently from their charges and habitations; the gene- rality were involved in a great and fearful Defection. But theCope-ftone of the wickednefs of that Period, was the Ratification of the five Articles of Perth, \ kneeling at the Communion', private Communion to be given to thefich, pri~ fate Baptifm ; and Confirmation of Children by the Bifiop ; and Observation of fefiival Days: which were much op-
tolcd and teftified againft by the faithful, from their firft arching in the year 161S, to the year 1621, when they were ratified in Parliament ; at what time they wete alio witnefled againft from Heaven; by extraordinary Lightriings and Tempefts. And againft this the Tefti- snooy of the faithful continued, till the Revolution in the year 1638, Here we fee how the Cauie was ftatcd m
this
The TeJKntony of the fourth Peri&t* . 67 chis Period; and may gather alio; wherein it agrees; ancf how far it differs from the prcfentTcftimony, now fufr fcrcd for under all rage and reproach*
I. The matter of the Tcftimony was one with that that we are fufFering for, againft Popery, Prelacy and Supremacy; except that it was not fo far extended againft Tyranny, becaufe that Tyrant was notfuchan ufurper, not iuch a Violater of the fundamental conititutionsof theCr- vil Government, as thefe that we have bad to do withah But as to the managing the Tcftimony; they far outitrip- ped their fucceflors in this generation, in conduct and courage, prudence and zeal, as is abeve hinted in many inftanccs • to which we may add fbme more. When fe- veral Plots of Papift Lords had been difcovered, confpir* ing with the King oispain, and they were by the King** indulgence favoured, and fome were alfo perfwaded to treat with them, famous Mr. Davidfon oppofed with great Refblution; declaring before the Synod oi Lcthtan^ 'Thae c it favoured much of defection in thefe days, that fuch c notorious rebels to God, his Church, and the Country,
* fhould be fo treated with ; we fhould not rafhly open a 1 door to God's Enemies, without better proof of their
* manners nor were yet feen.' And when a Convention in Falkland was confulting to call home thefe confpiring Traitors, Mr. Andrew Melv'tn went thither uncalled ; and when found fault with by the King for his boldnefs, he: anf^ered, * Sir, I have a Call to come here from Chrift c and his Church, who have fpecial Intereit in this Turn,
* and againft whom this Convention is a fTembled directly t ! I charge you, and your Eftatcs, in the Name of Chrift
* and his Church,that ye favour not his Enemies whom he c hateth, nor go about to call home, nor make Citizens c of thefe, who have traiteroufly fought to betray their
* City and native Country^ with the overthrow of Chrift '$ 1 Kingdom.' And further challenged them ofTreafon a* gainfi Chrift, his Church and the Country, in that pur- pofc they were about. About the fame time, in a pri- vate Conference with the King, he calls the King God's filly Vajfal; and taking him by the fleeve,told him, c Sir,
* you, and Church and Country is like to be Wrecked for
* not telling the Truth, and giving you faithful Counfel;
£ 2 wc
68 : The Teftimny of the fourth Period. c we muft difcharge our duty, or clfc be Enemies tb € Chrift and you : therefore I muft tell you, there arc € two Kings and two Kingdoms ; there is Chrift and
* his Kingdom, whofe Subject King James VI is> and
* of whole Kingdom he is not a King, nor a Head, not* c a Lord, but a Member; and they whom Chrift hath c called to watch over and govern his/Church, have fiif-
* ficient Authority and Power from him^ which noChri- c ftian King fhould controul, but aflift, othcrwife they
* are not faithful Subjects to Chrift. Sir, when you were
* in your Twaddling clouts, Chrift reigned freely in this
* Land, in ipight of all his Enemies ; but now the wif- c dom of your Council, which is devilifh and pernicious,
* is thisj that you may be fcrved of all forts of men to f your purpofe and grandeur, Jew and Gentile, Papift f and Proteftant, becaufe the Minifters and Proteftants in
* Scotland are top ftrong, and controul the King, they
* muft be weakened and brought low, by ftirring up a € party againft them ; and the King being ccjual and in- € different, both flhali be fain to flee to him, fb (hall he
* be well fettled : but, Sir, let God's wifdom be thd f only wifdom, this will prove meer and mad folly; for
* hjscurfe cannot but light upon it ; fb that in feeking
* both, you (hall lofe both/ To the like effect Mr. Ro± iert Bruce, in a Sermon upon Pfal li. gives faithful warning of the danger of the times* c It is notwc (fays c he) that are Party in this Caufe ; no, the quarrel is be- € twixt a greater Prince and them. What are we, but fil-
* ly.men ? Yet it has pleafed him to fet us in this Ok € flee, that we fhould oppone to the manifeft ufurpation
* that is made upon his fpiritual Kingdom. Is there a € more forcible mean to draw down the wrath of God,
* than to let Barabbas that nobilitatc Malefactor pafsfreei
* and to begin the war againft Chrift and his Miniftry* € It putteth on the Cope-ftone, that fo many of our bre* c thren (hould not be fb faithful, as their Calling and this € Caufe craveth. Fy upon falfe brethren, to fee them € dumb, fo faint-hearted, when it comes to the Shock ; € not only arc they afhamed to fpeak the thing they think,
* which is a Shame in aPaftor, but fpeak directly againft € their former Doctrine. They will lpcak the Truth at
c while
The Tejlimony of the fourth Period. fy
f while, tiil they be put at, but incontinent they will c turn, and make their gifts weapons to fight againft * Chrift ; for there is none fo malicious as an Apoftate, « when he begins to Aide back, &Pc.9 The fame faith- ful witnefs, becaufe he would not preach as the King would have him, againft his own confeience, to juftify and proclaim the King's Innocency, in a forged Cbnfpi- racy againft him, was put from his Church in Edinburgh} and being requested in an inlinuating manner to defift from preaching but for nine or ten days ; he condefcend- ed at firft, thinking the matter of no great importance; yet that night his body was caft in a fever, with the ter- ror of his confcicnce, and he promifed he fhould never obey their Commandment any more. Thefe were faith- ful men, yet we find they challenge themfelves, in deep humiliation,for their fhort-comings and defe&ions. At the renovation of the National Covenant, March 30th, 1 506, was the greateft Solemnity ever had been feen in Scotland before that time • fo that the place might worthily have been called Rpchim. O when (hall we fee fuch a day, when even the moil faithful among us, (hall mourn o- yer our far more aggravated defections! but if they tnournecLthen for thefe firft degrees of Declenfions; we may fay, How heavily would thefe valiant Men groanywha formerly contended fo floutly for the Liberty of the Church of - Scotland, if they beheld this our Lazinefs ( that I may call it by no worfe Name ! ) I know notwithstanding of all this, that fbmc encourage themfelves in a bafe Compliance with the prefent corruptions of our Church, frdm the practice of thefe Worthies; alledging,thcy did notfcruple to hear and join with Prelatical Men, di (pen ling the Or- dinances. But this Objection will be ealily rcfelled, if we confidcr, firft, the Period wherein they were hue growing up to a more perfeft Reformation, and there- fore might bear with many things which we cannot, af- ter we have been reformed from them : they were then advancing, and ftill gaining ground, we are now declin- ing, and therefore fhould be more fhy to lofe what we have gained. They had then of a long time enjoyed their Judicatories, unto which they might recur for an orderly redrefs of fuch Grievances that offended them; and whet*
E 3 they
ycf The <¥eftimmy of the fourth Peried,
they were deprived of them, yet they were ftill in hopesf of recovering them ; and fo fufpended their total fe-? ceffion from that con upt Church, until they (bould re* cover them ; in the mean time ftill holding their Right, and maintaining their caufe againft thefe Invaders. But we were, at the very firft beginning of this unhappy Revo-*? lution, totally deprived of our judicatories, and denud- ed of all expectation of them in an ordinary way, ancf of all place, bur what they are Matters of to contend with them that way; therefbre muft keep ourfelves free of their Communion. But next, if we conilder their pradlke, we (hall find thefe Worthies were not fuch Conformzftsy as our Complyers would make them. Wha£ ' if we find among them Meetings, that were called and counted as Seditious and Schifmatick, as ours arc now ? \Ve find a field Meeting yea, a General AfTembly, at pumferml fag, without and againft the King's warrant, -when the ports were fhut againft them, in the 1585. But that is not fb pat to the purpoft; as that we find Private Meetings at Edinburgh) and that in the very time of publick Service in the Churches, difcharged by open Proclamation, in the 1624. wherein if is charged, thac *hey had no refpect to the ordinary Paftors, contemned and impugned their Do&rme, difobcyed and controlled fheir Discipline, abftained to hear the Word preached, and to participate of the Sacraments. And long before that, we find the fincerer Sort fcrupled to hear Bifhop Adamfon, notwithftanding that he was abfolved in the AJTcmbly, And that afterwards, the doubt being pror poned to the AiTembly, if it be a (lander to a Chrifiian, id abfent himfelf from the Sermons of them that are fu- fpended from all fun&icn in the Miniftry ? The Affen*~ t*ly anfwered, there is no (lander in the cafe, but rather it is (landerous to re'fort, And why is not this ground to think ic (landerous, or fcandalous to refort to them, who defer ve to be fufpended ( ail of them by a fpiritual cog- nizance, and fome of "them to be fufpended corporally for their vilia/ny )when there can be ho accefs orderly to do ir. And the rather, hecaufe we find in this Period, thac 'Sometimes IVh'niftcrs were fo faithful and zealous againft di? Corruption of rhcMipifiry5 thac they decerned Mi-
aiders
The Tejlimony of the fourth Period. jx
rafters to be fufpended tor far imaller faults, than many now could exempt themfeives from, viz, if they were not powerful and fpiritual ; if they did not apply their Dodtrine to corruptions ; if they were obfcure and too Icholaftick before the people ; cold and wanting zeal, flatterers, diilembling at publick fins for flattery or fear, &c. As we may read in the Advice of the Brethren, de- puted for penning the Corruptions in the Miniflry, in the 1596. I wifh our iilent prudent Minifters now would confider the juftnefs of this Cenfure, and what ground people have to be offended at fach cenfurablenefs. But not only this may anfwer the faife imputation of confor- mity on thefe WitnefTes of Chrift at that time ; but I (hall fee down a part of a letter of one of the banifhed Mini- ftcrs at that time, difcovering his mind about hearing thefe men, that were then ferving the times. Mr. John Welch, writing to Mr. Robert Bruce, » ■ c What my
* mind is concerning the root of thefe branches, thebear-
* er will fhew you more fully. They are no more to
* be counted Orthodox, but Apoftates ; they have fallen c from their callings, by receiving an Antichriftian, and
* bringing in of Idolatry, to make the Kingdom culp- € able, and to expofe it to fearful judgments, for fuch an
* high perfidy againft an Oath fo folemnly enafled and c given ; and are no more to be counted Chriftians, but € ftrangers, Apoftates, and Perfecuters ; and therefore
* not to be heard any more, either in publick, or in Con- 1 fiftories, Colleges, or Synods ; for what fellowship hath
* lighc with darknefs ?** We fee then as to that part of theTeftimony, they were not difionant to the Witnefs of the prefent reproached fufFerers.
II. As the matter and manner of their Testimony a- gainft all the invaders of the Churches privileges, did fpeak forth a great deal of fincerc and pure zeal ; fb their practice was conform, fhewing forth a great deal of ftri&- nefs, and averfenefs from all finful Compliances, even with things that would be now accounted of very minute and inconfiderable conference, and for which honeft fufferers now are flouted at as fools. When that Oath was formed for acknowledging the Supremacy, there was a Claufc added which might have been thought to
falvc
«i % The Teftimony of the fourth Period*
ialve the matter, according to the Word of God. I fear ma* ny now would not ftand to fubfcribe, with fuch a quali- fication. Yer the faithful then perceived the Sophiftry, that it made it rather worfe, affirming that that brat of Hell was according to the word of God : and there- fore, though there were feveral eminent men to perfuade them to it, both by advice and example, yet they could not, in confluence, comply; and pleaded alfb from the illegality of that impofition, that they fhould be charg- ed with the fubfeription of Laws, a thing never requir- ed before of any fubjeel; if they offended againft the Laws, why might they not be punifhed according to the Laws? When many honeft faithful Patriots, for their attempt at Ruthven to deliver the Country from a ver- mine of Villains that abufed the King, to the deftruftion of the Church and Kingdom, were charged to crave Par- don> and take remiffion ; they would do neither, judg- ing it a bate condemning of duty ; which puts a brand upon our fneaking Supplicators, and Petitioners, and Par- don-mongers, as unworthy to be tailed the race of fuch Worthies, who Scorned fuch bafenefs, and choofed rather to endure the extremity of their unjuft Sentences of ift- cercommuning and banifhment, &c* And when the Earl of Gowrie accepted of a remiffion, he afterwards con- demned himfelf for ity and defired that his old friends would accept of his friendfhip, to whom he had made himfelf juftly fufpe&ed. Mr. Blacky when he had the lame favour offered to him, ref ufed altogether, left fo doing he (hould condemn himfelf, and approve the Courts proceedings : and the Brethren, conferring with the Counfellers, craving that fome penalty (hould be conde- scended unto for Satisfying his Majcfty in his honour, would not condefcend to any how light foever; left thereby they fhould feem to approve the Judicatory and their proceedings. The imprifoned Minifters, for declin- ing the Council, had it in their offer, that if they would, without any confeffion of offence, only fubmit themfeives to his Majefty, for fcandal received, not given, they fhould be reftored to their places: but it pleafed God fo to ftrengthen them, that they (topped their mouths, and convinced them in their Conferences, that they could. no*
d^
The Tejiimony of the fourth Period. . 73 do it without betraying of the caufe of Chrift. Again, in another cafe, wc have inftances of fuch itri&neis, as is much fcornecl now a-days. The Minifiers of 'Edin- burgh were committed to Ward, for refuiing to pray for the Queen, before her execution in Eothringham Caftle 1586. they refufed not limply to pray for her, but for the preservation of her life, as if (he had been innocent of the crimes laid to her charge, which had imported a condemnation of the proceedings againft her. After- wards, in the year 1600. the Ministers of Edinburgh would not praife God for the delivery of the King from a pretended confpiracy of the Earl of Gonvrie at that time, of which they had no credit nor affurance ; and wTould not crave pardon for it neither. For this Mr. Ro- bert Bruce was deprived of the exercife of his Miniftry, and never obtained it again in Edinburgh : but now, for refuiing fuch compelled and impofed dovotion, to pray or praife for the King, poor people are much condem- ned, lknow it is alieadged, that thefe faithful fufFer- ers in thofe days, wrcre not fo (iricl: as they are now, in fubmitting to unjuft fentences, and obeying and keeping their confinements. I fhall grant, there was much of this, and much might be tolerate in their circumftances, when the Court's procedure againft them was not fo il- legal, their authority was not fo Tyrannical, nor fo ne- cefTary to be difowned, and they were fo (tated, that they were afTraid to take guilt upon them, in making their efcapes ; whereas it is not fo with us. Yet we find very faithful men broke their confinements ; as Mr. John Murray confined about Dumfries^ perceiving there was no end of the Bifhop's malice, and that he would be in no worfe cafe than he was, he refolved without li- cence, either of King or Council, to tranfport himfelf : fo did alfo Mr. Robert Bruce.
III. For refiftence of fupcrior powers, we have in this Period, firft the practice of fome Noblemen at Ruthveny in the 1582. who took the King, and feized on that ar- rant Traitor, Enemy to the Church and Country, the Earl of Arran ', declaring to the world the caufes of it, the Kino's correfpondence with Papifts, his ufurping the fupremgey over ^he Church, and oppreffing the Mini-
iiers,
?4 Tlie'Teflhnony of the fourth Ptrtod.
iters, all by means of his wicked Counfellers, whom therefore they removed from him. The King himfcif emitted a declaration allowing this deed. The General Aflembly approved of it, and perfuaded to a concurrence with it, and nothing was wanting to ratify it, as a moft lawful and laudable action. At length the Fox efcapes, and changes all, and retraces his former decla* ration. The Lords again rally, and interprife the tal- king of the Caitle of Stirling, and gain it ; but after* Ward furrender it : after which the jBarl of Gozvvie was executed, and Minifters arc commanded to retract the ap- probation ofRuthven bufinefs, but they refufed ; and ma- ny were forced to flee to England, and the Lords were feanifhed, But, in the yc^r I 585, they return with more fuccefs, and take the Gaftle of Stirling* The cowardly King does again acknowledge and juftify their enter- prise, that they needed no apology of words, weapons bad fpoken well enough, and gotten them audience to clear their own caufe s but his after carriage declare"d him as crafty and falie, as he was cowardly and fearful. Again, we have the zdvice of the General Aflembly, for refining, when the Minilters were troubled upon Mr. Black! s bufi- neis, and there w^s an intention to pull them Out of their Pulpits : they ^dvifed them to ftand to the difchargc of their calling, if their flocks would lave them from vio- lence, and yet this violence was expected from the King and his EmiiTaries, As to that point then there can be no difpute.
IV. There was little occafion for the queftion about the King's authoriry in this Period, but generally all acknowledged it ; becaufe they were not fenlible of his ufurpation, and hiscowTardice made him incapable of at- tempting any thing that might raife commotions in ci«* vil things. Yet we remark, that whatfoever authority he ufurped beyond his fphere, that was difowned and declined by all the faithful, as the Supremacy. Next that they refented, and represented very harfhly, any afpiring to Alfolutewfa ; as Mr. Andrew Mehin could give it no better name, nor entertain no better notion of it, than to term it* .The hioody Gully, as he inveighs againft it in the AiTernbly 15S2, And next, ia this fame Pe- riod,
• The Tejlimony of the fifth Period. 75
fiody we have a very good defcription of that authority, which the King himfclf allows nop to be owned, which oupofa King's mouth abundantly justifies the difbwn- ing of the prefent Tyranny: this (ame King James, in a fpeech to the Parliament, in the year 1009, faith, A King degenerateth into a Tyrant, when he leaveth to rule by Law, much more when he beginneth to invade his fubjetts perfons, Rights and Liberties, tofet up an arbitrary Power % impofe unlawful taxes, raife forces, make war upon hisfub~ jetts, to pillage, plunder^ wajie, andfpoil his Kingdoms.
PERIOD v.
Containing the Teflimony for the lajl Reformation from Prelacy^ in all its Jleps, from the year 1638* to 1660.
THE following Period, from the year 1638 to i66q, continues and advances the Teftimony, to the greateft height of purity and power, that eithec this Church, or any other did ever arrive unto, with a gradation, fucceifion, and complication of wonders, of divine wifdom, power, juftice, and mercy, lignally and iingularly owning and fealing it, to the confulion of his enemies, comfort of his people, conviction of indifferent neutrals, and conftcrnation of all. Now after a long winter, and night of deadneft and darknefs, the fun re- turns with an amiable approach of light and life : now the winter was pah1, the rain was over and gone, the flowers appear on the earth, and the time of tinging of birds is come, and the voice of the turtle is heard in our Land. Now the fecond time, the Teftimony comes to be managed in an atlive manner, as before it was paf- five : as the one hath been always obferved to follow interchangeably upon the other, efpecially io Scotland* and the laft always the greater! ; which gives ground to hope, though it be now our turn to fuffer, that when the furnmer comes again after this winrer, and the day after ^5 nighty the next a&ivc Teftimony (ball be more
notable
?6 Tie Teflimony of the fifth Period.
notable than any that went before. The matter of the Testimony was the fame as before, for the concerns of Chrift's kingly prerogative, but with fbme more increafe as to its oppoiites ; for thcfe grew fucceflively in every Period, the iaft always including all that went before* The firft Period had Gentilifm principally to deal with; the fecond Popery '„ the third Popery and Tyranny \ the fourth Prelacy and Supremacy ; this fifth hath all togc^ ther, and Secfarianifm aifo, to contend againft. The former had always the oppoiites on one hand, but this hath them in extremes on both. hands ; both fighting a- gainft one another, and both fighting together againft the Church of Scot land) and fie againft both> till ac length one of her oppofites prevailed, viz* the Setlarian Party, and that prevailing brought in the pther, to wit, the MaHgnanty which now domineers over all together. Wherefore, becaufe this Period is m it felf of fo great im- portance, the Revolutions therein emergent (6 eminent, the Reformation therein profecuted wanting little of its perfect complement, the Deformation fucceeding in its Deviation from the pattern being fo deftru&ive ; to the end it may be feen from whence we have fallen, and whether or not the prefent reproached Sufferers have loft or left their ground, we mull give a fhort deduction of the rife, progrefs, and end of the contending* of that Period.
In the midft of the forementioncd miferies and mif- chiefs, that the pride of Prelacy and tyrannical Suprema- cy had multiplied beyond meafure upon this Church and Nation, and at the height of all their haughtinefs, when they were fetting up their Dagon* and e reding Altars for him, impofing the Service-Booh^ and Book or Canons , &*c. the Lord in mercy remembred his people, and fur- prifed them with a iudden unexpected deliverance, by very defpicable means *, even the opposition of a few , weak women, at the beginning of that contefl, which, ere it was quafhed, made the Tyrant tumble headlefs off his throne. The 7.eal aeainft the Englifb Popifi Cere- monies^ obtruded on Edinburgh > did firlt inflame fome feminine hearts 'to witnefs their detection of them ; but afterwards was followed out with more mafculiue
fervor.
The Tejiimony of the fifth Period. >jj
fervor, accofting King and Council with Petitions, Re- tnonftrances, Proteftarions and Tcftimonies againft the Innovations, and refblving upon a mutual conjunction^ to defend religion, lives and liberties, againft all that would innovate or invade them. To fortify which, and conciliate the favour both of God and man in the Refolution, all the Lovers of God, and friends to the li- berty of the nation, did folemnly renew the National Co- tenant, (wherein they were fignally countenanced of the Lord), which, though in icielf obliging to the con- demnation of Prelatical Hierarchy, and clearly enough confirming Presbyterial government, yet they engaged into it with an inlargement, to fufpend the practice of novations already introduced, and the approbation or the corruptions of the prefenr government, with the late places and power of Church-men, till they be tried in a free General AfTembly. Which was obtained that fame year, and indicted at Glafgow: and there, notwithftand- ing all the oppofition that the King's Commiflioner could make, by Proteftarions and Proclamations to dif- folve it, the fix preceeding Affemblies eftablifliing Pre- lacy were annulled, the Service- Book , and High Commif- fion were condemned ; all the Bifiops were depofed, and their government declared to be abjured in that Nation- alCovenant; though many had, through the CommiC iioners perfuafions, fubferibed it in another fenfe with- out that application : as alfo the five Articles of Perth were there difcovered to have been inconfiftent with that Covenant and Confeffion, and the civil places and power of Church-men were difproved and rejected : on the other hand Vrefbyterial Government was juftified and approved, and an ad was pafTed for their keeping year- ly General AfTemblies. This was a bold beginning, in- to which they were animated with more than human refolution, againft more than human oppofition, Hell as well as the powers of the earth being fct againft them. But when the Lord gave the call, they confidered not their own deadnefs, nor were daunted with difcourage- ments, nor ftaggered at the promife through unbelief, but gave glorv to God, out braving all difficulties. Which in the following year were much increafed, by
the
A! i
78 the Tejllmmy ef the fifth Period.
the Prelates and their Popifh Partakers rendevouzfflg their Forces under the King's perfonal Standard, and nicnacing nothing but mifery to the zealous Covenan* ters; yet when they found them prepared to refift, were forced to yield to a Pacification, concluding, that an Afr fembly and Parliament fhould be held, for healing all Grievances of Church and State* In which AiTemkly at Edinburgh, the Covenant is ratified and fubferibed by the Earl of Traquair Commiffioner, and enjoined to be fubferibed by the body of the whole Land, with an ex^ plication, exprefly condemning the five Ankles of Perth) the Government of Bifhops, the civil places and power of Churchmen: but the ions of Belial cannot be taken with hands, nor bound with bonds of faith, humanity, or honour ; for in the year following, King and Prelates* With their Popifh Abettors, go to arms again ; but were fain to accommodate the matter by a new Pacification, whereby all Civil and Religious Liberties were ratified* And in the following year 1641, by Laws, Oaths, Pro- mifes, Subfcriptions of King and Parliament, fullycon- firmed, the King, Charles I. being prefent, and confent- ing to all ; though in the mean time he was treacherous fly encouraging the Irifi Murderers^ who by his Authority made a Majfacre of many thoufand innocent Proteftant* in Ireland. But in Scotland things went well, the King- dom of our Lord Jefus was greatly advanced, the Go* fpel flourifhed, and the Glory of the Lord did fhine up- on us with fuch a fplendour, that it awaked England,and animated the Lord's People there, then groaning under thofe Grievances from which Scotland was delivered, to afpire to the like Reformation. For advice in which, eecaufe though all agreed to cart off the yoke of Prelacy > yet fund ry forms of Church-government were projected to be let up in the room thereof, chiefly the Independent Order, determining all Acts of Church-government, as Election, Ordination, and Depofltion of Officers, with Admiffion, Excommunication, and Abfblution of Mem- bers, to be done and decided by the voices of every par- ticular Congregation, without any authoritative Con- currence or Interpolation of any other, condemning al! imperative and decifive power of ClafTes, £><;» as a mere
Ufurpa*
The Tejiimony of the fifth Period. 79
Ufufpation: Therefore the Brethren in England wrote to the Aflcmbly then fitting at Edinburgh^ who gave them anfwer, * That they were grieved, that any of the god- c ly fliould be found not agreeing with other Reformed € Churches, in point of Government, as well as Do&rine ; c and that it was to be feared, where the Hedge of Difci* c pline and Government is different, the Doclnne and 1 Worfhip fhall not long continue the fame without c change ; That the Government of the Church, by com-
* pound Presbyteries and Synods, is a help and ftrength^ 1 and not a hindrance to particular Congregations and
* Elderfhips, in all the parts of Government ; and arc % not an extrinfical Power fet over particular Churches^
* but the intrinfical Power wherewith Chrift hath inve-
* fted his Officers, who may notexercife it independent- c ly, but with fubordination unto Presbyteries, &c. which c as they arc reprefentative of particular Churches, con* c joined together in one under their Government ; Co c their determination, when they proceed orderly, whe-
* ther in Caufes common to all, or brought before them
* by reference in cafe of aberration, is to the feverai
* Congregations authoritative, and not confultatory on- € ly. And this fubordination is not only warranted by
* the Light of Nature, but grounded upon the Word of
* God, and conform to the Pattern off he Primitive and c Apoftolick Church, for the Prefervation of Verity and c Unity, againft Schifm, Hcrefy and Tyranny, which € is the fruit of this Government wherefoever it hath c place. So from henceforth the AfTembly did incc£» fcntly urge Uniformity in Reformation with their Bre- thren in England^ as the chiefeft of their Defires, Prayers and Cares. And in the year 1643, prevailed fo far, that the Englijb Parliament did firit defire, that the two Nations might be ftriclly united for their mu- tual Defence, againft the Papifts and Prelatical Fa&ion, and their Adherents in troth Kingdoms ; and not to lay down Arms, till thefe implacable Enemies fhould be brought in fubje£Hon: and did inftantly urge for help and afliftance from Scotland. Which,being fent, did return with an Olive branch of peace, and not without fome beginnings of a Reformation in England, And afterwards,
80 Tfre Tejilmony of the fifth Period.
a bloody war beginning between the^King and Pariiat anent, with great fuccefs on rhe King's iide, whence th« Papifts at the time got great advantage, (witnefs the ceil fition of arms concluded in Ireland)^ Commiflioneri were fent from both houfes to Scotlandy earneftly inviting to a nearer union of the kingdoms, and deiiring afliftance' from this nation to their brethren in that their great di- tfrefs. And this, by the good hand of God, produced the folemn League and'Covenant of the three kingdoms, iirft drawn up in Scotland, andapproven in the Airembiy Sit Edinburgh, and afterward embraced in England, td the terror of the Popifh and Prelaticai party, and to the great comfort of fiich as were wifhing and waiting for: the Reformation of Religion, and the recoveries of juft Liberties. The tenor whereof did import^ Their fincerb and confiant endeavours, in their fever al Places and Callings^ for prefervation of the Uniformity in Reformation, in Doc- trine, Worfiip, Bifcipline, and Government ; the. Extirpa- tion of Popery, Prelacy, Error and Profanity j the prefervati- on of the Rights and Liberties of the people ; and of the Ma- giflrates authority, in defence of the true Religion and Li- berty \ the difcovery and punifbment of Incendaries ', there* taining of the Peace and Union of the Kingdoms ) the mu- tual affiflance and defence of all under the bond of this Co- venant ; and the performing all duties cue owe to God, iri the amendment of our Lives, and walking ejeemplarily oni before another* This is that Covenant comprehending the" purpofe of all prior, and the pattern of all pofterior Co- venants, to which Chrift's WitnefFes did always adhere^ for which the prefent Witneffes do fufFer and contend j that Covenant, which the Rcprefentatives of Church and State in the three Nations did fblemnly fubfcribe arid iwear, for themfclves and pofterity, of which the obli- gation, either to the duty or the punifhment, continues jndifpenfibly on the Generation ; which for the moral equity of its matter, the formality of its manner, the importance of its purpofe, the holinefs of its folemn en- gagement^ and the glory of its ends, no power on earth, can difannul, difable, or difpenfe ; that Covenant, which the Lord did ratify from Heaven, by the converfion of many thoufands at their entering under the bond of it>
fecuring
The Tejlimony of the fifth Period. tt
Securing andeftablifhirig unco them, and all the faithful* the bleffirigs and privileges therein exprefTed, and a- vouching himfelf to be their God, as they had avouched themfclves to be his people \ that Covenant, which, in all the Controverts it hath occafioned, did never re- ceive a greater confirmation than from the malice and oppofition of its Adverfaries ; that Covenant, which Ma- lignants do malign and deny, and Sectaries (corn and lay afide, as an Almanack out of date ', which hath been many ways traduced and reproached by enemies, and yet could never be reflected on by any ferious irt this Land, without a honourable and fragrant remem- brance: efpecially that Retortion of Adverfaries of the vigour of its impofition upon Recufonts, to juftify their cruelty upon its Aflerrers now, is to be refellcd, not with confutation of its importance, but with difdain of its impudence. For who were the Recufants; but wicked enemies to God, and Church, and Nation, who for their malignancy were then to be profecured, not for their fcrupling at a Covenant, but for their contumaci- ous contempt of a Law ? This was no violence done to their confeience ; for as they had none, and could noc pretend to any, fo they were never troubled for that, but for their oppofition and confpiracy againft the com- mon caufe. However, it went through at that time ; and that the Covenanted Reformation, in a nearer con- junction betwixt the united Churches, miphtbe promot- ed, the Parliament of England called an AfTembly of Di- vines at Wefkmtnfter, and defired the AfTembly of Scot- land to fend thither their Commiflioner; ; which accord- ingly nominated and elected Mr. Alexander Henderfon, Mr. Robert Douglas, Mr. Samuel Rutherford, Mr. Robert Balzie, Mr. George Gillefpie, Minifters; and John Earl of Cafih, John Lord Maitland> and Sir Archibald Johnfton of Warijtouny ruling Elders ", to propone, confult, treat, and conclude in all fuch things as might conduce to the extirpation of Popery, Prelacy, Herefy, Schifm, Super- frition, and Idolatry ,* and for the fettling of the fo much defired union of the whole liland, in one form of Church government, one Confeffion of Faith, one com- mon Catechifin, and one Directory for the Worfhip of
F God.
8 1 The Tejiimony of the fifth Period.
God. Forces were alfo fent, to affift the Parliament of England: which were favoured with great fuccefs in their enterprizes, till that war was ended by the total overthrow of Tyranny at that time, and all its uphold- ers. But that Popifh, Prelatical, and Malignant fa&ion, » being brought much under in England, attempted (not unlike the Syrians, who thought the God of Jfrael was not God of the Hills and Valleys both ) to try the for- tune of war in Scotland, under the conduct of that trea- cherous and truculent Traitor Montrofe, gathering an Army of wicked Apoftates and Irifh Murderers : who prevailing for a time, did punifh, in the juftice of God, the Hypocrify and felf-fecking of fuch in this Land, whofe hearts were not upright in his Covenant ; at length was defeat at Philiphaughy in the year 1645. Yet certain it is, that they had commiffion and warrant from the King : as the AfTembly that year, February 13. remon- strates it to himfelf; warning him, in the name of their Mafter, the Lord Jefus Chrift, c That the guilt, which
* cleaved to his throne, was fuch, as ( whatfbever flat-
* tering Preachers, or unfaithful Counfellers, might fay c to the contrary ) if not timely repented, could not but € involve himfelf and his pofterity, under the wrath of € the e verifying God, for his being guilty of the (bedding fc of the blood of many thoufands of his beft Subjects,
* for his permitting the Mafs and other Idolatry in his
* family and dominions, &V.? At the fame time alfo, the AfTembly did zealoufly incite the Parliament to a fpeedy courfe of Juftice, againft thefe Incendiaries and Murderers, as the only mean of cleanfing the Land from that deluge of blood then current, and of appealing the "wrath of God : and folemnly and fealbnably warned all ranks, to applaud the glory and righteoufhefs of that judg- ment of the fword, in the hands of thefe Apoftates and Murderers, and to fearch to underftand the language of that difpenfation ; wherein many publick fins and breaches of Covenant are pointed at, as the caufes of that defolation ; and the Covenant it felf is«there very enco- miaftically vindicated. c We are fo far from repenting c of it (fay they) that we can not mention it without I great joy and thankfuloefs to Godj as that which hath
< draym
The Teflimony of the fifth Period. 83
drawn many bleflings after it, and unto which God hath given manifold evident Teftimonies : for no foot- er was the Covenant begun to be taken in England^ but fenfibly the condition of affairs there was changed to the better, and our forces fent into that Kingdom, in purfuance of that Covenant, have been ib merciful- ly and manifeftiy afiifted and blefled from Heaven, that we have what to anfwer the enemy that reproacheth us concerning that buiinefs, and that which may make iniquity it felf to flop her mouth : but which is more unto us than all victories, the Reformation of Religi- on in England^ and Uniformity therein between both Kingdoms (a principal end of that Covenant) is fo far advanced, that the Government of the Church by Congregational Elderfhips, Ciaflkal Presbyteries, Pro- vincial and National AfTemblies, is agreed upon bv the AfTembly of Divines at Weftminjlery and voted and concluded in both houfes of Parliament;' After this the Malignants in England being crufhed in all their proje&s, the King renders himfelf to the Scots in New- castle : by whom ( becaufe by Covenant they were not obliged to defend him, but only in defence of Religion and Liberty, which he had been deftroying, and they defending, becaufe in this war he did diredly oppoie and oppugn thefe conditions, underS which they were only to defend him ; and therefore they had all alongft carried towards him as an enemy, as he to them ; and becaufe, by the fame Covenant, they were obliged to <lifcover, and render to condign punifhment all Malig- fcants and Incendiaries, of whom he was the chicft and to retain the Peace and Union of the Kingdoms, which could not be retained in maintaining their deftroyer, and to aflift mutually all entred into that Covenant, which he was fighting againft) he was delivered up in- to the Englift, and kept under reftraint in the Ifle o£ fright, until he received his juft demerit, for all his Op- preflions, Murders, Treachery, and Tyranny ; being condemned and execute January 30th, in the 1648-01; Which faft, though it was prorefted againft, both before and after, by the AfTembly of the Church of Scotland, out of aeal againft the Settarians> the executioners of
£ £ that
84 The Tejilmony of the fifth Period.
that extraordinary aft of juftice; yet it was more for the manner than for the matter, and more for the motives and ends of it, than for che grounds of it, that they op- pofed themfelves to it, and refented it. For they ac- knowledged and remonflrated to himfelf, the truth of -all thefe things upon which that fentence and execution of juiUce was founded. And when a wicked AfToci- ation, and unlawful Engagement was on foot to refcue him, they oppofcd it with all their might : fhewing, in their anfwers to the Eftates that year 1648. and De- clarations and Remonftrances, the iinfulnefs and de- ftruftivenefs of that engagment ; that it was a breach of the Commandments of God, and of all the Articles of the Covenant ; declaring withal, they would never 4:on(ent to the King's reftitution to the exercife of his power, without previous affurance, by folemn Oath, under his hand and feal, for fettling of Religion accord- ing to the Covenant. By which it appears, they were not fo ftupidly loyal, as fbme would make them. Yet- indeed it cannot be paft without regrate, that there was too much of this plague of the Kings-evil even among good men : which from that time forth hath £0 infcft- td the heads and hearts of this Generation, that it hath aim oft quite extinft all loyalty to Ch rift, and all zeal for Religion and Liberty. Then it began to infufe ancf diftufe its contagion, when after the death of Charles the jfFr/?, in the year 1649. they began, after all that they dhad fmarted for their trufting thefe treacherous Tyrants, and after that Grace had been fhewed them from the Lord their God, by breaking thefe mens yokes from off their necks, and putting them again into a ca- pacity to aft for the good of Relieion, their own fzfety, and the peace and fafety of the Kingdom, to think of joining once more with the people of thefe abominati- ons, and taking into their bofom thefe ferpents which had formerly ftung them almoft to death. Hence thefe tears y lo tie origine and fpring of cur defecTion ! There was indeed at that time a party faithful for God, who confidering the many breaches of the Solemn League and Covenant, and particularly by the late engagement againft England, did To travel* that they procured the
Cove-
The Tejtimony cf the fifth Period. 2$
Covenant to be renewed, with the folemn acknowledg- ment of fins and engagment to duties-, which was uni- verfally lubferibed and 1 worn through all the Land ; wherein aMo they regratc this tampering with Malig- nants. And therefore the Lord dLct mightily fave and defend them from all their Adverfaries, fubdued thera at Stirling^ and in the North. They did alfo give warn- ing concerning the young King, ' That notwithftand-
* mg of the Lord's hand againft his Father, yet he c hearkens unto the Counfels of thefe, who were Au-
* thors of thefe miferies to his Father ; by which it hath c come to pafs, that he hath hitherto rcfufed to grant c the juft and necefTary defires of the Church and King- c dom, for fecuring of Religion and Liberty : And it
* is much to be feared. That thefe wicked Counfellers, 1 may fo far prevail upon him, as to engage him in a
* war, for overturning the work of God, and bear- ' ing down all thofe in the three Kingdoms that adhere
* thereto. Which if he (hail do, cannot but bring great ( wrath from the Lord upon himfelf and throne, and
* mult be the caufe of many new and great Miferies and
* Calamities to thefe Lands.' And, in the fame warn- ing, by many weighty reafons, they prove, that he is not to be admitted to the exercife of his power, without fccurity for Religion and Liberty. And when the bring- ing home of the King came to be voted in the AiTem- bly, there was one faithful Witncfs, Mr. Adam Kae> Mi- oiiter in Galloway, proteRed againft it ; fore-fhewing, and fore-telling, what mifchief and mifery he would bring with him when he fhould come. Thefe things might have had fome weight, to demur the Nation from meddling with that perfidious Traitor. But all this ferves only to aggravate the fin and fhame of that di- ffraction, which hath procured all this destruction, un- der which the Land mourns to this day : that notwith- ftanding of all thefe convi&ions, warnings; yea, and dis- coveries of his Malignancy, Treacherv, and inclinati- ons to Tyranny; they fent CommiiTioners, and con- cluded a Treaty with him at Breda. During which Treaty, the CammifTions w7hich he had fent to that bloody villain Montrofe, and his cut throat Complices,
to
$6 The teflimony of the fifth Period,
to raife an Army, and wafte, and invade the Country with fire and itvord the fecond time; were brought to I he Committee of Eftates, difcovering what fort of a King they were treating with. Whereupon, after fen- ous confulting, not only together, but with the Lord:, and after many debates what to do infuch a doubtful cafe, wherein all was in danger, the Eftates concluded to break ofT the Treaty, and recall their Commijfioners. To which intent, they fent an exprefs with Letters to Bre- da ; which, by providence, failing into the hands of LibbertoKy a true Libertine, and falfe betrayer of his truft and Country, was by him, without the know-? ledge of the other Commiffioners, delivered unto the King ; who confulting the Contents of the Packet with his Jcfuitical and hypocritical Cabal, found it his Inte- reft to play the Fox (being difappointed at that time to jplay the Tyger) and dilTemble with God and Man, And 3b fending for the Commiifioners, he made a flattering ipeech to them, (hewing, that now after ferious delibe- ration, he was refblved to comply with all their Propo- sals. Whereupon the poor cheated Commiflioners diipatch the Port back with Letters full .of Praife and Joy, for the Satisfaction they had received. The Eftates, perceiving themfelves impofed upon, confulted again what tp do; and in End, being overfwayed more with refpect to their own Credit (which they thought fliould be imi
f cached, iftheyfhould retraft their own plenipotentiary nftruclions, to conclude the Treaty, upon the King's AiTcnt to their Conditions) than to their reclamant Con- ferences, they refblved to bring home that Pert, and thereby precipitated themfelves and us into ineluctable Mifery, Yet they thought to mend the Matter, by bind- ing him witfM all Cords, and putting him to all moft ex- plicite Engagements, before he fhould receive the Impe- rial Crown, Well, upon thefe Terms, home he comes, and, before he fet his foot on Britifi G round,, he takes the Covenant: And thereafter, becaufe the Commiffion of the General AfTembly, by the A6t of the Weft-hvky Jluguft 13th,' 1650, precluded his Admittance unto the Crown, if he fhould rcfufethe then required Satisfaction, fccforc his Coronation he cmit$ that Declaration at Dim-
The Tejiimony cf the fifth Period. 87
fermting, wherein, c Profeiling and appearing in the full
* perfwafion and love of the Truth, he repcnterh (ashav- < ing to do with and in the light of God ) his Father's
* oppofition to the Covenant and Work of God, and his
* own reiudrancies againft the lame, hoping for Mercy c through the Blood of Jefus Chrift, and obtefting the
* Prayers of the Faithful to God for his Stedfaftnefs. c And then protefteth his Truth and Sincerity in entring c into the Oath of God, refblving to profecute the Ends c of the Covenant to his outmoft, and to have with it the ' fame common friends and Enemies, exhorting all to c lay down their Enmity againft the Caufe of God, and c not to prefer Man's Intereft to God's, which will prove c an Idol of Jealoufy to provoke the Lord: and he him- c felf accounteth to be but felfifb Flattery.' A Declara- tion fo full of Heart-profeffions, and high Atteftations of God, that none, confidering what followed, can reflect thereon, without horrour and trembling from the holy Jealoufy of the Lord, either for the then deep Diflimu- lation, or the after unparallelled Apoftafy. I know it is objected by Court-parafites, that the King was then com- pelled to do thefe things. To which I fhall only fay, It would have coft any of them their Head at that time, to have afTerted, that he did upon Deliberation and Choice mock God and Man, and entred into thefe En- gagements, only with a purpofe to be thereby in better Capacity to deftroy what he fwore to maintain, only becaufe he could not have the Crown without this way, which, in the T^onfeflion of the Objedtors themfelves, Was only deliberate and premeditate Perjury. Next, if it fhould be granted he was compelled; let it be alfo coniidercd who compelled him; and thefe will be found to be the deceitful Courtiers. For, let it be adverted, what Mr. Gillefpie declares of the Cafe, who put the Pen in his Hand when he fubferibed that Declaration : He, perceiving there was fufficient ground to jealoufe his Re- ality, and feeing evidently that the Courtiers prevailed with the King on a fudde-n to offer to fublcribe the De- claration (when they obferved that the Commiffioners of Church and State were refoiure, and re^dy to go away in a Fixecincfs, co leave out the putting of his Intereft fa
the
88 The Teftimony of the fftb Perkd.
the (rate of the Quarrel) and being afraid of the fad Con*
fecjuences of it, ipoke his mind plainly to the Kiug:
* That if he was not fatisfied in his Soul and Confcience,
* beyond all hefitation, of the Righteoufnefs of the Sub- f fcription, he was fo far from over-driving him to run c upon that, for which he hao1 no Light, as he obtefled
* him, yea, he charged him in his Matter's name, and in
* the name of thofc who fent him, not to fubfgribe this
* Declaration, no not for the three Kingdoms/ Where- upon the King anfwered, Mr Gillefpie, Mr. Gillefpic, I am fatisfied^ I am fatisfied with the Declaration and there- fore will fubferibe it. Lipon which fbme of the Courtiers fwore, that Mr. Gilkfpie intended limply to difTwade the Kins; from fabferibing it, that fo Church and State might; profciTedly lay aiidc his Intereft; which would have de- feat their hopes to make up tfiemfelves,as now they have done, upon the then dcfigned Ruin of the Intereft of Truth. Then at his Coronation, we have again his re- iterated confirmations of that Covenant; firjly he. is de- fired in name of the people to accept the Crown, and maintain Religion according to the National, and Solemn League and Covenant \ whereunto he gave his apparent- ly cordial Content (the words are ip the Form and Order of the Coronation with the whole Adtion.) Then next, a Sermon, being preached upon 2 Kings, xi. 12 and 17 ; the action commenceih with his moft fblemn renewing of the National, and folemn League and Covenant, by Oath, Then, he is prefented to the people* and their willmgncfs demanded to have him for their King on thefe terms. At the fame time, in the next place, he cook the Coronation-Oath. Then, on thefe terms, he ac- cepted the Sword. And after the Crown is fet upon his Head, the Peoples obligatory Oath is proclaimed on the tterms-forefakf, otherwise he is not that King to whom they (ware fubjeclion. Then being fet upon the Throne, ht was by the MiniOer put in mind of his Engagements, from 1 Ghron* \x\\. 53. And then the Nobles of the Land came one by one, kneeling, a,nd lifting up their hands between his handsj fwore the fame Oath. Thefe things done, the whole Aclion was clofed with a moft folid and fevsrc exhortation from fevcral inftanccs^ Neb, v* ??,
The Tejlimony of the fifth Period. 89
<fer. xxxiv. 18, 19, 2©> &c. Thereafter, in the year j 65 1, followed the Ratification of all thefe preceeding Treaties, Tranfa&ions and Engagements, concluded and enacted by the King, and the Parliament then fully and freely conveened ; whereby the fame did pais into a per- petual Law. And this Covenant, which from the be- ginning was, and is the moft fure and -indifpenfible Oath pf God, became at length the very fundamental Law of the Kingdom, whereon ail the rights or privileges, either offing or People, are principally bottomed and fecured. This might fecm fecurity fufficient ; but considering the former difcoveries and experiences they had of his Trea- chery, and the villble appearances ( in the mean time) of liis Refufals, vilible Reluctancies, manifeft Refilings, open CounteraCtings, and continued Prejudices againit the Covenant, and his following unprecedented avowed Perjury, every thing doth indelibly fallen upon them the weaknefs at leaft of an overweening Credulicy, and upon him the wickednefs of a perfidious Policy in all thefe Cendefcenfions. After this it came to pals, that zeal for theCaufe, rightly ftated, was fuddenly contracted to a few, and the flame thereof extinguifhed in many, and Court Wild-fire fubftitutc in its place ; whereby a, plain defection was violently carried on by the Publick Refclutioners, who relaplmg into that moft ilnfui Con- junction with the People of thefe abominations, fo fo- lemnly repented for and refolved againft, did notwith- landing bring in notorious Malignant* into places of Power and Truft, in Judicatories and Armies, in a more politick than pious way of requiring of them a con- tained and diiTembled Repentance, to the mocking of the God of Truth, and Scorn of all our holy Engage- ments. Which defection did not only caufe for a long time an incurable Divifion, the firftofthat kind, and moft permanent of any that ever was in the Church of Scotland^ by rcafbn of the furceafe of General AiTemblies, ftopped and hjndred by the yoke of the Se&arian Ufur- pation; but alfo was the fpring and fource of all^ur de- fections fince, all flowing from, and fomented by that fame fpirit that foftered that : and for that, fince that time, the Lord hath been contending wich this Church
an4
go The'TeJlimcny of the fifth Period.
and Nation, bringing us under the bondage of thefe Ma^ lignantr Enemies, whom we fuffercd them then to en- courage and introduce. And both at that time, and iince that time, the Lord never countenanced an Exper dition, where that Malignant Intereft wasvtaken in unta the ftate of the quarrel. Upon this our Land was in- vaded by Oliver Cromwel, who defeat, our Army atDum- har> where the Anger of the Lord was evidently feen to jfmoke againft us, for efpouling that Intereft. And re- markable it is, how in that very day wherein the Pub- Jick Refolutions were concluded in the AiTcmbly at st* Andrews, the Lord then fhed the blood of his People at Inverkeithing \ (b a$ that the AfTembly, havpg in great hafte hurried through this Approbation, were alt made to run for it, and adjourn themfelves to Dundee, where they met and compleated that ftep of defection. And afterwards 'tis known, what a peculiar vengeance fell upon that City, where this deed was done, beyond all the Cities of the Nation. Next, an Army being raifed, ac- cording to thefe unhallowed Refolutions, and the Lbrd putting remarkable Difcountenance upon them in their attemptings at home, as was manifeft in their -attempt- ing* at Torwood, &c. They march iftto England; ancl there did the Lord continue, by his leaving our Army to the Sword, to preach^ that Doctrine to the world, Jofb. vl'u 10, II, 12. llfrael hath finned and tranfgrejfed the Co- yenant,——~have taken the accurfed thing, ■ and dif-
fembled alfe, and have 'put it even among ft their own fluff °9 therefore the children of Iff ael could not fland before their e- Ttemies, but turned their hacks before their enemies-, becaufe they were accurfed : Neither will I be with you any morey except ye deflrov the accurfed thing from among you.] an Ar- my of near 50,000 was totally routed at Worcefler \ arid the Ach an, the Caufe of the overthrow, was forced to hide himfelf in the Oak, and thence to tranfport himfclf beyond fea, where he continued a wandering Fugitive in Exile, till the year 1660. In the mean time the Seel a- rian Army here prevailed, till, after the Ufurper Crcm- *ivel his death, the falfe Monk, then General, with a Com- bination of Malignant* and publick Refoluti oners, did ma- chinate our mifcry, and cflefluated ir, by bringing home
ihc
The Tejiimony of the fifth Period. g F
:he King to England from his Banifhment: wherein he was habituate into an implacable hatred a_gainft the Work of God. Yet, though lince the King's nrft recep- :ion into Scotland, our Declenfions were ftill growing, until they produced this fearful Revolt from God, wherein the Nation is now involved ; there was ftill a faithful Remnant of Minifters and ProfefTors, zealous for the Caufe, keeping their Integrity ; w7ho, in their Re- monftrancesand Teftimonies, witnelTed againft both their Malignant Enemies, and their backfliding Brethren the Refolutioners, and alfo againft the Sectarians their Inva- ders; whole vaft Toleration and Liberty of Conscience, which they brought in to invade our Religion, ^s they had in- vaded our Land, and infect it with their multifarious Errors, was particularly by the Synod of Fife, and other Prethrcn in the Miniftry that joined themfelves to them, teftified againft, and demonftrated to be wicked and in- tolerable. Now, to fee how far the prefent Teftimony is confirmed by the witneiles of this Period, we may re- fume fome Refleftions on it.
I. They impartially carried on the Teftimony againft Prelacy, and the Popifi, Pre {at ic al and Malignant Factions on the one hand, and the Sectarians on the other, with- out ever waving the Teftimony againft either, or at the lcaft winking at the one to weaken the other ; both which Teftimonies they thought of fo great Importance, that they could not difpenfe with, but faithfully main- tain both, in their witneffings and warnings. In that feafonable and neceffary Warning and Declaration concerning prefent and imminent Dangers, given at Edinburgh^ yuly 27th, Sefs. 27. They fay firft of the Sectaries, " that c prevailing Party of Sectaries in England, who have
* broken the Covenant, and defpifcd the Oath of God, € corrupted the Truth, fubverted the fundamental Go- vernment, look upon us with an evil eye, as%upon thefe
< who ftand in the way of their monftrous and new-
* fancied devices in Religion and Government ; and though there were no Caufe to fear any thins; from that party, but the Gan°reen and Infection of thofe ma- ny damnable and abominable errors which have taken
* fcold on them ; yet our vicinity unto, and daily com-.
4 mcrcc
92 The Tejiimny of the fifth Period,
merce with that Nation, may juftly make us afraid, that the Lord may give up many in this Land unto a fpiut of deluiion, to believi Lies, becaufe they have not received the Love of the Truth/ In that fame Warning they fay, c We arc not fo to have the one of our eyes upon the Sectaries, as not to have the other upon MalignantSy they being an Enemy more numerous, and more dangerous than the other; not only becaufe expe- rience hath proven, that there is a greater aptitude and inclination in thefc of our Land to comply with Ma- lignantsthanSe&aries, in that they carry on their wic- ked defign, under a pretext of being for the King, but alfo becaufe there be many of them in our own bowels/ By which we may fee, how impartially they oppofed both ; and that this cannot be condemned in the Tefti- monies of the prcfent Sufferers, except the Aflembly be condemned. And becaufe many now a-days have exte- nuating notions of thofe debates, againft Prelacy and «Ste- Barianifm, about the Government of the Church, &c. and condemn thefe that would adhere to, and fuffer for the Vunftilios of it, as rigid nicety ; I (hall, for feeing what account the AiTcmbly had of them, cite their words in a Letter to the Affembly of Divines at Weftminfter, da^ ted Edinburgh, June l8th, 1646 : ? The fmalleft ( fay % they) of Chrift's Truths ( if it be lawful to call any of
* them fmall)is of greater moment than all the other bu^
* finefTes, that ever have been debated fince the beginning € of the world to this day ; but the higheft of honours,
* and heavier!: of burdens is put upon you, to declare, out c of the facred Records of Divine Truth, what is the Pre-
* rogative of the Crown and Extent of the Sceptre of
* jefus Chrift; what bounds are to be let between him. c ruling in his Houfe, and Powers eftablifhed by God
* on Earth; how, and by whom his Houfe is to be go-
* verncd ; and by what ways a reflraint is to be put on f thefe,' who would pervert his Truth, and fubvert the 1 faith of many/
II. In the manner of maintaining this Teftimony, thefe famous Fathers, while faithful for God, gave us a perfeft pattern of purity and ftri&nefs, in oppof!tion,to zil degress of conformity and complyance with ,rhe cor- ruptions
The Teftimony of the fifth Period. 33
Itiptions of the time; and laid down fuch rules and con- ftitutions, as might regulate us in our ccntendings about prefent defections, and teach us what account to make of them, and how to carry towards them : which, if ad- verted unto, would evince how manifeft and manifold the dedinings of many have been from the late Reforma- tion, that yet pretend to adhere unto ity and how jufti- fiable the averfation and abstraction of the prefent re- proached fufFering party is, from all thefe defections and the daubings of them, becaufe fo much deviating and declining from the attained Reformation. I need not repeat how Prelacy, and all the parts and pendicles of that Antichriftian Hierarchy, were abjured in the Na- tional Covenant, and condemned in the Acts of AfTem- blies,and re-abjured in the Solemn League and Covenanr, and in the Solemn Acknowledgement of fins and En^- gagement to duties, where alfo we came under facred and inviolable engagements, to endeavour the extirpati- on thereof; which doth clearly file the prefent counte- nancing and fubmitting to the Prelatick Curates, in re- ceiving ordinances from them, among the gro/Teft of defections ; being altogether inconfifient with thefe acts and constitutions, and covenant-obligations to extirpate them, as much as the countenancing of Popifh Priefts were inconfiftent therewith, being both equally cove- nanted to be extirpated. Next, though in this period, tyranny being in its retrograde motion, Eraftian Supre- macy was not fo much contended for, and therefore not fo much cjueftioned as formerly, being held exploded with execration out of doors and out of doubt ; yet the Teftimony was ftill continued againft it, in the uninter- rupted maintaining of the Church's privileges and free- dom of Affemblies, againft all encroachings of adverfa- ries. And therefore the embracing of the late deteftable Indulgences, were as contrary to the actings of this as to the Teftimonies of the former Period, againft the fupre- niacy from which they flow. Yea, many particulars might be inftanced, wherein the accepters had declined from the covenanted Reformation then profecuted ; not only in their confederating with malignant Ufurper*, for the pretended benefit of them, ( by which, if there
had
94 Tb? Tejiimony of the fifth Period.
had been no more, they are obnoxious to the Cenfure of the Church, Handing iegiitred in an Act of AfTembly, or* daining all perfons in Eccleflaftick office, for the like or iefler degrees of complyance, yea even for procuring pro- tections from malignant enemies, to be fufpended from their office, and all exercife thereof, at Edinburgh 1646, SeJJ. 14.) Nor only in their taking finful inltrudions from them, reftri&ing them in the exercife of their Mi- in'ftry ; but in admitting themfelves, by their Patronage^ to be by them prefented to their prelimited and preim- pofed Congregations : which involves them in the ini- quity of the abolifhed Patronages, condemned by the Af- iembly ; for that Miniftry of fuch fb prefented j is made too much to depend upon the will and pleafurc of man$ and fuch an impofition is deftrudtive of the Church and peoples liberties, obftru&ive of the gofpel's freedom and faithful plainnefs, and occafion of much bafe flattery and partiality ; and in fubje&ing to, homologating, and fortifying a facrilegious Supremacy^ overturning the intrinfick power of the Church, contrary to the Cove- nant obliging to the prefervatioft of the Government, as well as to the doctrine of the Church, in the firft article thereof; and in their fuffering themfelves, either direct- ly or indirectly, either by combination, perfuafion, or terror, to be divided and withdrawn from that blefTed union and conjunction, which they were obliged to maintain and promove, according to the 6th article of the Solemn League and Covenant ; and in their ftrength^ uing the Eraftian ufurpations of enemies encroaching upon the Church's liberties, and Ch rift's prerogatives * againft which we are engaged cxprelly in the folemri acknowledgement of fins, and engagements to duties, where alfo we have theft words, Art. 2. Becaufe many have of late laboured to fupplant the Liberties of tbe Church, qve pall maintain and defend the Church of Scotland, in all Iher Liberties and Privileges, againjl all who fi all oppofe or undermine the fame, or encroach thereupon under any pre-' text tvhatfomever. Next, we have many demonstrations of the zeal and ftri&nefs of thefe Servants of Chrift, ifl their Sy nodical determinations of cenfures, to be paft up- on many minifterial corruptions \ which will condemn
The Tejlhnony of the fifth Period. 95
the prefent courfe of covering and countenancing them, and commend the contendings of a poor reproached party againft them, in their conscientious abitracting from them. Of which determinations, I (hall rehearfe fome. Among the Enormities and Corruptions of the Minijiry, in their Callings, this is one, Sect. 4, 5. fitence in the pu-
blick caufe. Some accounting it a point of wifdom
to fpeak ambiguoufly, whereof the remedy is
Seel. 15. c That belidc all other fcandals, Silence or am— 1 biguous /peaking in the publick Caufe^ be feafon-
* abiy cenfured, General Affembly at Edinburgh, June 13. c 1646/ There is indeed an act againft withdrawers from Minifters : but in the felf-fame ad, they are char- ged to be diligent in fulfilling their Miniftry, to be faith- ful in preaching, * declaring the whole Counfel of God, c and, as they have occafion from the text of Scripture, c to reprove the fins and errors, and prefs the duties of
* the time; and in all thefe to obferve the rules prefcri-
* bed by the ads of AfTembly, where if they be negli- € gent, they are to be cenfured, General Affembly, Edin-
* burgh, Agufi 24. 1647, Seff. IQ.* Then there is that act, Augufi 3. 1648, Seff. 26. for cenfuring Minifters for their filence, and not fpeaking to the corruptions of the time ; < calling it a lcandal, through fome Minifters « their referving and not declaring themfelves againft:
* the prevalent fins of the times; appointing, that all that
* do not apply their doctrine to thefe corruptions, which 1 is the Paftoral gift, and that are cold or wanting of c fpiritual zeal, difTembling of publick fins, that all fuch
* be cenfur«d even to deprivation ; for forbearing or c paffing in filence the errors and exorbitances of fectaries c io England, or the defections current at home, the
* plots and practices of Malignants, the Principles and c Tenants of ' Eraftiamfm ; and if they be found too fpa-
* ring, general or ambiguous in their applications and
* reproofs, and continuing fo, they are to be depofed, for
* being pleafcrs of men rather than fervers of Chrift, for 1 giving themfelves to a deteftable indifferency or neutra- c lity in the caufe of God, for defrauding the fouls of c people, yea, for being highly guilty of the blood of ? fouls, in not giving them warning,' And in that fea-
fonable
g6 The 'Tejlimony of the fifth Period,
finable and necejfary warning of the General Ajfembty^ Edinburgh y yuly 2"]. i^495 Sejf. 27, wc arejtaught how they refented the unfaithfulncis of Minifters continuing in defections, and how wc are to look upon them, and carry to them : where they fay, cIt is undeniably true, € that many of the evils, wherewith this Church and
* Kingdom hath been afflicted in our age, have come ro € pafs, becauft of the negligence of fome, and corruptions c of others of the Miniftry ; and the courfe of backfliding € was carried on, until it pleaftd God to ftir up the fpi- c rits of thefe fcwy who flood in the gap, to oppofeand
* refift the fame, and to begin the work of Reformation
* in the land ; fince which time, the filenjfc of fome Mi-
* nifters, and the complyance of others, hath had great
* influence upon the backflidings of many amongit the:
* people, who, upon thedifcovery of the evil of their wzyy c complain, that they got not warning, or that if they € were not warned by fome, others held their peace, or c did juitify them in the courfe of their backfliding :
* we can look upon fuch Ministers no otherwift, thaa
* upon theft that are guilty of the blood of the Lord's c people, and with whom the Lord will reckon, for alt € the breach of Covenant and defection that hath been c in the land ; the Prieft's lips fhould prcferve knowledge,
* and they fhould Cede the law at his mouth, for he is c the Meflengef of the Lord of Hofts, but fuch as are de- € parted out of the way, and have cauftd many to ftum-
* ble at the law, therefore hath the Lord made them € c#ntemptible before all the people, according as they € have not kept his ways, but have been partial in his c law, becaufe they have loft their favour, he hath cart ouc
* many of them as unfavoury fait.* Furthermore, to e- vidence the purity and power of zeal burning and blazing in theft days, in their contendings againft publick ene- mies on all hands, I fhall in ftance fome of their*A6tS and TefK monies, clearly condemning the manifold comply- ances of this generation, and which may contribute jfcmewhat to juftify the reproached precifenefs of a rem- nant, {fending at the fartheft diftance from them. There is an a£tfoy cenfur'wg the Complyers with the publick tnemtes of this Church and kingdom. General Ajfembly, E-
dinburgh}
^Tke Tejlimony of the fifth Period* . gp
dinburgh> June 17. 164^ Sejf. 14, < Where, they judge ic
* a great and fcandalous provocation, and grievous de- c feclion from the publick Caufe, to comply with thefc
* Malignants (fuch as James Graham then was) in any de-
* gree, even to procure protections from them, or to have
* invited them to their houfes, or to have drunk James 'Graham his health, or to be guilty of any other fuch c grofs degrees of complyance ; cenfured to be fufpcndeol 6 from the communions, ay and while they acknowledge
* their offence/ And yet now, for rcfufing thefe degrees, ©f complyance, for not having the protection of a Pafs from the wicked courts of malignant enemies, by taking a wicked oath, and for refuling to drink the Kings healthy a greatefc enemy than ever James Graham was, fbme poor conicientious people have not only been murdered by enemies, but mocked and condemned by profe/Iors, There is an act likewife, and declaration againfi all new caths or bonds in the common caufe impofed without confent of the Churchy General Ajfembly> Edinburgh, July 28. 1648, Sejf. 18. 'Enjoining allthe mem bets of the Church tofor-
* bear the fwearing or fubferibing any new oaths or
* bonds, in this caufe, without advice and concurrence c of the Church, efpecially any negative oaths or bonds, c which may any way limit or reftrain them in the du- 1 ties whereunto they are obliged, by National or So- 4 lemn League and Covenant/ Yet now> for refufing oaths, not only limiting in covenanted duties, but con- tradicting and condemning many material principles o£ the covenanted Reformation, many have not only loft their lives, but alfb have been condemned, by them thac are at eafe, having a wider conference to fwallow fucfi baits. It is known how pertinacious the moft faithful in thofe days were, in their cohtendings againft Affecta- tions > in any undertaking for the caufe, with perfons difaffe&ed to the true ftatc thereof. I need not give any account of this, were it not that now that principle is quite inverted ; and poor adherers to it, for their ab- ftra&ing and fubftra&ing their concurrence with fuch promifcuous afTociations, are much hated and flouted ; therefore I fhall give fomc tiints of their fentiments of them. In their Anfwsf to the Committe of EJiates, June
G *$,
98 The Teftimony of the fifth Period*
25. 1648, Seff. 14, the General Aff'embly &y$y i It war re* 1 preferred to the Parliament, that, for fecuring of reli-» c gion, it was neceiTarys tnat tnc Popifh, Prelaticalj
* and Malignant party, be declared enemies to the Caufe
* upon the one hand, as well as Se&aries upon the other, c and that all AfToeiations, either in forces of counfels,
* with the former as well as with the latter, be avoided,* And in their Declaration concerning the prefent dangers of Religiony efpecially the unlawful Engagement in war, July ult. 1648, Sejf.21. c They fay, fuppofe the ends
of that Engagement be good, (as they are not), yet the means and ways of Profecution are unlawful ; be- caufe there is not an ecjual avoiding of rocks on both hands, but a joining with Malignants to fupprefs Sec- taries, a joining hands with a black Devil to beat a white Devil; they are bad Phyllcians who would fo cure one difeafe, as to breed another as evil or worfe ; — — we find in the Scriptures, all confederacies and Affociations with the enemies of true religion con- demned, whether CanaanitesyExod. xxiii. 32. and xxiV. 12, 15. Deut. vii. 2. or other Heathens, I Kwgs xi. I, 2.* More arguments againft Affociations may be feen in that excellent Difcujfon of this ufeful Cafey concerning Af- fociations and Confederacies with the idolaters^ Infidels^ Uereticks, or any other known enemy of Truth or Godlinefs> by famous Mr.G. Gillefpie^ published at that fame time: whereunto is appended his, Letter to the Commiffion of the General Aflembly, having thefe golden words in ir, words fitly fpoken in that feafbn, when he was a dying, at the beginning of the Publick Refolutions. ' Having
* iieard of fbme motions and beginnings of complyancc, € with thefe who l^ave been fo deeply engaged in a war c deftructive to Religion and the Kingdom s liberties, I
* cannot but difcharge my conference, in giving a Tefti- 4 mony againft all fuch complyancc. I kpow, and am c perfuaded, that all the faithful Witnerfes that gave
* Teftimony to the Thefts, that the late Engagement was € contrary and deftru&ive to the Covenant, will alfo give c Teftimony to the Appendix, that complyance with any c who have been aftive in that Engagement is moft fin-
* ful and unlawful, I am noc able to exprcft all the evils
of
The Tejlimony of the fifth Period. 99
* of that complyance, they arc fo many. — But above c all, that which would heighten this fin even to the
* Heavens is> that it were not only a horrid backfliding,
* but abackilidinginto that very fin, which was fpecial- € ly pointed at, and punifhed by the prevalency of the c Malignant party, God juftly making them thorns and c fcourges who were taken in as friends. Alas ! fhall 1 wefplit twice upon the fame rock ? yt^^ run upon it, 4 when God has fet a beacon on it ? Yea, I may fay, € (hall we thus outface and outdare the Almighty, by c protecting his and our enemies, by making peace and c friendfhip with them, when the anger of the Lord is
* burning againft them. I muft here apply to our pre-
* fent condition, the words oitxrah ix. 14. ■ O
* happy Scotland, if thou canft now improve and not a-
* bufe this golden opportunity 1 but if thou help the un-
* godly, and love them that hate the Lord, wrath upon
* wrath, and wo upon wo, (hall be upon thee from the
* Lord.' Whereuntb is fubjoined his dying Teftimony to the fame purpofe, wherein are thefe words : * But if
* there ftall be a falling back to the fin of complyance
* with Malignant ungodly men, then I look for the € breaking out of the wrath of the Lord, till there be no c remedy/ This was the warning of a worthy dying man. Notwithstanding of which, and many other warnings and witneflings, a courfe of complyance was commenced by thcpublick RefoluHonersy and continued in to this day; wherein that faithful warning of a dying fervant of Chrilt's is verified. But before I leave this yurpofe, I muft obviate an objetiion that foihe makeufe of for frrengthening themfelves in their incorporations and joinings, at leaft, in worfhip> with the corruptions of the time, and for condemning confeientious withdraw- ers; that the godly in thofedays did not feparate from the men ofthefe complyances and defections, as many do now, to wit, the protejling Party did not withdraw from the fublick Refolutioners and Affociators with Malignants. I anfwer, hrft, many and thefe the moil godly and tend- er did withdraw, even from their own Miniflers, and Would have gone forty or fifty Miles to hear a faithful Minifter at that time; yea Minifters themfelves, in the cafe of Intrvjion of the unfaithful, would have fuppliei
C Si the
ICO The Teftimony of the fifth Period.
the paroch, as if the Church had been vacant, and when* they could not get accefs to the pulpit, they preached in the fields, on purpofe to witnefs againft, and profeffed- ly to withdraw the people from fuch an unfaithful In* truder ; as might be inftanced particularly for time and place, if need were. But next, the Church then, though broken by divifion, arid under the fubjeflion of ftrangcrs deprived of her General AiTemblies, yet was in a confih tute Cafe, enjoying the privilege, power and order of Sy- nods and Presbyteries, to whom the people offended with their Minifters, might addrefs themfelves for an order- ly redrefs, and removal of thefe Scandals in an ordina- ry way ; and fo they needed not aflume to themfelves that power to regulate their communion, that in a bro- ken State, as now is> muft be allowed to them. And! befides, both the Minifters, at that time, who were faithful, though they might have proceeded to cenfurc and filcnce the corrupt party, as they were obliged, yet -not only found it difficult by reafbn of the injury of the times ; but alfb thought it beft to fpare them, and the people to bear them as burdens, until, as they were itill in hopes, they fhould obtain a General AfTembly to take order with them, but now it is not fb. And then the defection was but beginning, and people did not Icnow, and could not expect it would go fuch a length, and therefore could not fall upon the rigour of that du- ty, which fuch diforders call for at firft ; but if they bad feen where theft beginnings, would land them at length, I doubt <not but they would have refifted thole beginnings, in fuch a way as would have precluded this imputation of novelty upon our neceffitated withdraw- ing*.
III. We have in this Period, not only an illuftrious Teftimony for the Principle, but a continued and unin- termitted putting into practice the duty of defenfive Arms in refifting the fovereign power, maleverfing and abufing Authority to the detraction of the ends of it; which rcfifrance was avowed, encouraged, and further- ed by the General AfTembly, both for the defence o£ themfelves, and for the help of their Brethren in E#g- UM* Take one expreffion in their fokmn andfeafonabfe
warn*
The Tejiimony of the fifth Pet tod. ioi
warning^ to all ranks, February 12. 1645. Sefs iS.
c Unlefs men will blot out of their hearts the love of
* Religion, and caufe of God, and caft off all care of c their Country, Laws, Liberties, &c» (all being in c vifible danger of prcfent ruin and deftruftion ) they c muft now or never appear actively, each one ftretch- c ing himfelf to, ycz> beyond his power. It is no time
* to daily, or to go about the bufinefs by halves, nor be c almoft but altogether zealous : curfed is he that doth c the work of the Lord negligently. If we have been
* forward to aflift our neighbour Kingdoms, fhall we c neglect to defend our own ? Or fhall the enemies of c God be more a&ive againft his caufe, than his people
* for it ? God forbid.' In another feafoncble and necef- fary warnings July 27. 1649. Sefs. 2~j. They fay, c But c if his Maj. or any having, or pretending power and ■c commiflion from him, fhall invade this Kingdom, u- 1 pou pretext of eltablifhing him in the exercife of his f royal power ; as it will be an high provocation againft c God, to be acceflbry or affifting thereto, fo it will be
* a neceiTary duty to refift and oppofe the fame/ Thefe Fathers could well diftinguifh between Authority, and the Per/on abuling it; and were not fo loyal, as now their degenerate Children are ambitious tc fhevv them- felves, ftupidly ftooping to the fhadow thereof, and yet will be called the only A/Terters of Presbyterian princi- ples. But we find, they put it among the characters of MalignantSy to confound the King's honour and autho- rity with the. abufe and pretence thereof, and with commiffions, warrants, and letters, procured from the King, by the enemies of the caufe and Covenant, as if we could not oppofe the latter, without incroaching up- on the former. But here, an Objection or two muft be removed out of the way, before we go forward. One is, from the third Article of the Covenant ; where there feems to be a great deal of Loyalty, obliging to defend the King's Maj. his perfon and authority, in the pre- fervation and defence of the true Religion and Liberties of the Kingdoms, that the world may bear yJltnefs with our confeiences of our loyalty, and that <ive have ?io thoughts or intentions to dirnivifi his Majejly's jujlfoiver and great-
nrfs.
1©% The Teftimony of the fifth Period.
wefs. I anfweiy There is indeed a deal of loyalty there^ and true Royalty, becaufe lawfully limited, being quali- fied with, and fubordinate unto the prefcrvation and de- fence of the true Religion and Liberties of the Kingdom, (as the makers of the Covenant do expound it, in the; AfTemblies declaration againfi the unlawful Engagement^ July ult. 1648. Sefs. 21.) not that reverfe Loyalty, Svhich makes duties to God conditional and limited and dutits to the King abfolute and unlimited, as our Loyal ifts do now, . And I wifli others were free of it> who have fworn Oa,ths of unlimited Allegiances , to inaintain the King in any power unto which his force; afpircs ; and to juftify this their Loyalty, will bring in this Article of the Covenant with a diftorted fcnfe, read- ing ic backward, that wey in the prefcrvation and defence of 'Religion , mujl preferve and defend the King : As if Re- ligion obliged to defend him, do what he will. It were better fuch pretended Covenanters denied the Co- venant, than to be fuch a reproach to it, in wrefting its genuine fenfe. But I have adduced the fenfc of the heft Interpreters of it, the General A/Fembfy. Next, when they entred under the bond of this Covenant, they did it with a purpofe to oppofc all his invafions upon Reli- gion, and the Liberty of the people, and to vindicate tbefe precious interests from his ufurpings, into a (rate of Liberty: and (hall we imagine, that that very Oath of God did lay upon them, or us, an obligation, to de- fend the perfbn who is a deflroycr of all thefe, contrary to the very nature of the Oath, contrary to the fcope of the Covenanters, and contrary to their fubfequept j>ra£tice ? But then it will he urged, why then was that claufe caft into the Covenant ? I anfwer, we have not the fame caufe to keep it, as they had fome caufe to put it in, with accommodation to the prefent poffeiTor of the fb- vereignity. The owning of it in our circum fiances, would be as great a reproach to us, as the want of ic was to them in theirs. They put in the words, to pre- vent the, world's miftake^ and to remove that odium in- duftrioufly heaped upon the heads of thofe, whofe hearts were afFociate in the defence of Religion and Liberty, therefore they w:ould p.rofef* they would not be difloyaf
The Tejlimony of I be fifth Period. 103
while he was for God. And a defiance may be given to clamour, and calumny it felf, to give cne inftance of the defeft of performance hereof, while he went not a- bout to ruin thofc things, incomparably more precious than his perfbn or authority, and in ruining whereof, no perfoncan retain authority.
IV. But now two things will chiefly be defiderateo!, which now we own in our TehMmony, for which ma- ny have dkdy that feem not to be confirmed by, or con- fident with, the Teffimony of this Period. One is, that we not only maintain defeniive refinance, but in fome cafes vindictive and punitive force, to be executed upon men that are bloody heajls of prey, and burdens to the earth, in cafes of neceflity, when there is no living for them. This principle of Reafon and natural Juftice, was not much enquired into in this time ; when the fun was up, whofe warmth and light made thefe beaits creep into their dens, and when they, being brought under fubjeclion, could not force people into fuch ex- traordinary violent courfes, when the ordinary and or- derly courfe of Law was running in its- right Channel ; yet from the ground of their ordinary Procedure, mili- tary and civil, againft fuch Monftcrs, we may gather the lawfulnefs of an ordinary Procedure in a pinch of ne- ceflity, conform to their grounds : I hope to make this evident, when I come, as propofed, to vindicate this head. But there is another thing that we own, which feems xiot to have been known in thefe days, viz- That when we are required to own the Authority of the prefent Do- minator, we hold fmful to own it. Yet we find thefe reverend and renouned Fathers owned King Charles I. and did not refufe the fucccflion of Charles II. I fhail anfwer in order. F;>/?, as to King Charles I. there was a great difference bcrwixt him and his fons that fucceed- cd ; he never declared parliamentary, that neither Promifes, Contracts, nor Oaths fhouM bind him, as the firft of his perfidious fbns did ; it might have been then prcfumed, if he had. engaged (o far for prnmoving the work of God, he would have been a man of his word (for to fay a King of his word, is antiquirate in a good fenfe, except that it means, he is a* abfolutt in his word,
as
104 The' Tejiimony of the fifth Period.
as in his fword, and fcorns to be a flave to it) neither prefefTed he himfelf a Papift, as the fecond Son hath clone ; again ir mult be granted, that more might have i>een comported within the beginning, when there ■were fome hopes of redrels, than after fiich procefs of time; whereby now we fee and feel beyond all debate, that the Throne ftaad^ and is fratecj, not only in op- pofition to, but upon the ruins of the Rights and Pri- vileges both of Religion and Liberty. But was not the equivalent done by the Church, in the 1648. when they refuted to concur with that unlawful Engagement, for reftoring of the King, till fecurity be had, by folemn Oath under his hand and feal, c That he (ball*
* for himfelf and Succefiors, give his a/Tent to all Afts
* and Bills for enjoining Presbyteriai Government, and
* never make oppofition to it, nor endeavour any change
* thereof? July la ft, 1648. Sefs. 21.' But it will be
laid, That, in their renewing the Covenant that year,
they did not leave out that Article. True, thereby they
itopped the mouths of their Adversaries : and then they
were not without hopes, but that, in his ftraits, he
might have proved a Manajfeb taken among the thorns*
And the Covenanters at that time, not being clear that
lie had done that, which, by Law> made him no Magi-
frrate, chufed rather while matters flood fo to engage to
maintain him, than limply to difown him (which yet
our forefathers did upon fmaller grounds many times )
in the hopes of being prevailed with at laft. But when
they faw that this proved ineffectual ; therefore, at the
Coronation of the new King, they made the Covenanted
loterelt the fole Bajis upon which alone Authority was.
conferred upon him. For the fecond, though they did
notrefufe the fueceffion of Charles II. (which was their
fclame and our bane, of which we may blufh this day)
Tet we find many things in that Tranfa&ion which jufti-
fy our difowning of him, and condemn the owning of
the prefent PofTefTor. (1.) In that feafonable and necef-
fary warning, July-, 27. Sefs. 27. c Whereas, many
4 would have admitted his Maj. to the cxercife of his
* Royal Power, upon anv terms whatsoever : the Af-
* ftmkly declares firft ; That a bouodlcfs and illimited
' nower
The Tejiimony of the fifth Period. 105
* power is to be acknowledged in no King nor Magi- c itraee ; neither is our King to be admitted to the excr- c cife of his power, as long as he refufes to walk in the c admmiftration of the fame, according co this rule. ' Secondly r, That there is a mutual ftipulation snd obli-
* gation between the King and the people; as both of
* them are tyed to God, io each of them are tyed to one 1 another, for the performance of mutual and reciprocal « duties ; accordingly Kings are to take the Oath of Cor
* ronation, to aboliih Popery, and maintain the Pro-
* teftant Religion: as long therefore, as the King rc-
< fufes to engage and oblige himfelf for fecurity of Re-
< ligion and Safety of his people, it is confonant to
< Scripture, and Reafon, and* Laws of the Kingdom,
* that he fhould be refufed. Thirdly> In the League and ? Covenant, the ducy of defending and prelerving the c King, is fubordinate to the duty ot preferving Religi- c on and Liberty : and therefore, he (landing in oppo- c iition to the publick defires of the people for their fe- « curity, it were a manifeft breach of Covenant, and a c preferring the King's Intereft to the Intereft 01 jefus c Chrilt, to bring him to the exercife of his Power, c Fourthly) That it was for reftraint of Arbitrary Govern-
* ment, and for their juft defence againft Tyranny, i that the Lord's people did join in Covenant, and have
< been at the expence of fo much blood thefe years paft ;
< and if he fhould be admitted to the Government be- c fore fatisfa&ion, it were to put in his hand that Ar- 1 bitrary Power, and fo to abandon their former Prin- 1 ciples, and betray the Caufe. Fifthly, That he, be- c ing admitted before fatisfadlion, would foon endea- f vour an overturning of the things which God hath c wrought, and labour to draw publick adminiftrations r concerning Religion and Liberty, into that courfe and
* Channel in which they did run under Prelacy, and be- ' fore the work of Preformation. Whence they wari\ 1 that everv one take heed of fuch a fnare, that rhey be 1 not acceiTary to any fuch defign, as they would not c bring upon themfelves and their families^ the guilt ci : all the detriment that will undoubtedly follow there-? '■ upon^ of all the miferies it will bring upon the King-?
4 doms,
106 The Tejiimony of the fifth Period. < doms.« — And therefore whofoever attempt the t
* fame, oppole themfelves to the caufe of God, and will
* ac laft dafh againft the Rock of the Lord's power, c which hath broken in pieces many high and lofty ones,
* flnce the beginning of die work in the Kingdoms.' (2), I I fhali here infert the* Acl of the Wefk-kirk, declaring their \ mind very manifeitly.
Weft-Kirk, Auguft 15. 1650. The CommiJJion of the General Affembly> considering that there may he jufi ground of ftumblwgy from' the K. Maj. refufing to fubfrtbe and emit the Declaration offered to him by the Committee of Ejlatejy and the Commijfion of the General Affembly, con-' cerning his former carriage and refolutions for the future, in reference to the Caufe of God , and the enemies and friends thereof', doth therefore declare, That this Kirk and Kingdom doth not own or efpoufe any Malignant Party, or Quarrel, er Litereft, but that they fight merely upon their former Grounds and Principles , and in the defence of the Caufe of Gody and of the Kingdom, as they have done thefe twelve years pafi : and therefore, as they difclaim all the fin and guilt of the Kingy and of his houfe,fo they will not own him nor his inter e ft ^ otherwife than with a fuhordination to God, andfo far as he owns and prof ecutes the Caufe of Gody and dif claims his and his Father s oppofition to the Work ofGody and to the Covenant, and likewife all the enemies thereof : and that they will, with convenient fpeed, take into Confix deration the Papers lately fent unto them by Oliver Crom- wel, and vindicate themfelves from all the faljhoods con- tained therein ', efpeczally in thefe things, wherein the quarrel heiwin us and that party is Mifftated, as if we owned the J ate Kings proceedings, and were refelved to profecute and maintain his prefent Maj. Interefi , before and without ac- knowledgment of the fin of his houfe and former ways, and fatisfatJion to God's people in both Kingdoms.
ALEX. K E R.
€ Augufi 13th, 1650, The Committee of Eftates hav-^
* ing feen and confidered a Declaration of the Commit- f -fion of the General AiTembly, an«nt the ftating of the
« quarjei
The Tejiimony of the fifth Period. 1 07
* quarrel wherein the Army is to fight, do approve the
* lame, and heartily concur therein.
Tho. Henderfon.
In the (3) place, It is fpecified in the Caufes of Wraih^ as one of the tfeps of dcfe&ion, Art. 0. Step 5. * That a
* Treaty fhould have been clofed with him, upon his
< fubfenbiog demands, after he had given many clear e- c vidences ot his difaffe&ion and enmity to the work and c people of God ; That thefe demands which he was re-
* quired to fubferibe, did not contain a real fecurity, a
* feal abandoning of former Malignant Courfes and
* Principles, and cleaving to the Work of God ; it was c not a paper or verbal fecurity, which we were bound 1 to demand of him, but a real one ', and to intruft him ( without this, was but to mock God, and to deceive the
* world, and to betray and deltroy ourfelves, by giving
* up all the precious Interefts of Religion and Liberty in-
* to the hands of one, who was in a cqurfe of enmity to c them ; That both before, and in the mean time of the c Treaty, he had given evidence of h-is enmity in many
* inftances, there condefcended upon ; particularly that he
* authorized fames Graham to irfvade this Kingdom, ' and encouraged him by Letters to go on in that Inva- ' lion, even whilft he was in terms of a Treaty with us,
* as appeared by bringing into our hands the authentick
* CommhTion itfelf, and fundry Letters under his own
* hand.' Next, in the fame Caufes of Wrath, among the fins of the Miniftry, in relation to the publick, Seft. 10, II, 12, 1 3. u That they agreed to receive the King to
* the Covenant, barely upon writing, without any ap- % parent evidences of a real change of principle; That ' they did not ufe freedom, in fliowing what was finful
* in reference to that Treaty, but went on thtrein when
* they were not fatisficd in their conferences, for fear of ' reproach, and of being miftaken; That they were fi- ' lent in publick, and did not give Teftimony, after a
* difcovcry of the King's Commiflion to fames Graham ' for invading the Kingdom ; Thar they prelfed the
< King to make a Declaration to the world, whilft they
i knew
%0$ The Tejiimony ofthefixth Period,,
* knew by clear evidences, that he had no real convj*
* clion of the things contained therein/
PERIOD VI.
Containing the Tejiimony through the continued Tracl of the prefent Deformation^ from the Tear l6tf)Q to this Day.
NOW comes the laft Caiaftrophe of the Deforma- tion of the Church of Scotland, which now ren- ders her to all Nations as wfamoufly de/picable, as her Reformation formerly made her admired and envied ; which in a retrograde motion hath gradually been growing thefe 27 Years, going back through all theftcps by which the Reformation attended, till now fte is re- turned to the very border of that Babylon from whence fhe took her departure, and reduced through defc&ion, *nd divifion, and perfecutions, to a confufed Chaos of al- jnoft irreparable diiTolution, and unavoidable delblation. Through all which fleps notwithstanding, to this day, Scotland hath never wanted a Witnefs for Chrift, againft all the various fteps of the Enemies advancings, and of profefled Friends declining*; though the Teftimony hath hadfome Angularities, fbme way difcriminating it from that of former Periods, in that it hath been more difficult, by reafbn of more defperate and dreadful affaults of more inraged enemies, more expert and experienced in the ac- curfed art of overturning than any formerly; in that it Imh been attended with more difadvantages> by reafbn of the Enemies greater prevaiency, and Friends deficien- cy, and greater want of ftgnificant AfTertors than any formerly ; in that it hath been intangled in more multi?- furious intricacies of queftions and debates, and divifionj among the Afferters themfelves, making it more dark, and yet in the end contributing to clear it more than any formerly ; in that it hath been intended and extended to £ greater meafure, both as to matter and manner of coo- ^endings againft the Advcrfaries, and flatcd upon nicer
points,
The Tejlimony of the fix th Period. 109
points, more enixcly profecutcd, and tenacioufly main- tained, and feale^d with more fufferings than any former* ly ; in thac it hath more oppolition and eontradi&ion, and lefs countenance from profeiTed friends to the Refor- mation, either at home or abroad, than any formerly ; and yet it hath had all thefe feveral fpecialities together, -which were peculiar to the former Testimonies, in their refpeclive Periods, being both a&ive and paifive both a* gainft Enemies and Friends; and w cumulo flared againft Atheifm, Popery, Prelacy, and Eraftian Supremacy, which were the fucceili've heads of the fbrmerTeftimonies, and alfb now extended in a particular manner againft tyranny: and not only againit the fubftance and eiience of thefe in the abdradt, but againft fubftanceand circum- (Tance,abftra<3 and concrete root and branch,head and tail of them, and all complying wTith them, conforming to them, or countenancing of them, or any thing conducive for them, or deduced from them, any manner of way, directly or indire£Uy, formally or interpreratively. This is that extcnflve and very comprehenfive Teftimony of the prefent Period, as it is now fta ted and feajed with the blood of many; which in all its parts, points and pendicles is moft directly relative, and dilucidly redu- cible to a complex Witnefs for the declarative Glory of Chrijfs Kingfiip and Headfiip over all, as he is God, and as he is Mediator, which is the greateft concern that Creatures have to contend for, either as Men or as Chri- ftians. This being the matter of this Teftimony, I fhal! give a fhort manuduction to the progrefs and reiult of its Management.
During the Exile of the Royal Brothers, it is undeniably Icnown that they were, by their Mother's carefTes, and the Jefuites allurements,feduced to abjure the Reformed Religion (which was eafy to induce perfons to, that ne- ver had the fenfe of any Religion) and to be reconciled to the Church of Rome : and that not only they wrote to the Pope many promifes of promoting his projects, if ever they fhould recover the power into their hands a- g*in, and often frequented the Mafs thcmfelves ; but al- fo, by their example, and the influence of their future topes, prevailed with many of theix dcpeocUats and ar-
* tendanfj
x i o The Tejiimony of the fxth Period*
*endants abroad,to do the like ; yet it is alfo unquestion- ably known, that in the mean time of his Exile, he re- newed and confirmed, by private Letters to Presbyteri- ans, his many reiterated Engagements to adhere to the Covenant, and declared that he was, and would continue the fame Man, that he had declared himfelf to be in Scotland ( wherein doubtlefs, as he was an expert Artift, fee equivocated, and meant in hisiieart he would continue as treacherous as ever) which helped to keep a loyal Im- preffion of hislntereft in the hearts of too many, and art expectation of fome good of him, of which they were a- fhamed afterwards. And immediately before his return, 'tis known what promifes are contained in that Declara- tion from Breda (from whence he came alfo the fecond time, with greater Treachery than at the firft ) to all Proteftants that would live peaceably under his Govern^ ment; beginning now to weigh out his perfidy and per- jury, and breach of Covenant, in offering to tolerate that in an Indulgence, which he fwore to maintain 2ts a Duty. But in all this hepurpofed nothing, but to ingerc and in- gratiate himfelf into the peoples over credulous afFefti- ons, that they might not obftrutt his return, which a jealoufy of his intended Tyranny would have awakened them to withftand. And fo having feated himfelf, and flrengthned his power aeainft the attemptings of any,- whom his Confcience might fuggeft an apprehenfion that they ought to refift him, he thought himfelf difcharged from all obligations of Covenants, Oaths or Promifes, for which his faith had been pledged. And from the firft hour of his arrival, he did in a manner fet himfelf to affront and defy the Authority "of God, and to be re- venged upon his Kingdoms, for inviting him fb unani- mously to fway their Sceptre : in polluting and infecting the people with all debaucheries and monftrous villanies ; and commencing his inccftuous Whoredoms that very firft night he came to his Palace, wherein he continued to his dying day, outvying all for vilenefs. Yet he went on deluding our Church with his diffimulations, and would not difcovcr all his wickednefs hatched in his heart at firft, till his defigns fhould be riper, but dire- cted a Letter to the Prcsbytry of Edinburgh, declaring
hf
The Tejlhnony of the fixth Period. i ji
he was refolved to protect and pnferve the Government of the Church of Scotland, as it is fettled by Law, without Violation. Wherein it was obferved he altered the stile, and fpake never a word of the Covenant ,our Magna Char- ta of Religion and Righteoufnefs, our greateft fecurity for all Intercfts intruded to him, but only of Law, by which, as his practice expounded it afterwards, he meant the Prelatkal Church, as it was fettled by the Law of his Father, fince which time he reckoned there was no Law, but Rebellion. This was a piece and prelude of our baft defection, and degeneration into blind, bloc- Jcifh and brutifh ftupidity ; that after he had difcoverec! fo much perfidy, we not only at first tempted him to Perjury, in admitting him to the Crown, upon his mock-engagement in the Covenant, whereby God was mocked, his Spirit was grieved, his Covenant prostitu- ted, the Church cheated, and the State betrayed-, but af- ter the Lord had broken his yoke from off our necks, by- lending him to exile ten years, where he vvas difcoverec! to be imbibing all that Venom and tyrannical Violence, which he afterward vented in revenge upon the Nation; and after we had long fmarted for our firft tranfa&ioa with him ; yet notwithstanding of all this, we believed him again, and Iffachar like, couched under his burdens, and were fo far from withstanding, that we did not fo much as witnefs againftthe re-admiffion and restoration of the Head and Tail of Malignants, butlet them come in peaceably to the throne, without any fecurity to the co- venanted Caufe, or for our civil or religious Interefts ; and by piece-mail, at their own eafe, leifure and plea- fure, to overturn all the Work of God, and re-introduce the old Antichriftian yoke of abjured Vfelacy, and blas- phemous facrilegious Supremacy, and abfolute arbitrary Tyranny, with all their abominations ; which he, and with him the generality of our Nobility, Gentry, Cler- gy, and Commonality by him corrupted, without regard to faith, or fear of God or Man, did promote and pro- pagate, until the Nation was involved in the greateft re- volt from, and rebellion against God, that ever could be recorded in any Age or Generation; nay, attended with greater and groffer aggravations, than ever any could
be
1 1 % The Tejlimony of the fix th Period.
be capable of before us, who have had the grcateft Privi- leges that ever any Church had, fince the National Church of the ye<ws> the greateft Light, the greateft ef- fects of matchlefi magnified Love, the greateft Conve- ntions of Sin, the greateft Reiblutions and iblemn En- gagements againft it, and the greateft Reformation from it, that ever any had to abufe and affront. O Heavens, be aftonifhed at this* and horribly afraid ! for Scotland hath changed her Glory, and the Crown hath fallen from off her head, by an unparallelled Apoftafy, a free and voluntary, wilful and deliberate Apoftafyj an a- vowed and declared, and authorized Apoftafy, tyranni- cally carried on by military Violence and Cruelty ; a moft univerfal and every way unprecedented Apoftafy ! I muft a little change my method, in deducing the nar- ration of this Catajtrophe> and fufe-diftinguifh this un- happy Period into fevcral fteps ; (hewing how the Ene->- inies oppofition to Chrift advanced, and the Teftimony of his Witnefles did gradually alcend, to the pitch it is now arrived at»
I. Thefe enemies of God, having once got footing a- gain, with the favour and flwnings of the foolifh nati- on, went on fervently to further and promote their wic- ked defign : and, meeting with no oppofition at firft* did encourage themfelves to begin boldly* Wherefore, hearing of fbme Minifters peaceably aflembled, to draw up a Monitory- letter to the King, minding him of his Covenant engagements and promifes, (which was, irho* weak, yet the firft witnefs and warning againft that Heaven-daring wickednefs then begun), they cruelly in- carcerate them. Having hereby much daunted the Mini- flry from their duty in that'day ; for fear of the like uft- ufual and outragious ufage, the Parliament conveens^ January I. j66i> without fo much as a Proteftation for religion and liberty given in to them. And there, iri the firft place, they frame and take the oath of Supre- macy y exauftorating Chrift, and inverting his ufurping enemy with the fpoils of his robbed prerogative, ac* Icnowledging the King only fupreme Governor over all per* fonsy and in all caufes, and that his power and jurifdiclioti muft not be declined. YtheTebyiimfcxallperfonsandallcau-
The Teftlmony of the fixth Period. 1 1 J
fes, all Church-officers, in their moft properly Eccleiia- itick affairs and concerns of Chrift, are comprehended : And if the King fball rake upon him to judge their doc- trine, worfhip, difcipline, or government, he muft noc be declined as an incompetent judge. Which did at once enervate all the Teftimonyof the fourth Period above de- clared, and laid the foundation for all this Babel they have built fince, and of all this war that hath been wa- ged againit the Son of God, and did introduce all this tyranny and abfolute power which hath been iince carried to ir*s complement, and made the King's throne the foun- dation of all the fuccecding Perjury and Apoftafy. Yet, though then our Synods and Presbyteries were not dis- charged, but might have had accefs in fome concurrence to witnefs againff this horrid invafion upon Chrift's pre- rogative and the Church's privilege, no joint Teftimony was given againft it, except that fome were found witnet fing againft it in their lingular capacity by themfelves. As faithful Mr* James Guthrie, for declining this ufurped authority in prejudice of the Kingdom of our Lord Je- fus, fuffered death, and got the Martyrs crown upon his head : and fome others, for refufing that oath arbitra-. jily impofed, were banifhed or confined. When they had gained this bulwark of Chrift's Kingdom, then they waxed more infolent, and fet up their Enligns for figns, and broke down the carved work of Reformation with axes and hammers. In this Parliament 1661, they pad an AB Refcijfory, whereby they annulled and declared void the National Covenant, the Solemn League and Covenant, Presbyterial Government, and all laws made in favours of the work of Reformation, llnce the year 1635. O horrid wickednefs ! both in its nature fo atro- cious, to condemn and refcind what God did fo fignal- ly feal as his own work, to the convi&ion of the world, and for which ne will refcind the Refcinders, and over- turn thefe Overturners of his work, and make the curfc of that broken Covenant bind them to the punifbmenr, whom its bond could not oblige to the duty covenanted ; and in its deilgn and end Co bale and deteftablc, for no- thing but to flatter the King in making way for Prelacy, Tyranny and Popery, and to indulge the ikeotioufcefs
H of
114 The Tejlimony ofjhejtxtb Period* of iome debauched Nobles, who could not endure the yoke of Chrift's Government, and to fuppre£/ Religion and Rightebufhefs under the ruins of thac Reformation. But, O holy and aftonifhing Juftice, thus to recompense our way upon our own head I to fuffer this work and eaufe to be ruined under our unhappy hands, who fuffe- red this deftroyer to come in before it was fo effectually fecured, as it fhould not have been in the power of his band (whatever had been in his heart, fwelled with enmity againft Chrift) to have razed and ruined that work as now moft wickedly he did, and drew in fb many into the guilt of the fame dtcdy that aimoft the whole land not only contented unto it, but applauded it ; by approving and countenancing another wicked A&y framed at the fame time, by that fame perfidious Parlia- ementfor an anniverfary thankfgiving, commemorating every 29th of Mayy that Blafphemy againft the Spirit and Work of God, and celebrating tfyat unhappy Reftaura- tion of the Refcinder of the Reformation ; which had not only the concurrence of the univerfality of the nation, bt (alas for fhame, that it (hould be told m Gathy &c ! ) even of fbme Minifters who afterwards accepted the in- dulgence, (one of which a pillar among them, was feen fcandaloufly dancing about the bonefires). And others, who fbould have alarmed the whole nation, as it were for their religion and property, to rife for religion and li- berty, to rcfift fiich wickednefs, did wink at it. O how righteous is the Lord now in turning our harps, into mourning ! though, alasj we will not fuffer ourfelves, Co this day, to fee the fhining righteoufhefs of this retri- bution : and though we be fcourged with fcorpions, and brayed in a mortar, our madneis, our folly in thefe irreligious frolicks, is not yet acknowledged, let be la- mented. Yet albeit, neither in this day, when the Co- venant was not only broken, but caffed and declared of no obligation, nor afterward when it was burnt, (for Which Turks and Pagans would have been afhamed and afraid at fitch a terrible fight, and for which the Lord's anger is burning againft thefe bold burners, and .againft them who fuffered it, and did not witnefs againft ft\ was there any publick Ttftimony by protcftation,
or
The Teftimony tftheftxth Period. . 1 15 &r remonftrance, or any publick witneft 1 though the Lord had (brae then, and fome who came out afterward with the trumpet at their mouth, whofe heart then ior- rowed at the fight : and fbme fufFered for the fehfe they fhewed of that anniverfary abomination, for not keep- ing which they loft both Church and Liberty. It -is true, the ordinary meetings of Presbyteries and Synods were about that time difcharged, to make way for the cxercife of the new power conferred on the four Prelates who were at court,* re-ordained and coofecrated thereby* renouncing their former title to the Miniftry. But this could not give a difcharge from a necefiary Teftimony* then called for from faithful watchmen. However, the Preformation being thus refunded and razed, and the Houfe of the Lord pulled down, then they begin to build their Babel. In the Parliament, in the year l662> by their firft aft, they reftore and re-cftablifh Prelacy , up- on fuch a foundation, as they might by the fame law bring in Popery, which was then defigned ; and fo fet- tled its Harbinger Diocefan and Eraftian Prelacy, by ful- ler Englargement of the Supremacy. The very a& begin- ncth thus. c Forafmuch as the ordering and difpofal c of the external government of the Church doth proper- € ly belong to his Majefty, ^s an inherent right of the 1 crown, by virtue of his Royal Prerogative, and Su* € premacy in caufes Ecclefiaftick, ■ whatever fhail
* be determined by his Majefty, with advice of the 1 Archbifhops, and fuch of the Clergy, as he fhali no- 1 minate, in the external Government of the Church* c (the fame confuting with the ftanding laws of the
* kingdom), (hall be valid and effectual. And, in the c fame acl, all laws are rescinded, by which the fole c power and jurifdiction within the Church doth ftancf ' in the Church-afTemblies : and all which may be in- 1 terpreted, to have given any Church-power, juriflic-
* tion, or government to the office-bearers of the Church* 1 other than that which acknowledged a dependence € upon, and fubordinationtothe Sovereign power of the c King as fupreme.' By which, Prelates are redintegra* ted to all their privileges and preheminencies, that they fofleiTad in the year 163 7. And all their Church-power
H s (robbci
1 16 The Tejilmony oftheftxth Period. (robbed from the Officers of Chrift) is made to be dcrU
i ved from, to depend upon, and to be fubordinate to, the crown prerogative of the King : whereby the King is made the only fountain of Church-power, and that ex- cluiive even of Chrift, of whom there is no mentioned exception : and -his vaflals the Bifhops, as his Clerk's in Eccleiiafticks, are accountable to him for all their admi- niftrations ; a greater ufurpation upon the kingdom of Chrift, than ever the Papacy itfelf afpired unto. Yet, albeit here was another diiplay of a banner of defiance a- gainft Chrift, in altering the church-government of thrift's Inftitution into the human invention of lordly Prelacy, in afTuming a power by. prerogative to difpofe then of the external government of the Church, and in giving his creatures Patents for this effect, to be his Adminiftrators in thatufurped government; there was no publick, Mi- nifterial, at leaft united Teftimony againft this neither. Therefore the Lord punifhed this finful and fhameful filence of Miniftcrs, in his holy Juftice, though by mens horrid wickednefs ; when, by another wicked AB of the Council at Glafgow, above three hundred Minifters were put from their charges ; and afterwards, for their non-conformity in not countenancing their Diocefan
. meeting, and not keeping the anniversary day, May 29. The reft were violently thruft from their labours in the
; lord's vineyard, and banifhed from their Parifhes, and adjudged unto a nice and ftrangc confinement, twenty miles from their own Parifhes, fix miles from a Cathedral- church, as they called it, and three miles from a Burgh; whereby they were reduced into many inconveniencies. Yet, in this fatal convulfion of the Church, generally all were ftruck with blindnefs and bafenefs, that a Paper- proolanxation made them all run from their potts, and o- bey the King's orders for their eje&ion. Thus were they given up, becaufe of their forbearing to found an alarm, charging the people of God, in point of loyalty to Chrift, and under thd pain of the curfe of the Covenant, to a- wake and acquit themfelves like men, and not to fufrer the enemy to rob them of that treafure of Reformation, which they were put in poffeffion of, by the tears, pray- ers, and blood of fuch as wcoc before them ', inftead of
. thofe
The Tejlimony of the fixth Period. tiy
thofe prudential fumblings and nrftlings chen and fince fo much followed. Wherefore the Lord) in his holy Righteoufhefs, left that enf my (againft whom they fhould have cried and contended, and to whofe eye they fhould have held the curfe of the Covenant, as having held ir jfirlf to their own, in cafe of unfaithful filence in not holding it to his) to caft them out of the Houfe of the Lord, and diflolve their Aflfemblies, and deprive them of their privileges, becaufc of their not being fo valiant for the truth, as that a full and faithful Teftimony a- gainft that encroachment might be found upon record- Neverthelcfs fome were found faithful in that hour and power ofdarknefs, who kept the word of the Lord's pa- tience, and who were therefore kept in and from that tentation, (which carried many away into fad and fhameful defections), though not from fuffering hard things from the hands of men ; and only thefe who felt xnoft of their violence, found grace helping them to ac- quit themfelves fuitably to that day's Teftimony, being thereby prevented from an aclive yielding to their im- poiitions, when they were made paffively to fuffer force. However, that feafon of a publick Teftimony was ioff, and, as to the molt part, never recovered to this day. The Prelates being fettled, and re-admitted to voice in Parliament, they procure an acl, dogmatically condemn- ing feveral material parts and points of our covenanted Reformation, to wit, thefe pofirions, c That it was law- ful for fubjects, for Reformation or neceftfary felf-de- fencc, to enter into leagues, or take up arms againft the King; and particularly declaring that the National Covenant, ^s explained in the year 163S, and the So- lemn League and Covenant, were and are in themfelves unlawful oaths, and were taken bv and impofed upon the fubjec'ts of this Kingdom, againft the fundamental laws and liberties thereof, that all fuch gatherings and petitions, that were ufed in the beginning of the late troubles, were unlawful and feditious: and whereas then people were led into thefe things, by having dif- ferainated among them fuch principles as thefe, that it was lawful to come with petitions and reprefenrations of grievances to the King, that it was lawful for peo- ple
jig The Teflimony of the fixth Period,
« pie to rcftrid their allegiance under fuch and fuch limi*
< tations, and fufpend it until he fhould give fecurity for c religion, &c. It was therefore ena&ed, that all fuch
< pohtions, and practices founded thereupon, were trca- €fonablef— -*-And further did enaft, that no perfon,
* by writing, praying, preaching, or malicious or adf
* vifed (peaking^ exprefs or publifh any words or fen*»
* tences, to Mir up the people to the diflikc of the King's
* prerogative and fupremacy, or of the government of c the Church by Bifhops, or juftify any of the deeds, ac-
* tings, or things declared againft by that acV Yet not-* Yyithftanding of all thisfubverfion of religion and liberty, and reftraint of afferting thefe truths here trampled up- on, either before men by Teftimony, or before God in mourning over thefe indignities done unto him, in ever- ting thefeand all the parts of Reformation, even when it came to Daniel's caie of confeffion, preaching and praying truths interdicted by law ; few had their eyes ©pen (let be their windows, in an open avouching them) to fee the duty of the day calling for a Tcitimony, Though afterwards, the Lord fpiritcd fome to affert and demonfrrate the glory of thefe truths and duties to the world. As that judicious Author of the Apologetical
^Relation* whole labours need no Elogium to commend them. But this is not all : for thefe men, having now, as they thought, fubverted the work of God, they pro-* vided al£b againft the fears of its revival : making ads, de- claring, that if the outed Minifters dare to continue to 5 preach, and prefume to exercife their Miniftry, they c fhould be punifhed as feditious pcrfbns ; requiring of all € a due acknowledgement of, and hearty complyance with, c the King's government Eccleilaflical and Civil ; and that
* whofbever (hall ordinarily and wilfully withdraw € and abfent from the ordinary Meetings Ear divine Wor-
* fhip in their own Churches on the Lord^s Day, (hall in-
* cur the Penalties there iofert.* Thus the fometimes chafte Virgin, whole name was Beulahto the Lord, the Reformed Church of Scotland, did now fuffer a violent and villanous Rape, from a Vermin of vile fchifmatica! Apof>a tes, obtruded and impofed upon her, inftead of Jicr able,, painful^ faithful sod &G€ef$ft4 Pafton, that the
Lord
The Tejlimony of the fix th Period. 119
Lord had fee over her, and now by their faintnefs,and the Enemies force, robbed from her, and none now al- lowed by Law to adminifter the Ordinances, but cither Apoftate Curates, who by their Perjury and Apoitafy forfaulted their Miniftry, or other Hirelings and Prelates Journeymen, who run without a Million, except frora them who had none to give, according to Chrift's Infti^ tution, the Seal of whofe Miniftry could never yet be fhown in the Convertion of any Sinner to Chrift : but if the tree may be known by its fruits, we may know whofe Minifters they are; as the Lion from his Claws, by their Converpon of Reformation into Deformation, of the Work and Caufeof God into the iimilitude of the Roman Beaft, of Minifters into Hirelings, of their Pro- felytes into ten times worfe children of the Devil than they were before, of the power of Golinefs into forma- lity, of preaching Chrift into Orations of Morality, of the purity of Chrift's Ordinances into the vanity of mens Inventions, of the beautiful Government of the Houfe of God for Edification, to a lordly Pre-eminence and Do- mination over confeiences, in a word, of Church and State Constitutions for Religion and Liberty, all uplide down into wickednefs and flavery: thefe are the Con- versions of Prelacy. But now this aftonifhing blow to the Gofpel of the Kingdom, introducing fuch a Swarm of Locufts into the Church, and in forcing a Compliance of the people with this defection, and that fo violently and rigoroufly, as even fimple withdrawing was fo fe- verely punifhed by fevere Edi&s of fining, and other ar- bitrary punifhments at firft ; what did it produce 1 Did it awaken all Chrift's AmbaiTadors, now to appear for Chrift, in this clear and clamant cafe of cenfeffing him, and the Freedom and Purity of his Ordinances 1 Alas! the backwardnefs and bentnefs to tackiliding, in a fuperfeding from the duties of that day, did make it evident, that now the Lord had in a greit meafure for- faken them, becaufc they had forfaken him. The ftan- dard of the Gofpel was then fallen, and few to take it up. The generality of Minifters and Profeftors both went and conformed fo far as to hear the Curates, contra- ry to many points of the Reformation -formerly attain- ed,
tad- The Teftimony of thefixtb Period'. ed, contrary ro their Covenant Engagements, and con- trary to their own principles and pra&ice at that fame time; icruplingand refuting to keep the Bifhop's Vifitati- cn-S) and to Countenance their Difcipline and power of yu- rifdiftiori) becaufe it was required as a Teftification of their acknowledgment of, and Compliance with the pre- fent Government, and yet not fcrupling to Countenance their Do&rine> and ufurped power of Order required alfo by the fame Law: as the fame Teft of the lame Com- pliance and fubm ffion. 'Tis ftrange that fbme yet do plead for perfifting in that fame Compliance, after all the bitter Confequents of it. Other Minifters lay al- together by, in their retired recefles, waiting to fee what things would turn to : others were hopelefs, turn- ed Farmers and Doftors : others more wyly, ftaid at home, and preached quietly in Ladies Chambers. But the faithful thought that this Tyrannical ejedion did not, nor could not, unminijler them, fo as they might not preach the Gofpcl where ever they were, as Ambaf- fadors of Chrift; but rather found themfelves under aa indifpenfiblc ncceffity to preach the Gofpel, and Witnefi ' for the freedom of their Minittry, and make full proof of ity in preaching in feafbn and out of feafbn: and thereupon, as occaflon offered, preached to all fuch as were willing to hear; but arfirfi only in private houfes, and that for the moft part at fuch times, when Sermons in publick furceafed ( a fuperplus of Caution. ) But af- terwards, finding fo great difficulties and Perfccutions for their Houfe-meetings, where they were fb eafily en- trapped, were conftrained at laft to keep their Meetings in the Fields, without fhelter from cold, wind, fnow, or rain. Where teRifying both practically and partial-, larly againft theft Ufurpations on their Matter's Prero- gatives, and witnefiing for their Minifterial freedom,, contrary to all Law-Interdiclions, without any Licences, or Indulgences from the Ufurper, but holding their Mi- jnittry from jefus Chrilt alone, both as to the Office and exereife thereof; they had fo much of their Matter's Countenance, and fuccefs in their labours, that they va- lued neither hazards nor hardfhips, neither the con- tempt of pretended Friends, nor the Laws, nor threat-
ning
The Tejllmony of the fixth Period. 121 Dings of Enemies, adjudging the penalty of death it felf ro Preachers at Field Conventicles, as they called them. Now having thus overturned the Church Government, by introducing Prelacy, to advance an abfolute Supremacy ; the effedts whereof, wTere either the Corruption, or Per- iecution of all the Ministry, Encouragment of profanity and wickednefs, the encreafe and advancment of Pope- ry, Superftition, and Error, cruel impofitions on the Confcience, and oppreflions for Confcience fake, by the practices of cruel Supra-Spanifi In qui [it ions, and all man- ner of out-cries of outragious violence and viliany : the King proceeds, in his defign, to pervert and evert the well-modelled and moderated Conftiturion of the State Government alio, by introducing and advancing an Arbi- trary Tyranny ; the effects whereof, were an abfolute Mancipation of Lives and Liberties, and eftates unto his luft and pleafure, the utter fubveriion of Laws, and ab- folute impoverifhing of the people. For erTeciuatiqg which, he rlrft .procures a lafting Impohtion of into- lerable Subjldies and Taxations, to impoverifh, that he might the more eaflly enflave the Nation ; next, a fur- ther recognizance of his Prerogative, in a fubje&ion of perfons, fortunes, and whole ftrength of the Kingdom to his abfolute arbirrement, " In a Levy of Militia of €C 20,000 footmen, and 2000 horfemen fufrlciently arm- <c ed, with 40 days proviiion, to be ready upon the <c King's call to march to any part of his Dominions, for €i oppoflng whatsoever invafion, or in furred ion, or for cc any other fervice. " The rlrft fproutings of Tyranny were cherifhed, by the cheerful and ftupid fubmiffiort generally yeilded to thefe exorbitancies ; under which,, .they who fuffered moft were inwardly Malecontenrs, but there was no opposition to them by word or a&ion ; but, on the contrary, generally people did not fo much as fcruple fending out, or going out as Militia-men : ne- ver adverting unto what this Concurrence was defined, and demanded, and given for; no<* what an acceffion it was, in the nature and influence of the mean it felf, and in the ienfe and intention of the Requirers, unto a Con- federacy for a Compliance with, and a Confirmation and firengtheaing of Arbitrary Tyranny, After the funda- mental
1%% The Teftlmny efthtftxth Period.
mental copftitucions of both Church and State are thus razed and rooted up, to confirm this Abfolute Vowery he contrived to frame all inferior Magiftrates according to his mould: and for this end appointed, that all perfons, in any pub lick Truft or Office whatsoever, fbould fub- fcribe a Declaration, renouncing and abjuring the Cove- nants ; whereby Perjury was made the chief and indif- penfible .qualification, and without which nothing could be bad, of all that were capable oftexercing any power or place in Church or State, But finding this not yetfuificient (ecurity for this unfettkd fettlement ; becaufc he well un-» derftood, the people flood noways obliged to acknow- ledge him, but only according to the folemn Covenants, being the fundamental Conditions whereupon their Al- legiance was founded (as amongfl all people, the Arti* clcs mutually contented betwixt them, and theft whom they fet over them, are the conftituent fundamentals of * Government ) and well knowing, that he and his Affo-r ciates, by violating theft Conditions, had loofed thepeo-
f>le from all fubje&ion to him, or any deriving power rom him, whereby the people might juftiy plead, that ilncc he had kept no Condition, they were not now o- bliged to him] he therefore contrived a new Oath of Ah iegiance to be impofed upon aU in publick truft, both in Church and State ; wherein they are made to oblige themftlves to that Boundlcfs breaker of all Bonds, facrej and civil, and his SucceiTors alfo, without any recipro- cal obligation from him to them, or any referved rc- ftriftion, limitation, or qualification, as all human Au- thority, by God's Ordinance, muft be bounded. Where* by the Swearers have, by Oath, homologated the over- turning of the very Bafts of the Government, making free people Slaves to the fubverters thereof, betraying rheir native Brethren and pofteriry to the luft of Tyran- ny, and have, in effect, as really, as if in plain terms, ^fErmed, that whatfoever Tyranny fhall command, or do, either as to the overturning of the work of God, fubverting of Religion, deftroying of Liberty, or per- secuting all the Godly to the utmoft extremity, they |hall not only ftapidly endure it, but actively concur with it, and afiift in all this Tyranny, AksJ there
was
The Tefiimony of the fixth Period. 133
was no publick Teftimony aeaiQit this Trick, to bring people under the yoke of Tyranny ; except by fome ivho furfered for Confcientious refuting it, whiie many others did take it, thinking co falve the matter by their pitiful quibbling fcnfes, of giving Cefar his due. Where- as this Cefar, for whom rhefe Loyal Ailegiers plead, is not an ordinary Cefary but fiich a Cefar, Neroy or Cali- gula, that if he got his due, it would be in another kind. Strange! can Presbyterians fwear chat Allegiance, which is fubrtitute in the place of the broken and burnt Cove- nant ? Or could they fwear it to fuch a perfon, who having broken and buried the Covenant, that he who bad fworn it, might have another right, and another Allegiance than that of the Covenant, had then remittee! to us all Allegiance founded upon the Covenant 'i How- ever, having now prepared and furnifhed himfelf with Tools fb qualified for his purpoie, in Church and State, he profecutes his Perfecution with fuch fervour and fury, rage and revenge, impofitions and oppremons, and with armed formed force, againft the faithful following their duty in a peaceable manner, without the leaft fhadow of Contempt, even of his abufed Authority, that at length, in the year l666> a fmall party were compelled to go to defenfive arms. Which, whatever was the de- fire of the Court ( as it is known how deilrous they have been of an Infurre&ion, when they thought them- fclvesfure to fupprefi it, that they might have a vent for their Cruelty ; and how one of the Brothers hath been heard ^y, That if he might have his wijb> he would have them all turn Rebels, and go to arms.) Yet it was no predetermined defign of that poor Handful. For Sir James Turner, purfuing his cruel orders in Galloway, feot ibme Soldiers to apprehend a poor olu man ', whom his neighbours compaflionating, intreatcd the Soldiers to loofc him as he lay bound, but were anfwered with drawn. Swords, and neceffitated to their own defence : In which they relieve the man, and dilarm the Soldiers, and further attacked fome others opprefiing that Coun- try, difarming 10 or 12 more, and killing one chat l*ade refinance. Whereupon, the Country being alarm- cdj and fearing from lad experience Sir James would
ccr-
X24 TkeTeftimony of the fixth Period. certainly avenge this affront upon the whole Country, without diftindiion of free and unfree, they gather a- bout 54 horfemen, march to Drumfriesy take Sir James Turner Prifoner, and diiarm the Soldiers, without any more violence. Being thus, . by Providence, engaged without any hope of retreat, and getting (btnc Con- currence of their Brethren in the fame Condition, they come to Lanerky where they renew the Covenant ; and thence to Pentland-hills : where, by the holy Difpofal of God, they were routed, many killed, and 1 30 ta~ ken Prifbners, who were treated fo treacherouily and truculently, as Turks would have blufhed to have ieen the like* Hence now, on the one hand, we may fee the RJghteoufhefs of God, in leaving that Enemy to him, whom we embraced, to make iuch avowed Dif- coveries of himfelf, without a blufti to the world, and to fcourge us with fcorpions that we nourifhed and put in his hands : and alfb, how juftly, at that time, he left us into fuch a damp, that like AfTcs we couched under all burdens, and few came out to the help of the Lord a- gainft the Mighty, drawing on them Meroz's Curfe, and the blood of their butchered Brethren ; after we had fitten, and feen, and fufFered all things, Civil and Sacred, to be deftroyed in our fight without refentment. And though the Lord, who called out thefe worthy Patriots, who fell at Pentlandy to fuch an appearance for his Inte- refts, did take a Teftimony of their hands with accep- tance by bufferings, and Angularly Countenanced them in iealing it with their blood ; yet he would not give fuccefs nor his prefence to the Enterprife, but left them in a fort of infatuation, without Counfel and Conduct, to be a prey to devourers, that, by a fad inadvertency, they took in the Tyrants Intereft into the State of the Quarrel. Which fhould have warned his people for the, future, to have ftated the Quarrel otherwise.
II. By this time, and much more after, the King gave as many proofs and demonstrations of his being true to Antichrift, in minding all the promifes and treaties with him, as he had of his being falfe to Chrift, in ail his co- venanted Engagements with his People. For in this fame year 1666, he, with his dear and Royal Brother
the
The Tejlimony ofthefixth Period. 12$
the Duke of Tork, contrived, countenanced, and abetted the burning of London , evident by their employing their Guards to hinder the People fromfaving their own, and to difmifs the Incendiaries the Papifts, that were taken in the fad. The Committee, appointed to cognofce upon that buiinefs, traced it fo far, that they durft go no fur- ther, unlefs they would arraign the Duke, and charge the King : and yet before this it was ena&ed as criminal for any to fay, the King was aPapift. But having gained lb much of his defign in Scotland, where he had eftabii- lhed Prelacy, advanced Tyranny to the height of Abfo- lutenefs, and his Supremacy almoft beyond the reach of any additional fupply, yea, above the Pope's own Claim, and had now brought his only oppofites, the few faith- ful Witnefles of Chrift to a low pais, he went on by Craft as well as Cruelty, to advance his own, in pro- moting Antichrift's Intereft. And therefore, having got- ten the Supremacy devolved upon him by Law ( for which alfb he had the Pope's difpenfation, to take it to himfelf for the time, under promife to reftore and fur- render it to him, as foon as he could attain his end by it, as the other Brother fucceeding hath now done) he would now exert that ufurped power, and work by en- fharing policy to effectuate the end which he could not do by other means. , Therefore, feeing he was not able to fupprefs the Meetings of the Lord's people for Gofpel Ordinances, in houfe and fields, but that the more he la- boured by violent courfes, the greater and more frequeut they grew m, he fell upon a more crafty Device, not only to overthrow the Gofpel, and fupprefs the Meetings, but •to break the faithful, and to divide, between the mad-cap and the moderate Fanaticks ( as they phrafed it) that he might the more eafily deltroy both, to confirm the u- furpation, and to fettle people in a {infill fllence and ftu- pid fubmiffionto all the Encroachments made on Chrift's Prerogatives, and more effectually to overturn what re- mained of the Work of God. And, knowing that no- thing could more fortify the Supremacy, than Miniflers their homologating and acknowledging it; therefore he offered the firft Indulgence in the year 1669, fignifying ia a Letter, dated that year, June 7th, his gracious plea-
fure
t &6 The Te/limony of thefixth Period,
furc Was, * To appoint To many of the outcd Mioiftcr^
* as have lived peaceably and orderly, to return to
* preach and exercife other functions bf the Miniftry, in c the Parifh-churches where they formerly ferved (pro-J
* vided they be vacant) and to allow Patrons to preient c to other vacant Churches, fuch others of them as thej € Council fliould approve: that all who are fo indulged j c be enjoined to keep Presbyteries^ and the Refufcrs to € be confined within the bounds of their Parifhes.* and c that they be enjoined not to admit any of their neigh* c hour Parifhes unto their Communions, nor baptize their c Children^ nor marry any of them, without the allow- c anceofthe Minifter of the Parifh : and it they coun- t tenancethe People deferting their own Parifhes, they c are to be illenced for fhorter or longer time, or alto* c gether turned out, a* the Council fhall fee caufe: and*
* upon Complaint made and verified ^ of any feditious € Difcourie or Expreflions in the Pulpit, uttered by any c of the Minifters, they are immediately to be turned out,
* and further punifhed according to Law : and feeing by c theft orders all Pretences for Conventicles were taken a- c way, if any fhould be found hereafter to preach with- € out Authority, or keep Conventicles ; his Pleafurc is,to c proceed with all Severity againft them, as feditious t Perfbns, and Contemners of Authority.' To falve this in point of Law (becaufe it was againft former Laws of their own) and to make the King's Letter the fupreme Law afterwards, and a valid ground in Law, where- upon the Council might proceed and enaft, and execute what the King plcafcd in Matters Eccleilaftick ; Jie therefore caufedframea formal ftatutory AB of Su-prerna- cy> of this Tenor: c That his-Majefty hath the fupreme c Authority and Supremacy over all Perfons, and in all € Caufes Ecclefiaftick, within his Dominions, and that
* by virtue thereof, the ordering and difpofai of the ex- .* ternal Government of the Church, doth properly be-
€ long to him and his fucceffors, as an inherent Right to
* the Crown : and that he may fettle, enact, and emit 4 fuch Conftitutions, Acts and Orders, concerning the 4 a dm iniftrating thereof, and Perfpns employed in the f lame, and concerqing ail EcclefiaAical Meetings and
« MatterSj
' The Tejilmony of thtfixth Period. 127
Matters, to be propofed and determined therein, as he in his Royal Wifdompall think fit \ which Acts, Orders and Constitutions are to be obferved and obeyed by all his Majefty's Subjeds, any Law, Ad, or Cuftom to the contrary notwithftanding. Whereupon, according- y the Council, in their Act of July 27th, 1669, c do nominate feveral Minifters, and appoint them to preach, and exercife the other functions of the Miniiiry, ac ; their refpedive Churches there fpecified, with Con- fent of the Patrons/ The fame day alfo they conclude andenad the forementioned Rejlriftisns, conform to the King's Letter above rehearfed, and ordain them to be intimate to every Pcrfon, who is by Authority forefaid allowed the exercife of the Miniftry. Thefc indulged Minifters having that Indulgence given only upon thefe terms, that they fhould accept thefe Injundions ; and having received it upon thefe terms alfo (as an efifential pare of the Bargain and Condition, on which the Induk gence was granted and accepted, as many following Pro- clamations did exprefly declare) do appoint Mr. Hutche* fony one of the number, c to declare fo much ; in acJcnow-
* ledginghis Majefty's Favour and Clemency, in grant- € ing that Liberty, after fo long a reftraint: and how* € ever they had received their Miniftry from Jefus Chriftj c with full Prefcriptions from him for regulating them € therein, yet nothing could be more refrefhingon earth c to them, than to have free Liberty for the exercife of
* their Miniftry, under the Protedion of lawful Autho- 1 rity : and fo they purpofed to behave themfelves, in c thedifcharge of the Miniftry, with that wifdom thac
* became faithful Minifters, and to demean themfelves € towards lawful Authority, notwithstanding of their f known judgment in Church-affairs, as well becometh € loyal Subjeds ; aod their Prayer to God fhould be3
* that the Lord fhould blefs his Majefty in his Perfin and 1 Government, and the Council in the publick admini-
* ftration, and efpeciaily in the purfuance of his Maje- € ffy'smindin his Letter, wherein his lingular modera- tion eminently appears/ .Afterwards they iffued
out Proclamations, reinforcing the pundual obfervation ci the forementiooed Injund:ions?aacl delivered them into
tfec
128 The Tefttmony of the fixih Period. the indulged. In the mean rime; chough cruel Afts and Edicts were made againft the Meetings of the Lord's People, in houies and the fields, after all thefe Midianitifi wiles to fupprefs them, fuch was the pretence of the Lore! in thefe Meetings, and fo powerful was his Countenance and Concurrence with the Labours of a few, who laid out themfelves to hold up the Standard of Chrift * that the number of Converts multiplied daily, to che praife of free Grace, and to the great encouragement of the few hands that wreftled in that Work, through all hu- man difcouragemenr. Therefore King and Council was put to a new fhift, which they fuppofed would prove more effectual; to wit, becaufe there was a great num- ber of non-conformed Minifters not yet indulged, who cither did or might hereafter hold Conventicles \ there- fore, to remeid or prevent this in time coming, they ap- point and ordain them to fuch places where indulged Minifters were fettled, there to be confined, with al- lowance to preach, as the Indulged flhould employ them; thinking by this means to incapacitate many to hold Meetings there or eife where : and to thefe alfo they give injunctions and reftriftions to regulate them in the exer- cife of their Miniftry. And to the end that all the outed .Minifters might be brought under reftraint, and the Word of God be kept under bonds, by another Aft o£ Council they command, that all other Minifters ( not difpofed of as is faid) were either to repair to the Pa- rifh-churches where they were, or to fome other Pa- rifhes, where they may be ordinary hearers, and to de- clare and condefcend upon the Parifhes where they in- tend to have their Refidence. After this they a/Turned a Power, to difpofe of thefe their Curates as they pleafed, and tranlport them from place to place ; whereof the on- ly ground was a flmple Aft of Council, the Inflru&ions always going along with them, as the conftant Compa- nion of the Indulgence, By all which it is apparent, what- ever thefe Minifters alledge in vindication of it, to co- ver its deformity, in their Balms to take away its Stinky and in their Surveys to gather Plaifters to fcurf over its Scurvinefs, viz* that it was but the Removal of the Civil Repaint) and that they entrtd into their places by the
Call
The Teftimony of thefixth Period. 125
Call of the People (a mere mock pretence for a prelimited impoiition, whereby that Ordinance of Chrift was bafe- ly proftituted and abufed) and that their Tefiimony and Vvotejlation was a Salvo for their confeience ( a mere Uto- pian fancy, that the Indulgers> with whom they bar- gained, never heard of, otherwife, as they did with fome who Were faithful in teftifying againft their Encroach- ments, they would foonhave given them a Bill of Eafe ) it cannot be denied, that that doleful Indulgence^ both in its Rife, Contrivance, Conveyance, Grant and Acceptance, End and Effe&s, was a grievous Encroachment upon the princely Prerogative of Jefus Chrift, the only Head of the Church ; whereby the Ufurper*s Supremacy was ho- mologated, bowed to, complied with, ftrengthned and eftablifhed, the Caufe and Kingdom of Chrift betrayed* his Church's Privileges furrender'd, his Enemies harden'd, his Friends ftumbled, and the Rcmant rent and ruined; in that it was granted and deduced from the King's Su- premacy, and conveyed by the Council ; in that, ac- cording to his plcafure, he gave and they received a Li- cence and Warrant, to fuch as he nominated and ele^ &ed, and judged fit and qualified for it, and fixed then* in what particular Parifh he pleafed to affign, under the notion of a Confinement; in that he impofed, and they fubmitted to rcftricxions in the exercifc of their Miniftry in thefe particular Parifhes, inhibiting to preach elfe* where in the Church ; and with thefe reftric-Hons, he gave and they received inftruclions to regulate and di- rect them in their functions. All which was done with- out Advice or Confint of the Church ; and thereupon they have frequently been called and conveened before the Council, to give account of their minifterial exercife, and fome of therri fentenced, filenced, and depofed for al- ledged difbbedience. This was a manifeft Tveafon a- gainft Chrift, which involved many in the adhial guilt of it that day, and many others who gaped after it, and could not obtain it ; and far more at that time, and fince, in the guilt of Mifprifion of Trea4bn,in paffingthis alfo without a witnefs. Thus, in holy judgment, bc- caufe of our indulging and conniving at the Ufurper of Chrift's Throne, he left a §rcac part of the Miaiftcrs to
I cafc«
130 ,\ Tht Tejtimbny afthefixfh Period. cake that wretched indulgence; and another part, inftcajf of remonftrating the wickedneis of that Deed, have been left to palliate and plainer., and patronize it, in keeping -upthe Credit of the King and Council's Curates, where- in they have fhewed more zeal, than ever agamft thac wicked Indulgence. Yet the Lord had fome Witoefies, who pretty early did give ijgnificafiohs of their refcns- mefrt of this Difhonour done , to Ch rift, as Mr. William ■Weir-, who having got the legal Call of the People, and .discharging his duty honeflly, was turned out; and Mr. John Burnet*, who wrote a Teftimony directed to the Council, (hewing why he could not fubmit to that In- dulgence, inlertedat large in the Hifiory of the Indulgence^ Where alfo we have the Teftimony of other ten Mini- vers, who drew up their Reafcns of Non-compliance with iuch a fhare ; and Mr. Alexander Blair, who, upofr occafion of a Citation before the Council for not obferv- -ing the 29th 6k May, having, with others, made his ap- pearance, and, got new Copies of- Inftru&ions presented to them, being moved with zeal, and remembring whole -Ambaffador he was, fold the Council plainly, that Be could receive no Injlm&ions from them in the Bxercife of -'his MiriiJlry,other<wife.hefiouId notibe Chrift's Ambajfadolty hut theirs.: and herewith lets their Inftru&ions drop out of his Hand,, knowing of no other Salvo, or manner of teftifying for the Truth in the Cafe,; for which he was imprifoned, and died under Confinement. But after- wards, the Lord raifed up -fome more explirite Witnefifes againft that defection. All this Trouble was before the year 1673 \ about which time, finding this device of Indulgences proved fo fteadable for his Service in Scotland, he was induced to try it alfb in England; which he did almoft with the fame or like fuceefs, and producing the fame effe£b of defection, fecurity and unfaithfulnefs. The Occafion was upon his Wars with the Dutch; which gave another demonftrativc Difcovery of his Treachery and Vofifb Perfidy, in breaking League with them, and centring inro one with the French, to deflroy Religion and -liberty in Britain \ c Wherein the King of Franceaffutcs * him an ahfolute Authority over his Parliaments, and to f r5-eftalilifcthe Catholick RtUgioa in hi* Kingdoms of
The -Tefirmny .of the fixih Period. jjj
* England, §cotl and and Ireland; to compafj which ic c was neceifary flrit to abate the pride and power of the 4 Dutch, and to reduce them to the fole Province of Hoi- 1 land, by which me.ans.thc King of England ihould have
* Zealand for a retreat, in cafe of need ; and that the reft c of the Low Countries fhould remain to the King of c France, if he could render himfelf matter ofir. But, to return to Scotland : while., by the forem^ntioned device, he. thought he had utterly fuppreffed the gofpel in Honfe and Field Meetings, he was fo f*r difappointed, that thefe very means and machines by which he thought to bury it, did chiefly contribute to its revival. For when, by
.perfecution, many Minifters had been chafed away by il- legal Law-fenrences, many had been banifhed away, and, by their enfnaring Indulgences, many had been drawn away from their duty, and others were now fen- tenced with confinements and reftrainrs, if they fhouk! not chufe and fix their refidence where they could not keep their quiet and conference both ; they were forced to wander and difperfe through the country, and the people being tired of the cold and dead Curate s, and want- ing long the miniftry of their old Fafiors, fo longed an<! hungered after the Word, that they behoved to have it at any rate, coif what it would ; which made them enter- tain the diiperfed Miniflers more earneftly, and encoura- ged them more to their duty. By whofe endeavour^ through the mighty power and prefence of God, and the light of his countenance now fhining through the cloucf, after fo fatal and fearful a dirknefs that had overclouded the land for ,a while, with fuch a refplendent bright ncfi^ that it darkened the Prelatick Locujls, and made them bits and goafh their torigues for pain, and dazled the eyes of all onlookers; the word of God grew exceeding- ly, and went through at leaff the Southern borders of the kingdom like lightning, or like the fun in its meri- dian beauty • difcovering fb the wonders of God's law*
* the Mylferies of his gofpel, and the fecrets of his Cove- nant, and the fins and duties .of that day, that i. numer-
- ous iffue was begotten to Chriff, and his conqueft was glorious, captivating poor {laves of Satan, and bringing <hsm from his pow.er unto God> and from darkness to
I Z light;
132 The Tejtifwny of the jixth Period. light. O! who can remember the glory of that clayy without a melting heart, in reflecting upon what we have loft, and let go, and finned away, by our miflmprove- ments 1 O ! that in that our day, we had hearkened to his voice, and had known the things that belonged to our peace! A day of fuqh power, that it made the peo- ple, even the bulk and body of the people, willing to come out and venture upon the greatcft of hardships and tHe greateft of hazards^ in purfuing after the gofpcl, thro* mof* fes and muirs, and inacceffible mountains, iummer and winter, thro* excels of heat and extremity of cold, many days and night journies, even when they could not have a probable expectation of efca ping the fword of the wilder- nefs, and the barbarous fury of bloody Burrio's raging for their prey, lent out with orders to take and kill them; it being now made criminal by Law, cfpeciaily to the Preachers and Convocaters of thofe Meetings. But this was a day of fuch power, that nothing could daunt them from their duty, that had tafted once the fwcetnefs of the Lord's prefence at thefc perfecuted Meetings. Then had we fuch Humiliation-day* for perianal and publick Defections, fuch Communion- days even in the open fields, and fuch Sabhath-Solemnities> that the places where they were kept might have been called Bethel, or VenieU or Bochimy and all of them yehovah-Shammab \ wherein many were truly converted, more convinced, and gene-
tally all Reformed from their former immoralities : that ven Robbers, Thieves, and profane Men, were fbme of them brought to a faving fubjection to Ch rift, and generally under fuch reftraint, that all the feverities of beading and hanging, &*c* in a great many years, could not make fuch a civil Reformation, as a few days of the Gofpel, in thefe formerly [the Devil's Territories, now Ghrift's Quarters, where his Kingly Standard was difplayed. I have not Language to lay out the inexpreffible Glory of that day : but I will make fcold to fay two things of it, firft> I doubt if ever there was greater days of the Son of Man upon the Earth, fince the Apoftolick times, than we enjoyed for the lpace of (even years at that time: and next, I 4oubt$ if upon the back of fueh.a lightfome clay, there
wa*
The Tejlimony of the fixth Period. 13 3
W^s ever a blacker night of darknefs, defection, divi- sion, and confufion, and a more univerfal impudent A- poitafy, than wc have feen fince. The world is at a great lofi, that a more exaft and complete account, de- monftrating bcth thefc, is not publifhed, which I am furc would be a fertile Theme to any faithful pen. But this not being my fcope at prefent, but only to deduce the fteps of the contendings of ChrifTs Friends and his Ene- mies, I muft follow the threed of my Narration. Now when Chrift is gaining Ground by the preached Gofpel in plenty, in purity and power, the Ulurpers Suprema- cy was like tp (tagger, and Prelacy came under univerfal Contempt, in £b much that feveral Country Curates would have had but fcarce half a dozen of hearers, and fome none at all, And this was a general Obferve that never failed, that no fooner did any poor Soul come to get a ftrious fenfe of Religion, and was brought under any real excrcife of Spirit about their Souls concerns, but as foon they did fall out with Prelacy^ and left the Curates. Hence to fecure what, he had poileiTed him- fclf of by Law, and to prevent a dangerous Paroxifm which he thought would eofue upon thefe Commotions, the King returned to exerce his innate Tyranny, and to emit terrible Qrders, and more terrible Executioners, and bloody JEmiflaries, againft all field Meetings : which, after long patience, the people at length could not en- dure; but being firft chafed to the Fields, where they would have been content to have the Gofpel with all the inconveniencies of it, and alfo expelled from the Fields, being refolute to maintain the Gofpel, they refolved to defend it and themfelves by Arms. To which, unavoid- able neceffity, in unfupportable extremity, did conftrain them, as the only remaining remedy. It is known, for feveral years they met without any Arms, where frequently they were difturbed and difperfed with Soldiers, fome killed, others wounded, which they patiently endured without Refiftance : at length the Minifters that were mod in hazard, having a Price fet upon their heads to be brought in dead or alive, with fome attending them in their wanderings, un- demanding they were thus appointed for death, judg- ed
134 ffie Tejtimony offhefixth Period,, ?
ed it their duty to provide for the neceiTary defencd of their lives from the violence of their aimed Af- jaulr.ers. ' And as Meetings increafed, diverfe others? came under the fame hazard, whichj enforced them io endeavour the fame remedy, without the leaft in- dention of prejudice to any. ' T^hus tne number of Suffer- ers increasing, as they joined in the ordinances at thefe' j) erfecnted Jyketings, found themfelves income probable' capacity to defend themfelves and thefe much endeared and precious Gofpel-privileges, and to preferye the me- mory of the Lord's great work ill the land, which, to franfmit to poflerity, was their great defign.' And they' $}ad no imali encouragement to endeavour it, by the '&■ t'isfying Fweetnefs and comfort they found in thefe ordi- nances, being perfuaded of the juftnefs of their caufe, anct ©f the groundlefnefs of their adverfary's quarrel againft them : and hereunto alfo they were incited and prompted,- by the palpablenefs of the enemy's purpofes to deftroy1 the remainder of the gofpel, by extirpating the remnant that profeifed it. Wherefore, in thefe circumftances, be-' ing redacted to that ftrait, either to be deprived of the gofpel, or to defend themfelves in their meetings for it / and thinking their turning their backs upon it for hazard,' jWas a cowardly defining duty, and palpable breach of Covenant-cngagements,aoandoriingtheir greafeft intereft, they thought expedient, yea neceilary, to carry defenfiv^ arms with them. * And as for that diicouragement from the difficulty and danger of it, Becaufe of their fewnef* and meanefs, it did not deter or daunt them from the endeavour of their duty; vyhen they confidered, the JLord, in former times, was wont to own a very fmall |>arty of t^ieir anceftors, who in extremity jeoparded^ their lives, in defence of Reformation, againft very potent1 and powerful enemies : thefe, now owning the fame caufe^ judged themfeves obliged to run tne fame hazard, in the' fame circum fiances, and to follow the fame method, and durfl not leave it tine/fayed, leaving thcevent to God: confidering alfo, that not only the Law of Nature and* Nations- doth allow felf-defcnce from urijuft violence, tut alfo the iodifToluMe obligation of their Covenants, to maintain "afccj defend the true Religion, aad one aiJ-
•OthCiT
The Teftimoriy of the fix th Period. 135
ethcf in promoving the fame,, made ic indifpenfiblc to 1 ufe that endeavour, the deiect of which through their former fupinenefs g^.vc no imail encouragernenr. to the enemies: they coniidered alfo what w'ould be the con- ference of that war, declared againft all the faithful of the land, with a difplayed banperj profexuted with fire and fword, and all a&s of horrid holtility, publifhed in printed proclamations, and written in characters of blood by barbarous foldiers, fo that none could enjoy goipel- erdinances diipenfed in purity, but upon the hazarcj of their lives : and therefore, to prevent and fruflratc thefe effects, they endeavoured to put themfclves in a pofture. And hereunto they were encouraged, by the conftant ex-; periencc of the Lord's countenancing their endeavours in that pofture, which always proved fuccefsful for feveral years, their enemies either turning their backs without difturbance, when they obferved them refolve defence, or in their afTau kings repulfed : fo that there was never a Meeting which Itood to their defence, got any confi- derable harm thereby. Thus the Lord was with us while we were with him, but when we forfook him, then he forfook us, and left us in the hands of our ene- mies. However, while meetings for Gofpel-ordinances did continue, the wicked Rulers did not ceafe from time to time to encreafc their numerous bands of barbarous Soldiers, for fuppreffing the Gofpel in tfrefc Field-Meet~ ings. And for their Maintenance, they irnpofed new, wicked arul arbitrary, Cejjes and Taxatic?7S) profeiTedly required for fuppreffing Reiigion and Liberty, banifh- iog the Gofpel out of the Land, and preferving and promoting his Abfolutenefs over all Matters and Perfbns, facred and civil : which, under that temptation of great fuffering threatned to Refufers, and under the difad- vantage of the fifence and unfakhfulnefs of many Mini- fters, who either did not condemn it, or pkaded for the peaceable payment of it, many did comply with it then, and far more fince. Yet at that time there were tar more Recufants, in fbme places, (efpecially in the We - ftern Shires) than Complyers: and rheie were many of the Minifters that did faithfully declare to the people the fin, of it ; not only from the illegality of k$ inxpolkion,
by
J 36 The Tejilmmy of the fixtk Pmod.
by a convention ©t over-awed and prelimited States; biiU from the nature of that impofed Comply ance, that ic was a finful tranfaclion with Chrift's declared enemies, a ftrengthening the hands of the wicked, an Obedience to a wicked Law, a confenting to Chrift's Expulfion out of the Land, and not only that, but ( far worfe than the fin of the Gadarens ) a formal Concurrence to, aflift his Expellers, by maintaining their force, a hiring our Qppreflors to deftroy Religion and Liberty ; and, from the Fountain of it, an Arbitrary power domineer- ing over us, and oppreffing and overprefling the King- doms with intolerable exactions ; .that to pay it, it was to entail flavery on their poftcrity ; and from the declar- ed end of it, expreiled in the very Narrative of the Abl^ viz. to levy and maintain forces for fuppreffiog and di£- perfing Meetings of the Lord's people, and to fhew un- animous affe&ion for maintaining the King's Supremacy as now cftablifhed by Law ; which defigns he refolved, and would be capacitate by the Granters to effecluate by (uch a Grant, which, in effeft, to all tender Con- Jciences, had an evident tendency to the exauftorating the Lord Chrift, to maintain Soldiers to fupprefe his Work, and murder his Followers, yet all this time Mir nifters and Profeflbrs were unite, and with one foul and fhoulder followed the work of the Lord, till the J»- dulgedy being diflatisficd wich the Meetings in the fields, whofc Glory was like to overcloud and obfeure their beds of eafe, and efpecially being offended at the free- dom "and faithfulnefs of lbme, who fet the Trumpet to * their mouth, and (hewed Jacoh his fins, and Ifrael his tranfgreflions impartially, without a cloke or cover, they began to make a faBion among the Minifters, and to devife how to quench the fervour of their zeal who Were faithful for God. But the more they fought to extinguifh it, the more it broke out and blazed into a flame. For foveraL of Chrift's Ambaffadors, touched and affected with the affronts done to their Princely Matter, by the Supremacy and the Indulgence its Baftard orood and brat, began, after long filence, to discover its iniquity, and to acquaint the people how the Ufur- ycr had invaded the Mediators Chair, in taking up- on
7fc Tejlimony of theffxth Period. j 37
on him to depofe, fufpend, illence, plant and trani- plant his Miniftcrs, where, and when, and how he picafcd, and to give forth warrants and Licences for admitting them, with Canons and Instructions for re- gulating them in the exercife of their Miniftry, and to arraign and cenfure them at his Courts for delinquencies in their Miniftry ; puriuing all to the death who arp faithful to Chrift, and maintain their Loyalty to his Laws, and will not proftitute their Conferences to {lis lufts, and bow down to the Idol of his Suprema- cy, but will own the Kingly Authority of Chrift. Yet others, and the greater number of diitenring Mini- fters, were not only deficient herein, but defended them, joined with them, and ( pretending prudence and pre- vention of Schifm} in effect homologated chat dccdy and the practice of thefc Priefts, Ezek. xxii. 26. Teaching and advilmg the people to hear them, both by precept, and going along with them in that Eraji i an Courici and not only fb, but condemned and cenfured fuch who preached againft the finfulnefs thereof^ efpecially in the firft place, worthy Mr. Welivood^ who was among the firft Witnefles againft that defection, and Mr. Kidy Mr. King, Mr. Cameron^ Mr. Donald Cargil, &c. whofealeo! their Teftimony afterwards with their blood ,* yet then even by their Brethren were loaden with the reproach- ful Nicknames of Schifmaticksy blind Zealots^ yefuits, &c. But it was always obferved, as long as Minifters were faithful in following the Lord in the way of their duty, ProfefTors were fervent, and under all their Conflicts with Perfecuters, the courage and zeal of the lovers of Chrift was blazing, and never out-braved by all the e- nemies boaftings to undertake hrisk Exploits : which from time to time they were now and then eflaying, till defection deftroyed, and divifion diverted their zeal a- gainft the Enemies of God, who before were always the object againft which they whetted the edge of their juft Indignation. Efpecially the infulting infolency and in- folent villany of that publick Incendiary, the Arch-pre- late Sharpy was judged intolerable by ingenuous Spi- rits ; becaufc he had treacheroufly betrayed the Church and Nation, and being employed as their Delegate, to
oppofe
138 The Teftimony of the Jtxth Period ■
©ppofe the threatned introduction of Prelacy , he had, like a perjured Apoftate and perfidious Traitor, advance^ himfeif into the place of Primate of [Scotland^ and being a member of Council, he became a chief Inftrument or all the Perfecution, and main Inftigator to all the bloody- violence and cruelty that was exerced againft the people cf God j by whofe means, the letter, fent dowrt to ftop the (bedding of more blood after Pentland> was kept up, until feveral of thcfe Martyrs were murdered. There- fore, in fuly 1 668, Mr. fames Mitchel thought, in his duty, to f^ve himfeif, deliver his Brethren, and free the Land of the violence of that beaft of prey, and attempt- ed to cut him off: which failing, he then efcaped, but afterwards was apprehended ; and being moved by the Councils Oath, and A£t of Affurance promifing his life, he made Confeffion of the fad : yet afterwards for tlie feme he was arraigned before the jufticiary, and the Confeffion he made was brought in againft him, and witneiTcd by the perjured Chancellor, Rothesy and o- ther Lords, contrary to their Oath and Ad produced in open Court, to their indelible infamy : whereupon lie was tortured, condemned, and executed. But Ju- ftice wopld not fuffer this Murder to pafs long unre- yenged, nor that Truculent Traitor, fames Sharp the Arch-Prelate, who was the occafion and caufe of it, and of many more both before and after, to efcape remark- able punifhment; the fevcrity whereof did fufficiently compenfe its delays after ten years refplte, wherein he ceafed not more and more to purfue, perfecute, and* make ha vock of the Righteous for their duty, until at ' length he received the juft demerit of his perfidy, per- jury, apoftafy, forcerjes, villanies, and murders, Sharp arrows of the Mighty , and caals offuniper. For, upon the 3d of May 1679, feveral worthy Gentlemen, with fbme other men of courage and zeal for the caufe of God, and the good of the Country, executed righteous Judg- ment upon him in Magus-Muivy near St. Andrews* And ^hat fame month, on the Anniverfiy day. May 29th, the Teftimony at Rutherglen, was publifhed againft that abomination of celebrating an Anniverfaty day, kept fvery year for giving ihanhfor the fitting up an ufurfed \ " v power*
7?;e Tejlimmyof ihejixth Period. I gg
fowery dejiroying the Intereft of Chrift in the Land.
- — And againfi all flnful and unlawful Affs^ emittecC
and executed^ publifed and' prof ecuted againfi our Covenant- ed Reformation. Where alfo they burnt the Atl of Supre- macy, the Declaration, the Ac? Refcijfory, &c. in way of retaliation for the burning of the Covenants. On the Sabbath' following, June ift. A field Meeting for the Worfhip of God, near to Loudoun-hill, was aflaulted by Craham of Claverboufe, and with him three troops of horfe and Dragoons, who had that morning taken an ftonerV Minifter, and about 14 Country- men, out of their heds, and carried them along" with them, as Prifoners to tfie Meeting, in a Barbarous manner. Bur, by the good jiand of God upon the Defendents, they were repulfec^ at Drumclog, and put to flight, the Prifoners relieved, about 30. of the Sqldiers killed on the place, and three of the Meeting, and feveral wounded on both fides. Thereafter the people retreating frcm the puriuit, con- iulted what was expedient in that juncture, whether to' difperfe themfelves as formerly, or to keep together for their neceiTary defence. The refult was, that confider- ing the craft and cruelty of thofe they had to deal wi:h, fhe fad confecjuents of falling into their hands now more incenftd than ever, the evil efTedts that likely would enfuc upon their feparation, which would give them accefs to make havock of all; they judged it moft fafe in that extremity for fome time not to feparate. v\Vhich Refolution, coming abroad to the ears of others ^ of their Brethren, determined them incontinently to eomc to their Alfilrancej conildering their neceffity, and their own tiablenefs to the fame common danger, upon the account of their endeavours of that nature elfewhere to defend themfelves, being of the fame judgment for maintaining of the fame Caufe, to which they were fcound by the fame Covenants, and groaning under the fame burdens; they judged therefore, that if they now withheld their Afiiftance in fuch a 11 rait, they could not be innocent of their Brethrens blood, nor found faithful in their Covenant : to which they were encouraged with the Countenance and fuccefs the Lord had given to that Meeting, in that dcfctiivc Rcfiftance. This was:
the
140 The Tejiimony of the fixth Period*
the Rife and Occafion of that Appearance at Bothwtfr hridge, which the Lord did in his holy Sovereignty con-* found, for former Defections, by the means of Divifion, which broke that little Army among themfelves, before they were broken by the Enemy. They continued to- gether in amiable and amicable peace for (he fpace of eight or nine days, while they endeavoured to put out, and keep our, every wicked thing from amongrt them, and adhered to the Rutherghn-Tefiimonyy and that fhort Declaration at Glafgozv confirming it ; reprefenting their pretent purpofes and endeavours, " Where only in vin-
*c dication and defence of the Reformed Religion,—
KC as they ftood obliged thereto by the; National and cc Solemn League and Covenant, and the folemn Ac* fC knowledgment of Sins and Engagemept to duties; de- cc daring agaiuft Popery, Prelacy, Eraftianifm, and all <c things depending thereupon." Intending hereby to comprehend the defection of the Indulgence, to witnefs againft which all unanimously agreed : until the Army encreafing, the Defenders and Daubers of that defection^ fome Minifters and others, came in, who broke all, and opon whom the blood of tha^t Appearance may be charg- ed. The occafion of the breach was, firfty When in the fenfe of the obligation of that Command, when the hop goeth forth againfl thine enemies , keep thee from every wick- ed thing, an overture was offered to fet times apart for humiliation for the publick fins of the Land, according to the practice of the Godly, in all ages, before engage ing their enemies, and the laudable precedents of our Anceftors, that to the Caufts of God's wrath againft the Nation might be enquired into and confeffed, ancf the Lord's Bleffing, Counfel, and Conduct to, and uj*v on prefent Endeavours, might be implored. And ac- cordingly the complying with abjured Eraftianifm, by the acceptance of the enfnaring Indulgence, offered by, and received from the Ufurping Rulers, was conde-! icended upon among the reft of the grounds of fafting and humiliation, fb feafbnably and neceflarily called for at that timer The Sticklers for the Indulgence refufed the overture, iipon politick considerations, for fear of trending the indulged Minifters and Gentlemen, and
pro-*
The Tejiimoriy ofthefixth Period. 141
jprovoking them to withdraw their Afiiftance, This was the great Caufe of the divifion, that produced fuck unhappy and deftru&ive effects. And next, whereas the Caufe was ftated before, according to the Covenants, in the Rutherghn-Teftimony and Glafgtw-Declaration, where- in the King's Intereft was waved ; thefe Dividers drew up another large paper (called the Hamiltovn-Decla- ration } wherein they affert the King's Interefi, accord- ing to the third Article of the Solemn League and Co- venant. Againft which the beft affedted contended, and protefted they could not, in Confcience, put in his Inte- reft in the State of the Quarrel, being now in ftated op- position to Chrift's Intcrefts, and inconfiftent with the meaning of the Covenant, and the pra&ices of the Co- venanters, and their own Teftimonies ; while now he could not be declared for as being in the defence of Re- ligion and Liberty, when he had fo palpably over- turned and ruined the Work of Reformation, and op- preflcd fuch as adhered thereunto, and had burnt the Covenant, &V, Whereby he had loofed the people from all obligation to him from it. Yet that contrary facti- on prevailed, fb far as to get it publifhed in the name of all : whereby the Caufe was perverted and betrayed, and the former Teftimonies rendered irrite, and the In- tereft of the publick Enemy efpoufed. Finally, The fame day that the Enemy approached in fight, and a confiderablc advantage was offered to do execution a* gainft them, theft loyal Gentlemen hindered and retard- ed all Action, till a Parly was beat, and an Addrefs difc patched to the Duke of Monmouth, who then command- ed his Father's Army. By which nothing was gained, tut free Liberty given to the Enemies to plant their Cannon, and advance without interruption. After which, in the holy all-over-ruling Providence of God, that poor handful was fignally difcountenanced of God, de- prived of all Conduct, divefted of all Protection, anJ laid open to the raging Sword, the juft punifhment of all fuch tamperings with the Enemies of God, and e- ipoufing their Intereft, and omitting humiliation for their own and the Lands fins. About goo were killed in> Che Fieid$> and 1000 aocj upwvd$ were taken Prifoners,
Grip-
$4$ XhSeJtlmmy^
flopped^ and carried to 'Edinburgh, where they? were kept for a long time in the Gray-Friers Church-yarcj, without fhelter from cold or rain. And at length ha4 the temptation of an mfnari^g.toaf of Peace : Wherein they were to acknowledge that Infurre&ion to be Rer hellion, and bblige themfeives .-never to rife. in Arms againft the King, nor any cdmmijfionate by him, and to Iwepeater ably, &c. Whicii, through fear of threatned death, ah4 the unfaithfulnefs offomCj and the impudence of othgr Minifters that perfuaded them to take it, prevailed with many: Yet others, refolutely refifted, judging it to im- ply a condemning of their duty, an abandoning of the^r Covenant-Engagements^ wherein they were obliged M duties inconflftcnt with fuch bonds, and a voluntary binding up their hands from all oppofitions to the de- clared War againft Cbrift, which i^ the native ienfe of the peace they require, which can never be entertained long with men fo treacherous; And therefore, upoft Principles of Reafbn and Confcicnce, they refufed that pretended Indemnity, .offered in thefe terms. Nevertha- left the moft part took it ; and yet were fentenced with banifhment; and fent away for America, as well a£ *hcy who refuted it; arid, by the way, (a few excep- ted) perifhed in Shipwreck: whofe blood yet cries both againft the Impofers, and the Perfwaders to thao bond.
HI. This fearful and fatal flroke at Bothtve!, not orv- 4y was in its immediate cffc&sfo deadly, ;but,in its con- sequents £b deftru&ive, that the decaying Church q£ Scotland, which $ before was beginning to revive, was then caft in ro fuch a fwoon that (he is never like to re- cover to this :day; And the Univerfaiky of her Chil- dren, which before efpoufed her Teftimony, was aftac *h«t partly drawn by Craft, and partly drawn by Cruelty, from a Conjunction with their Brethren in pro- fecuting the fame, either into an open defection to the contrary fide, or into a deteftable indifferency and neu~ trality in the Caufe of God. For, firft of all* the Duka '■of Monmouth, whofe nature, more avcrte from Cruelty than the reft of thar Progeny, made him pliable to all ♦fuggeftions of wicked policy, that feemed to have fi
Ottw
Tlie Tt/limnj xftleftxth Periods 14 j
ffti^W of fmoothnefs and lenity, procured the emiffioo of a pretended Indemnity, attended with the forefai£ Jsand of peace for its Companion, Which were dreadful fnares, catching many with flatteries, and fair pretences of favours, fairded over with curious words, and cozen- ing names of living peaceably, &c; while in the mean .time a moft deadly and destructive thruft (as it were -under the fifth rib) becaufe moft fecret, was intended -againft all that was left remaining of the work of God undeftroyed, and a bar put upon all efTays to revive or recover it by their own content, who fhould endeavour it. This Courfe of Defection carried away many ac .ibat time: and from that time, fince the taking of that .bond of peaceable living, there hath been an univerfai preferring of peace to truth, and of eafe to duty. And the generality have been left to fwaliow all baits, tho* the hook was ever fo difcernible, all thofe enfoaring Oaths and Bonds impofed fince, which both then and .fince people were left to their own determination to' choofe or refule ; many Minifters refufing to give their Advice when required and recjuefted thereunto, and -fome not being afhamed or afraid to,perfuade the peo- ple to take them. The Miniftry then alfo were gene- -rally enfhared with that banded Indulgence, the pretend- ed benefit of that Indemnity, which as it was defigned, ib it produced the woful effect of propagating the de- fection, and promoting the dividon, and laying ahem by from their duty and Teflimony of that d^y, which to this day they have not yet taken upon their former ground. For when a Proclamation was emitted, in- veighing bitterly againft field Meetings, and abfoluteiy interdicting all fuch for the future under higheft pai©, out -granting Liberty to preach in houfcs upon the terms of a Cautionary-bond given for their living peaceably : yet excluding all thefe Minifters who were fufpected to have been at the late Rebellion, and all thefe who (ball afterward be admitted by Non-oMiform Minifters: and certifying, That if ever they Jb all be at any field^Conven- ticte, -the /aid Indemnity pall not be ufeful to fuch Tranf- grejfors any manner of way : And requiring fecurity, thatnoas under the colour of this favour continue t»
preasii.
144* €^3e *£*fttmny cfthejtxih Period. preach Rebellion. Though there teems to be enough lft the Proclamation it felf to have feared them from this fcandalous fnare ; yet a Meeting of Minifters at Edin- burgh, made up of Indulged, avowed Applauders of the Indulgence, or underhand Approvers and favourers of the fame, ami fome of them old Puhlick Refolutionersy afluming to themfelvcs the name of a General AiTem- bly ; yea, of the Reprefentative of the Church of Scot" land, voted for the Acceptance of it. And fo formally crania died and bargained upon bafe> difhoneft, and dif- honourable terms with the Uftrper, by confenting and compacting with the people to give that bond ; wherein the people, upon an humble Petition to the Council, ob*
taining their indulged Miniftcr, do bind and oblige *
*c That thefaid-— — fhall live peaceably. And, ifi order thereto, to prefent him before his Maj. Privy Council, when they (hall be called fo to do ; and in cafe of failzie in not presenting him, to be liable to the fum of 6060 Merks. " Whereby they condem- ned themfeives of former unpeaceablenefs, and engaged to a finful Peace with the enemies of God, and became bound, and fettered under thefe bonds to a forbearance ©fa Tcftimony, and made anfwerable to their Courts, and the people were bound to prefent them for their du- ty. The finfulneC, feandaloufnefs, and inconveniencies of which tranfa&ions, are abundantly demonstrated by a Treatife thereupon, entituled, The Banders disbanded. Neverthelefs many embraced this new bafiard Indul- gence, that had not the benefit of the former brat, of the fame Mother the Supremacy, and far more confented to it without a witnefs, and moft of all did fome way ho- mologate it, in preaching under the feonce of it: De- clining the many reiterated and urgent Calls of the zeal- ous Lovers of Chrift, to come out and maintain the Te- ftimony of the Gofpel in the open fields, for the ho- nour of their Matter, and the freedom of their Miniftry. Whereupon, as many poor people were ftumbled and jumbled into many confufions, fo that they were fo be*- » wildered and bemifted in doubts and debates, that they i Icnew not what to doy and were tempted to queftion the Caufe formerly lb fervently contended for againft all
, °P*
The Tejiimony cf the fixth Period. 14$.
sppofition, then fo limply abandoned, by thefc thac feemed fometimes valiant for it, when they faw them :onfulting more their own eafe than the concerns of their Mailer's Glory, or the neceffity of the poor people hun- gering for the Gofpel, and {landing in need of Counfci in time of fuch abounding fnares, whereby many be- came a prey to all temptations : fo the more zealous and faithful, after feveral AddrefTes, Calls, and Invita- tions to Minifters, finding thcmfelves deferted by them, fudged themfelves under a neceffity to difcountenancc many of them, whom formerly they followed with pleafure ; and to refolve upon a purfuit and profecution of the duty of the day without them, and to provide themfelves with faithful Minifters, who would not fhun, for all hazards, to declare the whole Counfci of God. And accordingly through the tender Mercy of God, compaflionating the exigence of the people, the Lore! Tent them firft Mr. Richard Cameron^ with whom, after his ferious folicitation, his Brethren denied their con- currence, and then Mr, Donald Cargil ; who, with a zeal and boldnefs becoming Chrift's AmbafTadors, maintain- ed and profceuted the Teftimony againft all the Indig- nities done to their Matter, and wrongs to the Caufe, both by the encroachments of Adverfaries and defections of their declining Brethren. Wherein they were fignal- ly countenanced of their Matter ; and the Lord's Inhe- ritance was again revived with the fhowers of the Go- fpePs blelfings, wherewith they had been before refrefh- cd; and enli^htned with a Glance and Glimpfe of re- fplendent brightnefs, immediately before the obicurity of this fearful night of darknefs that hath fucceedecf. But as Chrift was then difplaying his beauty to his poor defpifed and pcrfecuted people ; fo Antichrift be- gan to blaze his bravery, in the folemn and fhameful re- ception of his harbinger, that Pimp of the Romifi whore, the Duke of Tork. Who had now pulled off the Mask, under which he had long covered his Antichriftian Bi- gotry, through a trick of his brother, conttrained by the Papifts importunity, and the neceffity of their fa- vour, and recruit of their Coin, either to declare hko- felf Papift, or to make his brother do it ; whereby all
K chc
146 The Tejllmony ofthefixth Period.
the locufts were engaged to his Intereft, with whom he entred into a Conspiracy and Popifi Ploty as was dilco- vered by many infallible evidences, and confefled by Coleman his Secretary, to Sir Edmund Bury Godfrey ", for which, left he fhould witnefs againft him, when Cole- man was apprehended, that Gentleman was cruelly murdered by the Duke of Tork's contrivance and com- \ mand. Yet for all the demonftrations of his being a Bigot Papift, that he had long given unto the world, it is known what iome fuffered for faying, That the Duke of York was a Papift> and being forced to leave England, he was come to Scotland to promote Popery and Arbitrary Government. However, tho* the Parliament of England, for hh Popery and Villany, and his plotting and pur- fuing the deftru&ion of the Nation, did vote his Exclw Jion ', yet degenerate Scotland did receive him in great pomp and pride, Againft which, the fore-mentioned faithful WitneiTes of Chrift did find themfelves obliged to teftify their juft refentment, and to proteft againft his fucceeding to the, Crown, in their Declaration publifhed at Sanquhar, June 2t. 1680. u Wherein alfb they <c difown Charles SUuart, as having any Right, Title, *c or Intcreft in the Crown of Scotland, or Government cc thereof, as being forefaulted fcveral years fince, by <c his perjury and breach of the Covenant, Ufurpatioii <c on thrift's Prerogatives, and by his Tyranny and "breaches in the very Laws of ruling in matters Civil* « __ — And declare a war with him, and all the men €i of thefe practices ■ homologating the Teftimony %i at Rutherp-lenj and difclaiming that declaration at Ha- €t miltoun- " This Action was generally condemned by the oody of lurking Minifters, both for the matter of it, and the unieafbnablenefs of it, and its apparent unfeafi- jblenefs, being done by a handful (0 inconfiderable, for number, ftrength, or fignificancy. Bur as they had ve- ry great and important reafons to d'fclaim that Tyrants Authority, hinted in the Declaration it fef and he re- after more fully vindicated: (o the neceffitv of a Tefti- .mony aqainft all the Tyrannical Encroachments on Re- ligion and Liberty, then current and encreafing; and riiefmand fhame of fhifting and delaying it folong,
- when
The Tejilmony of the fixth Period* 147
tyhen the Blafphemous Supremacy was now advanced to its fummity ; the Churches Privileges all over- turn* cd; Religion and the Work of Reformation trampled under foot; the peoples Rights and Liberties deftroyed, and Laws all fubverted ; and no fhadow of Government left, but arbitrary Abfoluteneft, obtruding the Tyrant's will for Reafon, and his Letter for the Supreme Law (witnefs the Anfwer which one of the Council gave to another, objecting againit their Proceedings as not ac- cording to Law, What devil do ye talk of Law ? Have not <we the King's Letter for it?) and all the ends of Magi- ftracy wholiy inverted; while innocent and honcft peo- ple were grievoufly oppreiTed in their perions, Confer- ences, and Eftates ; and Perjuries, Adulteries; Idola- tries, and all impieties were not only connived at, but countenanced as badges of Loyalty, and manifeft and monftrous Robberies and Murders authorized, Judgment turned into gall, and the fruit of Righteouihcfs into hemlock ; do juftify its Seafonablenefs : and the ends of the Declaration, to keep up the Standard of the Gofpel^ and maintain the Work of Reformation, and preferve a Remnant of faithful Adherers to it ; the nature of the Refolution declared, being only to endeavour to make good and maintain their Revolt, in oppofition to all who would purfue them for it, and reinforce them to a fubjeclion to that yoke of flavery again ; and the extre- mity of danger and difirefs that party was in, while de- clared and purfued as Rcbells, and intercommuned and interdicted of all fupply and folace, being put out of their own, and, by Law, precluded of the harbour of all other habitations, and fo both for fafety and fubfift- <nce, compelled, by ncceflity, to concur and keep toge- ther, may alleviate the Cenfurc, and flop the Clamour of its unfeafiblenefs . But tho* it is not the prudence of the management, but the juftnefs of the Action, that I would have vindicated from obloquies ; yet it wanted nothing but fuccefs to juftify both, in the conviction of many that made much outcry againft it. In thefc dan- gerous Circumftances, their difficulties and difcourage- menc&daily encreafed, by their Enemies vigilancy, theit Eoviers treachery, and their own inadvertency, feme
K 2 of
548 The Testimony of the fix fh Period.
of cheir number falling into the hands of them that fought their lives. For two of the moft eminent and faithful WitneiTes of Chriit, Mr. Donald Cargil, and Henry Hall, were furprized at Queensferry \ Mr. Cargil efcaped at that time, but the other fervent Contender for the Intereft of Chriit, fixed in the Caufe, and cou- ragious to his death, endeavouring to fave him, and re- fill the enemies, was cruelly murdered by them. And with him they got a draught of a Covenant \ declaring their prefect Purpofes aud future Refblutions. The te- nor whereof was an Engagement. c 1. To avouch the € only true and living God to be their God, and to c clofe with his way of Redemption by his Son Jcfiis € Chrift, whofe Rightcoufhefs is only to be relied up- € on for J unification ; and to take the Scriptures of the
* Old and New Tenement, to be the only Object of c faith, and rule of Convcrfation in all things. 2. Tq € efiablifi in the Land Righteoufnefi, and Religion in
* the Truth of its Doftnne purity and power of its c Worfhip, Discipline, and Government ; and to free c the Church of God of the Corruption of Prelacy on the c one hand, and the thraldom of Erafiianifm on the € other* 3. To perfevere in the Doctrine of the refori- € med Churches, efpecially that of Scotland, and in the c Worfhip prefcribed in the Scriptures, without the in- c ventions, adomings, and corruptions of men; and f in the Presbyterian Government, exercifed in Seffions, c Presbyteries, Synods, and General Afiemblies, as a c diftinft Government from the Civil, and diftin&ly to c be exercifed, not after a carnal manner, by plurality c of votes, or Authority of a fingle perfon, but accord- €- ing to the word of God3 making and carrying the c IcLusiiCe. 4. To endeavour the overthrow of the c Kingdom of Darknefr, and whatfbever is contrary to c the Kingdom of Chrifr, efpecially Idolatry, and Po? € pery in all its Articles, and the overthrow of that c power that hath eftablifhed and upheld it. ■
* And to execute righteous Judgments impartially, ac- c cording to the word of God, and degree of offences, c upon the Committers of thefe things efpecially, to
* wit^ Blaiphemy, Idolatry, Atheifo, Bougery, Sorce-
*tlie Tejilmony ofthejixth Period. 149
ry, Perjury, Uncleannef>, Profanation of the Lord's
day, Opprcffion and Malignancy. ■ 5. Seri-
oully coniidering there is no more fpeedy way
of relaxation from the Wrath of God, that hath ever lien on the Land fince it engaged with thefe Rulers, but of rejecting them who have fo manifeftly rejected God ■ difclaiming his Covenant govern-
ing contrary to all right Laws, divine and human,
' ■ and contrary to all the ends of Government, by enacting and commanding impieties, injuries, and robberies, to the denying of God's due, and the Sub- jects theirs ; fb that inftead of Government, Godli- nefs, and peace, there is nothing but rapine, tumult, and blood, which cannot be called a Government, but a luftful rage; — — and they cannot be called Go- vernors, but publick GrafTators and Land-judgments, which all ought to fet themfelves againft, as they would do againft Peftilence, fword and famine rag- iftg amongft them. ■■ Seeing they have flopped the Courfe of Law and Juftice agaioft Blafphemers, Idolaters, Atheifts, Bougerers, Sorcerers, Murderers, Inceftuous and Adulterous Perfons. ■ And have made butcheries on the Lord's people, fold them as flaves, imprifoned, forefaulted, &c. and that upon no other account, but their maintaining Chrift's right of ruling over their Conferences, againft the Ufurpa- tionsofmen. Therefore, cafily folving the Objecti- ons. (1.) Of our Anceftors obliging the Nation to this race and line : that they did not buy their Liber- ty with our thraldom, nor could they bind their Chil- dren to any thing fo much to their prejudice, and a- gainft natural Liberty ( being a benefit next to life, if not in fome regard above it ) which is not as an En- gagement to moral things : they could only bind to that Government, which they efleemed the beft for common good, which reafon ceafing, we are free to choole another, if we find it more conducible for that end. (2) Of the Covenant binding to defend the King: That that Obligation is only in his maintenance of the true Covenanted Religion, which ho- mage they cannot now require upon the account of the
i Co-
% 56 The Tejlimony ofthefixth Period. Covenant, which they have renounced and difclaittt* ed ; and upon no other ground we are bound to them , — the Crown not being an inheritance, that paf- feth from Father to fon without the confent of Te- nants. ■ • ( 3 ) Of the hope of their returning from thefe Courfes : whereof there is none, feeing they have fb often declared their purpofes of perfever- iog in them, and fuppofe they fhould diflemble a re- pentance,—— — fuppofing alfo they might be par- doned, for that which is done, — — — from whofc guiltinefi the Land cannot be cleanfed, but by execut- ing God's righteous Judgments upon them *, -' yet they cannot now be believed, after they have vio- lated all that hu»ian Wifdom could devife to bind them. Upon thefe accounts they reject that King, and thofe aflbciate with him in the Government,- — ■ — - and declare them henceforth no lawful Rulers, <as they had declared them to be no lawful Subjects, a they having deftroyed the eftablifhed Religion, over- turned the fundamental Laws of the Kingdom, ta- ken away Chrift's Church-government, and changed the Civil into Tyranny, where none are aflbciate in partaking of the Government, but only thefe who will be found, by Juftice, guilty of Criminals ; ■ and declare they (hall, God giving power, fit up Go- vernment and Governors according to the word of God, and the qualifications required, Exod. xviii. ver. 20, -j' ■ . »-. And (hall not commit the Government ■— — to any fingle perfbn, or lineal fuccefiion, being
not tied, as the Jews were, to one fingle family,.
and that kind btfag liable to molt inconveniencics, and apteft to degenerate into Tyranny ; t and more- over, that thefe men fct over them (hall be engaged to govern principally, by that civil and judicial Law, (not that which is any way Typical) given by God to his people of lfrae!> '. ■ ■■ as the beft fb far as it goes, being given by God, ■ efpecially in mat- ters of life and death, and other things, fo far as
they reach, and are confident with Chriftian Liberty,
exempting Divorces and Polygamy. 6. Seeing
the greateft oarc of Minifters not only were defective
The Teftimony cfthefixth Period. 15 f in preaching againft the Ads of the Rulers for over- throwing Religion,—— but hindered others alfo
who were willing, and cenfured fome that did it, ■
and have voted for acceptation of that Liberty, found- ed upon, and given by virtue of thatblafphemcuily ar- rogate and ufurped power, and appeared before
their Courts to accept of it, and to be enaded and au- thorized their Minilters, whereby they have be- come the Minifters of men, and bound to be anfwer- ablc to them as they will ; ■ ■ and have preach- ed for the lawfulness of paying that Tribute, declar- ed to be impofed for the bearing down of the true worfhip of God. And advifed poor prifoncrs to fubferibe that Bond ; —which, if it were univcrfally fubferibed,— — they fhould clofe that door, which the Lord hath made ufeof in ail the Churches o£ Europe,
for cafting off the yoke of the whore, and flop
all regrefs of men, when once brought under tyranny,
to recover their liberty again. —They declare they
neither can nor will hear them, &c. nor any who en- couraged and ftrcngthened their hands, and pleaded for them, and traffiqued for union with them. 7. That they are for a (landing Gofpel-miniftry, rightly chofen,
and rightly ordained, and that none fhall take
upon them the preaching of the word, &V. unlefs cal- led and ordained thereunto. And whereas feparation
might be imputed to them, they refell both the malice and the ignorance of that calumny ; -—for if there be a feparation, it muft be where the change is ; and that was not to be found in them, who were not fcparating from the communion of the true Church, nor letting up a new Miniftry, but cleaving to the fame Minifters and Ordinances, that formerly they followed, when ou- tliers have fled to new ways, and a new authority, which is like the old piece in the new garment. 8, That they fhall defend themfelves in their civil, natu- ral, and divine rights and liberties. And if any
afTault them, they fhall look on it as a declaring a war, and take all advantages that one enemy does of another, but trouble and injure none but thofe that in- jure them/*— -—•This is the compend of that paper
which
j $% The Teftimony of the fixth Perhd. which the enemies feized and published, while it wa# only in a rude draught, and not polifhed, digefted, nor confulted by the reft of the community: yet, whether or not it was for their advantage fo to blaze their own feafenefi, in tjiat paper truly reprefented, I leave it to the Reader to judge: or, if they did not thereby proclaim: their own tyranny, and the innocency and honeiiy o£ that people, whom thereby they were feeking to make odious; but in effect inviting all lovers of religion and liberty to lympathife with them^in their difficulties and diftrefles there difcovered. However, that poor party continued together in a pofture of defence, without the concurrence or countenance of their covenanted Brethren, who ftaid at home, and left both them to be murdered, and their Teftimony to be trampled upon, until the 22d of July 1680. Upon the which day they were at* tacked at Airfmofs, by a ftrong party of about 120 horfe, well armed, while they were but 23 horfc and 40 foot at moft ; and (o, fighting valiantly, were at length rout* cd, not without their adverfarics Teftimony of their be- ing refbiute men: feveral of zions precious Mourners, and faithful WitnelTes of Chrift, were killed ; and among the reft, that faithful Minifter of Chrift, Mr. Richard Ca- meron feaicd and fulfilled his Teftimony with his blood. And with others, the valiant and much honoured Gen- tleman, David Hackflen of Rathillety was, after many re- ceived wounds apprehended, brought in to Edinburgh ; and there, relblutely adhering to the Teftimony, and difbwning the authority of King and Council, and all their tyrannical Judicatories, was cruelly murdered, but countenanced eminently of the Lord. Now remained Mr. Donald Cargily deprived of his faithful colleague, de- iiitute of his Brethrens concurrence, but not of the Lord's Counfel and Conduct ; by which he was prompted and helped to profecute the Teftimony^ againft the univeriai Apoftafy of the Church and Nation, tyranny of enemies, fcackfliding of friends, and all the wrongs done to his Mafter on ail hands. And confidering, in the zeal of God, and fenfe of his holy jealoufy provoked and threa- tening wrath againft the land, for the fins efpecially of Rulers^ who had arrived to the height of Heaven dar- ing
The Tejiimony ofthefixth Period. 153
fog infolence in all wickednefs, in which they were itiil growing and going on without concroul ; that notwith- itanoing of all the Teftimonies given againit them, by publick preachings, proteftaticns and declarations, re- monftrating their tyranny, aDd difowning cheir authori- ty ; yet not only did they ftill perfift in their fins and fcandals, to make the Lord's fierce anger break forth in- to a flame, but were owned alfo by Profeflbrs, not on- ly as Magistrates, but as members of the Chriftian and Proteftant Church ; and that, however, both the defen- five arms of men had been ufed againit them, and the Chriftian arms of prayers, and the Minifterial weapon of preaching, yet that of Ecclefiafiical Cenfure had not been authoritatively exerted • againft them: therefore, that no »vcapon which Chrift allows his Servants under his ftandard, to manage againft his enemies, might be wanting, though he could not obtain the concurrence of bis Brethren to ftrengthen the folemnity and formality of the aflion ; yet he did not judge that defect, in this broken cafe of the Church, could difable his authority, nor demur the duty, but that he might and ought to proceed to Excommunication- And accordingly, in Sep- tember 1680, at the Torcvoody he excommunicated
ibme of the moft fcandalous and principal promoters and abettors of this confpiracy againft Chrift, as formal- ly as the prefent cafe could admit: after fermon upon Ezek. xxi. 25, 2(5, 27. And thou profane wicked Prince of Ifrael) zuhofe day is come, &c. He had a fhort and per- tinent difcourfe on the nature, the fubject, the caufes, and the ends of Excommunication in general: and then declared, that he was not led out of any private fpiritor paflion to this a&ion, but conftrained by confeience of duty and zeal to God to rtigmatize with this brand, and wound with the fword or the Lord, thefe enemies of God that had ib apoftatized, rebelled againft, mocked, defpifcd and dehed our Lord, and to declare them as they are none of his, to be sone of ours. The pcrfons excommunicated, and the fentence againft them, was gi- ven forth as follows. ■ I being a Minifisr of Jefus Chrijiy and haling Authority and Power from him, do, in iis Name and by his Sfmt> excommunicate, cajtout of the
truQ
154 ?1>e Tijiimony cfthtfixth Period, true Churchy and deliver up to Satan, Charles the Second King, &c. The lentence was founded uponjrhefe grounds, declared in the pronunciation thereof ; '(i.jFor his high
* mocking of God, in that after he had acknowledged his
* own fins, his father** fins, his mother's Idolatry ; — "* yet had gone on more avowedly in the fame
* than all before him. (2.) For his great Perjury, in 'breaking and burning the Covenant. (3.) For his re- € landing ^ill Laws for eftablifhing the Reformation, € and cnading Laws contrary thereunto. (4.) For
* commanding of Armies to deftroy the Lord's people. c ( 5.) For his being an Enemy to true Proteftants, and € helper of the Papifts, and hindering the execution of
* jiift Laws againit them. (6) For his granting Remit- c lions and Pardons for Murderers, which is in the
* power of no King to do, being exprefly contrary to c the Law of God. (7.) For his Adulteries, and diC
€ lembling with God and Man/ Next, by the fame
Authority, and in the fame Name, c he excommunicated 5 James Duke of Tork, for his Idolatry, and letting it up
* in Scotland to defile the Land, and enticing and encou- € raging others to do fo ;' not mentioning any other fins, but what he lcandaloufly perfiftcd in in Scotland, &c. with fevcral other rotten Malignant Enemies, on whom the Lord hath ratified that Sentence fince, very remark- ably, whole fins and punifhments both may be read more vifibie in the Providences of the time, than I can record them. But about this time, when amidft all the abounding defections and divifions of that dark and dif- mal hour of testation, fome in zeal for the Caufe were endeavouring to keep up the Teftimony of the d^y^m an abftradhon from complying Minifters ; others were left (in holy judgment, to be a {tumbling block to the ge- neration, hardening them in their defe£r.ions,and to be 2 l>eacon to the moft zealous to keep off from all unwar- rantable excefles) to fall into fearful extravagancies, and delirious and damnable delufions, being -overdriven with ignorant and blind zeal into untrodden paths, which led them into a labyrinth <?f darknefs, when as they were ftumbled at many Minifters their unfaithfulnefi ; fo through the deceit of Satan^ and the hypocrify of his Irv-
firumentb
The Tejlimony of the ftxth Period. 155
Bruments, 'hey .ame to be offended at Mr. Cargil nis faithfulnef , who fpared neither left-hand decitniions, Dor right-haad extremes, and left him and all the Mmi- frers ; not only difowniog all Communion with thole chat were not of th ir way, but execrating and curfing them, and kept themielves in desert places from aii Com- pany ; where they periilted prodigioufly in-faitings, and iinging Pfilms, precending to wondeiiu Raptures .and Enthuliafms; and in fine, John Gib, w^th 4 more of them, came to that height of Bla(phemy,that they burnt the Bible and Confeffbn of Faith. Thefe were the fweet Singers, as they were called, led away into thefe delufi&ns by that Impoftor and Sorcerer John Gib, who never increafed to fuch a number, as was then feared and reported, being within 3©, and moil part women ; all whirh for the moil part have been through Mercy re- claimed from that deftruclivc way, which, through Grace, the reproached P.emnant, adhering to the fore- faid Teftimony, had always an abhorrence of. Where- fore that ignorant and impudent Calumny, of their Con- fbrtfhip with Gib', ijllowerssis only the vent of viperous Envy. For thiy jp the firft that difcovered them, and whofe pains the Lord blelTed in reclaiming them, and Were always fo far from partaking with them, that to this day thefe that have come off from that way, and have offered the Confeflion of their Scandal, do (till com- plain _of their over-rigid feveriry, in not admitting them to their felecl fellowships. To which may be added this undeniable Demonflration, that whereas the pcrfecuting Courts of Inojuifition did always extend the utmofr fe verity againft the Owners of :his Teftimony, yet thev fpared them : and the Duke of Tork, then in Scotland, was fo well pleafcd vir.h Gib's Blafphcmies, that he favoured him extraordinarily, and freely difmiiTed him. This was a cloudy and dark day, but not without a burning and Alining light, as long ^s that faithful MiniOer of Chriftj mr^Donal I Cargil, was following the Work of the Lord; who (he \y after this finifhed his Teftimo- ny, being rtpprehended with other two faithful and zea- lous Witneifes of Chrifr,Mr. Walter Smith and Mr. James Boogy who with two more, were altogether ac Edinburgh,
27th
j$6 The Teftimony ofthefixth Period.
27th July 168 1, crowned with the Glory of Martyrdom, ,Then came the day of the Remnant's vexation, trouble, xlarknefs and dimnefs of angtufh, wherein, whofo looked unto the Land, could fee nothing but darkr;efs and for- row, and the light darkned in the Heavens thereof, wherein neither Star nor Sun appeared for many day$, and poor People were made to grope tor the wall like the blind, and to ftumble in noonday as in the nighr. While the Perfection advanced on the one hand, a vio- lent fpeat of defection carried down the moft part of Minifters and Profeftors before it, driving them to Courfes of finful and fcandalous Conformings with the times Corruptions, Compearing* before their Courts, Comply ings with their Commands, paying of their Cejfes and other Exactions, taking of their Oaths and Bonds, and countenancing their Prelatical Church-Ser- vices, which they were afhamed to do before : and thereupon on the other hand theDivifions and Confufions were augmented, and poor people that defired to cleave to the Teftimony were more and more offended, and {rumbled at the Minifters, who either left the Land in that clamant Call of the Peoples neceffity, or lurked in their own retirements, and declined the duty of that day, leaving People to determine themfelves in all their per- plexities, as a prey to all tentations. But the tender Paftor and Shepherd of Ifrael, who leads the blind in the way they know not, did not forfake a Remnant in that hour of Tentation, who kept the Word of his Pa- tience : and as he helped thofe that fell into the hands of Enemies to witnefs a good Confeffion, fo he ftrengthned the zeal of the remaining Contenders, againft all the Machinations of Adverfaries to crufh it, and all the Me- thods of backfliding ProfefTors to quench it. And the mean which moft effectually preferved it in life and vi- gour, was the expedient they fell upon of correfponding in General Meetings,- to confuk, inform, and confirm one another about common duties in common dangers, for prefer vation of the Remnant from the deftrudtion and contagion of the times, and propagation of the Teftimo- riy ; laying down this general Conclufion for a founda- tion of Order, to be obferved among them in incident
doubtful
The Teftlmony tf the fixth Period. 157
[oubtful Cafes, and emergent Controverfies, that nothing elative to the Publicky and which concerns the whole of their Community y be done by any of ihemy without harmonious Zonfent fought after y and rationally waited for , and fuffci- *nt Deliberation about thebeft means and manner. In the nean time, the Duke of Torky as Commiffioner from his Brother, held a Parliament, wherein he prefided, not jnly againft all righteous Laws, that make a bloody and ivowed Papift incapable of fuch a Truft, but againft the ^Letter of their own wicked Laws, whereby none ought ro be admitted, but fuch as fwear the Oaths; yet not on- ly was he conftitute in this place, but in the whole Ad- ministration of the Government of Scotland, without the raking any Oath, which then he was courting to be en- railed Succeffor, and Heir of the Crown thereof ; and for this end made many pretences of flatteries, and feigned cxpreiTions of love, and of doing many ads of kindnefs to that ancient Kingdom, as he hath made many di£- fembling proteftatioos of it flnce, for carry iog on his own Popifh and Tyrannical Del;gns. But what good- will he hath born to it, not only his A£ls and Aclings, written in Characters of the Blood of Innocents declare, but his Words do witnefs, which is known when and to whom he fpake, when he fa id, It would never be well, till all on the South- fide of Forth were made a Hunting* Field. However, in that Parliament in the year 1 68 1, he is chiefly intended, and upon the matter by a wicked A& declared legal and lineal Succeffor, and a deteftable, blafphemous, and felf-concradi&ory Tefb is framed for a Peft to Confidences, which turned out of ail Places of Truft any that had anv remaining meafure of common Honeftv ; and when fbme were fpeaking of a Bill for fe- curine Religion, in cafe of a Popifh Prince, the Duke's? Anfwer was notable, that whatfoever ihey intended or pre- pared againft Paptfts, fiould light upon others : whereby we may underftand what meafures we may expe&, when his Deilgnsare ripe. And to all the cruel Ads then and be- fore made againft the People of God, there was one fu- Eeradded, regulating the execution of all the reft, where- y at one dafh all civil and criminal Juftice was over- thrown, and a Foundation laid for Popifh Tyranny,
that
15$ The Tejlimony 0f the fixth Period.
hat the Right of JurifdiHion both in Civil and Crimitu Matters is fo inherent in the Crown) that his Majefiy ma\ judge allJJaufes by himfelf y or ary other he thinks jit to comA mijfiopate. Here was Law for commiflLnating Soldiers) to take away the Lires of Innocents, &$ was frequently exemplified afterwards, and may ferve hereafter for e-1 re&ing the Spanifi Inquifitwny to murder Proteftants when he thinks fit to commiftionate them. Againft which wicked Encroachments on Religion and Liberty, the Faithful thought themfelves obliged to emit a Tefti- inony ; and therefore publifhed a Declaration at Lanerk, January I2th, 1682, confirming the preceeding at San* quhary and adding Reafbns of their Revolt from the Go- vernment of Charles II. 1. c For cutting off the neck at € one blow of the noble Conftkution of Church and State,
* and involving ail Officers in the Kingdom in the fame c perjury with himfelf. 2. For exalting himfelf into 21 € fpherc exceeding all meafures divine and human, ty- c rannically obtruding his Will for aLaw in his arbitrary c Letters, Co that we are made the Reproach of Nations,
* who fay, we have only the Law of Letters infiead of the
* Letter of the Law. 3. For his conftant adjourning and € diflblving Parliaments at his plea&re. 4* For his ar- 4 rogantly arrogated Supremacy in all Caufes Civil and f Ecclefiaftick, and opprefllng the godly for Confidence c and Duty, 5. For his exorbitant Taxings, Ceffings, c and grinding the Faces of the poor, dilapidating the <c Rights and Revenues of the Crown, for no other end, € but to employ them for keeping up a Brothely rather € than a Court. 6. For ioftalling a SucceiTor, fuch an one
* (if not worfe) as himfelf, contrary to all Law, Reafon
* and Religion, and framing theTefty &c. And in end c offer toprove, they have done nothing in this againft
c our ancieftt Laws, Civil or Ecclefiaftick, — but on-
c ly endeavoured to extricate themfelves from under a ty-» € rannous yoke, and to reduce Church anti State to what
* they were in the year 164S and 16*49/ Aftcr which 'Declaration, thev were more condemned by them that
were at eafe than ever, and very untenderly dealt frith; feeing without any previous admonition reproached, ac~ cufed, and informed againft, both at home and abroad,
as
The Teftimony ofthefixth Period. i$g
as if they had turned to fume wild and unhappy Courie- For which Caufe, in the next General Meeting, they refolved to delegate fome of their number to foreign Churches, on purpoie to vindicate themfelves from thefe Calumnies, and to reprefent the juftnefs of their Caufe, and the fadnefs of their Cafe, and provoke them to fome Sympathy abroad, which was denied at home: and withal to provide for a Succeflion of Witneffes, who might maintain the Teftimony, which was then in appearance interrupted, except by Martyrdom and Sufferings. Therefore by that means having obtained Accefs for the Inftru&ion of fome young Men, ar an Univerlity in the United Provinces, in procefs of time, Mr. fames Renivick received Ordination there, and came home to take up the Standard of his Ma- tter, upon the ground where it laft was left, and to carry on the Teftimony againft all the oppositions of that day, from open enemies and backfliding ProfefTors: an undertaking more defperate-like than that of one A- thanafius againft the whole worlds and like that of a child threfhing down a mountain. Which yet, againft all the outragious rage of ravening enemies, ranging, ravaging, hunting, chafing, purfuing -after him, through all the towns, villages, cottages, woods, muirs, mofles, and mountains of the country ; and againft all the fcourge of tongues, contradictions, condemnations, obloquies, reproaches, and cruel mockings of incenfed ProfefTors, and generally of all the inhabitants of the land ; he was helped to pfofecute, by manyweary wanderings, travels, and traverfings through the deferts, night and day, Preaching, Conferring, and Catechifing, moftly in the cold winter-nights in the open fields : until, by the bleifiug of God upon his labours, not only was the faithful witnefc fine Remnant that joined in the Teftimony, further cleared, confirmed, and encouraged, and their number much encreafed bv the comine in and joining of many other* to the fellowfhip of their fettled Societies ; buc alfo many others, in other places of the country were induced to the contra dtin^ themfelves in the like, to the fettling fuch Fellowftiips in moft of the Southern fh'res, fcit then the fury of Perfecutcrs began to flame more
fla-
1 60 *£b* Teftimony of theftxth Period. flagrantly than ever ; not only in fending out cruel fbt* diers, Foot, Horfe and Dragoons, habitually flefhed in, and filled with the blood of the Saints, to hunt, hound, chafe, and purfue after them, and feck them out of ail their dens and hiding holes, in the wilder! glens, fens, and remoteft recefTes in the wilderneis; but emitting Edi&s allowing them tojkill, flay, hang drown, and de- ftroy fuch as they could apprehend of them as they plea- fed and commanding the country to affift them* in rai- ling the Hue and Cry after them, and not "to refet, har-r bour, fupply, or correfpond any manner of way with them, under the hazard and pain of being liable to the fame punifhment. Whereby the country was harrafTed and fpoiled in fearching after them, and many villains were ftirred up to give Informations and Intelligence of thefe Wanderers, where-ever they faw them, or learned where they were. Hence followed fuch a Slaughter and feizure of them, that common people ufually date their; common occurrences fince, from that beginning of killing- time, as they call it. For which caufe, to preferve themfelves from, and put a flop to that deluge of blood, and demur and deter the infblency of Intelligencers and Informers, they were neceffitate to publifli the Aplogetick Declaration, and affix it upon feveral Market-croffcs and Paroch Church-doors, November 8. 1684. c Wherein c they declare their firm refolution, of conftant adherence c to their Covenants and Engagements, — — and to the c Declarations difbwning the Authority of Charles Steuart, < »■ .and to teftify to the world, that they purpofe not
* to injure or offend any whomfoever, but to purfte the c ends of their Covenants, in Handing to the defence of
* the Work of Reformation, and of their own lives ; yet,
€ if any (hall ftretch forth their hand againft them, -
c by (bedding their blood actually, cither by authorita-
c tive commanding ■, or obeying fuch commands,
« -.—-co fearch for them, and deliver them up to the fpiL-
I ling of their blood, to inform againft them,
I , ^to raife the hue and cry after them, — -- — and
I delate them before their Courts,-— — all thefe (hall be
c reputed by them enemies to God and the covenanted c Reformation, and puaifhed as fucb, according ro their
power
The Tejlimony of thefixih Period. 161 poweMnd the degree of their offence, if they fliall con- tinue (b malicioufly to proceed againft them,-
and declare, they abhorc and condemn any pcrfonal attempts, upon any pretext whatfomever, without pre- vious deliberation, common or competent content, without certain probation by fufficient witneiTes, the guilty perfbn's confeffion, or the notournefs of the deeds themfelves : and, in the end, warn the bloody Doegs9 and flattering ziphites informing againft them, to ex- pect to be dealt with as they deal with them/ This ieclaration, though it occafioned greater trials to themt md trouble to the country, by the Courts of Inautfition% Dreffing an Oath abjuring the fame univerfally, upon all, is well women as men, and fufFering none to travel without a Pafs, declaring they had taken that oath : vet it was fo far effectual, as to fcare many from their former diligence in informing againft them, and to draw out fome to join with the Wanderers more publick- ly, even when the danger was greateft of owning any refpect to them. But at length, in the top and height Df their infulting infolence, and heat of their brutiQi immanity and barbarous cruelty, defining to cut off the very name of that Remnant, the King of terrors (z terror to Kings) cut off that Supreme Author and Au- thorizer of thefe mifchiefs, Charles the Second, by the ftt- fpicious intervention of an unnatural hand as the inftru- ment thereof. Wherein much of the Juftice of God was! to be obferved, and of his Faithfulnefs verified, that hhody and deceitful men pall not live out half their days* His bloody violence was recompenfed with the unnatural villany of his brother, and his unparalelled perfidy was juftly rewarded with the moft ungrate and monftroufi treachery of a Parricide: for all the numerous brood o£ his adulterous and inceftuous brats, begotten of other mens wives, and of his numerous multitude of whores at home and abroad, yea of his own fitter too, he died a Childlefs Pultron, and had the uolamented burial of an Afsy without a SucceiTor, fave him that murdered him ; and for all his hypocritical pretentions to a Vrotefiant pofeflion, he not only received Ablblution and extreme Unftioo from a Popifi Vriefi at his death, but drunk his
L death
1 6 2 The Teftlmony of the fixth Period. death in a Popifb Potion, contrived by his own dear bro* ther that fuccceded him ; impatiently longing to accom- plish that conlpiracy of reintroducing Popery, wherein the other moved too flowly, and paffionately relenting. "Charles his Vow, to luffer the murder of the Eari of Ef- fex to come to a trial, (which was extorted by the reite- rated felicitations of iome, who offered to dilcovcr by whom it wras contrived and a&ed), which made the Duke's guilty conference to dread a dete&ion of his deep acceffion to it: ^hereupon the Potion quickly, after pre- pared, put a flop to that, and an end to his life, February 6. 1685. Of which horrid villany time will difclofe the myftery, and give the hiftory when it fhall be feafbn- able.
IV. The former Perfecutioh and Tyranny, mainly promoted by the Duke of Tork's inftieation, did not on- ly opprefs the poorer Ibrt, but reached alfo the greatcft of the Nobility and Gentry in both Kingdoms. In Scot-* land, the Earl of Argyle was arraigned and condemned for his explanation of the TV/?, but elcaped out of the Gaftle of Edinburgh, in the 1 681. And after him feve- ral Gentlemen were arbitrarily oppreffed and troubled, upon tbe Act of Intercommuning with Rebels, and for a pretended Plot againft the Government ( as they called it ) but reaBy becaufc they knew thefe Gentlemen had a defire, and would defign to preferve the Nation, which they were leeking to deftroy, and would coun- teract their wicked projeds to advance Popery and Ty- ranny upon the ruins of the Nations Intererr. For which caufe they left their native Country, to feek fafe- ty and quiet abroad. And, in England, upon the lame pretences, the Lord Rujfel was murdered by Law, and the Earl of Ejfex by a Razor in the Tower, in a morning when the King and Duke of Tork came to pay it a vifir. And mvny other Gentlemen loft either their lives or for* tunes, upon the fame grounds of oppoflng the Duke*s defigns: which made many relort to the united Provin* ies. "Where they with the Scots Gentlemen, as foon as they heard of the death pf Charles II. and of the af- tending of James, Duke of Tork, a notorious and Bigot Papift, to the Throne^ affociating themfelvcs io Counfe!,
to
N
The Tejiimony of the fix th Period. 163
to effay fome diverfion and oppofition to the prefcnt current of Tyranny and Popery, threatning the ruin of both Nations ; refblved and agreed upon the declaring a war againft that Ufurper and all his Complices, And in order thereunto, having provided themfelvcs with arms, concluded that a certain Number fhouid, under the Conduct of James, Duke of Monmouth , direct their Courfe for England, for managing the war there : and others to go for the fame ends to Scotland, under the Conduct of Archibald, Earl of Argyle, their chofen Cap- tain. Whereupon, in a fhort time, chey arrived at Ork- ney y where two Gentlemen of their company, going a- fhore, were taken Prifbners, and carried to Edinburgh ; whereby the Country was alarmed, and a huge hoft gathered to oppofe them. From thence they went to the Wefi- Highlands, where encreailng to the number of about 2000 Men, they traverfed to and again about Kintyrey and Bute, and other places in the Highlands, for iix or (even weeks, until many of their men ran a- way, and the reft were much ftraitned for want of victuals, their palTage, by fea, was blocked up by (hips of war, and, by Land, with their numerous enemies, who got time to gather and ftrengthen themfelves, whereby their friends were fruftrate and more oppref- fedy and themfelvcs kept little better than.Prifoners, till their fpirits were wearied and worn out, and all hope loft. At length the Earl determined, when out of time, to leave the Highlands, and the Ships, Cannons, Arms, and Ammunition at lJland-Craig> and marched towards Dumbartoun, croffing the water of Leven, about three miles above it. Next mornine, near Duntreth, they dis- covered a Party of the Enemies, and faced towards them, but they retired. And then directing their Courfe towards Glafgow, were intercepted by the body of the Enemies army : where they drew up in Battalia, one againft another, and ftood in arms till the evening, a water being betwixt them. But Argyle s Party, per- ceiving that their enemies were above ten times their number, and that themfelves were wearied out with a long and tedious march, want of victuals and fleep, re- folvcd to withdraw : but as fooa as it grew dark, all
L 2 hop c
1 64 The Tejiimony of the fixth Period. hope Idft, they difperied, every man fhifting for* him- felf; only a few keeping together all the next day, hadl a skirmifti with a party of the Enemies, in which they flew the Captain, and about 12, or fome more of hi$ men, and afterwards they difperfed themfelves alfo. The Enemies, fearching the Country, gleaned up the Earl ofArgyle himfelf, Colonel Rumbold, an Englifimany Mr. Thomas Archer Minifter, Gavin Rujfely and David Lawy who were ail condemned and execute at Edinburgh^ and many others who were baniflied to America : and about fome 20 in the Highlandsy who were hanged at Inverary. In Englandy the Duke of Monmouth9 s expedi- tion, though it had more action, yet terminated in the fame fucccis, the loft of many hundred livcsy many kil* led in Battle : and afterwards, by the mercy of the Duke of Torky feverai hundreds in the Weft of England were carried about, and hanged before the doors of their own habitations; and to make his Captains fport by the way, according to the number of the hours of the day, when the murdering humour came in their head, To ma- ny of the poor Captives were hanged, as a prodigious monument of monftroul; Cruelty. This was the Com- mencement of the prefent Tyrants Government. In the mean time, the Wanderers in Scotland^ tho' they did not a/fociate with this Expedition, upon the account of the too promilcuous admittence of perfbns to truft in that Party, who were then and fince have difcovered them* fclves to be Enemies to the Caufe, and becaufe they could not efpoufe their Declaration as the State of their Quarrel, being not concerted according to the conftant Plea of the Scots Covenanters, and for other reafbns given in their late Vindication : yet againft this Ufurpation of a bloody Papift, advancing himfelf to the Throne ia fuch a manner, they puhlifhed another Declaration at Sanquhar* May 28. 168 5. c Wherein, approving and € adhering unto all their former Declarations, and con- € fidering that famesy Duke of Torky a profeft and ex-
* communicate Papift, was proclaimed ■ To tc-8 € ftify their reftntment of that deed, and to make itap-
* pear unto the world, that they were free thereof by ? concurrence os coatuvaoce; they protef! *g*mft the
* fore*
The Tejllmony of the ftxth Period* \ 65
f forefaid Proclamation of fames*) Duke of Tork, as € King : in regard that it is the chooling of a Murder- c er to be a Governor, who hath fhed the blood of the € Saints, ■ that it is the height of Confederacy
< with an Idolater, forbidden by the Law of God, c • contrary to the Declaration of the General Af-
< fembly of the Church, July 27. 1649. And contrary « to many wholefbme and laudable Ads of Parliament, « — — . and inconfiftent with the fafety, faith, Con- « fcience, and Chriftian Liberty of a Chriftian People,
< to choofe a fubjeft of Antichrift to be their Supreme
* Magiftrate, and to entruft an enemy to the work,
c and people of God with the Intercfts of both : and up- € on many important grounds and rcafons (which there c they exprefs ) * they protcft againft the validity and con- € ftitution of that Parliament, approving and ratifying
€ the forefaid Proclamation, « And againft all kind
c of Popery in general and particular heads, ■ ■ as.
c abjured by the National Covenant, and abrogated by
* A&s of Parliament, and againft its entry again
4 into this Land, and every thing that doth, or may c directly or indirectly, make way for the fame : diF-
* claiming likewife all Seclarianifm, Malignancy, and
* any Confederacy therewith.* ■ This was their Teftimony againft Popery in the feafon thereof: which tho' it was not Co much condemned as any former De- clarations, yet neither in this had they the Concurrence fcfany Miniftcrs or Profeflbrs ; who as they had been filent, and omitted a feafonable Teftimony againft Pre- lacy, and the Supremacy, when thefe were introduced, lb now alfo, even when this wicked Myfterv and Con- fpiracy of Popery and Tyranny, twifted together in the prefent defign of Antichrift, had made fb great a pro- grefs, and -was evidently brought above board, they were left to let flip this opportunity of a Teftimony al- fo, to the reproach of the declining and far degenerate Church of Scotland, Yea, to their fhame, the very rab- ble of ignorant people may be brought as a Witnefs a- gainft the body of Presbyterian Minifters in Scotland} in that they teftified their deteftation of the flrft Erection of the Idolatrous Mafs} and fonac of the fokliery, and
fucb
1 66 The Teftimony ofthejixth Period.
fuch as had no Profeffion of Religion, fuffered unto death for fpeaking againft Popery and the defigns of the King^ while the Minifters were iilent. And fome of the Cu- rates, and members of the late Parliament 1686, made force {tickling againft the taking away of the penal Sta- tutes againft Papifts ; while Presbyterians, from whom might have been expe&ed greater oppofition, were fleep- ing in a profound fubmiflion. I cannot, without Con- fulion of Spirit, touch thefe obvious and dolorous re- flections, and yet in candor cannot forbear them. How- ever the Perfecution againft the Wanderers went on, and more cruel Edicls were given forth againft them, while a relenting abatement of feverity was pretended againft other Difknters. At length what could not be obtain- ed by Law, at the late Parliament for taking off the Statutes againft Papifts, was effectuated by Prerogative : and to make it pafs with the greater approbation, it was conveyed in a channel of pretended Clemency, offer- ing a fort of Liberty , but really introducing a licentious Latitude , for bringing in all future fnares, by taking off fome former, as arbitrarily as before they were impof' cdj in a Proclamation, dated February 12. 1687. c Grant-
* ing, by the King's fovereign Authority, Prerogative
* Royal, and abfolute power > which at I Subjects are to € obey without referve> a Royal Toleration, to the feveral € Profeflbrs of the Chriftian Religion afternamed, with
* and under the feveral Conditions, reftriclions, and li- c mitations aftermentioned. In the firft place, tolerat- c ing the Moderate Presbyterians to meet in their private € houfes, and there to hear all fuch Minifters, as either c have, or are willing to accept of the Indulgence alle-
* nerly, and none other: and that there be nothing laid
* or done contrary to the well and peace of his reign, c feditious or trealbnable, under the higheft pains thefc
* Crimes will import, nor are they to prefume to build € Meeting-houfes, or to ufe out-houfes, or barns.
* In the mean time, 'tis his Royal will and pleafure, % that Field Conventicles y and fuch as preach at them, or € who fhall any way affift or connive at them, (hall be c profecute according to the utmoft feverity of Laws f made againft them. In like manner, tolerat-
i in2
The Tejiimony oftheftxtb Period. 1 67
c ing the Quakers to meet and exerciie in their form*
< in any place or places appointed for their WorfhipJ
< — And by the fame abfolute power, forefaid, iu- « fpending, flopping, and disabling all Laws, or Adts
< of Parliament, Cuitoms, or Constitutions againft any
< Roman Catholick fubjedis. ■ So that they fhall, « in all things, be as free in all refpe&s as any Proteitanc
< fubje&s whatfoever, not only to exercife their Religi-
< on, but to enjoy all Offices, benefices, &c. which he
< fhall think fit to bellow upon them in all time coming,
« And calling, annulling, and difcharging all
c Oaths whatfoever, and lefts, and Laws enjoining them. « And in place of ihem this Oath only is to be taken, « - . 1 A, b. do acknowledge, teftify, and declare,' that c James the Seventh, &c. is rightful King, and fupreme c Governor of thefe Realms, and over all perfons therein \ € and that it is unlawful for Subjects, on any pretence, or c for any Caufe whatfoever, to rife in arms againft himy c or any Commijfionated by him', and that 1 fb all never fo c rife in Arms, nor affift any who pall fo do \ and that I 1 fball never refift his power or Authority, ?jor ever oppofe
c his Authority to his pet -J on, — — but pall to the utmoft
c of my power afftft, defend, and maintain him, his heirs 1 and lawful fucceffors, in the exercife of their abfolute
c power and authority againft all deadly. And by
c the fame abfolute power giving his full and ample In- f demnity, to all the forefaid forts of people, under the * forefaid reftriftions, • Here is a Proclamation for a Prince : that proclaims him in whofe name it is e- mitted, to be the greateft Tyrant that ever lived in the world, and their Revolt who have difbwned him to be the jufteft that ever was. For herein that Mohfter of Vrerogative is not only advanced, paramount to all Laws, divine and human, but far furmouncing all the luft, im- pudence, and infolence of the Roman, Sicilian, Turkifi* Tartarian, or Indian Tyrants, that ever trampled up- on the Liberties of Mankind ; who have indeed de- manded abfolute fubjection* and furrender of their Lives, Lands, and Liberties at their pleafare, but never arrived at fuch a height of arrogance as this does, to claim ab- folute obedience^ without referve of Confcicn.ee, Religi-
' 00,
1 68 The Tejiimony of thefixtb Period.
on, Honour, or Rcafon ; not only that which igno- rantly is called Pafpve, never to relift him, not only on any Pretence, but lor any Caufe> even tho' he fhould com- mand his Popifh Janizaries to murder and maflacre all ProtefiantSy which is the tender mercy and burning fer- vent charity of Papifis ; but alio of abfolute a&ive Qbe- dunce without referve, to aflift, defend, and maintain him in every thing, whereby he fhall be pleated to exercife Ins abfolute Power , tho' he fhould command to burn the Bible, as well as the Covenant ( as already he applauded John Gib in doing of it) and to burn and butcher all that will not go to Mafsy which we have all grounds to ex- •peft will be the end of his Clemency at laft. Herein he claims a power to command what he will, and obliging iubjedtsto obey whatfoever he will command : a power Co refcind, flop and difable all Laws; which unhinges all •ftahility, and unfcttles all the fecurity of human fociety, yea, extinguifhes all that remains of natural Liber- ty : wherein, as is well obferved by the Author ©f the Keprefentation of the threatning Danger} impending over ProteJiantJ'i p. 53, 4 It is very natural to obfcrve,that
* he allows the Government, under which we were € born, and to which we were fworn, to be hereby fub- € verted and changed, and that thereupon we are not on-
* ly abfblved and acquitted from all Allegiance to him,
* but indifpenilbly obliged, by the ties and engagements
* that are upon us, to apply ourfclves to the ufe of all
* means and endeavours againft him, as an Enemy of
* the People, and fubverter of the legal Government.* But this was fogrofs, and grievoufly gripping in its re- flri&ions, as to perfbns, as to the place, as to the matter allowed the Presbyterians in preaching, that it was dis- dained of all ; and therefore he behoved to busk it bet- ter, and mend the matter, in a Letter to tne^Cbuncil (the fupreme Law of Scotland) bearing date March 31ft, J687, of this tenour, ' Whereas we did recom- € mend to you to take care, that any of the Presbyterians 4 fhould not be allowed to preach, but fuch only as € fhould have your Allowance for the lame, and that
* thev at the receiving the Indulgence fhould take Oath ^contained in the Proclamation, *— * Thcfe are there-
< fore
The Tejlimony of the ftxth Period. 169
fore to lee you know, that thereby we meant fuch of them as did not folemnly take the Tefi , but if never- theiefs the Presbyterian Preachers do icruple to take the faid Oath, or any other Oath whatfoever, and that you (hall find it reafonable, or fit to grant them, or any of them, our faid Indulgence, fo as they deiirc it
upon thefe terms; it is now our will and pleafure
to grant them our faid Indulgence, without being ob- liged to take the Oath, with power unto them to enjoy the benefit of the faid Indulgence (during our pleafure only) or fo long as you fhall find they behave them- fe|ves regularly and peaceably, without giving anyCaufe of offence to us, or any in authority or truft under us in our Government/ « Thus finding the former
propofal not adequately apportioned to his defign, be- caule of its palpable odiouihef?, he would pretend his meaning was miftaken (tho' it was manifeft enough) and mitigate the matter, by taking away of the Oaths alto- gether, if any fhould fcruple it ', wThereas he could not but know, that all that had fenfe would abhor it; yet k is clogged with the fame reftri&ions, limited to the lame peribns, characterized more plainly and peremptorily, with an addition of Cautions, not only that they fhall uot fay or do any thing contrary to the well and peace of his Reign, feditious or treafonable *, but alfb that they behave themfelvcs regularly and peaceably, without giving any Caufe of Offence to him, or any under him ; which comprehends leffer offences than Sedition or Trea- fon> even every thing that will difpleafe a Tyrant and a Papift, that is, all faithfulnefs in feafonable Duties or Teftimonies. But at length, left the deformity and dif- pariry of the Proclamation for rhe Toleration in Scotland, and the Declaration for Liberty of Canfcience in England, fhould make his pretences to Conference fufpect of dilin- genuity% and left it fhould be faid, he had one Confci- ence for England, and another for Scotland ; therefore he added a third Eik to the Liberty, but fuch as made it ft ill an ill-favoured patched project, to deftroy Religion and, true Liberty, in another Proclamation dated at Whid-
for, June 28th, 1687, wherein he fays: c Tak-
* ing into our Royal Coniideratioo, the iiniftrous Inter-
* prctationj,
1 70 The Tejiimony of the ftxth Period.
€ prctations, which either have or may be made offbme c Reitridtions (mentioned in chelalt) we have thought ! fit by this further to declare, that we will protect our € Archbiihops, &c. And we do likcvife, by our fo- c vereign Authority, Prerogative Royal, and abfolute. *■ Pozuery iufpend, iiop and diiaole all penal and ian^ui* c nary Laws, made againit any for N jn-conformity to c the Religion citabiiftied by Law in that our ancient f Kingdom, =— ~ co the end, that by the Liberty c thereby granted, the Peace and Security of our Go- c vernri.ent in the practice thereof may not be endan- c gercd, wc hereby ftraitly chaige all our loving Sub- ' jedfc, that as we do give chem leave to meet, andfervc « God after their own vv,iy, in private Houfes, Chapels*,
< or Places purpofely hired 01 built for that ufe, fo that
< they take care that nothing be preacned or taught, f which may any way tend to alienate the Hearts of our c People from us and our Government, and that their c Meetings be peaceably and publkkly held, and all per-* c fons freely admitted to them ; and that they do figni- c fy and make known to fome one or more of the next c Privy Counfellors, Sheriffs, Stewards, Baillies, juftices c of the Peace, or Magistrates of Burghs Royal, what c place or places they kt apart for thefe ufes, with the
c names of the Preachers, ■ ■ provided always that
f the Meetings be in Houfes, and not in the open Fields ;
* for which now, after this our royal Grace and Favour c (which furpafTes the hopes, and equals the very wifhes c of the mod zealoufly concerned) there is not the ieaft c fhadow of excufe left; which Meeting in the Fields wc
< do hereby ftridtly prohibite and forbid, againft all c which we do leave our Laws and Adh of Parliament c in full force and vigour, notwithftanding the premifTes ; c and do further command all our Judges, Magiftrates, c and OHicers of Forces, to profecute fuch as fhall be € guilty of the faid Field-conventicles, wTith the utmoft
* rigour ; for we are confident none will, after thefe Li- 6 berties and Freedoms, given to all without referve, to c ferve God in their own way, prcfumeto meet in thefe c Aflemblies, except fuch( as make a pretence of Religion,
* to cover their treafonable Defiens aeainft our Royal
c Pcrfon,
The Teftimony of thefixth Period. 1 7 X
c Perfon, and the Peace of our Government.*——
This is the Royal Charter for fecurity of the Prote- ftant Religion (intended to iecure it fo, that it ihall not go much abroad again) in lieu of ah the Laws, C mti- tutionai Oaths and Covenants, wherewith it was former- ly confirmed. This is the only Patent, which the P-oy- al Dawties, the moderate Presbyterians, nave now received to infure their Enjoyment oi it during well-pleajtng, dur- ing his pleafure, whofe Faith is as abfolute over all ties of promifes, as his power from whence it flows is over all Laws; whofe chiefeft principle of Confcience is, that fio Faith is to be kept to Hereticks. Here is the Liberty which is fa id tofurpafs the Hopes, and equal the Wipes of the mofi zealoujly concerned', holding true indeed of too many, whofe hopes and wifhes, and zeal are terminate upon Peace rather than Truth, eafe rather than Duty, and their own things rather than the things of Chrift ; but as for the poor wild Wanderers, it fomeway anfwers their Fears, and correfponds with their Jealousies, who put the fame interpretation upon it; as on all the former Indulgences, Indemynties and Tolerations, proceeding from the fame fountain, and deiigned for the fame finiftrous ends with this, which they look upon as more openly and obvioufly Antichriftian , and therefore, while others arc rejoicing under the bramble-fbadow of it, they think it a caufe of weeping and matter of mourning, not be- caufe they do not fharc of the benefit of it, but becaufe they are afraid tofhare of the Curfe of it. For which caufe, tho' a freedom be pretended to be given, to all without referve to j'erve God in their own way, they think it necefTary to referveto themfclves the Liberty where- with Chrift hath made them free, and to ferve him in his Way, tho' interdicted by men, and to take none from Antichrift reftri&ed with his referves ; and do look upon it as a feafonable Teftimony for the Caufe of Chrift, and the Intereft of the Proteftant Religion, and the Laws and Liberties of the Country, all overturned and fubverted by this Toleration, to keep their Meetings as in former times, in the open fields, whither their Tyranny hath driven them. And let them call thefe Meetings covered, and treafon'able Defigm againfi the Government > on pretence
I72 The Tejiimony of the Jixth Period.
of Religion , I truft ic fhall be made evident, to the Con* vi&ion of all that know Religion, that their Defigns are to prefcrvc it, in oppoiition to the Tyranny that goes a- bout ail thele ways to fiipprefs it; tho' I muft iufpenc! the Reafons of their keeping their Meetings in the fields, till I come to difcufs that Cafe in its own place. Here I fhall only fay, none that are acquainted with their Cir-» cumftances, which are* as dangeroufly ftated as ever, by reafbn of the conftant Perfecution of cruel enraged Ene- mies, inceflantly purfuing them without relenting, not- withstanding cf all this pretence of Clemency, and ten- dernefs to Confcience, but may know, 'they can neither have fafety, fecrecy, nor conveniency in Houfes, for fear of their intra pping Enemies ; and none will blame them, that after fb many difcoveries of their truculent treache- ry, they dare not truft them : and befides, they think it finful, fcandalous and inconvenient, to feem to homolo- gate this Toleration , the wickednefs whereof they are convinced of, from thefe Reafons :
I. Confidering the Granter in his pcrfbnal capacity, as to his Morals , they look upon him as a perfbn with whom they cannot in prudence communicate, in any tranfection of that nature. Firfty Bccaufc being in his principles and practice profeiTediy treacherous, yea obli- ged to be both perfidious and cruel by that Religion whereunto he is addicted, he cannot be trufted in the leaft concerns, let be thofe of fuch momentous confe- rence as this, without- a ffupid abandoning of confci- ence, reafon and experience. Since both that known principle, that no Faith is to be kept to Hereticks, which is efpouied by all Papifts, does to them juftify all their ly- ing diflimulations, equivocations, and treacheries imagi- nable ; and that Lateran Canon, that enjoins Kings to deftroy and extirpate Hereticks under pain of excommunica- tiony does oblige hinv|o be cruel; befides what deep en- gagements he is knowrV>to be under by oaths and promw fes to the Pcpey both in his exile, and while a fubject, and fince he came to the crown: which make him to all conildering perfbns to be a perfon of that character, whofe deceitful dainties are not to be de fired, and that when hefpeakeeh fair is not to be believed, for their are
feven
The Tefttmony of the fixth Period. 173 fevcn abominations in his hearr. Of which open and af- fronted Lies we have a fufficient fwatch, both in his pro- clamation for Scotland^ and declaration for England, where hefpeaks of his conftaut, refolvts o£ uniting 9the hearts of Subjecls to God in Religion, and to their Neigh- lours in Chriftian Love, and that it never was his principle to offer violence to any mans Confcience, or ufe invincible ne- cejjity againft any man on the account of his perfuajion ; and that their Property was never in any cafe invaded fince his coming to the crown ; and that it hath been his con- stant fenfc and opinion, that Confcience ought not to We contained, nor People forced in matters of mere Religion* To which his uninterrupted endeavours to divide us from God and from one another, that he might the more eafily deftroy us, and his conftant encroachments upon laws, liberties and properties, and all interefts of men and Chriftians for confcience fake do give the lie manifeftly. And it muft be great blindnefs not to fee, and great bafenefs willingly to wink at that double-fa- ced equivocation, in matters of mere Religion ', by which he may elude ail thefe flattering promifes of tendernefs, by excepting at the moft neceflary and indifpenfible du- ties, if either they be fuch wherein any other intereft is> concerned belide mere Religion, or if their troubles fu- ftained thereupon be not altogether invincible Neceffities. Hence the plain falfehood and doublenefs of his affertions as to what is paft, may give ground to conclude his in- tended perfidy in the promifes of what is future. Next, Ic is known what his praftice and plots have been for the deftrudtion of all honeft and precious interefts; what a deep hand he had in the burning of London. In the Vo- pifiplot, difcovcred in the year 1678, in the murder of the Earl of Ejfex, yea in the Parricide committed upon his own brother. By ail which it appears, nothing is fb abominable and barbarous which he hath not a con- ference that will fwallow and digeft without a fcruple ; and what he hath done of this kind muft be but prepara- tory to what he intends, as meritorious to atone for thefe villanies. And in his efteem, and perfuafion of Papifts, nothing is thought more meritorious than to ex- tirpate the Proteftant Religion, and deftroy the Profef-
for*
174 The Teftimony of the fixth Period. fors thereof. Therefore being fuch a perfbn with whom in reafbn no honeft man could tranfaft,for a tenure of the leaft piece of land or houfe, or any holding whatfb- ever, they dare not accept of his fecurity or prote&ion for fb great an intereft, as the freedom and exercifc of their Religion under the fhadow of fuch a bramble. If it was the shechemites fin and (Lame to ftrengthen a naughty Abimekch, and ftrcngthen themfelvcs under the fhadow of his protection, much more mult it be to take protection for Religion as well as Peace, from fuch a Monfter of cruelty and treachery. This were againft their Teftimony, and contrary to the laudable conftitu- tions of the Church of Scotland, to take no protections from Malignant enemies, as was (hewed above in Mon- tr of e*s cafe. See pag. 97. above.
II. Confidering his Religion more particularly, they judge it unlawful fb to bargain with him as this accept- ance would import. It is known he is not only a Pap ft, an Apoftate Papift, and an Excommunicate Papift, (as is related above), but a fiery Bigot in the Romifi Religion, and zealous fworn votary and vaffal of Antichrift ; who> as the Letter of the Jefuites from Liege, lately publifhed in print, tells us, is refblved either to convert England to Vopery or die a Martyr : and again, that he ftiles himfelf n fpn of the Society of fefuites, and will account every inju- ry done to them to be a wrong done againft himfelf ; being lenown to be under the conduct and guidance of that fu- rious order, yea and enrolled as a member of that Soci- ety. Which makes it the lefs to be wondered, that he fhould require abfolute obedience without referve, feeing he himself yields abfolute obedience as well as implicite faith , without referve, to the Jefuites. Such a Bigot was Mary of England (as alfo h is Great Grandame of Scotland, if fhe had got her will). And his Bigotry will make him emulous of her cruelty, as counting it a diminution of his glory, for fuch a Champion as he under Anti* ch rift's banner to come fhort of a woman's enterprizes: tior would the late King have been fb pofted off the ftage, if his Succeflbr were not to aft more vigoroufly than he in this tragical defign, to which this tolerationi is fubfervient. He is then afervaat of Antichrift, and as
fucli
The Tejlimony of the fixth Period. 175
Yuch under the Mediator's Malediction ; yea, in thisre- fped, is heir to his Grandfather's imprecations, who wiped the Curfe of God to fail upon fuch of his Po ferity as fiould at any time turn Pafifls. How then can the Fol- lowers of the Lamb fh ike hands, be at peace, afTociate, confederate, or bargain with fuch a declared enemy to Chrift ? Certainly the Scripture-commands of making no Covenant or League, interdi&ing entering into any affinity with the people of thefe abominations, and for- bidding/^/^ a Confederacy with them, do lay awful bonds on the Faithful to tiand aloof from fuch. The people might have had liberty of conference under the^- /}ritf» protection, when they were faying a Confederacy with him, but in fo doing they forefaulted the benefit of the Lord's being a Sanctuary to them. To bargain therefore with fuch an one for a toleration of religion, were contrary to the Scriptures, contrary to the Cove- nants and Principles of the Church of Scotland, againft Affociations and Confederacies with fuch enemies. Sec Gillefpe's Vfeful Cafe of Confcience concerning Ajfociationy hinted Pag. 98, and more Head 3. Arg. I. But to accept of this liberty as now offered were a bargaining ; for Where there is a giving and receiving upon certain con- ditions, where there are demands and complyance ; commands and obedience, promifes and reliance, offers upon terms and acquiefcence in thefe terms, what is there wanting to a bargain, but the mere formality of fubftriptions 1 At leaft iz cannot be denied, but the Ad- ireffers have bargained for it, and in the name of all the Accepters, which mud ftand as their deed alfo ; if they do not evidence their refentment of fuch prefumption, which I do not fee how they can, if they abide under the fhadow thereof the fame way as they do. I grant liberty as very defirable, and may be taken and im pro- ven from enemies of relieion : and fo do the Wanderers now take it and improve it to the belt advantage, with- out receiving it bv acquiefcin° in any terms. But fuch a liberty as this was never offered without a definitive defl?n, nor ever received without a deftru^ive effect. It is one of the filthy flatteries foun^ in the Englifi Addref- fes, particularly that from Totnefs} that the prefenr In-
dulger
i y 6 The Tejlimony of the fixth Period.
duiger h like another Cyrus who proclaimed liberty to the people of God, Ezra i. But who fees not the difpa* rity in every refpedt 1 Cyrus, at his very firft entry into the government, did lay out himfelf for the' Church's good ; this man who fpeaks now fo fair, his firft work was to break our head, and next to put on our hood, firft to ailertand corroborate his prerogative, and then by virtue of that, to difpenfe with all penallaws: it was foretold that Cyrus fhould deliver the Church at that time ; but was it ever promifed that the Church fhould get liberty to advance Antichrift ? or that Antichrift, of one of his limbs, fhould be employed fn the Church's deliverance; while fuch 1 The Lord ftirred up the fpi- rit of Cyrus \ Can it be faid without blafphemy, that the Lord ftirred up this man, to contrive the introduction of Popery by this gate and gap, except in a penal fenfe for judgment 1 Cyrus had a charge to build the Lord a houfe ; but this is not a charge but a grant or licence, not from nor according to God's authority, but man's, not to build Chrift a houfe, but a Babel for Antichrift ; and all this liberty is but contrived as fcaffolding for that edifice, which, when it is advanced, then the icaf- folding muft be removed.
III. Confidering him in his Relation as a Magiftrate, it were contrary to their Teftimony fb often renewed 2nd ratified, and confirmed with fo many reafbns, and fealed by fo much blood, bonds, banifhment, and other fufferings, to own or acknowledge his authority, which is mere ufurpation and tyranny ; in that by the laws of the land he is incapable of government, and that he had neither given nor can give, without an hypocritical and damning cheat, the oath and fecurity indifpenfibly re- quired of him before and at his entry to the government. Yet this liberty cannot be complied with, without re- cognofcing his authority that he arrogates in giving it : feeing he tenders it to all his good Subjetls, and gives it by his Sovereign Authority , and to the end that by the Li" berty thereby granted the peace and fecurity of the Government in thepratlke thereof may not be indangered. And in the Declaration to England, it is offered as an expedient to e- fiablijh his Governme?7t on fuch a foundation, as may make
*The Tejlimony of the fix th Period. 177
lis Sub j eels happy^ and unite them to him by inclination as well as duty ', to which indeed the acceptance thereof hath a very apt fubferviency : feeing it implies, not on- ly owning of the government out of duty, but an union and joining with it and him by inclination, w'hich is a cordial confederacy writh God's enemy, and a co-opera- ting to the eftablifhment of his Tyranny, that the peace and fecurity thereof may not be endangered. And, in his former proclamation, he gives them the fame fecuri- ty for their rights and properties, which he gives for re- ligion ; and, in the Englifi declaration, addethy That to the perfect enjoyment of their Property, which was never inva- ded, &c. Which to accept, were not only to take the fccurity of a manifeft lie, but to prefer the word of a man that cannot, muff, not, will not keep it (without going crofs to his principles) to the fecurity of right ancf law which is hereby infringed, and to acknowledge not only the liberty of religion, but the right of property to be his grant: which, whenever it is removed, there muff, remain no more charter fot it, but ftupid flavery entail- ed upon pofterity, and pure and perfect tyranny tran£ mitted to them. The fin and abfurdity whereof may be feen demonftrated Head 2.
IV. Confidering the Fountain whence it flows, they cannot defile themfclves With it. In the Engli/b Decla- ration, it flows from the Royal mil and pleafure, which fpeaks a Domination Defpoticai and Arbitrary enough, but more gently expreiled than in the .Scots Proclamati- on; where it is re founded on Sovereign Authority, Prero- gative Royal, and Abfolute Power : proclaiming by found of trumpet, a Power Paramount to all Law, Reafoa and Religion, and outvying the height of Ottoman Ty- ranny: a power which all are to obey without referve : « power to tolerate or reftrain the Proteffant Religion, according to his Royal will or pleafure : an Abfolute Power which cannot be limited by Laws, nor moft Sa- cred Obligations, but only regulated by the Royal luff ; whereby indeed he may furler the Proteftant Religion, but only precarioufly fo long as he pleafes, and until his P.oyal pleafure fhall be to command the efrablifhmeni or Popery, which then muff be complied with without
M ConrrouJ
iy8 The Tejlimony of the fixth Period. cowroul. Whereby all the tenure that Proteftants have for their Religion., is only the Arbitrary word of an ab- foiute Monarch,, whofe principles oblige him to break irs and his ambition to difdain to beailave to it. Now, the acceptance of this grant would imply the recognizance of this power, that the grantcr claims in granting it ; which utterly dhfolvcs all government, and all fecurity for religion and liberty, and all the precious interefts of men and Chriftians: which, to acknowledge, were con- trary to Scripture, contrary to reafon, and contrary to the principles of the Church of Scotland, particularly the Declaration df the General Ajfembly, July 27. 1 643. Sec pag. 89. &c. and contrary to the Covenant.
V. Confidering the Channel in which it is conveyed, they cannot comply with it. Becaufe it comes through fuch a conveyance, zsfufpendS) flops, and difables all pe- nal laws againft Papifts, and thereby averts all the fe- curities and legal Bulwarks that Proteftants cm have for the eftablifhment of their religion \ yea, in effect, leaves no laws in force againft any that (hall attempt the utter fubverfion of it, but ratifies and leaves in full vigour all wicked laws and acts of parliament,, againft fuch as would moft avowedly ailert it ; and ftops and difables Done of the moft cruel and bloody laws againft Prote- ftants : for the moft cruel are fuch as have been made againft Field-meetings, which are hereby left in full force arid vigour. Hence as he hath formerly, by Abfo~ lute Power, fufpended all laws made for the protection of our Religion, lb he may, when he will, difpenfe with all the laws made for its eftablifliment ; and thofe who approve the one by fuch an acceptance, cannot difallow the other, but muft recognofce a power in the King to lubvert all laws, rights and liberties, which is contrary to reafon as well as religion, and a clear breach of the National and Solemn League and Covenants.
VI. Confidering the Ends of its contrivance, they dare Hot have any acceffion to accomplifh fuch wicked projects, to which this acceptance would be fb natively fubftrvi- cnt. The exprelTed ends of this Grant are, to unite the hearts of his Subjefts to him in Loyalty, and to their Ne'tgh- hws in Love, as in the former Proclamation ; and that
The Tejllmony of the fixth Period. xyg
ly the Liberty granted, the peace and fee urity of his Govern - went, in the practice jhereof, may not he endangered, as in the later Proclamation ; and to unite the Subjects to him iy inclination as well as duty, whkh he chinks can be done hy no means fo effectually as by granting the free exerafe of Religion as in the Englijb Declaration. Whence we m^y gather not obfeurely; what is the proper tendency of it, both as to the work and worker, to wit, to incline and induce us by flattery to a lawlefs Loyalty, and a flupiJ contented flavery when he cannot compel us by force, and make us actively co-operate in ferting and fettling his Tyranny, in the peaceable polTeffion of all his Ufur- pations, Robberies and Encroachments upon our Reli- gion, Laws and Liberties, and to incorporate us with Babylon ; for who are the Neighbours he would have us unite with in love, but the Papifts ? againft whom all the Lovers of Chrift muft profefs themfelves irreconcile- able enemies. The Englip Declaration does further dis- cover the defign of this device, in one expreflion which will moil eafily be obtained to be believed of any in if, «fe. that he heartily wipes that all the People ofthefe Do- minions were members of the Catholick Church : which clearly inlinuates, that hereby he would entile them to commit fornication with that Mother of Harlots ; which cntifing to Idolatry (if we ccnfult the Scripture) fhould meet with another fort of entertainment than fuch a kind and thankful acceptance, which is not an oppoling of fuch a wicked wifh, but an encouraging and corro- borating of it. And further he fays, that all the for- mer tradt of perfections never obtained the end for which it was employed ; for, after all the* frequent and prefftng endeavours that were ufed, to reduce this Kingdom to an ex* at? conformity in Religion, it is vifihle the fuccefs has not anfwered the defign, and that the difficulty is invincible* Wherein we may note his extorted acknowledgement, that all former endeavours to deftroy the Work of God bave been fuccefslefs, which induces him to try another method, to which this acceptance is very fubfervient, to wit, to deftroy us and our Religion by flatteries, and by peace to overturn truth, and by the fubverfion of laws to open a door to let in Popery and all abominati-
M Z oos.
i8o *?he Tejlmmy ofthefixth Period* ons. But what is more obfcurely exprefTed in his words, is more vifibly obvious in his works, to all that will not willingly wink at them ; difcovermg clearly the end of this liberty is not for the Glory of God, nor the advantage of Truth, or the Church's edification, nor intended as a benefit to Proteftants ; but for a pernicious defign, by gratifying a few of them in a pretended fa-* vour, to rob all of them of their chiefeft interefts, religi- on, laws, rights and liberties, which he could not other- wife effectuate but by this arbitrary way 5 for if he could have obtained his defigns by law ; he would never have talked of lenity or liberty, but, having no legal ends, he fcehoved to compafs them by illegal means. They muft then be very blind who do not fee his drift is, firft to get in all Popifb Officers in places of publick truft, by ta- lcing off the penal laws difabling them for the fame; then to advance his Abfolutencfs over all laws, in a way "which will be beft acknowledged and aoquiefced in jby people, till he be fo ftrengthened in it, that he fears no controul ; and then to undermine and overturn the Pro- teftant Religion, and eftablifh Popery and Idolatry : which he is concerned the more violently to purfue, be- caufe he is now growing old^ and therefore muft make hafte, left he leave the Papifts in a worfc condition than he found them : which, to be fure, the Papifts are aware of, and their conicious fears of the nation s refentments of their villanies will prompt them, as long as they have fuch a Patron, to all vigilance and violence in playing their game ; and withal, hereby he may intend to capacitate himfelf for fubduing the Dutch) againft whom he hath given mafiy indications of a hoftile mind of old and of late ; not only in hiring two Ra- fcals to burn the Amftevdam- fleet heretofore, but in flir- ting up and protecting the Algerwe Pyrates againft them; fo univerfal a Prote&or is he become of late, that Papifts and Proteftants, Turks and yews are flirewded under the lhadow of hisPatrociny,butwith a defign to deftroy the heft, when his time comes. Which curfed defigns can- not be counteracted, but very much ftrengthened by this acceptance.
VH.Confidering the "Bffefts already produced thereby.
they
The Tejiimony of thefixth Period. i g *
Aey cannot but aohor ic: feeing the eyes of all that arc tender may afFedf. their hearts, obferving how the Papifis are hereby encouraged, and increafed in numbers, the whole Nation overflowed with their hellifh Locufts> and ail Places filled with Priefts and Jefuites', yea, the exe- cutive power of the Government put into the hands of the Romanics', and on the other hand, how the People are endangered with their abounding and prevailing Er- rors (to which the Lord may, and will give up thole that have not received the Love of the Truth) Truth is fallen in the ftreets, and equity cannot enter, a Teftimo- ny againft Antichrift is abandoned and laid afide, as un- feafonable; the edge of zeal for the Intcreft of Chrift: is blunted, and its fervour extinguifhed ; they that fhould ffandintheGap, and upon the Watch-tower, are laid allele from all oppofition to the Invafions of the Enemy, and lulled afleep by this bewitching Charm and intoxicating Opium, Ministers and ProfefTors are generally fettling on their lees, and languifhing in a fatal Security ; Defe&iort is carried on, Diviiion promoted, and Dcftruction is im- minent. Is it not then both a part of the Witnefs of the Faithful, and of their Wifdom to ftand aloofFfrom fiichr a Plague, that hath fuch deftrpclive effects 1
Vlll.Confidering theNatureandName of this pretended Liberty, they cannot but difdain it, as moft difhonour- able to the Caufe of Chrift. It is indeed the honour of Kings, and happinefs of people, to have true human and Chriftian Liberty eftablifhed in the Commonwealth, that is, Liberty of Perfbns from flavery, Liberty of Pri- vilegesfrom Tyranny, and Liberty of Confcience front all impofitions of men ; confiffing in a fteedom from the Doctrines, Traditions and Commandments of men, a- gainft or befide the Word of God, in the free enjoyment of Gofpel-ordinances in purity and power, and in the free obfervance and eftablifhmene of all Hislnftitutions of Doctrine, Worfhip, Difcipline and Government, in fubordination to the only Rule of Confcience, the re- vealed Will of its only Lawgiver Jefus Chrift. When this is ratified as a Right by the Sanction of approver! Authority, and countenanced and encouraged as Religi- pTij by the Confirmation of Laws, approving whatfae-
vcr
j8fc. Th* Tejtimony ofthefixth Period. ver is commanded by the God of Heaven to be done jot the Houfe of^the God of Heaven (which is the full a- mount of all Magiftrates Authority) then we are obliged to accept of it with all thankful acceptation. But fuch a Liberty, as overturns our Rights, our Privileges, our Laws, our Religion, and tolerates it only under the No- tion of a Crimey and indemnifies it under the notion of a Vault to be pardoned, and allows the exercife thereof on- ly in Party (b and fo modified, cannot be accepted by a- ny to whom the reproach thereof is a burden, and to whom the reproaches of Chrift are in efteem, in fuch a day, wben even the lovers of Chrift's Incereft, buried in bondage, are to be contended for. Whatever Liberty this may be tofbme Confciences, it is none to the ten- der, according to the Rule of Confcience ; it is only a toleration , which is always 0/ evil: for that which i$ good cannot be tolerated under the notion of good, but countenanced and encouraged as fuch. Therefore this reflects upon our Religion, when a Toleration is accepted which implies fuch a reproach : and the annexed Indem- nity and Pardon tacitely condemns the Profeffion thereof as a Fault or Crime, which no Chriftian can bear with* or by his acceptance homologate thefe reproaches, if he confider the nature of it. And much more will he be a- verfe from it, if he confider how difhonourable it is to God (whatever fome Addrejfersy particularly the Presby- terians at London^ have blafphemoufly alledged, that Gad is hereby refioredto his Empire over the Confcience) fincc the Granter, after he hath robbed the Mediator of his Supre- macy, and given it away to Ancichrift, and God of his Supremacy Imperial, as univerfal King, by a Claim of abfblute Power peculiar to him ; he hath alfo robbed him of his Empire over the Confcience, in giving every man the Empire over his own Confcience, which he referves a pewer to rctracl when he pleafes.
IX. Confidering the Extent of it, they cannot claS themfelves among the number of them that are indulge^ thereby. It takes in not only the Archbifiops and 3lfiops> and the Prelatical and Malignant Crew, but all Quakers and Papifls, reaching all Idolatry, Blafphemy anrt He- tdy5 and Truth alfo (.which could never yet dwell toge- ther
The Teftimony of the ftxth Period. 1 8 3
tner under one fconce) whereby the ProfeiTors of Christ come in as Partners in the fame bargain with Antichrift's VafTals; and the Lord's Ark hach a piace v/ith Dagortyund its Priefts and Followers confent to it; as?id the builders of Babel and of Jerufalem are made to build together, under the fame Protection *, and a fluke is opened, to let the Enemy come in like a flood, which to oppofe, the Accepters cannot ftand in the Gap, nor lift up a Standard againft them. Liberty indeed fhould be uni- verfally extended to ail the Lord's People, as Cyrus his Proclamation was general, Who is there among yon of all his People ? his God be with him. But a Toleration of I- dolaters, Blafphemers and Hereticks, as Pqpijlsy &c. is odious to God, becaufe it is contrary to Scripture, ex- preily commanding Idolaters to die the Deathy and all Se- ducers and Enticers to Apoftafy from God to be put to Death without pity *, and commending all righteous Ma- giftrates that executed Judgment accordingly, as Afr:, Hezekiahy &c. yea even Heathen Magiftrates, that ad- ded their San&ion to the Laws of God, as Artaxerxes is approven for that Statute, that whofoever will net do the Law of God and of the Kingy Judgment fiould be executed fpeedily upon him. And in the New Teftament this was never repealed, but confirmed, in that the (word is given to Magiftrates, not in vain, but to be a terror to, and revengers, to execute Wrath upon all that do evily among whom Seducers, that are Evil-workers and Idolaters, are chiefly to be ranked, being fuch as do the worft of evil to Mankind. Ephefus is commended, becaufe they could not bear them which are evil: and Thyatira reproved for fuffering Jezebel ', by which itappeareth, that our Lord Jefus is no Friend to Toleration. 'It is true, this isfpoken agajnft Churchmen, but will any think that will be ap- proven in Civil Powers, which is fo hateful in Church- officers 2 Surely it will be the duty and honour of thefc Horns fpoken of, Revel, xvii, to eat the ^Whore's flefh, and burn her with fire. And fhali that be reftricled, on- ly to be done againft the great Antichrift, and nor be duty againft the lefter Antichnfts, the limbs of the grejc One ? It is recorded of Julian the Apoftate, that among ©ther devices he ufed to root out ChriPiianity, this was
one,
184 The Tejiimony ofthejixtb Period. one, that he gave Toleration openly to' all the different Profeffions that were among Chriftians, whereof there were many heretical in thofe days; which is exactly aped by James the Apoftate now for the fame end. le is alfo contrary to the Confejfion of Faith^ Chap. 20. Sect. 4. affecting, f That for their publishing fuch opinions,
* or maintaining of fuch pra dices, as are contrary to the € light of Nature, or to the known Principles of Chri-
* ftianity, whether concerning Faith, Worfhip or Con~
* verfation, or to the power of Godiinefs, or fuch erro-
* neous opinions or practices, as either in their own na- € ture, or in the manner of publi£hing or maintaining
* them, are deftru&ive to the external Peace and Order, € which Chrift hath eftablifhed in the Church; they
* may lawfully be called to account, and proceeded a-
* gainft by the Cenfures of the Church, and by the c power of the Civil Magiftrate.' And therefore, to accept of this Toleration, is inconfiftent with the Prinr- ciples of the Church of Scotland, with the National, and Solemn League and Covenants, and Solemn AcknoW'- iedgments of Sins, and Engagements to duties; in all which we are bound to extirpate Popery, Prelacy, &c. with the whole tract of Contendings in the fifth Period above related ; and particularly by the Teftimony of the Synod cfFife, and other Brethren in the Miniftry, againft Crom~ wel's vaft Toleration and Liberty of Conference, men- tioned above, p. 76. for it is plain, if it be not to be fuf- fered, then it is not to be accepted.
X. Confidering the Terms wherein it is offered, they cannot make fuch a fhameful bargain. In the former Proclamation it is granted exprefly under feveral Condi- tions, Rejlriclions and Limitations ; whereof indeed fbmc are retracted in the latter, as the restriction of it to mo- derate Presbyterians, which would feem to be taken off by extending to all without referve to ferve God in their own way ; but being evidently exclufive of all that would iervc God in Chrirl's way, and not after the mode pre- ftribed, it "is fb modified and reftrictcd, that all that will accept of it, muft be moderate Presbyterians indeed, which, as it is taken in the Court-fenfe, muft be an igno- miny to all that have zeal againft Aotichrift. The Li- mitation
The Teftimony of the fix th Period. 185
tnitation alfo to private Houfes, and not to Out-houfes, is further enlarged to Chapels, cr Places purpofely hired \ but ftillit is Hinted to thefe which they muft bargain for with Counfellors, Sheriffs, &c. So that none of thefe Re- frri&ions and Limitations are altogether removed, buc the Condition of taking the Oath only; yet it is very- Dear to an equivalency, homologated by the Accepter's acknowledging in theGranter a Prerogative and Abfolute Power over all Laws, which is confirmed and maintained by their Acceptance. As for the reft, that are not fo much asfaid to be removed, they muft be interpreted to remain, as the Terms, Conditions, Reftridions and Li- mitations, upon which they are to enjoy the benefit of this Toleration. And what he fays, that he thought Jit by this Proclamation further to declare, does confirm ity that there are further explications, but no taking off of former reftridions. Hence it is yet clogged with fuch provisions and reftridions, as muft make it very naufe- ous to all truly tender, (x) The reftridion as to the Perfons ftili remains, that only moderate Presbyterians, ami fuch as are wiling to accept of this Indulgence allenarly, and none other, and fuch only yyhofe names muft be flgni fed to thefe Sheriff Si Stewards, Bailiffs, &c. are to have the benefit of this Indulgence; whereby all the zealous and faithful Presbyterians are excluded, (for thefe they will not call them Moderate} and all that would improve ic without a formal Acceptance, and all who for their for- mer diligence in duty are under the lafh of their wicked Law> and dare not give up their names to thofe who are feeking their lives,/ muft be deprived of it. (2) Ic is reftrided to certain Places Rill, which muft be made known tofome one or more of the next Privy Counfellors, and whereby they are tied to a dependence on their War- rant, and muft have their leafe and licence for preaching the Word in any place; and Field-Meetings are feverjely interdided, though fienally countenanced of^thel. whereby the Word of the Lord is bound and bounded ; and by this Acceptance, their bloody Lawrs againft preaching in the open Fields, where People can have treeft accefs with conveniency and fafety, are juftified. (3) The Manner of Meeting is reftrided, which muft
.be
1 86 The Tejiimony ofthefixth Period
be in fuch a way, as due Peace and Security of the Govern* went in the Practice thereof may not be endangered, ancj again that their Meetings bcpeaceablyheld, which isall one upon the matter with the bond of peace, and binding to the good behaviour io much formerly contended againft by Pro- fefTors, and is really the fame with the Condition of the Cautionary Bond, in the indulgence after Bothwel, of which, fee P. 143, and 144. And further, they muft be openly and publickly held, and all perlbns freely admitted to them ; which is for the informing trade, expofing to all the inconveniencies of Jefuites^ and other Spies and Flies their delations, in cafe any thing be fpoken reflecting on the Government, a great temptation to Minifters. (4.) The worft of all is upon their matter of preaching, which is fo reftrifted and limited, that nothing muft be faid or done contrary to the well and peace of his reign, fe~ ditious or treafonable ; and in cafe any treafonable Speeches be uttered, the Law is to take place againft the guilty, and wone other pre fent, providing they reveal to any of the Council the guilt fo committed, as in the former Proclamation : and, in the laft place, it is further declared, that nothing muft be preached or taught, which may any way tend to alienate the hearts of the people from him, or his Government. Here is the price at which they are to purchafe their freedom, (a fad bargain to buy Liberty, and fell Truth) which yet hardly can be fb exactly paid, but he may find a pretence for retrenching it when he pleafes; for if a Mi- nifter fhall pray for the overturning of a throne of ini- quity, or for confounding all that ferve graven Images, and for deftruftion to the Pope, and all that give their power to that beaft, there will be fomething faid a^ gainft the well of his Government; or if any fhall hear this, and not delate it, then the fame pretence is tele-* vant ; or if he fhall preach againft the KingVReligion as Idolatry, and the Church of Rome as Babylon, and dis- charge his Conference and duty in fpeaking agaihft the Tyranny of the times; or let him preach againft any publick fin faithfully, a Popifi Critick, or Romifi Bigot, fhall interpret it to be an alienation of the peoples hearts from the King and his Government. But who can be faithful, and preach in feafon, and out of feafon now,
but;
The Tejlimony of the fixth Period. 187 but he muft think it his duty co endeavour to alienate the hearts of the people from fuch an Enemy to Chriir, and his abfolute Tyrannv, fo declaredly ftated againft God 'i What watchman muft not fee k his indilpentable Duty, to warn all people of his deviiifh dciigns co de- ftroy the Church and Nation, and preach fo chat people may hate the whore, and this Pimp of hers? oure if he preach the whole Counfel of God, he muft preach a- gainft Popery and Tyranny. And if he think this In* dulgence from abfolute Prerogative, granted and accept- ed on thefc terms, can fuperfede him from this faith- fulnefs, theo he is no more the Servant of Chrift, but a pleafer of men. Therefore fince it is fo clogged with lb many reftri&ions, fo inconijftenc with duty, fo con- trary to Scripture, fo clearly violatory of Covenant- Engagements, fo crofs to the conftant contendings and Conftitutions of this Church, and Acts of AJfemhly^ ( fee Pag, 95, and 96, &c.) it were a great defe&ioa to accept of it.
XI. Considering the Scandal of it, they dare not fo offend the generation of the Righteous by the Accep- tance, and difhonour God, difgrace the Proteftant Pro- feffion, wrong the Intereft thereof, and betray their na- tive Country, as thus to comply with the defign of An- tichrift, and partake of this cruel tender mercy of the beaft ; who hath always mifchief in his heart, and in- tends this as a Preparative for inducing or inforcing all fhat are hereby lulled afleep either to take on his Marky or DC3.V the Marks of his fiery fury afterwards. For hereby foreign Churches may think we are in a fair Way of reconciliation ;yirh Antichrift, when we fo kind- ly accept his Harbingers favours. And it cannot but be very ftumbling to fee the Minifters of Scotland, whole Teftimony ufed to be terrible to the Popi/&> and re- nouned through all the Proteftant Cborthej, purchasing a Liberty to themfelves at the rate of burying and be- traying the Caufe into bondage and reftraint, and thus fo be laid by from all aclive and open opposition to An- tichrift's defigns, in fuch a feafon. The world will be tempted to think, they are not governed by Principles, but their own Intersft ia this jua&irtt, fecking their
own
188 The Tejlimony ofthefixth Period. own things more than the thingi of Chrift ; and that it was riot the late Ufurpation upon, and overturning of Religion -and Liberty that offended them, fo much as the Perfccution they iuftained thereby ; but if that Ar- bitrary Power had been exerted in their favours, though With the fame prejudice of the Caufe of Chrift, they would have complied with it as they do now. Alas! lad and dolorous have been the Scandals given and taken by and, from the declining Minifters of Scotland hereto- fore, which have rent and racked the poor Remnant, and offended many both at home and abroad, but none fo irumbling as this. And therefore the tender will be (by to meddle with it.
XII. Considering the Addreffes made thereupon, with fuch a ftrain of fulfome and blafphemous flatteries, to the difhonour of God, the reproach of the Cade, the betraying of the Church, and detriment of the Nation, and expoling themfelves to the contempt of all, the poor perfecuted Party dare not fo much as feem to incorpo- rate with them. I flhall iet down the fir ft of their Ad- dreffesy given forth in the name of all the Presbyterian Minifters, and let the Reader judge whether there be not caufe of (landing aloof from every appearance of bc^ ing of their number. It is dated at Edinburgh, July 21, 1687. of this tenor.
*To the King's moft excellent Majejly. The humble Addrefs of the Presbyterian Minijlers of his Ma*- jeffy's Kingdom of Scotland*
* XYjT E y°ur Maj. moft loyal SubjeSs, the Mini-
* VV ^crs °f tne Presbyterian perfuafion in your c ancient Kingdom of Scotland, from the due fenfe we c have of your Maj. gracious and furpriiing favour, in c not only putting a iiop to our long fad fuffcrings for
* Non-conformity, but granting us the Liberty of the c publick and peaceable excrcife of our Miniflerial funr
* dion without any hazard : as we blefs the great God
* who hath put this in your Royal heart, do withal c find our felves bound in duty to offer our moft hum- € ble and hearty thanks to your facred Majcfty, the fa~
* vour
The Tejiimony of theftxth Period. i S9
vour befiowed being to us, and all the people of our Perfuaiion valuableabove all out1 earthly comforts, eu fpecially fince we have ground from your Maj. to be- lieve that our Loyalty is not to be cjueftioned upon the account of our being Presbyterians, who as we have, amidft all former temptations, endeavoured, fo we are firmly refolved ftill to preferve an entire Loyalty in our Doctrine and Practice ( confonant to our known Principles, which according to the holy Scriptures, are contained in the Confeffion of faith, generally owned by Presbyterians in ail your Maj. Dominions ) and by the help of God To to demean our felves, as your Maj. may find caufe rather to enlarge than to diminifh your favours towards us *, throughly per- fuading our felves from your Maj. juftice and good- nefs, that if we (hall, at any time, be otherwise re- prefented, your Maj. will not give credit to fuch in- formation, until you have due cognition thereof: and humbly befieching, that thofe who promote any di£ loyal Principles and practices ( as we difown them ) may be looked upon as none of ours, whatfoever name they may aflume to themfelves. May it pleafe your moft excellent Maj. gracioufly to accept of this our moft humble Addrefs, as proceeding from the plainnefi and fincerity of Loyal and thankful hearts, much engaged by your loyal favour, to continue our fervent Prayers to the King of Kings, for divine illu- mination and conduct, with all other bleffings Spiritu- al and Temporal, ever to attend your Royal Perfon and Government, which is the grcateft duty can be rendered to your Maj. by
Tour Maj. mcfi humble^ moft faithful* and moft obedient Subje&s.
c Subfcribed in our Names, and in the name * of the reft of our Brethren of our Perfuafi- ' on, at their defire.
Which received thi* gracious return.
TfOl
190 The Tejiimony ofthefixth Period.
The Kings Letter to the Presbyterians in his and* ent Kingdom ^Scotland.
€ "WT ^ ^ove y°uwe^> and we heartily thank you W for your Addrefs : we refblve to protect you c in your Liberty, Religion, and properties all our life: c and we fhall lay down fuch methods, as fhali not be 1 in the power of any to alter hereafter. And, in the
mean time, wc defire you to pray for our perfon and c Government.' To which may be added that kind Complement of the Chancellor's : c Gentlemen, My Ma- c ftcr hath commanded me to tell you, that I am to c ferve you in all things within the compafi of my € power. *
Thefe Gentlemen needed not to have been fbllicitous, that thofe who avouch an Adherence-ro the Covenanted Reformation, and avow aft oppofition to Antichriftian Ufurpers (which they call promoting dijloyal principles and praclices) might not be looked upon as of their Confede- racy : for all that abide in the principles and praSices of the Church of Scotland (which they have defertcd ) and that defire to be found Loyal to Chrift, in oppofition to his, and the Churches, and the Countries, declared E- nemy, would count it a fin and fcandal, laying them ob- noxious to the difpleafure of the holy and jealous God, who will refent this heinous Indignity they have done unto his Majefty (if they do not addrefs themfelves unto him for pardon of the iniquity of this Addrefs, which is the defire, of thofe whom they difown, that they may find Grace to do fo) and a fhameful reproach, cxpofing them to the contempt of all of whom they expect Sym- pathy, to be reckoned of their Aflbciation who have thus betrayed the Caufe and the Country. Thefe mu- tual complements (fo like the cardies of the Romife whore whereby fhe entices the Nations to her fornication) be- tween the profeffed Servants of Chrift, and the Vaflals of Antichrift, if they be cordial, would feem to import that they are in a fair way of compounding their diffe- rences, and to accomodate their oppofitions at length ; which yet I hope will be irreconcileably maintained and
kept
The Tejiimony ofthefixth Period. 191
fcept up by all true Presbyterians, in whofc name they have impudence to give out their addrefs : but ii they be only Adulatory and flattering Complements, importing only a Conjunctions of tails like Samfons foxes) with a disjunction of heads and hearts, tending towards diftinft and oppofite Interefts; then, as they would fuit far bet- ter the Diffimulations of Politicians, than the Simplicity of Gofpel-Minifters, and do put upon them the brand of being Men-pleafers rather than Servants of Chrift, fo for their diflfemblings with Difiemblers, who know their complements to be and take them for fuch, they may look to be paid home in good meafjre, heaped up and running over, when fuch methods fiall be laid down as pall not be in the -power of any to alter , when fuch de- figns (hell be obtained by his liberty and thefe addref- fes, that the after-bought wit of the AddrelTers fhall not be able to difappoint. However the Addrefs itfelf is of fuch a dreft, as makes the thing addreiTed for to be o- dious, and the AddrerTcrs to forefault the refpeft, and merit the indignation of all that are friends to the Pro- teftant and Presbyterian Caufe, as may appear from thefe obvious reflexions. I. It was needful indeed they fhould have aflumed the name of Presbyterians, (though it might have been more tolerable to let them pafs under that Dame, if they had not prefumed to give forth their flatte- ries in the name of all of that perfuailon, andto alledge it was at their defire ; which is either an illuding equi- vocation, or a great unrruth ; for though it might be the defire of the men of their own perfuaiion, which is a new- ly ftart up opinion that intereft hath led them to efpoufe, yet nothing could be more croft to the real defire o£tru& Tresbyterians, that prefer the truth of the caufe to the ex- ternal peace of the ProfefTors thereof), and call it the humble Addrefs of Presbyterian Minifters : for otherwifc it could never have been known to come from men of the Presbyterian perfuaiion ;. feeing the contents of this Ad- drefs are fo clearly contrary to their known principles. It is contrary to Presbyterian principles, to congratulate an Antichriftian Ufurper for undermining religion, and overturning laws and liberties. It is contrary to Presby- terian principles, to juftify the abrogation of the Nation- al
i$2 The Tejiimbny ofthefixih Period, at Covenant^ in giving thanks for a liberty- whereby all the laws are cafled and difabled therein confirmed. It is contrary to Presbyterian principles, to thank the King for opening a dpor to bring in Popery, which they are engaged to extirpate in the Solemn League and Cove- nant, It is contrary to Presbyterian principles, to ah- low or accept of fuch a vaft Toleration for Idolaters and Hcreticks, as is evident above from all their contendings againft it, which is a lfo contrary to the Confejfion oj Faith, generally owned by Presbyterians, as may be feen in thcplace forecited, Chap. xx. par. 4. It is con- trary to Presbyterian principle*, to confent to any re- flri&ions, limitations, and conditions, binding them up in the exercifc of the Minifterial function, wherewith this liberty is loaded and clogged ; whereby indeed they have the liberty of the Publick afld peaceable exercife of it, without any hazard of prefent Perfecution, but not without great hazard of fin$ and incurring the guilt of the blood of Souls, for not declaring the whole Coun- fel of God, which Add renders cannot declare, if they preserve an entire Loyalty in their Do&rine, as here they promife. 2. There is nothing here fbunoVlike the old Presbyterian ftrain ; neither was there ever an Addrefs of this ftile feen before from Presbyterian hands. It would have looked far more Presbyterian like, inftead of this Addrefs, to have fent a Protefiation againft the now open defigned introduction of Popery, and fubver- fion of all Laws and Liberties which they arc Cove- nanted to maintain, or af leaft to have given an Addrefi in the ufual Language of Presbyterians, who ufed al- ways to fpeak of the Covenants, and work of Reforma- tion : but here never a word of thefej but of Loyalty to his excellent , to his gracious, and to his J acred Majefiy, of Loyalty not to be ^ueftioned, an entire Loyalty in Doc- trine, a refolved Loyalty in Practice, and a fervent Loy- alty in Prayers : and all that they are folicitous about, is not left the Prerogatives of their Mafter be encroached upon, and the Liberties of the Church be fupplantedj and Religion wronged ; but left their Loyalty be quefiion- ed, and they be otherwise reprefented: and all that they kefecch for is, not that the Caufe of Chrift be not wrong- ed.
The Tejlimmy of the fixth Periods ig J
fcd, nor Antichriitian Idolatry introduced by this Liber- ty ; but that thefe who promove any dijloyal Principles find Pratlices may be looked upon as none of theirs , where- in all their encouragment is, that they perfuade them- (elves from his Maj. jujlke and gocdnefsy that he will not give credit to any other information until he take due cogni- tion thereof, Here is a lawlefs unreftricted Loyalty ro a Tyrant, claiming an abfolute power to he obeyed without refer-ve, not only profefTed, but folicitoufly fought to be the Principle of Presbyterians; whereas it is rather the Principle ©f Atheiftical Hobbes, exploded with indignati- on by all rational men. This is not a Chriftian Loyal- ty, or profeffion of confeientious Subjection, to a Mini- ster of God for good, who is a terror to evil doers ; but a itupid fubjection and abfolute Allegiance to a Mini- fter of Antichrift, w.ko gives Liberty to all evil men and feducers. This is not the Presbyterian Loyalty to the King, in the defence of Chrift's Evangel, Liberties of the Country, Minijlration of Juftice, and puni fitment of iniqui- ty, according to the National Covenant ; and in the pre- fervation and defence of the true Religion and Liberties of the Kingdoms, according to^the Solemn. League and Cove- nant; but an Erafiian Loyalty to a Tyrant, in his o- ver-turning Religion, Laws, and Liberties, and pro- tecting and encouraging all iniquity. This Loyalty in J)oftrine will be found Difloyalty to Chrift, in a finful and fhameful filence at the wrongs done to him, and not declaring againft the Invafions of his open Enemies, This Loyalty in PraBice is a plain betraying of Religion and Liberty, in lying by from all oppofition to the o- pen Deftrqyer of both. And this Loyalty in Prayers^ for all hlejjlngs ever to attend his perfon and Government? will be found neither confbnant to Presbyterian Pray- ers, in reference to Popifh Tyrants, nor confident with the Zeal of Chriftians, and the Cries of all the Elect un- to God to whom vengeance belongs, againft Antichrift and all his Supporters, nor any way conform to the Saints Prayers in Scripture, nor founded upon any Scrip- ture promifts, to pray for a bleffing to a Papifls Ty- ranny, which cannot be of Faith, and therefore rauft be ■Go. It were much more fuitable to pray, that the Goal
N which
1 94 *&* TeftimoHy ofihefixth Pericd. which hath cau fed his name to dwell in his Church, nth deftroy all Kings that pall -put to their hand to alter andde Jlroy the houfe of God, Ezra., vi. 12. 5. This Addref is {o fluffed with fneaking flatteries, that it would mor< become Sycophants and Court-Para iites than Mini- sters of the Gofpel; and were more fuitable to the Po* pifh, Prelatical, and Malignant faction, to congratulate and rejoice in their profefled Patron and Head, and fill xht Gazettes with their adulatory Addrcflcs, which here- tofore ufed to be defervedly inveighed againft by all Dif fencers ; than for Presbyterians to take a Copy from them, and efpoufe the pra&ice which they had condem- ned before, and which was never commended in any good Government, nor never known in thefe Britifi Na- tions, before Olivers tJfurpation, and Charles's Tyran- ny ; flattery being always counted bafe among ingenu- ous men. But here is a Rhapfody of flatteries, from the deep fen fe they have of his Maj. gracious and fuprifing fa- vour >—— finding themfelves bound in duty to offet their mofi humble and hearty thanks, to his J acred Maj. the favour befiowed being to them ■ valuable above all
earthly comforts. One would think this behoved to be a very great favour, from a very great friend, for very gracious ends: but what is it ? In not only putting aftop to their long fad fufferings ; which were fbme ground in- deed if the way were honeft : but this not only ftppofes an alfo\ what is that ? but alfo granting us the Liberty^
^— which is either a ncedlcfs Tautology (for ifaj!
Sufferings were flopped, then Liberty muft needs fol- low) or it muft relpeft the qualifications of the Liberty ; flowing from fuch a Fountain, abfolute power \ through fuch a Conveyance, the flopping all penal Laws againft Papifts; in fuch a Form as a Toleration; for fuch ends, as overturning the Reformation, and introducing Pope- ry. This is the favour for which they offer moil hum- ble and hearty thanks, more valuable to them than all earthly comforts ; tho' it be manifeftly intended to de* prive the Lord's people, at the long-run, of the heavenly comforts of the preached Gofpel. Sure, if they thank him for the Liberty, they muft thank him for the Pro- clamation whereby he grants it, and juftify all hi* claim
there I
The Tejfimony ofthejtxth PetioL ig$
there to AbfoIutenefs> being that upon which it is fuper- ftru&ed, and from which it emergeth, and fb become a lifted faction to abet and own him in all his attempt* iogs; engaged now to demean themfclves as that he may find caufe rather to enlarge than to diminish his favours, which can be other way but in afliiting him to deftroy Religion and Liberty, at leaft in fuffering him to do what he will without controul O ! what an indeli- ble reproach is this for Minifters, who pretend to be fet for the defence of the Gofpel, thus to be found betray- ing Religion, through juftifying and magnifying a Ty~ rant, for his fufpenfion of (b many Laws whereby it was eftablifhcd and fupported. 4. It were more tole- rable if they went no further than flatteries: but I fear they come near the border of Blafphemy> when they fay, That the great God hath put this in his royal heart : which can bear no other Conftru&ion but this, that the holy Lord hath put it in his heart to aflume to himfelf a blafphemous and abfblute power, whereby he ftops and fufpends all penal Laws againft Idolaters, and gives a Toleration for all Errors: or if it be capable of any other lenfe, itmuft be like that as the Lord is faid to have moved David to number the people, or that Rev* xvif. 1 7. God hath put it in their hearts to fulfil his Will, and to agree and give their Kingdom unto the Be aft. But to blefs God, and thank the Tyrant for this wicked projeft, as deliberate and purpofed, by men, I (ky is near unto Blaf- phemy. And again, where they fay, They are firmly refolvedy by the help of God, fo to demean them f elves > as his Ma}, may find caufe rather to enlarge than to diminifb his
Javours \ this, in effect, is as great Blafphemy as if they lad.faid, They refolved, by the help of God, to be as unfaithful, time-fcrving, and filent Minifters as ever plagued the church of God; for no otherwife can they de- mean themfelves fb as he may find caufe to enlarge his favours towards them, it being Do way fuppofeable that his enlarging his favours can confift with their faithful- nefi, but if they difcover any meafure of zeal againft Antichrift, he will quickly diminifh them.
Thus far I have compendioufly deduced the Account cf the Progre&j *ad Profecution of the Tcftimony of
Ns this
1 q§ A brief Accuint vf th&
this Church to the prefent State thereof, as It is cot!* certed and contended for, by the reproached Remnant now only periccuted : which I hope this pretended Li- berty (hall be £o far from obfeuring and interrupting, that it (hall contribute further to clear it, and engage them more to Conflancy in it, and induce others alfo to countenance it, when thev fhall fee the fad effefts of this dcftruclive Snare, which I leave to time to pror <iuce : and hope, that as the former Representation of their Caufe will conciliate the Charity of the uflr byaffed, fo an Account of their Sufferings thereupon will provoke them to Sympathy, To which I now? proceed.
PART I L
CONTAINING
A Brief Account
O F T H E
Terfecutionofthe lajiTerlod^andoftH great Suffering whereby all the Tarts of Its Teftiinony were fealed.
TH E foregoing Deduction, being the firft thiag I propofed to be difcufled in the Method oi this Eflay, hath now fwelled to fuch a Bulk, that the hil Period of it doth, in a manner, fwallow up what I intended to have fiid on the fecond : becaufe it gitrcs grounds to gather the Methods and Meafures that cur Adverfaries have managed, for the ruin of this wir~ tieffing Remnant, and alfb difcovers fbme fpecial fteps of their Suffering! within theie 27 years paft, under the
Tyraa*
t Sufferings of the lafl Period* 1 9)
Tyranny of both che Brothers. It will-now be the more cafy to glean the Gradations of the Means and Machines, ufed by this Popifh, Prelaticai, and Malignant faction, to raze the work of Reformation, and to build their Ba- bel of Popery and Slavery on the ruins thereof; and to ag- gregate an Account in brief of the great Sufferings of the Faithful. Which though it be beyond my power, and befides my purpofes at prefent, to offer a Narrative of it, with any proportion to the greatnefs of the fub- je£r. ; a more particular Relation thereof^ beins now proje&ed, if Providence permit, to be publifhed to the world, which will difcover ftrange and unheard of cru- elties: yety in this little heap of fome hints only of the kinds of their Sufferings, I do not cjuefticn but it will appear, that the Perfccution of Scotland hath been very remarkable, and fcarcely out-done by the moft cruel in any Place or Age, in refpect: of injufticc, illegality, and inhumanity, .though perhaps inferior in fome other Circumftances. But that none could be more unjuft, illegal, or inhuman, I need not further, I cannot better, demonfrrate than only to declare the matter of fact, as it fell out in the feveral Steps of the laft Period.
I. In the entry of this fatal Cataftrophe, the firft of their mifchievous Machinations was to remove ou: of the way all who were eminent Instruments in carrying on the former Work of God, or mieht be of influence for obflrudting their Antichrifiian and Tyrannical Dc- flgns, both in the State and in the Church. And ac- ' cordingly, when the Marcjuis of Arg)Iey who had a main hand in bringing home the King, and doling the fecond Treaty at Breda , went up to London, to congratu- late his Return from Exile, he was made Pnfoner in the Tower , thereafter fent down to Scotland^ indicted of high Treafon, at length beheaded, and his head placed upon the Tolbooth of Edinburgh (a Watch- word of warn- ing to cur Addrejfers, who may, ere all he done, meet with the fame Sauce) for no other alledged Caufe, but for his Compliance with the Enghfh, when they had our Land in fubjecfion ; a thing wherein the judges who condemned him were equally criminal \ but really for another provocation that incenfedthe King againft him,
which
which made him a Tyrant as infamous for villafty as fof violence, to wit, for his reproving the King (when o- thers declined it) for an adulterous Rape, which he held for fo piacular a Crttne, that he refblved nothing fhould expiate it but the blood of this Nobleman. \For the feme pretended Caufe was the Lord Warifion afterwards executed to death at Edwburghy after they had miffed of their Defign of taking him off by clandefline Ways a- broad. Tiien they fall upon the Minifters: and becaule Mr. James Guthrie was a man, who had i>een honoured of God to be zealous and ilngularly faithful, in carrying <5n the Work of Reformation, and had aflerted the King- ly Authority of Chrift, in opposition to the Eraftian Su- premacy encroaching thereupon, therefore he muft live no longer, but is condemned to die, and moft bafely handled, as if he had been a, moft notorious Thief or Malefe∨ he is hanged, and afterward his head placed upon one of the Ports of Edinburgh^ where it abideth to this day, preachingnot only againft the Ene- mies Rebellion againft God, but againft the defection of many Minifters fince, who have practically denied that great Truth for which he fuffered, to wit, hisTeftimo- uy againft the Supremacy^ and for declining the ufiirped Authority of him who arrogated it. At the fame time there was a Proclamation, which they caufed to be read at all the Church'doors, difcharging Minifters to fpeak againft them or their Proceedings, whereby profane and malicious perfons were encouraged to witnefs againfl their Minifters. By which means ( though many were io no hazard, thinking it commendable Prudence, com- mended indeed by the world, but hateful unfaithfuineC fcefore God, to be filent at fuch a time) fome faithful Minifters giving faithful and free warning, and proteft- ing againft the prefent Defection, were condemned o\ Treafon, and banifhed out of the three Dominions. O thers, without a legal Citation*, or without accefs to give in their Defences, were fentenced with Banilhment/and could never get an Extract of their Sentence: and fur- ther, were compelled to fubferibe a Bond, under pain of Death, to remove out of all the Dominions betwixt and fuch a day. This was the lot, and alfo the blot of theft
famous
Sufferings of the I aft Period. jpo
famous and fa ithful Minifters, Mr. John Livingfion, Mr. Robert Macward, Mr. John Brown, &c. who fpent the reft of their days in Holland, ferving rhcir Generation by their excellent Writings. Then, afcer they had dif-
J)ofed of many other Minifters, whom they thruft out, or not keeping the 29th of May, having now laid by the moft eminent, and whom they feared moft of the Mini- flry, they fhortly thereafter ouced, and violented the reft from the exercife of their Miniftry, and ftraitned them with ftrange and fevere Confinements; yea, be- caufe they would not be outdone in fupprefling Religion by any, no, not by Julian the Apoftate, they proceeded to poifon all the fprings and fountains of Learning ; or- daining, that none be Matters in Univerfities, except they take the Oath of Supremacy, and own the Govern- ment of Prelacy ; and none be admitted to teach in a School, without the Prelate's Licence. Thefc Courfes brought many Minifters and Expectants to great Suffer- ings.
II. Hitherto they reached only Noblemen, Gentle- men and Minifters, and others whom they thought might ftand in their way of advancing their curfed De- figns. The next Drift is, when they had emptied the Churches of Minirters, and filled them with the vermine of ignorant and fcandalous Curates, to force the People to Conformity, and to difown and difcountenance their own Minirters; firft; by fevere Edicts of exorbitant fin- ing not only the perfons themfelves contra vcening, but thofe that had the Superiority over them, and rigorous execution of thefe fines, to the Depopulation of a poor Country, by military Force ; whereby, where there was but one Church in the Bounds, ftill enjoying a Minifter whom the People could hear, the profane Soldiers would befet that Church in time of Worfhip, and caulc all within to pay their fines, or take the Garments from them that could not, and beat them to the «ftufion of their blood: and where the Church was planted with a Curate, the Soldiers would come, and call the Names of the Parilhioners, and amerciate the Abfents in fuch fines as they pleated. In other Places they went to private Houfcs, and by force drove them to Church, even tho"
tick
2©0 A hief Account of the
Jick and unable. But where the DiiTenters were nuiftd- rous, great Bands of legal Robbers were fent to exaft and extort thefe exorbitant fines, by plundering, quar- tering, beating, wounding, binding men like beafts, chafing away from houfcs, and haraffing whole Coun- try-fides in a hideous manner. And yet after all thefe infolencies, ibme of the common fort were compelled to fubferibe an acknowledgment, that the Captain had ufed them civily and difcreetly \ though the account of others of that place manifefts the violence to have been fo mon- itrous^ that it juftified the greateft barbarity; (hewing their exa&ions to have been intolerable, both for the quantity, without all proportion or pity, and for the manner of it, confuming and wafting poor People's Pro- •■ yifion by their very dogs, and (paring no more theft who conformed, than others who did not conform atall^ and punifhing husbands for their wives, yea, doubling and tripling the fame exactions after payment. Next,, though at firit they did not imprifon any for flrople ab- senting themfelves from the Curates, yet they began to £11 Prifons with fuch as at any time (hewed more than ordinary zeal againft the Curate's Jntrufipn, and testified their diifatisfa&ion to his face; for which, fome were jmprifoned, fcourged, frigmatized, and thereafter carried! to Barfyadoes. Others, becaufe they would not give the frelates their Title of Lords, when conveened before them^ were alfo fcourged : and one Minifter feized for preach*, ing, and offending the Prelates by. the fame faulty was carried firft to the Thieves hole, laid in irons in company with a Madman, and then baniflbed to Schetland, the coldeft and wildeft of all the Scots Iflands.
IIL But when .Fwrng would not do, and frill the People were more ayerfe from the Curates, by getting fometimes occafions of hearing their own Minifters in private ; hence were Houfes forced and (earched, many Jhawled to Prifons, and ieveral neceffitate to efcape 'is windows with the hazard of their lives, fpies fent unto and fet in fufpected places, tofeizc and fall upon fuch as they found at fuch Meetings, or but iufpecled to Have Ibeen there. Whence it came to pafs, that many, both ipea and women, youpgandold^ have been dragged to
Prifons,
Sufferings of the lafi Veviod. 2o'l
Prifons, and there elofs kept as Malefactors, befides fe- veral other outragious and illegal Ads of Violence and Opprefiion committed againft them, contrary to ail Law> Equity and Conference.
IV." After Ventland &&zty they ruled by a rage more than either Law or Reafon. There 40 Prifoners, who Were taken upon quarter^ and folemn Parol to have their Jife fpared, yet. treacherously and bloodily were all hanged (except 5 that wrere reprieved ) who had much of the Lord's prefence at their deaths, and affur- ance of his Love) frrcngthning them to feal a noble Te- Itimony. One of them, a much honoured young Mi- nifter, only for having a fword about him, though not prefent at the Fight, did firft moft patiently endure the cruelTorture of the Boots (acruel Engine of Iron, where- by with wedges the Leg is tortured, until the marrow come out of the bone) and afterwards death, with great Courage and Conftancy. Upon the Scaffold, at their execution, they then began that barbarity never pra- £Hfcd in Scotland before, hut frequently, and almoft al- ways at all the executions fince, to beat Drums, that they might not be heard. After this Conflict, many wereforefaulted of their EMates, and intercornrnuned, with inhibition to all to refet, conceal, or correfpond with any that had efcaped, under the pain of being accounted guil- ty of the fame Rebellion, as they called it. Soldiers are permitted to take free quarter in the Country, and li- cenfed to all the Abufes, that either F.apine or Cruelty may fuggeft; to examine Men by Tortures, threatniq» to kill or roaft alive, ail that would not delate all they knew were accefibry to that Rifing ; to ftrip them who did fo much as relet the Fugitives, and thruft them into Prifom, in cold, hunger and nakedneft, and crowd them fo with numbers, that they could fcarce (rand to- gether, having the miferies of their own excrements fin peradded; yea, to murder without Propels, fuch as would nor, nay could not, -difcover thoie perlecured People. But not only time, but heart and tongue would 'fail, to relate all the Violences and Inf )!encies^ the ftob- oings, woundings, dripping and imprifbnings of Mens jperlbnS; violent breaking of their Houies both by dxy
and
£02 A brief Account of tie
and night, beating of Wives and Children, ravlfhing of Women, forcing of them by Fire-matches and other Tor- tures, to difcovcr their Husbands and neareft Relations, although not within the compafs of their knowledge, and driving away all their goods that could be carried away, without relpeft to guilt or innocency, and all the .Cruel- ties that were exercifed without a check by thefe Ruf- fians at that time.
V , After all thefe tender Mercies and Clemencies, or Cruelties, which his Gracious Majefty was pleafed to confer or commit upou thefe poor Contenders for Reli- gion and Liberty, he and his Cabal the Council thought it not enough to fupprefs them with OpprcfHons and Force, diftrufting the Authority of his Law (that he knew the People would no more obfervc, than he would obferve a Promife or Oath) and diffiding alfb the Autho- rity of his Sword, which he had above their heads, he propofes terms of bargaining with them, whereupon he would fuffer them to live, and to which he would have them bound to live according to his Prcfcript ; therefore, befides the old Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, that were ftili going among hands, he caufcd coin new ones to keep the Peace, and to live Orderly, meaning to con* form themfelves to the Difbrders of the times ? where- by, after he had wrought fuch deftruftion to their Bo- dies and Eftates, and almoft nothing was left them but a bit of a Confcience, he would rob them of that too ; veri- fying the conftant Character of the wicked, They only confult to cap a man down from his excellency* What is a Man's excellency but a good Confcience ? But thefe met*, having feared Confidences of their own, not capable of any impreffion, they prefume to impofe upon all others, and cannot endure fb much as to hear of the Nameofc^w- fcience in the Country, except it be when it is baffled irt the belchings ofbeaftly mouths ; as one, that was well acquaint with the Council's humour in this point, told a Gentleman that was going before them, to have one of thefe Oaths impofed upon him, who was beforehand fig- riifying his^Scruples, that he could not do fuch things irt Confcience. Confcience (fa id he) I befeech you whatever you do> fpeak nothing of Confcience before the Lords, for they
cannot
'Sufferings of the laji Period. 2.6 J
tttnnot abide to hear that Word* Therefore it is, that fince this laff Revolution, there have been more Coofcience- debauching and enfnaring Oaths invented and impofed, and fome repugnant and contradictory to others, than ever was in any Nation in the World in fo fhort a time : and hereby they have had woful fuccefs in their deligns, involving the generality of the Land in the fin of Perju- ry and falfc iwearing with themfelves. And it hath been obferved, that fcarcely have they let one year pafs, without impofing fome Oaths or Bonds upon Presbyteri- ans', fuch always as are unlawful to take, yea and inw poflible to keep, fometimes more obvioufly grofs, fome- times more fecmingly fmooth, fometimes tendered more generally through the Kingdom, fbmetimes impofed up- on particular Shires ,* and thefe carried on fometimes by Craft and Cunning, fometimes by Force and Cruelty. Doubtlefs it is not the leaftpart of their Dcfigo, hereby to make Oaths and Bonds become a trivial and common thing, and by making all Men of as capacious Confci- ences as themfelves.
VI. Further, they never ceafed to exprefs their fear of another riling, (their guilty conferences dictating that they deferved greater oppofition)^ Hence, to fecure themfelves, and incapacitate the people {rom further at- tempts of that nature, they order all Withdrawers from Churches, all who did not join to fupprefs the Lord's People, to deliver up their arms betwixt and fuch a day, and not keep a horfe above fuch a very mfan price, un- fit for fervice.
VII. When force could not do the bufinefs, then they try flatteries ; and hence contrive that wicked Indulgence to divide and deftroy the Minifters that remained, and to fupprefs Meetings. But when this bait, fb well busk- ed, could not catch all, but ftill there \* ere Meetings for adminiltring the Ordinances; their flattery turns to fury, and the acceptance of that Indulgence by fome, and de- fbifing of it by others, did both animate and inftigaffe them unto a following forth of their defign, by all the cruel afts and bloody executions. And hereby the re- fidue of the Faithful of the land were expofeduntp their rage, while the indulged became interpretatively guilty
of,
£o4 *A Irief Account of the
of, and acceffory to, all the cruelties ufcd and execute^ iipon Miniflers and ProfeiTors, for adhering unto that way. Hence it was common at private and peaceable Meetings, when, without arms of defence, they were difturbed by Soldiers, and expofed to all manner of villanous violence, ibme being dragged to prifons, fomc banifhed and fold to French Captains to be tranf- ported with Rafcals, many intercommuned and driven from their dwellings and relations, great fums of money were profered to any that would bring in feveral of the mod eminent M miners, either dead or alive; yea feveral 'atTeveral times were killed, and others cruelly handled; all which, for feveral years, they patiently endured without reiiftance. Bur cfpecially, when not only they were driven to the fields to keep their Meetings in all weathers, fummer and winter, but neceffitate to meet with arms, then they raifed more troops of horfe and Pragoons to purfue them with all rage, as Traitors and Rebels, Hence what purfuings, hornings, huntings3 hidings^ wanderings through mountains and rrjuirs, and all kinds of afflictions, the people of God ttien met with, feecaufe of their following that neceflary and fignally bleffed Duty ; all the Lands Inhabitants know, the Jaylors can witnefs to this day, and the barbarous Sol- diers, bloody Executioners of the commands of their en- raged Matters, having orders to vvoundand kill, and ap- prehend ail they could take at theft Meetings, or on the way fufpe&fcd to be going to or Coming from them, ha- ving encouragement to apprehend fbme Minifters, and bring them dead or alive, by the promifeof 2oqc^derks, others valued at iooo, and feveral ProfeiTors alio with prices put upon their heads. Hence others that were ta- ken of them were fent into the Bafs> a dry and cold rock in the Sea, where they had no frefh water, nor a- ny provilion but what they had brought many miles from the country; and when they got it, it would not keep unfpotled. And others, both Minifters and many liundreds of ProfeiTors, were outlawed; whereby all the Subjects were prohibited to refer, flipply, intercom- mune with any of them, or to correfpond with them by word, writ, or meffage, or furnifh them wich meat,
drink.
Sufferings of the laft Period. 20 J
'rink, houfe, harbour, victual, or any other thing ufeful, tnder the higheft pains. Hence alfo prifons were filled, nd the wives and children of the outed Minifters, that vere come to Edinburgh for fhelter, were commanded o diflodge, within a fhort day prefixed, under the pain i being forcibly fhut up or dragged out. For which nd other fuch ufes, to apprehend and feize on Meetings, Major was appointed mEdinburghy with command o- er the town guards, and a good falary for that end. Then prifons being filled, they were emptied to make oom for others in fhips, to be taken away to be fold or flaves, in one of which were fent to Virginia above )0 men, fome Miniftcrs ; who, through the kindnefs md lympathy of fome Englifi godly people, were relie- ved at London. A greater barbarity not to be found ia :he Reigns of Caligula or Nero
VIII. But all this is nothing to what followed; when, rhinking thefe blood-hounds were too favourable, they brought down from the wild Highlands a hoft of Sava- ges upon the Weftern (hires, more terrible than Turks or TartarSy men who feared not God nor regarded man; and being alfo poor pitiful Skyhalds> they thought they had come to a brave world, to wafte and deftroy a plentiful country, which they refblved, before they lefc it, to make as bare as their own. This hellifh Crew[waf adduced to work a Reformation, like the French Conver- flonsy to prefs a Band of Conformity y wherein every Sub- scriber was bound for Jiimfelf and all under him, wife, children, fervants, tenants, to frequent their Paroch- churches, and never to go to thefe Meetings, nor refet nor entertain any that went, but to inform againft, purfue, and deliver up all vagrant PreacherSy as they called them, to trial and judgment. Which they profecuted with that rigour and rcftlefs, boundlefs rage, that the children then unborn, and their pitiful mothers do lament the memory of that day, for the lofs of their fathers and husbands. Many houfes and families then were lefc de- folate in a Winter-flight,many loft their cattle and horfes, and Ibme, in feeking to recover them, loft their livts9 by the fword of thefe Burrio's. So that it was too evi- dent, both by what orders was given, the feverity of profccuting,and the cxpreflioQsoffbcae great ones flnce,
that
fo<S rAhief Account of the
that nothing lefs than the utter ruin and defblation of thefc (hires was confulted and concluded, and that ex-V peditiqn, at that time, calculated for that end; for what elfe cati be imagined could induce to the raifing its o? ii,ooo barbarous Savages, the joining them to the ftandi ing forces, and with iiich crUel orders the directing them all ta the Weft, where there was not one perfon moving the finger againft them ; neither could they pre- tend any quarrel, if it was not the faithfulncfs of the people there in their covenanted Religion, and their hopleCnefs of complying to their Popifh and Tyrannical defigns, and therefore no courfc fb feafible as to deftroy them ; fo for difpatching thereof, order is given forth, that whofcever refufcth to fubferibe that hell-hatched bond, muft inftantly have 10, 20, 30, 40, more or few- er according to his condition as he is poorer or richer^ of thefc new Reformers fent to him, to ly not only up- on free quarters to eat up and deftroy what they plea-* fed but alio (for the more fpeedy expedition) ordered to take a fixpence for each common Soldier a-day, and the Officers more, according to their degrees, and fb to remain till either the bond was fubferibed, or all deftroy- ed; nor wasthefe Truftees deficient to further their pur- poses 'in profecuting their orders, who, coming to their quarters, ufed ordinarily to produce a billgate for near to as many more as came, and for thefc abfcnts they muft have double money, becaufe their Landlord was not burdened with their maintenance, and, where that was refufcd, would take the readied goods, and if any thing remained not deftroyed and plundered at their re- moving, which was not tranfportable, rather than the Owner fhould get any good of it, they would in fbm6 places fct fire to it, as they did with the corn-ftacks. It would require fcveral great volumes to record the many jnftances of horrid barbarities, bloods and villanies of that wicked expedition; fb that what by freeQuarter- ings, Exa&ions, Robberies, Thefts, Plunderings, and »4 ther afts of violence and cruelty, many places were ruin- ed a Imoft to dcfblation, all which the faithful choofcd rather to fuffer, than to fin in complying : and albeit their oppreflion was exceeding lamentable, and their
ioii
Sufferings of the laft Period. 20%
loG great, yet that of the Complycrs was greater and ladder, who lofed a good confcicnce ia yielding to them, \ and compounding with them.
IX. Then the country,behoved to pay the Soldiers for all this fervice, and hire them to do more, by paying the impofed Cefs ; whereby they were fharpened into a greater keennefs in cruel executions of their orders, re- turning to thofe places of the country whither they had chafed the perfecuted people, who frill kept their meet- ings wherc-ever they were, though they could not attend them, but upon the hazard of being killed, either in the flace (where fome had their blood mingled with their lacrifice) or fleeing, or be expofed to their dreadful cruelties, more bitter than death. For then it was count- ed a greater crime, and punifhed with greater feverity, for perfons to hear a faithful Minifter preach, than to commit murder, inccft, adultery, or to be guilty of witchcraft, or idolatry, or the grofieft abominations : for theft have paifed unpunifhed, when fome, for their fimple prefencc at a Meeting, have been executed unco the death. Then alio, when fome were forced to flee into the Englifi border for ftelter, there alfb were par- ties ordered to purfue thofe poor hunted Patridgesy who could not find a hole to hide their head in. There we loft a valiant Champion for truth, and truly zealous Contender for the intereft4of Chrift, that univerfally ac- complifhed Gentleman and Chriftian, Thomas Ker of Heyhopey who was cruelly murdered in a rencounter with a party of the Englip fide.
Thereafter followed that lamentable ftrokc at Both- nvely where about 500 were killed on the field, and about 10 or 1 100 taken prifoners, andftript, and brought in to Edinburgh in a mercilefs manner. After which, firft two faithful and painful Minifters and WitnefTes of Chrift, lAr-John Kid and Mr. John King> received the Crown of Martyrdom, fealing that Teftimony with their blood, and many others after them for the fame caufe. Th en the enemy, after the manner ufed before, firft to wound our head, and then put on a hood upon it, (as they have done always after a mifchief, and intending a greater), offered their Bond of peace, on term* that clearly condem- ned
<Go8 % irkf Account ofM
lined the fcaufey never to rife in arms agalnft the Kfri*, &c. by which bond, many of the prifoners, after they had lien feveral weeks in a Church-yard, without the fhadow of a houfe to cover them night and day, were liberate : and many of the reft, by the perfuajmn of fame Minifters, at vvhofc door their blood lies as we}l as at the enemy's, took that bond | arid yet were fent away with others that did not take it, in a fhip bound For America between 2 and 300 in all, who were all murdered in the Ship, being (hut up under the hatches* /.vhen it fplic upon a rock in the North of Scotland) ex- cept about 50 perfons ; whereof m,any to this are living Witnefles of fuch a Cruelty.
X. Hitherto only the common Rules and Rudiments bf the Art of Perfccution were put in practice, exactly quadrating with the Rules of Adam Conizen the yefuhe ior introducing of Popery^ in his Voliu Lib* 2* Cap. l§* which are, (1) To proceed as Muficians do, in tuning their Inftruments gradually* {2) To prefs the examples of fome eminent men to draw on the reft. (3) To ba- hifh all Arch-Hereticks at once (that is the moft zealous .Witnefles of Chrift) or at leaft with all expedition hy degrees. (4) To put them out of all power arid truft5 and put in friends to the Catholick; Intereft. (5) To load the Proteftant Opinions, as are moft obnoxious with all odipus Conftruftions. (6) To difcharge all private Conventicles. (7) To make 4nd execute rigor? ©us Laws againft the moft dangerous. (8) To foment all quarrels among Proteftants, and ftrengthen the Party that is ready to comply. But thefc, and many other of a deeper Projection, and greater Perfection, were fallep upon afterwards, equalling the moft mifchievous Ma- chines of Spanip Inauifitiony or the Methods that effectuat- ed the defolation of the Church of Bahemi4, that were iexa&Iy followed, as they are related in Clark's Martyri- logy. Efpecialiy the laft of Contzens Rules were indu- jftrioufly obferved, in the Device cf the Indulgence both before and after Bothtyel ; which contributed more to the pending and ruining the Remnant, and to expofe the jFaithful to rage and cruelty, than any thing : For when* ■by thefe enfaaring favours, many were drawn away
from
Sufferings of the Jafl Period. 209
frohi their duty, the reft that maintained it, and kept up the Teftimony, were borh the more cafily preyed upon, and more cruelly infulted over. Hence the few Field-meetings that were kept, were more fiercely pur- sued after Bothwel than the many before, and more cruel Laws were made againft them, and more bloody executions, than I can find words to exprefs in fhorr. But, in a word, no Party of Tartars invading the Land, or Crew of Cut-throats deftroying the Inhabitants, or the moft capital Malefactors, could have been more violent* ly oppofed, or more vigoroufly fbught to be fupprefTedj than thefe poor Mccters were. But I muft make fome more fpecial hints.
1. They not only railed more forces to exhauft the ftrcngth and fubftance of the already wafted Country, and laid on and continued from one term to another thac wicked exaction and cruel oppreflion of the Cefs> for the fame declared ends of fuppreffing and banifhing what remained of the Gofpel, and impofed Localities for main- taining the Soldiers employed in thofe deiigns ; for re- futing which many families were pillaged, plundered, and quite impoverifhed, beiides the beating and abufing them : but alfo they went on unweariedly with their Courts of Incfuifition^ prefling the Bonds of feace% and dragging them like dogs to Prifons that would notfub- lcribe them, and for taking up in their Vorteous Rolls the names of all that were fitfpeel: to have been at Both- ivel Infurreciion ', which they gathered by the Informa- tions of Sycophants, and reputed them convict, if being iummoned they did not appear, and forced others to fwear concerning things that are to be enquired after, and delate upon Oath whom they did either fee or heard that they were in arms, or went to Meetings ; and fuch as refufed, fuffered bonds or banifhment. Yea, having made it criminal to refet, harbour, correfpond, or con- vcrfe with thefe whom they declared Rebels, they there- upon imprifoned, fined, and ruined vaft numbers, for having feen or fpoken with fome of them, or becauft they did not difcover or apprehend them when they fancied they might, and even when they were not o* bliged, and could not know whether they were obnoxU
O out
&
10 'A Brief Account of 'the
©us perfbns or not : for which many Gentlemen and 6> thers were indicted and impriibned, and fome arraigned and condemned co death. For thefe caufes, the Coun- try was harrailed and deftroyed by four extraordinary Circuit Courts, fucceilively going about with their nu- merous train, whereby many were gricvoufly oppreflcd, and with their opprcjffions tempted with many Impo- sitions of Confcience-debauching Oaths, and bonds to compear when called, and to keep the Church, and to refrain from going to Meetings, &c. and by theft temp- tations involved in Compliances and Defections.
2. To enrich themfelves, by thefe means, with the fpoil of the Country, did not fatisfy thefe Deftroyers ; but they muft glut themfelves with the blood of the Saints, upon every pretext that the,y could catch, under any colour of Law. As upon the account of Boihwel Insurrection, many were cruelly executed to the death, fbrne Gentlemen, and fome common Country-men, ^ without any legal Conviction, by packing bloody Ju- ries and Affizes motf partially for their murderiig ends, fcefides more than can be reckoned that were kept to pe- rifh in their imprifonments. And not only for being actually in arms, or any ouvertact of tranigreffing their wicked Laws> but even for their extorted opinion of things, or becaufe they could not condemn theft necefc fltated rifings in arms to be Rebellion, and a fin againfi Cody which they were forced to dccla/e by terrible me- nacings of death and torture, they have been condemned to death; making their arbitrary Laws to reach the JV heart, thoughts, and inward fentiments of the mind, as well as outward actions. Whereupon this became a cri- minal queftion robbing many of their lives, Was the rif- ing at , BothweUbridge Rebellion, and a fin againfi Cod ? And this another, Was the killing of the Biffiop of St. An- ^ drews hortid\Murder ? Which if any anfwered negative- s'* ly, or did not anfwer affirmatively, they were cruelly condemned to death: for which, fitfi) five innocent Chriftians were execute upon the fpot, where that Mur- derer fell. Tho* they declared, and it was known, they were as free as the Child unborn, and that fome <of them had never feen a Bifliop that they knew from a- xj * \ cotht*
"s
1*
<N
Sufferings of the lajl Period, en
flother man, and were never in that place of the Gaun- try where he was killed. And afterwards this was the conftant queRion that all brought before them were troubled with, which ibme avouching to be duty, were difinembered alive, their hands ftruck off, and then hang- ed, and their heads cut off when dead.
3. After Sanquhar Declaration, they obferved the Je- fuites rules more exactly, efpecially that mentioned a- bove to load the Opinions as are moft obnoxious with all odious Conftruftions, and to make it both criminal to declare them, and alfo criminal to conceal and wave their intrapping queftions thereupon. For after Mr. Hall was killed at the Queensferry, and Mr. Cameron with feveral worthies were (lain at Airfmofr, and after Mr. Hackfion for declining the Authority of his Mur- derers, head and tail, and for being acceffory to execut- ing judgment upon the Arch-traitor, or Arch-bifhop of St. Andrews (tho' he laid not his hands on him himfclf^ nor was prefent at the action, but at a diftance when ic was done) was tortured alive, with the cutting off of his hands, and then hanged, and before he was dcadM ripped up, his heart taken out, and carried about on the Doint of a knife, and thrown into a fire, and afterwards his body quartered. Then, not only fuch as were with that little handful at Airfmofs were cruelly murdered, but others againft whom they could charge no matter: of faft, were queftioned if they owned the Kings autho- rity ? which if any did not anfwer affirmatively and po- sitively, he was to look for nothing but exquifite tor- ments by terrible kinds of tortures, and death befides. And if any declared their judgment, that they couU not, in confidence, own fuch Authority as was then ex- crcifcd ; or if they declined to give their thoughts of it, as judging thoughts to be under no human jurifdiSion ^ or if they anfwered with fuch innocent fpecifications as thefe, that they owned all Authority in the Lord, or for the Lord \ or according to the Word of God, or all jufi an J lawful Authority, thefe under-went and fuffered the ca- pital puniflimcnt of Treafon. And yet both for declining wd declaring their extorted anfwers about this, they
O % were
glfc A Brief Account of tie
were condemned as unfufFcrablc Maintaincrs of P/ind- pies inconfiftent with Government.
4. But here, as In Egypt) the more they were afflicted, the more they grew^ the more that the enemies rage was increafed, the more were the people inflamed to enquire about the grounds of their fuffering, feeing rational men and religious Chriftians die fo refblutely upon them; and the more they infilled in this Inquifitiori) the more did the number of Witnefles multiply, with a growing increafc of undauntednefs, lb that the then fhed blood of the Martyrs became the feed of the Church, and as by .hearing and feeing them fo fignally countenanced of the lord, many were reclaimed from their courfes of com- pliance, fb others were daily more and more confirm- ed in the ways of the Lord, and fb ftrcngthened by his grace, that they chofe rather to endure all torture, and embrace death in its moft terrible afjsec"t, than to give the Tyrant and his Complices any acknowledg- ment : yea, not fb much as to fay, God fave the Kingy which was offered as the price of their life, and Teftof their acknowledgment, but they would not accept Deli- verance on theft terms, that they might obtain a better Refurreftion. Which fb enraged the Tygrifb Trueulency of theft Perfecuters, that they fparcd neither age, fexy nor Profeffion : the tendernefs of youth did not move them to any relenting, in murdering very boys upon this head, nor the gray hairs of the aged ; neither were women fpared, but fbme were hanged, fbme drowned, tied to ftakes within the Sea-mark, to be devoured gra- dually with the growing waves, and fome of them of a very young, fbme of an old age. Efpecially after the murder of the never to be forgotten Martyr, Mr. Cargtl> the multitude of mercilefs Sufferings upon this account cannot be enumerated ; which encreaftd far beyond all the former fteps, after the , Lanerk Declaration) which was burnt with great Solemnity by the Magiftrates of JE~ dinhurgh in their robes, together with the Solemn League and Covenant) which had been burnt before, but then they would more declaredly give new demonftrations of their rage againft it, becaufe they confeffed, and were .convinced of its being conform unto and founded upon
that
Sufferings of the lafl Period. 21 5
that Covenant. And bccaufe the Incorporation of La- nerk did not, becaufe they could not, hinder the publifli- ing of it ; therefore they were threatned with the lofs of their Privileges, and forced to pay 6000 Merks. U- pon the back of which, the Sufferings of poor people that owned the Teftimony were fodder and ftarper, and further extended than ever: fbme being banifhecf for Soldiers to Flanders, &c. fbme to be fold as flaves in Carolina, and other places in America* to empty the filled prifons, and make room for more : which were daily brought in from all quarters, and either kept lan-r guifhing in their nafty prifons, or thieves holes, in bolts and irons to make them weary of their life, or difpatch- ed us Sacrifices, and led as dumb Sheep to the {laughter, without differing them to fpeak their dying words, for. beating of drums, or difppfecj of to Mailers of (hips to be tranfported in flavery.
5. Had they fatisfied themfelves with murdering then* out of hand, it would have been more tolerable, and rec- koned fome degree of mercy, in companion of their malice; which, after all their endeavours to murder their fouls, by enfnaring offers, enflaving bonds, blafphemous and contradictory oaths, and multiplying captious que- itions to catch the conference, or at leaft vex the fpirits of the Righteous, whom they could not prevail with to put forth their hands into iniquity, did proceed to in- vent all exquifite torments more terrible than death. Some at their firft apprehending were tortured with Fire- matches, burning and for ever thereafter difabling theic hands : then laid faft, and locked up in great Irons upon their legs, where they lay many months in the cold of winter, without any relaxation. Some were tortured with the Boots, fqueezingout the marrow of their legs: others with Thumhkins, piercing and bruifing the bones of their thumbs : and fome tormented with both one after an- other, and befides, kept waking nine nights together by watchful Soldiers, who were fworo not to let the af- flicted perfon fleep all that time.
6. All this Tyranny had been the more tolerable, if they had kept within any bounds of colourable or ore- tended fhadow of legality, or in any conibnancy to their
owr*
gt 4 A ivtef Account oj tie
own wicked laws, or exemplars of any former perfecu* tions. But in an ambition to outdo all the Neresy Domi- tianSy DioclefianSy Duke d'Alvasy or Lewis le Grandsy they Icorncd all iorms as well as jufticc of .law, and fet up jnonftrous monuments of unprecedented illegality and in- humanity. For when, after all their hornings, hara£ iings, huntings, fearchings, chafings, catchings, impri- fonments, torturings, baniffcments, andeffuflons of blood, yet they could not get the Meetings crufhed, either in publick or private, nor the zeal of the poor Wanderers quenched, with whom they had interdicted all harbour, iupply, comfort, rcfrefhment, converfe or corrclpondence, and whom they had driven out of their own and all o- thcr habitations, in towns, villages, or cottages, to the defcrts, mountains, muirs and molTes, in whofc hags and holes they were forced to nYakc Bens and Caves to tide themfelvcs, but that they would ftill meet for the worship of God, either in publick (though moftly in the cold winter-nights) or in their private fellowships for Prayer and Conference; and to reicue their Brethren, and prevent their murder in thefc extremities, would fur- prize, and take advantages of the Soldiers now and then: chey then raged beyond all bounds, and not only appre- hending many innocent perfons (againft whom they had nothing to accufe them of, but becaufe they could not fatisfy them in their anfwers ) ientenced, and executed them, all in one day, and made an act to do fb with all ; tut allowed the bloody Soldiers to murder vhem, with- out either trial or fenterlce. Efpecially after the Ap oh* getical Declaration* affixed on the Church-doors, they a&ed with an unheard of Arbitrarinefi. For not only did they frame an Oath of Abjuration , renouncing the lame ; but prefled it univerfally upon pain of death, up- on all men and women in city and country, and went from boufe to houfe, forcing young and old to give their judgment of that Declaration, and of the King's Autho- rityy &c. to ridicule and reproach, and make a mocking /lock of all government: yea impowcred Soldiers, and com- mon Varlcts, to impanncl Juries, condemn, and cauieto be put to death, innocent Recufants, and having ftopt all travel and commerce without a Pafsy fignifying they
had
Sufferings of tie Jafi Period. 21$
fcad take* that oath, they gave power to all Hoftlers and Inn-keepers to impofe oaths upon all Paffengers, Travel- lers, Gentlemen and Countrymen, who were to fwcar, that their Pafs was not forged. And prifbners that wouLd not take the oath, were, according co the forefaid aft, condemned, fentenccd and execute, ail in one day, and early in the morning, that the peopLe might nor be nf- fefted with the fpeftacles of their bloody feverities. Yea Spectators alfb, that gathered to fee the execution, were impeded upon, and commanded to give their judg- ment, whether thefc men were juftiy put to dejith or not. And not only fo, but after that, they gave orders and commands to the Soldiers to purfuc the chafe after thefc Wanderers more violently, and (hoot, or ocherwrife put them to death wherc-ever they could apprehend them; whereby many were taken and inftantly moft inhumanly murdered.
XI. In the beginning of this killing time, as the coun4- try calls it ; the firft Author or Aurhorizer of all thefc mifchiefs, Charles II. was removed by death. Then one would have thought the feverity would have flop- ped : and the Duke of Tork fucceeding, in his late procla- mation would make the world believe, that it never 'was his principle , nor will he ever fuffer violence to be offer- ed to any man's Confcience, nor ufe force or iyivincible neceffi- ty againft any man on the account of his perfuafion : fmooth words, to cover the mifchiefs of his former de- ftru£tions, and tbe wickednefs of his future defigns. To which his former celebrated faying, That it would never be well till all the South-fide 4>f Forth were made a hunt- ing-field'* and his acls and actings designed to verify it, flnce his unhappy fuccefllon, do give the lie. For im- mediately, upon his mounting the Throne, the executi- ons and afts, profecuting the perfecution of the poor Wanderers^ were more cruel than ever.
1. There were more butchered and flauehtered in the fields, without all fhadow of law, or trial, or fentence, than all the former Tyrant's reign; who were murder- ed without time given to deliberate upon death, or fpace fo conclude their prayers, but either in the infant, when they were praying, ihooting them to death, or
fur-
£i6 A hief Account of the-
flirprizing them in their caves, and murdering them there, without any grant ot prayer at all ; yea many of them murdered without taking notice of any thing to be laid againft them, according to the worft of their own laws, but (lain and cut off without any pity, when they were found at their labour in the field, or travelling up-* on the road. And fuch as were prifbners, were con- demned for refufing to take the bath of Abjuration, and tO/Own the Authority, and furprized with their execution, not knowing certainly the time when it fhould be, yea left in fufpenfe whether it fhould be or not, as if it had been on defign to deftroy both their fouls and bodies. Yea gueensberry had the impudence to exprefs his defire of it, when fome went to folicite him, being then Com- niitfioner, for a Reprieval in favours of fome of them, he told them, They jbould not have time to prepare for Hea- veny Hell was too good for them. .
2. There have been more banifhed to foreign Plan- tations in this man's time, than in the other's. Within thefe two years, feveral fhipfuls of honeft and confeien- tious Sufferers have been fent to Jamaica, (to which be- fore they were fent, fome had their ears cut), New Jer- fey, and Barbadoes, in fuch crouds and numbers, that ma- ny have died in tranfportation ; as many alfo died be- fore in their pinching prifbns, fo thronged that they had neither room to ly nor fit. Particularly the barbarous ufage of a great multitude of them that were fent to Du- TJOtter Cajlle, when there was no room for them in Edin- burgh, is never to be forgotten } which the wildeft and rudeft of Savages would have thought fhame of. They were all that long way made to travel on foot, men and women, and fome of both fcxes, very infirm and decri- pit through age ; and feveral fick, guarded by bands of Soldiers, and then put in to an old ruinous and rufty houfe, and fhut up under vaults above 80 in a room, men and women, without air, without eafe, without place, ei- ther to ly or walk, and without any comfort five what they had from Heaven, and fo ftraitned for want of fefrefhment, which they could not have but at exorbi- tant prices inconfiftent with their poor empty pnrfes, and fo fuffocatcd with the fmell of the place, and- of their
Sufferings of the Jafi Period. 2.\^
)W« excrements, that as feverai of them died ; To it was i wonder of Mercy that any of them could outlive thac -nifery : yet there theyremained fome months, at a di- ftaoce from all their friends, being fent thither to that Northern corner out of the South and Weft borders of the country ; and fome out of London. Whofe tr aspor- tation hither, if it were not a part of this tragical i'tory, would feem a merry and ridiculous paffage to ftrangers difcovering the ridiculous folly as well as the outra- gious fury of their Perfecuters. For at a private Meet- ing in London, among others, fome Scotfmeny of very mean figure, fome Taylors, a Shoemaker, a Chapman, &c. were taken, and being found to be Scot/men, were not only examined at the common courts there, but by ■Sir Andrew Fofler, by exprefs Commiifion from the late King a little before his death ; who threatened them under a ftrange fort of. Certification, (confidering what fell out immediately thereafter), that afTurediv they fhould be fent to Scotland very fhortly, if ibert weve not A Revolution of the Government. But this Revolution, fol- lowing within a few days, retarded it a little : yet not long thereafter they were fent in a Tachty with a guard of Soldiers, and a charge of High Treafon. But, when brought before the Council of Scotland, the amount of all that buftle with them was, a cjueftion pofed to them under pain of death, Whether the King (bould be King or no1, that is, whether they owned his authority or nor. Yet though fome of the poor men did own ky thev were fent to Dtinotter Caftle : and thence among the reft bani- fted and tranfported to Sew Jet-fey ', in which pafTase, by reafon of their crude and bad provifion, the moft part in the fhip were caft into a fever, and upwards of 60 died, yea even fince the former proclamation for this pretended liberty, there are 21 men and 5 women fent to Barbadoejy againft whom nothing could be ailed «ed but matters of m ere Religion and Conference : which, as it proclaims the notorioufnefs of thefe impudent lies, wherewith the proclamations for this* liberty are (ruffed ; fo it puts an indelible brand of infamy upon fome Lon- don Merchants, that are (aid to pretend to fome profef- iion of religion^ who fent the fhip to tranfport them,
thereby
Si 8 A hriefAccmnt of the
thereby to make gain of the merchandife of the Lord** Captives,
3. There have been more cruel Afts of Parliament c- nafted in this Tyrant's time, than the former made all his Reign . For in his firit Parliament held by Queenf- lerry Commiflioncr, not only was there an aft for ma- Icing it treafon to refute the Oath of Abjuration^ con- firming all the illegalities of their procedure hereupon before ; but an aft making it Criminal to own the Cove- nant > and another aft making it Criminal for any to be prcfent at a Field-meeting , which was only fo to Preach- ers before. Yet neither thefe afts, and all the executions following upon them, have daunted, nor I hope (hall drive them, nor the Indemnity and Toleration (fo general- ly now applauded) draw them from the duty of owQ-^ ing both thefe, that arc fo much the more publickly ta be avouched, that they arc fo openly interdicted by wicked and blafphemous Tyranny, though for the lame they cxpeft from the Scottijh Inquifition all the murdering violence, that Hell and Rome and Malignant* rage can exert.
But to conclude this Tragical Deduction : as thefe hints we have heaped together of the Kinds and feveral Sorts (the Particulars being impoffible to be reckoned ) of Barbarities and arbitrary Methods, ufed in carrying on this Perfecution, demonftrating the Reign, or rather Rage of thefe two Dominators, under which we have bowled thefe 27 years, to be a complete and habitual Tyranny, to difcover the inhumanity and illegality of their Proceedings, having no other Precedent fave that of the French Converfions^ or Spanifo Inquifition^ outdone by many ftages, in refpeft of Illegality, by the Scottip Inquifition^ and the Practices of the Council of Scotland, and yuJticiary-Court ; fo I (hall (hut up all in a fumma- ry Relation of the common Prafticks and Forms of Pro- cedure in thefe Courts : which will be ufeful to under- hand a little more diftinftly, to the end the Innocency of Sufferers may more clearly appear. 1. They can ac- cufe whom they will, of what they pleafe ; and if by fummar Citation, he will not, may be, becaufc he can- not, compear ; if once his Name be in their Porteous
Rolls,
Sufferings of the laft Period, 2I<>
%oUsy that is fufficient to render him convift. 2. They ufed alfo to feize fome, and fliut them up in Prifon year and day, without any fignification of the caufe of their imprifonmenr. 3. They can pick any man offrhe Street.; and if he do not anfwer their captious Queftions, pro- ceed againfthim to the utmoft of fevcrity ; as they have taken fbme among the Crowd at Executions, and im- pofed upon them the Queftions. 4. They can alfo go through all the houfes of the City, as well as the Pri- fons, and examine all Families upon the Queftions of the Council's Catechifms, upon the hazard of their life, if they do not anfwer to their fatisfaction, as has been done in Edinburgh. 5. When any are brought in by Seizure, fbmetimes (as isfaid before) they let them ly long with- out any hearing, if they expect they cannot reach them; but if they think they can win at them any way, then they hurry them in fuch hafte, that they have no time to deliberate upon, and oftentimes have no knowledge or conjecture of the matter of their Profecution : yea, if they be never (b infignificant, they will take Diverfion from their weighticft affairs, to examine and take Cog- nizance of poor Things, if they underftand they dare vent or avow any refpecl to the Caufe of Chrift : and the fillieft body will not efcape their Catechization about affairs of State, what they think of the Authority, &>c.
6. If they be kept in Prifon any Space, they take all ways to pump and difcover what can be brought in a- gainft them : yea, fometimes they have exactly obferved that Device of the Spanifi Inquifition> in fuborning and (ending spies among them, under the difguifeand fhew of Prisoners, to fearch and find out their minds, who will out-ftrip all in an hypocritical zeal, thereby to ex- tort and draw forth words from the moft wary, which may be brought in judgment againft them the next day.
7. When Prifbncrs are brought in before them, they have neither Libel nor Accufer, but mud anfwer concerning things that are to be enquired after ^ to all Queftions they are pleafcvl to ask. 8. If at any time they form a fore of Libel, they will not reftrrft themfelves to the Charges thereof, but examine the perfbn about other things al- together extraneous to the Libel, 9. They have" fre- quently
223 A hief Account of tie
cjuently fuborned WitnefTes, and have fuftained them a* WitnefTes, who either were fent our by themfelves as Spies and Intelligencers, or who palpably were known to delate thofe againft whom they witne/Ted, out of a pick and prejudice, and yet Would not fuffer them to be ca ft for partial Counfel. ia If they fuppofe a Man to be wary and circumfpeel, and more prudent than for- ward in the Teftimony ; then they multiply oueftions, and at firftmany impertinent Interrogationsr having na Connexion with the Caufe, to try his humour and free- dom, that they may know how to deal with him; and renew and reiterate fe vera! criminal Examinations, that they may know whereof, and find matter wherein, to indict him, by endeavouring to confound, or intrap, or involve him in Confeffions or Contradictions, by wreft- ing his words, u. They will admit no time for ad- vice, nor any lawful Defence for a delay, but f/iH have them to anfwer prcfently, except they have fome hopes of their Compliance, and find them beginning to ftagger and fuccumb in the Teftimony ; in that cafe, when a man feeks time to advife, they are animated to a keen- nefs to impofe, and encouraged to an expectation of catch- ing by their fnares> which then they contrive and pre- pare with greater cunning, 12. If a man fhould anfwer all their queftjons, and clear himfelf of all things they can aliedge againft him, yet they ufed to impofe fome of the Oaths, that they concluded he would not take; and according to the meafure of the tendernefi they difr covered in any man, fo they apportioned the Oaths to trap them, to the ftricler the fmoother Oaths, to the iaxer the more odious, that all natural Conferences did fear at. 13. They will not only have their Laws o- beyed, but fubferibed ; and they reckon not their Sub- jects obedience fecured by the Lawmakers fan&ion, but the Peoples hand-writing; and think it not fufficient that People tranfgrefs no Laws, but they muft alfo own the juftice of them, and the Authority that enacls them, and fwear to maintain it: and yet when fome have done all this, and cleared themfelves by all Compliances, they will not difiharge them, but under a bond to anfwer again when called. 14. They will have their Laws to
read*
Sufferings of the laft Period. 22-1
reach not only actions but thoughts ; and therefore they ' require what People think of the Bifbotfs Death, and of Bothwel Infurrection ; and whether they own the Autho- rity, when they can neither prove their diibwning of it, nor any way offending it. 15. They will have men to declare their thoughts, and hold them convict, if they do not anfwer positively all their captious cpeftions ; and if they will not tell what they think of this or that, then theymuftgo as guilty. 16. If they infift in waving, and will not give categorical Anfwers, then they can ex- tort all, and prove what they pleafe by Torture : and when they have extorted their thoughts of things, tho" they be innocent as to all actions their Law can charge them with, then they ufed to hang them when they had done. 1 7. They have wheedled men fometimes into Confejfion either of Practices or Principles, by promifing to favour their ingenuity, and upbraiding them for dif- femblersif they would not, and by mock-expoftulations, Why were they afiamed to give a Tejiimony ? and then make them fign their Confeffions at the Council, to bring them in as a witnefs againft them at the criminal Court.
18. Yea, not only extrajudicial Confejfion will fuftain in their Law ; but when they have given the publick Faith, the King's Security, the Act: and Oath of Council, that their Confeffion fhall not militate againft them, they have brought it in as witnefs againft them, and given it upon Oath, when their former Oath and Act was pro- duced in open Court, in demonftration of their Perjury,
19. When the matter comes to an Affile or Cognizance of a Jury, they ufe to pack them for their purpofe, and pick out fuch as are lifted, who they think will not be bloody enough. 20. Sometimes when the Jury hath brought their verdict in favours of the panne!, they have made them fit down, and refume the cognition of the Cafe again, and threatned them with an Afllze of Er- ror, if they did not bring him in guilty. 21. Yea, moft frequently the King's Advocate ufed to command them to condemn, and bring in the Pannel guiltv, under moft peremptory Certifications of Punifhment if they fhould not ; fo that they needed no Juries, but only for the £z- fhion.. 22, Sometime; they havefentenced innocent per- sons
C2.& rA hief Account of the
Tons twice, once to have their ears cut and Be banifhecf, and after the lopping of their ears, fome have been re- examined, and fentenced to death, and execute. 23. They have fentenced fome and hanged them both in one day ; others early in the morning, both to furprize the perfons that were to die, and to prevent Spectators of the light of their Cruelty ; others have been kept in Tup- pence, till the very day and hour of their execution. 24, Not only have they murdered ferious and zealous Followers of Chrift, in taking away their Lives, but en- deavoured to murder their Names, and to murder the Caufe for which they fuffercd ; loading it with all Re- proaches, as Sedition and Rebellion, QPc, which was their peculiar Policy, to bring the Heads of Sufferings to Points that are moft obnoxious to mens Ccnfure, and ac- counted moft extrinfick to Religion, whereby they le- velled their defigns againft Religion, not directly under that notion, but obliquely in the dcftru&ion of its ProfeiTors, under the odium and reproach of Enemies to Government. 25. But chiefly they labour to murder the Soul, defile the Confcience, and only confult to caft a man down from his excellency, which is his integrity ; that is a Chriftian's crown, and that they would rather rob him of as any thing, either by hectoring or flattering him from the Teftimony; which they endeavour, by propofing many offers, with many threatnings, in fubtile terms; and pretend a ^reat deal of tendernefs, protefting they will be as tender of their Blood as of their own Soul (which in fome fenfe is true, for they have none at all of their own Souls) and purging themfelvcs as Pilate did,' and charging it upon their own head. 26. They will be very cafy in their Accommodations, where they find the poor man beginning to faint, and hearken to their Co- vertures, wherein they will grant him his life, yielding to him as cunning Anglers do with Fifhes : and to per- fwadc him to fome length in complying, they witl offer Conference fbmetimes or Reafbning upon the Point, to fatisfy and inform his Confcience, as they pretend, but really to catch him with their busked hook. 27. If they have any hope of prevailing, they will change a man's Prifon, and take him out from among the more ftrict
Suffering* of tie loft Perhd. £1\
and fervent in the Caufe, that might fharpen and ftrengthen his zeal, and put him in among 'the more cool aod remifs. 28. Sometimes they ufed co ftagc feve- ral together, whereof they knew lome would comply, to Tantalizfi the reft with the fight of the others Liberty, and make them bite the more eagerly at their bait, to catch the Confciencc. But when they had done all they could, Chrift had many Wicneflcs, who did retain the Crown of their Tcftimony in the fmalleft points, till they obtained the Crown of Martyrdom, and attained to the Crown of Glory, (peaking boldly to them with- out fear or fhame, and difdaining their flattering Pro- polals, but looking on them under a right notion, as fiatcd there in oppofition to Chrift ; whereby they found this Advantage, that hence they were reftrained from all finfui tampering with them, or entertaining any dik courfe with them, but what was fuitable to fpeak to Chrift's enemies, or doing any thing to fave their life, but what became Chrift's WitneiTes, who loved not their lives unto the death. Of whom univerfally this was ob- ferved, that to the Admiration of ail, the Conviction of many Enemies, the Confirmation of many Friends, the Eftablifhment of the Caufe, and the Glory of their Re- deemer, they went off the ftage with £0 much of the Lord's Countenance, fo much AfTurance of Pardon and eternal Peace, fb much hope of the Lord's returning to revive his Work, and plead his Caufe again in thefe Lands, that never any fufFered with more meeknefs, hu- mility and compofure of Spirit, and with more faith- f ulnefs, ftedfaftnefs and refolution, than thefe Worthies did for thefe defpifcd and reproached Truths ; for which their furviving Brethren are now contending and fuffer- ing> while others arc at cafe,
PART
PART III.
T H E
Prefent Teftimony
Stated and vindicated in its principal Heads.
BY what is above prcmitted, the Reader may fee the Series and Succeilion of the Teftimony of Chrift's WicnefTes in Scotlandfrom time to time* in all the Periods of that Church ; how it hath been tranfmitted from one generation to another down to our hands; how far it hath been extended, and what increments it hath received in every Period ; how it hath been oppofed by a continued Profecution of an hereditary war againft Chrift, by an Atheiftical, Pa- f)iftical> Prelatical, and Tyrannical faction ; and how it hath been concerted, contended for, maintained, and fealed actively and paffively, by an Anti-pagan, Anti- Popifhj Anti-Prelatical, Anri-Eraftian, Anti-Se&arian, and Anti-Tyrannical R,emnant of the Followers, Pro- fcflbrs, Confeflbrs, and Martyrs of Chrift in all Ages. Now it remains in the third and lafi Place, to confider the merit of the caufe as it is now ftatcd> to fee whether it will bear the weight of thofe great Sufferings where- with it hath been fealed. I hope all the lovers of Chrift, who have an eftceem even of his reproaches above all the Treafures of Egypt ; will grant, that if thefe fuffer- ings be ftated on the leaft or loweft of the Truths of Chriftrthen they are not misftated, nor. built upon a bottom that will not bear them, or is not of that worth to fuftain them. For certainly every Truths the leaft of Truths, is of greater value than any thing that we can fuffcrthe lofs of for it ; yeTa, of infinicelyvgreater value
thari
i The prefect Tefiimony^ &c* 22 5
than the whole world. So that if I prove thefe heads of furfering to be Truths, wherein conference is con- cerned, the caufe will be fuirlciently vindicated from the loadings and lafhings of fuch as prefer Peace to Truth, and eafe to duty, who to juftify their own backward- nefs and deferrable lukewarmnefs, call fome of them on- ly State questions about things civil> and not Gofpel- truths aftd Heads to ftate fuffering upon : and if they be Truths and Duties, the caufe will lome way be ren- dered more illuftrious, that it is ftated upon the fmai- left hoofs and hair-breadths of the concerns of Chrifi's declarative Glory ; as being a greater Witnefs of its Owners love and loyalty to Chrift, and of their pure and tender zeal for his honour, than if for more fub- ftantial and fundamental Truths, which a natural Con- ference may reclaim to decline, when for the meaneft Circumstantials of Chrift's Truths they dare and are am- bitious to beftow their deareft blood. But if the com- plex of them be impartially confidered, no unprejudic- ed Arbiter will fuffer himfelf to have fuch extenuating impreflions of the prefent word of Patience, and Tefti- mony of the fuffering Remnant in Scotland this day : but it will appear to be a very weighty and worthy con- cern, as any that either Men or Chriftians can be cal- led to Witnefs for ; being the Privilege of all mankind, the duty of all Chriftians, and the dignity of all Chur- ches, to afTert ; it is for the Glory and Crown Preroga- tives and imperial Regalia of the King of Kings, with reference to his vifible Kingdom, of which the Govern- ment is laid upon his fhoulders, againff the heaven-dar- ing Ufurpations and encroachments made thereupon, both as he is Mediatory and King, and Head of the Churchy and as he is (Wand univerfai King of the world. t As he is Mediator, it is his peculiar Prerogative to have a Supremacy and fble Sovereignty over his own King- dom, to infiitute his own Government, to conftitute his own Laws, to ordain his own Officers, to appoint his own Ordinances, which he will have obferved without^ alteration, addition, or diminution, until his feconcl, coming : this his Prerogative hath been, and is invaded by Erafiian Prelacy, facrilcgious Supremacy , and J*ow by
P Anci-
&z6 The fvefifit Tefizmony
Arttichriftian Popery which have overturned his Govern- ment, inverted his Laws, fubverted his Officers, and perverted his Ordinances. As he is God and univerfal King, it is his incommunicable Property and Glory, not only to have abfolute and illimited power, but to invert his deputed Minifters of juftice with his Autho- rity and Ordinance of Magiftracyy to be adminiftred in fubordination to him, to be regulated by his Laws, and to be improved for his Glory, and the good of Man- kind : this Glory of his hath been invaded by Tyrants and Ufurpers arrogating to themfelves an abfolute Power9 intruding themfelves without his inveftment into Au- thority, in a Rebellion againft him, in oppofition to his Laws, and abufing it to his difhonour, and the de- ftruction of Mankind. Againft both which encroach- ments the prefent Teftimony is (rated, in a Witncfs for religion and liberty, to both which thele are deftru&ive. This will appear to be the refuit and tendency of the Te- ftimony in all its parts, oppofed by the enemies of Re- ligion and Liberty, and the end of all their oppofi- eions, to bring it to this Crinomenon, who {ball be King ? jfefus or Cefar ? Let any ferioufly fearch into all their proclamations and edicts againft Religion and Liberty, this will be found to be the foul and fenfe of them, practical- ly and really fpeaking to this purpofe, cipccially fincc chis man came to the Throne.
J. R.
c TAmes the VJL II. by the V. of G. King o/Scotland, "* J England, France, and Ireland, Defender of the An- € tichriftian faith : To all and fundry our good fubjeffs, € whom thefe prefents do, or may concern ; greeting. We
* having taken inU our Royal confederation, the many and
* great ipconveniencies which have happened in that our an- € dent Kingdom a/Scotland, efpecially of late years, through € the perfuajzons of the Chriflian Religion, and the great € heats and animofities, betwixt the Profeffors thereof, and
* our good and faithful fubjefts, whofe faith and religion
* is fubjeS and fubfervient to our Royal will (the fii-
* prcmc Law, and Reafon3 and publick Confcience) to
the
Stated and Vindicated. 227
* the difappointment of our projects, reftraintof our plea- € fures, and contempt of the Royal power, converting true
* Loyalty and abfblute fubjeclion, into words and names 1 (which we care not for) of Religion and Liberty, con-
* icience and trre word of God, thereby withdrawing
* fbme to the Chriftian faction from an abfolute and im«
* plicitefubjeftion to us and our will, as if there were a.
* fuperior Law to which they might appeal; and con-
* lidering that thefe rebellious Chriitians do never ceafe c to aflcrt and maintain ftrange Paradoxes, fuch Princi- c pies as are inconfiltent with the glory and intereft of
* our government, as that the authority of Kings fhoulcf c be hem'd in with limits, and that their Ads and Acli- c ons are to be examined by another rule than their own r authority to make them lawful, that fomethings in the
* Kingdom are not fubjecl: to the King's authority, that € there is a Kingdom within a Kingdom not fubordi- c nate to the King, and that there is another Kingfu- c perior to the fupreme whom they will rather obey*
* than us, and that we mutt either take Laws from him, c or otherwife we are not Magistrates ; and considering c alfb their Practices are conform to their Principles,
* they will not obey our Laws, but the Laws of ano- c ther inconfiftent with ours, and will calculate their
* Religion according to his Laws, and not according
* to ours, and continually make their AddreiTes to, anaT
* receive Ambafladors from a Prince whom wc know c not, whom our Predeceflors of truly worthy memory 1 did crucify, one Jejus who was dead, whom they a£-
* firm to be alive, whofc Government they alledge is: 1 fupreme over all Kings, whom they acknowledge but 1 as his VafTals ; being now by favourable fortune, not c only brought to the imperial Crown of thefe Kingdoms c through the greatefi difficulties) but preferred upon the ' throne of our royal Anceftors, which from our great € founder Nimrod of glorious memoryy and our illuftrious; € PredecefTors Vharaohy Nebuchadnezzar, Herod the great* € Nero, Caligula , &c. of blejfed and piour memory hath c been ever oppofite to, and projecting the Deftru&ioti c of that Kingdom of Chrift : do, after their laudable
* example, re'folve to fupprefs that Kingdom by all the
* P 2 meaa*
22$ » The p&fent Tefiimony
c means and might we can ufe, becaufe his Government c is hateful to us, his yoke heavy, his fayings are hard^
* his Laws are contrary to our lufts ; therefore we will € not let this man reign over us, we will break his bonds* c andcaft away his Cords from us , and advance and exercc c our* Sovereign Authority, Prerogative Royal, and- abfolute c Power, which all our fuhjecls are to obey without referve. € And as by virtue of our Supremacy, whereby we arc
* above all, but fuch as we are pleated to fubjed our c felves to, fettled by Law, and lineally derived to us c as an inherent right to the Crown, we have power to or- c der all matters of Church as well as State, as we in out c Royal wifdom pall think Jit, all Laws and Acts of Chrift: c to the contrary not with/landing ', and accordingly in our s Royal wisdom have overturned the plat-form of thac c Government which Chrift hath inftituted, razed all c Courts fenced in his name, and feverely interdicted all € meetings of his fubjefts, and entertainment of his Am- € baiTadors ; many of whom, in contempt of him that c fent them, we have punifhed according to Law, for c negotiating his affairs in our Kingdoms without our € pleafure, and requiring Allegiance and obedience to c him, after we had exau&orated him; we have alfb c- c ftablifhed our right Trufty, and entirely beloved Clerks 1 in Ecclefiaftick affairs, and their underlings, by our c Authority to have the Adminififation of the bufinefs of
* Religion, and impowered our right Trufty, and well c beloved Coufins and Counfellers, to compel all to fub- c mit to them, by finings, confinings, imprifonment,
* banifhmeat, oaths, and bonds, and all legal means: c fo now having profecuted this war againft Chrift to
* this length, that we have no fears of a rally of his c forces again fo often beaten, we arc now engaged with
* other Antichriftian Princes to give our power to our ho- c ly Father Antlchrift, (b far as may ferve his purpofe c to oppofe Chrift in his way; but we referve €o much
* to our felves, as may encroach upon him in our Capa- c city. And therefore we have thought fit to reftore to c Antichrift our Ecciefiaftical Supremacy, from whom c we borrowed it, and for which we have no ufe at pre- c fcnt : but wc rcfolve to m&ntaia and prpfequtc^ our so-<
vmign
Stated and Vindicated. 22o
* vereign Authority, Prerogative Royal, and abfolute Power *- forefaid, againft Chrift, and without fubordinacion to 4 him, from whom as we fought none, fo we received c no power by his warrant and grant, and againft whom € we mind to manage it to the uttermoft of our power. c Yet reflecting upon the Conduft of the four lafl Reignsy € how after all the frequent and pr 'effing endeavours that c were ujed in each of them, to reduce our Kingdoms to An- c tichrift, the fubjects of Chrift were fo ftubborn, that 1 the fuccefs hath not anfwered the deflgn: We muft now ( change our methods a little, and tolerate that profef-
* fion of Chrift which we cannot yet get overturned, his f Subjects being fo numerous, but always upon thefe ^ terms, that they take a fpecial care that nothing be € preached or taught among them, which may be a Tefti- c mony for Chrift's Prerogatives in oppoiition to our c Ufurpation, or way any way tend to alienate the hearts c of our people from us, or our Government, or preach his
* Truths which we have condemned as feditious and trea- <- Jon able > under the highe ft pains thefe Crimes will import. 1 Hereby we fhali eftablip our Government on fiich afoun- c dation, on the ruin of Chrift's, as may make our fubj eels c happy , and unite them to us by inclination as well as Dutyy
* in a belief that we will not confer ain confeience in matters of
* mere religion : for which we have a difpenfation from c our holy Father, and alfo from our own abfolurencfs, to € be flavcs to this promife no longer than confifts with € our intereft : and which we have power to interpret as
* we pleafe : and would have all to underftand, that
* no Teftimony for Chrift's Supremacy againft our en- 1 croachments thereupon, fhall be comprehended under 1 thefe Matters of mere Religion, for which the conscience 'IhaJlnot be conftrained: but we will have the Con- c fciences of fuch Subjects of his, that dare afTert it,
* brought to a Teft and probation how they ftand af- c fecled in this Competition betwixt us and this King
* ?efus, and fee whether they will own oi decline
* our Authority, becaufe not of him, nor fcr him, c nor to him, but againft him and all his Incerefts. Cur c will is therefore, that all who will Countenance any € other Meetings of his Subjects than we have allowed,
* or
1 50 The prefent Teftimony
or connive at them, ftjall be profecuted according to the utmofi feverity of our Laws made againft them y which we leave in full force and vigour^ notwithstanding of the Premijfes. And for this effect, we further command all our Judges, MagijlraieSj and Officers of our Forces >to jpr d- fecute all thefe Subje&s and toilowers of Chrift, who fhall be guilty of treating with, or paying homage to that exau&orated King of theirs, in their AfTemblies with his AmbafFadors in the Fields with the utmofi vi- gour > as they would avoid our higheft Difpleafure ; for we are confident none willy after thefe Liberties and Free- dom we have given to all without referve, to ferve God publickly, in fuch a way, as we by our fovereign Au- thority, Prerogative royal, and abfblute Power afore- faid, have prescribed and allowed, prefumexto meet in thefe AJfemblieSy except fuch whofe Loyal ty to Chrift doth alienate them from us and our Government. As alfb, under the fame Certifications, by the fame fbve« reign Authority, Prerogative royal and abfblute Power forefaid, we charge, impower, warrant and authorize, againft all hazards (Hell excepted) all our forefaid judges and Officers, in their refpe&ive places, to pro- fecutc and execute our Laws, againft all that may be fufpefted or convided of their Adherence to Chrift, or be found guilty of owning their Allegiance to him as their Liege- Lord, by folemn Covenant, which we havecaufed burn by the hand of the hangman, andde- clared criminal to own it, or fhall be found guilty of declining Allegiance to us and our abfblute" Authority, Mated in oppoiltion to him and his, or of maintaining that pernicious Principle, inconfiftent with our Govern* ment, that their lives are their own, which they will prefcrve without furrender to our Mercy : All which we command to be executed to death, or banifhed as Slaves, as fhall be found moft conducible to our Inte- reft. And to the end, the few that remain of that way may be totally exterminated, we ftraitly command all our Soldiers, Horfe and Foot, to be ready upon order, to march and makefearch, purfue and follow, feize and apprehend, kill and flay, and caufe to perifh, all fuch, whether they fhall be found at Meetings, or in their
£ wander-*
fiated and vindicated. 25 1
f wanderings, wherever they may be apprehended : and € ordain all our good Subjects to be aftiitant to theft our
* Forces, in proiecucing this War againii Chrift and hi* c Followers, and contribute their belt help and encou- c ragement, in giving them their required Maintenance,
* and duly paying the Cefs and Locality impofed for that *end; and that they fhail not dare to countenance, con-
* verfe with, reftt, harbour, fupply, or keep any raan- c ner of Correfpondcnce with any of thefe Traitors that c adhere to Chrift, under the pain of being found art and
* part with thcm,and obnoxious to the fame Punifhments % to which they are liable; but on the contrary, to aflift:
* our Forces to apprehend, and raift the Hue and Cry 1 after them wherever they fhall be ften, that they may
* be forthwith purfued, ftized, cut off, and deftroyed, c which we order to be inftantly done upon the place,
* where they or any of them are apprehended, and that ' without any delay or mercy to age or fex, &V
On the other hand, if any will take a look of the Declarations and Teftimonies of the other Party without prejudice or (tumbling at fome Exprcfftons, which may be ofFenfive to Criticksy he will find the Scope and ftrain of them to have this Importance.
< TT 7 E, a poor Company of perfecuted, reproached, c \\ and defpifed Chriftians; who indeed have not € many wife men among us after the flefh, not many c mighty, not many noble, but are a few foolifb, weak,
* baft, and defpifed nothings in the world; yet having
* this Ambition to be his called, chofen, and faithful Sol- c diers, who is King of Glory, King of Heaven, King f of Saints, King of Nations, King of Kings, whoft
* Kingdom is everlafting and universal ; considering the c many infolent indignities, affronts, and reproaches caft
* up§*5 his Name and Glory, and the many ufurpations, c Encroachments, and Invafions made upon his Crown 1 and Dignity, by a peftilent Generation of his Atheifti- 1 cal, Papiftical, Prelatical, and Tyrannical Enemies, c who have rebelled againft him, and have renounced, f corrupted, and fubverted his Royal Government, both in
« ehc
232 3tf&£ prefent Teflimony
K the Church and in the world, both in his Kingdom of € Grace and of Power : do bear Wicnefs and Tcilimony € againft thefe Rebels, from the higheft to the loweft: c and aiTert the Intereft and Title of our Princely Matter, \ € and own Allegiance and abfolute Obedience to him and € his Government, to which he hath undoubted Right- ; c an ciTential Right by his eternal Godhead, being the <evcrlafting Father, whofe goings forth have been of c old from everlafting ; a Covenant-right by Compact with the Father, to bear the Glory and Rule upon his c Throne, by virtue of the Council of Peace between € them both; a donative Right by the Father's Right of Delegation, by which he hath all Power given to him _ in Heaven and in Earth, and all Authority, even be- cause he is the Son of Man ; an inftitute Right by the Father's Inauguration, which hath fet him as King in Zion \ an accjuiiite Right by his own Purchafe, by which he hath merited and obtained not only Subjects to govern, but the Glory of the fole Sovereignty over them in that relation, a Name above every Name ; a bellical Right by Concjueft, making the People fall un<- derhim, and be willing in the day of his Power, and overcoming thole that make war with him ; an here* ditary Right by Proximity of Blood and Primogeni- ture, being the firft-born, higher than the Kings of c the Earth, and the firft-born from the dead, that in all things he might have the Pre-eminence ; an elective Right by his Peoples choice and furrender, a Crown c wherewith his Mother crowned him in the day of his
* Efpoufals. In a humble recognizance of all which € Rights, we own and avouch, that he hath thatincom- € municable Prerogative of fble Sovereignty over his vi-
* fible Kingdom, as well as invifible, without a Cbpart-
* ner or Competitor, either co-ordinate or fubordinate;
* in prefcribing Laws, by no human Authority to be re- c verfed; in appointing Ordinances immutable, without
* addition or diminution, for matter or manner ; infti-
* tuting a Government, wbich no Man or Angel can,
* without blafphemy, arrogate a Power either to inve*rc c or eyer^ change or overturn ; and conftituting Officers, c whi^h muft depend only on his Authority, and his a-
* lone;
Stated and vindicated. £35
* lone; and muft bccloathed only with his Commiffion,
* and his alone , guided by his Inftrutiions, and his a-
* lone ; acting according to his Laws and prefcribed 4 Platform, and his alone ; without any dependence on,
* fubordination to, licence, warrant or indulgence from c any mortal. And therefore we difown and deceft e-
< very thing that hath not the itamp of his Authority,
< either in Doctrine, Worfhip,Dilcipline or Government:
< and will difcountenance Prelacy, Supremacy, Popery,
< and all corruption contrary to his institution, who
< is fble and fuprcme Lawgiver to the Conscience, and
< will Submit to, or comply with nothing that may di-
< redely or indirectly llgnify our refpect unto them.
< Hence we will take none of their Oaths, fubferibe none
< of their bonds, yield to nooe of their impositions, pay
< none of their exactions : neither will we hear or re-
* ceive Ordinances from any Minilter, but the faithful
< authorized Ambafladors of Cbrift our King, whatever « either rage or reproach we fuffer lor it. We afTert and
< affirm alfo, that our exalted Prince is King of the « whole world, by whom Kings reign, and Princes de-
< cree juftice, as his Miniiters of juftice, in fubordination
* to him ; whom he hath appointed to rule over us, 1 with juft boundaries, that they may not exceed, and
< true characters, by which we fhould know them and « pay them deference. And therefore, whoibever fhall 1 arrogate to themfelves, and extend their power beyond c and above his Prefcripts, being neither called to, nor « qualified for, nor improving the Office for the Ends he c hath appointed; we will acknowledge them no other- c wife than ufurping Tyrants, and not Magistrates nor c Minifters of Juftice, to whom he hath given the Sword
* by his preceptive Will; only as Lions, Bears, Wolves,
* to whom he hath given a rod by his providential Will: c in that cafe we may be palfively fubject, when we caiv-
* not do better; but will never own confeientious Alle- c giance to them, nor own them as our lawful Magi- c urates: and therefore we will not bow to their Idols
* they have fet up, nor proftitute either Conference or Li-
* berty to their Luft, but will endeavour, under our i Matter's Banner and Conduit, to preferve whatever he
<bath
234 Concerning hearing of the Curates.
* hath intrufted to us, Religion, Life, Liberty ^ Eftate*
* and whatsoever the Lord our God hath given us to 8 poflefs, as they unjuftly poflefs what their God gives
< them: and wili maintain a war of conftaot opposition
* to them (agaiuft whom our Lord hath declared a war
* for ever) without Parley, Treaty of Peace, Capitula- 1 tion, Composition, Truce, or any Tranla&ion : we € will neither meddle nor make with them, left or more, € nor feek their favour, nor embrace it when it is offered, Von any terms that may imply any obligation to fur- f ceafe from our duty to our King, and irrcconcileabic 1 opposition to them, QPc' >
Now I (hall come more di(rinc*tly to the purpole, in offering a fhort vindication of the heads and grounds of our great Sufferings, dividing them into their principal parts, which I reduce to two, to wit, Negatives and Po(i- fives. The Negative Grounds I reckon three principally I. For refuflng to acknowledge a corrupt Miniflry. 2. For refuflng to own a Tyrannical Magijiracy 3. For refuflng to fwear and fubfcribe their unlawful impofed Oaths, chiefly that of Abjuration, which was the occafion of fuffering unto death. The pofitive Grounds arc alfb three. 1. For frequenting Field-meetings, to receive Gofpel-ordinances from faithful Minifters. 2. For main- taining the principle and practice of defend ve Rcfiftence of (uperior powers, 3. For maintaining the Privilege and Duty oCoffcnfive Revenge, in executing Juftice upon murdering Enemies of Mankind, in cafes of extreme ^leceflity; in profecuting which, I ftiall intertcx fbmeT~ fubofdinate queflions relating to their re{pe6Uve heads, and endeavour to difcufs them briefly.
H E A D I. - l
Where the Sufferings of many ^ for refuftng to ac- knowledge a corrupt Minijlry^ are vindicated $ and the ^uejlion of hearing Curates h cleared.
T
HIS Queftion, though it mayfeem nice, and of no great moment, to Perfons of Gallio's or Laedi-
cea'$
Concerning heaving of the Curates, 235
eea*s temper, indifferent and lukewarm difpofitions, con- sulting their own more than the things of Chrift, which makes it pafs without any enquiry with the moft part of the world ; yet, to all who arc truly tender in keeping a good Conscience, free of the times Contagion, to ail who have the true Impreflion of the Fear ot God, who is jealous, efpecially in the matters of his worfhip ; to alt who have the true zeal of God eating them up, in ajuft indignation at the indignities done to him, in ufurping the Office, and corrupting the Administration of the Mi- nistry; to all who truly love the Gofpei, and put a due value on the Ordinances ot* Chrift, the Corruptions whereof this Queftion touches, it will be accounted of great Importance. There are three Queftions about the Duty of hearing the Word, concerning which the Lord Jefus gives us very weighty Cautions, to wit, what we Jbould hear, Mark iv. 24. how wefiould hear. Luk. viir. £•8. and whom we fhould hear. The laft of which, though it be not fo exprefly (rated «as the other two, yet the Searcher of the Scriptures will find it as clearly deter- mined, and as many Cautions to guard from erring in ity as in any other Cafe, and that the Concern of Con- science in it is very weighty. And certain it is, if there had been more advertency in this point, there would not have been fuch inconfideration and Liccntioufnefi in the matter and manner of hearing. Nor would that itching Humour and Luxuriancy of Luft, in heap- ing up Teachers to pleaie the Fancy, have been fb much encouraged, to the great detriment of the Church, dis- grace of the Gofpei, and deftrudtion of many poor Souls. But through the ignorance and negledt of this duty of trying whom we fhould hear, by feek- ing fbme fatisfying evidence of their being cloathed with authority from Chrift, the world hath been left loofe in a licenfe to hear what they pleafcd, and fo have received the poifbn of error from the Monte- bankjy inftead of the true and wbolefbme Potions of ChrifTs Prefcripts from them that had power and skill to adminifter them. Hence the many Sects, and Schifms, and Errors that have peftered the Church in all ages, have in a great meafure proceeded from this latitude
and
Z$6 Concerning hearing of the Curates.
and Iaxnefs of promiicuous hearing of all whom they pleafed, whom either the world's authority impowcred, or by other means were pofiefled of the place of preach- ing, without taking any cognizance whether they had the characters of ChriiV; Ambaffadors or not. If this had been obierved, and people had fcrupled and refufed to hear theie whom they might know fhould not have preached ; neither the great Antichrift, nor the many leffer Antichrifts, would have had fuch footing in the world as they have this day. It is then of no fmall con- fecjuence to have this cjaeftion cleared. Neither is it of fmall difficulty to folve the intricacies of it, what charac-1 ters to fix for a difcovery of ChrifVs true Minilters ; whom we fhould fubmit to and obey in the Lord, and love and efteem them for their work's fake, and for their qualiries fake, as ftanding in Chrift's ftead, having the difpenfation of the word of reconciliation committed ta them ; and how we may difcern thofe characters; what judgment is incumbent to private Chriftians, for the fatis- fact ion of their own conferences in the cafe; andhowthey ought to demean themfelves in their practice, without fcan- dal on either hand, or fin againft their own confidence ; how to avoid the rocks and extremes that inadvertency or precipitancy in this matter may rufh upon; fo as to eicapeand fail hy the Scylla of finful feparation on the one hand, and the Charybdis of finful union and commu- nion on the other, which are equally dangerous; efpe- cially how thefe- cautions are to be managed in a bro- ken, and diiturbed, and divided cafe of the Church. The cjueftion alfb is the more difficult, that as it was never fo much cjueftioned before this time, and never fo much fought to be obfeured, by the perverfe difpu- tings of men of corrupt minds, to find out evafions to co- ver fin and efcape fufFerings upon this account; fb it hath never been difcufled by Divines either at home or abroad, with relation to our cafe, except what hath been of late byfbme faithful men, who have fuffered upon this head, from whom 1 ffcall gather the moft of my arguments, in as compendious a way as I can without wronging tncm. The reafbn, I fancy, that We are at fuch a lofs in our helps from the Learned on this head, is partly,
that
Concerning heaving of the Curates, 257
that they have written with relation to their own times, in a conftitute cafe of cfie Church, when corruptions and difbrders might be orderly rectified, and people might have accefs to get their fcruples removed in a legal way by Church-order, in which cafe the learned and judici- ous Mr. Durham hath written excellently in his bookO# Scandal', but therein neither he nor others did confulr, nor could have a profpeft of fuch a cafe as ours is', arte! partly, that foreign Divines, not having this for their cxercife, could not be acquainted with our circumftan- tiate cale, and fo are not fit nor competent arbiters to decide this controverfy ; hence many of them do won- der at our fufFerings upon this head. Every Church is beft acquainted with her own Teftimony. Yet we want not the fuffrage of fbme of the learnedeft of them, as the Great Gisb. Voetius in his Polit* Ecclef. in feveral pla- ces comes near to favour us : where he allows people to leave fome, and hear fuch Minifters as they profit moil by, from thefe grounds, c That people fhould choofe the < beft and moft edifying gifts, and from that Scripture,
* iTheJf. v. 21. Prove all things, &c. and anfwers ob- € je&ions to the contrary, and granteth, that, upon ft- c veral occafions, one may abftain from explicite Com- c munion with a corrupt Church, for thefe reafons, that
* fuch Communion is not abfolutely necerfary, by necefftty c either of the mean or precept, where the Chriftian c fhall have more peace of Confcience, and free exercifc € of Chriftian-duties elfewhere, and that he may keep
* Communion with more purity in other places Polit.
* Ecclef . Quefi. 17. Pag. 68. And he approves of the c people refilling to bring their children to be baptized € by fuch corrupt Minifters, becaufe they may wait until c they have occafion of a Minifter ; for if the beft gifts
* be to be coveted, why fhould not the beft Minifters be c preferred ? and why fhould not Chriftians fhew by c their deeds, that they honour fuch as fear the Lore!,
* and contemn a vile perfon ? They ought not to par-
* take of other mens fins, iCor. v. 9, 11 Eph.v. 11. 1 They fhould not ftrcngthen the hands of the Wicked, € and make fad the Godly ; the authority of fuch Mini- i fters (hould not be ftrengthned, Toet, Polit* Ecclef Pagt
i 637
£38 Concerning hearing of the Curateh
* 637 to 640/ But though it Jabour under all thefe di£ advantages ; yet it is not the lefs, but fo much the ra- ther neceiTary, to fay fomewhat to clear it, with depen- dence upon light from the Fountain, and with the help of faithful men who have fufficiently cleared it up, to all that have a confidence not blinded or bribed with fbme prejudices, by which more light hath accrued to the Church in this point of withdrawing from corrupt Mi- nifters, than ever was attained in former times ; which is all the good we have got of Prelacy. Infbmuch that I might fpare labour in adding any thing, were it not that I would make the arguments, vindicating this caufc of fuffering, a little more publick, and take occafion to fhew, that the grounds efpouied by the prefent and re- proached party for their withdrawings, fo far as they are ftretched, are no other than have been owned by our Writers on this head ; to the intent it may appear, there is no difcrepancy, but great likenels and harmony between the arguments and grounds of withdrawing, in the late informatory Vindication, &c. and thofe that are found in other writings. And fb much the rather I think it needful to touch this fubjefl: now, that not only this Lath been the firft ground of our fufferings, but many that fuffered a while for it, now have fainted, and con- demned all their former contendings for this part of the Teftimony, calling in queftion all thefe reafbns that for- merly fatisfied them. But to proceed with fbrae diftinft- siefs in this thorny point : fome Concejfory Ajfertions muft firft be permitted, and then our grounds propounded.
Fir ft, I willingly yield to, and cordially clofe with the truth of thefe aflertions.
I. The unity of the fpirit in the bond of peace, ought to be the endeavour of all that are members of the One Body of Chrift, Partakers of his One Spirit, called in One Hope, profeffing One Lord, confeffing One Faith, fealed with One Baptifm, Ephiv. 3. ©V. And for Brethren to dwell together in Unity, is good and pleafant, and like the precious ointment upon the head, that ran down up- on Aaron s beard, pfal. exxxiii. 1, 2. A fragrant oint- ment indeed, if it be competed aright of Gofpei-jimples> according to Divine art, and the wifclom that is from a-
bovej
Concerning hearing of the Curate /. 239
love, which is firft pure, and then peaceable : and not niade up of adulterate Politicks : that union that hath the Spirit for its Author, the Scripture for its Rule, Peace for its Bond and Beauty, Love for its Cement, Faith for its Foment, Chrift for its Foundation, and Truth and Holinefs for its conftant Companions, cannot but be intenfely defired, enixely endeavoured, and fer- vently followed by all the ProfclTors of the Gofpel of Peace, and Subjects of the Prince of Peace: which makes Divijionznd Schtfm not only a great mifery, but a grand fin. But it muft be in the way of truth and duty, apd confident with holinefs and the honour of Chrift, other- wife if it be in the way of Apoftafy and Defection, it is but a confederacy and confpiracy againft the Lord. And true union can neither be attained, nor retained, nor re- covered, except the finful cauie of divifion, defection, and the holy over-ruling Caufe, the anger of the Lord be re- moved, in turning to and following him,
II. Though there be not perfect union, but Diverfity both of judgments and practices, in feveral cafes there may be Communion with a Church in its Ordinances and Miniftry. As, 1. we may have a CathoUck Com- munion with all Chriftian Ministers and Members of the Catholick Church, eonfidered as fuch ; holding the Head Chrift, and the Fountain fure. And fb we may meet for worfhip with all devout men in every nation under Heaven, whether they be Parthians, or Medes, or BlamiteSy or French or Dutch, &c. though differing in controverfies of lefTer moment, not overturning that; if they hold the univerfal Teftimony of the Gofpe], againft the common enemies thereof, yews, Turks, or Pagans : for there is neither Greek nor few, if he be a Chriftian, Chrift is alland in all, Col. iii. II. But if they beHereticks, we can have no enmmunion with them. 2. We may have a more fpecial communion with all Protefiant Mini- fters and Members of the reformed Church, considered as fuch, more ftriclly, and upon ftri&cr conditions : provi- ding they hold, not only the univerfal of Chriftians, but the general Teftimony of Protefiant s, againft the greater and lefTer Antichrifts ; though differing from us in forae •ircumftantial .points, not reformed, and not contradicto- ry
24° Concerning "heaving of tie Curates.
ry unto the Proteftant Teftimony againft Popery, and alt Herefy ; nor declining from their own reformation, by Defection or Schifm. And confequently, it is lawful to own communion with the Churches of the united Provin* ces, and take Ordination from them, though they have fomz forms not allowable, from which they were never reformed, becaufe they are found in the Proteftant Tefti- mony. But with the Sectarians, or Schifm aticks, or Apo~ fiates among them, we cannot own that fpecial commu- nion. 3. We may have a more particular Communion upon yet ftricter conditions with all our covenanted Bre- thren, Minifters and Members of the Churches of Britain and Ireland, confidered as fuch: providing they hold, not only the univerfal, not only the more fpecial, Prote- ftant Teftimony againft the greater and leffer Antichrifts, but the covenanted Teftimony for the Reformation in Doctrine, Worfhip,Difcipline, and Government, againft Popery, Prelacy, Superftition, Herefy, Schifm, and Pro- fanenefs, according to the Covenant \ though differing from us in thofe controverfial points, never reformed, and which were never the word of Chrift's patience, and do not overturn the covenanted Teftimony. But with thojfe that contradict and counteract: that, we can- not own that particular Communion. 4. We may have yet a nearer Organical Communion, upon ftricter condi- tions ftill, with all the Minifters and Members of the "National Church of Scotland, conftitute and confederate under one reformed government, according to the rule of Chrift : providing they hold, not only all the former Teftimonies under the forefaid con fl derations, but the Presbyterian Teftimony as Mated in the Ecclefiaftical Confiitutiori, and fworn to in the National Covenants and Engagements of that Church, founded upon the word of God, againft Popery, Prelacy, Eraftianifm, Se&arianifm, Toleration, Schifm and Defection ; though differing in fome things from us, never reformed, never confidered in Ecclefiaftical Judicatories, never engaged againft in our Covenants, never ftated as the word of patience and matter of Teftimony. But with thofe that: oppofe, fupprefs, reproach, and abandon this Teftimony, we cannot own this organical Communion^ inthisbro-^
kco
■Concerning "hearing of the Curates 241
Icen ftate of the Church. We may have yet a ftri&er Congregational Communion, upon ftricter conditions, in and with the ordinary or extraordinary Meetings or So- cieties of the Lord's people for Goipel-ordinances, with any Minifter or Minifters, duly and truly admitted to that Function, according to Chrift's appointment, and the call of the people, whether in a fixed or unfixed re- lation ; providing he holds the Teftimony of Chrift, un- der all the former confederations, and owns and adheres unto the true received principles of the Church of Scotland^ in Doctrine, Worfhip, Difciplineand Government, found- ed upon the written word of God, and whatfoever de- clarations or testimonies, former or latter, particular or more general, are agreeable thereunto; though differ- ing from us in fome of the integral and not eftential parts of our Teftimony againft the enemies of our cove- nanted Reformation. But with fuch as deny or decline from it, by Schifm or Defection, or compliance with the enemies thereof, we cannot own this Congregational Communion, in this broken ftate of the Church.
III. Though there be many things in a Church, to fcrangle and leffen the Comfort of our communion with it^ and the Miniftry thereof ; yet we may keepfellowfhip with a true Church, though in many things faulty and Corrupt^ as all Churches are in fome meafurc in this militant ftate. As the Church of Corinth had many corruptions in their practice, yet no feparation is enjoined from it. And the Lord did not require feparation from the Churches of Pergamos and Thyatira ; though they had many cor- ruptions and deficiencies in Difcipline, in a toleration of Hereticks ; and would lay no other burden upon them, fcut to hold fait what they had : as Mr. Durham fhews in his Commentary on the Revelation^ Chap. 2. Left. 6. Tag. 148, 149- as aifo Chap. 18. Left. 1. Pag. 585. in 4to This muft be granted efpecially in thefe cafes, 1. In the infant ftate of the Church, when the Reformation is on- ly begun: then many things may be tolerated, before they be gradually reformed, which, in an adult ftate, are not to be fuffered. 2. In a growing cafe of the Church, advancing out of corruptions : then many things may be born with, while they are afcending and wrcfllirjg up
(^ she
£42 Concerning Rearing of the Curates]
the hill, which in a declining ftate, when the Church it going backward, mult not be yielded unto. See thac objection of hearing prelancal men in the time of former Prelacy, anfwered above, Peri 4. Pag, 698c 70. 3. In a conflitute and fettled cafe of the Church, enjoying her pri- vileges and judicatories, corruptions may be forborn, and the offended are not to withdraw, before recourfe to the Judicatories for an orcjerly redrefs : but in a broken and difturbed ftate, when there is -no accefs to thefe courts of Chrift ; then people, though they rauft not ufurp a power of judicial cenfuring thefe corruptions, yet they may claim and exercife a difcretive power over their own prac- tice ; and by their withdrawing from fuch MiniMers as are guilty of them, fignify their fenfe of the moral equi- ty of thefe cenfuresthat have been legally enacted againft thefe and the equivalent corruptions, and when they fhould be legally inflicted. As we do upon this ground withdraw from the Prelatick Curates, and likewife from fome of our covenanted Brethren, upon the account of their being chargeable with fuch corruptions and defecti- ons from our Reformation, as we cannot but fhew our diflike of. This the Reverend Author of Reclius In- firuendum, jufti fies Canfut. 3. Dial. Chap. 1 1 . Pag. 8. where he is (hewing, what reparation is not fjnful; and gives this for one, if we feparate in that, which a National Church hath commanded us as her Members to difown, by herftanding Alls and Authority, while thofefrom whom we feparate own that Corruption. Which holds true of the Cu- rates, and Indulged, and Addrejfers, and all that we with- draw from. However it be, certainly thofe are to be •withdrawn from, with whom we cannot communicate without fubmitting to the laws eftablifhing them, and taking on that teft and badge of our incorporation with them, and parraking of ;heir fin, and in hazard of t!*eir jud^mer .
IV. Though in fome cafes, as we are warranted, fo are neceffi rated to withdraw : yet neither do we allow it upon flight or flcnaer grounds, nor can any tender foul be forced to di (countenance the Minifters of Thrift, (T do not fpeak here of the Prelatick Curates), without great relu&ancy and grief of heart, even when the grounds
of
Concerning hearing of tie Curates. 245
©fit are fblid and valid > and the neccffity unavoidable: therefore we reject thefe as infufficicnt grounds. Befides what are given already, I. We cannot withdraw from a Minifter, for his Infirmities or JVeaknefs, natural, fpiri- tual or moral. 2. Neither for perfonal Faults and Efcapes: we expect a faithful, but not a iinlefs Miniftry. 3. Nor for every defedt in faithfulnefs, through Ignorance, wane of courage, miiinformation, or being biafTed with affec- tion for particular perfons. We do not hold, that faults in members, or defects inMinifters, do pollute the Ordinan- ces, andioneceffuate a feparation; but agree with what Mr. Durham fays on Revelations, Chap. 2. Left. 6. Pag* 147. in Quarto. Sincerity difcovered will cover many faults.4. Nor for every difcovery of Hypoorify ; though we may have ground to fufpeft a man's principle an<f motive be not fight, yet if he be following duty un- blameabiy, and have a lawful call, What then! notwith- standing every <wayy whether in Pretence or in Truth, Chrifi is preached, therein we may rejoice, Philip, i. 18. 5. Nor yet for real Scandalsy not attended with obftinacy, if Miniffers will take reproof and admonition, and at leaft by doBrinal confeiliog and practical forfaking them fatif. fy the offended. 6. Yea though his fcandals be fo grofsy that we rauft difcountenance him, when he perfifts ia them : yet that is not a difowning of his Miniftry, or a rejecting his co/mmiflion, but a difcountenancing for his difordersy until they be removed. But the ApoJoget. RelaK Seel. 14- Pag. 290, 291. fays, (1.) c There may be mi- c nifterial corruptions, that cut the very throat of the of-
c flee, and make one no Officer, and it is paft que-
c (Honing, fuch may be fhunned, without all hazard of 1 feparation. (2.) When perfonal faults are very grofi c and palpable, open and avowed, fuch may be fhunned c without any hazard of feparation ; becaufe the man's € being, an Officer, before God, is much to be queftioned> c and there is grear probability, that, by the very Deed € itfelf, he had forefaulted the fame, though fuch fhoulcf
* be the corruption in a Church, that notwithftanding of c all this he may be maintained. (3.) Separation is one c thing, and not hearing fuch or fuch a man is a far o-
* ther thing: there may be many juft grounds of excep-
Q^3 tioa
244 Concerning hearing of the Curates*
c tion againft a particular perform why people may re* c fufe to countenance him, without any hazard of fepara- c tion, or joining with Scparatifts in their principles: fepa-
* ration is one thing, and refilling to attend the Miniftry c-of ftfch a man is another thing; for a man may join
* with Ordinances in another congregation, and fo teftify
* that he hath lio prejudice at the Miniftry, but only a-
* gainft fuch a man in particular,' Whence it is an igno- rant as well as maliciousxalurnny, to fay, that our with- drawing from the Curates, and alfo from fbme Minifters, whom otherwife we refpecl and reverence as godly Mi- nifters, for their offensive defections, is a difowning all the Miniftry of Scotland. Whereas, we do profefs indeed a difowning of the Curate's Miniftry, but for our Reve- rend Presbyterian Minifters, though we do difcounte- nance many of them with fad hearts, for not keeping the word of the Lord's patience in this hour of tentation, nor adhering to the principles and conftitutions of the Church of Scotland : yet this is not a difowning of their Miniftry, but a refufing to countenance them in their prefent adminiftrations, in this difturbed ftate, till thcfe offences be removed. <»
V. As to difown the Mlniftvy, were hateful Sectarian mfm ; fo to dfflblve or break off communion with a true Church, whereof we are members, were an unnatural Schifm, which is horrid fin. But becaufe among all the various fufferings, wherewith the poor toiTed, and racked Remnant now perfecuted have been cxercifedi this hath not been the lighteft ; that they have been on all hands ftigmatized as Schifmaticks and Separatifts, not only becaufe they have maintained a refolved withdraw- ing from the Curates, but alfo have discountenanced ma- ny Presbyterian Minifters, with whom they have been offended for their declining courfes,and compliances with the times, corruptions, and forfaking in a great meafurc the duty of this day : I fhall diftinguifh {bme cafes of Separation, out ®f the writings of our approven Authors^ which will juftify all their withclrawings. I. Mr. Dur- ham diftinguifhes thefe three : Schifm, feparating from the unity and communion of a true Church, confifting not al- way in diverfity of Do Brine, but in divided VvaBices, ac- cording to that of Avgvftw, It is nop a different Faith
makes
Concerning hearing of the Curates. 247
fftakes Scbifmaticksjbut a broken fociety of Communion : then Separations either in whole from a Church as no Church, or in part in fome things wherein they cannot commu- nicate with that corrupt Church, which is lawful if it exceed not its ground: then, laftly, SecejJion> a local re- moving to a better Church. The firlt of thefc cannot be imputed to the perfecuted Wanderers : for they fepa- rate from no true Church, whereof they were mem- bers, but thefe from w7hom they feparate, will be fbund to be the Schifmaticks. 2. The fecond of thefe, to wit, Separation) is either Pojltive and Afti-ve, or Negative and Paffive. The firil is, when a party not only leaves com- munion with a Church, whereunto they were formerly joined, but alfo gathers up new diftinct Churches, dif- ferent from the former, under another government and Miniftry, and ordinances, difowning thofe they left. The latter is, when the faithful Remnant of a declining Church, (landing iiill and refufing -to concur with the backfliding part of the fame Church, afrer they have be- come obftinate in their defections, holds clofely by, and adheres unto the Reformation attained. This famous Mr. Rutherfordy in his due Right of Presbyteries , Pag, 253, 254. fheweth to be lawful, and calleth it a Non-Union, as that in Auguftme's time, when the faithful did fe- parate from the DonatiftS) which is lawful and laud- able, 9. Mr. Rutherford there proceeds to diftinguifh c between a reparation from the Church ix\ her worft and 1 mofl part, and a feparation from the heft and leaft part : c and thefe who feparate from the worft and greater* parr, c do notwithftanding retain a part of, and a part in the f vifible Church, becaufe they do not feparate from the c Church, according to the leaft and beft part thereof;
* as the Godly in England^ who refufed the Popifh Ccre-
* monies and Antichriftian Bifhops. Hence it will foi-
* low, that though now people IhouM withdraw from
* communion with the greatest part of the Church, which
* is now corrupted, they cannot be counted Separatifts, c becaufe they hold dill communion with the better, < though lefTer part Moreover, he faith, Pag. 254, 255.
* That there may be caufes of Non-Union with a Church,
* which arc not fufficienc caufes of feparation. taffy
« He
246 Concerning heaving of the Curates*
v He tells us in the fame place, Pag. 258. When the greatcft part of a Church makes defection from the truth, the lefler part remaining found, the greatcftl
' part is the Church of Separartifts; though the many- eft and ereateft part in the actual exercife of Difciplinc'
c be the Church, yet in the cafe of right Difcipline thebeft , t tho* feweft is the Church. For truth is like life, that re-
* tireth from the many eft members unto the heart, and f there remaineth in its fountain in cafe of clangers. So that f it is the major part which hath made defection, that are c to be accounted Separatifls> and not fuch who ftand to € their principles, tho' they cannot comply or join with
* the corrupt Majority. ' , Thus the ApoU Relat. rehear- fed his words, Seel. X4. Pag. 292. 293. 4. There may be a lawful withdrawing, where the Ordinances and Miniftry are not caft at, as the Apoh ReL faith ibid. 291. € So then, fb long as people do not caft at the Ordi- nances, but are willing to run many miles to enjoy c them : nor caft at the Church as no Church (tho' they € fadly fear, that God fhail be provoked by this dread- € ful defection, which is carried on' by thefe men and c their favourers, to give her a Bill of divorce) nor at
* the Miniftry, for they love thofe that ftand to theii* c principles dearly, and arc moft willing to hear them ei- c ther in publick or private. 5. 'It is granted by all that c write againft Scparatifts, that feparation from a Church
* is lawful, when the cafe fb falleth out, that union cannot c be kept up with her without fin, Voet. Polit. Ecclef. p. 6$.
* quefi. 1 7." 6. The grave Author of Retlius Infivuendum ConfuU 3. Dial Chap. Pag. 7- &*c. c Allows, every Se-
* parationr is not Schifm, even from the Church which c hath efTentials; yea, and more than eflentials: if it be f from thofe (though never fb many) who are drawing
* back from whatever piece of duty and integrity is at- c tained 5 for this is ftill to be helc} faft, according to ma- c ny Scripture commands. So Elias> when God's Co- c venant.was forfaken, was as another Athanafius {I and € I only am left) in point of tenacious integrity. 7. Next c he fays, Ifwefeparate in that which a national Church c hath commanded us as her Members to difbwn, by $her ftaading A&$ anci Authority, while thofe from
* whona
Concerning hearing of the Cu rates, 24 7
* whom wc fcparate own that Corruption, 8. Like- € wife he there afTerts, there is a lawful forbearance of c Union and Compliance with notorious Backflidcrs, in c that which is of it felf finful, or induftive to it: which « is far from Separation ftricYly taken. The commands « of abftaining f rom all appearance of evil, and hating < the. garment fpotted with the flefh, do clearly include « this. 9. He adds, many things will warrant Separa- « tion from fuch a particular Minifter or Congregation ; « which will not warrant Separation from the Church c National ; nor infer it, by Mr. Durham s acknowledg- c ment (on Scandal, Pag. 129.) for if Scandals become c exceffive, he allows to depart to another Congregati- € on. 10. Lafily, He fays, There is a commanded with- c drawing from perfons and Societies even in Worfhip, « the precepts, Rom. xvi. 17. 2 Cor. vi. 17. Prov. xix. c 27. A& ii. 40. will clearly import this by confluence. c — • Surely the Minifters and ProfefTors, adhering
* to the Reformation, rauft be the true Church of Scot-
* landy tho' the lefler number : Thefe Soldiers who keep 4 the Generals orders, are the true army, not the defert- c crs of the fame.'
But, Secondly, it being in part cleared by thefe AiTer- tions, what is our mind in this conrroverfy, I fhall lay down from Scripture otacles, all the Caufes and Cafes justifying and warranting withdrawing from any Mini- sters ; with application of ail of them to the Curates, and accommodation of fbme of them to all that the Wanderers withdraw from : with Arguments endeavouring to e- vince the Validity of them, and evidencing they are not new Notions, but the fame grounds which approven Authors have improved in this Controverfy. I fhall omit the ordinary Criticifms in ftating the cjueTtion, in diftinguifhing betwixt hearing and joining in Worfhip, and owning them as our Minifters, and fubmitting to them, Qr-c. And only eiTay to prove this Thefts : We can- vot, Without fin, own Church Communion in Gofpel Ordinan- ces with the Prelates or their Curates, as our Minifters, hut mufi withdraw from them, and any other guilty of the like Corruptions, which we can make out again fl them. I fhall cot refuoic what Confinnatioas. this Thefts is ftrengthned
with,
£4$ Concerning 'heaving of file Curates-
•with, from the Teftimonies, or Church Confutations of former Periods, which are premitted in the foregoing ciilcourfe ; nor make any repetition of the circumftances of our prefent Condition, reprefented above, which contributes to clear it: but fhortly come to the Argu- ments.
I. It is neceilary that we muft acknowledge them M/- Tiijlers of Chrift, and his AmbaiTadors clothed with his Commiffion, from whom we receive the ordinances of the Gofpel. For other wife they muft be looked upon as Thieves, Robbers, Ufurpers, and firangers whom Ch rift's fheep will not, nay muft^pot, hear, John x. I, 5. And Joow pall they peach, or be heard, except they be fent, Rom. x. 15. For fuch whom we know may not lawful- ly preach, we cannot lawfully hear. Thefe from whom we may, receive the myfteries of God, we muft account Minifters of Chrift, 1 Cor. iv. 1. and Ambajfadors for Chrift-, ftanding in his ftead, befeeching us to be reconciled to God, 2 Cor. v. 20.4 Hence fuch as we doubt to acknow- ledge Minifters of Chrift, clothed with his commiffion, them we cannot hear without fin ; but the Prelatical Curates are fuch as, we doubt to acknowledge Minifters of Chrift, clothed with his commiffion : therefore we cannot hear them. The Minor only needs probation. Thele who neither have nor can have the Qualifications of a Minifter of Chrift, nor the lawful call of a Mini- fier of Chrift, cannot be acknowledged with confidence to be Minifters of Chrift clothed with his commiffion ;
but the Prelatical Curates are fuch : Ergo •* — Firft
they neither have nor can have the qualifications of Chrift's Minifters : fince few of them have the ^erfbnal, as Chriftians, fa.r lefs the Miniftcrial as Officers, menti- oned 1 Tim. iii. 2, 4. Tit, i. 6, 9. execept it be to be husbands of one wife, and if that do not make them Mi- nifters, they have nothing elfe : efpecially four are want- ing in all of them, (1) Blamelefnefs,^nd freedom from Scandal^ even fuch as afFe&s the office ( befides other srofs difbrders in their life and converfation, obvious to the view of onlookers, being men who have denied the Faith ; and therefore unfit to have the privilege of Church members in any well governed Church ) being
in
I
Concerning hearing of the Curates* 249
in the experience of all that know them fignalized un- der the Characters of thofe that run unfent, and from whom we are commanded to withdraw : cauflng the people to err by their lies, and by their lightnefs, not fent of God, Jer. xxiii. making the heart of the righte- teous fad, and rfrengthening the hands of the wicked, Ezek. xiii. 22. See alfo Ezek. xxxiv. 2, 3. Such as we are commanded to beware of Matth. vii. 15, 16. Such as we muft mark and avoid, Rom. xvi. 17, 18. Philip. iii. 2. Dif orderly walkers from whom we muft withdraw , 2 Theff. iii. 6. Covenant-breakers from whom we arc commanded to turn away , 2 Tim. iii.. 3, 5. They are not then Blamelefs : and in fhewing how fitly thefe a- gree unto theperfons now fpoken of, time needs not be fpent, fuch as know them can beft judge. Hence, fuch as either are not fit to be Church members, or have all the Characters of fuch Officers from whom we are to withdraw, cannot be acknowledged capable of the qua- lifications of the Minifters of Chrift *, but fuch are the
Curates: Ergo (2) The qualification of Vigilancy
cannot be found with them : for all that know thcra will acknowledge that they neither do, nor can in preach- iQg the word be inflant in feafon and, out of feafon, fo.as to make ful I*proof of their Mhiiftvy, 2 Tim. vi^ I, 5. Nay they can give no proof of their Miniftry at all, further than may be competent to dumb Dogs that cannot barky Ifa. lvi. 10, it. For they nor no man can fay, That the difeafed they have ftrengthned> or healed that which was jick, &c. Ezek. xxxiv. 4. And it is known to all that, know them, that if ever rhere were any that afc fumed to themfelves the name of Levites^ who departed out of the way, and caufed many tb ftumble at the law, and corrupted the Covenant of Levi, and therefore were defervedly contemptible and bafe before all the people, (Mai. ii. 8, 9.) they are the men. Let any man judge then, whether they have the qualifications of the Mef- fengersofthe Lord of hofis. Hence, thev that can give no proof of their Miniftry, but that which proves them to be fuch whom the Lord condemns, and fuch viho de- ferve to be contemned of all, cannot be acknowledged to be qualified as the Lord's Minifters. : but the Prelarick
Curates
£5° Concerning hearing of the Curates.
Curates can give no proof of their Miniftry, &c. ErgQ • ' . ~ (3) The qualification of Aptnefs to teach is
wanting ; yea, incompatible with them, not only fuch of them as are noted for ignorance, of whom clearly that is verified, they are Hind watchmen, they are all ignorant {ifa. lvi. 10.) but even their greateft Clerks and Shabbies may fitly be called after the name of their fore- fathers, whom Chrift calls blind Leaders of the blind, con- cerning whom he gives a Command to, let them alone^ Matth. xv. 14. Either generally they are difcovered to be fuch Matters of Ifrael, as know not thefs things, J ohm iii. 10. being men not^ exeixifed in Religion, and have not learned the Truth as it is in Jefus i or they are fuch, as if they have had gifts or Grace, yet now they are palpably blafied of God, and fo cannot profit the people at all, being fuch as do not fiand in God's Counfel, for then they fhould have turned the people from their evil way, and fo they are not apt to teach others when they are not taught of God, but fteal his words every one from their Neighbour, clearly difcovering they are not fent of him, Jer. xxiii. 21, 22, 30, 3«. And becaufe they do not (land in God's Counfel, they cannot declare all the Counfel of God, A& xx. 27. For they can neither be apt to teach repentance towards God, iince they can- not be fuppofed to be fenllble of thefe fins to be repent- ed of, for which the Land perifheth, and is burnt up like a wildernefs, Jer. ix. 12. For then they would firlt repent themfclves of their own Conformity with Prelacy, of their breach of Covenant, &V. AH that they can do in fuch a fubjecl: is, to fee vain and fool i/b things, and. not ro difcover the Lands iniquity, but to fee falfe burdens, and caufes of banifhment, Lam. ii. 14. Nor can they be apt to teach faith, feeing in many things they teach ©therwife than Chrift hath taught us in his word, and confent not to wholefome words, and to the Doclrine which is according to Godlinefs, from fuch the Command is to
withdraw, 1 Tim, vi. 3,- 5. whole Mouths muft be
flopped when they teach things which they ought not,
Tit* i. 9, 1 i. which is ^deniable to all that know
what fort of fluff they preach, contrary to the word of Cod, and the ■ principles of our Covenanted Reformatio.
©n't
Concerning hearing of the Curates. 251
bn. Hence if none of them be apt to teach, then nonc of them is fit to be heard; but none of them is apt to
teach : Ergo " It is true private Chriitians may
" not judge of the endowments and qualifications of Mi- <c nifters ; yet every private Chriftian hath the judgment cc of difcretion, and that way may judge fuch an one <c if he appear qualified according to the rule of the <c word; and may doubt if he be a qualified Minifter cc before Gody wanting thefe qualifications which the word <c requireth, ApoU Relation Seel. 15. P. 283," Secondly > They have not the lawful Call of a Minilter of Chriit, fb much as an external Call of his Inftitution; which I prove thus. They that have Prefentations from Patrons, and Collations from Prelates, and no more for a Call, have r.o lawful Call at all ; but the Curares have pre- fentations from Patrons, and collations from Prelates, and no more for a Call : Ergo they have no lawful Call at all. The Minor cannot be doubted : <c For, in this <c Government, the Minifters Mi/fion, Call, Ordinati- ic on, and Relation to fuch a people over whom he is ic to officiate, flows all from the Prelate; the Congre- <c gational Elderfhip hath not the leaft intereft in it : <c hence the- Presbyterian way of calling Parlors was ran- <c veried by the Parliament, when Prelacy was let up, <c and the old cultom of Patronages was reftored, Reftius " Inftru. Confute of I Dial Chap. 4. fag. 3." The Major proposition may be proven by parts. Firfi, Prefentations from Parrons cannot give a lawful Call : for befides what other reafbns might be given againft this old relicl: of Vopifh bondage of Patronages; it deitnoys that privilege and liberty of the Church in calling their own Paftors, and makes all Intruders, without the Churches choice ; whereas the flock arc allowed a judgment of Difcretion, knowledge of, and confent to the admiffion of their Pa- ftors, to whom they intruft their Soul's directions, be- fore they be fubjeft and obey him in the Lord, for o- therwife he is a granger that hath not come in at the door, and they mult not, nor will not be impofed upon,
John x. 1, 5. They had an Intereft in choofing
and nominating even the Apoftle*, though there were o- ther Apoftles ©f infallible knowledge, as to qualificati- ons,
2 5s Concerning leaving of tie Curates.
ons, preftnt to ordain them : and they appointed two to be chofen by Lot, AB i. 23. and even the Deacons were looked out and chofen by the people, and appoint- ed over their buiinefs, AB vi. 3. c Much Ids ought Mi- Snifters to be thruit upon fuch a weighty employment, * to pleafure great Men who are Patrons, flnce in their ( faithfulnefs the people are infinitely more concerned.* KeBius Injlrueju ubi Supra.* Hence, if the Curates ,have no Call but what deftroys the peoples privilege, they have no lawful Call at all, neither ought they to be owned, or countenanced as called Mrnifters ; but by the .prefentation of partrons they nave no call, but what deftroys the peoples Privilege : Ergo — -.Next Co/- lations from Prelates cannot give a lawful Call : for (1) they cannot give that to others which they have not themfelves ; but they have not a lawful call themfelves, becaufe they are not lawful officers, as is clear, and may be proven afterwards. (2) The only way of convey- ance of an ordinary dill to this office, is by the A& of a Tresbytryy Tim. iv. 14. And, by Minifters, their ordain- ing Elders in every Church, with the confent of that Church ; but a Prelate's Collation is not this Ad of a Presbytery. (3) That which only makes a man a Pre- late's depute, cannot give him a call to the Miniftry of Chrift ; but this Collation only makes a man a Prelate's depute. Or thus, a Prelate's depute is no Minifter ; but
a tCurate is a {Prelate's ^depute : Ergo .That a
Prelate's depute is no Miniifer, I prove: not only from that, that a Prelate, as fuch , is not a fervant of Ghrirr, but an enemy ; and therefore cannot confer upon ano- ther^ that dignity to be Chrifi's fervant ; but from this, that the Scripture allows no derivation of deputed Offi- cers. If no Officers of Chrift can have deputes of Chrift's Inftitution ; then the deputes that they make cannot be Chrift's Officers of his Inftitution ; but no .Officers of Chrift can have deputes by Chrift's Inftitutiori: every man ^hat hath any piece of Stewardfhip in God's fami- ly, muft ever fee and execute it immediately by himfelf, and wait upon ity Rom. xii. 7, 8L That Curates are Pre- lates deputes is clear : for they are fubjecfc to them in or-- «ler and .jurHHiftion, aac{ derive all their power from
thenij
Concerning hearing of the Curates. 255
tlicm, and are accountable to them : Therefore they cannot be acknowledged with confidence of confcience to be ChrifFs Minifters. ? Becaufe they have not fuch a
* viiible evidence of the call of Chrift, as, in reafon and 4 charity, doth oblige all men to receive the perfon fo c called, as truly fent: which things are fo evident in
* themfelves, that whoever denieth them, is obliged by
* the fame confluence to affirm, that if Simon Magus: ' had, in his horrid wickednefs, purchafed the Apoftle- € fhip by money, the Chriftian world had been bound c to receive him as an Apoftle, Naphtali, P. 105. loo,
* firfi Edition.* That their Miniftry is the Lord's ordi- nance he plainly denied, Naphtali, Pag. 109. c Theyx
* have nothing like a folemn ordination, having no im- € pofition of hands of the Presbytery with falling and
* prayer^ according to the order of the Gofpel, but the ! fole warrant and miffion of the Prelate, and therefore
* it cannot be lawful to countenance fuch, and to look c upon them as lawful Minifters, Apol. Relat. Seel* 15.
* Pag. 283.' It will be objected here, 1. * That then their baptifm is no baptifm, if they be no Minifters. ' Anf.
* (1) what fad confluences may follow upon the nul-
* ling of their office, let them fee to it who either fend
* fuch forth, or employ them.' Apcl. Relat. ibid. Pag. £94. the beft way to avoid thefe inconveniencies is not to countenance them. But (2) the fame anfwers may ferve which are adduced for Popifi baptifms and ordina- tions : and the deed fometimes fegnifies> That it ought not to be done. Next it will be, ObjeB. 2. That many of the Curates were in the Miniftry before, therefore the Ar- gument is not ftringent againft them. Anf. The one half of it about the qualifications does {till urge them, through the want of which, and their bafe Treachery and betraying their truft, and perjuries in breaking Co- venant, they have really fprefaulted their Miniftry, and loofed all from an obligation to hear them, or any o- ther to whom thefe Scripture characters may be ap- plied, and brings all under the guilt of partaking with chem that hear them.
II. It is neceffary ?Jfb, that all whom we may lawful- ly hear as Minifters and Ambaffadors ©f Chrift, fhould
- „ not-
CJ4 Concerning leaving of the Curates.
not only have had a commiflion from Chrift, fomeiimet conveyed to them in his orderly appointed way, by and from approven Church-officers; but they muft have it then when we hear them, at this time when we own Communion with them. For if they have fometimes had it, and forefauked or changed it, by taking a new right another way, it is all one in point of owning them, as if they had" none at all: and we muft not meddle with fuch Changelings^ in things that they and we muft not come and go upon, Vrov. xxiv. 21. Now plain it is, that ibme Curates fometimes had a commiffion from Chrift, when they were Presbyters ; but now they have changed their foldings and taken a new Right from them who are no Officers of Chrift, inverted with power to confirm or convey a minifterial Miffion ; and fo they have forfauited what they had. Mr. Durham, in adigreffion on this fubject of hearing, (hews, that Minifters may forfeit, on Revel, chap, up, 55. in 4*0. c In matter of c hearing (lays he) it is not fo hard to difcern, who are c to be counted to fpeak without God's commiffion ,* be- c caufe ordinarily fuch have no warrantable Call at all
* (no not in the outward form, and fb cannot be counted c but to run un(ent) or by palpable Defe&ion from the c Truth, and Commiffion given them in that Call, they c have forfeited their commiffion.* and fb no more are to c be counted AmbafTadors of Chrift, or Watchmen of his c flock, than a Watchmen of the City is to be accounted € an obferver thereof, when he hath publickly made de-
* feftion to the Enemy, and taken on with him.* Let the indulged and addreffing]Minifters advert to this: and confider, whether or not the truly tender have reafon to difcountenance them, while they continue in their pal- pable defection. But undeniably this retells that Obje- ction of the Curates Ordination before they were Curates; for they that change their holding of a right, and take a new right which is null, they forego and forfeit their old right, and all right ; but the Prelatick Curates have changed their holding of their right, and taken a new one, which is null: therefore they have foregone and forfeited their old one. The Minor I prove thus. They who had a right from Chrift by Conveyance of his Of- ficers,
Concerning hearing of the Curates* 255
Jicers, and take a new grant for the exercife of it, noc from Chrift, but by conveyance offuch as are none of his Officers, they change their holding, and take a new one, which is null. But the Prelatick Curates, who had a Ri^ht by Conveyance of his Officers, have taken a new orant for the exercife of it, not from Chrift, but by conveyance of the Prelate, which is none of his Offi- cers : Therefore The ftrcfs of all will ly in the
Probation of this, that the Prelate is none of Chrift's Officers, and therefore the conveyance of a power from him is not from Chrift. Which 1 prove, I. Becaufe his Office is crofs to the very Nature of Gofpel Church- Government, and therefore he cannot be a Gofpel Church Ruler. Chrift discharged his Officers to exercife 'Dominion (or Lordpip, Luk. xxii. 25.) or Authority, as the Gentiles did, but that the chiefeft fhould be only a Mini- fter, Matth. xxii. 25, 26*. The Apoftle Paul difclaims Dominion over the Church, 2 Cor. i. ult. Peter exhorts the Elders not to be Lords over God*s heritage, I Pet. v. 3. The Authority of Church-officers then is not a Defpotick Power, but a minifterial Stewardship. But the Diocefan Bipop is both a Lordly Title and Power, having all Au- thority in the Diocefe derived from him, as being as it were the univerfal Paftor, and fo taking upon him a power, whieh is neither commanded, nor can be dif- charged. Hence, he that fubjefts his Miniftry to the Domination of a ftrange Lord, inverting the Nature of Gofpel Church-Government, cannot be owned in his Miniftry; but all Curates fubjeft their Miniftry, &>c. Therefore — 2. Becaufe he is an officer diftincl from, and fuperior to a Presbyter or Pa/lor ; whereas rhe Scripture makes a Bifiop and Presbyter all one. The Elders of the Church of Ephefus are called- Epifcopi' or Overfeers, A£ls xx. 1 7, 28 An ordained Elder muft be a blamelefs Bifbofy as the fteward of God, Tit. i» 5, 7. Again, it cannot be fhown, where the Scripture mentions either Name, Qua- lification, Work. Duty, or Ordination of an ordinary Church-officer f jppnor to Presbvters, and which are no: likewife appropriate to them who are called Rulers, Go- vern r>, Bifhops. In all the Holy Ghoft His purpofec! recitals of ordinary Church-officers, there is not the" leaft
hinc
&5°* Concerning "hearing of the Curates*
hint of a Diocefan Bifeop', and yet a Deacon is defcribec! the meaneft Officer in his Work and Qualifications, Hence then, if this Diocefan Prelate be fuch an uncouth Beaft, that neither in Name nor Nature is found in the Word of God, all the power derived from him is null; but the firft is true -.therefore* »3» Becaufe every Of-
ficer in the Scripture relates to the Flock (except the extra- ordinary Officers, who were further extended, now ceaied) Bifhops*of Ephefus, were overfeers over the Flock, Acls xx. the Elders that Peter writes to were over the Flock. But this Diocefan antifcriptural Monfter pretends to be over the Shepherds, and invents new Degrees and Orders of Superiority and Inferiority of Officers of the fame kind, beiide and againft the Scripture, which makes all A- poftles alike, and all Evangelifts, fo all Teachers ; tho* there be a diftin&ion and fuperiority in diverfe kinds, yet not in the fame. God hath fet fome in the Church, frfi Apoftles, fecondarily Prophets, thirdly^ Teachers, I Coy. xii. 28. but not among Teachers, fbmeabove others, in a power of Order and Jurisdiction. Hence, an Offi- cer over Officers of the lame kind, is not an Officer df Chrift's inftitution, and confequently any power con- veyed from him is null ; but a Prelate pretends to be an
Officer over Officers of the fame kind: therefore 4.
Becaufe every Officer in the Church hath equally, and [n perfect: parity, equal Power and Authority allowed them of God in the exercife of both* the Keys, both of Order and Jurifdiction ; all Ruling Elders may rule a- ike, and dcferve equal honour; and all Preaching El- tiers have the like authority, and the like Honour con- ferred upon them, I Tim. vi. 17. The Scripture attri- butes both Power of Order and JurifHiftion toallpreach- iig Presbyters equally. They muft overfee the flock (pr as the Word is, do the part of a Bijbop over them) Acls »c. 28- and they mutt ^\Co feed the flock, I Pet. v. 2. Sub- jection arid Obedience is one to them all alike: all that are over us and admonip us, <we muft efteem highly for their Works fake y 1 Thef. v. 12. and obey zvidfubmit our- f fives to them that watch for our fouls, Heb. xiii. 17. We ffad alfo Excommunication belongs to ail alike, 2 Cor. ii. 6i and Ordination^ 1 Tim. iv. 14* But the Diocefan
Prelate
Concerning leaving of tie Curates. 257
'Prelate takes from Presbyters to himfelf power of Ordi- nation, affuming only his Curares for fafhion's fake, and the fole dccifivc power in Church-judicatories, wherein he hath a negative voice ; like a Diotrephes, the firft Prelate who loved *o have the Pre-eminence) 3 John- 9, the only precedent for Prelacy in the Scripture. Hence, he that would take all power to himfelf, which is undi- vided and equal to all Officers by Chrift's appointment, hath none by ChrifVs allowance, but is to be reckoned an ufurping Diotrephes', but the Diocefan Prelate would take all the power to himfelf, which is undivided and equal to all. By all which it appears, the Prelate being no au- thorized Church-officer of ChrifVs, no Authority can be derived from him; and fo that fuch as betake thcmfelves to this pretended power, for warranting them in the function, can warrantably claim no deference thereupon, nor can be owned as Minifters, whatever they were be- fore. c For this %vere an acknowledging of the power and Authority of Prelates (efjxMially when the Law commands our hearing as a fubmitting to them.) The reafonis, becaufethefe men came forth from the Pre- late, having no other call or warrant but what the Prelate giveth : and fo a receiving of them will be a receiving of the Prelate, as a refuting of them will be accounted a flightine of the Prelate and his power. A* pol. Re! at. 15. p. 272. III. It is neceffary alfo, that all with whom we own Communion as Minifters, fhould be Chrift's AmbaiTa- dors, having then, when we hear them, and holding ftill, their com million from Chrift as King> and only Head o£ his Church ; conveyed not only from Church-officer j, in a way that he hath revealed as the Prophet of his Church, hut in a way of dependence upon, and fubordination to Chrift as Kingy who afcending far above Principalities and Powers, appointed and gave the Gifts of theMiniftry, -'Eph. iv. 8, 11. and fet them in the Church, I Cor. xii. 28. and gave them commiffion to go and teach the Nations, hy virtue of that all Power that was given to him in Heaven and Earth, Matth. xxviii. 18, 19. If then they take a new holding, and clofe with a new Conveyance of the Mioiftry^ aqd of the Power to exercife the fame, from
R anew
£«>8 [ C'onctrmng tewing of the Curaies.
a new archite&onick ufurped Power in the Church, en- croaching on Chrifi's royal Prerogative, we dare not ho- mologate fuch an affront to Chrift, as to give them the refpeS of his AmbafTadors, when they became the fer- vants of men, and fubjedt even in minifterial Fun&ions to. another Head than Chrift ; for then they are the Mini- sters of men, and by men, and not by Jefus Chrift, and God the Father, who railed him from the dead, becaufe they do not hold the Head, Col. ii. 10. Hence thofe that receive and derive their Church-power from, and are fub- ordinate in its exercife to, another Head than Chrift Jefi^ fhould not be received and fubjedted to as the Minifters of Chrift in his Churclv; but the Prelates and their Cu- rates do receive and derive their Church-power from, and are fubordinate in its exercife to , another Head than Chrift : therefore they fhould not be received, &c. The £rft Proportion cannot be denied, the fecond is proved thus : Thofe Officers in the Church, profeffing themfelves itich, that derive their Church-power from, and are fub-» ordinate in its exercife to, a power truly architefionick and fupreme in the Church (to wit the Magiftrate) be- fide Chrift, do derive their power from, and are fubor- dinate in its exercife to, another Head than Chrift Jefus; Lut fo it is that Prelates and their Curates do derive, &V.
Therefore .The Major is evident: for whofbever hath
a fupreme architedlonick Power in and over the Church, muft be a Head to the fame, and the Fountain of ail Church- power. The Minor is alfb clear, from the fore- going hiftorical deduftion, manifefting the prefenc Pre* lacy to be grofs Brafiianifm : for the difpofal of the" Go- vernment of the Church is declared by Law to be the Crown-right, and an inherent perpetual Prerogative, and thereupon the Bifliops are reftored to the Epifcopal Fun- «&ion ; and it is exprefly declared, that there is no Church-power in the Church Office-bearers, but what depends upon, and is fubordinate unto the Supremacy > and authorized by the Bifhops, who arc declared ac- countable to the King for the Adminiftration ; by virtue of which Ecclejiafiick Supremacy, he put Excommunica- tion and fpiritual Cenfures, and confequently the power
cj; the Keys, into the hand* of Psr&ftf merely Civil, »»
" the
komerrJng hearing of the Curates £fy
khz Aft for the High CommiJJion, Hence it is clear, that as the Fountain of all Church-government, he imparts his Authority to fuch as he pleales, and the Bifhops are nothing clfe but hisCommiffioners in the exerciie of that Ecclefiaftick Power, which is originally in himfelf, and that the Curates are only his Under- clerks. All the ftrefs Will ly in proving, that this Monger of a Supremacy y from which the Prelates and their Curates have all their Authority, is a great Encroachment on the Glory of Chriit as King) which will appear, if we briefly confi- der thefe particulars. I. It ufurps upon Chrift's Preroga- tive, who only hath all undoubted right to this archi- teclonick and magisterial Dominion over the Church, his own Mediatory Kingdom ; not only an ejfential right by his eternal Godhead*, being the everlajling Father? wkofe goings forth hath been of old, from everlajltngy Ifa.ix. 6. Mic.v. 2. in recognizance of which^ we own* but one God the Father, and one Lord, by whom are all things, and we by him, I Cor. viii. 6. but alfo a Cove- nant-right, by Compact with the Father, to bear the Glory and Rule upon his Throne,by virtue of the Coun- fel of Peace between them both, Zech. vi. 13. A dona- tive Right by the Father's Delegation, by which he hath all Power given in Heaven and in Earth, Matth. xxviii. 18. and all things given into his hand, John iii 35. and all Judgment and Authority to execute it, even becaufe he is the Son of Man, John v. 22, 27. and to be Head over all things to the Church, Eph, i. 22. An infiitute Right, by the Father's inauguration, who hath fet him as King in Zion, Pfal. ii. 6. and appointed him Governour, that fhall rule over his people Jfrael, Matth ii. 6. An acquifite Right, by his own Purchafe, by which he hath merited and obtained, not only Subjects to govern, but the Glo- ry of the fole Sovereignty over them in that relation. A name above every name, Philip, ii. o. which is, that he is the Head of the Church, which is as much his peculiar Prerogative, as to be Saviour of the body, Eph. v. 23* A hellical Right by Conquefi, making the People fall under him, Pfal. xlv. 4. and be willing in the day of his Power y JPfal. ex. 3. and overcoming thofe that make wrar with turn, Rev* xvii. 14. An hereditary Right by Proximity of
R £ Blood
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Blood and Primogeniture, being the firft-boyn> higher than the Kings of the Earthy PfaL lxxxix. 27. and the firft-born from the deady that in all things he might have the Pre-eminence, Col. i. 1 8. An elective Right, by his People's choice and furrender, having a Crown wherewith his Mother crowned him in the day of his Efpoufals, CV5s7tf.iii.laft verfe. By all which undoubted Titles, it is his foie incommunicable Prerogative, with- out a Copartner or Competitor co-ordinate or fubordi- nate, to be Judge, and only Lawgiver and King in spi- rituals, If a. xxx iii. 22. to be that one Lawgiver, Jam. iv. 12. who only can give the power of the Keys to his Officers, (which comprehends all the power they have) Matih. xvi. 19. to be that one Mafier over all Church-of- ficers, who are but Brethreny Matih. xxiii. 8, 10. in whofe Name only they muft perform all Church-a6ts, and all parts of their Miniftry, and not in the name of any-mortal, Matih xxviii. 18, 19. Matih. xviii. 20. from whom only they receive whatever they have t>o deliver 10 the Church, 1 Cor. xi 23. to be the only Infticuter of his Officers, who hath fet them in the Church, I Cor, xii. £8. and gave them* to the Church, Eph. iv. II. whofe Ambaffadors only they are, 2 Cor. v. 20. from whom they have Authority £or edification of the Church, 2 Cor. x. 8. 1 Cor xiii. IO. in whofe Name only they are to^ffemble, and keep and fence their Courts, both the leaft, Majtth. xviii. 2o, and the greateft, A&s xv. But now all this is ufurped by one who is not fb much as a Church-member, let be a Church- officer, as fuch : for the Magiftrate is neither, ^s he is a Magiftrate, ether wife all Magiftra tes would be Church-members5. Hence they that have all their power from a mere ufur- per on Chrift's Prerogative, who is neither member nor officer of the Church, have none at all to be owned or received as his lawful Ambaffadors ; but the Prelates and their Curates have all their power from a mere ufurper on Ch rift's Prerogative, who is neither member nor of- ficer cf the Church: Ergo .2. It confounds the
Mediatory Kingdom of Chrift with, and fuhjedrs it to, the Kingly Government of the world, removes the Scripture Land Marks and limits between civil and Bctfe-
• fiafiick
Concerning heaving of the Curates 26 1
pafiick powers ; in making the Governors of the State to be Governors of the Churchy and denying all Church Government in the hands of Church ofjicers, diftincl: from and independent upon the civil Magistrate : which clearly derogates from the Glory of Chrift's Mediatory Kingdom, which is altogether diftind: from and not fu- bordinate to the Government of the world , both in the Old Teitament and in the New. For, they have diftincl: Fountains whence they flow : civil Government Hows from God Creator, Church Government from Chrift the Lord Redeemer, Head and King of his Church, whofc Kingdom is not of this <worIdy John xviii. 36. though for this end he came into the world, that he fhould have a Kingdom there, verf. 57. They have diftincl: Objects: civil Government hath a civil object, the outward man ; Church Government a fpiritual objeel, men conudered as Chriftians : in the Old Teitament, the matters of the Lord are clearly diftinguifhed from the matters of the King) £ Chron. xix. lap verfe. In the new Teitament, there are matters of Church Cognizance which do not at all belong to the civil Magistrate ; as, in the cafe of cffence> they mud tell the Church, not the civil Magi- ftrate, Matth. xviii. 1 5, 20. In the cafe of Excommunication^ . the Church is to aft by virtue of the power of the Lord Jefus Chrift, I Cor. v. 4, 5. not by the Magistrate's power ; in the cafe of Abfolution, the Church is to judge whatpu- rufhment is fumcient, and what evidence of repentance is fumcient to remove it\ 2 Cor. ii. 6, 7. So in the cafe of Trial and Ordination o( Minifters, &*c. None of thefe be- long to the Magiftrate. They have diftincl: Natures: the civil is a Magifterial, the Ecclefiaftick is a minifterial, Go- vernment ; the one is the power of the /word, the other of the Keys ; the one put forth in political punifhments, the other in Ecclefiaftick Cenfures : In the Old Tefta- ment, the Magiftrates power was coaftive, by death, banifhment, Confifcation, &c. Ezra, vii. 26. the Church, by putting out of the Synagogue, interdiction from facred things, &c. In the New Teftament, the Magiftrates power is defcribed, Rom. xiii. to be that of the fivord by punifhment ; the power of the Church only in binding and loojingy Matth* xvi. 19. They have diitintt Ends :
the
%6% Concerning hearing of the Curates*
the end of the one being the good of the Common^ -wealth, the other the Churches Edification : In the Qlcf Teftament, the end of the Civil Government was one thing, and of the Church another, to wit, to 'warn not to trefpafs againfb the Lord, in that forecited, 2 Chron, xix. 10. In the New Teftament, the end of Magi- ikatical power is to be a terror to evil works, and a praife to the good, Rom. xiii. 3. but the end of Church power is Edification, I Cor. v. 5. 2 Cor. x. 8. 2 Cor- xiii. 10. They have difrincl Courts of officers: in the Old Tefta- ment, the diftin&ion of the Civil and Ecclefiaftick Sanhe- drin is known, where there were diftincl caufes, and pcr- Ibns fet over them to judge them refpcclively, 2 Chron, xix. loft Verfe. In the New Teftament, we find officers given unto the Church, I Cor, xii. 28. with no mention: of the civil Magiftratc at a41, and Church- A fTemblies di- stinct from Parliaments or fenates (yea, when the Magi- ftratc was an Enemy) determining cjueftions that did not beJong to the Magiftrate at all, A&s xv. we have Rulers diftinft from the Rulers of the Commonwealth, I Thejf v. 12. whom we are to obey and fubmit our felves as ehofe who are accountable to Chrift only, for to whom elfe can they give account of fouls ? Heb. xiii. 1 7. we have Rulers inferior to Labourers in word and dodtrinc, not to be honoured fb much as they : fure theft cannot be civil Rulers, 1 Tim. v. 1 7. we have Rulers commended for trying lmpoftors, which were not Ma- giftratcs, Rev. ii. 2. And others who are rebuked for fufFering Hefeticks ibid, verf. 14, 15, 20. which fuppofes ehey had Authority to do it ; yet diftincl: from and not depending on the Magiftrate. Befides from this confu- fion of the two Governments together, and making the fupreme Magiftrate to be fupreme Governor of the Church, would follow many abfurdities; as that they who are not Church members fhould be Church offi- cers, even heathen Magiftratcs , yt^y women fhould be Church officers ; and none fhould be chofen for Magi- strates, but fuch as have the qualifications of Church of- ficers. See Apt. Relat. Seft. 12. Pag, 1 00. Reclius In- flruen. Confut. 1 Dial. Chap. 6, Pag, 50. Hence, they that 'in deriving their Authority do confound the tvvo Govern*
uacnt^
Concerning heaving office Cumfef. £6+
ifcents, Civil and Ecclefiaftick, and take it all from a mere Civil power, cannot be owned as having any Au- thority of Chrift's Institution ; but the Prelates and their Curates, in deriving their Authority, do confound the two Governments civil and Ecclefiaftick, and take it ail from a mere Civil power. This fame Argument equal- ly militates againft hearing the Indulged Minifters who frave taken a Licence and warrant from the Ufurpcr of this Supremacy : becaufe it is highly injurious to Chrift's Headfhip ; very contrary to Presbyterian Principles ; clearly Homologatory of the Supremacy; plainly pre- judicial to the power of the people ; very much efta- blifhing Eraftiamfm ; fadly obftru&ive and deftru£}ive to the good of the Church ; wronging our caufe and ground of fuffering ; ftrefigthening the Prelates hands; ' contradictory to our Covenants ; prejudging the Meet- ings of God's people; and heinoufly, fcandalous, and of- fen five: as is clear by, and unanfwerably proven in the K/Jlory of the Indulgence.
IV. There is a neceffity that any man whom we may join with as a Minilter, muft not only be a Minifter, and a Minifter clothed with Chrift's commiffion then when we join with him, but he muft alfb have a right to adminifter there where we join with him. Elfe we can look upon him no otherwife than a thief and a rob- ber, whom Chrift's fheep fhould not hear> John x. I, 5- Now the Prelates and Cuiates, though they fhould be accounted and acknowledged Minifters, yet they have not a right to officiate where they have in- truded themfelves. Hence we have feveral Arguments, as, I. They who have no juft Authority, nor right to officiate fixedly in this Church, as the proper Paftors of it, ought not to be received, but withdrawn from ; but the Prelates and their Curates have no juft Authority, or right to officiate in this Church as her proper Paftors : therefore they ought not to be received, but withdrawn from. All the debate is about the Minor , which may thus be made good. They who have entred into ancf do officiate fixedly in this Church, without her Autho- rity and Content, have no right fb to do : bat the Pre- lates and their Curates have entred into and officiate fix- edly
2(?4 Concerning heaving of tie Curates*
edly in this Church, without her Authority and Con-
fem: Ergo —.The Major is manifeft: for if this
Church have a juft right and power of eie&ing and cal- ling of Minifters, then they who enter into and officiate fixedly in this Church, without her Authority and Con- fcnt, have no juft Authority or light fo to do : but this Church hath a juft right and power of electing and cal- ling of Minifters, as all true Churches have 3 and, if it were not evident from what is faid above, might be eafily demonftrated from Scripture. The minor, to wit, that the Prelates and their Curates have entred into and officiate fixedly in this Church, without her Authority and content, is evident from matter of fad: for there was tio Church judicatory called or convocated, for bring- ing of Prelates into this Church ; but, on the contrary, her Judicatories were all cafhiered and difcharged, and all her officers turned out to let them in ; and all was done immediately by the King, and Ads of Parliament without the Church ; a practice wanting a Precedent in this, and (for any thing we know) in all other Churches : all that the Curates can fay is, That they came in by the Bifhop and Patron, who are not the Church, nor have any power from her for what they do ; all their right and power is founded upon and de- rived from the Supremacy, whereby the Diocefan Era- ftian Prelate is made the King's delegate and fubftitute, only empowered thereto by his Law. Tills is Mr. Smith's lit and <Sth Argum. * If we fuppofe a particular
* Congregation acknowledging their own lawful Paftor, € and a few violent Perfons arife and bring in a Minn € fter by plain force, and caft out their lawful Paftor ;
* are not the faithful in that Church obliged to relin- € quifh the Intruder, and not only Difcountenance him,
* but endeavour his ejection ? This is our cafe, Naphtali € Pag. 106. Seel. 5. firjb Edition9 2. If we cannot fub- tnit to thefe Curates, without confenting to the great encroachments made upon the Privileges of this Church, then we cannot fubmit to them without fin; but we cannot fubmit to them without confenting to the great encroachments made upon the Privileges of this Church: therefore we cannot fubmit to them without iin. The
Minor
Concerning hearing of the Curates. z6$
Minor is all the cjueftion : bur instances will make it out. • As fir ft) The robbing of the Church ot the Privilege of 'Election of her Paftors, and fubftitucing the bondage of Patrons prefentations> is a great Encroachment upon the Privilege cf this Church : but accepting of Curates as Mi- niiiers lawfully called, notwithstanding that they want the eieftion of the people, a»d have nothing for their warrant but a presentation from che Patron, were a con- ferring to thar Robbery and wicked Substitution, Jc will be of no force to fay. Our foiefathers did fubmit to this, and to a Miniitry who had no other call. This h anfwered above in the Narrative : 'tis a poor confe- cjuence ro fay, The posterity may return backward, be- caufe their forefathers could not advance further fore- ward. Secondly , The thrufting out of lawful Minifters without any Caufe but their adhering to the Covenant- ed work of Reformation, and the thrufting in others in their rooms who denied the fame, is a great Encroach- ment on the Churches Privileges ; but embracing and encouraging Curates by countenancing their pretended Miniftry, were a confenting to this violent extrufion and intrulion. The Minor is proven thus. They who leave the extruded, and countenance the intruded, they con- fent to the extrufion and intruilon, and declare they coq- fefs the intruded his right is better than his who is ex- truded ; but they who embrace and encourage Curates by countenancing their pretended Miniftry, do leave the extruded, to wit, their old Minifters, and countenance the intruded : Ergo ■ To fay, That people, in this
cafe, fhould proteft againft thefe Encroachments, is fri- volous ; for withdrawing is the beft protection ; and if after their proteftation they frill countenance the En- croachment, they fhould undo their own proteftation. The fame Argument will militate againft countenancing the Indulged^ or any that obtained Authority to preacn in any place by a power encroaching on the Churches Liberties. There is an Objection to be removed here, from Matth. xxiii. 2, 3. The Scribes and Pharifees fit in Mofes Chair ; therefore whatever they bid you obferrje$ that obferv? and do \ therefore they who, wthout a title, ufurp the office, may be heard. Anf. I. The cafe is no- ways
t66 Concerning hearing of the Curates.
ways alike ; for then the Lord had no other Church lji the world but that, which was confined in its Solemni- ties of worfliipto that place, where they intruded them- felves : he had not yet inftituted the New Teftament form of Adminiftration, in its Ordinances and Officers. Therefore the head of the Church being prefent might give a Toleration, during pleafure : but it is not fo now« But, 2. Our Lord's words bear no command for the people to hear them at all, but only not to reject found Dodtrinc, becaufe it came from them : furely he would not bid them hear fuch, as he calls Plants that his Fa- ther had never planted, whom he bids let alone, Matth, xv. 13, 14. and who were Thieves and Robbers whom ]his fheep fhould not hear.
V. They muft not only be Minifters, and acknowledg- ed as fuch then and there, when and where we join with them ; but they muft be fuch as wc can own Church Communion with in the Ordinances adminiftrated by them, as to the matter of them. Otherwife, if they p err vert and corrupt their Miniftry, by preaching and main- taining errors, either in Po&rine, Worfhip, Discipline, or Government, contrary to the Scriptures, our Con- feffions, and principles of our Covenanted Reformation, and contradictory to our Teftimony founded thereup-r on, and agreeable thereunto, maintaining errors con- demned thereby, or condemning truths maintained there- by, we muft withdraw from them. For if any feek to turn us away from the Lord our God, we muft put a- way that evil, and not confent nor hearken to them, Deut. xiii. 5, 8. We muft ceafe'to hear the inftruclion thztcauf- eth to err from the words of knowledge, Prov. xix. 27. we muft have a care of thefe leaders that will caufe us to err left we be defiroyed with them, Ifa, ix. 16. we muft mark, thefe who contradict the doctrine that we have learned, and avoid them, Ron?, xvi. 1 7. If any man teach other- wife we muft withdraw ourfclves from fuch, 1 Tim. vi, 5, 5. If there come any, an& bring not this doctrine, we muft not receive him, nor bid him God fpeed, in that work of his preaching or practifing againft any of the truths, we have received from the word, -2 John*, n., Hence we muft not hear falfe Teachers, who, in preach- ing
Concerning heating of the Curates* 2,6 7
fog and prayer, bring forth falfe doctrine contrary to the principles of our Reformation ; but the Curates are falfe Teachers, who, in preaching and prayer, bring forth falfe doctrine, &c. Therefore we mult not hear them. The Minor is certain, in that not only many of them are tainted with points of Popery and A&niniamfm \ but all of them do teach falfe do&rine tending to ieduce the Hearers : when in their preaching rhey cry up the lawfulnefs of Prelacy, and vent bitter invectives againft Presbyterian Government, condemn the work of Re- formation, and inveigh againft the Covenant, and fo teach and encourage people to follow them in open per- jury, and condemning all our Teilimony, as nothing buC Treafon and Sedition; which we are perfuaded is truth, and that therefore fhey are Blafphemers ; and in their prayers, fluffed with error, and larded with blafphemy, they reproach the work of Preformation, and the power of Godlinefs, and pray for a bleffing on the Prelates, and on their courfes which are curfed ; belides their paraii- tick prayers for the King, to be bleffed in his govern- ment when Mated in oppofTtion to Chrift, and feveral o- ther things that tender confeiences cannot go along with them therein. And yet if they hear them, they muft go along and actively concur with them, as their mouth to God. If it be objected here : that this doth not itrike a- gainft all, nor againft any at all times, becauie fome preach always found doctrine, and all preach fometime found doctrine ; and the like may be faid of their pray- ers : therefore fometimes at leaft they may be heard, I anfiv. 1. This may be alledged for all Hereticks, who do all at fometimes preach found doctrine, and yet thefe Scriptures are ftringent againft them at all times, which I have adduced: for by thefe fruits which they bring forth at fometimes, they fhew themfelves to be fuch as we muft beware of at all times. 2. We cannot know when they will preach found doctrine, feeing by their fubjection to that government, they are obliged to main- tain Prelacy, and impugn our covenanted conftitution. VI. They muft not only be fuch as we can join with t in the Ordinances as to the Matter of them, but in the Manner alfo they muft be fuch Adrainiftrators, as we are
obliged
£63 Concerning hearing of the Curates.
obliged in charity to think the Lord will approve of them, and their adminifirations, and of us in our com- munion with them ; or at leaft, that, in their manner of difpenfing Ordinances, they be not fuch as we find arc under a recorded fentence of dreadful punifhment, both againft their* and their partakers: for if it be fo, it is as fufficient a ground to withdraw from them, as for men to withdraw from a company Haying in a houfe, that they fee will fail and fmother them in its ruin ; yea it js as warrantable to feparate from them, as for Ijrael to feparate themielves from the congregation of the Rebels who were to oc confumed in a moment, Numb, xvi. 21. or for the Lord's people ro come out of Babylon, that they receive not of her plagues, Rev xviii. 4. Now we find that not only the Prophets of Baal, and Inticers to' Idolatry, and Leaders to error upon the matter are threatened, and the people for adhering to them, but we find alio (as is obferved by Keclius lnftruendum con- fut. dial. chap. I. pag. 21.) many terrible charges and adjurations laid upon Minifters, in reference to a faith- ful diligence in their Minifterial fun&ion, and a fuitable Teftimony concerning the fin and duty of the time, that they are commanded to cry aloud and fhew the people their fin, Ifa. lviii. I. and as they would not have the Hood of fouls upon them, to give faithful warning touch- ing the peoples cafe and hazard, Hn and duty, especially in times of great fin and judgment, when God is ter- ribly pleading his Controverfy with them, Ezek.iii 17. therefore they muff be infiant in feafon and out offeafony ZTim.iv. 2. And for their negligence and unfaithful- t\cfs herein, we find many Scripture woes and threaten- jtig« thundered againft them. When in the deceit of their own Heart they promife afTured Peace, when the jLcrvd is pleading againft a generation, they are threaten- ed to be confumed with fword and famine, and the peo- ple to whom they prophefy pall be caft out in the ftreets^ Jer. xiv. 13, 15, 1 5. therefore we dare not admit them to propriety to us. When they firengthen the hands, and harden the hearts of evil-doers, that none doth return from his v^ickednefs, the Lord threatens to feed them qyiih <Wommood> and commands not to hearken to them,
Jer.
Concerning leaving of the Curates* £ 6" 9
mer.xxiiu 14, —16. their blood (hall be required at their hands, Ezek. in. 18. one builds a wall, and ano- ther daubs it with unrempered morter, then ye, O great hailjlones, fjaUfall, and they (hall be consumed in the miuft thereof, Ezek, xiii. to, 1 1, 14, i8? 22. we dare not join with either Builders or Daubers of fuch a work, as is carried on to the diihonour of Chriit and ruining of Reformation, nor by our counrenance and concurrence (trengthen either Builders or Daubers ; left we alfo be confumed in the midft thereof. When there is a confpiracy of the Prophets, and the Priefts violate the law, and profane holy things, and (hew no differ- ence between the unclean and the clean, then the Lord will -pour out his Indignation upon all, Ezek. xxii. 25, * to the end. We would endeavour to keep our-
felves free of having any hand in that confpiracy. Thefe Scripcures do' give the perfect pourtradture of our Curates, in the conviction of all that know them. Hence we draw a complex argument: fuch Minifters as can do no good by then Miniftry, but a great deal of hurt to their Hearers, and expofe themfelves and them both to the in- dignation of a jealous God, are not to be heard ; but the Cuiatesar? fuch as can do no good by their Miniftry, but a great deal of hurt to their Hearers, and expofe them- felves and them both to the indignation of the jealous Lord: therefore they are not to be heard. The con- nexion of the Major is clear from what is faid above. The Minor is alfo evident from the application of thefe Scripture^ thus : They that in the deceit of their own heart prom fe peace to, and ftrengthen the hands of e- vil-c'oers, and <iive them not warning but feduce them bv daubing their wickedne(s, and (hew no difference between the unclean and the clean, &c. are fuch as can d no good v the^ MinifVy. hue a great deal of hurt to Hearer^, and expoft themfelves and them botrrto the indignation of God ; but the Curates are fuch, and all others who are (o unfaithful x ro nve no warning a- gamft, but juftifv the fins or thr rime,. To be fhorr, the Minor of boch thefe foreeoing arguments is evident from the experience of all that go to the Curates, who Wrong thereby their own ibuls, mar their edification;
and
&7° Concerning hearing of the Curateh
and run to cifterns without water. What bleffing cat* be expeded upon the labours of fueh, who having per- jured themfelves in taking on with the Prelates, are pro- fecuting that courfe of defection, and making themfelves Captains to lead the people back to Egypt, encouraging profanity and wickednefs, being themfelves Patterns and matrons of the times corruptions 1 And feeing a bleffing cannot be expeded upon their labours, but rather a curfe, as daily experience maketh good, when inftead of any work of conversion or convidion among people, there is nothing feen but a fearful hardening in profanity, ig- norance and Atheifm : fb that many that feemed to have ibmewhat like Religion before, through hearing of them, are turned loofe and lax in all duties : yea never can ic be inftanccd thefe twenty feven years, that they have brought one foul to Chrift, from darknefi to light, and from the power of Satan unto God ; but many inftances might be given of their murdering fouls, as indeed they cannot be free of it, who cannot warn nor declare the whole Counfel of God. Hence thefe who cannot but be Soul-murderers, may not be heard nor entertained as Soul-phyfkians ; but the Curates cannot but be Soul- murderers. Again, we can exped no gpod from them, but a great deal of hurt; feeing their Miniftry is not the Lord's Ordinance, which he will approve, and no performances can be acceptable unto the Lord which are not, in manner as well as in matter, agreeable to his will: hence the wickednefs even of the Lord's lawful Priefts,not only caufed the people to abhore the offerings of the Lord, but even the Lord himfelf to abhore his Sanduary, and to account their incenfe an abomination, fb that he could not away with the calling of their AfTemblics, which yet upon the matter were duties. Should not we then hate that which the Lord hates, and withdraw from that which he hath forfaken ? But the Meetings of the Curates for Adminiftration of Ordinances in their way, the Lord hates, and hath fignally forfaken : therefore \ve fhould hate and forfake them. This is confirmed by what Mr. Durham fays in that digreffion about hear- ing, Rev. i. fag. 55. in Quarto, c Seeing edification is c God's gift, can it be expeded but in his. way, or can
5 tha£
Concerning hearing of the Curates. i^tt
* that be accounted his way which he hath not warrant-
VII. As we would not partake of their judgment in countenancing of their Adminiftration of Ordinances, (6 we would keep ©urfelves free from all participation of their fin', for we rauft not be Partakers with any in fin, nor have Fellonv(lrip with the unfruitful works of darknefi, that we muft reprove, and that We find the X,ord reproves and condemns, Eph. v. 7, 11. and not only Minifters in ordaining, but people in hearing, maybe in hazard of partaking of fame mensfins> who en- ter into the Miniftry, 1 Tim. v. 22. we muft keep at the greateft diftance from fin: Hence if we cannot hear the Curates without partaking of their fin, then we muft not hear them; but we cannot hear the Curates withouc par- taking of their fin: Therefore we muft not hear them. The Miwr I prove. If hearing of them be a Tejfera of our incorporation with them, a teft of our fubmiffion to them, a badge of our compliance with them, and fign of our approbation of them, then we cannot hear therrt without partaking of their fin; but hearing of them is fuch : the Major cannot be denied, if Prelacy and con- formity therewith be fin, as is in part proven above : for if thefe be fins, then we muft not incorporate with, xiorfubmit to them, nor comply with them, nor approve them. The Minor I prove by parts. I. Hearing of Cu- rates is a Tejfera of our incorporation with them ; for communion in facred things doth infer an incorporation of the Communicants or Joiners in all cafes, both in law- ful and unlawful communions, I Cor.x. 17 — 20. All par- takers of the bread are one body, and they which eat of the facrifices arcpartakers of the Altar] and alfo they that par- take of the facrifice offered to Devilsy though they do cot offer it fb themfelves, yet they are incorporate,
and have fellowfhip with Devils. And 2 Cor. vi. 14,
17. where they that do not come out> and are feparaie from unlawful Communions, are expoftulated with, as xtiaking an unequally yoked fellozvfiip between rie.hte- oufnefs and unrighteoufnefs, light and darknefs, Chrift: and Belial, the Temple of God and Idols: Hence then, if we cannot partake of their Cured things, without par- caking
27a Concerning leaving of the Curates,
taking of their Altar, and becoming one body, with them and making fuch an- unequally yoked Mixture with them then we mud befeparate ; but the firft is true from theft places. This argument concludes with equal force, a- gaiaft joining with any deeply engaged in the grofs De- fections of the time. 2. Hearing of Curates is a Tefi o) our Submiffwn to them, and Compliance with them: foi lb it is required by Law, as the Afts themfelves fay c That a chearful concurrence, countenance, and afTiirancc c given to fuch Ministers, and attending all the ordinary c Meetings for Divine Worfhip, is an evidence of a due c acknowledgment of, and hearty compliance with his 4 Majefty's Government Ecdefiaftical and Civil, as now € eftablifhed by Law within this Kingdom," Acl of Pari, € July 10. 1663.' And themfelves look on all fuch as obey this A6); as their Friends, Hence, if this be finful to fubmit to them, and comply with their Eftablifhmentj in obedience to a finful Act of Parliament, then it is fin- ful to hear them ; but the former is true, as hath been fhown : Therefore 3. Hence it follows, by native
confluence, that hearing of Curates is a fign of our Ap- probation of them: for he that gives that which is re- quired, and accepted, and interpreted as an evidence of a due acknowledgment, and of compliance with the Go- vernment Ecdefiaftical, gives the fign of his Approba- tion ofit; but the hearer of Curates does that In obedi- ence to the Aft, requiring, accepting, and cxprefly in- terpreting it fo: therefore, QPc.
VIII. As we would be free of their fin, in approving of, and complying with their Courfe ; £0 We muft endea- vour to ftand at the greateft diftance from all Appearance of fin in ourfelves, either by commiflion or omiflion, in which our joining with them in thefe circumftances would involve us. For we muft abftain from all appear- ance of evil ', I Thejf.v. 22. and from every thing that circumftances may make finful : for otherwife, fuppofe a thing might be materially lawful and not finfully fin- ful, yet circumftances may make it finful, and a counte- nancing it fo circumftantiated, doth infer a communion in thefe circumftances that make it finful. They thac eat of the facrificq are Partakers of the Altar, and if the
Altar
Concerning leaving of the Curates, 275
Altar be not of God's approbation, the thing offered, though othcrwife lawful to be eaten, cannot juftify the Eaters, fo circumftantiated. An Idol is nothings and that which is offered in facrifice to Idols is nothing, yet they who eat of it, when they know it is fo circumftantiated, have fellowfbip with Devils, I Cor. x. 18, 19, 20, 21. And it is called Idolatry comp. verf 14. which provokes the Lord to jealoufy, verf. 22, Efpecially when an ac- tion is fo circumftantiated, that it would infer an omif- iion of our duty, and a declining from or denying of our Teftimony, then it is clearly finful. For whofoever /hall deny the Lord before men, him will he deny before his Father, Matth. x. 33. And we muft hold fafi the profejpon of our faith without wavering, Heb*x. 23. and keep the word of his patience, if we would be kept in the hour of tentation, and hold it faft that no man take our Crown, Rev. \i\. 10, II. c All truth muft be avowed, * and pra&ically avowed, on the greateft hazard : and c as this Teftimuny muft be full, fo muft it be alio con- c ftant. It was Demas's fhame, that the afflictions of the c Gofpel made him forfake the Apoftle, after great ap- 4 pearances for Chrift : and therefore whatever truth or c duty is oppofed, that becomes the fpecial object of this c Teftimony/ ReBius Inflruend. Confut. 3. Dial, Chap.l. Tag. 18, 19. Hence, if hearing of the Curates would infer and involve us under the guilt both of commiffion of fin, and omiflion of duty, then we cannot hear them without fin ; but the former is true : therefore alio the latter. I prove the Minor by parts. Virfi, That it would infer and involve us under the guilt of Commiffion of fin, Ail that is faid above doth evince it; and befides, palpable breach of Covenant, hereafter to be charged and cleared : and Idolatry is a great fin of that nature; but the hearing of the Curates doth infer this. Which may be made out thus; The Breach of the Second Com- mandment is Idolatry, (for to make the fins againft that command odious, they are all comprehended under that odious name of worfiipping Images, as the fins againft the Seventh are called Adultery, comprehending all un- chaft thoughts, words, and actions) ; hearing of Curates is a Breach of the Second Command : Ergo ■ .The
S Mimr
£74 Concerning hearing of the Curates.
Minor I prove thus : Every worfhip, not according to ChriiYs appointment, is a Breach of the Second Com^ mandment ; , but, hearing of Curates is a worfhip not ac- cording to Ch rift's appointment. Which I prove thus: A worfhip enjoined by, and performed in obedience to a law, eltablifhing a human Ordinance in the Church, beildes and againlt the Inftitution of Chrifr, is a wor- fhip not according to Chriit's appointment; but the hear- ing of Curates is a worfhip enjoined by, and performed in obedience to a law eltablifhing a human Ordinance, to wit, Diocefan Erafiian Prelacy, with the Curates their Substitutes. Hence alfo the Second doth follow by ne- ceiTary conference, that it would infer and involve us under the guilt of Omiffion of duty. For, firfly Ifre- du&ively it may involve us under the guilt of Idolatry and Breach of the Second Commandment, then it will infer the guilt of Omimon of thefe neceffary duties in- cumbent to the Lord's people with a reference to Ido- latry ; to make no Covenant with them nor with their gods, nor let them dwell in-the land, left they make us fin, Exod. xxiii. 32, 33. Exod. xxxiv. 14, 15. to over- throw their Altars, and break their pillars, and deftroy the names of them out of the place^ Deut. xii. 3. Judg. ii. 2. I do not adduce thefe precepts, to ftretch them to the full meafurc of the demerit of the grofTerr of Idola- ters : for as there are degrees of breaches of the Com- mandmentj fome e roller, fome fmaller, To there are aU fo degrees pf. punifhment, and as to the manner of de~ ftroying and extirpating all pieces of Idolatry : but that the commands being founded upon a Moral ground, left they be fins and fnaves unto us, do oblige us to fome en- deavour of expelling, extirpating and overthrowing all pieces of Idolatry, according to the Word and our Co- venants ; cand that the true and right zeal of God fhould 4 and would not only infpire all with an unanimous a- c verfion againft the profane intruding Curates, but a- c nimate us as one man to drive away thefe Wolves and * Thieves, and to eradicate thefe plants which our hea- c venly Father never planted, Napht. Prior edit. fag. 108.* The leaft duty that can be inferred is that of the Apoftles, Flee from IdolatryylCor.X, 1 4. which Idolatry, there
mentioned
Concerning hearing of the Curates. 275
mentioned to be avoided, is to eat of the facrifices of- fered to Idols: whence we infer, that if to eat of things confecrated to Idols be Idolatry, then alfo to partake of facred things confecrated by Idols rauft be Idolatry ; as the Curates difpeniing of Ordinances is confecrated by, and hath all its fanclion from, an Idol of Diocefan Eraftian Prelacy ; but we fee the Apoftle exprefTes the former : therefore we may infer the latter. Further > It will alio infer a declining from, and denying a necefTary Tejli~ many-, in the cafe circumftantiated. Even the fmaileft matter is great, when a Teftimony is concerned in it, were it but the circumftance of an open window \ Daniel durft not omit it upon the greateft hazard. And now this is clearly come to a cafe ofconfeffton> c when there is c no other way to exoner our confeiences before God and c the world, and declare our Non- conformity to thiscourfe c of backfliding, no getting of wrongs redreffed, or cor- c ruptions in the Miniftry removed, but by this practice: c and certainly fome way we muft give publick Tefti- c mony againft thefe courfes, and there is no other way
* fo harmlefs and innocent as this, though fuffering fot-
* low upon it, Apol. Relat. Seft. 14. 272, 273/ And now there is no other way apparent, whereby the dif- ference fhall be kept up betwixt fuch as honeftly mind the covenanted work of Reformation, and the corrupt Prelati- cal and Malignant enemies; but this argument alfo will infer the expediency of withdrawing from all Minifters with whom our circumftantiate joining would involve us in a participation with their defections.
IX. As we would endeavour to avoid fin inourfelves ; fo we muft have a care to give no Occasion of others fin- ning, by our taking Liberty in a promifcuous joining in Church-communion, whereby we maypjfm/and ftumble the Confeiences of others: for to that, in this as well as in other things, we muft have a fpecial refpedt, and for- bear things, not only for our own unclearnefs, but for the fake of others alfo. If therefore the hearing of Cu- rates be a Scandal^ we muft refufe it, be the hazard what Will: for nvhofo Jball offend one of Chrift'j little ones, it were better for him that a milftone were hanged about his
S z neck)
&"l6 Concerning leaving of the Curates.
xecky Matth. xviii. 6. No man muftj^ aftumlling Hock* or an occasion to fall in his brothers way. Rom. xiv. 13. They that fin fo again ft the brethren > and wound their weak confeiencey they fin againfi Chrifty I Cor.- viii. 12. we mult forbear fome things for Confidence fake, Con- ference y I fay, not our own> but of others , giving none of- fence, neither to the Jews, nor to the Gentiles , nor to the Church ofGody 1 Cor. x. £8, 29, 32, and fo cut off all oc- cafionfrom them that defire occafiony 2 Cor. xi. 12. c Thefc c Commands difcharge whatever Practice gives occafion 1 of our Brother's finning, of calling Truth in cjueftion, c of ading with a doubting confidence, or which weakens
* his PJcrophory or AfTurance ; and neither the Lawful- c nefs nor Indifferency of the thing itfelf, nor mens Au- c thority commanding it, nor the weaknefs, yea, or c wickednefs of thofe in hazard to be (tumbled, will c warrant the doing of that out of which offence arifes*
* Reclius Injhuend. Confut. 3. Dial. chap. I. f. 19.' Mr. Durham in that fo recited place faith, i It carries offence c along with it ; in reference to the party who runs un- c fent, it proves a ftrengthening and confirming of him, c and fo a partaking of his fin; in reference to others, ei-
* ther ftrengthens them by that example, to caft them-
* felvcs in that fhare, which poffibly may be their ruin; c or it grieves them, and makes them fad, who are ten-
* der of fuch things, or gives occafion to make all difFe- € rence of that kind to be thought light of/ Hence, if hearing of the Curates be an Offence or Scandal, both in) reference to Malignants, &\d in reference to the Godly, and in reference to the Poflerity, then it muft be avoid- ed ; but the former is true : which is evidenced by parts. Fir ft y in reference to MalignantSy it hardens and encou- rages them in their opposition to the work of God, and all Backfliders and Compilers with them in their Apo- ftafy; this ftrengthens their hands in their wicked cour- fts, when they fee how they are countenanced by all,
and that there is no difrefpeft put upon them, nor dif- fatisfacli on evinced againft their courfes, then they con- clude that they are approven of all: and this hardened* them, fo that they never once think of the evil of their way*. Next, in reference to pbe Godly > it fiumbles the
truly
Concerning hearing of the Curates, £77
truly tender, by encouraging them to do contrary to their light and confcicnce, even when they are not clear to hear them, then they are emboldened thereunto when they fee others doing fb ; and lb it tends to the wound- ing of their Peace, and makes them halt in the ways of the Lord. Ld/?/y, with reference to Vofierity^ it would prejudge them very much: though now the honeft party be nor in a capacity to tranfmit the work of Reforma- tion unco their Pofterity, in fuch a manner as were to be wifhed ; yet they fhould dofomething for keeping frefh the memory of the good old Caufc, by keeping up foms footlteps of a (landing Controversy for zions Intereft a- gainft the common Enemy: but now let ail join with* and own the Curates, what appearance of this fhall the Pofterity fee 2 fhall not they conclude that the day is loft, and thecaufe is gone, when they fee that this ge- neration hath fled the fields, or rather fold and betrayed the caufe, by owning, countenancing, and complying with the enemy, and no (landing Teftimony againft thefe corruptions 1 whereas if there were but this much of a Handing difference, betwixt the People of God ancf the common Enemies of God, to be feen, Pofterity fhalf in ibme meafure be kept from being deceived, and fhall fee the Intereft of Chrift not killed nor buried quick, but living, though in a bleeding condition, and this will occalion their engaging for Chrift, and interefting them- felves in the quarrel ; and it is far better to fee the caufe of Chrift owned, though by fufFering and blood, than fold and betrayed by bafe flenching and complying with Perfecuters. This Argument may alfo found and infer a withdrawing from the addrejjlng Minifters, who, to the great Scandal of Presbyterians, give forth their Ad- dreites in the name of all of that Pcrfwafion.
X. Our duty to themfelves, yea our greateft office of Love we owe to them, in order to their conviction, does oblige us to withdraw from them. This may feem a Paradox, yet it will be apparent, if we fearch the Scri- ptures, to fee what we owe to fcandalous Brethren. There we find it is a duty, to endeavour by all lawful means to fhame them out of their fin ; and it is an argu- ment of Haired^ when wc do not rebuke our Neighbour,
or
2/j$ Concerning hearing of the Curates.
or when we fuffer fin upon him. Lev. xix. 17. If we confiderthem then as neighbours and friends, we muft ufe endeavours to take away their fin from them ; if we confider them not as fuch, but as enemies, then we muft avoid them, and not be mingled with them, as I could adduce many Scriptures for that. But I fuppofe all that will oppofe my Thefts, would have, them considered as friends. Well then, if they be fcandalous Brethren, this is the way prefcribed by the Apoftle to deal with them, in order not to fuffer fin upon them, that we fhould with- draw from them our company; and if we muft withdraw our company, then alfo a fortiori, we muft deny them cur religious communion : for that muft either be in- cluded there, or neceftarily inferred. He writes, not to Jieep company : If any man that is called a brother (mark that fpecialty) be a fornicator, or covetous, or an Idolater, or arailer, or an extortioner, with fuch an one no not to eat> I Cor. v. II. And I prefume they that know thembeft, will grant, that it would not be hard to prove, that all the Curates in Scotland were chargeable with fbme of thefe, or at leaft partakers with them ; and that if they were all impartially impannelled, they would be rare ones, whom an honeft Jury would not bring in guilty of this libel. Then we are exprefly commanded, in the wameofvur Lordjefus Chrijl, to withdraw ourf elves from every brother that walketh Idiforderly, and not after the re- ceived tradition. And if any man obey not the word, to note him, and have no company with him, that hie may be a- fbamed, 2 The£ iii. 6, 14. Sure neither their office nor their innocency can exempt them from thefe rules. For cither they muft be confidercd as our brethren, or not; if nor, then we own no Church-communion with them ; for that is only among brethren that are {0 in fympathy and affection, and affinity, having one father and one mother: if they be brethren, then all fcandalous bre- thren are to be withdrawn from ; but they are fcanda- lous brethren : therefore they are to he withdrawn from. The Minor will not be doubted by any, but fuch as are Grangers to them, who both in their minifterial and per- gonal capacity are fo ftandalousto the conviclion of all, that profanenefs hath gone forth from them into all the
Landj
Concerning heaving of tie Curates. £ yp
Land, and they, as much as ever the profane fons of Eli, have made men to abhor the offering of the Lord, I Sam. ii. 17. But even Grangers, that areunaccjuaint with their perfonal profligatenefs and ignorance, &c. cannot be altogether ignorant of the Scandal of Prelacy and Erajlia- wifm, in which they are all involved, of the fcandal of Apoftafy, Perjury, and breach of Covenant, which is their brand, and the Nation's bane, that hath counte- nanced them. And none can doubt, but if our Church were duly conftitute, and inverted with the orderly power of Ch rift, and in capacity to exercc and improve it, they would Toon be cenfured every loul of them as fcan- dalous, as they have been alfo previoufly fentenced as fuch, by the A&s of our General AfTemblies. This Ar- gument levels alfo againft all complying, indulged, ad- drejjing Minifters, who by thefe courfes have incurred the character of diforderly Brethren.
XI. Our faithiulnefs to God, and to one another, en- gaged in our Covenants, doth oblige us to turn away from them who have broken it, andfo clafled themfelvcs among thefe Truce-breaking Traitors, who make our times perilous, from whom we muft turn away, 2 Tim. iii. I, — 5. It appears from the foregoing deduction, how folemnly thefe Nations were engaged, both to keep out and put out this Generation of Prelatifts, now pre- vailing ; the obligation of which yet lies upon all the in- habitants of the Land, with a binding force, both in re- gard of their form, and obje& and end. Hence, if the Curates be Covenant-breakers, and we alfo in owning them, then we cannot own them without fin; but the Curates are Covenant-breakers, and we alfo in owning
them ; Ergo . The Minor may be manitcft by an in-
dufHon of all the Articles of the Solemn League and Cove- riant, broken by them, andallthat own them. I. That Doclrine, Worfhip, Difcipline and Government in the lft Article , fworn to be preferved and propagated, was the Presbyterian then eftablifhed, which our Church was in pcfTeflion of, which they have oppofed, and their owners refiled from, and have not maintained. 2. We are engaged in 2d Article, to endeavour the extirpation of Vre\acy> and its. dependents \ which is diametrically op-
poilcc
zto Concerning leaving of tie CuraHh
foCittto owning of Curates : Can we own them whom \vc are bound to abhor 1 and fubmic to them whom we are bound to extirpate 1 Surely this were to rebuild what we have deftroyed, fee Napht.p. 104. and fince in rela- tion to Popery , Herefy and Schifm, this Article obliges us to difown, and not to hear Papifts and Schifmaticks, why not alfb in relation to Prelatifts,. who are the great- eft Schifmaticks ? 3. They have eftablifhed and homo- logated an Eraftian Supremacy, to the prejudice of true Religion, and the Liberties of the Church and King- dom ; and their owners have abetted and countenanced the fame, and not preferved either the Liberties of Church or Kingdom, contrary to the %d Article. 4. They have not only concealed and countenanced Malignant Enemies to this Church and Kingdom, but have themfelves been real incendiaries, hindering the reformation of Religion, making factions and parties among the people, contrary to this League and Covenant : and their hearers are fo far from bringing them to condign Punifiment, that they have ftrengthened their hands in their avowed oppofi- tion to the Covenants, contrary to the 4th Article. $• They have broken our Conjunction in firm peace and uni- on, and yet their hearers have not marked and avoided thefe caufers of Divifions, contrary to Scripture, and the 5th Article. 6. Inftead of ajfifting and defending all thefe that entred into this League and Covenant, &>c. they have been the greateft Pcrfecuters of aij them that ad- hered to it; and their owners have fuffered themfelves, hy combination or perfwaf;on, or terror, to be divided and withdrawn from their fufFering Brethren, and have made defeclion to the contrary part, and given themfelves to a deteftable indifferency in this caufe, contrary to the 6th Article. 7. Inftead of humbling themfelves for their fins, and going before others in the example of a real Reformation, they have obftinately defended their breach of Covenant, and have been Patrons and Patterns of ail deformations; and their owners and hearers have not re- pented of that neither, when they countenance fuch Co- venant-breakers and profane perfons, nor of their not la- touring for the purity and power of the Gofpel, when they feek it from fuch impure hands: neither do they go
before
Concerning hearing of the Ctiratis. &$t
fcefore others in Reformation, when they are fuch bad examples of defe&ion, contrary to theconclufion of the Covenant. This Argument will alfo ftrike againft hear- ing of fuch Minifters, that have made themfelves guilty of the fame, or equivalent breaches of Covenant.
XII. Finally, for Union's fake, and to avoid Schifm in the body, we mult withdraw from them. This may fecm another Paradox; but it is apparent, if we conii- der, That there fbouhl be no fchifm in the body, but that the members fliould have the fame care one for another, I Cor. xii. 25. And that for to prevent and remeid this, the Apoftle befeeches us to mark them which caufe divifions and offences, contrary to the doftrine which we have learned, and avoid them, Rom. xvi. 17. Now then, if the Prelates and their Curates be Schifmaticks and Separating and Dividers, then we muft avoid and withdraw from them; but fo it is, that the Prelates and their Curates are Schif- maticks and Separatifts, and Dividers: therefore we muft avoid and withdraw from them. The Minor I prove from all the Constituents of a formed Schifm, Sepa- ration and linful divilion. 1. They that ffort out from under due relations to a Church, and from her Miniftry, are Schifmaticks, Separatifts and Dividers ; bur the Pre- lates and their Curates have ftarted out from under due relations to the covenanted Church of Scotland, and from her Miniftry, in being fo unnatural rebellious Children, as have broken their Mother's beauty and bands, order and union, and razed her covenanted Reformation in Do- ctrine, Worfhip, Difcipline and Government. 2. Theic who withdraw from the communion of a true Church, and therefore are cenfureable by all her ftanding Acls, are fchifmatical Separatifts} but the Prelates and their Curates have withdrawn from the communion of the true Church of Scotland, and therefore are cenfureable by all her ftanding Ads, in that they have made a fa- ction and combination repugnant to the communion of this Church, and ail her eftablifhed order. 3. Thofe who feparate from a Church, whnfe principles and pra- ctices are fubfervient ro that Church's true union and communion, and right eftablifhmentjare properly Schif- maticks ; but the Prelates and their Curates have Sepa- rated
&S2 Concern ing hearing of the Curates,
a*a ted from this Churefy, whofe principles and praftices are fubfervient to its true union and communion, and right eflablifhment : for they could never yet impeach ©r challenge any ^principle or practice, contrary to the word of God, or not fubfervient to true union and order, but their principles and practices are ftated in opposition to her Purity and . Reformation. 4, Thofe who inno- vate the Worlfhip and Government, owned and eilabllfh- ed in a true Church, are Schifmaticks; but the Prelates and their Curates have innovated the Worfhip and Go^ vernment of th^ true Church of Scotland, in bringing a Doctrine new and odd, and not the votce of this Church ; and their worfhip, over and above the corruption ad- hering to it, is the worshipping of an innovating party, contrary to. our Church's eftablifhed order.* 5. They that make a rent in the bowels of the true and genuine Church, are the Schifmaticks ; but the Prelates and their Curates have made a rent in the bowels of this Church,and have caufed all the divifionsin this Church. 4. Thofe that divide themfelves f rom the fellowfhip of a pure Crunch, cither in her Miniftry, lawful Courts and Ordinances, are the Schifmaticks ; but the Prelates and their Curates have divided themfelves from the fellowfhip of this pure Church, in her Miniftry, lawful Courts and Ordinances, in thatthey havecaufed the ejection of her Miniftry, diffipa- tion of herAilemblies, and fubverfion of her pure Ord inan- ces. 7. Thofe that break union with fuch, to whom they were under obligations to adhere, are fchifmatical Dividers; but the Prelates and their Curates have broken union with fuch to whom they were under obligations to adhere, both from the antecedent morally obliging duty, and from the fuperadded obligation of the Cove- Bants, neither could they ever pretend any thing that might ioofe the obligation. 8. That party in a reformed Church, which having overturned her Reformation, hath (bur out,' laid afide, and perfecute away found ad- herers thereunto, both Minifters and ProfefTors, and will not admit Ministers to officiary, but upon the fmful terms of compliance with their way, are Schifmaticks; but the Prelates and their Curates are that parry in this reformed Church, which having overturned her Refor- mation,
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 285
^nation, hath fhut out, laid afide, and pcrfecute away found adherers thereunto, &c: therefore they are the Schifmaticks to be withdrawn from, and their way is che Schifin, which we arc bound to extirpate ir^ the Co- venant.
HEAD II.
The Sufferings of many for refufing to own the Tyrant's Authority vindicated.
THE other grand Ordinance of God, Magistracy ^ which he hath in his Sovereign Wifdom, juftice, and Goodnefs, appointed, ordained, and confecrated, for the 4efnon(rration, illuftration, and vindication of his own Glory, and the communication, confervation, and reparation of the peace, fafety, order, liberty, and univerfal good of mankind, is next to thar of the Mini- Jlry of greateft concern: wherein not only the prudence, policy, property, and liberty of men, but alfo the con- science, duty, and religion of Chriftians, have a fpecial interefr. And therefore it is nolefs important, pertinent, profitable, and neceiTary for every one that hath any of thefe to care and contend for, keep or recover, to inquire into and understand fomething of the infticution, confti- tution, nature, and boundaries of the facred Ordinances of Magiftracy, than into the holy Ordinance of the Miniftry ; fo far at leaft as may confirt with the fphere of every one's capacity and (ration, and may conduce to the fa- tisfa&ion of every one's conference, in the discharge of the duties of their relations. Every private man indeed hath neither capacity, concern, nor neceffity, to (tudy the Politicks, or fearch into the fecrets, or Intrigues of Government, no more than he is to be verfed in all the Administrations of Ecclefiaftical Policy, and Interefte of the Miniftry ; yet every man's Conference is no lefs concerned, in diftinguifhing the character of God's Mi- nifters t)f Juftice, the -Magi (irate s, to whom he owes and owns allegiance, that chey be not ufurping Tyrants,
everting
£84 Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority.
everting the Ordinance of the Magiftracy, than in ac- knowledging the character of Chrift's Minifters of the Gofpel, to whom he owes and owns obedience, that they be not, ufurping Prelates or Importers, perverting the Ordinance of the Miniftry. The Glory of Gbd is much concerned, in our owning and keeping pure and intire, according to his Will and Word, both thefe Or- dinances. And our Confcierice as well, as Interefi is con- cerned in the advantage or hurt, profit or prejudice, of the right, or wrong, obfervation or prevarication, of both thefe Ordinances ; being interefted in the advantage of Magiftracy, and hurt of Tyranny in the State, as well as in the advantage of the Miniftry, and hurt of Diq- cefan, or Eraftian Supremacy in the Church ; in the ad- vantageof Liberty, and hurt of Slavery in the State, as well as in the advantage of Religion, and hurt of Vro- fanenefs in the Church ; in the profit of Laws, and pre- judice of Prerogative in the State, as well as in the profit of Truth, and prejudice of Error in the Church ; in the profit of Peace and true Loyalty, and prejudice of oppref- iion and rebellion in the State, as well as in the profit of Purity and Unity, and prejudice of Defection and Di- vifion or Schifm, in the Church. So that in conscience, we are no more free to proftitute our loyalty and liberty abfolutely, in owning every PoiTefTor of the Magiftracy; than we are free to proftitute our religion and faith im- plicitely, in owning every Pretender to the Miniftry. This may feem very Paradoxical to fome, becaufe fb difTonant and difTentient from the vulgar, yea almoft u~ niverfal and inveterate opinion and practice of the world, that hitherto hath not been fo precife in the matter of Magiftracy. And it may feem yet more ftrange, that not only fbme fhould be found to ^ffcit this ; but that any fhould be found fb ftridt and ftrait-laced, as to ad- venture upon fuffering, and even to death, for that which hath hitherto been feldom fcrupled, by anv that were forced to fiibjeclion under a yoke, which they had no force to (hake off, and wherein religion feems little or nothing concerned ; for not owning the authority of the prefent PoiTefibrs of the place of Government : which teems to be a Queftion not only execntrick and extrin-
ikk
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority, 285
Cck to religion, but fuch a State- Queft ion, as forits thor- ny Intricacies and Difficulties, is more proper for Politici- ans and Lawyers to difpute about, (as indeed their de- bates about this head of authority, have been as manr* fold and multiplied as about any one thing), than for private Chrijiians to fearch into, and fuffer for, as a pare of their Teftimony. But if we will caft off prejudices, and the Tyranny of cuftom, and the bondage of being bound to the world's mind in our inquiries about Tyran- #y, and fuffer ourfelves to ponder impartially the im- portance of this matter; and then to ftate the cjueftion right ; we (hall find religion and conference hath no fmall intereft in this bufinefs. They mull have no fmall intereft in it, if we confider the importance of this mat- ter, either extenfively, or objectively, or fubje&ively. Extenjively confidered, it is the intereft of all mankind to know and be refblved in confidence, whether the Go- vernment they are under be of God's Ordination, or of the Devil's adminiftration ? Whether it be Magiftracy or Tyranny 1 Whether it gives fecurity for religion and li- berty, to themfelves and their pofterity ? Or whether it induces upon themfelves, and entails upon the pofterity, ilavery as to both thefe invaluable interefts 1 Whether they have matter of praifc to God for the bleflings and mercies of Magiftracy , or matter of mourhing for the plagues and miferies of Tyranny, to the end they may- know both the fins and fnares, duties and dangers, cafe and Crijis, of the times they live in ? All men, that ever enjoyed the mercy of a right conftitute Magiftracy, have experienced, and were bound to blcfs God for the blefied fruits of it: and, on the other hand, the world is full of the tragical monuments of Tyranny, for which men were bound both to fearch into the caufes, and fee the effedts of fuch plagues from the Lord, to the end they might mourn over both. And from the beginning it hath been obferved, that as peoples fins have always procured the Icourge of Tyranny, fo all their miferies might be re- founded upon Tyrants encroachments, ufurping upon or betraying their truft, and overturning religion, "laws and liberties. Certainly mankind is concerned in point of lDtcreft and confeience, to inquire into the caufe and cure
of
286" Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority.
of this Bpidemick diftemper, that hath fo long held the world in mifery, and fo habitually, that now it is be* come, as it were, natural to ly ftupidly under it ; that is, that old ingrained Gangrene of the King's Bvity or compliance with Tyranny ; that hath long afrli&ed the kingdoms of the world, and affedled not only their backs in bearing the burden thereof; but their hearts into a Lethargick ftupor of infenfiblenefs ^ and their heads in infatuating and intoxicating them with notions of the iacrednefs anduncoutroulablenefs of Tyranny ; and their hands m infeebling and fettering them from all attempts to work a cure : or elfe it hath had another effect on many that have been fenfible of a touch of it ^ even e- cjuivalent to that, which an ingenious Author, Mr„Geey in his Preface to the Divine right and Original of the Civil Magi fir ate^ (to which \Mr. Durham is not abfonant), ex- pounds to be the effe& of the Fourth Vial, Rev. xvi. 8, 9. when in thefe Dog-days of the world, power is given to the Sun of Imperial, especially Popifh, Tyranny^ by their exorbitant ftretchesof a bfblute Prerogative, to fcorch men with fire of furious oppreflions, they then blafphemethe Name of God which hath power over thefe Vlagues^ in their Male-content complaints, grumblings, grudgings, and murmurings under the mifery, but they do not repent, nor give him Glory, in mourning over the caufes pro- meriting fuch a Plague, and their own acceffion in ex- poiing themfelves to fuch a fcorching fun, nakedly withn out a fconce. Certainly this would be the remedy that confidence would fuggeft, and intercft would incite to, an endeavour either of allaying the heat, or of fubtra fl- ing from it under a fhelter, by declining the oblique malignity of its fcorching rays. But will'the world ne- ver be awakened out of this dream and dotage, of dull and ftupid fubjcction to every monfter that can mount a Throne 1 Sure at length it may be expected, cither Confci- ence from within as God's deputy, challenging for the pal- pable perverfion of this His excellent Ordinance, or Judg- ments from without, making fenfible of the effects of it, will convince and confute thefe old inveterate prejudices. And then thefe Martyrs for that univerfal intereft oi man- kind, who got the fore-ftart and the firft fight of this,
will
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority* 287
will not be fo flouted as fools, as now they are. And who knoweth, what prelude or preparative, fore-boding and prefaging the downfal of Tyranny, may be in its afpirings to this height of arbitrary Abfohitenefs, and in the many cjueiiions raifed about it, and by them impo- fed upon confcicnces to be refolved. If we eoniider the Object of this cjueition; as confeience can only clear it, fo in nothing can it be more concerned. It is that greac Ordinance of God, mod fignally imprefTed by a very fa- cred and iiiuftrious Character of the Glorious Majefty of the Molt High, who hath appointed Magiftracy ; - in which, confldering either its fountain, or dignity, ends, or effects, confidence mud have a very great concern. The Fountain or efficient eaufe of Magiftracy, is high and fublime, The -powers that are, be of God, not only by the all-difpofing hand of God in his Providence, as Tyranny is, nor only by way of naked Approbation, but by Divine lvftitution\ and that not only in the general, by at leaft a iecondary law of nature, but alfo the fpe- cial inveftiture of it, in inftitution and constitution, is from God ; and therefore they are faid to be ordained of God, to which Ordinanccwe muft be fubjeel, not only for wrath, but alfo for Confeience fake : which is the great duty required in che Fifth Command, the Firft Command- ment with prom ife ; that hath the priority of place before all the Second Table, becaufe the other Commandments refp'edr. each fome one intereft, this hath a fupereminenc influence upon all. But Tyrannical powers are not of God in this fenfe. And it were blafphcmy to aflert they were of the Lord's authorization, confeience cannot bind to a fubjedtion to this. Again, the Dignity of Ma- giftracy, ordained for the maintenance of truth and rignteoufnefs, the only foundation of peoples felicity, whether temporal or eternal, including the bonds and boundaries of all Obedience and fubjeclion, for which they are intended, and to which they refer, is fuperemi- went) as that Epithet o\hi?her added to the Powers that are of God, may be rendered; makino them high and fublime in Glory, whofe highefl Prerogative is, That, bein? God's Minifters, they fit in the Throne of God, a- Bointed of the Lord ; judging not for man, but for the
Lord,
288 Concerning vwmiig \of tyrants Authority.
Lord, as the Scripture fpeaksi To tills tt^fience is
> concerned in duty to render honour as due, ;by^ the pre- fcript of the Fifth Commandment; but for'TyKan^y* conicience is bound to deny it, becaufe not Mcy no more
• • ^ than obedience, which conicience dare not pay to a - throne of iniquity, and a throne of the Devil, as Ty- ranny may be called as really, as Magiftracy is called - the Throne of God. Next, Confcience is much concern- ed in the Ends of Magiftracy, which are the grcatcrl, the Glory of God, and the good of mankind. And, in the Effecls of it, the maintenance of truth, righteoufnefs, religion, liberty, peace, and fafcty, and all choicer! ex- ternal bltffings ; but the ends and effects of Tyranny are quite contrary, domineering for plea flire, and deftroying for profit. Can we think that conicience is nothing con- cerned here, that thefe great ends fhall be fubverted, and the effects precluded ; and to that effect, that Ty- ranny not only be fbrewded under a privilege of impu- nity, but by our fubje&ion and acknowledgement of xt% as a lawful power, encouraged into ail enormities, and licenfed to ufurp, not only our liberties, but God's Throne by an uncontrpulable Sovereignty ? But if we con- fider the fubjetlive concern of confcience, it muft be very great ; when it is the only thing that prompts to fub-
> jedion,that regulates fiibjecHon, and is a bottom for fub- jedion to lawful powers. If it were not out of confcience, men that are free born are naturally fuch lovers of li- berty, and under corruption fuch lufters after licentioufc nefs, that they would never come under the order of this Ordinance, except cbnftrained for wrath's fake : but now, underftanding that they chat refift the power, re- fift the Ordinance of God, and they that refift fhall re- ceive to themfelves Damnation, they muft needs be fub- je&, not only for wrath, but alfo for Confcience fake. If conicience were not exercifed in regulating our duty to Ma^iirates, we would either obey none, or elfe would obftrve all their commands promifcuoufly, lawful or un- lawful, and would make no differeace either of the mat- ter commanded, or the power commanding : but now, underftanding that wrmuft obey God rather than man, and that we muft vender to all their dues, fear to whom
fear,
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority* 289
fear, honour to whom honour, -confcience regulates us what and <vhom to obey. And without conscience there is IkrJe hope tor government to prove either beneficial or permanent ; Lrtle likelihood of either a real, regular, or durable fuojection to it. The decernible (landing of go- vernment upon confcientious grounds, is the only thing that can bring in confcience, and a confcientious fubmifr lion to it; it being the higheii and mod kindly principle of, and the itrongeft and mod lalting obligation to, any- relative duty. It will not be Liberty of Confcience, (as faith the late Declaration for* jt) but reality of Confcience, and government founded upon a bottom of Confcience, that a;/// unite the Governed to the Governors, by inclination -as well as duty. And if that be, then there is needful a ruleof God's revealed preceptive will, (the only Cynofure and Emprefs of confcience), touching the founding and creating of governmj^ that it have the (tamp of God's Authority. It murFnecds then follow, that confcience hath a very great concernment in this cjneftion in the general, and that, before it be forced to an abandoning of its light in a matter of fuch moment, it will rather oblige people that are confcientious to fufFcr the worn: that Tyrants can do ; efpecially when it is impofed and obtruded upon confcience, to give its fufFrage and ex- press acknowledgement that the prefent Tyranny is the Authority of God, which is fb viiible in the view of all that have their eyes open, that the meaneft capacity that was never converfant in laws and politicks can give this verdict that the conftitution and adminiftration of the government of the two Royal Brothers, uwder whofe bur- den the earth and we have been groaning thefe twenty feven years part, hath been a compleat and habitual Ty- ranny, and can no more be owned to be Magdftracy, than robbery can be acknowledged to be a rightful pof- feffion. Ir is fo plain, that I need not the help of Lawyers and Politicians to demonftrate it, nor launch into the ocean of their endlefs debates in handling the head of Magiftracy and Tyranny : yet I fball improve what help I find in our raoft approved Authors who have enlarged upon this queltion, f though not ^s Imuft ftate it), to dilucidare the matter in tiHoefr* and refer to
T iM
£oo 'Concerning owning of 'Tyrants Authority*
the foregoing dedu&ion of the fucceffion of TeftimonieS againft Tyranny, to clear it in Hypotheji. Whence we may fee the occafion, and clearly gather the folution of the Queftion, which is this :
Whether a -people^ long , opprejfed with the encroachments cf Tyrants and Vfurpers^ may difown their pretended Auiho- . riiy ; and*, when imposed upon-, to acknowledge it> may ra- ther choofe tofiiffer than to own it ?
To clear this cjueftion: I (ball firft premit fome con~ cejjions, and then come more formally to rcfolve ir.
I. It muft be granted the queftion is extraordinary ^ and never fo Mated by any Writer on this head; which makes it the more difficult and odious, becaufe odd and lin- gular, in the efteem of thofe who take up opinions ra- ther from the Number of Votes than from the weight of the reafons of the AiTerters of them. It will alfo be yielded, that this was never a CafeofConfeJJion for Chri- itians to fufFer upon. And the reafon of both is, becaufe, before thefe feven years parr, this was never impofec! upon private and common fubje&s to give an account ex their thoughts and conference about the lawfulnefs of the government they lived under. Conquerors and U- furpers fometimes have demanded an acknowledgement of their authority, from men of greater! note and frroke in the countries they have feized ; but they never fince the creation urged it upon common people, as a teft of Loyalty ; but thought always their laws and power to execute them on Offenders, did fecure their fubje&ion. Or otherwife to what purpofe are laws made, and the execution of them committed to men in power, if they he not thought a fuiBcient fence Tor the authority that makes them ; except it alfo have the actual acknowledge- ment of the fubjecls to ratify it? Men that are really in- vented with .authority, would think it both a difparagc- mentto their authority, and would difdain fuch a fufpi- cfon of the queftionablenefs of it, as to put it as a quefti- ©n to the fubje£fo, whether they owned ir or nor. But the Gentlemen that rule us, have fallen upon a pi*ce of tinrrecedenred policy \ wherein thev think both to in- volve the narion in the guilt of their unparalelled rebel- !ion againft the Lord, by. owning that authority thaD
pro-*
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 29 1
promotes ic ; and fb fecure their ufurpations, cither by the fuffrage of all that own them, or by the extirpation of the confcientious that dare not, with the odium and
! obloquy of being enemies to authority ; by which trick they think to bury the honour [of their Teiiimony. Yet in lobriety without propheiying it may be prefumed* at the long run, this project will prove very prejudicial to their inrereft : and herein they may verify that Scots proverb, o'erfafl o'er loofe, and accomplifh thefe Divine fzyingSy He difappo'wteth the devices of the Crafty , he ta* heth the Wife in their ownCrafiinefS) and the Counfel of the fro ward is carried headlong. For as they have put people upon this queftion, who would not otherwife have made fuch inquiries into it ', and now finding they muft be rc- folved in confcicnce to anfvver it, whenever they fhrall fee brought before them ; upon a very overly fearch, they fee terrible Tyranny written in legible bloody cha- racters almoft on all adminilrrations of the government, and fo come to be fixed in the verdict that their con- fcience and the word of God gives of it; fo it may be thought, this queftion now ftarted, for as defpicable be- ginnings it hath, yet ere it come to a full and final de- cifion, will be more enquired into through the world, and at length prove as fatal to Tyranny, as ever any thing could be, and then they may know whom to thank. But however, though the queftion be extraordi- nary, and the fufferings thereupon be unprecedented ; and! therefore, among other contra dictions that may be ob- jected, that neither in Hiftory nor Scripture we can find
I inftances of private people their refufing to own the au- thority they were under, nor of their fuffering for that re-
! fufal ; yet ncverthelefs it may be duty without example.
' Many things may be done, though not againft the law of God, yet without a precedent of the practice of the
1 people of God. Though we could not adduce an ex-
j ample for it, yet we can gather it from the law of God, that Tyranny muft not be owned, this will be equiva- lent to a thoufand examples. Every age in fbme things muft be a precedent to the following, and I think never did any age produce a more honourable precedent, than this beginning to decline a yoke under which all ages have groaned.
T 2 £, Ir
isjhs Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority.
2. It will be alfogranted,itis not always indifpenfibfj? necefTary, at all times, for a people to declare their dis- claim of the Tyranny they are under, when they can* not (hake it off; nor, when they are ftaged for their duty before wicked and tyrannical judges, is it always ncceffary to difown their pretended authority pofitively ; when either they are not urged with cjueftions about it, then they may be filent in reference to that; or when they are impofed upon to give their judgment of it, they are not always obliged, as in a Cafe of Confeffiony to de- clare all their mind, efpecially when fuch cjueftions are put tofthemjwith a manifeft defjgn to entrap their lives, or intangle their confcience. All truth is not to be told at all times ; neither are all cjueftions to be anfwered •when impertinently interrogate, but may be both cau-^ tioufly and confcientioufly waved. We have Chrift's own practice, and his faithful fervant Paul's example, for a pattern of fueh prudence and Chriftian caution. But yet it were cruel and unchriftian rigour, to cenfure fuch as, out of a pious principle of zeal to God and, con- Icience of duty, do freely and pofitively declare their judgment, in an abfblute difbwning of their pretended authority, when pofed with fuch cjueftions, though to the manifeft detriment of their lives, they confcientiouf- ly looking upon it as a cafe of confefHon. For where the Lord hath not peremptorily aftri&ed his ConfciTors to fuch rules of prudence, but hath both promifed, and ufually gives his Spirit's conduct, encouraging and ani- mating them to boldnefs, fb as before hand they Ihould not take thought how or what they flball fpeak, and in that fame hour they find it given them, it were prefumption for us to ftint them to our rules of prudence. We may indeed find rules to know, what is a cafe of confeffion ; but hardly can it be determined, what truth or duty we are cjueftioned about is not, or may not be, a cafe of confeffion. And who can deny, but this may be; an fbme circumftances a cafe of confeffion, even pofitive- ly to difown the pretended authority of a bloody court or council ? when either they go out of their fphere, taking upon them Chrift's fupremacy, and the cognizance of the concerns of hi$ crown, whereof they are judges noways
com-
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority] 295
Competent ; then they muft freely and faithfully be de- clined. Or when, tothe difhonour of Chrift, they blas- pheme his authority, and the facrcd boundaries he hath* preferibed to all human authority, and will afTert an il- Jimited abfolute authority, refuling and difeharging all offered Legal and Scriptural reftri&ions to be put there- upon, (as hath been the cafe of the moft part of thefe worthy, though poor Martyrs, who have died upon this head) then they muft think themfelvtes bound to difbwn it. Or when they have done fome cruel indig- nity and defpight to the Spirit of God, and to Chrift: his Prerogative and Glory, and work of Reformation, and people, in murdering them without mercy, and im- pofing this owning of their, King, by whofe authority all is acted, as a condemnation of thefe WifneiTes of Chrift their Teftimony., and a justification of their bloody cruelties againft them, which hath frequently been the cafe of thefe poor people that have been ftaged upon this account : in this cafe, and feveral others of this fort that might be mentioned, then they may be free and poficive in difbwning this teft of wicked Loyalty, as the Mark of the Dragon of the fecular beaft of Tyranny,' And in many fuch cafes, when the Lord gives the Spi- rit, I fee no reafon but that Chrift's WitneiTes muft fol- low his Pattern of Zeal in the cafe of confeflion, which he witneiTed before Pontius Pilate in afferting his own Kingfhip, as they may in other cafes follow his Pattern of Prudence. And why may we not imitate the Zeal of Stephen, who called the Council before whom he was ftaged flijf necked Rejifters of the Holy Ghoft> Perfecuters of the Prophets, and Betrayers and Murderers of Chrift: the juft One, as well as the Prudence oiPauH Bur, how- ever it be, the prefent Teftimony againft this pretended authority lies in the Negativey which obliges always, for ever and for ever.; that is to fay, we plead, that it muft never be owned. There is a great difference between a polltive Difoavninz and a not Owning ; though the firft be not always necefFary, the latter is the Teftimony of the day, and a negative cafe of confeflion, which is always clearer than the pofitive. Though we muft not always confefs every truth, yet we muft never deny any.
3. Ic
3JJ4 "Concerning owning of tyrants Authority.
5. It is confeifed, we arc under this fad difad vantage fcefides others, that not only all our Brethren, groaning under the fame yoke with us, will not take the fame way of declining this pretended authority, nor adven- ture, when called, to declare their judgment about it, (which we do not condemn, as is faid, and would ex- peel: from the rules of equity and charity, they will noc condemn us, when we find ourfelves in confeience bound to ufe greater freedom) but alfb fome when they do de- clare their judgment, give it in terms condemnatory o£ and contradictory unto our Teftimony,inthat they have freedom pofitively to own this Tyranny as Authority, and the Tyrant as their lawful Sovereign : and many of our Minifters alfo are of the fame mind. And further, as we have few exprefly afterting our part of the debate, as it is now ftated ; fo we have many famous and learned Divines exprefly againft us in this point, as efpecially we iindin their Comments upon Rom. xiii. among whom I cannot diifemble my forrow to find the great Calvin> faying, Sxpefolent inquheYe> &*cx ? Men often enquire, by
* what right they have obtained their power who have
* the rule .' it fhould be enough to us that they do go-
* vern ; for they have not aCended to this eminency by
* their own power, but are impofed by the hand of the
* Lord* As zlJLoJPareus faying too much againft us. For anfwer to this, I refer to Mr. Knox his reply to Lething- to?7j producing feveral Teftimonies of Divines againft him upon this very fame head; wherein he (hews, that the occafions of their Difcourfes and Circumftances wherein they were ftated, were very far different from thofe that IiaVe to do with Tyrants and Ufurpers, as indeed they that are moil concerned, and fmart moft under their Icourge, arc in beft cafe to fpeak to the purpofe. I .{hail only fay, mens averment, in a cafe of Confeience, is not an oracle, when we look upon it with an impartial eye, in the cafe wherein we are not prepoilefled : it will bear no other value, than what is allayed with the imperfe- ctions of fallibility; and moreover is contradicted by fome others, whofe Teftimony will help us as much to confirm our perfuafion, as others will hurt us to infirmity
4, But now when. Tyrants, go for Magiftratcs, left my
plea
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 295
plea againft owning Tyranny, fhould be miftaken, as if ic were a pleading for Anarchy, I muft aiTert, that I and all thole I am vindicating, are for Magistracy, as being of Divine Original, inftitute for the common good of human and Chriftian Societies, whereunto every Soul muft befubjecl, of whatfoever quality or character, and not only for wrath but alfb for confcience fake ( though as to our foul and confcience, we are not fubjedt) which whofoever refifteth, rejijleth the Ordinance of God, and a- gainft which Rebellion is a damnable fin, whereunto (according to the fifth Commandment, and the many re- iterated exhortations of the Apoftles) we muft be fubjeit, and obey Magiftrates, and fubm'tt ourfelves to every Ordi? nance of Man for the Lord's fake, whether it be unto the King as Supreme, &c. And we account it a hateful brand of them that walk after thefefi, to defpife Govern- ment, to be prefumptuous, f elf-willed, and not afraid to /peak evil of dignities', and that they are filthy dreamers^ who defpife dominion, and /peak evil cf dignities, andofthofe things which they know not We allow the Magiftrate, in whatfoever form of Government, all the power the Scri- pture, Laws of Nature or Nations, or Municipal do al- low him; aiTerting, that he is the keeper and avenger of both the Tables of the Law, having a power over the Church, as well as the State, futted to his capacity, that is, not formally Ecclefiaftical, but objectively, for the Church's good ; an external power, of providing for the Church, and protefting her from outward violence, or inward diforder, an imperate power, of commanding all to do their refpeclive duties ; a civil power of punifh- ing all, even Church-officers, for crimes ; a fecondary power of judicial approbation or condemnation; or de- cretive, in order to give his fandlion to fvnodical Refulrs; a cumulative power, affifting and (lengthening the Church in all her privileges, fubfervienr, though not fer- vile, co-ordinate with Church-power, not fubordinate (though as a Chriftian he is fubjeci) in his own affairs, to wit, Civil ; not to be declined as Judge, but to be o- beyed in all things lawful, and honoured and ftrengthened with all his dues. We would give unto Cefar the things that arc Cefar s, and to God the things that are God's ;
but
2,1)6 Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority.
but to Tyrants, that ufurp and pervert both the things qf God and of Cefar, arid of the peoples liberties, we can render none of them, neither God's, nor Cefar's, nor our own : nor can we from confidence give him any other deference, but as an enemy to all, even to Cod, to Cefar> and the people. And in this, though it doth not found now with Court-para fires, nor with others that are in- fected with royal Indigencies and Indemnities, we bring forth but the tranfumpt of old principles, according to which our fathers walked when they ltill contended for Religion and Liberty, againft tl\e attemptings and ag- grcflions of Tyranny, againft both.
5< It muft be conceded, it is not an eafy thing to make a man in the place of Magiftracy a Tyrant : for as every efcape, error, or act of unfaithfulnefs, even knowji and continued in, whether in a Minifter's entry to the Miniftry, or in his Dodtrine, doth not unminiiier him, nor give fufficient ground to withdraw from him, or re- ject him as a Minifter of Chrift: fo neither does every enormity, mifdemeanour, or act of Tyranny, injuftice, yerfidy, or profanity in the Civil Magiftrate, whether as to his way of entry to that office, or in the execution ©fit, or in his private or perfonal behaviour, denomi- nate him a Tyrant or an Ufurper, or give fufEcienc ground to diveit him of magiilratical power, and reject him as the lawful Magiftrate. It is not any one or two Acts contrary to the royal Covenant or Office, that doth denude a man of the royal Dignity, that Gdd and the People gave him. David committed twq acts of Tyran- ny, Murder and Adultery', yet the people were to ac- knowledge him as their King (and fo it may be f^id of ibme others^ owned ftill as Kings in Scripture) the rea- ibn is3 becaufe though he finned againft a man or fome particular perfbns, yet he did not fin againft the State, and the catholick Good of the Kingdom, fub- verting Law ; for then he would have turned Tyranr, and ceafed to have been lawful King. There is a great difference between a Tyrant in acly and a Tyrant in ha- hit ; the firft does not ceale to be a King. But on the o- ther hand, as every thing will not make a Magiftrate to be a Tyrant; fb nothing will make a Tyrant by habit a
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority, 297
Magiftrate. And as every fault will not unminiftera Mmiiier; fo fbme will oblige the people to reject his ^MiniiUy, as if he turn heretical, and preach Atheiim, Mahometan'tfm, or the like, the people, though they could not formally depofc him, or through the corrup- tion of the times could not get him depofed ; yet "they might reject and difown his Miniftry: fo it will be granted, that a people have more power in creating a Magistrate, than in making a Minifterr and confe- Cjuently they have more right, and may have more lighc in difowning a King, as being unkinged ; than in dis- owning a Miniftcr, as being unminiftred. It will be neceftary therefore, for clearing our way, to fix upon fome ordinary characters of a Tyrant, which may dip criminate him from a Magiftrate, and be ground of dis- owning him as fuch. I fhall rehearfe fome, from very much approved .Authors; the application of w7hich will be as appofite to *he two Brothers, that we have been burdened with, as if they had intended a particular and exact defcription of them. Buchanan de jure regni apud ScotoS) fhews, c That the word Tyrant was at firft ho-
* nourable, being attributed to them that had the full € power in their hands, which power was not aftricfed c by any bonds of Laws, nor obnoxious to the cognition c of Judges ; and that it was the ufuai denomination of € Heroes, and thought at firft fo honourable, that it was
* attributed to the gods: but as Nero and Judas were
* fometimes among the Romans and Jews names of grea-
* teft account, but afterwards by the faults of two men
* of thefe names, it came to pais, that the moft flagiti- c ous would not have thefe names given to their Children , c fo in procefs of time, Rulers made this name fo infa-
* mous by their wicked deeds, that all men abhorred ir,
* as contagious ahd peftilentious, and thought it a more
* light reproach to be called a hangman trnn a Tyrant.* Thereafter he condefcends upon feveral characters of a Tyrant. c 1. He that doth not receive a Government c by the will of the people, but by force invadeth ir, or f hitercepeth k by fraud, is a Tyrant; and who domi- c neers even over the unwilling (for a Kino; rules by Con- f fent, but a Tyrant by Confivaint) and procures the fupreme
c Rule
2$S 'Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority*
€ Rule without the peoples Confent, even though for fe*»
* veral years they may ■ fo govern, that the people fhall c not think it irldbme/ 'Which very well agrees with theprefent Gentleman that rules over us, who, after he* was by,publick vote in Parliament fecluded from the Government, of which the ftanding Laws of both King- doms made him incapable for his Murders, Adulteries and Idolatries, by force and fraud did intercept firft an 4& for his §ucceffion in Scotland, and then the actual Succession in 'England, by blood and treachery, ufurping and intruding himielf into the Government, without any compact with, or confent of the people ; though now he Uudies to make himfeif like another Syracufan Hiero, or the Florentine Coj mo de Medkes, in a mild moderation of his ufurped power; but the Weft of England, and the Weft of Scotland both, have felt the force of it. £• He does not govern for the fubjecls welfare, or fublick utility, lout for himfeif having no regard to that, but to Ms own Jufi', * ading in this like robbers, who cunningly di£-
* pofingof what wickedly they have acquired, do feek « the praifeof Juftice by injury, and of Liberality by c robbery; fo he can makefbmefhew of a civil Mind ; c but fo much the lefs.alTurance gives he of it, that it is € manifeft, he intends not thereby the fubje£ts good, but c the greater fecurity of his own lufts, and inability of c empire ov^er poflefity, having fomewhar mitigated the c peoples hatred, which when he hath done, he will
* turn back again to his old manners; for the fruit which c is to follow, may eafily be known, both by the feed, € and by the fower thereof.' An exadl: copy of this weV have feen within thefe two years, as oft before in the rule of the other brother. After God hath been robbed of his Prerogatives, the Church of her Privileges, the State of its Laws, the Subjects of their'Liberty and Pro- perty, he is now affecting the praife, and captating the applaufe of tenderaefs to confidence, and love of Peace, by offering now Liberty after all his Cruelties ; wherein all the thinking part of mep do difcern he is profecuting that hellifh Projeft, introducing Popery and Slavery, and overturning Religion, Law and Liberty. 3. The Kingly Government is according fo Nature, the Tyrannical
againft
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 295
againft it ; Principality is the kingly Government of a Free* man among ft Freemen ', the Tyrannical a Government of a. Majier over Slaves. Tyranny is againft Nature, and a icafterly Principality over Slaves. Can he be ca.lcd a father, who accounts his fubjeits (laves ? or a fhepherd, who does not feed, but devours his flock? or a Pilot, who doth always ftudy to make fhip wrack of the goods, and ffnkes a leak in the very fhip where he fails? Whajc is he then that bears command, not for the peoples ad- c vantage, but ffudiesonly himfelf, wholeadeth his fubr
* jecls inco manifeft fnares ? He (hall not verily be ac- c counted by me either Commander, Emperor or Go- c vernor.' King fames VI. alfo, in a fpeech to the Par- liament in the year 1609, makes this one character of a Tyrant, when he begins to invade his Subjects Rights and Liberties. And if this be true, then we have not had a. King thefe many years : the foregoing deduction will demonftrate, what a flavery we have been under. 4. What is he theny who doth not contend for virtue with the goody but to exceed the moft flagitious in vices ? ' If you fee
then any ufurping the royal Name, and nor excelling in any virtue, but driving to exceed all in bafenefs, not tendering his fubjeds good with native affeclion, but pre/Ting them with proud domination, efteeming the people committed to his truft, not for their lifeguard, but for his own gain ; will you imagine this man is truly a King, albeit he vapours with a numerous Le- vee-guard, and makes an orientation of gorgeous Pomp?' The learned Althufius like wife in his Politicks,
Chap. 38. Num. 1 5. (as he is cited by Jus Populi, Chap. 1 6.
p. 347.) makes this one character of a Tyrant, that
* living in Luxury, Whoredom, Greed and Idlenefs, he ne- c glecleth, or is unfit for his Office.9 How thefe fmt our times we need not exprefs; what effronrry of impudence is it, for fuch monfters to pretend to rule by virtue of a- DV Authority derived from God, who pollute the world with their Adulteries and Incefts, and live in open defi- ance of all the Laws of the univerlal King; with whom to exceed in all villanies is the way to purchafe the coun- tenance of the Court, and to afpire to preferment? No UdiogahalduS) ckc. could ever coxae up the length- in
wicked*
300 Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority,
wickednefs, that our Rulers have profefled. 5, He cam "transfer unto himfelf the firength of all Laws, and abrogate them when hepleafes. King fames VI. in that forccited
Jeech faith, A King degenerateth into a Tyrant , when he tveth to rule hy Law. Althufius alfo, in the forecited ace, faith, * There is one kind of Tyranny, which c confifteth in violating, changing, or removing of fua- c damental Laws, fpecially fuch as concern Religion; c fuch, faith he, Philip the King of Spain, who, contra- c ty to the fundamental Belgick IUws, did ereel: an ad- c minidration of Jufiice by force of arms; and fuch was c Charles IX. of France, that thought to overturn the Sa- 4 lick Law.' All that knoweth what hath been done in Britain thefe 27 years, can atteft our Laws have beenfub- verted, the Reformation of Religion overturned, and all our belt Laws refcinded ; and now the penal Statutes a- gainft Papifts difabled and flopped, without and againft Law. 6. He can revoke all things to his nod, at his plea" fure. This is alio one part of King fames VI. his chara- cter of a Tyrant, when hefets up an arbitrary power ', and of Althufius ; in the forecited place, c when he makes ufe < of an abfolute Power, and fo breaks all bonds for the 4 good of human Society.' We allow a King an abfo- lute power, taken in agoodfenfe, that is, he is not fub- altern, nor fubordinate to any other Prince, but fupreme in his own dominions; or if by abfolute be meant perfecJ^ lie is mof\ abfolute that governs heft, according to the word of God; but if it be to be loofedfrom all Laws, we think it blafphemy to afcribe it to any Creature. Where was there ever fuch an arbitrary and abfolute power ar- rogated by any mortal, as hath been claimed by our Rulers thefe years pall ? efpecially by the prefent LTfur- per, who, in this Liberty of Conference now granted to> Scotland, aflumes to himfelf an abfolute power, which all are to obey without referve, which carries the fubje&s fla- very many ftages beyond what ever the Grand Seignior did attempt. 7. For by a Tyrant fl rangers are imployed to op- prefs the Subjects : ' they place the ertablifhmcnt of their V Authority in the peoples weaknef?, and think that a * Kingdom is not a Procuration concredited to them by c God, but rather a prey fallen into their hands; fuch
v are
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority* 30*
* are not joined to us by any civil Bond, or any bond of
* humanity, but fhoukl be accounted the molt capital c- 1 nemies of God, and of all men/ King James, as a- bove, fays, He is a Tyrant that impofes unlawful Taxes, raifes Forces, makes War upon his Subjecis, to pill age, -plun- der, wafle, and fpoil his Kingdoms. Althujius, as above, c make> a Tyrant, who by immoderate exa&ions, and
* the like, exhaufts the fubje&s, and cites Scripture, Jer. ( xxii. 13, 14. Ezek. xxxiv. I Kings, xu. 19. PfaL xiv.4.* It is a famous faying of Braclon, He is no longer Kingy than while he rules well, but a Tyrant whenfoever he op- peffeth the people that are trufied to his Care and Govern- ment. And Cicero fays, He lofeth all legal power in and over an Army or Empire^ -who by that Government and Ar- my does obftrutt the welfare of that Republick. What op- preffions and exa&ions by armed force our Nation hath been wafted with, in part is difcovered above. 8. Althu- flus in the place above quoted, makes this another mark, 4 When he keepeth not his faith and promife, but de- c fpifeth his very oath made unto the people.' What (hall we fay of him then, who not only brake, butburnt, and made it criminal to a/Terr the obligation of the mod fo- lemnly tranfacled Covenant with God and with the people, that ever was entred into, who yet upon thefe terms of keeping that Covenant only was admitted to the Government ? And whatfhall we fay of his Brother fucceeding, who difda ins all bonds, whofe profeiTed principle is, as a Papift, to keep no faith toHereticks? 9. In the fame place he makes this one character: c ATy-
* rant is he, who takes away from one or moe Members c of the Commonwealth the free exercife of the orthodox c Religion/ And the grave Author of the Impartial En- quiry into the adminiftration of affairs in England, doth af-
fert,p. 3,4. 'Whenfoever a Prince becomes depraved to 1 that degree of wickednefs, as to apply and employ c his power and intereft, to debauch and withdraw c his fubje&s from their fealty and obedience to God,
* or fets himfelf to extirpate that Religion, which 1 the Lord hath revealed and appointed to be the c rule of our living, and the means of our happineff,
* he doth by that very deed depofe himfelf; and inftead
f of
502 Concerning owning ofTyvanh Authority*
* of being owned any longer for a King, ought to W
* treated as a Rebel and Traitor againft the lupreme ancf
* univerfal Sovereign/ This is the perfect portra&ure of our Princes; the former of which declared an open war againft religion, and all that profeifed it ; and the latter did begin to profecute it with the fame cruelty of perfecution, and yet continues without relenting againft us ; though to others he tolerates it under the notion bf a crime, to be for the prefent difpenfed with, until he acccmplifh his detign* 10. ibid, he tells us, c That, for c corrupting of youth, he. ereð flage-plays, whore- € houfes, aad other play-houfes, and fuffers the colleges
* and other leminaries of learning to be corrupted.* There were never more of this in any age, than in the conduct of our Court, which, like another Sodom, profefs it to be their defign to debauch mankind into all villa* nies, and to poifon the fountains of all learning and vir- tue, by intruding the bafeft of men into the place of teach- ers,' both in Church and Univerfity, and precluding alt accefs to honeft men. 1 1. Further he fays, * He is a Ty-
* rant who doth not defend his fubje&s from injuries c when he may, but fuffereth them to be opprefTed,
* (and what if he opprefs them himfelf V) It was one of the laws of Edward the ConfeJfcry If the King fail in the difcharge of his trufi and office, he no longer deferves nor ought to enjoy that name. What name do they defer vc then, who not only fail in the duty of defending their lubjecls, but fend out their Liclors and bloody Executio- ners to opprefs them, neither will fuffer them to defend themfelves ! But Althuftus makes a diftincl: character of this. • 12. Then, in fine, he muft certainly be a Tyrant, who will not fuffer the people, by themfelves nor by
* their Reprefentatives, to maintain their own rights, neither, by law nor force; for, faith my Author foreci- ted, c He is a Tyrant who hindefeth the free fuffrages € of members of Parliament, fb that they dare not Ipeak c what they would ; and chiefly he who takes away
* from the people all power to refift his Tyranny, as € arms, ftrengths, and chief men, whom therefore, tho*
* innocent, he hateth, aftlicleth, and perfecuteth, cx-
* haufts their goods and livelihoods, without right or
« rcafon,*
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 303J
' reafon.' All know that our blades have been all along enemies to Parliaments ; and when their intereft forced to call them, what means were ufed always to pacqu« and prelimit them and over-aW them, and how men, who have faithfully difcharged their truft in them, fcavc been profecuted with the height of envy and fury, and many murdered thereupon ; and how all the armed force ot the kingdoms have been inhanced into their hand, and the people kept fo under foot, that they have been rendered incapable either to defend their own from, inteftine Ufurpers, or foreign Invaders. All that is faid amounts to this, that when ever men in power do evert and fubvert all the ends of government, and intrude themfelves upon it, and abufe it, to the hurt of the Commonwealth, and the deftruclion of that for which government was appointed; they are then Tyrants, and ceafe to be magistrates. To this purpofelfhallhere ap- pend the words of thatforccited ingenious Author of the Impartial Inquiry y pag* 13, 14. c Thete can be nothing
< more evident from the light of reafon -as well as Scrip-
* ture, than that all Magiftracy is appointed for the be- c nefit of mankind, and the common good offocieties;
* God never gave any one power to reign over others for € their deftru&ion, (uniefs by his Providence where he c had devoted a people for their fins to ruin), but on
< whomfoever he confers authority over cities or nations, c it is with this conditional Vrovifo and limitation, that * they are to promote their profperity and good, and to 1 rtudy their defence and protection ; all Princes are thus
* far pactional ——And whofoever refufeth to per-
* form this fundamental condition, he degrades and de-
* pofes himfelf ; nor is it rebellion in any to refift him ; 1 whenfoever Princes ceafe ro be for the common good, c they anfwer not the end they were inititured unto,
* and ceafe to be what they were chofen for.'
6. It will. not be denied, bur when the cafe is fo cir- cumstantiate, thac it would require the arbitration of judgment to determine, whether the King be a Tvranc or not, that then people are not to difown him; for if it be a queftion, whether the people be really robbed of their rights and liberties, and that the King might pre- tend
304 Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority.
tend as much reafbn to complain of the people their do-** ing indignity to his Sovereignty, as they might of his Tyranny ; then it were hard for them to afTume io far the umpirage of their own cauie, as to make themielves abfolute judges of it, and forthwith tore jedi his authority upon thefe deoareable grounds* But the cafe is not fo with us ; no place being left for doubt or debate, but that our fundamental rights and liberties civil and reli- gious are overturned, and an abfblute Tyranny, exactly characterized as above, is eftablifbed on the ruins there- of. Hence we have not difbwned the pretended autho-1 rity, becaufc we judged it was tyrannical, but becaufc it was really fo. Our difcretive judgment in the cafe was not our rule, but it was our undemanding of the rule, by which only we could be regulated, and not by the underftanding of another, which cannot be better^ cor fb good, of our grievances^ which certainly we may be fuppofed to underftand beft durfelves, and yet they are fuch as are undcrftood everywhere. To the queftion then, who fhall be judge between thefe ufurpin? and ty- rannizing Rulers and us 1 We anfwer briefly and plainly „ We do not ufurp a judgment in the cafe, pretending no> more authority over them in our private capacity, than we allow them to have over us, that is none at all ? Nor can we admit that they fhould be both judges and party ; for then they might challenge that Prerogative in every cafe, and ftrengthen themfelves in an uncontfoulable im- munity and impunity to do what they pleafed. But we appeal to the fundamental laws of the kingdom, agree- able to the word of God, to judge, and to the whole world of impartial Spectators to read and pronounce the judgment. Lex Rex §uefi> 24. fag. 21 3. faith in anfwer to this, c There is a court of neceffity no lefs than a c court of juftice; and the fundamental laws muft then
* fpeak, and it is with the people in this extremity as if
* they had no ruler. And as to the doubtfomnefs of thefe
* laws, he faith, (1.) As the Scriptures in allfundamen- c mentals are clear, and expound themfelves, aqd in thefirjt c inftance condemn Herefies; fo all laws of men in their c fundamentals, which are the law of nature and nations^ ' are clean (£.) Tyranny i§ more vifibk and intelliy
i giblg
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 50 j
* gible than Hcrefy,and it is foon difcerned— — The 1 people have a natural throne of policy in their con-
* fcience, to give warning, and materially fentence a- c gainft the King as a Tyrant; where Tyranny is
* more obfeure, and the thread fmall, that it efcapc the
* eye of man, the King keepeth poffeflion, but 1 deny
* that Tyranny can be obfeure long.'
7. I (hall grant that many things are yieldable evert to a graiTant Dominator, and tyrannical Occupant of the place of Magiitracy ; as I. There may be fo me cafes, wherein 'tis lawful for a people to yield Subjeclion to a la wlefs Tyrant, when groaning under his overpowering yoke, under which they muft patiently bear the indigna- tion of the Lordy because they have finned againfl him, un- til he arifc and -plead his own caufe> and execute judgment in the earth, (M/V. vii. 9.)) until which time they muft Icifs the rod as in the hand of God, and own and adore the Holinefs and Sovereignty of that Providence that hath fubjecled them under fuch a Slavery ; and are not to at- tempt a violent ejection or excuffion, when either the thing attempted is altogether impracticable, or the means and manner of effectuating ir dubious and unwarrantable, or the ncceiTary Concomitants and confequents of the cure more hurtful or dangerous than the difeafe, or the like. As in many cafes alfo a man may be fubject to a Robber prevailing againft him ; fo we find the people of Ifrael in Egypt and Babylon, &c. yielded fubjection to* Tyrants. But in this cafe we deny two things to them, {1.) Allegiance or active and voluntary fubjection, (b as to own them for Magiftrates. (2.) Stupid pajjt-ve Obe- diencey or fufFering without refiftence. For the firft, we owe it only to Magiftrates, by virtue of the law, either ordinativeof God, or conftitutive of man. And it is no argument to infer; as a man's fubje&ing himfelf to a Robber affaulting him, is no folid proof of his appro- ving or acknowledging the injury and violence commit- ted by the Robber, therefore a perfon's yielding fubjec- tion to a Tyrant a publick Robber does not argue his ac- knowledging or approving his Tyranny and Oppreffion. For, the fubje&ion that a Tyrant requires, and which a Robber requires, is not of the fame nature J the one is
U legal
go<5 Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority.
Legal of fubje&s, which we cannot own to a Tyrant; the other is forced of rhe fubdued, which we muft ac- knowledge to a Robber. But to make the parallel; i£ the Robber fhould demand, in our fubje&ing ourfelves to him, an owning of him to be no Robber, but an ho- ned man, as the Tyrant demands in our fubjecling our- felves to him in owning him to be no Tyrant, but a Magiftrate, then we ought not to yield it to the one no more than to the other. For the fecond, to allow them pajjtve Obedience is unintelligible Nonfe?ife, and a mere concradi&ion; for nothing that is merely paifive can be obedience as relative to a law; nor can any obedience be merely paifive ; for obedience is always aclive. But not only is the inaccuracy of the phrafe excepted againft, but alio that pcfit ion maintained bymany,That, in reference to a yoke of Tyranny, there is a time which may beV called the proper feafon of fuffering, that is? when fuf- fering (in oppofition to acting or refilling) is a necefla- *y and indifpenfible duty, and refilling is a fin: for rhe one be an indifpenfible duty, the other muft be a at the fame time; but this cannot be admitted. For, lough certainly there is fuch a feafon of fuffering, where- in fuffering is lawful, laudable and nccefTary, and all muft lay their account with fuffering, and little elfe can fee attempted, but which will increafe fufferings ; yet even then w?e may refift as well as we can : and theft two, Refiftance and Suffering, at the fame time, are not incompatible: David did bear moft patiently the injury of his Son's ufurpation, when he faid, Let the Lord do to me as feemeth him goody 2 Sam, xv. 26~. chap. x. 12. and ©etaketh himfelf to fervent prayers, Vfal. iii. and yet thefe were not all the weapons he ufed againft him; neither did he ever own him as a Magiftrate We are to fufter all things patiently as the Servants of the Lord, and look r • him for mercy and reh'ef, {vfal exxiii, 2.); But we are not obliged to fuffer even in that feafbn, as the flaves of men. A^aio, Suffering in oppofition to refiftence. doe* never fall under any moral law of God, except in the abfolutely extraordinary cafe of Cnrift's paf- five obedience, which cannot fall under our deliberation or imitation; or in the cafe of a pofitive law, as was
given
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 30^
given to the yews to fubmic to Kebiichadnezzer* which was exprefs and peculiar to them> 2s fhall be cleared. That can never be commanded as indifpenliblc duty, which does not fall uuder our free will or deli- beration, but the enemies will5 as the. Lord permits them, as the Cafe offuffcring is. That can never be indifpen- iible duty, which we may decline without Cn3 as we may do fuffering, if we have not a call to it; yea, in that cafe, it were fin to fuffer; therefore, in no cafe it can be formally and indifpenfibly commanded, foas we may not fhif t it, if we can, without fin. Suffering fimply the evil of punifhment, juit or unjulf, can never be a con- formity to God's preceptive Will, but only to his provi- dential difpofal; it hath not the will ofthefgn for its rule, but only the will of well-plea 'Jing. All the Com- mands that we have for fufFenng, are cither to direct the wanner of it, that it be patiently and cheerfully, when forced to it wrongfully, 1 Pet. ii. 19, £€>, or comparative* fy, to determine our Choice in an unavoidable akernatrW% either to fuffer or fin ; and fo wre are commanded-, rather to fuffer, than to deny Chrift, Matth. xiii. 33. antfKtfe are commanded upon thefe terms to follow Chrift, to cake up his Crofs, when he lays it on in his Providence, Matth. xvi. £4. See at length this cleared Lex Rex> §.
30. p. 317 320. otherwise in no cafe fubjeciion, even
paffive, can be a duty; for it is always to be considered under the notion of a plague, judgment and curfe, to be complained of as a burden, never to be owned as a duty to Magistrates. As we find the Lord's people refenting it as a fervitude, under which they were fervanr even in their own Land, w^ichdid yield increafe unto the j Kings whom the Lord had fet over them, becaufe of their fins, Keh. ix. 36., 37. 2. In divers cafes there may be fome Compliance with a mere occupant, that hath no right to reign ; as upon this account the Noble Marquis ofArgyle and Lord Wanfioun fufTered for their Compli- ance with the Ufurper Cromwel. Such may he the war- rantablenefs, or goodnefs, or neceffitv, or profitaolencft of a compliance, when people are by Providence brought under a yoke which they cannot fhake off, that they may part with fomc of their Privileges; for the avoidance
U 2 of
3°S Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority*
of the tofs of the reft, and for the conveniency and pfo* fir, peace and fofety of themfelves and their Country which would be in hazard, if they QjA not comply ; the) may do whatfoever is due from them to the public! weal, whatfoever is an office of their ffation or place, oi which they have any other way a call unto, whatfoevei may make for their own honelt intereft, without wron- ing others, or the Country's Liberties, in their tranf aftions with thefe powers, even though fuch a Compli- ance may be occaflonally to the advantage of the Ufurpers feeing good and necefTary adlions are not to be declined for the ill effects that are accidental to them, and arife from the ufe which others make of them. But though this may be yielded in fome cafes to fuch Ufurpers. efpe- cially Conquerors, that have no right of occupying the empire, but are capable of it by derivation from the peoples confent: yet it muft not be extended* to fuch U- lurpers as are alfo Tyrants, that have no right of their own, nor are capable of any, and that ovcrturp all rights of fubjects. To fuch we can yield no compli- ance, as may infer eicher rranfafting with them, or owning them as Magiftrates. We find indeed the Sainu enjoyed places under thefe, who were not their Magi- ftrates; as Nehemiah and Mcrdecai> and Bfiher was Queer to Ahafuerus. But here was no compliance with Tyrants (for thefe Heathens were not fuch) only fome of them were extraordinary Perfbns, raifed up by an extraordi- nary fpirir, for extraordinary ends, in extraordinary times, that cannot be brought to an ordinary rule, as "Bfihers marriage ; and all of them in their places kept the Law of their God, ferved the work of their generation^ defiled not themfelves with their Cuftoms, a&ed againft no good, and engaged to no evil, but by their compli- ance promoted the welfare of their Country, as Argyll and Warifloun did under Cromwel. Again, we find they paid Cuftom to them, as Neh. ix. 36*, 37. and we read of Augufius his Taxation univerfallv complied with, Luk. ii. I-- Y and Chrift paid it. This fhall be more fully anfwered afterwards. Here I fhall only fay (1.) It can never be proven that thefe Were Tyrants. (2.) Cbrjjl paid it with fuch a Caution, as. leave* the title unftated;
not
Concerning owning of Tyrants. Authority* 5C9
not for confcience (as tribute muftbe paid toMagiflrates> Rom* xiii. 5, 6.) but only that he might not offend them. (3.) Any other initances of the Saints taxations are to be judged forced a&s, badges of their bondage, which, if they had been exacted as Tefis of their Allegiance, they would not have yielded. Strangers alfo, that arc not fubje&s, ufe to pay cullom in their trafficking, but not as tefts of their allegiance. 3. There may be alfo, in fome cafes, Obedience allowed to their lawful commands, becaufe of the lawfulnefs of the thing commanded, or the coincidency of another juft and obliging Authority commanding the fame. We may dp many things which a Tyrant commands, and wThich he enforces, and many things alfo whether he will or not ; but we mult do no- thing upon the confederation of his command, in the ac- knowledgment of obedience due by virtue of Allegiance, which we own of confcience to a lawful Magiftrate- We muft do nothing, which may feem to have an acceiTori- nefs to the Tyrant's unlawful occupancy, or which de- pends only on the warrant of his Authority to do it, or may entrench on the Divine Inftitution of Magiftracy, or bring us into a participation of the Ufurper's fin. In thefe cafes we can neither yield obedience in lawful things, nor in unlawful: c nor can we own abfolutefub- 1 je&ion, no more than we can own abfolure obedience; for all fub/e&ion is enjoined, in order to obedience : c and to plead for a privilege in point of obedience, and to difclaim it in point of fubjeclion, is only the flattery offuch, as having renounced with confcience all diftin- ction of obedience, would diveft others of all privile- ges, that they may exercife their Tyranny without : comroul, Napthali, p, 2S. prior edit.9 4 There may be Addrejfes made to fuch as are not rightful PoiTefTors of the Government, for juftice, or mercy, or redrefs of fome intolerable grievances, without fcruple of accepting that which is materially juftice or mercy, or feekingthem at the hand of any who may reach them out to us, tho* he that conveys them to us be not interefted in the um- pirage of them. Thus we find Jeremiah fupplicated Zede- kiah for mercy, not to return to prifon : and Paul appealed to Cefar for juftice. But io thefe AddreiTes, w« may not
acknow-
%10 Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority.
acknowledge the wicked Laws that brought on thefe grievances, nor conceal the wickednefs, no more than the mifery of them which we have endured; nor may we own the legal Power of them that we addrefs, ta take them off, nor fignify any thing, in the matter or manner of our Reprefcntations, that may cither import a declining our Tclumony, for which we have fuf- fered thefe grievances, or a contradiction to our declina- ture of their pretended Authority: only we may remon- frratc, what cruelties we have endured, and how ter- rible it will be to them to be guilty ofy or acccfTory to our blood, in not pitying us; which was all that Jere- yniah did. And as for VauVs appeal, we find he was threatned to be murdered by his Countrymen, ^&f xxiii. 14. from whofe hands he was refcued, and brought be- fore the judicatory of Fefius the Roman deputy, not vo- luntarily ; thence alfb they fought to remand him to Je- rufalem> that they might kill him, Acls xxv. 3. where- upon he demands in juftice that he might not be deli- vered to his Accufers and Murderers, but claims the be- nefit of the Heathens own Law, by that appeal to Cefar, which was the only conflrained expedient of faving his own life, Acls xxviii. 19. by which alfb he got an op- portunity to witnefs for Chrift at Rome, But, as fhall fee cleared further afterwards, Cefar was not an Ufurper over Judea ; which not oblcurely is inflnuated by Paul himfelf, whoaflerts; that both his perfbn, and hisCaufe criminal, of which he was accufed (it was not an Eccle- ilaftical Caufe, and fb no advantage hence for the Supre- macy) appertained to Cefar $ Tribunal, and that not only in fa ft, but of right. Acts xxv. 10. I fl and at Cefarsjudg- ftient-feat> where I ought to he judged. We cannot fay this of any tribunal, fenced in the name of them that Tyrannize over us. 5. I will not fhnd neither upon the Names and Titles of Kings, ©V.to be given to Tyrants and Ufurpers, in fpeaking to them or of them, by way of appellation or compilation : for we find even Ty- rants are called by thefe names in Scripture, being Kings infaB^ though not hy right', and indeed not impertinent- ly, Kings and Tyrants for the mod part are reciprocal terms. But in no cafe can we give them any Names or
Titles
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 311 Title*, which may fignify our love to them whom the Lord hates, or who hate the Lord, 2Chron. xix. £. or which may flatter them, which Elihu durfi not give, for fear his Maker fiottld take him away. Job xxxii. 22. or which may be taken for honouring of them, for that is not due to the vilefi of men, when exalted never fo high, Vfal. xii. ult. a vileperfon rauft be contemned in our eyesy Pfal. xv. 4. nor which may any way import or infer an owning of a magiftratical Relation between them and us, or any Covenant-traniadion or Confederacy with them, which in no terms with them, as fuch, we will fay or own, Ifa* viii. 12. Hence many fufferers upon this head forbear to give them their titles.
8. It will be yielded very readily by us, that a Magi- ftratc is not to be difbwned, merely for his differing in Religion from us: yea, though he were a Heathen. We do notdifown our pretended Rulers merely upon that ac- count, but cheerfully do grant and fubferibe to that Truth in our Confejfion of Faith, chap, xxiii. Seel. 4. That Infidelity j or Difference in Religion, doth not make void the Magi fir ate* s jufh and legal Authority ', nor free the people from their due Obedience to him : on which our Adversaries have intuited, as if our Principles and PraSices were thereby difproved. But it is eafy to anfwer, T. Let the words be confidered, and we are confident, c That no
* fober man will think, the acknowledgment of juit and
* legal Authority, and due Obedience, a rational ground c to infer, that Tyranny is thereby either allowed or c privileged, Kapht. p. 60. prior Edition. 2. Though In- fidelity, or Difference of Religion, does not make void Authority, where It is la wfully inverted ; yet it may in- capacitate a perfon, and lawfully feclude him from Au- thority, both by the Word of God, which exprefly for- bids to fet a Stranger over us, who is not our Brother, Deut. xvii. 1 5. which includes as well a (tranger of a (trange Religion, as one of a ftrange Country, and by the Laws of the Land, which do incapacitate a Papifl of -all Authority, fupreme or fubordinate. And fo, if this James VIL-II. had been King before he was a Roman Catholick, if we had no more to object, we fhould not have quarrelled his fucceffion. 3, We both give and
grant
3 is Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority.
grant all that is in the Confejfion, to [wit, that Dominion is not founded in Grace : yet this remains evident, that a Prince, who not only is of another Religion, but an a- vowed Enemy to, and Overturner of the Religion efta- blifhed by Law, and intending and endeavouring to in- troduce a falfe, heretical, blafphemous and idolatrous Religion, can claim no juft and legal Authority, but in this cafe the people may very lawfully decline his pre- tended Authority; nay, they are betrayers of their Coun- try and Pofterity, if they give not a timeous and effectual check to his Ufurpings, and make him fenfiblc that he hath no fuch Authority. Can we imagine, that Men inthe whole of that blefled work fo remarkably led of God, be- ing convocate by a Parliament of the wifeft and wor- thieft Men that ever were in England, whom they did encourage, by writing and preaching, and every way to Itandfaft in their oppofition to the then King difplaying a banner for his prerogative (a Court-dream) againft Re- ligion and Liberty, (hould be fo far left, as to drop that as a principle and part of our Religion, which would fa- crifice [Religion itfelf to the luftofa raging Tyrant? Nuft we believe, that a Religion-deftroying Tyrant is a righteous Ruler ? And muft we own him to be a nurfing father to the Church ? Shall we conclude, that the common Bounds and Limits, whereby the Almighty hath bounded and limited Mankind, are removed by an Article of our Confeffion of Faith y which hereby is turned into a Court-creed ? Then welcome Bobs de Cive, with all chc reft of Pluto's train, who would babble us into a be- lief, that the world is to be governed according to the pteafure of wicked Tyrants. I would fain hope at length the world would be awakened out of fuch ridi- culous dreams, and be afhamed any more to own fuch fooleries. And it may be, our two Royal Brothers have contributed more to cure men of this moral Madncfs, than any who went before them. And this is the only advantage, I know, that the Nations have reaped by their reign.
9. Though we deny that Conqueft can give a juft Title to a Crown ; yet we grant, in fome cafes, though in the beginning it was unjuft, yet by the peoples after-cooient
it
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 313
it may be turned into a juft Title. It is undeniable, when there is juft ground of the war, if a Prince iubdue a whole Land, who have juftly forfeited their Liberties, when by his grace he prefcrves them, he may make ufe of their right now forfeited, and they may refign their Liberty to the Conqueror, and confent that he be their King, upon fair and legal, and not tyrannical Condi- tions. And even when the war is not juft, but fuccefiful on the invading Conquerors fide, this may be an induce- ment to the conquered, if they be indeed free and un- engaged to any other, to a fubmiflion, dedition, and de- livery up of themfelves to be the fubjects of the victor, and to take him for their Sovereign : as it is like the cafe was with the Jews in Cefafs time, whofe Govern- ment was tranflated by dedition to the Roman power; in the tranflation, when a-doing, there was a fault, but after it was done, it ceafed ; though the beginning was wrong, there was a port-fact, which made it right, and could not be diflolved, without an unjuft difturbance of publick order. Whence, befides what is faid above, in anfwer to that much iniifted Inftance of Cbrift's faying Tribute, and commanding it to be paid to Cefar, the dif- ficulty of that inftancc may be clearly folved. That Tribute which he paid, Mattb. xvi'u zq. &V. and that a- bout the payment whereof he was queftioned, Mattb. xxii. 21. feem to be two different Tributes. Many think, vay probably, they were not one and the fame Tribute. , 'Tis a queftion, for whom, and by whom that of: Mattb. xvii. was gathered ; 'tis moft likely, it -was gathered by the officers of the Temple for its fcrvice : however, the payment was made, with fuch caution (tacitely declining the ftrict right to exact it from him, but to avoid offence] in an act in itfelf unobliging) that their claim is left as much in the dark, as if the queftion had never been moved. The other, Mattb. xxii. was exacted for Cefar : but to that captious queftion our Lord returns fuch an anfwer, as might both folve it, and e- v^dc thefnare of the propounders, giving a general P.ule of giving to God and to Cefar each "their own, without denning which of them had the right to the payment in queftion ; whether Cefar ihould have it, or whether it
Ihould
3*4 Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority*
fhould be paid only for the Temple's ufe: upon which they marvelled, which they needed not do, it they had tmderftood in his words an exprefs and pofitive declara- tion of an obligation to make that payment to Cefar ; for then they would have obtained one of their ends, in making him odious to the people, who were not fatisfied with the payment of it. But however, the knot isloofed, by confidering, that they were now lawfully fubjeel: to the Roman Emperors, as their Governors, to whom they were obliged ( I do not fay Chrift wras) to pay tribute. For they had yielded themfelves unto, and owned the Horn an Dominion in Pompey, Cefar Augufius-and Tiberius > ere this queftion about Tribute paying was propoled to our Saviour; and therefore they who ftuck at the pay- ment of it, were a feditious party, difTenting from the body of the Nation: eUe it is not fuppefbable readily, that their Dominion in Judea could have been exercifed long without fbme conleot, fufEcient to legitimate it to the prefent Rulers ; and this is the more likely, if we coniider the confeffion of the yews themfelves, difavow*- ing the power of capital punifhment, It is not lawful for us to put any f Man to Death, and owning Cefar as their King, with an excluiive abrenunciation of all other, we have no King but Cefar ; as Paul alfo acknowledges, he ought to be judged at Cefar s bar, in his appeal to Cefar. It is alfb acknowledged by very good Authors, that this was the tribute which Judas the Galilean flood up to free the people from ; and that the fedition of thofe yews that followed him, mentioned Ails v. 37. who mutinied up- on this occafion, was, according to Gamaliel's fpecch, difallowed by that Sanhedrhy or Council of the Jews. And it maybe gathered out oViJofephus^ that the yews of Hivcavus his party came under the Roman power by eonfent and dedition, while they of Arifiobulus his party looked upon the Romans as Ufurpers. Which difference continued till our Saviour's time, when fome part of them acknowledged the Cefarean Authority, fome part looked upon it as an ufurpation ; and of this generally were the Pharifees. To confirm this, Calvin s Teftirnony may be adduced, upon Matth. xxii. who faith, c The Authority * of the Roman Emperors was by common ufe approved
< and
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 3 1 5
c and received among che Jewsy whence it wasmanifcit, 1 that ihe j-ews had now oi their own accord impofed on € themfelves a Law of payiug che tribute, becaufe they c had pafled over to the Romans the power of the fword/ And Chamiets Panjbat. Tom. 2. lib. 15. cap. 16. p. 655. c What then? if Lefar'* Authority was from bad begin- c nings, did therefoie Chrift untruly fay it was from a- c bove ? Can no power, at firft unjuit, afterward be- c come juft ? if that were fo, then cither none, or very c few kingdoms would be juhV
10. As Tyranny is a derlruc-ftve plague to all the In- terests of men and Chriftians ; fo Anarchy, the ufual pro- dud of ity is no lefs pernicious, bringing a Community into a Paroxyfm as deadly and. dangerous. We mull own Government to be abiblutcly neceiTary, forthecon- ftitution and confervation of all Societies. I fhall not enter into a difquifition, let be determination of the Species or kind of Magiftracy, whether Monarchy, Arifto- cracy, or Democracy, be preferable. My difpuie, at pre- ient, is not levelled againft Monarchy y but the prefenc Monarch : not againit the Inftitution of the Species (though I believe, except we betake our felves to the divine allowance and permiffion \ we fhall be as puzzled to find out the divine original of it, as Cofmographers are in their iearch of the Spring of Nilus, or Theologucs of the Father of Mekhizedeck ) but the conftitution of this individual Monarchy eftablifhed among us, which, in its root and branch, fpring and ftreams, in its original, nature, ends, and effedts, is diametrically oppofice to Religion and Liberty ; and becaufe its Contagion, uni- verfally perverting and corrupting all the ends and or- ders of Magiftracy, doth affect: and infect all the fubor- dinate officers, deriving their power from iuch a filthy fountain ; we muft alio fubftraft and deny their de- manded acknowledgments as any way due, fo long as they fcrve the pride and projects of fuch a wicked pow- er: and do not reckon our feives obliged by Covenant, or any otherwise (though, in the third Article of the Solemn League, we are bound to prsfervelthe rights and privileges of our Parliaments, and ccnfequently^the ho- nour and deference that's due to our Peers, or other
Par-
3 1 6 Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority.
Parliament men, acting according to the truft commit- ted to them, but not when they turn Traitors engaged in a Confpiracy with the Tyrant) to own or defend a SouUlefs fhadow of a Court-cabal, made up of perfons who have fold themfelves to work wickednefs, in con. ipiring with this throne of iniquity againft the Lord, which is all we iiave for a Parliament, whom we can in no ways own as our Reprefentatives^ but muft look upon them as perjured and perfidious Traitors to God and their Country, which they have betrayed into the hands of a Tyrant ; and therefore diverted of that pow- er and authority, which they had of the people as their Representatives, which now is returned to the fountain. And therefore we muft act as we can againft them, and alfb what is necefTary for fecuring of our felves. Reli- gion and Liberty, without them. We would think Nobles , ennobled with virtue, a great mercy and en- couragement; and if they would concur in the Tefti- jBony for Religion and Libcity, we would be glad that they fliould lead the van, and prove themfelves to be powers appointed by God, in acting for him and his Intereft. But for the want of their Conduct, we muft not furceafe from that duty that they abandon, nor think that the Concurrence of Peers is ib neceflary to le- gitimate our actions, as that without that formality our refblutions to maintain the Truth of God on all hazards, in a private Capacity, were unlawful in the Court of God and Nature: but, on the contrary, muft judge that their relinquifhing or oppofing their duty, which before God they are obliged to maintain, preferve, and promove, is fo far from looiing our obligation, or cxee- ming us from our duty, that it fhould rather prefs us >o profecute it with the more vigour, without fufpend- ing it upon their precedency. For now they can pre- tend to no precedency, when they do not anfwer the end of their erection, and do not feek the publick good, but their own private advantage, they ceafe to be the Miniftersof God and of the people, and become private perfons. And reafon will conclude, c That when the * Bphori or Truftees betray their Truft, and fell, or bafe- € ly give away the Liberties and Privileges of the peo~
/pic,
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority* 317
ple> which chcy were entrufted with, the people can- not be brought into a remedilefs condition ; if a Tu- tor wafte and deftroy the pupils eftate, the Law pro- vides a remedy for the pupil, Jus pop >u. vind. cap. 15. Pag. 335. 336/ c The remedy, in this cafe, can on- ly be, as every one muft move in his own fphere, while all concur in the fame duty ; fo if any, in high- er place, become not only remifs, but according to the influence of their power would feduce others into their Apoftafy, it is their duty to *refift and endea- vour their Reformation or removal: and if thefe more eminently entrufted (hall turn di re £tlyfcApoftates, and obftru&ive and deftru&ive to common Interefts, the people of an inferior degree may ftep forward to occu- py the places, and aflert the Interefts, which they fore- fault and defert. Neither is this a breach of good or- der ; for Order is only a mean fubordinate to, and in- tended for the glory of God, and the peoples good, and the regulation thereof muft only be admitted as it is conduciblc, and not repugnant to thefe ends. A General's command to his foldiers in battle, does not impede the neceffity of fucceffion, in cafe of vacancy of any charge, either through death or defertion, e- ven of fuch as in quality may be far inferior to thofe whofe places they ftep into, Naphtali> Pag. 151. firjt Edition. ' I do not a/Tert this for private peoples a- fpiring into the Capacity of Primores or Peers ', but that hey may do that which the Peers defert, and dare not, or will not do, if the Lord put them in a Capacity to do And more plainly I aflert, that if the Peers of the Land, whofe duty it is principally to reftrain and reprefs Tyranny, either connive at it, or concur with it, and lb abandon or betray their Truft, then the common people may do it ; at leaft are obliged to renounce, re- ject, and difbwn allegiance to the Tyrant, without the Peers. For which I offer thefe reafons, I. Becaufe all men have as much Freedom and Liberty by nature as Peers have, bein? »o more flaves than rhey ; becaufe fla- very is a penal evil contnrv to nature, and a mifery confecjuent of fin, an! eve** v man created according to God's image, is a f acred thing \ and alfo do more Sub- jects
3 1 8 Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority.
je£fc to Kings, &c. than they ; freedom being natural co all, ( except freedom from fiibjedion to Parents, which is a moral duty, and raoft kindly and natural, and fubje^ion of the wife to the husband, &V.) but other- wife as to civil and politick fubjediion, man, by nature, is born as free as beafts ; no Lion is born King of Lions, nor no man born King of men, nor Lord of men, nor Reprefentative of men, nor Rulers of men, either fu- preme or fubordinate; becaufe none, by nature, can have thofe things that effentially conftitute Rulers, the calling of God, npr gifts and qualifications for it^ nor the ele&ion of the people. 2. The original of all that power, that the Vrimoves or Reprefentatives can claim, is from the people, not from themfelves ; from whence derived they their being Reprefentatives, but from the peoples commifilon or compadt 1 when at the firft confti- tution of parliaments, or publick conventions for affairs of ftate, neceffity put the people, who could not fo con- veniently meet alj, to confer that honour and burden up- on the beft qualified, and who had chief intereft, by de- legation. Hence, if the people give fuch a power, they may wave it when perverted, and ad without their own impowered fervants. 3, The peoples power is greater than the power of any delegated or conftituted by themj; the caufe is more than the effect 5 Parliament-men do reprefent the people, the people do not reprefent the Parliament: they are as Tutors and Curators unto the people, and in effect their fervants deputed to overfee their publick affairs, therefore, if their power be lefs^the people can a£r. without them. 4. It were irrational to imagine, the people committing the adminiflration of their weighty affairs unto them, did denude themfelves of all their radical power • or that they can devolve up- on them, or they obtain, any other power but what is for the good and advantage of the people ; therefore they have power to acl: without them, in things which they never refigned to them ; for they cannot be depri- ved of that natural aptitude, and nature's birth-right, given to them by God and Nature, to provide the moft efficacious and prevalent means for the prelervation of their rights and liberties. 5. As the people have had
power
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 31 j
power before they made Peers, and have done much without them ; fo thefe Vrimores could never do with- out them, therefore in acts of common mrereft, the Peers depend more upon tbe people than the people do upon them. 6. All thefe primeve rights, that gave rife to Societies, are equal to both people and Peers, whereof the liberty to reprefs and reje& Tyranny is a chief one. The people as well as Peers have a haad in ma- king the King, and other Judges alfo, as is clear from Veut.xvii. 14. Judg.ix. 6. 1 Sam. x'u 15. 2K.ingsxiv.2l. therefore they may unmake them as wTell as they. To leek to prefervc the ends of government, when they are over- turned, is cfTentially requiiite to all Societies, and there- fore common and competent to all Constituents of thefe Societies, Superiors or Inferiors. The Glory of God and Security of Religion, the end of all Christian Go- vernment, doth concern all equally. As eveny one e- qually is bound to obey God rather than Man, fo vio- lence in this cafe deffroys both the Commonwealth, and maketh the end and the means of Government, and the injured perfon's obligation thereto to ceafe ; and this e- quaily to every man of private orpublick Capacity. In the concern of Religion at leaft, we mult not think, be- caufe we are not Nobles, or in Authority, that the care of it, or Preformation thereof does nothing pertain to us ; nay in that, and carrying on the work thereof, there is an equality: as in the erection of the Old Tefta- ment Tibernacle, all the people were to contribute alike, half a Shekel, Exod. xxx. that it might be for a remem- brance before the Lord. Hence it follows, if we difown the fupremc Ruler, and the inferior confederate with him, and cannot have the concurrence of others: c novr 1 through the manifeft and notorious perverlion of the € great ends of Society and Government, the bond there- c of beine dilTolved, we liberated therefrom, do relapfe
* into our primeve Liberty and Privilege; and accord- c ingly, as the iirail'tude of our Cafe, and exieence of
* our Caufe doth require, may, upon the verv f^me prin- c ciples, a?ain join and afTociate, for our better defence c and prcfervatnn, as we did at fir ft enter into Societies, ? Kapb.p. 150/ yet, whatever we may do in this cafe,
we
„20 Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority.
we are not for prefumptuous ailumptions of Authority, which maleverfers have forefaultcd : neither are we for new ere&ions of Government, but are for keeping the Society, of which we are members, intire, in an endea- vour to have all our fellow-members united unto God, and to one another, in Religion and Liberty, according to, the bond of the Solemn League and Covenant. Cer- tain it is, that greater Societies, under one Government, may in fome cafes make a feceffton, and divide into lei- fer, without fedition: or elfe, how would there be now io many diftinti Commonwealths in the world ? feeing at firft all was under one head : and how comes it te pafs, that there are fo many Kingdoms in Europey when it can be inftanced, when all, or the moil part, were un- der one Roman Emperor ? But this, in our circumftance, is noway expedient, neither was it ever in projection. But our aim is to abftra6r. ourfelves inoflfenfively, and maintain our rights that remain unrobbed, and to ad- here clofcly to the fundamental Constitutions, Laws, and laudable Practices of our native Kingdom. *
II." We own the obligation of our facred Covenants^ unrepealably and indifpenflblyj binding to all the duties of Chriftian fubjeclion to Magiftrates. But we deny, that hereby we are bound either to maintain Monarchy^ efpeciaily thus perverted ; nor to own the authority of either of. the two Monarcjis that have Monarchized or Tyrannized over us thefe twenty {even years pah\ For as to the firft, we afTert, That that which is in its own nature mutable, cannot be fimplylworn unto to be main- tained and preferved, but Hypothetical ly at moft, elfe it were fimply finful ; fince it were to make things, in their own nature, and in the Providence of God change- able, unchangeable ; yea it were a downright fwearing not to comply with, but to fpurn againft, the various vi- ciflltudcs of Divine Providence, the great Rector of the Univerfc. And it is unquestionable, that when things al- terable and unalterable are put in the fame oath, to make the engagement lawful the things rauft be underftood, as they are in their own nature, and no otherwife: elfe both the Impofer and the Taker grievoufly tranfgrefs ; the former* in taking upon him what is in the power of ■ s . no
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 52 1
px> mortal, and a contradiction to the Prerogative of the Immortal God ; and the other, in owning that power as juft. Hence, when thefe two fall to be in the fame oath, they muft be fo underftood as it may not be made a fnarc to the confidence of the Swearer. For it may fall fb out in the Providence of God, that the preferva- tion of both is in all refpedb made impoffible : and aa adhefion to the one, may fo far interfere with the pre- servation of the other, as if the Mutable and that which hath no objective obligation be ftuck to, the other, which, with the lofs of all intcrefts we are to maintain, muft be abandoned ; yea, that which was fworn to be maintained as a mean only, and a mutable one too, may not only ceafe to be a mean, but may adually deftroy the main end, and then it is be laid aflde, becaufc then it inverts the order of things. Hence alfo it may be queftioned, if it were not more convenient, to leave out thofe things that are alterable in themfelves, out of the fame Oath with things unalterable, and put them in a di- ftinft Oath or Covenant by themfelves ; as we fee Jebo- jadah did. 2 Kings xi. 1 7. He made a Covenant between the Lord, and the King, and the People, that they fbould be the Lord's People ', between the King alfo and the People. Here are two diftin£T Covenants ; the one made with God, a- bout things eternally obligatory, wherein the King and people engage themfelves upon level ground, tofcrvethc Lord, and Joafi the King, his treacherous dealing with God in that matter, brought the Curfe of that Covenant upon him : the other Covenant was civil, about things alterable, relating to points of government and fubjec- tion. And as he, by virtue of that prior Covenant, had obliged himfelf, under the pain of the Curfe thereof, to carry as one covenanted to God with the people, and fo not to tyrannize over his Brethren: fo the people, by virtue of that fame Covenant, were to yield obedience, but in nothing to acknowledge him, as having power or authority to countermand God's Command ; neither had it been an act of difloyalty, to have broken down his groves, which he had, with the addition of the guilt of perjury, fet up, and to have bound his ungrateful hands from the blood of the gracious Ztchariah : a perfect pa- ralltl to our cafe under the former Dominator, fave that
522 Concerning owning of Tyrant* Authority.
it was outdone as to all dimcnflons ofwickednefs by him. To fpeak more plainly, the religious part of our Covenant is of an eternal obligation; but as to the civil part, it is impoffible it can ever be £oy unlefs it be well and cautioufly underltood ; that isy unlefs, inftcad of any ipecies, of government, as Monarchy, &c. we put in Ma- gijiracyitklf. For this is that power which is of God ; but Monarchy, &Pc. is only a human creature, about the creation whereof men take a liberty, according to what fuits them bell: in their preiint circumftances. And as to this Species of Monarchy ; men are never left at li- berty to clothe therewith any inept or impious perfon. And they are perfectly Ioofed from it. I. When that Species of government becomes oppofite to the ends of government, and Is turned Tyranny, efpecially when a legal eftablifhment is pretended , then it arfeds with its contagion the very fpecies itfelf: the houfe is to be pulled down, when the Leprofy is got into the walls and foun- dation. 2. When it is exercifed, it is turned inept for anfwering the ends of its erection, and prejudicial to the main thing for which government is given, to wit, the Goipel and the coming of Ch rift's Kingdom : hence it is promifed to the Church, ifa.xlix. 2,^, Kings jb all benurfing Fathers to the Church: And Ifa lii. I 5. It is pro- moted to the Mediator, that Kings pall (hut their moitthsy
'** ue. never a word in their head, but out of
reverence and refpect to his absolute Sovereignty, they fhali take the law from him, without daring to contra- dict, farlefs to take upon them to prefcribe in the houfe of God, as they in their wifdom think fit. 3. When Pro- vidence, without any ilnful hand, makes that Species im- porJible to be kept up, without the ruin of that for which it was erefted : when things come to this pufh and pinch, whomever are clothed with the power, are rhen under an obligation to comply with that alteration of providence, for the fafety of the people ; eife they declare themfeives unworthy of rule, and fuch who would facrifice the intereft of the people to their particu- lar intereft ; in which cafe the people may make their VuhVick Servant fenfible, he is at his higheft elevation but a Servant* Hence now^ when this species named in the
- Cove.-'
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority] 325
Covenant, viz. Monarchy , is by law fb vitiate, as it be- comes the mean and instrument of the definition of ail the ends of that Covenant, and now by iaw tranfmitted to all fucceffors as a hereditary, pure, perfect and perpe- tual oppoiition to the coming of Chrift's Kingdom ; fb that as long as there is one to wear that Crown, ( but Jehovah will in righteoufhefs execute Coniahs doom upon the race Jer. xxii. ulu write this man childlefs ■— — -) and enter heir to the government as now eftablifhed, he mult be an enemy to Chrift ; there is no other way lefc, but to think on a new model moulded according to the true pattern. As to the Second, we are far iefs obliged to own and acknowledge the intereft of any of the two Monarchs, that we have been mourning under thefe ma- ny years, from thefe facred Covenants. For, as to the frjt of them, Charles II. Thofe confederations did caflata his intercft, as to any Covenant-obligation to own him. I. In thefe Covenants we are not fworn abfolutely to maintain the King's Perfon and Authority, but only conditionally y in the Preservation and Defence -of Religion and Liberties. Now, when this condition was not per- formed, but, on the contrary, profefledly refolved never to be fulfilled ; and when he laid out himfelf to the full of his power and authority, for the deftruclion of that reformed religion and liberties of the kingdom^ which he folemnly fwore to defend when he received the crown, only in the terms that he flhould be a Loyal fubjeft to Chriftj and a true and faithful Servant to the people, ia order to which a Magiftrate is chofen, and all his worth, excellency, and valuablenefs, conllfts in his anfwering that purpofe; for the excellency of a mean, a*' fuclr, is to be meafured from the end, and its anfwerablenefi; thereunto : we were not then obliged, to maintain fuch an enemy to thefe precious interefts. 2. Becaufe, as the people were bound to him, fo he was bound to them by the fame Covenant, being only on thefe terms entrufted with the government: all which conditions he perfidi- Diifly broke, whereupon only his authority and our al- legiance were founded; and thereby we were loofecf From all reciprocal obligation to him by virtue of that Covenant, 3. Though he and we flood equally enga-
X 2 £s4
524 Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority
ged to- the duties of that Covenant, only with this dif- ference, that the King's capacity being greater, he was the more obliged to have laid out that power, in caufing ail to ftand to their Covenant engagements, as Jojiah did, 2 Chron> xxxiv. 31, 32, 33. (but, alas! there was never -a. fofiah in the race), yet he rofe up to the height of rebellion againft God and the people, in heaven-daring infolency, and not only brake, but burnt that Covenant, and made laws to cafs and refcind it^ and made a not- concurring in this Confpiracy, a note of incapacity for any truft in Church or State. Therefore to plead for an owning of him in this cafe, were only concludent of this, that the generation had dreamed themfelves into fuch a diftra&ion, as may be feared will be purfued With deftruftion, and make fuch Dreamers the detefra- tion of pofterity, and caufe ail men proclaim the righ- teoufnefs of God> in bringing ruin upon them by that very power and authority they owned in fuch circum- ftances. 4. It is a known maxim, He that does not fulfil the conditions ', falls from the benefit of it, and whofo remits the obligation of the party obliged upon condition, cannot ex- ati it afterwards. So then it is evident, that the Sub- jects of Scotland were, by KingCharles II. his content, yea exprefs command, difengaged from fo much of that Covenant as could be alledged in favours of himfelf : io that all that he did, by burning and refunding thefe Co- venants, and purfuing all who endeavoured to adhere to them, was a molt explicite liberating his fubjedh from, and remifiion of their allegiance to him, (and in this wc had been fools, if we had not taken him at his word) ; yea herefcioded his very Coronation, by an aft of his firft parliament after his return, which did declare null and void all acts, conftitutions and eftablifhments, from the year 1633 to that prefent feffion, not excepting thofe for his own Coronation, after which he was never recrown- ed, and therefore we could not own that right, which jhimfelf did annul. But as for his Royal Brother, James the VII. and II. we cannot indeed make ufe of the fame reafbns and arguments to difown him, as we have now adduced; yet, as we fhall prove afterwards, this Cove- nant does oblige tov renounce him. So it is fo clear, that
it
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. $2?
it needs no illuftration, that there lies no obligation from che Covenant to own him; and alfo that, for this caufe> we are obliged not to own him, i. Becaufe, as he is an enemy to the whole of our Covenant, and efpecially to thefe terms upon which authority is to be ow7ned there- in : fb he will not come under the bond of this Cove- nant, nor any other compact with the people, but in- trude himfelf upon the throne, in fuch a way as over- turns the bafis of our government, and deftroys all the liberties of a free people, which by Covenant we are bound to preserve, and confecpently, as inconfiftent therewith, to renounce his ufurpation. For, a Prince that will fet himfelf up without any tranfactions with the people, or conditions giving fecurity for religion and liberty, is an ufurping Tyrant, not bounded by any law but his own lufts. And to fay to fuch an one^Reign thou over us> is all one as to fay, come thou and play the Tyrant over us, and let thy luft and will be a law to us : which is both againft Scripture and Natural fenfe. If he be not a King upon Covenant-terms, either exprefly or tacitely, or general ftipulations according to the word of God, and laws of the land, he cannot be owned as a Father, Protector, or Tutor, having any fiduciary power enrrufted to him over the Commonwealth, but as a faw- lefs and abfolute Dominator, afluming to himfelf a power to rule or rage as he lifts : whom to own were a- ga in ft our Covenants: for there we are fworn to main- tain his Majejly's jufi and lawful authority^ and by confe- rence not to own ufurpation and Tyranny , ft a ted in op- pofition to religion and liberty, which there alfb we arc engaged to maintain. Sure, this cannot be lawful authority which is of God, for God giveth no power againft himfelf; nor can it be of the people, who had never power granted them of God to create one over them, with a liberty to deftroy them, their re- ligion and liberty, at his pleafure. 2. As he is nor, nor will not be our covenanted and fwornKin?, (and therefore we cannot be his covenanted and fworn fubjetts); fb he is not, nor cannot be our crowned Kingy aud therefore we muft not be his Liege-fubjec~hy owning fealty and obedi- ence to him. For, according to the National Covenant,
< as
^26 Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority.
* as all I-icgcs arc to maintain the King's 'Authority^ c confident with the Subje&s Liberties ; which, if they c be innovated or prejudged, fuch Confufion would en-
* fue, as this Realm could be no more a free Monarchy ;
< . fo for the prefervation of true Religion, Laws
c and Liberties of this Kingdom, it is ftatute by the 8th € A&> Pari. I. repeated in the 99th Aft, Pari 1th, rati-
* ficdinthc &%d Aft, Pari nth, and 114^ Aft, Parh € 12th of King fames VI. and 4th Aft of King Charles € I. that all Kings and Princes, at their Coronation and c Reception of their Princely Authority, fhall make
* their faithful Promife by their iblemn Oath, in the
* Prcftnce of the Eternal God, That enduring the whole
* time of their Lives, they (hall fervc the fame Eternal
* God, to the uttcrmoft of their power, according as he f hath required in his moft holy Word, contained in the
* Old and New Teftaments ; and according to the fame € Word, (hall maintain the true Religion of Chrift Jefus, c the preaching of his holy Word, the due and right c Miniftration of the Sacraments, now received and
* preached within this Realm (according to the Confef- c lion of Faith immediately preceding) and (hall abolilh
* and gainftand all falfe religion, contrary to the fame ; *- and (hall rule the people committed to their charge, ac-
* cording to the Will and Command of God, revealed ip
* his forefaid Word, and according to the laudable Laws
* and Conftitutions received in this Realm, noways re-
* pugnant to the laid Will of the Eternal God ; and (hall
* procure, to the uttermoft of their power, to the Kirk € of God, and whole Chriftian people, true and perfeft *? peace in all time coming; and that they fhall be care- c fal to root, out of their Empire all Heretfcks, and Ene-
* mies to the true Worfhip of God, who fhall be convi-
* £ted by the true Kirk of God of tho forefaid Crimes.* Now, this Coronation Oath he hath not taken, he will not, he cannot take ; and therefore cannot be our crowned King according to Law. As there be alio many other taws, incapacitating his admiffion to the Crown, be- ing a profeiled Papift, and no Law for it at all, but one of his own making, by a packed CabaLof his own com- f iices^ a. Parliament wherein himfelf prefided as Com-
naif-
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 32 ?
miffioner, enabling materially his Succcflion, and refun- ding all chefe ancient Laws: which Acl of Succeffion (which is all the legal right he can pretend to in Scotland) becaufe it cannot be juftified; therefore his right cannoc be owned, which is founded upon the fubverfion of our ancient Laws. But as he cannot be our legally crowned King, fo he is not fo much as formally crowned. And therefore before his Inauguration, whatever right to be King (whom the Reprefentatives may admit to the Go- vernment) he may pretend to, by hereditary Succeftion; yet he cannot formally be made King, till the people make a Compact with him, upon terms for the f^ety of their deareit andneareft Liberties, even though he were not difabled by Law. He might, as they fay, pretend to fome right to the thing, but he could have no right in the thing. The Kings of Scotland, while uncrowned, can exerce no Royal Government; for the Coronation in Concrete, according to the fubftance of the Act, is no Ce- remony (as they, who make Confcience itfelf but a Cere- mony, call.it) nor an accidental ingredient in the Confti- tution of a King, but a.s it is diftincTive, fo it is confti- tutive : it diftinguifhed Saul from all ifrael, and made him from no King to be a King ; it is dative, and not only declarative ', it puts fome honour upon him that he had not before, g. Though the Laws ffaould not ftrike againft his Coronation, and though the Reprefentatives legally fhould take the fame mcafures with him that they took with his brother, and admit him upon the terms of the Covenant; yet after fnch doleful experiences of fuch tranfadtions with thefe Sons of Belial, who mull: not be taken with hands, nor by the hand,' it were hard totruft, or entruft them with the Government, even though they fhould make the fa ireft Profeffions ; ilncc they, whofe Principle is to keep no faith to Hereficks (as they call us) and who will be as absolute in their promifrs as they are in their power, have defervedly forfeited all Credit and Trufr with honeftmen; fo thatnone could rationally refer the determination of a half Crown Reckoning to any of them, far Iefs own them and their Government in the Management of the weightier} affairs of Scare, (mce their Maleverfations are written in fuch bloody Characters>as
he
$2? Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority*
he that runs may read them. At leaft it were wifdom- and is our duty, to take our Meafures from the General AfTembly's Procedure with the other Brother^ before his admiflion to the Government, to fufpend our Allegiance to him, until Authority be legally devolved upon him, and founded upon, and bounded by terms, giving all ft- purity for Religion and Liberty.
12. As I faxd before, wary Prudencey in waving fiich an impertinent and ticklifh Qucftion, cannot be conr <iemncd ; fince whatever he may be in confeience, no man in Law can be obliged, to far to furrender the common privilege of all Mankind, to give an account of all his inward thoughts, which are always faid to be free. And 3s in nothing they are more various, £6 in siothing they can be more violented, than to have our opinion and fentiments of the current Government ex- torted from us, a declining of which Declaration of Thoughts, where no ouvert Aft in project or practice can be proven againft it, cannot be Treafon in any Law in the world : fo a cautelous Anfwer, in fuch a ticklifh and intra pping impofition, cannot be cenfured in point of l-awfulncfs or Expediency, even though much xbe con- ceded, to flop the Mouths of thefc bloody Butchers, gap- ing greedily a/ter the blood of the Anfwerer ; if he do fioc really o<wn> but give them to understand, he cannot approve of this Tyranny* But as thefc poor faithful Wit- flefles, who were helped to be mpft free, have always been honoured with the moft fignal Countenance of the Lord in a happy ifiue of their Teftimony: fa thofe that yfed their Prudentials moft, in leeking fhifts to fhun Se-? verity, and ftudying to fatisfy thefe Inqwjitors with their ftretched Conceftlons, were ordinarily more expofecf to fnares, and found iefs Satisfaction in their Sufferings, - sven though they could fay much to juftify, or at leaft extenuate their Shiftings. I knew one, who had proof of this, who afterwards was afhamed of this kind of Prudence. A fhort account of whofc managing of An- fwcrsto this Queftion, becaufc it may conduce fomewhat tn the explication of ity may here be hinted. The Que- ftion moved after the ufual form, was, Do ye own the Au- thority of King James VIL la anfwer to which, he
pleaded. .
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 529
pleaded firft, for the immunity of his Thoaghrs, which he faid were not fubjeft to theirs or any Tribunal. When this could not be an evafion from their extortions, he obje&cd the ambiguity of the terms in which the Queftion was conceived, being capable of divers fenfes : and enquired, what they meant by Authority ? What, by owning Authority? By Authority, whether did they mean°the Adminifiration of it, as now improved 1 If f0> then he was notiatisfied with it: or the Right , as now eftablifhed ? If fo, then he was not clear to give his opi- nion of it, as being neither iignificant nor necefTary ; and that it was fitter for Lawyers, and thofe that were better acquaint with the Secret j of Government, than for him to difpute it. Again he asked, What they meant by owning ? Either it is pajfive Subjection, that he did not decline ; or aftive Acknowledgment of it, and that he faid he looked upon as all the Suffrage he could give to its eftablifhment in his (ration, which he muft demur upon fome fcrupJe. The replies he received were very vari- ous, and fome of them very rare, either for ignorance or impoflure. Sometimes, it was anfwered : To own the JCing's Authority, is to take the Oath of Allegiance-; this he rcfufed. Some anfwered, It is to engage never to rife in Arms againft the King, upon any pretence whatfoe- ver ; this he refufed likewife. Others explained it ta be, to acknowledge his right to be King : To this he anfwered, When the Authority is legally devolved upon him by the Rcprefentatives of both Kingdoms, it was time enough for him to give account of his fentiments. Others defined it, to own him to be lawful King by fucceffion. To this he anfwered, He did not underfhnd fuccefllon could make a man formally King, if there were not fome other way of conveyance of it; it might put him in the neareft Capacity to be King, but could not make him King. Some did thus paraphrafe upon it, That he muft own him to be his fovereign Lord tinder God, and God's Vicegerent, to be obeyed in all things lawful. To this he^anfwered, Whom God ap- pnints, and the People choofe according to Law, he Would own. When thofe fhifts would not do, but from *4me to time being urged to a Categorical Anlwer ; lie
told
35^ Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority.
told them, He was content to live in fubje&ion to any Government Providence fet up ; but for owning the prefent Constitution as of God, and according to Law, he durft not acknowledge it, nor own any mor- tal as his lawful Sovereign, but in terms confiftent with the Covenant fecuring Religion and Liberty. This not Satisfying, when he came to a more pinching Trial; he declared, he owned all lawful Authority according to the Word of God, and all Authority that was the Ordi- nance of God by his preceptive Will, and he could be fubjeft to any ; but further to acknowledge it, he be- hoved to have more cleamefs; for fometimes a Nation} might be charged with that, ye have fet up kings, and riot by me, &c. Further he conceded, He owned his pro- vidential Advancement to the Throne; he owned as much as he thought did oblige him to fubjeft himfelf with patience ; he owned him to be as lawful, as Pro- vidence poffeffing him of the Throne of his Anceftors, and lineal Succeffion, as prefumed next in Blood and Line, could make him: butftillhe declined to own him as lawful King, and aliedged that was all one, whe- ther he was lawful or not, he refund not Subjeclion% diftinguifhing it always from Allegiance. But all thefe conceffions did not fa.tisfy them, and aliedged he might fey all this of a Tyrant, and therefore commanded him to give it under his hand, to own not only the lineal, but the legal Succeffion of King James VII. to the Crown of Scotland', which he did, upon a fancy, that Legal did not import Lawful, but only the formality of their Law \ withal protecting, he might not be interpreted to approve of his fucceffion. But this was a vain Vroteflaticn againfi Facl. However, by this we fee, what is owning this Au- thority, in the {enk o£ the In quijitors. The refult of all is, to acknowledge Allegiance to the prefent poffeflbr, and to approve his pretended Authority as lawful, right- ful and righteous; which indeed is the true fenfe of the Words, and any other, that men can forge or find out, is {trained. For, to fpeak properly, if we own his Au- thority in any refpeel, wTe own it to be lawful : for e- very Authority, that is owned to be Authority indeed, is lawful ; Authority always importing Authorisation y and
coiv
Concerning owning of Tyrants Autho rity . 331
:onfifting in a Right or Call to rule, and is formally and :flentiaily contradiftinft to Ufurpation: where-ever the place of power is merely ufurped, there is no Authority 3Ut according to his Word', a Stile without truth, a barely- pretended nominal equivocal Authority, no real denomina- :ion : if we then own this Man's Authority, we own it to be lawful Authority : and if we cannot own it fo, we :annotown it at all. For it is molt fuitable, either to manly ingenuity, or Christian firjaplicity, to ipeak pro- perly, and to take words always in the fenfe, that they :o whom they are (peaking will underftand them, with- Dut equivocating.
Thefe Preliminaries being thus put by, which do con- rribute to clear fomewhat in this Controverfy, and both furnifh us with fome Arguments for, and folutions in naoft of the objeftions againft my Thefis> in anfwer to the Queftions above ftated. I let it down thus: A people long opprejfed with the Encroachments of Tyrants and Ufur- Hrs, may difown all Allegiance to their pretended Authority y %nd when impofed upon to acknowledge it> may and mufi ra- ther chufe tofuffer> than to own it. And coniequently we cannot, as matters now ftand, own, acknowledge, or approve the pretended Authority of King fames VII. as lawful King of Scotland ; as we could not, as matters then Hood, own the Authority of Charles II. This con- sequence is abundantly clear from the foregoing dedu-r ftion, demonftrating their Tyranny and Ufurpation. la profecuting of this general Thefis, which will evince the particular Hypothecs, I fliall, 1. Adduce fome hijlcrical Inftances, whence it may be gathered, that this is not altogether without a precedent, but that people have difowned Allegiance to Tyrants and Ufurpers before now. 2. Deduce it from the Dictates of Reafon. 3. Con- firm it by Scripture -arguments.
I. Albeit, as was fhewed before, this QueHron, as now Hated, is in many refpedts unprecedented , yet the pra- ctice, which in our day hath been the refult of it, to wir, to difown, or not to own prevailing Dominators u- furping the Government^ or abuling k, is not fo alien from the examples of H/Jlory> but that by equivalency or confequence it maybe collected from, and confirmed by initancest 1, To
53s Concerning owning of Tymntt Authority.
I. To begin at home, befides many PafTages related already for confirmation, we may add, (i.) That for about 1025 years, the people had in their choke whom to own, or admit to fuccced in the Government, c Evert € though the Kingdom was hereditary ; and ufed to e- c left, not fuch who were neareft in blood and line, but 4 thefe that were judged moft fit for Government, being € of the fame progeny of Fergus, Jkichanan'j Hiftory of c Scotland, Book vi. Pag. 195. in the Life 0/Kenneth III.* This continued until the days of Kenneth III. who to cover his villainous Murder of his Brother's Son Malcolm^ and prevent his, and fecure his own Son's fucceffion, procured this Charter for Tyranny, the fettlement of the fucceffion of the next in line from the Parliament : which, as it pretended the prevention of many inconve- oiencies, arifing from Contentions and Competitions a- fcout the fucceffion; fb it was limited by Laws, pre* eluding the fucceffion of Fools or Monfters, and prelerv- ing the peoples liberty to (hake off the yoke, when Ty~ ranny fliould thereby be introduced : otherwife it would have been not only an irrational furrender of all their own Rights, and enflaving the pofterity, but an irreli-* gious contempt of Providence, refilling and anticipating its determination in fuch a<afe. However it is clear, before this time, that as none but the fitteft were admit- ted to the Government; fo if any did ufurp upon it, or afterwards did degenerate into Tyranny, they took fuch order with him, as if he had not been admitted at all ; as is clear in the inftances of the firft Period* and would never own every pretender to hereditary fuccef- fion. (2) As before Kenneth's days, it is hard to reckon the numerous inftances of Kings that were dethroned, or imprifoned, or flain, upon no other account than that of their oppreffion and Tyranny ; fo afterwards, they maintained the fame power and privilege of repreffing them, when ever they began to encroach. And altho* no Nation hath been more patient towards bad Kings, as well as Loyal towards good ones ; yet, in all former times, they underftood fo well their Right they had, and the duty .they owed to their own prefcrvatiori, as ^hat they fcldom failed of calling th$ exorbitantly flagi^
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority, 533
tious to an account. And albeit, inftead of condoling or avenging the death of the Tyrannous, they have of- ten both excufed and juftificd it, yet no Kingdom hath inflided feverer Punifhments upon the Murderers of juft and righteous Princes : and therefore, though they did neither enquire after, nor animadvert upon thofe that flew James the III. a flagitious Tyrant, ycz they did, by moft excjuillte Torments, put them to death who flew James the I. a vertuous Monarch*. Hence, becaufe thefc and other inftances I mind to adduce of depoimg Tyrants, may be excepted againff, as not pertinent to my purpofe, who am not pleading for exaudtoraticn and depofition of Tyrants, being impracticable in our cafe : I fhall once for all remove that, and dcCire it may be confidered, [ 1.] That though we cannot formally ex- auclorate a Tyrant ; yet he may, by Law it felf fall from his right, and may exau&orate himfelf, by his Law by whom Kings reign ; and this is all we plead for as a foundation of not owning him, [2.] Though we have not the fame power, yet we have rhe fame grounds, and as great and good, if not greater and bet- ter reafons to reject and difbwn our Tyrant, as they, whofe example is here adduced, had to depofe fome of their Tyrannizing Princes. [3 ] If they had power and ground to depofe them, then a fortiori, they had power and ground to difown them ; for that is left, and includ- ed in the other, and this we have. [4.] Though ic fhould be granted, that they did not difown them before they were depofed ; yet it cannot be faid that they did difown them only becaufe they were depofed : for it is not depofition that makes a Tyrant ; it only declare; him to be juftly punifhed, for what he was before. As the fentence of a judge does not make a man a murcferer or Thief, only declares him convict of thefc Crimes, and punifhable for them; 'tis his own committing them that makes him Criminal : and, as before the fentence, having certain knowledge of rhe fa 61, we might difown the Man's innocency or honefly ; fo a Ruler's Afts o£ Tyranny and Ufurpation make him a Tyrant and tl- furper, and give ground to difown his juft and leoal au- thority ; which he can have 00 more than a Murderer
or
3 54 Concerning owning of- Tyrants Authority.
or Thief can have innocency or honefty. (3) We find al- io examples of their difbwning Kings undepofed ; as King Baliol was difowncd with his whole race, for at- tempting to enflave the Kingdoms Liberties to foreign power. And if this may be done for fuch an attempt, as the greateft Court parafites, and Sycophants confent ; what then fhali be done for fuch as attempt to fubjeel: the people to domeftick or inteftinc Slavery 1 (hall we refufe to be flaves to one without, and be, and own our felvei contented Slaves to one within the Kingdom ? It known alfo that King Jfames the L his Authority waj refufed by his fubje&s in France, fo long as he was a Prifoner to the Englifi there, though he charged the: upon their Allegiance, not to fight againft the parti who had his perfbn Prifoner ; They anfwered,They own- ed no Prifbner for their King, nor owned no Allegianct to a Prifbner. Hence Princes may learn, though peopl< fiibmit to their Government; yet their refignation oi them (elves to their obedience is not fb full, as that they are obliged to own Allegiance to them, when either morally or phyfically they are incapacitate to exerce Authority over them. They that cannot rule themfelvesj cannot be owned as Rulers over a people.
2. Neither hath there been any Nation, but what at one time or other hath furnifhed examples of this Na- ture. The Englifi Hiftory gives account, how fbme of their Kings have been dealt with by their Subjects, for impieties againft the Law and Light of Nature, and en- croachments upon the Laws of the Land. Vortigevn was dethroned for inceftuoufly marrying his own Sifter, Neither did ever Blafphemies, Adulteries, Murders, plotting againft the lives of innocents, and talcing them away by Voijon or Razor, ufe to efcape the animadverfi- on of men, before they were Prieft-ridden unto a be- lief that Princes perfons were facred. And if men had that generofity now, this man that now reigns might expecl fame fuch animadverfion. And We find alfo King Edward, and Richard the II. were depofed, for U- furpatipn upon Laws and Liberties, in doing whereof the people avowed, They would not fuffer the Laws of En- gland to be changed. Surely the people of England muft
now
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 535
flow be far degenerate, who having fuch Laws trans- mitted to them from their worthy Ancestors, and the/ themfelves being born to the pofTeffion of them without a change, do now fuffer them to be Co encroached upon, and mancipate themfelves, and leave their Children vaf- fals to Popery, and ilaves to Tyranny.
5. The Dutch alfo, who have the beft way of guiding of Kings of any that ever had to do with them ( wit- nefs their having fo many of them in chains, now in Ba- tavia in the Eajl-Indies) are not wanting for their pare to furnifh us with examples. When the King ot Spain would not condefcend to govern them according to their ancient Laws, and rule for the good of the people, they declared him to be fallen from the Seigniory of the Nether- lands, and fo erected themfelves into a flourifhing Com- mon-wealth. It will not be amifs to tranferibe fome of the words of the Edict: of the States General to this pur- pofe. It is well known, (fay they) c That a Prince and 1 Lord of a Country is ordained, by God, to be Sove- c reign and Head over his fubjects, to preferve and de- c fend them from all injuries*, force, and violence ; and
* that if the Prince therefore fa ileth therein, and inftead
* of preferving his fubjects, doth outrage and opprefs 1 them, depriveth them of their Privileges and ancient € Cuftoms, commandeth them, and will be ferved of c them as flaves; they are no longer bound to refpetl: 1 him as their Sovereign Lord, but to elteem of him as a 1 Tyrant, neither are they bound to acknowledge him c as their Prince, but may abandon him, &Pc* And with this agrees the anfwer of William, Prince of Orange^ to the Edict of Vrofcripion, publifhed againft him by Phi- lip the II. There is, fays he, c A reciprocal Bond be- 4 twixt the Lord and his vafTal ; ib that if the Lord 1 break the Oath, which he hath made unto his vafTal, 1 the vafTal is difcharged of the Oath made unto his f Lord. ' This was the very Argument of the poor fuf- fering people of Scotland, whereupon they difowned the Authority of Charles the II.
4. The Monarchy of France is very abfolute ; vet there alfo the State hath taken order with their Ty- rants ; nor only have we many inftances, of refinances
made
g?6 Concerning owning ofTyvants Authority*
made againft them, but alfo of difowning, difablingi and invalidating their pretended Authority, and repret ling their Tyranny. So was the two Childerici ferved : fo alfo Sigebertusy Dagabertus, and Lodowick the II. Kings of France.
5. The great body of Germany moves very flowtyj and is inured to bear great burdens: yet there alfo we find Joanna of Auftria> Mother of Charles the V. was put to perpetual imprifonment : which example is ad- duced by the Earl of Morton y in his difcourfe to the Queen of England (whereof I rchcarfed a part before) vindicating the depofing and difowhing Queen Mary oi Scotland. If, faith he, c We compare her with Joan-
* na of Auftria, — ; what did that poor wretch com-
* mk, but that fhe could not want a little luftful plea- c fure, as a remedy neceffary for her age 1 and yet, poor c Creature, fhe fuffered that punifhment, of which our
* Dame, conVi&ed of moft grievous Crimes, how com-
* plains. ' Buchanans Hifiory of Scotland, Book
xx. Pag. 748. The Duke of Saxony the Landgrave of
. Eejfe, and the Magiftrates of Magdehurgh, joined in a war againit her Son Charles the V. and drew up a con- clusion by refolution of Lawyers, wherein are thefe words. — c Neither are we bound to him by any o-
* ther reafon, than if he keep the conditions on which he ** was created Emperor. By the Laws themfeives it is
* provided, That the Superior Magi ftrate (hall not in-
* fringe the right of the inferior, and if the Superior c Magiftrate exceed the limits of his power, and cosh
* mand that which is wicked, not only we need not c obey him, but if he offer force we may refift him.* Which Opinion is confirmed by fbme of the greatefl ^Lawyers, and even fbme who are Patrons of Tyranny3 Crotlus none of the greateft enemies of Tyrants^ de jure belli, lib. I. chap. 4. Pag. II. faith out of Barclaius, and with him, That the King doth lofehis -power when he feek* eth the defirutlion of his fuhjetfs. It was upon the ac-
' count of che Tyranny of that bloody houfe of Aufiria o- vcr the HehetianSy that they fbook offthe rule and Go- vernment of that family, and eftablifhcd themfelves into a republick. And at this prefcat time, upon the fimd
Concerting owning of Tyrants Authority* 357
atcounts, the Tyranny and Treachery of this Imperial Majefty, the Hungarians have efTaycd to maintain and juftity a revolt in difbwning the Emperor, now for fc- veral years.
6. Poland is an elective Kingdom, and fo cannot but be fercile of many inftanees of cafting off Tyrants. Hen- ricus Valerius, difowned for fleeing, and Sigifmundui for violating his faith to the States, may fumce. Lex Re* ^24. Pag. 217.
7. In Denmark, we find Chrifiiernus their King, was, for his intolerable Cruelty, put from the Kingdom, he and all his Pofterity, and after twenty years did end his life in Prifon.
S. In Swedland, within the Compafs of one Century, the people depofed and banifhed the two Chnfiierns^ and dethroned and imprifoned Uncus, for their opprcf- ilons and Tyranny, and for purfuing the dcftru&ion of their Subjects.
9. The Portuguefe, not many years ago, laid afide and confined Alphonfus their King, for his rapines and Murders.
10. Some Dukes of Venice have been fb difbwned by thefe Common-Wealths Men, that laying afide theic royal honours as private men, they have fpent their days in Monafteries. Buchan. de jure regni apud Scotos.
11. If we will revolve the old Roman Hiftories, we fhall find no fmall (tore of fueh examples^ both in the time of their Kings, Confuls, and Emperors. Their feventh King Tarquinius Superbus was removed by the people, for his evident Ufurpation : faith Livius, That is, for he had nothing for a right to the Government, but mere force, and got the rule neither by the peoples confent and choice, nor by the Authority of the Senators. So after- wards the Empire was taken from Vitellius, HeliogabuluS) Maximinus, hidius Julianus, Lex Rex, ub, fupra.
12. But it will be faid. Can there be any inftanees of the Primitive Chrifiians adduced \ Did ever they, while groaning under the moft infupportable Tyranny of their perfecuting Emperors, difown their Authority, or fuffer for not, owning it ? To this I anfwer, 1, What they did, or did nor of this kind, is &ot of moment to
Y —-
33$ Concerning owning of tyrants Authority.
enquire : feeing their pra&ice and example, under Fuch dili d vantages*, can neither be known exactly, nor what is known of it be accommodated to our cafe : for (i) they were never forced to give their judgment, neither was the cjueftion ever put to them, whether they own- ed their Authority or not ? If they tranfgreffed the Laws, they were liable to the punifhment, they craved no more of them. (2) They confefs themfelves to be fivangers, that had no eitablifhments by Law \ and therefore they behoved to be paffivcly fubje6t, when in no capacity to refift; there was no more required of them. Yet Lex Rex guejt, 35. pag.-$~]l. cites Theodoret affirming, Then evil men reigned through the unmanlinefs of the fubjeBs. (3) Their examples are not imitable in ail. things : they were againft refinance, which we doubt not to prove is lawful againft Tyrannical violence : ma- ny of them rcfufed vo flee from the fury of Perfecuters : they ran to Martyrdom, when neither cited nor accufed ; and to obtain the Crown thereof they willingly yielded up their lives and liberties alfo to the rage of Tyrants, We cannot be obliged to all thefe. 2. Yet we find fomc Examples net altogether unapplicable to this purpofe. When Barochbachy the pretended King of the Jews, 'af- ter the deftruftron of Jew/alem, fet himfelf up as King in BHiery a City 'in Arabia', th* Chriflians that were in his precincts, refufed to own him as King ; which was one great eaufe of his perfecuring them. 'Tis true he perfecuted them aifb for other things, as for their noc denying Chrift ; fo are we perfecuted for many other things, than for cur ilrnple difbwning of the King : yec this is reckoned as a diftinfi: caufe of their fuffering, by Mr. Medey on the Revel. Part. I. Pag. 43. Gees Magift. Origin. Chap. IO. Seel. 7. Pag. 361. The fame laft cited Author fhews, that when AlbinuSy Nigery and Caffius\ fucceffively ufurped the Empire, having none of them any legal invertiture, the ChriOians declined the recog- nition of their claim, and would not own them; and that upon this TevtuUian fays, That is, the Chriflians could never be found to be Albinians, or Nigrians, or Caffians, weaning they were never Owners of thefe men for Magi- grates, And fa may we fay, We way be afbamedto be
found
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 33$
fourd amongfi the Charlites and Jacobites of thefe Times. Not unlike is the pafTage of Ambrofey who, in favours of Yalentiman the rightful Governor, contefted againft: Ma- v'tmus the Tyrant, and not only difowntd him, but ex- communicated him, for which he was threatened with death. And yet it is obfervable, that when Maximus of- fered to interpofe his power in defence of Ambrofe, that he might not be banifhed by Jujlina the Emprefs, he would not accept of the help of Maximus, whofe power be difallowed and difowned. Whence I obferve, thac it is not without a Precedent for a Minifter to dilbwn a Tyrant, to refufe favour from him ; yea, and to excom- municate him, yea, even without the concurrence of his fainting Brethren ; for all which fbme of our faithful Minifters have been much condemned in our day, especi- ally Mr. Donald Cargil for excommunicating Charles the II. and James, Duke of Tork, as if fuch a thing had ne- ver been done before: whereas, we fee what Amhrofe did to Maximus. And this fame faithful Minifter, Am- brojius Minifter at Milan, in Italy, did alfo hold out of the Aflcmbly of the Christians Theodofius the Emperor, though a moft virtuous Prince, for that grievous Scan- dal committed by him, againft the innocent people at Thejfalonica, in killing fo many of them in a paffionate tranfport. But, 3. fince this objection of the primitive Chriftians is much indfted on, both againft this and the head of defenfive Arms : I fhall further take notice of feveral diftinftiens, that do make the difference betyveea their cafe and ours very vaft. (i) There is a great dif- ference betwixt a Prince of the common Religion of his Subjeft^ but diftin£l from fome of them, whom yet he does not feek to entice to his Religion, but gives them li- berty, and the benefit of the Law as other Subjecls : (which was the cafe of many in thefe primitive times fometimes.) And a Prince, by all means, both foul and fair, prefling to a revolt from the true, and to embrace a falfe Religion. In this cafe (which is ours with a witnefs) it muft be granted wefhould be wary, that we neither engage with him, nor own Allegiance to him, when he would withdraw us from our Allegiance to> Cod. (2) There ij a great difference betwixt a Prince
Y £ jper-
I
340 Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority
erlecuting the true Religion, which only a few of his ubje£is here and there did profefs, who, in regard of thesr Paucity were never in capacity to be looked upon as the body of the people, impowering him as their pu- blick Servant; (which was their cafe) and a Prince periecuting that Religion, which was profeifed by the, body of the Nation, when they fet him up. In this lat- ter cafe, men of great fenfe have denied he Ihould be owned for a Prince, becaufe then he is ftated againft the common good. This was our cafe under the former King, and yet under this, though all ProfefTors be not now perfecuted, the public!* Religion and ancient Prefor- mation is perfecuted in a few, whom he intends to dc- ftroy, and in their deftru&ion to bury it. (3) There i$ a difference betw'ixt a Prince periecuting P^eligion, pu- blickly owned and received or his fubje&s, yet never ap- proved nor confirmed by Law (as it was not in the pri- mitive times') and a Prince perfecuting Religion rati-r fied and eftabliflied by the Laws of the Land, which is oyr cafe. It -will- feem clear to every foul, not benight- ed with Court darknefs, that he then of courfe, and, by Law, fa lie th from his right in this cafe, becaufe now he is not only flared againft the common good, but againft the very Laws by which the Subje&s muft be ruled. Then he ruleth not as a Prince, to whom the Law giv^ erh his Meafures and bounds, but rageth as a Tiger and Tyrant, and ought to be carried towards as fuch. (4) There is a difference betwixt a Prince fupprefling that Religion efta'blifhed by Law, which he never profejfed^ hot never gave his confent to thefe Laws (as might be the cafe of fome of the Arrian Emperors) though it be unlawful for any people to fet up any Mortal over them, who is not in this cafe bound to the good beha- viour ; and a Prince, oppoiTng and oppreffing that Reli- gion, which himfelf harh profeffed* and is ratified by Laws with his own confent: which was our cafe under the former King, who did give the moft folemn Ratifica- tion of them that ever was oiven, but afterwards moft. perfidionfly retraced it. As alfo this ApoflaU Papiftr^ did fometime profefi himfelf fVoteftant, and confented to the Laws eftablifhing it3 and the penal Statutes a-
gainft
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 541
gainft Papifts, though now he is going about to raze all, and ruin that alone valuable Treafure of our Na- tion, Religion. (5.) There is a difference betwixt a Prince confirming to Laws ellablifhing Religion which he now perfecuteth ( which might have been the Cafe of Julian the Apojiate ) and a Prince, who not only confenred to thefe Laws, but who did upon thefe very terms, and no other, get and receive his Crown and Sceptre, that he fhould preferve the Religion as reformed, aod protect as a Father the Profeffors thereof, and maintain the Laws eftablifhing it, which yet be, perfidioufly and pernicioufly, being once fettled in the Government, breaks, cafts, caffs res and overturns (which was done by Charles) or, and a Prince who will be bounded by the Laws he confenred to, nor be bound to the obfervation of any Laws whatfoever ; but chal- lenges it as his Prerogative royal, to be ahfolute above all Laws, and denying all Security upon terms, is free to tiellroy Religion and Liberty, and all the valuable In- rercfts of the Nation, when.he pleafe>. This is James his Character. (6.) There is a difference betwixt a Prince breaking the main and only Arncle of his Cove- nant, in a fit of fury and rage, being transported upon fome Miifakcs (which was the cafe of Theodofws the tm- peror) and a Prince not only violating this upon delibe- ration, but plainly declaring, that neither Oath nor De- claration can or will bind him; but thefe being made void, he will deftroy without reftraint all thefe cove- nanted privileges (this was the cafe of Charles) or, and a Prince, who, as he never will come under the bond of a Covenant with his people : So tho' he make never fo many fair promifes with the greateft Solemnities, main- tains a principle, that he will keep no promifes, but when, and with whom he pleafes, and can get a Dif- penfation to break all when he likes. (This is James his Ingenuity.) Sure in this cafe, flich as are fo characteri- zed, declare themfelves fb far from being Princes, that they profefs before the world, they are no more men to be converfed with: for, if neither their Words,.Writs, Vows, Promifes, Oaths, Declarations, nor Proreifations can bind them, what Society can be had with thou ? Are they
not
342 Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. .
not to be looked upon, and carried towards as commof Enemies of Morality, Religion, Rightcoufnefs, Liberty, Humanity, yea even of Mankind itielf? Now then, let the world be Judge, if the people of Scotland, can be judged in Conference, Reafbn, Prudence, Policy, or any imaginable way, bound to own their Authority, being fo Rated, and by the Aft relciflbry> all human ground refunded, that ever it (hall be otherwife: let them go feek other (laves where they can find them, for we will not fell ourfelves and pofterity to Tyrants as flavcs, nor give up our Religion and the exercife of it to the Mould- ings of the Court.
II. In the fecond place, It being clear from thefe fore- tnentiotfed inftances, that Tyrants and Ufurpers have been difbwned ; and it being alfb as clear as light can make any trying, from the foregoing Account of their Go- vernment, and all the characters of Truculency, Trea- chery and Tyranny, confpicuoufly relucent therein, thar thefe two Gentlemen, whofe Authority We are preffedto own, were Tyrants and Ufurpers: it remains therefore to prove from all dictates of P.cafbn about Government, that their pretended Authority could not nor cannot be owned. For the Argument runs thus ; the Authority of Tyrants and Ufurpers cannot be owned; but the Authority of Charles and James was and is the Authority of Tyrants and Ufurpers* therefore their Authority cannot be owned. Now 'tis the Major of this Syllogifm that I undertake to prove, the Minor being €o clear from their Hiftory, that to prove it by witnefles were to do what is already done*
I. All Authority to be owned of men muft be of Gody and ordained of God ' for fb the Apofllc teacheth exprcfly, Rom, xiii. I. &c. which is the alone formal reafon of our Subjection to them, and that which makes it a damnable fin to refift them ; becaufe it is a refilling the Ordinance of God* The Lord owns himfeif to be the Author of Magistrates, Prov. viii. 15. By me Kings reign and Princes decree Juflice. As he is the Author of man, and hath made him a fbciable Creature, fo he is the Author of the Order of human Society, which is necefTary for the prefervation of Mankind, he being the God of Order and not of Confuilon. And this muft hold not only of th«
fupreme
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 345
fupremc Authority, but of fubordinate Magiftrates alfo ; for chey mull be included in the higher Powers, to whom we muft bcfubjeclp Rom. xiii. and they that refift them, refift God's Ordinance too. Their judgment is GocTsy as well as the judgment of the fupremc Magiftrate, Dent. L 17. 2 Chron. xix. 6, 8. they are called gods among whom the Lord judgeth, Pfal. lxxxii. 1. He Ipeakcth not there of a Congregation of Kings. We are to be fubjedl: to them for the Lord's fake, as well as to the fupreme Magiftrate, I Pet. ii. 13. therefore all Magiftrates, fuperior and infe- rior, are ordained of God in the refpe&ive places. *Tis true, Peter calls every degree of Magiftracy an Ordinance of man, not that he denies it to be an Ordinance of God (for fo he would contradift Paul, Rom. xiii.) but terms it fo emphatically, to commend the worth of obedience to Magiftrates, though but men, when we do it for the Lord'* fake: not effe&ively^ as an invention of men, but JubjeBivelyy becaufe exercifed by men, and created and inverted by human fuffrages, confidered as men in Soci- ety, and objectively, for the good of man, and for the external peace and fafety of man, thereby differenced from the Miniftry, an Ordinance of Cbrift, for the fpiri- tual good of mens fouls. Hence, thofe F.ulers that are not of God, nor ordained of God, cannot be owned without fin; but Tyrants and Ufurpers are the Rulers, that are nor of God, nor ordained of God, but are fet up, and not by him, &c. Ho£ viii. 1 — 4. therefore they cannot he owned without fin. I refer ic to any man of Confer- ence and Reafbn to judge, if thefe Scriptures, proving Magiftracy to be the Ordinance' of God, for which alone it is to be owned, can be applied to Tyrants and Ufur- pers. How will that, Rom. xiii. read of Tyrants? Let every foul be fubjeci to Tyrant J, for they are ordained of God as his Minifters of fufiice, &c. a-ad are a terror to good works y and a fraife to the evil. Would not every man naufeatc that as not the Doclrine of God? Again, how would that found, Prov. viii. By me Tyrants reign, and Vfurfers decree injuftice? Harfh to Chriftian ears. Can they be fa id to be gods among whom the Lord judgeth ? If they be, they muft befuch as the witch of Btidbr (aw, gods coming out of the earth, whea (he raifed the Devil; ia
a very
544 Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority.
a very catechreftical Meaning, as the Devil is called the* God of this 'world. And indeed they have no more power, nor btherwife to be owned, than he hath: for this is a Truth, Tyranny is a work of Satan, and not from God ; becaufe fin, either habitual orafiual, is- not from God ; Tyranny is fin in habit and aft : therefore——. The Magiftrate, as Magiffrate., is good in nature and end, feeing the Minifter of God for good, a Tyrant, as a Ty- rant, is quite contrary. Lex Res faith well, c A Power c Ethical, Politick or Moral, to opprefs, is not from
* God, and is not a Power, but a licentious Deviation of
* a power, and no more from God, but from finful Na-
* ture, and the old Serpent, than a Licence to fin, Gjueft*
* 9 h 59* Hence fin, a licence to fin, a licentious finning, cannot be from God ; but Tyranny, Ufurpation, abfo- lute power encroaching upon all Liberties, Laws, Di- vine and human, is fin, a licence to fin, a licentious fin- ning: Therefore . But, to make this clear, and to
obviate what may be fa id againft this, let it be confider- cd, how the powers that be are of God, and ordained of God* Things are faid to be of God and ordained of Godx two ways; by his Purpofe and Providence, and by his Word and Warrant. Things may be of God, cither of his Hand working, or bringing them about, ordaining and ordering them to be to his Glory, either by a holy over-ruling Providence, zsSamfons defire of a wife was of God, Judg. xiv. 4. and Amaziah's infolcnt and foolifli rejection of Joafo his peaceable overture, 2 Chron. xxv. £0. or by a powerful effective Providence; fo Rom. xi. 56. Qfhim and through htm are all things, 1 Gor. viii. 6 One God, of whom are alj things. Or things be of God, of his Word warranting and authorizing. So we are com- manded to try thefptrits, whether they he of God (l John, iv. i.) So in this Senfe, fin, tentation, luft, corruptions of the world are not of God, Jam, u 13,- 1 John ii. 16. A- gain, things are ordained of God, either by the order of his Counfel or providential Will; either cffec'Hvely, by way of Production or Direction; or permiflively, by Way of Non-impedition : or they are ordained by the order of his Word and preceptive Will, The former is ©od's Ruie^ the latter i$ ours: the former is always ao~
c,ompUfhed,
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 345
eomplifhed, the latter is often contradicted : the former orders all a&ions, even finful; the latter only that Which is good and acceptable in the light of God: by the for- mer jjrael rejected Samuel, by the latter they fhouldhavc continued Samuel'* Government, and not fought a King: by the former Athaliah ufurped the Government, by the latter flie fhould have yielded obedience, and refigned the Government to the pofterity of Ahaziah : by the for- mer all have a phyiical fubordination to God as Crea- tures, fubjed to his all-difpofing Will ; by the latter, thofe whom he approves have a moral fubordination to God, as obedient fubje&s to his commanding Will. Now Magiftrates arc of God, and ordained by him both thefc ways ; Tyrants but one of them. I fay, Magiitrates, the higher powers, to whom we owe and mud own iub* jeftion, are of God both thefc ways, buth by his Purpofe and Providence; and that not merely eventual, but ef- fective and executive of his Word, difpofing both of the Title and Right, and poffefllon of the power, to them whom he approves, and bringing the People under a confeientious lubjeclion, and by his Word and Warrant. So Adonijah the Ufurpei (though he had the pretence of hereditary Right, and alio poffefiion by Providcoce)was forced to own King Solomon in thefc terms, upon which only a Magiftrate may be owned : The kingdom, fays he, iv as mine, and all if rael fet their faces on me that I fiould reign : howbeit the kingdom is turned about, and become myt hrothers, for it was his from the Lord, I King/ ii. 1 5. He had both Providence turning about the Kingdom to him, and alio the Warrant ofthe Lord's approhative and pre- ceptive Will. But Tyrants and Ufurpers are only of God, and ordained of God, by his overruling Purpofe and permif- five Providence, either for performing his holy purpofe to« wards themfelves, as Rehoboam's profefiing he would be a Tyrant,aod refufing the lawful defires ofthe people was of God, 2 Chron. x. I 5. or for a judgment and vengeance upon them that are fubjeft to them, Zech. txi. 6. whereby they ocr a power in their hand, which is 'the Rod of the Lord's indignation, and a Charge and Commiflion againft 3 hypocritical Nation, ifa. x. 5, 6. This is all the power they have from God, who gives Jacob to thefpoil, and /-
rael
54^ Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority.
frael to the robbers, when they Jin againji him, If a. xlii 24 This doth not give thefe Robbers any right, no more than they whofe tabernacle fro/per, into whofe hand Goa hringeth abundantly, job xii. 6. Thus all Robbers, and the great legal Robbers, Tyrants and their authorized Murderers, may be of God, to wit, by his Providence. Hence thofe that are not ordained of God's preceptive will, but merely by his providential Will, their Autho- rity is not to be owned; but Tyrants and Ufurpers arc Dot ordained of God's preceptive, but merely by his pro- vidential Will. The Minor needs no proof, yet will be cleared by many following arguments ; the Major will be afterwards more demonftrated. Here I fhalionly fay. They that have no other ordination of God impoweriog them to be Rulers, than the Devil hath, mult not be owned; but they that have no other than the ordination of Providence, have no other ordination of God im« powering them to be Rulers, than the Devil hath : there- fore they that have no other than the ordination of Pro- vidence, muft not be owned.
2. But let us next confider what is comprehended in the Ordination of that authority which is to be owned as of God: and it may be demonftrated, there are twe things in it, without which no authority can be owned as of God, *uiz> Inflitution and Conjlitution : fo as to give him, whom we muft own as God's Minifter, authority both in the AbfiraB and Concrete, that is, that he fhould have Magiftracy by God's Ordination, and be a Magiftrate by and according to the will of God. All acknowledge that Magiftracy hath God's Xnflitution, for the powers that be are ordained of God: which contains not only the appoint- ment of it, but the qualification and form of it. Thai government is appointed by divine precept all agree but whether the precept be moral natural, or moral po- fitive, Whether it was appointed in the ftate of innocen cy, or fince diforder came in the world, Whether it be Vrimano or Secundario, from the law of nature, is not a- greed upon. It may poifibly be all thefe ways ; govern- ment in the general may be from the law and light ol nature appointed in innocency, becaufe all its relative duties are enjoined in the fifth Command, and all na-
don.
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 347
ions naturally have anefteemof it, without which there ould be no order, diffin&ion, or communion in human Societies, but the fpecification or individuation may be >y a poftnatc, pofitive and fecondary hw, yet natural
00, for though there be no reafon in nature why any nan fhould be King and Lord over another, being in bme fenfe all naturally free, but as they yield them- elves under jurifdiction : the exalting of David over If- ael is not afcribed to nature, but to an a£r. of divine )Ounty, which took him from following the ewesy and nade him feeder of the people oflfrael, PfaL lxxviii. 70, 71 : yet nature teacheth, that If r ael and other People Ihould have a government, and that rhis fhould be fub- je&ed to. Next,' Not only is it appointed to be, buc qualified by inftitution, and the Office is defined, the iWprefcribed, and the meafures and Boundaries thereof are limited, as we fhall hear. Again, The forms of it, though politically, they are not ftinted, that people fhould have fuch a form and not another: yet Morally, ac leaft negatively, whatever be the form, it is limited to the rules of equity and jufticc,andmuftbe none otherthan what hath the Lord's Mould and Sanclion. But there is no inliitution any of thefe ways for Tyranny. Hence, that power that hath no inftitution from God, cannot be owned as his ordinance ; but the power of Tyrants is that power, being contrary in every refpect to God's in- ftitution, and a mere deviation from it, and ever/Ion of it : Ergo To the Minor it may be replied ; tho' the power which Tyrants may exerce, and Ufurpers at fume, may be in Concrete contrary to God's Inftitution, and fo not to be owned ; yet, in the AhflraByit may be acknowledged of God. It is but the Abufe of the power, and that does not take away the Vfe. We may own the power, though we do not own the abufe of it, I a??fiv.
1. I acknowledge the didinclion as to Magifirates is very pertinent; for it is well faid by the Congregation in*a Letter to the Nobility, Knox's Hifiory of Scotland^ Book 2.
* That there is a great difference betwixt the authority, c which is God's Ordinance, and the perfons of thefe 1 who are placed in authority ; the Authority and Or-
* dinancc of God can never do wrong, for it command-
< etk
348 Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority.
x eth that vice be punifhed, and virtue maintained } bu c the corrupted perfon placed in this authority may offenc »■ ' It is certain, higher powers arc not to be refifted
but fome perfons in power may be refifted. The power are ordained of God ; but Kings commanding unjul things are not ordained of God to do fuch things , Bui to apply this to Tyrants, I do not under ftand. Magi- strates in fome adls may be guilty of Tyranny, and yci retain rhe power of Magiftracy ; but Tyrants cannot be capable of Magistracy, nor any one of the Scripture-cha- racters of righteous Rulers. They cannot retain that which they have forfeited, and which they have over- turned; and Ufurpers cannot retain that which they ne- ver had. They may a& and cnaft fome things mate- rially juft, but they are not formally fuch as can make them Magiftrates, no more than fome unjuft actions can make a Magiftrate a Tyrant. A Murderer, laving the life of one and killing another, does not make him no Murderer : once a Murderer ay a Murderer, once a Rob- ber ay a Robber, till he reftore what he hath robbed : fo once a Tyrant ay a Tyrant, till he make amends for his Tyranny, and that will be hard to do. 2. The Con- crete does fpecificatc the abftract in actuating k} as a Magiftrate, in his cxercifing government, makes his power to be Magistracy; a Robber, in his robbing, makes his power to be Robbery; an Ufurper, in his ufurping, makes his power to be Ufurpation ; fo a Ty- rant, in his tyrannizing, can have no power but Tyran- ny. As the abftraft of a Magifirate is nothing but Ma- gistracy, Co the abftraft of a Tyrant is nothing but Ty- rannv. It is frivolous then to diftinguifh between a ty- rannical power in the Concrete, and Tyranny ia the ab- rrracT:; the power and the abufe of the power: for he hath no powrer as a Tyrant, but what is abuled. 5. They that object thus, muft either mean, that power in its general notion is ordained of God, but this par- ticular power abufed by Tyrants, and afTumed by U- furpers, is not ordained : or they muft mean, that the very power of Tyrants and Ufurpers is ordained of Gody but the way of holding and ufing it is not of God. If the firft be hid, they grant ail I plead for: for though
the
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority* 349
be power in general be ordained, yet what is this to Tyrants and Ufurpers ? would not this claim be ridicu- jus for any man to fay, God hath ordained govern- lents to be, therefore I will challenge it ] God hath or- dained Marriage, therefore any may cohabit together s man and wife, without formal Matrimony ? If the scond be alledged, that the power of thefe prevailing )ominators is ordained, but not their holding and ufing f it : this is nonfenfe, for how can a power be ordained, nd the ufe of ic be unlawful ? For the abufe and ufe of yrannical power is all one and reciprocal : an Ufurper annot ufe his power but by ufurpation. Again, is it not >lain, that the Ahflraft and the Concrete , the aft or ha- .it, and the fubject wherein it is, cannot have a contra- y denomination 1 if Drunkennefs and Theft, Lying or Murder, be of the Devil*, then the Drunkard, the Thief, he Lyar, and the Murderer, are of the Devil too : fo if Tyranny and Ufurpation, or the ufe or abufe of Tyrants md Ufurpers be of the Devil, then mult the Tyrants nd Ufurpers alfb be of him : none can fay, the one is )f the Devil, and the other of God. Wherefore it is al- ogethcr impertinent to ufe fuch a diftinclion, with ap- Dlication to Tyrants or Ufurpers, as many do in their heading for the owning of our OppreiTbrs; for they lave no power, but what is the abufe of power.
5. As that authority which is God's ordinance muft bave his Inftitution', fo it muft have his divine Conftitu- Uon from himfelf and by the people. Where-ever then there is authority to be owned of men, there mult be rhefe two, Conftitution from God and Conftitution from the people. For the^V/?, God hath a fpecial intereft in the conftitution of authority, both immediately and me- diately. Immediately-) he declares fuch and fuch forms of government to be lawful and eligible, and does order whom, and who, and how people fhall direft Governors. And fo, he confers royal graces, and endowments, and gifts for government on them, as on Jofiua and Saul : fb they become the Lord's Anointed^ placed and fet on the Throne of the Lord, I Chron. xxix. 23. and honoured with Majefty, as his Deputes and Vicegerents, having their Crown fet on by God, Pfahxxi. 3. But in regard now
he
35^ Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority.
lie doth not by any fpecial Revelation determine, who fhall be the Governors in this or that place ; therefore he makes this conftitution by mediation of men, giving them rules how they fhall proceed in fetting them up. And feeing, by rhe law of nature, he hath enjoined go- vernment to be, but hath ordered no particular in it with application to fingulars,he hath committed it to the pofitive tranfa&ion of men, to be difpofed according to certain general rules of juftice. And it muft needs be fo; for iy?, without this constitution, either all or none would be Mag ifi rates: if he hath ordained civil power to be, and taken no order in whom it fhall be, or how it fhall be conveyed, any might fretend to it; and yet none would have a right to it, more than another. If then he hath affixed it to a peculiar having and holdings by virtue whereof this man is enftated and entitled to the office, and not that man, there muft be a law for conftituting him in authority, which will difcover in whom it is. 2. If it were not fo, then refitting of a particular Magi- giftrate would not be a refitting of the Ordinance of God, if a particular Magiftrate were not conftitute of God, as well as Magiftracy is inftitutc of God : for ftill it would he undetermined, who were the power; andfb it would be left as free and lawful for the Refiftcr to take the place, as for the Refitted to hold it ; the inftitution would be dtisfied if any pottetted it : therefore there mutt be conftitution to determine it. 3. No common law of nature can be put into practice, without particular conftitution regulating it. That Wives and Children own their fuperior relations, is the law of nature ; but there muft be fuch a relation firft fixed by human trans- action, before they can own them ; there muft be Mar- riage authorized of God, there muft be Children begot- ten, and then the Divine Ordination of thefe relative duaes cake place. So the Judges of Ifvael for four hun- dred and fifty years were given of God, Attsxiii. 20» not all by an immediate exprefs defignation, but a me- diate call from God by me'n, as yephthah> $udg. xi 6, II. Inferior Judges alfb are Magiftrates appointed by God, "yet they have their deputation from men. Our Saviour fpeaks of all Magiftrates, when he applies that
of
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 351
of the 82 Pfalm to thw'm, Ifaidye are gods ; and fhews Jiow they were gods, becaufc unto them the Word of God came. John x. 35. that is, by his word and warrant he authorized them, not by immediate designation in re- ference to the moft of them, but the word of God comes to them, or his conftitution is paft upon them, who are advanced by men according to his word. When men therefore do aft according to the Divine rule, in the moulding and ere&ing of Government and Governors, there the Conftitution is of God, though it be not imme- diate. And where this is not obferved, whatever pow- er (fo named or pretended) there may be, or whatso- ever perfons there be that take upon them to be the power, and are not thereto appointed or therein inflated, and do exerce fuch a power as God hath not ligirima- ted, they are not a power ordained of God. Hence, whatfoever power hath no Conftitution from God, ei- ther immediate or mediate, cannot be owned : but the authority of Tyrants and Ufurpers, is a power that hath no Conftitution from God, either immediate or mediate; therefore it cannot be owned. The Mafir is cleared a- bove. The Minor is alfo undeniable: for, either they muft pretend to an immediate Conftirution by Revelati- on, that James Duke of Tork, a VarTal of Antichrift, had, by all his plots and pranks, merited the Crown of Britain, and therefore muft be conftituteKing ; and this I hope they will not pretend to, except the pope hath gotten fuch a Revelation from Vlutos Oracle ; or they muft have recourfe to the mediate Conftitution by men ; and if fo ; then either this mediate Conftitution of God is left undetermined, indefinitely and abfolutely ojvingr Way to any that will affume what power they pleafe and can : and then, I confefs, Tyrants may have a Con- ftitution ; but this Conftitution cannot be of God ; or elfe it is fixed by a rule, regulating the fucceffion or confti- tution of the Governors, and obliging the people to own the Government fo constituted, with exclufion and difal- lowance of any other. And fb, if in that Conftitution there be a fubftantiai deviation ftom the rule, as when in- competent or unallowed perfons be the Advancers of themfelvesj or others, into that place by illegal and fini-
firoui
35s Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority,
flrous means, in as much as in that cafe there is the Divine difapprobation, it may be fa id there is no Ordinance of God, bur a Contradiction and Contraordination to God's order. Gees Magift. Origin* Chap. 5. Seel. 4. Subjefc 3. Vngt 135. This will (hake ofFthis of ours, and all o-* ther Tyrants and Ufurpers> that come into the Govern- ment, and hold it not according to God's rule*
4. It is clear alio in the fecond place, that the authors ty which we can own out of conscience, mull have Con* Jiitution by the people* The fpecial way by which men fhould be called into the place of fbvereign power, may perhaps not be found fb exprefly defined in Scripture^ as mens call to the other Ordinance of the Miniftry is § yet in this two things are eifentially neceilary to the con- ftitution of a Magiftrate, the peoples confent and compaB either formal or virtual. And without thefe we can own confeientious fubje&ion and Allegiance to no man living* That the firft is necefTary will be evident, from the law of Nature and Nations, a»d from Scripture* Firjl> The light and Law of nature dictates, that the right and in- tereft of constituting Magiftrates is in the elective vote or fuffrage of the people. This will appear, I. If we confider the original of Government among men, spe- cially after they were fb multiplied, that there was a Necellity of a Reduction into diverfc Communities y which, whatever was before the flood, yet after it, be- hoved to be by a Coalition with confent under an elec- tive Government. The Scripture makes it more than probable, that the firft partition of Commonwealths was in Velegs days, in whofe rime the earth was divided. Gen* x. 25. occafioned by the confufion of Languages at Bahet^ which did dijfolve their union, and fcatter them abroad up- on the face of all the earth, Gen. xi. 9. Then was it that we may conceive, as Buchanan fays, de Jure Regni apud Scat. c The time was, when men dwelt in cottages and < caves, and as (Grangers did wander to and fro with©ut c laws, and fuch as could converfc together of the fame/ c language, affernbled together as their humours did lead c them, or as forne common utility did allure them, a * certain rnftin£r. of nature did oblige them to defire con- c verft and Society, * But this confufion of Languages,
a&4
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority* -355
and communion of Language, in feveral divided par- cels, could noc incorporate thefe feveral Parties into Communities; that behoved to be the efFedi of iome o- ther caufe: and what fhouid that be, but che jo>nt vviil> confent and agreement of the Severally language*! ? It could not be by Corfangu'mity ; for there h no aircdtion from Nature for a confinement of that into fuch and fuch. degiees, to make out the bounds of a Commonwealth, or poflibility of knowing all within fuch degrees ; be- sides all within rhefe degrees might not be of the fame Language. Now> the Scripture fays, they were divided every one after his tongue Rafter their families , in iheir na- iio?uy Gen, x. 5. Next, it could not be by Cohabitation * for how that mult go to be the boundaries of a Common- Wealth, inclufively or exclusively, is not defined by na- ture, nor can it be othewife determined, than by hu- man choice. Then, it could not be by mens belonging to fitch a Sovereign : for, after that Divifion and Confuf ion, they could not all be under one Sovereign, nor under the fame that they urere £ubject to before; and a Sovereign cannot be before the aggregation of the Subjects whereof he is head, they muft firft be a Commonwealth before fchey can belong to itt . Again, it cannot be founded up- on the Right of Fatherhood : for, in that fcattering, fuch a Rightcould not be uninterruptedly preferved: and then Noah fhouid alfo have been the univerfal Magiftrlite, which he could not be in thefe multiplied feceffions. And further, 7if it be refounded on the Plight of Fatherhood, either every Company had one common Father over all, or every Father made a Commonwealth of his own Children : the latter cannot be £ud_,for that would mul- tiply Commonwealths hi infinitum : neither can the fir ft be faid ; for, if they had one common Father, either this behoved to be the natural Father of all the Compa- ny, which none— -can think was fo happily ordered by BfbeVs confufion : or elfe the eldeft in a.ee, and Co be plight be incapable for Government, and the Law of Nature does not direct that the Government fhouid al- Way be aftri£ted to the eldeft of the Community : or elfe^. finally, he behoved to be their po litical Father, by- te/?;?*, For, before this Content, they were unengaged
Z as
354 . Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority." as to common order of Government ; none of the Com- munity having any legal Claim to Sovereignty more than the reft. When therefore they were forced to con- clude upon Affociation, for their mutual prefervation, they muft he thought to a& rationally, and not to make their condition worfe, but rather better by that conclu- sion; and, if they found it worfe, to refume their radi- cal Right which they had conferred upon men fubjec~f. to Law, not to tyrannize over them : and in tfriscafe, cer- tainly they had the power ofchoofing what kind of Go- vernment fuited moft to their advantage, and would beft preferve their Liberties, and how far this fhould be ex- tended, and who fhould be aflumed into this Combina- tion ; Mill with a refervation of the privilege to their own fafety, if their AfTociates fhould not do their duty : and fo they might alio referve to themfelves a Liberty to alter the form, when they found it produQive of more prejudice than advantage, and never to leave their condi- tion remedileft; anji to pitch upon this way of fuccef- lion, and not another, the way of free election of every fuccefTor, or of definite election limited to one line, or to the nearcft in line ; and e contra^ with a referve flill of their primeve privileges, to fecure themfelves from the inconveniencies of that determination, or to change it ; and to make choice of fuch a family and line, and m* another, and whether the cldeft always of that Fa- mily, or the fitteft is to be chofen; and however it be, yet frill by the peoples confent : and in all this to have refpect to fome good, great and necefTary Ends, which, if they fhould be difappointed of, and find thefe means ufelefs or deftruclive to, they were to be loofed from their obligation to ufe or to own them. See Jus populz vindicate ch. 5. p. 80, &c. 2. If we confider how Nature determines the peoples intereft in the conftitution of Go- vernors: whence comes it that this man, and not that man, this race and family, and not that, is invefted with that Title? It will be found there is no Tide on earth now to the Crowns, to families, to perfons, but the* peoples fuffrage: for the inftitution of Ma^iflracy in ge- neral does not make fames Stewart a Kin^, no more than John Chamberlain: neither do ^uatificattons make
one
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 5^5
©fet, otherwise there might be many better than is this day extant ; for there are many men better qualified : and there is no prophetical or immediate Cailings to Kingdoms now: and as for Conquer! without Confent, and having no more for a Title, it is no better than roy- al Latvociny . It is certain, God would not command us to obey Kings, and leave us in the dark, that we fhould not know him that hath a real Call to ir» And if he have not the peoples Call, where fhall we find another ? It remains therefore they muft have it from the people, who have it to give radically and virtually , having a power topreferve themfelves. and to put it in the hands of one ormoe Rulers, that they may preferve themfelves by them. All men are born alike as to civil Power (no man being born with a Crown on his head) and yet mea united in Society may give it to this man, and not to that man ; therefore they muft have it virtually, for they cannot give what they have not. And as Cities have power to choofe their Magistrates, fo many Cities have power to create an universal Ruler over them all. The people alfo have power to limit the Magifrrates power with conditions; fo that the prcfent Ruler (hall not have fo much prerogative as his predecefTor, as Royalifis can- not deny, therefore they mull have given that power which they can limit. See Lex Rex, Quefi. 4. p. io, &c. 2d!y, The Scripture alfb gives Light in this particular. I. In giving Directions and Rules about their orderly calling their Governors, im powering them to Take wife men*, and underjlanding, and known among their tribes, to be made Rulers, Deut. i. 13. To make fudges and Officers in all their gates, Deut. xvi. 18. To fet one among their brethren King over them, and not a Stranger, Deut. xvi i, 15. To what purpofe are thefe Foiles given them, if they had no intereft to choofe their Magiftrates? Would God command them to fet a King over them, if they had not power to do it ? And to fet fuch a man over them, and not fuch an one, if they had no influence in making one i at all? And accordingly that wife Statift fays very well, 2 Sam. xvi. 18. Hufiai to Abfahm, Nay> but whom the Lord and this people, and all the men of Ifraet €boofe> his will lbe> and with him will I abide. Which
Z 2. Will
55^ Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority*
will alfo hold in the negative, whom the Lord and trW people, and all the men of the Kingdom do not choofe^ his we will not be, nor with him will we abide, 2. The Scripture cxprefly attributeth the making of Kings to the people. All the people of Judahiook Azariah, and wade him kingy infteadofhis father ' Amaziah, whom they had executed, 2 Kings , xiv. 2i. They came with \a per* fetf heart to make David king in Hehrony I Chron. xii. 38. So they made Joafi king, 2 Chron. xxiii. 11. 3, Even fchefe that were particularly defigned of God, and chofen to be Rulers, yet were not formally invcfied with power, before the people conferred it upon them. Gideon was called of God to ic, but was not Judge, till the peo- ple faid, Rule thou over us, both thou and thy fony giving biman hereditary right for his children, Judg. viii. 12. Paul was appointed to be King, and therefore Samuel ho- noured him, becaufe he was marked out of Gcfd to be Xing, 1 Sam, ix. 24. and anointed him with oil, 1 Sam, x. 1. after which he was gifted and qualified for Go- vernment. God gave him another heart, verf 9. yet all this did not make him King, till the people met for his inauguration, verf 17, &c. and crowned him, and made loim king in Gilgal, I Sam. xi. I aft verfe. David was a- jnointed by Samuel, and yet was a perfecuted fugitive for feveral years, and never acknowledged formally King, *ill the Men of ' fudah came and anointedhim, 2 Sam. ii. 4. for if he had been King before, then there were two Kings in Jfraelzt one time, and David failed of his roy- al-Duty, in not punifhing the murderer Saul\ whereas himfelf fays, he would nor touch the Lord's anointed. Therefore the people made all thefe Kings, and that by choice and eonfent, without which they were no Kings* Hence I argue, if the eonfent and choice of the people be fo efTentially neceffary to the making of Kings, then they who fet up themfelves againft the eonfent of the body of the Land, and without the choice of any, muft fee UfurperS) not to be acknowledged for lawful Kings; but the former is true, as is proven above : therefore——. Now plain it is, that this Duke fet up him felf againft the eonfent of the body, being excluded from the Govern- ment by the Representatives of England \ and generally
hated
Concerning turning of Tyrants Authority. 3 57
tinted of all; who difdaining to wait upon the formal choke of any, but after he had paved his paiTage to the Throne upon his Brother's blood, did ufurp the Title without all Law.
5. The fecond thing neceffary for the legal Constitu- tion of a King by the people, is their Compact with him ; which muft either be exprefs or tacitey explicite or impli- cit^. Two things are here to be proven, that will fur- nifb an argument for difbwning both the Brothers. Firfiy That there muft be a conditional reciprocally obliging Covenant between the Sovereign .^and the Subjects, with- out which there is no fuch relation to be owned, &- condly. That when this compact is broken in all or its ohiefeit conditions by the Sovereign, the peoples obliga- tion ccafes. The flrft I fhall iet down, in the words of a famous Author, our renowned Countryman Buchanan* in his Dialogue de Jure Regni apud Scotos. There is then (jor there ought to be) a mutual Compact between the King axd his Subjects , &c. That this is indifpenfibly neceflfary and eiTentiai to make up the Relation of Sovereign and Subjects, may be proved both from the Light of Nature and Revelation. Firft, it may appear from the Light of natural Reafbn. 1. From the Rife of Government, and the ineereft people have in erecting it by confent and choice (as isfbevved above) if a King cannot be without the peoples makings then all the power he hath muft ei- ther be by CompaH or Gift .* if by compact, then we have what we propofed : and if by Gift, then if abufed, they mayrecalit; or if they cannot recover it, yet they may and oughtto hold their hand, and give him no more that they may retain, that is, no more honour or refpect,which is in the honourer before the honoured get it. Can it be imagined, that a people acting rationally, would give a power abfolutely, without reftrictions, t<y deftroy all their own rights 1 Could they fuppofe this boundlefs and lawlefs Creature, left at liberty to Tyrannize, would be a fit Mean to procure the Ends of Government ? for this were to fet up a rampant Tyrant to rule as he lifteth, which would make their condition a great deal worfe than if they had no Ruler at all, for then they might have more liberty to fee to their fafety. See
5 jS Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority.
Jus populi, chap. 6. pag. 96", 97. 2. This will be clear from the nature of that authority, which only a Sover reign can have over his fubjeds ', which, whatever be the nature of it, it cannot be abfolute, that is againft Scri- pture, Nature, and Common Scnfe, as fhall be proven at more length* That is to fet up a Tyrant, one who is free from all conditions, a roaring lion ancka ranging tear to deftroy all if he pleafes. It muft be granted by all, that the Sovereign authority is only fiduciary , entruft- ed by God and the people with a great charge: a great pledge is impawned and committed to the care and cufta- <ly of the Magiftrate, which he muft take fpecial care of^ and not abule ; or waftc, or alienate or fell ; (for in, that cafe^ Hoy^7?ithem(elves grant: he may be depofed). He is by office a Patron of the fubjeSs liberties, and Keeper of the law both of God and man, the Keeper of both Tables. Sure, he hath no power over the laws of God, but a minifterial power, he may not ftop and dis- able them as he pleafes ; of the fame nature is it, overall other parts of his charge. He is rather a Tutor, than an Inheritor and Proprietor of the Commonwealth, and may not do with his pupil's intereft what he pleafes. In a word, the nature and whole fignificancy of his power lies in this, that he is the Nations publick Servant, both objectively in that he is only for the good of the peo- ple, and reprcfentatively in that the people hath im- pawned in his hand all their power to do Royal ler- yice. The Scripture teaches this, in giving him the titles of Service, as Watchman, &c. allowing him Royal Wages for his Royal work, Rom. <xiii. he is God's Minifter attending continually on this thing. There is his Work, for this Caitfe pay you Tribute alfq. There is his Wages and Maintenance, He is called fo in that tranfe&ion with Kehohoam\ the old men advifed him to be a Servant unto the people, then they flioultf fee his Servants, 1 Kings xii. 7. There was a conditio- nal bargain propofed : as (fo he a Servant, or Tutor, or Guardian upon truft, always implies. Conditions and Acountablenefs to them that entruft them. 5. It muft weeds be fb, otherwife great abfurdities would follow. $cre would be a, voluntary contra&ed relation^ obliging!
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 3 59
us to relative duties, to a man that owed none correla- tive to us, and yet one whom we fet over us. It were ftrange, if there were no condition here; and no other voluntarily fufceptcd relations can be without this, a$ between man and wife, matter and fervant, &c. This would give him the difpofal of us and ours, as if both we and what we have were his own, as a man's goods are^gainft which he does not fin whatever he doth with them. So this would make a King that could not fin againft us ; being noways obliged to us, for he can no otherwife be obliged to us, but upon Covenant-conditi- ons -j he may be obliged and bound in duty to God o- therwife, but he cannot be bound to us otherwife : and if he be not bound, then he may do what he will, he can do no wrong to us to whom he is noways bound. Thisalfo is 'point blank againft the Law of God, which is the fecond way to prove it, by the light of Revelation cr Scripture. 1 . In the very directions about making and fetting up of Kings, the Lord fhews what conditi- ons fhall be recjuired of them, DeuU xvii. 15. &c. and in all directions for obeying them, the qualifications they fhouldhave are rehearfed, as Korif. xiii. 3, 4. There- fore none are to be fet up but on theft conditions, and none are to be obeyed but fuch as have thefe qualificati- ons. 2 In his promifes of the fucceflion of Kings, he fecures their continuation only conditionally, to eftablifh the kingdom, if they be conftant to do his Command- merits and Judgments, l Chron. xxviii. 7. There fhali not fail a man to fit upon the throne, yet fo that they rake heed to their way to walk in God's Law, as David did, 2 Chron* vi. 1 6. Now he was not otherwife to per- form thefe promifes, but by the action and fufFrage of the people fetting him up, (which he had appoinred to be the way of calling Kings to thrones), if therefore the Lord's promife be conditional, the peoples actions alfo behoved to be fufpended upon the fame conditions. 5. We have many exprefs Covenants betweeen P.ulers and Subjects in Scripture. Jephthah was fetched from the land of roby and made the head of the Gileadites by an explicire mutual ftipulation, wherein the Lord was in- vocatcd as a Witncfs, Judg^xl 6> 8, 9, io, 11. So all
the
|6o Concerning owning of tyrants Authority.
the Elders of ifrael came to make David King; ancf Jving pavid made a League with them in Hebron before the Lord, and then they anointed him over lfrael> 2 Sam.* v. 3. he made there a Covenant with them before the jLord, 1 Chron. xi. 3. He was no King before this Co- venant, and £0 it was a pactional oath between him and the kingdom, upon terms according to the law, Deut.xvi'u He was only a^King injieri ; one who was to be King, i>ut now adually inaugurate a Covenanted King upon, terms that fatisfied them. It is true, they came to re- cognofce his right from the Lord j but fo did they re- cognofce Rehoboarnsii^f\ty and came to Shechem to make him King, 1 King, xi'u I. and yet when he would not enter in Covenant-terms with them, to Jati&fy their juft oemands, the people anfwered the King, faying, Wha\ portion have we in David> neither have we inheritance in the Son of Jeff e, to your tents. O Ifrael , verf 16. They refufe.d to acknowledge fuch an Ufurper, and we find <ho Prophets ever condemning them for it. So when Je- looap or foa(b was crowned, Jehojada made a Covenant, between the Lord and the King and the People, that they fhould be the Lord's people, between the King al- io and the pe< pie, 2 King. xi. 17. 2 Chron. xxiii. II. l6. Fro^m all thefe reaforis and Scriptures, it is clear, there muft be "a mutual CompaB between the Subjects and every Sovereign they own fa je&ion to, which if he re- fufe, and ufurp the fword, they are under an anterior obligation to jmbftraft their allegiance, and to make ufe of their fword, if they be in capacity to pull it out of bis hands, and ufe it againft him. And of this we are jput in mind by the Motto of our old Coronation-pieces y which have thefe words about the fword, For me> hut> if 1 deferve, againfi me: and furely to him that hath it sow in his hands, it may be fa id, Thou haft defervedy and as yet deferves. We fee then, the allegiance that this U- furper alledges is his due, wants a bottom, to wit, a compact with the people. Whence I argue, if there smift ofneceffity be a com pa & between the King and the people, when he is advanced to the government; then he that advances himfelf, without and againft this eompad, is an Ufurper not to be owned ; but the for- $■];■; mer
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 361
m£r is true : therefore he that advances rumfelf without and asainit this cempadt, is an Ufurper not to be owned. And who more notoriously deierving fuch a iignature, than JamesVll and II, who hath made horns of his own ftrength, or the Pope's Bulls, to pufh his iirothei out and him f elf into the throne, -upon no terms at all, or any fe- curity for religion and liberty. One Objection ii to be re- moved here: Can the cuitoms of the Jews be binding to all nations 1 The Kings oi Jitdah made luch Cave- nants, fhall therefore all Kings do fo ? Anjzu. Why not this cuftom, as well as Crownings wkkh they ufed like- wife ? Thefe rules are not typical or ceremonial, nor on- ly fo judicial as to be peculiarly Judaic aly hut are mat- ters of moral equity, bearing a flan iiag reaion founded upon that law, Bent. xvii. 15. &c. Lrri'ting the Prince to ftand to conditions, it we caft at Divine laws for rules of government, where will we find oetcer law^ 1 It is re- corded of the firfr of the Br'tiifi Kings who was Chriifian, that writing to Bleutlevius Bifhop of Rome ( efore Anti- chrift took that leat) for the Reman laws, he received this anfwer : c By Divine clemency ye have received the 4 law and faith of Chrift, you have che Old and New
* Teftaments, out of them in God's name by counfel of
* your States take Iaws,and govern your kingdom ' And of another, that he begun 4m laws thus : God [pake all thefe words > &c. And fo repeated the laws of God. The fecond thing 1 undertook ro prove, is that aflertion of Buchanan ubi fupray de Jure Revni. c There !?eing a c padion between the King and Subjects, he who firft
* recedes from what is covenanted, and doth counteract c what he hath covenanted, he Ioofes the contrad; 1 and the bond being loofed which did hold fair the c King with the people, whatever right did belong to 1 him by virtue of that conpacl, he Ioofes it, and the € people are as free as before the fripulation.' Which is alfo afferted by the Author of Jus populiy chap. 6. pag, I I2th. 'It is no lefs clear, that when the Sovereign doth
* not perform the principal, main, and moft neceflary c conditions, condefcended and agreed upon, by right he € falleth from his Sovereignty : and pag. 1 1 7. when the c Prince doth violate his compad, as co all its conditions,
3<te Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority.
c T arit0 jf#chicf main and moil neceffary conditio**, .tfte iubjects are by right free from fubjeftion to him, and at liberty to make choice of another.* This is fo clear that it needs no labour to prove it, that, upon this bead, we were loofed from all allegiance to the former Xyrant, who was admitted upon terms of an explicite ^ovenant, the conditions whereof he did as explicitely break. There are two cafes wherein fubjecls are loofed trom covenanted allegiance to their Princes. I. When the lnncc remits the obligation of the Subjects, and re- gies allegiance upon that Bafts; then he can no more demand it by virtue of that compact He that remits, and will not have that allegiance, that the Subje&s cove- nanted upon fuch and fuch conditions to him, thefe Sub- jects I bo uld not give it that they fo covenanted, for they ihou.dnotprofiituteit to a Refufer and Remitter: but Charles the II. remitted and would not have that allegi- ance, which we covenanted upon fuch and fuch conditi- ons, viz, upon the terms, of the Covenant, which he ca£ led and annulled, and made criminal to own : therefore to rum we fhould not have eiven it, which we fo cove- nanted. 2. When the Prince doth enter into a mutual Covenant wnh the people upon mutual conditions, and does not only ceafe to perform the conditions, but limply denies all obligation to do it, and makes it a quarrel to inhnuate fo much, yea perfecutes all who dare aiiert the obligation of that Covenant; and yet de- mands allegiance, not upon the obligation of that Cove- nant which he hath remitted, but abfolutely upon the grounds of his Prerogative : In this cafe it will be evi- dent alfo, the Suhjefts are not bound either to own theiY°[mer]y covenanted allegiance to him, or that which he demands on other grounds. Grotius demure belli is clear as to this, lib. I. cap. 4. numb. 12. If there he fuch a Claufe or Condition in the very Devolution of the Government upon a Prince, as if he do fo and fo, the Sub- pets pan ie. iccfed from all £^ ^ 0iefaence^ then^
when he does fo, he becomes a mere private Perfon. Grotius there fuppofes the power is transferred upon a resolutive condition ; that is, if he tranfgrefs the condition the.power (hail be refolved into its firft fountain : much more if it be transferred exprefly alfo upon a fufpenfve
condition
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 56*$
condition, that he fhall continue to maintain che ends of the Covenant, defend Religion and the Libercies of the Subjects, in the defence whereof we fhall own Allegi- ance to him, othervvife not. In that cafe, if he do noc maintain thefe ends, plain iz is our obligation ceafes; for how can it ftand upon a conditional obligation, when his performance of the condition Ijfts ? But whatever be; the conditions mutual, it flows natively from the Na- ture of a mutual compact, That he who doth not -perform the Conditions agreed upon, hath no right to the benefit granted upon Condition of performance of thefe Conditions ; efpecially if he perform not, or violate thefe conditions upon fuppofition whereof he would not have gotten the benefit: it were very abfurd to fay, In a mutual con? ditional compact one party (hall (till be bound to per- form his conditions, though the other perform none, but break all. Were it the act of rational Creatures to fet up a Sovereign, upon conditions he fhall not play the Tyrant, and yet be bound to him though he Tyran- nize never fo much ? We have the Nature of mutual compacts in the Spies Covenant with Rahah, Jofh. ii. 20. If thou utter this our buflnefs, then we will be quit of thine Oath, which thou haft made us U fwear : it (he fhould break condition, then the obligation of the Oarh on their part fhould ceafe. But next, all the ftrefs will ly ia proving that the Covenant, on fuch and iuch conditions between a Prince and Subjects, doth equally and mutual* ly oblige both to each other : for if it equally oblige both, then both are equally difengaged from other by the breach on either fide, and either of them may have a ju(t claim in Law againft the other for breach of the con- ditions. But Royalifts and Court-flaves alledge, that fuch a Covenant obliges the King to God, but not to the people at all ; fo that he is no more accountable to them, than if he had made none at ail. But the con- trary is evident : for, [l.] if the compact be mutual, and if it be infringed on one fide, it mutt be fo in the other alfb; for in contracts, the parties are confidered as equals, whatever inequality there may be betwixt them otherwife : I fpeak of contracts among men. [2] If it be not fb^ there is no Covenant made with the peo-
3 64 Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority.
pie at all : and fo David did no more Covenant with j/rael, than with the Chaldeans : for to all with whom the Covenant is made it obliges them to it. Otherwife it mull be faid, He only made the Covenant with God, contrary to the Text ; for he made it only before the Lord as a Witnefs, not with him as a party, Joafi's Covenant with the Lord is exprefly diftinguifhed from that with the people. [3.] If it be not fo, it were al- together Nonfenfe to fay, There were any Covenant made with the King on the other hand : for he is fup* poled to be made King on fuch andfuch terms ; and yet> by this, after he is made King he is no more oblig- ed unto them, than if there had been no compact with him at all. [4] If he be bound as Kingy and not only as a man or Chriftian, then he is bound with refpeft to the people ; for with refpect to them he is only King : feut he is bound as King, and not only as a man or Chri- ftian, becaufe it is only with him as King that the peo- ple Covenant, and he muft tranfaft with them under the lame confideration. Next, that which he is obliged to, is the fpecifical a£t of a King, to defend Religion and Liberty, and rule in Righteoufnefs ; and therefore his Covenant binds him as King. Again, if he be not bound as King, then as a King he is under no obligation of Law or Oath, which is to make him a lawlefs Tyrant ; yea, none of God's fubjecls. It would aifb fuppofe that the King as King could not fin againft the people at all, but only againft God: for as King he could be under no obligation of duty to the people, and where there is no obligation, there is no fin ; by this he would be let a- fcove all obligations to Ibve his neighbour as himfelf^ for he is above all his neighbours, and all mankind, and only lefs than God; and fb, by this do&rine, he Is look- ed from all duties of the fecond Table, or at leafi: he is, not fb much obliged to them as others. But againft this it is objeBed: both Prince and people are obliged to per- form their part to each other, and both are obliged to God, but both are not accountable to each other ; there . is not mutual power in the parties to compel one ano- ther to perform the promifed duty ; the King hath it in- deed over the people, but not the people over the King,
and
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 565
and there is no indifferent judge fuperior to both, to compel both, 'but God. Anf. I. What if ail this fhould fee granted 1 Yet it doth not infringe the propofition : what if the people have not power to compel him ? Yet, ly Law, he may fall from his Sovereignty, though, in- deed, he is not depofed : he ioles his right to our part, when he breaks his part. 2. There- is no need of a fu- perior Arbiter : for as in contracting they are conlidered as equal, fb the party keeping the contract is Superior to the other breaking it. 3. There may be mutual co- active power, where there is no mutual relation of Supe- riority and Inferiority : yea, in fome cafes, inferiors may have a coa&ive Power by Law, to compel their Superiors failing in their duty to them; as a Son-, wrong- ed by his Father, may compel him to reparation by Law; and independent Kingdoms, nothing inferior to each other, being in Covenanr together, the wronged may have a coadtive power to force the other to duty, without any fuperior Arbiter. 4. The bond offurety- {hip brings a man under the obligation to be accountable to the Creditor, though the furety were never io high, and the Creditor never £6 low : Solomon fays, In gene- ral, without exception of Kings ; yea, including them becaufe he was a King that fpake it, Prov. vi. 1,2. My
Son, if thou he Surety for thy friend, thou art fnared
with the words of thy Mouth. Now a King's power is but fiduciary ; and therefore he cannot be unaccountable for the power concredited to him. And if this Genera- tion had minded this, our Stewarts fhould have been called to an account for their Stewardfiip ere now. Hence I argue, if a covenanted Prince, breaking all the Con-- ditions of his compact, doth forfeit his right to the fub- je&s Allegiance, then they are no more to own him as their Sovereign; but the former is proved, that a cove- nanted Prince, breaking all the conditions of his com- pact, doth forfeit his right to the Subjects Allegiance :
Therefore. — ; And confequently when Charles the
IT. expreflv bound by Covenant to defend and promote the Covenanted Reformation and Liberties of the King- dom, to whom only we were abound in the terms of his defending and promoting the fame, did violently and
villain^
3 66 Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority.
villainoufly violate and vilify thefe conditions, we wer£ no more bound to them. Somewhat poffibly may be objefted here, U If this be the fenfe of the Covenant, then it would feem that we were not bound to own the King, but only when and while he were actually pro- moving and carrying on the ends of the Covenant. Anf. It does not follow,/ but that we are obliged to preferve his Perfbn and Authority in thefe neceifary intervals, when he is called to fee to himfelf as a man ; for we muft preferve him as a mean, becaufe of his aptitude and defignation for fuch an end5 albeit not always formally profecuting it : we do not fay, That we are never to own him, but when a&ually exercifed in profecuting thefe ends : but we fay, We are never to own him, when he is Tyrannically and Treacheroufly abufing his Authority for defrroj/ing and overturning thefe ends, and violating all the conditions of his compact. It may be Object. 12-. Saul was a Tyrant, and a breaker of his roy- al Covenant, and perfecuter of the Godly, and Murder- er of the Priefts of the Lord, ufurper upon the Price's Office, and many other wTays guilty of breaking all con- ditions : and yet David anji all ifrael owned him as the anointed of the Lord. Anf. I. Saul was indeed a Tyrant^ rejected of God> and to be ejected out of his Kingdom in his own time and way, which David, a Prophet knowing, would not anticipate. But he was far fhort, and a mere Bungler in acls of Tyranny in comparifon of our GrafTators : he broke his Royal Covenant in very grofs particular a els, but did not cafs and rcicind the whole of it, did' not burn it, did not make it criminal to own ks obligation, ncr did he fo much as profefs a preach of it, nor arrogate an abfblute Prerogative, nor attempt arbitrary Government, nor to evert the funda- mental Laws, and overturn the Religion of IfraeL and bring in Idolatry as ours have done : he was a Perfe- cuter of David upon fome private quarrels, not of all the godly upon the account of their covenanted Religi- on : he murdered 85 Priefts of the Lord, in a trans- port of fury, becaufe of their kindnefs to David ; but he did not make Laws adjudging all the Minifters of the Lord t<j death, who fhouid be found moft faithful in
their
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 367
their duty to God and his Church, as ours have done a- gainft all field Preachers: he ufurped upon the Prieft's of- fice, in one elicite a£r. of ficrificing ; but he did not u- furp a Supremacy over them, and annex it as an inherent right of his Crown. 2. He was indeed fucji a Tyranr, as deferved to have been dethroned and brought to con- dign punifhment, upon the fame accounts that Amaziah and Vxxiah were depofed for afrerwards: and in this the people failed in their duty, and for it they were plagued remarkably. Shall their Omiffton be an argument to us ? 3. As the queftion was never put to the people, whether they owned his authority as lawful, or not 1 So we do not read, either of their univerfal owning him, or their politive difowning him: however. That's no good Ar- gument, which is drawn from a not doing to a doing ', be- caufe they did it not, therefore it muft not be done. 4. They owned him; but how ? As the Minifier of God, not to berefifted or revolted from under pain of damnation? (as all lawful Magistrates ought to be owned, Rom. xiii. 2, 4.) This I deny: for David and his fix hundred men refitt- ed him refolutely ; and tho' the body of the Nation did long lazily ly and couch as afTes under his burden, yet, at length, weary of his Tyranny, many revoked from un- der him, and adjoined themfelves to David at Ziklag, while he kept himfelf clofe, hecaufe of Saul the Son of 'Kip, X Chron. xii. I. who are commended by the Spirit of God for cheir valour, verf. 2, &c. and many out of Manaffeh fell to him, when he came with the Philiftines againfi Saul to battle, verf 19. This was a practical difowning of the Tyrant, before the Lord depofed him. 5. David did in- deed pay him and his character fome deference, as having teen the anointed of the Lord', yet perhips his honouring him with that title, the Lords anointed, I Sam. xxiv. I Sam. xxvi. and calling him fo often his Lord the Kb?g, cannot be altogether juftified, no more than his ufing that fame language to Athifb King of Gath, 1 Sam. xxix, 8. I fhewed before how Titles might be allowed; but thisfo circumftantiate, does not feem fo confident with his imprecatory prayer, forthe Lord's avenging him on him, 1 Sam. xxiv. 12. and many other Imprecations a- gaLnft him in his Pfalms, In fome of which he calls the
fame
568 Concerning owning ^ of Tyrants Authority
fame man, whom here he (Hies the Lord's anointed, i Dog ; as Saul and his Complices are called, VfaL lix. 6* 14. and the evil> violent and wicked man, VfaL cxl. I, 4, and the vlleft ofmeny Pfat. xii. ulu However it be, there can be no Ai»gument from hence, to own the Authority of Tyrants and Ufurpers.
6. Though this neceffary conditional Compact, which muft always be in the constitution of lawful Rulers, be hot always exprefs and explicite, fo that a written au- thentick Copy of it cannot be always produced; yet it is always to be underftood, irnplicitely at lead, transacted in the Ruler's Admiifton to the Government, whereiri the Law of God muft regulate both Parties ; and when he is made Ruler, it muft natively be underftood that it is upon Terms tu be a Father, Feeder, and Protector, and not a Tyrant, Murderer, and Deftroyer. All Prin- ces arc fo far pactional, that they are obliged, by the Kigh and abfolute Sovereign from whom they derive their Authority, to reign for the peace and profit of the people. This is fixed unalterably by the Laws of the Supreme Legiflator, and folemrily engaged unt6 at the Coronation : and whofoever declines or deftroys this fun- damental Condition, he degrades and depofes himfelf. It is alfo not only the univerfal practice, but neceflary for the conftitution and confervation of all Common- wealths, to have fundamental Laws and Proviiions a- bout Government, both for the upholding, and tranfmit- ing and transferring it, as occafion calls, and preventing and punifhing Violations thereof, that there be no Inva- ilon orlntruflon upon the Government ; and if there be any Entrance upon it not according to the Conftitution^ hat it be illegitimated, and the Nation's Liberties aU ways fecured. This doth infer and regulate a conditi- onal Compact- with all that are advanced to the Govern- ment, albeit it fhould not be expreffed. For it is unde- niable that in the erection of all Governors, the grand Interefts of the Community muft be feen to, by le^al Sm unties for Religion and Liberty, which is the end and life of fundamental Laws. Now, how thefc have been unhineed and infringed, by the Introduction andprefent Eftablifhment by Law of that Monfter of the Preroga- tive^
Oncer ning owning of Tyrants Authority, 365*
tWe^ enacted in Parliament Anno 1661, the Apohgetick Relation doth abundantly demonftrate, Seft. 10. Concern* ing the Kings Civil Supremacy, enhancing all the Abfo- lutenefs that ever the Great Turk could arrogate, and yet far fhort of what hath been ufurped fince, and impu- dently proclaimed to the World; especially by him who now domineers, in his Challenges ot Sovereign Authority^ Prerogative Royal, 2nd abfolute Power, which all are to obey without referve', whereby the whole Balis of our Conititu- tion, and Bulwark of our Religion, Laws and Liberties, is enervated, and we have Security of no Law but the King's Luft. Hence I argue, Thole Princes that, con- trary to their virtual Compadt (at leaft) at their coming to the Crown, have overturned all fundamental Laws, cannot be owned ; but our Princes have, contrary to their virtual Compact (at leaft) at their coming to the Crown, overturned all fundamental Laws : Ergo they cannot be owned. The Major is plain ; for they that o- verturn fundamental Laws are no Magiftrates ; thereby- all the Ends of Government being fubverted,and theSub- verter cannot be owned as a Father or Friend, but an open Hnemy to the Commonwealth, nor looked upon as Magiftrates doing their Duty, but as Tyrant*, feeking themfelves with the Deftruction of the Commonwealth. And, in this cafe, the Compact, the ground of the Con- ftitution, being violated, they fall from their Right, and the People are liberated from their Obligation ; and they being no Magiftrates, the People are no Subjects : for the Relation is mutual, and fo is the Obligation, Jus popitliy chap. 0. pag. 183. The Minor is manifeft, both from the Matter of fact, and the Mifchiefs framed into Laws, by the Sovereign Authority, Prerogative Royal, and Abfolute Power forefaid : whereby whar remains of our funda- mental Conftitutions, either in Religious or Civil Settle- ments, unfubverted as yet, may be fubverted when this abfolute Monarch pleafes. Which abfolute Authority we cannot in Confcience own, for thefe Reafons, taken both from Reafon and Scripture. Firft, If isagainftP.eafon, 1. 'A Power contrary to Nature cannot be owned ; abfolute Power is fuch for that which takes away, and makes the People to give away, their natural Power of prefer- y Aa vitig
37° Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority*
ving their Lives and Liberties, andfets a Man above alt Rule and Law, is contrary to Nature : fuch is abfolute Power, making People refign that which is not in their power to ref]gn, an abfolute Power to deflroy and ty- rannize. 2. A Power contrary to the firft Rife of its Conftitution cannot be owned ; abfolute Power is fuch: for the ferft Rife of the Conftitution is a People's fetting a Sovereign over thera, giving him Authority to admi- niftcr Jufticc over them: but it were againft this, to fet one over them with a Power to rage at random, and rule as he 1Mb. It is proven before, a King hath no power but what the People gave him; but they never gave, never could give an abfolute Power to dcftroy them- selves. 3. Thar Power which is againft the Ends of Government cannot be owned ; Abfblute Power is fuch : for that which will make a People's Condition woife than before the Conftitution, arid that Mean which they intended for a Blefiing to turn a Plague and Scourge to them, and all the Subjects to be formal Slaves at the Prince's devotion, muft needs be contrary to the Ends of Government j but abfolute Power is fueh : for againft the Exorbitance thereof no Means would be left to pre- vent its obftrutting all the Fountains of juftice, and com- manding Laws and Lawyers to {peak, not Juftice, Righ- teoufhefs, and Reafon ; but the Luft and Pleafure of one Man, turning all into Anarchy and Confufion : cer- tainly ir could never be the Intention either of the Work or Workers, at the Conftitution of Government, to fet up a Power to enflave the People, to be a Curfe to them; but their Ends were to get Comfort, Safety and Liberty > under the Shadow of Government. 4. That Power which invalidates, and is inconfiftent with the King's Compact with the People, cannot be owned ; Abfolute Power is fuch : for the Tenor of that is always to fecure Laws and Liberties, to rule according to Law ; but to be abfolute invalidates, and is inconfiftent with that : That which were an Engagement into Contradictories cannot con Hit with, that Compact ; but to engage to be abfolute, and yet to rule by llaw, is an Engagement in- to Contradictories, which no People could admit for a Security. It is inconfiftent with this Compaft, to give
the
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority* 3 7 1
the King abfolute Power ro overturn Religion and Li- berty ; and to aiTume that which was never given, were to invalidate this Compact, and to make himfelf no King ; but to reftore unto the People the power they con- ferred upon him, for the Defence of Religion and Li- berty. 5. That power which is not from God, nor of God, cannot be owned ; but abfolute Power is not of God ; becaufe it is a power to tyrannize and fin, which, if it were of God, He fhould be the Author of Sin; for if the Moral Power be of God, fo muft the Acts be ; but the Acts of Abfolute Power being lawlefs, cannot be from God : Ergo, neither the Moral Power to commit thefe Acts. 6. That Ruler who cannot be God's Minifler for the People's Goody cannot be owned ; (for that is the for- mal Reafon of our confeientious Subjection to Rulers, Rom. xiii. 4, 5.) But abfolute Sovereigns are fuch as can- not be God's Miniftersfor the People's good ; for if they be God's Minifters for good,they muft adminifter Juftice, prefcrve Peace, rule by Law, take Directions from their Mafter ; and if fo, they cannot be abfolute. 7. A Ty- rant in the fignal AB andExercife cannot be owned; but an abfolute Prince is fuch ; being a Power that may play the Tyrant if he pleafes, and by Law as King ; and fo if Kings be by Action Tyrants, then People are by Action Slaves; ancT fo Royal Power cannot be a Blefc fing to them : yea, a lawlefs Breaker of all Bonds, Promiies, and Oaths, cannot be owned as lawful Power; but abfolute Power is fuch : for, it cannot be limited by thefe obligations, at leaft people cannot have any fecu- rity by them. 8. A lawlefs Power is not to be owned ; an abfolute Power is a lawlefs Power : ergo} not to be owned. The Major is plain. Cicero fays, lib, 2. The reafon of making Laws was the fame ', as of the creation of Kings. And Buchanan^ de Jure Regni> very excellently, c When the Luft of Kings was inftead of Laws, and bc- 4 ing vefted with an infinite and immoderate Power, they c did not contain themfelves within bounds ■ > The
€ infblency of Kings made Laws to be defired ; for this c caufe Laws were made by the people, and Kings con- c ftrained to make ufe, not of their licentious wills in i judgment, but of chat right and privilege which the
A a Z < people
^yZ Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority*
* people had conferred upon them, being taught by ma* f ny experiences, that it was better that their Liberty c fhould be concredited to Laws, than to Kings ; better
* to have the Law, which is a dumb King, than a King, c who is not a /peaking Law. ' If then Laws be necef- fary for the making of Kings, and more neceffary that* Kings, and the fame caufe requires both, then a King without Laws is not to be owned. A King muft be a jfpeaking and living Lato, reducing the Law to practice. So much then as a King hath of Law, fo much he hath of a King; and he who hath nothing of the Law, hath nothing of a King. Magna Charta of England faith, The Xing can do nothing But By Law, and no obedience is due to loim but By Law. Buchanan rehearfcs the words of the jnoft famous Emperors, Theodojius and Valentinianus, to this effect, It is, fay they, a wotd worthy oftheMajeJiy of a King, to confefs he is a tied Prince to the Laws ; and in- deed it is more tofubmit a Principality to the Laws, than to* enjoy an Empire. But now that an abfolute Power muft fce a lawlefs Power, is alio evident ; for that is a law- lefs power that makes all Laws void, r.ecdlefs and ufe- lefs ; but fuch is abfolute Power : for it cannot be coa- £ned to the obfervance of Laws. 9. That power which is deftructive to the peoples Liberties cannot be owned; abfolute Power is fuch : for fuch a licentious Freedom as is abfolute, cannot confift with the peoples Liberties; for thefe he may infringe when he pleafes. Now thefe, in their own nature, and in all refpecrs, be- ing preferable to the King's prerogative, and it being no prerogative which is not confiftent with, yea in its own nature adapted to, the precious Interefts of Religion and Liberty : when the King's abfolute Authority is ftated in contradictory Terms to thefe, we cannot own that Au- thority ; for now he hath another Authority than could be given him for the prefervation of thefe Interefts; in the prefervation whereof he can only have an Authority to be owned, feeing he claims a power to deftroy them, if he pleafe. 10. If we fhould own abfblute Authority, then we fhould own a Royal Prerogative in the King to make and difpenfe with Laws: Now that cannot be own- ed ; for, it would infer that the King had a mafterly
Domi-
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 3 73
dominion over his Subjects, to make Laws, and inflict Penalties, without their confent. And plain it is, they ithat make Kings rauft have a co-ordinate power to make Laws alfi; but the people, in their Reprefentatives, make Kings, as is proven. Next, a Prerogative to diC- penfe with Laws, except fuch Laws as are in their own nature difpenfable, without prejudice to any Law of God or Liberties of Men, cannot be owned : for any power to difpenfc with Reafbn and Law, not grounded on any other Reafon but mere Will and abfolute Plea- sure, is a brntifh Power. It cannot be a Right annexed to the Crown, to do fo ; for a King, as a King, can do nothing but what he may do by Law* Nay, this is not only a brutifh power, but a blafphemous power, making him a kind of God on earth, illimited, that can do what: he pleafes : a«id -to difpute it further, were to difpute whether God hath made all under him Slaves by their own content ? or, whether tie may encroach on the pre- rogative of God, or not ? By this prerogative, he arro- gates a power to difpenfe with the Laws of God alfo> in pardoning Murderers, &c. which no man hath power to do ; the Law of God being fo peremptorily indifpen- fible. Gen* ix. 6. Whofo fheddeth mans bloody by man pall hi > blood be (bed* Numb.xxxv. 30, 51. Whofo killeth any
ferfotiy the murderer fball be -put to death Moreover y
ye {ball take no fatisf action {or the life of a murderer > but he fball be furely put to death. Thefe pardons are a&s of felood to the Community. If the Judgment be God's, as it is, Deut. i. 17. and not for man, but for the Lord, £ Chron. xix. 6. then no King can arrogate a power to difpenfe with it, no more than an inferior Judge can dif- penfc with the King's Laws; for the King is but a Mi- iiifter, bearing the Sword, not in vain, but as a revenger, to execute wrath upon them that do evil, Rom. xiii. 4. They are but bafiard Kings who give out fentences out of their own mouth, contrary ro God's mind. And if he may do acls of Grace by Prerogative above Law, then may he alfo do ads of Juftice (fo pretended) by the fame Prerogative ; and fo may murder Innocents, as well as pardon Murderers; he may condemn the Juft, as well *s juftify the Wicked ; both which are alike abomination to
the
5 74 Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority.
the Lord> Prov. xvii. 15. This power cannot be owned in any man. 11, To own abfoiute Power, were co re- cognofce the King as the proper and fole Interpreter of the Law. This Buchanan (news to be very abfurd,
* When you grant the interpretation of Laws to a King, ' you give him fuch a Licence, that the Law fhould not c lpeak what the Lawgiver meaneth, but what is for
* the Interpreters intereft; fo that he may turn it to all
* a&ions, as a Lesbian rule, for his own advantage; and € fo what he pleafes the Law fhall fpeak, and what he c will not it fhall not ipeak. ' Now the King's abfoiute pleafure can no more be the fenfe of the Law, than it can be the, Law itfelf ; he is King by Law, but he is not King of Law : No mortal can make a fenfe to a Law, contrary to the Law ; for it involves a Contra- diction : the true Meaning is only the Law. This alio would take away the Ufe of all Laws ; for they could not declare what were juft and unjuft, but as the King jplealed : their genuine fenfe could not be the rule. 12. If we own the Law to be above the King, then we can- not own the King to be abfoiute; but the former is true; for he muft be under itfeveral ways : (1) Under its Di- rective power } that will not be denied. (2) Under itsCon- fiitutive power ; he is not a King by Nature, but by Con- fUtution and Law: therefore the Law is above the King ; fcecaufe it is only from the law that there is a King, and that fuch a man and not another is King, and that the King muft be fb and fb qualified, and they that made him a King, may alfo unmake him by the fame law. (3) Un- der its limiting and vefiriBive power, as a man he cannot be abfoiute, nor as a King by law. (4) Under its Coa&ive power. A Law -maker ^ (aid King fames the VI. Jbould not be a Law -breaker : but if he turn an Overturner of the fundamental laws, that Law or Cove- nant that made him King, doth oblige to unmake him. Whatever power he hath, it is only a honovj ed fiduciary power, as the nation's fublick Servant .* and that which was lent him in pledge or pawn may be reclaimed, when ahufed by him. Efpecially if he turn parricide, kill his Brother, murder his Nobles, burn Cities, then he may and ought to be punifhed by hw* Other wife
God
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 375
God fhould have" provided betccr for the fafety of the parr, than of the whole, though that part be but a mean for the fofety of the whole: for if he turn Tyrant in his abfolutenefs, the people mult be defrayed, if they may not reprefs him : thus he is fecured, and the whole cxpoled to ruin. Yea, if he be a man as well as a King, he rauit be under rule of law: and when he tranfgrefles, either his tranfgreflions are punifhable by men, or they •are not tranfgreffions with men. See many arguments to this purpofe in Lex Rex, Quefl. 14, 19, 22, 23,24. 26, 27. But fecondly, I prove it by Scripture, 1. Even as King he is regulated by law, not to multiply horfes, nor wives, nor money, but to keep the words of the law, and not lift up himfelf above his Brethren, Dent. xvii. i<5, 17, 19, 20. he mult obferve to do according to the law, and not turn from it to the right hand or to the left, Jo(b. i. 7. therefore he mud not be abfolure. 2. He is certainly under that law, Matth. vi'u 12. Whatfo- ever ye would that men fiould do to you, do ye even fo to them : which is the univerfal fundamental law. If then he would have us keeping in our line of fubordination to him, he mud keep his line, and fo cannot be abfo- lute. 3. What is God's due and peculiar Prerogative, canbeowned in no mortal; but abfolute power is God's due and peculiar Prerogative. He alone does whatfie-vey pleafes him, Pfal. cxv. 3. He alone vvorketh all things after the Courtfel of his own Will, Evb. i. 1 1 . A&s or Com- mands founded upon the fole plea fare of the Agent, are proper to God. It is God's will and not the creatures that can make things good or juft. It is biafphemy therefore to afcribc abfolute power to any creature. 4. That which the fpirit of God condemned as a point of Tyranny in Nebuchadnezzar, that is no Prerogative to be owned ; but the Spirit of God condemned this in him, proceeding from abfolute power, that whom he would he flew, and whom he would he kept alive, whom he would hefet up, and whom he would he put djwn. And his heart was lifted up, Dan* v. 19, 20. 5. That which God con- demns and threatens in Tyrants in the word in general, cannot be owned ; but abfolute power God condemns gad threatens in the word in general ; that they turned
Judg-
^6 Concerning owning of tyrants Authority.
Judgment into Gaily and faid, Have we not taken to us horns by our own Jlrength? Amos vi. 12, 15. 6. The word of God fpeaks nothing of the King's abfolute Pre- rogative, to make laws as he will. It is plain, the King oijudah had it not ; but the Sanhedrin had a great |>artof the Legislative Power, and of the Punitive Power in a fpecial manner : the Princes and people had it by Jeremiah's acknowledgment Jer. xxvi. 14. And Zedekiah confefles to them ; The King is not he that can do any thing againfi you, Jer. xxxviii. 5. 7. We find the King in Scrip- ture had not an abfolute power, to expone or execute the 3Law as he would : Saul made a Law I Sam* xiv. 24* Curbed be the man that eats any food until evening* But cxponing it, & thinking to execute it after a Tyrannical manner, he was juftly refifted by the people, who would not let him kill innocent Jonathan. 8. Nor had he the fole power of interpreting it; for inferior Judges were Interpreters, who are no lefs effentiai Judges than the King, who are fet to judge for the Lord, arid not for the King, 2 Chron. xix. 6. and therefore they were to expone it according to their own confeience, and not the King's. They were to /peak vighteoufnejs and judge uprightly , J>fal. lviii. I. hence called gods as well as Kings, Pfal. Ixxxii. 1. There was no eflential difference between a King of God's approving, and a Judge ; there being fcut one law to both, Dent. xvii. 9. He wasfubjecl to judgment as well as others : for being but a Brother ', e- ven while on the throne, who was not to lift up his heart above his Brethren, DeuU xvii, ult. When this caufe was to be judged, his perfon, though never fb great, was not to be refpccled : nor were they to be afraid of the face of man, for the judgment was God's, Deut. i. 17. therefore the Judges were to give out fentence in judg- ment, as if the Lord were to give it out : there was no exception of Kings there. Yea we find, according to common law, they judged and punifhed offending Kings, as fhall be made appear. 10. If they were under Church- tenfuresy then they were not abfolute ; but we find Kings were under Church-cenfures ; not only rebuked Iharply to their face, of which we have many inftances ; but alfb fubjefted to Church-difcipline, as JJzztah fhut m for his kproiy. And certainly at all times this muft
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority'. 37}
fce extended to all : for the King is either a Brother, or not : if not, then he fhould not be King, according to> the Scripture, Deut. xvii. 1 5. then aifo he is not a Chri- ftian, nor can he fay the Lord's Prayer : if he be, then if a Brother offend, he is fubjecl to the Church, Matth. xviii. there is no exceptions of Kings there. The Objec- tion from Ecclef. viii. 3, 4. ■ 'he doth whatfoever pleafetb him, Where the Word of a Kryig is, there is power, and who may fay unto him, What doft thou ? is of no fignih- cancy here. For, 1. this argument will enforce abfolute Obedience, if the power be to be taken abiolutely ; for ic is obedience that is there commanded : and 16 we rauft not only own the abfolute authority, but obey it with- out referve, which never any yet had the impudence to plead for, until fames the Unjufi claimed it in a Scots Proclamation : but we anfvver, It is better to obey God than man. 2. If he may do whatfoever pleafcs him, then he may turn Prieft, then he may kill whom he pleafcs, and take poiTtffion ; and yet for SauVs Ufur- pation Samuel could fay more than what dofi thou ? even to tell him, he had done fooli/bly, and his kingdom fhould not continue, I Sam. xiii. 13, 14. And for Ahab's Ty- ranny, Elijah could tell him, the dogs pall lick thy bloody even thine. I King xxi. 19. And Ezekiel, thou profane wicked Prince of ifrael, Ezek. xxi. 25. 3. The meaning is then only this ; that a righteous King, his juft power may not only be controuled ; he is armed with power that may not be refitted, for he beareth not the fword in vain, and therefore we mud not ftand in an evil matter againrr. them. I conclude then this argument, with the words of an ingenious Author, upon this fame fubjeel, both inTheJl and Hypotheji : c Whofoever fhall offer to rule
* arbitrarily, does immediately ceafe to be King by right y c feeing by the fundamental, common and ftatute laws
* of the Realm, we know none for fupreme Magiftrate c and Governor but a limited Prince, and one who c (rands circumfcribed and bounded in his power and € prerogative. III effects of animofitiesy Pag. 17.'
7. From what is faid, this is the refult, that it is ef- ftntiaily neceifary to a Moral power and authority, to have a right and title, without which we can own
none,
-5 1 S Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority.
none, but as a Tyrant without a Title. For what is au- thority, but a right to rule \ if then it have not aright, it is not authority. This will be undeniable, if we con- lider, that as private dominion, or Property, confifts in a right to enjoy ; fo publick dominion, in a right to rule. Some things indeed are expofed to the common and ar- bitrary ufe of every man, and alfo at the beginning, by reafon of the fewnefs of mankind, dominion was not reduced to diftind Property; yet now, upon the Mul- tiplication of Occupants, of neccffity it muft be ftated by peculiar appropriation,* from the law of nature, and by the grant of the fupreme King, who hath given the earth to the children of men , Pfal cxv. 16. not to be catch - cd up as the food of beafts, which the ftrongcr feize, and the weaker get only what the other leave them, but di- vided by right as an inheritance, by him who fepar ate d the Sons of Adam , andfet ihe hounds of the People, Deute xxxti. 8, Efpecially publick Dominion cannot be with- out a Foundation, for its relation to the fubjeSed, and muft be fo tied up, that it may be (aid, this man is to command, and thefe are to obey. I (hew, that Authority is from God, both by Inftitution and Confti* tution ; fo that t^ie Subjects are giyen to^underftand, fuch an one is fingled out by God to fuftain this Au- thority, by prcferibing a rule for mens entry into the authoritative relation, whereby he communicates thar power to them which is not in others, and which ci- ther wife would not be in them. Hence it is, that or- derly .admittance that muft give the Right, and upon mens having or not having fuch an entrance to it, de- pends the reality or nullity of the power they challenge. Where therefore there is no lawful Inveftiture, there is no moral Power to be owned ; otherwiie John of Ley den his Authority might have been owned : the unlawful* m& of fuch a power condfts in the very tenor kfelf; and if we take away the ufe or holding of it, we take away the very being of it : it is not then the abufe of a power lawfully to be ufed, but the very ufe of it is unlawful. But in the Ufurpation of this Man, or Monfter rather, that is now mounted the Throne, there is no lawful In- veftiture in the way God hath appointed, as is (hewed above ; therefore there is no moral power to be owned.
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 3 79
To clear this a little further, ic will be necefTary to re-' move the ordinary Pretences, pleaded for a Title to warrant the owning of fuch as are in power, which arc three chiefly, to wit, PoJfeJJion, Conquefi, and Hereditary Succejfton. The firft muft be touched more particularly, becaufe it hath been the originate error, and fpring of all the itupid miftakes about Government, and is the pi- tiful plea of many, even Malecontents, why this man's Authority is to be owned, aiTerting, that a perfon at- taining and occupying the place of power ( by whatfee- ver means) is to be owned as the Magiikate. But this can give no Right : for, I. If Providence cannot ilgnify God's approbative Ordination, it can give no Right; for without that there can be no Right ; but Providence can- not iignify his approbative Ordination, becaufe that, without the warrant of his Word, cannot iignify either allowance or difallowance, it is fo various, being often the fame to Courfes directly contrary, and oftentimes contrary to the fame Courfe ; fometimes favouring it, foraetimes croffing it, whether it be good or bad : and the fame common Providence may proceed from far dif- ferent purpofes, to one in Mercy, to another in judgment; and raoft frequently very difproportionable to mens ways. Providence places fometimes Wkkednefs in the place, of Judgment^ and iniquity in the -place ofr'tghteoufnefs, Ec- clei. iii. 16. that is, not by allowance. By Providence it happens to the jufi according to the work, of the wicked, and to the wicked according to the work of the righteous, Eccie^ viii. 14. No man knoweth either love or haired by all that is before them. All things come alike to all, there' is one event to the righteous md to the wicked, Ecclef ix. [, 2. It were a great dc baling of the hordes anointed, to give him no other warrant than fin hath in the world, or the falling of a Sparrow. 2. Either every providential Po£ feflion, in every cafe, gives a title; or, God hath de- clared it as a Law, that it (hall be fo in this particular matter of Authority only. The firft cannot be faid ; for that would juftify all robbery ; nor the fecor;d, for where is that Law found ? Nay, it were impious to al- ^ ledge it; for it would &y, there is no unjuft PoiTeiTor or diforderly Occupant, but if he were once in the PofTefc
fion^
g8o Concerning owning ofTyrfirtts Authority,
iion, he were right enough, and then Ufurpation wouI( be no fin. 3. If none of the Caufcs of Magiftracy be re- quired to the producing of this pofTefTory power, then icj cannot give or have any right ; for without the truei Caufes it cannot be the true Effect, and fo can have no true Right to be owned: but none of the Caufes of Ma- giftracy are required to the production of this ; neither the Inftitution of God, for this might have been, if Ma- giftracy had never been inftituted ; nor the Confticution of men, for this may ufurp without that. 4. Thac which muft follow upon the Right, a,nd be legitimated by it, cannot be owned as the Right, nor can it give the title: but the PofTeflion of the Power, or the pofTefTory ex ercife thereof, muft follow upon its Right, and be le? gitimated by it : Therefore — --.A man muft firft be in the relation of a Ruler, before he can rule ; and men muft firft be in tlie relation of Subjects, before they obey. The Commands of publick juftice, to whom are they given but to Magiftrates? They mult then b< Magiftrates, before they can be owned as the Minifters of Juftice: he muft it a Magiftrate, before he can have the power of the Sword ; he cannot, by the power of the Sword, make himfelf Magiftrate. 5. That which would make eve- ry one in the pofTeflion of the Magiftracy a Tyrant, cannot be owned; but a poffcfTory occupation giving Right, would make every one in pofTeflion of the Ma- giftracy a Tyrant, cannot be owned; but a pofTefTory occupation giving Right, would make every one in poft feflion a Tyrant ; for, that which enervates, and takes away that neceiTary Diftinftion between the King's per- fonal Capacity and his legal Capacity, his natural and his moral Power, will make every King a Tyrant (fee- ing it makes every thing that he can do as a man, to bp legally done as a King) but a pofTefTory occupation giv- ing right, would enervate and take away that Diftin-r &ion : for how can thefe be diftinguifhed in a meer pot leflbry power ? The man's PofTeflion is all his legal Power; and if PofTeflion give a Right, his power will give leeality. 6. What fort or fize of Poflefllon can be owned to eivc a Plight ? Either it muft be partial on plenary PofTeflion : not partial, for then others may ba
equally
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority* j§ I
equally enticled to the Government, in competition with that partial poflefTor, having alfo a part of it : not ple- nary, for then every Interruption or Ufurpation on a. part, would make a diflblution of the Government. 7. Hence would follow infinite abfurdities: this would give equal warrant, in cafe of vacancy, to all men to ftep to, and (tickle for the Throne, and expofe the Common- wealth as a booty to all afpiring fpirits ; for they needed no more to make them Sovereigns, and lay a tie of fub- jeclion upon the conferences of people, but to get into poffeflion: and in cafe of Competition, it would leave people (till in fufpenfe and uncertainties whom to own ; for they behoved to be lubje& only to the uppermoft3 which could not be known until the Controversy be de- cided: it would cafTate and make void all pre-obligati- ons, cautions, and reltri&ions from God about the Go- vernment: it would cancel and make vain all other titles of any, or constitutions, or provifions, or oaths of Alle- giance: yea, to what purpofe were Laws or Pactions made about ordering the Government, if PofTeflion gave Right, and laid an obligation on all to own it ? Yea, then it were finful to make any fuch proviiions, to fence in and limit the determination of Providence, if provi- dential poffeflion may authorize every intrufive acquifi- fition to be owned : then alfb in cafe of competition of two equal Pretenders to the Government, there would be no place left for arbitrations. If this were true, that he is the Power that is in pofTeffion, the Difference were at an End; no man could plead for his own Right then ; in this alfo it is inconfiftent with itfelf^ condemn- ing all refiftance againft the prefent occupant, yet jufti* fying every refiftance that is but fuccefsful to give pof. feffion. 8. That which would oblige us to own the De- vil and the Pope, cannot be a ground to own any man ; but if this were true, that PoiTci7ion gave Right, it would oblige us to own the Devil and the Pope. Satan we find claiming to himfelf the poffeflion of the world's Kingdoms, Luk. iv. 6*. which as to many of them is in fome refpedt true, for he is called the god of this world, and the prince of this <worldy John xiv. 50. 2 Cor. iv. 4. Are men therefore obliged to own his authority ? or fhali
they
38a Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority
they deny his, and acknowledge his Lieutenant, wlit bears his name, and by whom all his orders are execute! I mean the man that tyrannizes over the people of God For heijthe Devil that cafts fome into pr if on. Revel, ii 10. Again, the Pope> his Captain-General, lays claim t< a Temporal power and Ecclefiaftick both, over all th< Nations^ and poflefles it over many; and again, unde the Conduct of his Vaflal the Duke of Tork, is attempting to recover the pofleffion of Britain : Shall he therefore b owned ? This curfed Principle difpofes men for Popery and contributes to ftrcngthen Popery and Tyranny botl on the Stage, to the vacating of all the promifes of thei Difpofleffion. 9. That which would juftify a damnabl< Sin, and make it a Ground of a Duty, cannot be.owned "but this Fancy of owning every Power in PofTeffioi would juftify a damnable Sin, and make it the Groun< of a Duty ; for,Refiftanccto the Powers ordained ofGo< is a damnable Sin, Rom, xiii. 2. But the Refifters havinj fuccefs in providence, may come to the pofleffion of th power, by expelling the juft Occupant ; and, by this opi nion, that pofleffion would be ground for the duty offub je&ion for Confidence fake. 10. If a felf-created dignity b null and not to be owned, then a mere pofleflory is no to be owned ; but the former is true ; as Chrift faith, Job, viii. 54. If I honour my f elf my honour is nothing* il.Tha which God hath difaliowed cannot be owned ; but Go< hath exprefly difaliowed pofleffion without right, Bzel xxi 27. I will overturn j overturn, overturn it, until h come whofe right it is, Hof viii. 4. They havefet up King mid not by me, Matth. xxvi. 52. All they that take th fword pall perifh with the J word ; by this the Ufurper 0 the fword is differenced from the true owner. 12. Ma ny Scripture examples confute this ; fhewing that the poi feflion may be in one, and the power with right in ano ther. David, was the Magiftrate, and yet Abfalom pof fcfled the place, 2 Sam. xv. xvi. xvii. xviii. xix. chap. She la alfp made a revolt and ufurped the pofleffion in i great part, and yet David was King, 2 Sam. xx. 2. Ado 7ir\ah got the ftart in refpedl: of pofleffion, exalting him felf, faying, I will be King : yet the Kingdom was So Jomonsfrom the Lord> l Kings i. The houfc otMazia)
ha<
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 5S3
tad not power to keep dill the Kingdom, 2 Chron.xxu. 5. and Athahah took the, pofTeffion of it, yet the people fee up Joap, xxiii. 3. Next we have many examples of fuch who have invaded the poiTefTor, Witnefs y eh or am and yehopaphat their expedition againft Mepa, King of Moaby Blipa being in the expedition, 2 Kings iii. 4, 5, Hence we fee the firft pretence removed. The Second is no better ; which Augufiine calls Magnum Latrocinium a great Robbery', I mean conqueji, or a power of the Sword gotren "by the Sword ; which, that it can give no right to be owned, I prove, I. That which can g'wc no fionification of God's approving will, cannot give a 77- He to be owned ; but mere conqueft can give no fignifi- carion of God's approving will, as is juft now proven a* bout pofTeffion : for then the Lord fhould have appro- ven all the unjuft conquefts that have been in the world. £. Either conqueft as conquefl muft be owned, as a juft title to the Crown ; and To the Ammonite sy MoabiteSy PhiliftineSy dec. prevailing over God's people for a time, mulVhave reigned by right, or as a juft conqueft. In this cafe, conqueft is only a mean to the conquerors feif- ing and holding that power, which the State of the war entitled him unto ; and this ingrefs into Authority over the conquered is not grounded on conqttefiy but oVijuflice^ and not at all privative, but inclufive of the confent of the people; and then it may be owned ; but without a compaft, upon conditions of fecuring Religion and Li- berty, the pofterity cannot be fubjefted without their confent: for whatever juft quarrel the conqueror had with the prefent Generation, he could have none with the Pofterity, the Father can have no power to refign the Liberty of the Children. 5. A King, as King, and, by virtue of his Royal Office, muft be owned to be a Fa- ther, Tutor, Proteclor, Shepherd, and Patron of the people } but a mere conqueror, without con lent cannot be owned as fuch. Can he be a Father and Patron to us againft our will, by the fole power of the Sword ? A Father to thefe that are unwilling to be Sons ? An head over fuch as will not be members 1 And a defender through violence ? 4. A King, as fuch, is a fpecial gift cf God, and bleifing, not a judgment : but a conqueror,
as
'384 Consuming owning of Tyrants Authority*
as fuch, is not a bleffing, but a judgment, his native «nd being not Peace, but fire and fword. 5. That which liath nothing of a King in it, cannot be owned to make a King ; but conqueft hath nothing of a King in it : foi it hath nothing but violence and force, nothing but what the bloodieft villain that was never a King may have nothing of God's approving and regulating Will, no- thing of Inftitution or Constitution ; and a plain repug- nancy to the Ordination of God, for God hath faid2 Thou (bait not kill ; conqueft fays^ I will killy and pro- sper, and reign. 6. A lawful Call to a lawful (Mica may not be refifted ; but a Call to conquer}, which is| nothing but ambition or revenge, ought to be refilled ; fcecaufe not of God's preceptive will, otherwife he fliould be the Author of fin. 7. That power which we jmuft own to be the Ordinance of God, mud not be re- filled, Rom* xiii. 2. But conqueft may be refitted in de- fence of our King and Country : therefore it muft not be owned to be the Ordinance of God. 8. That which God condemns in his Word cannot be owned ; but dominion. by the fword, God condemns in his Word, EzeL xxxiii
2,6. Ye ft and upon your fword, and fiat I poffefs the
Zand, Amos vi. 13. Te rejoice in a thing of naughty which fay, Have we not taken to us horns by our own ftrength ?
Habak. ii. 5, 6. Wo to him that encreafeth that which ii
rot his, how long ? &c. 9. We have many examples oi invading Conquerors ; as Abraham, for the refcue ol hot, purfued the conquering Kings unto Ban, Gen* xiv 14. Jonathan /mote a Carifon of the conquering Philiftines 1 Sam. xiii. 3. The Lord owning and authorizing them fo to do. The people did often fhake off the yokt of their Conquerors in the hiftory of the Judges : but this they might not do to their lawful Rulers. What i; objected from the Lord's people conquering Canaan, &c is no argument for conqueft : for he, to whom belong" the earth and its fulnefs, difponed to ifrael the Land o: Canaan for their inheritance, and ordained that the) flhould get the pofTeffion thereof by conqueft : it follow- cth not therefore, that Kings now, wanting any wore ofpromife, or divine grant to any Lands, may afcenc to the Thrones of other Kingdoms than their own, bj
m
Concerning owning of Tp'dnis Authority. 3&J
no better title than the bloody fword. See Lex Rex gueft. 12. The third pretence of Hereditary Succejfton re- mains to be removed : which may be thus diiproven, I. This clafhes with the former, though commonly al- tered by Royalifts. For either Conquefi gives a right, or it does not : if it does, then it loofes all Allegiance to the heirs of the Crown difpofTeflcd thereby : if ic does riot give a right, then no hereditary SuccefTion founded upon concjueft can have any right, being found- ed upon chat which hath no right: arid this will fhakc the moil part of hereditary Succeffions that are now in the world. * 2. If hereditary Succeffion have no right, but the peoples content ; then of it felf it can give none to a man that hath not that confent ; but the former is true. For, it is demanded, how doth the Son or Bro- ther fucceed ? By what rioht ? It muft either be by di- vine prorriife; or by the Father's will ; or it muft come by propagation from the firft Ruler, by a right of the Primogeniture ; but none of thefe can be. For the jprfi% we have no immediate divine Conftitution tying the Crown to fuch a race, as in David's Covenant: it will be eailly granted, they fetched not their Charter from hea- ven immediately, as David had it, a man of many pe- culiar prerogatives, to whofc line the promife was a- ftriclcd of the coming of Mejfias, and Jacob's Prophecy that the Scepter (bould not depart from Judahy until his comings Gen. xlix. io. wras reftricled to his family af- terwards: wherefore he could fay, The Lord God &f ijrael chofe me before all the houfe of my Father, to be King over Ijrael for ever : for he hath chofen fudah to he the Ruler ; and of the houfe offudah> the houfe of my Father \ and a" mong the fons of my Father , he liked me to make me King over Ifrael : and of all my Sons, he hath chofen Solomon^ I Chron., \xvi\\. 4, 5. All Kings cannot fay this; nei- ther could Saul fay it, though immediately called of God as well as David: yet this lame promife to David was conditional, if his Children fbould keep the Lord's *ways> 2. Chron. yi. 16. Next, it cannot be faid this comes from the cvill of the. Father', for according to the Scripture, no King can make a King, tho' a Kins may appoint and fjefign his. Sod for his Succeflbr, as David did Solomon, but
Bb th£
586 Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority.
the people mate him. The Father is fome way a caufe why his Son fucceedeth, but he is not the caufe of the Royalty conferred upon him byline: for the qucflion will recur, who made him a King, and his Father,. and grand Father, till we come up to the firft Father '( Then* who made him a King? Not himfelf ; therefore it muft be refoitndcd upon the peoples choice and constitution : and who appointed the lineal fuccefTion, and tied the Crown to the line, but they ? It is then> at the beft, the Patrimony of the people, by the fundamental Law of the Kingdom, conferred upon the SucceiTbr by content. And generally it is granted, even where the fucceffion is lineal, he that comes to inherit, he does notfucceed by he- ritage, but by the force of Law ', the Son then hath not his Kingdom from his Father, but by Law," which the people made and itand to, as long as it may confift with the reafbns of publiclc advantage, upon which they con- defended to eftablifh fuch a family over them. Nei- ther can it be fa id, It is by a right of Primogeniture , propagated from the firft Ruler; for this muft either be Adam the firft of the world; or Fergus for example, the firft of this Kingdom. It could not come from Adam as a Mo- narch and Father of all; for that behoved to be, either by order of Nature, or his voluntary alignment: It could not be transferred by order of Nature ; for befides the difficulty to find out Adam's fuccefTor in the univer- sal Monarchy, and the abfurdity of fixing it on Cainy (who was a curfcd vagabond, afraid of every man, and could not be an univerfal Monarch, yet Adam%s firft born.) It will be asked, How this palled from him un- to others ? Whether it went by Fatherhood to all the Sons, Fathers to their Pofterity ? Which would multi- ply as many Commonwealths, as there have been Fa- thers iince: or if it went, by Primogeniture, only to the firft-born, that he alone could claim the power which would infer the Neceffity of an univerfal Monarchy, without multiplication of Commonwealths. If it was by his voluntary affignment, to whom, and in what proportion, he plea fed ; then the univerfal Monarchy died w7ith himfelf, and fb could not be conveyed at all : fctj either he behoved to give each fbn a fharc, to be
con-
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority] 38?
conveyed downwards to their children in that proporti- on ; or whole and folid to one : fb alfo the former dilem- ma recurs, for if the firft be faid, It will make as many little Kingdoms as there have been Sons oiAdam > if the fecond, the world (hould be but ftill one Kingdom. But however it be, this could never be the way that God ap- pointed, either for railing a Magiftratical Power where it is wanting, or deriving a right to any in being ; con- fidering the multiplication, diviilon, confufion, and ex- tinction of families that have been. If it be from Fer* gus the rirft of this line ; then either it comes from him as a King, or as a Father: not the firft, for the reafor* above hinted : nor as a Father ; for a Father may de- fraud his Son of the heritage, a King cannot deprive his Son of the Crown ; a Father may divide his heri- tage, a King cannot divide the Kingdom among his Sons ; it mult then be at length refounded on the peo- ples confent. 3. If even where lineal fucceffion is con- ftitutcd by Law, for eviting the inconveniencies of fre- quent elections, people are not tied to admit every firft- born ol that line ; then that birth-right, where there is no more, cannot make a King ; but the former is true ; for they are tied only conditionally, fb he be qualified, and have a head to fit at the helm, and not a fool or monfler; neither are they free to admit Murderers or Idolaters by the Laws of God, and of the Land : it is not birth then, but their admiffion being fo qualified, that makes Kings. Hence, 4. That which takes away the peoples birth-right, given them of God to provide for their liberties in the fitteft Government, that is not to be owned ; but to make Birth alone a title to the Crown, takes away the peoples birth-right given them of God of providing for their liberties in the fitteft Go- vernment, and fetters their choice to one deftruftive to thefe. Certainly where God hath not bound the confei- encc, men may not bind themfelves nor their Pofterity ; but God hath never fettered men to a choice of a Go- vernment or governing Line ; which, contrary to the intention of the Oath, may prove deftructive to the ends thereof. Nor can the Fathers leave in legacy, by Oath, any chains to fetter the after wits of pofterity to
Bb z a
3 S3 Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority,
a choice dcftrudtivc to Religion and Liberty. Jfraelwtt bound, by Covenant, nor to deftroy the Gibeonites *r but if they had nfen to cut off lfraely Who can doubt but jhey were loofed from that obligation] For to preferve Cut-throats was contrary to the intention of the Oath: fo when cither Monarchy, or the fucceeding Monarch, proves deilrii&ivc to the ends of Government, the choice, Law, or Oath of our fathers, cannot bind us, 5. If wc are tied to the hereditary fucceffion, not for the right the fuccefTor ha*h by birth, but for our covenanted AU Jegiance to them whofe fuccefTor he is ; then cannot his birth-right be the ground of our Allegiance, and confc- quently hereditary fucceffion cannot make a King ; but the former is true ; for in hereditary Crowns, the firft family being chofen by the fuffrages of the people, for tnat Caufe the hereditary Prince comes to the Throng, becaufe his firft Father, and in him the whole line, was fehofen ; the hereditary fuccefTor hath no Privilege or Prerogative, but from him who was chofen King : Therefore the obligation to the Son, being no greater than the obligation to the Father, which is the ground of that, if the Father then was owned only becaufe he was chofen^ and qualified for Government, the Son can- ridt be owned for any other Caufe^ but as chofen in him, and alfo qualified and admitted with Confent. We can* cot choofe the Father as qualified, and tye our felves to the Succeilors, be what they will. 6. Jf a King be noc bom heir of a Kingdom, then is he not King by birth ; but he is not born heir of a Kingdom : for, a mean can- riot be born to inherit the end, the King is but a mean for the Kingdom** prcfervation. If the Kingdom be hi$5 by birth, as an inheritance, Why may he not upon neceflary occafions fell his inheritance ? But if he fell ity then all confefs he is no more King* 7. If that which msikts a King cannot be tranfmitted from Father tQ Son ; then fucceffion, by birth, cannot make a King $ but the former is true. The Royal Faculty of govern- ing cannot be tranfmitted : Sotomoft asked it from God, frfc had it not from his Father t nof can he be born to the horwuv of a King, becaufe dot born with either the gift or hoaour to fee a ?udg$* Cod makttb high and
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 389
tow, not birth. Nor can the Call and Confiitution of a King, according to the will of God, be transferred from father to Son, for that cannot be in God's way without the intervening Content of the people, that cannot make him a born King* S, If no Dominion can come by Na- ture, as is proven before, then can no man be a bora King: Nature and Bitch cannot give them a Scepter in their hand, nor kingly Majefty, they muft have that a- lone from God and the people, and may only expect honour from their own good Government: Kings (as flutarch fays ) muft be like dogs that are beft hunters, not thefe who are born of beft dogs. 9. The peculiar Prerogative of Jefus Chrijh muft not be afcribed to any other; but this is his peculiar Prerogative, to be a born King> of whom it might be trucly faid, Where is he that js born King of the Jews ? And for this end was he born, \vho came out of the Womb with a Crown on his head, which no Creature can bear. 10. In Scripture we find that a King was to be fo and fo qualified, not a firanger , but a reader of God's Word, &V. Deut, xvii. i 5, &c. he was not qualified by naked birth. Hence, if all the qualifications reauiiice in an heir cannot make a King qualified according to the Inftitution of God, then his being heir cannot make him King; but the fir ft is true, an heir may be an heir without thefe qualifications. 11. We find in the Scripture, the people were to make the JCings by that Law, Deut. xvii. 15. Thoajbalt choofe him whom the Lord choofeth : yea, neither Saul nor Dau'ni were Kings, till the people met to make them : there- fore birch never made them Kings, even though the Kingdom was tied to David's lirre. That wTas only a typical Defignment by fpecial Promife, becaufe Chrift was to come of that line; it was therefore eftablifhed in David's Family for Typical Reafons, that cannot be now ailedged. 12. We find in the difpolal of Govern- ment among brethren, this Birth-order was not feldoni inverted ; as when facob was preferred before Efau> Ju&ah before all the elder fbn.s of Jacob, Ephraim before Manajfeh, Solomon before Adonijah. Hence if this Gen- tleman, now regnanr, have no better pretences than theie oow confuted^ we cannot recognofce his right to leisjn :
yea,
590 Concerning owning of tyrants Authority.
yea, though this laft were valid, yet he cannot plead itp it being exprefly provided in our Laws againlt the fucceffion of a JPapift. But there is one grand Objection againft all this. The yews and other Nations are com- manded to bring their necks under the yoke of the King of Babylon , and to ferve him, and yet he had no other right to thefe Kingdoms ; than the Lord's providential difpofal, becaufc the Lord had given all thefe Lands into his handy Jer. xxvii. 6, 7, 12. Anf 1. He was indeed an unjuft Ufurper, and had no right but the Lord's pro- vidential gift ; which fometimes makes the Tabernacles cf Robbers profpery into wlofe hand God bringeth abundant^ ly, Job xii. 6. And gives Jacob fometimes for afpoil, and Jfrael to the Robbers, Id. xlii. 24. And giveth power to the ieafi to continue forty and two Months, and to have power ever all fCindredsy and Tongues y and Nations, Rev. xiti. 5, 7. His Tyranny alfo was very great extenfively, in re- Ipeft of his oppreflions and ufurpations by Conqueft ; but it was not fo great intenjively, as our Robbers and Spoil- ers may be charged with ; he was never fiich a Pervcrtcr of all the ends of Government, nor a treacherous ovcrturn- tv of all Conditions, he was never a Perfccutcr of the fewifi Religion, he never opprcfTed them upon that ac- count, nor endeavoured its extirpation, he never enacted £iich mifchiefs by Law. The Lord only made ufc of him to bring about the holy ends of the Glory of his Ju- ftice and Wiflotn, in which reipeel alone he is called his Servant, as elfewhcre his rod and hammer, having given him a Charge againft an hypocritical Nation, to trample them down in his holy Providence; and accordingly there was no Refiftance could prevail, they mult be trampled upon, no help for it; bujt no fubjeclion was required, acknowledging his magiftratical Right by Di- vine Ordinance, but only a fubmiffive (looping to the holy difpofal of Divine Providence', no owning was ex- acted either of the equity of that Power, or of fealty to the adminiftrator. 2, This behoved to be a particular Command, by pofitive Revelation given at that time, *iot binding to others in the like condition $ which I re- fer to the judgment of the Objectors: put the cafe, and axake it run parallel, If the King of England were in
league
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 591
league with the King of France, and breaking that league, (hould provoke that afpiring Prince, growing potent by many Conqucfts, to difcover his deiigns, make prepara- tions, and give out threatnings for the Conqueft of Eng- land and all Britain ; were the People of England bound to furrendcr themfelves as Servants and Tributaries to him for 70 years, or for ever, under pain of deftru&ion, if they fhould not ? This were one of the moft ridicu- lous inferences that ever was pleaded; nay, it would make all refuial of fubjedrion to invaders unlawful. 3. I will draw an argument from this to confirm my Plea : for thefe Commands of fubje&ion to Babylon, were not delivered, until after the King of Judah had furrendered to Nebuchadnezzar, and entred into Covenant with him to be fubjedt to him, 2 Kings, xxiv chap, in keeping which Covenant the Kingdom might have (rood, and after he had rebelled again ft him, and broken that Cove- nant, when Jo, he had given his hand*, after which he could not pro/per, ore/cape, or be delivered, E2ek. xvii. 14, 15,18. 2 Chron. xxxvi. 13. Then the Commandment came, that they (hould difown their own King Zedekiah, now forfeiting his ri^ht by breach of Covenant, and be fuhjeft to Nebuchadnezzar : whence I argue, if People arc commanded to difown their Covenant-breaking Ru- lers, and fubjedt themfelves to Conquerors, then I have all I plead for; but the former is true, by the -truth of this objection: therefore alfothe latter. There is a 2d 0&- jetlion from Rom. xiii. I. Let every foul be fubjeft to the higher powers, the powers that be are ordained of God: yet the Roman Emperor, to which they were to be fubjedt, was an Ufurper. Anfiv. I. It cannot be proven, that the Apoftle intendeth here the Roman Emperor as the higher power : there were at this time feveral Competitions for the Empire, about which Chriftians might have their own fcruples whom ro own ; the Apoftle does not deter- mine their litigations, nor intercft himfelf in parties, but gives the general Standart of God's Ordinance thev had to go by. And the beft Expofitors of the place do al- ledge, the queftion and doubt of Chriftbns then was not fo much in whom the Supremacy was, as whether Chriftiarjf were at all bound to obey Civil Powcr>
cfpe-
53»S Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority.
especially Pagan 1 Which the Apoftlc refolves, in giving- general dire&ions to Chriftians, to obey the ordinance of Magiftracy, conform to its original, and as it refpecls the end for which he had and would fet it up ; but no re- jTpeft is there had to Tyrants. 2, It cannot be proven, that the fupreme Power then in being was ufurpativc, there being then a fupreme Senate, which was a lawful tower; nor that Nero was then an Ufurper, who came in by choice and confent, and with the good liking of the People, 3. The Text means of lawful Powers, not unlawful Force, that are ordained of God by his precep- tive Will, not merely by his providential Difpofal, and of confeientious fubje&ion to Magiftracy, not to Tyranny, defcribing and characterizing the powers there, by fuck qualifications as Tyrants and Ufurpers are not capable of. But I mind to improve this Text more fully hereaf- ter, to prove the quite contrary to what is here obje&ed • 8. Frdm the Right of Magiftracy, flows the magiftra- tka\ Relation, which is ncceiTary to have a bottom, be- fore we can build the relative Duties thereon. This ©rings it uncler the fifth Commandment, which is the Rule of all relative Duties between Inferiors and Superiors, re- quiring honour to be given to Fathers, Matters, Hut bands, &c. and to rightful Magistrates, who are under fuch political relations, as do infer the fame duties ; and prohibiting not oniy'the omiffionof thefe duties, but ai- fo the committing of contrary fins; which may be done, not only by contrary ABs, as di(honouring and rebelling againft Fathers, Magiftrates,&V. but alfo by performing them to contrary Ohje&s, as by giving the Fathers Due to the Fathers oppofite^ and the Magiftrates Due to Ty- rants who are their oppofites. ' Certainly this Command, prefcribing honour, does regulate to whom St fhould be given ; ^and muft be underftood in a confiftency with that Duty and Character of one that hath a mind to be an inhabitant of the Lord's holy Hill? Pfal. xv. 4. In whofe, eyes a vile pprfon is contemned, but he honoureth them that fear the Lord. So that we fin againft the fifth Command, when we honour them that we are obliged to contemn by another Command. Hence I ar£ue, if owning or ho- nouring of Tyrants be. a breach of the fifth Command,
thca
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 39 j
then we cannot own their Authority ; but the former 1$ true : therefore the latter. I prove the AfTumption : A. honouring the vile, to whom no honour is due, and who^ ftand under no relation of Fathers as Fathers, is a breach* of the fifth Command ; but the owning of Tyrants Au- thority is a honouring the vile, to whom no honour i^ due, and who ftand under no relation of Fathers, and i$ yet a honouring them as Fathers: therefore the owning of Tyrants Authority is a breach of the fifth Command, The Major is clear : for if the honouring of thefe to> whom no honour is due, were not a breach of the fifth Command, that precept could neither be kept at all, nor oroken at all* It could not be kept at all; for, either ic xnbft oblige us to honour all indefinitely, as Fathers, and other relations, which cannot be ; or elfe it muft leave us ftill in fufpenfe and ignorance, who (hall be the object of our honour ; and then it can never be kept: or final- ly, it muft aftrift our honouring to fuch definite relati- ons, to whom it is due ; and then our tranfgreffion of $hat reftriction fhall be a breach of it. Next, if it were not fo, it could not be broken at all : for if proftituting and abufing honour be not a fin, we cannot fin in the matter of honour at all } for if the abufc of honour be not a fin, then difhonour alfo is not a fin : for that is but an abufc of the duty, which is a fin as well as the orai£ lion of it. And what fhould make the taking away of honour from the proper object to be fin, and the giving it to a wrong object to be; no fin 2 Moreover, if this Com- mand dd not reftrict honour to the proper object, we (hall never know who ;s the object. Howftni] we know who is our Father, or what we owe to hirh, if we may give another his due I The Minor alfo is manifeft: for if Tyrants be viley then no honour is due to them, accord- ing to that Pfal.xv. 4. and yet it is a honouring them a* Fathers, if they be owned as Magiftrates ; for Magiftrates are in a politick ienfe Fathers ', but certain it is, that Ty- rants are vile, as the Epithets and Characters they get in Scripture prove. But becaufe, in contradiction to this, it may be faid, though Fathers be never fo wicked, yec ^hey are to be honoured, becaufe they are Rill Fathers; and though Matters be never fo vile aod froward, vet
they
$9$ Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority.
they are to be fubje&ed unto, 1 Pet* ii. 18-— 2C. and fo of other relations, to whom honour is due by this Com- mand ; therefore though Tyrants be never fo vile, they are co be owned under thefe relations, becaufe they are the higher Powers in place of Eminency, to whom the Apoftle Paul commands to yield fubjeftion, Rom* xiii, and Peter to give SubmiJJlon and Honour, I Pet. ii, 13, 17. Therefore it muft be confidercd, that as the relative Duty of honouring the relations to whom it is due, muft not interfere w'nh fhe moral Duty of contemning the vile, who are not under thefe relations ; fp this general Moral of contemning the vile, muft not caiTate the obligation of relative Duties, but muft be undcrftood with a conli- ftency therewith, without any prejudice to the Duty it- fclf. We muft contemn all the vile, that are not under a relation to be honoured, and thefe alio that are in that relation, insofar as they are vile. But now Tyrants do not come under thefe relations at all, that are to be ho-* noured by this Command, As for the higher Powers thatPtfa/fpeaksof, Rom. xiii. they are not thofc which are higher in Force, but higher inpower, not in Authority^ but in Power, not in a celfitudc of prevalency, but in a p re-excellency of dignity; not in the pomp and pride of their prosperity, and pofteflion of the place, but by the virtue and value of their Office, being ordained of GocJ cot to be refitted, the Minifters of God for good, terrors to evil doers, to whom honour is due; thofe are not Tyrants, but 'Magiftrates. Hence it is a word of the fame root which is rendered Authority, or an Authorized Power, I Tim. ii.2. and from the lame word alfo comes that fupreme, to whom Peter commands fubje&ion and honour, I Pet.ii. 13. Now thefe he (peaks of have the legal Constitution of the People, being the Ordinance of Man, to be fubjefled to for the Lord's fake, and who fends other inferior Magiftrates for the punifhment of evil do- ers, and for the praife of them that do well, who are to fee honoured as Kings or lawful Magiftrates; this cannot' be fa id of Tyrant?. But more particularly, to evince that Tyrants and Ufurpers are not to be honoured ac~. cording to this Command, and that it is a breach of it fo to do ; let us go through all thefe Relations of Superior^
*y*
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 3J>5
ty, that come under the obligation of this Command, and we (ball find Tyrants and Ufurpers exduded out of all. F/V/?, They cannot come under the Parental Rela^ don: We are indeed to cltcem Kings a* Fathers, though not properly, but by way or fome analogy^ becaufe it is their Office to care for the People, and to be their Coun- fellors, and to defend them, as Fathers do for Children; kut roaring Uons and ranging Bears, as wicked Ruiers arc, Prov. xxviii. 15. cannot be Father;. But Kings can- not properly be owned under this Relation, far leis Ty» rants (with whom the analogy of Fathers cannot confiit) there being fo many notable difpariries betwixt Kings and Fathers. 1. A Father may be a Father to one Child ; but a King cannot be a King or Politick Father to one only, but his Correlate mull be a Community ; a Ty- rant c^n be a Father to none at all in a Politick Scnfe. £. A Father is a Father by Generation to all coming out of his loins; a King not fo, he doth not beget them, nor dorh their relation flow from that; a Tyrant is a De- (troyer, not a Procreator of People. 3. A Father is the caufe of the natural being of his Children, a King only of the politick Well-being of his Subjects *, but Tyrants are the caufe of the ill-being of both. 4. A Father, once a Father, as long as his Children live, retains (till the re- lation, tho* he turn mad and never lo wicked ; a King turning mad may beferved as Nebuchadnezzar was, ztleail all will grant in fome cafes the fubje&s may (hake off the King ; and if in any cafe, it is when he turns Tyrant, 5. A Father's relation never ccafes, whither foever his Chil- dren go ; but fubje&s may change their relation to a King, fcy coming under another King in another kingdom ; a Tyrant will force all lovers of freedom to leave the king- dom where he domineers. 6. A father's relation never changes, he can neither change his children, nor they change their father ; but a King may natui allze new fub- je&s, and fubje&s may alfo change their Sovereign. Roya lifts will grant a State or Commonwealth may make a King, and there is great rcafon fometimes that a Monarchy be turned into a Commonwealth; but a Ty- rant changes thofe that are under him, expels the na- tives, brings in Foreigners^ and all good Patriots do
pant
38$ Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority*
fane for a change of him every day. 7. A father hath bo power of lite and death over his children; a King hath it over his fubjefts according to law ; a Tyrant u- furps it over the innocent againlt law. 8. A father is not a father by confent of his children ; as a King is by confent of his fubje&s ; a Tyrant is neither a father witfy it nor without it. o. A father is not made by the chil- dren ; as a King is by his fubje&s, as was (hewed ; a Tyrant is neither a natural, nor by compact, but a felf- crcated power. 10. A father is not chofen conditionally upon compact, as a King is by the free fufFrages of the Community V a Tyrant in this differs from a King that he is not chofen, and in tyranny from a father. nT Children wanting a father cannot choofe whom they will to be their father ; as fubjecis wanting a King may choofe whoirt they will, and what form they pleafe; but though they ca|», yet if they be rational, they will never choofe a Tyrant, nor a tyrannical form of govern-, tnent. is» Children cannot reftri& their father's power to what degrees they pleafe ; as fubjc&s may limit their Kings, at their firfi erection ) but a Tyranr, though he ought, yet he will not be limited, and if he might, he, fhould be reftrained. 15. Children cannot fet bounds now long they will have their fathers to continue ; fub-< iecls may condefcend upon the time, in making laws how long fuch an one lhall be their Sovereign, during lifey or while faultlefs> according as the fundamental law is made at ftrft ; Tyrants ought every day to be re- preifed, that they fhould not continue at all. Yet giving and not granting, that a King were to be owned under the relation of a father ; though every man be bound to, own and maintain his father's parenral authority, yet let the cafe be put, that the father turns a Robber, Murderer * an avowed Enemy to God and the country, is his pcrfbrt and authority in that cafe to be owned, to the dishonour of God, and hurt and hazard of the country? or ought he inot rather to be delivered up even by the Son to Juftice ? Much more then will it follow, that a King who turn$ the more dangerous, becaufe the more powerful Rob- ber, and legal Murderer, and enemy to God and the, country, cannot be owned ; feeing the relation between
1 :r
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority 397
father and fon is ftronger and ttri&cr, as having another original, than can be betwixt King andfubje&s, and ftands unremoved as long as he is father, though turn- ing fuch, they ought to contribute, ( in moral duty, to which their relative duty mull cede), that he fhould no more be a father, nor no more a living man, when dead by law. Secondly, They cannot come under the herile or mafierly relation, though analogically alfo Tome- times they are (tiled fb, and fubje&s are called Servants, by reafon of their fubjc&ion, and becaufe it is the office of Kings to command, and fubje&s to obey, in this there is fome Analogy. But Kings cannot properly be owned under this relation, as maftert over either per- fons or goods of fubjects, far lefs Tyrants, yea Kings af- fuming a mafterly power turn Tyrants. Now that the Magiftratical relation is not that of a Mafter, is clear from many difparities and abfurdities, whether we con- fider the Irate of hired fervants or {[ayes. For hired Ser- vantSy the difference is vaft betwixt them and fubjects, l# The hired fervant gets reward for his fervice, by compact ; the fubjects none, but rather gives the Royal reward of tribute to the King for his fervice; the Ty- rant exacts it to maintain his Tyranny. 2. The hired fervant is maintained by his matter ; the fubjedls main- tain the King ; the Tyrant robs it from them by force. 3. The hired fervant bargains only for a time, and then may leave him; the fubjeft cannot give up his covenant- ed allegiance, at that rate and for thele reafons as the fervant may his fervice; a Tyrant will make nor keep Ho fuch bargain. 4. The hired fervant muft have his matters profit mainly before his eyes, and his own only fecondarily ; but the Magittrates power is primarily or- dinated to the publick good of the Community, and on- ly confequentialiy to the good of himfelf. 5I The ma- tter hath a greater power over the hired fervant, to make and give out laws to him, which if they be lawful he muft obey; than the King hath over the nation, to which he is not the fole Lawgiver, as is (hewed. 6. The hi- red fervant his fubjeftion is mercenary and fervile ; but the fubjects fubjection is civil, free, voluntary, liberal, *ftd loving to a lawful King* Again for Haves, the dif- ference
398 Concerning owning of tyrants Authority.
ference between them and fubjects is great, i. Slaver being againft nature, rational people would never choof that life, if they could help it \ but they gladly ehoof Government and Governors. 2. Slavery would mak their condition worfc than when they had no Govern ment, for liberty is always preferable ; neither coul people have a&ed rationally in fetting up Governmen' if to be free of opprcfHon of others they had given them felves up to flavery, under a matter who may do wh; he plcaies with them. 3. Ail flaves are either taken i war, or bought with money, or born in the houfe whei their parents were flaves, as Abraham and Solomon ha of that fort; butfubje&s arc neither captives,nor bough ftor born flaves. 4. Slavery is not natural^ but a pen; fruit of fin, and would never have been if fin had n< been ; but Government is not io, but natural and nece fary. 5. Slaves are not their matters brethren, fubje&s ai the King's brethren, otoer whom he mufi not liftuphimfel Dent, xvii. 20. 6. Matters might purchafe and fell their flave Abimelech took fheep and men-fervants and gave them um Abraham ^Gen. xx» 14. Jacobhzd maid-^ftrvants and mei fervants, and aiTes, Gen.xxx- 4J« no othcrwife than oth< goods, Solomon got to himfelf fervants and maidens, ar fervanrs born in his houfe, Ecclef ii. 7. a King cannot d fo with his fubjedts. 7. Princes have not this power 1 make the people flaves, neither from God, nor from tl people; from God they have none* but to feed and to lea them, 2 Sam. v. 2. to rule them fb as to feed them, Chron. xi. 2. Pfal. Ixxviii. 71, )2. From the people the have no power to make Slaves, they can give none fuel 8. Slavery is a Curie : it was Canaan s Curfe to be Servant of Servants, Gen. ix. 25. but to have Magittrat< is a promifed blefling, Jer. xvii. 25. 9. To be free c Slavery is a bletting, as the Redemption from Egypt bondage is every where called, and the year of Redcmj tion w^s a Juhle of Joy, fo the Freedom of reieafe ev< ry feven years a great Privilege, Jer. xxxiv. 9. but t be free of Government is a Judgment, if a. iii. 4, 5. *t threatned, Ifiael pall abide without a King, and witl cut a Prince] Hof. Hi. 4. In the next place, they cann< be owned as Matters or Proprietors over thegoods of tfc
fu£
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority* 399
fubjec"h ; though in the Cafe of Neceflity, the King may make ufe of all goods in common, for the good of the Kingdom : for, 1. The introduction of Kings cannot overturn Nature's foundation ; by the Law of Nature jproperty was given to man, Kings cannot refcind that, ft A man had goods e're ever there was a King ; a King was made only to preferve Property, therefore he cannot take it away. 3. It cannot be fuppofed that ra- tional people would chooft a King at all, if he had power to turn a greater Robber to preferve them from leiTer Robberies and Oppreifions: would rational men
Eive up themfclves for a prey to one, that they might c fafc from becoming a prey to others ? 4. Then their cafe fhould be worfe, by erecting of Government, if the Prince were Proprietor of their goods, for they had the Property themfelves before. 5. Then Government fhould not be a blclling, but a curfe, and the Magittrate could not be a Minifter for good. 6. Kingdoms then fhould be among the goods of fortune, which the King might fell and difpone as he pleafed. 7. His place then fhould not be a function, but a pofTeflion. 8. People could not then, by their removes, or otherwife, change their Sovereigns. 9. Then no man might difpofe of his own goods without the King's confent, by buying or felling, or giving alms ; nay, nor pay tribute, for they cannot do thefe things except they have of their own. 10. This is the very Character of a Tyrant, as defer ib- cd, I Sam. viii. II. He will take your Sons, &c. Zeph. iii. ?• Her Princes are roaring Lions, her Judges are even* ing Wolves. II. All the threatnings and rebukes of op- preffion condemn this, Ifa. iii. 14, 15. Ezek. xlv. 9. Mic. iii. 2, 3. Ahab condemned for taking Naboth's vine- yard. 12. Pharaoh had not all the Land of Egypt, till he bought it, Gen. xlii. 20. So the Land became Pharaoh's, not otherwife. Yet giving, and not granting thar he were really a Matter in all thefe refpedts ; notwithttand- ing if he turn to pur(ue me for my Life, becaufe of my fidelity to my Matter and his both, and will withdraw me from the fcrvice of the fupreme univerfal Matter, 1 may lawfully withdraw my lelf from his, and dilb wc* him for one, when I cannot ferve two Matters. Sure
he
4oo Concerning fawning of Tyrants Authority.
lie cannot be Matter of the Confcience. Thirdly , They fcannot come under the conjugal Relation, though there tnay be fbme proportion between that and fubjection to a lawful Rulct, becaufe of the mutual Covenant tranf- aded betwixt them ; but the 'Tyrant arid Ufurper can- toot pretend to this, who refufe all Covenants. Yet hence it cannot be inferred, that becaufe the wife may not put away her husband, or renounce him, as he may do her in the cafe of Adultery ; therefore the peo- t fie cannot difbvvn the King in the cafe "of the violatioti of the Royal Covenant. For the King's power h not at all properly a Husband's power, i. The Wife, by Na- ture, is the weaker VefTel ; but the Kingdom is not Weaker than the King, 2. The Wife is given as an fcelp to the man ; but here the man is given as an held to the Commonwealth. 3. The wife cannot limit the fcusband*s power ; asfubje&s may limit their Sovereigns.
4. The Wife cannot prefcribe the time of her continuing under him J as fubje&s may do With their Sovereigns.
5. The wife fcmnot change her husband ; as a Kingdom can do their Government. <5. The husband hath not fower of Life and Death ; but the. Sovereign hath it a- ver Malefactors. Yet giving^ and riot granting, his power were properly Marital; if th<* cafe be put, that the man do habitually break the Marriage Covenant, or take another Wife, and turn alfb cruel and intolera- ble in compelling his own Wife to wickednefs ; and put ihe cafe alfb, that fhe fhould not get a legal Divorce procured, Wrho can doubt but fhe might difbwn him, and leave him ? Fpr this cafe is excepted out of that Command, 1 Cor. vii. to. Lei not the Wife depart from her Husband, jmeanirig for mere Difference in Religion, or other lefler caufes ; but Adultery doth annul the Mar- riage relation. See VooVs Synopjis Critic, in Locum* So ■when a Prince breaks the royal Covenant and turns Ty- rant, or without any Covenant commits a Rape upon the Commonwealth, that pretendect Relation may and mil ft be difbwned. Hence we fee, there is ho relation^ can bring a King or Ruler under the object of the duty of the fifth Command, except it be that of a f duciarj iMtroft) or 7V#/?*e> and PubBck Servant: for we cannot
<>wd
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 401
fwn him properly either to be a Father, or a Mafter, 6r a Husband. Therefore what can remain, but that he tfouft be a fiduciary Servant? Wherefore if he fhall either treacheroufly break his truft, or prefumptuoufly refufc to he eatrufted, upon terms and conditions to fecure and be accountable for, (before God and Man) Religion and Liberry, we cannot own his ufurped Authority. That Metaphor which the learned Buchanan ufes, de Jme Regtit) of a Publick and Politick Phyjiciany is not a rela- tion different from this of a fiduciary Servant ; when he elegantly reprefents him as cntrufted with the prefcrva- tion and reitauration of the health of the politick Bodyy and endowed with Skill and Experience of the Laws of his Craft. If then he be orderly called unto this charge^ and qualified for it, and difcharges his duty faithfully, he deferves, and we are obliged to give him the defe- rence of an honoured Phyfician ; but if he abufe his cal* ling, and not obferve the rules thereof, and inftead of curing, go about wilfully to kill the Body he is entruft- ed with, he is no more to be owned for a Phyfician^ but for a Murderer.
9. If we enquire further into the nature of this Rela- tion between a King, (whofe Authority is to be owned) and his fubjec'ts ; we can own it only as it is Reciprocal it) refpeft of Superiority and Inferiority ; that is, where- by in fbme refpeAs the King is Superior to the people, and in fome relpedts the people is Superior to him. The King is Superior and Supreme as he is called, 1 Pet ii. 13. in refpedt. of formal Sovereignty, and executive Au- thority, and Majeftick Royal Dignity, refulting from the peoples devolving upon him that Power, and con- stituting him in that relation over themfelves, whereby he is higher in Place and Power than they, and in re- fpe& of his Charge and Conduct is worth ten thoufands of the People, 2 Sam. xviii. 3. and there is no formally re- gal Tribunal higher than his; and though he be kjfer than the whole Community y yet he is greater than any oney or all rhe people diftributively taken; and though he be a Royal Vaffal of the Kingdom, and princely Servant of the people; yet he is not their Deputy^ becaufe he is really their Sovereign^ to whom they have made over
C G thfir
4^2 Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority
their Power of governing and protecting thcmfelves if* revocably, except in the cafe of Tyranny ; and in Acts of Juftice, he is not countable to any, and does not de- pend on the people as a Deputy. ' But, on the other hand, the people is Superior to the King, in refpett of their Fountain power of Sovereignty, that remains radi- cally and virtually in them^ in that they make him their Royal Servant, and him rather than another, and limit him to the Laws for their own good and advantage, and though they give to him a Politick Power for their own fafety ; yet they keep a natural Power which they cannot give away, but muft refume it in cafe of Tyran- ny; and though they cannot retract the power of Juftice to govern righteoufly, yet it is not fo irrevocably givefi away to him, but that when he abufeth his power to the deftruction of his fubjeets, they may wreft a Sword out of a mad Man's hand, though it be his own Sword, and he hath a juft Power to ufe it for good, but all fidu- ciary Power abufed may be repealed. They have not Indeed Sovereignty, or Power of life a ad death formal-* ty ; yet, in refpe6t, they may conftitute a Magiftrate With Laws, which if they violate they muft be in ha- zard of their lives, they have this Power eminently and 'virtually. Hence, in refpect, that the King's Power is, and can be only jiducialy by way of tru ft repofed upon him, he is not fo fuperior to the People, but he may, and ought to be accountable to them id cafe of Tyranny ; which is evident from what is faid, and now I intend to make it further appear. But, firft> I form the Argu- ment thus ; We can own no King that is not accountable to the people : £rgo> we cannot own this King. To clear the Connexion of the antecedent and confequent, I add; either he is accountable to the people, or he is noc : if he be accountable to all, then he is renouncible by a part, when the collective Body either will not, or can4 riot exact an account from him, when the Community is defective as to their part, it is the intereft of a part, that would, but cannot, do their duty, to give no account to fuch as they can ^et no account from for his Maleverfa- tions. This is all wc crave: if he be not accountable,, then wc cannot own him, becaufc all Kings are account- able?
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority* 405
able, for thefe Reafons, U The Inferior is accountable to the Superior; the King is Inferior, the people Su- perior : Ergo, the King is accountable to the people. The Proportion is plain; if the King's Superiority make the People accountable to him, in cafe of tranfgrefTing the Laws ; then, Why fhould not the Peoples Superio- rity make the King accountable to them, in cafe of tranfgreffing the Laws ? Efpecially, feeing the King is inferior to the Laws : becaule the Law retrains him, and from the Law he hath chat whereby he is King ; the Law is inferior to the people, becaufe they are as it were 'tis Parent, and may make or unmake it upon oc- calion : and feeing the Law is more powerful than the King, and the People more powerful than the Law, we may fee before which we may call the King to anfvver in Judgment, Buchan. Jure Kegni apud Scot. That the King is inferior to the people is clear on many accounts: for thefe things which are inftitute for others fake, are inferior to thofe for whofe fake they are required or fought ; a horfe is inferior to them that ufe him for vi- ctory ; a King is only a mean for the peoples good J a Captain is lels than the Army, a King is bur a Cap- tain over the Lord's Inheritance, I Sam. x. i. He is buc the Minifter of God for their good, Rom. xiii. 4. Thofc who are before the King, and may be a people without: him, muft be Superior to him who is a Pofterior, and cannot be a King without them : let the King be con- fidered either materially as a mortal Man, he is then but a part inferior to the whole ; or formally under the Reduplication as a King, he is no more but a Royal Servant, obliged tofpend his life for the people, to fave them out of the hand of their Enemies, 2 Sam. xix. <?. A part is inferior to the whole, the King is but a part of the Kingdom : a Gift is inferior to them to whom it is given, a King is but a gift given of God for the peoples good : That which is mortal, and but accidental, is in- ferior to that which is eternal, and cannot perifh Politic cally ; a King is but mortal, and it is but accidental to Government that there be a fucceflion of Kings ; but the people is eternal, one Generation fajfeth a<wdy^ and ano- ther Generation cometh, Ecclef. I 4* cfpecially the people
Cc z df
404 Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority
of God, the portion of the Lord's inheritance, h fupe* rior to any King, and their ruin of greater moment thao* all the Kings of the World ; for,, if the Lord for theie lake f mite great Kings? and flay famous Kings, as Sihon
and Og> Pfal. exxxvi. 17, 20. if he give Kings and
famous Kingdoms for their Ranfom^ Ifa. xliii, 5, 4, then his people muft be fo much fuperior than Kings, by how much his Juftice is active to deftroy the one*, and his Mercy to fave the other. All this proves the people to be fuperior in dignity ; and therefore, even ift chat refpect, 'tis frivolous to fiy, The King cannot be accountable to them, becaufe fo much fuperior in Glory and Pomp ; for they are fuperior every way in excellen- cy ; and though it were not fb, yet Judges may be in- ferior in rank confidered as men* but they are ftperior in Law over the greateft as they are Judges, to whom far greater than they are accountable. The low and mean condition of them to whom belongs the power of Judgment does not diminifh its dignity : when the King then is judged by the people, the Judgment is of as great dignity as if It were done by a fuperior King; fos the Judgment is the fentence of the Law. 2. They are fuperior in power : becaufe every c^nftituent caufe is fu« jperior to the effect, the people is the conftituent caufej the King is the effect, and hath all his Royalty from them, by the Conveyance God hath appointed ; fo thac they need not fetch it from Heaven, God gives it by the people, by whom alfb his power is limited, and, if need t>e, diminifhed from what they gave hisanceftors : hence3 if the people conftitute and limit the power they give the King, then they may call him to an account, andsi judge him for the abufe of it ; but the firft is true, as is proven
above: ergo .The Major is undeniable, forfure, they
may judge their own Creature, and call him to an ac- count for the power they gave him, when he abufes it3 tho* there be no Tribunal formally regal above him, yet, in the cafe of Tyranny, and violating his Truft, there is a Tribunal virtual eminently above him, in them thas made him, and repofed that Truft upon him, as is laid 5. The fountain power is fuperior to the power derived j <she people, tho* they conftitutc a King above them, yes
rcraic
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 40 J
retain the fountain power, he only hath the derived power: certainly the people muft retain more power emi- nently, than they could give to the King, for they gave it, and he receives it, with limitations ; if he turn ma J or uncapable,thcy may put Curators and Tutors over him ; if he be taken Captive, they may appoint another to «xercife the power; if he die, then they may conftitute another, with more or lefs power ; fo then if they give away all their power, as a flave feileth his liberty, and retain no Fountain-power or radical Right, they could not make ufc of it to produce any of thefc ads : they fee a King above them only with an executive power for their good, but the radical power remains in the people, as in an immortal fpring, which they communicate by fucceffion to this or that mortal man, in the manner an J meafure they think expedient; for otherwise, if they gave all their power awTay, what (hail they referve to make a new King, if this man die? What if the Royal Line furceafe, there be no Prophets now fent to make Kings: and if they have power in thefe cafes, why not in the cafe of Tyranny? 4. If the: King be accountable by Law, for any act of Tyranny done againft one man, then much more is he accountable for many againft the whole ftate : but the former is true ; a private man may goto Law before the ordinary Judges, for wronging his inheritance, and the King is made accountable for the wrong done by him. Now, (hall the Laws be like Spiders Webs> which hold flies, but let bigger bcafts pafs through ? Shall Sentence be paft for petty wrongs againft a man, and none for tyrannizing over Religion, Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom ? Shall none be paft a- gainft parricide or fratricide, for killing his Brother, murdering the Nobles, and burning Cities? Shall petty Thieves be hanged for ftealing a Sheep; and does the Laws of God or Man give impunity, for robbing a whole Country of the neareft and dcareft Interefts they have, to crowned Heads, for the fancied Character of Royalty, which thereby is forfeited? 5. If there be Judges ap- pointed of God independently, to give out and execute the Judgment of the Lord on all offenders, without ex- ception of thehigheft; then the King alfo muft be fub-
406* Concerning owning of Tyrant* Authority*
je& to that Judgment; but there are Judges appointee! o^Godindependently, to give out and execute the Judg- ment of the JLbrdon all offenders, vyithout exception of the higheft. Two things rouft be here proved; firft, that in giving Judgment they Ao hot depend on the King^ but are the immediate vicars of God. Secondly % That the King is not excepted from, butfubjeft to their Judgment, in cafe he be criminal. Firft, they cannot depend upon the King, becaufe they are more heceJTary than the King; and it is not left to the King's plcafure whether there be Judges or not. There may be Judges ^without a King, but there can be" no King without Jud- ges, nor no Juftice, but cbnfufion ; no man can \bear the feople's burden alone. Numb. xi. 14, 17. If they depended on the King, their Power would die with the King ; the ftreams muft dry up with the fountain; but that cannot be, for they are not the Minifters of the King* iut of the Kingdom > whofe honour and promotion, tho* fcy the King's external call, yet comes from God, as all honour and promotion docs, Vfah lxxv. 7. The SCing cannot make Judges whom he will, by his a bib- lute power, he mult be tied to that Law, &eut. u 13. *Totake wife men and underftanding, and known: nek ther can he make them during Vleafure : for if theft qualifications remain, there is no allowance given for their removal. They are gods, and the children of the inoft High> appointed to defend the -poor and fatherlefs, as \vell as he, Vfah lxxxii. $, 6. They are ordained of God for the punifhment of evil doers, in which they muft not be refitted, as well as he, Rom. xiii. 1, 2. By me (faith the Lord) rule — all the judges of the earthy¥rov. viii. 1 69 To them we muft be fubjeft for Conference fake, as be- ing the Minifters p£ pod for good $ they muft be obeyed for the Lord's fake, as well as the King ; though they are fent of him, yet they r judge not for man, $#£ for the Lord, 2 Chrori. xix. 6. hence they £t in his room, and are to acl as if he were on the bench : the King cannot fay^ the Judgment is mine, becauie it is the ford's; neither can he limit their feritence (as he might, if they were no- thing but his deputies) becaufe the judgment is not his ; tMt are their confeiences fuhorstinatc to him, but to the '' ' : '' ( * ■ * " ;' ' ' ' ' ' L-orcf
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority, 407
JLord immediately ; otherwife if they were his Deputies, depending on him,thenthcy could neither be admonifhed, nor condemned for unjuft Judgmcat,becaufctheir fentence fhould neither be righteous nor unrighteous, but as the King makes it ; and all dire&ions to them were capable of this exception, do not fo or fo, except the King com* mandyou ; crufh not the poor, opprefs not the father- left, except the King command you : yea, then they could cot execute any Judgmcnr, but with the King's licence, and fb could not be rebuked for their not executing Judg- ment. Now all this is contrary to Scripture, which makes the feotence of the Judges undeclinable, when juft, Dent xvii. II. The Lord's indignation is kindled, when he looks for judgment, and behold opprejji on , for righ- teoufnefs, and behold a cry, Ifa. v. 7. Neither will it cx- cufe the Judges to fay, the King would have it fo; for even they that are fubfervient to write grievoufnefs, to turn altde the needy from judgment, &c. are under the wo, as well as they that prefcribe it, Ifa. x. I, 2. The Lor4 is diipleafed, when judgment is turned away backward, and jufiicefiands afar off, — and when there is no judg- ment, whatever be the caufe of ir, ifa. lix. 14, 15. The jLord threatens he will be avenged on the nation, when a man is not found to execute judgment, jer. v. I, 0. AnJ promifes, if they will execute judgment and righteoufnefsy and deliver the [polled out of the hand of the opprejfer, he will give them righteous Magistrates, Jer. xxii. 3, 4. tut it rliey do hot, he will fend defolation, ibid. He re- Dukes tUofc that turn judgment to wormwood, and leave off righteoufnefs in the earth, Amos v. 7. He refents it, when the law is flacked, and judgment doth not go forth freely, without overawing or over-ruling reftraint, Hab. i. 4. Can thefc Scriptures confift with the Judges dependence on the King's pleafure, in the exercife and execution of their power ? Therefore, if they would avoid the Lord's difpleafure, theyare to give judgment, though the King (hould countermand it. Secondly, That the King is not excepted from their judgment, is alfo evident from the general Commands, Gen. ix. 6, Whofo fheddeth mans bloody by manjball his blood be f Jed: there is no exception of Kings or Du%es here y and wc muft not diftinguifh
where
4©# Concerning owning of Tyrants AuthorhyX
where the Law diftinguifheth not. Numb, xxxv* 30, J{» Whofo hlleth any perfon y the murderer pall be put to death, ty the mouth of whnejfes, — ye /ball take no fatisfa&ion for the life of a murderer which is guilty of death y but hefball be furely put to death. What fhould hinder then Juftice to be awarded upon a murdering King ? Shall it be For want of witne/Tes 1 It will be eafy to adduce thoufands. Or, fhall this be fatisfa&ion for his life, that he is a- crowned King] The Law faith, there fhall no fatisfa- &ion be taken. The Lord fpeaketh to Under-judges, LeviUxix. 15. Te pall do no unrighteoufnefs in judgment , thou Jb alt not refpeB the perfon of the poory nor honour the perfon of the mighty. If Kings be not among the migh- ty, how fhall they be ciafled ? Deut. i. 17. Te ffjall not .. refpeB perfons in judgment y hut you fhall hear the fmall as . well as the great ; you pall not be afraid of the face of man, for the judgment is God's, If then no man's face can out- dare the Law and Judgment of God, then the King's jnajeftick face muft not do it; but as to the demerit of blood, he muft be fubjecl: as well as another. 'Tis no argument to fay, the Sanhedrin did not punifh David for his murder and adultery; therefore it isnot lawful to pu- nifh a King for the fame : a reafbn from not doing is not relevant. David did not punifh Joab for his murder, tut authorized it, as alfb he did Bathpebas adultery ^ will that prove, that murders connived at, or commanded by the JCing, fhall not be punifhed? Or that Whores of State are not to be called to an account ? Neither will ic prove, that a murdering King fhould not be punifhed; that David was not punifhed, becaufe he got both the fin pardoned, and his life granted from the Lord, faying to him by the mouth of the Prophet Kathany Thou fialt not die. But as for the demerit of that faft, he himfelf pronounced the fentence out of his own mouth, 2 Sam. xii. 15. As the Lord livethy the man that hath doiie this thing fballfurely die. € So every King condemned by the Law, € is condemned by his own mouth; for the Law is the * voice of the King. Why then do we fo much weary f ourfelves concerning a Judge, feeing we have the ? King's own confcffion, that isy the Law ? Buchanan de jureregnifi And there needs be no other difficulty to find
a Tri-
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 409
* Tribunal for a murdering King, than to find one for a murderer; for a Judgment mult acknowledge but one came, to wit, of the crime. If a King then be guilty of murder, he hath no more the name of a King, but ot a murderer, when brought to Judgment; for he is nor jud-
aed for his Kingfhip, but tor his murder; as when a entlemanis judged for Robbery, he is not hangeJ, nei- ther is he fpared, becaufe he is a Gentleman, buc becaufe he is a Robber. See Buchanan above. 6. If the Peo- ples Representatives be fuperior to the King in Judg- ment, and may execute judgment without him, and a- gainft his will, then they may alfo feek account of him ; for if he hath no power but from them, and no power without them toatr. as King, (no more than the eye or hand hath power to a£t without the body) then his power muft be inferior, fiduciary, and accountable to them ; But the former is true, the peoples reprefenratives are fuperior to the King in judgment, and may execute judgment without him, and againlt his will. In Scrip- ture we find the power of the Elders and Heads of the people was very great, and in many cafesTuperior to the Kins : which the learned Dr. Given demoniirates in his Preliminary Exerdtations on the Epiftle to the Hebrews y and. proves out of the Rabbins, that the Kings ot the Jews might have been called to an account, and punifhed for tranfgrefling of the Law. But in the Scripture we find, (1) They had a power of Judgment with the fupreme Magiftrate, in matters of Religion, Juftice and Govern- ment Hamor and Shechem would not make a Covenant with Jacob's Sons, without the confent of the men of ' the city, Gen. xxxiv. 2o. David behoved toconfult with the Captains of thoufands, and every Leader, if it Teem- ed good to them to bring again the Ark of God, 1 Chron. xiii. I, 2, 3. So alfb Solomon could not do it without them, 1 Kings win. I. Ah ah could not make peace with Benhadad againft the confent of the people, 1 Kinrs xx. 8, The men of Ephraim complain that Jephthah, the fupreme Magiftrate, had gone to war asainft the Chil- dren of Ammon without them, andthreatned to burn his houfe with fire, which he only excufes by the Law of ncccflity, Judges xii, I, 2, 3. The Seventy Elders are
appointed
4IO Concerning owning ofTyvants 4uthor?ty»
appointed of God, not to be the advilers only and help-* clrs of Mofesy but to bear a part of the burden of ruling and governing the people, that Mofes might beeafed, Numb, xi, 14, 1 7. Mofes, upon his fo)e pleafurc, had not power to reftrain them in the exereife of judgment giveci of God. They were not the Magiftrates depending de-* puties, but, in the ad: of judging, p hey were independent, and their Conferences as immediately fubje&ed to God as the fuperiorMagiilrate, who was tp add his approba- te fuffrage to their a&ings, but not his directive nor imperative fuffrage of abfolute pleafure, but only accor- ding to the Law ; he might command them to do their duty, but he could do nothing without them, (2) They had power, not derived from the Prince at all, even 3 power of Life and Death* The rebellious Son was to be brought to the Eiders of the city?who had power to ftone him, Deut. xxi. J 8, 24. They had power to punifh A' dultery with death, Lieut. xxii.2l/ They had power to cognofe whom to admit into, and whom to feclude from the cities of Refuge: fo that if the King had com- manded to take the life of an innocent man, they were not to deliver him, fofh* xx. throughout. But befides the Elders of cities, there were the Elders and Heads of the people, who had judicial power to cqgnofce on all cri- minal Matters, even when fofiua was Judge in jf/r^/we find they afTumeci this power, to judge of that matter of the two Tribes and the half, Jofb* xxii. 30. And they had power to make Kings, as Saul and David, as was (hewed: and it mult needs follow, they had power to unmake them in cafe of Tyranny. (3) They had power to conveen, even without the indi&ion of the Ruler* as in that, yoft.xxi'u * They conveen without tun* ; ancl without advice or knowledge of Samuel, the Ruler, they conveen to ask a King, I Sam. viii. * And without any Head or Superior/ they conveen apd make David King, not with ftanding of Ifhhofbettis hereditary RightV With- out and a gain ft tyrannous Athaliah her confent, they con- veen and make foafb King, and cared not for her Trear fon, Treafon, 2 Kings xi. But now the King alone chaU lenses the Prerogative- power of calling and diflolving Parliaments as he plcafes, and condemns ail Meetings of
Eftats§.
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 41 r
£ Gates without his warrant, which is purely tyrannical: for, in cafes of necefllty, by the very Law of Nature, they may and muft conveen. The power is given to the King only by a pofitive Law, for order's fake ; but o- thcrwifc, they have an intrinfical power to alienable themfelves. ' All the forccited Commands, Admonitions, and Certifications, to execute Judgment) muft neceffarily involve and imply a power to conveen, without which they could not be in a capacity for it: not only unjuft judgment, but no. Judgment^ in a time when Truth is fallen in the ftreets, and Equity cannot enter, is charged as the fin of the State; therefore they muft conveen to prevent this fin, and the Wrath of God for it : God hath committed the keeping of the Commonwealth, not to the King only, but alfo to the peoples Reprefentatives and Heads. And if the King have power to break up all Conventions of this nature, then he hath power to hin- der Judgment to proceed, which the Lord commands 1 and this would be an excufe, when God threatens Ven- geance for ity We would not execute Judgment^ hecaufe the. King forbad us Yet many of thefe forementioned re- proofs, threatnings, and certifications were given, in the time of tyrannous and idolatrous Kings, who, no doubt, would inhibite and difcharge the doing of their duty; yet we fee that was no excufe, but the Lord denounces Wrath for the omiflion. ' (4) They had power to exe- cute Judgment againft the Will of the Prince. Samuel killed Agag againft SauVs Will, but according to the Command of God, 1 Sam. xv. 32. Againft Ahab's Will and Mind Elijah caufed kill the Priefts of Baal? according to God's exprefs Law, 1 Kings xvii i. 40. It is true ic was extraordinary, but no otherwife than it is this Day ; when there is no Magiftratc that will execute the Judgment of the Lord, then they who have power to make the Magiftrate, may and ought to execute ic, when wicked men make the Law of pod of none effect. So the Princes of Judah hadpower,againft the King's Will, to put Jeremiah to death, which the King fuppofes, when he directs him what to fay co them, Jer. xvxviiu 25. They had really fuch a power, though in Jeremiah's cafe it would have been wickedly perverted. See Lex
Kexy
412 Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority'.
Rex, g. 1% 20.. (5) They had a power to execute Judgment upon the King himfelf, as in the cafe of A- inaziah zndUzziah, zs fhall he cleared afterwards. I conclude with repeating the Argument : If the King be accountable, whenfoever this Account fhall be taken, we are confident our difbwning him for the prcfint will be juftified, and all will be obliged to imitate it : if he be not, then we cannot own his Authority, that fo prcr fumptuoufly exalts himfelf above the People,
10. If we will further conllder the nature of Magi- stracy, it will appear what Authority canconfcicntioufly be owned, to wit, that which is Tower, not Authorised Power, not Might or Force ; Moral Power, not merely Natural. There is a great difference betwixt thefe two : Natural power is common to Brutes, Moral power is pe- culiar to Men ; Natural power is more in the Subjects, becaufe they have more ftrength and force ; Moral power is in the Magiftrate, they can never meet adequately in the fame Subjecl ; Natural power can. Moral only may warrantably exercife Rule ; Natural power is oppofed to Impotency and Weaknefs,, Moral to Illicitnefs or Unlaw- iulnefs ; Natural power confifts jn Strength, Moral in Righteoufnefs ; Natural power may be in a Route ol Rogues making an Uprore, Moral only in the Rulers j they cannot be diftinguifhed by their a£rs, but by the Principle from which the ads proceed ; in the one from mere Force, in the other from Authority. The principle of Natural power is its own might and will, and the end onlyfelf; Moral hath its Rife from pofitive Confti- tution, and its end is publick fafety. The ftrength oi Natural power lies in the Sw rd, whereby its might gives Law ; the ftrength of Moral power is in its Word) whereby Reafon gives Law, unto which the Sword is added for punifhment of Contraveeners : Natural power takes the Sword, Matth. xxvi. 52. Moral bears the Sword] Rom. xiii. 4. In Natural power the Sword is the Caufe ; in Moral it is only theConfecjuent of Authority : in Na- tural power the Sword legitimates the Sceptre ; in Mo- ral the Sceptre legitimates the Sword: The Sword of the Natural is only backed with Metal, the Sword of the Moral power is backed with God's Warrant : Natural
powq
Concerning owning of tyrants Authority 0 41$
jpower involves men in paflive fubjection, as a Traveller is made to yield to a Robber; Moral power reduces to confeientious Subordination. Hence the power that is only Natural, not Moral, Authority, not Power, cannot be owned ; but the power of Tyrants and Ufurpers is only Natural, not Moral, Authority, not Power : Ergo it can- Dot be owned. The Major cannot be denied ; for it is only the Moral power that is ordained of God, unto which we muft be fubjed for Confcience fake. The Mi- nor alfo ; for the power of Tyrants is not Moral, becaufe not authorifedj nor warranted, nor ordained of God by His preceptive Ordinance, and therefore no lawful Ma- giftratical power. For the clearer underftanding of this, let it be obferved, there are four Things required to the making of a Moral or Lawful power \ the Matter of it muft be lawful, the Perfon lawful, the Title lawful, and the Ufe lawful. I. The Matter of it, about which it is exerted, or the Work to be done by it, muft be lawful and warranted by God : and if it be unlawful, it deftroys its Moral being. As the Pope's power, in difpenfing with Di- vine Laws, is null and no Moral power ', and fo alfo the King's pdwer, in difpenfing with both Divineand Human Z*ra;j is null. Hence that power, which is, in regard of Matter unlawful, and never warrantedby God, cannot be owned ; but abfolute power, which is the power of Tyrants and Ufurpers, (and particularly of this of ours) is in re- gard of Matter, unlawful, and never warranted by God : Ergo — 2. The perfon holding the power muft be fuch as not only is capable of, but competent to the Tenure of it, and to whom the holding of it is allowed ; and if it be prohibited, it evacuates the morality of the power. Ko- rah and his company arrogated to themfelves the office of the Priefthood, this power was prohibited to them, their power then was a nullity. As therefore a perfon that fhould not be a Minifter, when heufurps rhat office is no Minifter ; fo a perfon that fhould not be a Magiftrate, when he ufurps that office, is no Magiftrate. Hence, a perfon that is incapable and incompetent for Government cannot be owned for a Governor; but the Duke of Tork is fuch a perfon, not only not qualified as the word of Cod requires, a Magiftrate to be, but by the laws of the
Ian
4i4 'Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority.
land declared incapable of rule, becaufc he is a Vapift, % Murderer, an Adulterer, &c. 5. There muft be a mo- ral power, a lawful Title and Inveftiture> as is (hewed a- bove ; which; if it be wanting, the power is null, and the perfoh but a fcenical King, like fohn ofLeyderi. This is eftentially ncceiTary to the being of a Magiftrate; ivhich only properly diftihguifhes him from a private man ; for when a perfbn becomes a Magiftrate, what is the change that is wrought in him t what new habit or endowment is produced in him 1 he hath no more natu- ral power than he had before; only now he hath the moral power, right and authority fco rule, legally im- powerihg him to govern. Let it be considered, what makes a fubordinate Magiftrate, whom we own as fuch: it muft be only his commiffion from a fuperior power; otherwife we rejed him ; if one come to us of his own head, taking upon him the ftile and office of a Bailiff* Sheriff or Judge, and command our perfons; demand our purfcs, or exadt our oaths ; ive think we may deny him, hot taking burfelves to dwe hiin any fubjection^ Hot owning any bond of confidence to him ; why ? be5- caufe he hath no. lawful commiffion. Now; if we re- quire this qualification in the fubordinate, why not in the fupreme ? Hence, that Magiftrate, that cannot pro- duce his legal ihveftiture, cannot be owned ; but the £)uke of Tork cannot produce his legal inveftiture, his ad- miffion to the crown upon «ath and compact, and with the confent of the- fiibjedts, according to the laws of the
land, as is fhewed above: Therefore- — . 4* There
muft alfb be the lawful life of the power ; which muft be not only legal for its compofure, but right for its pra- &ice ; its courfeand procefsin Government muft.be juft, governing according to hw^ otherwife it is mere Ty-. ranny : for what is Government, but the fubje&ing of the Community to the rule of Governors, for peace and order's fake, and the fecurity of all their precious inte- refts ? and for what end was it ordained, and continued among men, bpt that the ftronger /may not domineer o- ver the weaker^ and what is Anarchy, but the playing the Rex of the natural power over the moral 1 Hence^ that power which is contrary to law, evil and tyrannical
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 41 $
ran tye none to fubje&ion ; but the power of the King, abufed to the deftruCtion of laws, religion and liberties, giving his power and ftrength unto the Beaft, and ma- king war with the Lamb} Rev. xvii. 13, 14. is a power contrary to law, evil and tyrannical : therefore it can tyc none to fubje&ion : wickednefs by no imaginable reaion can oblige any man. It is objected by fomc, from Ronu xiii. it There is no Paver .but of God ; the ufurping cower is a power: therefore it is of God, and confe- cuently we owe fubje&ioq to it. A?;fw. 1. The original reading is not univerfal, but thus: For there is no power if not from God: which confirms what I plead for, that we are not to own any authority, if ix be not authorized by God, The words are only relative to higher Powers, in a reftrifted fenfe, and at moil are but indefinite, to be determined according to the matter; not all Power fim- ply, but all lawful Power* 2. It is a Fallacy from what is {aid according to a certain Thing: there is no power but of God, that is no moral power, as univerfal negatives ufe to be underftood, Heh. v. 4. No man taketh this ho- nour unto himfelf hut he that is called of God ; which is clear, muft not be underftood for the, negation of the fad, as if no man at all doth or ever did take unto him- felf that honour, for Korah did it, Qpc. but, no man ta^ fceth it warrantably, with a moral right and God's al- lowance, without God's call : fo alfb the univerfal impe- rative, in that fame text, muft not be taken abfolutely without reftri&ion ; for if every foul without exception were to be fubje<fr, there could be none left to be the higher powers ; but it is underftood with reftriclion to the relation of a fubjecl. So here, no Power but of Gody to be underftood with reftri&ion to the relation of a law- ful Magiftrate. It is alfo to be underftood indifcrrmi- nately, in reference to the divers J pedes > forts and decrees of lawful power, fupreme and fubordirate, whether to the King as fupremey or to Governors , &c. as Peter expref- fes it : or whether they be Chrifiian or Pagan" ', it cannot be meant of all univerfally, that may pretend to power, and may attain to prevailing potency ; for then by this text, we muft fubjeft ourfelves to the Papacy now intend-* I fd to be introduced ; and indeed if we fubjeft ourfelves
CO
%l6 Concerning owning of fy ranis Authority
to this Papifl, the next thing he will require will be thSt. 3. To the Minor ^propofition, I anfwer. The ufurping power is a power: it is Power, I grant, that it is Power § or Authority , I deny. Therefore it is of God, by his Pro- vidence, I concede ; by his Ordinance, I deny. Confer cjuently we owe fubje&ion to it, I deny. We may be lubjecl paffively, I grant. Actively, out of confciencejj I deny. But fome will objetl, 2. Though the power be ufurped, and fo not morally lawful in all thefe re* ipeds ; yet itBmay do good, its laws and adminiftrations may be good. Anfw. I grant all is good that ends well, and hath a good beginning. That cannot be good which bath a bad principle, good from the entire Caufe. Some Government for conftitution good, may, in fome adts, be" bad ; but a Government for conftitution bad cannot, for the aEts it puts forth, be good. Thefe good adb may be good for matter, hut formally they are not good, as done by the Ufurper : they may be comparatively good, that is better fb than worfe ; but they cannot be abfolutely,- and in a moral fenfe good : for to make a politick ac^ tion good, not only the matter mud be warrantable, but the call alfb. It may indeed induce fubje&s to bear and improve to the belt, what cannot be remedied ; but can- cot oblige to own a Magiftratical relation.
II. The nature of the power thus difcovered, let ui fee the nature of that relative duty, which we owe and muft own as due to Magiftrates, and what fort of ow~ filng we muft give them ; which, to inquire a little in- to, will give light to the queftion. All the duty and deference the Lord requires of us, towards them whom we muft own as Magistrates, is comprehended in thefe two cxpreffions, honour required in. the Fifth Command^ and SubjeHion required in Rom. xiii. J. &c. I Pet. ii. 13. &c. Whomfbever then we own as Magiftrates, we muft own honour and fubje&ion as, due to them : and if- To be, we cannot, upon a confeientious ground, give them honour and fubjedtion, we cannot own them as Magi- ftrates. The leaft deference we can pay to Magiftrates is Subjection) as it is required in thefe words; Let every foul be fubjeft to the higher Powers, and, Submit your/elves to every Ordinance of man for the lord's fake. But this can-'
EOS
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority* 417
foot be given to Tyrants and Ufurpcrs ; therefore no de- ference can be paid to them at all : and confequently they cannot be owned. That this fubje&ion, which 15 required to the higher Powers, cannot be owned to Ty- tantSj will be apparent, if we confidcr, I. The fubjec- tion required is orderly fob jetlion to an orderly power, thac we be regularly under him that is regularly above ; but U- furpation and Tyranny is not an orderly power, order- ly placet! above us : therefore we cannot be orderly un- der it. This is gathered from the original language, where the powers, to befubje£Jed to, are ordained ofCody and the Ordinance of Gcd> and he that refifteth the power is counter-ordered, or contrary to his orderly duty : fothe duty is to be fob j eel. Thty are all words coming from one root, which fignifks to Order * fo that fubjc&ion is to be placed in order under another relative to an order- ly' Superiority: but, to occupy the feat of dignity un* authorized, is an Ataxy* a breaking of order, and bring- ing the Commonwealth quite out of order. Whereby it may appear, that, in relation to an arbitrary Govern- ment, there can be properly no orderly fubjeftion* £. The thing itfclf muft import that relative duty which the Fifth Command requires ; not only a pajjive ftoopiog endurance, or a feigned counterfeit fubmhTion, but a reaj d&ive duty including obedience to lawful Commands ; and not only (b, but fupport and maintenance; and that both to the a&s of his adminiftration, and to his (land- ing and keeping his ftation, afliftinghim with all our a- bilities, both human and Chriftian ; and not only as to the external afts of duties, but the inward motions of the heart, as confent, love, reverence, and honour, and all fincere fealty and allegiance. But can a fubjedtion o£ this extent be paid to a Tyrant or Ufurper? Can we; fupport thofe we are bound to fupprefs ? Shall we love the ungodly, and help thofe that hate the Lord ? Cat* we Confent, that we and our pofterity fhould be flaves ? Can we honour them who are vile, and the vileft of men; kow high fbevcr they be exalted ? 3. The ground of this fobjc&ion is for confclenct fake, not for tvrath> that is, fo far and fo long as one is conftraifled by fear, and, to avoid a greater evil* to floop to himj but out of con-
D 4 fcicacc
41 8 Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority*
■fcience of duty, both that of piety to God who ordaitv* ed Magiftracy, and that of equity to him who is his ^linifter for good, and under pain of Damnation if we break this orderly fubjection, Rom. xiih 2, 5. But can it be imagined, that all this is due to a Tyrant and U^ lurper ? Can it be out of cbnfcience, becaufe he is the Lord's Minifter for good ? The contrary is clear, that he is the Devil's drudge ferving his intereft ; is refinance to Tyrants a damnable fin ? 1 hope to prove it to be a du- ty. 4. If fubjection to Tyrants and Ufurpers will in- veigle us in their fhares, and involve us in their fin and judgment, then it is not to be owned to them; but the former is true : therefore the latter. In the foregoing head I drew an argument, for withdrawing from and difowning the Prelatick Minifters, from the nazard of partaking in their fin, and of being obnoxious to their judgment, becaufe people are often puniihed for their Pa- llor's fins; Aaron and his fbns polluting themfelves, would have brought wrath upon all the -people. Lev. x., 6. becaufe the teachers had tranfgrejfed againfi the Lordy therefore was Jacob given to the curfe, and Israel to reproaches. If a, xliii. 27, 28. and all thefe miferies lamented by the Church were inflicted /#? the fins of her Prophets, and the iniquities of her Priefis, Lam. iv. 13. the reafbn was, be* caufe they owned them, followed them, countenanced them, complied with them, or connived at them, or xlid not hinder, or elfe difown them. The fame ar^u- jnent will evince the neceflity of withdrawing our fub- jection from and difowning ufurping and tyrannical Ru- lers, when we cannot hinder their wickednefs, nor give any other Teftimony againft them, to avert the wrath of the Lord. If the defections of Minifters will bring on the whole nation defblating judgments ; then much more have we- reafbn to fear it, when both Magiftrates and JMinifters are involved in, and jointly carrying on, and carreffing and encouraging each other in promoting a woful Apoftafy from God : when the heads of the houfe «f Jacob > and Princes of the houfeoflfrael, abhor e judgment^ and pervert all equity. The heads judge for reward, and the Priefis teach for hire, and the Prophets divine for mony} and yet lean upon the Lord, arid fay, Is not
the
'Concerning o wning of Ty rants Authority, 4 I y
the Lord among us : none evil can come upon as. Theri we can expedt nothing, but that Zion for their fake Jb all 1)e -plowed as a field, and Jerufalem become heapi, and the Mountain of the houfe as the high places of the fort ft, Mic. iii. 9, II, 12. Certain it is, that fubjects have fmarted fore for the fins of their Rulers: fur Saul\ (In, in break- ing Covenant with the Gibeonites, the land fuffered three years famine, 2 Sam, xxi. I. and the wrath of the Lord could not be appealed, till {even of his fons were handed up urito the Lord. What then fhall appeafe the wrath of God, for the unparallelled breach of Covenant with God in our days ? For David* s fin of numbering the peo- ple, 70,000 men died by the peltilence, 2 Sam. xxiv. y For Jerohoam's fin of Idolatry, who made Ifrael to fin, the Lord threatens to give ifrael up, becaufe of the fins of Jeroboam , I King. xiv. 1 6. only they efcaped this judgment, who withdrew themfelves and fell into Ju~ dah. For Ahab's fin of letting go a man whom the Lord had appointed to utter deftrudlion, the Lord threatens him, Thy life pall go for his life, and thy people for his peo- ple, I icing, xx. 42« Becaufe Manajfeh, King of Judah9 did many abominations, therefore the Lord threatened to bring fuch evil upon Jerufalem and Judah, that who- mever heard it, his ears fhould tingle, &c. 2 King. xxi. II, 12. and notwithstanding of his repentance, and the Reformation in the days of Joflah, notwithstanding the Lord turned not from the fiercenefs of his ereat wrath j, wherewith his anger was kindled againft Judah, becaufe of all the provocations that Manajfeh had provoked him with- al, 2 King, xxiii. 26. which was accomplifhed by the hands of the Chaldeans, in Jehojakim's time. Surely, at the Commandment of the Lord, came this upon Judah^ to remove them out of his fight, for the fins of Manajfeh according to all that he did, and alio for the innocent Mood
*fvhich he (bed, — which the Lord would not par den, 2
King. xxiv. 3^ 4. And Jeremiah further threatens, that they fhould be removed into all kingdoms of the earthy hecaufe of Manajfeh for that which he did in Jerufalem ', Jer. xv, 4. Certainly thefe pafTages were recorded for our learning, Rom. xv. 4. and for our examples, to the intent we mould not do as they did, I Cor. x. 6. and for our admonition, ver, II. Whence we may be adroonifh-
D d 2 cd,
42o Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority.
ed, that ic4s not enough to keep ourfelves free ofpubliclc ilns of Rulers ; many of thofe then punifhed, were free of all a dual acceflion to them ; but they became acceffoiy to, and involved in the guilt of them, when they did noc endeavour to hinder them, and bring them to con- dign punifhment for them, according to tnc law of God which refpecteth notperfbns ; or, at leaft, becaufe they did not revolt from them, as Libnah did; there might be oshcr provocations on the peoples part, no doubt, which the Lord did aifo punifh by thefe judgments ; but when the Lord fpecifies the fin of Rulers as the particular procuring Caufe of the judgment ; it were prefumption to make it the Occajton only of the Lord's punHhing them : for plain it is, if thefe fins of Ru- lers had not been committed, which was the ground of the threatning and execution, the judgment would have been prevented ; and if the people had beftirred themfelves as became them, in reprefilng and reftrain- ing fuch wickednefs, they had not fo fmarted; and when that fin, fo threatned and punifhed, was remo- ved, then the judgment itfclf was removed or deferred. It is juftand neceflary, that the fubje&s, being jointly in-^ eluded with their Rulers it) the fame borid of fidelity to God, be liable to be punifhed for their Rebellion and A- poftaiy, when they continue under the bond of iubjec- tion to them. But how deplorable were our condition, if we fhould ftand obnoxious to divine judgments, for the Atheifm, Idolatry, Murders, and Adulteries of our Ru- lers, and yet be neither authorized nor capacitated to hinder it, rior permitted to withdraw ourfelves from fubjeclion to them ? But it is notfo; for, the Lord's ma- ting us refponfable for their debt, is an impowering us cither to reprefs their wickednefs when he gives us ca- pacity, or at leait to fave ourfelves harmlefs from their crimes, by difbwning them ; that being the only way of (landing no longer accountable for their faults.
12. It remains to confider the Ends for which Govern- ment was inftitute by God, and conftitute by men : from whence I argue, That Government, that deftroys the ends of Government, is not to be owned ; but Tyranny, and* efpecially this under which we howl, deftroys all chc cad$ of Government ; therefore it i$ oot to be ow^d
Th«
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 421
The Minor I prove thus, That Government, that de- stroys religion and fafety, deftroys all the ends of Go- vernment ; but this Vopifi and arbitrary Abfolute power, deftroys religion and fafety : therefore — i — it is evidenr, both from the laws of nature and Revelation, that the ends of Government are the Glory of God, and the good of mankind. The firft is the Glory of God, the ultimate end of all Ordinances; to which whatever is oppofite, is not to be owned by them that fear him ; whatever power then is deftruclive to religion, and is applied and imployed againft the Glory of the univerfal King, and for withdrawing us from our fealty and obedience to him, is nothing fc>ut rebellion againlt the fupreme Lord and Lawgiver, and a traiterous confpiracy againft the Almighty, and therefore not to be owned : and they are enemies to religion, or Strangers to it, who are not fenfibtc this hath been the defign of the prefent Govern- ment, at leaft thefe 27 years, to overturn the reformed covenanted Religion, and to introduce Popery. Hence, feeing a King at his heft and higheft elevation is only a mean for prcferving religion, and for this end only cho- fen of the people to be Keeper of both Tables of the Lazi'y he is not to be regarded, but wholly laid allele, wher* he not only moves without his fphere, but his motion infers the ruin of the ends of his erection, and when he imploysall his power far the deitruftion of the Caufe of Chriit, and advancement of An tich rill's, giving his pow- er to xhtBeafl'y he isfo far from deferving the deference of the power ordained of God, that he is to be looked upon, and treated as a Trairor to God, and ftated ene- my to Religion and all Righteoufnefs. The fecend en I of Government is the Good of the People, ' which i% the Supreme and Cardinal Law ; the Safety of the People is the fupreme Law. Which cannot be denied, if |t be confidered, 1. For this only the M.;g: (Irate is ap- pointed of God to be his Minifter, for the people; Good, Rom. xiii. 4. and they have no goodnefs bur a< thev con- duce to this end: for all the power they have of Gad is with this Provifo, to promote his peoples profperity. (It were blafphemy to Uy, they arc his authorized Mini- Iters, for their deftru&ion) to which if their Conducl de- generate,
422 Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority.
generate, they degrade themfelves, and fo mud be dl$ owned. He is therefore, in his inftitution, no more than a mean for this end ; and himfelf cannot be either the whole or half of the end; for then he (hould be both the end and the mean of Government; and it is contrary to God's Mould to have this for his end, to multiply to him-; felf Jilver and goldy or lift up himfelf above his brethren^ Deut. xvii. 1 7, 20. If therefore he hath any other end than the good of thepeople, he cannot be owned as onej of God's moulding. 2. This only is the higheft pitch of good Princes ambition, to poftpone their own fafety to che peoples fafety. Mofes deiired, rather than the ' Peo^ pie ihouid be destroyed, that his name Jbould be razed out of the book of life. And David would rather the Lord's hand be on him and his father s hpufe> than on the feopley that they fiould be plagued, I Chron. xxi. 1 7, But he that would leek his own ambitious ends, with the deftru6tioa of the People, hath the fpirit of the DeviT> and is to bs carried towards as one pofTefTed with that malignant fpi- rit. 3. Originally their power is from the People, from whom all their dignity is derived, with referve of their fafety, which is not the donative of Kings, nor held by conceffion from them, nor can it be refigned or furren- dered to the difpofal of Kings $ fince God hath provided, in his univerfal Laws, that no authority make any dif- pofal, but for the good of the People. This cannot be forfeited by the uiurpation of Monarchs, but being al- ways fixed in the eflential Laws of Government, they may reclaim and recover it when they pleafe. Since then we cannot alienate our fafety, we cannot own that Au- thority which is inconfiftent with it. 4. The attaining ? this end was the main ground and motive of Peoples de- liberating to conftirute a Government, and to choofe fuch a form, becaufc they thought it moil conducible for their good ; and to admit fuch perfons as fitteft Inftruments for compaffing this end; and to efrablifh fuch a Convey- ance, as. they thought moll contributive for this end; When therefore Princes ceafe to be what they could be conflitute for, they ceafe to have. an Authority to be ,*owned; but ceafing to anfwer thefeends of Government, *i€/y ceafe to be what they could beconflitute for. $1 *S|a other cad were Magiftrates limited with Condi- ^ " - tions*
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 42 j
fioiiSy but to bound them, that they might dp nothing againft the Peoples good and fafety. Whofbevcr then breaking through all legal limitations, fliall become in- jurious to the Community, lilts himfelf in the number of enemies, and is only to be looked upon as fuch. 6. For this end all Laws'are ratified or refunded, as they con- duce to this end, which is the foul and reafon of the Law: then it is but reafon, that the Law eftablifhing fuch a King, which proves an enemy to this, fhould be refunded alio. 7. Contrary to this end no Law can be of force; if then., either Law or King be prejudicial to the Realm, they are to be abolifhed. 8. For this end, in cafes of neceffiry, Kings are allowed fometimes tone- gleft the Letter of the Laws, or private Interefts, for the fafety of the Community ; but if they negledl the pub- lick lafety, and make Laws for their own Interefts, they are no more Truftees, but Traitors. 9. If it were noc for this end, it were more eligible to live in defarts, than to enter into Societies. When therefore a Ruler, in di- rect oppofition to the ends of Government., feeks the ruin, not only of Religion, but alfo of the Peoples fafety, he muft certainly forfeit his Right foreign. And what a yaft, as well as innocent number, have, for Religion, and their adherence to their fundamental Rights, been ruined, rooted out of their Families and PqiTeilions, op- prefTed, perfected, murdered, and deftroyed by this and the deceafed Tyrant, all Scotlmd, can tell, and ail 'Europe hath heard. If ever the ends of Government were per- verted and fubverted in any place, Britain is the ftage where this Tragedy has been adted.
13. I may argue from the Covenant, that to own this Authority is contrary to all the Articles thereof. 1. Thac Authority which overturns the Reformation of Religion in Do6lrinc,Worfhip,DifcipIineand Government, which we are fworn to prefcrve againft the common Enemies thereof, in the fivfi Article, cannot be owned ; But the prefent pretended Authority overturned ( and continues more to overturn) the Reformation of Religion, &V. iherefore it cannot be owned. For againft what common Enemy muft we preferveit, if not againft him that is the chief Enemy thereof? And how can wc own that Au- thority.
424 Concerning owning cf Tyvarjs Authority
thority, that is wholly employed and applied for the de* flruftion of Religion ? 2. If we are obliged to exftir. fate Popery, without refpect of perfons, left we partake in other mens fins; then we are obliged to exftirpate Jpapifts without refpeft of perfons ; and conftquently the head of themr(For how otherwife can Popery be exftir-. pated ? Or how otherwife can we cleanfe the Land of their fins ?( But in the Zd Article we arc obliged to. ex- tirpate Popery without refpeft of perfons, left we partake in other mens fins: therefore we are. obliged to exftirpate Papifts without reaped of perfons, and confequently the frowned fefuk) and therefore cannot own him : For how can we own him* whom we are bound to exftirpate ? 3. If we be engaged to prefcrvc the Rights and Liberties of Parliaments, and the Liberties of the Kingdoms, and the King's Authority only in the prefervation and de- fence of the true Religion and Liberties of the Kingdoms, then we cannot own his Authority, when it is inconfi* flent with, oppofite to, and dcftrofUve of all thefe pre* cious Interefts, as now it is with a" witnefs. But in the 3d Article we arc engaged to preferve the Rights and Privileges of Parliaments, and the Liberties of the King? doms, and the King's Authority only in the prefervation and defence of the true Religion and Liberties of the Kingdoms: therefore all Allegiance that we can own to any man, muft ftand perpetually thus qualified, In "De- fence of Religion [and Liberty •; that is, fo far as it is nqt contrary to Religion and Liberty, and no further ; for if it be definitive of thefe, it is null. If we fhould then own this man, with this reftrifted Allegiance, and apply it to his own Authority (as we muft apply it to all Autho- rity that we can own) it. were to mock God and the world, and own contradictions: for can we maintain the De- ft rdyer of Religion, in defence of Religion, and theDe- ftroyer of all our Rights and Liberties, and all our legal fecuritiesfor them, in the prefervation of thefe Rightt and Liberties ? That were pure Konfenfe. 4. If we be obliged to endeavour, that all Incendiaries and Malig- nants, QPc. be brought to condign punifhment, then we cannot own the Authority of the head of rbefe Incendia- ries and malignant jEnemles; but in the 4th Artick>wc
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 425
are obliged to endeavour, that all Incendiaries ^nd Ma- lignants, &c. be brought tQ condign punifhmenr: there- fore ' ■ .The connexion of the Major cannot well be
doubted: for is it imaginable, that the head of that un- hallowed Party, the great malignant Enemy, who is the fpring, and gives life unto all thefc Abominations, fhall be exempted from punifhment, or owned for a facred Majefty? Shall we be obliged to difcover, and bring to Juftice the little petty Malignants, and this implacably it&tcd Enemy to Chrift efcapc with a Crovyn on his Head 3 Nay, we arc by this obliged, if ever we be ia cafe, to bring thefe {rated Enemies to God and theCounr try to condign punifhment, from the higheft to the loweft: and this we are to do, as we would have the an- ger of the Lord turned away from us, which cannot be, without hanging up their heads before the Lord againft the fun*) as was done in the matter of Peory Numb. xxv. 4. For hath not he and his Complices made the Kingdom a Curfe? and we, with our own confent, have made our- felves obnoxious to ky if we do not procure, each in our capacities, and purfue thefe Traitors and Rebels, that the Judgment of the Lord be executed upon the accurfed. 5. No wilful oppofer of peace and union between the Kingdoms is to be owned; but,according to the 5th Ar- tide, we are obliged to endeavour,that J uftice be done upon him: but this man and his brother have been wilful op- pofers of peace and union between the Kingdoms, all true peace and union, except an union in Confederacy againft the Lord; for they have taken peace from borh the Kingdoms, and deftroyed and annulled that which was the bond of their union, to ivii, The Solemn League and Covenant. 6. If we are obliged to ailift and defend ail thofe that enter into this League and Covenant, in the maintaining and purfuing thereof, and never to fuf- fer ourfelves to be divided, to make defection to the con^ trary parr, &V. According to the 6th Article then, we jnuft not own the Butcher of our covenanted Brethren, who hath imbrued his hands in their blood, in the main- taining and purfuing thereof, and would have us with- drawn into fo deteftable a defeclion; for we cannot both own hirn as he requires to be owned, and as God re- quires
£2,6 Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority.
quires every Magiftrate to be owned (fo as not to refill him under pain of damnation, Rom. xiii. 2.) and affift our Brethren too in refitting his murders; and our own- ing of him were a dividing of ourfeives from our Bre- thren that oppofe him, into a defection to the contrary part, whereof he is Head and Patron." Laftly, In the, ConcluJion> we are obliged to be humbled for the iins of chefe Kingdoms, and to amend in a real Reformation ; whereof this is one to be mourned for, that after the I-ord had delivered us from the yoke of this tyrannical Family, we again joined in affinity with the people of thefe Abominations, and took thefe Serpents into our » oofbm again, which hath bit us fo fore, and wherewith the Lord hath fcourged us feve rely. - And if it was our fin to engage with them atfirft, then it is our fin to con- tinue under their fubjettion ; and is not confident with that Repentance, that the Lord's Contendings call for, to continue owning that power which was our iin to own at fir ft.
III. In the third Place, I promifed to confirm my Thejls from more exprefs Scripture Arguments. There- fore I (hall endeavour to gather them as briefly as may be, I. from Scripture Inferences, nearly and najtiveiy confecjuential. 2- From Scripture Affertions. 3. From Scripture Precepts. 4. From Scripture Pra&kes. 5. From Scripture Promifes. 6. From Scripture Threatnings. 7. From Scripture Prayers.
Fivft, I (hall offer fome Arguments deduced by way of immediate Inference, from the grounds laid before us in Scripture about Government : wherein I (hall confine my (elf to thefe Particulars,
T, Let us consider the Characters of a Magiftrate, laid down in Scripture; and we may infer, if Tyrants and Ufurpers are not capable of thefe Characters, then they cannot be owned for Ma gill rates. For if they be not Magiftrates, they cannot be owned as Magiftrates ; bup • if they be not capable of the Characters of Magistrates, they are. not Magistrates: Ergo, if they be not capable of the Characters of Magiftrates, they cannot be own- ed as Magiftrates. To find out the Characters of Magi- fkates, I need feek no further than that full place, Rom*
xiii.
Concerning owning ofTyrAnts Authority. 42>
ilit. Which ufually is made a Magazine of Objections ggainit chis Truth ; but I trult to find ftore of Argu- ments for it from thence, not repeating many that have been already deduced therefrom. We find, in chis place, inany Charadters of a Magiftrace, that are all incom- patible with a Tyrant or Ufurper i. He is the high- er Power, verf i. Authorities Super eminent, fignifying fuch a Pre-excellency as draweth cowards it a recogni- tion of honour ; but this is not competent to Tyrants and Uiurpers; for they are the viieft of men ; let them Be never fo high exalted, pfal. xii. laji verf and if they oe vile then they are to be contemned, Pfal. xv. 4 and 110 more to be regarded than Herod wa> b> Chrift, when lie called him a Fox, Luke xiii. 32. But more particu- larly, let us confider what is the Highnefs, or dignity of JMagiftrates, fee forth in Scripture. They are filled god's, nor to be reviled, Exod. xxii. 28. among whom God judgcth, pfal. lxxxii. I. fo called, becaufe the Word cf God came unto them, John x. 35. But Tyrants are ra- ther Devils, as one of them is called Lucifer> Ifa. xiv. 12. and they that perfecute and imprifon the people of God, becaufe acled by the Devil, and adrinj for him, do bear his name, Rev. ii. 10. They are Dew's that caff, the Lord's WitnefTes into Prifon. The Magi ft race's Judgmenc is God's Judgment, Deut. i. 17. becaufe it is not for man, but for the Lord, 2 Chron. xix. 6. and there- fore Solomon is faid to have fat on the Throne of the Lordy I Chron. xxix. 23. But it were Blafphemy to fay, Thac Tyrants Judgment, ufurping the place without his war- rant, and giving forth judgment againft his Laws, and Caufe, and People, is the Lord's Judgment, or for him, or that they fit on the throne of the Lord. A throne of iniquity is not the throne of the Lord, for he hath no Fellowjbip with it ; the Tyrants throne is a Tf:rone of ini- quity, Pfal. xciv. 20. Magifirates are truly to be fub- je&ed to and obeyed, as Principalities and Powers, Tit. iii. I. it is a fin to fpeak evil of them, Verf 2. for it is pre- emption to defpife Dominion, and fpeak evil of Digni- ties, 2 Pet. ii. 10. Jude 8. But Tyrants are very cate- chreftically and abufively Principalities and Powers, no otherwife then the Devils are fo termed^ Eph. vi. 12. and
there
428 Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority*
there is no Argument to own or obey the one more thaft the other : for if all Principalities and Powers are to be fubjefted to and owned, then alfo the Devil muft, who gets the fame Title, To fpeak truth of Tyrants indig- nities, cannot be a fpcaking evil of dignities ; for Truth, is no evil, nor is Tyranny a dignity. Jiencc they that arc not capable of the dignity of Rulers, are not to be owned as fuch ; but Tyrants are not capable of the dig- nity of Rulers, as thefe places prove : Ergo-^- . A-
gainft this it is objected. That Paul did apply this Cha- racter to the Tyrannical High-Priejl Ananias, whom, af- ter he had objurgated for manifcit injufiice, he honours. with that Apology, that he wift not that he was the high Priejl, for it is written, thpu jhalt not fpeak evil of the ruler of thy people, Aft. xxiii. J. Anf Tho' all fhould be granted that is in this Objection, yet our Argument: would not be enervated: for grant we fhould not fpeak evil of Tyrants, that does not evince that we ftiould Jiold them as Rulers; for we fhould blefs our Pcrfecur ters, Rom. x« j$. and fpeak evil qf no man, Tit. iii. 2. that does not lay, We (houjd hold every man, or our Perfecuters, to be Rulers. The meaning muft be, he knew not that he was tjic high fried \ that is, he did not acknowledge him to $e either |iigh Prieft or Ruler, he could acknowledge pr obferve nothing like one o£ that Character in him : for as the high frieft's Office was now null and ccaicd, fo this Ananias was only an irfurper of the Office, in place of Jfmael or Jofeph, who bad purchafed it by money : and Paul had learned from his Mailer Gamaliel, fit. Talmud, of ■; the Sanhedrim* That a Judge who hath given Money for purchafing this loonour, is neither a Judge, nor to be honoured as fuch \> but to be held in place of an Afs* And it wa,s common a~ mong the Jews to fay, If fuch be gods, they are fiver „ gods, not to be honoured, as is quoted by Pooh SynopJIiM Criticorum &c. on the fame place. And that this muft bei the fenfe of it is plain ; for he could not be ignorant > that he was there in place of a Judge, being called be-" fore him, and fmitten by him authoritatively, whom : therefore he did threaten with the judgment of God ; it were wicked to think, that he would retrofit thatthreat-
Concerning owning of tyrants Authority. 429
ling which he pronunced by the Spirit of God. An J hereforc this place confirms may Tbejls .• if a Tyran- nical Judge, acting contrary to Law, is not to be known or acknowledged to be a Ruler, but upbraided as a whited wall; then a Tyrant is not to be known or acknowledged as fuch ; but the former is true, from this place : therefore alfb the latter. Paul knew well c- lough he was a Judge, and knew well enough what was iiis duty to a Judge, that he fhould not be reviled ; buc lie would not acknowledge this Prieft to be a Judge, or retraft his thrcatning againft him.
2. He is of Cody and ordained of God : I proved before. Tyrants arc not capable of this; yea, it were Blafphe- my to fay, They are authorized, or ordained of God, by his preceptive Will. Hence, take only this Argu- ment. All Rulers that we muft own are ordained of God, do reign, and arc let up by God, Prov. viii. 1 5, [for that and this place are parallel) But Tyrants do not reign, nor arefet up by Gody Ho£ viii. 4. They are let up (faith the Lord) but not by me: Ergo, we cannot owa them to be ordained of God. 3. Whofoever refifleth this power ordained of God, refifleth the Ordinance of Gody and they that refijl> (hall receive to them f elves Damnation* Vcr£ 2. This cannot be owned of a Tyrant, that it is a damnable fin to rcfift him, for it is duty to refift, and alfo reprefs him, as is proven already, and fhall be after- wards. Hence, whatsoever Authority we own fubjec^ tion to, we muft not refift it ; but we cannot own that we muft not refift this Authority : therefore we cannot own it at all. Again, That cannot be the power not to be refifted, which is acquired and improved by refifting the Ordinance of God ; but the power of Ufurpers ancf Tyrants is acquired and improved by refifting the Ordi- nance of God: Efgtf, their power cannot be the power not to be refifted. The Major is manifeft ; for when the Apoftle fays,' The refifting of the Power brings damnati- on to the Rcfifter, certainly that Refiftance cannot pur- chafe Dominion inftead of damnation : and if he that re- lifts in a leiTet degree, be under the doom of Damnati- on ; then certainly he that does it in a greater degree, fo as to complete it, in putting himielf in place of that
power
43° Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority.
power which he refifted, cannot be free. The Minor 1$ alfo undeniable; for, if Ufurpers acquire their power without refiftance forcible and fenllblc, it is becaufc they that defend the power invaded, are wanting in their du* ty; but however morally the Tyrant or Ufurper is al- ways, or in contrary order to a lawful Power. 4. Rulers are not a terror to good works , but to the evil> and they that do that which is goody pall have -praife of the fame3 verf. 3. This is the Character and Duty of righteous Magistrates, though it be not always their Adminiftrati- on ; but an Ufurper and Tyrant is not capable or fufcep^ tible of this Character ; but, on the contrary, is, and muft be a terror to good works, and a praife zo the evil : for he muft be a terror to them that would fecure their rights an4 liberties in opposition to his encroachments, which is a good work , and he muft be a fautor, patron, and protec- tor of fiich, as encourage and maintain him in his- usurpati- on and Tyranny, which is an evil work -. and if he were 4 terror to the evil, then he would be a terror to himielf and all his Complices, which he cannot be. Therefore^ that power which is not capable of the duties of Magiftrates, cannot be owned; but the power of Tyrants and Ufurp- ers is fuch: Ergo-— We find in Scripture the beft Com- mentary on this Character, where the duties of a Magi* ftrate are defcribed; they muft juftify the Righteous, and condemn the Wicked, Deut. xxvii. I: They muft, as Joh did, deliver the poor that cry, and put on righteouH-
nefs as a clothing — and be eyes to- the blind, an#
feet to the lame, and a father to the poor-— — — ancf break the jaws ofthe Wicked, fob xxix. 12-— 17. Their Throne muft be eftabliftied by Righteoufriefs, Prov. xvt. 12. A King fitting on the Throne of Judgment muft: fcatter away all evil with his eyes •■ then Mercy
and Truth will preferve him, and his Throne is up- hololen by Mercy, Prov. xx. 8, 28. But Tyrants have a quite contrary Character: The Throne of Iniquity frames Mtfchief by a Law, and condemns the innocent blood, Pfal xciv. 2o, 21. They judge not the fatheriefs, neither doth the caufe ofthe widow come unto them, if a. i 2^. They build their houfe by unfightcoufnefs, and the^r chambers by wrong, and ufe their neighbours fervice
wicKtf
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 4JI
tvithout wages, y<?r. xxii. 13. They opprefs the poor3 and crufh the needy, Amos iv, 1. They cum judgment: to gall, and the fruic of righteoufnefs to hemlock, and fay, Have we not taken horns to us by our own ftrength, Amos vi. 12, 13. Thefe contrary Characters cannot con- fjft together. 5. He is the Minifter of God for good \ VeiTc 4. not^ by providential Commiflion, as Kehuchadnezzar was, ana Tyrants may be eventually, by the Lord ma- king all things turn about for the good of the Chinch ; but he hath a Moral CommhTion from God, and is en- trusted by the people, to procure their publick and poli- tick good at leaft. Now this, and Tyranny and Ufur- pation, are together inconiiftibk ; for if Tyrants and Ufurpers were Ministers for good, then they would re- (tore the publick and perfonal Rights, and rectify all Wrongs done by them ; but then they muft furrender their Authority, and refign it, or elfe all Rights cannot be reftored, nor Wrongs rectified. Hence, thefe that can- not be owned as Minifters of God for good, cannot be owned as Magifrrates ; but Tyrants and Ufurpers, (and in particular this Man) are fuch as cannot be owned as
Ministers of God for good : Ergo Again, if Magi-
itracy be always a Blejfing> and Tyranny and Uforpa- tion always a Curfey then they cannot be owned to be the fame thing, and the one cannot be owned to be the other ; but Magiftracyj or the rightful Magiftrate, is al- ways a bleffing ; Tyranny and Ufurpation, or the Ty- rant and Ufurper, always a curfe: .Ergo That the
former is true, thefe Scriptures prove it. God provides him for the benefit of His people, I Sam. xvi. 1. A juft Ruler is compared to the Light of the Morning, when the fun rifeth, even a morning without clouds, 2 Sam. xxiii. 4. So the Lord exalted David's Kingdom, for his people ifraeVs fake, 2 Sam. v. 12. Becaufe the Lord loved if rael for ever, therefore made he Solomon King, to do Judgment and Juftice, 1 Kings x. 9. When the Righteous
are in Authority the people rejoice The King by
Judgment ftablifheth the Land— Prov, xxix. 2, 4.
The Lord promifes Magistrates as a fpeciai blefTing, Ifa. i. 26. Jer. xvii. 25. And therefore their continuance is to be prayed for, that we may lead a quiet and peace- able
45^ Concerning owning of tyrants Authority]
able life, in all Gbdlinefs and Honefty, iTim/u.2. And they muft hteds be a biefling, becaiire to have no Ruler is a mifery: for when Ifraet had no King, every mall did that which Was right in his own eyes^ Judges xvii* 6. And the Lord threatens it as a Curfe to take away
the flay and the fiaff the mighty man, and the
manofwa^ the Judge arid the Prophet, ©V. tfa.iin i> 2, ©Vi And that the Children of ifraet (hall abide ma-, ny days without a king, and without a Prince, tiof ii. 4. But on the other hand, Tyrants and Ufurpersare always a Curfe, and given as fuch : it is threatned among the Curies of the Covenant, that the (tranger ! fhall get up a-
bove Ifrael very high •*— and that they fhall fervt
their enemies \ which the Lord (ha/1 lend againft them— * and he fhall put a Toke of Iron upon their neclc, until he hath deuroyed them, Deut . xxviii. 45, 4$. As a roring lion and a ranging bear, fo is a wicked Ruler over the poor people, Prov. xxviii. 1 5. and therefore, when the Wicked beareth rule the people mourn, Prov. xxix. 2. The Lord threatens it as a Curfe, that he will give Children to be their Princes, and Babes fhall rule over them, tfa.iiu 4. And if unqualified Rulers be a Curfe, much more Ty- rants. They are the rod of his anger, and the ftaff in their hand is his indignation, his axe, and fiwe, and rod> If a. x. 5, 1 5. It is one thing to call a man God's inftru- ment, his rod, axe* fword, or hammer ; another thing to call him God's Minifter; there is a wide difference betwixt the inftruments of G©d*s Providence, £nd the M in liters of his Ordinance ; thole fulfil his purpofes only^ thefe do his precepts. Such Kings are given in the Lord's anger, Hdf. xiii II. therefore they cannot be owned to. be Miniftersof'Godfor good. 6. He beareth not the fword in vain, for he is the minifter of Gody a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doth evil, Verfe 4, The Apoftle doth not fay, He that beareth the fword is the Ruler, but he is the Ruler that beareth the fword. This is not every fword ; for there is the fword of aft enemy, the fword of a robber, the fword of a common traveller ; but this as a faculty of political Rule, and authoritative Judg- ment. Tt is not faid, He takes the fword (as the Lord exprcfTes the Ufurpation of that power, Mafth* xxvi. 52 )
but
'Concerning owning offyrAntJ Authority, 435
t>ut he leareth the fword, hath it delivered him into his hand by God, by God's Warrant and Allowance, not in vain ; to no end or without reafon, or withouc a Com- miliicn, as Parous upon the place expones it. He is a re- henger to execute wrath, not by private revenge, for that is condemned by Paul before, Rom, xii. 15). not by pro- vidential recompence, for when a private perfon fo re- vengcth, it is the providential repayment of God j but as God's Minifter, by him authorifed, commiffionated,and warranted to this Work. Now thii cannot agree with a Tyrant or Ufurper, whofc fword only legitimates his fceptre, and not his fceptre his fwbrd, who takes the fword rather than bears it, and ufes it without reafon or warrant from God, in the execution of his luftful rage upon him that doth well, and hath no right to it from feod. Hence, he that beareth the fword no other way but as it may be faid of a Murderer, cannot be a Magi- ftrate bearing the fword ; but a Tyrant and Ufurper beareth the fword no other way but as it may be laid
of a Murderer: Ergo . So much for the Characters
of a Magiftrate, which are every way inapplicable to Tyrants and Ufurpers, and as inapplicable to this of ours as to any in the World.
2. If we confider the Scripture kefernllances, importing he duty of Magistrates, and the contrary Companions, molding forth the fin, vilenefs, and villany of Tyrants md Ufurpers ; we may infer, that we cannot own the aft to be the firft. Firft, From the benefit they bring to he Commonwealth, Magiftrates are ftiled, 1. Saviours, s Oihniel the fon of Kenaz is called, fudg, iii. 9. and *ehoahaz.\n his younger years, 2, Kings xiii. 5. and all ;ood Judges and Magiftrates, Keh, ix. 27. But Tyrants hd Ufurpers cannot be fuch, for they are deflroyers, vhomthe Lord promifes to make go forth from his peo- le, Ifa. xlix. 1 7. The Chaldean Tyrant is called the de- Wo'yer of the Gentiles, ?er*iv. 7, a'nd the deftroyer of the <ord*s heritage, $er,\\ II. wherefore they can no more >e owned to be Magiftrates, than Abaddon or Apollyon an be owned to be a Saviour, 2. From their paternal ove to the people, they are ftiled Fathers, and therefore 0 bt honoured according to the fifth Command. So
£ $ DtforafL
434 Concerning owning offyrants Authority
Deborah was raifed up a Mother in Ifrael, Judg. v. 7. King* are nurftng fathers by office, Ifa. xlix. 23. But that Ty- rants cannot be fuch, I have proved already ; for they can no more be accounted fathers,^ than he that abufeth* or forccth ourmorher. J. From theprote£ion and fhel- rer that people find under their Condudr, they are called Shields, Pfat xlvii. ult The Princes of the people, the Shields of the earth, belong unto Goxt. But Tyrantscan- not be fuch ; becaufe they are the fubverters of the earthy 4. From the Comfort that attends them, they are refem- bled to the morning light, and fruitful powers of rain, £ Sam., xxiii. 4. They waited for me as for the rain, faith Job xxix. 23. But Tyrants cannot be refembled to thefe,,, 6ut rather to darknefs, and to the blaft of the terrible cnes, ifa. xxv. 4. as a florm againft the wall. If dark- nefs cannot be owned to be light, then cannot Tyrant^ be owned to be Magistrates. 5. From their paftoral care* and conduft and duty, they are Feeders, The Judges of Ifrdel are commanded to feed the Lord's people, 1 Chron. xvil. 6. David was brought to feed Jacob his peo- ple, and Ifr'qel his inheritance, PfaL Ixxviii. "T. But Tyrants are wolves, not fhepherds, 6. By office they arc Phyflcians, or Healers, Ifa. iii. 7. That Tyrants cannot fee fuch, is proven above. Secondly, On the other hand, the vilenels, villany, and violence of Tyrants and U-, furpers, are held forth by fit re fern bLances, being com- pared to thefe unclean Creatures, 1. Tyrants are wic- ted Dogs, as they who compaft about Chrift, PfaL xxii^ 16,20 Saul is called Dog there, and in that golden^ Tfalm, Pfal lix. 6. Saul and his Complices, watching the" houle to kill David, rnake a noife like a dog, and go round about the city. 2. They are pufhing Bulls, Pfah xxii. 12. and crushing Kine of Bap an, that opprefs the poor, Amos iv. i. They have need then to have their fiorns cut fliort. 3. They are roaring Lions, that are wicked Rulers over the poor people, Prov. xxviiL 1 5* Zeph. iii. 3. So Paul calls Nero the Lion, out of whofe mouth he was delivered, 2 Tim. iv. 17. 4 They are ranging Bears, Prov. xxviii. 15. So the Perflan Monarch is emblemized Dan. vii. 5. 5. They are Leviathan, the piercing Serpent and Dragon3 Jfa* xxvii. 1. and have great
„ I affinity
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 455
affinity in name and nature with the Apocalyptick Dra- gon. So alio, ifa. li. 9. the Egyptian Tyrant is called Dragon. And Nebuchadnezzar fwallowed up che Church like a Dragon, Jer. li- 34. See alfo Ezek. xxix. 3. 6, They are Wolves, ravening the prey, Ezek.xxii. 27. Even- ing Wolves, that gnaw not the bones till the morrow* Zeph.iii. 3. 7. They are Leopards ; fo the Grecian Ty- rants are called, Dan* vii. 6. and Antichriit, Rev. xiii. 2. 8. They are Foxes ; fo Chrift calls Herod, Luke xiii, 32. 5). They arc Devils^ who caft the Lord's people intopri- ion, Rev. ii. 10, 13. Now, can we own all thefe abomi- nable Creatures to be Magiftrates ? Can thefe be the fa- thers we are bound to honour in the fifth Command- ment ? They muft be efteemed fons of Dogs and De- vils that believe fo, and own thcmfelvcs fons of fuch fathers.
If we further take notice, how the Spirit of God de- fevibes Tyranny, as altogether contradiftindl and oppo- iite unto the Magiftracy he will have owned ; we may infer hence, Tyrants and Ufurpers are not to be owned. What the Government infritured by God among his peo- ple was, the Scripture doth both relate in matter of fact, and defcribes what it ought to be by Right, viz> That according to the inflitution of God, Magiftrates fhould be eftablifhed by the Conftitution of the people, who were to make them Judges and Officers in all their gatesy :hat they might judge the people with jufi judgment, Deut. <vi. 18. But fbrefeeing that people would affeS a change )f that firft form of Government, and, in imitation of heir neighbouring Nations, would delire a King, and ay, I will fet a King over me, like all the Nations that are tbout me, Deut. xvii. 14. The Lord, intending high nd holy Ends by it, chiefly the procreation of the MeJJias rom a Kingly Race, did permit the change, and gave iredions how he fhould be moulded and bounded, that vas to be owned as the Magiftrate under a Monarchical brm ; to wit, that he fhould be chofen of God, and fet up y their fufFra ges, that he fhould be a brother, and not a ^ranger ', that he fhould not multiply horfes, nor wive?, or money, (which are Cautions all calculated for the •eoples good; and the fecurity of their Religion and Li-
£ s Z bcrty,
4;o* Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority.
bcrty, and for precluding and preventing his degenera- tion into Tyranny) and that he fbould write a Copy of the Law in a book, according to which he fhould go- vern, ver* 15/to the end of the chap, yet the Lord did eot approve the change of the form, which that luxuri- ant people was long affeding, and at length obtained 1 for, long before Saul was made King, they profered an hereditary Monarchy to Gideon, without the ^boundaries God's Law required ; which that brave Captain, know- ing how derogatory it was to the Authority of God's In- itiation, not to be altered in form or frame without his order, generoufly refufed, faying, I will not rule over youy neither pall my fon ruU over you\ the Lord Jb alt rule over youy Judg.vui. 2$. But his Ballard, the firft Monarch and Tyrant of lfraely Abimelech, by finiftrous means be- ing advanced to be King by the traiterous Shechemites? J-otham, and other of the Godly, difowned him ; which, by the Spirit of God, J-otham describes parabolically, fignificantly holding out the nature of that tyrannical U- furpation, under the Apologue of the trees itching after a King, and the offer being repudiate by the more gene- rous fort, embraced by the bramble: fignifying, that men of worth and virtue would never have taken upon them fuch an arrogant Domination, and that fuch a tyrannical Government, in its nature and tendency, was nothing but an uilleiS) worthlefs, faplels, afpiring, fcratching, and Vexing fliadow of a Government, under fubje&ion to which there could be no peace nor fafety. But this was rather a tumultuary Interruption than a Change of the Government, not being univerfally either defired or own^ ed ; therefore, after that the Lord reftored the priftinc form, which continued until, being much perverted by Samuel* % fons, the people unanimoufly and peremptorily defired the change thereof, and, whether it were reafofl or not, would have a King ; as we were fondly fet upon one, after we had been delivered from his father's yoke 2 And the Lord gave them a Kingwitti a Curie, and took him away with a Vengeance, Ho/xiiu 1 1. as he did our Charles II. Yet he permitted it, but with a Proteft^tion a^ainit and Convi&ion of the fin, that thereby they had vejeSbediht Lmd} 1 Sam.riiu 7.aad with a Demoflftration
frop
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 437
from Heaven, which extorted their own confeffion, that chey had added unto all their fins this evil to ask a King, I Sam. xii, 17, 18, 10. And to deter and difTuade from fuch a Copclution, he appoints the Prophet to fhevv them the manner of the King that fhould reign over them, I Sam. viii. 9. to declare before hand, what fort of a Ru^ ler he would prove, when they got him; to wit, a mere Tyrant, who would take their fons and appoint them for hirmelf, for his chariots, and for horfemen, and to run before his chariots, and make them his foldiers, and labourers of the ground, and inftrument-makers, amd houfhold fcrvants, and he would take their fields and vineyards — the beft ofthem, and give unto his fervants. In a word, to make all flaves ; and that, in the end, when this fhould come to pafs, they fhould cry out be- caufe of their King, but the Lord would not hear them, ver.n — -18. All which, as it is palpable in itfelf, fo we havefenfibly felt in our experience to be the natural defcription of Tyranny, but more tolerable than any ac- count of ours would amount to. It is both foolifhly and falfly alledged, by Royalifts or Tyrannies, that here is a grant of uncontroulable Abfblutcnefs to Kings to tyran- nize over the people without Refiflar.ce, and rhac this Planner of the King is in the Original Mi/kphat, which fig- nines Right or Law ; £6 that here was a permiflxve Law given to Kings to tyrannize, and to oblige people to paf- fivc obedience, without any remedy but tears ; and there- fore it was regiftrcd, and laid up before the Lord in a book, l Sam. x. 25, Bu: I anfivery 1. If any thing be here granted to Kings, iris either by. God's approbation, directing and inftrucling how they fhould govern; or ic is only by permiflion and providential Commiflion to them, to be a plague to the people for their fin of choo- fingthem, to make them drink as they have brewed, as fbmetimes he gave a charge to the AJfyrian rod to trample them down as the mire of the ftreets : If the firft be fa id, then a King that does not govern after that man- ner, and fo does not make people cry out for their op- pre/lion, would come fhortof his duty, andalfo behoved to tyrannize a»d make the people cry out • then a King may take wiat he wiU fro» his fub/ccts, and be appro- ved
4j3 Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority.
ved of God : this were blafphemoufly abfurd, for Go$ cannot approve of the iln of oppreffion. If the Second bt faid, then it cannot be an uniyerfal Grant, or other- wife all Kings muft be ordained for plagues ; and if fq* It were better we wanted fuch nurfing- fathers. 2. Tho* Mifhphat iignifies Plight or Law, yet it llgnifies alfb, and perhaps no lefs frequently, Manner, Courje, or Cuflom : and here it cannot iignify the Law of God, for all thefc Acts of Tyranny are contrary to the Law of God; for to make fervants of fubjefts is contrary to the Law of God, Deut. xvii 2o. Forbidding to lift up himfelf fo far above his brethren ; but this was to deal with them as a proud Pharaoh, to take Co many for chariots and horfe- men, is alio contrary to the Law, Deut. xvii. 1 5. He /ball not multiply horfes ; to take their fields and vineyards, is mere robbery, contrary to the Moral and Judicial Law, whereof he was to have always a copy, ver, 18. And con- trary to Ez,ek. xlvi. 18. The Prince pall not take of the peo- ples inheritance, &c. This would juftify AhaVs taking Na- both's vineyard, which yet the Lord accounted robbery, and for which Tyrants are called Companions of 'Thieves* Jfa. i. 23. and Robbers, Ifa. xiii. 24. into whofe hands the Lord fometimes may give his people for a fpoil in judicial providence, but never with his approbation and grant of right : to make them cry out, is oppreffion, which the Lord abhors, Ifa. v. "J, 8. And if this be all the remedy, it is none ; for it is fuch a cry, as the Lord threatens he will not hear. 3. It is falfe, that this man- tier of the King was regiftred in that Book, mentioned I Sam. x. 25. for that was the Law of the Kingdom, ac- cordingly the Copy of which the King was to have for his inftrudtion, containing the fundamental Laws, point fclank contrary to this which was the manner of the King ; there is a great difference between the Manner of the Kingdom, what ought to be obferved as Law, and the Manner of the King, what he would have as luft. Would Samuel write in a Book the Rules of Tyranny, to teach to opprefs, contrary to the Law of God ? He fays himfelf, he would only teach both King and People the good and the right way, I Sam. xii. 23, 25. 4. No- thing can be more plain, than, that this was a mere di£
uafive
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 459
, (uafive againft feeking a King; for he protefts againft this Courfe, and then iays before them what iort of King ' he fhould be, in a defcription of many a els of Tyranny ; and yet in the end 'tis faid, I Sam. viii 19. Keverthelefs the people refufed to obey the voice of Samuel \ and faidy Nayy but *we will have a King. . Now, what eife was the voice of Samuel \ than a difTuafion? I am not here levelling this Argument againft Monarchy in the abftraft, that does not ly in my road ; but I infer from hence, 1. If God was difpleafed with this People for asking ant! owning a King, who was only to become a Tyrant and difTuades from the choice, by a defcription of his future Tyranny; then certainly he was difpleafed with them, when they continued owning him, when he was a Ty- rant indeedy according to that defcription ; but the for- mer is true, therefore alfo the latter. The Confluence is clear: for continuing in fin is fin ; but continuing in owning that Tyrant, which was their fin at firft, was a
continuing in fin : therefore— .The Mi nor is con firmecf
thus: Continuing is counteracting the Motives of God's difTuafion, efpecially when they arc fenfibly vifible, is a -continuing in fin; but their continuing in owning Saul after he became a Tyrant, was a continuing in counter- acting the Motives of God's difTuafion, when they were fenfibly vifible. I do not fay^ becaufe it was their fin to askSauly therefore it was not lawful to own him, while he ruled as a Magiftrare : and fo if Charles II. had rulec! righteoufly, it would not have been fin to own him ; but after the Lord ufes diiTuafives from a choice of fiich art one, and thefe are* finally verified, if it was fin to make the choice, then it mnft be fin to keep it. 2. If it was their fin to fcek and fet up fuch an one before he was Tyrant, who yet was admitted upon Covenant-terms, and the manner of it regiftred; then much more is it a fin to feek and fet up one, after he declared himfclfa Tyrant, and to admit him without any terms at all, or for any to confent or give their fufFrage to fuch a Deed; but the former is true, therefore the latter : and confe- quently, to give our confent to the ere&ion of the Duke ofTorky by owning his Authority, was our fin. 3. If it be a fin to own the manner of the King there defcribecf,
theD
44§ Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. then it is a $n to own the prcfent pretended Authority, tyhich is the exaft tranfumpt of it; but it is a fin to own the manner of the King there defcribed, or elfe it would never have been uftd as a difTuafive from feeking fuch a King, 4. To bring ourfelves under fuch a burden, whicli the Lord Will not remove, and involve ourfelves under fuch a mifery, wherein the Lord will not Hear us, is certainly a fin, sw\ 18. But to own or choole fuch a King, ivhofe manner is there defcribed, would bring ourfelvei under fuch a burden and mifery, wherein the Lord Would not hear us : therefore it were our fin.
4. Wc may add the neceflary Qualifications of Magi- flratcs, which the Lord requires to be in all, both fupe- rior and inferior: and thence it may be inferred, that iiich pretended Rulers, who neither have nor can have chele Qualifications, are not to be owned as Magiftrates, •o more than fuch are to be owned as Minifters, who have no qualifications for fuch a fun&ion. We find their cfTentialiy necefTary qualifications particularly defcribed. Jethro's Counfel was God's Counfcl and Command; that Rulers muft he able men, fuch as fear Cody wen of truth * hating ccvetoufnefs, Exod. xviii. -21. Tyrants and Ufurpcrs have none, fior can have any of thefe qualifications, except that they may have ability of force, which is not here meant ; but that they be mo- sally able for the difcharge of their duty : furely they cannot fear God, nor be men of Truth ; for then they would not be Tyrants. It is God's direction, that the; man to be advanced and aftumed to rule, mult be a .man in whom is the fpirit, Numb, xxvii. 18. as is laid of yo- fiua: what fpiritkhis was, Deut. xxxiv. 9. .explains, He was full of the fpirit of 'wifdom, th.1t isy the Spirit of Go- ve: nment; not the Spirit of infernal or fefuiiical Policy, Which Tyrants may have, but they cannot have the true regal Spirit, but fuch a Spirit as Saulhzd when he turned Tyrant, an evil fpirit from the Lord* Mofes faith, They muft be wife men, and understanding, and, known among '.the tribes, Deut. i.15. for if they be children or fools, they are plagues and pun ifhments, if a. iii. 2, g, 4* &c° not Magiftrates, who are always bleffings* And they pmft be known men of integrity, not known to be knaves ;- ' ■ - i . or
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 44£
or fools, as all Tyrants are always. The Law of the King is, DeuU xvii. 15. he muft be one of the Lord's cha- fing. Can Tyrants and Ufurpers befuch? No3 they ar« Jet up, but not by him, Hof. viii. 4. He muft be a Bro- ther, and not a Stranger, that is, of the fame Nation, and of the fame Religion: for though infidelity doej Pot make void a Magistrate's Authority ; yet both by th« Law of God and Man, he ought not to be chofen, who is an Enemy to Religion and Liberty. Now it were al- moft treafon, to call the Tyrant a brother ; and I am Jure it is no reafon, for he difdains it, being abfblute a- bovc all. That good King's Tcftament confirms this, TheGodof ifrael faid, the Rock of Ifrael /pake, hethatruletb over men muft be juft, ruling in the fear of God, 2 Sam xxiii. 3. But Tyrants and Ufurpers cannot be juft : for if they fhould render every one their right, they would keep none to themfelvcs, but behoved to refign their Robberies in the firft place, and then alfo they muft give the Law its courfe, and that againft themfelves. Thefe Scriptures indeed do not prove, t^at all Magiftrates are in all their Adminiftrations fo qualified, nor that none ought to be owned, but fuch as are fo qualified in all re- fpedts. But as they demonftrate what they ought to be, fo they prove, that they cannot be Magiftrates of God's ordaining, who have none [of thefe qualifications: but Tyrants and Ufurpers have none of thefe qualifications. Much more do they prove, that they cannot be owned to be Magiftrates who are not capable of any of thefe qua- lifications: but Ufurpers are not capable of any of tnefe qualifications. At leaft they conclude, in fo far as they are not fo qualified, they ought not to be owned, but cftfc owned; but Tyrants and Ufurpers are not fo qualified in any thing: therefore in any thing they are not to be owned, but difowned. For in nothing are they fo qualified as the Lord prefcribes.
Secondly, I fiball offer fome reafons from Scripture-.^ fertions.
1. It is ftrongly afTerted in Elihus fpeech to Job, that he that hateth right fhould not govern, where he is charging Job with blafphcmy, inaccufinq God of inju- flice; of which he vindicates the Almighty, in aiTerting
his
442 Concerning owning, of tyrants Authority.
his Sovereignty and abfblute Dominion, which is incoiH iiftent with injuftice, and fhews both that if he be Sove- reign, he cannot be unjuft ; and if he be unjuft, he coulcj ;pot be Sovereign : which were horrid blafphemy to de- py. And in the demonftration of this, he gives one ma- xim in a queftion, which is equivalent to an univerftl negative, fob xxxiv. 17, 18. shall even he that hateth tight govern ? And wilt thou condemn him that is moft jufh ? Is it fit to fay to a king, Thou art wicked \ and to princes, Te are ungodly ? In which words, the fcope makes it clear, that if fob made God a hater of right, he fhould then deny his Government; and if he took upon him to condemn him of injuftice, he fhould blafphemoufly deny him to be King of the World. For it is not fit to fay to any King, That he is wicked, or fb ungodly, as to be a Hater of Right \ for that were treafon, lefe-Majefty, and in erTe£t a denying him to be King ; much left is it fit to fay to him that is King of Kings. Here then it is affirmed, and fuppofed to hold good of all Governors, that he that hateth right fhould: not govemy or bind, as it is in the Margin ; for Haba[b iignihes both to bind and to govern, but all to one fenfe ; for Go^ vernors only can bind Subjects authoritatively, with the bonds of Laws and Punifhments. \ know the following words are alledged to favour the uncon- troulablenefs and abfolutenefs of Princes, that it is not fit to fay to them, They are wicked. But plain it is, the words do import treafon againft lawful Kings, whom to call haters of right were to call their Kingfhip in cjue- ftion ; as the Scope (hews, in that thefe words are ad- duced to juftify the Sovereignty of God by his Juftice, and to confute any indirect charging him whith In- juftice, becaufc that would derogate from his kingly Glory, it being impoflible he could be King, and unjuft too. So in fome Analogy, though every acl: of Injuftice do not unking a Prince; yet to call him wicked, that is habitually unjuft, and a hater of Juftice, were as much as to fay, He is no King, which were intolerable trea- fon againft lawful Kings. But this is no treafon againft Tyrants ; for Truth and Law can be no treafon : now this is the Language of Truth and Law, that wickcJ
Kings;
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority • 44 j
Kings are wicked ; and they that are wkked and un- godly ought to be called fo, as Samuel called Saul, and £Iijah> Ababy &c However it will hold to be a true Maxim, whether we exprefs it by way of Negation or Jnterrogation. Shall even he that hateth right govern 1 But are not Tyrants and Ufurpcrs haters of right 1 Shall therefore they govern \ I think it muft be anfwered, They fhould not govern. If then they fhould not go- vern, I infer, they fhould not be owned as Governors. For if it be their (in to govern (right or wrong, 'tis alL one cafe, for they fhould not govern at all) then it is our fin to own them in their Government : for it is always a fin to own a man in his finning.
2. The P.oyal Prophet, or whoever was the Penman of that Appeal for Juftice againlt Tyranny, pfal. xciv, £0. does tacicely afTcrt the fame truth, in that Expostu- lation, Shall the Throne of Iniquity have Fellowfbip with thee, that frameth Mi/chief by a Law ? Which is as much as if he had (aid, The throne of iniquity fhall not, no, cannot have Fellowship with God; that is, it cannot be the Throne of God that he hath any Intereft in, or concern with, by way of Approbation : he hath nothing to do with it, except it be to furfer it a while, till he take vengeance on it in the end. And fhall we have Fellowfhip with that Throne, that God hath no Fellow- fhip with, and that is not his Throne, but the Devils, as it muft be, if God doth not own it ? Much may be argued from hence ; but in a Word, a Throne which is not of God, nor ordained of God, but rather of the De- vil, cannot be owned (for that is the reafon of our fub- je&ion to any power, becaufe it is of God, and ordained of <W, Rom. xiii. I. And that is the great dignity of Ma- gistracy, that its Throne, is the Throne of God, I Chron. xxix. 23.) But a Throne of Tyranny and Ulurpation, is a Throne which is not of God, nor ordained of God,
but rather of the Devil: Ergo . The Minor is
proved: A Throne of iniquity, &c. is a Throne which, is not of God, nor ordained of God, bur rather of the Devil ; but a Throne of Tyranny and Ufurpation is a Throne of iniquity; Ergo, it is not of God, and fo noc to be owned,
X: The
#44 Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority
, 3. The Lord charges it upon Jfrael as a tranfgrefliofi* rf his Covenant, and trefpafs againft his Law, that they^ \\zdfet up KingS) and not by himy and had made "Princes* and he knenv it noty Hot viii. £.' and then taxes them with Idolatry^ which ordinarily is the confequent of it, as we have reafon to fear will be in pur cafe. He fhews> chere the Apoftafy pf that people, in changing both the Ordinances of the Magiftracy and of the Miniftry, both cf the Kingdom and of the Priefthood, in which two fcke fafety of that people was foemded: fo they overturn- ed all the order of God, and openly declared they would *ot be governed by tlje hand of God, as Calvin upon the place expounds it. Whereas, the Lord had command^ ed, if they would fet up Kings, they fhould fet none up but whom he choofed, Deuf. xvii. 15. yet they had no regard to this, nor confulced him in their admiffion of Kings, but let them up, and never let him to wit of it, Without his knowledge ; that is, without confulting him, and without^ his Approbation, for it can have no other fenfe. I know, it is alledged by feveral Interpreters^ that here is meant the Tribes Seccffion frpm the houfe of David, and their fetting up Jeroboam. I fhall confefs that the ten Tribes did fin in that erection of yeroboamy without refped to the Counfel or Command of God, without waiting on the vocation of God, as to the time add manner, and without covenanting with him for fc- curity for their Pveligion and Liberty ; but that their fc- ceffion from" Dtfw'dPs line, which by no precept or jpro- imifc of God they were aftricled toy but only condition, ally, if his Children fbould walk in the ways of God, or that their ere&ing of yerohoam, was materially their fin, I muft deny ; and affert, that if yerohoam had not turned Tyrant and Apoftate from God (for which they fhould have reje&ed him afterwards, and returned to the good Kings of David's line) he would have been as lawful a King as any in yudahy for he got the King- dom from the Lord the fame way, and upon the fame terms that David did, as may befeen cxprefly in I King. in. 38. It muft be therefore meant, either generally of all Tyrants whom they would let up without the Lord's caind, as at firft they would have Kings op any terms,
tho*'
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 444
tho* they fhould prove Tyrants, as we have feen in SauV* cafe. Or particularly Omri whom they fet up, but not by the Lord, 1 King* xvi. 16. And Ahab his Son, and Shallum, Menahem> Pekahy &c. who were all fet up by blood and treachery, the fame way that our P&pifi Duke is now fet up, but not by the Lord, that is by his appro- bation. Hence I argue, thofe Kings that are not own- ed of God, nor fet up by him, muft not be owned by us (for we can own none for Kings, but thofe that reigo by him, Prov. viii. 15. and are ordained of him> R.om. xiii. I.) But Tyrants and Ufurpers are not owned of God as Kings, nor are fet up by him : Ergo A-
gain, if it be a fin to fee up Kings, and not by God, chert it is a fin to own them when fet up : for, that is a par- taking of, and continuing in the fin of that erettion, an J hath as much affinity with it, as refetting hath with theft; for if they be the thieves, they are the refetcers who receive them and own them,
4. The Prophet Habakkuk, in his complain* to God of the Chaldean Tyranny, aflcrts that God hath made the righteous, as the Fifies of the Sea> as the creeping things ? that have no Ruler over thern> Habak. i. 14. Now how were they laid to be without a Ruler, when the Chaldean actually commanded, and abfolutely ruled over them 1 yea, how can the Fifties and Reptiles have no Ruler o- ver them ? If domineering be ruling, they want not that ; when the weaker are over-maftered by the ftrongn er, and >by them made either to be fubje£t, or to be- come their prey. But the meanings is, thefe Creatures have no Ruler over them by order of nature : and the Jews had then no Ruler over them by order of Law> or ordination from God, or any that was properly their Magiftrate by divine Inftitution, or human orderly con- ftitution. We fee then it is one thing for a people to have an arbitrary or enthralling Tyranny ; another 'to have true Magiftracy or Authority to be owned over them ; without which Kingdoms are but as Mountains of prey, and Seas of confufion. Hence I argue, If the Jews having the Chaldean Monarch tyrannifing over them, had really no Ruler over them, then is a Tyrant
and
44-6 Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority,
&nd Ufurpcr not to be owned for a Ruler ; but the fori mer is true : therefore alfo the latter.
5. Our Saviour Chrift delivers this as a commonly re- ceived, and a true Maxim, John viii. 54. He that ho- fiour eth him f elf, his honour is nothing The Jews had objected that he had only made himfelf Mefftas, verC, 53. To whom he anfwers, by way of conceffion, if * it were Co indeed, then his Claims were void, If I ho- nour myfelfc my honour is nothing : and then claims an indubitable title to his dignity y It is my Father that ho- fioureth me. Here is a two-fold honour diftinguifhed^ the one rcal^ the other fuppofititious and null, the one. re- nounced, the other owned by Chrift, Self-honour, and honour which is from God. Hence I argue, a (elf-crc- atod dignity is not to be owned ; the authority of Ty- rants and Ufurpers is a felf-created dignity : Ergo •
This was confirmed above.
Thirdly, I fhall offer fome other confiderations con- firming this truth, from thofe Scriptures which I clafs a- mong Precept si And thefc I find of diverfc forts touch- ing this fubjecl:,
I. I fhew before that the greateft of men, even Kings, are not exempted from Punifhment and capital Punifh- i ment, if guilty of capital crimes: for where the Law di- fttnguifheth not, we ought not to diftinguifh. There is one fpecial and very peremptory law, given before the law for regulating Kings, which, by that pofterior law, was neU therabrogated nor limited even as to kings, D^f.xiii. 6— c/* If thy brother (and a King muft be a brother, Deut. xviii l $.)-<-— ~ entice thee fecretfyy faying, Let us go and f ewe
other Gods, Thou (halt not confent unto him, nor hearken
unto him, neither pall thine eye pity him. How famous Mr. Rno* improved this argument, is fhewed in the third Period, That which I t^ke notice of here is only, that Krhgs are not excepted from this law ; but if they be o- peft Inticers to Idolatry, by force or fraud, persecution or toleration, as this Idolater now reigning is palpably doing, they are obnoxious to a legal animadverfion. As it cannot be fuppfed, that fecret Inticers fhould be liable to punifhment, and not open Avouchers of a defire and dcfign to pervert all the nation to Idolatry : that a pri- vate
Concerning tuning of Tyrants Authority. 447
vate Perverter of one man, though never fo nearly and clearly related, fhould be purfued and brought to con- dign punifhment, and a publickSubverter of whole nati- ons, and Introducer of a falfe and blafphemous idolatrous religion, fhould efcapc Scot-free. Let the punifhment in- flicted be in a judicial way, and of what meafures it plea- fes the Judge to determine, I fhall not controvert here ; only I 'plead, that idolatrous Tyrants are not excepted from this law : and infer, that if they ought to be pu- nilhed, they ought to be depofed ; and if they ought to be depofed, they cannot be owned, when undeniably guilty of this capital crime, as was urged above. To this I may add that part of that prophetical King's Tefta- inent ; who, being about to leave the world, under fomc challenges of male-adminiftration in his own Government, (for which he took himfeif to the well-ordered everlaft- ing Covenant, for pardon and encouragement), after he had fhewn what Rulers fhould be, he threatens, by An- tlthefis, tyrannical Pretenders, in thefe fevere words, ■which do alfb imply a precept, and a direction how to deal with them, 2 Sam. xxiii. 6, 7. But they of Belial /ball be all of them as thorns thruft away, becaufe they can- mot be taken with hands, but the man that pall touch them rnuft be fenced with iron* and theftajfofafpear, and they flail be utterly burnt with fire in the fame place. Let thefe words be underftood as a threatening againftall the wic- ked io general, who are to be quenched as the fire of thorns; or particularly of the Promoters of Ancichrift's kingdom, in oppofition to Chrift's, as fome Interpreters judge; it will not weaken, but confirm my argument, if Kings who are Ringleaders of that Gang be not ex- cepted. I know fome do underftand this of Re^Wj a- Igainft righteous Rulers: which though indeed it be a j truth, that they that are fuch fhould be fo ferved, and roughly handled with iron, and the faff of a f pear \ yet it is not fo conionant to the fcope and connexion of this place, fhewing the charaders of righteous Rulers, and of ufurping Tyrants, making an oppofition between Rulers that are juft, ruling in the fear of God, and thofe that are Rulers of Belial, promifing bleffings upon the Government of the one, and Contempt and rejeition to
the
%■$ Concerning 'Owning of Tyrants Authority*
the other, arid (hewing how both (hould be carried to- wards : neither does it agree tvith the words themfelves, fohere the fupplement in our trahflation is redundant J for k is not in the Hebrewl The fons of Belial, only They of Bclialy clearly relative to the Rulers of whom he was fpcakitig before; And indeed the word Belial; in its E- tymology is riot more applicable to any than to Tyrants J for it tomes from belt noty arid Bhall ahvey bccaiife they will have none above them; or from belt riot, arid Hhol a yoke, becaule they cannot Fuffer i yoke, but caft away the yoke of laws and the yoke of Chrift, fayingj Let us burfi his bands > &c. Nor is it always agreeable to truth j *o uqderftand it only of Rebels againft righteous Rulers, that they can never be taken with hands : For as very rarely righteous Rulers have any Rebels to be the objccls •of their rigour and rage ; fo when there are any, difc crete and wife Rulers will find many Ways to take and touch them, and quafh or quiet them; But it is always true of Tyrants, for they can never be taken with hands, neither in a friendly manner^ taken by the hand and tranfa&ed with in any bargain as other menjfor they that would do fo, will find them like pricking and jagging briers,which a man cannot handle without hurt to himfelf J nor can they be any other way repreffed or retrained, or touched, but by hands fenced with iron, that is, with, the fvvord of necefflty, or ax of Juftice. And this is in- finuated as duty, fb to endeavour to extirpate and era- dicate Tuch thorns, as pefter the Commonwealth : but if it cancot be done, it muft be duty arid wifdom both not to meddle with them, nor own them, ho more than ^0- iham, who would not fubje6r. himlelf, nor come under* the fhadow of the baftard bramble; I confefs it is com- monly taken as a threatning of the Lord's judgment a- gainft thefe fons of Belial: And fo it is. $ut it teacheth alfo what men are called to, when they have to do witfi fuch, to wit, to take the fame courfe with them as they would to clear the ground of thorns and briers, Arid that it is reftrifted to the Lord's immediate way of ta- lcing them off, is not credible : for, it can have no toler- able fenfe to fay, they (hall be rhruft away, becaufe tfrev cannot be taken with the Lord's bands : neither is
iberi
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 449
there need, that he fhould he fenced with iron, &c. And let irony &c. be taken tropically for the Lord's fword of vengeance ; yec how can it be underwood, that he rauft be fenced therewith 1 or that he will thrutt them away, as a man muft be fenced againft thorns 1 What defence needs the Lord againft Tyrants \ It is only then intel- ligible, that the Lord, in his righteous judgment, will make ufe of men and legal means, and -ofthofe who cannot take them with hands, in his judicial procedure againft rhem. Hence I argue, if Tyrants are to be dealt with as thorns^ that cannot be taken with hands, but to he thruft away by violence, then, when we are not in cafe to thruft them away, .we muft let them alone, and • not "meddle nor make with them, and fo muft not own them, for we cannot own them without meddling, and without being pricked to our hurt; but the former is true: therefore,— - .Of this fame nature, another threate- ning confuting the pretence of the Prince's impunity, may befubjoined out of pfal. Ixxxii. <5, 7. I have/aid, Te are gods, and all of you are children of the Mofi High> but ye pall die like men, and fall as one of the -princes. From which words the learned Author of the Hiflory of the Douglajfesy Mr. David Hume of Godf craft, in his dif- courfe upon Mr. Craig's Sermon, upon the words, doth ftrongly prove, that the fcope is to beat off all Kings, Princes and Rulers, from trie conceit of impunity for their tyrannical dominations ; that they muft not think to domineer and do what they lift, and overturn the foundations or fundamental laws of kingdoms, be- caufc they are gods; as if they were thereby uncontrou- lable, and above all law and punifhment: no, they muft know, that if they be guilty of the fame tranfgref* fions of the law, as other capital Offenders, they Jball die like other men> and fall as Princes y who have been formerly punifhed. It is not to be reftric"ted to a threat- Ding of mortality; for that is unavoidable, whether chey judge juftly or unjuftly, and the fear thereof ufual- ly hath little efficacy to deter men from crimes punifh- able by law : neither can it be underftood only of the Lord's immediate hand taking them away, exelufive of ; atcos legal puaifhracot; for cxprefly they arc threat- Is? f at 4
4JQ Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority.
tied to die like common men, and to be liable to the like? punifhment with them : now> common men are not on- ly liable to the Lord's immediate judgment, but alfo to mens punifhment. Hence, if Tyrants and Overturn- crs of rhe foundations of the earth, muft be punifhed as other men, then when they are fuch, they cannot be look- ed upon as righteous Rulers, for righteous Rulers muft
not be punifhea ; but the former is true : therefore, •
According to thefe Scriptures, which either exprefs or imply a precept to have no refpeel: to Princes in judg- ment, when turning criminals, we find examples of the peoples punifhing Amaziah, &c. which is recorded with- out a challenge, and likewife Athaliah.
2. There is a precept given to a humbled people, that liave groaned long under the yoke of Tyranny and op-
Sreffion, enjoining them, as a proof of their fincerity in umiliation,tobeftir themfclyesin fhaking off thofe evils they had procured by their fin, Ifa. 1'viii. 6. Is not this the f aft that I have chofen, to loofe the bands of nvickednefsy to undo the heavy burdens ', and to let the opprejfed go free? and that ye break every yoke ? which are all good works of Juftice and Mercy, and more acceptable to God, than high flown pretences of humiliation, under a ftupid fub- miffion, and hanging down the head as a bulruffc. We fee it then a duty to relieve the opprefTed, and to rcprefs Tyranny, and break its yoke. If it be obje&ed, (i) That thefe are fpiritual fronds and yokes, that are here commanded to be loofed and broken ; or if any external he meant, they are only the yokes of their exaftions and ufuries. For Anfw. I grant, that it is the great duty of a people humbling themfelves before the Lord, to break off their (ins by righteoufnefsy and their iniquity, by {helv- ing mercy to the poor, Dan* iv. 27. but that this is the on- ly duty I deny; or that this is the genuine and only lenfe of this place, cannot be proved, or approved by the lcope; which is, to prefs them to thofe duties they o- mitted, whereby the poor opprefTed people of God might be freed from the yokes of them that made them to howl, and to bring them to the conviction of thofe fins for which the Lord was contending with them, whereof this was one, that they exaffed all their Labgurs,or things
where-
Concerning owning ofTyrants AutJcorliy, 4^f
wherewith others were grieved ( as the margin reads ) or fuffered the poor to be oppreiTed. (2) If it be alled- ged, that this is the duty proper to Rulers to relieve the oppreiTed, QPc. I anfwer, it is fo; but not peculiar to them : yet mod commonly they are the Oppreffbrs themfelves, and caft out the poor, which others mud take into their houfes. But the duty here is preiTcd upon all the people, whofe fins are here cried out againft {ver. i .) upon all who profeiTed the fervice of God, and asked the Ordinances of JuMice (ver. 2.) upon all who were failing and humbling themfelves, and complained they had no fuccefs (ver. 3.) ; thereafons whereof the Lord difcovers (juer. 4, 5-)j whereof this was one, that they did not loofe thofe bands, nor break thefe yokes, nor relieved the opprefled ; and thofe works of Juftice {ver 6.) are prefled upon the fame grounds, that the works of Mer- cy are prefTed upon {per. 7 ) ; fure thefe are not all, nor only Rulers. Hence I argue, If it be a dutv to break e- very yoke of oppreffion and tyranny, then it is a duty ro come out from unHer their fubjedtion ; but the former is true : therefore alfo the latter.
3. Tn anfwer to that grand objection of the Jews fuhje&'wn to Nebuchadnezzar, I fhewed what little weight or force there is in it. And herelfhall take an ar^umeric from that fame paffage. TheLord commands his pe pie there, to deferr and difown Zedekiah, who was the Pot fefTor of the Government at prefent, and fays, It wa the <tvay of life to fall to the Chaldeans, Jer. xxi. 8, 9. which was a falling away from the prefent King. Either this commanded fubjedion to the Chaldeans is an univerfcl precept ; or it is only particular at that time If it be tmiverfal, obliging people to fubjeft themfelves to every Conqueror, then ir is alfo univerfal, obliging people to renounce and difown every Covenant-breaking Tvrart, as here they were to fall away from Zedekiah : if it be only particular, then the owners of tvrannv hive no advantage from thi\ paftage. And I have advantage, ft far a< the ground of the precept is as moral, a< tfce rea- fon of that punlfhment of Zedekiah, which was his perfi- dy and perjurv. Hence, if the Lord hath commanded to difown a Kin^ breaking Covenant, then at lcaft h w>
F f 2 not
*45s -Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority*
net ■ infolerir or unprecedented to do fo; but here ths
Loid hath commanded to difown a, King: therefore, «.
Fourthly, We may have many confirmations of this truth from Scripture fraclices approven.
1. I was but hinting before, how that after the death of that brave Captain and Judge Gideon, when Abimelechy the Con of bis Whore, did jirjl afpire into a Monarchy^ which heperfuadedjhe filly Shechemites taconfent to, by the fame argument, which Royaliits make fo much of, for aliening the neceffity of an hereditary Monarchy, [Whether is it better for you, either that all the fons of Je- rubbaal - reign over you, or that one reign over you O
and by bloody cruelty did ufurp a monarchical or rather tyrannical Throne of Domination, founded upon the blood of his feventy Brethren, (as we know, whofc Throne is founded upon the blood of all the Brethren he had,) foiham,, who efcaped, fcorncd to put his truft under thefhadow of fuch a bramble, and they that die! fubmit, found his parable verified, a mutual fire recipro- cally confuming both the ufurping King and his traite- rous fubje&s : neither did all the godly in Ifrael fubmit to him. See VooVs Synopf. Critic, on the place, fud. ix. Here is one exprefi example of difowoing a Tyrant and Ufiirper.
2. I fhewed before, how, after the period of that Theo- cracy> which the Lord had maintained and managed for fome time in great Mercy and Majcfty in and over his people, they itching after novelties, and affecting to be neighbour-like, rejected the Lord in dellring a King ; and the Lord permitting it, gave them a King in wrath, (the true Original and only Sandion of tyrannical Mo- narchy), when the Characters of his Tyranny, prefa- ced by Samuel, were verified in his afpiring into a great deal of abfolutenefs, efpecially in his cruel perfe- cting of David, not only the 600 Men that were Da* vid*$ Followers ftood out in Oppofition to him, but, in the end, being, weary of his Government, many brave and valiant Men, whom the Spirit of God commends and defcribes very honourably, fell. off from Saul, even while he was actually tyrannizing, before he was dead, I Chon. xiL 1, ©V. They came to David to Ziklag,
r while.
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 455
While he yet kept himfclf clofe, becaufe of Saul the Son of Kifei (N. B. now he is not honoured with the Name of King), they were armed with bows, and could ufc both the right hand and the left. And of the Gadhes, there feparated themfelves unto David Men of might, fit for the battel, that could handle fhield and buckler, whoft faces were as the faces of lyons, ver. 3. And the Spirit came upon Amafai Chief of the Captain*, faying, Thing are we David, and on thy fide , thou Son of Jeff e. Here was a formed revolt from Saul unto David before he was King; for after this he was made King in Hebron, and there could not be two Kings at once. Hence I ar- gue, if people may feparate themfelves from, and take part with the Refifter, againft a Tyrant ; then they may difown him, (for if they own him (till to be the Miniftcr of God, they muRnot refift him, Rom. xiii. 2,). But here is an example that many people did feparate themfelves from Saul, and took part with the Refifter David : therefore*' -.Here two of the firft Monarch*
of Jfrael were difbwned, Abimelech and Saul.
3. The firft hereditary SuccefTor was likewife difbwn- ed, as was hinted above likewTife. The ten tribes offer to Covenant with Rehoboam, in terms fecuring their rights and liberties. They defired nothing on the mat- ter, but that he would engage to rule over them accord- ing to the Law of God; co which, when he anfwered moft Tyrannically, and avowed he would Tyranmfe o- verthem, and opprefs them more than any of his Prede*- ce/Ton, they fell away from him, and eredled themfelves into a new Commonwealth, 1 King. xii. 16. So when Jfrael faw that the King hearkned net unto them, they an-* fevered3 What -portion have we in David 1 Neither have we Inheritance in the Son of Jeff e ; to your texts, Q Ifrael; vow fee to thine own houfe David, 2 Chron. x. 16. Now, however the event of this declared Revolt proved for- rowful, when they and their new King made defection unto Idolatry, yet if they had ftated and managed it righf, the cauie was good, juftifiable, and commendable. For; (1) We find nothing in all the text condemning this. (2) On the contrary, 'tis exprefly (aid; The Caufe was from the Lord, that he might perform lis faying, which he
/pake
454 Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority,
/pake by Ahijahy I King. xii. 1 5. 2 Chron. x. 1 5. And (3) When Rehoboam was preparing to puriuc his pretend- ed right, he was reproved and difcharged by Shemaiah, Te pall not go. upy nor fight again ft your Brethren y for this thing is from mey 1 King. xii. 24. 2 Chron, xi. 4. (4) Wherea it is alledgcd by fome, that this was of God on- ly by his Providence, and not by his Ordinance ; the contrary will appear, if we coniider how formally and Covenant-wife the Lord gave ten Tribes co Jeroboam^ I King, xi. 35, 37, 38. I will take the Kingdom out of his Sons handr and I will give it unto iheey even ten Tribes ; and I will take theey and thou /bait reign according to all that thy Soul defireth, and fi alt be King over Ifrael ; and it jball be, if thou wilt hearken unto all that I command theey #nd wilt walk in my ways, and do that which is right-in my fight y to keep my ftatutes and my commandmentsy as David my fervant didy that I will be with theey and build thee a fare houfey as I built for Davidy and will give Ifrael unto thee. Where we fee the Kingdom was given unto hirn on the fame Terms and Conditions, that ic was given to David, }ic may indeed give Kingdoms to whom he will, by providential grant, as unto Nebuchadnezzar y and others ; but he never gave them a Kingdom upon theie Conditions, and, by way of Covenant, that does always imply and import his Word, Warrant, and Ordinance. (5) If we confidcr the Caufe of the Revolt, we will find jtveryjuft; for after the deceafe of the former King, they enter upon terms of a Compact with the SucceiTor, upon zfufpenjive Condition, to engage into Fealty and Al- legiance to him as fubje&s, if he would give them fecu- rity for their Liberties and Privileges. A very lawful, laudable and neceflTary Tranfadion, founded upon moral Equity, and uppn the fundamental Cbnftitutions of that Government, and fuitable to theconftant pra&ice of their Prcdeccffors, in their covenanting with Saul and David. As for that Word, 1 King. xii. 19. So Ifrael rebelled a- gainft the houfe of David: it is no more than in the mar- gent, they fell away or revolted \ and no more to be con- demned than Hezekiah's Rebellion, 2 Kim* xviii. 7. The lord was with hint, and he rebelled again ft the King of Af- Jyrfo Tbat was a good Rebellion. Hence, if it be
law-
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority* 45 j
lawful for a part of the people to fhake off the King, re- fufc fubje&ion to him, and let up a new King of their own, when he refolveth to play the Tyrant, and rule them after his own abfolute power; then it is a duty, when he actually plays the Tyrant, and by his abfolute Power overturns Laws and Religion, and claims by Law
fuch a prerogative ; but the former is true: ergo • Sec
Jus Populi vindic. Chap. 3. Pag. 52.
4. This fame Jeroboam, when he turned Tyrant and Idolater, was revolted from and deferted by the Priefis and the Levites, and after them out of all the Tribes of Jfrael, by all fuch as fct their heart to feek the Lord God of Jfrael', becaufe that King, degenerating iota Tyranny and Idolatry, had put them from the exercife of their Office and Religion (as our Charles did, and or- dained him Priefts for the Devils, and for the Calves = fo they returned to Rehoboam, being induced by his Ad- miniftration of the Government, which for a time was better then he promifed, for three years he walked im the ways of David and Solomon, t Chron. xi. 13,
1 7. Hence I argue, if Idolatrous Tyrants may be de- ferted, then they may be difbwned; for when they dc- fert them, they difbwn them abroad, in coming under another Government ; and if they may be difbwned a- broad, it is the fame duty at home, tho'may be not the fame Policy or Prudence.
5. Another example of the like nature we have in the reign of Baafba, who fucceeded to Nadab, Jeroboam's Son, whom he flew, and reigned in his ffead, (the fame way that the Duke came to the Throne) for he could not keep his Subjects within his Kingdom, but behoved to build Ramah, that he might not fuffer any to go out or come in to Afa, King ofjudah, a good Prince, I King. xv. 1 7. yet that could not hinder them, but many Grangers out of Ephraim, and Manajfeh, and Simeon, fell to him in abundance, when they faiv that the Lord his Cod was with him, 2 Chron. xv. 9. Hence, if people may choofe another King, when they fee the Lord is with him, then they may difown their Country King, when they foe the Devil is with him.
6. When Jehoram, the Son of Ahab reigned over if-
raet>
4)5 Concerning owning of 'Tyrants Authority. -
rael, we have an exprefs example of EJi/bas difowmng him, 2 King. iii. 1 4, *5» And Blip a faid unto the King
of Ifrael, What have I to do with thee 1 — . As the Lord
■cfhofls liveth, before whom I ft and, furely were it not that I regard the prefence tf/Jehofhaphat the King fl/Judah, I would not look toward thee, nor fee thee. ■ Here he declares lb much contempt of him, and fo little regard, that he difdains him a look. And if he would not regard hims fior give him honour, then he did not own him as king; for all Kings are to be honoured, that are owned to be fCings really. It may be aliedged by fome, that Elifta was an extraordinary man, and this was an extraordina- ry action, and therefore not imitable. I (hall grant it fo far extraordinary, that it is not ufual to carry fo to perfons of that, figure, and that indeed there are few Eli- fids now, not only for his Prophetick Spirit which now is ceafed, but even in refpc& of his gracious Spirit of zcal3 which in a great meafure is now extinguifhed : he was indeed an extraordinary man, and this adion did de- rrionftrate much of the Spirit of Elias to have been a- biding with him. But that this was inimitable, thefc freafons induce me to deny, (1) Prophets were fubjecl to Kings as well as others, as Nathan was to David ( I King* i. 32, 33.) every fbul muft be fubjecl to the higher pow- ers that are t>f God. (2) All the Anions of Prophets were not extraordinary, nor did they every thing by ex^ traordinary irifpiration ; that was peculiar to Chrift, that he could Prophefy., and do extraordinary acts when he
'$>leafed, becaufe he received the Spirit not by meafure, and it refted upon him. (3) This' particular action and carriage was before he called for the Minftrely and before the hand of the Lord came upon him, ver. 15. Ergo, this was not by inspiration. (4) The -ground of this was moral and ordinary, for hereby he only fhewed himfclf to be a perfbn fit to abide in the Lord's Tabernacle, and
' an upright walker, in whofe Eyes a vile Verfon is contem- ned, V&\. xv. 4. And a juft Man, to whom the unjuft'is an Abomination, Prov. xxix. 27. What further can be alledged againft this inftance, I fee nor. And I need draw no argument by confequence, it is fo plain.
7. This fame yehoramy after many fignal demonflra-
tions
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 45}'
rions of the power of God exerted in the Miniftry of his Servant Elifia, which fometimes did extort his acknow- ledgement, and made him call the Prophet his Father, 2 King. vi. a 1. yet, when in the {trait iiege of Samariay he was plagued with famine for his Idolatry, infomuch that the pitiful Mothers were made to eat their own ten- der Children ; became fo infolcnt a Tyrant, that being incenfed into a madnefi of outragious Malice againft the Prophet EIifia> that he fware, Godsto fo to himy and more nJ/oy if the head of Elifha, the Son 0/Shaphat, fbouldfiand on him that day> accordingly he fent a MeiTenger to exe- cute it. But the Prophet, from a principle of Nature, and Reafbn, and Law, as well as grace, and by the Spirit of a man as well as of a Prophet, flood upon his defence, an J encouraged thofe that were with, him to keep out the houfe againft him, faying, See ye ho>zv this Son of a Mur- derer (a proper ftile for luch a Moofler of a King) hath fent to take away mine hetd — rt. 2 King. vi. ^2. This is a ftrcng Argument for felf-defence ; but I improve it thus : if Tyrants may be oppofed as Sons of Murderers, and Murderers themlelves, ^nd no otherwifc to be ac- counted than under fuch a vile Chara&er, than can they not be owned as Kings; but here is an example for the firft : Ergo - - .
8. This man's brother in Law, of the fame name, Jehoram the Ion of yehofiaphat> who had the daughter of Ahab to wife, and therefore walked in the way of the houfe of Ahab) gives us another inftance. He turned Apoftate and Tyrant, and Abimelech-like (or if you will, TbrWike) flew his brethren, and divers alfo of the Princes of Ij rrael', moreover he made high places in the mountains of Judahy andc.uifed the inhabitants of Jerufalem to commit fornication, and compelled fudah thereto : for which caufe of his intolerable infolency in wickedneft, Libnah one of the cities of Pricfts in \ Judaic revolted from hint) 2 Kings, viii. 22. hecaufe he had- fir- fake* the Lord God of his fathers, 2 Chron. xxi. IO which was the motive and impuliive caufc of their difowaing him, and is not to be detorted to that reftridted cavil of Royalifts, understanding it only as the meritorious or procuring caufc of his puiuj(hmcn.t, aad lols fuftained
thereby ;
45§ Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority.
thereby; for it is not £o fa id of the Edomites* who re* Volted at the fame time, as it is mentioned in another paragraph; neither of the Philiftines and Arabians* and Ethiopians* whofc (piritthe Lord ftirred up againft him ; chefc were alfo a punifhmenttohim : nor would it found very fuitably to be fa id, that they oppofed him, becaufe he hadforfaken the Lord Godof his fathers : for that would infinuatefbme influence that his Apoftaiy had on them, as certainly it could not but have on the Lord's Priefts that dwelt in Libnah* who understood by the . Law of God, what was their Duty to do with Inticers, oy Drawers or Drivers to Idolatry: and when they were not incapacity to execute the judgment of the Lord, this was the leaft they could do, to revolt* Here then is an example of a Peoples revolt from a Prince, and difownr- ing Allegiance to him, becauie of Apoftafy and Tyran- ny.
9, In this Kingdom of Judah* after long experience of a fucceffion of hereditary *£yranny in many wicked Kings, the People, after they had long fmarte,d for theiy lazy Loyalty, in their ftupid abandoning, forgetting, and foregoing this privilege of difbwning Tyrants, an<J keeping them in order, began at length to heft ir them- felves in their endeavours to recover their loft Liberties, and reprefi Tyrants Infolencies on feveral occafions ; wherein, though fbmetimes there were extravagancies, when circumftances did mar the Jufticc of the A&ion, and fbme did go beyond their iphere in tumultuary pre- cipitations; yet, upon the matter, it was Juftice, and in conformity to a moral Command. One impregnable witnefs of this we have, in the pious plot of fehoiada thePrieft, who being but a Subject, as all Priefts were (as the depofition ofAbiathar by King Solomon* I Kingsy ii. 27. provcth) entred into an AiTociatian with the infe- rior Rulers, to choofe and make a new King; and not- withftanding that the Idolatrefs and She-tyrant Athaliah* who had thepo/Ieffion of the Government, cried Treafon* Treafon at the fa&, thev had her forth without the ran- ges, and flew her* 2 Kings, xi. 14, 16. This was ac- cording to the Law, Deut. xiii. and approven by all In- terpreters, even Mr, Pool in his Synopjis Critic* though 4-
iberwifa
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 459
therwife fuperlatively loyal, yer approves of this, and fays, fhe was an incurable Idoiatreft, and therefore de- fer ved to be depoled by the Noble* of the Kingdom, and quotes Grotius tn /^.faying [Ihc reigned oy meie force, and no right, and therefore juitly leprefled by force; lor the Hebrews were to have Brethren tor their Kings, but not SifterSy Deut. xvii. 15.] Hence if Tyrant* may be forcibly reprefled, then may they peaceably oedifowncd;
but this example confirms that : therefore — .
10. The facred Hiftory proceeds in the Relation, how this fame Joafi) the fon of Ahaziab, after he degenerated into murdering Tyranny, was fLin by fozachar and Je- ftozabady 2 Kings, xii.2o, 21. but that was by his own Servants in private Aflaffination; therefore they are cal- led Murderers by Amaziah his Son, 2 Kings, xiv 5, 6. but upon the matter it was the juitice of God, which he deferved (if it had been duly execute) for the olood of the Son of Jehoiada the Prieit, 2 Chron. xxiv. 25. So A" mon the Son of Manajfeh> for his walking in the way of his Father in Idolatry and Tyranny, and foifaking the Lord God of his Fathers, was f 1 a i n in his own houle by his Servants, who confpired againft him; but though this was Juitice alfo upon the matter, and confonant to the Command for puniftiieg Idolaters and Murderers, yet becaufe defective in the manner, and done by them that took too much upon them, in a perfidious way of private A/Taffination and Confpiracy, therefore the people of the land punifhed them for it, 2 Kings, xxi. 25, 24, But the reprefling and pumfhing of Amaziah i* a more unex- ceptionable Inftance. The People made a Confpiracy a> gainflhim in Jerufalem, and he fled to Lachifh', but they fent after him to Lachifh , and flew him there, 2 K n s, xiv. 19. after the time that he turned away from fol- lowing the Lord, 2 Chron. xxv. 27. which was according to the Command, Deut. xiii. which hath no ex^epciun of Kings in it. This Adtion was not queftioned either by the People or his SucceiTor, as the foremenuoned Con- fpiracies were. His fon Uzziah fucceeding, who did right, and confulted the Lord (2 Chron. xxvi. 4, 5.) did not refent nor revenge his Father's death; which cer- taiely he would have done, by advice of Zechariah, who
had
466 Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority*
had underflanding in the vifions of God, jif it had been si tranlgreffion. The famous and faithful Mr. Knox doth clear this paffage beyond contradiction, in his conference with Lithingtoun. Hence I take an Argument a fortiori) If People may confpire and concur in executing Judgment upon their King turning Idolater and Tyrant, then much more may they revolt from him ; but this example clears the Antecedent : therefore.
II. The fame power and privilege of peoples punifh- !ng their Princes, was exemplified in the SuccefTor of him laft mentioned, to wit, in XJzziah the fom of Ama- ziahy called Az&tiah, 2 Kings, xv. when he degenerated into the ambition of arrogating a Syprcmacy in Caufes Ecciefiaftick and Sacred, as well as Civil, his heart was lifted up to his deftruftion, for he tranfgrefled againft the Lord his God, and went into the Temple of the Lord to burn Incenfe. In which Ufer pat ion he was re- filled by Azariah the Prieft, and with him fourfcore Priefts of the Lordv that were valiant men, who with- ftood him, and told him, it did not appertain to him to take upon him fo much, and bade him go outoftheSan- ifiuary, or clfe it fhould not be for his honour. Which indeed he ftomached at as an affront, to be controuleJ and refifted ; but in'thinking to refent it, he was plagued of the Lord with leproly; which the Pricfts looking up* ©a, they thruft him out from thence : and thereafter fe* ^ueftred him from all Supremacy, both that which he had before ip things Civil, and that which he was aire- €Hng in matters facred; for he was made to dwelj/ in a feveral houfe, being' a leper, (the Law including > and here execute upon, trie King as well as the geggar) and to relign the Government into his Son Jotharns hands, 5£ Chron. xxvi. 1 6— 21.' whereat- appears, he was not only excommunicated by a ceremonial punifhrnent, but alfo de« fofed judicially. Whether he voluntarily demitted or not, iz is to no purpofe to contend ; 'tis evident, that by the Law of God, the actual exercife of his power was re- moved, whether with his will or againft ity it is all one; and that he was punifhed both by; God and by men is undeniable. Yea, in this his punifhment was very gentle, and far fhort of the fevcrity of the Law : for by the Law
he
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority, 4$ I
lie fhould have been put to death., for intermeddling witf* thefe holy things,interdic~red to all but to the Pricfts, uadec pain of death, Numb, iii 10. Numb, xviii. 7. Tkefiranget that cometh nigh (ball be put to death. All were itrangers that were not Priefts. Whence I argue, if a Price;:, foe his Ufurpation beyond his line in things facred, may by the Priefts be excommunicated, and by the People de- pofed ; then may a Prince, not only ufurping a Supre- macy (as Charles did) but an abfoluce power of overturn- ing all things, Sacred and Civil (as James doth) and op- prefling his Subjects in all their Liberties, be difowned, afortiori, for that is le/s than deponng or dethroning;
but this Example clears the Antecedcat; therefore .
See KnoxV Difcourfe to Lethington. Lex Rex, guefi. 44. Seel. 1 5. J. 461. Jus popul chap. $. p. 56.
12. What if I fhould adduce the example of a King's rebellion againft, and revolt from a fuperior King, to whom he and his fathers both acknowledged themfelves iubject 1 Surely our Royalifts and Loyal ifts would not condemn this ; and yet in juftifying it, they fhould con- demn their beloved principle of uocontrouled fubje&ion to uncontroulable Sovereign's pofleiTing the Government. A- Jjaz became fervant to the AJfyrian Monarch, 2 Kings. xvi. 7. yet Hezekiah hisfony when the Lord was with fiim, and he profpered — — rebelled again fi the King ofAf- fyriay and he ferved him not> 2 Kings xviii. 7. Hezekiah was indeed a King; but he was not Sennacherib' 's King ; lie acknowledges himfelf his vzffa\y and that he offended in difbwning him, ver* 14. which certainly was his fin againft the Lord,, to make fuch an acknowledgment • for ifhis father's tranfaction with the AJfyrian was fin, then it was duty to break the yoke ; if the Lord was with him in that rebellion, then it was his fin to acknow- ledge it to be his offence : and to make good this ac- knowledgment, it was certainly his fin to commit facri- lege, in robbing the Houfe of God, to fatisfy that Ty- rant. By way of Supplement, I fhall add that inftance of repreffing a mad and furious Tyrant, w'hich all will acknowledge to be lawful. Nebuchadnezzar was both ftricken of God with madnefs, and for that was depel- Itd from the Kingdom, according to the heavenly O
rack.
4^2 Coicerning owning cfTyimU Authority*
racle, The Kingdom is departed from thee, and they pall drive thee from men-> Dan* iv. 31—33. Calvin fays upon the place, he wa* eje&ed, as ufually is done to Tyrants, by the Combination of the nobles and people, PooVj Synopfis Critic, in locum* Thus he was unkinged for a time, both by the juft Judgment of God, and by the intermediation of the juft judgment of men ; and could not be owned to be King at that time, when his nails were as birds claws, and he could not tell his own fingers: they could tiot own Jiim to be the Governor then of fb many King- doms, when he could not govern himfelf. Hence, tho* this is an inftance of Heathens, yet, becaufe thev acled u- pon a rational ground, lit may be argued, If Kings, bc- taufe of naturalmadnefi, when they cannot govern rbem- ftlves, may not be owned; then alfb, becaufe of moral roadntfs, when they will not govern but to the deduc- tion of Kingdoms, may not be owned; but the former is true : therefore alfb the latter. The fame reafon againfl the Government of Afles, will alfo militate againft the Government of Tygers, the firft is more eligible than the la ft.
Fifthly y This may be confirmed from feveral promi/es in Scripture.
I. There are many gracious and precious prom ifes 6i Reformation of the Magiftracy, and Reftitution of good Rulers, as a great BlefTwg from God to Mankind, and tt the Church, Ifa. i. 26, I will reft ore thy Judges as at th firft , and thy Counfellors as at the he ginning, afterward thov palt he called the City of Right koufnefs. fP Judges- ihtfft firf be reftorcd before the City can be a City of ftighteouf nefs, then they mult be reftored before we can own tht Government thereof: for that Government, under whicf it cannot be a City of Righteoufnefs, cannot be owned fince it is no Government, but a Rebellion and Combi nation of Thieves, fie w. 23. I do not here reflricl: tht proroife, as it is a Prophecy, to its exaft fulfilment, a if no Government were to be owned but what anfwer this promife, of the rcftitutionof the primitive order 6 Maeiftrates ; but I plead, That when the Princes are re bellious, and companions of Thieves, the Government i not to be owned, tilt Judges be fo far reftorcd, as to re
duo
Cdncetmng iwning of tyrants Authority. 6fi%
Alice righteoufhefs in fomc meafure, which cannot be Lindcr Tyranny. And in rhe general I may plead, That lone is to be owned as a Magistrate, but who fome way is found in a promife; for there is no ordinance of God, no duty, no bleifing, no good thing, either to be done or rnjoyed, but what is in a Promife ; but Tyranny, or awning of Tyrants, or fubjettion to Ufurpers, is not, nor rannot be in a promife. We have many other promifes ibout Magiftrates, as, that the Lord will be for a Spirit of judgment to him that fitteth hi Judgment, if a. xxviii. 6. \ Tyrant cannot be capable of this happinefs, nor we un- ler Tyranny, nor any while they own them. Kings fhali >e the Churches nurfing-fathers> and their Queens her lurfing-mothers, Ifa. xlix. 23. Kings are not always fb, )ut all Kings to be owned are fuch as can be ^o, at leaft hey are never to be owned when they turn deftroyers of vhat they ftiould nourifh ; but Tyrants can never be ^ourifhers. Ic is promifed to the Lord's people, if they .vill hearken diligently unto the Lord, and keep the Sabbath, then fhall there enter into their gates Kings and Princes, fer. xvii. 24, 25. And if they will execute Judgment and Righteoufhefs, and deliver the fpoiled out >f the hand of the oppreffor, QPc. they fhall obtain the ame bleifing, *fer. xxiii. 5, 4. But ic is never promifed, neither doth it ever come to pafs in Providence, that hefe duties procured Tyrants. There arc many other >romifes to the fame purpofe : from whence may be con- :Iuded, the Lord will not always leave his people to lowl under ineluctable Tyranny, but will accomplifh heir deliverance in his own time and way, though we ire not to look to miracles. Whence I argue, 1. Since ill the Ordinances of God, and Rulers in a fpecial man- ner, are appointed and promifed as bleflings, thefe can- lot be owned for his ordinance, which are not bleflings, >ut curfes. 2. That which would vacate and evacuate ill the promifes of Magiftracy, cannot be a Doclrine of 3od ; but this that obliges to own Tyrants and Ufurp- :rs, as long as they are up, would vacate and evacuate ill thefe promifes of Magistracy : for, except the Loro! work miracles, (which are not in the promife) and do ill without means, thev cannot be accomplifhed. For
if
$6*4 Concerning owning of Tyrants ^Authority
if any means be ufed, they muft be fuch as will infer diC- cwning of Tyrants ; for Magiftrates cannoc be reftored, except Tyrants be removed ; and whatever way they be removed without miracles, by others or their own fub~ je&s, they muft Hill be difbwned, and that before they be removed : for if they be to be owned before their re moval, if they exift, cannot make them to be difovvned: idifpofleffion cannot take away their right, if they have it before.
2. There are many promifes of breaking the yoke ol Tyrants, Ifa, x. 27. His burden pall be taken away from off thy pouldet , and his yoke from off thy neck. And ir that promife of the Church's deliverance and enlarge inent, wherein they are prophetically urged and ftirrec up to fome activity in co-operating with the providence IfaAii. 1, 2. They are called to awake, and put on flrengtl and their beautiful garments — and to pake themfelve from the dufl — — and to rife and loofe themfelve s from th bands of their neck, that were captives. Here is not onl; a promife of deliverance, or a ground of encouragemen what the Church may expedl, but a promife of, and di redtion for their being active in delivering themfclves, a men, from the encroachments that were made on thei human Liberties, that they fhould loofe themfclves fror thefe bands . Whofe bands ? from their bands that n led over them, and made them to howl, and the Lord Name to be blafphemed, (ver. 5.) Here's a promife c breaking the band/ of Rulers, by them who howled ur der. their fubjedtibn. And italfo includes a precept, tfa people fhould not ftay any longer under thefe yoke than they can (hake them off, or flip from under then Hence we fee we are not to ly ftupidly fleeping, or finfc ing in the ditch, expecting the accomplifbment of th promife of Deliverance ; but are to endeavour aftivcl) in dependence upon the Lord's Afliftance, to deliver ou felves. Hence we may argue, 1. A promife by way 0 Command, That a people under bands of oppreffing Ru lers (hall roufe themfelves up to loofe themfclves fror them, implies and infers a promife and a duty of di: owning thofe Rulers (for otherwife they cannot belooJ ed from their fubjeftion.) But'lterc is a promife by wa
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 46" ;
fcf Command, thar a people under bands of opprefling Rulers ill all rouic themf elves up co loofe thcmfe!ves.front them: Er^o— -. 2. Ifrhe removal of Tyranny and U- furpation be promised as a bleffing, then thofe can never be owned to be the Ordinance of God ; lor the removal of that can never be a bleffing ; but in thefe promifcs we fee the removal of thofe is promifed as a bleiling : there- fore they can never be owned.
Sixthly, To the fame purpofe we may citcfome Threat- Yiings, that will confirm the fame Truth.
I. There arc many threatnings againft Tyrants them- lelves. There arc two mentioned, Jer* xxii. that feerrt patly to quadrate, and near of a piece with our Mifru- lers ; both becaufc of the demerit of the threatning, and the likenefs of the judgment threatned. The ground of it was building their houfe by unrighteoufnefs, and their chambers by wrong, ver. 1 3. And fevcrally they arc threatned : Jehoiakim with the burial of an Afs unlament- ed,vcv. iS, 79. Coniah with a life without profperity, and a death without ifTue to fucceed, ver, 30. The firft of thefe is verified in the elder of our Royal Brothers, the laft is like to be of both. But that which I take no- tice of is, firft, the demerit, building their houfe by un- righteoufnefs, on which Whitehall is built with a wir- nefs : and particularly it is noted of Jebviakim, as his crimfon fin (to which his fbn Jehciachin or Coniah fer- ved himfelf heir) that he burnt Jeremiah's Roll, cr Caules of Wrath; fo did our Dominators burn the Caufes of Wrath ( a book written by the Commiflion of the Gene- ral AfTembly) and the Covenants. Then I note thefe word>, ver. I 5. Shalt thou reign becaitfe thou clofefl thy [elf in Cedar, &c. It is certainly not fit for us to fay, He fall reign, of whom the Lord fays, He fall not reign \ but when we own the authority of thofe whom the Lord threatens they fhall not reign, we fay, They fhallreion; for we fay,They have a right ro reipn, and own ourfelves obliged to do all that is required in our capacity to per- petuate their rei^n. There is a terrible threatning a- gainir Zedekiah, Ezek. xx. 25 — 27. Thou profane (or as fone translate it, Thou worthy to be killed, Pcol.'Synopf Crit- in lotum^) wicked Prince of Ifrael-^— Thus faith the Lord
G g God}
466 Concerning owning oj f Tyrants Authority,
Cod, Remove the Diadem, take off the Crown* this fb all noi be the fame* exalt him that is low* and ah of e him that is high', I will overturn* overturn* overturn it* and it pall he no more until he come whofe right it is* and I will give it him.. Than which nothing can be more applicable to our Princes, who are profane, and the patterns and patrons of it* whcie Diadem che Lord will remove ; and if he threaten it, wo to them that contribute to hold it on. We lie here a profane and wicked Prince threatned to be o- vei turned muft not be owned, becaufe he hath no right ; but our excommunicate Tyrant, is a profane and wic- ,
Jcei Prince, threatned to be overturned : "Ergo* : — • '
There is another dreadful Threatning againft Tyrants, & Amosiv. 1,2. Hear this word ye kine of Baft an > which op-
prefs the poor* which crufb the needy The Lord God
bath fwornhy His Holinefs, that lo the days (Ij all come upon you, that He will take you away with hooks* and your po- Jlerity with fifi-hooks. Shall we own trhefe, againft whom the Lord hath engaged His Holinefs by Oath fb folemn- • ly* that He will nfh them with hooks ? We may fear if there be fuch a tie as Allegiance between them and us, that that fame hook which fifhcs them may alfb catch us ; as it is fa id of Pharaoh and his fubje&s, when he i$r hooked, then his jtfb flick unto his fcalesy and he and they are left in the Wildernefs, Ezeh xxix. 4, 5. that is,. as Grptius expounds it, whoever are of his Community jThali be Conforts in his Calamity, Pool Critic, in locum. If we then own them, we muft be of their Community, a»d fo partake of their Judgments.
2. There are many threatnings againft illimited Loy- alty y. and thofe who had more of that thau Religion : for this Bphraim was broken in Judgment, hecaufe he wil- lingly walked after the Commandment* Hof. v. u. And becaufe the Statutes of Omri were kept, and the works of the houfe of Ahah* therefore the Lord threatens to make them a Defblation, Micah vi. ult. And among other Threatnings againft the men of fuch univerfal Loyalty, s that is not,able, Hof, x. 5. Now ye (ball fay, We have no king, hecaufe we feared not the Lord* what then fbould 4 king do to us ? It is the juft punifhment of wicked Loy- alty, that prefers the fear and favour of Kings to the
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority] 46)
fear and favour of God, that at length they are brought to that pafij that either they have no Kings at all to look to, or elie they have fuch of whom it may be faid, they are no Kings in effeft ; for they cannot ad the part of Kings to them that truft in them. Hence, 1. If co have really no Kings be a punifhment, then fuch Kings as arc a punifhment cannot be owned to be Kings ; for to have them cannot be a punifhment, if the want of them be a punifhment. 2. If thofe that have the name of Kings, that can do no good, be no Kings; then Tyrants that can do no good, but a great deal of hurt, muft be rec- koned no Kings alfb ; but here 'tis threatned, people that had Kings, that had the Name, but could do no good, fhould reckon they had no Kings : therefore much more may Tyrants be reckoned to be no Kings, who can do no good, but a great deal of hurt.
Seventhly y This Truth is confirmed 'from Scripture Prayers', whereof there are many againft Tyrants, none for them. Hence we argue, If we are not to pray for Tyrants, then w'e are not to own them ; for we are to pray for all that are in Authority, I Tim. ii. 2. But we arc not to pray for Tyrants : Ergo, wc are not to own them. The Minor now muft be proved. And this leads me to another fubordinate Queftion, which hath alfo been a head of fufrering to fbme ferious Seekers of God in our Land of late.
The profane Emi/Taries of this and the late Tyranr, fent out with bloody Commiffions to hunt after the Lord's hidden ones, in order to murder all whom they might meet with, that made Confcience of adhering to every part of the prefent Teftimony ; among other trap- ping Queftions to difcover their prey, they ufed to put this to them as a difcriminating Shibboleth, and TeiTera of owning the prefent Tyranny, will you fay, Godfave the King? And for refufing this, many have been cruel- ly murdered in the Fields; and many before their bloody Judicatories, have for this been arraigned and condem- ned, and executed to the Death. Wherefore to this fomewhat muft be faid, I. Byway of Conceflion. 2, By way of Vindication, of fcrupliog it, aad fuifering u- pon ir,
C g 2 £hjt.
£6*8 Concerning owning ofTyrdnif Authority.
Firfi, In the general, it will be neceiTary to premie bf way of Conceffton, I. It is duty to pray, fupplicate, and intcrceed for all men, I Tim. ii. I. not colle&ively conii- dered, nor diftributively for every one univerfally with- out exception, but indefinitely and indifcriminately, for the kinds of every individual, lor all forts and fexes, of whatfocver Nation or Religion, yew or Gentile, Chri- fiian or Infidel, sot excluding any for thefe diftinftions : and not only fo, but for every individual of the Kinds, alfo conditionally, if they be among thofe all whom the JLord will have to be favedy vcrf. 4* If they be among thofe all for whom the Mediator gave himfelf a vanfom to be tefiified in due time, vterf. 5, 6. if they have 41101 finned the fin unto death, for which we are not bidden pray, 1 John v. 16*. Which, becaufe we know not par* ticurarly who are guilty of it, Charity will oblige us toV take into our Prayers many that may never be the better of them ; yefc it is neceiTary that we pray in Faith, fof what, or whomfoever we pray; at lcaft, if I may fo call it, we muft have a negative Faith, aj belief that they Iiave not finned that fin unto death; which we cannot have of all, there being fome whofe demonftrations of defperate difplays of affronted Wickednefs, and hatred of Godlincfs, may give ground to doubt of it, as Chri- ftians had ot Julian the Apoflate. 2. We are obliged to love our Enemies, to blefs them that curfe us, to do good to them that hate us, to pray for them that defpite fully life and perfecute us, Matth. v. 44. Accordingly our Ma- iter, who commanded this, did give us a Pattern to imi- tate, when he prayed, Father forgive them for they know wot what they do, Luke xxiii. 34. And his faithful Martysr Stephen, prayed for hi? Murderers, Lord lay not this fin to their charge, A£t. vii. the laft verfi We arc to picy them, and not to feek vengeance againft them, for any injuries they can do to us. Yet, as this doth not inter1- fere with a holy and zealous appeal to God for rights ifig, and refenting, and requiting, the wrongs done to us* that he may vindicate us and our Caitfe, and make them repent of their injuries done to us, to the Glory of Godr, and Conviction of Onlookers, and Confufion of them- fclves, which may well confift with mercy to their Souls; ' ' . " fo
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority* 46^
Jb all wc can pray for them in their oppolltion to us, is in order to their Repentance, but never for their Pro- sperity in that Courfe. And we may well imitate, evert againft our enemies, that Prayer of Zechariah's, The Lord look upen it and require it, 2 Chron. xxiv. 22. But we arc never to pray for Chrift's fiated Enemies, as to the bulk of them ; and under that formality as his enemies : for we muft not love them that hate the Lord, 2 Chron. xix. 2. but hate them, and hate them with a perfeB hatred^ P/al. exxxix. 21, 22. We are to pray for the cleft a- mong them, but only to the end they may efcape the vengeance, which we are obliged to pray for againft them. 5. We are not to exfecrate our enemies, or ufe imprecati- ons againft any, out of bind Zeal, or the paflionate or revengeful motions of our own hearts : our Lord rebuk- ed his Difciples for fuch prepofterous zeal, Luke ix. 55. Te know not what manner of Spirit ye are of', but againft the ftated and declared enemies of Chrift, as fuch and while fuch, we may well take a pattern from the imprecatory Prayers of the Saints recorded in Scripture; fuch as da oot peremptorily determine about the eternal State of par- ticular perfbns : which determinations, except wc be extraordinarily acled by the fame Spirit, whofe dilates thefe are, are not to be imitated by us. Wc find fevc- ral forts of Imprecations in the Pfalms and other Scrip- tures : fome are imitablc, fomc not ; fbme are Propheti- cal, having the force of a Prophecy, as David* s PfaL
xxxv. 4. Let them be confounded that feek after my
Soul. Let Deftru&ion come upon him, Pfal. lv. 15.
Let them go down quick to Hell. And Jeremiah, Chap,
xvii. 18. Let them be confounded that perfecute me, — •
defiroy them with double deftruclion* Without this pro- phetical Spirit, determining the Application of thefe threatnings to particular perfbns, wc may not imitate this Percmptorinefs. Some arc Typical of Chrift's Medi- atory devoting his Enemies to deftru&ion; who as he interceeds for his friends, fb, by virtue of the fame Me- rits (by them trampled upon) he pleads for vengeance againft his enemies : which Mediatory Vengeance is the moft dreadful of all Vengeances, (Heb. x. 29.) So alfb, Pfal, xl. He whofc Bars were opened, and who faid, h I
C0771C)
47^ fconceymng owning of Tyrants Authority.
come,* " verf. 6> 7. (that is Cbrift) does imprecate
(ha me, and confufion, and defblation, verf. 14, 1 5. As alfb, Pfal. cix. the Pfalmift pcrfbnatcs CUhrift, complain- ing of, and imprecating againft, his enemies, particular- ly Judas the Traitor, verf. 8, It muft be dreadful to be under the dint of the Mediators Imprecations; and alfo dreadful to clafli with him in his Interceffions, that is, to apprecate for them againft whom he imprecates, or pray for them againft whom he intercedes. But fome Imprecations againft the enemies of God are imitable, fuch as proceed from pure zeal for God, and the Spirit pf Prayer, as that, Pfah cix. loft verf. Put them in fear, O Lordy that the Nations may know themfelves to be but
men. Pfal. lxxxiii. 16. -fill their faces with (hame
that they mayfeek thy Name. This is to be imitated in general againft all the enemies of God, PfaL cxxix. 5. Let them all be confounded that hate Zton\ without conde- ftending on particular perfbns, except obvioufly and no- toriously defperate, and prefumptively Chrift's implaca- ble Enemies. 4. Touching Magiftrates it is a great du- ty to pray, that God would give us Magiftrates, as he hath promifed for the comfort of his Church, Ifa. i. 26". Ifa. xiix. 2. Jer.xxx. Zl. Promifes fhould be motives and foments of Prayer. We ought to pray againft Anar- chy as a Plague, and with all earneftnels beg of God, that the mercy of Magiftracy may again be known inUn- tain> of which it hath been long deprived. 5. And when we have them, it is a neceiTary Duty to pray for them ; For Kings and for all that are in authority, that we may lead a quiet and "peaceable Life in all Godlinefs and Ho- mefly, 1 Tim. i'u 2. Where it is fpecified, what fort we fhould pray for, and to what end. As we are not to fray for all men abfolutely ; for fome, as they are de^ dared to be out of the precinfts of Chrift's Mediation, lb they muft be out of our Prayers: fo there may be ibme in a dual Rule, that may be excepted out of the verge of the Chriftians Prayers, as was laid of Julian the Apofiate. But he that is a Magiftrate indeed, and in authority, the fubjeds are to pray and to give thanks for him, not as a man merely, but as a Magiftrate. Yea, though they be heathen Magiftrates, Ezra, vi. 10.
We
Concerning owning of Tyrants Autlorhy. 471
We may pray for all in authority, two ways ; as men, and as Kings. As men, we.may pray for their Salva- tion, or Conversion, or taking them out of the way, if they be enemies to ChrhTs Kingdom, according as they areftated; and upon Condition, if it hepflible, and if they belong to the Election of Grace. Though for fuch as are oppofites to the coming of Chrift's Kingdom, as it is a contradiction to the fecond petition of the Lord's Prayer, (thy Kingdom come). So, in the experience of the raoft eminent Wreftlers, they have found lefi faith, and lefs encouragement, in praying for them, than for any other fort of men. If is rare that ever any could find their hands in praying for the Conyerfion of our Rulers. And though we pray that the Lord would con- vince them; yea, and confound them, in mercy to their fouls ; yet this mud never be wanting in our Prayers for Tyrants, as men, that God would bring them down, and caufe Juftice overtake them, that fo God may be glorified, and the Nation eafed of fuch a burden. But if we pray for them as Kings, then they muft be fuch by God's Approbation, and not mere poiTeflory Occu- pants, to whom wre owe no fuch refpeel nor duty. For whatever the Hobbifisy and the rime-fer,ving Caiuifts of our day, and even many good men (though wofully laxe in this point) homologating both Dodtrinally and Pra- ftically their heathenifh Notions, fay to the contrary ; I hope it be in fome meafure made out, that Tyrants are no more the Ordinance of God, nor to be owned as his Ministers and Vicegerents, than the Devil the Prince of this World for the Lord's anointed, or Baal's Priefts for true Minifters. If we pray for them as Kings, we muft pray for their peace, profperiry, and prefervation, that their Government may be bleffed with iuccels, their defigns not fruftrated, nor their deilres d\ [appointed. This we cannot pray for Tyrants, 6. Albeit, we may pray for the Peace of the Nation, and for the Govern- ment thereof, fo far as it may conduce co our own and the Church's Tranquility, that we may live a peaceable and godly Life under it; yet this cannot be extended to the peace of Tyrants, for whom the beft Prayer that we can beftow is, That the Lord would bridle and reft rr. in
them,
472 Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority*
them, that they may not mar the Church's peace. Thajis Command, Jer. xxix* 7. Seek the Peace of the City, whi- ther foever I have can fed you to he carried Captives y ana fray unto the Lord for it, for in the peace thereof pall yon have -peace, is apparent to have been but of a temporary nature, upon occa lion of their Captivity there, until the; 70 years ihould be expired, having it alio declared by Cod, that their own peace was bound up in that of Bar loylons: for after that time they are taught the contrary carriage towards that City, to depart, and pray againil it, and exult and rejoice in its ruin ; O Daughter of Ba- bylon, happy fiall he be that rezvardeth thee as thou haft ferved us, that dafieth thy little ones againfl the Stones* Pfal. exxxvii. 8, 9. The voice of them that flee out of the X>and of Babylon, to declare in Zion the vengeance of the Lord, the vengeance of his Temple, Jer. I. 28. And Jer. li. 35. The violence done to me, and to my fiefi, fa upon Babylon, fiall the inhabitant of Zion fay, And my blood be upon Chaldea, fiall ferufalem fay* Certainly this is not rhe feafon to feek the Peace of Myftical Babylon, but to pray for the deftru&ion thereof, and all its fupporters 5 which we cannot do, if we pray for them that improve, employ, and apply all their power to fupport it, left we pray contradictions ; as many do, who pray againfi Ba- bel's brats, and yet pray for the King ; but the comfort is this, that Nonfenfical Prayers will do little good, little hurt, but to themfelves that pray them.
Secondly, To vindicate the Scruplers and Refufers of iuch compelled and extorted Devotion, in praying for Tyrants, I fhall offer thefe Considerations,
I. The impofed form of it (which as it is found in the original from whence it is taken, is only paraphra- ftically expounded, God fave the King} and moil Cate- chreltically applied to Tyrants, being in the native fenfe of the Words of this Signification, Let the King live ; which is a very improper wifh for men of death, of whom God fays, They (hall die, and the Law fays, They fhould die for their Murders and capital Crimes) snuft be taken either as an Adulatory Complement ; or a Congratulatory Honour ; or a Precatory Benediction, The firflj as it is extorted moft illegally, fo it can be
ren-
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 47$
rendered neither civilly, nor fincercly, nor Chriftianly ; but all ingenuous men would think it a bafe impoiition, to be forced not only to fubject themfelves to their Ty- rannical Opprcffors, but to Hatter them as if they were not fuch. Whatever they may force the Mouth to fpeak diiTcmblingly, they can never compel the heart to think fuch >Vifbes arc due to them ; and fo they can never be Cordial, nor confiftent with Candor ; and to interpofe the holy and dreadful Name of God, in a diflembling Complement, to flatter bafe men, is a horrid mocking of God, and a heinous taking his Name in vain, con- trary to the Third Command. If it be a Congratulation* (as always it is uled in Scripture, and in all cafes for- merly ; being never impofed on men, by way of Com- |>ulfion, before this fet of Tyrants ftarted up, that know they can get no Deference of honeit Men, but by extor- tion) it is the more abominable ; not only for the Hy- pocrify thatis in it, but the blafphemy, in giving thanks for the Promoter of the Devil's Intereft, and the De- ftroyer of Chrift's, and the Liberties of Mankind. What have we to congratulate him for, but for overturning our Laws and Liberties, and oppremng us in mod grie- vous Tvranny ? Be fides, to give the vileft of men, w'hen exalted, any congratulatory honour, is contrary to the fifth Command, as is Chewed above. And it were a/ar- faking of the Law, chus to fraife the wicked, iincc they that keep the Law, will contend with them, Prov. xxviii. 4. If it be a Beneditlion, we cannot beftow it upon one whom our Father curies, our Mother curfes, and all our Brethren. It is no lefs prepofierous to blefs whom the Lord declaredly curfes, than to curfe whom he blefies. The curfe of the Lord is in the houfe of the wicked, Prov. iii. 33. we cannot then blefs that houle. Nor can we blefs them that our Mother curfes, and cries for vengeance a- gainft, as fhe did againlt Nebuchadnezzar, Jer. li. 34, 35. Northern againlt whom the blood of our dc^d Brethren hath a moral cry, How long, O Lord, holy and true, dofi thou not judge and avenge our blood, Revel, vi. 10. And the vexed fpirits of our Brethren, yet howling under the fame yoke, are putting up before the Throne of Grace
the,
4 ?4 Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority.
the feme continued Cry, with inceflfont importunity,*, Bow longy how long frail the wicked triumph ? How long frail they break in -pieces thy people* O Gody to whom venge- ance belongethy Pfal. xciy. I — 4. Yea God hath laici it, and we muft not contradict it in our practice, againft all Tyrants that wreft judgment, and fay unto the wicked^ "Thou art righteousy him frail the people curfey nations frail abhor himy Prov. xxiv. 24, And this muft ftand regiftrcd, as the everlafting Claufe of all Zions haters, to which all her Lovers muft fay, Ameny that they fhall be as the grafs upon the houfe topsy and never have the benefit of the Church's benediction, Pfal.cxxix, 8. Neither do they which goby fay , The blejfing of the Lord be upon you , wer blefs you in the name of the Lord. This one word may be a fufficient Superfedeas from bleffing any of the enemies of God, or of the Church, while acting in a declared op- position to God for the deftruftion of his People and In- ter eft. \
2. Either this— — — . Save the King, as they mouth it, and demand the repetition of it, is a Prayer, or it is not. If not, it muft be a dreadful profanation of the name of God, to be commanded to fpeak to him, and yet not to fray. If it be a Prayer, we would expect another way of dealing with us, if they really dcfired the benefit of our Prayers, than a threatning us wit^h death, if we did it not. And if they did defire it, as Darius didy That we might offer facrifces of fweet favour unto the God of heaveny and pray for the life of the king and of his fonsy E- zra.vi. 10. we could not refufe to pray for him, fb far as might confift with that Prayer of the fame Dariusy in that fame decree, ver, 12. That God may defiroy /xll kings and people y that frail put to their hand to alter and defray the Houfe of God. We can pray no Prayer inconfiflenc with this; and to pray that God would fave this ting, and yet deftroy all Kings that put to their hand againft his houfe, were to pray contradictions. But they know they defcrve no Prayers, and muft force them, if they get them. And all the world knows, that compelled Prayers are no Devotion', and if they be no devotion, triey mud: be fin: impofed Prayers are not the Prayers that God will hear and accept : and if we have not the
faith
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 47 J
*aith of acceptance in them, they muft be fin ; for what- ever is not of faith is fin, Rom. xiv. lafi ver. AH Prayers which God will hear, mud proceed from the heart vo* untarilyand fervently, in Spirit and in Truth, with :hc whole heart ; but impofed and compelled Prayers :annot be fuch, efpecially when they are not only by :hem impofed, but prefcribed as to the form of them : which Sets and Forms prefcribed by men, and fuch men as ufurp a Supremacy over the Church, cannot be fub- jefted to, according to the Word of God, and the Prin- ciples of our Reformation.
3. That infallible Proposition of the Apoftle, Whatfoe- ver is not of faith is fin, muft be urged yet a little further : and that with a reterence, both to the Perfbn required to be prayed for, and to the matter of the duty more ge- nerally. Firft, If we cannot pray for this man, neither as a Chriftian, nor as a King, then we cannot fatisfy this impofed demand ; for it will not fatisfy to pray for him as a Heathen : but we cannot in faith pray for him, cicher as a Chriftian, or as a King. Not as a Chriftian; for befides that he is an excommunicate Apoftate (by a fcntencc, which we believe (rands yet ratified in Heaven, pronounced by a faithful Servant of Chrift) and a Papifiy which, as fuch, can no more be prayed for, than the Tope as Pope \ for whom, and all the limbs of Antichrift, the only Prayer that Proteftants can pray, is, that the Lord would confume him with the fpirit of his mouth, and deftroy with the brightnefs of his coming, 2 Thejf. ii. S. (we cannot reconcile the prayers of fome, that pray againft: the Pope and his fupporters, and upholders of his totter- ing Kingdom, and yet for this his Antichriftian vafTal) his rage and refolution in profecuting a war againft Chrift and his Followers, is fuch, that if we may make Com- panions, our faith will have little more ground to pray for fames, than Chriftians of old could find for Julian the Apoftate. Nor as a King, for that we cannot do, becauie he is none with God's approbation, and may not do, for a very heathen could teach us to pray, that God would deftroy all Kings that put to their hand to alter and deftroy the Houfe of God, Ezra. vi. 12. An J kcfides, in the Second place, with refpett to the matrer
of
47 6 Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority.
of the duty in general ; that cannot, be, in faith, whrchr wants a warrant in the Word, either by precept, promife, or pra&ice; but to pray fox wicked Tyrants and Ene- mies of God, wants a wan^1* in the word, either by precept, promife, or practice : There is no Precept for it, either general or particular, neither exprefs, nor any to which this is reducible : And who dare add without a Precept in the Worfhip of God, either for matter, or manner, or end, what he hath not commanded? For iuch prefumption Nadab and Abihuwcrc defxroyed, Levitt x. I, 2. becaufe they did that which the Lord had not commanded. What command can there be for praying for that, which is againft the preceptive will of God ? But it is againft the preceptive will of God that there ftiould be Tyrants: therefore to pray that thefe may be pre£crvedv in the World, cannot fall under a Command of God* There is no promife for it, which is the foment and foun- , dation of Prayer : we can pray for nothing that we have not a promife for, either general or particular; but we have none, nor can have any, for the Prefervatioa of a plague to us, as Tyrants are. There is no Practice for it in Scripture, to pray for Kings that put to their; hand to deftroy the Houfe of God. Samuel did indeed mourn for Saul> but the Lord reproved him for ir, How., long wilt thou mourn for Saul) feeing X have rejecled him from being King over ifrael? I Sam. xvi. I. belike this reproof was for his praying for SauVs prefervation as King, for other wife we may mourn for wicked Wret- ches, for their Sin and Mifery both. But hence, if the - Lord reprove his Servant for mourning for a King whom he difowned, then we may not pray for fuch a King whom the Lord difowns, as he difowns all Ty- rants, for they are fet up and not by him ; but the an- tecedent is true in that example of Samuel: therefore alfo the Confecjuent, that wre may not pray for them as Kings, whom the Lord difowns.
4. Moreover to confirm this yet further ; that Prayer is not of Faith , and fo lln, which is contrary to the Pre- cepts of God, and his promiles, and the practices of the Saints; but praying for wicked Kings their prefervati- on, is contrary to thefe precepts, promifes, and praftices^
&c*
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 477
&V. Ergo- . Ic is contrary to fome divint > recepts,
both Affirmative and Negative. There is an Affirma- tive precept, prcfcribing what Prayer fhould be uled un- der the Domination otTyrants, that rhey fhould weep and fay, Spare thy people, O Lord, give not thine Heritage to reproach, that the heathen fiou Id rule over them, there- fore (bould they fay among the people, where is their God ? Joel ii. 17. if it be a Reproach to be under Heathefil Rulers, and if we fhould pray that they may not rule, but that our God may fhew himfelf where he is, and who he is, in delivering his people from their Domina- tion ; then it is contrary to this, to pray for the prefer- vation of Tyrants, that do rule over them to their de- struction and reproach : for it is contradictory to pray, chat they may not rule, and that they may be preferved in ruling. There is a negative Precept, prohibiting the falutation of Hereticks and Enemies of the Gofpel, which will condemn this falutation of Heretical Kings : for in the Original, God fave the King, is no more than a fo- lemn falutation, or apprecatory Wifh that he may pro- sper. 2Epift. John. verf. 10, II. If there come any ,
and bring not this DoHrine, neither bid him Godfpeed,
for he that biddeth him Godfpeed, is partaker of his evil deeds. Codfpeed, in the Greek, is the fame with God fave, in the Hebrew. If then we muft not fay, God fave a Heretick; neither muft we fay, God fave an heretical King, or a Po- f)ifh Tyrant, a fworn enemy to the Gofpel ofChrift, and the coming of his kingdom. This is alfo inconfift- ent with that rule and directory of our prayers, com- monly called The Lord's Prayer, not only becaufe it can- not be reduced to any of its petitions, (which are com- prehenfive of all that we are warranted to pray for), but becaufe it is contradictory to the fecond, which is, Thy Kingdom come. The Coming of Ch rift's Kingdom in our land cannot eonfift with the prefervation of the Tyrant's rei^n, which is Satan s rule : for Antichrift's and Satan's kingdom, and Chrift's, cannot be promoted both at once. It may be alfo demonftrated, that it is inconllftent with all the petitions of that perfect form of prayer. With the firft, Hallowed be tU y. am e\ for when they who rule over his people make them to howl, then
T his
4'/8 Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority,
his N^vac continually every day is blafphemed, Ifa- Hi* 5. yea much profaned in the frequent repeating thatim- pofition. With the fecond, Thy Kingdom come ; for when he takes unto him his great power and reigns, then is the time he will defiroy them that dejlroy the earth, Rev,
xi. 17. 18. It is againft the third, Thy Will be done •
for it is againft his preceptive will that there fhould be a throne of iniquity, it fhali not have fellowship with him; as it would have, if according to his will* And therefore Habakkuk pleads from the Lord's holinefs and righteoufnefs againft Tyrants, Habak. i. 13, 14. It is a- gainft the fourth, Give us this day our daily bread, to pray for them that rob us of it, whom the Lord hath fet o* ver us for a plague, to domineer over our bodies, and all the means of life. Nth, ix. 37. The Saints there make 2 complaint of Kings, and pray to remove them, not to fave them: the Church alfii prays againft bafe Rulers on this account, becaufe under them they get their bread with the peril of their lives. Lam, v. 8, o. It is againft the fifth) Forgive us our debts or fins \ for if we pray for taking a- way the guilt of fin, we muft alfo pray for removing the punifhment ; whereof this is one, to be under Ty- rants : and if it be fin which brings on fuch a judgment, then it is fin to pray for the keeping of ic on , and conti- nuing thereof: and though we fhould forgive their fin a* gainft us, yet we ought to complain againft their fins againft God, and the Church, in defiling it, and fhed- ding the blood of the Saints Vfah lxxix. I — -7. It is againft the fixth, Lead us not into Temptation, and deli- ver us from evil : for their Government is a continued tracl: of Temptation, they being a fhare on Mitpah, and a net fpread upon Tabor, Hof. v. I. And if we pray to be delivered from all evil, then we muft pray to be delivered from Tyranny, which is a great evil It is againft the Conclufion alfo, For thine h the Kingdom, ■ ' >and Glory £ Tyrants being ftared in oppofition to the Glory of God. Again, in the next place, It is againft many promifes of giving good Rulers, and of breaking the yoke of Tyrants* (as I cited feveral above); neither of which can confift with the prefervation of Tyrants, if fuch a prayer fhould be anfwercd according to the idol of the heart of the Sup- plicant^
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 4 7 J
flicants : for if God /hould favc this man as long as wc may pray for him as a King, then all the promifes of a Change and Revolution are precluded. Laftly, It is con- trary to the conftant tenor of the Saints Prayers againft the Enemies of God. Deborah prayed upon the deftruc- tion of a Tyrant, So let all thine enemies perift> O Lordy Judg. v. ult. Joiham prayed againft that baftard King, Let fire come out from Abimelech and devour the men of She*
chem, and >— -let fire come out from the men ofshe-
chem and devour Abimelechy ?udg. ix. 20. David prays a- gaiaft Sauly whom he calls Cufi the Benjamite in the Title of pfal. vii. alluding to Kifb his Father, or becaufc he was no better than an Ethiopian, a Cuftite, Amos ix. 7. and could no more change his manners than an Ethiopian can change his skin, yer. xiii. 23. See Pool's Synopf. Cri- tic* in Locum. Where it is proven, that this was Saul ; againft him he prays, that the Lord would awake to judg- ment, Pfal. vii. 6. and that he would break the arm of the wicked and the evil man, Pfal x. 1 5. that he would not flay them, (to wit, fuddenly, or in a common way), left the people forget, but fcatter, and bring them down, and confume them in wrath, that they may not be, tfiac it may be known God ruleth hi Jacob to the ends of the earth, Pfal, lix. 11. 13. This is a Pfalm againft Dogs, verf 6. what- dogs ? Saul and his men watching David See the Title, As alfo it is againft Saul that he prays, chat the Lord would not grant his defires, nor further his devices, and as for the head of them that compaf- fed him about, (which was Saul\ Let the Mif chief of their ewn Lips cover them, Pfal. cxl. 8, 9. There is alfo a pray- er, that the Saints may execute vengeance, and the judg- ment written upon Tyrants, and bind them with chains, Pfal. cxlix, 7, 8, 9. The Church is brought in praying for vengeance againft the Babylonian Tyrant, Nebuchad- nezzar the King of Babylon hath devoured me,
the violence done to me and my fiep be upon Babylon fh all the inhabitants of Zionfay, Jer. li. 34, 35. Paul impre- cates any man that docs not love the Lord Jefus, Let him be Anathema Maranathay I Cor. xvi. 22. and fure no Tyrant, Perfecuter and Subverter of Chrift's Kingdom, can be a Lover of Chrift. The Martyrs, under the fifcr*
fcal
4$t> Concerning owning of tyrants AutUtity,
leal flain for the Word of God, and the f eftimotry which they held, are brought in crying againft the Ty± rants that murdered them, How long ! O Lord> Holy and True y doji thou not judge and avenge our bloody Revel, vi.
9, 10. Which though it be to be understood of a moral cry of blood, as AbeVs blood cried againft Cain ; yet ought to be a pattern of our prayers againft fuch bloody enemies, imbrueing their hands in the blood of our bre- thren,^ for which we ought to pray that the Lord would hafle to make inquiiltion. Durham obferves from this place* that God's people, in a holy way, may pray for vengeance upon Perfecuters.
5. Let us conflder the perfbn and matter, for whom and for what this prayer is extorted. Either it is for the pcrfbnai falvation of James the Papifi : or the Royal prefervation of James the Tyrant. It will not fatisfy to pray, that if it be poflible, and if it werc.the Lord's will, he might be taken to Heaven, that fo we might ke quit of him. Neither were it lawful to pray, rhatj except we prayed firft, that he might repent of this his wkkednefs, if perhaps it might be forgiven him, as Pe- ter direfted Simon Magus to pray for hirnfelf, ABs viii. £2. for it is unlawful to pray for the falvation of a Pa- pift, except upon fuppofition of his repentance and relin- quifhing Popery* We muft pray nothing but according to the Will of God ; and it is not the Will of God, that they that have and keep, and will not part with the Mark of the Beaft, fhould be faved, for he is adjudged of God to drink of the wine of his wrath, Revel xiv. %
10. So we cannot pray for him as a Chriftian, which he is not ; nor as a Papift, except that he may get repen- tance. Nor can we pray for him as a King, which he is not : nor as a Tyrant, except that he may repent of and relinquifh his Tyranny and Ufurpation : for Ty- rants as fuch cannot be faved, no more than Papifts as fuch ; for Tophet is ordained of 61 dy yea for the King it is freparedy Ifa. xxx. 33. . We cannot then pray for his falvation, except we pray for his repentance, and re- linquifhing all his fins, and fb we muft pray for his re- linquifhing his Kingfhip, and that he may ceafe to be King; for that is his fin, that he hath made himfelf
King
Concerning owning of Tyrants Authority. 4$ £
Ring without God, and againft the laws of the land. And now, while he continues fuch, we mud complain in prayer, not for his milgovernment only, but for that lie governs, and defire to be delivered from him. See Gee's Magijlrates Original* pag* 258. But now consider- ing what a man, and what a King he hath been, guilt/ of Murder, Adultery, Idolatry, under fentence of the Law both of God and Man; we can pray no otherwife for him, than for a. Murderer, Adulterer, or an Idola- ter. We cannot pray for him as cloathed with authori- ty, or that the Lord may blcfs his Government, for thac is his fin and our mifery, that he is a Governor : and his Throne isa Throne of iniquity, which we dare not pray may havefellowfhip with God. Can we pray that Gocf would blefs him on a throne of iniquity ? Could we pray, that the Lord would blefs a Drunkard in his drunkennefs, abufing his enjoyments ? Or a Thief in his ftealing, though he ufed his purchafe never fo foberly 1 What if prevailing Robbers by land, or Py rates by fea> jpreyihg upon all PafTengers, fhould require this as the fign of fubje&ibn to them, and only condition whereup- on fuch, as they apprehended and overcame, fhould be fuMered to live, that they fliould pray for prefervation and profperity to them ? Would not this be wickednefs thus to pray for Thieves and Robbers ? And are not Ty- rants the greateft of Thieves, that rob and deftroy twen- ty for one of private Robbers ? And do they not require this as fuch a foil on fuch a condition ?
6, Laftly, Then the plea will be reduced to this, that it is exa&ed as a Badge of Loyalty, and Sign, TeiTera, and Shibboleth of owning the Authority. Which I have at this length endeavoured to prove, cannot be confeien- tioufly owned by us, in thefe circumftances. And eVen by this argument: That authority which we cannot pray for we cannot own ; but we cannot prav for this tyran- nical authority : therefore . The Minor I truft is in
fbme meafure made manifeft, by what is faid above. And fo I conclude this Head, with that Form of Prayer* that I ufe for the King. O Lord Gody to whom vengeance: helvngeth) fbtiv tbyfelf lift up thyfelfr thou Judge of the
Hh. ' Barti,
4$2 Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths,
Earthy render a reward to the, -proud. Lord, how long } hall }he ''wicked? how long pall the wicked triumph ? shall the 'throne of iniquity have fellowfiip with thee, that frameih \ rmf chief by a law ? The Mighty and Terrible God deflroy all
Kings and people, that put to their hand to alter and de» firoy theJJoufe of God. Overturn, overturn, overturn this
Throne of Tyranny, and let it ie no more> until he corns
whofe right, it is.
H E A DHL
7
%e refufmg to fwear and fubfcribe the many unlaw^ Jul impofed Oaths, for which many have juffered, great Cruelties ; chiefiy that of Abjuratipn which was the Caufe of fever al their fujfering to Death % vindicated*
ANother great'Head of grievous fuflfcrings, in this fa- tal period, hath been, that during thjs ftated war between Chrift and his enemies in Scotland, he hath not wanted Witneiles,. who in their Wreftlings for the Word of God and the Teftimony which they held, thought it their duty to refufe all illegally impofed and wickedly required Tranfa&ions with his declared enemies, and tam- pering any manner of way with them, in taking or fub- icribing any of their confciencc-couzening impofltions of deceitful and deftru&ive Bonds and Oaths, obtruded by men who have caft off all fenfe of a Deity, or regard to humanity, upon the confeiences of poor people, to de- bauch them and caft them down from the only excellen-_ cy or integrity that was left them : whereby (though they have miffed of their defign as to fome, who thro* grace have efcaped the (hares of thefe Fowlers, and in refilling have overcome through the blood of the Lamb) they have prevailed to inveigle the generality, even of the Profeflbrsof this generation, into fuch a degree of de- fection and wretched compliance with all their foares, that as it prognosticates univerfal dcfblation ineluctable, (if it be not prevented by rcpeatancc as ufciverfa! as the
com-
Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths* 48 5
compliance hath been), fo it proclaims the infamy of tfre Compiler's perjury as indelible as their perfidy with whom they have complied. Theconfideration ot which; Woful Apoftafy, in its various fteps by which it hath been propagated and promoted, oughc to deter and demur all the Fearers of God, that would not partake of its threat- red punifhmentj from venturing any more to come near the brink, or border of flkh precipices, and paths of the Deixroyer, when fo many have tumbled, and fal- len, and been hooked, and fnarcd, and taken ', yea cot fo much as to look near them, left they be left to follow their look, but to frand aloof from every appearance of tranfa&ing with thefe Man-catchers, yea Confcierice-catch- ers, who are fo cunning to enfhare and deflroy ; as their PredecelTors, to whofe fitis and judgments alfo they fcrve themfelves heirs, are defenbedby the Koly Gholr, Jer, V. 26 2Q. They lay wait as he that Jetteth fnares\
they fet a trap, they catch men,* ■■■ - - their houfes are full of deceit, therefore they are become great arid waxen rich, • Shall I not iiifit for thefe things faith the Lord t Ma- ny and manifold have been the mares, traps and ginr, laid in the way of the Profeifors of this generation anA nation, by thefe Mifchief- hatchers, thefe keen and cun- ning Perfecuters, the* parry now regnant or rather ra- cing, in madnefs and malice againit Chrift" and all that are Loyal and zealous for his Intcreft againil their En*, croachings thereon; whereby they have caught and cozened many out of their Conferences, and have broken the neck offome, the peace of others, and the hearts of not a few. Yea no nation can be inftanced, wherein fo many oaihs and bonds have been impofed on peoples confeiences, fo naufeating for naughtinefi and number, as well as noxi- ous in their nature, in an age, as have been in Scotland within thefe 27 years paft; ondeiign to wafte all remain- der of conference, or fenfe of religion among people, than fo having worn out the awful impreffion of it, they may introduce what they wrould, upon a people involved in the fame Apoftafy with themfelves : and either to incorpo- rate all with themfelves in the fime combination againft: the Lord, or to extirpate all DiiTenters, who fhoufd dis- cover any tcndci nefs of confeience, in not going along
Hhs with
484 Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths.
with them in the fame excefs of rior. And to the endf they might have the greater concurrence and counte- nance, with the help of Hell's policy, they contrived them in fuch terms as might engage many to take thern^ and load the Recufants with odious obloquies, either as filly Scruplers, or feditiousSchifmaticks, or Rebels. For this hath been ail along their grand project, to level their defigns againft religion, nor diredtly and formally under that notion* but Obliquely to the deftru&ion of the Lovers and ProfeilotfS of it, under the Nickname of Fanatical Enemies to Government. Of thefc enfnaring engines levelled to thefe ends, fomc have been more pa- tent and opcny others more latent? and hidden ; both have made a prey of people, the laft chiefly. For a fnare> the more latent and hidden it be, and the more varnilh- cd over with the vermilion of pretended honefty and in^ nocence, it is the more dangerous ; and will be fo ac- counted by all the circumfpect atid cautious, as in its de- lign more definitive, and in its cffe&s, when difcover- cd, more dolorous, than that which is more open and manifeft. A hook, the braver that iris busked, and the better that is is baited, the furer and more fuccefsful it is to catch the fimple fifh; if ic want its busking, they will not fb readily bite at it. In vain is a net fjprcad iri the fight of any bird: yet, tho'this is a truth, fuch filly fcirds have the bulk of us been, fuch filly doves without a heart, and fo fenflefily ftupificd, as to fuffer ourfclves to be blind-folded and hood-wipked into fhares, of fuch a manifeft bafenefs, as none could be readily fuppofed might fall into, who did not brutifhty abandon all com- mon fenfe of reafbn, befides religion ; as a Teft, and oaths of arbitrary Allegiance, bands of Conformity, and ir- regular Regulation, &c. Some again, and thefe, alas ! too many, have been enfhared with fnarcs of a more imooth, foft, and fubtile complexion, and poifbned with gilded arrows, coloured over with the fpecious pretexts of the enemies relenting condefcendcncy and tendernefs, (looping now to univerfal and general terms, obvioufly thoughtcapable of a very good conftrq&ion, and d-iubed over with theuntempered mortar of the frequency of the moft univerfally unfcruplcd fubfeription of very goo
as
Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths* 485
afi<3 confcicntious men, and the rarity of Recufants lying «nder the reproach of fome few, wild, fantaftical fools. Thefe well busked hooks have caught many; of which fbrt have been many banded Indemnities^ and eafilyr fwallowed Oaths thereunco appended. Though the prefent indeed is contrived without gins of this fort, and now all thefe fnares of Oaths and Bands are as illegally taken away as they were before impofed 5 upon the fame defign, to catch filly fifh by other methods ; not with hooks, as before, but with a large fpread net, to hale the whole fchool to Antichrift's fhore ; and to put to proof and practice the vaftnefs of that Leviathan Prero- gative of ahfolute Pv<wer> to difpenfc with all Oaths; e- fpecially becaufe, in ali of them, even themoftmonftrous, people might think there was (bme tye obliging them to maintain the Proteftant Religion, therefore to oblite- rate that, and bury it in Oblivion, all now are taken a- way ; but the guilt of them Mill remains upon the land, and the grievous cry of fuffering for refufing them ftill continues; and therefore the iniquity of them muft be looked unto and lamented, and that with an eye to the account and reckoning muft be rendered for them, to a greater judgment than that of creatures. But among all thefe deftrudlive and diabolical devices, there have been none more charming and cheatfng, tfhan that cunningly contrived Oath of Abjur.xtion, as it is called, enjoined to be taken by all within the Kingdom, by a Procla- mation about it, re-prefenting a late Declaration emitted t>y that party, whofe fuffering* I am vindicating (as a. Manifesto of their grievances, and neceflitics to fall up- on fevere refblutions towards their enemies) under the moft odious character, that the malice of men helped with Hell's hatred could devifc ; and requiring all to abjure it in the moft peremptory manner, and under the fcvereft penalty that ever was heard. This Oath, I fay, was contrived with fuch cunning, and followed with fuch keennefs, that it hath involved more under its obli- gation, and engaged more to fubferibe it, than any o- ther that went before it : becaufe it hath been painted o- fer with fuch pretexts, as never any before was capable «f. The prefling of it hath been fo impartial, upon ali
travel-
4^6 Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths*
travelling to the country, &c. And their acceptance of the Pafs* annexed to it thought fo neceflary, as without jt no bufinefs could be gone about. Its fublcription To univerfally unfcrupled, even by the generality of great Profeflors and Minlfters too ; the thing abjured repre- sented fo odious, as no honeit man could refufe to re- nounce; and the matter renounced, under its heft afpecT: and conftru&ion, eftee'med only a paper declaration of a party very defpicable, wherein the principles, profef- fion, or confeffion of the Church feems no way concern- ed ; and if any way concerned, yet the concern appear- ing fb fmall, as few or none durft ftate their fuficrings upon that head. Yet I believe, if either fuch as have take* it, or others that may have the tenration of the like hereafter, will impartially ponder it ; fo much i*. nicjuity may be difcovercdin it, as may oblige the one to mourn in the fenfe of its ftnfulnefs, and the other ta beware of its danger. And fbmuch the rather would I of- fer this tq confideration, that I know one who was wo- folly wheedled into it, that found the bitter effects of this poifoped pill in his wounded confeience, after re- jections on the. decdy in fuch a meafurethat he defpairv £ d of ever recovering Peace. And this man had as much, and more toiajy, To juftify his dcedy than any that ever took it '3 having it with all the Advantages that ever it $ould be tendered with: for, being urged thereunto be-* fore tf)e Jufticiavyy he exprefly refufed to difown that Declaration, and the Principles whereupon it was found- ed, a,nd told them that it was mifreprefented in the Pro- clamation : and when they yielded to an abltracfc dif- own ing of\it in fo far as the Proclamation reprefents jfi or, if fo ley it might be fo reprefented, he gave in a imfe in writ5 wherein he would take it; fhe wing that, m>on fuppodtiou, the Declaration did ^ficrt fuch things as was reprefented,, he would difown it : and after the fenfe was accepted as fatisfactory, he refufed to fwear after the ordinary Manner, following the Clerks blind Manuduction, but behoved to have it written down : and when it was written, with exprefs fpecification of that* ikpologetical Declaration, he refufed to fwear k, till it was altered and corrccled, and the Word pretended put
in
Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths. 48^
in the ftead of it : which done, before he fubferibed ic, he protefted it might be conftru&ed in no other fenfe, than the genuine meaning of the words he delivered in, and that it might not be reckoned a Compliance for fear of his life: yet, notwithftanding of all this, he loft the Jewel of inward peace, and knew the terror of the Lord for many days. Therefore I fhall chieHy infift on difco- vering the iniquities of this laft Oath, called the Abjura- tion Oath, both becaufe it is the fmootheft, and more ge- nerally taken than any other, and approven by many that condemn the reft, and the refufing it hath been pu- nifhed by death, and moil illegally pre/led upon all, under the penalty thereof, as none of the reft was; and becaufe as all other Oaths iucceflively impofed, were fo contrived that the laft did always imply and involve the Subitance of the former, fo it will appear that the ini- quity of none of the proceeding Oaths was altogether wanting in this. But to the end, both the Complication of the iniquities of this Oath may be evidenced, and the continued ftrain of all the Oaths (which have alfo been heads of fuffering, though not to this degree) may l>e difcovered; I fhall touch fomewhat of all the forts of them, and fhew that their iniquity cleaves to this laft Oath : and then come tocanvafs this Oath it felf, after I have premitted fome general Conceffions.
Firfl, In a few Words fome general ConcefTory pro- portions may be premitted,
1. That Oaths both Aflertory and promifTory are law- ful, will not be denied but by Quakers, &c. It is clear, fwearing is a moral duty, and fo material, that often- times it is iifed for the whole Worfhip of God, Dettt. vi. 1 5. Thou (bait feat the Lord thy Cody and (bait far ve him,
and ftveat by his Name, Deut. X; 20. .To him
(bait thou cleave and /wear by his Name. The reafon is> becaufe by whomfbever we fwear, him we profefs to be our God, and invocate him as Witnefs of our heart** up- rightnefs, and honeft meaning in the thing (worn, ac- cording as it is underftood by both parties and as aven- ger if we prove falfe. Hence, every Oath which doth not bind us fairer to ferve and cleave to him, is but a breach of the Third Command* Again, it is not only
com-
488 Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths.
commanded as a duty, but qualified how it fhould \>4 performed, per. Ivi 1, 2. Where it is required of a pea* pie returning to the Lord, to fvvear in Truth, in Judg- went, and in Righteoufnefs. Hence, every Oath which is not fb qualified, and does not confift with a penitent frame; is /In. It is likewife promifed in the^ Covenant, that Believers fhall fpeak the language of Canaan, and fwear to the Lord, i/a. xix. 18. every Oath then that is not in the Language of Canaan, is unfaitable to Belie-? vers, that is to fay, Confentaneous to the Word of God, and Confcffion of our Faith. Again, he that fweareth in the earth (ball fwear by the God of Truth, Ifa. lxv. 16 '< and therefore that Oath which is not according to truth, is difhonourable to the God of Truth. If all the Oaths impofed upon Scotland the fe many years, were examined fcy thefe Touch-ftones, they would be found all naught. So giving Bands for Security, which for obligation are equivalent to prom iftbrys Oaths, arc alfb lawful materi- ally ; but with the fame qualifications, othcrwife they arc flnful.
2. This duty when fuitably difcharged, truly, judici- oufly, righteoufly, in the fear of God, according to his will, is in many cafes very neceffary. Not only in voiVs, in which God is the party, in matters morally neceffary, to keep the righteous Judgments of God, Pfal. cxix. lod. Nor only in National Covenants for Reformation, and promoting the Intereft of Chrirr, whereof we find many Inftances in Scripture, in Mofes, Jofhua, Afa, Hezekiah, Jojiah, Ezra, Nehemiah, their making and renewing fiich Covenants by Oath, coming under the dreadful Curfe of it if they fhould break it. And this may make our Hearts meditate Terror, for the univerfal unparalel- Icd Breach of folemn Covenants with God, that expofes the Nation to the Curfe of it; but alfo in human tranf- a&ions, whereunto God is invocated as a Witnefs ; as in National Tranfadtions, at choofing and inaugurating their Magiftrates, for fecurity of Religion and Liberties, as we have many Examples in Scripture. Seldom in? deed do fuch bonds hold Tyrants, but it is this Gene- ration's indelible brand and bane, that without this they fiaye come under the Yoke of includable flavery, and
have
Cancerning unlawful imposed Oaths, 4S9
feave entailed it upon Pofterity. As likewifc in Con- tracts and mutual Compacts of Friendfhip, or ftrifter Aflbciation, when Edification, or other Satisfaction, or Security calls for it, as Jacob fvvare to Laban> David to Jonathan &c. In which the matter mult be clear, and mutually undcrftood, and honeftly meant, without (equi- vocation and mental Refervation, and all ambiguity, as alfo poifible, and likely to continue fo: for otherwife, it were but a mocking of God and Man, to fwcar a thing we either cannot, or will not perform, according to the meaning of him in whole favours the Qath is given. But withal we ought to be fparing in fuch things, ex- cept where the matter of the Oath or Bond is weighty and necefTary, and not multiply them needlefly upon for- mality or cuftom: for if there were fuirable Confidence in one another, there would not be need for fb many of thefe Securities. And fpecially in relative Stipulations betwixt Man and Wife, &c. Where an indiiTolvable re- lation is entred into. And, in a particular manner, c- ven in things civil, when we are called thereunto by a lawful Magiftrate, for deciding of Controversies, or our own vindication, or to confirm our Obligation to fome duty, an Oath for Confirmation is an end of all Strife^ Heb, vi. 16. But always in this the matter muft be law- ful, according to the will of God, and true, and certain- ly known, and a lfb necefTary, weighty, ufeful, worthy of fuch Confirmation, for the Glory of God, and the good of our Neighbour, that his holy Name be not ta- ken in vain ; for otherwife if the matter be faife, <joc! is made Witnefs of a lie ; if uncertain, Conference con- demns us that we know not, nor care not, what we call God Witnefs to; if unlawful, then God is called to ap- prove what he hath condemned, and (b to contradict himfelf, which is horrid Blafphemy. With all which Cafes, if we compare and examine all thefe Dclufory Oaths, and Hell-devifed Impofitions on Consciences in thefe days, obtruded to debauch and infnare them , -not one of them, levelling all at one deiign, how fmoothly foevcr conceived, can be taken without a wound and wramp to the Confcieoce.
3. Qf
Concerning unlawful impfed Oaths.
3. Of all thefe Cafes, only two are applicable to ou£ impofecfTranfaclions with our wicked Rulers, to wit, in the matter of friendly Contracts, or in the matter of judicial Appearances before them, and fwearing and banding before them, and to them. In both which, there muft be a fort of confederation with them. In con- tra els with them it will not be doubted ; and in judicial fubmitting to their authoritative Impofitions of fuch Se- curities, it is evident, there muft be alfo a Confederation with them, not only in acknowledging their authority, but in coming under mutual exacled ftipulations; where- in, by taking thefe Oaths and Bands, we give them fe~ curity of orderly fubje&ion, as members of the Commu- nity whereof they are judges, and get their fecurity of ac- quittance, and that we fhall not be molefted nor profe- cuted among the Recufants. Now concerning this Con- federation, I fhall concede in two cafes, it may be owned, and confequentially Oaths and Bands may be given to Men of their ftamp, r. A Confederation which is more Difcretzve, or Difcrirninative may be atfowed to them ; that isy fuch Bargains whereirr they and we are kept (till divided as two parties, and not under one incorpora- tion, as in contracts of Co-habitation, living under them as tenants, buying and felling, and the like. ; But we cannot enter into a Confederation unitive with them, which may make us one body or party. 2. A Confede- ration which is peceflary and unavoidable; when either an unavoidable flrife or contention doth p.rife between them and us, whereupon we are compelled to aniwer in kaw, and can no otherwife be decided but by our Oath of Confirmation, which is an end of all ftrife; or when we are falfly accufed of fbme odious and heinous Crime, as of Murder or Adultery : it is then lawful and necefla- ry to vindicate ourfelves, by giving all theft legal Con- firmations that we are free of thefe things ; for other- wife to ly under the imputation of fuch enormities, were ftumefuliy fcandalous to Religion. But we cannot allow any TranfadHons of this fbrt, which are eledive and vo- luntary, to make or purfue either peace or pleas with them, when our own intereftor benefit drawerh us there- unto ; but ere we go to Law, or give Oaths and Bond*
to>
Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths* 491
:o, and before the unjuft and perfidious, a/>d fuch alfb as wc cannot own as Magiftrates, we would rather take wrong, and fuffer our felves to be defrauded ; as the A* poftle advifeth, I Cor, vi. I, 7. It was not unlawful, as Expofitors fhew from that place, for the Corinthians to mfwer in Law for their own vindication, being purfued >y a Heathen ; but it was utterly a fruit to go volunta- ry one with another. And if to purfue a brother was 1 faulty then much more to go to Law with an Apo- ^ate, with whom there fhould be lefs meddling. And f to go before the unjuit Magiftrates, as thefe heathen fudges were at Corinth, who yet were Magiflrates, was jtteriy a fault, then much more to go before fuch as have neither rightful nor righteous Authority at all; which yet rauft be acknowledged, if we take Oaths and Bands 3efore them : for none can exaft thefe but acknowledged! Magiftrates. Hence it is apparent, it would be an de- rive Confederation with thefe wicked ufurping Judges, when brought before them to take their tendered Oaths and Bonds, not as parties purfued before them, but as rranfacling with them, with whom, as well as before whom, we muft give thefe confirming Securities : And ro not only muft we acknowledge them to be gods, a- mong whom the Lord fltteth, whofe holy Name is in- terpofed in fuch folemn Tranfactions ; but alfo we muft fwear and enter in bonds to them as they require. This indeed is necefTary when called before them againft cur will, and accufed of horrid Crimes, as was always in the impofi ion of the Oath of Abjuration audaciouily im- puted to the Refufers, that they afferted murdering Prin- ciples, and owned it lawful to kill all that ferved the King ; in fuch a cafe, to declare with the moil folemn Afleverations, for vindication of Truth, that we difown not only all fuch AiTertions, but all fuch thoughts as that it is lawful to kill all that ferve the Kincr, 0r any that feivc him becaufe they ferve him, or becaufe they have injured us any manner of wav, and to declare our ab- horrence of all Murder and AfTaffinations. But to fwear fuch things to them, when we are altogether innocent, would be a granting that we were legally fufpe&ed, by offering a legal purgation. And £0 all the Subje&s of
Scotland
49^ Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths.
/Scotland (hould take upon them to purge themfelvesfrom a fufpicion of Murder, which were odious. And to ab~ jure a Declaration, as aiTerting fuch things, when it afc ferts no fuch thing, h a fwearing to a Lie.
4. All folemn Securities of Oaths or Bonds, that are facrcdPromifes, are, by JlriBnefs of Law, of moft ftrift and indifpeniible Obligation, as Mr. Durham, on the Third Command, (hews in many cafes : No man's lofs, or private prejudice, can make it void, (though wefwear to our own hurt> we muft not change, Pfal. xv. 4.) nor in- differency in the matter, if once engaged in, (for then our Souls are bounds Numb* xxx, 2.) nor deceit of others, if the deceit be circumftantial only, as in the Gibeonites -cafe ; nor the extortion of it by fear or violence, if the matter be lawful ; nor rafhnct and (In in the manner, if lawful in the matter, as with the Gibeonites ; nor another meaning afterwards devifed, not according to the Impor- ter's mind, nor our own at firft who took it, (that's but a /wearing deceitfully, Pfal, xxiv. 4.) nor any good mean- ing or defign inreverfing the Oath (jsaul was punifhed for breaking his Oath with the Gibeonites, out of zeal, 2. Sam. xxi. 2.) nor though the Oath be conceived by Creatures, (as by the Altar or Temple, &c. Matth. xxiii. 20— -22. nor when the thing becomes impoffible, if that poifibility could have been forefeen or prevented; nor a- ny other fecret meaning, by equivocation or mental re- servation, which are abominable ; nor any Difpenfation from Pope or King \ nor any other posterior Oath. None ofthefe things can make an Oath void; but if we have bound ourftlves, God will require it : for whofo defpifes an Oath, by breaking the Covenant, when lo he hath %iven his hand, he pall not efcape, God will recompenfe it, Ezek. xv ii. 185 19. They are null indeed and of no force, when they become bonds of iniquity, tying to things unlaw ful or impo/Eble; or when the thing fworn is not in our own power, Numb xxx. 5. Or when there is deceit in it, not in Circumftantials only, but in EiTentials ; or when it hinders a greater Good ; when the cafe materi- ally altereth; or when the party fworn to relaxeth u$. All thefe do condemn the horrid breach of the Sacred and Solemn League and Covenant, and confutes the per-.
vcrcing
Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths* 49 j
verting and wrefting the words of it in the third Article, as it ir did oblige to,Allegiance of Tyrants : for, in that cafe, the obligation is unlawful, and there is a deceit ia EfTcntials, and the cafe materially altcrcth, (for in the Covenant we arc bound to the King, not to a Tyrant) and the party fworn to hath relaxed us long ago, by an- nulling the Covenant; yet all thefe things prove, thac the Covenant is (till in force, and that ali the Oaths an J Bonds contradictory to it, are finful: and yet, tho' ic be finful to take them, and finful to keep them, it is ne* verthelefs Perjury to break them, efpccially to them whofe erroneous Confcience is bound by them, under a notion of their la wfulnefs. And in a fpecial manner ic is here confpicuous, how deceitful a juggle that finful fhift of many hath been, thac they could fubferibe aa unlawful Bond under a. Penalty : as for example, to an- fwer to their Courts, or to go to Church, or feparate from the perfecuted Meetings of the Lord's people, under fuch a Penalty, which they thought, to pay the Penalty would clear them of, as if it were only an Alterna- tive Bond. The Iniquity of this Juggle will appear, if we confider, fuch Bonds cannot be Alternative : for Al- ternatives are always disjunctive, binding equally ei- ther ro this or that; and the one Alternative is no more dcterminately enjoined by the Impofer, than the other, And fo, if thefe Bonds were Alternative, it fhould be in the binders choice, whether to anfwer the Court, go to Church, to feparate Meetings ; or pay fo much Money. But it is not fo, for the Stipulation and Promife is deter- minate to the Obligation, for which the Bond is requir- ed, and the Penalty is annexed, as a Punifhment of the Breach of that Obligation. And that Fancy of eluding the Bond, by paying the Penalty, would quite enervate all Security among Men, in their mutual Compacts of that Nature; and under that pretence, they might give a fatisfa&ory Compliance to the moft wicked impofei Obligation imaginable, to fubferibe the Turk's Alcoran, with a referved intention only to pay the impofed Penal- ty. Which Refervation is fo far from being fuitable to that Chriftian Simplicity the Gofpel requires, that it docs not anfwer that moral Honefiy that our concern,
ia
494 Concerning unlawful impfed Oaths*
in the good of humaa Society, calls Tor. 'Tis incuitt- fcent on all that expert ro dwell in God's holy Hill, to have this requiiite qualification for one, though they fwear to their own hurt they will not change it> ami they muft be far from fwearing deceitfully ; and confequently, if they bind themfeives by a promife, which a Chriftian! fhould be no led tender of than of his Oath, they muft! keep it. And beiides, to condefcend that that penalty' or fine fhould be paid, by ourfelves or friends in our behalf, were to condefcend that thefe enemies flhould be enriched by our own or the fpoit of our friends, upon the account of the forfeiture of our promife ; which feems fuch a difhoneft and difhonourable thing, that an honeft heart would difdain it. And though this fhould be flouted as foolifh precifenefs, to chufe rather to ly ftill and fuffer in fuch a cafe; yet it may be confidered that Chrift's Crofs, even with reproaches, is always a better choice than the w'orld's cafe, purchafed at any price which is a hire for Chrift's enemies.
5, All Divines and Cafuifts do grant, that an Oath muft be taken in his fenfeand rheaning who tenders it, and in whole favours it is conceived : becaufe Oaths and Bonds are for fecurity, and therefore w^hofoever would deal ho~ neftly and Chriftianly in taking an Oath, muft take it in the fenfe that it is underftood by fuch as impofe it : other- wile the Holy Name of God fhould be taken in vain, and the fwearers and promilcrs fhafl deal deceitfully, in fruftrating the end of the Oath or Bond, and the defign of the tenderers thereof. And therefore, as Reafon and Religion requires, that all Oaths or Bonds be lb con- ceived and enunciated, that all concerned may under- ftand them, and if there be any doubt how far they bind, the Impofers (hould explain the lame, as Abraham did to his fervant: So Confcience requires, that they be always taken in the Impofers fenfe, and as they discover their fenfe and lentiments of -them*, and not according to the meaning that we may think the words Capable of; Nor yet according to the wheedling ex- plications that they may give or allow, which are as deceitful and infharing as the things themfeives. Nor is it to be looked upon as a favour to get a Liberty to
put
Concerning unlawful impfed Oaths. 495
put a {enfe upon them, contrary to their known mean- ing ; for that is but a Liberty to mock God, to mock others, and ourfelves too, and nothing but a fnare to the Confcience. And to put a Glofs upon printed Oaths or Bonds, which in ftrift Conftru&ion they will not- bear, and then to fubferibe them in the terms as offered, is not only an intangling ourfelves into the bond of finful Oaths and Bonds, but to Rumble the Godly, and harden the wicked in the prefent-, and to mock pofteri- ty in future ages ; who fhall fee the Oaths in the terms fubferibed, but not the fenfc they were taken in. Sec Apolog. Relat. SeB. 1 4. It is known by manifold ex- periences that it is dangerous to hearken to their over- tures who ftudy to enfhare us, but far more hurtful and hateful to propound overtures to them. For they in- terpret it a Ceding and giving ground, and when they fee a man beginning to yield, then they will fcem to fee very condescending, even to accept of little at firft that they may draw him on to more: like cunning An- glers fometimes recoyling and drawing back the well baited and busked hook, to invite the poor unwary fifh to purfue, and fometimes Ictin^ it run away with the hook, when it begins to bite kindly : So when they find a man offering and ready to accept of Accommoda- tions, they will be very yielding and eafie, but with a defign to hook him. But Confcience can find no fafety at prefent, nor fatisfacrion afterwards in accommodati- ons with them. For it is plain to all that are not blinded with Ignorance, or partiality, or a Judicial flroke, that ourlmpofers are fuch fons of Belial as cannot be taken with hands, or by the hand ; and if we re- fleft upon the matters upon which thefc Accommodati- ons are to be offered or accepted, they are not things upon which we may come and go, upon our difcrction, as we do with our own particulars, or with Problems to bedifputed, or ambiguous proportions capable of diffe- rent ftnfes; but matters fo and fo circumftantiate, as do require the pofitive determinate Judgment of the Con- fcience, Concerns of Truth and falfhood, duty and fin, which cannot admit of Accommodation, or difpenfati- on, or Rcfervation, or any oifcer fenfe than the ImpoP
' crs
45*5 Concerning unlawful impofed Oatlf.
crs and they that ftate their Inquifition about fucfc things do own, and are obferVably known to have and -imaintain about them* Otherwife, all other forged Ac- commodations are but tampering tricks, juggling with jugglers, deceiving the deceivers, in fuch a way as doe's not well con fi ft with the fimplicity of the Gofpel, or the doves innocency; for what is that but a fwearing or promiflng deceitfully! Pfal.xxiv. 4. a conceiving and uttering frorri the heart words offalpobd, Ifau lix. 1 3. a falfe Oath,Zech. viii. 1 7. which are hateful to God who will he a fwift Witnefs againfi falfe fwedrers', MaL iii. 5. Neither will they be fo cafiiy deceived, for they will readily yield to accommodations, or any tolerable fenle that we can put upon their fnares ; for they reckon that a yielding in part, and are glad to find Us fo far jufti- fying their a6ts and impofitions, as by our offer practi- cally to declare they bear a good fen fe, and they will come many wayes to our hand to get us hooked fo.
Secondly, Thefe things being prcmitted, 1 fhall offer Reafons why it was necefTary, in point of Confcience, to refufe all the Oaths hitherto tendered; arid cohfecjuent- ly confeientious Sufferers upon this account will be vin- dicated. And firft, fome general Reafbns againft all of them together, and then a Word to each fort of them.
I. There is one general argument, that will con- demn coming in any terms of Oaths or Bonds with that party, that have broken the Covenant, overturned the Reformation, and deftroyed the people of the Lord : tecaufe fuch Tranfaclions with them (as is hinted above) are a fort of Crnfederacy with the known Enemies of Truth and Godlinefs, importing a voluntary fubjcclion to them, compliance and incorporation with them, as Members of the fame Community, whereof they are ac- knowledged to be the Head. Now all fuch fort of Con- federacy with fiich malignant Enemies of God and of the Church, is unlawful, as Mr. Gillefpie demonftratcs ift his Vfeful Cafe of Confcience, concerning AJfociations and Con- federacies with Idolaters, or any known Enemies, of Truth and Godlinefs, Though Civil Compa&s for common Com- merce may be allowed, as Abram was confederate with Aner> Ejbcol and Mamre, Gen. xiv I3» Jacob covenanted
with
Concerning unlawful impfed Oaths* 49 7
with Laban by way ol Lawborrows, Gen. xxxi. 44. But ftcred Confederations of this fort are unlawful from thefe arguments, I. The Law of God condemns them,
Excd. xxiii. 32. Thou ft alt make no covenant with them, nor with their geds, they pall not dwell in thy land, left they ?n ake thee fin againft me.— — Where not only religious Covenants are difcharged in a toleration of their Idolatry, but familiar Converfationalfo, they fi all not dwell in thy land. If then we muft not fufFer them, if in capacity, fure wemuft far lefs be impofed upon by them; if we are not to be familiar with heathens, far lefs with apoftates, that call themfelves Christians : for the Ayoftle lays much more reftraint from communion with them, than with Pagans, I Coy. v. io, II. The reafon of the Law% left they make thee fin: as long therefore as there is that hazard of finning, the Law obliges to that caution. So Exod.xxxiv. 12 — 16. Take heed to thy/elf left thou make a covenant with the inhabitants of the land -left it be a fnare ' hut ye ft allude fir oy their altars -left thou make a co- ven ant with them and they go a whoring after their
gods, and thou take of their daughters unto thyfons .
Here again all facred Tranfaclions are difcharged, upon a moral and perpetually binding ground, and all Tolera- tion is prohibited, and conjugal Affinity. Such compli- ance brought on the firft defolating judgment, the flood on the'old world (Gen, vi. 1, 2, 3.) when the godly con- formed and incorporated themfelves, and joined in affi- nity with that ungodly crew, from whom they fhoulct have feparated themfelves. Likewife, Dent. vii. 2, 3, 4,
5.— Tlou fhilt make no covenant with them, nor (hew*
mercy unto them, neither fbalt thou make marriages with them for they will turn away thy fon from following
me fo /ball the anger of the Lord be kindled again fi
you -but thus pall ye deal with them, ye flail de-
ftroy their altars. Where all Tranfa&ions with a people devoted to deftru&ion are difcharged, even that of Tolera- ticn of malignant Enemies; according to which precept,, David refr>\ved to defiroy early all the wicked of the ]andy and cut off all wicked doers from the city of the Lord, Pfal. ci. 8. Mark this All, of what degree or quality foever, without refpeft of perflns. -And left it Qiojuld be thought
I i this
49^ Concerning unlawful impfedQpihs.
this Is rnernt only of thcfe {even Nations there enumerate^ the Law is interpreted by the Spirit of God of many o* ther Nations; where Solomon is condemned for joining in affinity with other wicked people, befides thefe, I Kings, xi» I, 2. So that it is to be underftood generally, againit Confederacies with all, to whom the moral groundl is applicable., and the danger of infnaring the people of God. It is clear likewlfe, we mult have nothing to do with the wicked, but to treat them and with them as enemies, PfaL cxxxix. 21, 22. with whom, as fuch, there can be no Confederation ; for that fuppofes always the enmity is laid afide, but that can never be between che proferTors of Religion and the profefled Enemies thereof: but that mud always be the language of their Practice, Depart from me ye workers of iniquity , for the 'Lord hath heard me, Pfal. vi. 8. The commaud is per- emptory and perpetual, Forfake the foolifl, Prov. ix. 6. Tslake no friendpip with them, Prov, xxii. 24. Say not a confederacy to them, Ifa. viii. 12. where it is clear from the oppofition in that Text, betwixt confederating with the wicked and the fear of God, that the one is not con- iiMent with the other. There is an ex pr e fs difcharge to yoke or have any fellow/kip with them, 2 Cor. vi. 14. to
the end for what fellow foil* hath right eoujnefs with
unrighteoufnefs ? what concord hath Chrifl with Belial?
'-wherefore come out from among them, and befepa~ rate* ■ » ■ -. 2. Many fad and (harp reproofs for fuch Tranfaclions and Confederations do conclude the fame
thing, Judg* ii. I, 2, 5. I faid, — « — yefiaM
make no league with the inhabitants of this land, you ffi all throw down their altars: hut you have not obeyed my voicey
Why have ycu done this ? Wherefore 1 will not drive
them out from before you* • It cannot be expected, the
Lord will drive out thefe enemies, if we fwear Subje- ction and Allegiance, and come under Confederations with them; for thereby we contribute actively to their fettlement and eftablifhrncnt, and bring ourfclves not only under the mifery, hut the guilt of ftrengthoing the hands of evil doers. So Jer. ii. the People of God are reproved, for making themfelves home-born Jlaves, How? by cutlandifh Confederacies, verf 18, Now what
iafi
Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths. 4$ip
jbaft thou to do in the way $f Egypt, to drink the waters of
Sihor 1 or what kaft thou to do in the way of Ajfyria ?
The Chaldee Paraphrafe hath it, What have you to do to ajfo- tiate with Pharaoh king of Egypt 1 and what have you to da to make a covenant with the Affyrian ? So may we fay, What have we to do co take their Oarhs and Bonds, that areas great enemies as they were? Epbraim is reproved for mixing him f elf among the people, Hof. vii 8. by mak- ing Confederacies with them. What follows ?■ He is a cake not turned, hoc in the nether fide, zealous for earth- ly things, but cold and raw in the upper iide, remifs in the things of Chrift. And this we have feen in our ex- perience to be the fruit of fuch bargains, or bonds, or oaths, that they that were engaged in them, have always in fome meafure fallen from their former fervour for Chrift. Nay we (hall find, that fuch Tranfa&ions are feldom or never recorded in the Book of God without a reproof, or fome greater marks of God's difpleafure put upon them? which doubtlefs is fet purpofely as bea- cons, that we may beware of them. And therefore, J* VVc may take notice of msny difallowcd and condemned examples, on which the Lord fcrs marks of wrath, as Ahab* 5 covenant with Benhadad, I Kings, xx. 32. to the end. Afa's covenant with Benhadad, which the Prophet calls Tifoolifb Deed, 2 Chron. xvi. from beginning to verf 10. proceeding from an evil heart of unbelief, as all fuch4 Tran factions are overawed Compliances. Jehopaphat's with Ahab hath the famecenfure, though he kept him- felf free of Ahab's Idolatry, and Ahab feemed co have been penitent before he joined with him, and his relation to him was very near, the enemy of both was an Infidel, the caufe was good, to recover a city of refuge, the man- ner of his proceeding was pious, confulting the Prophets, and his ead good } yet all this did not juftify that wic- Icednefs, related 2 Chron. xviii. and reproved 2 Chron, xix. 2. Jehu the Prophet is fen t to him, Shouldfl thou love them that hate the Lord? therefore is wrath upon thee from hefore the Lord. ' After this, when he joined himfelf with Ahaziah, who did very wickedly, the Lord brake his works, 2 Chron. xx. 35. to the end .• which made him afterwards mend his fault, for he would not again join
I i 2 with
jfoo Concerning unlawful Impofed Qathi.
with him, when he fought the like Allocution, i Kings > xxii. 49. So Amaziah's bargain with the Ifraeh iteSy when the Lord was not with them, is condemned by the Prophet, admonifhing him to disjoin himfelf from them, 2 Chron. xxv. 7- — 10. And Ahat his bargain with Tilgath-Pilnefty the Ajfyrian> 2 Chron. xxviii. 10V &c. is plainly diiallowed. 4. The Complaints, Con- feflions, and Lamentations of the Lord's people, mourn- ing over this fin, demonstrate the evil of it, Ezra ix. 14. Should, we again break thy commandment s , and join in af- finity 'with the people of thefe abominations? Wouldft not thou be angry with us, till thou ftadfl ccnfumed us> fo that there fbould be no remnant nor efcaping ? Pfal. cvi. 35. They were mingled among the heathen^ and learned their works^ All thefe Commands, Reproofs, Examples and Com- plaints, are written for our learning ; and being ferioufly laid to heart, will fufficiently fcare all the fearers oF God to join, but (land aloofFfrom all compliances, con- jurations, or confederacies with the enemies of God, dire&ly or indireclly, formally or interpretatively, for fear of partaking of their fins, and receiving of their plagues. I infilt the more largely on this argument, both becaufe it will conclude that for which thefe proofs are adduced, to condemn all bonding or bargaining with malignant Enemies; and becaufe it will vindicate the averfion of this poor perfecuted Rem- nant, from aiTociating in expeditions of war, with pro- miicuous fubverters and perverters of the Caufe,on which it were not fo proper to my purpofe to dilate any difcourfe in a difttndr. head, while I muft confine myfelf only to the heads of Sufferings; only becaufe it may be ob]e&edy and it will be profitable to confider it, that thefe Scrip- tures difprove only voluntary and elective confederations with the wicked, but cannot condemn neceflitated fub- lcriptions of lawful obligations, when the matter is not finful; nor come they home to the cafe of prifoncrs, who are confirained to tranfact and treat, and have to do with the men in power, otherwife, if all bonds were un- lawful, then Prifbners might not procure liberty for longer orfhorter time, upon bond and bail, to anfwer again when tatted \ which yet is generally approve^ and pradtifedf
without
Concerning unlawful iwpofed Oaths. 50 r
without fcruple, and fcems not to want a precedent in Scripture, in that Jafon gave fuch fecurity, Acls xvii. 9. I fhall therefore fubjoin here fome confederations, by way of Anfiver to this. I. Thefe Scriptures difprove all Covenants, Exod. xxiii. 52. All Confederacies, ifa. viii. 12, All concord or agreement with the men of Belialy 2 Cor, vi. 15. and, without diftinction of voluntary or over- awed Tranfaclions, all unitive Agreements of whatfoever fbrt are difcharged, and can no more be reftricted to the particulars there fpecified, as if any other Covenant, Con- federacy, or Concord might be lawful, that were not a joining in Marriage, an aflociating in War, or commu- nion in Worfhip with them, than the moral grounds of thefe Prohibitions can be (b reftricled : for the Hazard of Sins and Snares, the Hurt of faithlcfs Fears, from whence they flow, and the Hatefulnefs of fjch une- qual Conjunctions, which are the Grounds and Rea- lons of thefe Laws, as may be feen in thefe forecitcd places, cannot be reftrifted to the particulars fpecified. But now all the tendered Oaths and Bonds of our Adver- faries, when fubfcribed as they require ; yea, even thofe^ Tranfaclions of Prifoners for procuring their Liberty> on term* of engaging to re-enter themfelves according to agreement with their Perfecuters, are unitive Covenants, or conditional Agreements, giving folemn Securities for their rcfpeclive Obligations, upon terms wherein both parties accord : for thefe Bonds are given to them, ana? not only before them, as was faid. They are confede- racies of the fubje&ed, feeking the Peace and Favours o£ their fuperiors, which when over-awed are finful to be made with wicked enemies of Religion, as well as when unconhrained, for Ahaz his Tranfaclion with the Affy- rian, was forced out of fear, and yet it is called a finfuL confederacy, not to he homologated by any of the fearers of the Lord, Ifa, viii. 12. They are concords and agree- ments with the unrighteous fons of Belial, and not about common Matters, but Matters wherein Religion and Righteoufnefs are nearly concerned : can any think thac thefe Commands are given with exception of Prifoners ? And that if any ifraelite was Prifoner to thefe Nations, he might make a Covenant with them for his Liberty,
upoa
50£ Concerning unlawful imfofed Oaths*
upon an engagement to render himfelf Prifbner to tnetn again ? Then he might give bond to God's devoted ene- mies, to bind up his hands from profecuting the War with them, which all ifraff-^as obliged to do: for if they might covenant Subje&ioit to them, then it woulcf have been their fin to rebel, as it was Zedekiah's fin to rebel againft Nebuchadnezzar, b^caufe it was Breach of Covenant : and fo there might be a cafe, wherein the Jfvaelites, notwithstanding of all thefe Prohibitions, would be obliged not to deftroy, nor break down their Altars, to wit, if they made luch a Bargain with them for their Liberty, to furrender themfelves as their fub-? je&s. Now we read, many times they were brought under Subje&ion, and that as a Punifhmcnt of their leaguing with them ; and yet they broke the Yoke, when they cried unto the Lord, and never fubmittcd any longer than they were able to deliver themfelves. Whence it is plain, that they never bound themfelves to fuch Subjection by Oath, Bond, or Prom ife, for that would have been no Mercy which was purchafed by Treachery. 2, It is a voluntary compact with the Meri in power, to procure Liberty upon bond to anfwer again, and cannot be called neceffitated ; or if it be, it is but a neceffitated fin. It muft be voluntary, becaufe it is an aft of the will, and the will cannot be forced ; "tis the confent of the will, and the confent cannot but be voluntary, in fo far as it is a confent; and by this, whereas, before their fo procured Liberty, they were Prifbners by Con- ' firainty now when they mud return to prifon, they are Prifoners by Confent: 'tis the Prifbners choice, whether lie will come out upon thefe Terms, or not ; and every Choice, in fo far as it is a Choice, is eledtive and volun-r tary : 'tis put to the man's choice, whether he will con- tinue under the Crofs, and continue his TeRimony for the caufe, or furceafe from it for a time, the latter in the Cafe is chofen. 'Tis the Prifon erYi>/?y£ and Vethion, to tranfaft with them in thefe terms for Liberty, with- out which no Benefit of any fuch Bond can be procured, and every defire is voluntary. Yea, it is a formal Com- faB and Capitulation with them, binding and obliging thefe bonders by their own word and writ, at leaft to be
at
Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths* 503
at their call and command, not by compulfion and force now, but by the moral Obligation of their own Com- pact: now, every fuch Compact is voluntary, And therefore, if all voluntary Covenants, Confederacies, and Agreements, be difcharged in Scripture, then this Bond of Compearance alfo muft be discharged. The Judg- ment of the famous Mr. Rutherford, of a Draught of a Petition to have been prefented to the Committee of fi- xates, by thofe Minifters who were Prifbners in the Ca- ftle of Edinburgh, will confirm what is faid: We find it in the third Part of his Letters, Numb. 63. where are thefe Words, c I am ftraitned as another fufFering man, c but dare not petition this committee, I. Becaufe it draws 1 us to capitulate with fuch as have the Advantage of the c Mount, the Lord fo difpofing for the prefent, and to c bring the Matters of Chrift to Yea and No (you being c Prifoners, and they the powers) is a hazard. ' 3. This Agreement with the Enemies for Liberty, upon thefe terms, is finful. For it is not only an Acknowledgment of a wicked Power, in owning and tranfacting with them as Judges, who can free them and bind them as prifoners by Law, which is difproved above; but it is a binding thcmfelves over to a paccjued, perverfe, and Law-perverting Judicatory, not as Prifoners by forcible conftraint, but a willing confent, acknowledging the Le- gality of their imprifonment, and obliging themfelves to obferve it when demanded : yea, it is a covenanted and bonded Obedience to a wicked Law J for it is a wicked Law, to exaft from a Sufferer for Truth his re-entry to prifbn, for no crime but his dut}'. As alfo it is a juftifying of a wicked Sentence; for it is a wick- ed Sentence, that an innocent Man fhall return to Pri- fon when they pleafc ; which is juftified when they bind themfelves to obey it. This is noways like a Man's go- ing to the Gibbet on his own Feet; for the Man does not bind himfelf to do that, neither is it exa&ed of him as an Obedience to a Law, nor is it given forth as a pare of his Sentence, only he choofeth it for his own cafe : but if all thefe did concur, it were unlawful for a Martyr for Righteoufnefs to obey fuch a Law, or vo- luntarily to fubmk to fuch a wicked Sentence. Neither
is
504 Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths*
is it of any Pertinency to urge, that it is lawful for Z Man to iubmit fo far to a Robber, as to bind himfelf to return to him againft fuch a day with another Purfe to him: for this is a neceflirated Bargain, to give what a Nan hath, and promife more to fave his life, and is like ■a Man's cafiing his goods out at Sea to lave the Ship ; the other is not foy but elective : this is only a Choice of the lead of two evils of fuffering, but the other is a Choice of one of two evils, which is fin, which cannot come under a Chriftian's election at all: this is a com- pact with the R-obber, which is ftill difcretive> and no- ways unitive of the Robber and him, in any Bargain of concord, or confederacy, or acknowledged 'Subjection, only a paffive furrender to his greater force as an enemy ; but the other is unitive, as between Rulers and ruled : this is not any Obedience to a Law> nor is the Man's Purfe required to be given, of promifed under that noti-^ on, as the other is. I fhall here alfo fubjoin fome more of that forefaid Letter of Mr. Rutherford's, in the fecond Place, fays he, c A fpeaking to them in wrrit, and paffing c in illence the fworn Covenant, and the Caufe of God,
* which is the very prefentxtontroverly, is contrary to
* the practice of Chrift and the Apoftles, who being ac- c cufed, or not accufed, avouched Chrift to be the Son of
* God, and the Mefiias, and that the dead mud rife again ^
* even when the Adverfary misftated the queftion. ' Now plain it isy that neither in the bonds nor petitions, is there any word of the caufe or Teftimony fuffered for. 4. As it is finful, fo it is very fcandalous in fevcral refpe&s; in that at leaft it hath the appearance of evil, which ChrL* flians (hould abftain from, 1 Thef. v. 22. and feems to be a voluntary fubjeding themfelves to their Impofitions (at leaft of that to return to prifcn again) a willing acknow- ledgment of their unjuft Ufurpations; afpontaneouscon* ienting to their Mifchiefs framed into a Law> and ex- acted under the JSJotion of a LaW ; a gratifying of the Enemies of Religion, and pleaflng them more than any thing a prifbner can do, except he fhould wholly deny the caufe; and therefore chiefly always this overture is jrioft acceptable from thofe that durft give any Teftixno- py* becauft they look upon it as fome indication of their
Concerning unlawful impefed Oaths. 50 £
fainting or falling from it, or of their wearying of the Crofs ofChrift, of which they are very glad; and an of- fending and making fad the hearts and condemning the ■practice, of fome truly tender and zealous Gonfeflbrs of Chriit, who havehadftrongtentationsto makefuch tranf- attions, and durft not yield fo far for a world ; yea it is certainly an argument of faithlefs fear, and impatienc wearying of the Crofs, becaufe of the fury of the Op- preilor, which the Lord taxeth, when the Captive haft- neth that he may be loofed> and that he fiould not die in the pit) nor that his bread fiouldfail; which is a dilho- nour co him who hath promifed to bear their charges, and bach given'them many encouragements to truft, that he will open a door in his own time and way. SttlfaAi 13. 14. Of this Rutherfoord adderh in that forecited letter, * Si- €. lence of the caufe of God which Adverfaries perfecute,
* fcems a tacite deferting of the caufe, when the irate
* of the cjueftion is known to Beholders, and I know the c Brethren intend not to leave the caufe. And a little af- c ter, fays he, The draught of that petition which you 1 fent me, fpeaks not one word of the Covenant of God, c for the adhering to which you now fufFer, and which is
* the object of mens hatred, and the deitruction whereof c is the great work of the times ; and your Iilence, in this c nick of cime, appears to be a not confeffin^ ofChrift
* before men, and you want nothing to beget an unclean- c ly deliverance, but the profeffion of iilence: ' which isi profefled by all that petition for fuch a bond, when their addrefs and tranfaction fpeaks no more in favours
*cf the caufe, than if they denied it. It is plainly a co- ming out of prifbn without a, TeOimony, which cannot confift with faithful and zealous furTerin^ for Chrift, and is far from the choice of ChriiFs Witneftfes, who overcame by the blood of the Lamb, and the word of their Tefti-
mony, recorded, Heb. xi. 95. Who were tortuvedy
not accepting deliverance, that they might obtain a better vefiirreclion. 5. As it is fcandalous, (0 it is very incon- venient and unfuitable for the Con'eiTors ofChrift. In that not only they may be ignorant, and much troubled to know what underhand dealings their friends may ufe fomctimes to procure that liberty without acquainriricr
them,
jo5 Concerning unlawful impofed Oath*
them, and how odioufly their aft of deliverance may be worded and regiftred to the prejudice of the caufe,. tyhich they dare not tcdify againft afterwards when they do know it, for fear of many inconveniencies. But alfo it cannot be vindicated from being a difhonourable fhifting, and putting off, or cafting off the call of a Te- ftimony ; and conf effing either an inconftancy, or im- patience or unreadinefs, or want of refolution, to con- fefs or profefs the Teftimony for Chrift, without fome rcfpite to gather new defences for it: whereas Chriit's WitnefTes fliould be ready always to give an anfwer to every man that asketh them a reafbn of the hope that is in them, I VeU iii. 1 5. And befides, they involve themfelves into the incumbrances of a doubtful fufpenfc about the event, whereas if they keep their firft refolu- tion and condition with cheerfulnefs, aloof from fuch bargains, they know the utmoft they have to fear or hope from men. But now, as it is hard for them to come off without fbme finful engagement, and to continue any meafure of faithfulnefs when they are out, for fear of being foon called again; fo they bring themfelves into many fad difficulties how to behave, and caft them- felves into many tentations unavoidably. However, ex- cept of late, a precedent of this practice can hardly be inftanced among the Sufferers of Chrift in former times, but, on the contrary, many have refufed fuch offers. I fhall only name one ; in the perfecution of Queen Mary of England, Dr. Sands , Prifoner at London, had the oi- fer of liberty, upon the terms of fuch a bond, finding bail to appear when he fhould be called, but refufed it abfolutely ; and when a Gentleman, without his know- ledge, having procured it by giving 1000 /. Bond for him, brought him forth and required his confent and obfervance of the obligation, he would not confent to give any fecurity, and denied his refolution to obferveit in theleaft ; whereupon the Gentleman very courteoufly . told him, he would ftand to his hazard, This was far more like the innocency of the dove, but this new pru- dence rcfembles more the wifdom of the ferpent. Final- ly, As for Jafons bufinefs,, which \is fo much harped Mpon by thefe Bonders, (1) Thefe were Rulers that he
had
Concerning unlawful Impofed Oaths. 50 7
ha d to deal withal, and not raging Tyrants. (2) They tvere indifferent Arbiters between Jafon and the lewd Fellows that troubled him, and not both Judge ancf Party; he gave no fccurity to his Perfecuters> as thefe 3onders do," but to the true judges of the caufe,who im* partially took cognizance of it, from whom Jafon mighe and did expecl right. (3) This was before he was Pri- (oner, being as free as his Acculers, and having the law is free for him as it was for them ,' whereby he could vindicate himfelf and abide the law, and be abfolved by it: which does not anfwer the cafe of Prifoners a dually ingaged in and called to a Teftimony for Chrift, when rhere is no law but what is eftablifhed in opposition to Chrifl. ' (4) In the original it is, when they got fatisf ac- tion from him; that is, when he 10 cleared himfelf that they could not fatten any tranfgreflion upon him, then they abiblved him.
2. All thefe Oaths and folemn Securities that have been impofed in thefe times, are dreadful and heinous breaches of the Third Command, by taking his Name in vain in the worft fort, whereby the takers cannot be holclen guiltlefs. For it is impoflible fuch Oaths and Bonds, however they be conflru&ed, can ever be taken with the'e requifite qualifications neceflary to be ob- ferved in nil Oaths (andconfecjuently in all folemn Pro- mifes or Bonds) that are mentioned once for all, J-er. iv. 2. where one thztfweareth, muft do it in truths in judg- ment-j and in rightcoufnefs. I. They cannot be taken in Truths which is a neceflary qualification in all Oaths* according to the definition of a true Oath, which is A folemn Invocation of God, for Confirmation of fome truey lawful, grave and weighty, ufsful and worthy Bufinefsy wherein he is attefted and appealed unto, that he, as the on- ly Searcher of Hearts, may give his Tefiimcny to the Truth of the thing, and funifl) the Swearers, if he fwear not in Truth, And this (wearing in Truth doey import and re- quire both Sincerity of the Heart, filled with Reverence and the awful Apprehenfion of a prefent God; ancl Sim- plicity of the Mind, well informed of the gensine mean- ing of the Oath, that we have clear upraking of it, and take it not implicitely, but with our owu underftanding;
and
508 Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths.
and alfb fnglenefs and honefly of the intention, that it b$ not to deceive, by putting any other fenfe than the Im- j>ofer hath, or will allow when he underftands it : fo th< meaning muft be clear, and fuch as may be obviouily gathered from the words, and according as they are fup- pofed to be underftood by others, efpecially them that cxad the Oath ; for if they mean one thing and we an- other, God's Name is profaned, and the end of the Oath fruftrate, and fo all equivocations and mental referva- tions are condemned i as all Divines treating on Oaths teach, and worthy Mr. Durham : particularly, on the third1 Command^ who ailerts, ' that tho9 we could devife fome other meaning,that might feem to make for us ; yet if that was not meant at firft tendering, but otherwife under- ftood b y him that did take it, it will not ahfolve from the guilt of perjury ; for an oath is offiritt law, and willnoe admit, on any refpeft or account, of interpretations pre- judicial to the native Truth of it, left it fhouki be found to be (according to PfaLxxiv. 4.) a /wearing deceit- fully.9 And afterwards he £iys, ' Much lefs will it exempt a man from guilt, that in fwearing he had a , meaning of the words, contrary to what in common fenfe they bear, and in the conftruclion of all indiffe- rent perfons, without Oath, or beyond it \ but it iliouLl be plain, fingle, and clear.' And Varans faith, inJ Catech Urf. part* 2. quefi. 1 02. An Oath hath the Divine- Sanction, that it might he a Bond of Verity among men-, and a Tefiimony that God is the Author and Defender of Truth. Now, none of thefe Oaths and Bonds can be fa- llen in Truth ; iov if they may be fafely taken in any fenfe, it muft be fuch as the Oath in the defign ot the Impofers cannot bear, and which the Impofers never in- tended, nor would they ever have allowed, if they had underftood it ; which induftrioufly the takers have a care they fhould not underftand, and fo the*y muft. take ir in that fenfe with a mind to deceive, which cannot be in truth, but moil derogatory both to the truth and ilmpli- city of the Gofpel. And they are all unclear and ambi- guous which cannot be taken in truth, becaufe rhey have no truth in them, as Dr. Sander/on faith, De J-uy* JPromiJf. Oblig: Prtl. 6. SeS* 10. * A Prop^ficion of an am*
Cctfcermng unlawful imfofed batfo* 5°>'
* biguous and indefinite fenfe, before the matter be di- c ftinguifhed, is noc a crue propofition; yea, nor a pro- ' poiition at ail : for a proportion, as its definition clear- ' eth, fhould fignify either a truth or a falfhood, without c any ambiguity ; and therefore, fays he, fuch Oaths c fhould beYufpedcd that there is fome deceit lurking,
* and every pious and prudent man fhould refufe them
* offered under fuch Terms, cited by Apol. Relat. Seel* 10. c ptg. 1 1 8. & feet. J4. pag.26^ * In fine, none of them can be taken in Truths fince they are all a denying the Truth, as will be evident by the induction of all of them: Which, how it can confift with the fear of God, or ilncerity of the heart, cannot be imagined; and if Confuence be called into judgment, it will condemn the taking them. 2- They cannot be taken in Judgment, that is, with knowledge and deliberation, minding ancf underftanding what ic is we fwearor fubferibe, as Mr. Durham explains it in the place above cited. For, firfly They cannot be taken in Judgment, becaufe they are all ambiguous, the terms of them being capable of divers fenfe5, not explained by the Impofers. And if they were explained in their fenfe, then they could not be taken in Rdgh teo u fh e fs ; and fo at beft they are uncertain: Ancf that is dreadful to invoke the Majefty of God to be a. Witnefs to Uncertainties ; for that is to fwear with an evil Conference and contempt of Gcd, to dare to calF Him in as a Witnefs of that which is in fufpenfe, whe- ther it be Truth or a Lie ; and fuch a fwearer mu(t make it a matter indifferent, whether he make God a Witnefs of a Truth or of a Lie in the cafe. Vide Partum he. fup. citpag. 654. feel:. 4, Dr. Sanderfon as before, gives thefe Reafons further againftall ambiguous Oaths. ' Becaufe of
* him who tendereth the Oath. For the proper end of c an Oath is, that he in whofe favours ic is taken fhould c have fome certainty of that whereof he doubted before; € but there can be no certainty out of Words which have < no certain fenfe. Next, Becaufe of him who fweareth,
* who, if he take fuch an Oith in thefe terms, either ftumoleth his neighbour, or fpreadeth a net for his own
1 feet ; for to what elfe fhould fjch collufion tend, but
* either that by our example others may be induced to
* rake
5X0 Concerning unlawful impofed Oath.
* take it, whereby they are {tumbled ; or, that aftef-
* wards, by virtue of that Oath, fome thing may be re- c quired of us, which is either unlawful or hurtful, and
* this is to lay a fhare for ourfelves ! Therefore let every € prudent man beware of fuffering himieif to be deceive^ f by thele wiles, and of thinking (b much either of the € favour or of the ill-will of any other, as to fwallow the: f bait under which he is fure there is a hook: it is expe-
* dienr, that, in the matter of Oaths, all things be done
* aright, and that the fenfe be clear to all, and that is, € to f wear with a clear Confcience, Apol. Relat. pag* 267." But next, They cannot be taken in Judgment, becaufc they are all impofed and extorted under a fevere penalty, and iomc of them of death, and fo muft be taken out of fear. Such Oaths are by many famous Divines judged- unlawful, efpecially publick Oaths impofed by Authori- ty, and under colour of Law j thefe are worft than a man's private Oath given to a Robber, for fear of death, if the matter be unlawful : for, whether the matter be lawful or unlawful, fuch Oaths coacled, exa&ed, and im- pofed by Law, cannot be taken in Judgment ; for if they be taken out of refpecl to the Law, then it is the perfon's fiiffrage to the equity of that Law, and an ap- probation of the impoiltion; which, in the preftnt cafe, cannot be done, by any man of conscience ; for, whether the Oaths be lawful or not, the Authority impofing them is nought, and the Law wicked, and can never be approven ; and if they be extorted out of fear, then they cannot be taken with deliberation, or voluntary and un- violented choice, unconftrained light ,or liberty, which are all the ingredients of Judgment. 3. They cannot be taken in Righteoufnefs, that isy according to the Law of equity .as' well as piety, neither wronging God nor others b^our Oaths. Lawful Oaths ftiould be in themfelvcs Ties of 'Equity \ as well as Truth. And Partus faith, in the place before cited, Lawful Oaths are only thefe which are engaged into about things true, certainly known, lawful* fojjtbky weighty, neceffary, ufeful and worthy. And if that be true, then are all the Oaths and Bonds taken thefe many years but fetterings into Bonds of iniquity ; which, when the Confidences, of the Takers will reflect on them,
will-
Concerning unlawful imftfed Oath. $IT
vill become Galls of bitternefs, and found to have none >f thefe qualifications; but on the contrary, to be abouc natters falfe, uncertain, unlawful, impoffible, frivolous, Yuitlefs, ufclefs, and unworthy, to the worft degree of >afenefs; and, which is worft of all, dreadfully finful, md horrid to be thought on to interpofe the Name of jod upon, making Him the Approver of what His Soul lates, and a Witnefs of that which he will be an Aven- ger of, as wiil appear by the particular confideration of ill of them.
3. Let it be confidered, that though (as the pleaders or thefe tranfactions do impertinently alledge) the fame words in other cafes might be fubferibed in a more ab- tract fenfe, as being capable of a good conftruction ; yet omplexly confidered in the form and frame of all the 3aths and Bonds we have been troubled with, they can- lot be fubferibed in any fenfe ; and if in any, that mull: >e the Impofer's fenfe, which in them all is always per- licious. 1. They cannot be taken in any fenfe though lever fo good, if we confidcr the abfolute illegality of heir arbitrary impofition. It will be confelTed that 3aths fhould be very tenderly impofed upon Confcien" :es, not only left the Name of God be proftitute to profanation, in matters light and trivial, or dubious and jncertain ; but left a tyrannical Jurifdiction be exercifed Dver the Souls of men, which are not flibject to any power that Mortals can claim : So it cannot be denied, 3Ut that the Conftitution of our Government requires, and F.eafon as well as Religion fays it is neceifary, that no Ruler hath right to enjoin an Oath which is not firft enacted into a .Law \ and it was always accounted a good plea for refilling Oaths, when there was no Law for them ; and fome have been charged with Treafon, for exacting Oaths without a Statute ordaining them : whieh might be brought in as a Charge againft all the Impofers of our Oaths, the moft part of which have been exacted and extorted without any colour of Law ; fome of them being never ordained by any Act of Parliament, and o- thers of them before they could obtain foch a Mifchief framed into an Aft for them, and all of them neither e~ vcr legally adminiftred nor rightcoufly enacted, by fuch
who
m& . Concerning mlawfulimpfedOaihi?
who had power to make Afts ; for as for the pac&e & Parliaments that made them, no confcientious man could ever own fuch a company of perjured Traitors, to be their parliamentary Reprefentarives. Yet abftra&ing from that, I fay, the Oaths that have been impofed without] and againft Law could never be taken in any fenfe,with- out confenting to their treafonable breach of Law, for which they have forfeited their lives to Juftice, when- ever there fhall be a Judicatory to revife their Admini- ftrations : and thefe that have been impofed by a pre- tended Law, could never be taken without juftifying of that Law that ordained them, which hath been nothing fcut a mifchief framed into i* Law by a Throne of ini- quity. 2/ They cannot be taken in a good fenfe, witk a fafe Conference, confidering either what is plain in them, or what is more ambiguous. What is plain and capable but of one fenfe, that is always either contain- ing to a clear Sin, to renounce fbme part of the covenant- ed Reformation, in profeffion or practice ; or retraining from a clear duty, that we fhould not do that which we may or ought to do. There is nothing in all of them plain but what obliges to one of thefe two. Again, what is ambiguous in them, as it ought to be refufed for its ambiguity; fo, when it is explained according to the Impofer's mind and meaning, the fenfe will be fo,und always pernicious, though the words may be plaufible, As when they require an obligation to Allegiance, ot Loyalty, or Peaceablenefi, or OrderlineG, and other fmooth Words, fignifying excellent things in an abltracl notion, thefe will be found to carry quite another fenfe, if we enquire into the Impofer's meaning, in which only Oaths and Bonds mull be taken. The only way to find out their meaning, is to confider either their A£ts or A- Stings, or their Defigns and Intentions, as they are dif coverable by any man of prudence, or confideration. If we confult their Ads or A&ings practically, and only le- gally explaining them for a commentary, then by Al- legiance, we can understand nothing clfe but an owning of their abfolute Tyranny ; by Loyalty, nothing but an abfolute and implicite Obedience of their abfolute Com- mandsj without referve (as the late Proclamation for the
ToUysl-
Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths. 5 1 5
Toleration expounds it) by feaceablenefs, nothing but a ftupid fubjeaiou to them, letting them do what they pleafe without Refinance or Conrroul; and by Orderli™ nefs, nothing but a diforderly Compliance and Conform roity with them, in going along with the Corruptions and Defections of the time ; for their Acts and Actings expound them fb. If w'econlider their Defigas and In- rentions, according to which they are all uniformly caN rulate and equally levelled ; he is blind who hath noc fcen they have been driving all this time at thefe deflgns [to which all thefe Oaths and Bonds have been adapted md fuccefsfully fubfervient, and by which they nave seen promoted to the pref&it pafs) to overturn gradually ill the degrees of our Covenanted Reformation, to efta- llifh Tyranny, and advance it unto greater degrees of Ah- rolutenefS) and to introduce Popery and Slavery : fb that :>y Allegiance and Loyalty, can be meant nothing elfe but in obligation to own and obey, and never to oppofe the defign of advancing Tyranny; and by Peaceahlenefs and Drderlinefs, nothing elfe can be intended, than an obli- gation never to oppofe either the prefent Settlement, or Future Eftablifhment of Popery and arbitrary Power, upon he Ruins of the Reformation, and our civil and Religious lights and Liberties. Whence, they that can take thefe DathsandBonds in any other fenfe, and plead for the nofFenfivenefs of the terms, in a more abftract notion, ind fenfe alledged more legal, without regard to that if the Impofers, practically explained by their admini- trations, and fo looking more to the briberies of their blinded reafbn and worldly intereft, than to the Dictates )f Confcience, pleafe themfelves with fuch notions and quibbling evafions, do but mock God, deceive the world, llude the enemies, and delude themfelves. And all thefe debating* for Accommodations and Expofirions in ano- ther fenfe, are but foul fairdin^s of Confcience-beeuiling- :ompoundings in, and pitiful priggings for, a bale Com- pliance. But it is ufual for a guilty (on of Adam to few fig-leaves.
4 Let it be confidered, that all thefe Oaths and Bonds that the Land hath been debauched with thefe 27 years, ire all condemned by, and contradictory to antcriotf bind-*
ft k ing
514 Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths.
ing Orderly the Aits of the General AiTemblies, recjui ring no Oaths in the common Caufe to he taken, without th Churchi' 's conjent, as was cleared in the hiitorical Part, u pon the fifth Period, page 97. Aud that efpecially the] are condemned as being contradi&ory to, and violator of prior Oaths, of continuing indiipenfible Obligation being defigned, pre/led, and impofed, on purpoic to de lere the fame out of the minds and memories of the pre fent Generation ; I mean the National and Solemn Leagu and Covenants, and other former nationally binding pu blick Engagements. Which, becaufe they are not orib broken and burnt, but declared Criminal to be owned and becaufe the owning of their Obligation is ordinarib inierted in the Indiclments of our Martyrs, 1 mull touci upon them more particularly. It was cleared above Bead I. Arg. 1 1. from the Form,the ObjecJy and from th Ends of the Covenant, which are all Morale and of indil ^enfible Obligation, that it is of perpetual and unaltei ably binding Force, obliging the prefent and all futur Generations , as well asrhat which did firft come. unde the Bond of it. And to confirm this, Ifhall add mor particularly thefe many Confederations. I. The Nations Engagements are National Vromifes, plighting and plcd^ ing the Nation s ptblick Faith, for the preservation an propagation of Religion and Liberty, to fucceeding Poftc rity ; which if fucceeding Generations may reverfe, the the Faith of Men, and the Faith of Nations, can be of n Force above a Century of years ; aay nor after the dt ceafe of them that perfbnally made the Vromife : Ant ib every new Ruler, every new Parliament, yea ever perfon coming up to fuccecd the father in any capacity might be free not to ftand to it, which were very ab furd. Certainly that Promifc of the Jewifi Nobles am Rulers, not to exac~t Ufury of their Brethren, but to re ftore, and not require it of them, did not only obli^ themfelves, but would bring their pofreritv under th curie, if they fhould exact the fame debt there remit red, Neh. v. 12, 31. And does not a national Proraif' of preferving the Reformation, bind as much to the curf of the breach of it ? 2. They are National Vows, avow *ug and avouching, aud devoting tbcaafelves and thei
jpofteritj
Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths. 515
jofterity to be the Lord's people, and to keep His Sta- utes, and promote His Interelts ; which do bind the ?oflenty . Jacob's Vow at Bethel, That the Lord fbould bs bis God, Gen. xxviii. 21. did oblige all his pofterity, vir- :ually comprehended in him ; He found Him in Bethel, wd there He f pake with us, faith the Prophet many hun- dred years after, Hof. xii. 4. The ifraelites Vow to de- rroy the Canaanites, did oblige ail their Pcjler'tty, Numb* kxL 2. Not only by virtue of the Lord's Command, buc :>y virtue of their Vow ; as we arc obliged to preferve he Reformation, not only by virtue of the Lord's Com- mand, but by virtue of our Covenants. Vows are Bonds :o the Soul, which mult Jland, Numb, xx. 2, 4. And whereas it is laid, That as a Woman's Father or Hu£- ?and might difannul her Vow, .and fb the Magiftrate might abrogate the Covenant: Betides the impertincocy sf this Companion, as might be eafy to demonfirate, it nay be refelled, by giving and not eranting that he might do fo ; yet if the Father and Husband fhall hold their peace, then all her Vows Ilia 11 itand, and her Bonds u here with fhe bound her Soul (ball Jland, ver, iv. 7. buc lb ic was, that the fupremc Magiftrzre did give his con- tent to the National Covenant, and the SuccefTor did fvvear :he Solemn League and Covenant, and received the Crowa Dn the Terms thereof, to preferve and promote Religion md Liberty, and therefore his Vows muft ftand, they rannot be made void afterwards; for, It is afnare to de- vour that which is holy, ayid after vows to make enquiry y Prov. xx. 25. So we find the Rechabites were obliged to obferve the vow of their forefather Jonadab, Jer. xxxv. 5, 14. And if the fathers vow obliges the children, fhall not the nations vow oblige the pofterity ? 3. They arc national Oaths which do oblige poOerity : Efau's Oath to Jacob, refigning his birth-right, did oblige his pofterity never to recover it, Gen.xxv. 33. Jofeph took an Oath of the Children of Ifrael, to carry up his bones into Ca- naan, Gen* I.25. which the poOerity, going forth of E- ppt in after ages, found themfclves frraitly fvvorn to ob- serve, Exod. xiii. 19. and accordingly buried them in Shechem, Jofb. xxiv. 32. The Spies fwore to preferve Ra- lab alive and her \\ouk,Jo(b. ii.12 &c. which was With- it k 2 »U»
fl 6 Concerning unlawful impofed Oatfir.
out the confent of the Magiftrate, and yet Jcffma foufrf himfelf obliged to obferve it, Jofi* vh 22. Mofesfwott unto Caleb to enfure him an inheritance, jfofi.xiv. 9* and upon this ground he demands it as his right, ver. 12, which he could not do, if Succeflbrs might reverfe thcii Predeceffors lawful Oaths. The Lord will, in a fpe- dal manner, reftnt and revenge the pofterities breach of the Oath of their fathers Covenant, Ezek. xvi. 591 Thus faith the Lord God, I will even deal with thee ai thou hajl done, which haft defpifed the Oath, in break- ing the Covenant, which was the Covenant of thcii fathers. 4. They are National Covenants, wherein King, Parliament, and People do Covenant with each other, for the performance of the refpedHvc Duties of their feveral Marions, either as to the. Work of Refor. mation, or a* to the preftrvation of each others mutual Rights and Privileges: fo that they are National Cove- Hants made by men with men; and theft we find do ob- lige the pofterity. Ifraefs Covenant with the Gibeonites did oblige the pofterity, ytifl. ix. 15, 19. and for the breach of it many Ages after, the Pofterity was plagued, ZSam.xxi. 1. Zedekiah was bound by his Predeceflbr'j Covenant, though it was fuch as made the Kingdom fcafe, yet in keeping it, it was only to Jland. Shall hi hreak the covenant, and be delivered ? Thus faith the Lord) as J livex furely mine Oath that he hath defpifed, and my Covenant that he hath broken, even it will I recompenfe up* on his own head, Ezek. xvii. 12, 14, 15, 19. The A- jpoftle fays even of human Covenants, Though it be but a Mans covenant, yet if it be confirmed, no man difannulleth or addeth thereunto^ Gal. iii. 15, that is, cannot do lb law- fully, much left can one man difannul a Nation's Cove- nant. 5. They are National Attefiations of God as a Witnefs, for the perpetwity, as well as fidelity of theft facred Engagements All fuch Covenants, wherein the Holy Name of God is invocated as Witnefs, are owned of God as his (hence the Covenant betwixt David and Jonathan, is called the Covenant of the Lord, 1 Sam. xx. 8.) and Zedekiah's fault was the breach of the Lord's Cove* nant, Ezek. xvii. forecited. So likewife that Covenant mentioned fen xxxiv. 8, 9, 10. wherein the Princes
Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths. 517
ffld People did fw ear to let their Hebrew fervants go free* s called God's Covenant , verf. 18. and upon this accounc brer judgments are threatned, verf. 19, 20. And I will rive the men that have tranfgreffed my covenant > which have wt -performed the words of the covenant which they had
node before me into the hands of their enemies. Cer-
ainly this did oblige the pofterity, at leaft not to rccal hefe Servants, and it was always morally obliging. So >ur National Covenant, fworn with hands lifted up to he molt high God, being materially alfb binding, can- ot be abrogated by the pofterity, except the Lord re- ounce hislntereft in them; as iong as the Witnefs liveth hen, who claims them as his, they cannot be made oid ; elpecially considering, 6. They arc National Co- cnants ma.dc*with God, as the other Party contracting, 1 the matters of God, whkh none can difpenfe with, r grant Remiflions in; and therefore they mu(t per- etually bind, until he loofethem. And if even the po* verity break them, the Lord will make them that hate hem to reign over them, and he will bring a Sword up- n them, to avenge the quarrel of his Covenant^ Levit.xxvi. 5, 17, 25. Such were all the National Covenants of he Lord's people, renewed by fof!:uay Afa, Jehofiaphat, lezekiah, Jofiahy Ezra, Xehemiah, for the breaches of /hich the Lord plagued the pofterity. It was for breach f their fathers Covenant with God, that the ten Tribe* /ere carried away captive^ £ Kings y xvii. 1 5, &c. We ave already experienced the threatned judgments for Co- enant-breaking,and may look for more, 7. They are for leir Matter National Covenants, about things Moral obje- tively, obliging to join jurf elves to the Lord in a perpetual wevant thatfball not be forgotten , jer. I. 5. I might eafily emonftrate all the Articles of the Covenant to be mo- dly obliging, but they are demonftrate fufficiently a- ove. Bead r. Arg. II, therefore they are perpetually hiding. 8. They are for their Ends National Cove- ants, inviolably obliging, Which cannot be made void, lough they fhould be broken, becaufe the eods of them re always to be purfued, as is proved above, Head I. ^erefore they are perpetual. 9. They are for their For- lality National Covenants, moil fokmnh fworn, and
fub-
5 1 8 Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths.
fubfcribed by all Ranks,with uplifted Hands, with bended Knees, with folemn invocating the Name of God, with Jblemd Preaching, Prayer and Praife, Tendering them- fclves and the polierity obnoxious to the Curfe, if they fbould break it. Now the Solemnities of the Oath do aggravate the heinoufnefs nf the breach of it, as is clear from Jer. xxxiv. 19. Ezek. xvii. 18. quoted above: the reafbn is, becaufeof their greater deliberation in the a- €kion, and becaufeof the greater Scandal accompanying the Violation thereof. Hence as they are National Oaths and Covenants fo folemnizcd, they arc National Adjura- tions, under the pain of a National Curfe, not to break them Nationally, which do make the pofterity obnoxious to it; as Joflma adjuring Ifrael, faying, Curfed be the man that raifeth up, and buildeth this city Jericho, Jofh. vi. 26". which was fulfilled many Generations aft»er, in the days of Ahab, upon Hiel the Bethelite, 1 Kings xvi. I aft vevfe. So the Curfe of introducing abjured Prelacy and Topery, if it be let in, will be impendent on the Nation. All National Covenants have a Curfe annexed, in cafe of a breach, whenever it fhall be : fo in SehemiaFs Cove- nant, They clave to their brethren, and entred into a curfe y and into an oath, to walk in God's Law, which was given by Mofes the fervant of God, and to obfevve and to do all the commandments of the Lord our Lordy and his judg- ments and ftatutes; particularly not to enter into af- finity with their malignant Enemies, Neh. x. 29, 50. which certainly did oblige the pofterity, becaufe the thing was moral ; fb in our Covenants we are bound to the fame things, and nothing butthefe: and therefore the pofterity is liable to the curie of perjury, for the breach thereof. 10. They are for their Legality Natio- nal Laws, being folemnly ratified by the Parliament ami by the King, and made the foundation of their Compaft with him at his Inauguration, whereby they became the fundamental Laws of the Government, and among the r try Laws and Rules of governingy which,.though they he refcinded by a wicked Law, yet make the Remin- ders chargeable not only of Perjury, in breaking a Cove- nant, but ofTreafon and Tyranny,, in breaking and alter- ing the Conftitution of the. Government, and render thtm
liable
Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths* 5 1 £
iable to the curfe thereof: for they cannot refcind [that, lor efcape its vengeance : whereof we have a lpeaking pledge already, in that the Refcinder of theie Covenants was (o terribly refcinded, and cut off by the hands of annatural violence ; God thereby fulfilling thatthreatned Judgment of Covenant-breakers, that he that hath broken his Covenant fhall be brought to deftrudioa, and bloody and deceitful men fiall not live out half their days, Pfal lv. 20, I aft verf. So Charles II. got nor leave to live out half the days that he projected to himfelf. 1 1. They are Na- tional Engagements of an Hereditary Nature, like that of Jfraely Deur. xxix. 14, 15. which did oblige not only the prefent, but the abfent, net only them that flood there that day before the Lord their God, but them that were not there that day, Grotius de jur. bel. lib 2. cap. 6. gives thefc Marks of hereditary Covenants, (1.) When the SubjeB is of a permanent Nature, and as long as the fame Body re- mains) therefore as long as Scotland is Scotland, whole People in their perfonal Capacity, whofe Parliaments i» their Parliamentary Capacity, whofe King in h » Prince- ly Capacity, did allfolemnly and facredly eneaeein the Covenant, it muft be real and perpetually obliging. (2.) When there h luch a Claufe in the Covenant, as that it f:ould be perpetual, there are many Ciaufes in the Solemn League 10 this purpofc. In Art 1. are thefe Words, That we, and our Pofterity after us, may, as Brethren, live in Faith and Love* and the Lord may delight to dwell in the midfl if us. In the 5 th Art. We fb all each one of us, according to our Place and Interefl, endeavour, that the Kingdoms may remain conjoined in a firm Peace and Union to all Pofterity. (3.) When it is fuch as is made for the Good of the King- dom, the Covenant exprefies its End, for the perpetual Good of the Kingdom, having before our Eyes the Ghry if
God, the Advancement of the Kingdom of- Chrift, the f/0-
riour and Uappinefs of the King and his Pofterity, and the true publick Liberty, Safety, and Peace of the Kingdoms) wherein e~ very ones private Condition is included. And again it if added, for Prefervation ofourfelves and our Religion from utter Ruin and DeftruHion. All this is a publick National Good. (4.) The Matter is moral, about materially binding Du- ties, and therefore it muft ke hereditary 3 and of perpe- tual
|2o Concerning unlawful imfafed Oaths.
tual Obligation. (12.) Laftly, They are National Qbtb gations, taking on pub lick Duties, by way of virtual Re- frefentation of the Vojlerity. And they that think it irra- tional, that tfie father fhouki reprefent and involve the family, muft refolve us how the F.eligious and Civil Covenants of Ifrael and yudahy made in Mofes> Jofbuas David's, Afa's, foap's-, Hezekiah'j, Jojiah's and Nehemi- mVs days, did comprehend and bind as well the abfent as theprefent,and their pofterity, yet unborn; asalfb, how the Laws and Contrads continually palled by fome do take in others, not perfbnally contenting ; yea, how comes it to pafs, that every fucceeding generation is bound to the Laws, and muft be obedient to the Kings, that they did not make themlelves ; no reafon can be given, but becaufe they are virtually reprefented by, and included in their Fathers. Now, if thefe Arguments prove our National Covenants to be perpetually binding, and cannot be difpenfed with, then muft thefe pofterior Oaths that are made in a diametrical Oppofition to the Covenant, and are condemned by the Covenants, be jfalfe and unlawful Oaths; but the firft is proved: there- fore thefe Oaths, fo oppofite to, and condemned by the Covenants, are falfe and unlawful. That they are op* polite to the Covenant, will appear in the Induction of all of them. And that, whatever they be impofed by this party, they are condemned by the Covenants, where- in we are obliged to make no fuch Tranfaclions with them, will appear if we confider thefe and the like Ex- preffions, c That we (ball neither direclly, nor indire&ly,
* fuffer ourfclves to be divided, by whatfoever Suggeftion,
* Allurement, or Terror, from this blefted Conjunftion,
* nor fball cart in any let or impediment that may ftop c or hinder any fuch refolution, as (hall be found to con-
* duce for to good ends. ' Which are the Words of the Rational Covenant^ clearly condemning Oaths and bonds given to Malignants, which are divifive of them that adhere to, and unitive with them that oppofe the Cove- nant, and impeditive of refolutions toprofecute the ends thereof. So, in the Solemn League and Covenant, Art. 4»
* We are obliged to oppofe all fuch as make any fadion 1 or parties amoogft the people^ contrary to this League
'ancf
Concerning unlawful imp fed Oaths, $2t
1 and Covenant; bur, by thefe Oaths and Bonds, fuch
* factions are made, &c. * And, by Art. 6. c We are o- c bliged to afliit and defend all thofe that enter into this c Covenant (contradicted by all the latter Oaths and
* Bonds) and not to fuffer ourieives directly, or indirect- € iy, by whaufoever Combination, co be divided
* , from this blelTed Union, whether to make
c detection to the contrary part, or to give qurfelves to a
* deteltable indifl , &c.' Which we do, when wc divioe ourfelves from chefe that refufe theie Oaths, and make deletion unto the party that impoiethem. And, in the Solemn Acknowledgment of Sins , and Engagement to DutieSy i We are fworn, Seel. 6. to be {6 far from con- c niving at, complying with, or countenancing of Ma-
* lignaucy, Injuftice, &c. that we fhail not only avoid c and diicountenancc theie things, &c, but take an ef-
* feftual courfe to punifh and fupprefs thefe fcvils." Ail which we counteract and contradict, when we take any of thefe Oaths or Bonds.
In the fecond Place, by a particular Induction of the feveral kinds of thefe Oaths and Bonds > the Iniquity of each of them will appear; and the complex: Iniquity of the fmootheft of them, the Oath of Abjuration compared with every one of them, will be manifest. And confe- quently the honefty and innocency of Sufferers for reruf- ing them, will be difcovered.
I. The firft in order, which was a Copy to all the reft, was the Declaration-* ordained to be fubferibed by all in publick Charge, Office, or Truft, within the King- dom : c Wherein they do affirm and declare, they judge it unlawful to Subjects, upon Pretence of Reformation, or any other Pretence whatfeever, to enter into Leagues and Covenants, or take up arms againft the King,
and that all thefe gatherings, Petitions,
Protections that were ufed ■ for carrying on
of the late troubles, were unlawful and feditious; and
particularly that thefe Oaths, the National Co-
venanty- and the Solemn League and Covenanty
were and are in themfelves unlawful Oaths. ' Here is a Confederacy required aeainft the Lord, at which the Heavens might ftand aftcnifhed ; an unparaliciled breach
of
J22 Concerning unlawful impcfed Oath*.
of the Third Command. Which could no, more be take* in Truth and Right eoufnefs> than an Oath renouncing the Bible; but it hath this Advantage of the reft; that it is fomewhat plain, and the Iniquity legible on its front^ I. That it is a renouncing of folemn and (acred Cove- nants, perpetually binding to moral and indifpeniibie duties, the Wickednefs whereof is evident from what is faid above. 2. It makes perjury of the deepeft dye, the abfolutely' neceflary qualification of all in publick Office : who cannot be prefumed capable of administrating Ju- flice, when they have avowed themfelves perjured and perfidious, and not to be admitted among Heathens, let be Chriftians, nor trufted in a matter of ten Shillings mo- ney, according to the Laws of Scotland* 3. It renounces the whole Work of Reformation, and the way of carry- ing it on, as a Pretence and Trouble unlawful and fediti- ous : which if it be a Trouble, then the Peace they have taken in renouncing it, muft be fuch a Peace as is the plague of God upon the Heart, filling it with Senfleft- nefs and Stupidity in his juft Judgment, becaufe of the palpable Breach of Covenant ; or iuch a Peace, as is ve- ry confident with the Curfe and Vengeance of God, purfuing the quarrel of a broken Covenant. 4. It con- demns the taking up arms againft the King, which jfihall be proven to be duty. Head 5. Befldes, that here- by the moft innocent Means of fecking the Redrefs of Grievances, that Religion, Rifings, Law, and Practice of all Nations allows, is condemned. Yet, in effect, for as monftruous as this Oath is, the complex of its Iniqui- ty is couched in the Oath of Abjuration', in which many of thefe methods of Combinations, Rifmgs and Declar- ations of War againft the King, and Proteftations a- oainft his Tyranny, which were ufed in the late Trou- bles for carrying on the Reformation, are abjured ; in that a Declaration is renounced, in fb far as it declares War againft the King, and aflcrts it lawful to kill them that ferve him: which yet, in many Cafes in the Co- venanted Reformation here renounced, were acknow- ledged and pra&ifed as lawful, befides that it hath ma- ny other Breaches of Covenant in it, as will be (hew- ed,
II. The
Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths. 525
II. The next Set they contrived to catch Conferences, was the Oath of Allegiance and Supremacy : c Whereim they that took it, for teltification of their faithful Obe- dience to their raoft gracious and redoubted Sovereign,
Charles, King of Great Britain, do affirm, tehity,
and declare,— —That they acknowledge their fait* Sovereign, only fupreme Governor of this Kingdom, over all Perfons, and in all Caufes; and that no fo- reign Prince ■ hath any Jurifdidlion, Power, or Superiority over the fame; and therefore do utterly renounce all foreign Power, ■ and fhall, at their utmoft Power, defend, affift, and maintain his Majs.
Jurifdi&ion forefaid, and never decline his
power——.' The Iniquity of this Oath is very vaft and various, I. It is a Covenant of Allegiance with a King, turned Tyrant and Enemy to Religion, Subverter of the Reformation, and overturner of our Laws and Liberties ; and therefore demonftrate to be finful both from the firft general Argument againft Oaths, and front .Head 2d. 2. It cannot be taken in Truth, Right eoufnefsy or Judgment : becaufe the Words are general and very comprehenfive, and ambiguous, capable of diverfe fenfes : •'when he is affirmed to be fupreme over all Perfons, and in all Caufes, and to be affiited, and maintained, in that Jurifdiclion. Who can be furc in fwearingfuch an oath, but that he may thereby wrong others, wrong Parlia- ments in their Privileges, wrong the Church in her Li- berties, and which is worfe, wrong the Lord Jefus Chrift, who is Supreme alone in fome Caufes ? Can an Oath be taken in Truth and Righteoufnefs, to aflifi him in all encroachments, upon Caufes, that are not fubordi- nate to him ? And in invading all thofc Privileges of Subjects, which are natural, civil, moral, and religious ? For if he be fupreme in all Caufes, then all thefe depend upon him, and be fubordinate to him. And can it be ta- ken in Judgment, and with a clear mind, when it may be debated and doubted (as it is by fome) whether the Obligation of it is to be confidered, as circumftantiate and fpecificate to the prefent objefr of it, fuppofinsj him a Tyrant ? Or in a more abftraft notion, as it might be tendered in the fenfe of its firft Authors, as it was taken
in
5 24 Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths.
in King fames the VI's Days, and as they plead for tak- ing the Englifi Oach of Allegiance, as it was accepted.by the Puritans in Queen Eiifabetb's days 1 Whether it obli- ges to a King in Idea, and in a more general confiderati- on, as one who is faid never to die? Or with reference to fuch an one as we have, a mortal man, and an immortal enemy to all thofe precious Interests, for prefervation of which he only received hisKingflhip ? Whether it muft be taken in that of the Impofers, practically explained by their admininYations ? Or in any other feoie, aiiedgeef more legal \ Theie wTould be clear, before it can be taken with the due qualifications of an Oath. 3. As for the ci- vil part of it, or eccJefiaftical^ no other explanation need- cth to be enquired after, than what they give forth in cheir Acts on Record : the AB of Supremacy (to be feea in the hiftorical reprefentation of the fixth and lafi Period^ pag. ill. ferifes the Ecclefiaftical part of it: and the Aft for acknowledgment, of his Majejly's prerogative does fufficiently fenfe, explain and expound the civil part; declaring, 'That it is inherent in the Crown, and an un- doubted part of the Royal prerogative,** • to have
the fole choice and appointment of all Officers of State,
the power of calling, holding, and difTolving
Parliaments, and all Conventions and Meetings of
Eftates, the power of armies, making of peace
and war, treaties and leagues with foreign Princes or States, or at home by the fubjecls among themfelves 1
and that it is high treafbn in the Sribjecls,
upon whatfoevcr ground to rife in arms, or
make any treaties or leagues — —among themfelves;
without his Majefty's Authority firfi interponed there- to ; that it is unlawful to the Subjects, of whatfbever
quality or fundion, to convocate —themfelves, for
holding of Councils to treat, confult, or determine in any matters Civil or Ecclefiaftick, (except in the ordi- nary judgments), or make leagues or bonds upon what- foever colour or pretence, without his Majefiy's fpecial
conff nt% —that the League and Covenant, and all
treaties following thereupon, and adts or deeds that do
or may relate thereunto, are not obligatory, and
that none—- — -fbould prefume, upon any pretext of
? any
Concerning unlawful impcfed Oaths, 52 5
* atry authority whatfoever, to require the renewing or *fwearing of the faid League and Covenant, &c. ' Whereby.it appears, that all this fcrewing up the Prero- gative to fuch a pitch, is by the Oath of Allegiance to defend ail this jurifdi&ion juftified;and fb, thefe palpable encroachments on the privileges of the Scots Parliaments, that, by the fundamental Conftitutions of the Govern- ment, always had a ihare in making laws, and peace and war ; thefe robberies of our natural privileges of defend- ing ourfelves by arms, in cafe of the King's tyranny and opprefiion, and of convocating for confutations about the belt means thereof; and thefe invafions upon our Ecclefialtical privileges, in keeping General Aitemblies for the affairs of religioner an affair newly happening) always ftrenuoufly contended for as a part of the Tefti- jnony ; yea, all rhefe relcindings, repealings, and con- demnings of the way and manner, methods and meafures, of promoting the covenanted P^eformarioa, are by this Oath explained, and by this Acl acknowledged to be parts of that fupremacy and jurifii&ion to be defended and maintained : as likewife, by many wicked Ads lince promulgated, which promote the Supremacy to a vaft degree of abfblutenefs, which all do interpret what that Supremacy is which is fworn to be maintained, to wit, pure tyranny eftablifhed by law. See the many grie- vous conferences of this laid out at large, in ApoLRelat. Sett.io. 4. Here is abfolute allegiance fworn to an ab- folute power •. Paramount to all Law, engaging to faithful obedience to their Sovereign, as Supreme over all perfons> and in all caufesy — and to defend, affifl, and maintain his faidjurifdiBion, and never to decline his power ', there is no reftri&ion here on obedience, nor limitation on the pow- er, nor definition of the caufes, norcircumfcription of the cafes, in which that affiftance, &Pc. is to be given, whe- ther they be lawful or not. Now, abfolute allegiance to an abfolute power cannot be fworn by any man of confer- ence, nor owned by any man of reafon, as is proven, Head £. Arg. 6. It cannot be lawful in any fenfe, to fwear fuch an Oath to any Mortal, nay, not to a David nor Hezekiah : becaufe to fwear unreftri&ed and unlimited allegiance to any man, were a raanifeft nuncupating of
man-
526 Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths. ,
mankind, not only to an Afs-likc fubje&ioo, but to a iervile obligation to maintain and uphold the perfons j and government of mutable men, be what they will, turn to what they will ; it is known the beft of men, may degenerate : and, by this no remedy is left to re- drefs ourfelves, but our heads, hearts, and hands all tied up under an engagement to defend, affiit, and maintain whofoever doth hold the government, manage it as he pleafes. This reafbn will alfb conclude againft the En~ glip Oath of Allegiance j though it be a great deal more Imoothly worded, and feems only to require a rejection of the Pope> and legal fubje&ion to the King ; yet, that comprehenfive claufe makes it border upon abfolutcnefs, I will bear faith and true allegiance to his Majejlys heirs and fuccefforsy and him and them will defend to the utter- : moft of my power > againft alP.Confpiracies aud Attempts ; whatfoever. There are no conditions here at all, limit- ing the allegiance, or qualifying the Objcd ; but an ar- j bitrary impofmon of true allegiance and defence, in all cafes, againft all attempts, (even that of repreffing their tyranny not excepted), not only of their perfons, but of their Dignities, if this be not an illimiced allegiance to an abfolute power, I knowr not what is, 5. Here is an ac- knowledgement of the Ecclcfiaftical Supremacy refidenc in the King : which is the moft blafphemous Ufurpati- on on the Prerogatives of Chrift, and privileges of his Church, that ever thegreateft Monfter among men durft arrogate : yea, the Roman beaft never claimed more ; and, in efTed, it is nothing elfe but one of his Names of Blafphemy twifted out of the Pope's hands by King Henry the VIII. and handed down to Queen Blifabethy and wafted over to James the VI, for that was the ori £inal and conveyance of it. The iniquity whereof i difcovcred above, Head I. Arg. 3. But further, may b aggravated in thele particulars, (I.) It is only a change of the Popey but not of the Popedom; and nothing elfe but a fhaking ofT the Ecclefiaftical Pope, and fubmitting to a Civil pope, by whom Chrift's Headftiip is -as much wronged as by the other: and hereby a door is opened for bringing in Popery (as indeed by this Stratagem it is brought now to our very doors) for by the Aft of Supre- macy
Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths. 52?
Wiacyhehath power to fettle all things concerning Do- ctrine, Worfhip; Discipline or Government, by his Cierks the Bifiops, having all the Archite&onick power of dif- pofing, ordering, and ordaining thefe, as he in his Roy- al Wiidom thinks fit. (2.) By this Church and State arc confounded (whereof the D/tiin&ion is demonstrate a- fcove) making the Magiftrate a proper and competent Judge in Church-matters, not to be declined; whereby alfo he hath power to e reel: new Courts, Mongrel-judica- tories, half Civil, half Eccleiiaitick, which have no War- rant in the Word. (3.) By this, many palpable and intole- rable encroachments made upon the Liberties aud Privi- leges of the Church of Chriit arc yielded unto; as thae there muft be no Church-judicatories or Ailemblies, without the Ma gilt rate's confent, but that the power of convocating and indicting AlTemblies do belong only ro him, and the power of delegating and constituting the members thereof, that he may diilolve them when he pleafes ; that his prefence, or his CommiiHoners, is neceiTary unto each national AlTembly ; that Miniflers have no proper decisive fuffrage in Synods, but only of advice; that the Church-judicatories be prelimited, and nothing muft be treated there, which may be inter- preted grating upon the Prerogative, nor any thing Vvhatfbever, but what he fhall allow and approve, with- out which it can have no force nor validity ; yea, by this a door fhould be opened unto the utter deftrudtion and overthrow of all Church-judicatories, feeing he is made the fountain of all Church-power. (4)Bv this, the Magiftrate is madea Church-memberas he is a Magiftrate, and fo all Magiftrates as fuch are Church-members, evea Heathens. And yet, (5) by this he is exempted from fub- jedlion to the Miniftry, becaufe they are made account- able to him in their administrations, and in the difcharge of their function are under him as fupreme. Yea, (6) By this the Magiftrate is made a Church Officer, having the difpofal of the Churches Government. And not on- ly fb, but, (7) By this he is made a Church Officer of the higheft degree, being fupreme in all Caufes, to whom Mmifters in the difcharee of their Miniftry aie fubordi- *ate. And fp, (3) By this the Church of the New Te-
fiamcoc
^28 Concerning unlawful impofed Oatlu
ftament is made imperfedt, fo long as (he wanted a Chfi- ftian Magfftrate, wanting hereby a chief Officer; yea^ and the Apoftles did amifs in robbing the Magiftratc of his power, (o) By this the Magiftrate might cxerce all ads of jurifdi&ion, immediately by himfelf; feeing he can do it as fupreme by his Commiilioners in Ecclcfi- aftick Affairs. (10) Finally, By this Oath the King is made the head of the Church, being fupreme over all Perfons, and in all Caufes, unto whom all appeals and references muft ultimately be reduced, even fromChurch Judicatories. Thofe things are only here touched, they are more apodidtically confirmed above, and rnav be feen made out at large in Apol. Kelat. Seel. 1.2. But I proceed. 6. It is contrary unto the Solemn League and Covenant; into whofe place, after it was broken, burnt^ buried, and refcinded, iince they have remitted the Sub- jects Allegiance by annulling the Bond of it, rhey fubfti- tute and furrogate this in its place: and rherefore none can comply with the furrogation of the fecond, except he confent to the Abrogation of the firfi Oath. All the Allegiance we can own according to the Covenant, Rands perpetually and exprcfly thus qualified, viz* in defence of Religion and Liberty , according to our firft and fecond Co- venants, and in its own nature muft be indifpenfibly thus refrri&ed : therefore to renew the fame, or rake art Oath of Allegiance fTmply, purpofely omitting the for- mer reftriclion, when the Power1; are in manifeft Rebel- lion againft the Lord, is, in efFe£}, a Tlifcrwning of that limitation, and of the Sovereign prerogative of the great God, which is thereby referved; and as much as to fay* c Whatever Authority command us to do, we fhall not c only ftupidly endure it, but aclively concur with, and * aifift in all this Tyranny.' Sefe Naph* firfi edition. Pag. 177. 178. Vindicated At length by Jus Populi* Chap. I*. By all this the Iniquity of the Scots Oath of Allegiance and Supremacy may appear, and alfb that of the Englifi Oath of Allegianee, even abftracl: from the Supremacy, is in Ibme meafure difcovered ; though it is not my purpofe particularly to fpeak to that: yet this I will fay, That they that ^Ic^d for its Precifion from the Supremacy an- nexed, feem not to confider the full import of its terms;
for
Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths. 529
for under the Dignities, Superiorities, and Authorities > there (engaged co be fcepheld, the Eccieiiaftical Supremacy muff *be included ; for that is declared to be one of the Digni- ties of the Crown there, as well as here, and hither it ■was brought from thence. And therefore thofe Scots Men that took that Oath there, and pled, that though the Oath of Allegiance in Scotland be a fin, yet it is du- ty to take the Oath in England, feem to me to be in a great Deceit ; for the Objedf. is the fame, the Subject is the fame, the Duty expecled, required, and engaged in- to, is the fame, and every thing equal in both. Yet all this Iniquity, here couched, is fome way comprehended in, and implied by the Oath of Abjuration: for the civil part is imported, in abjuring a Declaration, for its de- claring V/ar againfi the King, where it is clear, he is owned as King, and all part with them that declare War againft him being renounced, it is evident the Ab- jurers mult take part with him in that War, and fo affift and defend him ; for being fubje&s, they muft not be neutral, therefore if they be not againft him, they muft be for him, and fb under the bond of Allegiance to hinx the Ecclefiaftical Supremacy is inferred from that Ex- preflion of it, where fome arefaid to fewe him in Churchy as well as in State, which implies an ecclcfiaftical Subor- - dination to him as fupreme over the Church,
III. The Tenor of fome other Bonds was more fmooth and fubtile, as that of the Bond of Peace ; feveral times re- newed and impofed, and under feveral forms; but al- ways after one ftrain ; engaging to live peaceably, where- by many were cauoht and cheated with the feeming Fairnefs of thefe general Terms ; but others difcernln^ their Fallacioufnefs, refufed and fuffered for it. This in the general is capable of a good fenfe: for no Chri- ftian will refufe to live peaceably, but will endeavour, if it be poifible, as much as lieth in them, to live peace- ably with all Men, Rom. xii. 18. that is, Co far to follow Peace with alt Men, as may confift with the purfuit of Eclinefs, Heb. xji. 14. But if we more narrowly conii- der fuch Bonds, we fhall find them Bonds of Iniquity. For, 1. They are Covenants of Peace, or Confederacies With God's enemies, whom we fhould count our enemies,
LI and
5.$© Concerning unlawful Imfofed Oaihs.
and hate them becaufe they hate him, Vfah exxxix. 2V Ic is more fuitable to anfwer, as jehu did to Joram, 2
King. ix. 2£c- -What Peace, fo long as the whoredoms of
thy Mother yezebel, and her Witchcrafts are fo many ? Than to engage to be at Peace with thofe, who are carrying on Babylon's Intcreft, the Mother of Harlots and Witch- crafts. 2. This cannot be taken in Truth, yudgmentr and, Righteoufnefs, becaufe of the Fallacy and Ambiguity of che Terms: for there are diverfe Sorts of Peace and PeaceableneG ; fome kind is duty, fbme never, it rauft then be rightly qualified, for we can profefs and purfuc 1*0* Peace of Confederacy with the enemies of God, not . toofiilent with the Fear of the Lord, otherwife we can- »ot expect to have the Lord for a SanBuary, hut for a
fine of ftumblivg, Ifa. viii. 8, 12, —14. — *- — -No
Peace obftru&ing the Gofpel or Teftimony, or abftraft- ing from the Duty of the Day ; no Peace tending to fin- ful Security, Jer. viii. II. No Peace leading to flavifh (tu- midity ; no Peace prompting to prepofterous Prudence, in palliating fin, or daubing defections with untempered morter ; no Peace inconfiftent with Truth ; they rauft go together, ZecK. i. 19. No Peace that may not be fol- lowed with Holinefs, Heb. xiu 14, 3ut it muft be fo qua- lified, that it be in the Lord, in Truth, in Duty, con- tributing for the good of the Church, Vfahx exxii. 8, 9. and the Fruit of that Wifclom, which is firft -pure, and thence ace able y Jam. iiu 17. .Now, alt that know the Impofers of thefe Bonds, will acknowledge that is not the Peace they are leeking, 5. If we further enquire into their meaning of living peaceably, afnd feck a determinate Jcnfe of it from their afts and actings, it is plain they wean fuch a peaceable living, as gives obedience to. then? wicked Laws, and is a Compliance to their eftablifhed Courfes: and it muft be iuch a peaceable living, as 19 oppofite to their fenfe of Sedition, Rebellion, Schifm, &C. Which they interpret every ieafbnable duty to be : and it muft be fuch a peaceable living, as they were prefum- ed not to have been obfervant of before ; and whatever it 'be, muft be oppofite to that with which they were charged as turbulent, and fb contrary to all the duties of our covenanted Profeffion, ag goiag to Meetings, with- draw-
Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths* 55%
^rawing from the Curates, &c. Which they interpret *iot to be peaceable living. 4. This is contrary to our Covenants, which oblige us to a conftanc contending with, and oppofition to them. Yet all this is engaged into in the Oath of Abjuration, which abjures all War againft the King, and all doing Injury to them that fei ve him, and consequently to Peace, and living peace- ably with them.
IV. Of affinity to this were many other Bonds of £e- gularity, frequently renewed, and eeneraliy impofed, and that with unp^railelled illegality and rigour ; fome- times by hofts of Savage Highlanders') fomerimes by Cir- cuit-Court sr and by Heritors upon their Tenants, and with fuch unheard of Involvements, that the Mafter or Heritor was obliged for himfelf, his 'Wife, Children, Servants, Tenants, and all under him, to live orderly : Which in fome was more bluntly expreffed, in others more flatly explained, that they fhould keep the publick Ordinances, that is, hear the Curates, and not go to any Seditious Conventicles, (fo they called the perfecurcJ Meetings of the Lord's people for the Worfhip of God) and in others yet more impudently exadted, that they fhould not harbour, entertain, or correfpond with any that went to thefe Meetings, but discover and affift to the apprehending of them. There were federal Forms of them from time to time, fome longer, fome fhorter ; but all of them, firft and laft, were to the fame Scnfc and Scope. And the mod favourably worded had much Wickednefi in them : for, 1. They are Covenants of Or-. der, and coming under the fame Rule with themfelves, which is nothing but their lufts and mifchiefs framed in- to Law, not according to the R.ule of the word of God, but the iniquous Laws of Men. £. They could not be taken in Truth, judgment, and Righteoufnefs : for ei- ther they were ambiguous, or their ptain fenfe obliged to manifeft iniquities, to conform with all their enacted Corruptions. 3. They are clear breaches of Covenant, which obliges to another kind of Orderlinef>, and to fol- low other Rules, and take none from them in the mat- ters of God. 4. They are impoflible, and abfurd ; obli- ging Matters to kijad for all under chem, that could nei-
L 1 a thet
552 Concerning unlawful impofed Oathi*
ther ly in their power, nor in their duty, to reftrain theff Liberty in thefe lawful things, and to conftrain and compel their Confciences to fin. 5. The^are unnatural and cruel, obliging the Takers to partake with them in their Perl^cution of the godly. 6. They were Engage- ments to hear Curates, which is proved to he fin, Head X. throughout. 7. They were Engagements to with- draw from the Meetings of the Lord's people, proved to fee duty, Head 4. Yet the Oath of Abjuration is fome way equivalent to this, in that it obliges the Abjurers to renounce Diforderlinefs in their fenfe, and to do no harm to the time-ferving orderly Clergy or Laity, ferving and profecuting their wicked orders.
V. Some other Bonds of that nature, and Oaths fre- quently put to fuffering people when taken prifoners,did require peaceabJenefs and orderlinefs, in this ftile, that they Ihould either tacitly or exprefly condemn fbme Rifings in Arms, as at Vent] and, Bothivel, &c.tobe Rebellion againfi the Kingy :and a fin againfi God> and engage never to rife in Arms againfi the King, or any commiffionate by him, up- cn any pretence nvhatfoever. The iniquity whereof is manifeft; For, 1. This is a Covenant equivalent to a I-eague offenfive and defenfive with them, obliging ne- ver to offend or oppofe them, nor to defend nor refcue our brethren againlt and from their murdering Violence* 2. This could not be taken in Truth, Judgment, and Righteoufnefs : for, who can tell how far that may ex- tend, upon any pretence whatfoever ? This may oblige us to make a ftupid furrender of our lives, when the King, turns fb tyrannical, as to fend his Cut- throats to demand them, or authorises his bloody Vapifis to maffacre us, them we muft not refift upon this pretence. 3. It is con- trary to our Covenants, that allow Refiftance in fbme ca- fes, and oblige to affift and defend all that enter under the bond thereof. 4. This infers an owning of the pre- fent Authority, as the irrefifrible Ordinance of God, and an obligation of living peaceably in fubje&ion under it ; difproved above. To which I fhali add a part of that forecited Letter of Mr. Rutherford's, the 63d in number of the third Part of his printed Letters, which are a clear '■ Vindication of the Principles and PraQicc of our confei-j
cntiousi
Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths. 535
fcDtious Sufferers on this Point : [ c There is a promife and
< real purpofe (faith he) to live peaceably under the
< King's Authority; but, (1) You do not fo anfwer can- c didly and ingenuoufly the mind of the Rulers, who, c to your knowledge, mean a far other thing by Autho-
< rity than you do : for you mean his juft Authority, his c Authority in the Lord in the maintenance of
< true Religion, as in the Covenant-, and ConfeJJion of c Faith is expreffedfrom the Word of God ; they
< mean his flipreme Authority, and abfolute Prerogative
< above Laws, as their Acts clear, and as their Practice « is ; for they refufed to fuch as were unwilling to fub-
< fcribe their Bond, to add, Authority in the Lord, or juft 5 and lawful Authority, or Authority as it is expreffedin
< the Covenant ; but this draught of a petition yields the c fenfe and meaning to them, which they crave. (2) « That Authority for which they contend is exclufive pf
* the fworn Covenant ; fo that except ye had faid, Ye
* fhall be fubje&to the King's Authority in the Lord, or c according to the fworn Covenant, you fay nothing to « the point in hand, and that fore is not your meaning. c (3) Whoever promifes fo muoh of peaceable. living un- c der his Majefty's Authority, leaving out the expofitiort c of the fifth Command^ may, upon the very fame c ground, fubferibe the bond refufed by the Godly, and c fo you pafi from the Covenant, and make all thefe by- « paft Actings of this Kirk and State thefc years bypaft c to be horrid Rebellion, and how deep this guilt draws, 1 confider. " 5. This would infer, though the King fhould lend and kill us, we muft not refift, nor defend our own lives : yet, being an Oath againft the Sixth Command, which enjoineth natural Self-prefervation, it fhould be intrinfically finfut; and 'tis all one to fwear to Non-prc- fervationof felf, as to fwear to Self-murder. 6. I hope to make it appear in the fifth He*dy that tkis is againft the practice of Nations, the Law of Nature, and the Word of God. Yet all this complex Iniquity is clearly com- prehended in the Oath of Abjuration , in terms abjuring all war againft the King.
VI, There were fome other Oathsy frequently obtru- ded upon people, for refufing which they have faltered
great
534 Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths,
great Cruelties, that can hardly be defcribed by Shy name ; nor can their impoiition have a parallel jn any age or place, for illegality, inhumanity, arbitrarinefs, and odioufhefs. Thefe were the Oaths of Inquifcion, or Things beyond all enquiry : Whereby people were preffed to anfwer the Inquifitorj, according to all their know- ledge of things they were interrogate upon, and delate and difcover intercommuned perfons in their Wander-* ings, or fuch whofc names were in their Porteous Rollsy itPc And power was given to fingle foldien, to prefs thefe Oaths upon whom they pleafed. The iniquity of which is monftrous: For, i. This was the worfl kind of Combination with thefe Blood-hounds, to abet and aflift them in their purfutng after the Lord's people : which is worfe than to be bareconfenters tofuch wicked^ Heft, or to be onlookers to their afHi&ion in the day of their calamity 5 but like that fin charged upon Edomy that they delivered up thofe of His that did remain in the day of diftrefs, Chad, ver. 1 3, 14. for thefe that took Oaths, obliged thcmfelvcs to do all they could to deli-* ver up the Remnant that efcaped; and if they did not, no thanks to them ; if thcy'could nor, their fin was in their Willingnefs : if they would not, and yet fwore would contribute their help towards it, by telling of all they fenew, that was horrid perjury and falfe fweari.ng, 2. This could be noways capable of the qualifications of an Oath; not only becaufc the matter is wicked and un- natural, to difcover, may be, the husband, or children, or neareft relations, to plcafe men, orfave their own life, which was a great tentation; and therefore in it there could be no deliberation in fwearing : but alfo for the doubtful perplexity confounding the mind, that they ei- ther could not, nor durft not tell of all they knew* and yet fwore to do ft. 3. It is againft the Covenant, which obliges to difcover Malignant Enemies, and aflift our Covenanting Brethren, and not to difcover them, and af* fift Malignant Enemies; which is a perfect inverting the fourth zndjixth Articles of the Covenant, 4. It is contrary to clear precepts in Scripture, to affift and defend our Bre- thren, to make our fhaciow as the night in the midft of the noo&-day3 and hide the Outcafr, and hewray not him
, that
Concerning unlawful imfofed Oaths, 535
that ivandereth, Ifa. xvi. 9, 5. The illegality of this im- pofition makes it very abfurd, that every pitiful Officer or Soldier fhouki be impowered to impofe and cxa£fc Oaths, and impanncl and examine WitneiTes, about ai- ledged Criminals. Yet the monftroufnefs of this Oath ferves to aggravate the Oath of Ab titration', in that the Abjurers do renounce their part of, anddifown the Decla- rers of that abjured Declaration, and fo do as much as from them is required, to give them up for a prey to their hunters; yea they declare them Murderers, in that they abjure their Declaration as afferting Murder ; and confequently they mud be obliged to difcover them to their acknowledged Judges.
VII. The abominable Tejl comes next: which needs no other Refutation than to rehearfc it ; the Subftance whereof was a folcmn Swearing., ■ That they owned and 1 fincerely profefTed the true Protefiant Religion, contain- c ed in the Confeffon of Faith, recorded in the firft Parlia- c ment of King James VI. and that they would ad- c here thereunto all the days of their life, — and
* never confent to any change or alteration contrary there -
* to, — but renounce allDodrines, Principles, Practices,
* wrhether Popifl or Fanatical, contrary thereto — - And c they fwear, That the King is the onlyfupreme Gover- c nor of this Realm, over all perfons, in all caufes, as wrell c Ecclefiaftical as Civil, — and promife to bear Faith and < true Allegiance to the King's Majerty, his heirs artel c lawful fuccefTors, and to their power fhall aflift and ~dc- c fend all rights, jurifdiftions, prerogatives, - - belonging c to them — — And affirm — .it unlawful for fubje&s,
* upon pretence of Reformation, or aay other pretence c whatsoever, to enter into Covenants «=— or to convocate,
* conveen, or affemble — to treat, confult, or determine c ill any matter of State, Civil or Ecefefiaftick, wirhbut
* his Majefty's fpecial command ——or to take up Arms c againft the King, or thefe commiffion -re by him
* And that there lies no Obligation on them, from the National Covenant, or Solemn League and Covenant — to
1 endeavour any change or alteration in the Government,
* either in Church or State., as it is now/ erhblifhed by
* the Laws of toe Kin^dqm — and they (hall never de-
< dine
j 3 6 Concerning unlawful impfed Oath*
"f dine his Majefty's power an4 jurifdiction — And final- c ly, they fwear, That thii Oath is given in thejplalq
* genuine fenie and meaning of the Words, without a-
* ny equivocation, mental refervation, or any manner *of evaiion whatsoever.' — ; This is the Com- plement of a wicked Confpiracy, couching in its capi- cious bofbm the Complication of all their Mifchiefs, comprehending all, and explaining all the former which indeed cannot be taken with any equivocating Evalion, that can efcape either the Stigma of Non- fenfe and Sel£contradi&ion, or the Cenfure of Atheifm and Irreligion, or the Sentence of Divine Vengeance againft fuch baffling the Name of God. The beftfenfe chat can be put upon it, is that which a poor Sot ex- preffed, when it was tendered to him, prefacing thus before he took it, Lord have mercy upon my foul. For, I. It is not confident with itfelf, /there being fuch contra- dictions between that Confejfion of Faith and the following part, that no man can reconcile, fome whereof may be inftanced as follows: (i.) In the nth Art* of that Con- ieffion, intituled, of ChrijFs Afcenfion, it is faid, c That
* Chrift is the only Head of the Church, and juft Law-
* giver, in which Honours and Offices, if Men or Angels
* prefume to intrude themfelves, we utterly deteft and c abhor them, as blafphemous to our Sovereign and fti-
* preme Governor Chrift Jefus.* And a little before, in chat fame Article, it is faid, c This Glory, Honour and
* Prerogative he alone among the Brethren (hall pofTefs/ And in the 16th Art. of the Kirk, c 'Chrift is the only c Head oOthe fame Kirk.9 And yet in the Tejly the King is affirmed to be the only Supreme in all Caufes Eccleflaftical. (2.) In the 14th Art. among good Works are,reckoned thefe: c To obey fuperior Powers and their
* charges (not repugning to the Commandment of God) c to fave the lives of Innocents, to reprefl Tyranny, to
* defend the opprefTed.' And among evil works thefe are qualified, c To reflft any that God hath placed in Au-
* thority [while they pafs not over the bounds of their ? Office.] And Art. 24th, it is confcfTed, c That fuch as
* reflft the fupreme Power, doing that which pertains to f bj$ Charge, do refill God's Ordinance, while the
c Princes
Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths* 537
: Princes and Rulers vigilantly travel in the execution of the.r Office.' And yet in the Tefi, true Allegiance is engaged into without any fuch limitations ; and it is af- fcrmed to be unlawful, upon any pretence whatfoever, to convocate, &c, or to cake up Arms againit the King. (3.) In the. 14th Art. c Evil Works are affirmed to be, 1 not only chofe that expreily are done againit God's c Commandment, but chofe alio that, in matters of Re- c ligicn, and worfbipping of God, have no other affur- c ancc but the invention and opinion oi men.* And Art* iSth, among the Notes of the true Church, c Eccleilafti- Q cai Difcipline, uprightly miniftred, as God's Word pre- c fcribes, whereby vice is reprefTed, and virtue nourifhed, < is one.' In Art. 20ch, c The voice of God and conftitu- * tion of men are oppofed.' And yet in che Tefi, they fwear never to endeavour any change or alteration in the Government of the Church—- -as it is now eftabli- fhed } whereof many things mud be altered, yea, the whole form and frame of it, if thefe proportions be true, as they are. (4«( In the Tefi, they fwear never to con- fent to any change or alteration, contrary to that confef- lion, and that all principles and practices contrary there- to are Popift and fanatical (for fo they divide them into one of thefe disjunctively) then muft all the following principles in their Tefihe renounced as fuch, feeing they are contrary to that confeffion in fome Proportions or Articles; and that the Government eftablifhed by that confeflion was Presbyterian, and this eftablifhed by the Tefi is Epifcopal. 2. It comprehends all the former Oaths aftid Bonds, which are cleared above to be finful. Yet for as wicked as it is, it muft be fomeway homologated by the Oath of Abjuration, excepting the contradiction that is in it; feeing all thefe oppositions againft the King, fworn againft in the Tefi, ar£ abjured and renounced in that Oath of Abjuration, in renouncing all Declarations of War againit the King ; for if any War can be undertaken againit him,all thefe kinds of oppofition muft be allowed, chat are in the Teft fworn againft.
VIII. In the lafi place, I fhall come to confider more particularly the Oath of Abjuration itfelf; for refuting of which, the fufferings were more fevere (being extended
even
538 Concerting unlawful imp fed Oaths,
even to death or banifhment) though the Words b$ more fmooth than in any of the former) which are theft: I do ahjurey renounce, and difown a late -pretended
declaration, affixed on fever al Market- crojfes, &c. info far as it declares War agatnft the King, and ajferts it lawful to fall any that ferve his Maj 'efty in Church, Stats, Army, or Country. That the taking of this Oath is a ftep of Com- pliance, difhonourable to God, derogatory to the day's Tcftimony, contradictory to the many reiterated Con- feffions of ChrifTs worthy (though poor and defpifed ) WitneiTes, fealed by their blood, bonds and banifhments, encouraging and gratifying to the Enemies of Cod, hardening to backfliding Brethren, offensive to the Ge- neration of the righteous, Mumbling to all, leaving a frain and (ting upon the Confcience of the Subfcriber, I fhall endeavour to make out by thefe Confederations.
I. Confidcring the Party who impofed it ', it muft be looked upon as a Confederacy with them, being tendered upon all the Subjects, as a Teft of their incorporating themselves with, and declaring rhemfeives for their head, and iiding with them and him, in this their Conteit an<" Contention with a poor Remnant of the Lord's People, yerfceuted and murdered by them for Truth and Confci- ence fake, who iilued forth that Declaration againft them, here abjured. Therefore let the Party be confldered, im- posing the Oath with fuch rigour, and profecuting the Refulers with ravenous rage, murdering and torturing all who did not comply with them, declaring a War more formally End explicitely againft Chrift as King, and all that will dare to affert their Allegiance to him; under an open difplayed banner of defiance of him and his,than even Mortals durft efpoufe and avouch : the head of that treacherous and truculent Faction, both he who was firft declared againft in that Declaration, and he who hath by bloody and treacherous Ufurpation fucceeded to him, being fuch a Monfter for Murder and Mifchief, Tyranny, Opprefiion and Perfidy, that among all the tfimrods and Nero's that paft ages can recount, we cannot find a paral- lel, by all Law Divine and human, incapable of Go- vernment, or any Truft, or fo much as Protection, or any privilege, but to bepurfued by all, as a common E-
aemy
Concerning unlawful i m^ofed Oaths* 559
fiemy to Mankind : and his UnderiingS> Agents and Complices, devoted to his luft, and lerving his wicked defigns, in their refpeclive offices and places cf truft un- der him, which by his nomination and foie appointment they have been (erected to, and eftablifhed in, with the ftain and indelible Character of Perjury, the only quali- fication of their being capable of any advancement, oc- cupying by Ufurpation, Intrufion and Violence, the publick places of Judicatories, and carrying all fo info- lently and arbitrarily, and with an effrontry of wicked- iiefs and defpight of all Reafon, Religion or juftice, that they cannot but be looked upon as the moft peftilent and peftiferous Plague that ever peftered a people : The taking then of this Oath, by them projected as a Peft to infect Consciences with, and pervert them to wicked, Truth- deferting and Law-perverting Loyalty, and impofed as a Terr of Compliance writh them, and coming off from that little flock whom they defign to devour and defti- nate to definition; muft be in their ownefteem, as well as of the Generation of the righteous, to their fatisfa- &ion, and the others forrow, a real incorporating with them, an owning oftheir ofurped power as judges to ad- min ifter Oaths, giving them all obedience they required for the time to their Authority, and all the fecurity they demanded for the Subfcribers Loyalty, an approving of all their Proceedings in that matter, and franfa&ine, tam- pering, and bargaining with thefe Sons of Belial-, out cf fear, whereby a Right is purchafed to that common badge of their owned and profe fled friends, who (upon taking that O/ith) had from them a privilege and allow- ance to travel and traffick (where and how they will) through the Country, denied to all other that wanted that badge ; I mean the Pafs or Teflificate they got from them thereupon, which was the Mark of that fecular Beaft of Tyranny, no IcTs pernicious to the World th/ift Popery h.nh been to the Church, and which was given to all the Takers of that Oath, as a Mark or Te]fera>thzz they were no Enemies to the Government, ^s they call ir. O bafe and unworthy Livery! for the fufferinsj Sons p£ Zipn to put on the Signature of the Society of her de- voured. Hence, if Covenants and Confederacies, de- claring
540 Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths*
daring we are on their fide, cannot be made with the Enemies of Religion, then (this Oath could not be taken lawfully; but the former is proved above : therefore the latter follows. This will yet more appear,
2. If we coniider the Party that fet forth that Declara- tion, whom the Proclamation againft it repreients fo o- dioufly and invidiouily,whom the Oath impofed obliges us to condemn ; being fo reprefented, as if they were Maintainers of murdering principles, and Perpetrators of afTaffinating villanies, inconfiftent with Peace or any good Government, and therefore to be exterminated and deftroyed out of the land, whom therefore they profecute and perfecutc fo cruelly to the erTufion of their blood, under colour of law. I. The Takers of this Oath rauft have formally, under their unhappy hand, difbwned and renounced them, and all part or intereft in them, or So- ciety or Sympathy with them ; who yet are known to be the fuffering people of God, more earneftly contend- ing, witneffing, wreltling for the Faith and Word of ChrhTs Patience, and have fufFered more for their ad- herence to the covenanted Reformation of the Chufch of Scotland, and for their oppofition to all its deformations and defe&ions, than any party within the land : yet them have they rejected as their Companions, tho* with fome of them fbmetimes they have had fweet Company and Communion in the Houfe of God", by abjuring and condemning their deed which duty and neceffity have drove them to. 2. Hereby they have prefumptuoufly taken upon them, to pafs a judgment upon the deed of their Brethren, before their murdering enemies ? and that not a private difcretiv* judgment, but a publick de- finitive fentence (in their capacity) by the moft folemn way of declaring it, that can be, by Oath and Subfcrip- tion under their hand ; whereby they have condemned all the fufferings of their Brethren, who fealed theirTefli- jnony in oppofition to this compliance with their blood, and finished it with honour and joy, as foolifh and fri-, volous profufion of their own blood, nay, as juft and legally inflicted and executed upon them, as being Re- bels, of murdering principles and practices: for this can- cot be vindicated from a more than indiredt juftifyingof all the murdering feverky executed upon them, 3. And
here
Concerning unlawful impo/ed Oaths. 541
hereby they have unkindly and unchriftianly lifted thcm- fclves on the other fide againft them, and take part ra- ther with their enemies than with them ; for thus they ufed to plead for it, when they pre fled this Oath upon them that fcrupled it ; when any war is declared againft the King, c any of his Majcfty's Soldiers may queftion 4 any man whom he is for, and if he be not for the * King, he may aft againft him as an enemy, and if c they will not declare for the King and difbwn theRe- ' bcls, they are to be reputed by all as enemies/ Which, whatever weaknefs be in the arguing, plainly difcovers, that they take the abjuring of that Declaration in that juncture, to be a man's declaring of what fide he is for, and that he is not for the Emitters of that Declaration, but for the King and his party : which, in the prefenc (rate of affairs, is a moft dreadful owning of Chrift's e- Demy, and difowning of his friends. Hence, a difown- ing of the Lord's perfecuted people, and condemning their practice, and an owning of their Perfecuters, and efpoufing their fide of it, is a finful Confederacy; but the taking of this Oath is fuch., as is evident by what is faid : therefore it is a finful Confederacy.
3. Confidering the Nature, Conditions, and Qualifi- cations of fo folemo and ferious a piece of God's Wor- ftiip, and way of invocating his holy Name, as an Oath is ; it will appear, that the taking of this impofed Oath of Abjuration , was a dreadful and heinous breach of the Third Command, by taking his Name in vain, in the worft fort, and fb cannot be holden guiltlefs. I prove it thus : An Oath which cannot be taken in truth, judg- ment and righteoufnefs, is a breach of the Third Com- mand ; but this is an Oath which cannot be taken in truth, judgment and righteoufnefs : which is evident; for, 1. It cannot be taken by any confeientious man in Truth, in fincerity of the heart, fimplicity of the mind, finglenefs and honefty in the intention, not putting any other fenfc than the Impofer hath, and which is the clear fenfe of it without Oath and beyond it. For, if he take it according to their meaning, then he fhould fwear it unlawful ever to declare war againft the-King, and confccjuently never to rife in arms againft him upon
any
5#2 Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths.
any pretence whatfocver : for, if we may rife in arms for our own defence, we make and muft declare a de- feniive wan And indeed, in thcmfelves, as well as in their ienfe and meaning who impofed them, thefe two Oaths, never to rife in arms againft the King, and this of Abjuration, are one and the fame. Then alfo fhouid We lwear it unlawful, at any time, upon any oecaiion, or for any caufe, to kill any fuch as ferve the King in Church, State, Army or Country, either in Peace or War: for that is their thought, and the Jenfe even of the Oath itfelf, or what is beyond it : and in part, for their exemption and immunity from all condign punifhment, this Oath was contrived. But, in fine, how can this Oath be taken in truth ; when it is not apparent, either that the declaring of a war againft the King, or killing ibaae for fome caufes (which fhall afterwards be ma4e appear to be lawful) that ferve him, are to be abjured anddifowned? or that the Declaration, does aflert any fuch thing ? And indeed it will be found to be a deny- ing the truth, and a fubfcribing to amanifcfjfc falfefhood, invoking God to be Witnefs thereto. 2. This Oath cannot be taken in Judgment ; that is, with Knowledge and Deliberation, &c All the Terms of it have much pbfcure ambiguity, declaring a War, and killing any ewh» ferve the King, may be conftrudied in feveral fenfes^ good and bad, but here they arc indefinitely exprefTed, and univerfally condemned. Particularly that [in fo far as\ hath feveral faces, and can never be fworn in Judg- ment; for, if it denote zCafualty, and fignify as much as becaufe ox wherefore, then all Declarations of War againft any that have the name of King whatfoever, upon what- foever grounds, avid all killing of any ferving him, tho' in our own defence, muft be univerfally condemned, for the Conference is good as to every thing , if it import a re~ flritlion, excluding other things in the Declaration, but obliging to abjure only that; then it implies alfo an af- firmation, that thefe two things are contained in it, which will not appear to the Judgment of them that will ferioufly ponder the Declaration itfelf: if again it be a Supposition or Condition, and to be interpreted for if f$ be, then all that the Judgment can make of it is, that it is ascertain > and fo the Coafcicace dare bot invoke
Cod
Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths, 545
God as a Wirncfs of that which is uncertain whether it be a truth or a lie., 3. This Oath could not be taken in Kighteoufnefs : for the matter is not true, certainly known, lawful, poffible, weighty, neceiTary, ufeful, and wor- thy : it is not true> that the Declaration imports fo far as3 as it is reprefented in the Oath of Abjuration* neither is it certainly known-> but by collating thefe twTo together the contrary will appear: neither is ic lawful (if it were true that fuch alTertions were in it) to abjure all Declara- tions of war againft the King, and to fwear it unlaw- ful ever to kill any, if he be once in the King's fervice, in Church, State, Army, or Country : nor is it poffible to reduce this affertory Oath into a promiftbry one lawful- ly, as moft part of fuch Oaths may and do necefTarily imply; for when I fwear fuch a thing unlawful, it im- plies my promile, by virtue of the fame Oath, never to pra&ife it ; But it is not poffible ( as the cafe ffands ) For a man to bind up himfclf in every cafe from ail de- clared war againft the King, or from killing fome im- ployed in his fervice; what i£ there be a neceiTary call to join in arms with the Lords people, for the defenc* of their Religion, lives, and Liberties, againft him 1 what if he command a MafTacre t - Shall not a man de- fend himfelf? Nor endeavour to kill none of that mur- dering Crew, becaufe they are in his fervice ? Was e- ver a fool fo fettered ? Nor is it of fuch weighty as to be the occafion of involving the whole Country in perjury or perfection, as by that Oath was done: Nor was it necejfaryy in this mans time, to make all abjure a Declaration out of date, when the objeft of it Char- les II. was dead, and no vifible party aftually in arms to profecute it ; nor was it ever of any ufe or worth* except it were implicitely to gratify their greedy luft- iog after the blood of Innocents, or the blood of filly SouIs_ cheated by their fnares, by involving them in thefime fin of perjury and Confcience-debauching falfe- fwearing, whereof they themfeives are fo henioufly guilty. But let them, and fuch as have taken that Oath, and not ficd to Chrift for a Sanftuary, lay to heart the doom of falfc fwearers the flying roll of the Curfe of God /ball enter into their houfe, Zech. v. 4. Love no falfe QMb) for all thefe are thing* that I hate, faith the
Lord,
544 Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths,
Zord> Zech. viii. 17. The Lord will he a fivifi Witmfe againft falfe /weavers Mai. iii. 5. And let them lift their Confcience before th e Word, and fee the Word to the Confcience, and thefe Confederations will have fomc weight.
4. If we confider this Particular Oath itfelfr and the words 6of it more narrowly, we (hall find a Compli- cation of iniquities in it, by examining the fenfe of them as the Impofers expound them, I. Not only thac Declaration, but all fuch in fo fat as they declare ancf afTert fuch things, are here renounced ; and hereby many and faithful Declarations are difbwned, that de- dare the fame things. It is indeed pleaded by fome, that profefs to be Presbyterians, as it was alio pretend- ed by fome of the preflers of the Oath themfelves, buc in order to pervert and cheat the Confcience ; that here is not required a d»fbwning of the Apologetical Decla- ration fimpliciter, but only according to which, or rather of a pretended one of their fuppoiing, in fo far as it im- ports fuch things : but this is frivolous,1 fof that pretend- ed one is intended by the Impofers to be the real Apolo- getical Declaration , which they will have to be difowned, and cannot be diftinguifhed from it: and though alt thefe ailertions cannot be fattened upon that Apologetical Declaration, but it is evident, that it is invidiouily mif- reprefented ; yet that fame is the pretended one which they require to be abjured insofar as it aflerts fuch things,' which it does not: and if it be according to which to be difowned, then that muft either be according Yo that aflertion of killing any, &c. which is not to be found in it, and fo it is not to be difowned at all ; or it muft he according to the Declaration of war againft the King; and id that whichy or formal reafbn of difbwning it, will oblige to difown all Declarations of War againft the Kinjg, which cannot be difowned. Others again ob- ject, that it is not required to be difowned formally, but only conditionally , taking and confounding in fo far, for if fo be: but to any thinking man it is plain, this cannot be afuppojithn, nor yet a fimple rejlvi&ion (as they would ^ivc it out) but an affertion, that fuch things are indeed imported in it ; for fo the Impofers thitik and fay : and
if
Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths. 54 j
if it might pafs current under that notion^ as a fuppofl- tion, beiog equivalent to iffo be ; then under that lbphi- itical pretext, I might j enounce the Covenant, or the moft xndifputed Confeflion or Declaration ehat ever was, in fo far as ic contained fuch things; and fo this equivocation might elude all Teftimonies whatsoever, and juttify ail prevarications. 2. This mu it condemn all derenhve War of fubje&s againft their oppreffing Ruler, in that a De- claration is aojured, info far as it declares War agaiaU theKiflg: to prefs and pcrfuade people to which, it was ufually urged by the Impofers, that when a War is de- clared by Rebels againft the King, then all the Subjects are obliged to difown che Recei>, or elfe be repute for* fuch themfelves : and, when it was alledged the War was ceafed, becaufe rhe Object declared againfl was ceafed, Charles II. being dead, ocherwife if a man be obliged to give his opinion about a Wwr declared aeairjft a King de- ceafed and gone, then by the fame parity of reafon, he mud be obliged to give his opinion of that War of the Lords of the Congregation (as they were called ) againft Queen M/rry, in the beginning of the Reformation. It was Mill replied by them, that the Rebellion continued, and all were guilty of it, that did not abjure that Decla- ration: whence it is evident, they mean, that every thing which they call Rebellion mud be difowned, and confequently all Remittance of Superiors, upon any pre- tence whatfoever, as many of their Acls explain ic; yea, and ic was plainly cold by fome of them, to fome chac fcrupled co take the Oath, becaufe they fa id they did not imderftand it, that the mraning was to fwear, never to rife in Arms againft the Kino;. Againft this ic hath Keen objected by feveral, that this was always denied by Presbyterians , that ever they declared War againft the King, but only for defence of their Lives and Liberties ; never againft the King expreflyy -purpofedly and d^ft^ncd^y but only againft him by aceitier.t, when "he happened to be theadverfe Party: but this diftln^ion will nor be a Salvo to theConfcience^ for the objeel dedared a^ainf!, is either a Kin^or not; it be be not, then a Declaration of War againft him is not to be abjured; if he be King5 *hep he is either declared aev'n[l as Krgy and by him-
H m fljf
546 Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths.
felfy or as an oppreflfor, or an abufer of his power : th£ firft indeed is to be difbwned ; for a King, as King or lawful Magiftrate, muft nor be refitted, Rom. xiii. 2, But the fecond, to declare War againft a King, as an oppreffbr and abufer of his power, and fubverter of the Laws, hath been owned by our Church and State many a time, and they have oppofed and declared War as pur- pofcdly againft him, as he did againft them, and. as re- ally and formally as he was an oppreflbr: furc he cannot be an opprcfTor only by accident, nor docs he declare War againft the Subjects only by accident : however this hath been owned always by Presbyterians, that War may be declared againft him him who is called King. And therefore to abjure a Declaration, info far as it declares War againft the King, will condemn not only that De- claration, upon the heads wherein its honefty and faith- f ulnefs chiefly confifts, but all other moft honeft and ho- nourable Declarations, that have been made and emitted hy our worthy and renowned Anceftors, and by our Wor- thies in our own time, who have formally, avowedly and cxplicitcly, or exprefly, purpofedly and defignedly declared their oppofition to Tyranny and Tyrants, and their lawful and laudable defigns toreprefs, deprefs and fupprefs them, by all the ways and means, that God and Nature, and the Laws of Nations allow, when they did ly Law itfelfdcpofe and exauclorate themfc Ives from all JKule, or Privilege, or Prerogative of Rulers, and be* came no more God's Minifters, but Beelzebub's Vicege- rents, and Monfters to be exterminated out of the Society of Mankind. The honefteft of all our Declarations of defenfive War, have always run in this ftrain; and o- thers, infinuatingmorc prepofterous Loyalty, have been juftly taxed for afTerting the Intereft of the Tyrant, the greateft enemy of the declarers, and principal objeft of the declared war; which difingenuous juggling and foi- ling in fuch flattering and falfifying diftinftions in the irate of the Quarrel, hath rationally been thought one of the procuring Caufcs or Occafions of the difcomfitureof our former appearances for the Work of God and Li- beries of our Country. 5. This muft infer an owning of his Authority a * lawful King, whea the Declaration
difcwo-
Concerning unlawful smpofed Oaths] 54 7
'difowning him is abjured, in fo far as it declares War a- gainft his Majcfty; for in this Oach he is Riled and aP ferted to be King, and to have the Majcfty of a hwful King, and therefore mud be owned as fuch by all that take it ; which yet I have proved to be finful aboye, Head 2. Againft this it hath been quibbled by Come, that that Declaration docs not declare war againft the King exprefly as King, but only againft Charles Stewart^ by them declared to be no King, who fet forth the De- claration. But this will not falve the matter; for then (1) It is a fubferibing to a lie, in abjuring a Declaration , in fo far as it did declare a thing, which it did not, if that hold. (2.) The Enemies impofe the abjuring and difowning of it, info far as it declares war againft their King, who had none other but Charles Stewart at that time, who was .the King in their fenfe; and an Oath cannot betaken in any other fenfe, contradictory to the Impofers, even though by them allowed, without an un- juftifiable equivocation. (5.) Though he had been King* and had not committed fuch a&s of Tyranny, as might actually denominate him a Tyrant, and forfeit his King- (hip; yet to reprefs his illegal arbitrariness and intole- rable enormities, and to repel his unjuft violence, and re- duce him to good order, Subjects, at leaft for their own defence, may declare a war cxprefly, purpofedly and defignedly againft their own acknowledged King: this ought not in fo far to be difbwned ; for then all our De- clarations emitted, during the whole time of profecuting the Reformation, in oppofition to our King, would be difowned : and fo with one dafh, unhappily the whole Work of Reformation, and the way of carrying it on, is hereby tacitely and confequentially reflected upon and reproached, if not difowned. 4. It muft infer an own- ing of the Ecclefiaftical Supremacy, when it afTcrts, that fome dofervethe King in Churchy as well as in State: there is no Diftin&ion here, but they arc faid to fcrve him the fame way in both. And it is certain they mean fo, and have expreffed fb much in their Acls, that Churchmen are as fubordinate, and the fame way fub- jeft to the King's Supremacy, as Statefmen are ; the ab- furdiry and blafphemy of which is difcovcrcc! above. M m 2 f. This
548 Concerning unlawful intpofed Oaths*
5. This condemns all killing of any that ferve the King nw Church, State, Army or Country : for a Declaration is abjuredj info far as it aflerts it lawful to kill any fuch ; and fo by this Oath, there is an impunity fecured for his idolatrous priefts and murdering varlets, that ferve him in the Church", for his bloody Councilors, and Gowned Murderers, that ferve his tyrannical defigns in the "State V for his bloody Litfors and Executioners, the Swordmen, that ferve him in the Army, whom he may fend when he pleafes to murder us; and for his bloody jfuft-ajfes¥ Informers, and intelligencing Sycophants, the Ziphitesr that ferve him in the Country : all thefe muft efcape bringing to condign punifhment, contrary to the 4th Art, of the Solemn League and Covenant, and fhall be confuted Head 6. Againft this it is excepted by the Pleaders for this Oath, that it is only a declared abhor- ring of murdering Principles, which no Chriftian dare refufe; and it maybe taken in this fenfe fafely, that it is to be abjured, info far1 as it aflerts it lawful to kill all that are to be imployed by his Majefty, or any, hecaufe fo imployed in Church, State, Army or Country, which* never any did afTert was lawful : but though murdering principles are indeed always to be declaredly abhorred, and all Refufers of that Oath did both declare fo much, and abhorred the thoughts of them ; yet this evaiion is naught: for (1) The Declaration aflerts no fuch thing, neither for that cauie nor for any other> but exprefly makes a diftinclioo between perfons under the Epithet of bloody cruel Murderers^ and thefe only whom it threat- neth to animadvert upon. (2.) The only reafon of their declared intent of profecuting thefe, whom they threaten to bring to condign punishment, was, becaufe they were fo imployed by the Tyrant in fuch fer vice, as fhedding the blood of innocents, murdering people where they met them ; and fo that's the very reafon for which they deferve to be killed, and therefore foolifh, impertinent., ■ and very abfurd to be alledged, as a qualification of the fenfe of that impious Oath.
5. If we confider the Prpcl am athn enjoining this Oath, and narrating and explaining the occafions and caufes of it, all thefe reafons againft it will be^onfirmed ; and it
will
Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths, 549
^viil further appear, that the Proclamation itfelf is indi- rectly approved. For though it might be fuftaioed in the abftraft, that we may and mult renounce fuch De- clarations founded on principles inconiiitent with Go- vernment, and bearing fuch inferences as are fpecified in that Proclamation; yet complexly confidered what they mean by Government, and what fort of Society that is> the fecurity whereof is faid to be infringed by that De- claration, and what is the fcope of that Narrative; a re- nouncing of a paper contradictory thereto, muft be info iar a tacite approbation of that Proclamation. For that Oath, which renounceth what is contrary to fuch a Pro- clamation, does juftify the Proclamation ; but this Oath renounces what is contrary to the Proclamation, and that only: therefore it juftifiesthe Proclamation. It is intitu- led, as it was really deligned, for di /covering fuch as own or will not difown the fore faid Declaration, by them falfe- ly nicknamed, a late treafonable Declaration of War a- gainfl his Majefty, and the horrid -principle of Affaffmation* And the body of it difcoversfuch Hell-bred hatred of,and malice againft, that poor party, deftinated, in their de- sign, to final and total deftrudtion, and lays down fuch contrivances for their difcovery and ruin, that the head? and hearts of the Inventefs and Authors may feem to be polTe/Ted and infpired with the Devils immediately af- ilfting counfel, and the Clerk's pen that drew it up to have been dipt in the Stygian lake, and the gall and ve- nom of Hell : reprefenting the Emitters, and Abetters, and Spreaders of that Declaration, and all who have been joined in any of their Societies, and all who either will own or fcruple to difown the faid Declaration, in the manner by them tendered and impofed, (which are the generality of the moft tender and confeienrious Cbri- ftians in the land), under all the vileft and moft abo- minable and odious terms, their malice could invent ; as if they were c infolent and defperate Rebels, aflbciated
* under a pretended form of Government, who had for-
* merly endeavoured to difguife their bloody and execra- 1 ble principles, but now had pulled off the mask, and 1 who think it a duty to kill and murder all who do any
* manner of way ferve the prefent Rulers, or bear charge
c under
5 $0 Concerning unlawful impofed Oath*.
* under them; who maintain principles inconfifientwith
* 4II Government and Society, and tending to the de-
* {trudion of the lives of their loyal and honeft Subjects ; « treacherous and aflaflinating principles, &c. Who now f have declared their hellifh intentions, and for the bet- € ter performance of their mifchievous defigns, do lurk
* in iecret, and are never difcerncd but in the acts of € their horrid affaffinations, and paffing up and down a-
* mong the King's loyal Subje&s, take opportunity to
* murder and aflaffinate, like execrable Rebels \ and cal- c ling that Declaration, an execrable and damnable pa- c per, &?<?.* All which are execrable and damnable lie*, and forgeries of the fathers of them, and a charge which all their Sophiftry cap never make out in any particular ; yet by them amplified to a fwelling height of hcinout nefs ; and, among other circumftances, aggravated, from, their frequent refufing the reiterated offers of their cle- mency, by which they underftand their contempt of their prefumptuous, Chrift-defying, and Church-dcftroying Indulgences, and their not fubmitting to their infnaring and baft Indemnities, or their Conicience-cheating bonds and oaths by them fo finely busked, prom thefe im- pudently pretended Premiffes, in their falfely forgedf viperous Narrative, they lay down their bloody method* and meafures for profecuting that poor people, with all rigour of Savage feverity ; ordaining, * That whofoe-
* ver fbalit>wn that Declaration, and the Principles there- in ftecified) (which is a larger dilatation of their mean- ing, tnan their pretended reftri&lon, [info far as, &c], and gives a further difcovery of the intent of the Oath, that gives a covert ftroke to all the principles of our Re- 1 formation, which are reductively fpecified in that De- claration), c or whofoever fhall refufe to difbwn the fame,
c ... fhall be execute to the death ; c and command-
* ing all fubjects to concur, and do their urmoft endea-
* vour to feek,fearch, delate, and apprehend all fuch, under c the fevereft penalties of the laws ; and to difference the € good from the bad, (meaning their own AiTociates and
* Friends, from Chrift's Followers), by difcriminating c figns, declaring it their pleafure, and requiring all paft c the age of \6 years not to prefumc to travel without
Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths. 5 fi
4 Tejtificates of their loyalty and good principles, by ra- € king the Oath of Abjuration ; whereupon they are to ' have a Tcftificate, which is to fervc for a free Pafs ; 1 with certification to all that fhali adventure to travel c without fuch a Teftificate, fhall be holden and ufed as * Concurrers with the (aid Rebels ; commanding ail He- c ritors, &*c. to give up the lifts of the names of all under 1 them, before the Curate; declaring, If any (hall refufe c to concur in fuch fervice, they fhall be holden as guilty € of the forefaid crimes, and punifhed accordingly ; and € ftri&ly prohibiting all to harbour^odge, or entertain any, c unlefs they have fuch Certificates, under the fame pain *. c and for encouragement to any that fhall difcover or ap- c prehend any to be found guilty as above faid, enfuring c to them the fum of 500 Merks Scots for each of-ihem." This is that Hell-hatched Proclamation, fo grievous for its efFe&s, (6 dreadful for its defigns, fo monftrous for its abfurdities, that the like hath not been feen : where- by not only the country's intereft and trade hath been prejudged, by compelling all to have a Pafs in time of peace, and thefc to be procured at exorbitant rates, op- pi effing poor people ; not only common Hofllers an d Innkeepers are made Judges, impowered to impofe Oaths upon Pa/Tengcrs for their paHes, that they be not forged ; but many conferences couzened, cheated, wounded, and infnared, and the whole land involved in Iin. Buc chey that took this Oath have approved and juftified this de- teftable, execrable, bloody Proclamation, the (pur ions fpawn of the Devil's venom againft Chrift's Followers : For they gave all the obedience to it that was required of them in their capacity, and obedienee juflihes the law enjoining it; they have have done all was required, or could be done by them, to anfwer the defign of it in their circumftances : and confecjuently, by doing the thing prefcrlbed, they have juftified the grounds upon which the Refcript was founded, and the methods by which it was profecuted, which hath a dreadful medley of iniquity in it, Hence, (1.) They have fubferibed to all thefe odious Characters wherewith they branded that poor perftcuted party, and condemned them a? in- foleut, defperace Rebels, Murderers, bloody Affaflins,
5 52 Concerning unlawful impfed Oaths.
&c. (2) In difowning that Declaration, they have dlf- o,wned the principles therein fpecified, and confecjuently all the Teltimony againtt this ufurping faftion of Over- turners of the Work of Reformation, a dive; and paflive, that have been given and fealed by the eminent Servants of God, fince this Cataftrophe, the principle of defen-. five arms, and our Covenants, and feveral others which are therein fpecified. (3) They have given their con- sent to all the concurrence there required, for fee kin g> fearthing delating, and apprehending of thefe people, and to all the cruel villanies committed againft thenr. (4) They have taken on their prefcribed difcriminating iign of loyalty, and of being repute by them men of good principles, that is, their friends, men for the times: which is fb iinful and fcandalous, that it is fhameful to bint at them, and yet fhameful to hide them.
6. If we confider the Apologetical Declaration it felf, which is fo befpattered, and fo odioufly reprefented,and fo 1 igoroufly enjoined to be abjured ; who will more nar- row! y look into it, and ponder and perpend the Purpofe and Scope of it, will fee nothing that can be abjured con- fcientioufly in it, but the whole of it, laying afide Pre- judice and invidious critical Cenforioufnefs, capable of a fair and acceptable Conftru6Hon. The Motives leading them to fet it forth, being only their defires and juft en- deavours to -profecute^ and fecure themfelves in the Pro- secution of holy commanded Butzes, and to keep a (land- ing Teftimony againft the Infolency of thofe that are given up of God, to \^y out themfelves in promoving a Courfe of Profanity and Persecution, notwithftanding of all their viperous threatnings. Their Meafures being none other, than the commendable Precedents and Ex- amples of zealous and tender-hearted Chriftians, who have done the like, and our National and Solemn Co- venants, lying with their binding Force indifpenfible u~ pon all of us, and obliging us to endeavour all that's there declared, as being bound forever to have common Friends and Foes with our Covenanted Reformation, to all which they declare and avouch their refolved adhe- rence, and their own former Declarations, difbwning their Allegiance fo, andauhority of a Man who had, by
. Law
Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths. 553
taw itfelfy forfeited all authority, by his intolerable Ty- ranny, Perjury, and perfidious breach of Truit, repofed and devolved upon him by Covenant 3 and by his over- turning all the fundamental conftitutims of the Govern- ment, perverting, inverting, and everting all Laws, all •Liberties, all Privileges of Church and State, all Efta- blifhmei.ts of our covenanted Work of Preformation, all Secuiines of our life and enjoyments whatfoever, ufur- ping to himfeif an abioiute Tyrannical civil Supremacy, inconliftent with the Saic^y or Freedom of the People, and a'monflroUl blafyhemous EccleiiaiUcal Supremacy ; upon whkh Conliderations, to endeavour to make good their Freedom and Emancipation from that yoke which they had cait off, they behoved to refolve upon defen- sive refinance, againft him and his bloody Emiffaries ; \*hLh War being declared before, they only in this De- claration teftified their unanimous Approbation of, ad- herence to, and Refoiutions for profecuting the fame a- gainit him and his Accomplices, fuch as lay out them- felves to promove his wicked and hellifh Defigns : by which War they do not mean a formed flared and de- clared Ivfurreclion with l^oftile force, to break the Peace of the Nation, and involve all in Blood, but a reiolved, avowed, conBant, Cppojition to the murdering Violence, Injur! ice, Opprelfion, and Perfection of this wicked Faction, now raging, rather than reigning, who have declared, and Mill profecute a declared waragainftChrifr, bearing down his Work and Tntereft in the Land ; c And 1 a conftant endeavour, in Opposition to them, to purfue i the ends of our Covenant*, in Handing to the defence c of the glorious Work of Reformation, and their own
* Lives; and, in the Defence thereof, to maintain the c Caufe and Intereft of Chrift againfr his Enemies, and
* to hold up the Standard of our Lord jefus Chrifr (mean- ' ing the Gofpel and the word of our Teftimony) where- 1 unto they looked upon themfelves as bound and oblig- c ed by their holy Covenants, being therein dedicated c to the Lord in their Perfons, Lives=, Liberties, andFor- c tunes, for defending and promovin? rhis glorious work ' of Reformation, notwithftanding of all oppoHtion, that c if, or may be made thereunto,' and fworn a^ainlr nil
1 Neu-
■fW Concerning unlawful impfed Oathr.
€ Neutrality and IndifFerency in the Lord's matters:
* whercunto they befcech, invite, and obtcft, all them c who wifh well to zion, to a concurrence and conccrt-
* ing the fame Caule and Quarrel.' In maintaining of which oppofition againft fuch wicked enemies, becauie by them they were reftlefsly purfued and hunted, and murdered wherever they were found, neither could find any harbour or hiding place in any corner of the Coun* try, for Searchers, Informers, and Inftigators, who (till ftirred ud the Country to raifc the hue and cry after them, and cauicd them to be delivered up, and delated them to the Courts of their murdering Enemies, whereby much innocent Blood was flbed ; therefore, to (top their career of Violence, and deter them from ftch Courfes, they found it neceiTary to threaten them with more active and vigorous Oppofition, and that they might expeft to be treated as they deferved. Wherein they are far from owning aiTaffinating Principles, or practifing AlTalfinati- ons ; for they give only open and plain warning, and advertisement to the World, of their neceffitatcd endea- vours to defend themfelves, and prevent the Murder of their Brethren: and can no way be charged with at ferting it lawful, to kill all employed in the King's Ser^ vice in Church, State, Army, or Country, as the Pro- clamation in viperous, invedive, calumny, mifreprcfents the Declaration ; bur, on the contrary, do jointly and unanimoufly declare, c They deteft and abhor that hel- c lifh principle of killing fuch us differ in judgment from c them, and they are firmly and really purpofed, not to 1 injure or offend any \yhomfbever, but fuch as are dire ft- c ly guilty of, or acceflbry to the murder of their Bre- € thren.' Whom yet they mind not to afTailinate or kill tumultuarily, but to profecute them with all the legal formalities, that J uft ice in their Capacity, and the times difbrder and diflracled Condition, will allow ; exprefly declaring, c That they abhor, condemn, and difcharge € all perfonal Attempts upon any pretext whatfomevcr,
* without previous Deliberations, common content, cer- 4 tain Probation of fufficient WitnefTcs, or the guilty per- € fons confeffion. * Neither could it ever be fuppofed, that they threaten all employed in the King's Service
with
Concerning unlawful itnpofed Oaths* 55?
with this lore of handling, but fomc feledt and expreily diftinguifhed kind of notorious Villains, Men of Dead* and Blood, openly avowing and vaunting of their mur- ders: and thefe they diftinguifhed into feverai ClafTes, according tp the refpeftive aggravations of their wicked- nefs : in the firftj * They place thofc that murder by Com*
* mand> under pretext of an ufurped authority, as Coun- 1 fellers, J ufticiary, and Officers of their forces, , or bands f of Robbers, and not all, nor any of thefe neither, but
* the cruel and bloody* In the fecond Clafs, they threaten fuch as are actually in arms againft them of an inferior Rank ; and fuch Gentlemen, and Bifhops, and Curates, as do profefledly and willingly ftrve them toaccomplifh and effectuate their Murders, by obeying their Com- mands, making fearch for thefe poorMen, delivering them up, inftigating, informing, and witneffing againft, and hunting after them : and not all thefe neither, but fuch as cruelly profecutc that Service, to the Effufion of their Blood. Neither do they threaten all equally, nor any of them peremptorily, c But that continuing, afcer the
* Publication of this their Declaration, obftinately and
* habitually in thefe Courfes (plainly declaring they in- 1 tended no hurt to them if they would hold up their
* hands) they would repute them as enemies to God and 1 the Reformation, and punifh them as fuch, according ' to their power, and the degree of theii Offence; withal € leaving room for civil and ecclefiaftical fatisfaclion, be- c fore lawful and fettled Judicatories, for the Offences of
* fuch perfons, as their power may not reach, &c.9 And as unwilling to be neceflitated to fuch fevere Courfes, and earneftlv deilrous they be prevented, they admonifb them with forrowand ferioufnefs, of the fin and hazard of their wicked Courfes ; and protcft, that only neceffity of felf prefervation, and zeal to Religion, left it fhouid be totally rooted out by their Infblency, did drive them to this threatning Declaration, and not becaufe thev were acted by any flnful Spirit of Revenge. This is all that is contained in that Declaration. And if there be any thing here fb odious and execrable, to be fo folemnly abjured, renounced, and abhorred in the prefence of God, for the plcafurc of, and in obedience to the will of his
and
55# Concerning unlawful impofed Oaths,
and our enemies, lee all unbyailbd Coniiderers impartK ally weigh, or any awakned Confcienee fpeak, and I doubt not but the fwearing and fubienbiog this Oath will becaft and condemned. I fha.ll fay nothing of the necefftty, or conveniency, or expediency, or formality of this Declaration ; but the lawfulnefs of the matter, com- plexly taken, is fo undeniable, that it cannot be renoun- ced, without condemning many very material Principles of our Reformation: only Succefs and Incapacity is want- ing to juftify the manner, whole procedure, formality, and all the Circumftances of the bufinefs; if either the "Declarers themfelves, or any other impowered with firength, and countenanced with fuccefs to make good the undertaking, hadiffued out fuch a Declaration in the fame terms, and had prevailed and profpered in the Pro^ je&,many, that have now abjured it, would approve and applaud it. But paffing thefe things that are cxtrinlkk to the confideration in hand, it is the matter that they required to be abjured and condemned, it is that the e- nemies quarrelled at, and not the inexpediency or infor- malities of it : and it muft be taken as they propound it, and abjured and renounced by Oath as they reprefentit; and therefore the iniquity of this fubfeription will ap- pear to be great, in two refpecls ; I/?, In denying the Truth. 2d/y, In flibfcribing to, and fwearing a Lie. I. Thev that have taken that Oath have denied and renoun- ced the matter of that Declaration, which is Truth and Duty, and a Teftimony to the Caufe of Chrift, as it is this day Mated and circumfrantiatc in the Nation, found- ed upon former (among us uncontroverted) precedents and principles of defenfive Wars, difowning Tyranny, and repreffing the infblency of Tyrants and their Accom- plices; the whole matter being reducible to thefe two Points, Declaring a refolved Endeavour of breaking the Tyrant's yoke from off our neck, thereby a flerting our own and the pofterities Liberty and Freedom, from his infupportaMe and entailed Slavery ; and a juft Threat- ning to curb and reftrain the infolency of Murderers, or to bring them to condign punifhment : whereof, as the firfl i'.s noways repugnant, but very confonant to the third Article', fo the Second is the very duty obliged unto in
the
Concerning Field Meetings. 557
the fourth Article of our Solemn League and Covenant But all this they have denied by taking that Oath. 2. By ta- king that Oath, they have fvvorn and fubicribed to a Liey taking it as they reprefent it, abjuring it in fo far as ic declares, &c. and alTerts it is lawful to kill all employee! in the fervice of the King, in Church, State, Army, or Country ; which is a manifeftLie, for it aiTerts no fuch thing. Neither will any other fenfe put upon the words info far as falve the matter; for as thereby the Takers of the Oath fhall deal deceitfully, in fruflrating the end of the Oath, and the delign of the Tenderen thereof; and to take an Oath in fofar> will not fatisfy, asVoetius judg- cth. de Pol. EccL p. 213. So let them be taken which way they can, either for fo much> or even as, or provi- ding, it is either a denying the Truth, ot fubferibing a Lie: and confequently, theft poor people fuffercd for Righteoufhefs that refufed it.
HEAD IV.
The Sufferings of People for frequenting Field Meetings Vindicated.
Hitherto the Negative Heads of Sufferings have been vindicated: Now follow the Pofitfoe> found- ed upon Pofitive Duties, for doing, and not denying, and not promifing and engaging to relinquifh which, many have fufTered feverely. The firfr, both in order of Na- ture and of Time, that which was firft and laft, and moft: frequently, moll conftantly, moft univerfaliy, and moft fignally fealed by Sufferings, was that which is the clear- eft of all, being in fome refpeft the Teftimony of all A- ^es, and which clears all the reft, being the R.ife and Root, Caufe and Occafion of all the reft ; to wit, the DeceiTarv Dury of hearing the Gofpel, and following the pure and powerful faithfully difpenfed Ordinances of Chrift, banifhed out of the Churches to private houfes, and ptrfecuted out of houfes to the Open Fields, and there
purfucd
5 5$ Concerning Field Meetings*
purfued andoppofed, and fought to be fuppre/Tcd, by all the fury and force, rigour And rage, cruelty and craft, po- licy and power, that ever wicked men, madded into a fnonftrous Malice againft the Mediator Chrift, and the. Coming of his Kingdom, could contrive or exert ; yet ftill followed and frequented, owned and adhered to, by the Lovers of Chriit, and ferious Seekers of God, even when for the fame they were killed all day long, and counted as ftteep for the (laughter, and continually op- prefled, harraiTed, hunted, and cruelly handled, drag- ged to Prifbns, banifhed and fold for Slaves, tortured; and murdered. And after, by their fraudulent Favours of enfnaring Indulgences and Indemnities, and a continu- ed tract of Impofitions add Exaclions, and many Oaths and Bonds, they had prevailed with many, and even the moft part both of Minifters andProfefTors,to abandon that necefiary Duty ; and even when it was declared Crimi* nal by Act of Parliament, and interdicted under pain of ■ Death, to be found at any Field Meetings *, they hever- theleft periifted in an undaunted Endeavour, to keep up the Standard of Chrift, in following the Word of the Lord wherever they could have it faithfully preac&ed, though at the greater) of Hazards : And fo much the more that it was profecuted by the Rage of Enemies, and the Reproach and Obloquies of pretended Friends, that had turned their back on the Teftimony, and pre- ferred their own Eafe and Interefts to the Caufe of Chrift; and with the greater Fervour, that the Labour- ers in that Work were few, and like to faint underfoma*» ny difficulties. What the- firft Occasion was that conftrain- ed them to go to the Fields, is declared at length in the hiftorical Deduction of the Teftimony of the firth Period: to wit. Finding themfelves bound in duty, to teftify their Adherence to, and Continuance in their Covenanted Pro* feffion, their Abhorrence of Abjured Prelacy, and their Love and Zeal to keep Chrift and hisGofpcl in the Land \ after rhey had undergone and endured many hazards and hardships, oppreffions and perfecutions,for meeting in the •houfes where they were ib eafily attrapped, and with fuch difficulty could efcape the hands of thefe cruel Men; they were forced to take the Fields, though with the un-
avoid*
Concerning Field Meelingu 559
avoidable inconvenicncies of all Weathers, without a fhelter *, yet propofing the advantages, both ofConveni- ency for meeting in greater Numbers, and of Secrecy in the remote Recefles or wild Muirs and Mountains, and of Safety^ in betaking themfelvcs to inacceffible natural Strengths, fafeft either for Flight orRefiftance ;and with- al, having Occafion there to give a Tefiimony for tho 'Reformation with greater freedom. And to this very day, though many havea pretended Liberty to meetia houfes, under the fccurity of a Man's promife, whofe Principle is to keep no faith to Heret'tcks, and under th6 (helter and fhadow of an Antichrifiian Toleration , yec cWe is a poor people that are out of the compafs of this favour, whom all thefe forcmentioned reafons do yet o- biige to keep the Fields, that is both forconveniency, fe- crecy, and fafety; they dare not truft thole who are ftill thirfting infatiabiy after their blood, nor give them fuch advantages as they arefccking, to prey upon them, by fhutting themfelves within houfes ; and moreover, they take themfelves to be called indifpenfibly, in the p refcnt Circumftances, to be as publick, or more than ever, in their Teftimony for the Preached Gofpel, even in the open Fields. Now this would be a little cleared ; ^ and to efTay the fame, I would offer, I/?, Some Concept- ens. 2dly, Some Pofiulata, or fuppofed Grounds. 3^/y, Some more fpecial Confederations*) which will conduce to clear the Cafe.
FfV/^Thatwemay morediftinflly underflani what is trie Duty here pleaded for, and what is that which thefe people lufFer for, here Vindicated ; let thefe Concejfions be premifed,
1. Now under the Evangelical Difpcnfation, there is no place more facred than another, to which the Wor- ship of God is aftri&cd, and which he hath chofen for his houfe and habitation, whither he will have his people ro refort and attend, as under the legal and typical difpen- fction was ordered : there was a place where the Lord caufed his Name to dwell, Dent* xii. 5, II. But now, nei- f he in the Mountain, nor at ferufalem, the Father will be worjbipped, but every where, and any where, in Spirit and in Truths John iv. 21, 23, 24. And the Apoftle wills
chat
5$0 Concerning Pield Meeting?*
that Men pray every where, lifting up holy hands, *wtth* out Wrath and doubting, I Tim. ii. 8. Wc abhor there-* fore the J$nglifi and Popifi Superftition of Confecrated Places, and aflert that all are alike in this refpeft, houfes* or fields.
2. In the conftitute Cafe of the Church, or when ever it can be oBtained, order, decency, and conveniency doth require that there be appointed places, fequeftrate and appropriate for the Meetings of the Lord's people, ac- cording to that general rule, Let all things be done decent-* ly and in order , I Cor, xiv. lafi verf. And, in that Cafe private Conventicles, &t up in a Schiirnatical Competition- with publick Churches, are not to be allowed. But«- ven then, private Meetings for Prayer and Conference, are neceffary, lawful, and laudable. But now the Church is broken by a Crew of Schifmatieal intruders, who have occupied the places of publick Ailemblies, and thruft out the Lord's Minifters : It is theie we fcare at, and not the place.
3. Suppofc a Magiftrate fhould interdict and difcharge the publick place of Worfhip, and reftrain from the Churches, bur leave all other places free to mee: in ; or if he fhould prohibite the houfes, but leave free- dom for the fields ; or difcharge the fields, and give Liberty in houfes; in that cafe we would not contend for the place out of contempt : though it were duty then to witnefi againft fuch a Sacrilegious Injury done to the Church, in taking away their Meeting places ; yet it were inexpedient to flickle and ftrive for one Spot, if we might have another: then when only ex- cluded out of a place, and not included or concluded and reftricted to other places, nor otherwife robbed of the Churches privileges, we might go to houfes when fhut out of Churches, and go to fields when fhut out of houfes, and back again to houfes when difc ha rged thence. But this is not our cafe, for we are either interdicted of all places ; or if. allowed any, it is under fuch confinements as are inebnfiftent with the freedom of the Gdfpel; and oefides, we have to do with one from whom we can take no orders to de- termine our Meetings ; nor can wc acknowledge our
Li-
Concerning Field Meetings. 56*1
Liberty to depend on his Authority, or favour, which we cannot own nor truft, nor accept of any protecti- on from him. Neither is it the place of fields or hous- es that we contend for; nor h it that which he main- ly oppofes : but it is the freedom of the Gofpel faith- fully preached, that we are feeking to promove and im- prove, and he is feeking to fupprefs. The conteft be- twixt him and us, is the Service of God in the Gofpel of his Son ; that we profefs, without owning him for the Liberty of its excercife : and therefore as an enemy to the Matter and Objedt of thefe religious Exercifes, which are the eye-fore of Antichrift, he profecuces with fuch rage the Manner and Gircumftances thereof.
4. Even in this cafe, when we arc perfecuted in one place, we flee unto another, as the Lord allows and diredh, Matth. x. 25. And if occafionally we find a houfe, either publick, or a Church, or a private dwel- ling-houfc that may be fafe or convenient^ or capacious of the numbers gathered, we think it indifferent to meet there, or in the Field ; but, in the prefent circumftances, it is more for the Convcniency of the people, and more congruous for the day's Teftimony, to keep the Fields ift their Meetings, even though it irritate the incenfed ene- mies. Which that it may appear,
Secondly, I fhall offer fbme Pojlulata or tJypothefes to be confidered, or endeavour to make them good, and infer from them the neceflity and expediency of Field Meetings at this time in thefe circumftances: which confequently vindicate the Sufferings that have been thereupon flatcd formerly, and are ftill continued.
1. It is neccfTary at all times that Chriftians fhould meet together, whether they have Minifters or not, and whether the Magiftrate allow it or not. The authority of God, their neceflity, duty, and Intereft, makes it in- <UfpenfibIe in all cafes. It is necefTary for their mutual help, two are better than one, for if they fall, the one will lift up his fellow, Ecclef iv. 9, 10. It is necefory for their mutual 'Encouragement in an evil day* to fpeak of- ten one to another, which the Lord harh promifed to take fpecial Notice of MaL iii. 16. It is neccfTary for chcrifhing mutual lovey which is the ocw Command-
N a «Mf|
5 62 Concerning Field Meetings,
ment, and the badge of all Chrifts Difciples, yobmAiU 34> 35- a principle which they are all taught of Gody I Xhefs. iv. 9. It is necefTary for nourishing Union to com- municate together, in order to their being of one mind, and of one mouth , and that they receive one another , Rom. xv» 5> 6> 7- I Cor. i. 10. Standing fafi in one Spirit y fin- ding together for the faith of the Go/pel, Philip, u 27. Ic is neceflary for ferving one another in Lovey Gal. v. 13. Bearing one another s bnrdensy and fo fulfilling the Law of Chrifty Gal. vi. 2. Submitting to one another y Ephef v. 21. I Pet* v. 5. teaching and admoniping one another y Col. iii. l5. comforting one another^ 1 TheiT. iv. laft ver£ edifying one another y 1 TheiT. v. 11. exhorting one another , Heb. iii. 13. It is neceflary for confidering one another y and provoking unto lovey and to good works , and for this end, t bey mure not for fake the ajfembling of them f elves together ', as the manner offome isy for that were to fin wilfully y Heb. x. 24, 25, 26\ Muft thefe things depend on the Magi- ftrate's allowance ? Or can they be done without meet- ing together in private or publick ? The fame reafons do alike conclude for the Neceffity of both. If then there muft be Meetings for thefe ends neceflary at all times, then when they cannot do it within doors, they muft do it without.
2. There is a Neceffity for meeting for preaching and tearing the Gofpel; the enjoyment whereof hath always been the greatcft deflgn and defire of Saints, who coulo! not live without it; therefore they loved the place where the Lord's honour dweh> Pfal. xxvi. 8. This was the one thing they de fired of the Lor dy and that they would feek af- tery to behold the beauty of the Lordy Pfal. xxvi i. 4, For this they paniedy and their Soul thirfiedy Pfal. xlii. Jy 2. without which every Land is but a thirfiy Landy where there is no Water y where they cannot fee the Power and the Glory ofGody as they have feen it in the SanBuaryy Pfal. Ixi'i'u iy 2. O how amiable are his Tabernacles ? One day in his Courts is better than a thoufand elfe where ■,. Pfal. Ixxxiv. r, 10. No gladnefs to them like that of going to the Houfe of the Lordy Pfal. exxiu I. A Chrifaan can not poffibly live without Gofpel Ordinances, no more than Children qan want the br&iks, pr the poor and needy
r Concerning Field Meetings* 56*3
'kvant Water when their Tongue faileth for thirfl; they arc promifed it in high Places, and in the Wildernefty when they can get it no where elfe, if a. xli. 17, 18. There is an innate deiire in the Saints after k, as new born Babes they dejire the Jlncere fniik of the Word, I Pet. ii. 2. So that any that is offended with them for this, muft be offended with them for being Chriftians, for as fuch they rnuft have the Gofpel, coft what it w'ill. It is the greateftdc- iire of the Spoufe of Chrift, to know where he feeds, and <&here to find the Shepherds tentsy w'^ere they may reft at Keen-, Cant. i. 7, 8. And not only in their efieem is it ceceffary ; but, in it fc\f, the Chuch cannot bear the want of it, for where there is no vifion, the -people perifiy Prov. xxix. 18. and when there is no open Vifion, the Word of the Lord is then very precious, I Sam. iii, 1. No wonder then that the Lord's people make fuch ado L>r it, in a famine of it, that they go from Sea to Sea to feek it, Amos viii. II, 12. and that they are content to lave it it any rate, tho' with the peril of their lives, be- caufe of the Sword of the Wildernefsy Lam. v. 9. Seeing they cannot live without it. Would Men be hindered, by Law> from feeking their natural Food ? Nay, they would fight for it before they wanted it, againft any that oppofed them. If then they cajinot get ic with peace, they muft have it with trouble : and if they can- not get it in houfes, they muft have it wherever it is to be found, with Freedom, and the Favour of God.
3. It is necefTary that the Meetings be as publick, as they can be with Conveniency and Prudence ;• yea, fim- ple hazard fhould no more hinder their VulVichiefs and Solemnity, than their being at ail. Efpecially, in *n evil time, when Wickednefs is encouraged and eitablifhc?, and Conformity thereto prefTed, Truth banifhed, and a Wit;nefs for Chrift fuppreflcd, Corruption in Doctrine, Worfhip, Difcipline, and Government connived at, coun- tenanced, and advanced, the Word of Go^i is become a reproach, and Men have no delight in it, Apoftafy is become univerfal, and both Magiftrates and Mioiflers generally turned promoters of it, which is the true Dc- icription of our times : then the Meetings of the Lord's |>eoplc> that endeavour to keep clean Garments, fhouid
Nn z bt
564 Concerning Field Meetings*
be more frequent, publick, and avowed. The reafbes are, I. Then the Call of God? by his Word and Works5 is more clamant, for publick and folemn Humiliation^ in order to avert publick imminent Judgments, and im- pendent ftrokes from Godv It is not enough to reforra ©urfelves. privately and personally, and to keep ourfclves pure from fiich courfes, by an abstraction and withdraw ing from them^ as is proved, Head I. (where this is im- proved as an argument againft hearing the Curates') Nor is it enough to admonifh, exhort, reprove, and teftify a- gainft fuch as are involved in thele courfes ', but it is ne- ceffary, for them that would be apprcveri, to adhere to the Truth, and ferve God after the right manner, and to mourn, figh, and cry for all the abominations of the time^ lb as to get the mark of Mourners on their foreheads, Ezek. ix. 4. and they that do fo, will be found on the Mountains like doves in the valley j, all of them mourning, every one for his Iniquity, Ezek\ vii. 16. and not only to be humbled every family apart, hut there mufi be a great mourning, as the mourning of Hadadrimmon in the valley of Megiddon» Zcch. xii. 1 1? to the end. That is a fblemn publick mourn- ing there promifed. There muft be a gathering themfelves together, though a Nation not defired, before the decree bring fo>th, before the day pafs as the Chaff, and the fierce Anger of the Lord come upon themr, if they would have any poifi- bility of their hiding, Zeph. ii, I, 2, 3. The Trumpet then muft he blown in Zhn, to fanftify a faft, to call a folemn Ajfemblyy gather the people, fanBify the Congregati- on, affemble the Elders, gather the Children, ■ "Joel **•
1 5, 1 6. As/was exemplified in Ezra's time, when there were great Congregations of people affemblcd publickly, <Veeping very fore, then there was hope in ifraeh Ezra x. I, 2. and when that MelTenger of the Lord came up from Gilgal to the people of Jfrael, and reproved them for their Defections and Compliance with the Canaanites^ they had fuch a folemn Day of Humiliation, that the place of their Meeting got a name from it, they called the name of that place Bochim, that is, weepers, Judg. 11.4, 5. And when the Ark was at Kirfath-jeanm all the houfeof Jfrael lamented after the Lord ■ and they gathered
together at Mizpeh, and drew water } and poured it out
before
Concerning Field Meetings* 56*5
Jbefore the Lord, I Sam. vii. 2, 6. I (hewed before, thas there is reafon to fear that the fins of a few, cfpecially of Magiftrates and Minifters, will bring wrath upon the whole body of the people, as is plain from thefe Scrip- tures, Lev. x. 6. Ifa. xliii. 27, 28. Lam. iv. 13. Micab iii. 11. 2l.fihewing the fins of Minifters may procure u- niverfal Definition. And 2 Sam. xxiv. 25. 2 Kings xxu II. yer.xv, 4. proving the fins of Magiftrates may pro- cure it : And Numb* ui. 14, 1 5. fop, xxii. 17, 18. De- monftrating that the fins of a party of the people, may draw wrath upon the whole. Now, the only way the Scripture points out to evite and avert fuch publick Judg- ments, is to make our refentment of thefe indignities done to our God, our Mourning over them, and our wit- nefs againft them, as puhlick as the iins are, at leaft as publick as we can get them, by a publick pleading for Truth, Ifa. lix. 4. For the defed whereof he hides his face, and wonders that there is no man, no interccfior, njer. 16. that is, none to plead with God, in behalf of his born down Truths ; there mull be in order to this, a publick feeking of Truth, which if there be any found ma- king Confcience of, the Lord makes a gracious overture to pardon the City, yer. v. 1. We cannot think there were no mourners in fecret there, but there was no pu- blick meetings for it, and publick owning the duty of that day: There muft be valour for the Truth upon the earthy yer.ix. 3. a publick and refolute owning of Truth: there muft be a making up the hedge% and fiandtng in the gap for the Land, that the Lord fhould not deftroy it, EzeL xxii. 30. a publick Teftimony in oppofition to defe&ion: there muft be a pleading with our mother, Hof ii, 2. which is fpoken to private perfons in the plural number, com- manding all that would confult their own fafety, pu- blickly to condemn the fins of the whole Nation,that they may cfcape the publick punifhment thereof, as it is ex- pounded in Pool's Synop. Critic, in locum. By this means we muft endeavour to avert the wrath and anger of God, which muft certainly be expe&ed to go out againft the Land, which hath all the procuring Caufes, all the Symp- toms,Prognofticksjand Evidences ofa Land devoted to De~ ftru&ion,wthat ever a Land had. If then there muft be fuch
publ:-k
*g$ Concerning Field Meeting**
jmblick Mourning, and fuch folcmn Gathering for it,fucft publick Pleadingfor Truth, feckingof Truth, valour for Truth, making up the Hedge, and pleading with our pother, there mult of neceffity be publick Meetings for it : for thefe things cannot be done in private, but muft be done by way of Teftimony. Which I make a 2d Reafon. The Nature and End of Meeting for Gofpel Ordinances is for a publick Teftimony for Ctmft and his Truths and Intereft, againft Sin and all Difhonours done to the Son of God, So that the only End) is not only to> bring to Chrift, and build up Souls in Chrift, but it is to teftify alfo for the Glory of Chrift, whether Souls be brought in and built up or nor. The preached Gofpel is dot only the Teftimony of Chrift, I Cor. i. 6, but a Tefti- mony for Chrift ; in which fenfe, the Tefiimony of Jefus is laid to be the Spirit of Prophecy, Rev. xix. io, lb called, Durham expounds it, for its bearing Witnefs to Chrift ; in which refpect Minifters are often called Witneffes, It is alfo the Teftimony of ifrael (not only given to ifrael, but given by Ifrael) unto which the Tribes go up, the Tribes of the Lord, PfaL exxii. 4, Whenfoever therefore, or how- soever the Teftimony of the Church is contradicted, that's not a lawful Meeting of the Tribes of the Lord. It is alfo the Teftimony of the Preachers for Chrift, againft them that will not receive them, Mark vi. 11. And a. Witnefs unto all Nations to whom they preach, Matth. xxiv, 14. And of all the WitneiTes that hold it, andfuffer for it, Rev. vi. 9. And the fame which is the Word of Chrift's Teftimony, is the Word of theirs, Rev. xii. 1 t. by which they overcome, and for which they love not their lives. Wherever then the Gofpel is preached, it muft be a Teftimony ; but it cannot be a Teftimony ex- cept, it be publick, at leaftas publick as can be, as we find all Chrift's WitneiTes were in the Old and New Tefta- tncnts. 3. The motive or principle prompting the Lord's people to a frequenting of Gofpel Ordinauces, is a pu- hlick Spirit, ftirring up to a publick Generation Work, whereof this is the Scope, to promote the Kingdom of Chrift, and not only to obey the Lord's Command en- joining the Duty, to enjoy the Lord, the End thereof, or to edify their qvv$ Souls ; but to partake in, and pro?.
mote
tonisrn'wg Field Meetings. 567
mote this great Work of the Day, for the Glory of God, and the Church's Good. For the Gofpel is not only a Banner of Love over his Friends, but Chrift's Standard of War againft his Enemies, I/a, lix. 19. under which, all that countenance it, are called to lilt themfclves as his fbldicrs, called, and chofen> and faithful : And it is requi- red of his foldiers that they be valiant for the Truth u- pon the earth, difcovcring a gallant Greatnefs and Ge- fierofity of a publick Spirit, having their Defigns andDe- fires not limited to their own Interefts, even Spiritual, fcut aiming at no lefs than Chrift's publick Glory, the Church's publick Good, the Saints publick Comfort, ha- ving a publick Concern for all Chrift's Interefts, publick Sympathy for all Chrift's Friends, and a publick decla- red Opposition to all Chrift's Enemies: This is a pu- blick Spirit, the true Spirit of all Chrift's zealous Lovers and Votaries ; which, when he is a miffing, will prompt them to go about the City, in the Streets, and in the broad Ways, to feck him whom their coul lovetb. Cant, iii. 2, and not only in their beds, or fecrct corners, but they muft go to the Streets, and to the Fields, and avow their deck- ing of Chriif, even though the Watchmen ftiould fmitt them, and the keepers of the walls take their Vails from them, Cant. v. Which obliges them not o*Iy to take him into their own Cottages, and entertain him In their hearts, and give him a Throne tkere, but alio to endea- vour to enlarge his dwelling, and propagate his courtly Refidence through the World, that the Kingdoms of the Earth may become the Kingdoms of the Lord ; and if they cannot get that done, yet that he may have the Throne in their Mother's houfe, and take up his abode in the Church, or Nation they belong to, that there his Ordinances be eftablifhed in purity, peace, plenty, and power, according to his own Order ; and if that can*ot fee, but that their Mother p^ay the harlot, and he be provoked to give up houfe with her, and, by her ChJ- drens treachery, the ufurping Enemy be invited in to his place and habitation, and take violent poffeflion of it, and cnacl his extrufion and expulfion by Law; yet they w7ill endeavour to fecure a place for hi«\ among the Remnanr, that be may get a lgd£iig amosj the affiifted and -poor
peopfa
5# 8 Concerning Field Meetings,
people that trufi in the Name of the Lord ■' ■ ■» that they* may feed and ly down, and none make, them afraid, Zepht iii. 12, 13 that the poor of the flock that wait on him, may know that it is the Word of the Lord, Zech* xi. 1 1. they will lay out themielves to ftrengthen their hands. This is the Work of the publick fpirited Lovers of the Gofpel, which hath been, and yet is the great Work of this our Day, to carry the Gofpel, and follow it, and keep it up, through the Land, as the Standard of Chrift? againit all Oppofition, from mountain to hill, when now Zion hath fceen labouring to bring forth as a woman in travail, and made to go forth out of the city, and to dwell in the field,Mic, iv. 10. Therefore, feeing it is the publick Work of the Day, and all its Followers mult have fuch a publick Spi- rit, it follows that the Meetings to promote it mull be as publick as is poffible. 4. The Intereft and Privilege of the Gofpel, to have it in freedom, purity, power, and plenty, is the publick Concern of all the Lord's people, preferable to all other Incercfts ; and therefore more pu- Llickly, peremptorily, and zealoufly to be contended for, than any other Intereft whatfbever. It is the Glory of the Zand, I Sam.iv. 21, without which, Ichabod may be the name of every thing ; and every Land, though never fo pleafant, will be but a dry and parched land, where no water is, in the efteem of them that have feen the Lord's Glory and Power in the SanBuary, Pfal. lxiii. 1, Whereas its Name is Hephzibah and Beulah, ifa. lxii. 4, and Jehovah-Shammdh, Ezeh xlviii. ult. where God is enjoyed in his Gofpel Ordinances; and the want and re- proach of the Solemn AJfemblies, is a matter of the faddeft mourning to the Lord's people, Zeph. iii. 18. There- fore, while the Ark abode in Kirjath-jearim, the time was thought very long, and all the houfe of Jfrael lamented af- ter the Lord, I Sam. vii. 2. then they heard of it at E- fhratah, and found it in the fields of the wood, Pfal. exxxii. 6. But it hath been longer than twenty years in our fields of the woods, and therefore we fhould be la- menting after it with greater concernednefs ; efpecially remembring, how we were privileged with the Gofpel, which was fbmetimes publickly embraced and coun- tenanced by Authority, and enfured to us by Laws,
Statutes,
Concerning Field Meetings, $$9
Statutes, Declarations, Proclamations, Oaths, Vows, and Covenant-engagements, whereby the Land was de- dicated and devoted unto the Son of God, whofe Con- queft it was. And now are not all the People of God obliged to do what they can, to hinder the recalling of this dedication, and the giving up of the Land as an of- fering unto Satan and Antichriit ? And how (hall this be, but by a publick contending for this Privilege, and a refolving they (hall fooner bereave us of our hearts blood, than of the Gofpei in its freedom and purity 1 But this we cannot contend for publickly, if our Meetings be not publick. 5. The nature and bufinefs of the Go- fpel-mimftry is fuch, that it obliges them that exercife it to endeavour all publicknefs, without which they cannot difcharge the extent of their Inftruclions: their very names and titles do innnuate fo much. They arc Witneffes for Chrift, and therefore their Teftimonies lhould be publick, though their Lot oftentimes be to \vitoefs in Sackcloth. They arc Heralds, and therefore they fhould proclaim their Mafter's will, though their Lot be often to be a voice crying in the cuildernefs, as John the Baptifi was in his Field-preachings. They are Am~ baffadors, and therefore they fhould maintain their Ma- fter's Majefty in the publick port of his Ambafiadors, and be wholly taken up about their Sovereign's bufinefs. They are Watchmen, and therefore they fhould keep and maintain their port their Mafters hath placed them at. Nay, they are Lights and Candles, and therefore cannot be hid> Matth. v. 14, 15. The Commands and Inftruclions given them, infer the neceffity of this. They muft cry a- loud,and not /pare, and/i/j up their voice like a trumpet, and fie<w the Lord's people their tranfgreffions and [fins, Ifa. lviii. I. They are Watchmen upon Jerufalem's walls which muft not hold their peace day nor nighty nor keep jilence^nor give the "Lord refi, till he eflablifb, and till he make Jerufalem a praife in the earth, Ifa. Ixii. 6, 7. They are Watchmen, that muft command all to hearken to the found of the trumpet , Jer. vi, 1 7, They muft be valiant for the Truth upon the earth, Jer. ix, 3. They muft fay, Thus faith the Lord even to a re- bellious Kation, whether they will hear or forbear, and not be afraid of ihemy Ezek. iL 5, 6. They muft caufe the
people
576 Concerning VieU Meetings.
people to know their abominations, Ezek. 16.2. and the a* bominations of their fathers, Ezek, xx. 4. And what their Mafter tells them in darknefs, that they mufi /peak in th$ Light, and what they hear in the ear, that they mttfi preach upon the houfe-tops, Match, x. 27. Thefc things cannot be done in a clandeftine way; and therefore now, when there is fo much neceffity, it is the duty of all faithful Minifters, to be laying out themfelves to the utmoft in their paftoral Function., for the fuppreffing of all the evils ofthe time, notwithftanding of any prohibition to the con- trary, in the moll publick manner, according to the exam- ples of all the faithful fervants of the Lord,boch in the Olcf and New Tcftaments ; though ic be molt impioufly and ty- rannically interdicted, yet the Laws of God {land unrepea- led ; and therefore all who have a trumpet and a mouth, fhould fet the trumpet to their mouth, and found a certain ibund ; not in fecret, for that will not alarm the people, but in the moff publick manner they can have accefs to ; and it is the duty of all to come and hear, and obey their Warnings and Witneffings, command who will the contrary. It was for mocking, defpi(ing his words, and mifufing his prophets, that the wrath of the Lord arofe a- gainjl his people, the ?ews, until there was no remedy, 2, Chron. xxxvi. i6. Therefore, from all that is faid, it aiuft be concluded, that Meetings for Gofpel-ordinances muft be as publick as can be: and if fo, then that they fhould be in houfes, fafety will not permit to us; to go to the Hreets or market-places, neither fafety nor pru* dence will admit : therefore we muft go to the fields with it, coft what it will.
4. Seeing then there muft be Meetings, and publick Meetings; and feeing we cannot, and dare not in Con- ference countenance the Curates Meetings, we muft hear, own, embrace and follow fuch foithful Minifters, as are clothed with ChriiVs Comrni/Iion, Righteoufnefs and Sal- vation, and do keep the Words ofthe Lord's patience, and the Teftimony ofthe Church of Scotland in particu- lar. This I think will not, or dare not be denied, by any that own the Authority of Chri$ ( which none can deny or inftruft the contrary, but our Minifters that ven- tured their lives in preaching ia the fields, have had a
certain
Concerning field Meetings* 5"i
certain feal to their Miniftry, and is fealed fenfibly in the convi&ion of many, and confeffion of moe ) that Chrift's Minifters and Witneffes, employed about the great Go- fpel-meflagc, clothed with his Authority, and under the obligation of his Commands lying upon them, muft: jpreach, and the people muft hear them, notwithstanding of all Laws to the contrary. Divines granr5 that the Magiftrate can no more fufpend from the exercife, tharr he can depofe from the Office of the Miniftry • for the one is a degree unto the other. Sec Apollon* de jure Ma- gijl. circa Sacra, Parti* p. 354, &c. Ruthcrford'j Due Right [of Presbyterians, p. 430, &c. For whether it he right in the fight of Cod, to hearken unto men more than un* to God, the Confciences of the greateft Enemies may be appealed unto, ABs, iv. 19. They muft not ceafe, where- cver they have a Call and Occafion, to teach and preach yefus Chrift, Acts v. laft verfe. Necejjity is laid upon them*, yea, quo unto them, if they preach not the gofpel, I Cor. ix 16. In all things they muft approve th em f elves, as the mi- nifters of God, in much patience, in afflictions, in neceffitks, &c. by honour and diponcur, by evil report and good repcrty as deceivers, and yet true, as unknown, and yet well "known ,
2 Cor. vi. 4, 8, 9. They tnvft preach the word, be
infant in feafon, and cut of 'feafon', reprove, rebufo, exhort with all long- fuffering and doctrine, £ Tim. iv. 2. Dare any fay then, that a Magistrate's or Tyrant's Law? can cxauQ^rate a Minifter ? or filence him by his own proper elicite Adts, as King or Tyrant, or formally and imme- diately? Will mifchiefs framed into a Law warrant fuch iniquity ? or an aft of a King of Clay refcind the Mandates of the King of Kings ? or exempt people front obedience due thereunto ? Or will the FBifhops Canon^ who have no power from Chrift, or the cenfures of them, that ftand condemned themfelves by the Conftitu- tionsof the Church, andA£bofthe General AiTcmblies, have any weight in the cafe ? And yet thefe are all that can be alledged, except odious and invidious calumnies, the ordinary Lot of the moft faithful, aeainft the pre- fent preachers in the fields, which are fj-Ecicntly con- futed in their late informatory Vindication > and need not here be touched. Seeing therefore they have given up
them-
572 Concerning Field Meetings,
themfelves unto Chrift as his fervants, they mul) refblve to be employed for him to the utmoft ot their power, and muft not think of laying up their Talent in a nap- kin ; efpecially now when there is fb great neccflity, when defection is yet growing, covered, countenanced snore and more, Divifion nothing abated, but new oil caft daily into the flames of devouring Contentions; the peo- ple generally drowned in the deluge of the times fo&res and fins, and like to be overwhelmed in the inundation of black Popery, now coming in at the opened fluice of this wicked Toleration, with the Congratulations of Ad- drejfmg Minifters, when now the Harveft is great, and the Labourers are few; Great then is the neceffity, and double muft the woe be that abidethfuch Minifters, as arc lilent at iuch a time : and great and inexcusable is the fin of the people, if they do not come out, arid countenance faithful Minifters, the Mejfengers of the Lord of hofts, from whom they fiouldfeek the law, Mai. & 7, efpecially when there are lb many, that have palpably betrayed their Truft, andfo few that are faithful in the necefTary Te^ frimony of the day. Seeing then faithful Minifters muft preach, and people muft hear, where can they meet with conveniency, and fafety, and freedom, except either un- der the flicker of this wicked Toleration, which they dare not do, or elfe go to the fields ?
5. It muft be obtained alfo, that the Minifters have a right to preach, in this unfixed manner, wherever they have a Call; their relation now, in this difturbed ftate of the Church, being to be confiderecLmore extenfively, than in its unfettlcd condition. For underftanding which, we muft diftinguifha three or fourfold relation, that a Minifterof the Gofpel ftandsinto. Firft, He is a minifter cf Chrift, and ftewavd of the myfteries of God, I Cor. iv. I. having his Coram iflion from Chrift as his Mafter: and this relation he hath univerfally, wherever he is. Se- condly, He is a Minifter of the Catholick Church, tho* fiot a Catholick Minifter of it, which is his primary re- lation; for that is the Church, in which Minifters arc fet, I Cor. xii. 28. and to which they arc given, Eph. iv. II, 12. Thirdly, He is a Minifter of the particular Church whereof he is a Member ; and fo in Scotland, a
Minifter
Concerning Field Meetings. 575
Minifter is a Minifter of the Church of Scotland, and is obliged to lay out himfclf for the good of that Church. Fourthly, He is a Minifter of the particular Congrega- tion, whercunto he hath a fixed relatioo in a conftitute cafe of the Church: this laft is not eflential to a Mini- fter of Chrift, but is fubfervient to the former relation ; but when feparated from fuch a relation, or when it is impolitic to be held, he is (till a Minifter of Chrift, and his Call to preach the Gofpcl ftands and binds. See Mr. Durham's Digreffion on this particular on Rev. chap. £. pag. 89. &c. in Quarto. For though he be not a Ca- tholick-officer, having an equal relation to all Churches, as the Apoftles were ; neverthelefs he may exerce Mini- fterial A&s authoritatively, upon occaflons warrantably calling for the fame, in other Churches, as Heralds of one King, having authority to charge in his name wherc- cver it be; eipccially in a broken ftate of the Church, when all the reftri&ion his Mmifterial relation is ca- pable of, is only a ty and call to officiate in the fcrvice of that Church whereof he is a Member ; and fo he hath right to preach every where, as he is called, for the edification of that Church. The reafbns are, I. He hath power from Chrift the Mafter of the whole Church ; and therefore, where-ever the Mafter 's authority is ac- knowledged, the Servant's Minifterial authority cannot be denied; at leaftin relation to that Church, whereof he is a Member as well as a Minifter. 2. He hath comrolf. fion from Chrift, principally for the edification of Ch rift's body, as far as his Miniftry can reach, according to the fecond relation. 3. His relation to the whole Church is principal, that which is fixed to a part is only fubordi- nate, becaufe it is a part of the whole. 4. His Commif* lion is indefinite to preach the Golpel, which will fuic as well in one place as in another. 5. The fame great ends of the Church's jjreat good and edification, which warrants fixing of a Minifter to a particular charge in the Church's peaceable ftate, will warrant his officiating more largely in her difturbed ftate. 6. Elfe it woulcl follow, that a faithful Minifter, ftanding in that relation to a difturbed and deftroyed Church, and all his gifts and graces were ufclefs in that cafe, which ootwithftand-
ing
574 Concerning Field Meeting}*
lag are given for the good of the Church. 7. Yea, hy this, when his fixed relation cannot be kept, it would follow, that he ceafed to be a Minifter, and his corn- mifiion expired ; £6 that he fhould Hand in no other re- lation to Chrift, than any private perfon fo qualified, which were abfiird : for by conirHillion he is absolutely fee apart for the work of the Miniitry, fo long as Chrift hath work for him, if he continue faithful 8. This hath keen the practice of ail the Propagators of the Golpel from the beginuing, and of our Reformers in particular; \vithout which they could never have propagated it fo far: and it was never accounted the Charade rift kk of Apofiles, to preach unfixedly ; becauie La times of per- secutions, Paftors and Do&ors alio might have preached where-cver they came, as the Officers- of the Church of Jerufalern did, when fcattcred upon the persecution of Stephen, Acls viii. 1. did go every where prcacliiog the word, *w. 4. Since therefore they may and muft preach, in this unfixed manner, they muft in this broken ftate look upon all the godly in the nation, that will own and hear them, to be their congregation, and embrace them all, and confult their conveniency and univerfal advan- tage, in fuch a way as all equally may be admitted, and none excluded from the benefit of their Miniftry. And therefore they mull: go to the fields with it.
6. The Lord hath fo iignally owned, fuccefsfully countenanced, and Angularly {c&led Field Preaching m thefe unfixed exercifes, that both Minifters and people have been much encouraged againft all oppofition to profe- cute them, as having experienced much of theLord'spower and preftnee in them, and of the breathings of the enli- vening,eniarging, enlightening and ftrengthning influences of the Spirit of God upon them. The people are hereby called, in this cafe of defection, to feek after thefe waters that the)'' have been fo often refrefhed by: for in this cafe of defection, God being plcafcd to feal with a pal- pable bleffing on their fouls, the word from MinUter* adhering to their principles, they may fifely look on this as a call from God to hear them, and follow after them fo owned of the Lord. And it being beyond all doubt, that $he AJIcmJilics, of the Lord** people to par- take
Concerning Tield Meetings. 57;
take of pure ordinances, with full freedom of Confciencc in the fields, hath been ilgnally ^>wncd and bleiTed of the Lord, and hath proven a mean to fpread the know- ledge of God beyond any thing that appeared in our fceft times ; and in defpight of this iignal appearance of Cod, and envy at the good done in thefe Meetings, all endeavours being ufed by wicked men to fupprefs utterly all thefe Reodevouzes of the Lord's Militia, both by o- pen force and cunning Midianitip wiles ; Miniftcrs can- not but look upon it as their duty, and that the Lord tiath been preaching from Heaven, to all who would hear and under/land it, that this way of preaching, even this way, was that wherein his foul took pleafure, and to which he hath been, and is calling all who would be co-workers with him this day, to help forward the in^ tereft of his Crown and Kingdom. Many hundreds of perfecuted people can witnefs this, and all the Martyrs have fealed it with their blood, and rcmembred it par- ticularly on the fcaffolds, that they found the Lord there, and that he did lead them thither, where he made them to ride upon the high places of the earth, and to eat the increafe of the fields, and to fuck honey out of the rock, and that in their experience, under the Spirit's pouring out from on high, they found the wildernefs to be a fruitful field, and, in their efteem, their feet were beau- tiful upon the mountains that brought good tidings, that publifhed peace, that brought good tidings of good, that published ialvacion, that faid unto zien> Thy God reigneth. And all the Minifters that followed this way, while they were faithful, and had but little ftrengxb, and kept his Word, and did not deny his Name, found that verified in their experience, which is faid of Phila- delphia) Revel, ill. 8. that they had an open doer which m man could font. The characters whereof, as they are ex- pounded by Mr. Durham, were all verified in thefe Meetings: where 1. The Minifters had a door of utterance upon the one fide opened to them ; and the peoples ears were opened to welcome the fame, in love to edification, fimplicity, and diligence on the other. 2. This had real changes following, many being made humble, ferious, ttodct, fruitful^ &c. 3. The Devil raged and fee himr
felf
57^ Concevnhg Field Meetingf,
felf to oppofe, traduce, and fome way to blaft the Mini- ftry of the moft faithful more than any others; juft as when Paul had a greater door and effectual opened to him, there were many adversaries, i Cor. xvi. 9. 4, Yet the Lord hath been obfervcably defeating the Devil and profanity in every place, where the Gofpel came, an J made him fall like lightning from Heaven, by the prea- ching of the word. 5. And the moft experimental proof of all was, that hereby ground was gained upon the kingdom of the Devil, and many prifoners brought off to Jefus Chrift. And therefore feeing it is fb, this muft certainly be a call to them who arc yet labouring in that work, which others have hft off, to endeavour to keep this door open with ail diligence, and reap the corn while it is ripe, and when the fun fhines make hay, and with all watchfulnefs, left the wicked one fbw his tares, if they fhould fall remifs.
7. As for the circumftance of the place, of this unfix- ed manner of celebrating the folemn ordinances of the Worfhip of God, in a time of perfecution : this cannot be quarrelled at by any, but fuch as will quarrel at any thing. But even that is better warranted, than to be weakened with their quarrels. For before the Law* Mountain-tvorftip was the firft Worfhip of the World, as Abrarns Jehovah- jireh, Gen. xxii. 14. Jacob's Bethel, (or Houfeof God in the open fields), Gen. xxviii. 17, 19. his Veniel, Gen. xxxii. 30. his El-Ehhe-Ifrael, Gen. xxxiii. ulu do witnefs: under the law, they heard of it at Ephratah, they found it in the Fields of the Wood, Pfal. cxxxli, 6. Af- ter the law, Field Preaching was the firft that we read of in the New Teftament, both in John his preaching in the Wildernefsof Judea, being the voice of one crying in the wildernefs, and the Mafter :Vfler of Chrift, Matth. in* I, 3. and in bis AmbafTadors afterwards, who, on the Sabbath, went out to a river-fide where prayer was wont to be made, as Lydia was converted at PauV* Field Prea- ching, ABsxvi. 13, 14. And chiefly the Princeof Preachers., Chrift himfelf, preached many a time by the fides of the mountains, and the fea-fide : that preachings Matth. v. was on a mounrain, ver. I. And this is the more to be confidered, that our Lord had liberty of the
Synagogue
Concerning Field Meetings. 577
Synagogues to preach in, yet he frequently left them, and preached either in private houfes, or in the fields ; betaufe of the oppoiition of his dodrine by the Jewifb Teachers, who. had appointed that any who owned him fhould be excommunicate : and therefore, in the like cafe, as it is now, his fervants may imitate their Mafter : for though all Chrift's Adions are not imitable } fuch as theie of his Divine Power, and the Adions of his Divine Prerogative, (as his taking of the afs without the Owner's liberty), and the Adings of his Mediatory Prerogative, which he did as Mediator; but all his gracious Adi- ons, and moral upon moral grounds, and relative upon the grounds of relative duties, are not only imitable, but the perfed pattern of imitation. Therefore that fuperfti- tious and ridiculous cavil, that fuch Meetings in fields or houfes are Conventicles, gathering feparate Congregations, is not worth the taking notice of: for this would reflect upon Chrift's and his ApofHes way of preaching, ancf the conftant method of propagating the Gofpel in times of perfecution, in all ages fince, which hath always been by that way which they call keeping of Conventicles. Ic is abfurd to fay, It is a gathering of feparate Congrega- tions, it is only a fearching or feeking after the Lord's fheep, that are made to wander through all the moun- tains, and upon every high hill, and his fleck which is fcattered by corrupt Shepherds, and the cruelty of the hearts of the field, Ezek. xxxiv. 5, 6. and preaching to all who will come and hear the word of truth, in fuch places where they may get it done mod fafely, and may be moft free from diftradion and trouble of their ene- mies, who are waiting to find them out, that they may haul them to prifons, or kill them.
8. As for the circumitance of the Time, that is fpecial- ly alledged to be unfeafonable, efpecially when there is a little breathing, and fome relaxation from the heat of perfecution, to break the peace, and awaken fleepingdo°s by fuch irritating courfes, is thought not confident with Chriftian prudence. This is the old pretence of them that were at eafe, and preferred that to duty. But as we know no peace at this time, but a peace of confede- racy with the enemies of God, which \vc deflrc not to
O o - par*
57S Concerning Field Meetings*
partake of, and know of no rclaxarion of perfecution a« ^riinit fuch as continue to witnefs againft them; fb kc u hat hath been faid above in the third Hypothecs, of the neeeffity of publicknefs in our Meetings at fijeh a time as this is, be considered ; and let the Scripture be eonfult- cd, and it will appear, not only that in preaching the Goipc!, there muit be a Witnefs and Teftimony kept up, (as is proved above), and not only that Miriifters muft preach the word, and be infant in feafon and out of feafon, 2, Tim. iv. 2. But that fuch a time, as this, is the very feafon of a Teftimony. For, in the Scripture, we find, thatTcftimonies are to be given in thefe fcafons efpecial- lyy I. When the enemies of God, beginning to relent from their ftifFnefs and feverity, would compound with his WitnefTes, and give them fomc liberty, but not total ; as Pharaoh would Itt the Children of Ifrael goy but ftay their flocks : and now our Pharaoh will give fome liber- ty to ferve God, but with a reservation of that part of the matter of it, that nothing be faid to alieoate the hearts of the Subjects from his arbitrary Government. But Mofes thought it then a feafon to tcftify, (tho' the bon- dage of the people fhould be thereby continued), that there fhould not a hoof be left behind ; for, fays he, We know riot with what we muft ferve the Lord, until we come thither, Bxod. x. 24, 25, 26. So muft we teftify for e- very hoof of the intereft of Chrift this day. 2. When there is a Toleration of Idolatry, and Confederacy with Idolaters, and fufpending the execution of penal Laws againft them, or pardoning of thofe that fhould be pu- niftied : in fuch a feafon" as this, that.MefTenger, that came from Gilgal, gave his Teftimony at Bdchim againft: their Toleration of Idolatrous Altars '> and Confederacy with the .Canaaniics, Judg. ii. 1, 2. He is called an Angel in- deed, but he was only fuch an one as Minifters are, who are called (0, Rev* ii. 1. for heavenly Spirits have brought 3 heavenly meffirge to particular perfons, but never to the whole people ; the Lord hath committed fuch a treafure to earthen Veffels, 2 Ccr. iv. 7. and this came from Gilgafy rot from Heaven ; So the Man of God tcftified againft Eliy for his toleration of wicked Priefts, through they ^ ere his own fons, 1 Sam. ii, 07. &§. So Samuel wit-
nefTed
Concerning Field Meetings, y{^
re/Ted againft Sauly for his toleration and indemnity granted to Agagy I Sam.xv, 23. So the Prophet againft Ahab> for fparing Benhadady l King, xx. 42. The An- £,el of Ephefus is commenced for -this, and he of Perga* r;:osy and he of Thyatira is condemned, for oniitcing this Teftimony, and allowing a Toleration of the Kicolaitans and fezebely Re<v. ii. 2, 14, 20, In fuch a cafe of uni- verfal compliance with ihefe things, and the peoples in- dulging themfolves under the fhadow of the protection of fiich a Confederacy, the fervants of the Lord chat fear him muft not fzy a Confederacy, though they fhould be accounted for Jlgns and wonders in Ifraely If a. viii. 12 y 13, 18. But now Idolatrous Mafs-Altars arc let up, none thrown down,, penal Statutes againft Papifls are Jiopt and difabledy and the generality of Minifters are congratula- ting, and faying a Confederacy in their Addrejfes for the fame. 3. When the tmivcrfal Apofta fy is come to fuch a height, that error is prevailing, and few tiding them- felves in an avowed oppofition againft it ; as Elijah cholc that time, when the people were halting between two opinions y 1 King, xviii. 21. And generally all the Prophets and Servants cf Chrift, confulted always the peoples neceffity for the timing of their Testimonies : and was there ever greater neceffity than now, when Popery is coming in like a flood ? 4. When wicked men are chief in power; as when Ham an was promoted, Mordecai would not give him one bowy though all the people of God fhould be endangered by fuch a provoca- tion, EJiher iii. 2v And when Tyrants and Ufurpen nre fct up without the Lord's approbation, then they that have the Lord's trumpet fhould fet ic to their mouth, Hcf. viii. 1. 4 Is not this the cafe now ? J. When, upon the account of this their Tefiimony, tha Lord's people are in greater danger, and enemies ilefign to maflacre them, then, if they altogether hold their peace at fuch a time, there fhnll enlargement and deliveran^ arifc another way, but they and their father $ houfe fball be deftroyed, who are filent then, as Mordecai faid to EJlhery Efth. iv. 1 4. And who knows not the cruel deiigns of the Papifts now • 6\ When iniquity is uaiverfilly abounding, and hypocrify among Profetfbrs,
O o 2 the*
5 So Concerning Field Meetings*
then the Servants of the Lord muft cry aloud and not fpare, I/a, Iviii. I. as thccafe is this day. 7. When the concern of truth, and the Glory of God, is not fb illu- firioufly vindicated as he gives us to expect it fhall be ; then the watchmen rnuit not hold their peace, and they that make mention of the Name of the Lord muft not hep filence, If a. lxii. 6, 7 . efpecially when his Name and Glory is blafphemed, baffled, and affronted, as at this day with a Witnefs. 8. When Minifters generally are involved in a courfe of defection, and do not give faithful warning, but daub over the peoples and their own defections ; then the Prophets muft prophefy againft the Prophets, Ezek. xiii. 2, 10. &c. As, alas! this day there is a neceffity for it. 9. When publick worfhip is interdicted by law, as it was by that Edift prohibiting publick Prayer for 30 days in Daniel's time : they could not interdict all prayer to God ; for they could forbid nothing by that law, but that which they might hinder and punifh for contraveening; but mental prayer at leaft could not be fo restrained. And certain it is, they in- tended only fuch prayer fhould be difcharged, as might difcover Daniel : but might not the wifdom of Daniel have eluded this interdiction, by praying only fecretly or mentally? No; whatever carnal wifdom might dic- tate, his honefty did oblige him in that Cafe of Confeffion, when he knew the writing was figncd, to go into his houfe, and to open his windows, and to kneel upon his
knees, three times a day, as he did aforetime, Dan. vi.
10. Now, what reafon can be given for his opening his windows Vm Was it only to let in the air? or was it to lee yerufalem out at thefe windows? The Temple he could look toward, as well when they were fhut. No other reafon can be affigned, but that it was neceflary then to avouch the Teftimony for that indifpenfible duty then interdicted. And is not publick preaching in- difpenfible duty too ? which is declared criminal, ex- cept it be confined to the mode their wicked law tole- rates; which we can no more homologate, than omit the duty. 10. When it is an evil time, the evil of fin is incumbent, and the evil of wrath is impendent over a land ; then the Lyon hath roared, who will not fear? the Lord
God.,
Concerning Field Meetings. 581
God hath fpoken, who can butprophefy ? Amos iiir 8. There is no contradiction here to that word, which hath been miferably perverted in our day, to palliate iinful illencc oftime-fervers, Amos v. 13. The prudent pall keep jilence in , that time , for it is an evil time : whereby we cannot under- Hand a wylie withdrawing our Witnefs againft the times evils : for there they are commanded to beltir themfelvcs actively, in feeking good, hating the evil, loving the good, and eflabliping Judgment in the gate •, verf 14, 15. but we underitand by it a fubmiiTivey?/m;e to God, with- out fretting (according to that Word, Jer, viii. 14. For
the Lord our God hath put us tofilence, and Mic.
vii. 9.) Calvin upon the place expounds it, c The prudent * fhall be affrighted at the terrible vengeance of God; or c they fhall be compelled to iilence, not willingly (for c that were unworthy of Men of courage to be iilent at ? fuch vVickednefs) but, by the force of Tyrants, giving c them no lea ye to fpeak.' Sure then this is fuch a time, wherein it is prudence to be iilent to God, but not to be filent for God, but to give publick Witnefs againft the evils of lin abounding, and publick warning of the evils of punifhment imminent. 11. Then is the Seafon of it, when worldly Wifdom thinks it unfeafonable, when Men cannot endure found Doctrine, but after their own Lufts they heap to themfelves Teachers, having itching Ears, and turn away their Ears from the Truth ; then to preach the word, and be injlant is indeed in it felf fcafonable, becaufe profitable and neceiTary ; but it is out of feafon as to the Preachers or Hearers external in- tereri, and in theefteem of worldly wifelings, 2 Tim. iv. £, 3, 4. See VooVs Synopf. Critic, in Locum* So in our day, Men cannot endure free and faithful dealing againft the fins of the times, but would have fmooth things and deceits fpoken unto them ; like thofe, ifa. xxx. 10. And nothing can be more ofFenfive, than to fpeak plainly (fo as to give every thing its own Name) either of the fins of the times, or of the fnares of the times, or of the mi- feries and evils of the times, or of the duties of the times, or of the dangers, and the prefent Crifis of the times : which no faithful Minifter can forbear. Therefore fo much the more is it feafonable, that it is generally
thoueht
5S2 Concerning Field Meetings.
thought unfeafbnablc. 12. In a Word, whenever the Teftimony of the Church, or any part of it, is oppofed and fuppreffed ; then is the feafon to keep it, and con- tend for it, and to hold it far}, as our Crown, Rev. iii. 10, 11. It muft be then aword fpoken in due feafon, and good and necefTary (Vrov. xv. 23.) at this time, to give a publick Teftimony againft all wrongs done to our blefted Lord Jefus, all the encroachments upon his Pre- rogatives, all the invafions of the Churches Privileges, alt the everturnings of our covenanted Reformation, and this openly defigned introduction of Popery and Slavery. But now how fhall this Teftimony be given by us con- veniently 2 Or how can it be given at all, at this time, in our Circumftanccs, fb as both the matter and manner of it may be a moft: figntficant Witnefs-bearing to the merit of it, except we go to the Fields? Who can Wit- *rjefs fignificantly againft Popery and Tyranny, and all the evils to be fpoken againft this day, under the protection of a Papift and Tyrant, as Houfe-meetings under the Covert of this Toleration are Mated ? For if thefe Meet- ings be private and ftcret, then the Teftimony is not known ; if they be publick, then they are expofed to a Prey. Now, by all thefe general Hypothefes, it is already in fome tneafure evident, that Field Meetings are very ex- pedient. But I fhall add fome more particular Confi de- rations, to inculcate the fame more clofly.
In the third Place, befides what is faid, To clear the Lawfulnefs and Necefiity of a publick Teftimony againft the evils of the prefent time, fome confidcrations may be added to prove the Expediency of this way and manner of giving a Teftimony, by maintaining Field Meetings in our prefent Circumftances,
I. The keeping of Field-Meetings now, is not only moft convenient for teftifying, but a very fignificant Te- ftimony in it felf, againft this Poptfh Toleration \ the wic- Jccdnefs of whole fpring and original, and of its Nature and Terms, Channel and Conveyance, End and Defign, is fhewed in the Hiftorical Narrative thereof, and can- not be denied by any Presbyterian, whofe conftant prin- ciple is that there ftiould be no Toleration of Popery, Ido- latry, or Hcrefy, in this Reformed and Covenanted
Church
Concerning Fkld Meetings. 583
Church. Reafon and Religion both will conclude, thac this is co be witnefTed againft, by all thac will adhere to the Caufe of Reformation overturned hereby, and re~ folve co ftand in the Gap againft Popery co be introduc- ed hereby, and that will approve themlelves as honeft Patriots in defending the Laws and Liberties of the Country fubverted hereby. And befides, if it be con- sidered with refpect Co che Granter \ it is palpable his Delign is co incroduce Popery, and advance Tyranny, which can be hid from none chac accepc it, the effec- tuating whereof hath a necefTary and infeparablc Con- nexion with che Accepcance of che Liberty ; and is fb far from being avertible by che Accepters, that it is chiefly promoted by cheir Accepcance, and the defign of it is to Jay them by from all Oppofition thereco. If ic be con- fidercd wich Relacion co che Accepters, it is plain it muft be taken as it is given, and received as ic is conveyed, from its Fountain of ahfoluie Power, through a Channel of an Arbitrary Law-difabling and Religion-difbonour- ing Toleration, which is always ev':l ; and with content to the finful Impofitions, with which it is tendered ; concerning and affecting che Doctrine of Minifters, that they fhall preach nothing which may alienate the Sub* jeBsfrom the Government ; againft all which there is no Accefs for a Proteftation, confident with che improve- ment of che Libercy, for ic is granted and accepred on thefe very Terms; that chere fhall be no Proteftation ; for M chere be, chac will be found an alienating of the Hearts of the Subjects from the Government, wrmch, by that Proceftation, will be reflected upon. If it be con- fidered with refpect to the Addreffers for ic, who formally fay a Confederacy with, and congratulate the Tolerator for his Toleration, and all the Mifchiefs he is machina- ting and effectuating thereby ; then feeing they hav« prefumpcuoufly caken upon chem Co fend it in the name of all Presbyterians, it concerns all honeft Men, zealous Chriftians, and fairhful Minifters of thac perfuafion and denominacion, in Honour and Confcience, to declare to the world by fbme publick Tcftimony, that they are not Confentcrs Co thac finful, (hameful, and fcandalousCon- fpiracy, nor of the Corporation of chefe flattering Ad- drejfers
584 Concerning Field Meetings,
drejfes who have betrayed the caufe; with which all will be interpreted Confenters, that are not Contradi&ers? further this Toleration is ffnful as is cleared above. Period 6. And to accept of it is contrary to our folemn Cove- nants and Engagements, where we are bound to extir- pate Popery, preferve the Reformation, defend our Li- berties, and never to accept of a Toleration everfive of ail thefe preciouslnterefts we are fworn to maintain. And it is heinoufly fcandalous, being, in effecl:, a fuccumbing at length, and yielding up the Cauie, which hath been fo long controverted, and fo long contended for ; at lead an Appearance of ceding^and lying by from contending for the Interefts of Chrift, of condemning our former Wreftlings for the fame, of purchadng a Liberty to our lelves at the Rate of burying the Teftimony in Bondage and Oblivion ; of hardening and confirming open Adver- faries in their wicked invafions on our Religion, Laws, and Liberties ; of being weary of the Crofs of Chrift, that we would fain have eafe upon any Terms, and of weakning the hands, yea, condemning the Practice and Peremptorinefs of thefe that are exempted from the Be- nefit, or rather the Snare of it, and fuffer when others are at eafe. It is a lib attended with many Inconveni- cncies ; for either fuch as preach under the Covert of it, rouft forbear declaring fome part of the Counfel of God, and give no Teftimony fealonable this day ; or elfe if they do, they will fbon be difcovered, and made a prey. Hence, feeing there muft be a Teftimony againft this ?Coleration> it is certainly moft expedient to give it there, where the Meeting is without the reach and bounds of it, and interdicted by the fame Proclamation that tenders it, and where the very gathering in fuch Places is a Te- ftimony againft it : for to preach in Houfes conftantly, and leave the Fields, would now be interpreted an <ho- mologating the Toleration that commands preaching to fee fb reftri&ed ; efpecially when an Addrefs is made in . name of all that accept the Benefit of ity from which O- dium we could not vindicate ourfelves, if we fhould fo make ufe of it. ,
2. The keeping of Field Meetings now is a Teftimony againft that wicked luw that difcharges them, and inter-
difts
Concerning Field Meetings. 585
<fi£b them as criminal; yea, in fome refpecl a cafe of con- fejjion : for if Daniel's cafe, when publick prayer was dis- charged under pain of Death, was a Cafe of Confeffion, as all grant ; then muft alfo our cafe be, when publick Preaching is difcharged under the fame penalty: for ic is equivalent to an univerfal difcharge of all publick Preaching, when the manner of ic is difcharged, which we can only have with freedom and fafety in way of publick Teftimony, which can be none other in our Circumftanccs but in the Fields. Again, if the Law be wicked that difcharges them, as certainly ic is, and is demoniirated from what is faid already, chen it muft be fin co obey ic ; buc ic were an obeying of ic ito quite the Fields.
3. The keeping of Field Meetings now is a Teftimony againit Tyrrany and Ufurpacion, encroaching upon our Religion, Laws, and Libercies, and prefuming co re- ftrict and bound che exercife of che Minifterial Fun&ion, and difcharge ic alcogether, excepc ic be modified accor- ding co che Circumftances prefcribed by a wicked Law, which cannoc be allowed 'as competent co any man whofe Authority is not acknowledged, for Reafons gi- ven in Head 2. Therefore, chough there were no more, this is fuffiaenc to call all Minifters to give Teftimony a- gainft fuch an Ufurpation, by refufing to obey any fuch Acl, and preaching where God giveth a Call- For ocherwife, co fubmic to ic, would bean acknowledging of his Magiftratical Power co difcharge thefe Meec- ings, and Co give forth fentences againit faithful Mi- nifters.
4. The keeping of Field Meetings now is a Teftimony for che Honour, Headfhip, and Princely Prerogative of Jefus Chrift, which hach been che greac Word of his Pacience in Scotland, and by an unparallelled Iniolence en- croached upon by Ufurpers in our day, and, in eftedt, denied by fuch as cook a new holding for che exercife of their Miniftry from cheir ufurped Power. Now, in chefe Meetings, there is.a practical Declaration of cheir hold- ing cheir Miniftry, and che exercife chereof from Chrift: alone, without any dependence upon, fubordination co, or licence and warrant from his ufurping Enemies ; and
that
5S6 Concerning Field Meetings.
that they may and will preach in publick, without Au> thority from them. Jfthen it be lawful and expedient to maintain the Interefts of a King of Clay againft an Ufurper ; then much more mult it be lawful and expedi- ent, to maintain the quarrel of the King of Kings, when wicked men would banifh him and his Interefts out of the Kingdom by their tyrannical Cruelty, and cruelmer- cy of a deftru&ive Toleration.
5. The keeping of Field Meetings now is a Teflimony for the Go/pel and the Minifiry thereof; which is always the deareft and neareft Privilege of Chriftians, and in the prefent Circumftances, when our lives and our all arc embarked in the fame bottom with it, and fought to be deftroyed together with it, by a party confpiring againft Chrift, it is neceiTary duty to defend both by refitting their unjuft violence; efpecially when Religion and the Gofpel is one and the chief of our fundamental Land- right /, and the Cardinal Condition of the eftablifhed Po- licy, upon which we can only own men for Magiftrates by the Law of the Land: And this Teftimony, by de- fence of the Gofpel and of our own lives, cannot be gi- ven expediently any where but in the Fields. It is alfo a Teftimony for the Freedom and Authority of the Go- fpel Miniftry, and for their holding their unremovable Relation to the Church of Scotland*, which is infringed by thefe tyrannical A£b, and maintained by thefe Exercifes; which is a privilege to be contended for, above and be- yond all other that can be contended for or defended, e- ipecially to be maintained againft thofe that have 00 power orauthority to take it away. There will no man quit any of his goods upon a fentence coming from an incompetent Judge ; and fhall Minifters or people be hec- tored or fooled fromfuch a privilege by them that have no fuch power ?
6. The keeping of Field Meetings now is a Teftimony for our Covenants, the owning whereof is declared crimi- nal by that fame Law that difcharges thefe Meetings; in which we are fworn to preferve the Reformation in Doc- trine, Worfhip, Difcipline, and Government, and to de- fend all the Church's Liberties, and to oppofe all their Oppofitesj and endeavour their Extirpation ; And in the
Sokm»
Concerning Field Meetings. 587
Solemn Acknowledgment of Si?ts and Engagement to Duties > wearefworn, Becaufe many have of late laboured to fup- plant the Liberties of the Kirk, to maintain and defend the. Kirk of Scotland, in all her Liberties and Privileges, again/} all who (call oppofe and undermine the fame> or incroach thereupon, under any Pretext whatfoever. Since then, the owning of thefe Meetings and the Covenants are both dif- charged together, and the owning of the Covenant does oblige to a publick Oppofition againft the Difchargers, and an avowed Maintenance of the Church's Privilege^ whereof this is, in a manner, the only and chief Liberty now left to be maintained, to keep Meetings where wc may teftify againft them, without dependence on their Toleration ; it muft follow, that thefe Meetings are to be maintained, which only can be in the Fields, with con- veniency.
7. To give over thefe Field Meetings now, would be an hardening and encouraging of thefe Enemies in their wicked defign of banifhing all thefe Meetings out of the Land; which manifeftly would be defeat, by a refolute refufil of all to fubmit to their difcharging of them ; and they that do fubmit, and give them over, do evidently contribute to the cffecluating that wicked defign, which is certain does not, nor will not terminate upon a iTmple fuppreffion of that fort, but further is intended to extir- pate all Meetings for Gofpel Ordinances, in which there is any Teftimony againft them. To comply therefore with fuch a forbearance of them at this time, would lay a flone of (rumbling before them, to encourage them in thefe their defigns; when they fhould fee their Con- trivance fo univerfally complied with, wherein they mieht boaft that at length they had prevailed, to put quite away that eye-fore of theirs, Field Meetings.
8. To give over thefe Field Meetings now, were a Mum- bling to the poor ignorant people; who mi^h-r think, that now it appears that Work was but of men, and fo hath come to naught ; and would look upon it ^s an evidence of fainting,andfuccumbing at laft in the matter of theTf- ftimony,as being quite overcome; and that indeed ail have embraced and accepted this prelcnt Toleration, and were
all
588 Defenjive Arms Vindicated.
all alike fleeping under the (hade, and eating the fruits of fuch a bramble.
9. Finally, To give, over thefe Field Meetings now, would be very fcandalous to the Pojlerity, and to Stran- gers, who fhall read the Hiftory ot our Church, to find, that as Prelacy came in without a joint WitneG, and the monftrous, blafphcmous, and (acrilegious Supremacy was ere&ed, without a Teftimony in its feafon ; fo black Popery itfel£ and Tyranny, was introduced by a Tolerati- on, which laid them all by from a Teftimony againft thefe; who formerly had valiantly, refolutely, and faith- fully contended againft all leffer Corruptions ; but at lait, when that came, and ftriiter Prohibitions of all publick Meetings, but under the Covert thereof, were emitted, then all were perfuaded to comply with that Courfe. How aftonifhing would it be to read, that all thefe Contendings, fealed with fb much precious Blood, fhould come to fuch a pitiful Period 1 But I ha- ften to the Next, which is the Second Pojitive Ground of Suffering. > <'
HEAD V.
The Principle of, and Tejiimony^for Defenfive Arms Vindicated.
f & AHis Truth is of that fort, that can hardly be illu- ftrated by demonftration ; not for the darknefs thereof, but for its felf- evidencing clearnefs, being fcarce- ly, capable of any further elucidation, than whac is offer- ed to the rational underftanding by its fimple Propofi- tion. As fir ft Principles can hardly be proven, becaufethey need no Probation, and cannot be made clearer than they are, and fuch as cannot confent to them, are incapable of conceiving any probation of them *, fo this Truth of Self -preservation being lawful, becaufe it is conge- nite with and Eradicated in every Nature, that hath a Self which it can preferve, can fcarcely be more illuftra-
ttd
Defenjive Arms vindicated. 58
ted that it may do fo, than that it can do Co. And there- fore to all who have a true refpeft to their own, as well as a due concern in che Intereft of Mankind, and zeal for the Intereft of Chrift, it might feem fuperfluous to make a doubc or debate of this : Were it not that a Generation of men is now prevailing, chat are as great Monfters in Na- ture, as they are Malignant in Religion, and as great per- verters of the Law of Nature, as they are fubverters of municipal Laws, and everters of the Laws of God : who, for owning this principle, as well as ufing the practice of defenfive Refinance for Self-prefervation againlt tyran- nical Violence, have fet upfuch Monuments of rage and cruelty, in the murder of many innocent People, as was never read or heard of before. It hath been indeed the practice of all Nations in the World, and the greateft of men have maintained this principle in all ages; but the bare alferting the principle, when extor- ted by fevere Incjuiiitions, was never a caufe of taking the lives of any, before this was impofed on the poorfuf- ferers in Scotland, to give their judgment, Whether or not fuch Appearances for Defence (as the Tyranny of Ru- lers had forced people to) were Rebellion, and a Sin a- gainft God, which they could not in Confcience aflert ; and therefore, though many that have fuffered upon this head, have been as free of the practice of fuch Reiiftance as any, yet becaufe they would not condemn the prin- ciple, they have been criminally procefled, arraigned, and condemned to the death. And againft this Truth they have been obferved to have a fpecial kind of indig- nation, either becaufe the light of it, which cannot be hid, hath fome heat with it to fcorch them ; or becaufe they fear the impreflion of this in the hearts of peo- ple more than others, knowing that they deferve the practical expreifion of it by the hands of all. But the reafon they give why they are fo offended at it, is, that they look upon it as the Spring of all the errors of Pref- byterians, and a notion that deftrovs them; which in- deed will be found to have a neceffary connexion with many of the Truths that they contend for this day, as it hath been the neceiTary method of defending them. What practices of this kind hath been, and what were the oc- caiions inducing, or rather enforcing to thefe defensive
Refi-
59° Defends Arms Vindicated* ~
Refinances, here to be vindicated as to the principle of them, is manifested in the hiftorical Reprefcntation , (hewing, that after the whole body of ihe Land was en- gaged under the bond of a Solemn Covenant, feveral times renewed, to defend Religion and Liberty; and in fpecial manner the Magiftratcs of all Ranks, the Suprem* whereof was formally admitted to the Government upon theft terms; he, with his Affociates,confpiring with the Nobles, to involve the whole Land in Perjury and Apo- flafy, overturned the whole covenanted Work of Refor- mation ; and thereby not only encroached upon the In- tereft of Chrift and the Church's Privileges, but fubvertcd the fundamental Conftitution of the Kingdom's Govern- ment, and preffed all to a fubmiflion unto, and compli- ance with that Tyranny and Apoftafy, ercfted upon the ruines thereof : yet the godly and faithful in the Land, fenfible of the indifpenfible obligation of thefe Covenants, refolved to adhere thereunto, and fuffered long patiently for adherence unco the fame, until being quite out wearied by a continued traft of tyrannical Oppreffions, arbitrarily enacled by wicked Laws, and illegally executed againft their own Laws, and cruelly profecuted even without all colour of Law, in many unheard of Barbarities, when there could be no accefs for, or fuccefi in complaining or getting redrefs by Law, all Petitions and Remonftrances of Grievances being declared feditious and treasonable, and interdicted as fuch; they were forced to betake them- selves to this laft remedy of defensive Rejiftance> intending only the prefervation of their Lives, Religion and Li- berties ; which many times hath been bleucd with fuc- cefs, and therefore zealoufly contended for, as an ina- miffiblc Privilege, by all well affe&ed to the Caufe of Chrift, and Intcreft of their Country, becaufe they found it always countenanced of the Lord ; until the Caufe was betrayed by the Treachery, and abandoned by the Cowardice of fuch, as were more loyal for the King's interefts, than zealous for Chrift's and the Country's ; for which the Lord in his holy jealoufy difcountenanced many repeated endeavours of this nature, cutting us off, and putting us to fhame, and would not go forth with cur Armies, But becaufe the duty is not to be meafured
by,
Le fen five Arms vindicated. 59 1
fcy, and hath a more fixed Rule to be founded upon than Providence; therefore the godly did not only maintain the principle in their Confeffions^and Teftimonics, but profecute the practice in carrying arms, and making ufi of them in the defence of the Gofpel and of themfelves, at Field- Meetings; which were always fuccefsfully pro- fperous, by the power and prefence of God. This Que- flion is fufficiently difcufTed, by our famous and learne J invincible Patrons and Champions for this excellent pri- vilege of Mankind, the unanfwerable Authors of Lex ReXy the Apologetical Kelationy Naphtaliy and Jus poputi vindicatum* Bu^t becaufe it is eafy to add to what is found, I fhall fubjoin my mite ; and their arguments being va- rious, and voluminoufly profecute, and fcattered at large through their books, I fhail endeavour to collect a com- p end of them in fome order. The two firft fpeak of a defensive war, managed in a parliamentary way: and the two laft, of Refinance againft the abufe of a lawful power, when there is no accefs to maintain Religion and Liberty any other way; which docs not come up lb clofe to our cafe, nor is an adequate Antithesis to the aflertions of our Adverfaries, who fay, that it is no-ways I awful y in any cafey or upon any pretence whatfoevery to refift the fo- vereign Power of a Nation, in whomfoever it he rejidenty or which way foever it be esetted. I fhall confider it more complexly and extenliveiy,and plead both for Refiftancc againft the abufe of a lawful Power, and againft the Ufe and Ufurpation of a tyrannical Power, and infer not only the Lawfulnefs of reiifting Kings, when they abufe their Power (as is demonftrate unanfwerably by thefe Au- thors) but the expediency and neceffityof the duty of reii- fting this tyrannical Power, wThenfoever we are in a Ca- pacity, if we would not be found treacherous Covenant- breakers, and betrayers of the Intereft of God, and the Liberties of the Nation, and of our Brethren, together with the Pofterity, into the hands of this Pop? ft and im- placable Enemy, and fo bring on us the Curfe of Meroz> and the Curie of our Brethrens blood, crying for ven- geance on the heads of the fhedders thereof, and upon]alI, who being in cafe,came not to their refcue ; and the curfe of Pofterity, for noc tranfmitting that Reformation and
Liberty,
$9% Lefenjtve Arms vindicated*
Liberty, whereof we were by the valour of our Fore- fathers pur and left in pofTeffion. I fhail not therefore feV ftridt rnyfelf to the State of the Queftion, as propounded ordinarily, to<wit^ Whether or not, when a covenanted King doth really injure, opprefsand invade his Subjc&s Civil and Religious Rights, or unavoidably threatens to deprive them of their deareft and neareft Liberties, and fends out his EmhTaries with armed violence againft them; and when allredrefsto be had, or hope oy any Addrefs or Petition is rendered void or inacceffible, yea addreffing interdicted under fevere Penalties, as treafon- able^ then, and in that cafe, may a Community of thefe Subjects defend themfelves, and their Religion and Liber- tics, by arms, in refifting his bloody ErhiiTaries \ But, to bring it home to our prefent cafe, and anfvver the Laxnefs of the Adverfaries poiition of the uncontroul- ablenefs of every one that wears a Crown, I fh'all ftate it thus: Whether or not is it neceftary duty for a Com- munity (whether they have the concurrence of the Pvimo- res or Nobles, or not) to endeavour, in the Defence of their Lives, Religion, Laws and Liberties, to refift and reprefs the Ufurpation and Tyranny of prevailing Do- minators, ufing or abufing their power for fubverting Religion, invading the Liberties, and overturning the fundamental Laws of their Country ? I hold the Affir- mative, and fhall eiTay to prove it, by the fame Argu- ments that conclude this Queftion, as ufually ftatcd ; which will more than evince the Juftifiablenefs of the Sufferings upon this Head. In profecuting of this Sub- ject, I fhall firft premit fome conceflory Confederations to clear it. And Secondly, bring Reafbns to prove it,
Firft, For clearing of this Truth, and taking off Mi- flakes, thefe Concejjions may be confidered,
I. The Ordinance of Magiftracy, which is of God, is not to be refifted, no, not fo much as by difobedience or non-obedience, nay, not fo much as mentally, by cuvjtng' in the hearty Ecclef. x. 20. but a perfon clothed there- with, abufing his power, may be in fb far refifted. But Tyrants, or Magiftrates turning Tyrants, arc not God's Ordinance; and there is no hazard of damnation, for refufing to obey their unjuft commands, but rather the
hazard
De fen five Arms vindicated. 595
fiazard of that is in walking willingly after the Com- mandment, when the Statutes of Omn are kept. So thac
what isobje&ed from Ecclef.viii.2 4, I counfel thee,
to keep the king's commandment, &c. is anfwercd on Head £.. and is to be undcrftood only of the lawful commands of lawful Kings.
2. Rebellion is a damnable fin, except where the word is taken in a lax fenfe, as jfrael is faid to have rebelled againft Rehoboamy and Hezekiah againft Sennacherib^ which was a good Rebellion, and clear duty, being takea there for Refiftance and Revolt. In that fenfe indeed fbme of our Rifings in Arms might be called Rebellion ; for ic is lawful to rebel againft Tyrants. But becaufc the word is ufua'ly taken in an evil fenfe, therefore it would have been offenfive to acknowledge that before the In- cjuifitors, except it had been explained. But Rebellion againft lawfbl Magiftrates is a damnable fin, exemplarily punifhed in Korah and his Company, who rebelled a- gainft Mofesl /and in Sheba and Abfalom, who rebelled againft David. xFor to punifi the jujl is not good, nor to firika frijjks fortuity; Prov. xvii. 2(5. And they that refifi {ball reSmie to* themfelves damnation, Rom. xiii. 2. So thac thi?6bjeftion brought from this place, as if the Apoftl# were commanding there fubje&ion without Reiiftance to Keroy anjEfuch Tyrants; as it is- very impertinent, it is fully anjwered above, Head 2. Here it will be fuffi- cicnt to reply, I. He ir hereby vindicating Chriftianity from that reproach, of cafting off or refuting fubjeQioa to all Magiftrates, as if Chriftian Liberty had deftroyecf that Relation, or that they were not to be fubjeel to Heathen Magiftrates ; whereupon he binds trm duty of fubjedion to Magiftrates for cenfeience fake in general. And it is very considerable, what Buchanan lavs in his book de jure regni, that Paul did nor write to the Kings them- felves, becaufe they were not Chriftians, and therefore the more might be born with from diem, though they fhould not underftand the duty of Masiftrates: but ima- gine, that there had been fome Chriftian King who had turned Tyrant and Apoftate, c to the fcandal of RelU
* gion; what would he have wrirren then ? Sure ii he
* had been like himfelf, he would have .??nied that he
P p # « fhould
594 Defensive Anns vindicated.
* fhculd be owned for a King, and would have interdl-
* cted all Chrifiiansl Communion with him, and that*
* they fhould account him no King, but fuch as they c were to have no fellowfhip with, according to the Law c of the Go/pel/ 2. He fpeaks of lawful Rniers hcre^ Hot Tyrants, but of all fuch as are defined and qualified here, being Powers ordained of God, terrors to evil <worksy miniftersof God for good. Yea, but fay Prelates, andtheir malignant Adherents, thefe are only Motives of fubje&ion to all Powers, not Qualifications of the Powers. I an- fyver, they are indeed Motives, but fuch as can be ex- tended to none but to thefe Powers that arc fb qualified. 3. He fpeaks of lawful Powers indefinitely in the plural number, not fpecifying any kind or degree of them, as if only Kings and Emperors were here meant. It can- cot be proven, that the power of the fword is only in them. Neither was there a plurality of Kings or Empe- rors at Rome to be fu'ojeft to: if he meant the Roman Emre or, he would have defigned him in the lingular number. All the reafens of the Text agree to inferior
Jfudges alio, for they are ordained of Gody they are cal- ed Rulers in Scripture, and God's Minifters, revengers by Office, who judge net for man, but for the Lord: and inferior Magistrates alfo are not to be refiftcd, when do- ing their duty, I Pet. ii. 1 3. yet all will grant, when they go beyond their bounds, and turn little Tyrants, they may be withftood. 4. He docs not /peak of Nero, concerning whem it cannot be proven, that at this time he had, the fovereign power, as the learned Mr. Prim Ihcws: or if he had, that he was a Tyrant at this time: and if he meant him at all, it was only as he was ob- liged to be by Right, not as he was in Deed. All men know, and none condemns the faft of the Senate, that refilled Nero at length, without tranfgrcifing this pre- cept. Yea, I fhould rather think, the Senate is the power that the Apoftle applies this Text to, if he applied it to any in particular. 5. The fubje&ion here required, is the fame with the honour in the fifth Command^ where- of this is an expofition, and is oppofite to the Contraor* dinatenefs here condemned. Now> fubjeftion takes in all the duties we owe to Majiflratw, aod Refiftaocc all
eke
Defsnjtve Arms vindicated. 595
the contraries forbidden; but unlimited obedience is not here required: fo neither unlimited fubjection. ♦
3. We may allow pajfive Subjection in fome cafes, even to Tyrants, when the Lord lays on that yoke, and in effeel fays, he will have us to \y under it a while, as he commanded the Jews to be fubject to Nebuchadnezzar: of which pailage, adduced to prove fubjedtion to Ty- rants univerfally, Buchanan*, as above, infers, that if all Tyrants be to be lubjcctcd to, becaufc God by his Pro- phet commanded his People to be fubjc& to one Tyrant ; then it muft be likewife concluded, that all Tyrants ought to be killed, becaufc Ahab's houfe was commanded to be deftroyed by Jehu. But pafiive fubjc&ion, whe'a people arc not in capacity to reiift, is neceflary, I do Dot fiy pajjive Obedience, which is a mere Chimera, in- vented in the brains of fuch Sycophants, as would make the world flavcs to Tyrants. Whofoever fuffereth, if he can fhun it, is an enemy to his own being: for every natural thing muft drive to prefcrve itfelf againft what annoyethit; and aifo he ilns againft the order of God, who in vain hath ordained fo many lawful means for prefci vation of our being, if we mull fuffer it to be de- iiroyed, having power to help it.
4. We abhor all war of fubje&s, profefTedly declared againft a lawful King, as fuch; all War againft lawful Authority, founded upon, or deiigned for maintaining principles inceniiftent with Government, or againft Po- licy and Piety ; yea, all War without Authority. Yer, when all Authority of Ma^iftrates, fupreme and fubordi- nate, is perverted and abufed, contrary to the ends there- of, to the oppicffing of the people, and overturning of their Laws and Liberties, people muft not fufpend their Refiftance upon the concurrence of men of Authority, and forbear the duty in cafe of ncceffity, becaufc they have not the Peers or Nobles- to lead them: for if the ground be lawful, the call clear, the necefiity cogent, the capacity probable, they that have the Law of Nature, the Law of God, and the fundamental Laws of tha Land on their fide, cannot want Authority, though they may want Parliameuts to efpoufe their quarrel. This is slearcd above, Head 2. yet here I (hall add, 1. The peo-
P p 2 pie
50 Defenjive Arms vindicated.
fie have this privilege of Nature, to defend themfelvcs and their Rights and Liberties, as well as Peers ; and tad it, before they crcfted and conftitutcd Peers or Nobles, There is no diftinfiion of quality in interefts of Nature, though there be in civil Order: but felf-defence is noc an acT: of civil Order. Infuch Interefts, people muft not depend upon the priority of their Superiors, nor fufpend the duties they owe to themfelvcs and their neighbours, upon the manudu&ion of other mens greatneis. The Law of Nature allowing felf-defence, or the defence of our brethren, againft unjuft violence, addeth do fuch re- ft ri&ion, that it muft only be done by the conduct or concurrence of the Nobles or Parliaments, 2, The people fcave as great Intereft to defend their Religion as the Peers, and more, becaufe they have more fouls to care for than they, who are fewer. And to be violented in their Confidences, which are as free to them as to the Peers, is as infupportable to them : yea, both are equally concerned to maintain Truth, and refcue their Brethren fuffering for it, which are the chief grounds of war; and if the ground of the defenfive war be the fame with them and without them, what reafon can be given, mak- ing their Rcfiftance in the one cafe lawful, and not in the other ? Both are alike obliged to concur, and both are c- oually obnoxious to God's thrcatned Judgments, for fuf- fering Religion to be ruined, and not relieving and re* fcuing Innocents. It will be but a poorexcufe for people to plead, they had no Peers to head them. What if both King and Nobles turn Enemies to Religion, (as they are at this day)fhall people do nothing for the de* fence of it then 1 Many times the Lord hath begun a Work of Reformation by foolifb things, and hath made the leafi of the flock to draw them out> Jer* xlix* 2, and ?!• 45. and did not think fit to begin with Nobles, but be*t gan it, when Powers and Peers were in oppofition to it; and when he bleiTedit fb at length, as to engage the pu- felick Rcprefcntative* to own it, what was do&c by pri- vate Perfons before, they never condemned. 3. The people are injured without the Nobles, therefore they may refift without them, if the v be able: for there can be so Argument adduced, to make it unlawful to refift
without
Dtfenpve Arms vindicated* 597
without them, which will not equally make it unlawful to do it with them. 4. *Tis true the Nobles are ob- liged beyond others, and have Authority more than o- thers to concur ; but feparately they cannot aclas Re- prefentatives judicial'y: they have a Magiftratical Power, but limited to their particular Precinfts where they have Intereft, and cannot extend it beyond thefe bounds ; and fo, if they fhould concur, they are ftill in the capacity of Subjects; for out of a Parliamenta- ry Capacity they are not Reprefentatives. 5. All the Power they can have is cumulative, not privative; for the ivorfe Condition of a Ruler ought not to be by -procur- ing. Why then lhall the Reprefcntatives, betraying their Truit, wrong the Caufe of the people, whofe Tru- ftees they are ? Nay, if it were not lawful for people to> defend their Religion, Lives, and Liberties without the Concurrence of Parliaments, then their Cafe fhould be worfe with them than without them ; for they have done it before they had them, and fo they had better be without them ftill. 6. People may defend themfelvesa- gainft the Tyranny of a Parliament, or Primoresy or Nobles : Therefore, they may do it without them ; for if it be lawful to refift them, 'tis lawful to wave them> when they are in a Confpiracy with the King againft them.
5. We difallow all war without real undeclinable Ke- cejfityy and great and grievous wrongs fuftained : and do not maintain it is to be declared or undertaken upon fup- pofed grounds, or pretended Caufes: and €0 the Que- ftion is impertinently ftated by our Adverfaries, c Whe- c ther or not it be lawful for Subjects, or a party of c them, when they think thcmfelves injured, or to be id c a Capacity, to refift or oppofe the Supreme power of a € Nation.* For the Queftion is not, if when they think themfelves injured they may refift ? But when the In- juries are real: neither is it every Reality of Injuries will juftify their Refiftance, but when their deareft and neareft Liberties are invaded, efpecially when fuch an invafion is made, as threatens inelttclablc Subverfion of them. Next, we do not fay, That a parties efteeming tjaemfelvcs in a Capacity, or their being really in a Ca- pacity,
59S Dtfenfive Arms vindicates,
pacity, doth make Refiflance a duty; except, all al?ke> they have a Call as well as a Capacity, which require! real Neccffity, and a right to the action, and the things contended for to be real and legal Rights, really and il- legally encroached upon : their Capacity gives them on- ly a Convenicncy to go about the Duty, that is, previ- oufly lawful upon a moral ground. .No man needs to fay, Who fhall be judge 1 The Magiitrate or people I For, 1. All who have eyes in their head may judge whether the Sun fbine or not; and all who have common Scnfc may judge in this Cafe. For when it comes to a Necef- fity of Refiftance, it is to be fuppofed, that the Grie- vances complained of, and fought to be redrefTcd by Arms, are not hid, but manifeft; it cannot be fo with any party only pretending their luffering wTrong. 2. There is no need of the Formality of a Judge, in things evident to Nature's Eye, as GrafTant Tyranny under- mining and overturning Religion and Liberty muft be. Nature, in the afts of necelTicatec! Refiftance, in fuch a Cafe, is Judge, Party, Accufer, Witnefs, and all. Nei- ther is it an Ad of Judgment, for people to defend their own: Defence is no Acl of Jurifdidtion, but a Privi- lege of Nature,/ Hence, thefe common fay ingsf All Laws permit Force to he repelled by Force ; and the Law of Nature allows Self-defence: The Defence of Life is necejfary, and flows from the Law of Nature. 3. Be Judge who will, the Tyrant cannot be Judge in the Cafe: for, in thefc Tyrannical afls, that force the people to that Refifrance, he cannot be acknowledged as King, and therefore no Judge : for 'tis fuppofed, the Judge is abfent, when he is the party that docs the wrong. And he that does the wrong, as fiicb, is inferior to the innocent. 4, Let God be Judge^ and all the World, taking cognizance of the evidence of their rcfpe&ive Manifejio's of the State of their Caufe,
67 We condemn rifing to revenge private Injuries; whereby the Land may be involved in Blood, for fome petty wrongs done to fome perfons, great or fmall ; and abhor revengful ufurping of the Magiftratc's Sword, to svenge our (elves for perfonal injuries. As David's kil- ling of Saul would have been, 1 Sam. xxiv, 10, i£> 15.
1 Ssrn.'
Deferftve Arms vindicated. 599
I Sam. xxvi. 9, 10. To object which, in this cafe, were very impertinent : for it would have been an ad of Of- fence in a remote Defence; if Saul had been immediate- ly a/Faulting him, it could not be denied to be lawful : and it would have been an A& of private Revenge for a perfbnal Injury, and a finful preventing of God's pro- rnife of Bavid's Succeflion, by a fcandalous AfTaffination. But it is clear, then David was refitting him, and that is enough for us ; and he fuppofes he might defcend into Battle, arid peri[by I Sam. xxvi. 10. not excluding, but that he might perifh in Battle againft himfelf refitting him. We are commanded indeed net to reft ft evil, but cvbofoever (!) all f mite us op the one Cheeky to turn to him the other alfo, Matth. v. 39. and to recompenfeto no Man evil for evil, Rom. xii. I J* But this doth not condemn Self-defence, orrefifting Tyrants violently, endangering our Lives, Laws, Religion, and Liberties, but only Re- finance by way of private Revenge and Retaliation, and enjoins patience, wheii the clear call and difpenfation do inevitably call umo.fuffering ; but not to give way to all Violence and Sacriledge, to the fubverting of Religion and Righteoufnefs. Thefe Texts do no more condemn private perfons retaliating the Magittrate, than Magi- ftrztes retaliating private perfons, ohlefi Magistrates be exempted from this Precept, and confecjuently be not among Chrifr's Followers : yea, they do no more for- bid private perfens to refitt the un'juO Violence of Magi- strates, than to refift the unjuft Violence of private Per- fons. That OSjeflicn from our Lord's reproving Vtt?r, TJatth. xxvi 52. Put up thy f word, for all they that take the fivord, Jba1f terifb by the /word, hacb no weight here: for this condemns only making ufe of the fword, 'either by way of private P.evenge, or ufurpmg the u^c of it with- out Authority (and fo condemns all Tyrants) which private fubje&s do not want to defend their.felves, their Religion and Liberty ; or ufing it without Neceflity^ which was not in Peters Cafe, Both becdufe Chrifl <nas Able to defend hibifelf, and becaufe he was willing to dri- ver up himfelf. PooVs Synopf. Critic, in Locum. Chrift could c^fily have defended himfelf, but he would not; and therefore there was ao Neceflity for Peters Rafh-
at ft;
£oo Defenfive Arms vindicated*
aefs ; it condemns alio a rath precipitating and prevent- ing the Call of God to ads of Remittance ; but otherwise it 1$ plain, it was not Peters Fault to defend his Matter, but a neceiTary duty. . The Reafon our Lord gives for that inhibition at that time, was two-fold ; one exprefled Matth.xxvi. 52. For ttiey that take the fword> &c. Which do not belong to Peter, as if Peter were hereby threat- lied; but to thofe that were coming to take Chrift, they ufurped the Sword of Tyrannical violence, and therefore are threatned with deftrudtion by the Sword of the Ro- mans : fo is that Commination to be underftood of An- tichrift, and the Tyrants that ferve him, Rev. xiii. 10. He that killeth with the Sword muji Iqe killed with the f wordy which is a terrible Word againft Perfecuters. The other Reafon is, John xviii. 11. ■ The Cup which my
Father hath given mey jball I not drink? Which clearly re- bels that Objection of Chrift's non-refiftance. To which it is anfwered, That fuffering was the end of his voluntary Jufcepted Humiliation, and his errand to the World, a*p- yointed by the father, and undertake^ by himfilf ; which is not the Rule of our praftice : tho* it be true, that even in his fufferings he left us an enf ample that we fbould fol- low hisfteps, I Pet. ii. 21. Jn many things, as he was a Martyr> his fufferings were the pureft Rule and Example for us to follow, both for the matter, and frame of Spi- rit, Submiflion, Patience, Conttancy, Meeknefs, &>c, but not as he was our Sppnfor> and after the fame manner, for then it were unlawful for us to flee, as well as to re fi ft, fcccaufe he would not flee at that time.
7, As we are no$ for rifing in Arms for Trifles of our own things, or fmall injuries done to ourfelves, but in a ^afe of Neceflity for the prefervation of our Lives, Reli- gion, Laws, and Liberties, when all that are dear to us, as Men and as Chriftians, are in hazard : fo we are not for rifing up in Arms, to force the Magiftrate to be of ©ur Religion, but to defend our Religion againft his force. We do not think it the way that Chrift hath ap- pointed, to propagate Religion by Arms : let Perfecuters* aad Limbs of Aatichrift take that to them; but we think 3$ a Privilege which Chrift hath allowed us, to defend ind prcfervc our Religion by Arms : elpccially, whe^ri
it?
Defenftve Arms vindicated. 6et
it hath been eltabliilied by the Law* of the Land, and . become a Land-right, and the dcaieit and m ft precious Right and Incereit we have to contend ior. It is true Chrift fuch, Jolm xviii. 36. My Kingdom is not of this World', if my Kingdom were of this world, then would my ' Servants fight that Ipould not be delivered to the Jews. But this Objection will not conclude, chat Chriit's Kingdom is not to be defended and preferved even by Reliitance, of all that would impioufly and facrilegioufly fpoil us of it in this world, becaufe it is not of this wrorld : for then all were obliged to fuffer it to be run down, by flavesof Hell and Satan, and Antichrift's Vaifrls, Papilis and Malig- nants : yea, Magiftrates were not to fight for it, for they are among his Servants, if they be Chriitians. But the good Confeflion he witneffes here before Pilate, is, that he hath a Kingdom, which, as it is not in oppolltion to any Cefarean Majefty ; f> it muft not be ufurped u- pon by any King of Clay, but is fpecifically diltinft from all the Kingdoms of the world, and fubordinate to no earthly power, being of a Spiritual Nature ; whereof this is a demonstration, and fufficient fecurity for earthly Kingdoms, that his fcrvants, as fuch, that is, as Chrirti- ans, and as Minifters, were not appointed by him to propagate it by Arms, nor to deliver him their King at that time, becaufe he would not fuffer his glorious De- fign of Redemption to be any longer retarded : But this doth not fay, but tho' they are not to propagate it as Chriftians, and as Minifters, by carnal weapons, yet they may preferve it with fuch weapons as men. Hence that old Saying may be vindicated, Prayers and Tears are the Arms of the Church. I grant they are fo, the only beft prevailing Arms, and without which all others would be ineffectual, and that they (together with Preaching and Church Difcipline, &V.) are the only Eccleflaftical or Spiritual Arms of a Church as a Church ; but the Members thereof are alfo Men, and as Men they may ufe the fame weapons that others do, And ye my flock, the flock ofmypaflure, are men, faith the Lord, Ezek. xxxiii. 51. Yea, from this I fhall take an Argument ; If it be lawful for private Subjefls, without the concurrence of Parlia- ments^ to refift a Tyrant by Prayers and Tears ; then it
is
€oz Defenfive Arms vindicated.
is lawful alfb to rciift him by Violence; but t*he former is true, as our Adverfaries grant by this Objection, and I have proved it to be duty to pray againft Tyrants, Head 2. Ergo ■ The Conne&ion is founded upon
thefe reafons, i. This perf©nal Rcfiftance by Violence, is as confiftent with that Command, Rom. xiii. I, 2. Let every foul he fubjeB unto the higher powers ■■ whom-
ever therefore rejlfieth the power, refifieth the Ordinance of God; asRefiftance by Prayer is with that, I Tim* ii. I,
2. I exhort — that • ■ fupplications be
made- for Kings, and for all that are in authority* If
the Prince be good, the one is as unlawful as the other ; and a ilnrul refiftance of the Ordinance of God (to pray againft him) nolefs than the other (to fight againft him) Therefore when he becomes a Tyrant, and deftroyer of the Lord's Inheritance, and an Apoftate, as 1 may not pray for him except conditionally, but againft him as an Enemy of Chrift ; fo I may alfo fight againft him as fuch. 2. As Adversaries themfelves will grant, that Refiftance by Prayers and Tears is more powerful and effe&uai than the other ; fo the Laws of the Land make the one treafonable as well as the other ; and that defervedly, when the Prince is doing his duty ; but jyhen he turn- eth Tyrant, neither can juftly be condemned.
Thefe things being premitted, I fhall come fhortly to the purpofe, and endeavour to prove this Truth, That it is a.neceffary duty for a Community (whether they have the concurrence of 'the Primores} Cobles, and Reprefentatives or riot) to endeavour, in the defence of their Religion, Lives, Laws, and Liberties, to refijl and reprefs the Ufurpation and Tyranny of 'prevailing Dominators, "itfing or abufmg their . Tower , for fuhverting Religion, invading the Liher^e^'dnd overturning the fundamental Laws of the Country ^WfWriiri I (hall be but (hort, becaufe this Truth is fufEciently con- firmed by all the Arguments of the fecond Head ', yet I may only hintat many others, aadprofecute /hem in this order. Tirft, I fhall produce fome Arguments from the Law of Nature and Nations. 2dly, From the common Practice of all Chrir]Ja&roeoplc. - $dly, From exprefs Scriptures. '""f'4 '"•;*% ~J ■ ^^**mM£ ■ \
I. The
Defer Jive Arms vindicated. 6*05
I. The Arguments of the firft Clafs are very multifa- rious: I fhali reduce them to a few, as compendiouily as may be, and only give the ftrength of them in a iyllogi- ftical form, without expatiating, fave where the matter requires.
1. The greateft Antagonifts of this Truth, through the clearnefs thereof, are forced to aflcrt and grant fuch Par- ticulars, as will by confluence juftify this Plea. I. Bar- clay contra Monarchum, is cited by the Apol. Relat. and yus Vopuli aflcrting c That if a King will alienate and
* fubjeft his Kingdom, without his Subjects confent, or c be carried with a hoftile mind to the deftru&ion of hts c people, his Kingdom is a dually loft, and the people c may not only lawfully refifr, but alfo depofe him.' Gro- tius dejure belli) lib. I. cap. 4. aflerts the fame, and adds, f If he but attempt to do £0 he may be refifced. ' The Surveyer of Naphtali grants the fame, pag. 25, 24. Yea, this hath teen granted in open Court, by the Council of Scotland^ That in cafe of the King's alienating his King- doms, he may be reiifced. Hence, 1. If vendition or alienation of Kingdoms, or attempts of it, do annul a King's authority,then an alienation of them from Chrift, to whom they are devoted by Covenant, and felling thera to Antichrift, as is attempted by this King, gives the peo- ple a right to refifc him ; but the former is here conceded :
Ergo ' . (2) We need fay no more to apply the c-
ther, That carrying a hoflile mind to the deliru&ion of the people does forfeit his Kingdom, and gives the peo- ple right to refTfr, than that a Pdpfft is always known to carry a hollile mind to the deftruction of Protefiants, and and all the Defigns declared thefe 27 years have been de- monftrative Efforts of ir. 2. Dr.Perne acknowledged*, c Tbat
* pcrfonal Defence if lawful a gairifr the fudden^illegal,and ' inevitable Aflaults of the Kind's Me-flengers, oT of him- c felf, in fo fir 2s to ward offhis blows, or hold his hands. c As alfo, he alloweth private perfons liberty to deny c Subfidies and Tribute to the Prince, when he employ- c eth ic to the deftrucYion of the Commonwealth.' Hence, (1) If one man may defend himfelf aoainfr the fuciden, illegal, and inevitable AMaults of the Kins or his Mef- fengers; then may mafiy men, in defeocc of their Lives
and
$04 Defenjive Arms vindicated. and Liberties, defend themfelves againft the fufprifing MafTacres, the fudden aflaults, and much more the de-* vifed and deliberate aflaults of a Tyrant's bloody Emit faries, which are illegal and inevitable, as all their fu- rious and bloody onfets have been ; but the former is here acknowledged: therefore*, " w ' ' » (2) If people may deny fubfidies to a King when he imployeth it to the deftru&ion of the Commonwealth ; then (as this ju- stifies the denial of the Cefs> impofed for deftru&ion of the Church and banifhment of theGofpel, fb) this gives them right to refift him, for if he be the power ordain- ed of (5od not to be refifted, then for this caufe tribute tnuft be paid, for they are God's Minifters, Rom. xiii. 0. and if tribute mull not be paid, then he is not the power ordained oi God, and fo may be refifted); but the for- mer is here allowed : therefore^ ~ 3. Bodin de Re- pub, lib. 2. cap. 5. graqteth, c If a King turn Tyrant, he
* may lawfully, at his fubje&s requeft, be invaded, re- c fitted, condemned, or flain by a foreign Prince. * Hence, if foreign Princes may lawfully help a people ©pprelTed by their own Sovereign ; then people may re- flit themfelves, if they be able and hold in their pains ; but the former is here granted ; therefore, The confluence cannot be denied, for Foreigners have no more power or authority over another Sovereign, than the people have themfelves. 4. Arnif&us de Author* Vr'tn* rip* c.2. n. 10 granteth, c That if the Prince proceed
* extrajudicially, without order of law, by violence, c- € very private man hath power to refift. ' So the Sur- veyer of Naphtali, as above^ c Grants fo much of a wo- € man's violent refitting attempts againft the honour of
* her chattity, and tending to enfnare her in fin, where-
* of her norv-refiftance makes her guilty. ' Hence, (i) Jf every extrajudicial violence of a Prince may be refitt- ed ; then alio all contra judicial violence againft law or reafon muft be oppofed, for that is more grievous, and all their violences* wherein they do not ad ^s Judges, muft be refitted,! and that is all together, for in none of them they can a el: as Judges ; but the former is here granted: therefore* . (2) If a woman may de- fend her chattity againft the King, left her non-re fiftancc
make
fiefenjive Arms vindicated. 66$
jfcake her guilty, (oh, if all women had been of this mind, the country would not have been pcftered fo with the King's baftards) ; then may a nation, or any pare of it, refift a Tyrant's attempt upon the honour of their religion, enticing them to fornication with the mother of harlots, left their non-refiftance make them guilty;
but the former is here yielded : iherefoee, 5, That
fame Amifaus, cap. 4. faith, * Of the former (to wit, he
* who is called a Tyrant in title) it is determined by all c without any difficulty, that he may be lawfuly rc- c pulled, or if by force he be gotten into the throne, he
* may warrantably be thence removed, becaufe he hath
* not any jot of power which is not illegitimate, and
* unto which refiltance is forbidden for the fear of God
* and for confidence fake, and therefore he is no further c to be looked at than as an enemy." This is fo pat and pertinent to the prcfent PofTefTor of the Government, that no words can more particularly apply it. 6. Grotius de jure belli, lib, I. cap. 4. granteth, the law of not re- fifting does not bind when the danger is moft weighty and certain, c And we do not plead for it in any other
* cafe.' And further he fays, c The law of non-refiftancc < feemeth to have flowed from them, who firft combi- € ncd together into Society, and from whom fuch at
* did command did derive their power: now, if it had
* been asjeed of fuch, whether they would choofe to die, c rather than in any cafe to refift the Superior with arms 7
* I know not if they would have yielded thereto, unlefs
* with this addition, if they could not be reiifted but
* with tht greateft perturbation of the Commonwealth, € and deftru&ion of many Innocents. And afterwards
* he hath thefe words, Keverthelefs I fcarce dare condemn c every one or the lejfer part, which may only be done at the i utmoft extremity, wotwith /landing refpeel is to be had to the c common good. From which we need make no inference, the conceflion is fo large, that it anfwers our cafe. 7. The SurveyerofNaphtali, in the place above cited, ' Grants le- € gal felf-dcfcnce againft the Sovereign, by way of plea in.
c Court, for fafety ofa man's per(bn or eftare, as
* alfo in the cafe of moft habited, notour and complete c Tyranny againft hw} to the dcflruftioo of the body of
606 Defective Arms vindicated*
c a people, and of all known legal liberties, and the be-
* ing of religion according to law.— And, in cafe of
* his not being in his natural and right wits.'- — •
Hence, (i), If it be lawful to re lift the King by a plea in law, for an elkte, (yea the law will allow., by adtual force, i£ he come to rake poiTeffion of it illegally) ; then it mud be lawful for their lives and eftatcs, liber- tics and religion, to refift him by force, when the legal arcfiftance is not admitted ; but the former is yielded here: therefore ■ « The reafon of the connexion is,
the Municipal Law permits the one, and the law of Na- ture and Nations (which no Municipal Law can infringe) will warrant the other: he hath no more right to be both J udge and Party in this cafe, more than in the o- th'cr: and he can no more act as Sovereign in this cafe, than in the other. (2) If it be lawful to refift habited, notour, and complete Tyranny againft law, to the de- finition. of the body of a people, and of all known le- gal liberties, and the being of religion, according to law : then we defire no more to conclude the duty of re- filling this Tyranny exerced this 27 years habitually, which the defolation of many hundred families, the ba- nishment of many hundreds to flavery, the rivers of blood, QPc. have made notour to all Scotland at leaft, and the perverfion of all the fundamental laws, and all civil and religious liberties, yea the fubverfion of every remaining model of our religion, as reformed and cove- nanted to be preferved, in Doftrine, Worfhip, Difciplinc and Government, and defigns to introduce Popery and eftablifh arbitrary Government, have made complete ; but the former is here granted : therefore — — — . 3, If in the cafe of his being out of his wits, he fhould run upon an innocent man to kill him, or attempt to cut his own throat, it were then lawful to refift him, yea, a Ha not to do it ; then, when in a rage, or deliberately, he i; fee king to deftroy many hundreds of the people of God, he may be refitted ; but the former is clear : there-
f0Ye^ — . 4, King J-ames the VI. in his remon-
ft ranee for the right of Kings, againft tkc Oration of Cavdhial Perron, hath thefe words, The publick Laws •make it lawfah and free for any Private per/on, to enter-
prizf
Defenjive Arms vindicated. 6*07
prize againft an Ufurper of the Kingdom, Then (hall it hoc be duty, to enterprizc againit a man, who by rhc laws of the land is not capable of a right to reign, who hath got into the Throne by the means of Murder, and can pretend no right but that of Succeffion, which I proved to be none, Head 2. However, we fee by rhefc Conceffions of Adversaries, that the abfoiute fubje&ion they talk of will not hold, nor the Prerogative be fo un- controulable in every cafe, as they would pretend, ani that in many cafes, the Safety of the Peoplehaih the Supre- macy above it; and that alfo in tbeie cafes the people muft be judges, whether they may reliit or not.
2. From the Law of Nature I may argue, T. If God, the Fountain of all power, and Author of all right, hath given unto man both the power and the right of, and reafon to manage (elf-defence, and hath noways in- terdicted it in his Word to be put forth againft Tyrants; then it is duty to ufe it againft them upon occaljon ; buc the former is true: therefore, > • . 2. If this power and right were retrained in man againft the unjuft vio- lence of any, it would either be by policy, or grace, or fome exprefi prohibition in the word of God ; but none
of thefe can be fai#i: therefore, . Policy cannot de-
ftroy nature, but is rather cumulative to it ; a man en- tering into a politick Incorporation, does not loie the privilege of nature : if one particulat nature may defend itfelf againft deftroying violence out of Society, then muft many of thefe natures combined in Society have the fame right, andfb much the more that their relative du- ties fuperadd an Obligation of mutual affiftance. Grace does not reftrain the right of linlefs nature, tho' it re- trains corruption ; but felf-defence is no corruption ; Grace makes a man more a man than he was. And no- thing ean be more difhonourable to the Gofpel, than that by the Law of Nature it is lawful to refift Tyrants', buc we are bound by religion from withftanding their cruel- ty : the laws of God do not interfere one with another. 3. That law which alloweth comparative re-offending, ib as to kill rather than be killed, teacheth refiftance ; fcut (b the Law of Nature alloweth, except we be guilty *f murder in the culpable omtffion of fclf-defence. The
reafon
60S befenjive Arms vindicated*
treafon Is, becaufe the love of felf is nearer and greater^* as to temporal life, than the love of our neighbour* chat being the meafure of this : therefore it obliges ra- ther to kill than be killed, the exigence of necefficy fd requiring. 4. If nature put no other difference between thd violence of a Tyrant than of another man*, then it tea- ches to refift both alike : but it putteth no difference, buc rather aggravates that of a Tyrant ; being the violence of a man, the injuftice of a Member of the Common- wealth, and the cruelty of a Tyrant. And it were ab-* furd to fay, We might defend ourfelves from the lefTer violence, and not from the greater. 5. If particular Na- ture muft yield to the good of univerfal Nature; then muft one Man, though iixgreateft Power, be refitted, rather than the\ univerfal Commonwealth fuffer hurt ; but the former is\true; for that dictates the Neceffity of the diftrad-fced Fattier to be bound by his own Sons ; left all the Family be hurt: Therefore, the greateft of Men or Kings, when deftructiveto the Commonwealth, muft be refilled ; for he is but oncsMan, and fo but particular Nature. 6. That w7hich is irrational, and reflects upon Providence, as putting Men in a vvorfe Condition than Brutes, is abfurd and contrary to the Law of Nature ; but to fay, That the Brutes have powcW> defend them- fclvcs, by refilling what annoys them, and deny this power to Men, is irrational and reflects upoir-ProvH dence, as putting Men in a worfe condition than Brutes : Therefore it is abfurd, and contrary to the Law of Na- ture.
3. From the Infiitution of Government, I may argue thus : That Power and Government which is not of God may be refilled ; the Tyrant's power and Government, in overturning Laws* fubverting Religion, bringing in Idolatry, oppreffing Subj«6h, is not of God: Therefore it may be refilled. The Major is clear, becaufe that is only the Rcafon why he is not be refitted, becaufe the Ordi- nance of God is not to be refitted, Rom, xiii. 2. But they that refill a man deftroying all the Interetts of man- kind, overturning Laws, fubverting Religion, &c. do not refift the Ordinance of God, And if it were not (6y this would tend irrcmedilcfly to overthrow all Policies;
arji
tie fen five Arms vindicated. 609
aind open a gap to all diforder, Injuftice, and Cruelty, and would give as great Encouragment to Tyrants to do What they lilt, as Thieves would be encouraged, if they knew no Body would refill them, or bring thern to Punifhment.
4. From the Original Conflitution of Government by men, it may be argued thus: If people at the firft erec- tion of Government a&ed rationally, arid did not put thernfelves in a worfe Cafe than before, wherein it was lajvful to defend thernfelves agaiaft all Injuries, but de- volved their Rights upon the fiduciary Tutory of fuch, as fhould remain ftill in the rank of Men, that can do> wrong, who had no power but by their Gift, Confenr, and Choice, with whom they afTociated not to their de- triment, but for their Advantage, and determined the form of their Government, and time of its Continuance, and in what cafes they might recur to their primeve Li- berty, and fettled a Succeffion to have Courfe, not by he- reditary Righty but by Right and force of Laivy for good ends ; then they did not give away their Birth-right of Self-defence, and power of Rcfiftance, which they had before to withftand the Violence, Injuries, and Opprefc fions of the Men they fet over them, when they pervert the Form, and convert it to Tyranny, but did retain a Power and Privilege to refift and revolt from them, and? repel their Violence, when they fhould do Violence to the Conftitution, and pervert the ends thereof; but the
former is true: Ergp . The Minor is cleared, Head
2. And the Connexion is confirmed from this ; if the In- flates of a Kingdom give the power to a King, it is their own power in the Fountain, aid if they give it for their own good, they have power to judge when it ;s wfed a- gainft thernfelves, and for their evil ; and fb power to li- mit and refift the power that they gave.
5. From the way and manner of 'erecting Governors by Compact, the necetfity whereof is proven, Head 2. Ma- ny Arguments might be deduced; I fhall reduce them to this Form: If people muft propofe Conditions unto Princes, to be by them acauiefced in, and fubmitted un- to at their Admiflion to the Government, which there- epen becomes the fundamental Law* of Ac Govern-
Qjj. menr.
610 Dsfenjtve Arms vindicated.
mcnt, and Securities for the Peoples Rights and Ltber* ties, giving a Law-claim to the people to purfue the Prince, in cafe of failing in the main and principal thing Covenanted, as their own Covenanted Mandatarius wha hath no Right or Authority of his own, but what ho hath from them, and no more power but what is con- tained in the Conditions upon which he undertaker!** the Government; then when either an Ufurper will come under no fuch Conditions, or a Tyrant ^oth break all thefe Conditions, which he once accepted, and fo be- come, infiricl Law, no Prince, and the people be, i# Jlrift La<zvy liberated from Subjection to him, they may and rnuft defend themfelvws, and their fundamental Rights and Privileges, Religion and Laws, and reflft the Tyranny overturning them ; but the former it true : Therefore , ■"'■■■»■ ■. The Connexion is clear: and the Mz- fior is proved, Head 2, And at length demonstrated, and applied to the Government of Charles II. by yus'populU cap. 6. See Arg. 4. and 5. Head. 2.
6. From the Nature of Magistracy it may be arguecf thus, That power which is properly neither Parental, nor Marital, nor Maflerly and Dcfpotick, over? the Subjects, Perfbns, and goods, but only fiduciary,, ancf by way of fruit, is more to be refilled than that which is properly fo ; but that power which is properly fo3 that is parental Power, and Marital, and Mallerly, may be refifted in many Cafes: Therefore, that power which is not fb properly, but on\y fiduciary is more to be re- filled. That a King's power over his Subjects, is nei- ther Parental, nor Marital, &*c. is proven, Head 2. Andf the Major needs no Probation. The Minor is clear by Inftanees, 1. If Children may, in cafe ofneccflity, rcfift the Fury of their Father, feeking to deftroy them ; then muft private Subjects refift the Rage and Tyranny of Princes, feeking to deftroy them, and what is dearer! to them ; for there is no ftricter Obligation moral between King and people, than between Parents and Children, nor fo ftrift ; and between Tyrants and people there i$ none at all ; but the former cannot be denied: Therefore^ ■ 2. If Wives may lawfully defend thcmfelvcs
ftgaiafl the unjuft Violence of enraged Hmba&d; ; then
auit
Defenjlve Arms vindicated. Ci\
muft private fubjects have power to refift the fjrious a£ faults of eoraged Tyrants, for there is not fo great a tyc fcctwixt them and people, as between Man and Wife ; yea, there is none at all ; but the former is true : Ergc, — — . 3. If Servants may defend themfclves againft their Mafters; then muft private Subjects defend them- felves againft a Tyrant or his EmiiTanes ; but the for- mer is true : Evgo> > 4. If the King's power be only
•fiduciary > and by way of Pawffy which he hath got to Iccep ; chen when that power is manifeftly abufed, to the hurt of them that cntrufted him with k, he ought to be refitted by all whom he undertook to protect ; but the former is true: Therefore the latter.
7. From the. limited Power of Princes it may be thus argued; If Princes be limited by Laws and Contract?, and may be refifted by Pleas in Law, and have no ab- folute powTer to do and command what they will, but muft be limited both by the Laws of God and Man, and cannot make what Laws they will in prejudice of the peoples Rights, nor execute the Laws made according to their pleafure, nor confer on others a lawlefs Licence to opprefs whom they pleafe ; then when they turn Ty- rants, and arrogate a lawlefs Abfblutencfs, andcrofs the Rules, and tranfgrefs the Bounds prefcribed by God's Laws, and Man's Laws, and make their own Lufts a Law, and execute the fame arbitrarily, they' muft be rcfifted by Force, when a legal Refiftance cannot be had, in Defence of Religion and Liberty ; but all Princes are limited, &Pc. Therefore, ■«. The Minor is proved,
Head 2. And the Connexion may be thus confirmed in fhort : That power which is not the Ordinance of God may be rcfifted ; but an abfolute illimited power, crof. ling the Rules, and tranfereffinct the bounds prescribed by God's Law and Man's, is not the Ordinance of God : Therefore it may be re ilfted.
S. Further from the Rule of Government it may be argued feveral ways, 1. That power which is contrary to Law, evil and Tyrannical, can ty none to fubjeclion, but if it oblige to any thing, it ties to refifiance i but the power of a King againft Law, Religion, and the Inte- r«ft§ of the Subjefts, is a power contrary to Law, evil
6lQ befenfive Arms vindicated*
and Tyrannical : Therefore, .The Major is plain^
for Wickcdnefs can tyc no man, bye to refift it : That power w^ich is contrary to Law, evil and Tyrannical is Wickcdnefs. 2. That power, and thofe Acts, which ceither King can excrce, nor command, nor others exe- cute, nor any obey, muft certainly be refitted ; but fuch is the Power and Acts that opprefs the Subjects, and o~ verturn Religion and Liberty : Therefore, i. Tht
Miner is evident from Scriptures condemning Qppreffion and Violence, both in them that command, and in them that execute the fame*, and alio them that obey fuch wic- iced Commands. The Major is clear from Reafbn; both ibecaufe fuch Power and fuch Acts as cannot be com- manded, cannot be executed, cannot be obeyed lawful- ly, arc finful and wicked ; and becaufe it cannot be a Ma- giftratical Power, for that may always be exerced and executed lawfully. And what a man cannot command^ the refitting of that he cannot punifh; but a&s ofoppref- fion againft Law, Religion, and Liberty, a man cannot command : Ergo, the refitting of theft he cannot punifh* 3. That Government or Adminittration, which is not fubordinate to the Law and will of God, who hath ap- pointed it, muft be refitted; but that Government or Ad- minittration, which undermines or overturns Religion and Liberty, is not fubordinate to the Law and Will of
<5od : Therefore . The Major is clear: for nothing but
what is the Ordinance* of God, fubordinate to his Law and Will, is irrefiftiblc, Rom. xiii. 2* The AiTumption is undeniable. *
9. From the Ends of Government, which muft be ac- knowledged by all to be the Glory of God, and the Good of Mankind: yea, all that have been cither wife or honeft,. have always held that the Safety of the people is the fupreme Law. The Arguments may run thus, in Ihort, 1. That Doctrine which makes the Holy One t© crofs his own ends in giving Governors, muft be abfurd and Unchriftian, as well as irrational; but fuch is the Doctrine that makes all Kings and Tyrants irrefiftible upon any Pretence whatfoevcr : Ergo~ ■■«. The Minor 1 prove: That Doctrine which makes God intending his own glory and the peoples good, to give Governors both
Defenjtve Arms vindicated. 613 as Fatfiers to preferve, and as Murderers to deftroy them> gnuft make the Holy One to crofs his own ends ; for thefe are contradictory ; but the Doclrine that makes all Kings and Tyrants irrefiftible, &V. is fuch: for, by Office, they are Father's to preferve, and, by Office alfo, they tnuft be murderers, vefted with fuch a power from God, hytheftrftafty if they be irrefiftible when they do fo ; fee- ing every power that is irrefiftible is the ordinance of God. Hence alio when a Bleffing turns a Curfc, it is no more the Ordinance of God, but to be reilfted ; but when a King turns a Tyrant, overturning Religion and Liber- ty, then a Bleffing turns a Curfe : therefore ■ 2. Means are to be reilfted, when they are not ufeful for, fcut deftru&ive to the ends they w?ere appointed for; but Governors overturning Religion and Liberty, are Means not ufeful for, but deftruclive to the ends for which they were appointed; feeing then they are neither for the Glo- ry of God, nor the good of Mankind : therefore. .
3. If all Powers and Prerogatives of men are only means appointed for, and fhould vail unto the fupreme La*r of the Peoples fafety, and all Laws be fubordinate to, and corroborative of this Law, and when crofs to it arc in fo far null, and no Laws, and all Law-formalities in competition with it are to be laid afide, and all Parlia- mentary Privileges muft yield to this, and King and Parliament both confpiring have no power againft it; and no fcvereign Power, by virtue of any refignation from the people can comprize any Authority to act againft it; then it is duty to obey this fupreme Law, in refifting all Powers and Prerogatives, all Laws and Law-formali- ties, and all confpiracies whatsoever againft this fupreme Law, the fafety of the people ; but the former is true,
as was proven Head 2. Therefore . 4. That Power
which is obliged, and appointed to command and rule juftly and religioufly, for the good of the people, and h only fet over them on thefe conditions, and for that end, cannot tie them to fubjeftion without Refiftance, when the Power is abufed to the deftruftion of Laws, Reli- gion and People ; but all Power is fo obliged and ap- pointed : therefore; whenfocvr it isfoabufeJ, it cannot
tie
6 I 4 Defenjive Armt vindicated*
tie people to fubjc&ion, but rather oblige them to rcje~
£Hon of it.
io. From the Obedience required to Government, it tnay be argued thus, i. If we may flee from Tyrants* then we may refift them ; but we may flee from Ty- rants : therefore we may refift them. The Connexion I prove, (i.) If all grounds of Juftice will warrant the one as well as the other, then if the one be duty, lb is the other; but the former is true; for the fame juftice and equity that warrants declining a Tyrant's unjuit violence by flight, will warrant Refinance when flight will noc do it ; the fame Principle of felf-dcfence, that makes flight duty, when Refinance is not poflible, will alfo make Refinance duty, when flight is not poffible; the fame Principle of Charity to Wives and Children, that makes flight lawful when by Refinance they cannot a- void Tyranny, will make Refiftance duty, when by flight they cannot evite it; the fame Principle of Con- ference to keep Religion free, that prompts to flight, when Refiftance will not fave it, will alfo prompt to refift, when flight is ftot pra&icable. (2.) If to flee from a juft power, when in juftice we are obnoxious to its fword, be to refift the Ordinance of God, and fo fin ; then to flee from an unjuft Power, muft be alfo a refifting of the abufing of it, and fo duty; for the one is Refiftance ss well as the other; but the difference of the Power re- fiftcd makes the one lawful, the other not. Again, if royal Power may be refifted by interpofing feas and miles, why not alfo by interpofing walls and arms ? Both is Refiftance^for againft a lawful Magiftrate that would be Refiftafice. (3.) If a Tyrant hath irrefiftible power to kill and deftroy the People, he hath alfo irre- fiftible power to cite and fummon them before him ; and \£ it be unlawful to refift his murders, it muft be as un- lawful to refift his fummons, (4.) For a Church or Community of Chriftians, perfecuted for Reiigiofl, to flee with Wives and Children, ftrong and weak, old and young, to efcape tyrannical' Violence, and leave the i-and, were more unlawful than to refift; for what is not poffible as a natural means of Prefervation, is not a lawful mean ; but this were not a poffible mean ; neither
i*
befenjlve Arms vinilatteL Gi$
Is it warranted in Nature's Law, or God's Word, for a Commuaity or Society of Chriitians, that have God's Right and man's Law to the Land, and the covenanted Privileges thereof, to leave the Country and Caufe of Chrift, and all in the hands of a Tyrant and Pap?jt> to fet up Idolatry upon the ruins of Reformation there. A private man may flee, but flight is not warranted of them as of a private fingle man. 2. Ifitbedutyto dif- ©bey, 'tis duty to refift Tyrants, in defence of Religion and Liberty; but it is duty fo difobey them: Therefore
- . The Connexion only will be ftuck at, which is
thus ftrengthened: If fubjeclion be no more prefled in Scripture than obedience, then if non-obedience be duty, tton-fubje&ion muft be fo alio, and con fecju en tly Refi- nance; but fubjection is no more pre/Ted in Scripture than obedience: for all command? of fubje&ion to the higher Powers, as God's Minifters, under pain of dam- nation, do only refpec^ lawful Magistrates, and in law- ful things, and do include obedience : and non-obediesca to the power fo qualified is a refifting of the Ordinance of God, as well as non-fubjeftion. If then obedience te Magiftrates be duty, and non-obedience fin, and o- fcedience to Tyrants fin, and non-obedience duty; then fcy parity of Reafon, fubjedion to Magiftrates is duty, and hon fubjc&ion is fin, and alfo fubje&ioa to Tyrants is fin, and non-fubje&ion duty.
If. From the Refiftance allowed in all Government.?, it may be argued thus; If it be duty to defend our Re- ligion, Lives and Liberties, againft an invading army of cut-throat Papifis, Turks or Tartars, without or againft the Magiftrates warrant ; then it muft be duty ro defen J the fame againft invading home-bred Tyrants, except we would fuMcribe ourfclvcs home born fiaves; but the (
former is true: Therefore . The Minor cannot be
doubted, becaufc the Magiftrates power cannot be priva- tive and deftru£tive to defence of our Religion, Lives and Liberties; nor can it takeaway Nature's birth-righc to defend thefe, cr male it fare the worfe, than if we had no Magiftrates at all. Now, if we had no Magi- ftrates at all, we might defend thefe againft Invaders ; and whether we have Magiftrates or eor, ws are under
moral
<5i6 pefenfive Arms vindicated.
moral Obligations of the Law of God to endeavoar th0, defence of thefe : but this needs not be infifted on. Th€ Connexion of the Propofition is clear: If Princes be more tyrannical in invading Religion and Liberties thcmfelvcs, than in fuffcring others to do it, or hinder- ing them t© be oppofed; and if their Invafion be more tyrannical, hurtful and dangerous, than the Invafion of Strangers, then if it be doty to refift Strangers invading thefe Interefts, it is more duty to refift home-bred Ty- rants invading the fame ; but'the former is true: there- fore the latter. Refitting m the one Cafe is no more refitting the Ordinance of God than in the other.
12. From the Motives of Refiftance we may draw this Argument, which might be branched out into feveral, but I (hall redace it to this complex one : If when wc are in a capacity, we cannot acquit ourfclves in the du- ties that we owe to our covenanted Rcligiofl, and our co- venanted Brethren, and Pofterity, and ourfelves, nor abfblve and exoaer ourfclves from the fin and judg- ment of Tyrants, who overturn Religion, opprefs ouf Brethren, impofe flavcry on ourfelves, and entail it up- on Poflerity, by a paffive Subjection, Submifnon to and not oppofing thefe Mifchiefs ; then Refiftance is ne-
cefTary ; but the former is true: therefore *. The
Connexion is clear, for there cannot be a Medium ; if we cannot difcharge thefe duties by Subjection, Sub- miflion, and not oppofing, then we muft do them by non-fubjection, non-fubmiffion, and oppofing, fince they mutt: be done fbme way. The Affumprion is thus con^- firmed, I. The duties we owe to Religion, when it is corrupted, declined from, and overturned, are not only to reform our own hearts and ways, and keep our ftlves pure from the corruptions eftaDiifhed, and to re- buke and witnefs againft the compilers with the fame, and fo by work, doing and fufFering, keep and contend for the word of our Teftimony ; but further, when, by the Conftitution of the Kingdom, Religion is become a Fundamental law, and confecjuently the Magiftratc, over- turning it, is violating and everting the main grounds and ends of the Government, and turning grafTant and ingrained Tyrant, efpecially when it is not only fo au- thorize c!
Befenflve Arm's vindicated. 61 7
thorized and confirmed by law, but corroborated by fb- lemn vows and covenants made and fworn unco God by all ranks of people, to maintain and defend this Religion with their lives and fortunes ,— - and rejlfi all contrary er- rors and corruptions according to their vocation ; and the ut- ??:oJl of that power that God puts in their hands* all the days cf their lives ', as alfo mutually to defend and ajjift one ano- ther, (as in the National Covenant). And flnccrely, real- ly, and confl,antly endeavour the Prefervatwn of there- formed ReL^ion in Dottrine, Worfrip, Difcipline and Govern- ment, the extirpation of Popery, Prelacy, &c. and to
aff.fi and defend all thofe that enter into the fame bond in
the maintaining thereof, (as in the Solemn League) ;
then co defend and maintain that Religion, and them- feives profeffing ic ; when «c is foughc to be razed ; chis muft be an incereft as necefTiry co be defended, as chat of our bodies which is far inferior, and as neccflay a du- ty, as to defend our nacion and civil libercies from per- petual flavery, and as preferable thereunto, as Chrift's intereft is co man's, and as che end of ill felf-prefervaci- on is co che means of ic, che prefervation of religion be- ing the end of all felf-prefervation ; buc this duty cannot be difcharged withouc refiftance, in a mere paffive fub- jeftion and fubmiffion ; ocherwife the fame mighc be difcharged in our univerfal fubmiffion Co Turks coming to deftroy our religion. Cercainly chis paffive way can- hoc anfwer che duty of pleading for Truth, ifaAix. $.feek- ing the truth, fer. v.i. being valiant for it, Jer. ix. 3. making up thehedge ,ftanding in the gap, &c. Ezek. xxii. 30. which yec are necefTary incumbenc duties according to our capacicy ; therefore we cannot anfwer the duties we owe co religion in a mere paffive way. 2. The ducy we owe to our covenanced Brechren, is to aflift and defend them, and relieve chem when opprefTed, as we are bound by our Covenancs, and ancecedencly by che Royal law of Chrift, the foundacion'of all righceoufnefs among men toward each ocher, Matth. vii. 12. All things ivhatfoever ye would that men fbould do to you, do ye even fo to them.
We would have chem helping us when we are
opprefTed, fo fhould we do to them when ic is in che power of our hands Co do ic, and not forbear co deliver them for fear the Lord require their blood at our hand,
Prov,
.6 iff Defenjive Arms vindicated.
Prov. xxhr. II, 12:. But this cannot be done by merefub* jedion without rcfiftancc. 3. There is no way to free ©urfelves of the fin and judgment of Tyrants by mere j>affive fubje&ion : we find in the Scriptures, people have been fo involved and punifhed for the fins of Tyrants ; as the people of fudah for Manajfeh> 2 King. xxi. 11. &c. yer. xv. 4. whofe fins if they had not been com- mitted* the judgments for them had been prevented, and if the people had hindered them they had notfmartcd; but being jointly included with their R.ulers in the fame bond of fidelity to God, and made accountable as joint principals with their Kings for that debt, hy their mutual as well as feveral engagements to walk in his ways, they were liable to be pumped for their Rebellion and Apo- ftafy, becaufe they did not hinder it. Hence fbmewhat muft be done to free ourfelvcs of their fin, and to efcape their judgments ; but this can be nothing elfe but oppo- lition to them by refinance ; or elfe if we make any other •ppofitioo, it will make us more a prey to their fury.
II, Secondly, This truth is confirmed from the com- mon Fra&ice of the people of God, even under perfec- tion. Whence I fhali draw an argument from examples, which, to condemn, were impious, and, to deny, were moG impudent. _ And, for form's fake, it may run thus : What the people of God, under both Teftaments, have frequently done, in time of perfecution, for defending, vindicating, or recovering their Religion and Liberties, may and ought to be done again in the like circumftan- ccs^ when thefe are in the like hazard ; but, under both Teftaments, the people of God frequently in times of perfecution have defended, vindicated, cr recovered their Religion and Liberties by defenfive arms, refitting the Sovereign powers that fought to deftroy them : there- fore this may and ought to be done again when thefe re- ligious, civil and natural privileges, are in the like ha- zard to be deflroyed by the violent encroachments of the Sovereign powers. The proportion cannot be denied, except by them that do profefsthcmfelves enemies to the people of God, and condemn their moft frequently reite- rated practices mo(t folerntsly and fignally owned of God, to the coafuiica of their eaeroies/to the conviction of
the
Lefenjlve Arms vindicated* 6\)
the world, that the caufe for which they contended was of God, and to the encouragement or ail the Patrons of fuch a caufe, to hope, that when it is ai the loweft ic (hall have a revival and glorious ifTue. It is true, fome- times they did not refift, when either they were not in a capacity, or did not fee a call to fuch an action, buc were extraordinarily fpirited of the Lord for paffivc Tc- (timonies under a fuffering difpenfation : but it is as true, chat many times they did refilt, when the Lord capaci- tated, called, and fpirited them for active Tcftimonies, And therefore, if their fuffering under thefe circumftan- ces may be imitated by a people foliated ; then alfo their actions under thefe other circumftances may be imitated, by a people in the like cafe. And by an impartial fcru- tiny it will be found, that the examples of their endea- voured reiiftancc will be little inferior, if not fuperior in number or importance, to the examples of their fub- miffive fufferings in all ages : which will appear in the probation of the aiTumption, by adduction of many in- tfanccs, which I fhall only curforily glean out of that plentiful harveft that hiftories afford,
i. I need only to glance at that known and famous Hiftory of the Maccabees, of undoubted verity, though not of cannonical authority. In which, according to Scripture-predictions, we have a notable account of he- roick enterprizes, atchievementj, and exploits, perform- ed by them that knew their God, and tendered his Glory, and their Religion and Country's Liberties, above the common Catechreitick notions of uncontroulable, irrefu fUble Royalty, and abfolute implicite Loyalty, that have abufed the world in all ages. We have there an account of the noble and fuccefsful reflftance of a party of a £cw godly and zealous Patriots, without the concurrence of civil authority, or countenance of the Ephorz or Ncblej of the Kingdom, againft a King univerfally acknowledged and fubjected untOj that came in peaceably, and obtained the Kingdom by jlatteries, with whom the greateit part, and thofc of the greateft note took part, and did wickedly agaixft the Covenant and Kations intereft, and were cor~ tuped by jlatteries : yet a few Priefts, with the concur- rence offomc comjaofl Countrymen, did go to arms a-
gainft
&20 DefenJZve Arms vindicated.
gainfl; him and them; and the Lord did wonderfully af- iift them for a considerable time; as was foretold by Daniel xi. This fell out under the perfecution of Antiochus Epiphanefy and was happily begun by Matthias a god- ly Prieft, and his five ions, who, being commanded un- der fevere certifications to worfhip according to the then law, and the King's wicked luft, did valiantly rcfift that abomination, aad went to defeniive arms : whick, while living, he patronized, and, when adying, did encourage his fons to it by a notable Oration, (hewing what cafe bis country was in, and what a duty and dignity it was to redeem and deliver it. This was vigoroufly profecnted by Judas Maccabeus, exprefly for the quarrel of Religi- on and Liberty, againft that mighty Tyrant and all his Emi/Taries.
2. To come to the Hiftory of the Gofpel DifpenfatR on: It is true, in that time of the Primitive Perfecutions under Heathen Emperors, this Privilege of Self-defence was not much improved or contended for by Chriftians; who ftudied more to play the Martyrs, than to play the Men, becaufe in thefe Circumftances the Lord was plea - fed to Spirit for and call them unto, and ascept off their hands ■pajJiveTeJiimonies ; while they were incorporate un- der a Civil Relation with the Heathens, in fubjeftion to Governors who did not by open Tyranny overturn their Civil Liberties, only did endeavour to eradicate Religi- on, which, at that time, had never become their Right by Law ; while they werefcattered and out of Capacity, and never could come to a feparate formed Community by joint Concurrence and Correfpondence, to undertake a declared Refinance ; while Religion was only a propa- gating through the Nations, and the Lord providential- ly did preclude the leaft appearance that mightbe of pro- pagating it by any formed force, being the Gofpel of Peace, defigned to fave, and not to deftroy: yet even then, Inftanccs are not wanting of Chriftians rcfifting their Enemies, and of refcuing their Minifters, &V. As thefe are found on Record. I. How fome inhabiting Ma* reota, with Force refcued Dionyjius of Alexandria, out of the hands of fuch as were carrying him away, abo« the year £35. -2, How about the year 310, the Armenia
ans
Defenfive Arms vindicated. itt
mns waged war againft Maximus> who was come againft them with an Army, becaufe of their Religion. 3. How about the year 342. the Citizens of Alexandria defendcJ Athanafius their Minifter, againft Gregorius the intruded Curate, and Syrianus the Emperor's Captain, who came with great Force to put him in. 4. How, about the year 356. the people of Constantinople did in like manner ftand to the defence of Paulus> againft Conflantius the Em- peror, and killed his Captain Hermogenes', and after- wards, in great Multitudes, they oppofed the intrusion of the Hcretick Macedonia:. 5. How, when a wicked E- di& was fent forth to pull down the Churches of fuch as were for the Claufe of one Subftance, the Chriftians that maintained thatTeftimoay refifted the bands of fold iers, that were procured at the Emperor's Command by Ma* cedoniuSy to force the Mantinians to embrace the Avian Herefy ; but the Chriftians at Mantinium, kindled with an earneft zeal towards Chriftian Religion, went againft the foldiers with cheerful minds and valiant couragc,anJ made a great daughter of them. 6. #ow, about the year 387. the people of Cefarea did defend Bajil their Mi- nifter. 7. How, for fear of the people, the Lieutenant of the Emperor Valens durft not execute thofe 80 Priefts who had come to fupplicate the Emperor, and were commanded to be killed by him. 8. How the inhabi- tants of Mount Kitria efpoulcd Cyril's quarrel, and a£- faulted the Lieutenant, and forced his Guards to flee. 9. How, about the year 404. when the Emperor had ba- il idled Chryfoftom, the people flocked together, fo that the Emperor was neceflitated to call him back again from his Exife, 10. How the people refifced alio the Tranfpor- tation of Amhrofe, by the command of Valentinian the Emperor ; and chufed rather to lofe their lives, than to fuflfer their Paftor to be taken away by the foldiers. 1 1. How the Chriftiatfis, oppreflid by Baratanes King of Per- fa, did flee to the Romans to feek their help. And The- odo(ius,the Emperor, is much praifed for the war which lie commenced againft Chofroes King of Perfia, upon this inducement, that that King fought to ruin and ex- tirpate thole Chriftians in his Dominions, that would aot reaounce the Gofpel,
3, But
42a 'befenflve Arms vindicated.
3. But whet* Religion was once embraced in jmbodicd Corporations, aQd eftablifhed by Law, and became a peoples common Iatcreft and Liberty, in a capacity to defend it with their lives and other liberties, and when it was propagated through the Nations ; then the Lord did call for other more a&ive Teftimonics, in the pre- fervation and defence of it : of which we have many Jn- i'ances in Hiftories. About the year 894. the Bohemian Chriftians refiftcd Drahomica their Queen, who thought to have deftroyed them, and reintroduced Paganifm* A- tout the year 1420. they maintained a long defend ve war againft the Government, and the Pope's Legates, under rhe management- of their brave Captain zizca ; which was further profecuted after him by the remaining Thabori- tes. And again in this Century, in the year 161 8. they maintained a defenftve war agaioft the Emperor Verdi* nand II. electing and erecting a new King in oppofitioa to him, Frederick Palatine of the &hine> in which Caufe ninny received a Crown of Martyrdom : and this was alfbelpoufed by King James VI. who fent to aid his Son in Law againft the Emperor,
4. If we look to the Hiftories of the Waldenfesy thefc conusant oppofcrs of Anticbrift, wc will find many In- frances of their Refiitance, About the year 1194. very early, while Waldo (from whom they had their Name) was alive, they began to defend themfelves by Arms, af- ter the bloody Edift of Alphonfus King of Arragon\ an E- dicl €) like to many of ours emitted this day, as it wouM fcem our Enemies have taken the Copy of it ■ fo it were very feemly for the people grieved with fuch E- difts to imitate the Copy of the Waldenfes their practice, in oppoiltion to them. In the year 14B8. they refift by Arms Albert de Capitaneis, fent by Pope Innocent VIII. in Pragola aed Frajfaniere, and throughout Piedmont', where, for the raoft part, the offspring of the old Waldenfes had their Refidencc, where, very evidently, through ma- ay fucceffions of Ages, they fhewed themfelves to be the true Succeilbrs of their worthy Progenitors, valiant for the Truth. That's a famous inftance of their Refiftance, in oppofing vigoroufly the Lord of Trinity y in that fame Pi- idmont> at which time they fg foUainly asicd their Mi-
eificrfr
Defensive Arms Vindicated. 4>2J
fritters, Whether it were not lawful to defend themfelves againft his Violence ? Who anfwercd affirmatively. Anct accordingly they did it with wonderful fuccefs at that time, and many times thereafter. Efpecially it is notour. in the memory of thisprefent Age, how in the year 1655, a vigorous defenfivc war was profecuted againft the Duke of Savoy, by their Captains Gianavely Jahiery &*c. which was efpoufed by many Proteftant Princes. And ro further gone than the very laft year, it is known how they refilled the Arms of rhatTy^r, and the French that helped him, and that their fimplicity in trufting Popi/b p romifes was their ruin.
5. If we look over the Hiftories of the AIhigenfesy w© find many inftances of their defenfive refitting their op- preffing Superiors. About the year 1200. they defended themfelves ztBeziers and Can aJfony againft the Popes Le- gate and hisCroilcd Soldiers, under the conduct firlt of the Earl of Beziers, andtben of the Earl of F^and Earl Remand ofTholoufey and were helped by the Enzlifiy who then pofTefTed Guienne bordering upon Tholoufe; which refinance continued Several years. Afterwards in the year 1226. they maintained a Rcfifrancc againft the King of France,
6 Iq Spain, we find the people of Arragon contefcing with Alpbonfus III. and affociating themfelves together agaioft him. And they tell Pedro III. their King, that if he would not contain himfelf within the limits of the Laws, they would purfue him by Arms, about the year 1283. As alfo other Spaniards, who rofe in Arms feveral times againft Pedro the firftKingof Cafiile.
7. It was this which brought the Cantons of Helvetia into this State of freedom, wherein they have continued many years: for, about the year 1260. they levied war againft: their oppreflino Nobles. And in the year 130S. thev joined in Covenant to defend themfelves againft the Houfe c^Auftvia ; and in the year 131 5. they renewed it ztBrunna, in which, at length, the reft of the Can-' ions joined, and formed themfelves into a Common- wealth.
v 3. If we take a glance of the Germans, we will find jit the very Commencement oi the Reformation, as foon
a&
524 befenjive Afms vindicated.
as they got the name of Frotefiants, they Refiftec* the Emperour Charles V. The Duke of Saxony the Land- Grave of Hejfe, and the City of Madgeburgh, with ad- *v ice of Lawyers, concluded. c< That the Laws of the; c Empire permitted Refiftance of the Emperour in,
* fbme cafes, that the times were then fo dangerous,
* that the very force of Conference did lead them to
* Arms, and to make a League to defend thcmfclves, € though Cefar or any in his name fhould make war € againft them t for fince he attempteth to root € out Religion, and fubvert our Liberties, he givcth us ' caufc enough to refiff. him with a good conference 5 € The matter ffanding as it doth, we may (fay they)
* Refift - — -as may befhewed both by facred and pro- phane Hiftories. — - And fb they undertook and ftated the war upon the account of Religion and Liberty.
5>. If we but caft an eye over to the Hollanders, we will find how much they ftand obliged to this practice of Defenfive Arms ; having thereby recovered both Religion and Liberty, and eftablifhed themfelves into a flourifhing State. We find even in the time of D. de Alva's Persecution, they began to defend Haerlem and Valenciennes in Hainault, and went on till under the cosduct of WiUiam of Najfaw Prince of Orange, they declared the King of Spain to have fallen from the Government of thofe Countries: and fo effectually fliook off the yoke of Spanifi Tyrannic
10. If we go to the French Hugonets, we will find many Inftances among them, and many brave Heroes railed up, to maintain the principle and profecute the practice thereof, of older and later date. The Hiftory of the Civil wars of France is ffored with their Tro* phics ; and the Memories of Conde and Colignl will e- ver be fragrant. There were many Refiftance^ there, both before and flnce the Parljian Majfacre. It is fad, that the prefent Proteftants they are fo far degenerate from the Spirit of their Anceftors.
II. Tke many practices of the Hungarians, Refill- ing the encroachments of the houfe of Aufiria, prove the fame. And when Matthias denyed the free exer- cifc of Religion unto the Proteftants of Apifiria> the/
cook
Lefenfive Arms vindicated* 6*25
took up Arms in their own defence, and fent a Pro- teftation unco the Ettates of Hungary y requiring their Afiftance, conform to their League. And now this prefent war there founded upon this plea.
12. The Polonians have often times levied war a^ gainft their Kings: and we are furnifhed by Clark in his Martyrol. with a late Inftance of their Reiiftance againft the Sovereign Powers, at Lefna in Poland, in the year 1655.
13. The Danes and Swedes have not been wanting, for their parts, in taking courfe w7ith their Chrijiierns, Kings ef that name, whom they refifted and punifhed. And generally, wherever the Reformation was receiv- ed, we find this principle efpoufed and the praclice of it profecutcd. Nay, there hath been no Nation in the world, but it will be found, they have either refitted or killed Tyrants.
14. The moft Deferving and Celebrated Monarchs in the world have efpoufed the cjuarrel of opprefied Subjects. Not only fuch as Tamerlane, whofe obier- vable Saying is noted, when he advanced againft Ba- jazet, I go (fays he) to chafiife his Tyranny and to de- liver the ajflicled people. And Philip and Lewis of France , who aflifted the Barons of England againft King John* And Charles the Great, who upon this ground under- took a war againft the Lombards in Italy, But even Conflantine the Great, hath it recorded for his honour, that he employed his power and force againft Lid- wius> upon no other Motive but becaufe he baniflied, tortured, and deftroyed thofe Chriftians in his domini- ons, that would not abandon their Rcligiop. And Queen Elifabeth is commended for affifting the Dutch tor maintain their Religion by force, when they could not enjoy it by favour. And King James the VI. gave pu- blick aid to the Proteftants in German) and Bohemia a- gainft the Emperor, Againft whom alfo Gujlavus AdoU phus marched, that he might deliver the opprefTed cit:es from the bondage that Ferdinand had brought them ino Yea, King Charles the I. this man's father, prerencei at leaft to help the Proteftants in France at Ree and Ra- chel : aod though he himfelf was avowedly refitted by
R r the
626 Befenjlve Arms vindicated*
the Parliaments of both Kingdoms, yet he was forced to declare, in his a£b oif Oblivion and Pacificationy The Scots late taking up Arms again ji him, in defence of their Religi- cny Laws and Privileges, to be no Treafon nor Rebellion.— '--- SccApoh Relat. Sett. II. fag, 149. And though the late Charles the II, condemned all the rifings of the people of Scotland for defence of Religion and Liberty, and their Lives and Privileges, which his own tyranny forced them into ; yet he juftified the prefent revolt of Heathens and Mahometan fubje&s from the young King of Bantam in Java Major in the Eajl-Indiesy who, when he got the
fovcrnment in his hands by his father's Refigpation, illed his fubje&s, and caufed them to be killed with- out any caufe, which was the rcafon of their revolt from him, and defending the Father againft the Son : this de- fenfive war of thefe fubje&s was juftified by the faid CharJeSy in his fending ammunition, &c. for their relief, Thefe, and many more inftances that might be adduced, are fufficient evidences of the righteoufhefi and reafon of fuch refiftances, when the greateft of Princes have under- taken the Patrociny of them.
III. From Scripttire-Proofs. I fhall hut briefly gather fome of the many that might be prefTed, which, being put together, to me feem impregnable. 1 fhall reduce them to thefe Heads^ 1. I fhall adduce fbme practices of the Lord's people, frequently reiterated, never con- demned, always approven, confirming this Point. 2. Some fevere reprehenfions for their omiflion of this du- ty, in thefeafbrt thereof. 5. Somepromifes both of fpi- riting for the duty, and of countenancing it, when un- dertaken. 4. Some precepts commanding fuch achieve- ments. 5. Some prayers fiipplicating for them. All which put together will make a ftrong Argument.
Firfty For paftices of this kind, there is nothing more common in Scripturc-hiflory. ^1, I fhall begin at the firft war that is recorded in the world: wherein fome lofs fell to the £odlyat firft, but afterwards by the virtue and valour of their Brethren they were vindicated, and the victory recovered with honour. Loty and his family living in Sodomy was taken frifoner^ hy Chedarlaomer and his Coo-federates, Gen* xiv.
12,
Defenfive Arms vindicated. 627
12. but Abraham hearing of it, armed bis trained fervants,
and purfued them to Dan> and refcued him, verf. 14
16*. thereby juftifying that Rebellion of the Cities ot the plain, by taking part and vindicating the Rebels. Hence, he that may refcue fubjetis from the violence of any ty- rannizing domination by arms, may alfo rife with thefe fubjectsto oppofe that violence ; but here is an example
of that in Abraham .— — therefore >- .
2. After the Lord's people were poiTeiTed of Canaan^ and forgetting the Lord, did enter into affinity with thefe interdicted Nations, feme of them were left to prove ifraely that the generations of the children of JfraeJ might koow to teach them war, Judg. in. 1, 2, And when they did evil in the light of the Lord, lie fold them in- to the hand of Cup an- Rip ath aim King of Mefopotamzay whom they (erved and were fubject to eight years, verf. &. but when they cried unto the Lord, their Rebellion, fhaking off that yoke, was fuccefsful under the conduft of OthnielyVerf. 10. Andafccr a rehpie unto the like defe- ction, they became fubject to Eglon King of Moab*, whorrt they ferved eighteen years, verf 14. bur, attempting the fame remedy by arms, under the conduct of Ebudy they recovered their liberty. And after his death, fai- ling into that fin again, which procured the like mifery, they became fubject to Jabin King of Canaan , who twenty years mightily opprefTed them, Jndg. iv, 1 — 3. but by the Lord's commandment, under the conduct of Deborah and Barak, they rebelled and prevailed. Whence, if the Lord's people, ferving a Sovereign domineering power, may fhake off the yoke of their fubjeclion ; then it is duty to defend thcmfelves and re lift them, for there is no other way of fhaking it off; but thefe exam- ples prove the former : therefore, . Obj. If any ca- vil that thefe were not their own King*, to whom they owed allegiance, but only invading Conquerors, whom they might reflft. I anfwery (1) Yet they were the So- vereign powers for the time ; and therefore, if Royalifti and Loyalifts grounds hold good, they ought upon no pretence whatfoever to have been refitted : and though poffibly they might not be by compact their own Kings, yet by concjueft they were, as much a* that would make
R r 2 them.
$2% Jbefenjive Arms vindicated,
them, and by their own content, when they paid theftt King's due, viz* tribute. (2) No more are they owr own Kings, who either intrude themfelves into an ar- bitrary domination over us, (without any terms of a compact upon a pretence of hereditary fucceffion), or be- ;ing our covenanted Kings overturn all the conditions of their compact, and degenerate into Tyrants: tofuch we owe no allegiance, more than Ifrael did to theft Domina- tors. (3)1 retort that old Colewort twice boiVdy who Ihould be Judge, whether they were their own lawful Kings or not ? For they acted as Kings, and thought them- felves their abfblute Lords, and gave themfclvcs out to be fuch ; and yet we find an approved Rebellion againft them. Mr. Gee, in his Magistrates Original, chap, 8- SeB. 4. Pag. 268. improves thefc inftances to the fame fjurpofe ; and adds, c Neither {^s far as my obfervation c goes) can any immediate or extraordinary command 4 or word for what they fo did be pretended to, or plead- c ed from the Text, for many of them, or for any, favc * Barak or Gideon. "
3. Yet Gideons example, though he had an extraor- dinary Call, cannot be pretended as unimitable on the matter ; for that was ordinary, though the Call and Manner was extraordinary. He, with the concurrence of a very few men, did break the yoke of fubjection to Midian> Judg. vi. and vii. chap, and having called his Brethren out of alt Mount Ephraim, into a conjunction with him iu the purfuit of his victory; when he demand- ed fupply of the Princes of Succoth, and of the men of Penuely and they denied it, heferved them ^s cncmies0 Whence, if a fmall party may with God*s approbation deliver themfelves, and the whole of their Community, from the bondage of their opprefling Dominators whom they had ferved feveral years, and may punifh their Princes that do not come out to their help, in a concur- rence with them, and encouragement of them in that attempt ; then muft it be duty to defend themfelves a- gainft their OpprefTors that rule over them, and all ought to concur in it ; or clfc their would not be juftice in pu- nching them that were defective in this work ; but we fts the former from this example: therefore^ < ■"■«■■». , Objm
fie fenjive Arms vindicated. 6zp
If it be laid, Gideon, and the reft of the extraordinary raifed Judges, were Magiftrates, therefore they might defend and deliver their country, which a private peo- ple that arc only fubjedfc may not do. I anfwer, (i) They were fubjeft to thefc Tyrants that opprcfled them, who were then the Sovereign powers of that time, anct yet they fhook off their yoke by defenfive arms, (s) They were not then Magiftrates, when they firft ap- peared for their country's defence and deliverance, nei- ther in that did they a& as fuch, but only as Captains of Rebels, in the efteem of them that had power over them. It is clear, Gideon was not Ruler, till that authority was conferred upon him after the deliverance. See Judg, viii. 22. &*c. yet he did ail this before.
4, When his baftard Abimelech ufurped the Govern- ment, and was made King by the men of Shechem, at length God fending an evil Spirit between him and his Complices that let him up, not only was he refifted by the treacherous Shechemites (which was their brand ancf bane in the righteous judgment of God, for their aiding him at firft in killing his Brethren }judg. ix. 23, 24, &c, out alfo he was oppofed by others of the men of lfrael> as at ThebeZy where he wTas flain by a woman, verfi 50, at the end. Whence, if an ufurping Tyrant, acknow- ledged as King by the Generality, may be difbwned by the Godly, and threatned with Gad's vengeance to con- fume both him and his Complices that comply with him ; and if he may be oppofed and refifted not only by thofe that let him up, but alio by others that were im fubjeftion to him, and at length be killed by them, without refentment of the reft of the Nation; then muft it be duty for a people, who had no hand in the erection of fucha Dominator, to defend themfelves againft his force; but the former is true by this Example: there- fore ' — .
5. When jfrael fell under the Tyranny of Ammon> op- prefling them eighteen years, they did, by refifting thefe fupreme Powers, fhake off their yoke, under the Conduel: of Jephthah. And being challenged fharply by *he men of Bphraim^ who it teems claimed the Prero- gative of making War, and therefore came to revenge
and
4>ys . Defenjive Arms 'Vindicated
and reduce Jephthah and his Company to order, ca fling herein belike a Copy to our regular Loyalifis, who are very tenacious of this Plea of the Ephraimites, that ac leaft without the Nobles of the Kingdom > no War is to be made; yet wc find Jephthah did not much regard it, fcut fioutly defended himfelf, and flew of them 42,000 men, known by their Shibboleth, Judg. xii. If people then, when queftioned for defending themfelves, by $hcm that claim a Superiority over them, and fhould deliver them, "may defend themfelves both without them and againft them ; then it Is a People's duty and privilege; but the former is true by this Example.
6. They were then made fubjeft to the Philiftines 40 years, whom the men of Judah acknowledged for their Rulers : yet Sam/on, that rackle-handed Saint, never ceafed from pelting them upon ail occafions; and when challenged for it by the men of Judah * faying, Knoweft thou not that the Philifkines are Rulers over us ? What is that that thou haft done ? Sam [on objecls nothing againft their fceing Rulers; but notwithstanding profecutes his pur- pofe of vindicating himfelf, in defence of his Country, As they did unto me, fays he, fo have I done unto themy Judg. xv, 11. Hence, if Saints may avenge themfelves Jjpon them whom the Country calls Rulers, and when tnabled by (iod, may do to them as they did to them ; then muft it be duty for them to d«fend themfelves a- gainfl: them; but the Antccedeat is true by %hls Ex- ample. .
7. When Saul, in the purfuit of the vMUftines, had charged the People with a foolifh Qath (like unto many of the enfnaringOa^hs that Monarchs life to im pofe up- on people) not to eat any food until the evening, Jona- than bis fon tailed but a little honey, and lo he muft die ; which Saul confirmed with another peremptory Oath, Cod dofo to him, and more a!fo> ifhefbould not die* Where- upon the people, as refold te on the other hand to fave jbim, rcfifted the rage of tfeat Ruler, and fwore as per- emptorily, that not one hair of his head fiould fall to the gvound* So the -people refcued Jonathan that he died not, I Sam. xiv. 44,45. Hence, if people may covenant by Q*th to refift the Commands, and refcuc a man from a
Ty»M*«
Defenpve Arms Vindicated. 6 ; I
Tyrant's Cruelty, then it is duty to defend themfelves againft him : the Antecedent is true here.
8. Afterwards, when the manner of the King> prefagecf by Samuel y was verified in Saul's degeneration into ma- ny abufes of Government, this privilege of Refiftance was not wholly mancipated, but maintained by David's defeniive Appearance with his little Army, he took Go- liah's fword, not for ornament, or only to fright Sauly but to defend himfelf with it, and was Captain firfi: to four hundred men, I Sam* xxii. 2. had a mind to keep out Keilah againft him with fix hundred men, I Sam, xxiii. 13 and afterwards a grtat h oft came to him to Ziklagy while he kept himfelf clofe becaufe of Saul the fon of Kifiy I Chron. xii. I. throughout, where they \ek Sauly and came and helped David againft him. This is proved at length by Lex Rexy quefl. 32. p. 340.
9. The City Abel, whither Sheba the Traitor had fled, did well to reiift Joab the King's General, coming to deftroy a whole City for a Traitor's fake, and not ot- fering peace to it (according to the Law, Dent* xx. 10.) and defended themfelves by Gates and Walls, notwith- standing he had a Commilfion from the King, 2 Sam. 20. and after the capitulating, they are never challenged for Rebellion.
to. The ten Tribes rcvoltevl from the Houfeof David* when Rehoboam claimed #an absolute ?owery and wouhl not acciuiefce to the peoples juil: conditions, l Kings* xii. 2 Chron. x. which is before juiitfied, Head 2/ Hence, if it be lawful for a part of the people to fhake orT the Kin?, refufe fubjection to him, and fee up a new one, when he but refolves to play the Tyrant; then itmuft be duty to re fi ft his violence, when he is tyrannizing; but tbeN Ante- cedent is clear from this Example. This is vindicated at more length by f us pop* ch, 3. p. 52.
11. The Example of Blip a the Prophet is configu- rable, 2 Kings vi. 32. Blip a fat in hishoure* {and t!re el- ders fit with him) and the king fent a man before him \ but ere the meffenger came to himy he faid to the elders, See how this fon of a -murderer hath fent to take away mine head \ look when the meffenger cometh, put the doory and hold him faft at the door ; is not the found of his m after' s
fett
6$Z De fen five Arms vindicated*
feet behindhiml Here was violent Refiftance refolved a-*
fainft both the Man and the Matter, tho' the King of the .and for the time. And this calling him the Jon of a Murderer, and reiifting him, is no more extraordinary (tho* it was an extraordinary man's Act) than it is for a plaintiff to libel a true crime againft a wicked perfon, and for an opprefled man to clofe the door upon a Mur- derer, Lex Rex, quefi. J2# p. 346. Hence, if a King or his MelTenger coming to uie unjuit violence againft an in- nocent Subject, be no more to be regarded than a Mur- derer's Em ilTary, but may be refilled by that innocent Subject; then muft a community of fuch innocent Subjects defend themfelves againft a Tyrant or his EmilTaries, coming againft them on fuch a wicked errand : the An- tecedent is here clear.
12. The City Libnah revolted from under Jehor am9 $ Tyranny, ZChronxxi. 10. P. Martyr on the place faith. They revolted, becaufe he endeavoured to compel them to Idolatry. This is juftified above, Head 2. Hence, if it be lawful for a part of the people to revolt from a ty- ranical Prince, making defection from the true Religion; then it is duty to defend themfelves againft his force : the Antecedent is here plain.
13. When Athaliah ufurped the Monarchy, Jehoiada the prieft Jlvengthned himfelf, and made a covenant with the captains, &c. to put her down, and fet up Joafb, (Z Kings , xi. 2 Chron. xxiii. and when fhc came and cried, Treafon9 Treafon, they regarded it not, but commanded to kill her and all that help her. Whence, if thole that are not Kings may lawfully kill an Ufurprefs, and all her helpers, then may a people refift them ; but fehoiada, though no Magiftrate, did it.
14. The repreffing and punifhing Amaziah the fon of Joafi is an undeniable Inftance, vindicated by Mr. Knox. See above, Per. 3. p. 54 After the time that he turned away from following the Lord, the people made a con- fpiracy againft him in Jerufalem, and he fled'to Lachi/h, but they fent and flew him there, 2 Kings, xiv. 19. 2 Chron. xxv. 27. Hence, a fortiori, if people may confpire and concur in executing judgment upon their King turning
Idolater
Defenjive Arms vindicated* 635
Idolater and Tyrant, then much more muft they defend themfelves againft his violence.
15. The iame power, of peoples refitting Princes, was exemplified in Uzziah or Azariahy when he would needs be fupremc in things facred as well as civil, 2 King. xv. 2. Chron. xxvi. Fourfcore Priefts, that were valiant Men, withftood him, and thruft him out of the Temple, they troubled him> faith Vatablus, they expelled him> faith Ar. Mont. vid. Pool's Synopjls. in Loc. See this vindicated by- Mr. Knox. Per. 3. Pag. 4S, 49. above. Hence, if private Subjects may, by Force, reliltand hinder the King from traofgrefling the Law, then muft they rcfift him when forcing them to tranfgrefs the Law of God.
16. After the Return from the Babylonifi Captivity, when the Jews were fctting about the Work of building the Temple, which they would do by themfelves, and not admit.of any Aflbciation with Malignants (upon their flniftcr mifinformation, and fycophantick Acculation, that they were building the rebellious and bad City, and would refute to pay the King toll, tribute, and cuftom) they were ftraitly difchar^ed by Artaxerxes to proceed in their Work, and the Inhibition was execute by F^rce and Power, Ezra. iv. But by the encouragement of the Prophets Haggai and Zechariah, countermanding the King's decree, they would not be hindered, the tye of their God being upon them, though Tatnai the Governor of thofe Parts, Shetharboznai> and their Companions, would have boafted them from it, with the ufual Argu- ments of Malignants, who hath commanded yon to do fo> and fo ? Ezra. v. 3. — 5. ' And yet this was before the decree of Darius was obtained in their favours, Ezra. vi. Hence, if people may profecute a duty without and againft a King's Command, and before an Allowance by Law can be obtained; then may a people refift their Commands and Force ufed to execute them ; but here the Antecedent is manifeft.
17. When Sehemiah came to yentfalem, and invited the Jews to build up the Walls of the City, they ftrcngth- ned their hands for that good work againft very much oppolition: and when challenged by Sanballat the Horo- 9iite> Tebiah the Servant, the Ammonite^ and Cejhem the
Arabian
f 34 - T)efenjive Arms vindicated.
Arabian. Great Kings-men all of them, who defpifed an<| fcoafied them, What is this that ye do ? Will ye rebel a- gainft the King? Say they. He would not plead Authori- ty, thpqgjj, in the general, he had the King's Warrant for it : Yet he would pot give them any other fatisfa&i- on, than to intimate^ whether they jiad that or nor, having the call of God to the Work, they would go on in the duty, and God ^vould prolper them againft their oppofition, Nehem. ii. 19, 20. Aftd accordingly^ not- withstanding of all Scoffs, and Plots, and Confpiracies^ to hinder the building, yet they went on, and were en- couraged to remember the Lord, and fight for their Bre- thren, QPc. and to build with Weapons in their hands, Neh. iv. and brought it to an end, notwithftanding of all their Practices to fright them from it, chap. 6. Hence? If neither Challenges of Rebellion, nor Practices of Ma- lignant Enemies who pretend Authority, nor any Dis- couragements whatfocver, fhould deter people from a Duty which they have a Call and Capacity from God to profecute, and if they may promove it againft all op- pofition by defenfive Arms} then, when a people arc ppprefled and treated as Rebels, for a necelTary Duty, they may and muft defend themfelves, and maintain fheir duty, notwithftanding of all Pretences of Authori- ty: againft thern.
iSL I (hall add one Inftance more, which is vindicated fcy Jus Populi) from the Hiftory pf Efther. Becaufe Mor~ decai refuied to do homage to a Hangman, {Uaman I fhould fay) a cruel Edict was procured from Ahafuevus to deftroy all the Jews, written and fealed with the King's ring, according to the Laws of the Medes and Per- fiansy becoming 3. Law irrevocable and irreverfible, Eflher.iii. 12, 13. Yet the Lord's providence, always propitious to his people, brought it about fp, that Ha- man being hanged, and Mordecai advanced, the Jews were called and capacitated, as well as neceiritated, to refill that armed Authority that decreed to mafTacre them, and that by the King's own Allowance, Eflher ix. When his former decree drew near to be put in Executi- on, in the day that the Enemies of the Jews hoped to have power over them, it was turned to ^the contrary,
thae
Lefenjive Arms vindicated, 63 5
that no Man could withftand them. Here they had the Allowance of Authority to refift Authority : and this was not a Gift of a new right by that Grant, which they had not before; only it was corroborative of their radi- cal right to defend themfclves, which is not the Donative of Princes, and which they had power to exerce and ufc without this, tho' roay be not the fame Capacity ; for the King's Warrant could not make it lawful in point of Confcience, if it had not been fo before. Hence, If peo- ple may have the Allowance of well aclvifed Authority, to refift the decree and force of unlawful Authority ; then may a people maintain right Authority, in defending themfelves againft the Injuries of pretended Authority ; but by this Inftance we fee, the Jews had Ahafuerus his Allowance to refift the decree and force of his own 1 11— advifcd Authority, tho' irreverfible. And hence we fee, chat Diftinttion, in this Point, is not groundlefs, be- tween refitting the Authority of Supreme Powers, and the abufes of the fame.
Secondly, We have in the Scripture both tacite and ex- prefs Reproofs, for lying by from this duty in the feafor* thereof,
1. In Jacob's Swan-Song or Prophetical Teftamenr, wherein he foretells what fhould be the Fare and future Condition of each of theTrihes, and what fhould be re- nurked in their carriage influencing their after Lot in their Generations, for which they fhould be commended or difcommended, approved or reproved ; coming to if- fachar, he prophetically exprobates his future Ais-like Stupidity, that indulging himfelf in his lazy Eafe, and lukewarm Security, he fhould mancipate himfelf and his Interefts into a fervile fubjection unto his OppreiTors Im- politions, even when he fhould be in a Capacity to fhake them off, and free himfelf by Refinance, Gen. xlix. 14, T 5. Jjfachar is a firong Afs couch'mg down between two burdens. This is fet down by the Holy Ghoft, as the brand and bane, not of the perfbn of Jjfachar Jacob's Son, but of the Tribe, to be inured upon them, when they fhould be in fuch a Condition by their own Silli- nefs: Hence I argue, If the Holy Ghof"r exprobrate a People for their ftupid Subjeftion to prevailing Tyran-
6$6 Defenjive Arms vindicated,
cry, when they do not improve their Ability, Capacity! and Right to maintain and defend their Liberties and Privileges ; then this implies a commanded Duty to de- fend them, according to their Capacity, from all unjuft Invafion; but the former is true here; Therefore alfo the later.
2. In Deborah's Song after their victorious Refinance, the People are feverely upbraided for not concurring in that Expedition, fudg. v. 1(5, \ 7, 23. apd Merozis parti- cularly curfed for not coming to the help of the Lord, to the loelp of the Lord againfi the Mighty. This is recorded as a reiting Reproof, againft all th^t will withdraw their helping hand from the Lord's people, when neceffitate to appear in defenfive Arms for the Prefervation of their Lives and Liberties. Qn the other hand, Zebulon and Kaphtali are commended for jeoparding their Lives in the high Places of the Fields, and are approved in thac Practice of fighting againft the King of Canaan* that then ruled over them, verf. 18,19. Hence, if people bs reproved and curfed for ftaying at home to look to their own Interefts, when others jeopard their Lives for their Countries Defence and Freedom from Tyranny and Op- preflion ; then this implies 'tis a duty to concur in fo ven- turing ; but here, Reuben, Ban, After, and Meroz, are re-r proved and curfed for ftaying at home, when Zebulon and kaphtali jeoparded their Lives, &c. Ergo.,
Thirdly, We h aye in the Scriptures many promifes of the Lord's approving and countenancing the duty of De- fenfive Arms, even againft their oppreifing Rulers.
I. In that forecitcd Teftament of the Patriarch Jacob* in that part of it which concerns Gad, he prophefies that Tribe fhould have a Lot in the world anfwering his Name, and be engaged in, many Conflicts with opprek fing Dominators, who at firft fhould prevail over him, but at length God fhould fb blefs his endeavours, to free hirafelf from their oppreffions, that he fhould overcome. There is an excellent Elegancy in the Original, anfwer- ing to the Etymology of the Name Gad, which fignifies a Troop, reading thus in the Hebrew, Gad, a Troop (ballo- overtroop him, but he [ball overtroop them at the laft, Gep* xlix. i<j» And Mofes homologating the fame Testimony,
I
Defenjive Arms vindicated. 63?
in his bleffing the Tribes before his death, (hows, that he fhould make a very forcible and fuccefsful Refiftance, and fhould execute the Jufticc of the Lord over his Op- preffors, Deut. xxxiii. 2©, 21* Wherein is implied a pro- mife of Refinance to be made againft oppreffing Conquer rors, who (hould acquire the fupreme Rule over them for a time : and the fuccefs of that Refiftance for overcoming, oecefTarily fuppofes Refiftance. Hence, where there is a promife of fuccefs at laft to a peoples Confii&s againft prevailing Tyranny, there is implied an Approbation of the duty, and alfo a promife of its performance wrap- ped up in that promife ; but here is a promife, &c. Erg0 .
2. In that Threatning againft Tyrants, fhewing how they (hall be thrufi away and burnt up with fire, there is couched a promife, and alfo an implied precept of re- fitting them, 2 Sam. xxiii. 6. The fons of Belial fi all be all
of them as thorns thrufi away with hands fenced with
iron, &c. which clearly implies Refiftance, and more than that, Rejection and Repreflion. Hence, if it be threatned as a Curfe againft Rulers of Belial, and pro- mifed as a Bleffing, that they fhall be fb roughly hand- led ; then this implies a duty to refift them, who cannot be otherways taken ; but here this is threatned, &c.
3. When the Lord fhall have mercy on Jacob, and chufe Ifrael, it is promifed, Ifa. xiv.2, 3. that they fi all take them captives whofe captives they were. And they fball
rule over their oppreffbrs This necefTarily implies
and infers a promife of Refiftance againft thefc oppreffing Rulers, in the time of their domineering, as well as re- venge after their yoke fhould be broken ; and fomething of mens Aft ion, as well as God's Judgment in breaking that yoke ; for they could not take them captives, nor rule over them, except firftthey had refifted them whofe captives they were: There is refifting of the fupreme Pow- er, fubje&ion whereunto was the bondage wherein they were made to ferve. Hence, if it be promifed, that a captivated and fubjugated people fhall break the yoke, and free themfelves of the bondage of them that had them in fubjeftioo ; then it is promifed in that cafe,
they
£jS befenfive Arms vindicated.
they muft refift the fuprcme Powers ; for fuch wer h they whofe captives they were : the Antecedent is here expreft.
4. There are promifes that the Lord's people* when thofe that rule over theiti are incenfed againft the holy Covenant, and when many of their brethren that fhould concur with them fhall be frighted from their duty by fear; or corrupted with flattery, (hall be made jlrong to do exploits, tho' in fuch entcrprizes they may want fuc- cefs for fome time, and fall by thefword and -flame, and bycdptmfyi arid fpoit, many days, Dan. xi. 30 ■■■ » 34. Which is very near parallel to the cafe of the Covenanted people of Scotland, their appearing in defenfive Exploits againft their Covenant-breaking Rulers thefe many years bygone. This was very eminently fulfilled in the Hi- flory of the Maccabees, before r eh earfed. Hehce, if it be promifed, that a people fhall be ftrong to do exploits, irt refifting the Arms of their Rulers, bppofirig their Cove- nantj and overturning theii4 Religion and Liberties ; then it muft be approver! that fuch refiftance is lawful, even tho9 it want fuccefs: but this is here promifed. To the fame purpofe it is promifed, that after the Lord's people have been long kept as prifoners under the bon- dage of oppreffing Rulers, they fhailj by a vigorous Re- fiftance, be faved from their Tyranny, Zech. ix. 13 — 1 7, When the Lord ft all bend fudah for him, and raife up Zi~
ms fons againfi the fons of Greece So it was in
their Refiftancesand Victories againft the SuccefTors oiA^ lexander, who had the rule over them for a time. And lb it may be again, when the Lord fhall fb bend his peo- ple for him. Hence, if the Lord promifes to fit and fpirit his people for Action againft their oppreffmg Ru- lers, and to crown their Achievements, when fb fitted and fpirited^ with glorious Succefs ; then it is their duty^ and alfo their honour, to refift them ; but here that is plainly promifed.
5. There are promifes of the Lord's making ufe of his people, and ftrengthening them to break in pieces the power of his and their Enemies, and his defending and maintaining them againft all their power and projects, when they think xnoft to prevail over them. As is pro-
jnifecj
Tiefenjlve Atms vindicated. 6ty
inifed in the threatened Catafirophe of the Babylonian U- furpation, Jer. li. 20—24 — Thou art (fays he ro ifraet, of whom he fpeaks as the rod of his Inheritance in the prcceeding vcr(e) my battle-ax and weapons of war, and with thee will I break in pieces, &c. Whenfocver this hath been, or fhall, be accomplifhcd, (as it may relate to the vengeance to be execute upon the New Teftament Baby- lon) it clearly implies their breaking in pieces Powers that were fuprcme over them. Hence, if the Lord will make ufe of his people's vindictive Arms againft Babylon ruling over them, then he will juftify their defcniive Arms againft Babylon oppreffing them. Here it is pro- mifed, &V. So Micah iv. II. to the End. Many Nations fhall be gathered to defile and look upon zion, and then the Lord fhall give Allowance and Commiffion to his people to arife and threfi, &c. What time 'the accom- plishment of this is referred toy is not my concern to en- quire: It Teems to look to the New Teftament times, wherein the Lord's people fhall be firft in great ftraits, and then enlarged ; but to reftrift it to the fpiritual Con- quer!: over the Nations by the Miniftry of the Word (tho* I will not deny bur. that may be included) feems coo great a ftraitning of the Scope, and not fo appofice to the Expreffions, which certainly feem to import fomc forcible action of men, and more than the peaceable Pro- pagation of the Gofpel. It is ufually referred to the lat- ter days of that Difpenfation, when both the Jewifb and Gentile Zion fhall be totally and finally delivered from Babylon-, or Antichriftian Tyranny ; before, or abouc which Period, the Enemies of Chrift and of his People fhall attempt their outmofl Power to deftroy the Church, groaning under their bondage; but when they are all well muftered in a general Rendezvous, the Lord's peo- ple fhall have a gallant Game at the Chafe. Bur wJien- foever the time be of fulfilling the Promife, it enfures to the people of God the Succefs of their defenfive Arms a- gainft them that pretended a Domination over them. And it looks to a time, when they fhould have no Rulers of their own, but them under whofe fubjeclion they had been long groaning, and now brought to a very low pafs ; jet here they fhould not only refifc, buc threfhthem.
Hence-j
J 640 Befenjive Arms vindicated.
Hence, if in the latter days the people of God are to be honoured, and a&ed forth with fuch a Spirit and Capa- city to threfh and beat down thefe Powers uncjer which they have been long groaning', then, when the Lord puts them in fuch Capacity to attempt it, they fhould be am- bitious of fuch a honour ; But here it is promifed, &V. The fame may be inferred from the Prophet's Vifion, Zech. u 19, 20. He fees four Carpenters rcfifting the four Horns : the horns fcattered fudah, fo that no mall did lift up his head ; but the Carpenters came to fray them, to cart out the horns of the Gentiles, which lift- ed up their horn over the Land of yudah* Thefe horns had the Supreme power over Judah for a time, while they were in no Capacity to refill them ; but as foon as the Lord furnifhes them with Capacity and In- ftruments impowercd to relift them, they do it crTc&u- ally. The Carpenters are certainly the Lords people themfelyes ; for rj^re they arc oppofite to the Gen- tiles, which all were except the Lords people. Hence, If the Lord promifes, when reconciled to his people, to furnifh them with Instruments to fray and fcatter the power of Tyrants, who have long born down their head ; then when they are fb furnifhed, they may refift them : But the Lord here promifes that &c. This is more plainly promifed alfo, Zech. x. 5. &c. Then they {ball be as mighty men which Jb all tread down their
Enemies And the pride of Ajfyria fiall be brought
down.— Hence, if the Lord, when He fhall have
mercy on his people, will blefs their Refifta nee fo, as to bring down the pride and Scepter of them that had the Supreme power over them ; Then, in hope of fuch a bleffing, they may attempt fuch a duty, when the Call is clear. t
Fourthly, we have alfb Precepts, from whence we may confccjuentially conclude the approven duty of Defen- ilve Arms againft. opprefTing Rulers.
I The Children of ifrael arc Commanded to vex the Midianites andfmite them, for faith the Lord, they veje you with their Wyles, Numb. xxv. 17, 18. And to a- venge themfehes. Numb. xxx. 2. Which did not only oblige the people, when they had Mofes for their Ma-
giftrarc
Defensive Arms vindicated. 64 1
giftrate to lead them forth ; but in the Days of Gideon , when they were under their rule whom they were to avenge themfelves upon. Hence, if people muft vex their Enemies, and avenge themfelves of them, by a war of- fenfive, when enfnarcd by their Craftinefs; much more may they reiiif. them by a war Defenfive, when invaded by their Cruelty. 2. There is a Command to punifh e- very City or party making Apoftafy unto Idolatry, Dent. xiii. 12,-1 5. Upon this moral Ground was Ifrael's war a- gainft Benjamin, fudg. xx. And their bringing Amaxiah unto condign punifhment ; which is vindicated by Mr. Knox. See above., Per. $.pag. 56, 57. Hence, if people are to bring to condign punifhment Idolatrous Apoftates feeking to intice them ; then much more ought they to re- fill fuch Tyrants feeking toinforcethem to fuch Apoftafy. 3. There is a precept, not only to defend, but alfo to re- fcue and deliver our Brethren when in hazard, Prov. xxiv. II. 12. We muft not forbear to deliver the?ny when drawn to death: Which will at leaif infer the duty of a fift- ing them when forced to defend themfelves; for, if it be a duty to refcue them from any prevailing power that would take their lives unjuftly, much more is it duty to defend them and our felves both againft their Murdering violence '3 but it is duty to refcue them,
&c.
4. All that would learn to do well) are command- ed, If a. i. 17. to relieve the Oppreffed: Which is noc fpoken to Magiftrates only, many of whom were the opprefTors, the Princes were rebellious^ and Companions of thieves, verf. £3. So alfo, If a. Iviii. 6. It is requir- ed of a people that would be accepted of God in their humiliations ; to let the oppreffed go freey and to break every yoke. Hence, if it be ,duty to relieve the Op- preiTed by breaking the yoke of them that opprefs them ; then it is duty to defend them and our feives both againft them that would opprefs us more ; but the former is here commanded : Therefore, &V.
5. There is a command for a fpoiled oppreffed people, when the Lord is reconciled to them, and fym- pathifes with them, to deliver themfelves from their Rulers fervitude, Zee/;, ii. 7- Dttivtr thy felf} QZion-, which
S f dwellcjt
64^ Befenfive Armes vindicated*
dwellefl with the daughter of Babylon. Which ComprC* hends all the ordinary A&ive means of peoples deliver- ing themfelves, from opprcffing powers that rule over them : And confequently defeniive Rcfiftance ; for ic cannot only be rcftri&cd tp flight included (verf. 6*. ) the promife annexed (jverf. 9.) imports more, when they that ipoiled them (hall be a fpoil to their fervants : Whereby ir is infinuated }they were fo to deliver themfelves, as not only to free themfelves from tffeir Servitude, but to bring their Mailers under Subjection. Hence, If the Lord's people, being fubjeft to Tyrants ruling over them for the time, may deliver themfelves from their oppreffing Matters, then may they refift them, and de- fend themfelves : The Antecedent is exprefs here in the Command.
6. There is a Command given by ChrifKto his Difci- ples, to provide themfelves with defenfive Weapons, ne- ceiTary for their Defence againft them that would purfue after their Lives; as well as with other things necefTa-
ry for their Suftenance, Luh xxii. g&- -Kow he that
loath a Purfe let him take it , andlikewife his Scrip, and he that hath no S<word> let him fell his Garment and buy one. Before, when he had fent them out upon an extraordina- ry Commiffion, as it were to'lerve their Apprenticefhip in the Work of the Gofpel, he did not allow them fuch ibllicitous Care to provide themfelves, becaufe he would give them a Proof of his Sufficiency to fuftain and pro- ted them, without the ordinary means of their own Diligence. But now, when he was about to withdraw his bodily Prefence from them, and would warn them cf the Difcouragcments they were to expeft in the Pro- ftcution of their more continued Work, which they had a Commiffion for not to be rerra&ed, he would not have them to expeclr Proviflon and Protection by a Courfe of Miracles, but to provide themfelves with means for their Sufferance, and alfo for their Defence againft the Vio- lence of Men; which chiefly was to be expected from their R.ulcrs? who would perfecute them under the Noti- on of Tranfgreffors of the Laws of their Kingdoms a»d Countries. He was not indeed to make much ufe of
china, at that time, for himJTcif j who was then to finfih
the
befenfive Arms vindicated* 645
the Work of Redemption by flifFcring : only, that what was written might be accomplished in him, he would make fo much u(e of them, as voluntarily to be invol- ved under the cenfure and reproach of Rebellion, being taken among Men in Arms, that he might be reckoned among TraafgrcfTors, verf. 37. Therefore when they told him, they had two Swordsy he faid, It is enough* verf 38. I need not Hand upon that Impertinency of a Conceit, that thefe were* fpiritual Swords: Which de- fences no Confutation, being fitter to be put among 3ga- kers delirious Diftra&ions, than to be numbered among the Notions of Men of undemanding : for then the Purfe and the Scrip muft be fpiritual too ; and thefe fpiritual things muft be bought by fellings of Garments', and yec they would be fuch fpiritual tools, as would have a fharp edge for cutting off of Carnal ears, and fuch as would be both viflble and fenlible ; and two of them would be e- nough. They were then ordinary material Swords, which the Lord commands his Followers to provide thcmfelves with, for their defence as Men," in cafes of Neceifity, and,, when they fhould be in a Capacity to improve them againit their murdering Perfecuters, a- gainft whom he gives his Royal Grant of Refinance ; that the world may know his Subjects, tho* they have more Privileges fpiritual, yet they have no lefs human Privileges than other Men: albeit, at that Period of his determined Suffering, he would not allow the prefenc ufe of them. Hence, If the Lord's people fhould pro- vide themfelves with Arms of Defence, tho* they fhould be reputed TranfgrefTors for fb doing; then may they ufe thefe Arms of Defence, againft them that perfecutc them under that Notion ; but the Antecedent is clear: Therefore, &c.
Fifthly, We may infer the fame Truth from forne of the Prayers of rhe Saints, wherein they glory in the con- fident expectation of the Lord's flrengthening them, and favcuring and approving their helpers, and in the expe- rience of the Lord affifting them, while in the mean time conftitute in a formed Appearance of Refiftancc. I (hall only hint thefe,
Sfa 1. la
<J44 Eefenjive Arms vindicated.
1. In that Prayer, Vfah xliv. 5. They glory, in hope, that through the Lord they will pup down their enemies^ 8cc. yet now they were under the power of Tyrannizing Dominators which they wererefifting : for, verf 9. they complain they were put [to ftame, becaufe the Lord went oot forth with their Armies, and they which hated them tyoiled them, And for his Sake were killed all day long : Hence they plead, That the Lord would a-
wake, and not forget their Affliction and Oppref-
fion. Whereby it is evident, they were under the Yoke of Tyrannizing Powers, and refitting according to their might. Which, by whomfoevcr, or upon what occafion fbever the Pfalm was compiled, fhews, that no want of Succefs in refifting Tyrants, can mar the Saints Faith in pleading for the Lord's Afliftance and Approbation of the Duty. Hence, they that, in faith, may pray for, and boaft of their treading down their Tyrannizing Powers that rife up againft them, may alfo, in Faith, attempt the refifting or them in their own defence; but here the Lord's people did the former,
2. We find David under Saul's Perfecution, while he had a party of 600 Men to defend himfelf againft his rage, in the Pfalms which he compofed upon that Occa- fion, not only complaining of Opprcflbrs, but encourag- ing himfelf in the Faith that God would be with them that aflifted him, in his eftfay of defending himfelf, and imprecating deftru&ion to Saul and his Complices ; that the Lord would cut them off in his Truths and let him fee his defire upon them^ Vfah liv. 4, 5, laft verf. And Vfah Ivii. 4. And Vfah lvii. throughout. And VfalcxL 7, 9. He imprecates againft the head of them that compajfedhim about y and confequently againft Saul. Whence I argue, 2. If the Lord's people, conflicting with, and encompa£ Ted with opprefling ftulers as fo many Lions and Dogs> may pray and praifefor the help of thofe that affift them, in their endeavours of Self-prefirvation from them; then may they make ufe of their help for their Defence, for which they pray and praifc ; but here we fee the Lord's people did the former: Therefore they may do the latter. 2. If we may pray againft Kings, and for Prefervatioa from them ; then may we defend ourfelves againft them,
and
Defenjlve Arms vindicated. 645
and endeavour the means of that prefervation for which we pray. The Connexion is before cleared: yet here I add ; That which will give a Difpenfation from our du- ty of praying for them, will alfo difpenfe from the du- ty of being paffively fubject to their Will ; and confe- quently will allow defending ourfclves from their Vio- lence ; but here we fee Tyranny and Treachery, and de- i]gned Mifchief will give a Difpenfation from our duty or praying for them, though that be duty as indifpen- fible as Subjection. Again, if any thing demur us from rciifting of Princes, it muft be refpeft to their Majefty, and the Character of the Lord's anointing upon them ; but we fee, no refped to that will demur a Believer from praying in Faith againft them : Therefore no fuch refpeft will hinder, but that he may defend himfelfa- gainft his Violence. And indeed, if we confider it right, if the Impreflion of any Majefty God hath put upon Princes fhould bind up our hands from any Refinance, it will reftrain from prayer-refiftance: for, if that imprefTiori have any force at any time, it muft be when a man is moft folemnly ftated before God, and fpeaking to God as a Chriftian, rather than when he is acling as a man with a Man like himfelf : and as Prayer-Ref jftance is the more formidable and forcible Refiftance than any other (as this Saul, and many other Kings, have found by their woful experience) fo it is more reftriitcd than other Re- flftance; for, we may defend ourfelves againft many whom we muft not pray againft, to wit, our private E- nemies, for whom we are commanded to pray ; yet no body will deny but we may refift their Violence : And likewife, we are commanded to pray for Kings, when invefted with God's Authority ; but when their Regene- ration loofes us from that Obligation to pray for themf and allows us to pray againft them when they turn Ene- mies to God (as we fee in the Prayers of the Pfalmift) then alfb we may more warrantably refift them by de- fen five Arms,
3. Among the Hallelujahs, in the end of Pfalms, there is one calculate for the prevailing time of the Church, when the Lord fhall take pleafure in his People. la that time of the Saints being joyful in Glory, when they
may
dfi Of extraordinary execution
may glory ift the reft and fecurity the Lord will vouch* fafc upon them, they arc Prophetically and very Patheti- cally excited to praife Prayer-wife, pfaL cxlix. 6. to the end. Let the high prmfes of God be in their Mouthy and a two edged fword in their handy ■■« «■ to hind their Kings with chains, ■ to execute upon them the judgment
written', this honour have all the Saints, Hallelujah, This was their Praife and Honour, when they were brought in to execute Vengeance upon the Kings and Nobles of Canaan. This alfo, in David9 s time, was the Ambition, and alio the Attainment of the Saints, in their Trium-
fhant Victories over many of their Oppreflbrs round fl- out them. But it looks to a further and more famous Execution of Vengeance upon the Tyrants of the Earth, when they fhall have long kept under the Church of God, and at length the Lord (ball give his People a Ca- pacity to break their yoke: which, when ever it (hall be, fhall be their honour. Hence, If it be the honour of the Saints, when the Lord puts them in Capacity, to execute Vengeance upon their Enemies, though they be Kings that opprefi them; then it may be their Ambiti- on to feek ity at leaft they may reflft them. Thus from ftveral Scripture Practices, Reproofs, Promifes, Precepts, and Prayers, this Truth may be proven. From which Scriptures, tho* other precious Truths are more natively deduced, yet this Truth by unftrained and unconftrained Confluence may be alfb clearly inferred.
HEAD VI.
The Suffering of fome^ upon the account of extra- ordinary executing of Judgment upon notorious In- eendiaries9 and murdering publick Enemies by private Perfons in the Circuwjlanw wherein they were Jiated^ v*ndicate4.
s
Urely (faith Solomon') Oppreffion mdketha wife Man mad) as en the other hand, a gift dejlroyetb the heart.
Which,
cf judgment hy private me it. 64 7
Which, whcnfocver there is a Concurrence and Verifi- cation of both together, makes it very incident, and no- ways to be admired, that either fome Actions of the OpprefTed be cenfurable; or, that there be found many to cenfure them, either out of Ignorance, or Prejudice, at a far off Glance, which a nearer and narrower In- lpe&ion of Circumftances, through a Profpect of Cha- rity, would not^fb readily condemn. When the Opprcf- fioo of Tyrants comes to fuch a height and pinch of Ex- tremity, that it not only threatens a Community with defblation, but induces a neceffity of unavoidable diffo- lution, and reduces a people to fuch a paroxifm of Defpe- ration andConfternation (in refpeft ofhuman deliberati- on, bringing them to their Wits end) that either theymuft fuccumb as flaves, and mancipate Conferences, Perfcas, Liberties, Properties, and all they are or have, to the luft of raging Tyrants, and their revenging Emiffaries; or furrender themfelves, and their polierity, and, which is dearer, the Intereft of Religion, to be deltroyed : then it is no wonder, that they be fometitnes neceffitated in fuch an Extremity, to apply extreme Remedies to extremity ofEtfllS) and forced to fall upon fuch expedients to pre- vent their utter Extermination, as at other times com- moQ Order, and ordinary Juftice would make extrava- gant. Yen it is no marvail, tho' they fall into feveral real Extravagancies, which are not to be juftified nor extenuated ;ubut rather it is to be acknowledged, as a Miracltf of the Lord's Mercy, that in fuch a cafe they are retrained from more fcandalous Exceffes of that nature. Yet even then, fuch as live at eafe, free of Oppreflion, who are blinded with prejudice at the OpprefTed, and bribed with the Indulgence and Lenity of the Oppreffors towards themfelves, will look upon thefe Actions as Tranfports of Madnefs, and Effects of extravagant Zeal, while they weigh them only in the fcales of ordinary Ju- ftice, and do not ponderate them in the balance of necef- fitated Virtue; nor perpend the circumftances whick made thofe extraordinary a els of Judgment, which ma- terially are lawful at all times to be executed by fome, to be then neceffary adts of Juftice to be inflicted by them ir« fuch a cafe. But if either the Oppreffors themfelves,
or
6$ Of extraordinary execution
or fucb who arc blinded and bribed with their gifts, and lolled with chcir kmdnefs, not only into an omiffion of concurring, but into a condemning of fuch extraordinary Attempts of taking off thofe Deftroyers ; or, if Cm-look- ers at a diftance, would ferioufly confider, and ingenu- ously declare their opinion, in a particular application of the cafe to themfelves, what they would do in fuch cir- cumftances : I doubt not, but as Charity fhould oblige them to be fparing of their Cenfures,. in a cafe whereof they have no experience; fo Juftice, in refplving this point for themfelves, would conrtrain them to juftify luch extraordinary neceflltated Practices for felf-prefer- vation, in preventing perifhing, by deftroying their De- Itroyers, and move them rather to admire their Pati^ cnce, who have fuffered fb much and folong thofe beafts of prey to devour them, than to cenfure their precipitan- cies, in being conftrained to endeavour to deliver them- felves at iaft from, and put an end to, their Cruelty who did mod annoy them. c Yea (as Naphtalz fays very well)
* It wereimpoffible that rational men, after the feeling c of fo fore grievances, and the teaching of fo many and
* fad experiences, fhould flill couch under the burden, c and fubmit themfelves to the yoke of fuch vile apoftate c Upftarts and bloody Villains, and not rather acquit
* themfelves like men, by pulling offthefe vizards, under c which they mask rheir Villanies and clock their Vio- € lence ; and plucking them out of that Sanctuary of Loy- € alty, and Refuge of Authority, which they do not € more pretend than profane by all their horrid Rebelli- € ons againft God, and cruet Murders executed upon the
* Lord's people, to the effect that in the righteous and c deferved punifhment of thefe wicked men, both the fin
* of the Land might be fitted, and the fierce Anger of
* the Lord averted, Naph.ftrft Edit.pag. 134.' Never- thelefs fuch lawful, and (as one would think) laudable Attempts, for cutting off fuch Monfters of Nature, beafts efprey> burdens to the earth, as well as enemies to the Commonwealth, are not only condemned as Murders and horrid AfTaffinations, but criminally and capitally punifhed as fuch. And upon this account, the Sufferings of fuch, as have left a Cocviftion upon the Confcicnces
of
of judgment by private men* 649
of all that knew them, of their honefty, integrity, fbund- nefs in the principles, and ferioufneis of the practice of Religion, have been feveral, fingular, and fignally fe- vere, and owned of the Lord, to the admiration of all fpectators ; fome being cruelly tortured and executed to the death, for efTayiug fuch execution of Judgment, as Mr. Mitchel; ethers for accomplifhing it, as Mr. Hackfion of Rathillet, and others, who avowed their accefficn to the cutting off that Arch-traitor Sharp, Prelate of St. An- drews ; and others, for not condemning that and the like acts of juitice, tho* they were as innocent of the fads as the Child unborn. The foregoing hiftorical Reprefenta- tion of the matters of fad, doth clear the circumftanccs of the actions ; which, if ever any of that nature per- formed by private men without publick Authority, could be juftified, will at ieaft demur the condemning of them. For, the men, or rather monftcrs, thus removed, had not only been perjured Apoftates from, and conjured E- nemics againft God, in a Confpiracy with the Devil, to deftroy the Reformation, and the Remnant that profeP- fed it, affronted Blafphemers, perfidious Betrayers of the Country, and Enemies to the Commonwealth, malig- nant Incendiaries, and habitual Murderers of many of the Lord's people, who, for many notorious Crimes, had forfeited their lives to juftice; but were infolently profe- cuting their murdering defies, informing the Council, and instigating them againft innocent people to deftroy them utterly, procuring from them bloody Orders to fparc none, but cut off all who might fall into their hands, and vigoroufly and vigilantly with all violence purfuing their murdering Mandates, both in their own perfons, and by Villains, whom they hounded out as Intelligencers to ^et^ and to give notice where any of thofe people might be detected, whom they vowed (and avowed a defign) to deftroy, when in the heat and he.'^ht of their Rage they were cutoff. The Actors were noways/z<&- ie& ' to them, nor any other way related, than declared and independent Enemies are to one another, having re- nounced all relation to them and their Matters, as Magi- flrates and their Superiors ; and w'ere in no terms of pace with them, but maintaining an hoftile opposition,
and
6 50 Of extraordinary execution
and carrying, without cefTation, Arms to rcfift them ; an & when they got that advantage over them, that thefe E- nemies were fceking againft them, they declared folemn- iy to them, and died, declaring it to the world, that they were not moved out of private revenge for perfbnal inju- ries they had done againft 'themfelves ; but being touch- ed with the zeal of God, love to their Country, refpeft to Juftice trampled upon by Tyrants, and for faving themfelves, refcuing their Brethren, and preventing their murdering them, becaufe there were none that would or could execute Juftice upon them legally : therefore they were forced to put forth their hands againft them as E- nemies, with whole prefervation their own could not confift. Their Circumftances were fuch, that they were redacted to the greateft of Extremities, precluding all o- ther human poffibiiity of prefcrving themfelves and their Brethren from the deftru&ion intended, and declaredly refblved, and reftlefly fought and profecuted, by thefe Murderers, being persecuted to the death by them, daily chafed, hunted, way-laid, turned out of their own habi- tations, intercommuned, difcharged and denied all har- bour in any houfe, under the hazard of the fame pains that themfelves were liable to, which was death by the prefent Law, and fo forced to hide in Caves and Dens ; out of which they durft not come forth, i£ it were but to feck tread for themfelves, without eminent danger of their lives; the Country raifing the hue and cry after them, whenfoever they were feen, whereby many were killed as foon as they were apprehended : Hence they could nei- ther efcape in the Land, nor by flight out of the Land, all paftages by fea and land being ftopt,4md none fiiffcred to go any vyherc, without Oriel: examination what they were, which was irapofiible for them to elude : And many o- ther fpecialities of miftry and danger were ingredients in their circumftances, that no words can rcprefent to them that are altogether Grangers to them. Wherefore, in fuch a ftrait and pinch of Perplexity, when they could not otherwife efcape the Fury of thefeFirebrands,nor de- mur and deter the reft of them from an uncontrolled purfuit after the Lives of Innoeents, nor otherwife a- vert the Wrath of God againft the Land for the impu- nity
of judgment by frivate men. 651
©fty of fuch Vcrmine ; and feeing there was no accefs to addrefs themfelves to Magiftrates, who by OrHce are obliged to bring fuch villains to condign punifbment ; and none were found in publick Authority, but fuch as patronized and authorized them ; whom in Confcience they could not acknowledge, and in prudence durft not make application to them for fear of their lives; What could they do? what was left them to deliberate, but to fail upon this extraordinary Courfe, wherein if they have ltumbled into fomc extravagancies, as to the man- ner, who can think it ftrange, considering the Cafe ? But as that is not the debate ; fo as for fuch Ads of ven- geance as are peccant in the matter, and were not cir- cumftantiate, as above rehearfed, being difowned in their publick Declarations^ and the Actors excluded from their Communion, for whom I plead; it were iniquous to impute the fcandal of them to that fuffering People. It is only the fb circumftantiate, Decelerated, extraordi- nary execution of judgment, upon notorioufly grofs ancf grafTant Incendiaries, Tyrants, and terrible murdering Enemies, when there is no living for them, that I vin- dicate. And though the handling of this tender ancf cjuick-fcentedfubject may feem odious to (ome, and my diicourfe upon it as pregnant with an oblique defign to obviate fuch unmerited furmifes, I rnuft fay, it is only the wiping off of fuch Reproaches as reflect on Reli- gion ; the vindication of prererite extraordinary pra&tcef of rhis nature ; the inveftigation of prefent dury wirh rc- fpect to future Emergencies ; and the reftraining all Ex- travagancies incident on this Head, that I intend. How- ever this may be exploded by this generation, as odious and uncouth Do&rine ; ycty in former periods of this Church, it hath been maintained with courage, and af- ferted with confidence. How the ancient Scotsy even af- ter they received the Christian Faith, ferved rheir Ty- rants and OppreiTors, how in the beginning of the Re- formation, the killing of the Cardinal], and of David ici- ZW, were and are generally to this day juftified, and what was the judgment and pleading of cur Reformers for practicing this principle againft Idolaters, &V. needs pot be here repeated I Mr. Knox's Judgment in parties
iar
6$& Of extraordinary Execution
*ar is before declared, and will be further difcovered, if weconiider how he refented his flacknefs, in putting people to execute judgment in thefe words, infert in Se- cond Part of the Cloud of JVitnejfesy p. 60. c For God (faid c he) had not only given me knowledge, and a tongue to
* make known the impiety of the Idol, but had given c me Credit with many, who would have put in execu-
* tion Gods Judgments, if I would only have confcn- c ted thereto: but (b careful was I of the common Tran-
* cjuility, and loath was I to offend fome, that in fecret
* conference with zealous men, I travelled rather to € flacken that fervency God had kindled in them, than c to animate and encourage them to put their hands to
* God's Work ; wherein I acknowledge myfelf to have
* done moft wickedly, and from the bottom of my heart € I do ask God pardon, that I did not what in me lay
* to have fuppreifed that Idol from the beginning.- But the preceeding hiftorical Reprefentation doth abundantly demonftrate this is no Novelty, to aiTert, That when the ruin of the Country, fupprcfllon of Religion, deltruftion of the Remnant profeiTing and fuffering for it, and the Wrath of God is threatned in, and for the impunity of Idolaters and Murderers, that by the Law of God and Man fhould die the death; and fuppof;ng always fuch as are in publick Office not only decline their duty, but encourage thofe deftroycrs, yea authorize them them- selves, we may not only maintain defenfive Remittance according to our Capacity, but endeavour alfo vindictive and punitive force in executing judgment upon them in cafes of neceflhy, as before circumstantiate. And I am the more confident to affert it, that what I fay cannot be condemned, till firft what our Reformers have proven be confuted. However, to endeavour to make it fbmc- what clear, I fhall firft premit fome AflTertions, to clear the ftateof the Qaeftion; and then give fbme Rcafons for it, when clearly iiated.
Firft. It will be needful for clearing our way, to fhew what length we may warrantably go in this matter of executing judgment, in our private capacity, in extraor- dinary cafes of neceffiry, byfetting down fbme proposi- tions
of Judgment by private Men. ^5?
dons negative and policive, fignifying what we difown* aod what we own in this point.
I. What we difown, may appear in thefe AfTertiony, I. No Neceilicy nor Circumftancc fuppolible wbat- foever, can juftity the Murder of the Righteous or Inno- cent, or vindicate the unlawful taking away of their Lives direiUy, or indirectly, immediately, or mediate- ly, which in thought as well as deed we rauft abhor, as a horrid breach of the Sixth Command. The guilt where- of may be incurred feveral ways ; as by killing them im- mediately, as Cain did his Brother .4&f/ ; or commanding chem to be killed, as Saul commanded Doeg to kill the Lord's Priefts ; or contriving their Murder, as David did Uriahs, and Jezabel Saboths ', or counfelling thereunto, as the people advifcd the Princes to the Murder of Jeremi- ah, and all that cried Crucify Jefus were Murderers of Chrift; or by procuring it, as Haman was guilty of the intended Murder of the Jews ; or concurring therein, as Joab was guilty of Uriah's death as well as David, and Judas of Chrift's by betraying him } or by the Patro- ciny thereof, defending and fparing the Murderers, when called, by OfHce, to punifh them, as David was guilty in not punifhing Joab, Ahab in patronizing the Murder of Ifaboth; or by conferring thereunto, as Saul contented to the death of Stephen', or by knowing and permitting, and conniving at it^ as is condemned, Prov. xxiv. II, 12. Whether this be done under of colour of Law, as Pilate murdered our Lord, Herod killed James \ or without all colour, by abfolute Power, as Herod the Afcahnite mur- dered the infants; or whether it be done by purpofe, as Joab murdered Abner and Amafa', or without previous purpofe, yet with knowledge of the Action in the per- petrating ofit, as men may do in paflion, when pro- voked befide their purpofe, or in a Tumult, without in- tending it beforehand; yet that is Murder; Barabhas committed Murder in the Infurre&ion. For, as for ca- fual killing, contrary to intention, without knowledge, that's no breach of the Command. And, whatever may be faid of neceflita ted delivering up the Innocent, pur- fued by a potent Enemy, to deliver the City from his fury ; or of preferring our own life to our innoceot neigh- bour.
6 54 Gf extraordinary Execution
boor, in a cafe when both cannot be preferved, and By preferving the one lawfully, the other happens to lofe his life; 1 do not meddle with thefc Cafes. But flnce this istakeo forgrautcd by Cafuifts, I infer, If it be lawful that an innocent man die in cafe of neceflity, that others may be preferved; then much more is it lawful, that the nocenr, who are guilty of murdering the Righteous allthefe ways above-fpecified, and actually profecuting their murdering deiigns by thefe methods, fhould ra- ther be made to dic^ than the Righteous \>c deftroyed. But of this fort of Murder, taking away the life of the Righteous, none hath the impudence to accufc that re- proached People.
2. Tho' a man kill an innocent unwittingly and un- willingly, beijdes his knowledge and againft his will; yec he may be guilty of finlui homicide, if he was obliged to know that he was in hazard of it, and ne- gUHed to conllder, left a man might be killed by what he was doing: as if a man fhould fhoot at random, when he doth not know but fome may be killed there- by ; or if one were hewing with an ax, which he ei- ther knew or might have known to be loofe, and the head not well fattened to the helve, did not advert ife thofe about him of it; if by flying off it happened to kill any perfon, he were not innocent, but if he knew not without any inadvertency, then he were guiltlefs, DeuU xix. 5. See, Durham on 6. Com. So if a man built a houfe without battlementsy he fhould bring blood upon his houfe, if any man fell from thence, Beut* xxii. 8, But of this the cjueftion is not.
2. Though a perfon be not altogether ianocent, nof to be reckoned among the Righteous; but fiippofe him wicked and profane, and engaged in an evil courfe, dif- honourable to God, prejudicial to the Church and King- dom > and very injurious to us; yet it may be murder to Id 11 him> if he be not guilty of Crimes that deferve death by the Law of God : for the life of man is not fubje&ed to the arbitrement of any, but his who is the Author of life and death ; it is necefTary to all to obey the Law, Thou palt not killy without exception, but fuch killing as i$ ap proven by the Author of the Law, as faith Ames.
of judgment by private Men, 65$
i)* Confcientia> cap 31. quefi. 2, Hence, this people fo much reproached with extravagant aclions, do abundant- ly clear themfelves of that imputation of being of the mind to kill all that differ from them, which was the impudent forgery of the father of lies, in their Informa- tory Vindication^ Head 3. pag. 544. c We pofitively difown € (fay they) as horrid murder, the killing of any becaufc c of a different perfuafion or opinion from us, albeit € fome have invidioufly caft this odious calumny upon c us.' And it is as clear, they that took the Oath of Ab- juration fwore a lie, when they abjured the Apologetkal Declaration^ in fo far as it afferted it was lawful to kill all imployed in the King's fervice, when it afferted no fuch thing, as is (hewed above Head 3. To think fo much, let be to declare it, far more to praclife fuch a thing againft all that fcrved the King, or any merely, becaufc they ferved him, or becaufe they arc in a wick- ed courfe, or becaufe they have oppreffed us, were abo- minable : for thefe things limply do not make men guilty of death, to be punifhed capitally by men accord- iug to the Law of God. But when they are Rated in fuch oppofition to us, and ferve the Tyrant's murdering Mandates by all thofe ways above fpecified ; then wc may, by the Law of God and Nature and Nations, de- frroy, flay, and caufe to perifh, and avenge ourfclves on them that would affault us, and are feeking our deitru- tfioo: as it was lawful for the Jews to do with Ham an % EmifTaries, Efth. v'uu 11, 13. and ix. I, 2, 5. This charge then cannot reach the cafe.
4. Though Murderers, and fuch as are guilty of death by the Law of God, muft be punifhed by death; for he thai peddeth mans blood, by man pall h'n blood beped,: yet it may be murder for a man to kill another, becaufe he thought him fo criminal, and becaufe he thought it his duty, being moved by a pretended Enthufiaftical Impulfty in imitation of the extraordinary actions of fuch as were really moved by the Spirit of God. As wrhen fames and 'John would have commanded fire to come down to con- fume the Samaritans, the Lord rebuked them, faying, Te know not what manner offpirifye are of for the Son of Idan is not c*me to deflroy mens lives} but to fave ihem%
Luk*
^5^ Of extraordinary execution
Lufoix. 54— 56. Such impulfes bad need to fee
well examined, for ordinarily they will be found not confident with a Gofpcl-fpirit, which is always avcrfe from ads of cruelty. Blind zeal fometimes may incite men to fearful work : yea the Perfecuters have often moft of that fpirit, as our Lord foretels, The time cometh, that whofoever killeth you (ball think that he doth Godfervkey JohnxvLz. Paul, in his Pharifaical zeal, breathed out Slaughter againft the Difciples. And Satan can drive men under fcvcral colours, to aft fuch things, as he did the Boors inGermanyy and John of hey den and his Follow- ers, whofe practices are defervedly detefled by all that have any fpark of Chriftianity or Humanity: for if this were efpoufed as a principle, there would be no fecurity for mens lives. But hence it cannot be concluded, that God may not animate fome to fome rare enterprizes, for the cutting off of Tyrants and their bloody Emiffaries, Incendiaries, Deftroyers of innocent people, and putting an end to, and flopping the career of their Murders, in a time of real extreme necefluy, the matter of the acti- on being uncjueftionably lawful, their ends and intenti- ons really good and commendable, their being alfo a de- ficiency of others to do the work, and themfelves in fome probable capacity for it. See Jus Popuh cap. 20. fag. 4JO. Neither can it be denied, but true zeal may fometimes incite people to fuch exploits for the pre- fervation of Religion and Liberty, their own lives and Brethren, all like to be deftroyed by the impunity of beafts of prey. This will be found very confident with a Gofpel-fpirit : and though this principle be afTerted, and alfo put in pra&ice ; all perfons, notwithstanding thereof would have fufficient fecurity for their lives, ex- cept fuch as have really forfeited their lives by all law of God and man. Thofe t}iat are led by impulfes, may pretend the imitation of extraordinary examples, and a- bufe them ; yet hence it will not follow, that in no cafe thele extraordinary examples may be imitated. Shall the examples of good Magiftrates, executing juftice on I- dolaters and Murderers,"be altogether unimitable, be- eaufe Tyrants abufe them in perfecuting the innocent?' If this arguing were good, it would make all virtuous
aftioB*
of judgment by private Men. 6$j
aflions in the world unimitablc ; for thefe may be abu- fkd by Pretenders. See Jus Popul. ubi fupra, pag. 412. But it cannot be charged upon the Sufferers upon this head, that they had nothing to give as the rcafons of their anions, but pretexts of Enthufiafms,
5. Though a man be really fo criminal, as that he de- fences death by the Law of God and man ; yet it may be murder to kill him, if we do not certainly know it, and can prove it, and convicl him of ic upon trial : for no man mull be killed not indicted or the caufe unknown. Thus even Magiifrates may murder Murderers, when they proceed againfi: them without probation or cogni- tion according to law, far more private perfons. Thus the Abiezrites would have murdered Gideony not only un- juftly, for his duty of throwing down the Altar of Baa!y but illegally; becaufe they would had him brought ouc that he might die without any further trial, Judg. vi. £9, 30. So iikewife the Jews that banded and bound them- fclves under a curfe to kill Paul before he was tried> would have murdered him, not only unjuftly for his du- ty, but illegally before he was tried, AHs xxiii. 12. But this doth not condemn the actions of thofe Sufferers, irt maintaining the necefTary execution of judgment, upon perfons who are notorious Murderers, yea, profefTmg a trade and profecuting habitually a tract of continued murdering the people of the Lord.
6. Tho' itfhould be certainly known, and fufficiently proven, that a man is a Murderer, &V. yet it were Mur- der for an Inferior, under a relation of fubje&ion to him, to kill him, as long as that fubje&ion were acknowledg- ed : for, whenibever the common and mutual right or relation, either Natural, Moral, Civil, or Religious, to the prejudice or fcandal of the Church, or State, or par- ticular perfons, is broken by killing any perfon, thac is Murder, tho* the perfon killed deferve to die. As if A Subject fliould kill an acknowledged King, a Son ny Na- ture or in Law fhould kill his natural or le^al Father, «* Servant fhould kill his Mafter, breaking thefe relations, while their right and tie were acknowledged, (as fame of them muft frill be acknowledged as long as the Corre- lates continue in being, to wit, that of a Father is not
T 1 fcrskca
6 5 8 Of extraordinary execution
Bvqken by his becoming a Murderer) and to tbe danger* detrimcrir, and fcandal of the Church and State ; that were properly AJfajfination : for AJfaJJines are they, who being fubjeft to others, either out of their own head, for their own-ends, or by command of their Superiors, kill their Superiors, or fuch as they command them to kill, as Alfiedius defcribes them, Theol. Caf. cap. 18. de homicid. reg. 55. Therefore David would not kill Saul, becaufe he acknowledged him to be the Lord's Anointed, to whom he was under a relation of fubjection , and be- caufe he was his Mailer and Father in Law, and becaufe it would have tended to the hurt of the Kingdom, and in- volved it in combuftions and contentions about the Succef- lion, and prejudged his own right, as well as to the (can- da! of the people of God, tho' Saul deferved otherwife to be capitally punifhed. So Ijbhopeth was killed by Baanah and Rechab^ZSam. iv. 7. fojozachar and Jehozabad, who killed yoafi, 2 Kings xii. 21. were punifhed as Murde- rers, cap. xiv. 6. becaufe they were his fervants, and did sfTairinate him to whom they were fubjeft : fo the fer- vants of Amen were punifhed by the people, as Con- fpiratorsagainft their King and Maftcr, 2 Kings xxi. 25, 24. though Amon deferved to have been punifhed as well as Amatiah was. Hence generally it is ob- ferved by fome, that tho' right be given to ccjuals or iliperiors, to bring their nearer! relations to condign pu- rnfhment, when they turn enticers to Idolatry, Deut.xiiu 6. Yet no Right or Law, upon any caufc or occafion what- Ibever, is given to inferiors, as Children, &c. to punifh their Fathers. See Pool. Synop. Critic, in locum. However it be, this cannot condemn the taking off of notorious Murderers, by the hand of fiich as were no way fubjeft r^or related to them ; but as enemies, who, in extreme tieceffity, executed righteous Judgment upon them, with- out prejudice of the true, nccefTary, and chief good of the Church and Commonwealth, or of any particular per- ion's jure right and fecurity, as Naphtali qualifies it,pag> fe2, 25. firfi Edition.
7 Tho* the matter of the Action were juft, and the Murderer fuch a perfon as we might punifh, without any breach of relative Obligatigns 01 Duties. ; yet the man~
°f judgment by private men* 6 5)
her may aggravate it to fome degree of Murder ; if it be done fecretly, when it may be execute publickly, or fuddenly and precipitantly , when ic may be done deli- berately, without rufhing upon fuchan Aclion, or hurry- ing the Murderer to Eternity ; as this alio might have had fome weight with David not to murder Saul fecretly an J fuddenly in the Cave, or when he wasjleeping ', Co Ifbbo- fieth, and yoafby and Amort were murdered ; or if it be done fubtilly, when it may be performed in more plaia and fair dealing; or treachcroufly, under colour of friend- fhip; or cruelly without regard to humanity; and cfpeci- ally when the A&ors are at peace with the perfon, whole blood they Ihed, as Joah fied the blood of war in peacey I Kings ii. 5. in killing Abner and Amafa fo craftily and cruelly; and Abfalom made his fervants afTaffinate Am- nony 2 Sam. xiii. 28, 29. But this cannot be charged up- on them who executed righteous Judgment, as publick- ly, deliberately, and calmly, as the extraordinary exi- gence of prcfling neceflky, in extremity of danger, could allow, upon notorious Murderers, with whom they were in open and avowed terms of hoftHity.
8. Tho' the manner alfo be inculpable ; yet if the principle and motive of killing, even thofe that deferve to dky be out of malice, hatred, rage, or revenge, for private or perfonal injuries, it is Murder. For the affc&ion and intention doth make one and the fame aclion of taking away the life, homicide or no homicide as Lex Rex faith guefl. 31. Pag. 338. If a man out of hatred deliberately take away another mans life, he is in fo far a Murderer ; but if that feme man had taken away the others life, by the flying off of his ax head, he neither hating him before, nor intending to hurt him, lie is no Murderer by God's exprefs Law, allowing Ci- ties of refuge for the one, and not for the other, Deut. iv. 42. Deut. xix. 4. &c. private revenge is indignity to God, whole it is to take vengeance, Deut, xxxii. 35. Rom. xii. 19. Dearly beloved avenge not your/elves, for vengeance is the Lords. For which caufe Jacob curies Simeon and Levi their Murder of the Shechemites \ for in their anger they flew a many Gen. xlix. 6. 7. So David would »ot put forth his hand againft Sauh iov his own
TtS private
:66o Of extraordinary execution
private and perfonal quarrel. So Joab killed Ahmr9 and Abfalom Amon. But this doth not make the exe- cution of Judgment, out of zeal for God, refpecl to Rightcoufnefs, love to the Nations Intercity and care to- preferve the pcrfecutcd people of God from imminent deftru&ion, upon publick Enemies,. Incendiaries, thac arc trampling upon all thefe precious Interefts, and threatning the utter ruin of them, and in a particular manner their deitru&ion who thus prevent them.
5>. Tho* the Motive or Caufe were upon a publick ac- count, yet it may be murder to have a wrong end in it : as either to incend fimply the Deftru&ion of the perfba on whom they execute Judgment, as the end to which all their Action is direcled, or to make their own Ad- vantage or Honour the end of the Aflion. Thus David would not kill Sau!> becaufe it might have been thought fee did it to obtain the Kingdom, of which he was right- ful SuccefTor : and defcrvedly he punifhed the Amalekztey that brought news of his killing Saul \ and Baanah and Rechab, for their killing Ifibofteth> thinking thereby to advance themielves at David's Court. So alio Joah mur- dered Amafa to fecure himfelf in the General's Place. And Jehu> though upon the Matter he executed righte- ous Judgment, his end was only himfclf, it is condem- ned as Murder. But when the Execution of righteous Judgment is both formally intended by the A&ors, and natively and really doth conduce to the Glory of God, the Prefervation of the Remnant threatned to be deftroy- ed by thefe Murderers, the fuppreffing of Impiety, doing of Juftice, turning away Wrath, and removing of pre- lent, and preventing of future judgments, then ic may be duty, Napbtatty Pag. 23. fivfi edition.
10. Tho' the end alfo were not culpable ; yet it may fee murder to kill Criminals by tranfgreffing the Sphere of our Vocation^ and ufurping upon the Magiftrate's Sword : for he, by Office, is a Revenger, to execute Wrath upon him that doth evil, Rom. xffi. 4. none mud make ufe of the fword of vindictive J uftice, but he to whom the Lord givcth it; therefore they that came to take Chrift are condemned and threatned for this, Matth. xxvi. 52, All they that take the /word, (ballferifi with the
fimdr.
of judgment hy private Men. 66 1
fsvord. The God of Order hath aiiigned to every Man his Station and Calling, within the bounds whereof he fhould keep, without tranfgrefling by defeft or excefs, let every man abide in the fame calling wherein he was cal- ledy I Cor. vii. £0. andfadyto he quiet ■> and do his own Mufinefsy I Theff. iv. Ii. Therefore David would not kill Saul, becaufe he would have done it beildc his calling* And therefore the killing of foafo and Amon was Mur- der, becaufe the Aflaflines did tranfgrefs their Vocation, But when notorious Incendiaries do not only tranfgrefs their Vocation, but the Limits of human Society, and turn open Enemies to God and Man, deftroying the in- nocent, making havock of the Lord's heritage, and vaunt- ing of their Villanies, and boafting of their Wickednefs, and thereby bringing Wrath upon the Land if fuch Ef- frontries of Infblence fhould pafs unpunifhed, and when fhere is no Magiftrate to do that work of Juftice, but all in that Place are airt and part with them, Patrons and Defenders of them ; yea, no Magiftrate that can be ac- knowledged as a Mmifter of God to be applied unto; in that Cafe, it is not a tranfgreflion of our Vocation, nor an Ufurpation upon the Magistrates, where there is none, to endeavour to avert Wrath, by executing righteous Judgment. Otherwife, if for fear, or Sufpicion of the accidental hazard of private Mens ufurping the Office, or doing of the duty of publick Perfons, every virtuous ac- tion which may be abufed fhall be utterly negle&ed9 Impiety fhall quickly gain univerfal Empire, to the ex- termination of all Goodnefs, Naphtali, Pag. 24. firfh edi- tion* To clear this, it muft be confidered, that a Man's calling is two-fold ; his particular calling, whereunto in the ordinary Courfe of things he is regularly confined ; and his general calling, not circumfcribed by particular Rules, which from the common Obligation of the end for which all callings are inftitute, in the clear exigence of an extraordinary emergent, according to the general Rules of Righteoufnefs, bind to an agreeable Practice : Therefore Circumftances may fometimes fo diverilfy ac- tions, that what in the ordinary and undifturbed State of things would be accounted an excefs of our particular calling, and an Ufurpation, in an extraordinary Occur- rence
66% Of exlraovdindYy execution
rence may become a necefTary Duty of our general cab- ling.
II. Tho* it were no Ufurpation beyond our calling; yet it may be murder, to kill any without tkc Call of God in a cafe of neceffity, either in the immediate Defence of Life, or though it be in the remote when the hazard is unavoidable. Everything mult have God's Call in its feafon to make it duty, fb alfo the time of killings EccleC iii. 3, For want of this, David would not kill Saul. JLex Rex faith excellently to this Queft. 31. pag* 329, 330. 1 David might have killed Saul when he was flceping, c and when he cut ofFthe lap ci his Garment, but it was c unlawful for him to kill the Lord's anointed, as it is € unlawful to kill a Man becaufe he is the Image of God,
* Gen. ix. 6\ except in cafe ofneceflity, David having
€ Saul in his hand, was in a remote pofture of Defence, c the unjuft Invafion then was not adtual, nor unavoid- c able, nor a neceiTary mean in human Prudence for felfc c prefervation ; for King Saul was not in an aclual pur-
* fuit of the whole Princes, Elders, Community of If* c vael ; Saul did but feck the Life of one Man Davidy
* and that not for Religion, or a National pretended K Offence, and therefore he could not, in confeience, put
* hands on the Lord's anointed; but iiSaul had aclually c invaded David tor his Life, David might, in that Cafe,
* make ufe of Goliath's fword, (for he took not that wea-
* pon a* a cypher to boaft Saul) and rather kill than be *. killed:' Thus he. By a Call here, we do not mean an exrrefs or immediate Call from God, fuch as the Pro- phets might have to their extraordinary Executions of Judgments, as Samuel and Elijah had to kill Agag and BaaU Prophets; but cither the Allowance of man, then there is no queftion about it; or if that cannot be had, as in the cafe eircumftantiate it cannot, then the provi- dential and moral Call of extreme Neceffity, for Prefer- vation of our Lives, and preventing the Murder of our Brethren, may warrant an extraordinary executing of righteous Judgment upon the Murderers. $4en may have a Call to a necefTary duty, neither every way me- diate nor immediate, as the Call of running together to guenchi a Sre in a, Ci^y, when Magiftratcs through Wicr
ktdncft
of judgment hy private man. 66 3
fcednefs or Negligence, will not, or do not, call people forth unto that work ; they have not Man's call, nor an immediate call from Heaven, yet they have a lawful Call from God: fo they do not intrude upon the Magi- ftrate's Office, nor want they a call to this Execution of Judgment, who do materially that Work for that exi- gent which Magifixates, by Office, were bound to do, being called thereto by God, by Nature, and the call of inevitable Neceffity, which knowcth no human Law, and to which fbme Divine pofitive Laws will cede. Jm populi. chap £G. pag. 423.
12. Tao' this be a Principle of reafon and natural Ju- ftice, when ail the fore-mentioned Circumftanccs arc clear, that it is lawful for private perfons to execute righ- teous judgment, upon notorious Incendiaries, and mur- dering publick Enemies, in Cafes of Neceflify; yet ic might be a finful Breach of the Sixth Command, to draw extraordinary Examples of it to an ordinary Pra- ctice in killing all who might be found Criminal, and would defcrve Death by the Law, as all that have fer- ved under a Banner of Tyranny and Violence, difplayed againft God and his People, to the ruin of the Reforma- tion, wafting of the Country, OpprefTion of many honeil Families, and Dcftruclion of many innocent People, are and would be found guilty of murder ; as the chief Cap- tain would have truly alledged Paul to have been a mur- derer, if he had been the Egyptian which made an Up- roar, and let out four thoufand men that were murderers, Act. xxi. 38. As for the vulgar and ordinary fort of chofe Vermine of Varlets, it is of no Advantage for oppreficJ people to foul their fingers upon them, wken their Slaughter would not put a flop to, but rather increafe, the deflru&ion of the people of God', and were unlaw- ful to prevent and anticipate the due and legal execution of 'juftice, where there is any profpeel or expectation of its running in its right channel. But for the chief and principal Riftg-lcaders, aad common publick and habitual Incendiaries, aad Maflers of the trade of mur- dering the Lord's people, when there is no other way of being rid of their rage, and preferving ourfelves, and f reventiag the dcftru&io* of our Brethren, we may tn
tka*
66$ Of extraordinary execution
that cafe of neceffity make publkk examples of them, iiv an extraordinary procedure againft them, that may be, moft anfwerable to the Rules of the ordinary procedure oi juftice, and in imitation of the hcroick actions re- corded and juftified in the word of God, in the like ex- traordinary cafes ; which are imitable, when the mat- ter of their actions is ordinary, that is, neither preter- natural nor fupernatural, though the occafion was lingu- lar, juft and neceiTary, both by Divine precept, and as a mean to good and necelTary ends, and when there is no other to do the work, nor any profpeft of accefs to ju- ilice in its ordinary and orderly courfe, nor poffibility of fufpending it till that can be obtained. We need not then any other call than a fpirit of holy zeal for God, and for cur own and our Brethrens prefervation, in that pinch of extremity. We do not hold thefe extraordinary actions for regular and ordinary precedents, for all times and perfons univerfally : which if people fhould fancy, and heed more the' glory and fame of the aftion, than the found and fblid rule of the Scriptures, they may be tempted and carried to fearful extravagancies. But they may be warrants for private perjfbns in their doing of thefe things, in an extreme neceflity, to which at other times they are not called. And when the Lord, with whom is the refidue of the Spirit, doth breathe up- on his people, more or fewer, to the exciting of more than ordinary zeal,* for the execution of juftice upon fuch Adverfaries, we fhould rather afcribe Glory and Praife to him, whofe hand is not fhortened, but many times choofeth the weak and foolifli things of the world to confound the mighty and the wife, than condemn his in- ftruments for doing fuch things, Naph. pag. 24-, 25. prior Edit.
Ail thefe cafes, which are all I can think on at prefent, comprehending all that may any way] infer the guilt of murder, I have collected 5 to the end I may conclude this one argument, and leave it to be confidered : If this extraordinary executing of judgment , upon notorious In- cendiaries and murdering publick enemies, by private perfons, in the circumftances above declared, cannot be ixducecl to any cafe that can infer, the guilt of murder ;
then
tff judgment by private Men* 66 5
then it cannot be condemned, but juftified: but this ex- traordinary executing of judgment:, &v. cannot be re- duced to any cafe thaccan infer the guilt of murder, (as will apear by the induction of all of them) : therefore^ this extraordinary executing of judgment, &c* cannot be condemned, but juitihed.
II. In the next place, What we own may be done warrantably in taking away the life of men without breach of the Sixth Command, will appear by thefe proportions and arTerticns, which will bring the mat- ter to the prefent circumftantiatc cafe.
1. It is certain, though the command be indefinitely exprefled, it doth not prohibitc all killing, but only that which is condemned in other explicatory commands. Our Lord Jefus, repeating this Command, explains it by
expreiiing it thus, Matth. xix. lS. -Thou [halt ?iot
murder. And if any be lawful, it is granted by all, that is, which is unavoidable by the invincible neceility of Providence, when a man following his duty doth that which befide and contrary his intention, and without a- ny previous negleA or overilght in him, proveth the hurt and death of another, in which cafe he was allow- ed to flee to the city of refuge by the Law of God. Whence, if that phyfical ncceflity did juftify that kind of killing, fhall not a moral necefllty every way invin- cibly unavoidable (except we fuffer ourfelves and our Brethren to be deftroyed by beafts of prey) vindicate this kind, in an extraordinary extremity, when the Murderers are protected under the fconce of pretended authority l In which cafe the Law of God would allow deliberate Murderers fhould be purfued by the Avenger of blood, and not to have liberty to flee to thefe fubter- fuges and pretexts of authority, (mere tyranny), but to be taken from the horns of fuch altars, and be put to death, as Mr. Mitchel&ys in vindicating his own action, in a Letter dated Feb. 1674.
2. It is lawful to take the life of known and convic- ted Murderers by publick juftice: yea, it is indifpenfibly neceffary by the Law of God, and no mercy nor pardoo of the Magiftrate may intcrpofc to fpare them \ for. Who* fo kilktb any per/on) the Murderer pall be put to death by
the
$65 Of extraordinary execution
tie mouth of Witnejfes Tefiall take no fatisfaBhn
for the life of a Murderer — ; but he pall furely be
put to death, he \yas not to be admitted to the benefit of any refuge : and the reafon is, Blood defies the Land, and the Land cannot be cleanfed of the blood that is feed therein, hut by the blood of him that fied it. Numb. xxxv. 30, 31, 32, 33. Hence, if it be fo neceflary to clcanfc the land> then when the M4giftrate is not only negligent in his duty, but turns a Patron and Protcflor of iuch Murder- ers, and imploys them as his EmifTaries to murder and deftroy, it cannot be expected he fliould cleanfe the land, for then he fhould free it of the burden of himfclf, and begin with himfelf: therefore then there rauil be more incumbent upon private perfons, touched with the zeal of God, than at another time. And as Mr. Knox, in his conference with Queen Mary, fays, c They that c in the fear of God execute judgment, where God hath c commanded, offend not God, though Kings do it not; and adduces the examples of Samuel killing Agag, Elias killing the Prophets of Baal, and ofphineas killing Zim- riand Cozbi.
3. It is lawful for private perfons to kill their unjuft Aflaulters,in defending themfclves againft their violence, and that both in the immediate defence of our life againft an immediate aflault, in the inftant of the aflault, and alfo in a remote defence of ourfelvcs, when that is as ne- ceflTary as the firft; and there is no other way of efca- ping the deHrudlion intended by Murderers, either by flight or refinance ; then it is lawful to prefervc ourfelves by taking advantages to cut them off.
4 It isia wful in a juft war to kill the eacrny ; yea in the defensive war of private fubjecls, or a part of the Com- monwealth, againft their oppreffing Tyrants, as is pro- ven, Head 5. Where fevcral of the Arguments ufed to c- vince that Truth will confirm this \ as namely, thofe Ar- guments taken from the peoples p«wer in Reformation, and thofe taken from the hazard of partaking of others fjn and judgment : For, if all the Magiftrates, fupreme and fuhordinate, turn principal patrons and patterns of all abominations, and perfecutors and deftroyers of the people for nor complying with themj then the people arc ■ ' uo%
of judgment by private men* 661
Bat only under an obligation to refift them ; but feeing o- the; wife they would be liable to their fin, in fuffermg them thus to trample on Religion, and the Intereits of God as well as their own, in order to turn away the Wrath of God, it is incumbent upon them to vindicate FLeligion, and reform the Land from thefe Corrupcions, in an endeavour to bring thofe malignant enemies of God, and deftroyers of the people, to condign punifhment, thac the heads of the people being hanged up before the Lord again ft. the fun , the fierce anger of the Lord may be turned away from the Land> Numb, xxv. 4. In this cafe, as Buchanan fays of a Tyrant, De jureregni, c A lawful War being * once undertaken with fuch an enemy as a Tyrant is, e- c very one out of the whole multitude of mankind may iffault, with all the calamities of war, a Tyrant, who 1 is a publick Enemy, with whom all good men have a c perpetual warfare. ' And tho* the war be not always a&ually profceute in a hoftile manner, yet, as long as peace is not concluded and the war ceafed, they that have the juft fide of the quarrel may take advantages, in re- moving and taking off, (not every fingle foldier of the contrary fide, for that would contribute nothing to their prevailing in the end) but the principal Jnftruments and Promoters of the war, by whole fall the offending fide would fuffer great lofs, and the defending would be great gainers. Soptel killing Sifera^Jabins Captain-General, is greatly commended. Now this was the cafe of the Sufferers upon this head, as Mr. Mitchel, one of them, re- prefents it, in his fore-cited Letter, c I being (fays he) a * foldier, not having laid down my arms, but ftill upon c my own defence, having no otherend nor quarrel at any 1 man ■ befides the profecution of the ends of the
c Covenant, particularly the overthrow of Prelates and c Prelacy', and I being a declared enemy to him (that is c Sharp) on rhat account, and he to me in like manner,
c I never found my felf obliged to fez a Ccntinel at
c his door for his fafcty ; but as he was always to take c his advantage, as it appeareth, fo I of him to rake any c opportunity offered : Moreover, we beins; in no rerms * pf Capitulation, but on the contrary, I, by his Inftiga-
tion
66 8 Of extraordinary execution
c tion, being excluded from all Grace andFavour^houghtl * it my duty to purfue him at all occafions.'
5. It is lawful to kill enemies in the refcue of our Bre- thren, when they are keeping them in bondage, and re- ferving them for a facrihee to the fury of Tyrants, or leading them forth to the flaughter, or in the time of a- fling their murdering Violence upon them : Then, to break Prifons, beat up Garrifons,furprife the Murderers, and kill them in the refcue of our innocent Brethren, is very lawful, according to that Command, Vrov. xxiv. II, 12. and thepraftice of Mofes, who feeing one of his brethren fuffering wrong, he defended him, and avenged him that was oppreJTed, and flew the Egyptian, ABs vii. 24. For that is a certain Truth, which Grotius faith in locum, The Law of Nature gives a Right to an In- nocent, and to the Defender of an innocent JPerfon, againfi the guilty offender . Hence, it cannot but be lawful alio, in a cafe pf neceifity, when both ourfelves and our brethren are purfued inceflantly by deftroying Murderers, to a- venge ourfelves on them, and flay them, when there is 110 other way to be rid of their violence,
6. It is lawful to prevent the Murder of ourfelves or our brethren, when no other way is left, by killing the Murderers before they accomplish their wicked defign, if they be habitually profecuting it, and have many times accomplifhed it before. This folio weth upon the other ; and upon this account it had been duty for Gedaliah to have fuffered fohanan to flay Ifbmael, and fo prevent the Governor's murder, if it had been certainly known that Ipmael was fent by the King ofAmmon to ailaifmate him, Jer. xl. 14, 15. for nothing is there obje&ed againft the lawfulnefs of the thing, but only it was alledged that he fpoke falfly. Alfiedius afferts this, Theol. Caf. de homicid. reg. 6. fag. 331. It is lawful to -prevent him that would af- fault us, and by preventing to kill him before his invafion, if itbefo necejfary, to prevent him , that our life cannot be 0- therwife defended but by preventing* And hence he jufti- fies that faying, It is lawful to kill him that lieth in wait to murder, ibid. This is all the length that the reproach- ed Sufferers, whom I am vindicating, go, in a/Terting this, Principle, as may be feen in their informatory Vindi- cation.
ef judgment by private menl 669
cation* Head 3. page 544. where they fay, c We maintain « it as both righteous and rational, in defence of our c Lives, Liberties, and Religion, after an orderly ancf « Chriftian manner, to endeavour, by all means lawful c and poffible, to defend ourfelves, refcue our Brethren, c and prevent their murder, in a martial opposition a- € gainft wicked Pcrfecutors, who are feeking to deftroy 1 them and us, and imbrue their hands in our blood, ac-
* cording to the true import of the Apologetical Declara* *tion.% Which is very rational; especially confider-
7. Thefe Murderers, who are thus to be prevented, are fuch whom the Law of God commands to be put to death, and no where allows to befpared, being publick Enemies to /tjod and good men, open Blafphemers, a- vowed Idolaters, affronted Adulterers, notorious Mur- derers, habitual Tyrants, fuppreffing Religion, oppreC fing the Innocent, and profeffing a trade of destroying the Lord's People. Surely, if God hath exprefly in his Laws provided, that Blafphemers, Idolaters, Murderers &V. fhould not be fuffcred to live, he never intended men daily guilty, yea, making profeflion of thefe Crimes, fhould be'ailowed impunity, either by virtue of their Office, or becaufe there is none in Office to execute judg- ment upon them ; but in a cafe of extreme neceflity, chefe Laws will not only allow, but oblige people, dai- ly murdered by them, for their own prefervation, for vindication of Religion, for purging the Land of fuch wiekednefs, for turning away the wrath of God, to pre- vent their profecuting their murdering Defigns any fur- ther, and put a ftop to their Perfecution, by putting an end to their wicked lives : Seeing, as Buchanan fays Be Jure Regniy it is exprefly commanded, c to cut off c wiekednefs and wicked men, without any exception of
* Rank or Degree; and yet in no place of facred Scri- c ture are Tyrants more fpared than private Perfbns** Much Ie(s their bloody EmtfTaries.
Now, feeing all thefe Cafes of Killing I have colle- cted, are jultifiable in Scripture, and none of the Suffer- ers upon this Head, whom I am vindicating, have ex- ceeded in principle or prafticc the amount of thefr
Affer-
■$TQ Of extraordinary Execution
AfTertions, what is faid already may have fome weight *o demur a cenfbrious condemnation of them. But' as \ the True Non~conformiJt well obferves, in anfwer to Dial. \ 7.^.391: Seeing the confederation refulting from the ! concurrence of all circumftances, whereupon the right dignofcing of fuch deeds, when actually exiftent, doth jnolily depend, doth more contribute to the clearing and f>affing a judgment on a cafe of this nature, when the whole contexture is expofed to certain examination, than to fct down general Rules directive of fuch Practices (which yet will all juftify this in qucftion) therefore to clear the cafe further, ail may be rcfoived into this ftate of the Queftion. c Whether or not private pcrfons, ince^Tantly purfued
* unto death, and threatned with ineluctable deftruction c by Tyrants and their Emiflaries, may, to fave them- f felves from their Violence, in cafe of extreme neceffity, c put forth their hand to execute righteous judgment up-
* on the chief and principal Ringleaders, Instruments anti c Promoters of all theft deftructive Mjfchiefs and Miferies, c who are open add avowad Enemies to God, Apoftates, 1 Blafphcmers, Idolaters j Tyrants, Traitors, notorious
* Incendiaries, atrocious Murderers, and known and con- vict to be publick Enemies, profecuting their mur-
* dering Deilgns notourly and habitually, and therefore
* guilty of death by all Laws of God and Man; and in € fuch an extraordinary cafe, put them to death, who < have by Law forfeited their lives to Juftice, when there
* is no accefs to publick Juftice, nor profpect of obtaining c it in an orderly way, nor any probability of efcaping
* their intended deftruction, either by flight or refinance,
* if they be paft longer unpunished; and fo deliver them- c felves from their murdering Tyranny, while they are c under no acknowledged fubje&ion to them, nor ae c peace with them, but maintaining a defenfive refiftance
* againft them ; and in this extraordinary execution of •Juftice, being not chargeable with ignorance of matters c of fact fb manifeft, normiftake of circum fiances fo pal- c pable, nbr with malice, rage or revenge againft their
* perfons for private and particular injuries, nor with ' Earhuiiaftick Impulfcs pretended as their Rule, nor
* Witli
of Judgment ly private Men. 6]*
* with Deceit or Treachery in the manner, nor with any € breach of relation or obligation, nor Uiurpation upon c or prejudice to any lawful Right whatfoever in the c matter, nor with any fclfifh or iiniftrous ends in the de- c fign ; but forced to perform this Work of Judgment, c when there is none other to do it, out of zeal for the c Glory of God, care of the Country's Good, Love to
* their Brethren, fenfe of their own Danger, and refpecc <toJuflice; to the end, that by the removal ofthefe wic- €Jced Deftroyers, their war againft the prevailing faction c of their malignant Enemies may be more fuccefsfuily c maintained, their Religion, Lives, Laws and Liber- c ties more fecurely defended, their Brethren refcucd,
* their Murder prevented, Impiety fuppreffed, the Land
* cleanfed from blood, and the wrath of God averted, That this is the true ftate of the Qaeftion, the preceed- ing AfTertions, all comprehended here, do make it evi- dent. To which I anfwer in the Affirmative, and fhall come to give my Reafons.
Secondly> Then I fhall offer fome Reafons for this, firft from fbme grounds and Hypotbefes of Reafon: then more cxprefly from Scripture- proofs.
I. There may be fome Arguments offered from the Dictates of natural Reafon> which I fhall but only glance at,
I. I premit the Con fide rat ion of the Vratlke of aU Na- tions, even fuch from whom Patterns have been taken for Government, and who have had the moft polite and pureft Policy, and have been the fevercft Animadvcrters upon all Extravagantsand Tranfgreflors of their vocation : yet even among them, for private perfons to deftroy and rid the Commonwealth of fuch burdens, and vile ver- mine fo pernicious to it, was thought a virtue meriting rather Commendation, than a thing to be condemned. I fhall not here inftance the laudable practices re- corded in Scripture; thefe may be feen in their own place. Neither do I fpeak of ruder nations, among whom this is a reli& of Reafon, not ofRudernefs, as the Ori- ental Indians have a Cuftom, whenever any perfon runs a-muck) that is, in a revengeful fury, takes fuch a quan- tity of Op/#«7, as diftra&rthem intofwth a r3ge of mad
ani-
6j2 Of extraordinary Execution
animofity, that they fear not to afTault ( which is the common operation of that potion there) and go through deftroying whom they can find in their way: then e~ very man's arms againft him: and is ambirious of the honour of firft killing him, which is very rational; for other wife no Man could be fafe; and it feems to be as rational, to take the fame Courfe with our mad Malig- nant mucks, who are drunk \yith hellijfh Fury, and are funning in a rage to deftroy the People of God whom they can meet with. But all the Nations, where the beft Policy was cftablifhed, have been of this mind. In Greece publick rewards were enadted to be given, and ho- nours appointed by fevcral Cities, to thofe that fhould lull Tyrants, from the mightieft of them to the meaneft ; with whom they thought there was no bond of Huma- nity to be kepr. Hence, Thebe is ufually commended for tilling her husband, Timokon for killing his brother, be- caufe they were pernicious and deftru&ive to the Com- monwealth: which, tho' it feem not justifiable, becaufc of the Breach of Relation of natural Subjection, yet ic fhews what Sentiments the moft politick Nations have had of this Pra&ice. As alfo among the Romans, CaJJius, is commended for killing his fon, and Vulvitis for killing his own Son going to Catiline, and Brutus for killing his Kinfmen having underftood they had confpired to introduce tyranny again. Servilius Ahala is commended for killing even in the Court Sp. Melius, turning his back and refilling to compear in judgment, and for this was never judged guilty of bloodfhed, but thought no- bilitate by the flaughter of a Tyrant, and all poste- rity did affirm the fame. Cicero, (peaking of the flaugh- ter of Cefar, ftiles it a famous and divine fa£f, and put to imitation. Sulpitius Afper, being asked, why he had combined with others againft Nero, and thought to have killed him ? made this bold reply, that he knew pot any other way to put a flop to his villanies, and redeem the world from ike wfeclion of his example, and the evils ■which it groaned under by reafon of his crimes. On the contrary, Bomhius Corbulo is reprehended by all, for »eglec~Hng the fafety of mankind, in not puting an end to Nero's Cruelty, when he might very eafily have done
it;
of judgment h'y private men "6? 3
it: And not only was he by the Romans reprehended > but by Tyridates the Ferjian King, being not at all a- fraid left iz fhould afterward befall an example unto . himfelf. When the Minifiers of Cuius Caligula, a molt cruel Tyrant, were, with the like cruelty, tumukuating for the daughter of their Mafter, requiring them that killed him to be punifhed, Valerius Afiat'icus the Se- nator cried out aloud, Iwifb I bad killed him, and there- by both compofed their Clamour, and ftopt their Rage.
* For there is fo great Force in an honeit deed, (faith c Buchanan de jure Regni, relating this PaiTa^e) that the ' very lighrefi fhew thereof, being prefented to the minds
* of Men, the moil furious AfTaults are allayed, and Fu-
* ry will languifh, and Madnefs ic felf mult acknow- 1 ledge the sovereignty of rcafon/ The Senate of Rome did often approve the Facl, though done without their order oftentimes by private hands : as upon the (laugh- ter of CommoduSy inMead of revenging it, they decreed that rm Garcafe fhould be expofed and torn in pieces. Sometimes they ordered before hand to have it done } as when they condemned Didimus Julianus, they fent a Tribune to flay him in the Palace : Nay, they have gone fo far, ^s in fbme cafes to appoint reward for fuch as fhould kill thofe Tyrants that trampled upon their Laws, and murdered virtuous and innocent People ; as that Sentence of the Senate a^ainft the two Maximmi doth witnefs, Whcfoever killeth them deferves a Reward. Buchanan, as above, rehearling many Instances of this nature, gives reafrns of their approvablenefs ; and thefe I find here and there fcattered, in his book, de jure Regni, I. They that make a prey of the Common- wealth, are not joined to us by any civil bond or tyc of humanity, but fhould be accounted the mod Capi- tal enemies of God and of all men. 2. They are not to be counted as within human focietv, but t ran feref- ibrs of the limits thereof; which whofo will not en- ter into, and contain hirrfelf within, fhould be taken and treated as wolves, or other hinds of noifome beafh, Which whofoever fpares, he preferves them to his own deftruclion, and of others; and whofoever killerh, doth hot only good to himfelf, buc to all others \ and there-
U u fcrc
o 74 Of extraordinary execution
fore doth merit rather reward than to be condemned for it. For if any man, diverted of humanity, fhoukf degenerate inro fuch Cruelty, as he would not meet with other men but for their deftru&ion (as the MonftersI am fpeaking of, Could meet with none of the party here treated on, but to this effect) he is not to be called a man, no more than Satyres, Apes, or Bears. 3. It is expreily Commanded to cut off wickednefs and wick- &ed man, without any exception of Rank or Degree: and, if Kings w7ould abandon the Counfcls of wicked men, and meafure their greatnefs rather by duties of virtue, than by the impunity of evil deeds, they would jiot be grieved for the punifhment of Tyrants, nor think that Royal Majefly is lefTencd by their deduction, but rather be glad that it is purged from fuch a flain of wickednefs. 4. What is here to be reprehended? is it the caufe of their punifhment ? That is palpable. Is it the Law which adjudges them to punifhment ? All Laws were defired as neceiTary for reprefiing Tyrants ; who- mever doth condemn this, muft likewife condemn all the jLaws of Nations. Is it the perfbn executing the Law* 8 Where will any other be found to do it in fuch circum- fiances? 5. A lawful war being once undertaken with an Enemy for a juft Caufe, it is lawful not only for the whole people to kill that Enemy, but for every one of them: every one therefore may kill a Tyrant, who is a publick Enemy, with whom all good men have a per- petual warfare ; meaning, if he be habitually tyrannical, and deftru&ive to the people, lb that there is no living for good people for him ; otherwife, though a man by force or fraud acquire Sovereignty 5 no fuch violence is to be done to him^ providing he ufe a moderate way in his Government, fuch as Vefpafian among the Roma?Js> Hiero in Syracufe. 6. Treafon cannot be committed a- gainft one who defiroys all Laws and Liberties of the people, and is a pernicious plague to the Commonwealth. 2. Such is the force of this Trutlrtr- the cafe circum- ftantiate, that it extorts the acknowledgment of flW^pa- teft Authors, ancient and modern, dorneftick aWP^P reign, and even of all rational Royalifts {as Mr Mhchel Jays in his Poflfcrip tQ the forecked Letter) * That ir is
< lawful
of judgment by private Men. 675
* lawful for any private perfon to kill a Tyrant without € a Tale, and to kittTories or open Murderers, as devour- 1 ing beafts, becaufc the good of his A&ion doth not on- 4 ly redound to the perfon himfeif, but to the whole c Commonwealth, and the perfon acting incurs the dan- 1 gcr himfelf alone/ Tertullian, though a man loyal to excefs, fays, Every Man is a Soldier inr oiled to bear Arms againfl all Traitors and publick Enemies. The ancient Hccle Haiti :al Hiftorian, Sozomen, relating the death of Julian, and intimating that he was fuppofed to have been ilain by a Chriftian Soldier, adds, Let none be fo rap as to condemn the perfon that did it, confldering be was thus couragious in behalf of God and Religion, Sozom. Hifi* lib. 6. cap. 2. Barclaius, a great Royalift, faith, All An" tiquity agrees, that Tyrants, as publick Enemies^ may, moji jufily, be attacked andflain, not only by the Community, but alfo by every individual perfon thereof Grotius de jure bel* li, lib. 1. cap. 4. faith, If any Perfon grafp at Dominion by unjujl War^ or hath no Title thereto by confent of the Com- munity, and no Paction is made with him, nor Allegiance granted, but retains Poffeffion hy Violence only, the Right of War remains ', and therefore 'tis lawful to attack him as an Enemy, who may be killed by any Man, and that lawfully. Yea, King James VI. in his Remonftrance for the Right of Kings, fays, The publick Laws make it lawful and free for any private Perfons to enterprise againfl an Uftirper. Di- vines fay the fame. Chamier, Tom. 2. lib. 15. cap. 12. Seel. 19. All Subjects have Right to attack Tyrants. Alfted. Theolog. Gaf. cap. 17. reg. 9. p. 321. Any private Man may and ought to cut off a Tyrant, who^ is an Invader, withoue a Title ; becaufe in a hoflile manner he invades his native Country . And, cap. iS. reg. 14. p. 332. *Tts law- ful for every private Man to kill a Tyrant, who unjufily in- vades the Government. But Dr. Ames concerning Confcience, Book 5. Chap. 3T, concerning Manflaughter, affertsall that is here pleaded for in exprefs Terms, Que ft 4. Whether or no is it lawful for a Man to kill another by his own private Authority ? Anfw. Sometimes it is lawful to kill, no pw blick Precognition preceeding', but then only, when the Caufe evidently requires that it Jbould be done, and publick Autho- rity cannot begot: For in that Cafe, a private Man is pw
U u 2 blicUf
6*} 6 Of extraordinary Execution
hlickly confiitute the Mwifter of fufiicey as well by the Ver- miffion of God> as the Confent of all Men, Thefe propofi- . tions carry fuch evidence in them, that the Authors thought it fuperfluous to confirm them, and fufficient to affirm them. And from any reafon that can be adduced to prove any of thefe AfTertions, it will be as evident that this Truth I plead for, is thereby confirmed, as that it- felf is thereby ftrengthned : For it will follow natively, if Tyrants, and Tyrants without a Title> be to be thus dealt with ; then the Mongers, of whom the queftion is, thofe notorious Incendiaries and murdering publick Ene- mies, are alfbto be foferved; For either thefe Authors ffaert the Lawfulnefs of fo treating Tyrants without a Title, becaufc they are Tyrants, or becanfe they want a rite. If the firft be faid, then all Tyrants are to be fo lerved; and reafon would fay, and Royalifts will fub- fcribe, if Tyrants that call themfelvcs Kings may be fo animadverted upon, becaufe of their pernicioufnefs to the Commonwealth by their ufurped Authority, then the fubordinate firebrands that are the immediate inftru- ments of that deftru&ion, the inferior EmifTaries that aft it, and actually accomplifh it, in murdering inno- cent people, may be £> treated ; for their pcrfbns are not nunc facred than the other, nor more unpunishable. If the fccond be faid, it is lawful to kill them, becaufc they want a title ; then it is either becaufe they want a pre- tended title, or becaufe they want a real and lawful one. The latter is as good as none, and it is proved, Head 2. Arg. 7. that no Tyrants can have any. The former cannot be faid, for all Tyrants will pretend feme, at leaft before they be killed.
3. But tho* fome of thefe great Authors neither give their reafons for what they affert, nor do they extend it to all Tyrants that tyrannize by virtue of their pre- tended Authority, yet it will not be difficult to prove, that all, great and fmall, that murder, deftroy, and ty- rannize over poor people, are to be punifhed, tho* they pretend Authority for what they do. And hence, if all Tyrants, Murderers and Deftroyers of Mankind ought to be punifhed; then when it cannot be done by publick Authority, it may b« 4one by private ; but all Tyrants,
& Mur-
of judgment ly private Men. 6* 7 7
Murderers and Deftroyers of Mankind ought to be pu^ nifhed: Therefore The Minor is manifeft from
the general Commands of /bedding the blood of every man that [beds it, Gen. ix. 6. of putting to death whofoever killeth any per fon, Numb. xxxv. 30, 31. of refpe cling no mans per- fon in judgment, Deut. i. 1 7. And umverfally all penal Laws are general without exception of any; for under that reduplication of criminal tranfgrefling thofe Laws, under that general Sanction, they are to be judged ; which admits of no partial refpefr: for if thegreateft of men be Murderers, they are not to be confidered as great, but as Murderers; juftasthe meaneft are not to be confidered as mean or poor, but as Murderers. But I need not infift on this, being fufficiently proved Head 2. Arg. 9. and throughout that Head, proving that Tyrants can have no Authority: and, if they have no Authority, then Autho- rity (which chey have not) cannot exempt them from pu- nifhment. The Connexion of the major Propofition may be thus urged: When this Judgmentcannot be executed by publick Authority, either it mud be done by private Au- thority, in cafe of exrreme neceffity, or not at all: for there is no Medium, but either to do it by publick Au- thority, or private: if not at all, rhen the land mud re- main ft ill defiled ivith bloed, and cannot be clean fed. Numb. xxxv. 33. Then the fierce anger of the Lord can- not be averted, Kumb xxv. 4. for without this executing of Judgment, he will not turn it away, Jer. v. I. Then muft Murderers be encouraged, by their impunity, to make havoek of all according to their Luft, befides that poor Handful who cannot efcape being their prey, as their cafe is circumstantiate. Befides, this is point blank contrary to thefe general Commands, which fay peremp- torily, The Murderer pall be put to death', but this fup- pofed cafe, when publick Authority will not or cannot put them to death, fays, They (ball not be put to death. In this cafe then I demand, whether their impunity is necefTary, becaufe they muft not be put to death ? or be- caufe they cannot be put to death ? To fay the latter, were an untruth ; for private perfbns can do it, when they get accefs, which is poflible : if the former, then k is clearly contradictory to the Commands, which fay,
They
6 7 3 Of extraordinary execution
They muft he put to death, excepting no cafe, but whef* they cannot be put to death. If it be faid, They rauft not be put to death, becaufe the Law obliges only pu- blick Authority to execute Judgment: To this I reply, I. I truft to make the contrary appear from Scripture by and by. 2. If the Law obliges none but thole inpublick Authority to execute Judgment, then when there is no Judgment execute, it muft be the fin of none but thofe in publick Authority; and if it be only their fin, how comes others to be threatned and punifhed for this, that Judgment is not executed ? If they muft only ftand by, and be fpeftators of their omiffions unconcerned, what fhali they do to evite this wrath? fhall they exhort them, or witnefs againft them ? But that more than all this is required, is proved before feverai times, where this Argument of peoples being punifhed for the fin of their Rulers hath been touched. 3. Then when there is no Authority, it muft be no fin at all that Judgment is not executed, becaufe it is the fin of none ; it cannot be fin, except it be the fin of fbme. 4. What if thofe in pu- blick Authority be the Murderers 1 Who (hall put them to death ? By what Authority fhall Judgment be execute upon them ? Whether publick or private ? publick it can- not be ; for there is no formal publick Authority above the Supreme, who are fuppofed the party to be puniflv ed; if it be by the radical Authority of the People, which is the thing we plead for, then it is but private, as that of one party againft another : The people are the party grieved, and fo cannot be Judges : at beft then, this.wiU fee extrajudicial executing of Judgment. And if the peo- ple may do it upon the greateft of Tyrants, then a part of them who are in greateft hazard may lave themfelves from thofe of letter Note, by putting them to death : for if all the people have right to punifh univerfal Tyrants, becaufe they are deftroyers of all; then a part hath right to punifh particular Tyrants, becaufe they are deftroyers of them, when they cannot have accefs to publick Au- thority, nor the concurrence of the whole body,
4. Let thefe Murderers and Incendiaries be consider- ed, either ^s a part of rhe Community with them whom they murdcr^and deftroy, or not ; if they be a part, and
. do
of judgment by-private men* 679
do belong to the fame Community (which is not grant- ed in this cafe, yet let it be given) then when the fafety of the whole, or better part, cannot confift with the fpa- ring orprefcrving of a iingle man,efpecially fuch an one as prejudges all, and deftroys that better parr ; he is ra- ther to be cut off, than the whole or the better part be endangered : for the cutting off of a contagious Member that deftroys the reft of the body, is well warranted by Nature, becaufe the fafety of the whole is to be preferred to the hfety of a part, efpecially a deftru&ive part : But now, who fhall cut it off? flnce it muft be cut off, other- wife a greater part of the body will be prefently confu- med, and the whole endangered. It is fure the Phyfi- cians duty; but what if he will not, or cannot, or there be noPhyfician ? then any that can may and muft ; yea, one member may, in that cafe, cut off another. So, when either the Magiftrate will nor, or dare not, or does not, orthere is none to do this neceftary work of Juftice, for the prefervation of the Community ; any member of it may rather prevent the deftru&ion of the whole, or a greater parr, by deftroying the murdering and deftruo* tive Member, than fuffer himfelf and others to be una- voidably deftroyed by his being fpared. If they be not within, or belonging to that Society, then they may be dealt with and carried towards as publick Enemies and Strangers, and all advantages may be taken of them in cafes of neceflity, as men would do, if invaded by Turks or Tartars,
5. Let it be confidered, what men might have done in fuch a cafe before Government was erefted, if there hud been fome publick and notour Murderers ftill preying u- pon fome fort of men. Certainly then private perfons (as all are in that cafe) might kill them, to prevent further deftru&ion. Hence, if this was lawful before Govern- ment was cftablifhed, it cannot be unlawful when people cannot have the benefit of the Government ; when the Government that \s^ inftead of giving redrefs to the grieved and opprefTed, does allow and impowerthem to deftroy them : otherwife people mi^ht be better with- out Government than with it ; for then they might pre- vent their Murderers by cutting them off. But fo it is
that
68o Of extraordinary Execution
that this was lawful before Government was eftabliflhed j for let it be adverted chat the Scripture teems co iniinu- atefuch a^cale before the Flpod. Catn^ after he mui acred his brother, feared ti)at every man that found him fhould- Jlayhini) Gen. iv. 14, If he had reaion to iear this, as certainly he had, if the Lord had not removed that, by prorogueing the execution of veneeance upon him, for his greater punifhment, and the world's moreiafting induc- tion, and by letting a Mark upon him, and inhibiting, under a fevere threading, any to touch him ; then eve- ry man that fhould have killed him was the Magi- ftrate, (which were ridiculous) or every man was every and any private perfbn univerfally, which might have killed him, if this inhibition had not paft upon it. Ainf~ worth upon the place faith, c That among the ancient c Romans, every one might kill without a challenge, any c man that was curfed for fome publkk Crime.' And cites Dionyf Jfalicarnaf* L 2. And fo Cain fpoke this from a dictate of Nature and a guilty Conference.
6. At the Erection of Government, tho* the people re- fign the formal power of Life and Death, and punifh- ing Criminals, over to the Governor conftitute by them ; yet, a^ they retain the radical power and right virtually, fo wrhen either the Magiftrates negled their duty of vindicating the innocent, and punifhing their deftroyers, or impowers Murderers to prey upon them; in that cafe, they may refume the exercife of it, to deltroy their de- ftroyers, when there is no other way of preventing or -cfcaping their deftruclions ; becaufe extreme Remedies cught to be applied to extreme Difeafes. In an extraordinary exigent, wuen Ahab and Jezebel did undo the Church of God, Eliasy with the peoples help, killed all BaaVs Prices, againit and without the King's will ; in this cafe, it is e- vident the people refumed their power, as Lex Rex faith, gueft.*). p* 6*3. There muftbe a Court of neceffity, no hfs than a Court of Juftice, when it is in this extremity, as if they had no Ruler, as that fame learned Author fajth, Queft.2$« pag. 213. If then the people may re- fume that power in cafes of neceffity, which they refign- ed to the Magiftrate ; then a part may refume it, when a part only i$ in that necefl^ty, and all may claim an in-
tereft
of judgment by pivate men- 68*
tereft in the Refumption, that had an intereft in, the Re- fignation.
7. Elpecially upon the difTdution of a Government, when people are under a nece/Tiry to revolt from it, and fo are reduced to their primitive Liberty, tjiey may then rc- fumeall that power they had before trie reii^nation, and exert it in extraordinary exigents of necefficy. If then a people that have no Ma<>itirate> at ill may take order with their deitroyers, then mu(t they have the fame power under a lawful Revolt. As the ten Tribe , if chey had not exceeded in feverity againft Adoram> Rehohoam\ Collector, had juft caufe to take order with that Usurper's EmifTa- ry, if he came to opprefs them; but if he had come to murder them, then certainly it was duty to put him to death, and could not be cenfured at all, as it is not in the Hiftory, 1 King, xii. 18. But fo it is that the people purfued by thefc Murderers, fome of which in their ex- treme Exigencies they put to death; have for thefe feve- ral years maintained a declared Revolt from the prefent Government, and have denied all Subjection to it upon the grounds vindicated, Head 2. And therefore they mud be confidered as reduced to their pnmeve Liberty, and their Purfuers as their pubiick Enemies, to whom they are no otherwife related than if they '-ere Turkss whom none will deny it lawful to kill> if they invade the Land to deftroy the inhabitants.
8. Hence, feeing hey are no other than pubiick Ene- mies, unjuftly invading, purfuing, and feeking them to deflroy them ; what Arguments will prove the Lawful- nefs of Refinance, and the neceffity of Self defence, in the immediate defence of Life, as (well as remote, will alfo prove the Lawfulnefs of taking all Advantages upon them : for if it be lawful to kill an Enemy in his imme- diate AlTault, to prevent his killing of them, when there is no other way ofperferving themfelves from his Fury; shen it rnuft be lawful alfo in his remote, hut (till incef- fane Purfult, to prevent his murdering them by killing him, when there is no other wray to efcape in a Cafe of extreme Neceffity. But that this was the Cafe of that poor People, WitneiTes can beft prove it ; and I dare ap- peal
682 Of extraordinary execution
peal to two Sorts of them that know it heft, that is, all the Purfucrs, and ail the purfued.
9. This is founded, and follows upon the 4th Article of the Solemn League and Covenant : Where we are bound with all Faithiulnefs to endeavour the difcovery of all fuch as have been, or pall be Incendiaries , Malign ants, or evil
Inftruments,* that they may be brought to publick Trial}
and receive condign Vunipment. Now, as this obliges to the orderly and ordinary way of profccuting them, when there is Accefs to publick Judicatories: fo when there is none, either this Article obliges to no endeavour at all ; (which cannot be, for it is moral duty to endeavour the Punifhment of fuch) or elfc it muft oblige to this extra- ordinary Action and Execution of Judgment, if to any at all. Efpecially confidering, how, in the fenle of the fhort comings of this Duty, it is renewed in the folemn Acknowledgment of fins, and engagement to duties. That ive pall be fo far from conniving at Malignity, Injufiice, &c.
that we pall • take a more ejfeclual Courfe, than
heretofore, in our refpeBive Places and Callings, for pump- ing and fuppr effing thefe evils. "■ ' Certainly we were called to one way of profecuting this Obligation then, when it was firft engaged into, and to another now, when our Capacity and Circumftances are fo materially and formally altered : if the effectual Courfe then was by publick Authority ; then now when that is wanting, there muft he fome Obligation to take fome effectual Courfe ftill, that may fuit our places and callings, which will certainly comprehend this extraordinary way of fup- preffing thofe evils, by preventing their growth in curb- ing the inftruments, and executing judgment upon them, in a Cafe of extreme Ncceffity, which will fuit with all Places, and all Callings.
II. From the Scriptures, thefe Arguments are of- fered,
Virfi, Some approven Examples, and imitable in the like Circumftances, will clear and confirm the Lawful- ne'fs of this extraordinary Work of Judgment executed by private Perfons, upon notorious Incendiaries, Fire- brands, and Murderers, guilty of Death by the Law of God,
I, Mofes
cf judgment hy private men. 683
t. Mofesfpied an Egyptian fmiting an Hebrew y one of his Brethren ', and he looked this way, and that <way> and when he J aw that there was no many hejlew the ligypnan, and hid htm in the Sandy Exod. ii. 11, 12. Here's an uncondem- ned Example: whereof the Actor who was the Relater did not condemn himfelf, tho* he condemns himiclf for Faults that feem lefs odious; yea, in effect:, he is rather commended by Stephen the Martyr, AH. vii And tho' it be extraordinary, in that it was done by private Autho- rity, not by a Judge, as it was objected to him the fe- cond day: yet it was not unimitable; becaufe that Acti- on, though Heroical, whereof the ground was ordinary, the Rule moral, the Circumstances commonly incident, the Management directed by human Prudence, cannot be unimitabNr ; but fuch was this Action, though Heroical. The Ground was ordinary, Spying his Brother in ha- zard, whofe murder he would have prevented. The Rule was moral, being according to that moral Precept of refcuing our Brother in hazard, Vrov. xxiv. 1 1, 12. The Circumftances were incident in a Cafe of extreme Neceifity, which he managed very prudently, looking this Way, and that Way, and hiding him in the Sand. Therefore it may be imitated in the like Cafe. It ii^ni- fies nothing to fay that he was moved by the Spirit of Gcd thereto: for unto every righteous Performance the motion of the Spirit of God is recjuifite. This impulfe that Mofeshady and others after-mentioned, was nothing but a greater meafure of that atfifting Grace, which the Extraordinarinefs of the Cafe, and the difficulties there- in occurring did call for ; but the interveening of fuch mo- tions, do not alter the Rule, fo as to make the Action unimitable. Impulfes are not the Rule of Duty, either under an ordinary or extraordinary exigence ; but when they are fubfecjuent and fubfervient both to the Rule of Duty, and to a man's call in his prefent Circumftances, they clearly determine to the Species of an heroick Enter- prife; in fo much that it is not only the particular Dee J that we are to heed for our Imitation, but we are to e- mulate the Grace and Principle of Zeal which produced it, and is thereby fo confpicuouflv rclucent for our up- flirring to a&s in like manner, as God may give Oppor- tunity
6^4 Of extraordinary execution
cunity, as is obferved by the True Non-conformijl, Dial. 7. Pag. 392- &c.
2. When Ifrael joined himfelf unto Baal-Peor, the Lord laid unto Mofes, Take all the heads of the people , and hang them u*p before the Lord again ft the Sun , that the fierce Anger of the Lord may be turned away from JfraeL And Mcfes fa id unto the Judges, Slay every one his Men that <ivere joined unto Baal-Peor. And when zimri brought the Midianitifb Cozbi in the fight of Mofes, and in the fight of all the Congregation, who were weeping before the Door of the Tabernacle ; and when Phinehas faw it, he rofe up, '■ and took a javelin in his hand, and he
went after the Man of Ifrael into the Tent, and thru ft both
of them through? So the Plague was flayed. 1 And
the Lordfpake unto Mofes, faying, Phinehas hath turned my Wrath away from the Children of Ifrael ', while he was zeal- ous for my fake among them, . I give unto him my Co- venant of Peace, becaufe he was zealous for his God,
and made an Atonement for the Children of ifrael, Numb. xxv. 3, 13. This Adion is here much commend-
ed, and recorded to his Commendation, Pfal. cvi. 30, 31. Then food up Phinehas, and executed Judgment, andfo the Plague was flayed', and that was counted unto him for righ-
teoufnefs, unto all Generations', That is,- Into Jufttce
•of the Deed before Men, who other wife might have put a had Confirutlion upon it, as raft, out of ft af on, committed aga'inft a Magijlrate by a private Per/on^ too cruel by cut- ting them off from Repentance ; but God efteem'd it as ex- traordinary juft. Pool's Synopf. Critic, in Locum. It is cer- tain, this Action was fome way extraordinary; becaufe Phinehas was not a MagihVate, nor one of the Judges whom Mcfes commanded to flay every one his Men, verfi 5, Otherwife, if this had been only an ordinary Exe- cution of Judgment by the Authority of Mofes, Phinehas his Action would not have been fo much taken Notice of, nor lb fignally rewarded; but here it is noted as a fingular a£t of Zeal, which it could not have been, if it was only an ordinary Execution of the M a gi ft rate's com- mand: yer, tho' rhts Action was fignally Heroical, pro- ceeding from a Principle of pure Zeal for God, and prompted by a powerful motion of the Spirit of God to
that
of judgment by private men. 68 J
that Extraordinary Execution of Judgment: It is not- withstanding instable in the like Circumftances. For, the matter is ordinary, being neither preternatural, nor fupernatural, but juft and necefTary. The end was ordi- nary, to turn away the Wrath of God, which all were obliged to endeavour. The principle was ordinary, (tho* at the time he had an extraordinary meafure of it) being zealous for the Lord, as all were obliged to be. The rule was ordinary, to wit, the Command of flaying eve- ry Man thac was joined to BaahVecr^ verf. 5. Only this was extraordinary, that the Zeal of God called him to this Heroical Action, tho' he was not a Magiftrate, in this extraordinary Exigent, to avert the Wrath of God ; which was neither by Mofes his command, nor by the Judges their obedience, turned away, only by phinehas's act of another nature, and his zeal appearing therein, and prompting him thereto, the Lord was appeafed, and the Plague itayed. In which fervour of zeal, tranfporting him to the omimon of the ordinary folemnities of judg- ment, the Spirit of the Lord places the Faghtcoufhefi and Praife of the Action. Yet the fame Call and Motion of Zeal might have impowered others to do the like: The Text fpeaks of no other Call he had, but that of Zealy ver. II, 12, 13. Yea, another was obliged to do the fame, upon the ground of that moral Command, Dent. 13, 6, ■ ■■ 9. having the ground of God's ordinary ]udg- ment> which commanderh the Idolater to die the death; and therefore to be imitate of all that prefer the true ho- nour and glory of God to the Affection of flefh and wic- ked Princes, as Mr. Knox aflirmcth in his Conference with Lethingtoun, rehearfed before, Vet. 3. Further, let ic be encjuired, What makes it unimitable ? Certainly ic was not fo, becaufe he had the motion and direction of God's Spirit; for men have that to all Duties. It was not, becaufe he was raifed andftirred up of God to do it ; for God mav raife up Spirits to imitable actions. It was not, becaufe he had an extraordinary Call, for Men have an extraordinary Call to imitable Anions, as the Apoftles had to preach. We grant thefe. Actions are ex- traordinary and unimitable; which, flrft, do deviate from the rule of common virtue, and traofcend all rules
of
6SS Of extraordinary execution
of commott Reafon and divine Word ; but this was not fuch, but an hcroiek Act of Zeal and Fortitude: Next thefe Aftions, which are contrary to a moral ordinary Command are unimitable, as the Ifraelhes robbing the Egyptians, borrowing, and not paying again, Abraham's offering his fon Ifaac', but this was not fuch : Next tbofe Aftions, which arc done upon fome fpecial Mandate of God, and arc not within the compafs of ordinary obedi- ence to the ordinary rule, are unimitable; but this is not luch : as alfo miraculous Adtions, and fuch as are done by the extraordinary Tnfpiration of the Spirit of God, as Elias his killing the Captains with their fifties by Fire from Heaven; but none can reckon this among thefe. See Jus Populi at length difcufling this point, and plead- ing for the Imitablcnefs of this Action, cap. 20. If there- fore the Lord did not only raife up this Phinehas to that particular aft of Juftice, but alfb warrant and accept him therein, and reward him therefore, upon the ac- count of his zeal, when there was a godly and zealous Magiftrate, able, and whom we cannot without breach of charity prefume, but alfo willing to execute Juftice; how much more may it be pleaded, that the Lord, who is the fame yefterday, to day and for ever, will not on- ly pour out of that lame Spirit upon others; but alfb when he gives it, both allow them, though they be but private perfens, and alfb call them, being othcrwife in a phyfical and probable capacity, to do thefe things in an extremely neceffitous, and otherwise irrecoverable ftate of the Church, to which in a more intire condition he doth not call them ? And particularly, when there is not only the like or worfe provocations, the like necefli- ty of execution of Juftice and of Reformation, for the turning away of wrath, and removing of Judgments, that was in Vhinehass cafe ; but alfb, when the fupreme Civil Magiftrate, the Nobles of the Kingdom, and other in- ferior Rulers are not only unwilling to do their duty, but fo far corrupted and perverted, that they are become the Authors and Patronizers of thefe abominations, Naph. prior Edit. p. 2%.
3. When the Children of ifrael ferved Eglon the King Moab) and they cried unto the Lord, he railed them
of judgment by private Men* 68 7
up a Deliverer, Ehud the fon of Geray who made a dag- ger, and brought a prefent unco Eglony and -put forth his left handy and took the dagger from his right thighy and thruft It into his belly y Judg. iii. 21. That this Action was approven will not be doubted, fince the Lord railed him up as a Deliverer, who by this heroicai Action com- mented it ; and fince it was a Meflage from God, and that it was extraordinary, were ridiculous to deny : for fure this was not the judicial Action of a Magiftrate, neither was Ehud a Magistrate at this time, but only the MefTenger of the people fent with a prefent. Yet it is imitable in the like cafe, as from hence many grave Authors concluded the Lawfulnefs of killing a Tyrant without a Title.
4. When the Lord difcomfited the hoft of yabiny and Sifera his Captain fled into the houfe of Heber the Ke- nite, Jael Hebers wife took a nail of the tent, and went foftly unto him y and fmote the nail into his templesy judg. iv. 21. of which the Prophetefs Deborah fays, chap. v. 24. Blejfed above women feall Jael the wife ofHeber the Ke- nite be j blejfed fiall fie be above women in the tent. Yet not only was fael no Magiftrate3 but in fubjection to and at peace wich Jabiny though fhe killed his Captain. But there was no Jnjuflice here, when he was declared a publick Enemy , the War was jufly he was an Oppreffor of the People ef Cody it became J-aely as a Member of the Commonwealth, to betray and cut off the common Enemy. Therefore yael hadfinnedy ifjbe had not killed him. Martyr and others ci- ted in Pool. Synopf. Critic, upon the placey albeit that Author himfelf, in his Englifi Annotations, does cut the lenot, inftead of loofing it, in denying Deborah's Song to be Divinely -infpired in its firft compofure, but only re- corded as a Hiftory by Divine Infpiration, as other hi- ftorical PafTages not approven, only becaufe this heroick , Facl of yael is there commended; which is too bold an attempr upon this part of the holy Canon of the Scrip- ture: whence we fee, what inconveniencies they are driven to, that deny this principle of natural juftice, the Lawfulnefs of cutting off publick Enemies, to procure the Deliverance of rhe Lord's people. Hence, if it be lawful for private perfons, under fubjcclion to, and at
peace
688 Of extraordinary Execution
peace With the publick Enemies of the Lord's people, t6 take all advantages. to break their yoke,#and deliver the opprefled from their bondage, by killing their Oppref- fors; it mud be much more lawful, for fuch as acknow- ledge no fuch fubjefrion nor agreement, to attempt the fame in extreme neceiiuy ; but the former is true : there- fore the latter.
5. When Sam/on married the Timnite> and obliged himfelf by compacl, to give them thirty fieets and thirty change of garments , upon their fclving his riddle } the Spi- rit of the Lord came upon him , and he went down to Afbke- Ion> andfl.ew thirty men ofthem, and took their fpoil, j udg. xiv. 19. And afterwards, when he loft his wife by the cruelty and treachery bf thoife Vhilifiines^ he faid unto them> Though you-have done this y yet will I he avenged of you, and after that Iwill ceafe. And he fmotsthem hip and thigh with a great Slaughter, ch.x'v. 7, 8. And when the Jews, who acknowledged the Vhliftines for Rulers, came to Etam to expoftulate with him, all thefatisfa&ion he gave them was to avouch, that as they did unto him ,fo he had done unto them, and to kill a thoufand more of them, verf, II. &c. Thefewere extraordinary Heroick fafts,not only becaufe they flowed from an extraordinary power wherewith he was endued, and from an extraordinary Motion and Call ; but becaufe of his avenging his own private in- juries for the publick good, in a way both of fortitude and prudence, without a declared war, provoking the c- fiemies againft himfelf, and diverting from the people, and converting againft himfelf all their fury, in which alfb he a&ed as a Type of Ghrift; and alfo becaufe he a&ed not as aMagiftrate at this time, for by whom was he called or counted a Magiftrate ? hot by the Vhiliftines\ nor by the men of Judah, for they tell him that the Vhilifiines were their Lords, and they bound him and delivered him up to them : Yet in his private Capaci- ty, in that extraordinary exigence, he avenged himfelf and his Country againft his publick enemies, by a Clan- destine war , which is imitable in the like cafe, when a prevailing fa&ion of Murdering enemies domineer over and deftroy the people of God, and there is no other way to be delivered from them : for his ground was
moraly
cf judgment by private Men, 6S9
Morale becaufcthey were publick enemies, to whom he might do as they did co him. Hence, if Saints, fomc- times, in cafes of necefficy, may do unto their publick enemies as rhey have done unco them, in profecuting a war not declared againft them ; then much more may they do fo in cafes of necefficy, to deliver themfelves from their murdering violence, when a war is declared > but here is an example of the former : Ergo .
6. When thek fame Vkiliftines again invaded and over- ran the Land in the time ofSaul> Jonathan his fon, and his Armour-bearer, fell upon the Garrifon of thefe uo- circumcifed, and killed them* 1 Sam+xiv. 6, 13. This was an heroick Aclion, without publick Authority ; for he told not his father, ver, *♦ And lingular indeed, in refpect of the effect, and were a terapcing of the Lord, for fo few to aifault fuch a mulcitude, as it were to imi- tate Sam/on in his Exploits; but in this refpeel, thefe ac- tions are only unimitablc in conflderacion of Prudence, not of Conference, or as to the lawfulnefs of the thing : their ground was Moral, to cue off publick Enemies. Hence, if it be lawful co fall upon a Garrifon of publick Enemies, oppreffing chc Country^ then it mud be law-* ful to fall upon one or two, that are the Ring-leaders of publick Enemies, and main Promoters of their deducti- on, that are as pernicious, and have no more right or power, than the Philijlines > but fuch is the cafe of thole about whom the cjueftion is*
7. When David dwelt in the country of the Philffinei, he and his men went up and invaded the Gefiurites, and the Gezrites, and the Amalekites \ and David fmote the Landj and left neither man nor woman alive, I Saw* xxvii. 8, 9. This was without publick Authority, ha- ving none from Saul, none from Achifl, in whofe Coun- try he dwelt, and none of his own, bein^ no Magiftrate. We deny not the Divine Motion, but plead, that it is i- mitable from its Moral ground, which was that Com- mand to cut offthe Amalekitesy Exod. xvii. and the Ama~ rites, whofe relicls thefe Nations were; the fame ground that Saul the Magiftrate had to deftrov them. Whence it is lawful fometimes for others than Magiftrares to do fhat which if incumbent to Magistrates, whea rhcy ne-
690 Of extraordinary execution
gleft their duty. All I plead for from it is, If it be law"- ful for private perfbns, upon the Call of God, to cut off their publick enemies, when they are obliged by the com- mand of God to deftroy them, tho* they he living quiet- ly and peaceably in the Country ; then may it be law- ful in cafes of neceffity, for private perfbns to cut off their publick enemies, whom they are obliged, by the Covenant of God, to bring to condign punifhment, and to extirpate them, (as the Covenant obliges in reference ro malignant Incendiaries) when they arc ravening like Lions for their prey. v
8. In the days of Ahab and Jezebel's Tyranny, where- by the idolatrous Prophets of Baal were not puniflied ac- cording to the Law, Elijah faid unto the people, Take the Vrophets of Baal, let none of them efcape \ and they took them to the brook Ki/bon, and flew them there, I Kings xviii. 40, How Mr. Knox improved this pafTage we heard before, in the hiftorical Reprefcntation, Per. 3. and Jus pop. vin- dicates it, that in fome cafes private perfbns may execute Judgment on Malefactors, after the example of Eliasherc. Which faft, Peter Martyr, in locum, defendeth thus : [ I c fay it was done by the Law of God ; for, Deut. xviii. c 20. God decerned that the falfe Prophet fhould die ; € and chap. xvii. the fame is faid of private men and wo-
* men, who would worfhip Idols: But, chap. xiii. not c only is death threatned apainft a feducing Prophet, but
* a Command is added, That no man fhould fpare his
€ brethren . $dly, It is commanded, that the whole
c City, when it becomcth idolatrous, fhould be cut off
* by fire and fword: And, Lev. xxiv. 14 — 16. it is fta- tute, that the Blafphemcr fhould not live ; to which we c may add the Law or Equity of Taliatiow for theft € Prophets ofB^a/caufed Jezebel and Ahab kill the Ser- 1 vants of the Lord.' See Jus pop. cap.>20. pag. 425, Upon this alfo Mr. Mitchel defends his fa ft, as above
* Alfb Elijah, by virtue of that prccept,(De/f*.xiii.) gave
* commandment to the people to deftroy Baal's Priefts,
* contrary to the command of the feducing Magifrrate, c who was not onlyremifs and negligent in executing Ju- € ftice, but became a Protector and Defender of the Sedu-
* cers ;
of judgment hy private men. 6*oi
c cers ; then and in chat cafe, I fuppofe the Chriftians du- * cy not to be very dark. '
9. This idolatrous and tyrannical houfe was after- wards condignly punifhed by Jehu^ 2 Kings ix, x. chap. who deitroyed all the Idolaters, who were beforr en- couraged and preceded by that Court, chap. x. 25. This extraordinary fa& was not justified by his Magiftratical Authority $ for that was as extraordinary as the fact it felf, and conferred as a mean to accomplifh the faft. He had no Authority by the peoples fuffrages, nor was he acknowledged as fuch by the Court or Body of the peo- ple, only the Lord gave it extraordinarily. But it is not the imitation of his aiTumption of Authority that is here pleaded for, but the imitation of his facl in extraordina- ry cafes, when not only Tyrants and Idolaters pafs un- punifhed, but their infolency in murdering the Innocent is intolerable. Mr. Knox vindicates this at length, as be- forey and (hews, that it had the ground of God's ordi- nary Judgment, which commands the Idolater to die the death ; and that tho' we mud not indeed follow extraor- dinary examples, if the example repugn to the Law, but where it agrees with and is the execution of the Law, an example uncondemned (rands for a Command ; for God is conftanr, and will not condemn in Ages fubfe- cjuent what he hath approved in his Servants before. See theTeftimony of Period 5. above, and Jus pop cap. 20» fag. 4*S*
IG. When Athaliah, the Mother of Ahaziah, had ty- rannized fix vears, at length Jehoiada, with others, made a Confpiracy againft her, to depofe her, and make Joafi King ; which when it was difcovered, fhe cried! 7reafony Treafon, as indeed it would have been fo, if fhe had been the lawful Magiftrate ; for ic was an attempt of Subjects againft her that had the pciTeflion of the fo- veieign Power. But Jeho'iada commanded the Captains to heave her forth without the ranges, and him that foU hweth her kill with tie fwori\ and they hid rnnJsort her, and fhe wzsjlain^ £ Kings xi. 14,-16. That this is imitable in the pundhmenc of Tyrants, is cleared a- tove. If therefore it be lawful for Subjects to kill u- Slurping Tyrants, and fuch as fellow them to help them,
X x 2 under
692 Of extraordinary execution
\indcv whom neverthelefs people might have a life ; thea ic muft be lawful for private perfons to put 'forth their hand againfr their Cut-throat Brniffaries, in a cafe of ne* ceffity, when there is no living for them.
n. When Amaziah turned Idolater and Tyrant, after the time that he turned avvay from following the Lord, they made a Conf piracy againft him in ferufalem, and fie fed to Lachip.\ hut they fent to Lachifb after him> and flew him there 2 Chron, xxv. 27. This fad is before vin- dicated by Mr. Knox, Period 3. afterward Headland Head 5.
12 VfhenEfther made fuit to reverfe Hamans Letters, the King granted the Jews in every City, not only to ga- ther themfelves together, and to ftand for their lives, but alfb to defiroyy tojlay^ and to caufe toperifi, alt the power of the People and Province that would affault them, both little ones and women, — and to avenge themielves on their Enemies. And accordingly in the day that their Enemies hoped to have power over them, the yews ga- thered themfelves to lay hand on fuch as fought their hurl , and fmote all their enemies with the Jlroke of the f wordy Efthervliu II, 15. chap.ix: 1—5, &c. They had in- deed that Law of Nature fortified by the King's accefc fory Authority, as Valentinian, by his Edift, granted the like Liberty, to refift any unjuft Invader to depopulate the Lands of his Subjefts, That he might he forthwith li- mhle to a deferved Vunifbment, andfuffer that Death which hethreatned* ■ . And the like of Arcadius is extant, in the Jufkinian Cod* Tit. How it may he lawful for every Man to vindicate himfelfand the Puhlicky without the Con* turrerrce of a Judge. Bur that doth not exclude the law- fulnefs of fuch Refinances in cafe of neceffity, without publick Authority ; fo here, it was not the King's com* mandmentthat made the )fews avenging themfelves law- ful, if it had not been lawful before and without it ; it gave them only liberty to improve that privilege, which they had from God and Nature. Surely their power of refiflins did not depend on the King's Commandment, as is proven Head 5. £rw, neither their power of aveng- ing themfelves, ro prevent their Murder by their ene- faics, which they could and were obliged to do, if there
bad
6f judgment by private Men. 6"o £
fiad been no fuch Aurhority : Ergoy it was not only fu- fpended upon the King's Authority. And as for Haman* fons and adherents, being Agagites, they were obliged, by a prior Command, to avenge thcmfelves on them, on all occaiions, by that Command to deitroy AmaJek : Therefore it muft be lawful, even without publick Au» thority, in fome cafes of neceflity, to prevent the Mur- der of pnblick enemies, by laying hands on them that feek the hurt of all the people of God. -
Secondly , There are fome Precepts from which the fame may be concluded.
I. There is a Command, and the firft penal Statute againft Murderers, we read, Gen. ix. 6. Whofo fbeddeth mans bloody by man (ball bis bloodbefbed. Here the Com- mand is given in general to punifh capitally ail Murde- rers ; but there may be fome that no Magiftrate can pu- nifh, who are not here exempted, to wit, they that are in fuprcme Authority, and turn Murderers, as was faid above. Again, the Command is given in general to Man, involving ail the Community (where the Murde- rer is) in guilt, if his blood be not (bed ; as we find in the Scripture, all the people were threatned and punifh- td becaufc Judgment was not executed ; and when it was executed even by thefe that were no Magiftrates, the Wrath of God was turned away, whereof there are many Examples above. Further, if the Command to> fhed the blood of Murderers be given before the Inftitu- tion of Migiftracy, then, in cafe of neceiftty, to flop the courfe of Murderers, it may be obeyed, when there is no Magiftrate to execute it: But here it is given before the Inftitution of Magiftracy, when no v there was no Government in the world, but Family-government, as Grotius on the place faith, When this Law was given, pn~ blick Judgment was not yet conflitute, therefore the natural Right and Law of Taliation is here held forth, which, when Mankind was increafed and divided into fev?ral Kxtions^was jujlly permitted only to Judges, fome Cafes excepted, in which that primeve Right did remain. And if in any, then in this cafe in cjueftion. Hence, Ley rex anfwereth the V. Prelate, effaying to prove, that a Magiftracy is efta- blifhed in the Text, denies that Jta Adam, by Man, muft
fignify
6$$ Of extraordinary execution
ftgnify a Magistrate, for then there was but Family-go- vernment, and cites Calvin, of the fame mind, that the ^lagiftrate is not fpoken of here. Though this Com- mand afterwards was given to the Magiftrate, Num. xxxv. 30. yet, in a cafe of neccffity, we mult recur to the original Command.
2. This fame Command of puniflhing murdering Ene- mies is even, after the Inftitucion of Magistrates, in fe- veral cafes not aftrilted to them, but permitted to the people, yea enjoined to them. As, (1) Not only Magi- ilrates, but the people, arc commanded to avenge them- felves on their pub lick Enemies, as the Jfraelites, after their being infhared-in the matter of Peer, arc command- ed to vex the Mtdianites, and f mite them, becaufe they be- guiled them, and brought a Plague upon them, Numb. xxv. 17, 18. and Numb, xxxi 2. to avenge themfelves on them, and for this end to arm themfelves, and go againft them, and avenge the Lord of Midian: which they exe- cuted with the flaughter of all the males. So likewise arc they commanded to deftroy Amalek. It is true thefc Commands are given primarily and principally to Ma- gnates, as there to Mofes, and afterwards to Saul: yet afterwards we find other than Magiftrates, upon this Moral Ground, having the Call of God, did exe- cute Judgment upon them, as Gideon and David, be- fore they were Magiftrates, did avenge themfelves and the Lord upon them, as is before cleared. It is alio true, that there was fome holy feverity then to be extended againft particular Nations as fiich, peculiar to that DiP» penfation, which is not pleaded as imitable : but the ground was moral, and the right of a peoples faving themfelves by the deftru&ion of their enemies; when there is no other way for it, is Natural. And this is all we plead for, here. If people may vex their enemies, and avenge themfelves againft them, even without publick Authority, when enfnared by their Craft inefs; much more may they put a ftop to their infolency, by cutting off their principle and moft pernicious Inftruments, in cafe of neceflity, when invaded by their Cruelty ; buc liere a people is Commanded to vex their enemies, and a- venge themfelves on them> and accordingly Gideon, and
Davids
ef judgment by private men* 09$
David, did fo, without publick Authority, and that upon
a ground-which is moral and Natural : Ergo . ( 2. )
The execution of the punifhment of Murderers is com- mitted to the people : The revenger of bloody himfelf pall Jlay the Murderer, when he meeteth htm, he flail Jlay him, Kumb.xxxv. 19, 21. So that if he met him before he got into any City of Refuge, he might Lawfully flay him, and if he dia flee to any, he was to be rendered up to the avengers hands, Deut. xix. 12. that the guilt of innocent hlood may be put away from Ifraely verf. 23. This reven- ger of blood was not the Magiftratc : for he was the par- ty purfuing Numb. xxxv. 24. Between whom and the Murderer the Congregation wTas to judge : He was only the next in blood or kindred. In the Original he is cal- led Gael, the redeemer, or he to whom the right of re- demption belongs, and very properly fo called, both be- caufe he feeks redemption and compenfation for the blood of his Brother, and becaufe he redeems the Land from blood guiltinefs, in which otherwife it would be involved. I do not plead that this is always to be imitated, as neither it was always praftifed in Ifrael : but if a private man, in a hot pufiuit of his Brothers Murderer, might be his avenger, before he could be brought to Judgment," then much more may this power be a/Turned, in a cafe of neceflity, when there is no Judgment to be expected by Law, and when not only our Brethren have been murdered by them that profefi a trade of it, but others alio and ourfeives arc dayly in hazard of it, which may be prevented in cut- ting them off. I do not fee what is here meerly Judicial, lb as to be rejected as Judaical : for fure Murderers muft be flain now as well as then, and there is the fame hazard of their efcaping now as then; Murder involves the Land in guilt now as well as then, and in this cafe of necefli- ty efpecially, that Law that gives a man right to pre- ferve himfelf, gives him alfo right to be his own aven- ger, if he cannot otherwife defend himfelf. (3.) Not only the execution, the decifion of matters of life and death, is committed to them ; as in the cafe of Blafphe- my and curling, All that heard were to lay their hands up- on his head, and all the congregation was to ft one him, Levit. xxiv. 14, 16. The man-JIayer was tojland before the con- gregation
tfjff 0/ extraordinary executhn
gregatkn in judgment* Then the congregation pall judge he* tweenthe flayer and the avenger of bloody .Numb. xxxv. 12, 24. The people claimed the power of life and death, in feeking to execute judgment upon thofe that had fpoken Treafonagainft Saul^Bring the men (f Ay they) that we may fut them to death , I Sam, xi. 12. Efpecially in the cafe of Ipunifhing Tyrants, as they did with Amaziah. Certainly this is not fo Judicial or Juda\cal> as that in no cafe it may be imitated : for, that can never be abrogated alto- gether, which in many cafes is abfolutcly neceffary ; but chat the people, without publick Authority, fhould take the power of life and death, and of putting a flop to the infblency of Deftroyers, by putting them to death, is in tnany cafes abfolutely neceflary; for without this they cannot preferve tbemfelves againft graffant Tyrants, nor the fury of publick Enemies or Firebrands within them- felves, in cafe they have no publick Authority, or none but fuch as are on their deftroyers fide. (4.) Not only the power of purging fhe Land2 by Divine Precept, is incumbent on the people, that it may not ly under blood- guiltinefs; but alfo the power of reforming the Courts of Kings, by taking courfe with their wicked Abetters and evil Inftruments, is committed to them^ with a pro- mife, that if this be done, itfhall ten4 to the eftablifh- ment of their Throne; which h not only a fuppofition, in cafe it be done, but a fuppofed precept to do it, .with an infTnuation of rhenecefftty arid expediency of it, that it is as fuirable as the taking away of the drofs from fil- ver, in order to the production of a veffel, Prov. xxv, 4, 5. Take away the wicked from before the king, and his throne fiall he efiabliped in righteoufnefs\ which is not on- ly there given to Kings, for then it would be in the fe- cond perfonfpoken to them, out to the people to do it 'before themy as the people did with Baal's prophets from before Ahah And our Progenitors many times have done with wicked Counfellors, as may be feen in the forego- ing Reprefentation, and more fully in the Hiftory of the DouglajTesy and in Knox*s and Calderwood'S Hiftories. J-Ience, if it be duty to reform the Court, and to take a- way a KingV wicked Sycophants, Counfellors, Agents §nd Ipftigators to Tyranny; then itmuft be lawful in
foms
*J
of judgment hy private men: 6*97
tome cafes of neceifity , to reftrain their Infolency, and re- prefs their Tyranny, in executing Judgment upon fuchof them as arc moft infupportable,whoare made drunk with thej)lood of Innocents; but the foimcr is true : Therefore — ,(5.) Forthcomiffion of the executing of this Judgment onOppreflorsand Murderers, involving the whole Land in> fclood-guiltinefs, which cannot be expiated but by the blood of them that are fo criminal ; not only Magiitrates, but the whole people have been plagued. As for Saul's murdering the Giheonitesy the whole Land was plagued, until the man that confumed them>and devifed againji them to dejhoy them > /even of his fons were delivered unto them% to be hanged up before the Lor d, 2 Sam, xxi. 5, 6. So alio for the lins of Manaffeh. The reaibn was, becaufe if the Magiftratc would not execute Judgment, the people ihould have done it: for not only to the King, but alfa Co his fervantSy and to the people that enured in by the gates, the Command is, "Execute ye judgment^ and deliver the fpoiled out of the hand of the epprejfor, Jer. xxii. 2, 3. tho* it be true, this is to be done by every one in their ftation, fuflice and Order being pvefevvedy and according to the Meafure of their Office, and it chiefly belongs to Jud- ges and Magiitrates : yet this is no wrong to juftice, nor breach of Order, nor iinful tranfgreflion of peoples voca- tion, not only to hinder the fhedding of innocent bloody to prevent God's executing of what he there threatens, but alfo to execute Judgment on the Shedders, co pre- vent their progrefs in murdering villany, when inferior as well as iuperior Magifhates are oppreffing and tyran- nizing: therefore this feeking^ iind doing and executing judgment is fo often required of the people, in fuch a Cafe, when Princes arc rebellious and Companions of Thieves, and in the City where Judgment ufed to be, now Murderers bear fway, Ifa. i, 17, 21. the Lord is dif- pleafed where there is none, ifa. lix. 15, 16. Jer v. I. See this vindicated in Lex Rexy queft. 54. p. 367. and in Jus popuL cap* 10. p. 237.
5. That Command concludes the fame againft Idola- ters, Apoitates, and Enticcrs thereunto, Deut. xiii. 6,
&c. If thy brother or thy friendy which is as thine own
foul, entice thee fecretly, fayhg, let us go and ferve other
gods
6*98 Of extraordinary execution
gods- thou fhalt not /pare nor conceal him, but thou
fhalt furely kill him hecaufe he fought to thmjl thee
away from the Lord thy God — And all Ifraelfiall hear>
and jear, and do no more any fuch wickednefs. And ver£
13, &c< If thou fh alt hear fay in one of thy cities — ■«
faying^ Certain men, the children of Belial y are gone out- — -
and have withdrawn the inhabitants of their city, faying, let
us go toferve other gods ■ Then ft alt thou enquire-
and behold if it be truth , and the thing certain — 1 — mm thou fhalt furely f mite the inhabitants of that city with the edge of
the fword, deflroying it utterly This Caufe of the open
Enticers to Idolatry was not brought to the Judges, as common Idolaters, and fuch who were enticed to ferve other gods, and worpip them, were to be brought to the gates,and to be fionedfrfl by the hands ofwitnejfes, and afterwards by all ihe people, Deut. xvii. 3, 5, 7. But this is another Law; of which the Jewip Antiquaries, and particularly Grotius out of Philo and the Rabb. upon the place^ faith, * Whereas in other crimes the guilty uled to be kept afrer the Sen- 4 tencc a night and a day, that if he could fay an)' more 4 for himfelf he might, thefe were excepted from this 4 benefit ; and not only fo, but it was permitted to any 4 to execute Judgment upon them (w£. Enticers to Ido- 4 latry) without waiting for a Judge. The like was ufed 4 againfl fa crilegious Robbers of the Temple, and priefts * who facrificed when they were polluted, andthofe who 4 curfed God by the Name of an Idol,and thofe who lay 4 with an Idolatrefs : chiefly thofe who denied the Di- 4 vine Authoricy of the Law ; and this behoved to be 4 before the people, at lcaft ten, which in Hebrew they
£ called Hheda. Neither is this to be admired in
4 fo grievous a Crime, when even the manflayer with- c out the place of refuge might have been killed by the 4 I^infmanof the defuncV And upon Numb. xv. 30. the punifhment of prefumptuous Blafphemers, he ^ys, c But 4 here thefe are to be underftood thus, that the guilty 4 fhali not be brought to the Judges, but be killed by 4 them that deprehended them in the Crime, as Vhinehas 4 did to Zimri',* and proves it out of Maim onides, Pool. Synopf Critic, on the place. And it muft be fo ; for in this cafe no mention^ made cither of Judges, orWitnefTes, or
further
of judgment by private Men. 699
Furtherjudgmcnt about it, than that he that'was tempted by the hoticer fhould fall upon him, and lee the people knovfr it, that they might lay hand* on him alfo ; other- Wife eviIMen might pretend fuch a thing when it was not true. But in cafe of a Cities Apoitafy, and hcarkning to Enticcrs, the thing was oply to be folicitcufly enquired unto>and then tho* it was chiefly incumbent upon thcMa- giftrate to punifh it, yet it was not aftricled to him, but that the People might do it without him. As upon this moral Ground, was ifraeVs war ftated againft Benja- min, Judg. xx. J 3 When there was no King nor Judge, and alfo when there were Kings that turned Idolaters and Tyrants, they ferved them fb, as here is command- ed: Witnefs Amaziah, as is fhewed above. Hence not only Mofes, upon the peoples defection into Idolatry in the Wildernefs, commanded all on the Lord's fide, eve- ry Man to -put his fword by his fide, - andjlay every Man his Brother, and every man his Companion, and every Man his Neighbour, whereby three thoufand fell at that time by the Sword of the Levites, Exod. xxxii. 27, 28. But alfo Joafb, Gideon s Father, upon the fame moral Ground, though he was no Magiftrate, could fay to the
Abiezrites, Will ye plead for Baal, he that will plead
for him, let him be put to death while it is yet morning,—— Judg. vi. ji. Moreover, (as Mr Mitchel adduces the ex- ample very pertinently, we fee that the People of Ifrael deftroyed Idolatry, not only in Judah wherein the King concurred, but in Ephraim, and in Manajfeh, where the King himfelf was an Idolater; and albeit, they were but private Perfons, without publick Authority: for what all the people was bound to do by the Law of God, e- very one was bound to do it to the uttermoft of his pow- er and capacity. Mr. Mitchel offers this place to vindicate his Fa£t of (hooting at the prelate, Dent. xiii. 9 Where- in, (fays he) it is manifeli, c That the Idolater or Enti- c cer to worfhfp a falfe god, is to be put to death by the : hand of thofe whom he feeks to turn away from the : Lord : Which Precept I hnmbly take to be moral, and £ not merely judicial, and that it is not at all Ceremonial c or Levitical. And as every moral Precept is univer- 1 fal, as to the exteot of place, fo alfo as to the extent of
1 Time,
Jo# Of extraordinary Execution
* Time j and Perfons.' The chief thing objeBed here if* That this h a judicial Precept , peculiarly fuited to the old Dilpenfation ; which to plead for as a Rule under the New Teftament, would favour o£pe<wi/b rigidity in- confident with a Gofpel Spirit, Anf. How Mr. Knox re~ fels this, and clears that the Command here is given to all the people, needs not be here repeated ; but it were fufficient to read it in the foregoing Reprefentation, Pe- riod 3. Pag. 30. As it is alfo cited by Jus Pop. pag. 212. Sec. But thefe general Truths may be abided, concern- ing the judicial Laws> I. None can fay, That none of the judicial Laws, concerning political Conftitutions, i* to be obferved in the New Teftament : for then many fpecial Rules of natural and neceffary Equity would be rejected, which are contained in the judicial Laws of Cod : Yea, all the Laws of Equity in the World would be {b caft ; for none can be inftanced, which may not be reduced to fome of the judicial Laws : and if any of chem are to be obferved, certainly thefe penal Statutes, fo neceflary for the prefervation of Policies, muft be binding. 2. If we take not our meafures from the judi^ cial Laws of God, we fhali have no Laws for punifh^ xnent of any Malefactors by death, of divine righty in the New Teftament. And fo all capital punifhmentsmuft be only human Conftitutions; and confequently they muft be all Murders : for to take away the Life of Man, ex- cept for fuch Caufes as the Lord of our Life (to whole Arbitriment it is only fubject) hath not approven, is Murder, as Dr. Ames faith, De homicidio Conftienc. Lib* 5. Cap. 31. Que ft. 2. For in the New Teftament, tho% in the general, the power of punifbing is given to the Magiftrate, yet it is no where determined, neither what, fior how Crimes are to be punifhed. If therefore pe- nal Laws muft be taken from the Old Teftament ; the Subject of executing them, as well as the Object, muft: be thence deduced^ that isy what is there aftncled to the Magiftrate muft be fo ftill, and what is permitted to the People muft remain in like manner their Privilege; fince it is certain, the New Teftament-Liberty is not more rcftriclcd as to penal Laws than the Old. 3. Thofe ju- dicial Laws, which had either fome what Typical, or
Peda*
$f judgment ly private men* 7^x
Pedagogical, or peculiar to the then judaical State, are in- deed not binding to us under that formality; tho' even) :hefc doclrinally are very ufeful, in fo far as in their ge- neral nature, or equity of proportion, they exhibite to us Tome Documents of Duty; but thofe penal judgments^ which in the matter of them are appended to the moral Law, and are, in effeft, but accurate determinations anJ accommodations of the Law of Nature, which may fuit our Circumftances as well as the Jews, do oblige us a» well as them. And fuch arc thefe penal Statutes I ad- duce; for, that Blafphemy, Murder, and Idolatry, arc heinous Crimes, and that they are to be punifhed, the Law of Nature dictates; and how, and by whom, in feveral cafes, they are to be punifhed, the "Law judicial determines. Concerning the moral Equity even of the ltrideft of them, Amefius de Confcienc. Lib. 5. Mofaicai appendix of Precepts, doth very learnedly afTert their bind- ing Force. 4. Thofe judicial Laws, which are but po- sitive in their Form, yet if their fpecial, internal, and proper Reafon and Ground be moral, which pertains to all Nations, which is neceffary and ufeful to Mankind, which is rooted in, and may be fortified by human rea- fon, and as to the Subftance of them approven by tho giiore intelligent Heathens ; thofe are moral, and oblige all Chrifiians as well as Jews: And fuch are thefe Law* ©f pun ilhing Idolaters, &>c» founded upon moral grounds^ pertaining to all Nations, neceJflfary and ufeful to Man- kind, rooted in, and fortified by human Reafon ; to wif» that the Wrath of God may be averted, and that all may- hear and fear, and do no more fo wickedly; cfpecially if this Reafon be fuperadded, when the cafe is fuch, thaC innocent and honeft people cannot be preferved, if fuel* wicked Perfbns be not taken order with. 5. Thofe ju- dicial Laws, which being given by the Lord's immediate Authority, tho* not fo folemnly as the moral decalogue, are neither as to their end, dead, nor as to their ufc, deadly, nor as to their Nature, Indifferent , nor in any peculiar refpedr. reftringible only to the Jews, but the tranfgreflions whereof both by omiffion and commiflion are (till Sins, and were never abolifhed neither formally Uor coofecjucotully in the New Tcftament, muft be mo- ral;
70S 0/ extraordinary Execution
jral ; but flich, as thefe penal Laws I am fpeaking of, they cannot be reputed among the Ceremonial Laws, dead as to their end, and deadly as to their ufe, or indifferent iri their nature : for fure, co punifh the innocent upon the account of thefe Crimes, were ftill fin, now as well as under the Old Teftament; and not to punifh the guilty, were likewife fin now as well as then. If then the matter be moral and not aboliflied, the execution of it by private perfons, in fome cafes when there is no accefs to publick Authority, mud be lawful alfo. Or if it be indifferent, that which is in its own Nature indifferent, cannot be in a Cafe of extreme Ncceifity unlawful, when othewife the Deftru&ion of ourfelves and Brethren is in all hu- man Confideration inevitable. That which God hath once commanded, and never exprefly forbidden, can- not be unlawful in extraordinary Cafes, but fuch are thefe Precepts we fpeak of: Therefore they cannot be in every Cafe unlawful. Concerning this Cafe of the Obligation of judicial Laws, Amef. de Confident?. Lib. $. Cap. I. §ueft. 9. 6. Thofe Laws which are predicted to be obferved and executed in the New7 Teftament times, cannot fye judicial or judaicaU reftri&ed to the Old ; but fuch is this. In the day, that a Fountain pall be opened for the Houfe of David for fin , and for Uncfeannefs ; which clearly points at Gofpel-times ; it is faid, The Lord will caufe the Prophets and the unclean Spirits to pafs out of the Land : and it pall come to pafisy that when any ft all yet Pro- fhejy, then his father and his mother that begat him ft all fay
unto him, thou ft alt not live- — and ftall thrufi him
through when he prophefieth, Zech. xiii. 3. Which cannot be meant of a fpiritua! penetration of the heart: for it is faid, he fhall not live ; and the wounds of fuch as might efcape, by refiftance or flight, are vifible in his hands, ver. 6. It is therefore to be underftood of corporal kil- ling Inticers to Idolatry, according to the Law, Deut, xiii. 9. either by delivering them up to the Judges, as Pifcator on the place fays, or as Grotius faith, they (hall run through, as phinehas did Zimri, Numb. xxv. Underftand this ofafalfe Prophet, de firing to intice the people to the wor- ftip offalfegods \ for the Law empowered every Jew to pro- ceed agahfi fuch — — which taw exprefly adds} That they
fiould
$f judgment ly private Men. 70}
ftould not fpare their fon^if guilty of fuch a Crime. From all which I conclude, if people are to bring to condign punifhment idolatrous Apoftates, fcekingto intice them; then may opprefTed people, daily in hazard of the death of their Souls by Compliance ; or of their Bodies, by their conftancy in Duty, put forth their hand to execute Judg- ment, in cafe of heceifity, upon idolatrous Apoftates and Incendiaries, and the principal murdering Emiflarics of Tyrants, thatfeek to deftroy people,, or inforce them to the fame Apoftafy ; but the former is true : Therefore,
4. The fame may be inferred from that Command of tefcuing and delivering our Brother, when in hazard of his life; for omitting which duty, no pretence, even of ignorance, willexcufc us. Prov. xxiv. II, 12. If thou for* bear to deliver them that are drawn unto deaths and thofe that are ready to he (lain ; if thou fay eft, behold we knew it not ; doth not he that pondereth the heart confider it ? and He that keepeth thy Soul doth not he know it, and fhall not he render to every man according to his works ? That is, * Re- 1 (cue out of the hand of the Invader, Robber, unjuftMa- 1 giftrate, QPc. and that either bv defending him with
* your hand, or tongue, or any other lawful way : Men c ufe to make a great many excufes, either that they know 1 not his danger nor his innocence, nor that they were
* pofTefled of fb great Authority that they might relieve c him, that they have enough to do to mind their own af- < fairs, and not concern themfetves with others, &c. He c propofes anc4 redargues here, for examples fake, one ex- 1 cufe, comprehending all the reft/ As Commentators fay, Pool Sy v. Crit.in loc. This precept is indefinitely given to all: principally indeed belonging to righteous Ma°iftrates; but incafeof their omiffion, and if, inftead of defending them, they be the perfons that draw or fend out their defray- ing EmifTaries to draw them to death, then the precept
lis no more to be reflricled to them, than that verf. I.
\710ttohe envious againfi evil men, or that verf, 10. If thou faint in the day of adverfity, thy ftrength is (mall, can be faid to be fpoken only to Magiftrates. Hence, if it be a Di'ty to refcue our Brethren from' any prevailing
I power that would take their lives, unjuftly, and no pre- tence
J04 Cf extraordinary execution
rcocc even of ignorance w>ll excufe the forbearance of it, then it mult be lawful, in fome extraordinary cafes, to prevent the murdering violence of publick Incendia- ries, by killing them, rather than to iufiFer ourfelves or our Brethren to be killed, when there is no other way, in probability, either of faving ourfelves, or refcuing them; but here the former is commanded as a duty : therefore the latter alfo muff be juitified, when the-duty cannot otherwise be difchar ged.
Now, having thus at fome length endeavoured rto dif- icufs this fome way odd and effeemed odious Head, to which Task I have been as unwillingly drawn, as the A&ors here pleaded for were driven to the occafioo thereof, whom only the neceffity of danger did force to fuch Atchievements, topreferve their own and Brethrens lives, in prolecuting the Caufe; and nothing but the ne- ceffity of duty did force me to this Undertaking, ro de- fend their Name from Reproach, and the Caufe from Calumnies. I fhali conclude with a humble Protefta- tion, that what I have faid be not ftretched further than my obvious and declared Dciign doth aim at; which is not to prefs a practice from thefc precedents, but to vin- dicate a Scripture-truth from invidious or ignorant ob- loquies, and not to fpecify what may or muft be done in fiich Cafes hereafter, but to juftify what hath been done in fuch Circumftances before. Wherein I acknowledge^ that though the Truth be certain, fuch things may be done, yet the duty is moft difficult to be done wich Ap- probation. Such is the fury of corrupt paffion, far more fierce in all than the pure Zeal of God is to be found fervent in any, that too much Caution, Tendernefr, and Fear, can fearcc be adhibite in a Subjeft, where- in even the moft warrantable provocation of holy zeal is ordinarly attended with fuch a concurrence of Self- intereft, and other carnal temptations, as it is impo- ffible without the fignal afiiftance of fpecial Grace to have its exercife in any notable meafure or manner, without the Mixture of finful allay; as the True Xon-conformift doth truly obferve as abovey Pag. 391. Yet this Doc- trine, tho' in its defined and uncautioned Latitude be obnoxious to accidental abufes (as all Do&rines may be
abufefl
of judgment by private men. 705
abufed by men's corruption, or ignorance ; mifapply- ing the fame ) is neverchelefs built upon fuch Foundati- ons, that Religion will own to be firm, and Reafon will ratify their force. And I hope it is here fo circumfcrib- ed with Scripture-boundaries, and reitri&ed in the nar- row circumftantiation of the cafe, that, as the ungodly cannot captatc advantage from it, to encourage themfelves in their Murdering villanics, feeing they never were5 never can be fo circumftantiate, as the Exigence here de- fined requires; fo as for the Godly, I may prefume up- pon their tendernefs, and the Condudt of that Spirit that is promifed to lead them, and the zeal they have for the honour of Holinefs, with which all real cruelty is inconfiftent, to promife in their Name, that if their Enemies will repent of their wickednefs, and fb far at leaft reform themfelvcs, as to furceafe from their cruel Murdering violence, in perfecuting them to the death, and devouring them as a prey ; then they (hall not need to fear from the danger of this Doctrine, but as faith the proverb of the Ancients: Wickednefs proceedeth from the Wicked, hut their handfiall not be upon them. But if they (hall (rill proceed to Murder the Innocent, they mull underftand, they that hold this truth in Theory^ will al- io reduce it to prx&ice. And bloody Papifts muft know, that Chriftians now are more Men, than either ftupidly to furrender their throats to their Murdering fwords, or fupinely to fufFer their villany to pafs unpunifhed; and tho their favours have flattered many, and their fu- ry hath forced others, into a faint fuccumbing and fu- perfeding from ail Adion againft them ; yet all are not afleep: and I hope there are fomc, who will never en- ter in any terms of peace with them, againft whom the Mediator hath declared and will profecute a war for e- vcr, but will ftill own and aim at this, as the higheft pitch of their ambition, to be found among his chofen, called, and faithful ones, who maintain a conftant op- pofition againft them. However, tho' the Lord feems, in his Providence, to put a bar upon all publick appear- ances under a difplav of open war againft them ; and it is not the defign of what is faid here on this and the foregoing head, to incite or invite to any : yet certainly;
Y y cvea
*jo$ Of extraordinary execution
even at this prefent, all rhac have the zeal oF God amJ love ro his righteous caufe rightly flated in their hearts,' will find themfelves called not to fuperfede altogether from all actions, of avowed and even violent oppolleiona- gainft them, whom we a re all bound both by the morali- ty of the duty, and the formality of folemn and facred Covenants, to hold out from a violent intruiTon into and peaceable poffeffion of this land devoted to God, and to put them out, when they arc got in either by their fraud or force; and this plea, now brought to an end, will o- blige all the loyal Lovers of Chrift, to an endeavour of thefe, I. To take alarms, and to be fore-warned and fore-armed, refolute and ready to withfrand the invafion of Popery; that it be neither eftablifhed bylaw, thro* the fupinenefs of fuch, who fhould (rand in the gap, and refolve rather to be facrificcd in the fpor, by a valiant refitting, than fee fuch an abomination fee up again ; nor introduced by this liberty, through the wiles of fuch, whofe chiefeft principle of policy is perfidy, who deiig» by this wide gate, and in the womb of the wooden horfe of this toleration, to bring it in peaceably; nor intruded by force and fury, fire and fword, if they fhall fall up- on their old game of murders and maflacres. It con- cerns all to be upon their guard, and not only to come out of Babylon, but to be making ready to go againft ity when the Lord fhall give the call. 2. To refift the be- ginnings of their invafions, before they be paft remedy: and for th^s effect, to oppofe their gradual erections of their idolatrous monuments, and not fufFer them to fee up the^Jdol of the Mafs in city or country, without attempting, if they have any force, to overthrow the fime. 3. In the mean time, to defend themfelves and the Gofpel, agaitul all their afTaults, and ta-relciie any out of their hands, upon all occafions, that for the caufe of Chrift they have caught as a prey, and to oppofe aid prevent their own and the nation Vruln and flavery.
But to conclude : as it will be now expected, in ju- flicc. and charity, that all the Vaffals and Votaries, Sub- jects and Servants, of the one common Lord and King, Chrifl Jefus, every where thro' out his dominions, who »;ay fee this reprefentatioja of the cafe dad vindication
of judgment hy 'private men* 707
of the caufe of a poor wafted and wounded, perfecuted and reproached, remnant of the now declining, fome- rimes renounced Church of Scotland, will be fo far from ftandmg £/dw-like on the orher fide; either as Lnemiesy rejoicing to look on their affliction in the day of their ca- lamiry ; or as neutral, unconcerned with their diftreffed conditions ; or as Strangers, without the knowledge or fenfe of their forrows and difficulties ; or as Gallios ca- ring for none of thefe things, or thinking their cafe not worthy of companion, or their caufe of confederation; or pofTibly condemning their fufferings, as at belt but ftared upon /lender, fubtile, and nice points, that are odd an J odious, and invidioufly reprefented : it is now expected, I fay, that Chriftians, not poffefled with prejudice, (which is very improper for any that bear that holy and honourable Signature), and not willing to be impofed upon by m informations, will be fo far from that Un- chriftian temper towards them, as to be eaiily buffed with all reports and reproaches to their difadvantage, that if they weigh what is in this Treatife offered, and truly I may hy candidly reprefented, without any de- fign of prevarication, or painting, or daubing, to make the matter either better or worfc than it will iecm to any impartial Obferver ; they will admit and entertain, a more charitable conftru&ion of them, and not deny them brotherly fympathy and Chriftian companion, nor be wanting in the duty of prayer and fupplication for them ; that at length the Lord would turn his hand up- on the little ones, and bring at leaft a third part, a rem- nant of mourners, through the fire. So, to that little flock, the poor of the flock, that wait upon the Lord, and defire to keep his way*; I fball only fay, Though I judeed neceffity was laid upon me, inftead of a better, to efTay this vindication of your caufe, as Rated betwixt you and your, and your Lord's enemies, the men that now ride over your heads, that V^y to your foul, Bow down that <vue may go over you, I defire not that you fhould, yea I obteft that you may not, lay any ftrefs on the ftrcngth of what I have faid ; but let its weight \y where it muft be laid, on that firm foundation, that will bear you aad it btfth, that ftgacA that cried ftone,
Y y 3 %hii
J68 Of extraordinary execution, &c.
that precious corner-ftone, that furc foundation Chrift Jc^ lus : and fearch the Scriptures of Truth, to fee whether thefc things be fo or not : and I doubt not, but by thac touchftone if thefe precious Truths be tried, they will be Found neither hay nor ftubble, that cannot abide the fire, but as ii lver tried in a furnace of earth purified feven times. Do not offend, that they are contemned as fmall, and contradicted as odious, but look to the importance of his Glory, whofe truths and concerns they are, and from whom they are feeking to draw or drive you, who oppofe and oppugn thefe truths. Stand faft therefore in the liberty wherewith Chrift hath made you free, and hold faft every word of his patience, that you may be lcept in this hour of tentation. Let no man take your crown, or pull you down from your excellency, which is always the defign of your wicked enemies, in all their ftveral fhapes and (hews, both of force and fraud, crafc and cruelty. Beware of their fhares, and of their tend- er mercies, for they arc cruel ; and when they (peak fair, believe them nor, for there are /even abominations in their hearts. c Say ye not a Confederacy, to ail them to
* whom this people (hall fay a Confederacy, neither fear f ye their fear, nor be afraid ; fandify the Lord of Hods c himfelf, and let him be your fear, and let him be your c dread, and he fhall be for a San&uary, but for a fione
* of (tumbling, and a rock of offence, to both the houfes 5 of Ifraely for a gin and for a fnare to the inhabitants of C Jerufalern. Wait upon the Lord, who hideth his face cfrom the houfe of Jacob , and look for him, among his 4 children,' though now you be reputed for figns and wong dcrs in Ifrael> from the Lord of Hofts which dwelleth in Mount zion> i Who knows, but therefore will the
* Lord wait, that he may be gracious unto you,and there-
* fore will he be exalted, that he may have mercy upon c you, for the Lord is a God of judgment, blefTcd are all c they that wait for him/ To whom be all the Glory. Amen*
Having come to a Conclufion of the fix heads propof- ed to be treated of; I judged it conducing by way of Poftfcript to fubjoin a Seventh, in vindication of thefe
con-
Refujing to pay wicked Taxations vindicated. 709
confcientious and truly tender fufferers, who in the dread and awe of the holy, fovereign, and fbpreme Law-gi- ver, who commanciech his Subjeds and Followers to ab- flainfrom all Appearance of Evil, did, in obedience to him and his Royal Law, choofe rather to fuflfer the Rage, Robberies, and Violence of cruel and bloody Enemies, together with Cenfurcs, Reproaches, Obloquies, and con- tempt of apoftatizmg ProfefTors, than to give any aid or Encouragement to the avowed and declared Enemies of Chrift, that might contribute to the promovihg their Sacrilegious, Tyrannical, and hellifh Projects and Prac- tices, calculate and profecute againft the Gofpel and King- dom of Chrifr, the covenanted reformed Religion of the Church, the Rights, Laws, and Liberties of the people, and to the introducing of Antichriftian Idolatry, Tyran- ny and Slavery, by paying any of their wicked and wic- kedly impofed exactions, raifed for furthering their hel- lifh defigns, of which, none who pays them can be in- nocent.
HEAD VII.
"The Sufferings of many, for refufing to pay the wic- ked Exactions of the Cefs> Locality, Fines, c^V. vindicated.
IT will poffibly feem impertinent, or at.leaft pre- pofterous at fuch a time, when the prefTure of thefe Burdens is not more pinching to the Generality of pro- felling People, and in a fuch a retrograde order, as after the Difcuffion of the foregoing Heads, to fubjoin any Difquifition of thefe Queftions, which are now out of Date and Doors with many. But confidering that the Impositions of thefe Burdens are frill prefling to fome, and the Difficulties of Doubts and Difputes about them frill puzling, the fin and fcandal of complying with them ltill lying upon the Land, not confeffed nor forfaken, the Leaven of fuch Doclrinc as daubs and defends the like
Cora-
7 to Kefufmg to pay wicked Taxations vindicated. Compliance ftill entertained, the Sufferings of the faith- ful, for refuilng them, ftill contemned and condemned, and the Fears and Expectations of more Snares of that Nature, after this fair weather is over, ftill encreafing; if I may be fo happy as to cfcape Im pertinencies in the manner of managing this Difcjuifltion, I fear not the Cenfure of the Jmpertinency or needlefncfs of this EfTay. As to the order of it, it was intended to have been put in its proper Place among the Negative Heads of Suffer- ings ; but knowing of how little worth or weight any thing that I can fay is with the prejudged, and having s Paper writ by two famous Witnefles of Chri.ft againit the Defections of their day, Mr. M^Ward and Mr. Brown, more fully and largely detecting the Iniquity of the Cefs (from which the Wickednefs ofother exactions alfo may be clearly deduced) tho' at fuch difrance at the writing t)f the foregoing Heads, that it could not be had in Rea- dinefs to take its due Place, and Time would not allow the (lifpending other Things until this fhould come to hand ; I thought it needful, rather than to omit it alto- gether, to infert it heref However, tho' neither the form of ir, being by way of Letter, nor the method adapted to the dcCigvi of a moving Diflwafion, nor the length and prolixity thereof, will fuffcr it to be here tranferibed as it is ; yet to dift over what were their (entiments of thefc things, and what was the Doctrine preached and homo- logated by the mod faithful, both Minifters and Profef- fors of Scotland, eight or nine Years II nee, how clofly continued in by the contendings of this reproached Rem^ pane, ftill perfecuted for tbefe things, and how clearly abandoned and refiled from, by their complying Bre- thren now at cafe, J (hall give a fhort Tranfumpt and Compend of their Reafonings, in a Method fubferviene to my Scope, and with Additions necefTary for applying their Arguments againft the other Exactions here ad- duced in this Head, and bringing them alfb under the dint of them, though not touched by them exprefly. I muft put altogether, becaufe it would dihtc the Treat ife, already excrefced, into a Bignefs, farjbeyond the Boun- daries T defigned for ity to handle them diftinctly ; and their affinity, both as to their fountain, oature, and end*,
is
Refuftxg to pay wicked Taxations vindicated. 7 1 1 f fuch, that what will condemn one of them will con- demn all. What and how many and manifold have been the exorbitant Exaclions, as the Fruits and Foments of chis cruel Tyranny, that the Godly in our Land have teen groaning under thefe 27 years, and upon what Oc- cafions they hive been, at diverfe times, and in diverfc Manners and Meafures, impofed. I need not here relate, the firft part of the Treatife doth reprefent it. The firft of thefe Tyrannical Exactions, were the Fines for noc hearing the Curates, and other parts of Non-conformity ; which, together with paying the Curates tfipends, were too univcrfally at firfl complied with ; but afterward* upon more mature confederation, and after clearer difco- veries of the Impofers projects and practices, they were fcrupled and refufed by the more tender. And their fuf- ferings, upon the account of that F.ecufancy, have been very great and grievous, to theiutter Jmpoverifhment and Depopulation of many Families, befides the per/onal Sufferings of many in long Imprifonmencs, which fomc choofe rather to fuflain with patience, than pay the leaft of thofe Exactions. Yea, fome when ordered to be le- gally liberate, and {et forth out of Prifon, choofed rather to be detained ftill in bondage, than to pay the Jaylov^ Fees, their keepers demanded of them. Many other wic- ked Impofitions have been pre/led and profecuted with great Rigour and Rage, as fsliUtia-rnoney, and Locality, for furnifhing Soldiers, lifted under a Banner difplayeJ againft Religion and Liberty, with necefTarv proviiion, in and for their wicked Service ; which of late Years have been contended aeainft by the Sufferings of many,. and daily growing a Trial to more. But the mo ft im- pudently infolent of all thefe Impofitions, and that which plainly paraphrafes, openly exprefles and explains all tkc reft, calculate for the fame ends, was by that wicked Acl of Convention, enabled in the 1678, declaring vei v plainlv its ends, to levy and maintain Forces for fupref- fiqg Meetings, and to fhew unanimous affection for main- taining the King's Supremacy eftablifhed by Law. Or as they reprefent h in their^Acr, for continuation of it, A&. ;. Pari. 3. Char. II. Augufi 20. l6Sl, ' Seeing the c Convcarioa of Eftates holdca at Edinburgh in the Month
J lz Refufing to pay wicked Taxations vindicated.
f of July 1678, upon weighty confederations therein fpe ,7 cihed, and particularly the great danger the Kingdom c was under, by fed irious and rebellious 'Conventicles, and
* the Neceifity which then appeared, to encreate the
* Forces, for fecuring the Government, and fupprefTing
* thefe rebellious Commctions, which were fomented by * feditious Principles and Pr aft ices, did therefore humbly c and dutifully offer a chearful and unanimous Supply of
c 800,000 pound Scots, - in the fpace of five Years,
c ,,. And the Fixates of Parliament now conveen-*
€ ed, having taken to Confideration, how the Dangers c from the forefaids Caufes do much encreafe, in fo far € ^s fuch as are feditioufly and rcbcllioufly cnclined, do
* frill propagate their pernicious Principles, and go on
* from one degree of rebellion to another, tili now at laft
* the horrid villanics of murder, aflaffination, and avow- ed Rebellion, arc owned, not only as things lawful,
* but as Obligations from their Religion, do there-
* fore, in a due fenfe of their duty to God, to their facred ■* Sovereign, and the Prefervation of themfeives, and € their pofterity, of new make an humble, unanimous,
* chearful, and hearty offer, fpr themfeives, and in name
* of, and as reprefenting this his Ma jetty's ancient Kiog- c dom, of a Continuation of the forefaid Supply, grant- € ed by the Convention of Eftates ; and that for the* c fpace of five Years, or ten Terms fucceffive, beginning
* the firfr Term's Payment at Martinmas 1683, which c yet is to be continued until Martinmas 1688.' Here is a Sample of their wicked Demands, fhewing the Na- ture, Quality, and Tendency of all of them : Wherein we may note, 1. That they continue it upon the fame Confideratjons, upon which it was firft granted. 2. That thefe were, and yet remain to be, the danger of the Meetings of the Lord's people for Gofpei- ordinances, hy them forced into the Fields, which they call Rebelli- ous Conventicles ; and the neceffity of fecuring their Usur- pation upon the Prerogatives of Chrift, Liberties of his Church, and Privileges of Mankind (which they call their Government) and fupprefling the Teftimonics for the Intereft of Chrift (called by them Rebellious Commo- tkns!) 3, That their motive of continuing it, was their
con-
Refujing to fay wicked Taxations vindicated* 713
confederations of fome weak Remainders of former zeal for. God, in proiecuting the Teitimony for the Incerefts ofChnit, and Principles of rhe Covenanted Reformation (which they call propagating pernicious Principles) an4 lbme weak attempts to oppofe and refill their Rebellion againft God, and vindicate the Work, and defend the people of God, from the deitru&ion they intended a- gainu: them, and their lawful and obliged endeavours to bring thefc Deftroyers and Murderers to condign punifh- ment (which they call horrid Villanies of Murder, Ajfvfli- nation> and avowed Rebellion.) Here all the active Ap- pearances of the Lord's people, vindicated in the fore- going Heads, are induftrioufly reprrfented, under thefe odious and invidious Names, as motives to contribute this fupply of Means to lupprefs them, and to involve all the Contributers in the guilt of condemning them. 4. That as a Teh1 of their Allegiance unto, and Confederacy with that execrable Tyranr,(which they call their duty to their J acred Sovereign) they enacl: this as Repreientatives of ths Kingdom, and mult be owned as fuch by all the payers. 5. That it is the fame Cefs that was granted by the Con- vention ofEJiateSy and the Term of its continuation is not yet expired. And hence it is manifeft, that that Ad of Convention, tho' its nrft date be expired, and thereupon many plead for the lawfulncfs of paying it now, that formerly fcrupled at and witneiTed againft it, yet is only renewed, revived, and corroborated, and the Exa&ion continued upon no other bails or bottom but the hrft State Conftirution ; which wras, and remains to be a con- fummating and crinrfon wickednefs, the cry whereof reaches Heaven : Since, upon the matter, it was the fet- ting of a day, betwixt and which (exceeding the Gada- renes wickednefs,and fhort of their Civility) thev did not befeech Chrift and his Gofpel to be gone out of ScotIandy but with armed violence declared, they would with the Urong hand drive him out of his PofTefTion ; in order to which their Legions are levied, with a profefled Decla- ration, That having exauclorate the Lord's Anointed by Law, and cloathed the Ufurper with the fpoils of his Honour, they will by Force maintain what they have done ; aad having taken to themfelves the Houfc of
God
714 Kefufzngto pay wicked Taxations vindicated* j
God in poffeffion, they will facrifice the Lives, Liber* tics, and Fortunes of all in the Nation, to Secure them- fcves in the peaceable poffeilion of what they have rob- bed God ; and that there fhall not be a Soul left in the Nation, who fball not beflain, fhut up, or fold as '{laves, who will own Chrift and his Intercft. All which they could not, nor cannot accomplifh, wichout the fublidiary Contribution of the peoples help. This is the plain fenfc of the Ad for the Cefs, and, tho' not expreffed, the ta^ cite and uniform intention of all the reft ; yet, for as tnonftrous and manifeft the wickednefs of thefe defigns are, to judicially were the bulk of our Seers plagued with fclindnefs, that many of them were left to plead for the payment of thefe Impofitiom ; others, tho' they durft not for a world do itthemfelvcs, to befilent, and by their iilence to encourage and embolden many to fuch a Com- pliance; prcfuming with themfelves, and without fur- ther encjuiry, that the zeal of God, and love to his Glo- ry* and the Souls of their Brethren, would conftra in them to fpeak in fo clamant a cafe, if they did obferve any fin in it., Whereby the Univerfality was involved in the guilt of thefe things, efpecialiy deceived by the patro- ciny and pleadings of fuch of late, who formerly wit- nefTed againft it. O that it might be given to us to re- member Lot's Wife turned into a Pillar of Salt, to fea- fon us, left the ftink of our Deftru&ion, and what may follow upon it, be all that the pofterity gee for a warn- ing not to tread our paths, As for the few that have fuffered upon this Head, they have been fb difcruciated with perplexities, in their conflicts with the rage ofE- nemies, and reproach of Friends, and fear of thefe fnares attending every lot or occupation they could put them- felves in, that they have been made to defire death, as their beft refuge, and only retreat wherein they may find reft from all thefe rackings : for, in no place could they efcape the reach of fome of thefe Impofltions, nor thencife of their clamorous contending of Argument? that pleaded for it. But fome have had more Love to Chrift and his Ir.terefts, than language to plead for him, and more refolution to iuffer, than Learning to difpute forhisCaufc; aad where pure zeal for Chrift, and love
t*
Tiefujlng to pay wicked Taxations vindicated. 7 1 5 to his bleeding Incciefts; in a time when he is crucified afrefb, and put to open fhame, and the concurrence of all js required to help forward the War again!* him, is in integrity and vigour, it will burn with its fhme thofe knots that it cannot in hafte looic ; and chufe rather to ly under the Imputation of being zealous without know- ledge, than lofe, or let go fuch an opportunity of witnef- iing a good Confefiion; yea, when it could do no more, expire with an Ichabod in its mouth.
Bur fhortiy to come to the Point, I fhill, 1. Prcmit fome Concejjlons. 2. Propoie fome parallel Quefiions, 3, Offer fome Keafons to cie^r it.
I. I fhail willingly grant in the General, concerning faying of Exacl.ons, Impofitions, or Emoluments.
I. They are to be paid to thefe to whom they are due ; as Tribute and Cttfiom is to be paid to the Powers or- dained of God, and for this Caufe, that they are God's Mi- nijlers,. attending continually upon this very thing, Rom. xiii. 6, 7. So Sr pendsand all outward Encouragements are due to Miniilen of the Gofpel, who few fpiritu.il things, and fhould reap thefe carnal things, I Cor. ix. 11, 12. Fines alfo, and all legal Ammcrcements for Delinquencies againftfuch Laws, mull be paid, Deut. xxii. iy. Ant! whatfoever is due by Law toOl^icers,appoinred by Law, for keeping Delinquents in cuftody, as all Debts what- foever. But Tyrants Exadbons, cycled and exa&ed for promoving their wicked deligns againft Religion and Li- berty ; Hirelings Salaries, for encouraging them in their Intrufions upon the Church of God ; Arbitrary Imposi- tions of pecuniary Punifhrncnts for clear Duties; and ex- torted Hirings, of the fubordinate Inftrumenrs of Perie- cutcrs oppreffions, are no ways due, and cannot be debt, and therefore no equity to pay them.
2. It is lawful to pay them, when d«e and debt, ei- ther by Law or Contra^, even tho' they fhould be af- terward abufed and mifimproven to pernicious ends. Bur thefe payments for fiich wicked ends, either particularly fpecified and exprelTed in the very A& appointing them, or openly avouched by the Exaclors, are of another Na- ture, than Impoficions fundamentally appointed for the jMjblick Good ; and the after mifapplicat ion thereof ma dc
by
Ji6" Refujing to pay wicked Taxations 'vindicated.
by fuch as areentrufted therewith, is no more imputable unto the Land or Payers, than is the theft of a Collector ftealing or running away with the fame, without making Compt or Reckoning to Superiors. It is then a foolifh thing to fay, that former Impofitions were peaceably paid, tho' we faw and were convinced that their Ufe was perverted, and they were ufed againft the good of the Land and God's people : for no fuch thing was laid down as the ground, or declared as the end of thefe Ex- actions ; but what fell out was by the perfonal abufe and perverfion of thofe in power; which was their own per-_ ibnal fault, and pofterior to the legal engagement and fubmiffion to the payment thereo/ by the Land in their , Reprefentatives.
3. It is lawful to pay them fometimes, even when fun- damentally and originally from the fir ft Constitution of them they were not due, but illegally or ufurpatively chal- lenged and exacted, if afterwards they were by dedition or voluntary engagement, legally fubmitted unto by the true Reprefentatives. But not fo, when they were never cither lawfully enadted, or legally exacted, or voluntarir ly engaged by the Reprefentatives, except fuch as repre- fented the enslavement of the Nation, and betrayed the Country, Religion, Liberty, Property, and all precious* Jnterefts, aud declaredly impofed to further the deftruc- tion of all. Nor can any with reafbn fay, that this cafe is but like the cafe of the people of If r a el under the feet of Enemies, paying to them of the Fruits of their Ground, as was regrated and lamented by Nehemiah, Chap. ix. 96, 37. for Co they muft fay, the Exactions now in debate are their Redemption-money, and by thefe they purchafe their Liberty of Life and Lands, and own themfelves to be a people under Conque.ft. And yet they cannot deny, but they are both exacted and paid as Tefts of their Allegiance as Subjects, and Badges of their Loyalty and Obedience. But this is anfwered before, Bead 2. Concef. 7. Setl. 2. Pag: If any fhould object the practice of Chrift, tho' otherwife free, yet paying Cu- flom, left he fhould offend: it is fully refolved, ibid. Bead 2. Concef y. Tag. Here 'tis fufficient to hint (I.) That which made them marvel at his wifeAnfwer was,
that
Rtfufing to pay wicked Taxations vindicated* 717
that he left the Title unflated,ana the Claim unrefblved> whether it belonged to Cefar or not, and taught them in the general to give nothing to Cefar, with picjudice to what was God's; which condemns all the Payments we fpeak of, which arc all for carrying on the War againft God. (2) Cefar was no Tyrant nor LTurper ^z this time, becaufe they had legally fuomutei themfelves unto. fcveralCefars fucceffively before. (j)Ic vps,left he fhould offend: but here it will be evident, that the offrncc anif fcandallieth upon the other hand, of paying the Exa- ction. And it is againft all Religion 10 fay, that both the doing and refilling to do the fame Act, can give offence. But (4.) make the Cafe like ours, and I doubt not ro call it Blafphemy to fay, That Chriff. would have paid, or permitted to pay a Taxation, profcfTedly impoied for levying a War againlt him, or banifhing him and his Difciples out of the Land; or to fill the mouchs of the greedy Pharzfeesy devouring widows houfes, for their pretence of long Prayers; or that he would have paid) or fuffered to pay their Extortions, if any had been ex* acled of him or his Difciples, for his preaching, or working Miracles; or if help or hire had been demanded, for encouraging chofe that rofe to ftone him for his good deeds.
4. It is lawful to pay a Party to preferve the wJ;Dley when it is extorted only by force and threatnings, and not exacted by Law ; when it is a yielding only to a lef- fer fuffering, and not confenting to a Sin to fhift iuffer- ing. The Objection of a man being feized by a Roller, tranfa&ing with him to give him the one half, or more, to favethe reft ajnd his life, commonly made ufe of to juftify the paying of thefe Impositions, while under the power and at the reverence of fuch publick Robbers, can- not fat isfy in this Cafe. It is thus far fatisfying, that there is a manifcit Ccnceifion in it, that inftead of righ- teous Rulers, we are under the power, and fallen into the hand of Robbers from whom we arc not able to rife up. But there is no parity. For to bring it home without halting, and make it fpeak fenfe, we mult fup- pofe that the Robbei not only require* a part for him- ielf, and a part for his underling Shaven, Horfe-rub-
bers,
J 1 8 Refufing to pay wicked Taxations vindicated.
fcers, &Pc. but a part upon this declared Account, that htf may by that fupply be enabled and furnifhed with all things neceffary for murdering my Father, Mother, Wife, Children, Kinfmen and Friends -(Ml whom he bath now in his power) yea, and for doing that befides, Which is worfe than ail thefe put together Whether then ftiall I, by giving the Robber that parr which he* ^feeks, enable him to do all thefe mifchiefs; or by refu- sing, evpofe myfelf to the hazard of being robbed or ilain? Let the Gonfcicnce of any man anfwer this (for nothing can be here allcci ged againfi the party as now propounded) and then I fear not but the Objection fhall be found a blaze of empty words, blown away by any breath. Bntalas! will this Tattle of a Robber be found relevant in that day, when the publick Robbers fha 11 be prcceeded againft by the juit judge* Let tbem who think fo, think aifo, they fee the Court fenced, and the judge Cc:y and hear thefe words founding in their ears, Te are curfed with a curfey for ye have robbed me, even this whole nation', and then they are like to lay as little weight on the Objection, for fear of falling under the weight of the Curfe, as I do.
5. It is lawful pajjively by forcible conftraint to fubrrrit to the execution of iuch wicked Sentences, as impofe thefe burdens, if it be not by way of Obedience to them : tins is iuffering and not finning. Hence iz is eafy to rcfel that Objection, if it be lawful ( which hitherto was never cjue(tioned) for a man, who is fentenced to die, to go to the place of execution, then a man, being under the mo- ral force of a Law, which is equivalent, may pay Cejfes> Localities, Fines, &c. Anfw. I. Might it not be doubted, whether a man's going upon his own feet to bt execute, had ^s m?.nifer>, and from the nature of the thing, a ten- dency, yea and proper Caufality to advance the defign of the enemy, and his refufing to e<>, had as clear a Te- flimony againft the clamant wickednefs of their Courfe, as his refufing to pay their Impofittons. Whether, I fay, in this cafe; a man might not, yea, ought not to re- fufe to go to the place of execution. But 2. Whofoever would conclude any thing from it, to give it either life or legs, muft jaakc it rua thus: Let the order run in
tkii
Refufing to pay wicked Taxations 'vindicated. 719
this form (elfc there is no parallel, and fb no inference) we appoint all the Oppofers of our Courfe (that is all the Lovers of our Lord Jefus) whom we have for their rebellious Rendezvouzing at Conventicles fentenced at Enemies and Traitors to die, to come and be handed by virtue of our fentence; otherwife beikles the moral force of the Law, adjudging them to die, we fhall uft force, and dragthem like Dogs to the place of execution j and in putting us to this Trouble, they fhall fall un- der the reproach, that being fentenced to die, they fcrupled forfooth, yea refufed to go on their own Iq^s to the Gibbet. Let this, I ^Ayy be made the Cafe, which to me is the exacl parallel, and there every Child will know what to anfwer, or to hifsthe Objection as pure ridicule. 3. I fuppofe the objection fpeaksof a righteous and in- nocent perfon, who for Righteouirkfs is brought, as a Iheep to the {laughter (for a Malefactor, who hath loft all right to his life, is not to be underftood) then to make the Cafe parallel, it muft be taken for granted, (1) There is a publick Law with the penalty of death, iiatute for the violation thereof. (2) That the perfon to be exe- cuted, hath not only tranfgrefTed that Lavv, but his dis- obedience to the Law is notour. (3) That he is procef- fed and convidl of the tranfgreffion thereof : Where- upon followes. (4) The. Sentence, and then the Execu- tion. Now the Law being wicked, and the man from the fear of God, being conftrained to difobey the Law, he can in nothing be juftly conftrued aclive, but in thac difobedience or renitence: But in the whole of whac befalls him for this, he bein^ a captive Prifoner, is to be looked upon as paffive. Yea the very Act. of going to the place of execution in the prefent Cafe, howbeir, a* to its Phyfical entity, it is of the fame kind with the Executioners Motion that goes along with him, yet in in its Moral and Religious being, whence it hath its fpe- cification, its, wholly the Suffering of a Captive. Well then, ere any thing can be pleaded from the pretended parry; feeing there are Laws, made for paying fucb Exactions, Cejfes> Salaries, and Fines, for the declared ends of ruining the people and Tnterelts of Chrift ; 'tis ne- ceflary, in order to a juft parallel, that the Law murr be
firft
jZO Refufing to -pay wicked Taxations vindicated.
firft difobeyed. (2) The difobcdien.ee muft be notourv (3) The delinquent niuft be proceffed and purfued, as guilty of rhe tranfgreifion, and convicted thereof, where- upon Sentence pa/Tech againlf him for the breach of the ta*v.. Here I grant all with advantage to the Caufe: As in the hrfr. Cafe, fo in this, he who is judged guilty of the breach of this wicked Law, and who is lentenc- cd for that violation, ought to fuffer patiently thefpoiling of bis goods, and not to decline iuffering, if it were unco blood, driving againfc this fin.
, 6. 'Tis lawful or nvo evils of Sufferings tochufe the lead: where both come in the election, as in the Cafes fore- mentioned, and in a man's throwing of his goods oyer board in a ftorm; thefe and the like are deeds in the pre- ient exigent voluntary and rational, being upon deli- beration and choice, where the leaft evil is choien under the notion of good, yea of the beft chat can be in the. prefent cafe, and accordingly the will is determined, and' meets and clofes with its proper object: Qr one of them only he propofed to be fubmitted to, bur another lciTer evil of fuffering is in a mans power tochufe and propofe, for purchafing his immunity from a greater; which is cot impofed nor exacted of htm, etcher by a wicked Law* or for wicked ends declared, but Voluntarily offered; a* in the Cafe of parting with fome money to a Robber or Murderer to iave the, life, when he is feeking only the life ; as the ten men that were going to the Houfe of the Lord, fiid unto Ifimael, Jlay us not for tye have trea- fures in the field, for which he fovbare andjlew them not, jter.xll 8. In this a man does nothing, which under fuch circumfrances is not only lawful, (one of che main ends for which «oods are given to him, to wit, the pre- servation of his life, being thereby attained), but it were a grievous iln, and would conclude him guiltv of fclf- murder, not to make ufe of fuch a mean for prcfervation of his life, which God hath pur in his power, and is in the cafe called for by his precepts. Buthoweverforcemay war- rant one to do that, which may be done forfhunning a greater evil of lofs; yet it is never fufEcient to make one do that which is a greater evil, than all the evil that can be faid to be fhtiiuied : for the evil fhunned is fuffering.
BefuJiPg to pay wicked Taxations vindicated, ]2x but the evil done to fhun this, is real and adtive concur- rence,^ manner, mcafure, and method, enjoined by law, in ftiengthning the hands of thofe who have an played a, banner againit all the Lovers of our Lord JefusChrift; a manifeit chooling of iin to fliun fuffering, and a favin» of life with the prejudice of that in the prefervation whereof he fhould be ready to lay down all, and be ac a point to endure the worft this wicked world can make him fufFer, ere he be found guilty in the matter of a compliance of that nature. And tho'thc rod of thewic- hed fhould feem to reft on his lot, for his refufal, and he be thexobjecl of their rage and revenge, for hoLiing his integrity ; yet he (hall be honoured a.s a faithful witneis, helped to endure, a- feeing him who is invisible, and a- mid ft all his fufferings and forro ws, made to rejoice, in the hope that when God fhali lead forth thefe Workers of iniquity, hefhall not be found amongft. the company of thele who have turned allde with them into their crooked couries, and for that fhall be overturned ancf cruflied with them, under the curfe that is hovering o- ver their heads. It is true, a man fhould not caft him- fclf and his family (which if he provide not for, he is worfe than anjnfidel) upon fufferings, either ncedlefdy or doubtfully, when he is not perfuaded it is truth ancf duty he fufters for, and of value fumcient to countervail the lofs he may fuftain for it, But, on the other hand, in'the prefent and all like cafes it is highly of the concern- ment of all men to be careful and circumfpectly cautious, when the cafe comes to be Mated upon iuEFering or noc fuffering, in examining well whether the courfe, where- by a man fhuns fuffering be of God, and not to take plaufibilities for dcmonllratiom ; feeing the flefh is noc only ready to inculcate that doctrine, /pare ttyfelf, but is both witty of invention to plead for what will afford eafe, and as unwilling to Iiften to what would, if attend- ed unto, expofe us to the malice and rage of rigorous e- mies : it being always more becoming the Profe/Tors of die Gofpel, and the Followers of our Lord Jefus, who snuft walk to Heaven bearing his Crofs, to abftain at al! hazards, when the cafe is doubtful, than to rufh forward upon an uncertainty, when it is nor evideot they have
Z 2 God' J
J2Z RefaJitJg to pay wicked Taxations vindicated.
God's approbation for what they do. Yea, fuppofe % j>erfbn erred to his owa hurt in the firft cafe, through .weaknefs, yet it will argue much more fincerity and up- rightnefs towards God, and is done with lefs danger than in the other. And as many as walk according to this rule, are like to have the peace of the Jfrael of God, to compenfe whatever of trouble or lofs they may meet with' in the world, when others fhall not have this bird cfParadife to fing in their bofbm*
II. But fhunning prolixity, to come nearer the point, tecaufe perhaps fome may alledge fuch cafes are not de- termined in the Scriptures, nor can any cafe be found parallel to thefe under conflderation, from which we may gather the determination thereof; which I think indeed hard to find, becaufe in the wickednefs of former ages fuch raonftrous exactions had never a precedent, for fuch declared ends, fo declaredly impudent. I fhall make fbme fuppoficions, and propofe fbme, cjueftions, all of a piece, and fome way parallel to this under debate, and leave any conference touched with the fear of God, to anfwer.
I. Suppofe, when our Lord yefus and his Difciples were toffed upon the waves by the ftorm at fea, and he was fleeping, that then Herod or Vilate> or the Chief Rulers, had lent peremptory orders to all men, to fup- f\y and furnifh with fuch things as he had, the mca they imployed, to capacitate them once for all and for ever to link that floating bottom out of fight ; and that fomewhat fbould be given to the Soldiers engaged ia that enterprize, fomewhat to the Vharifees for perfuading them to it, and Fines to be exacted from the Recufants, and rewards to be given to fuch as fhould keep them in cuftody that fhould fall in their hands, either of them shat refuted to pay the meiety prefcribed, or of fuch of them as fhould efcape drowning. In this cafe would, or durft any of the Lovers of yefus comply with any of thefe demands? and not rather ehufe toperifh with him, or in oppoficion to fuch wicked attempts ? Now, hatli »ot the Lo4d Jefus, and all the intereft he bath in the nation, been imbarqued as it were in one bottom, and floating like a wreck in the fea ? And have not thefe . ttllcd
tiefufing to pay wicked Taxations vindicated 72 5
called Rulers in this Land, in their rage againft the Lord's Anointed, and the handful who adhere to him, fent their peremptory orders to pay a Cefs for finking his floating inrerefts; and to pay the Cuvnies for pcrfuading to it , and Fines for not concurring in it ; and rewards to Jeylors and others that are appointed to opprefs theRe- cuJants ? Who durii concur then in this compliance, who had love to Chrift in exercife, and who had his l;ricnds in the fame bottom imbarcjued? And beiides, feeing the great God had the man of whom this is required, bound w;ith his own confent, under a focrcd and folemn Oarh, and under the penalty of never feeing his ficc, if he do not venture life and fortune to preferve that precious interefr, and all who are imbarqued with it from pc- rifhing. Shall he, notwithstanding of this, give what: thefe enemies to Chrift, call for ashis concurrence, to en- able them to execute their wicked contrivance ? Does a- ny man think or dream, that the pitiful plea, of what they call a moral Force, will clear and acquit him before God from the guilt of a concurrence in this Confpiracy, while in the mean time he furnifhed whacfocver thefe enemies demanded of him, with this dxiprcfsDcclaro, that ic was for this caufe exacted, and for this end impofed ? Or can he think to be faveJ, when they fhall be lenten- ced, who with fo much deliberation and defpight have done this thing ? O let us confide r the afrer reckoning! And let us not with pretenecs diftinguifb ourfelves into a defe&ion, or diftradt ourfelves into the oblivion of this, that God is righteous to whom the reckoning muft be made.
2. Let it be fuppofed, under SauVs Tyranny, when the 2%-phims informed him of David's hiding himfelf with them, or when Doeg informed him of Alimelech's rcfetting him, that an order had been given forth to all IfraeJ, with this narrative: Whereas that Rebel David had now openly defpifed authority, had been entertain- ed by the Prieft, received Go!iaih\ fword from him, and gathered a Company of armed men together, therefore to the end he and his Complices, may be brought to ju- ftice, We ordain all from Dan to Beerfteba, to concur ei- ther perfoQally in thii expedition againft him, or to pa/
Z z a Gfi
J24 Rfifufitig. i° Pty tvichd Taxations 'vindicated.
Cefs to our landing forces to maintain them in this ex* jpedition, or fo much to gratify the Ziphims for their Idndnefs, or to furnifh Doeg with a fword, to murder the Priefts of the Lord. Would any that favoured Da* <vid*s righteous caufc, have dared to do any of thefc ? Would thefe that durft not concur themfelves, contribute any encouragement to the Concurrers ? Would Sauls Ser- vants that would not fall upon the Pricfts of the Lord themfelves, have given Doeg one of their fwords to do it, or money to buy one, if it had been demanded ? To the fame purpofe, fuppofe a party comes to a Dijfentery with an exprcfi order, and this narrative, Whereas there is fuch a Miniff er met with fbme people, at an execrable Conventicle, as they call it., (but in itfetf the pure worfhip of God) therefore to the end the Minifter may be taken and murdered, and the Servants of the Lord for the countenance they gave him may be brought to the fame jjunifhmcnt, they ordain him, for the accomplifhing of iheir defign, to furnifh that party with all neceflaries, or to pay fuch a fum of money for not concurring with them: now, fliould he in this cafe not only forbear to lay down his life for his brethren, and forbear to deliver them, that arc thus drawn unto death on fuch an account, (into which forbearance the Great God will make fb ac- curate an inquiry, Vrov. xxiv. it, 12. as may make us ttcmble, whether we look backward or forward ) but alfo furnifh according to the tenor of this order, that party of the Dragons legions, in their war againft the Prince Michael and his angels, with fupplies, and think to put off the matter and plead innocent with this, that he was under the moral force of a law, accompanied with fuch military force, as if he had refufed, they would have taken away all he had, &>c. ? For this plea, in its full ftrength, is to do evil, that fome good may come of it, (no true good) which brings juft damnation, Rom* iii. 8. or to chooft fin rather than afHtdion.
3. What if ManaJJeh, or other idolatrous Princes, that.facrificed to Devils, and made children pafs through the fire to Molech, had ena&ed a Cefs, or under fevcre impositions of Fines had commanded all to concur to a folemn facrifice of that nature, charging every man a-
gainft
Refu(ing to pay wicked Taxations vindicated. 72$
gainft a certain day, to bring in his proportion, in order to celebrate the faenfice with all its fiatute folemnities; or fhould have taken a child from every father, and then made a law, that each of thefe fhould contribute fuch a fum, for furnifhmg with all necefTaries, and main- taining thefe Murderers, whom they had conduced to fhed the blood of their innocent children, or facrifice them to Molech: Could it be expected that any of the godly would have paid fuch exactions, and then have wiped his mouth with the notion of a moral force? This comes home enough to our cafe: for no facrifice they can offer to the Devil, can be more real or fo acceptable, as what they declare they intend to do ; being fo direct, not only an oppolition to the coming of the kingdom of Chrift, but the deletion of his precious interefts, and ex- tirpation of his faithful Remnant, and the giving Satan fuch an abfblute dominion in the nation, as that they who have made the decree, and all who put it in execution, practically declare thereby they have manicipate them- lelves to his flavery, and fold themfelves to work wic- kednefs in the fight of the Lord: fo likewife, that all the reft of the nation, may with themfelves become his vafTals, and in evidence of their oppolition to Chrift, an J in recognition of Satan's fovereignty, and their fubjecti- on, they are appointed to pay thefe back meals.
4. Let it be fuppoftd, that after Nebuchadnezzar had made the decree, for all to fall down and worfhip his Image, and the three Children were apprehended for refilling it, he had made another, that all the Jew* efpe- ciaily fhould contribute, every one a Faggot, or Money to buy it, to heat the furnace, or a rope to lead them to it ; Can any Man fuppofe, that Daniel, or the reft of the faithful, would have paid it? Even fo, let it be fuppofed, that anyone of thefe faithful Ambafladors of Chrift, or all thefe zealous Workers together with God, who have laboured among the People in the preached Gofpel, fhould fall into the hands of thefe Hunters, and then rbey fhould make a Law, and appoint every man in the 'Nation to fend but one thread, to make a Tow, to hang that Minifter, or to hang the whole Company of Chrift's Ambafladors, and a Farthing to pay the Executioner :
Can
J26* Refufing to' fay wicked Taxations vindicated*
Can any man, without horrour, think of complying fb far as to contribute what is commanded 1 Or would not a gracious man, frighted into an abhorrence at the atro- cioufnefsof the wickednefs, or fired into a flame of zeal for God, lay without demur, as not daunted with fear of what flefh could do unto him, I will rather venture my All to keep them alive, or be hanged with them, than by doing what is demanded, be brought forth and daffed in the curfed and cruel Company ofthofe who fhall be dragged before the Tribunal of Chrift, with their fingers dyed and dropping with the blood of thofc who are peculiarly dear to him 2 I know it will be faid, that in all thefc cafes it would be a clear cafe of Confefc iion, Weil, that's all I would have granted: for that' which doth overbalance to a Teftimony, in all the cafes mentioned , is fo far from being wanting in the cafes now under consideration, that they have all to enforce the duty, that all of them put together do include ; as will be clear to any whoconlider (i.) The precioufnefs of the things and Interefts to be deftroyed. (2.) The Concurrence called for from every one, that this defpe- *rate deiign may be accom pi ifned. (3 ) The great, ma- fiifold and indifpenfibie obligations all are under, not on^ ly to abftainfrom the required concurrence, but to pre- serve alfo and maintain thefe things in oppofition to all whom Satan fets on work to ferve him in this Expedi- tion againft the Son of God, and to do it, or endeavour it with the lofs of life, and all things deareft to men, to the end, that thefe things which are Satan's eyefore, as only obHrufiive of his kingdom, may be preferved a- tnong the poor Remnant, and propagate in their power and purity to the pofterity, Happy he, who fhall be found fb doing now, when the Dragon and his angels are drawn into the fields, and have proclaimed the war, and publifhedto the world the caufes. thereof; fo that now this General having laid afide all his old difguifes, doth in his true fhape march upon the head of his black Legions, who wear his badge and colours, and fight un- $er his banner and ftandard.
III. In the laft place, with all poffiblc brevity, I
(half
Refilling to pay wicked Taxations vindicated. 72 J fhall offer fbme Reafons againft compliance with thefe Exactions incumulo*.
1. To pay thefe Impofitions, upon fuch declared Ac- counts, for fuch declared Caufe 5, and for fuch declared Ends, would condemn the Contendings and Sufferings of many eminently godly, efpecially iu our day, who have refufed them. Of thefe Queftions and Suffering! thereupon, among the godly in former times, we can- not inftruct much, for fuch infolent impofitions, as to alt the dimenfions of their heinoufnefs, were never heard beforev But we want not examples of the Saints refuting to give their money and other fuch things to wicked fnen, either to comply wiuh their wicked demands, o- fcey their wicked laws, encourage their wicked courfes, or further their wicked defigns. In Scripture we find Paul would not give Felix money that he might be loofed, tho' he fent for him often for that end, Acts xxiv. 26.
Mr. Durham in his Expofition of the Revelation, chap, vi. verftj). Letl. 6. p. gives an account, c That whea c in the pcrfecution of Dioclejian, the Perfecutors fought • but theBibles, poorscoats, money, or cup s (wherewi^i 'they ferved) to be given them, as fomc evidence of their ceding : but they refufed to accept deliverance upo* thefe terms; yea, when the foldiers, partly wearying to be fo bloody, partly defirous of feeming victory fl- yer Chriftians, did profefs themfelves content to take any old paper or clout in place of the Bible, they refufed to give any Ecvola (as it was called from the Greek ckGetKAa) or cafl-away Clout \ yea, when Soldier* would violently pluck fuch things from them againft their wills, they would follow them, profefTing their Adherence unto theTruth, and that they had not any way willingly delivered thefe things, as is to be feen in BaroniuSy An. 303, pi 748. it is reported of one Mar- cus ArethuJiuSy wrho was put to torment under Julian^ becaufehc would not build the Idol Temple which he had formerly demolifhed, when they were content to accept fbme part of the Expenees from him, and to (pari hislife, he refufed to °ive obolum, or one half-fin*
*j, Sowrn. lib. j, % Cent. hlag> Cent* 4« i>- 797 and 8m.
< By
28 Refusing to pay wicked Taxations vindicated, By which and many other iniiances we may fce^ how refblutcly the primitive Saincs held fa ft their Teftimo- nies r from which cfpecially they were called Martyrs or Witnejj'es \ and by which often, not only many weak ones wereftrengthned, but alfo many Perfccucers con- vinced, and made to cry out, Certainly great is the God of the Chrifiians ; while as they law, that no Allure- ments on the one lide, nor Terrors on the other, could make them loofe their grips, but ftill Truth and Chrift were born witnefs unto, and well fpokeh of by them. Ic will not be unnecefTary here to confider fome of Mr, Durham's obfervations on the fourth Leclure ; for clear- ing whereof he adduced thefe matters of Facl, fuch as Obf 7. Thac the giving of a Teftimony by outward Confeffion of the Truth, when called for, is neccfTary and commendable, as well a* fbundnefs of Faith; yea, it is oftentimes the outward teftifying of the Truth be fore men, more than the Faith of it before God, thac bringeth on fuffering : and there was- nothing more abhorred in the primitive Chriffians than disenabling of a Teftimony, to evite fuffering, as appeareth in Au- gufiines Writings concerning a Lie> and againft a Liey and the Writings of others to that purpofe. Obf 8. Thac every Truth of the Word may be a ground of fuffering warrantably: for the leaft thing that hath a Truth in it, as well as the more concerning fundamental Truths, is the Word of God, and fb cannot be difpenfed with by his people. Obf 9. Every Truth in the Word hath an outward Teftimony joined to it, and fbmetimes may be called for upon very great hazards. Obf. 10. When icis called for, this Teftimony or Confeffion to any Truth before Men, is no lefs neceflary, and ought as peremptorily to* be held and ftuck to as the former; therefore it is called (Rom. x.) Confejjlon unto Salva- tion>and called for by a peremptory certification, Matth. x. 32, 33. Obf. II. That thefe who are found in the
* Faith of the Word, will be alfo exceeding tehacious of 9 their Teflimony ; in Scripture, and in primitive time^
* we will find the Saints flicking at, and hazarding ^ thcmfclves on things which appear of very finall mo-
I meat.
Refufing to pay wicked Taxations vindicated. 72^
e ment, yec were to them of great concernment, becaufc : of the Teltimony, which was involved in them, which c they Would noc let go. Such wa* Mordecaz, EJiher in*
< Daniel vi. his not (hutting of his windows. Yea fur- c ther, in his lately printed Sermons on Matth xvi. 24. c Serm. 7. p. 155. the fame Author iaith: There is noc c in fome refpedt a more and a lefs in the matter of duty c and in the matter of Thith, or in refpedt of fufFering. « And a little after, Se&. 5. he fays, We would not limit c fufFenngs for Chrirt to things limply lawful or unlaw-
< ful; for it may be fometimes for things indifferent in
* their own nature, which yet being fo and fo circum- c ftantiatedto u>, may draw7 on furTering ; a thing may c be indifferent and lawful to fome, which to others, ' ftated under fuch and fuch circumftances, may be coun- c ted a receding from fome part of a juft Teftimony ; c even fho' the matter be nor fuch in ufelf, and in its c own nature, ytt it may be fo circumitantiate to fome c perfons, as it may be liable to that Conn1 ruction, if c they fhall recede from or forbear it ; as in the Example c of Daniel ', who fuffered for opening his windows, c which was a thing indifferent in itfeii~ and not eiTen-
4 tial to his worfhipping of God; but he finds him-
c felf bound in conscience, and that on very juit ground, c to do as he was wonc to do before, and that on the
* manifeft hazard of his life, lelt his malicious enemies c fhould have it to fay, that he receded from his duty, c and that he thought more fhame now, or was more a- c fraid now, than before, to worfhip the true God/
How worthy Mr. Knox argueth for with-holding E- moluments from the fa He Bifhops and Clergy, may be feen before, Part I. Per. 3. p. 28,29.
The General AfTembly, in their Declaration, dated July tilt. 1648. concerning the then unlawful Engagement in a War againft England, plainly and pofirively dehort- cth all Memters of the Kirk of Scotland from contribu- ting any Aflifrance thereunto, expreflcd as foilmveth,
* That they do not concur in, nor any wav aflid this c prefent Engagement, ^s they w'oulJ net partake in o- € ther mens fins, and fo receive of their plagues; but € that by the grace and afliftance of Chrift, they fledfaftly
< refolvc
75° Refufing to fay wicked Taxations vindicated. * refblve to fuffer rhe rod of the wicked, and the urmoft c which wicked mens malice can afflid them with, racher c than to put forth their bands to iniquity.' In which Declaration may be feen at large that candour, faithful- mefs and freedom which becomcth the Mmifiers of the Gofpel, and dignity of Watchmen, in their fcafonable warning and diilwading all from affifting any way to that unlawful Engagemcnt,perceiving the Sin and Snare thereof, fo obvioufly tending to the involving the Land in guilt, and expoling to wrath ; yea, and that not with- • landing of the fair and plaufible Pretexts of the Enga- gers and joiners therein, who pretended and profeiiec? their Undertaking to be for the furthering Reformation, cftablifhing and fecuring the Covenanted Religion from the Plottings and Endeavours of the Popifh,Prelatkk and Malignant Enemies thereof, and profecuting the Ends of the Covenants; Pretences which no doubt our fi lent and time-ferving Minifters (if they had any fuch now to plead) would ftrenuouflv improve, in vindication of their prudent Silence, finful and fliamefui Compliances. Alas, how fad and lamentable is the Condition of the -Church and Nation now ! that even when the Cafe is fo far altered,that not only all fuch Pretences are laid a fide, Reformation deferred and difd^iued^ the eftablifhed Re- ligion razed and ruined, the Covenant broken and burn- ed, and the owning the Obligation thereof declared Treafbn, but ^\fo an abfoiute Power pleaded and exer- cifed, to the (ufpending, (topping and difabling all penal Laws againft Popery and Prelacy, a Gap opened by aft Antichriftian Toleration to the letting in ail the Here-* fies, Idolatries and Blafphemies of the Mother of Harlots, and the Land openly defiled therewith, unjufr and wic- ked Taxations arbitrarily impofed and levied^ for the morVdreadfui, facrilegious and he-llifli Ends tfyat ever was publifljed to the World, far exceeding in wickednefs thefe te ft ificd a gamft by the Affembly 1648, or any for- merly. While theWatcbmen have fo far abandoned their Duty of fetting the Trumpet to their Mouth, and gi- ving due Warning of the fin and danger of thole dread- ful and Judgment-procuring Courfts, that they are caught in the Saare, and found complimenting a%J encouraging
the
Refusing to pay wicked Taxations vindicated. 7;t
the principal Inftrument of all thcfe Evils, by their fcan- dalous flattering AddreiTes.
How faithful and tender fome have been even in our Day their Sufferings and LolTes in a meafure above o- thers makes manifeft, amongft whom the worthy Laird cf Kevjland is not to be forgotten, whofe'Eftate, heritable and moveable, was declared forfeited and fcifed, for his appearing in Arms to join with that faithful Party, vvho, by horrid Oppreffion, were forced to betake themfelves Co defenfive Rciiftance in the Year 1 666 ; who, confider- ing the Equity of the Caufe he appeared for, the indif- j>eniibleneis of the Obligations binding him to that Duty, and how much a good Conference is to be preferred to an Eftate, durftnot part with the fweet Comforts of the one for the uncertain Profits of tfae other : And as he was carneft with God by frequent and fervent Prayer, for Light and Stedfaftnefs in the matters of his Suffering ancf Teftimony, fo it pleafed the Lord fo to determine his Heart therein, as that all the Endeavours and Perfwad- ons ufed both by Friends and Foes, to move him to a Compofition with the Enemies for his Eftate, proved un- fuccefrful ; yea, it is well known how that feverals,both of his near Relations and others, who ufed the mod for- cible and perfwafive Arguments, as the confideration of the ancient and honourable Family he was defended from'; the miferable cafe that he, his Lady and Children fhould be in, without his Eftate ', the Counfel and Judg- ment of grave and godly Minifters; the Freedom and Practice of other learned and knowing Men ; rogether alfo with the Imputation of vain Scrupulofity, flmple
' and unwarrantable Nicety and Precifenefs, &c. that ycc even fome of thofc wrho dealt moft with him, were, by his Defences aud Reafbnings, convinced of the Equity of his Caufe, and brought to commend his upright Refolu- tion, and to applaud his Tendernefs and Faithfulnefs ; and in particular his own Father, who pleaded much that he would only content, that he, with others of his Friends, might com pone in favours of his Family, and that he himfelf fhould be noways concerned in it further
, than to afTent that the Thiagbedonc; but could nnt
pre-
73^ Refujlng to fay wicked Taxations 'vindicated.
prevail, who afterwards hie/Ted God that he did aot; declaring, that he had much more fatisfa$ion and com- fort in his Son's Honeity and Stedfaftnefs, than many fuch* Eftates could ever have afforded him.
I (hall here mention fome Confiderations which pre- vailed with him to decline all Compofition dirc&ly or indireftly with the Enemies ia that matter. (l) That he could never attain to Freedom to ufe any fuch mani- feft Di/jSmulation, as deliberately to a/Tent to any thing that might import his acknowledging that to be a Sin and fault, (yea fuch a Sin and Fault as Rebellion) which he was convinced in his Confcicnce to be unque- fiionablc Duty both before God and Man, nor thereby cjiflembiingly to insinuate his undoubted Right to his E- ftate, to be in the perfon, or at the difpoilng of any Or ther. (2) Confidering that there can be no new Right procured upon a Composition, and granted to any, but fuch as fhall carry in the Narrative thereof that he had forfeited thatEftate by Rebellion, with a long Preamble, condemning the Caufe of God, and dutiful Endeavours of his People for Preformation, and in defence of Religion) and Liberty, all as Sedition, Rebellion and Trealon ; whereupon he refolved rather to part with his Eitate, than be any way inftrumenral and occafional to the in- dignifying that holy and honourable Caufe, with fuch difdainful, reproachful and blafphemous Epithets. And albeit fuch Tendernefs in Principle and Pra&ice of this worthy Gentleman, and of many others of the faithful Sufferers in our Day, be cenfured and conderhned by the lukewarm and worldly-wife ProfefTors in this Age, as art unprecedented Novelty, or precife and unwarrantable Notion ; yet we find it the fame with the faithful Suffe- rers in former Ages, and exadlly agreeing with the Do- ctrine and Principles of the moil orthodox and famous Divines ; for the reverend and learned Calvin having the fame Cafe ofConfcience propofed .to him by the Godly, persecuted in his Age, to which his folid and faithful Anfwer is extent in his 375 Epiftle, Article 3. thus pro- pofed and anfwered: 'Whether the Confifcation of * Goods can be fought back again from a Prince, in the
kefujtng to pay wicked taxations vindicated 733
c name and behalf of thefe who are forfeited for Reli- 4 gion 1 ' To which he anfwers, c That it is certain ic 'cannot be done without Sin; for the newRi^ht, or c the De Kovodamus (as we call it) granted by the Prince, c doth really contain open Blafphemiesagainft the Glory c of God ; becaufe therein Mention is made of Errors, c Crimes, and divine Lefe-majefty, whereof the con- c demncd are found guilty ; which new Right mud, in c Law, be exhibited by him who intendeth to ufe the € fame ; and that as a certain kind of Approbation, no- c ways to be tolerate. Wherefore, I Ice not that it is c lawful for a Godly Man rightly inftrudted in the Go- 'fpel, to involve himfelf into fuch Fidions. *
2. From the Fountain and Conveyance whence they pro- ceed, the Iniquity of thefe Payments might be conclu- ded ; which is nothing elfe than that arbitrary Power do- mineering over us, and opprefling and overprefling the Kingdoms with intolerable Exactions ; which to pay is all tnc Confent and Concurrence required of us to entail Slavery on the Pofterity. I mean, to pay it out of Sub- miflion only to the Moral Force of its Impofition, which is all the Juftification required of that abfolute Tyranny impofing it. For we have the Teftimcny of a King for it, {King James'j Speech to the Parliament, in 1609.) That a King degenerateth into a Tyrant, when he Jeaveth to rule by
Law> much more when he begins to fetup an arbitrary
Power, impofe unlawful Taxes, &c. It can be denied by oone, that know either Religion or Liberty, and are not Enemies to both, that thefe Impofitions under Confidera- tion, upon fuch Accounts, for fuch Ends, are as unlawful Taxes, and as illegally and arbitrarily impofed, as ever could demonftrate the raoft defpotical AbfoluteneO, Para- mount to all Law, or Precedent, but that of Benhadad9 of a very tyrannical Srrain,Tfo/j/*i*fcBenhadad, thy filvet and thy gold is mine-- yet I will fend my fervants, and they fiallfearch thine ho ufe, and it (ball be that whatfoever is plea- fant in thine eyes, they pall put in their hand, and take it away. I Kings, xx. 3, 6. which even an Ahab and his Elders -would not hearken to nor confent. But from an rxotick Dominator this were not fo intolerable, as from fuch as
pretend
-54 Refufing to pay wicked Taxations vindicated.
fretend an hereditary Right to govern, who fhould ft- tnove violence andfpoil, and take away their exactions from the Lord's people, as the Lord faith, JEzek. xlv o. But in- ftead of that, That they may do evil with both hands ear- nefily^ the prince asketh, and the judge asketh for a reward t and the great man uttereth his mifchievous defire : fo they . wrap it up,- Mic. vii. 3. theeafy Compliance with which^ makes Zion as the grape-gleanings of the vintage. If thofc Exactions be wicked, then Compliance with them muft he iniquity: for it juftifies the Court that enacts and ex- acts them, a packed Jun&o of a prevalent Faction, made up of perjured Traitors, in a courfe of enmity againft God and the Country, who, to prolecute the War againft the Almighty, and root out all his people out of the Land, condefcend upon thefe Cejfes, Fines, &c. as a fit* and adapted Medium thereunto. Wherefore, of oeceffity, all that would not own that ConclufTon, as their own deed, in thefe Rcprefentatives, and own them as their Reprefencatives in that deed, muft bear witnefs againft the fame, by a Refufal to own the Debt, or pay the fame. But I (hall conclude this, with obferving (1.) The holy and remarkable righteoufhefs of the Lord, that we, who would not contend earncftly for the Li- berty of the Gofpel, who would not acquit ourfilves like men, in witneifing our Loyalty to Chrift, were not fixed iri our Engagements, nor ftedfaft in holding the Liberties wherewith Chrift hath made us free, did not reclaim nor reluctate, when we faw our Royal .Matter's Prerogative invaded; fhould be trodc upon in all Ci- vil s, and treated as Slaves, even by thefe, whom w« had e ratified with a bafe and fiiaful forbearance to plead for God> and preferv* from their violence thefe things* thefe precious and invaluable things, which we fhould have kept more tenderly than the apple of our eye. O the reJucency of this righteoufhefs, in making the gods whom we have ferved finite us, and in making them- whoie intereft we minded, with a Mifregard and Perju- ry-involving neglect of the Interest of Chrift, thus to de- ftroy our poor pitiful Interefts / And thus having taught thesxtobe Capuias over «*> wc,m.uft aow fit in the
houft
Refujtng io fay wicked Taxations vindicated. 7 ; J
toufc of bondage in our Land. (2.) Who will not a" dore and admire the Righteoufnefs of the Lord, parti- cularly in leaving fome of thefe to be defignedly trode upon, who not only were involved in the common guilt of not withftanding thefe Enbroachmcnts, but firit went a great way in concurring to the making of thefe wicked Laws; and now have been made to ly under the load, laid upon their loins by the hands of fuch, to whoca they gave the hand in overturning the Work of God? Why fhould not they be fpoiled ? Why fhould not the young lions roreupon them, and make their Land Wade? Why fhould not men of the fame metal and foul with the children of Koph and Tahapanesy break the Crown off their head (or feed upon their Crown) who have fold, and fet the Crown of Chrift upon another's head, and concurred to crufh his faithful Remnant? O let us learn to read and revere ! Let us not hi wheedled with we know not what, out of our good old Prin- ciples, into the elpoufing the Interefr, or embarking in- to the fame bottom with men of fuch Principles and Practices. And whofo is wife, and vbill obferoe thefe things, even they Jh all under fl and the loving kindnefs of tha Lord. Great loving kindnefs, that he hath (hewed to hi* poorRemant, in delivering us from deliverances by fuch Deliverers, whereby the work had been more really and more fha me fully ruined, and the hope of the pofterity more certainly razed.
3. From the declared Ends of all of them, declared either verbally or virtually, and indlfputably^and uot- verfally known ; to wit, that by fuch exa&ions they might be enabled to maintain and profecutc ti*e national rebellion agairiit Chrift, and root out his Gofpel, and all the faithful Preachers and ProfefTors thereof. Thefe dc- figns being notour, and the impofitions demanded be- ing the belt expedients, and mod adapted means co at- tain them, if cannot but he manifeft, that whofoever complies with the means do co-operate with the ends : which, if any thing, will involve the Compliers in the Contriver's fin, and make the Pavers obnoxious to tl}£ Eaaiterj judgments. If they that take rewards to flay In- nocents,
y%$ Kefufing to -pay wicked Taxations vindicated*
nocents, be liable to a curfe, Deut. xxvii. 25. they can-* not be free who give them ; they cannot fay Amen to ity who Co co-operate to the effedtuating the flaughter. It any thing make Zion liable to be plowed as a field, whem the heads thereof judge for reward, Mic. iii. II, 12. ic mutt be, when they demand fuch rewards, and the de- mands are complied with. But lome may pretend, ancf under that pretence think to fhut the fhower of fuffering, and command the ferenity and fun-fhine of a good con- ference too, and to fhelter their foul under that fhadow ; that thefe exa&ions may be necefTary for other ends : Can any State be without exactions ? Is it not necefTary that forces be maintained, and fuch as are in publick of- fice in the kingdom ? Wherewithal fhall the nation be guarded againft foreign invaiion 1 Alas ! the pretence is fo falfe and frivolous as he could not efcape the cenfure of foolifh, who inanfwering it appeared ierious, fave in a juft indignation at its empty vanity. What are thefe forces and publick Officers tor ? What are they employed about, but to promote the Dragon s defigns,. and fcrve his drudgery 1 Shall thefe guard the nation, who, toge- ther with Religion, tread upon the poor remaining fha- dow of Liberty 1 Do they indeed fear a foreign invafi- on ? No ; it doth not hold us here : thefe called Rulers hide not their defigns, but hold them to our eye that we may not pretend ignorance. They will do the greateft hafte firft : Chrift'and his intereft is their great eyefore. This <mtjefus> who calls himfelf a King, Qyc^y and he will be fo to their coft), and his Subjects as the moft dangerous party, are to be difcu/Ted in the firft place: and thereafter, when they arc liberate from that fear of his returning to his throne, whom they have exau&o- rate, (for, if ever he do, they are ruined, make hafte, O Lord ! ) and have eaten the flefh and drunk the blood of his people, then they will be in a better cafe to defend the land, by fhewing the enemy thofe tejth and tusks, wherewith they have torn the people of the Lord. But will men put out their own eyes, that they may be ta- ken with the more tamenefi to grind in their mill, and, make them merry at our madnefs 1 Have we 1°^ oup
fenfefj
kefujlng to pay wicked Taxations vindicated. 737
ftnftsy that we may with confidence jeopard our fouls ? Have they not invaded the Mediator's kingdom, and ta- ken to themfelvcs his houfe in poflcflion 1 And becaufc Reavers may not be Rewers,they will deftroy all in the land, who feem faithful to Chrift, and refblute to fol- low the Captain of the Hoft of Ifrael. But is it not e- nough that they menace Heaven 1 Will they mock us in- to the fame rebellion with themfelves? He will not be mocked, but turn their jeft into earneft. I cannot here fliift the tranferibingfome of the very words of that Au- thor, whofe reafonings I am but gleaning on this fubjecl:.
* Oh Britain ! O Scotland! bent into, and bold in back- c (liding, the wrath of God, and thy wo feem s to be
* upon the wing. And alas! lam afraid, that, by this
* crowning and Crimfon wickednefs, the Lord God Al-
* mighty is making a way to his anger, and preparing c the nation for a facrifice, to expiate in the fight of the
* world our perjury, defe&ion and heaven-daring pro- c vocations. Alas ! I am afraid, that the fword of the c Lord, which fhali avenge the quarrel of his Covenant,
c is near to be drawn, — that the Contributes, as
c well as the Mated party of Contrivers, Decreers and 1 cruel Executioners ofthefc decrees, may fall under the
* blow of the furbifhed fword of the Lord God : and c that the land of fuch abominations may be fwept of
* its inhabitants with the befom of deftrudlion, and foak- € ed with the blood of thofe, who, inftead of contending c for Chrift, have by this payment alTociate with his fta- « ted, his declared, and implacable enemies, whofe rage c is come up before him, and will bring him down to c take revenge. Alasj my fears, my fears are multipli- € ed upon me, that the war fhall not only at laft land in c Britain: But that he hath been all this while training c up a Militia abroad, breeding them in blood, and teacbr c them how to be skilful to deftroy, againft the time he c give them order to march, and put the flaming iword € in their hand, to be bathed in the blood of backfliding 1 Britain! Oh, if our turning unto him, that he might
* turn away from the fiercenefs of his anger, might pre- € vent this wofulday [ But fince, inftead of any turning
A a a ' un^
jjS Refitting to pay wicked Taxations vindicated*
€ unto him, we iurpafs the deeds of the ^Heathen, and
< outdo in wickednefs all that went before us, and pro-
< ceed, with a petulancy reaching Heaven, from evil to €worfe; I am afraid, that all the bioodfhed II nee the € fword was drawn in the nations about, all the lacked
* cities, all the burnt dorps and villages, all the wafted
* countries, all the flam of the Lord by iea or land, all c the pillagings, rapes, murders, outrages, (which rage
* itfelf could hardly outdo), all the horrid and inhuman c cruelties, that have been committed during rhis bloody € war (wherein the iea hath been dyed, and the land as
* it were drowned with the blood of the flain) all the
* truculent and treacherous murders of that Monfter Alva c in the Low Countries, all the incredible cruelties of the
* Guifes, and the bioodfhed in the mafTacres of France, all
* the tortures that the people of the Lord have been put € to in the valleys of Piedmont, by that little fierce Ty- € ger the Duke of Savoy, all the favage and barbarous c butcheries of the Irifi mafTacre; fhall be forgotten, or c feem things not to be mentioned in one day, when c what fhall be done in Britain comes to be remembred* c OBrifain, O Britain 4 of all nations under the cope of € Heaven, mod ripe for the fickle of vengeance ! fhall
< this throne of iniquity, which hath framed To many c mifchiefs into laws, and all that are Complices in this € wicked confpiracy, who now are gathering themfelves cagainft the fouls of the righteous, and condemning the € innocent blood, be able to fave its fubje&s, when he € comes to make inquisition for that blood ? Or fhall f the fubjects, calling in all from 60 to i 6, be able to c flipport the throne 1 Alas I in vain fhall they offer c to draw up, and drawthe fword and defend, when the
* Lord God of Hofts draws his fword, to accomplifh c upon them the vengeance written, and wrapt up in c thefe words, He fhall bring upon them their own iniquity, ' and (ball cut them off in their own wickednefs, yea the
* Lord our God pall cut them off . Aud, if it come to this, € then in that day, efcape who will, profefling Gentle- € men, and others, who, in this, have complied with f the Rulers, fhall not efcape : then fhall they be paid
< for
Refusing to pay wicked Taxation vindicated. 739
cjforthis payment. The ftorm of his difplcafure, (even c though they get their fouls for a prey, yea fo much € the more as he will not fufrer them to perifh eternally) c (hall be obferved to fall particularly upon their houies, ( inrerePiS and cftates. Who can think upon the wicked- 1 nefs of Britain, with its juft aggravations, and imagine c the righteous Lord will proportion his judgments to c the heinoufnefs of our guilt, and his revenges to the * rage, whereby he and his Chrifi hath been, and is op- c pofed, and take other meafures ? "
4. From the Nature of thefe Payments, it is notour they are finful Compliances and Tranfaftions with ChrifVs declared enemies, and do pertake of unicive confederacies with them ; which are demonflrated to be finful, Head 3. Arg. 1. in gen.pag. Certainly fuch bargains cannot be difcretive, exadted and complied with by perfons no ways incorporate together, being only overcome by mere force: iince they are not only demanded and granted ac- knowledgements of that power that impofes them, as legally lording over them, but obediential fubmiilions to thefe wicked laws that enads them ; which is a formal juftifying of thefe laws: for laws cannot be obeyed, ex- cept they be juftified, feeing laws unjuft and unjuiiifiable cannot be obeyed. Therefore, feeing the payment of the Cefs, Locality, Fines, Stipends, Fees, &c. is an obedienti- al compliance with the laws that enjoin them, that obe- dience can no more be juftified, than the laws enacting fuch payments : which none can juftify but he that is am enemy to thofc things for oppofing which they are ex- acted. If then compliances with the wicked impositions and exactions of arbitrary Dominators, enemies to the work and people of God, be in Scripture condemned, then fuch payments cannot be juRifled : but fuch com- pliances are condemned^ and cannot be approven. This was Ijfachavs brand, that being a flrong/dfs, he couched between burdens, and bowed his fhoulders to bear and become a fervant to tribute, Gen. xlix. 14. This was A- fas folly, that he fo far complied with Benhadad^ as to give money to take his help, 1 K'wg. xv. 18. Condemn- ed by the Prophet Hanani* 2 Chron. xvi. 7- &V. much A a a 2 more
740 Refujlng to pay Wicked Taxations vindicated. more if he had given it to help him. It is one of the in- fiances of the evil that Menahem did in the fight ot the Lord, 2 King* xv. 18—20. that when Pul the King of AJfyrin came againft the land, he gave him a thoufand talents of fiiver, that his hand might be with him, which he exa&ed of Ifrael: This was certainly evil in the fight of the Lord ; for if the confederacy was evil, then this price to procure it was evil alfb : and if Menahem' scxaftiozi was evil, then ifraeVs compliance was evil alfo ', for thus Bphraim was opprefTcd and broken in judgment, becaule he willingly walked after the Commandment, Hof. v. 11. It was alfb a part and proof of Ahaz's confederacy with Tiglath-Pilefer King of Ajfyria, that he font money to him, 2 King. xvi. 8. Which to ail the fearers of the Lord is condemned and difcharged, Ifa. viii. 12, 13. Which, if it was evil, then alfo Hezekiah's compliance with Sen* fiacherib, giving him money, and offering to bear that which was put on him, 2 King, xviii. 14, 15. was evil ; and alfo Jehojakim1 s ''taxing the land, to give the money according to the commandment of Pharaoh, 2 King, xxiii. 35. was finful to the Exa&er, and likewife to the Com- pilers. Thefe were all finful compliances and confede- racies with the wicked, making their peace with them to whom they paid them : therefore all peace-making payments, by way of unitive agreement with the wic- ked, muft be finful. And accordingly in the time of Montrofe, the General Affembly made an A6t for Cenfuring the Compilers with the puhlick Enemies of this Church and Kingdom, June 17. 1646, Seff. 14. See Part. i.Per. $« Pag. 96 and 97.
5. Where thefe exaBions are extorted only as badges of bondage, without confent unto the law impofing them, it is a cafe more fuitable for lamentation than cenfure that fie that was Prince fs among the provinces fiould become tributary. Lam. i. I. But when they are acknowledge- ments of the Lawgivers, and an exacl: obedience to the law, and voluntary agreement and bargain "with them, flrengthening them to the profecution of their mifchiefs, they cannot be free of the Impofer's fin. It was the fin of the men ofshechem, and a proof of their heart's incli- nation
Refufing to pay wicked Taxations vindicated. 741
nation to follow Abimelech> that they gave him threefcore and ten pieces of filver, enabling him to kill threefcore and ten perfons, and to hire vain and light pcrfbns to fol- low him, which they paid as ah acknowledgement of his ufurped power, Judg. ix. 3 — 5. for which afterwards fire came out of the houfe of Abimelech and devoured them. Certainly a voluntary confent unto a mifchief is a partak- ing with the fin of it, a confent unto theft is a partaking with it, PfaL 1. 1 8. But if there be any confent unto a mil- chief, it muft be when the perfon agrees it be done a- gainft himfelf, and voluntarily fubjects himfelf to the Force of the Law impofing it, and not only does not oppofe or witnefs againft the doing of it a- gainft others, but yields to its reaching himfelf, and gives what is demanded to ftrengthen the Robbers to exercife their Robbery over all. As. the Payer of the Cefs* Fines and Fees, &Pc. gives all the confent required of him to thefe Mifchiefs framed into Law, not only to rob him- felf, but the Church and Nation of its deareft Treafurc theGofpel, for the punifhment of owning which, and as Means to remove it, thefe Payments are exacted. But the Plea of the Payers is, That they are conftramed to it, and they do it againft their will. Anf. I. He who fays he.un- derftands this, that the Payer of thefe Exactions can purge himfelf of the Guilt of them, is like to buy an After-wit at a dear Rate. Can it be thought by any man of know- ledge and confeience, that fb remote a Force makes the Deed involuntary, whereby the Payer is purged from the Guilt of acceffton to the Impofers Deed, whom here- by, in this very Impofition, he owns as hisPveprefenta- tives 1 2. The Payment cannot be involuntary ; for the Law enjoining it, being the publick and declared Will of the Nation, requires no other Voluntarinefs but O bedience, and judgeth no other Thing Involuntari- nefs but Difobedience. So that the Law being fati£- fied, it abfplves the Satisfier from all rranfgreflion, and looks upon all who yield Obedience as equally willing, and equally out of the reach of its appended Penalty, in cafe of Difobedience. Neither are we to pleafe ourfclves with other Fancies and fictitious Unwillingnefs, wheo real Obedience is yielded, whereby the Law is fatisfied,
and
742 JLefuJtng to pay wicked Taxations vindicated.
and the Lawmaker capacitated thereby to act all his in- tended Mifchiefs, For to be unwilling to part with Mo- ney in the cafe, as it is no Virtue in itfelf, to I fuppofc there are few who will be foliicitous to purge themlelves of this. And to be unwilling from fbmc ftrugglings of Light and Conference, is luch an unwillingnefs as ag- gravates the guilt of the Giver, and makes it more hei- nous in the light of God, and hateful in the Eyes of all tender Men : the Law enjoining fuch Payments, takes Do notice of fuch Relu&ancies, only recjuireth Obedi- ence ; and when that is yielded, the Law is fatisfied, as to the voluntarinefs of the Action, and muft conftrue the Agent a willing Walker after the Command, and a vo- luntary Complier with the publick Will of the Nation, 5 . It muft be fimply, really, and truly a voluntary dtedy when there is Deliberation and Eletlion* The Law re- quiring thefe Payments being promulgate, every man muft be fuppofed to put the Qucftion to himfclf, What ihall I do in the Cafe ? Shall I obey and be free 1 or dis- obey and fufFer ? Here is election and choice upon ma- ture Deliberation ; and fo the deed becomes truly volun- tary. This will be confirmed, if we confider the Law of God, DeuUxxii.2^. concerning Rapes. Where, to make the unvoluntarinefs of the betrothed Virgin, Ihe muft not enly be fuppofed to ftruggle and refift the Attempt made upon her Chaftity and Honour by the Villain ; but {he muft cry for Afliftance in that Refiftance, without which £he is held in Law willingly to confent to the commit- ting of that Wickednefs. And moreover, if we confider the Law, ver* 15. it will be manifeft, in order to her efeaping of death, that when violented, and the Villain hath committed this Villany, fhe is to carry as Tamav (when defiled of thatbeaft, tho'of the Blood-Royal) did, 2 Sam. xiii. 19. that is, to complain and cry, and crave "|ufticc againft him, and be wanting in nothing, that may bring him to condign punilhment. This doth aptly correfpond to our Cafe. Scotland is the betrothed Vir- gin: We were efpoufed to Jefus Chrift, and joyned to him, by a Marriage Covenant, never to be forgotten ; fcuti the Rulers, and with them the body of the Land
have
Refujing to fay wicked Taxations vindicated* 74*
have treacherously broken it; yet there is a Remnant that adhere to him as Head and Husband ; becaufe of which, thefe called Rulers incenfed againft him, will vi- olently commit a Rape upon them, and have them profti- tute their bodies, their fortunes, yea their Souls and Conferences to their Iufts, and thus they will needs ra- vifh the Queen in the King's pretence. And fo, while with difplayed banner they declare they will drive our Covenanted Husband out of the Nation, and deftroy all who will own him as fuch, they call for our Ailiftancc and Complyancc, to enable them to accomplifh this wick* ednefs. Now either muft we make all the Refiftencc that is in our power; or the Law judgeth us willingly toconfent, and becaufe of that we fill in the hands of the Righteous Judge, and have neither the evidence of our Refilling, nor Crying, nor purfuing the wicked for this violent Rapey to produce and plead upon, why Sen- tence fhould not pafs, and the Laws juft feverity be ex- ecute upon us. What? Alas! do they declare they will ftone our Husband ? ( Ah ! for which of his good deeds is this done) And fhall they make a Law whereby we fhall be obliged to furnifh them with Rones to do it ? And fhall they be obeyed ? Is this our ftruggling ? Is this our Crying ? Is this our endeavour that the wic- ked may be brought to condign punifhment ? Oh ! let. us meditate terror, left we be brought forth as willing Confcntcrs/ For whatever vengeance the jealous nnr! juft God fhall execute upon them, who have committed the Rapt, fhall equally, in its crufhing and cverlafting- \y confounding weight, fall upon them who do not by their Refufing, and their refitting make their unwilling* nefs manifeft; which in the prefent Cafe is their ftrug- ling, their Crying, and calling God and man, to wit- neft, they ate not Confcnters, but continue conftant anJ loyal in their love to their betrothed Husband.
6. A formal Confent to the wickednefs of theft Im- pofitions were the lefs matter, if the payment of them were not alfo a Concurrence to affift them, and a ftrength ening their hands in h. But this is fo manifeft, that the paying of the Cefs, Locality, Tines, Fees, &c. is a
Con-
744 Refitfog i0 tay w'tcked Taxations vindicated.
Concurrence with, and Contributing towards the promov^ ing the wicked deiigns for which they are impofed, that he muft have a confeience of braft, and inagrcatmeafure feared who \^ill run upon fuch a formal Engagement againft the Lord and his anointed King in Zion. If it was Aaron's fin which made the people nakedy and which brought fo great a fl)t uponthem, to take, and the peoples fin and (hame to give, that Contribution of Golden ear-rings for mak- ing a CalfJ Exod* xxxii. 3. &c. And if it was Gideons fin to take, and IfraeVs to give, that Contribution of the car-rings of their prey, to make an Ephod, Judg, viiL 25. Then, as it is our oppreffors fin to take, fo it muft be our fin and (hame to give, their demanded Exaclton to help them in erecting fuch Idols of Jealoufie, as they havefet up, and are commanding all to bow to, to pro- voke the Lord to Jealoufie, efpecially when they.affrone- cdly require fuch Contributions to be payed, both as punifhments for not affifting, and as means to affift » in their eftablifhment. fbould <we thus help the ungodly and love them that hate the Lord 1 And will not this bring down wrath upon us from the Lord ? 2. Chron. xix. 2. Alas / inftead of Arguing, it were more fit to fall a weeping, when its come to be a cjueftion amongft us, whether, inftead of coming to the help of the Lord a- gainft the Mighty, we (hall really help the Mighty againft the Lord, * and that while they call for our affiftance formally upon this declared account. As the very in- Icription of their Acts, does carry it in their front, re- quiring zfupply to h$ Majejly &c. If this be not a Caft- ing in a Lot among them, who can tell what it is 1 Sure it is a preparing a table for that troupe and a furnifhing a drink-offering unto that number, If a. lxv, 31, Seeing it Is a fupplying them with neceiTaries, to fblemnize their Idolatrous feftivities, who forfake the Lord, and not only forget but lay wade his Holy Mountain, for which all that have any acceflion to it, are threat- Bed to be numbered to the fword. If any thing be a fiventhening the hands of evil doers, ^er. xxiii. 14. certainly this is. For as they cannot accomplifh their curfed ends without thefc Exaftioasj fo the payment of them is afi
the
Refujlng to pay wicked Taxations vindicated. 74 J
the prefent, perforui and publick Concurrence in wag- ing this war with Heaven, thac is required of the Na- tion, to wit, fuch a Sum to furnifh them with all Ne- ceiTaries, and maintain the Executioners of their Hell- hatched and Heaven-daring Decrees and Orders : and the Law requiring no more but contributing what is ap- pointed, looks equally upon all the Givers, as Follow- ers of the Command, and a&ive Concurrers in comply- ing with its end, and carrying on and promoving its deiign, and fo aiToils them from all the Statute-fcveri- ties, in cafe of deficiency.
7. If it were only a Concurrence in their wickednefs to pay thofe their exacled Supplies, it were more eallly comported with : but I fear it fhall be found a Hire and Reward for their wicked Service. At firft they were on- ly enacted and exacled, as Helps to capacitate this Po- pifh, Prelatical and Malignant Faction, to profecutc the War they had undertaken and declared againft Chrift : But now, having thereby been enabled to carry it through this length, that they havcalmoft got all vifible Appear- ances for Chrift, in owning his Gofpel, and propagating his Teftimony, quite fupprefTed by means of thefe Im^ pofitions, and having got the fields cleared of thofc that formerly oppofed their Courfe and Career, and all obstacles removed that might ftand in the way of the Reception they have prepared for their Miftrefs the Ba- lylonifb Lady, the Mother of Harlots \ they now demand tnefc payments, as their Wages and Hire for their la- bour; which to pay now, is more Pnan a juftifying* fee- ing it is a rewarding them for their Work. And to pay thefe Pimps, and to purchafe their peace thereby, is worfe than to bring the hire of a whore into the houfe of the Lord(Dcut. xxiii. lS.) fince it is a hiring them to briog the Whore into the Houfe of the Lord. O how hath Scotland plaid the Harlot with many Lovers ! Is this the zeal we fhould have had to our covenanted Husband, and the hononr of his Houfe, that we have not only fuf- fercd his Enemies to come in and take pofTeffion of it, but contented to their invasion ; and not only confentrd, but invited them to come in; and not only invited them,
but
74^ Reffifing to fay wicked Taxations vindicated.
tut proflitutc our Eftates and Confcicnccs alio to their arbitrary Iufts ; and not only plaid the harlot with thenv but hired them alfo when they had done! And for this the Lord may fay to Scotland, as he faid to his People ©fold, They give gifts to all whores , but thou give ft thy gifts to all thy lovers, and hirefi them, that they may come unto thee on every fide, for thy whoredom* And the contrary
is in thee from other women in thy whoredoms in that
thou give ft a reward, and no reward is given unto thee I therefore thou art contrary, Ezek. xvi. 33, 34. There If- rael is taxed for hiring the Ajfyrians: But let it be con- sidered and enquired into in the Hiftory, how this was, "What evidence can be given of this in their Tranfafti- ons with them ? Was only that they w7ere enticed, or did entice them into a Communion with their Idolatry ? It is true, Ahaz may bean inftanceof that, in his fend- ing the pattern of the Altar hr faw at Damafcus,2 Kings , xvi. 10. And it cannot be denied, but in feveral refpec-is they did partake with the Ajfyrians in their Idolatry, which was their Adultery. But what could be their hire they gave them for it, if it was not their Taxations they paid, and Money they fent unto them? as Ahaz did, verf, 8 and Uez.ek.iah alfb, tho* a good man, 2 Kings, xviii. 14, 15. which can no more be juftified, than Afa's paying to Benhadad. It was then their Confederacies, and the bjre of them the Lord calls the hire they gave unto their lovers. With this alfo Ephraim is charged, that he hired lovers, Hof, viii. 9, 10. of this we have in- ftances, in Menahems giving to Pul a thoufand Talents of iilver, and exacting it of the people, 2 Kings, xv. 19, 20. And mHofiea his becoming fervant to Shalmanefar king of Ajfyria, and giving him preicnts, 2 Kings, xvii. 3, If then hiring wicked men in Confederacies to help the Lord's People, be a hiring of lovers fb much condemned in Scripture, what muft a hiring of them to hurt them, and rewarding them after they have done, and when they formally fcek it for fuch work9 he ? but a giving the reward, they feek to flay the innocent (Deut. xxvii. 25/) and a voluntary yielding that which they take (E- ZeL xxii. 12.) which if it be" (In in the Takers, cannot
be
Kefufng to pay in icked Taxations 'vindicated. 747
be juftified in theGivcrj, but will render both obnoxious to the indignation of a provoked God,4n the day when he fhall besin to contend for the Wrongs he hath got, both by the Work and the Wages. Now let all the Adh for the Cefs and Continuiation thereof, and other A&s and Edi£b for Fines and lTorfeitures, be conlidered in their juft import, according to the true meaning of the Ena- clers, and the Caufcs for which they exaft them, and will have them complied with ; it will be found they were both declared, intended and improved, and ac- cordingly approved by the Compilers, not only as Helps, but as Hires for our Op^reflors and Deftroyers, and for fuch as have been, and are more dcftruclive and expli- citely declared Enemies to Chriit's Interefts and People in Scotland, than ever the Affynans were to the Church in the Old Teftament. The Cefs was not only a help, but a hire to the Tyrant and his Complices, for fuppref- iingMeetings for Gofpel-ordinances; especially the Con- tinuation of it, from time to time, was humbly, unani- moufl), chearfully and heartily offered, for themfelves> and in name of, and as reprefenting this Kingdom, as a hire for the doing of it, and an encouragement to fupprefs what remained of rhefe Conventicles. The Locality was intended as a help to the Soldiers in their quartering* upon this account; but afterwards, being exprefly dis- charged to be furnifhed, without payment according to the current rates of the Country,^? 3. Pari. 3. K. Charles IT. Aug. 20. 1681. The Contribution of it for nought muft be interpreted for a reward of their fervice, Fines are appointed, not only for a punifhment of Contraveen- ers of their wicked Laws, but for a hire to their moft violent Executers. Stipends for a hire to their hireling Curates. And Fees, as a hire to Jaylors, to keep the Lord's People in bondage. By which hires the(e de- fxroyers have been rewarded, by them whom they have dertroyed, and for which the righteous Lord will reward both.
8, Let it be confidered, how far thefe fubmiflions are fliort of, and how clearly thefe compliances are incon- llftent with, that duty which lies upon us with reference
to
74§ R&fujlng to pay wicked Taxations vindicated.
to them. Our Obligation to God and our Brethren doth indifpenfibly bind us to a contrary Carnage. If it bind us in our Station and Capacity to an active Renitency, it doth much more bind us up from fuch Compliances. Neither is it imaginable, how moral Force can ever ju- ftify our doing chat deed, we are obliged, by all imagi- nable bonds, yea, if in any probable Capacity, by the utmoft of real Force, to counteract. Can we give them that which they require, and by which they are enabled to murder our Brethren, when we are fo indifpenilbly obliged to reicue our Brethren, Prov. xxiv. II, 12. to relieve the oppreffedy Ifa. i. 27. to loofe the bonds of wic- kednefs ^ to undo the heavy burdens > to let the oppreffed go freey and to break every yoke , Ifa. lviii. 6. What do wc owe to thefe Enemies, but feeing they have conftitutc themfelves by thefc Acts implacable Enemies to Chrift, his People and Interests in habitey not only plainly and importunately to pray that he would overturn them, but to oppofe their Courfe, to the utermolt of our power, and to concur to wreft that power out of their hands f And flnce they will needs make the whole Nation, a Curfe, they are fo far from being to be complied with, that for thefe Exactings and Exadtions they are to be looked up- on, and carried unto, not only as thefe who have fold themfelves to work Wickednefs, but endeavour alio to engage with themfelves all in the fame guilt, and ex- pole them to the fame Curfe. And therefore, that the Anger of theLord may be turned away from his people, every one in his ftation is obliged to endeavour to bring thefe Achans to condign punifhment.
9, As it mud be taken for granted, thas thefe wic- ked Oppreffions by Law are Perjury favouched in the fight of God; yea, in a peculiar manner, our covenan- ted Subje&ion unto him is turned into an open War a- gainft him : fo we cannot but believe, that for this Height of Wickednefs, the Curfe of God ( to which in the Covenant the Nation in cafe of breach, is liable by their own Confent ) and the Mediator's Malediction fhall follow, purfue,' overtake, and fall upon the Head of thcfe2 who have made the Decrees, and upon all
who
Rtfufing to pay wicked Taxations vindicated. 749
who concur in the Execution, and carry on this Courfe ; Oh ! 'tis impoflible to keep them Company, aud not fall with them into the hands of the living God. Well then, feeing every one from whom thefe Exactions are required, is under an anterior Obligation to God and the Brethren, to preierve thefe precious Incerefts, which the Impofers have been long effaying to root out and ruin, and his people whom they have been deftroy- ing, with the Lofs of ail he hath, Life not excepted. (For Ifuppofe none, who acknowledged his Soul is Rill under the bond of the Covenant (and 'tis likely to coft him his Soul who denies it) but he will own this to be Duty ; nay, none who hath any fenfe of Religion; but, abftra&ing from the fubje&ive Obligation of a fworn Co- venant, he will own an objective Obligation from the Law of the great Superior, that doth immediately hind the Confciencc to witnefs againft this Courfe, and to lay down, if it fhould come to that, his Life for his Bre- thren.) Then for a Man to give his Goods to deftroy thefe things and perfbns, which he is obliged to defend and preferve with the lofs of all, is fo clear a making himfelf a TyranfgrefTor, in paying his proportion, and being at the Expence of deftroying what he built, and building what he deftroyed, that it feems inexplicable bow he can dream to be innocent ; efpecially when more lies upon it than the Souls' of the Complicrs are worth, even the Intcreft of Chrift in the Land. And to clofe this, I would put home the Queftion, and pofe the Confcience of any that took that Covenant, if in that day the Que- fiion had been asked at him, whether he would have judged the paying of a Cefs for the Ends narrated, to fupprefs a Teftimony for that Covenanted Reformation, the paytng of Fines and Fees (for owning it) to the Over- turners, Breakers and Burners of it, to be a plain Perju- ry a»d palpable counteract 00; of the Ends thereof? And let him fpeak his Soul, and 'tis beyond debate with me, he will not dare to C^y he took it in a fenfe which can fubfift with thefe Compliances. Nay, T doubt nor, if to any morally ferious it had been then fa id, You will pay Money, &>c. for deftroying this Covenant and its Ends,
and
J 50 Refusing to -pay wicked f axations vindicate^.
and deleting the Remnant tha t fhall be found to adhere to it, he would have given Hazael's Anfwer. It con- cerns every Man, that would be free of the Gurfeof it, to conlider how he is brought to make Enquiry after Vows; or to dream of Con fifte ncies betwixt the perform- ing thofc Engagements, and the plaineft concurring in a counteracting thereof.
10. If then thefe Impofitions be fo wicked, and for £ich wicked Ends and Ca-u&s ; then, in order to my be- ing free of this heinous G uj.lt, there is a neceffity of my giving a Tefiimony> and fuck an one, which when brought to the Touchftone, will gt.t God's Approbation, and be my Acquittance from a Concurrence. Now, it is not imaginable that my Teftimony can be the exacl: Obedi- ence to the Law, againft: the wickednefs whereof it is witnefTed ; but on the contrary, it muft beat leaft a plain and pofitive refuting to yield Obedience to that Law, when I am in no other cafe to counteract thefc Com- mands ; for I muft either obey and be guilty, or refufc and be innocent. I fhall not here plunge into the Laby- rinth of thefe debates and difficulties, wherewith this matter of Teftimonies hath been perplexed, and moftly by thofe who have had no great mind to the thing. I fhall only propound thefc few Queries. (1) Whether a- ny thing lefs than a Teftimony can free me of this guilt* whereby the Nation involved in it is made a Curfe 1 (2) Whether we believe that the Teftimony of every one (hall be called for, in the day when God fhall feck out this wickednefs ? (3) Whether, if ever it be necefTary, it be not then when Chrift is openly oppofed, and every one is called cither to concur or to teftify 1 (4) Whether a Teftimony againft a wicked Law muft not be notour ? for my Teftimony muft make it evident that the Law is not obeyed by me, eife it is no Teftimony. (5) Whe- ther it be not neceffary alio, that it be with that plain- nefs and boldnefs, as it may keep fome proportion with the prodigioufnefs of that wickednefs teftihed againft ? {6) Whether to the making it a Teftimony indeed, it is not only required, that an Oppofition be made at firft, but that this be fo per lifted in, as by no fubfequcnt deed
it
Kefufing to pay wicked Taxations vindicated. 751
it be weakned 1 (7) Whether we do not take it for granted, that according as a man hath certified, the fen- tence of the righteous Judge fhall pais 1 For he who hath not purged himfelf thereby/rom the guilt of this Confpiracy, (hall be led forth and punifhed with thefe Workers of Iniquity. It is a faying which fhould link in the Soul of every one who would be faved, cfpccially in fuch a Day, JVhofoever therefore fball confefs me before men> him will I confefs alfo before my Father which is in Heaven ', but whofoever fball deny me before men, him will I alfo deny , &c. Oh that men would now judge of things and courfes, as in that hour they defire to be judged ! and then there would be little difficulty what to deter- mine in the Cafe.
II. From what is laid it appears, that there is no 0- ther way of terrifying againft it, or fhunning rhe fin of this wickednefs, impofing and enjoining thefe Compli- ances, but by refufing them : which, as it is clear Duty, fo it hath many Advantages to countervail all the fuppo- fed Lofs that can be fullained thereby. It is a fhame- fui Subterfuge to fay, I ftrengthen them more by doing thus, which will make them take all, and fo putthem- ftlves in better cafe to do the Mifcbief decreed. For as it is then my Suffering, not my Sin, fo it is limply falfc that I do hereby ftrengthen their hands; for hereby I do more certainly weaken their hands, and wound their Caufe, by my counteracting, teftifying and furTering. For, 1. 1 do really, to the uttermoft of the Sphere of my Activity, counteract their Defign ; and hence, belides my own upmaking Peace of Confcience, (which is my Hundredfold in this Life) I glorify God in the day of Vifitation, behaving as the Subject and Soldier of the Prince Michael ; and tho' I Iofe my Life in the Conflict, yet the Victory over the Dra*pn> and his Lieutenant and Truftees, and their LicJorsy is thereby gained, and they are foiled, while I fight and overcome, by my not lo- ving my Life in the prefent cafe unto the Death. 2 I do by my Example encourage my Brethren to ftand fait, and withftand in this evi! Day. 3. I hereby tranfmitto Poftcri ty a Pattern for Imitation, and (6 prop.igate an
Oppo-
7J2 Kefafing to fay wicked Taxations vindicated.
Oppofition to this Courfe to fuccceding Generations. 4. I hereby (fo to fpcak) engage God to arife and appear to plead his own Caufe and his Peoples : for when we, out of Love to him and Zeal for his Interefts,take our Lives in our Hands, or expofe our Subftance as a Prey in wit- neffing for him, then he is engaged to own us, and to plead his Caufe, taking the Quarrel then to be againft himfeif. Hence it is that when he puts on the Garments of Vengeance for Gloathing,and goes forth to meet them^ who, in their riiings up againft bis people, run upon the boiTes of his Buckler, his Arm is faid to bring faivation to himfeif, If a. lix. 16, 17. and jfa. Ixiii. 5. This keeps a Man in cafe to pray againft fuch a Party ; whereas a Com- pliance with them, in the leaft degree,will wound a Man's Faith, and weaken his Confidence, fo that he cannot wreftle with God to prevail : For that wherein his Strength lay, a good Conference, being finned away, in vain doth he eftay, when he hath cut his own Hair, to fhake himfeif as at other Times, Alas ! if by keeping a ducrDiftance from his Enemies, we were in cafe to play the Samfons or Jacobs on our Knees, this Enemy, who think it their ftability to ftand upon the Ruins ofChrift's Intcreft, fhould not ftand long upon their feet* He who would have his Prayer heard, Thy Kingdom come, fhould make his Practice, in a conformity thereto, (peak this plain Language, If I perifi I perifi, but comply I will »ot : for 'tis hot neceiTary that I live, or have an Eftate, but 'tis neceftary I fhould witnefs a good Confeffion a- gainft the wrongs done to Chrift. 6. This keeps a man in cafe, either to acT: for God with advantage, if an Op- portunity be put in his hand, or to fuffer, as under his Supportings, and the fhinings of his Face, whereby, even while dying, he becomes an Ornament to his Profcffion, gives a Dafh to the Enemy, and lb becomes more than a Conqueror.
12. Let us confldcr the matter of Scandal in the pre- fect Cafe, and remember whofe Words thefe are, Wo to the world hecaufe of offences, and wo to him hy whom of- fences come: And it will appear, the payer of thefe Ex- actions become highly guilty before God. I. In fturn-
bling
Kefufmg to pay wicked Taxations vindicated, 7 5 £
bling and hardening this Party of Enemies : For, rho* there was never a Party before them in the Nation (^nd I much doubt if ever a Party can come after thern to out- do them) who had fo many evidences of Plagues pou- red upon their Hearts, that he may pour forth his wrath, and caufe his fury to reft upon them; and that, in his fpotlefs Juftice, he will rain Snares upon them, that thereafter he may rain fire and brimftone,and a horrible tempeft, as the portion of their Cup, when he (hall come to plead his own Caufe: yet we would beware left we do any thing that may embolden them, or make them blcfs themfelvcs in this their ftated oppolitioa to Chrift's. And becaufe we know not but fome of the Eletf. may, for a time, be carried down with the Current of this im- petuous Opposition to him, and may concur active- ly for a feafon in promoving this Courfe, we ought, even upon this fuppofition, fo to witnefs, and (b to keep a di- ftance from all apparent or interpretative Compliance with what they contrive and carry on, as they may, by beholding our ftedfaftnefs, be provoked to confider their own Courfe; that considering at laft how their feet go down to death, and their fteps take hold on hell, they may haften their efcape from the company of his Ene- mies, left they be coniumed with the fire of his Indioru- tion, if found congregate with the men of thefe God- provoking practices. 2. By paying what is required, I {rumble alfb and offend my weak Brethren, while by my example they are encouraged to rufh into the fame Com- pliance. O/ let every man, whofe Practice may be pleaded as a Pattern, remember that Word, and who fpoke it, It were better that a miljlone ivere hanged about his neck, and he cafl into the widfl of the fea> than offend am of thefe little ones. 3. Sufferers for refuting this pay- ment are offended, when the payer doth not only encou- rage the Perfecuters to proceed with rigour and rage a- gainfthim, ^s a peevifh and froward Malecontent, but does what in him lies to wound the heart and weakea the hands of fuch a faithful Witnefs : whereas, if the poor Sufferer faw himfelf, by a joint Teftimonv owned by his Brctkren, he would be comforted, (lengthened, and be-
B • b come
7 54 Refufivg to pdy wkke& Taxations vindicated, come more confident in the Conflict. 4. In paying thefe things the Compilers, either Spy their example, lay. afnarefor the poftcnty, to whofe knowledge their car- riage may come; and fo inftead of leaving them a Pat- tern of contending earneflly for the Faith, they fpread a net for their feet, yea pave them a way to Defe&ion and Apoilafy; or elfe they engage the Great God, out of zeal to his own Glory, and tendernefs to his People who fbajl fuccced, for preventing of their following^of fuch Progenitors, wherein they have not been followers of him fully, to" give fuch a Teftimony againft their un- tendernefs, and fet fuch Marks of diipleafure upon their Courfe, that the thoughts of turning afide with them, :and following their Reps fhall be terrible to all that hear of it, left, for fuch a Compliance, they fall as they did^ for falling from their own ftedfaftnefs into the hands of the living God. But alas! for thePofterity, under whofe Curfe we are like to go off the Stage, becaufe of our not- having done what weought, yea whatwe might; both for tranfmitting pure Ordinances unto them, and for not tranferibing in our Practice the noble Example of our zealous and heroick Anceftors, who valiantly refiftcd when violently attacked, and by their valour wreftled us into a irate of Liberty? Well, if we leave thofe that fhall fucceed us fuch an Example as this, he is like to make us fuch an Example as will fright the following Generations, and force them to fervc themfelves heirs to them who have gone before us, who did acquit them- felves as the good Soldiers of JefusChrift, and not to us, the debt of whofe declenfions and defections cannot be mid, without the deftrudtion of thofe who fhall fcrve themfelves Heirs to us. But alas ! who does think on what he ows to the poor Poftcrity ; or who doth make Conference to preferve for them that precious Treafure put in our cuftody, and judges it more necefTary than to live, to leave the Tracl: of a way of contending Waloufly for God, and the Prefervation of hislnterefts, and the Propagation of his own -pure Ordinances to the Pofteri- tyj fhining fo clearly by Suffering and Blood, as the way-faring Man, and they who fhall come after, tho'
Fools
yteftijlfg to pay wicked Taxations vindicated. 755
Fools, need not err therein. Our only Comfort is, that Ithe Lord, who fhali fee his Seed, and mud prolong his Days, will make his Pleafurc profper, and prefer ve fomc to bcWitneiTesof iccohis Praife.
FINIS.
A POEM upon the Martyrs - Sufferings.
LIKE as the Hinds and plea J "ant Roes are chas'd, their Blood to fpilli So are the Followers of the Lamb
Purfud by Earth and Hell. '
C 2 )
They are the Jewels of the Earth
That's precious in Go£s Eye, Therefore the World them perfecutes,
And holds them at Envy. (John xvi. 33)
( 5 )
Ever fince God did build his Church
She never hath had Reft ; £///, like the Ark> in Waters deepy . With Troubles hath been toft.
( 4 ) Since Abel was by Cain Jlainy (Gen. iy. S.>
Through Malice and Envy ; So hath been many Thoufands ftncey
Whofe Blood for Vengeance cry-
c 5 )
To Heaven their Blood fends up a Voice (Rev. vi. 10.)
That never will be ftilly Until the Lord avenge the fame
Vton their Enmies all.
Tie
|
(Rev. xii. |
II.) |
|
(a Tim. ii. |
12.) |
|
(Rev. v. ii, |
12.) |
|
(Pfal. xlii |
• 50 |
|
(Pfal. Ixxxiii |
.8.) |
756 A POEM ontfieMARTYRs Sufferings
C 6 ) The Caufe for which they Witnefs bear (Rev. xu 10.)
Doth fo torment the Earth, That at them they will Arrows {boot
So long as they have Breath.
( 7 )
The Teftimony which they bear,
By it they fball oercome : A glorious ViBory pall they get,
Through the Blood of the Lamb.
And they that fuffer with him here,
Shall alfo with him reign Upon his Royal Throne above,
Where Saints and Angels fing.
( 9 )
Why fbould we then difcouragd be,
While we fiand on this Stage, Becaufe that Earth and Hell doth join
Againfl the Saints in Rage ?
i io ) But let us ft and with Courage bold
For Rights ofChrift our King, With Sword of Faith, drawn in our Hand : (Eph. vi. 1 6.)
Chrift will us Safety bring.
( II ) For 9tis through Tribulations great £ That we muft pafs that Road, That Saints and Martyrs all have gont \
Who now are with the Lord. (Rev. vii. 1 4.)
( .& ) O / let us then with chearful Voice,
With Vraifes (ing aloud To Him that lovd us, and us bought,
And wafi*d us in His Blood.
, ( 13 )
And makes us Kings and Vriefts to God.
And to His Father then (Rev. i. 5> 6!)
Be Glory, Honour evermore,
Amen, yea and Amen*
Wm.GR.AYe
1 108 > ;.-.*
6ere done : For, in the Lord's Sight, wfe durft do no lefs/ whatever Occafion ofPerfecution our God's Enemies may take from the fame : for we could not lee at the Time any other Way to difcharge our Duty before the Lord, to exoner our Conferences, *and to free ourfelves of the Connivance' at Popery, which we pray the Lord may flop, and not lay the Guilt of its Increafc to the Charge of us and our Pofterity.
Therefore we appoint and ordain. That incontinently ye our Emiflaries, pifs upon the Twenty eighth Day of May} 1685 Years, unto the Market Crofs of Sanquhar, and there, by open Proclamation, make Intimation of * this our Declaration, leaving Copies of the famen affixM upon the forfaid Market Croft, and other patent Places of the forefaid Burgh. /
Given at upon the 28th Day of Mayt<
1685 Let ' TiK'mg JESUS Reign, and all his Enemies be Nf battered.
,-— »
FINIS.
V
J
^--!*&*<L?£
IB